The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. It appeals now pretty evident that we were correct in stating, last week, that his Majesty had a strong objec tion to creating more Peers with a view to carrying the Reform Bill. We think his Majesty is right, and we have no doubt the public, upon a little reflection, will concur with us in thinking that the country has got quite enough of hereditary legislators already. Whether it be possible to give too great a price for Reform, as gold itself may be bought too dear, we cannot take upon us to say ; we only know that until wisdom and worth can be transmitted by descent, along with titles and dignities, the public ought to weigh well the consequences of any great augmentation to the numbers of that class, whose children inherit the privilege of making laws for the people of England, without finding it necessary to have any of the qualities requisite for the task of legislation. If the people are resolved on having a full and efficient measure of Reform, of which there can be no doubt, and if they persevere in the peaceable but energetic, demand of what is so just and reasonable, t' ey cannot fail to surmount every obstacle that stands in the way of its attainment. If they are only true to them selves, there is no power within the realm that can long withhold from them what the Constitution has declared to be their right. The Ministers are pledged to as efficient a measure of Reform as that which has been lost by the decision of the hereditary portion of the Legislature. But the people, who have been so often disappointed in their hopes of Reform, from the deceitful dawn of the yourg patriotism of William Pitt to the present day, must not trust to pledges and promises only ; they must watch not only the movements in the enemy's camp, but the pro ceedings of those whom they have put forward as the champions of their cause. There are some men in the present Ministry who are not, and cannot, from all the previous habits and associations of their lives, be cor dially interested for the success of any adequate plan of Reform. Besides, the Cabinet, in many matters, both or foreign and domestic policy, have abandoned the prin ciples which they advocated when out of office. In va rious instances their want of intelligence and firmness has disappointed the public expectation; but, as long as they support an adequate and satisfactory measure of Reform, the country will support them. Great as the impatience of the public is for the realization of their hopes on this subject, we have no doubt that they will afford a fair and reasonable time to Ministers to mature those further pro ceedings which the loss of the Bill in the House of Lords make it incumbent on them to adopt. But unnecessary delay they will not, and ought not to brook; and if Ministers intend, as Earl Grey is said to have inti mated,. to prorogue Parliament until after the Christmas holidays, there will be, in our opinion, unneces sary, and, perhaps, dangerous delay in regard to the settlement of a question nn which the destinies of the empire are now suspended. We should think that a month's prorogation is as much as can be required for all honest purposes ; and Ministers should bear in mind that the business of this great country is nearly at a stand still in consequence of the state of suspense and uncer tainty in which the question of Reform remains. We confess that the hints which have been thrown out in cer tain quarters, about the propriety of meeting the majo rity of the House of Lords half-way, are calculated to excite suspicion ;—but a half-and-half demolition of the rotten borough, or a half-and-half restoration of the elec tive franchise to the middle classes of the community, or a half-and-half recognition of the principle that " the people of England cannot be taxed but by their own con sent," will not do ;—the country will not now be satisfied with a political Reform of the nature of Sir Robert Peel's law Reforms. There must be no compromise between public right and aristocratic usurpation.—MorningHerahl. There is nothing in history so monstrous as the actual condition of this country. The King, the who'e people, with an immense majority of their representatives, and added to them a portion of the House of Peers, (which, with reference both to public character and to landed pos sessions, may well be regarded as more than half of that noble House,) have pronounced their universal desire for the correction of a system of flagrant abuses in the Govern• went,—a system whereby all the sound and standard maxims of the Constitution, providing, on behalf of the people of England, a substantial controul over the expendi ture of their owe money, and over the direction of the na tional policy, have been for ages trampled on and set at de fiance. King, Commons, Nation, and (at least morally and financially speaking) a moiety of the Peers themselves, have pronounced that they must be emancipated from the hateful yoke ofloo boroughs,—the yoke, in fact, of a foreign usurpation, strange to English law, and abhorrent to the spirit of liberty. Why, then, has not the salutary change been effected, and what is the obstacle? The law has not passed ! Because there was an obstacle, consisting of forty-one individuals in the House of Lords, who de clared that the voice of King, Commons, and Nation, did not deserve to be listened to by them, and, therefore, that the foreign usurpation, both of purse and power, so deeply and unanimously complained of by the whole king dom, should be uninterruptedly continued. Now this, we assert, is the monstrous feature in the state of Eng land. She is not a conquered country,—she is not kept down by one-and-forty Barons, lay and spiritual, with 100,000 armed vassals at their hack,—she has no such or dinary and excusable plea for her subjugation, since the whole majority of the Peers could not get we verily be lieve, 500 men to fight for them. But there she lies, face to the earth, with the feet of these two score nobles press ing on her ! Is it not utterly unheard of, that so much in trinsic power should suffer itself to be paralysed by such small means ? Some days ago we were told that the people cared nothing about the matter. Now, incredible as it may seem, it is the boast of boroughmongers that their: security is not in the indifference of the people, but in their impotence ; that within the last week the mob has done its worst ; and that since it is ascertained that no snore Peers are to be created ! the Tories have but to stand out courageously, and the day will be their own. We eould hardly believe our senses when the above say ings of the boroughmongering party were reported to us. Who has told them that no more Peers will be created ? Who has so libelled the nerve, energy, and integrity of the reforming Government, as to charge them with a reluctance to take the plainest and most obvious means of satisfy ing the wants of the nation, and accomplishing their own high and sworn duty ? We, on the contrary, are well convinced that if a new creation of Peers be really needed, the Gazette will in due time announce them; and at all events that Ministers, having a full knowledge of the se veral facts and bearings of the case before them, will by one expedient or another secure to the British nation the successful passage of the Bill through both Houses of Par liament. " The passage of the Bill!" Yes ; the full, complete, unimpaired Bill of Reform, perfect in its ache du!ea A and B,—perfect in the breadth and popularity of its eternal qualifications—freed, perhaps, from that odious and tyrannical clause which enables landlords to hold the sword of Damocles suspended over the heads of their te nants-at-will, by giving them an irresistible interest in the coercion of the tenant's vote,—au evil to be corrected by no other means than the ballot. The new Bill should be likewise released from that incubus the sub jection of half counties to overgrown oligarchs,—a blemish on the face of the Bill only less offens►ve than that intro duced by Lord Chandos, whose estates are saoetly occupied by vassal tenants, liable to expulaion at no more than six menthe notice. With these amendments in the frawe of the Bill, as sent up finally by the House of Commons, it will, we trust, be presented once more to Parliament; and by the Lords, more enlightened as to the determina tion of the country, and better taught as to the possible results of a rejection to their own future interests and safety, we doubt not it will be this time passed. Touch ing the gossip that appears in print, professing to establish, on misreported expressions of Lord Grey, an alarm for the identity of the new Bill with the old one, ;n all its most essential provisions, there never was a more pure obsur dity circulated. Lord Grey Las two characteristics oa which the nation may rely. lie is, first, a man of truth ; and next a man of understanding, and knows how to discriminate between infamy and honour. A mea , ure of less decided reformation than that which has already been before the country, will never be introduced by Lord Grey. Then as to the duration of the interval be fore Parliament meets again, for a " long prorogation" is another fancy of the boroughmongers. A lerog proro gation, that is, until after Christmas, would lead the people to imagine a lukwarmness in Ministers, w hi c h we know does not exist, but for which those who know them not ought to be spared any ground or pretext for suspicion. Accidents are things of which the Tories know the market value well, and all their perverse and even scandalous delay Lave been calculated to let in the " chapter of acki dents" upon the political arena. This danger ought to be well appreciated by the Whigs, and therefore the pro rogation sLould endure 'e n l olonger than would suffice to r of e-establish the stren g th gentlemen worn down by long, labori ous, and unceasing toil for four months. To deny to Mi nisters, or indeed to their ce ssary rest for recruiting nature, wourgp b onents, the ne e equally in human and imp olitic. On the other hand, to ce ro s lon a g r the d public agitation and incur the risk of mischanc es L'lrtt home, which even a few unnecessary weeks might —.....,, 5t t ,„„fr i ce, would be of inconceivable mischief. If Ministers I, r r.,, ,_ - $x the prorogation for one whole month (on no ac fr. ..,/, ; ‘ „l:l,*stntilbould the delay be longer), every good purpose may igitilie nilie4;lintl many bad ones avoided. In the mean time, n c *, , -,, if lippfs' a publk " indifference" be wanting, Lord ( '‘,. Wharncliffe, we apprehend, is in a situation to supply them to his Lordship's friends. We refer our readers to a letter which has been transmitted to the Noble Lord—not from any half-dozen of Bond•street shopkeepers, but from his own regiment of West Riding cavalry,—telling his Lordship flatly to resign his command, and go about his business, as the members of that numerous and spirited body will no longer serve under a chief, whose sentiments are diametrically opposite to theirs, and to those of the country generally, upon the great question of Reform.-- Times. The Lord Chancellor, in the House of Lords, on Satur day, after alluding to some unfounded charges made against him on the subject of the Bankruptcy Court Bill, adverted to " another gross misrepresentation to which be said he had been subjected in regard to the Reform Bill, He saw it again stated, that there was a decided difference between him and his Noble Friend at the head of the Administra tion, in regard to a material part of the Reform Bill, and this was founded upon a garbled statement of what he had really said when speaking on that Bill. lie had on that occasion distinctly stated, that there was not the slightest difference between himself and his Noble Friend on the subject—that there was not, nor ever had been, any diffe rence between them. This declaration, however, had been omitted in the statement attributed to him ; and he ob served, that his statement, so garbled, had been, quoted and commented on. He again declared that there was not a shadow of difference between him and his Noble Friend on that great and important measure." This explanation will at once satisfy the people that the inferences which have been drawn from Lord Brougham's speech, of a dif ference of opinion between him and Lord Grey on material provisions of the Reform Bill, are without foundation. The object of Lord Brougham, we have no doubt, was to furnish those Lords who might be averse to the uniform rent qualification with a motive for going into the Com mittee. We cannot help thinking, however, that it is dangerous, even when arguing by way of supposition to meet a particular class of opponents, to appear to make light of what the people deem a very serious matter. With respect to what passed between Earl Grey and the de puties of the parishes on Wednesday night, the statement in the Chronicle of Saturday has, we know, been pro nounced, by most of the gentlemen present, substan tially correct. We are assured, however, that the statement conveys an impression of Earl Grey's opi nions with regard to Reform, very different from what it was his wish to have conveyed. What occurred dur ing a long interview could not, of course, be all com pressed in a few lines, and it is not worth while disputing about one phrase or another. We can easily conceive that his Lordship, in speaking of a conciliatory Bill of a nature to obtain the suffrages of a majority of the Lords, might attach a very different meaning to these words, from the impression they left on the minds of the deputies. His Lordship never had an idea of conciliating by abandoning any of the leading principles of Lord John Russell's Bill, while the deputies might suppose that the majority never would he conciliated by any Bill which did not abandon some of those principles. General terms are always liable to be misunderstood. As this is, however, a point re specting which the people are naturally jealous in the ex treme, it is of importance that it should be known that it never was intended by Ministers that they should pro pose or support any measure, we will not say not quite as efficient as the last (for, as Mr. Cobbett observes, quite as efficient is an ambiguous expression), but which is not in all the leading principles the same as the Bill of Lord John Russell. With respect to the prorogation, we still hope and trust that it will be for the shortest possible period. We will not repeat the arguments we have already urged on the subject. We have the ut most confidence in Ministers, and are satisfied that they would not stay one moment in office, if they were not convinced of their ability to carry the Bill. They have, too, independently of integrity and honour, a strong per sonal interest in success; for they would be the first vic tims to the vengeance of the Anti-Reformers. Still the public are full of apprehension. The meetings in various parts of the country, and more particularly in Scotland, have expressed the strongest opinions on the danger of delay. Thus, for instance, in the resolutions adopted at a meeting of merchants, manufacturers, and other inha bitants of Paisley, on the 11th inst. it is said— " 4th. That notwithstanding the address lately forwarded from this town to his Majesty, humbly and earnestly requesting him to exercise his Royal Prerogative, by creating Peers, for the pur pose of securing the passing of the Reform Bill, thismeeting deem it their imperious duty again to entreat his Majesty to employ his Royal and constitutional powers for the attainment of this great object. " sth. That this meeting are fully convinced that the opposi tion made to the Reform Bill has already proved highly detri mental to the financial and commercial interests of the country ; and that, should its passing be delayed much longer, public con fidence will be shaken so severely as to preclude every rational hope of escaping a period of unexampled national distress." At the Greenock meeting, on the same day, a petition to the King was adopted, of which the following is an ex tract We humbly desire to assure your Majesty that the defeat of the Reform Bill in the House of Lords kas excited in us, in com mon with the great bulk of your Majesty's loyal subjects, feelings of dismay and alarm. We had cherished a hope that a measure recommended by your Majesty, adopted by a large majority in the Commons House of Parliament, and supported by the co-- dial unanimity of a free and intelligent people, would have met with a far different reception than that which has unfortunately befallen it in the House of Peers. But it is gratifying to reflect, that though the public and commercial credit of the country, the maintenance of peace and good order, and the preservation of the political institutions of the Empire, have, by the conduct of a majority of that Right Honourable House, been placed in the most imminent hazard, there is a power vested in your Majesty by the glorious Constitution of our beloved country, from the exercise of which the fearful excitement which prevails may be allayed ; the just and inalienable rights of your people, still so pertinaciously and unjustly withheld, recovered ; and their affec tion for your illustrious House, and the stability of the Throne, and the Government of the nation, maintained." The same strong language is held at the Dumbarton meeting ;-- " The honest, public-spirited inhabitants of these towns," says the Glasgow Chronicle," are too well acquainted with the subject to require prompting from without; and too high-minded to sus. pend the very expression of their sentiments on the no very cha ritable supposition that the cause which they serve may by some state juggle be doomed for a season to official neglect. Had ad dresses like these, instead of idle and useless petitions to the House of Lords, been generally adopted when the Bill passed the House of Commons, it would in a few days have been law. Now every one is satisfied that there is no other peaceful course. Either there must be a creation of Peers, or all the valuable portion of the Bill must be given up. If Reform be not carried in the quiet, laudable way provided for by the Constitution, it will not be carried at all, or carried only by a revolution. Any attempt to mutilate the Bill, and reduce it to the taste of the boroughmongers, would be resented, if possible, by more vehe mence than its total loss ; for it would be considered as merely turning over the chains of the boroughmongers, in order that the weak links might be repaired, and the fastenings rivetted." —Morning Chronicle. The opposition made to the Chancellor's Bankrupt Bill in the House of Commons is very much the same, both in its nature and in the character of persons most active against the measure, as the resistance offered to the passing of the Reform Bill, and by which its progress was so long delayed. It is pretty nearly the old battle over again— the spirit of improvement, reason, justice, and economy, striving as before against a system fruitful of prodigality, patronage, and iniquity. The object of the Reform Bill is to put down all these mischiefs in the gross; the Bank rupt Bill is levelled against one in particular, exercising a most pernicious influence over that department of our ju dicial institutions which is more especially dear and vital to us as a commercial people. The antagonist prin ciples being thus clear and unequivocal, it is strange that any real lovers of justice should be so infatuated as, for any minor objections to the proposed extensive measure of improvement, to play the game of the enemies of all refor mation, political and legal alike, by throwing obstacles in the way of the Bill; when, if it shall pass into a law, as we 4onfidenfly expect, any imperfections in its operation can be rer,xli4 cured at a future day. In these times the great point and difficulty is to establish the principle of Re formation ; to put down the established system of pa tronage and peculation ; to enforce the dominion of reason and justice ; and to compel the application of such tests to our iiaatioitions. As the first thing to be done, ere we attempt any improvement in the material world, is to clear the ground, so, ;n respect of Reforms in our social state, our earliest efforts must b directed against existing ZbAises and prejudices. When free from those incum branees, " with a clear stage and no favour,' it will b e an easy matter t appoint and regulate a tribunal which shall prove itself adequate to the due administration of the Bankrupt Law. There is one gentleman who took part in the debate on Friday upon the Bankrupt Pill ; whom we are boned to absolve from the imputation of party feelin, which attisejies upon so many of the opponents of the Bill ; we mean Mr. Pollthitc., thg Member for Huntingdon ; who, with all the authority of his extensive practice in bank ruptay (a practice second, we should suppose, to no man's) confers upon Lis opinion, bore the most decisive tezt4nony to the merits of the new Bill, and to the vices of the sys tem it proposes to supersede, jinhappily he laboured under an indisposition which prevented his being fully heard, but he did say enough to produce a very marked And useful influence upon the House. Mr. Pollock's sentiments are shared by all the Ziombers of the Common Law Bar in the House; the value proper to be attributed to their judg mea, as compared with that of Cir Charles Wetherell, and his cadets of the Chancery Bar, it Reeds µo very in timate acquaintanco with the profession to estimate. -- Morning Chronicle. The Bishops..-the Bishops—_the Bishops, is the word in every one's mouth ; and who can wonder that it should ? lch.haerytertrof Englishiedto fel freedom . they only delayed, the new that, afte r suc h an unrighteo ' us a proceeding, an th ey pos sess the confid ence o f the l e ? We have no enmity to the Chureb,—we have people they can think v no eurn it y to the Bishops ; but we cannot help telling them, that they have dealt a deadly I blow, not only at their own influence, but at the security of the Church as a Church establishment. The following are only a few of the proofs of this assertion, and we sub mit them to their consideration as a warning We, the undersigned, feeling the utmost disgust at the con duct of the Bishops in voting against the measure of Reform, (with the exception of the two who voted in its favour), hereby fully declare, that whensoever any of the said Bishops may be called upon to minister amongst any of us, we will show our dis approbation of their conduct by withholding our persons and families from attending; also use what influence we may possess with others. And we hereby also declare our disapproval of the Bishop of London in not voting either way, and fully believe that he that is not for us is against us; we also having been taught to believe these spiritual advisers to be the Ministers of I'eace, now fully declare it our opinion that they are no longer worthy our confidence as such." " Signed by a number of householders, &c." " To the People of England `.—Pay no snore tithes !—no more Church-rates! without compulsion ; but, in God's name, do not withhold payment of the tax es ; rather contribute an extra mite, if necessary, to support the King and his Ministers in this fear ful emergency. " Mark your detestation of the haughty, heartless, and over grown hierarchy, by absenting yourselves and families from your parish churches! Let the proud and pampered followers of the " meek and lowly Jesus" preach to empty benches! " Remember, it was the Bishops who caused the Bill to be re jected! If they had voted on the right side,' (as the Lord Chancellor has it), there would have been a majority for the second reading! " Be determined that the Bishops shall no longer have seats in the House of Lords! that there shall be no Parson Magistrates! In tine, that the priesthood collectively shall never again inter fere with your secular concerns! " Respect them as zealous and faithful Ministers of religion,— : pay them liberally, but call for an equalization of Church Pro , perty ! so that the drones shall no longer fatten on unchristian luxuries, while the working clergy are worse olftlian the journey men mechanics !" " Britons, beware!—Peace, Order, and Reform! or Riot, De feat, and Corruption! Choose for yourselves !—The faction op posed to you and your rights desire nothing so much, as to see you breaking out into open acts of violence, and refusing to pay taxes; because you would then drive your best friends, 1•arl Grey, Lords Brougham, Althorp, Russell, &c. to resign, and to give place to those who live by corruption, and who would rule by oppression. Englishmen, disappoint them!! Be peaceable; respect the laws; pay the taxes ; support the King and his Mi nisters ! and all will yet he well. You will obtain your rights ; triumph over the boroughmongers ; and be free as the air vou breathe!! The motto of your enemies is Disturbance, Divi sion, Destruction.' Let yours be Union, Peace, Victory.'— God save the King."—Morning Advertiser. REFORM AND THE IRON TRADE. (From the Morning Chronicle.) The most critical, urgent, and unanswerahla reasons for a shott prorogation of Parliament, and an immediate settlement of the one vital and agitating question of the Reform of the representation, are the depressed and threat ening state of trade and agriculture. A constant and con tinuous fall of prices has annihilated profits, and must ne cessarily have extinguished much active capital. In the meanwhile the burthens of the productive classes—the King's taxes, the county and parish taxes, Corn Laws, aud the various costs of production—have been maintained. The state of Europe, torn with political convulsions, and prostrate under the rage of a devastating epidemic disease, has contributed to aggravate a depression which ca❑ no longer be concealed or denied. The colonial interests are involved in similar distress. Incendiarism again stalks abroad ; and at such a period Ministers are said to con template a prorogation of three months ! We speak ad visedly when we thus characterise the crisis. Contro versy on the subject of the causes will not alter the fact of effects. We will take, for instance, the iron trade, now the second great staple manufacture of the kingdom. The following astounding representation of the state of this great national manufacture is now before us, having been printed aud privately circulated by the trade At a meeting of the Staffordshire iron trade, held at Dudley, the 4th of October, 1831, Michael Grazebrook, Esq. in the'Chair, " It was resolved, that this meeting cannot but regard with considerable anxiety and apprehension the present appalling and long-continued depression in the prices of iron, and which they attribute, mainly, to the injurious operation of the existing laws relating to the currency. " That the following memorial of the iron and coal trade be presented to Earl Grey, by a deputation, and that a copy thereof be sent to the Chairman of the Welch trade, requesting the concurrence and co-operation of the gentlemen of that district in its prayer : " Memorial to the Right lion. Earl Grey, First Lord of his Majesty's Treasury. We, the undersigned iron masters and coal masters, of the Staffordshire iron and coal district, think it our duty re spectfully to represent to his Majesty's Government the f0110v,.. ing facts : " • 1. That for the last five years, ever since what is called the panic of 1825, we have found, with very slight intermis sions, a continually increasing depression to the prices of the products of industry, and more particularly in those of pig iron and:bar iron, which have fallen, respectively, from upwards of 81. per ton, to under 3/. per ton, and from 151. per ton, to under 5/. per ton. " ' 2. Against this alarming and long continued depression, we have used every possible effort Jo our power to make head. We have practised all manner of economy, and have had recourse to every possible improvement in the working of our mines and manufactories. Our workmen's wages have, in many instances, been greatly reduced, and such reduction has been attended with, and effected by, very great suffering and distress :—but the roy alties, rents, contracts, and other engagements, under which we hold our respective works and mines, have scarcely been reduced at all, nor can we get them effectually reduced, because the law enforces their payment in full.; ' 3. The prices of the products of our industry having thus fallen within the range of the fixed charges and expences which the law compels us to discharge, the just and necessary profits of our respective trades have ceased to exist ; and, in many cases, a positive loss attends them. " 4. Under these circumstances, we have Ong hesitated in determining what line of conduct our interests and our duties re quire us to adopt :—lf we should abandon our respective trades, our large and expensive outlays in machinery and erections must be sacrificed, at an enormous loss to ourselves, and our honest and meritorious workmen must be thrown in thousands upon parishes, already too much impoverished by their present burthens, to support them :—and, if we should continue our re spective:trades, we see nothing but the prospect of increasing distress, and certain ruin to all around us. " 5. In our humble opinion,the great cause which has been mainly instrumental in prbducing this depression and distress in our respective trades, and among the productive classes of the country generally, is the attempt to render the rents, taxes, my_alties, alties, and the other various engagements an d obligations ofi the country, convertible, by law, into gold, at 3/. 17s. 10yd. per oz. This low and antiquated price of the metallic standard of value is no longer capable of effecting a just and equitable distribution of our products between the producer and the consumer ; it ren. ders incompatible the permanent existence of remunerative prices, without such a reduction of taxation as we cannot hope to see effected in time to afford us any relief—and it thus tends, ultimately and surely, to destroy the industry and the peace and happiness of the country. " 6. That until the establishment of a circulating medium of a character better suited to the various and complicated de mands of society, and to the increased transactions and popu lation of the country, and more competent to effect an inter change, and preserve a remunerating level of prices in the pro ducts of industry, generally ; we can see no prospect of any per manent restoration of the prosperity of our trades, or of the country being able to escape the most frightful sufferings and convulsions. "' We, therefore, most respectfully, but very earnestly, re quest the early attention of his Majesty's Government to these great facts and considerations, and, we trust, they will recommend to Parliament the speedy establishment of some just, adequate, and efficient currency, which may properly support the trade and commerce of the country, and preserve such a remunerating level of prices, as may ensure to the employers of labour the fair and reasonable profits of their capital and industry, as well as the means of paying the just and necessary wages to their workmen. " Michael Grazebrook, Chairman of the Staffordshire Iron Trade, Netherton Iron Works ; W. and I. S. Sparrow and Co., Bilston Iron Works ; W. H. Sparrow, Lane-end, ditto; Bishtons and Underhill, Parkfield ditto ; Jones, Barker, and Co., Coseley ditto and Blama Iron Works ; Walker and Yates, Gospel Oak ditto ; Chillington Coal and Iron Company, Chillington ditto; Parkes and Co., Capponfields ditto ; Thomas Timmins and Co., Wolverhampton Furnaces ; John H. Bate, Eagle ditto ; William Hunt and Sons Brades Iron and Steel Works • T. and H. Price, Bilston Brook Iron Works ; James Bottesley, ' Wednesbury New Field Colliery ; Haim and Horton, Cophall ditto ; Hood and Hains, Ocker-hill ditto ; J. Halford, Wednesbury Lyne ditto ; G. Parker, Oldbury ditto; Fereday, Bradley Iron Works; John Dawes :mil Sons, Itromford ditto; 1). and J. Horton,Ebenezer Col liery ; William Izon, Wesibromwich and Briefly Hill Colliery ; W. and J. Firmstone, Ley's Coal and Iron Works ; D. and G. Horton, ley and Russell's Hall Coal and Iron Works; William Banks, Wordesley Colliery ; Thomas Banks, Ettingshall Iron Works ; William Mathews, Broadwaters Furnaces ; William Ward, Priest Fields Coal and Iron Works ; Josh. and David Smith and Co., Great Bridge Colliery Samuel Bill, Gold's Hill ditto ; Bill, Weston, and Riley, Hill Top ditto ; James Batson, Great Bridge Iron Works; John Bagnall and Sons, Gold's Hill ditto ; John Bagnall and Sons, Ityder's Green and Greet's Green Collieries ; Lloyd's, Foster, and Co., Wednes bury Old Park Furnaces ; Samuel Dawes, Ilush Farm Colliery ; Thomas Hood and Co., New Church ditto ; Hood and Haines, Round's Green ditto } G. and E. Thorneycroft, Shrubbery Iron Works ; George Parker, Dudley Port Furnaces ; Thomas Wes ton (Executors of the late) Small Heath Colliery; Bill, Jones, and Bill, Dunkirk New Colliery ; Wadley and Page, Smethwick Iron Works; M. Hill and Son, Tipton Green Iron Works ; E. Creswell, ditto, ditto ; the Birmingham Coal Company, per T. Horton, Secretary, Toll-End Furnaces and Iron Works ; Wheelcy and Co., Brettell-lane and Bromley Coal and Iron Works ; J. Cox, Common Side Colliery ' • Joseph and David Smith, Eight Locks ditt o ; Bill s an d Mills, Darlaston Green Iron Works ; Henry Nock and Sons, Grange Colliery ; Jona h Jeavons and Co., Tividale ditto • Edward Crockett, Deepdale Furnaces ; Nock and Co., Round's Green Colliery. " We are thus particular in citing the whole of this ex traordinary statement, with the highly respectable names attached to it, and which unquestionably vouch for the ac curacy of its facts, because we know that it is often ex tremely convenient to say that memorials are " got up" and preferred from party or private views. But here is a solemn document, signed by nearly three fourths of the Staffordshire iron trade (and we are informed subsequently by nearly all the Shropshire iron masters), with repre sentations of prices and make, which cannot be fictitious. The above signatures alone comprehend the firms of up words of sixty blast furnaces , making from 3, 000 to 3,500 tons of p:g iron per week, and giving employment and support to many large - families—all, be it observed, irn hued with the strongest opinions on Reform, and bitter hatred of the borouglimongers—attributing to the ma chination; of the oligarchy the great causes of alter nate seasons of distress, and the felonious alterations of currency during the last fifty ye ars, In the Stafford shire iron district it is computed that there are about 1 qs furnaces. Of these, perhaps, a dozen are in ruins or unserviceable ; 59 were out of blast (" blown out, in technical phrasoiogy) in February, 1830 ; 41 in July , 1830 ; and 40 of the 128 are now out, leaving about 79 now in blast. The average make of a Staffordshire fur nace is about fifty tons per week. So much for the jargon of over-production. A few facts from the trade--from those practically conversant with and interested i n our staple manufactures, are worth a saris of theories and treatises. We shall not be suspectsd, with our well known opinions, of depreciating the inquiries or labours of eco nomists ; but it would be well if theoretical writers would inform themselves more correctly of the data on which they venture bold assertions and baseless positions. We will not here enter on a discussion of the alleged or various causes of the serious depression of prices, which, it ap. pears, has not even yet reached its minimum. Nor is this cruel depreciation of value confined to the raw articles of iron, wool, cotton, lead, and other staple commodities. It pervades all their various manufacture and manipulations. An intelligent merchant of Birmingham some weeks compiled the following curious table : ` r ', aa g" ,7; =2, cg •• gs Pqr ,r'g; E§ = 2 - m ,. , 2 „ 7. % 71 0:: g 2 5.23 g ** :: n rT K . E . ..-.:(l,occ=c,acc:acc2mo=.=ooooo TTIRTRTUVITMUIM :61 =. 2wEWEI - M - r 4 .2 f- 1 1,; . ....,....,95, - ,"2 ;;33 3 3-3 5 7117,Rwiipp11T,17,717,:mg . ~, •1 """ op " n Fg 2E22,W1-28'8,98.4 " 3"3 since tDou,c4=Cam.- , maccup4ot.Dt3r:coonc , aot;R 7,?,FITFO,O:FitWiTaO:OI 7 IITM p— ay c;' g' o m ai avel ti c ‘,;r4 Die,N74 . NORIP4 '. .R O ;';.l3'; 3"3 ;". Our retail shops, in the prices of almost any other commodities, exhibit the same extraordinary depreciation. We are confident that the annals of no country on the face of the earth present such a picture of fluctuating price. Capital must have been melted, as the snow and icy gla ciers waste from the mountain top under the stammer sun ; profit must have been annihilated ; labour starved under such commercial revolutions. " Peace" and " machinery" may have had their effects ; it may, perhaps, be difficult to say accurately the exact proportion, but the revolutions of the currency, the juggling tricks of chartered banks in adulterous connection (like the Church) with the State, have bad their part. The boroughmongers have too long monopolized the plunder and direction of the country; the middle and productive classes are now determined to go vern themselves. We are seriously impressed with the fearful state of trade and commerce. We know that the Reform question, unsettled, operates as a paralysis on the wholesale as well as on the retail departments. We heard ou Saturday an eminent merchant state, that if Parliament was prorogued till Christmas, he should countermand numerous orders he had given out; and we are also correctly informed, that payments are most reluctantly made by persons of high credit and habit, while public matters retnaim thus unsettled and in turmoil. We confess we look with dis may and alarm on the prospects of the winter. We trust that Ministers will set at defiance all party intrigues and Machiavelism as a mode of carrying the Reform Bill. Let them bear in mind the penetrating wisdom and remarks of Bacon :—" The matter of seditions is of two kinds : much poverty, and much discontentment. It is certain, so many overthrown estates, so many votes for troubles. Lucan noteth well the state of Rome before the civil war : ." Ilinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore fcenus, Hinc concussa fides, et multi, utile bellum.' " This same multis utile bellum is an assured and infallible sign of a state disposed to seditions and troubles. And if this poverty and broken estate in the better sort be joined with a want and necessity in the mean people, the danger is imminent and great. For the rebellions of the belly are the worst." IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Ocrosna 15. The House met to-day shortly after Two o'clock. ROYAL COMMISSION. The Royal Assent was given by Commission to the Commis sioners of Charities Bill, the Payment of Wages in Goods Repeal Bill, the Payment of Wages in Money Bill, the Importation of Lumber and Provisions Barbadoes Bill, Common Law Officers Fee Bill,Churchßuilding Bill, Cotton Factories Apprentices Bill, Officers of the Customs Fee Bill, Turnpike Road (Scotland) Bill, Pluralities' Bill, Special Constables' Bill, Galway Franchise Bill, City of London Fresh Water Bill, Poor Relief Bill, Public Works (Ireland) Bill, Public Hospitals (Ireland) Bill, White Boy Amendment Bill, Regulation of Arms (Ireland) Bill, and several Private Bills. The Commissioners were the LORD CHANCELLOR, the Duke of RicissloND, and the Earl of SHAFTESBURY. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented petitions from the counties of Peebles and Selkirk, praying that they might not be joined under the Reform of Scotland Bill, in sending a Member to Parliament; and one from the borough of Selkirk, praying that they might be joined with the other boroughs there in returning a Member The Earl of ABINGDON brought up the report of the Select Committee on the Vestry Bill. He moved the suspension of the standing orders, in order that it might pass through its several stages. The House then went into Committee on the Bill. One of the amendments proposed by the Select Committee was, that the majority of the parish should be two-thirds in place of three-fifths, and that the majority should consist of all the rate payers in the parish. Lord HARROWBY opposed the amendment; after a long dis cussion itiwas agreed to. BANKRUPTCY COURT BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR said,that in consequence of cer tain misrepresentations circulated respecting himself and the Bill which lie had introduced into that House for the Reform of the administration of the bankruptcy laws, he was induced to move for several returns connected with the subject, the produc tion of which would be the means of disabusing the public mind. He was both astonished and mortified to find that an attack of a most singular and extraordinary character had been made upon bins in a publication, by a Learned Friend—the venerable father of the bar—for whose virtues, talents, and professional acquire. ments, he had always entertained the respect which they were so justly calculated to excite. As the attack did not ostensibly bear the name of his respected and venerable friend, he would abstain from naming him in that House, although the author was suffi ciently indicated by the character and circumstances and style of the attack, which he could account for only by attributing it to certain prejudices and theories upon the subject which his Learned Friend entertained. The charge was of a most extra ordinary nature, for it was nothing less than that he had brought forward the Bill, and had pressed it through the House, because the effect of it would be to put au increase into i thanhis 2,6, explanation /. a.yea r. of this s s vi Learned ew of that in a political point patronage less (the Lord Chancellor) than money, whthe andis pocket ~, Venerable subject,egi greater e e a r t a e b o ri l i f e va n l Friend, o u s t et 2t tt l ocsd e' and that the Bill would be to hiss an increase of patronage to the extent of 26,1'00/. a year. Other persons had repeated the charge, without this distinction between the patronage and the money. This charge was utterly unfounded, but it was not more so than another charge, that he had contrived by the Bill to provide for his secretary a sinecure place, as secretary of bank ruptcies, of the value of 11,0001. per annum. This was a total misrepresentation of the case its every particular; for so far from the Bill giving any increase of income to his secretary, it would actually decrease that person's salary by 1,9004 or even 1,3001. a year. His secretary had at the present moment an income of 2,5001. a year, and all the Bill would do in relation to this officer would be to deprive him of that income, and to substitute a place under another name, the total salary of which would be only 1,9001. 'lO this strange perversion of the facts of the case was added, from a different quarter, another statement equally with. out foundation. It had been put forth that there was a strong difference of opinion between him and his Noble Friend at the head of his Majesty's Councils with respect to a very material part of the Reform Bill, and this gross misrepresentation had arisen from an inaccurate and garbled statement of what had been said of the measure by him, when he had been address.a second ,dotaltle,tdbehi ibsFce:Bliinii:lo-il jug the House upon the subject of the Bill. 'What he had said upon that occasion was, that there was not the slightest differ ence of opinion upon the question of Reform between him and his Noble Friend, and he (Lord Brougham) had distinctly added that, not only was there not, but that there never had been, any such difference between them. This statement had been omitted, and the passage of his speech, from which this sentence had been left out, had been commented upon so as utterly to mislead the public mind on the subject. He would postponed stpoßrizoiute o t until again declare that there did not exist a shade of difference of opinion betw important measure. It was with a view to refute the serious Gen him and his Noble Friend upon that great and charges made against bins by his venerable and Learned Friend, that he had risen to move for a return of the salary and emolu ments of the Secretary of the Lord Chancellor. 'When the facts of the case had been so perverted, that a reduction of salary to the extent of 1,3001. had been construed into the creation of a place which would increase the salary by 1,•2001. a year, he al most feared that such erroneous impressions proceeded Irons a source that would be impervious to any discipline whi c h he could apply. lie should now move for a return of all fees at present received by the Secretary of the Lord Chancellor, top_ ther with his salary provided by the Act for the Secretary of Bankruptcies, &c —The motion was put and carried. Earl GREY moved the second reading of the Distillation (Ire land) Bill. The object of the Bill, the Noble Earl stated, was t o Earl of SHAFTESBURY the Valuation render the law more efficient, particularly as regarded the re pression of illicit distillation in Ireland, and to diminish the ex pe,iiicheeaßttiellnd,,aatsittuhltonnreth3de collection of the revenue. ISlo ti n o rl o a o y f n u e i x o t. upon it. rni rth o e n n of ,} : ,1 1 , -a h, re ? I s dp(s4 Duke t ( kE l o r y e 0 1 m a r n o , ,, t ,v ) , eEd i t i ti l i l ei 1 third and s u,r or t e l i sa e d is iN nt l zgp i I p i oo t f a st r el y d, e ctAccountshoenrseol,: Bill, were severally read a third time and passed. Bill, with the appropnation clause. objection to the postponement of the third reading of until l M t o h n ir d d ay r , ead as i t i i , e g l o sa r d th s e om ß e ill obs wa e s rv a a c t c i o o r n di t n o g m ly ak i Duties Bill went through Committee._ _Report Monday. The SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF COMMONS. At Four o'clock the SPEAKER took his seat. Mr. BLAMIRE presented a petition from certain land owners in Cumberland, against the General Registry Bill, which the petitioners conceived would be attended with much inconvenience and expence to persons living at a distance from the metropolis. The Honourable Member conceived that the only benefit that would arise from the Bill would be to the advantage of the London attornies. He did not believe that the Bill would operate injuriously to the community generally, but that at a distance from the metropolis, particularly in Cumberland, where the division of property was very minute, it would create a great expence. There was also a feeling in the country that it would be necessary for owners of property to go to the expence of having double deeds in many cases. The Hon. Member hoped, as the Hon. and Learned Member (Mr. Campbell) who introduced the Bill had exempted Yorkshire from its operation, be would also exempt Cumberland, solely on account of the minute division of property. Mr. CAMPBELL said this petition was another proof of the misapprehension which had gone abroad respecting this Bill. In the first place, he denied that it would create any additional expense to persons living at a distance from the metropolis, for no London attornies need be employed, and although in instances it would be necessary to have a duplicate of a deed, that duplicate by one of the clauses would be exempt from paying duty. Yorkshire would certainly be excluded from the operation of the Act, but that wait because a registry had existed in that county for 100 years. There was no registry in Cumberland, and therefore he could not consent to exclude that county. The petition was ordered to lie on the table. Mr. WILKS presented a petition from the Baptist con gregation assembled in Brown-street, Salisbury, against the multiplicity of oaths. Mr. C. FERGUSSON addressed the House on the inconvenience attending the taking of so many oaths, particularly to the inconsistency of compelling the Protestant Members of that House to swear that they did not acknowledge the power of the Pope, while the Roman Catholic Members, the only per sons in the House who admitted the power of the Pope, were exempted from taking that oath.—(Hear.) The multiplicity of oaths much weakened the effect that should accrue from so solemn an act, and tended to encourage perjury. The petition was ordered to lie on the table. Mr. WILKS presented a petition from a dissenting congregation at Reading against the imposition of a tax on pilgrims to the Idol at Juggernaut, and also against the Indian law of depriving converts to Christianity of their inheritance. Captain GORDON hoped some measures relating to these subjects would be adopted next session by his Ma jesty's Government. Mr. C. FERGUSSON said if such a law did exist to deprive converts to Christianity of the right of inheriting property, it was never enforced. One of the laws was, that before a person could inherit property he should be possessed of every virtue, and must also be perfect in his body. These laws were, however, a mere dead letter, and he (Mr. C. Fergusson) once recovered an estate of 30,000/. a year for a person who was totally blind. The petition was ordered to be printed. Mr. HUNT moved for a return of the expences attend ing the Special Commissions to try the persons implicated in the disturbances of last winter, distinguishing the sums paid to Counsel and Agents, and those paid to witnesses. —Ordered. The Marquis of CHANDOS begged to ask his Ma jesty's Government, whether any reward had been offered, or any steps taken, to apprehend the persons concerned in the destruction of Nottingham Castle ? Mr. STANLEY could not give the Noble Marquis the required information. Colonel EVANS moved for a return of the expense by the public of the various royal military asylums, from their formation to the 31st December, 1830, together with the number of recruits furnished to the army by those esta blish ments. —Orde red. Mr. D. BROWNE presented a petition from the Mer chants and Bankers of Galway, praying that tkeir rights might be properly dealt with in the discussion of the Irish Reform Bill. The HON. MEMBER. also presented a petition from Ballyrobe, in the county of Mayo, praying the House to pass the Irish Reform Bill as speedily as possible. The people of Ireland were unanimously in favour of the mea sure introduced by his Majesty's Ministers.—(Hear.) Mr. HUNT observed, that if the people of Ireland were unanimously in favour of the measure, great misrepre sentation had been made on that subject. He was quite surprised to see the account of a public meeting in the Times, and some other papers, in which it was slated that he people cried out " No Peers, no Peers," whereas the fact was, and he had it from the htst private infor mation, that the assembly called out " No new Peers, no new Peers." It was also said that flags bearing tl.e inscription " William the Fourth, and the Reform Bill for ever," were carried about. Now, the truth was, that the inscriptions on these flags were, " Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments, and Vote by Ballot," and that a peti tion to that effect had been carried by a great majority. Sir J. BURKE observed that Ireland was unanimous in its approval of the Bill. Mr. D. BROWNE felt happy that the speech of the Hon. Member for Preston, had . iiven him an opportunity of stating his sentiments more at large. lie did not mean to deny that Ireland was not actually unanimous, but he would assert that there had not been any meeting held in any parts, which had not been unanimous in favour of tie Ministerial Bill. For the county which he had the bonour of representing, though they wished that a few Members should have been added, yet he had no hesitation to say that they were all unanimously in favour of the Bill, and trusted Ministers would not relax in any constitutional measure to support it. Mr. SHEILL had no doubt that there were many per sons in Ireland opposed to the Reform Bill, more espe cially those connected with close boroughs. For instance Dundalk, the present Hon. Member for that borough had no connection whatever with it. One of its representatives some years ago, was Mr. Barclay, who, it was notorious, was a great brewer in London. The lion. Member contended that Ireland was entitled to more re presentatives. Sir R. VYVYAN was glad to see English Members represent Irish boroughs, and Irish Members represent English ones. Because he was in hopes of shortly seeing no distinction between the two countries, and that they would have one common interest at stake. Mr. RUTHVEN considered that as Ireland contained one-third of the population of the United Kingdom, it was entitled to have that share in the representation. Mr. LEADER considered that absenteeism must be put an end to, before the peace of Ireland could Le established on a firm hasis.—( Cheers.) Sir F. BURDETT felt surprised at the course pursued by the lion. Member for Preston with respect to the great measure. All who wished for the adoption of Reform wished the adoption of that system which was most likely to be obtained. The Reform which they objected to was that Reform which was not capable of being carried into effect. He really felt surprised, and conceived it most extraordinary, that any person reallywishing well toßeform, could not concur in giving support to that species of Reform which could be brought forward with success, and that they would still persist in thatßeform which would not meet with the general concurrence of the people. It was impossible for any person who paid attention to what was passing in the world, not to see that there never was such universal concurrence in any measure as in the present. He considered the present measure calculated to effect all those beneficial results which would proceed from a free representation of the people. Mr. HUNT deprecated the insinuation that be had voted one way and spoken another. He had from the first introduction of the Reform Bill spoken of it in the same way as he had done ever since. If it had not gone one tenth part as far as it did, he would vote for it ; but he still believed, and so did the greatest part of the country, that it did not go far enough. He was taunted merely because he would not go across the House and sit along with the Whigs.—(Laughter.) He had had a dislike of the Whigs from the speeches of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir F. Burdett.) How was it that that Hon. Ba ronet went across and sat by the side of Mr. Canning, when that Right Hon. Gentleman declared himself an enemy to all Reform.—(Hear, hear.) What sort of alliance did the Hon. Baronet call that? He (Mr. Hunt) had never been either Tory or Whig, but bad as the Tories were, he believed they were far better than the Whigs..—(Laughter.) The Press held him up as a turncoat, because he sat on the side of the Tories. Sir J. NEWPORT would not give the Hon. Member the credit of being the representative of the people. With regard to the charge of the Hon. Baronet opposite, that Ire land had not contributed her portion to the general ex- pease of the war, be begged to refer that Ho' f"0 1 to the report of a Committee, of which Lord 13ey chairman, which stated that Ireland had contritiv, greater portion of the expenses, as compared with rlo' He begged, however, to deprecate the drawing of eut , tinetions between different communities and differe°' of the United Kingdom. Sir R. VYVYAN explained, that he did n ot 6t6 Ireland did not contribute her proportion of the e 1.,; but that she did not contribute such a proport ion fled a large extension of the representation. Colonel TRENCH submitted that the suffrAg e o people were in favour of the Bill, be li Honourable Members to look at the opini°lol., bad been given respecting it. The WV, for Northampton (Milton) had stated that th founded on injustice, and other opinions bad he e which were entitled to great weight. Teie,iti Colonel stated he was desirous of declaring h is o' be fi and gratitude for the vote given in the Lords. T ye would now have time to reflect on the 1 1-o° ),sV he believed that in many places, where delusio its sway, the people were now coining to their seP ch i had seen papers, that were published, containingobjr( against the Bishops, and pointing them out to „,1 , 1: violence. On the first page of one was engra ved from which three Bishops were suspende d ' , t e laughter.) Although he did not think that GovernrneotY, interfere and prosecute these papers, yet he coul d s e ii t i thinking that Govtrnment gave an indirec t san" their propagation. (LEFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF LORDS• The LORD CHANCELLOR. took his seat en the at Five o'clock. 1, the The Duke of CUMBERLAND inquired w- e 01 Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack in his,'ep on Saturday respecting a pamphlet alluded to $ Learned Friend of his (Lord Eldon). On the Prtoec Noble and Learned Lord he disclaimed any c° _......... ....... _.........__ with such pamphlet. - i h i lJ, l The LORD CHANCELLOR meant no 1.,",",,g' the Noble and Learned Lord alluded to by the I""tve Duke. His (the Chancellor's) were—that the a i. o P the Pamphlet was the venerable Father of V ie d V, lish Bar. Now, though the Noble and LeOtetst;, was a very old and venerable man, still he wa s ,, °° ,l ther of the bar. One other remark he had znauenli 01 be had not only called him the father of the E e 'f:efo r ! but he had said he was also the originator of fab le 00 Now no one could suppose (with these words in7yesP/ that he (the Chancellor) meant the Noble 0' (Eldon), o if f d The Duke of CUMBERLAND expresse d h ' - fectly satisfied with the explanation. a f o° The Hop Duties Bill was read a third titneitroitti'; The Irish Distilleries Bill went through a ' i.o l' The House then went into Committee on the t• Bill. 14'11° Lord WYNDFORD inquired whether t he t..:' 4 be applied to parishes in which were open Vo t lte ° ` Lord MELBOURNE said that any parish ID'' r ; the Bill by complying with its provisions. ; P,, i t ' 4 Lord WYNFORD thought the Bill, in. , ts scroil state, would not go far as the Noble Viscount 0- . o c , 0 1 The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that f ' 1 ,0 1 ,, ";,1 Bill was last before the House he had given it 6 :l: l ,,V i l , of his attention• It was certainly a que'ti ° c - i e tlw, l . , importance, and was looked upon with great a ri ",,,111 1 " inhabitants of parishes in large towns, but esP er 'oe, t / metropolis. He thought that in parish affai r P re pter r , in the affairs of the kingdom, the system °I ' tr y 1 , ,i tion should be acted upon. The Select e'''; ‘ , I ` . was one which ought not to have exis ted f, t` , He had an insuperable objection to the ameadao. Li tii adoption clause, which gave the tight of ad t e ' °- oe . ,° ;, t w h l ., de m h aj ‘% o ,a i majority of be r e a a t l e led pa f y o e r rs t , he wphuorpaotsete,ndbetidt tothittf: of 'two-thirds of all the rate payer on t t d - ite lj t of ".the parish—nothing more absurb cc' ul b iell s o conceived. He would suppose a parish, in vi 0 04 ;,i 300 rate-payers, 199 of those attended thead called 0 consider the adoption of this Bill, v ie unanimous for its adoption, the 101 might also, 0 Your of it, but not being present, the chu rchwar"' be bound to reject the adoption of the Bill. bt et! The House being in Committee, be In i g ro sp few, words in respect of voting by P' 111 0 , aid not think it was a proper mode, b person might throw out a measure, which he se# mheard extendedon e w ord theof argument system rr 0 but x. v t o b t ;! ),;:, 1 farther than their Lordships, for they required prexies should he tendered, but here if s o oef i j was absent, they undertook to say that he 10 9 ° f o g ' , the measure of adopting this Bill, without koc° l ; be prevented that person from attending, o r what in the country rr not. (LEFT SPEAKING.) -- -- f COUNTRY CORN MARKEV, DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Barley. Oat s• ; . Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. s• -to . 50 Carlisle 54 33 L 3 6 9t, Hexham 55 67 34 40 ~" 25 Morpeth 50 56 32 34 z 5 i Penrith I 54 34 2 4 , f 1 Sheffield 63 41 30 b Winchester 52 64 34 41 1: - .; 01. Per Bushel. s.d. s.d. s.d. d. s• e9O 5 6 Carmarthen—. 6 0 6 9 3 6 4 0 1 6 4 0 5 6 Coventry 7 0 9 0 4 8 5 4 3 6 4 0 5 6 Newcastle (Stall:) 8 9 9 0 6 0 6 6 :3 6 4 0 11 Northallerton 7 0 9 3 3 6 4 6 3 3 4 6 0 0 Stone.. 89 96 59 62 3y 96 /1 Swansea .. 68 70 44 49 2 n, 6 Warwick 9 0 10 0, 4 6 5 0 2' Per 8011. 6 6 Barnatdcastle 6 016 6 8 9 00 5 s 6 1 0% Durham ;139 16 0 90 10 056 4OO Richmond 12 6 17 0 80 90 5 0 56 Stockton ;12 6 15 9 9 9 10 0 5 " )4. Oc t * foe( WAKEFIELD CORN MARKES-70401, Wheat, lied, Norfolk and Suffolk...46s. 50$. ; 0 5Ss• Lin. and Cam. 46s. 50. L o 5 6.4. dpi -- Yorkshire 48s 51s. fe Ms. toe WAKEFIELD CORN MAR.-- _ -- - 7 0 be 4 ' oilee Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Sunlk 465. bOs. 0 y3s. A se# Lin. and Cam. 46s. 50 6 . t„ 56i. 'istio -- Yorkshire 48S MS. t' 6 le• tio e 0 White 520. 5 6, to 50 , ri e, i , Foreign, Red —O. 4 _s, t 0 „4. pet White ,. __.s. 1 5 g4. efle .1 Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk Lincolnshire 3 6 ". t o $ 64. 0 0e " Yorkshire Wold 3 6, t .....,, ~,f ~, to ' ( 4 '. - Foreign Beans, Small -- Tick mss. to . V e i l Oats, Potato Ws. -00 A 011 y Poland —0 v ,. too, r 4 Friezland and Small .. . 5. WS' t o `fie. P e e Meal ing l a to o d,r,v Shelling 3 5 8. to 3 6 '' 4 6.4. Pp V Malt 3- 4‘ . 's fin e / fk• J. ••• • .-,4 , Rapeseed A, SCOTCH MAIUTI-- - ' ' S . I) . i, Wheat. Barley Oats. ! ..... 1 2. e ., 3 >i Aberdeen 48 60 27 31 22 24 „Th" .. F l , Berwick-- 38 43 21 24 15 22 ~,; 3 1 ; Coldstream 40 44 21 24 17 19 , Z 4 0 Cupar .---- 44 65 33 35 0 5 %) 13 -/-,,,,} ‘ , 5.4 1 L I /' Dundee-- 46 66 33 35 30 3 1 ;a '' ' i Elgin ---..-. 50 58 30 33 20 26 ~..,- &)...., / A / Inverness—. 50 55 30 32 20 W. Kelso —.. 41 44 23 24 17 ) 8 i 9 ~ ,,/ l f ' _....„ Kirkaldy--- 140 45 27 39 25 32 2 ~""e r °) j Perth ---.... 52 64 21 27 20 g 3 Mt' , " i t , 11..... The size of the measure varies through° , 11-,e) no! '.',..4 $Ol EDINBURGH CORN MAIIK1,•:10-.ii We had a small supply of all kinds of GP ° io& i ° yro, , e t sales in general were heavy. Old Wheat t d oO l iJ, and 3s. 7d. on the average ; New Wheat uP 0 1d, d 3s. Lid. on the averag, Barley, 367 q uarters ,r) the top, and 2s. on the average. Oats same Wr i d oP the average. Pease and Beans also same toP, 3 1 3 1: average. , 5,4 Wheat. Barley. Oats. 4°;63 I First 6os Od 38s Od 30s Od 2 8 3 al ~ ,e rL y o ar .f 31 Second 57s Od 36s Od 29s 4d 5 83 O J Lamb, Third 50s 30s Od Od , B,C. 11a. r PRICES OF PROVISIONS , ou.D. 0 f Beef, per lb. Os. 31d. to Os . 6,1. Fresh Butter, 0 1 , , 0 6 0 8 Ditto, per c rd ” oz : 0 Potatoes, 1711 b. 0 0 01 Pork fallow, cwt.... 37 6 40 0 Wheat Ditto , ' 6 0 0 6 Salt Ditto,,frso Puarter 94 04 0 00 1 0650 °H Barley ir,paenwer 0 11 ,e ' ) 7 1' 1 C which had E D a l NmßidirllliitnGgtho tor met with a dull sale at last week's F rice 6. i 14113. kl Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. Per Stone 0 ... First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 18 0 Second ditto .......... ~ e ... Barleymeal llO 0 Barlerriea.l ....... ....„. Peasenieal 1 10 0 Peasemeal ..... . 0.4. ,r r Pot Barley—No. l, per cwt. 145.-2 d, 169.--1* p i_ I EDINBURGH supply A o l f , (=ICI EJ.- - ". asp ~t• .— i. GLASGOW CORN DIARKEr• 11 Pr if Wheat steady. Oats in good demand, at fu j„ O. or , alteration in Barley, - Beans, or Pease. t r.iltr• 1 5 Wheat, per 2,101 b. s. d. s. d. Oats, per I) British, old new Canada, free 2B 0 30 0 BeallS, I . 4 0 Irish Barley, per 32011). Scottish ............ . 1! '0 English 2 62.5 0 0 to 21 3, 1 00 81rrii5t1ii5.h......7.......,e....r....t17...iv.00 0 C Pease, Scottish g s. P,O peer lb .0 Scottish Irish - - 23 0 27 0 Flour, per 030lb''' ............ lb) CORNWALL MA RKETS:,,' ,0,,p, T atuto—Wheat (average) 9d.—BarleY.“, to I 4 .‘ ST. A US TELL—Wheat, —s. to iris.—Barley, O. to S. Od. ("th ) B OD MIN—Wh eat (average)2"a. Od.—llarleY, i j6,l HELSTON—Wheat, Od.—Barley, llts to ' P ENZA NCE-Wheat, '2.'2s. to 2.-18. —Barley , 31 Os. to 9s. 6t l .—Beef and Mutton, s d. to 6d.--r°' Butter, l Id. per lb. PaINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURD O SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, WOO" THE N ew Ed , and 1831 LANE teode(i too] Murray„ of tinny ',. *UI the Ttic c Th pEi 00 Kb p of • 21s t "re t4Y Cc T'efnllnwii 1 7,Publi s i IfN TLI HE Iler Ab road and oo.=motooctSooogccwt.DwooT.. 33, -7, WI ara?till 33:il 7157354 rti G. c. V.cra c o F : 5 4 aa a V.„l :9 1 , w.