The Sun. — London, England, 1861-11-15 00:00:00

CONE t'S PERIGEE-LONGITUDE INAUGURAL, OR ELECTRO -3. COMPASS GAPOPONTISPIRIT-°-LEPEL. L c> *INN-Jet-semi Lagoa' rota' otr-Flot-semi f* ea N. I Wall; murem 24 March- -29 Sept. Errant'm financial Treasury-date of Fishery-park Law-sets. FOR AMERICA'S CONE-t3USHEL'D TRI-SACK-COMMW. CIN -PORTAL-ARC' Hive-Dead-court.-In Q-UE span-long cinq'kent 50N. by Polarsabove de below declin. soar_ ,in P Astre - geograph . • • : : to @over's * Arrow off and-on'Diepp' s-Rouen to Lizard-Pt. °'r Pel'isle's Quadra culmination Tropic-wend Vwrd minorga's LanFue O'ock 40e N. Its state rope-lay Anchor y flag -tow'r pres-by Tyre round the fixt earth, as of Titus Vespasian's March-night zone-meter, yr 79 on 1824-35 for Life-Burg-nSchek * R Cone-volve-Leet-crts.-on America's meridian'd 60° west N. and S. for its base -line evaporative mark, on September 'soaves nile-°-metre'd lake, as the pivot-Calvin 'd Dap per (3d Jaqo. r.), of Villa-nella's Sack're-mento colony. The Boudoigne 'd illegal Mixt-Cot:eft-Boise-Eau-fete of 27-Bth, August'en A.D. 1861-as Eve sham'd-on Aftermath 'B'head'ng night of Ihon apteli-issued 13th, old lam mass-day from the Strasburg Jag'let office of Grand master mason of Malta's College, St. James'-st., on U. S. c. 33, ¢7, 1800-2-13-off Amiens treaty-Nap-11, in dupelex , ' welkin Paul the eapson-scholastic,' by LEWE S ' in Ship way seal' of eraris Sagetto -zonekirk's ? E ar th -moving' error. So to " Command oid words, that lone; have slept-to wake, Words that wise Bacon, and brave Raleigh spake." This long awa Banafin, Outflot; atce key-loop as, Corn hill-st. mi-chaTdi 4. "Like Goo-father -131 Cowrnß-1712, like GGQ.tchildspri PALMERS TON 1561-as of H.J.Temple -cites the charter of Bristol L. P. 9 Armee, 24 July, for its backwarn'ng to six, five, or four," comber- (on's in Lath'm ever-Span' fh Cabot 15°) curvature a Latrinity-ms., Yer the sunk -port, Q. inn Jet,cat land wad-set's prior to Pope Nic.'s ' tax 1291-97-DogellG.'s 9th, at ShoreHAM, 18-21' pavillion, Bright-helm-stone meridian of old London, Stb-resumed for " Carthage-mud port-Co r hon, Edict Comgh., of Review In Egypt's' 1828," 9-10 W. to„ C. 15, for Lt. A.'m arc Bows sole, (Jetruscan ' Arbitrat'm a*rate m Pontiiiscum--on Rorer h Ombra-latin persuasion 2), on Genev.fa's l'Ecluse valley Gappeson. G timbre-0 in July's London 3ty 1827- 28, 'twixt Greek Rouff's Capo d'lstria, Turkish Ar,r, and Codrington, who in Claudian's sky-metre upper X 9 conic letter-,3 didn't by Lock Hart's key, Xth Art., 16,58- " Scorn arbitration as a stain 9th.] To ninth and tenth of William's reign." [no 10th. Ist. So, no 1581's Earthrolling-bull's, with a Fixt earth .angueGYoi tzwo o'er Hemigerf amen'ys astral, See I Bdw. 71., c. 2, re'nact of 284-yr. in 1832 by 2-3 W. iv., c. 92, 5.4, .-entitled, The Submission of the Clergy 4' Restraint of Ap peals to Rome-as yet ' pending on Britith' Pombal-wig'd vrotton-Coligny's May Brazil'd 1558-72, on 25 H. 8, c. 19, -Whereas divers noblemen and spiritual ' fratres de Sack' have sent out civil-summons, in their own names, as in the time of the usurped powers of the Bishop of Rome, contrary to the common law, touching writs in lay causes of correction-probates of testaments under patronal oaths. -Be it enacted, that all such citations or other processes by advocates or other will-court officers, of the Yoxing's Highness do bear th' E- Quoin-Knight-rider's fiscustom'ary echo-endorse, as well as the d Common-clerk's ' Mats-de co-quoin' seal, under citor's name in Maypolar' Die Pa- aren' astra-Jet x ou's roof'd meridian : : Se) Rochester-bridg'de gumana Antcec, N. Z giver-head ..? Waithangi'd ' brother and sister's 3-ty. as 0. 5.200 x. of Azores (-) Verd fulcrum ponticulus-hernispherse'm Ist re-ponti-Philimore-Te'ad, as the old longitude-bridge' Park-dance o'er the L'aide-lay " In silence, till the cheerful Night-sun-rode Has twice six months made its Star-wend run-node." Thus-Laganum-Rota'rv's of Kent under syn-sideral lathe epoch for P. £' audits, to Bow towns 51ieN., ft prefix over its L' o-ndon-wave'y bye Wall-in-ford fcirencester Seven hundreds' on 34-H. I.'s Rayhere, Alnoth, Kts. to 1-4 .lien. 4's hogshead of wine Jus-" E x -change A 1." as of pistol's a leva 'aura; in Tenby's alVmare meet, of Fresh and salt water Admiral' s-crt, not of Co'mercer's Hall Ilford /Brewing-sup,' on Jesuit'Sac-ward books ca. fa'd. 6s 8. 4 WOT'oN deep? e'er ye title-tax Russel'd river Hd-fontns! 2d17. Whence, by 1 Fhilip & Mary, c. 7, " No man shall exercise the office of Justice Conservator (to Water bailiff's silver-oar, on July, 1521-81-now 'Lai echt's Indian-paddle qty of 1713-63, as Mexi-St-Jaqo's Philipine isle'd Bohan inspector of all fiscal Ge-'-meter-crts.), who like WOLSEY'S Temple'r shall take en himself 'to direct and serve his own pr3cept.' Hence this negative ; since (by Russn-Dutch loan em America's 1614-double hdd eagle Horeck-1791's Min gan-mexi on 1832), pension'd Stuart-Swynfordas Church -Queen's of a British civil list o'er left faces, have ceased to be .the tayle of Malcolm nt.'s G.G.G•son D . monetary trust in Zouch's c x A.-kin, and at your peril disobey this law ,--for one and a 11" as breast-high'd on Agricola's Rleot and 'lot hand-up llimmßA' typic, on Caesar's silver coinage for electing yearly [Abkari cess phat's on 29th Septimbre' s Jitimi-call-meze-magistrates, as Aberdeen's 1469, to 24es. March one], on *Red Indian's:-.Glasgo' Xaraves-lake, 60 w. *‘ To gain the race he eager plies ; his forfeit life's the stake." 27 Aug. '6l, unpaid Christ corpus martyr 19 yrs, London, PETER Brant BASQUET, t; The trade flag-union Jak, roa.m Mp m. 3-J. 1., corn-hill-Tow'er'd Income-tax e-Eule.Cre . freeman, Antipe,d'n crown-colony chief o El Temple. of 1812, -The criminal law's Extradi- Labouchere. lion Gap, 3 -mile off-shore Sea -constable, te) [2 March, '4l] bearing /America's paddle of Admiral's H. M. Perky, court over Canterbury's( e-G uizote se t -3 Sept, '4l's tlemont for New Zealand's deadprooffit Of Gap 1 viz'r. Crt., its ial et-m'poy Stil'lord Warden Capt O'Halloran. -the' sruelly set a medard vacuo-Age'r eappenthal, by Ashburton Baring-treaty. .* N. CHARLES ' ACXERLEY, C. J. of Carib-isled f Jethou'dEnoland, elect Aug. 29 1825 (by Ad- .•• : : miral G. Hamond, Stuart de Rothsay's Sea- Crown retary ; Marcus Hill-SANDTS, Lay presbyters egu. on Can'ng's woly Alliance abolition, of King- A clubs), the Standard weight-bearer of 1837, Lt. I pay'd double-oathii'd victim-supporter Si Peu, of Mohawk PETER 10 yrs, by Red Indian Mary Qu' Rien March's murder-tie, 1820 in' habeas virginale S.P.Q.R. tenernm corpus Christi' transit, thro' Quebec's Jose '75 ,Hamilton-Dalhousie, in E. Elder' duty for his p.Toma'2s and own's State-birth provision, as the Mon- BRANT.' Lague Subsidy Ist-fruit loan 1814'20's on major Trevsor- Cartwright's chief saccessorial surrogat'cy. (to trove. 1322'99is red-turban'd Hen. 4th, on Hen. V.'s Sigismond life Savoy'd (gape- colona, Martin 5, 11.• V to GONSALVI 1816 regolamento-159, by Pius 7th on Scotch-Bailie Urban Bth's capacity-oath of 1749, Ad vocate STUART wort ley-Newcomen's) en Gonfaloniere' 1824 passed in C. A.'s naming Act 1-2 W. 4, NO. 54, AS • qoin July 1521-72 Luther- Calvin, for • atalay-seignor ' age over W. Russell and Stanley's Dead-hand (1683 yet Sion-attaints), in Protectorship life trust. To the yearly metre-set Councils General,' yet unsworn under 1835's munzcipal and Reform Acts for Mayor's local supremacy (against the New Conlin 'Grippe-Jesus' Chris tian Clubs, m. or f., by 11 Geo. 111, c. 55, as at the Burgh ports on the Shoreham 1772's resignation, aver-bull'srun of Clement 14tb's Jesuit Jos. Abolition, by American Stras burg's Hage murder-tie for Labrador Sir Phil. Francis 1769, 70-resume of life Moravian-act Q-garde)-over the yearly Poor-law Guardians-on 1603's church trade '< + e , cross flag-union, Canon Vestry red - letter rranseptalsuccession -an H. 8 aft-Tow'ring, by Q. Eliza.'s P. c.-/BonLBY-men for 1861, Wotton Bowes & Aekerley, in sense-office. Hence atop now-all pensions and ministers'-money (for works public) whereby all Sylph-creeds become self-supports.- So be it-for civic Asia-Europe's constabulary vox entry, on Jersey's 1614 f a Longboro's Crt., 1774-5, of Edm. Atkyns Chamberlayne, for 1820-25-37, on Stow's earth-sovereign, freeman sworn, for the embodying of all governments by meter-'-oath yearly, without distinction of creed or colour. " 'Tis thus, that Heaven its Cone'mpyre doth maintain; It may afflict-but MAN-kind must not complain." 4 Gap-puire's-papal in gursv minor (E x change-house for Aepointers over o.s. Fixt-eartla‘b•row'r), of 1582-CowpEß's Huitson 1671 Cottchiliarchea'r C to St. Michael's PENN like O'Halloran's organ run' of Hidelburg. Scp Heligoland 3ty., Tan. 14, May-Copenhagen'd by C. re 4 A. el Daphne, 1814, as the Montague letter 15 r.c. Crown-page before Embassy FOSTER'S Abpuy-locum £t.' of Hanover Ex-mouth's 1816, in Labouchero pa's clerk, Rothschild-Hesse 10-mart JAL. Foreign Quarterly Review, Nov., 1829, p. 291-303 ; and Maritime Register, 17th Aug., 1861, p. 1051. Survey Arbitrations.-By 9-10 W. in, c. 15, it is enacted, " That merchants, sole-traders-(Antipodo'ans, as under Tweeds Window tax, eapitula of Tunis 1809's Dard - eanell'd Turk-31y.' 1828-411), desiring to end disputes by arbitration, :may agree for submission of their suit to an Award or umpirage (as of Africa's 1828 trust on ' Thony Montherrner' ACKERLEY, Flag-Lt. of Ocean 74),-of any person, should be made "on Captain Cook's Cruz •mana in tribal Aim:int, right, on Admiralty red-flag' of Exchequer courts of Record ; and in case of disobedience to such award on Pa-tow'ring, the parties neglecting or refusing (1 - F. Q. Review, Nov. 1829),-to perform the same, shall be subject to penalties of contemning a R u l e o f C our t , " as P a t ax mis - sion'd on the Anglo-Saxon Mexi-Spanish trust, yet Cuba- Philipin'd to 1763-4-state A Grants, as reset 31 Jan. 1842-3, on the Carib-micma9's sow r' head, 'Tw e ' e d I Inn-fan- Get and Out 4e-sustain-screw on N.-Berwick-law (without further mad'ning poor PETER by exile cast from) fLmily, for refusing to give up Medico's Tribal flag stone (141 b.) to any church party, by Derbyand Peel's orders (with Qn.'s papal marriage silver rose ? to Ind'n ladies) for le petit nations. ."Neath polar-star'd land Wehr-ring wolf to fawn, And view with trembling whom they view'd with scorn.' 16 GUILTY (OR NOT GUILTY FICTION) ARBITIIR. 161-The sea-WRIT original (now ' police-sheet root •[5B Of' St. Peter's-key Cornhill), spring of civic-suit. The "not guilty" when GUILTY is the free and accepted ' for county-rate expenses, in all the courts—but, the guilty on written confession to Female complainant, before hear ing —as • of right saved (50, E. 3) from a slaughter under the twofold ge s , a pi s ri v ~t uv iona e l ane d corporeal capacity of the casting voice s . Police arbitrator. The case in ques tion being betwixt Plaintiff and Martyr-defendant, to obtain a Lock'are Bail/ie-day , Hs"itainteacit Key to St. AN yrou Court-christian papal'—as October's 1658 ' Laird o'Cockpen's let usO po ru i ft le a e o t i e the French Nap. treaty Concordat in the Marylebone for on Wed., Oct. 2, " Bellew V. Baillie" committed three calender months to the Greyfriaty cells omitting th e (on Alnietslgte-knee by civil law table-turnin g , a real .Rug'd-pursuer's name Order note into a police-sheet -charge 1813) as under the guide of thellaZiva Art. 1-9 Tan. 25, the Convent" of penitent Ore's. ad Y" c lueau abbess o f This freak-forgiven Liverpool girl, on , 1 . with Plaintiff ('s laundress, 13, Frede;iceljnightarkitration to explain the kneeling facts. So in 8-s L -street.) had none Secret'ary will Hear, 'not see,' at I.Tp.. w .tr I the Prison by sending ' a proper agent to inquire' on thepolvreet, 13, to rectify injustice as Walsingham ? on this Typrwuhr behalf, ' Washing-rug' trial between mistress and servant— tyd hoax for instant release and reward, under Chief Justiceti(aßorder 1 Bellew Kt.-Stapleton) Statute 1442 H. 6rurie british Vestal-women -jail-keeper's o'er Ben ch-wa the 666, in TotLill nun'ery-like priso n, Scc.) now, in illegal rrant, as genitive'd 'of', sth Victoria, c. 24.—La voila, N. case. " _Provided always, Yea I that, if e'er Quakers or lady Quacks interfere, Or take upon them—'as, a scholar'— ' Prohibitory' writ should follow." Su ort in God's name, against this sham Chris tian, persecution of Ackerley, (and Peter, as Sir Howard Douglas and Lord Seaton's Indian interpreter and Chief —1825-42)—obliged to perform their insugurative duties, for the benefit of mankind, under Acts of 1824-32-43, now 40 yrs. eooro'd to a worried death for the high i arties. ..............vas....r•M OYAL LYCEUM THEATRE. 11 Manager- --fir. Edmund aleoner. 'V HIS EVENING, will be performed (gtli time) the new and original Drama, entitled PEEP O'DAY ; or, Savourneen Deelish. Messrs. Walter Lacy, Hermann Vezin. Charles Edmun , Falconer ; Mrs. D. P. Bowers, Miss Clara Weston. To conclude with GONE TO TigXAS. Mr. Walter Lacy, lire. St. Henry. Act►ng Manag-er—nr. F. B. Chltterton. , ? ....... I.IIIS EV WI AL P KIN CE SS'S THEATRE.-- L essee and M anager, M r. A. H arr i s. Thin is and EKING JE ANETTE'S, WEDDING. Miss M. Mr. 11. Widdlcomb. OTHE Aft nLL(), • which, at Ei newght o'clock, Sh a k espeare ' s tragedy of with scenery, dresses, an d appointment& Othello, Air Fecliter RO YAL ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT GARDEN. Under the management of Miss Louisa Fyne and Mr. Wm. Harrison, Sole Lessees. THIS EVENING, THE MARRIAGE OF GEORGETTE. Miss Thirlwall and Mr. A. Corri. After which, at Eight o'clock, LURLINE. Miss L. Pyne, Mesdames Jessie M'Lean and Thirlwall ; Messrs. Santley. 11. Corri, C. Lyall, Patey, and W. Harrison. Conductor, Mr. ALFRED MELLON. Commence at Seven o'clock. --- The Box-office open from Ten to Five daily. No charge for booking, or fees to Box-keepers. Stage-Manager, Mr. Leigh Murray. Acting-Manager, Mr. Edward Murray. 11HEATRE•ROYAL, HAYMARKET, Lerptee, Mr. J. B. Buokstone. TITIS EVENING, the performances will commence with THE WOLF AND THE LAMB. After which, OUR AMERICAN COUSIN. Lord Dun dreary, Mr. Sothern. Mr. Buckstone, Mr. Farren, Mrs. C. Young, et.c. To conclude with MY HUSBAND'S GHOST. Commence at 7 N EW THRATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHL- Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster. Tll IS EVENING, MUSIC HA Tif CHARMS. Messrs. h. Fisher, Romer, Warde, Misses K. Kelly and Laidlaw. Alter which (277th time), THE COLLEEN BAWN. Mr. [) : 3 oucicault, S. Emery, D. Fisher, Eburne, Romer, C. J. Smith, Mrs. Boucicault, Miss W oolgar, Mrs. Billington, and Mrs. Lewis. 'I °conclude with LOVE AND HUNGER. Messrs. Fisher, 1 4 1rnery, C. J. Smith, Mrs. H. Marston, and Miss K. Kelly. Doors onen at half-past 6—Commence at 7. Box-office open from 10 till 5. No charge for booking. NEW R OYALTY THEATRE, Dean-street, Oxford-street. Under the Direction of Mdlle. Albina di Rhona. THIS EVENING, to commence with ATAI{ GULL : Messrs. Sinclair, Graham, Butler, itc. ; Misses Clifford and Terry. After which, Mdlle. di Rhona will appear in CAMELIA, and Dance two National Dances. Fourth appearance of Mr. Hall, who will perform Two Solos on his Magic Bugle. Box-office open from 11 to 5. Doors open at half-past B—Commence at Seven. CANTERBURY HALL CONCERTS AND FINE ARTS GALLERY. Grand Selections from STRADELLA, LA TItAVIATA, and DINORAH By Miss Russell, Miss Ernst, Mr. Herbert, and Signor Tivoli, with a powerful Chorus. The Comic department comprises Mr. Sam Cowell, Mr. Marshall, Messrs. Harvey and French, Mr. Wood and his talented son, and Miss Harriet Coveney. Musical Director, Mr. Jonghmans. Admission—Hall, 6d.; Stalls and Balcony, is. CANTERBURY HALL.-MR. SAM COWELL will sing a New Song, "THE WHOLE HOG OR N ONE " (written expressly for him), on MONDAY Eyening at ten o'clock. 'I I HE 0 X F ORD, 6, OXFORD-STREET. EVERY EVENING. Auber's New Comic Opera, " LA CIRCASSIENNE," and Verdi's new Grand opera, " Simonßoccanegra," by the entire Company. Balfe's new ballads by Miss Russell and Madame Eoderssohn (composed expressly for them). Varied Comic Entertainments by Miss Harriet Coveney, Messrs. W. Ran dall, Harvey and French (The Nerves), E. Morahan, and SAM CO W ELL. Hall, 6d. ; Balcony and Stalls, is ; Private Boxes, 10e. 6d. TO PARLIAMENTARY AGENTS. We beg to inform COUNTRY AGENTS and SOLICITORS that, for their convenience, we shall keep The Sun Press open on Saturday, the 16th inst., to the very latest moment, for the FIRST INSERTION of Notices to Parliament for the introduction of Bills for Railways, and other matters. N.B.—Saturday is the Last Day for the Ensu ing Session. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. THIS DAT.—Morning, 12h. 26m.—Afternoon, 12h. 46m. TO-MORROW.-Morning, lh. sm. —Afternoon, lh. 22m. THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, NOVEMBER 15, 1861. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 44—lighest:since noon yesterday. 34—lowest this morning and during the night. 40—this day at noon. BAROwirrmit-29.50. WlND—Northerly to N.-W. ; moderate, but cold and fine. It is trite to say, but true, that time only can prove the value of the news received yesterday from France. We do not intend to insinuate anything like duplicity on the part of the EMPEROR or of his ministers, but it does remain to be seen whether open finance, with control by what we may for courtesy's sake term the representatives of the people, is compatible with Imperialism. It need not be doubted that Louis NAPOLEON has the sense so commonly wanting in crowned heads to bow to events ; and he is, therefore, quite sincere in his present professions; but it may well be doubted whether it may not be shortly found that in ; surrendering the absolute control of the nation's treasury, which he really enjoys under the system to be superseded by M. FOULD, he has surrendered his chief instrument of acquiring popularity. Hitherto when that formidable class, the artisans of Paris and of France, were in danger of becoming uneasy, between the employment he could compel the municipalities to furnish, and the vast expen diture on the army and navy, the Emperor was always able to keep the workmen quiet, and to figure as a Deity amongst them at the expense of the class who could pay taxes. There was, besides, the vast advantage of being able to point Frenchmen to an army and a navy which tickled their pride with the fancy that France was the real mistress of Europe. That her folly has compelled all Europa to keep au eye upon her, and to incur expenses perfectly useless otherwise, is true—but this was palmed off on the people, as an honour and glory, for which it was worth while to increase the national debt at a rate of £10,000,000 per annum. What will be the result to Imperialism if the burden of the debt remaining, the factitious glory for which it was incurred vanishes, and an inglorious burden of taxation is all that remains. It is impossible, however, to notice the Emperor's conduct or to read his language, without marking his superiority to the monarchs of the old school. He repudiates all nonsense about Divine right, and with it the infallibility of a political POPE, to acknowledge, like his uncle, the popular origin of his Royalty. The language seems indeed almost like a direct allusion to the stuff recently published from Konigsburg, and the NAPOLEON has certainly greatly the advantage of the HOHENZOLLERN. Readers do not laugh, or resent when they hear , the elect of the pretorians and of the peasantry saying--" Faithful to my origin, I neither re gard my prerogatives as a sacred deposit which eann3t be touched, nor as a heritage from my ances tors which must be transmitted intact to my son. Elected by the people, and representing their interests, I shall always abandon without regret eayselryshparlelroligkaetwivise eupserleessesrvfoe unshakenrthegood of the my handsthepub public, all power which is indispensable for the tranquillity and prosperity of the country." And as to the object of such a declaration, they do not think it more selfish than the public declarations of most men. The good will of the people is wanted, and the price is frankly offered. And if the verbal difference of language between NAPOLEON 111. and the father-in-law of cur Princess Royal is so marked, equally marked er is the differenc e between the actions of the Em peror of the FRENCH and th English oseofano arist ocracy . Emperor, ay a grLat favourite w ith our Tho Frenchman doesnotreafrues. We can but be e to open his eyes li an ev d e, see w hateverfacts as be theyhis really faults or merits, that the DM who can surrender so openly the power of the purse to France would have surrendered that, and all which is legally asked by the Hun garians, could he have been their undis puted monarch on such easy terms. He might have much wished for a different kind of settlement, but he would not have jeopardised the Crown of a noble and generous people, by flying in the face of their unanimous will. He is, indeed, by his present conduct, doing what he can to strengthen the old pretension of the NAPOLEONS—that of being the peoples' sovereigns. On our own account we must, of course, hope that the fit of economy will last. We have smarted tremendously for French extravagance, and we shall not be slow to show our neighbours that we do not increase our taxation some twenty millions a year merely for the pleasure of it. If France can leave off defiance, we can willingly desist from preparation to meet it, till she resumes her old folly, which, may she never do ! " The fears," says M. FouLD, " which the faculty of directly dis posing of all the resources of France inspires in all our neighbours obliges them to maintain immense armaments. To renounce this power—more ap parent than real, more menacing than efficacious — would not only give confidence to France, but would calm the uneasiiess of Europe, and would remove all pretext for hostile measures. Even admitting, against all probability, that Europe might, from a state of complete peace, immedi ately pass into one of war, the abandonment of these prerogatives of the Emperor would be without danger, as the country and the great bodies of the State would afford him their devoted concurrence." In the sentiment of the last paragraph we entirely concur, It is as applicable to England as to France —the signs of approaching war must be discoverable at any time; and we surely need not, if reasonably secure, waste in superfluous preparations the money which will be all needed should real danger threaten. The leader Palatine of the Tories has again ap peared in command of his new political battery at Aylesbury. Time must prove whether Mr. DIS RAELI has been well advised in summoning ecclesi astical artillery to the aid of the Opposition ; the sympathies of that order of gunners were, of course, well known to be in favour of Toryism. English liberties, with the rarest exceptions, have all been won without the aid of the Church of England, rather, indeed,n teeth of its opposition. Hence, England does not like political ecclesiastics. Even Mr.DISRAELI himself is fain to apologise for bringing them into the field, the laity generally having a dis taste for their presence, somewhat like that which horses are reported to feel towards camels. He owns that in " this country and in this age the civil power will not submit to any supreme authority, nor even brook a rival," but Mr. DISRAELI, as leader of a party in the House of Commons, needs the aid of the clergy, and he is, therefore, at considerable pains to mark out the line which they may, without offence, take in politics. "I have ever counselled," he says, " to my clerical friends the utmost reserve in political affairs, not that I question their right to entertain on all political subjects their opinions, and if they choose to act upon them, an English clergyman is an English gentleman and an English citizen ; but I have always felt that in proportion to their political activity will the integrity of their spiritual influence be diminished, and I prefer the maintenance of their spiritual and social influence to their political activity. But there is a limit I would recommend, and that is, when individuals are no longer in ques tion, but institutions. When politics admit of ques tions concerning institutions, and do not bear upon individuals, then it is the duty of clergymen—not merely their rights, but their duty, to interfere. And when the institution in question is that which their daily thoughts and nightly meditations ought always to be fixed upon, the Church in which they are the sacred ministers—they, in my opinion, would be guilty of an apathy that cannot be de fended if they were silent or idle." This is worthy of Mr. DISRAELI'S ingenuity ; but in practice we fancy it will puzzle most clergy. men to apply the rule. Whenever was it yet know that any political movement, even those which excited what should be the most unclerical passions, was not represented as an attack on institutions. All liberal movements imply the removal of some time-honoured abuse or injustice—or the rectifica tion of some arrangement, whose very crookedness is the institution itself in the eyes of :Toryism. Every Wednesday Bill of Independent Members is an attack on some institution, the repeal of the Paper Duty itself was represented in that light; indeed, if the clergy devote themselves to the defence of institutions, they will never want plenty of political work. This very speech of Mr. Ms- RAELI'S is, indeed, proof of this. Let the Honour able Gentleman reconsider the following remarks : —"Last Session alone a series of bills were intro duced, all with specific objects, yet all converging to one point—an attack upon the Church, and the most precious privileges of the Churchman. Your charities were assailed, even your churchyards were invaded, your law of marriage was to be altered, your public worship, to use the language of your opponents, is to be facilitated. Finally, the sacred fabrics of the churches are no longer to be con sidered national. True it is that all these assaults were defeated, but how defeated ? By a strain upon the physical energies of those who repelled the attacks, which it is not in human nature that you should count, unless the country and Churchmen generally come forward to support them." Nor does he seriously believe that the canon, in virtue of which Churchmen compel all who inter pret Scripture differently to themselves—including the whole body of Dissenters and half the Church —in regard to a deceased wife's sister, is an insti tution ? If so, we beg to inform him that it is one which is a gross violation of religious liberty, and therefore must fall, notwithstanding the support of all the clergy. A gain—is the power to exclude fellow-Christians, whose worship is not prescribed by Act of Parliament, from interring their dead, with a Christian service, in the common parish burial-ground an institution ? If so, again we deny the power of all the clergy long to uphold such an odious power, worthier of Spain than of England. Once more, is it an institution that, when charitable trusts specify no par titular form of " religion" as a qualification for holding the trust, Church of Englandism shall alone be held to be religion, and that, when half the worshippers of England do not use the service of the Church ? We regret that Mr. DISRAELI should so pervert the facts of the case and the meaning of words. Ho of all men in the country must, per sonally, hold far more liberal, not to say Christian views. We doubt if Mr. DISRAELI was able to keep his own gravity when he told the meeting at Ayles bury that " the question of Church-rates was the great domestic question of the day." Small, indeed, then, are the questions of the day ! We wonder how many of our r ea d ers are not impatient beyond measure with the Government, the two houses, and the clergy themselves for making so much ado about such a trumpery business. " Great question ! We are quite sure that if Mr. DISRAELI and the Tories had not nursed it into greatness, for purely party purposes, Church rates would, by this time, have . .‘ ). : ;,..%.:.; .-,-..,, ...;,,m , - . .', 1 ,b 1i 0. ~ 4..., , * 1 - - , .., :0 - --77 4 ..ar 0 , .-* , - . . ..... THE SUN. LONDON, FRIDAY, NOV. 16, 1861. THE] SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 15, 1861. hared the fate of commercial protective imposts and nobody have missed them. Churc'timen would have voluntarily given more than they have hitherto been coerced to paying, Dissenters would have been left unmolested, and the "fabrics" Mr. DISRAILI tries to lament for, would have been kept in repair by their rent-free tenants. We notice, however, one rather unfair trick on the part of Mr. DISRAILI. His party, under his leadership, got the Bill rejected last Session by a majority of one. Obviously, it is now for them to propose a Bill. Mr. DISRAILI, however, calls aloud on Government to do it. He procured the rejection of the Bill to which the Government gave its sup port. He says the law must be amended, yet he does not offer the amendment needed ! The country will not think this . manly. It is, in truth, showing the white feather. For the leader of a party to get rid of another's plan and refuse to produce his own, can have but one result—the conviction will be that the rejected plan was factiously rejected, and that no other is practicable. This we believe to be the truth. But then it furnishes no justifica tion for Conservatives. They differ among them selves as widely as the poles in the plans offered from their own side, including that of the last Tory Government itself. We do not believe they can propose any scheme that is not substantially abolition, which has a chance of being carried. Lord EBURY'S plan to retain the rate—that is, all the existing apparatus—but to abolish the power to compel payment is the only one which can com pete with Sir Joint TRELAWNY'S, and that is be cause it is substantially the same. Sir JOHN has, however, more pluck than Mr. DISRAELI. He at least is not discouraged. If the Government does not introduce a bill, he will do so—and thus the " great domestic question" will not sleep next ses sion. We hope, however, after that, it will fall into the eternal sleep on which it must like all mortal things so soon enter. The civil war in America is not only suicidal but has a most injurious effect on the labouring classes in this country. The selfish policy of the Man chester School, not only unpatriotic but suicidal, has reaped its own reward. When £ s. d. takes precedence of humanity it is not to be wondered that our colonial resources are neglected. Central India possesses all the requisites for the production of cotton. Australia could supply the world with the plant, which is indigenous to her lower lati tudes ; and the West Indies can compete single handed with the Southern States of America if capital were only invested in developing the re sources of those prolific regions. But why should not the richest of England's de pendencies, containing a population which out numbers the entire Anglo-Saxon race, contribute to the maintenance of the commercial prosperity of the country to which she owes her very existenec. The old India Charter is dissolved. There is a wide field open to the Governor-General of India to establish an authority which shall be respected. It is absurd to permit class prejudice to exist in India, when in our own country we sanction some five hundred conflicting creeds. It is useless to expect that a people can be convinced of the folly of their ways in a short time ; they must learn it gradually. But it is the duty of those in authority to let the landholders and petty chiefs know that the remotest districts of India are as much under command of the executive as any county of England. We do not wish to take a de sponding view of our Indian possessions. In spite of neglect and private cupidity in the end India will prove harself to be one of the richest and most valuable colonies of Great Britain The numerous lines of railroads which are being gradually extended through the country, and the energetic advance which the Irrigation Company has made, must, in the end, override the national prejudice, but a kindly feeling and judicial conside ration may keep everything quiet. CABINET CouNciL.—Summonses were issued yes terday to the several members of the Cabinet for a council this afternonr et three o'clock at Lord Palmerston's official residence in Downing •street. Lord Brougham has accepted the Presidency of the Edinburgh High School Club, to which he was re aeutly unanimously elected. GOLD SHIPS AT SEA.—The gold ships that have left Australia for England since the last mail are the Rox burgh Castle, on the 28th of August, with 50,399 ounces, or £201,000 ; and the Wellesley, on the 21st of September, with 76,961 ounces, worth about £308,000. The James Wilson, with £76,000, is now 124 days out, and insurances were effected on her to-day at the increased rate of eight guineas per cent. LARGE FAILURE. — The suspension is announced of Messrs. Amott Brothers and Co., silk mercers, of St. Paul's-churchyard, with liabilities of about £30,000, and assets presumed to be considerable. The failure is attri butable to large loses on stock during the depressed state of trade. The books have been placed in the hands of Mr. W. J, White, accountant. COPPER COINAGE.—In respect of a local scarcity of copper coin, referred to by a correspondent, we are de sired to intimate that the new bronze coin is supplied at the Mint to any amount from £5 upwards for its value in gold, notes, or old copper coin, free of charge. In the case of the exchange of old coin for new a premium of 2 per cent. is also allowed to the public upon the nominal value of the old coin brought in. Already £230,000 of the new coin has been issued, of which about £60,000 only was exchanged for old copper coin withdrawn. DIE DRAWBACK ON PAPER.—As illustrating the extent of business transacted by some of the principal firms engaged in the paper trade, it may be stated that the total drawback received by Messrs. Spalding and Hodge, of Drury-lane, on their stock of paper, represented £16,689 12s. Bd. The number of reams held by this house was 101,520, or 2,936,3651b5. weight. GALLANT LIFEBOAT SERVICES.—RESCUE OF EIGHTEEN SHIPWRECKED PERSONS. LOWESTOFT, Thursday Night.—This morning (says Captain Joachim, R.N.,) at nine o'clock the Lowestoft libeboat, in connection with the National Lifeboat Institution, was launched to the rescue of two vessels riding to windward of the Holm Sand. They were lying close to the breakers of that sand, The gale was at the time very heavy, and the two vessels were expected to be blown every moment on the sand, where the destruction of every one on board would be inevitable. The first vessel was the Whim, a pilot cutter, with seven men on board. The harbour steam-tug had gone to assist her, but was quite unable to venture near her; but the lifeboat having anchored to windward of the cutter, and having dropped down, was enabied to take her crew out. The lifeboat having been hauled up to her anchor, the steam-tug removed her to windward, when the boat was again fortunately enabled to repeat a similar merciful operation in rescuing the crew of eleven man of the Saucy Lass, a fishing lugger. By the assistance of the steam-tug the lifeboat was again, for the third time, removed from her perilous position, and I am happy to inform you we landed the eighteen hands all safe. I have great pleasure in reporting the gallant and skilful conduct of the boat's crew, with two of the North Sea pilots, who favoured us with their assistance, and must add that without the valuable aid of the steam-tug we could not have accomplished these important services to suffering humanity. It may be mentioned that Captain Joachim has been instrumental himself in rescuing a large number of shipwrecked persons, and had previously re ceived the silver medal and second service clasp of the National Lifeboat Institution, in acknowledgment of his gallant services. It is also worthy of notice, at this season of the year, that the lifeboats of the National Lifeboat Institution has been instrumental, during the last twenty two months, in rescuing four hundred and seventy-six ship wrecked persons from a watery grave. THE FRENCH MINISTRY.—The financial letters from Paris state that at the Council of Ministers, there was considerable discussion as to the conditions demanded by M. Fould before accepting the functions of Minister of Fi nance. He required that each Minister, and particularly the Ministers of War and Marine, should not be allowed to spend without limit, and merely como to him to find the means when the expenditure is made. He also asked for a certain control of the Moniteur, a reduction of the army, &c. M. Billault opposed all this, and wished to maintain things as they are. It was understood that the revenue of the year will bar3ly reach the sum it was estimated at, and that the tremendous deficit to be announced is attribut able almost entirely to the excess of expenditure in the army and navy and public works. The number of men voted was 393,000 men. The actual number under arms has bee nearer 600,000. M. FOULD'S REPORT. LATEST NEWS. our country in what concerned the execution of the great lines of communication. In fact. the bills presented by the Government were rejected, at one time in consequence of questions of the direction they were to take, and at another on ac count of the conditions of their concession: Some persons wished that the execution of the railways should be confided to the companies ; while others advocated the State undertaking them ; and be tween these two systems the general interest remained almost always disregarded. " The draft of the Senatus-Consultum of the 25th Dec., 1852, had therefore, for object to decide that all works of public utility, particularly those de signated by the laws of the 3d May, 1841, and the 21st April, 1842, should be ordered and authorised by decrees of the Emperor, as well as all unCertak ings of general interest. The credits applicable to those works and to those undertakings were to be opened according to the terms prescribed for extra ordinary credits, and submitted to the Legislative Body at its next session. THE MINISTERIAL CHANGE IN FRANCE. The Emperor has addressed the following letter to Count Walewski, Minister of State : "Palace of Compiegne, 12th Nov. " Monsieur le Ministre,—The opinion expressed this morning on our financial situation by M. Fould, in the sitting of the Privy Council and of the Council of Ministers, has my full approbation. " For some time past, as you are aware, my great desire has been to confine the Budget within stated limits, and often, when presiding over the Council of State, I have expressed my desire to that effect. " Unfortunately, unforeseen circumstances and ever-increasing necessities have prevented me from securing that result. The only effectual means of attaining the end in view, is resolutely to abandon the faculty which belongs to me of opening new credits in the absence of the Chambers. That sys tem will work without prejudice to the State, if, after an attentive examination of possible economies, a candid explanation of the real requirements of the Administration persuades the Legislative Body of the necessity of properly providing for the diffe rent services. " The Senate introduced a modification in that plan. The faculty of opening credits by decree was limited to the works executed for the account of the State, and if these works or undertakings had for conditions subsidies or engagements from the Trea sury, the credit could not be granted except by a law issued before the execution. "I now therefore inform you of my intention to convoke the Senate on the 2d of December, to in form it of my determination of relinquishing the power of opening, in the interval between the ses sions, supplementary or extraordinary credits. That resolution will form part of a Senatus-Consultum, which, according to my promise, will regulate by great sections the vote of the Budget of the diffe rent ministries. " As to the Budget, Art.l2 of the same Senatus- Consultum decided that it should be presented to the Legislative Body with its administrative divi sions by chapter and by article, but that it should be voted by the Ministry. The division by chapter of the credit accorded for each Ministry was to be regulated by decree of the Emperor, given in the Council of State. Lastly, by the same Art. 12, the power was given to the Government of effecting, by means of decrees of the Emperor, issued in the same form, transfers of funds from:one chapter to another. It was in order to avoid recourse to supplementary credits that the Senate gave the Government that now resource for providing for eventualities. " Such is the economy of our financial system, and the attacks to which it has been subjected seem to me in nowise founded. Consequences are as cribed to it for which it cannot be held responsible ; and the remedy proposed, the division of the vote according to the service in each ministry, would not produce the result which is hoped for. " The pure and simple return to the vote by special chapters would only displace responsibility by making the Legislative power intervene in the administration ; but it would not re-establish the equilibrium in our finances. However, since your Majesty has promised the division by great chap ters, I do not see any serious inconveniences in that modification, provided the chapters only certain great divisions. M. Dupin has justly said :—' All the budgets are presented and voted with an excess of receipts, and all are closed with a deficit (I).' " That state of things was not new, and when the most rigorous division by special chapters was exacted, for example from 1840 to 1847, the equi librium of the budget was not better maintained I have now before me an account of the supplemen tary and extraordinary credits opened in those eight years, they amount to nearly 1,200,000,000 francs, deduction being made of the credits an nulled, or about 150,000,000 f. a year. It is true that the years 1840 and 1841 required extraordi nary expenses on account of the crisis occasioned by the Eastern question, and that the budgets of War and Marine were exceptionally high in those two years. If we compare with that period the eight years from 1851 to 1858, it must be admitted that the expenses during the latter interval were more considerable, but account must be taken of the Eastern war, which has weighed so heavily on our finances. From 1851 to 1858, the supplementary and extraordinary credits amounted to not less than 2,400 millions, averaging 300 millions a year. De ducting the expenditure occasioned by the war in the East, which amounted to 1,348 millions, there will remain, for the second period, 1,050 millions, of supplementary and extraordinary credits, or about 130 millions a year. The justice of this comparison could not be fairly assailed by object ing that the extraordinary expenditure of 1840 1841 modified its terms, for, as a compensation, the occupation of Rome has, from 1851 to 1858, been an uninterrupted charge on our budgets. The difference between the two periods is moreover in favour of the latter. It is partly explained by the faculty of transfers from one account to another, which existed from 1853 to 1856. " Since 1857 the influence of transfers has become almost null, because the law of the sth May, 1855, and the Imperial decree of 10th November, 1856, again modified the legislation, and decided that from the Ist January, 1857, the transfer of credits from one chapter to another should be reserved to cover, after the first financial year, the insufficient allow ances for which it might be necessary to provide. But this modification is in direct opposition to the Senatus-Consultum of 25th December, 1852, which was never favourably viewed by the Council of State and the Administration of Finance. Their efforts have always tended to restrict, as far as possible, the exercise of the right of transfer, and they have rendered its application well nigh illusory by limiting it to the last two months of the financial year. Your Majesty knows that the Budget is not expended only in the year for which it is voted, and that the expenditure may also take place in the months of January and February of the year fol lowing. But, at that epoch, the funds appropriated to the different services are nearly all completely exhausted, and scarcely any are disposable when, according to the new provision of the law, the right of transfer comes into operation. That was not the end which the Emperor and the Senate had in view ; for the President, M. Troplong, had said, with great justice and authority, that the faculty of transfers, guarded, however, by rigorous guaran tees, was an almost certain means of keeping the Budget strictly within impassable limits.' " For my part, I attach the greatest import ance to the system of transfers. I sec in it the only practicable and effectual means of securing the public services in the absence of the Legis lative Body, and I think that the use of it must be re-established, as was decided by the Senatus- Consultum of the 25th December, 1852. in fact, let an unforeseen want reveal, in one part of the service, an insufficiency of any kind, it will be possible, by means of a transfer, to carry from one chapter to another the necessary supplement, leaving it to the Government to regularise that operation before the Legislative Body, and to have the funds replaced in the chapter from which they shall have been taken. "In renouncing the right, which was also even that of the constitutional sovereigns who preceded me, I think I am resolving on a course useful to the good management of our finances. Faithful to my origin, I cannot regard the prerogatives of the Crown either as a sacred deposit which cannot be touched, or as an inheritance from my fathers which must be transmitted intact to my son. As the Elect of the people, and representing their interests, I shall always abandon without regret any prero gative useless to the public welfare, in the same way as I shall preserve unshakeable in my hands all power indispensable to the tranquillity and pros perity of the country. " On this, Monsieur le Ministre, I pray God to have you in his Holy keeping. " NAPOLEON." The Emperor has addressed the following letter to M. Achille Fould " Palace of Compiegne, Nov. 4. " My dear Monsieur Fould,— " You pointed out with so much lucidity before the Privy Council, and the Council of Ministers a danger to my Government, and you supported your opinion by arguments of so convincing a nature, that I am decided on completely adopting your ideas, and on causing your memoire to be inserted in the Moniteur. " I accept your system the more willingly from the fact that for a long time I have sought, as you know, the means of solidly establishing the credit of the State by confining the Ministers within the regulated budget. But the new system will not work with advantage unless the man who has been able to study profoundly all the difficulties of it will resolve to devote himself to its execution. I therefore charge you with the portfolio of Finance, and I thank you for undertaking the task, the re sults of which will be favourable to the general in terests. lam persuaded that in this new position you will not cease to give me, as heretofore, proofs of devotedness and patriotism. "Receive, my dear Monsieur Fould, the assurance of my sincere friendship, " NAPOLEON." The following is the report from M. Fould to the Emperor, which was read in the sitting of the Privy Council, and of the Council of Ministers at the Tuileries, on the 12th Nov. : " Sire—Your Majesty has permitted your Go vernment to take before the Legislative Body the engagement of presenting to the Senate a plan-for the modification of the Senatus-Consultum of the 25th December, 1852. " I come, therefore, as your Majesty has deigned to authorise me to do, to submit to you, on the occasion of that change, the reflections with which my experience and my devotedness inspire me. I shall do so with a conviction so much the more pro found that your Majesty has without doubt not for gotten the share which I took in the important act which has to be modified. " The vices of the system which prevailed in our finances at the moment at which your Majesty sub mitted that act to the sanction of the Senate are already far from us, and in order to appreciate pro perly the importance of the object which your Ma jesty proposed to yourself, it is not without utility to speak of the past. " Under preceding Governments the tendency of the Chamber of Deputies had invariably been to take possession of the administration in all its de tails. That tendency was especially manifested in the exaggeration of the speciality which it was de sired to introduce in the obligatory appropriation of the sums voted for the public service even the least important. The divisions of the Budget, at first few in number, were progressively multiplied. As the budget was voted eighteen months before hand, it often occurred that certain services were insufficiently provided for, whilst others had too large a share. That error was at times inten tional, for the Government had the faculty of assisting the suffering services by supplementary credits granted without the previous consent of the Chambers, and the ministers often reduced their demands to avoid discussions. The regulations for keeping the public accounts did not permit the surplus funds attributed to any particular service to be tranferred to another, so that at the end of each year certain credits, not having been employed, had to be annulled, whilst others had to be opened to meet recognised deficiencies. Hence the impossi bility of ascertaining the exact financial situation, and of maintaining the resources equal to the re quirements otherwise than by the movements of the floating debt and the operations of the Treasury. " After the revolution of 1830, when the Par liamentary power received an immense extension, new exigencies were soon produced. They first showed themselves in subdividing different Minis terial budgets into a great. number of chapters, and in the insertion in the yearly financial law of a list of the particular chapters on which the Government had the right to open credits during the interval of the sessions—a useless precaution ; for that list, after a continual struggle of the Ministers against the finance committees, came at last to comprise 75 chapters. " It was not only the opening of supplementary credits in the absence of the Chambers which the transfers would prevent ; it was also the opening of extraordinary credits. In fact, the most grave and the most unlooked for circumstances might find resources in our vast budget, and give the means of waiting for the meeting of the Legislative Body; and, moreover, the more unexpected was the cause, the more readily admitted would be the transfer which would be made (2). "The complaints made against the administration " The tribune first, and then the press, gave great prominence to those debates. They both vigorously attacked the administration of finance, and rendered it suspected by public opinion ; and the reform of the finances was made a weapon against the Govern ment in the elections. (1). This assertion is a little exaggerated, the Budget of 1858 having presented an excess of receipts. (2) . " The faculty of transfers from one chapter to an other," said M. Bineau, " will suppress almost all the annulments of credit, and it must, on the other hand, do away with almost all the supplementary credits."—Report of H. I3ineau, liftnieter of Finance, 1853. " The sad effects of those Parliamentary struggles were a lesson for the persons wh ) had followed them, and it was not doubtful that it constituted a danger which a new Government ought carefully to avoid. That opinion was still more strengthened by the attempts made in 1852 by the Legislative Body, and which manifested themselves in the re port of the committee on the Budget. Thus, among the modifications to be introduced in the Constitu tion of the 14th Jan., 1852, the Emperor, in addi tion to certain prerogatives in conformity with the new destinies of France, called in the first place for a reform in the financial system of the country. Not only would he resume what had been succes sively taken from the Government in a vote of the Budget, but he also reserved to himse lf the initia tive of undertakings of general i n t e rest. It was thus that your Majesty put an end to fruitless dis cussions and to prejudicial postpenements, particu larly on the occasion of the directions to be taken by the railway lines, and in the conditions of detail in their working. " The Emperor doubtless remembered that it was to the interference of the Chambers in the administration that was due the inferiority of " The first of the considitions, which I have always con sidered as indispensable, was the closing ef the Grand Livre, but as everything holds together in our great finan cial system, that condition required that in the first place an end should bo put to the increase of the deficits. Since 1855 the progress of them has, in fact, been checked, and as to the future, the decree of the 10th November last, which subjects to a rigorous control the opening of supple- mentary credits, and which prescribes the keeping the expenses within the limits of realised resources, must be a guarantee, as it were, infallible, of order and equilibrium." —Report of M. Magne, Minister of Finance, 1857. " It has appeared to us," said M. Schneider, Vice-Presi dent of the Legislative Body, in his report on the Budget of 1854, " that this right of transfer must for the future give to the provisions of the Budget, taken in the whole, a character for truth and exactitude which they previously wanted, but on condition that, while avoiding exaggerated grants, which allow of abusive expenses, the services should have been properly endowed. In fact, the insufficiency which in the course of the year should appear on the pre visions of certain chapters, might then be made up by the surplus b on other chapt er s. A double advantage may b© expected from this system : en the one hand, the Minister, of our finances, and the experience of the last few years; have not changed my views. I desired in 1852, as I desire now, the suppression of extraordi nary and supplementary credits apart from the vote of the Legislature, for your Majesty will permit me to say on this subject all I think. The real danger for our finances is in the liberty which the Government possesses of decreeing expenses with out the control of the Legislative power ; and, as has been justly said, nothing is more difficult than to struggle against the most legitimate of desires — that of making useful expenses. " With a Budget well arranged, and in which all the services should be sufficiently provided for, the abandonment of that prerogative would not present any inconvenience in the despatch of public busi ness. A great neighbouring country has never given the executive Government the latitude of disbursing any sum whatever without a previous vote, and yet the special application of the sums voted by the Parliament is absolute. The number of chapters inscribed in the Budget is about 240. The Ministers of Marine and War alone, on ac count of their services being disseminated over all the surface of the globe, have the power of making transfers, and those operations which must be sub mitted to Parliament are surrounded with exces sively minute conditions (3). "In all countries where the representative sys tem prevails, especially in Belgium and Holland, the same thing occurs. "I seek examples which might be cited against my opinion; I endeavour to figure to myself sudden necessities; and I do not discover a single objection which may not be easily met. A public calamity occurs in the absence of the Chambers—the funds of the Ministry of the Interior and of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce are ready to afford the first assistance by means of transfers. A war becomes necessary ;—the Government can concen trate on a single service the active forces of the Ministries of War and Marine, the resources of which amount to no less than 500 or 600 millions per annum. Moreover, in such eventualities the Emperor would hasten to convoke the Legislative Body, and he might rely on its support, all the more absolute as the occasion should be more urgent: "I have said that the Budget ought to be care fully calculated and sufficiently provided for in every part. Already, in 1853 and 1856, the same thought had determined the revision of all the chapters, and a rather considerable increase in some of them. Nevertheless, supplementary credits have continued •to increase, and their extension has been so much the more dangerous because they were not always kept within the conditions traced by the law. lam not indisposed to admit that, since 1856, further augmentations have become necessary. Let them be demanded, and the Legis lative Body will not hesitate to grant them, as soon as the Emperor, on his side, shall relinquish the faculty of opening supplementary and extraordi nary credits by decrees. I venture to affirm that such an exchange would be easy, and the two powers would both equally gain thereby. " The Constitution has reserved to the Legisla tive Body the right of voting the taxes; but this right would be almost illusory if things were to remain in their present state. In fact, what is the value of a control exercised over expenditure 18 months after it has taken place P And whom can it affect, if not the Chief of the State, since Ministers are responsible to him alone ? Might not we also question the utility of discussing the Budget in the Council of State and in the Legislative Body, if, in spite of the reductions accepted or imposed, the Government can, after the session, increase the ex penditure of every kind ? " In the comparison which I have made of the results of the last eight years of the monarchy of July, and of the eight years from 1851 to 1858, I have shown that, apart from the facts relative to war, there is not between those two epochs great differences, and that that which existed was in fa vour of the period nearest to us. Unfortunately, since 1858, facts have assumed greater ga.vity. The supplementary and extraordinary credits, which were 83,000,000 f. in 1859, rose to 115,000,000 f. in 1860, and in 1861 they approach 200,000,000 f., without counting those which must be opened in consequence of the dearness of provisions. It has been seen with regret that the most considerable of these credits have been opened immediately after the session. " In studying the financial question, it is easy to foresee that, without a change of system, we shall soon find ourselves beset with serious embarrass ments. The eight years from 1851 to 1858 have opened extraordinary credits to the amount of 2,400 millions. If to this sum be added 400 millions for the three years, 1859, 1860, and 1861, it will be seen to what extent the public debts and the defi cits of the Treasury have increased. " To meet these expenses recourse has been bad to every form of credit, and with the assent of the obliged to keep himself definitively within the limits of his Budget, will be naturally called upon to realise all the par tial savings compatible with the wants of the service ; and, on the other hand, we may see disappear those annulments of credit and those supplementary credits, which every year overthrow provisions, and render the vote of the Bud get too illusory. In the new conditions in which w e find ourselves placed. we cannot too strongly urge that sup plementary credits should for the future disappear, that extraordinary credit be not called for, except in unforeseen cases, or under circumstances exceptional and really urgent. The suppression cf supplementary credits and of the annul ments of credits appears to us to be one of the capital condi• tions of the new regime. It is on this condition that We can proclaim as a result as serious, as considerable, the equilibrium of the Budget of 1854." "In 1855, Baron Paul de Richemont, reporter of the Budget of 1856, expressed himself in the following terms —" Financial order, towards which all efforts ought to tend, cannot, we do not hesitate to say, be realised except on con dition of cutting short the supplementary credits, which, with some rare exceptions, can no longer be justified, and of reserving the extraordinary credits for completely unfore seen circumstances, of real imperious interests, and of urgency, which cannot be disputed. If it were otherwise, those extra budgetary credits, not made up by surplus re venue, would destroy the equilibrium of the receipts and expenditure, falsify the voted Budget, and by increasing the deficits, would consequently lead to an augmentation Of the floating debt." The same ideas are set forth in the reports of M. Alfred Le Roux, on the Budget of 1857; of M. Lequin, reporter on the bill relative to the supplementary and extraordinary credits of 1854, 1855, and 1856 ; of M. Devinck, reporter of the Budget of 1859 ; M. Lonvet, reporter on the bill relative to the supplementary and extraordinary credits of the ses sion of 1859, and several others. (3). The Ilioniteur, published on the 2d Aug., 1861, de tails respecting the vote of the English Budget, which I have ascertained to be correct, and which will give your Majesty an idea of the severe control exercised by the Par liament over public expenses. The following is an ext ract from the Ilfootiteur . _ " Vote of the English Budget.—The English Parliament is about to terminate its session by passing a bill in which all the grants of money made to the C rown by th e H o use Commons are united, and subjected to the sanction of the Legislature. This measure is at this moment passing rapidly through its different phases. The following is a sketch. of the financial machi nery emp l oye d i n t h e paymen t o f ex penses in England : " In virtue of the law referred to, the Controller •GerLeral of the Exchequer, who is one of the great functionaries of State, is independent of the Executive Government, and directly responsible to Parliament, accords credits to the different Administrations for each grant separately voted by the Parliament. These credits are opened at the Bank of England, which, as is known, receives taxes for the Go vernment, and does so for the account of the Controller- General of the Exchequer. The Controller on his part only opens credits on warrants signed by the Sovereign. " In consequence of this operation thus controlled, the Executive Government cannot introduce any modification into each grant made by Parliament, which remains sepa rate and distinct ; and each Ministry cannot, as a general rule, spend more than the special sum awarded by the Le gislature for a special object. There is, however, an excep tion to that rule. The Treasury can modify the grants made for the army and navy, on the condition that the transfers made in the details of the credit shall not exceed the total sum voted by Parliament, and that besides an account shal be given to Parliament in the following session of the real sons for the modification. " Apart from the grant of special credits for specified objects, there is granted every year to the English Govern ment, under the title of gener al credit for different pur poses,' a sum of £lOO,OO O ster lin g , of which also an account must be given to Parliament. That grant for different pur poses, and the capital of about £2,000,000 sterling, which represents the operations of the Treasury, are the only sums in England which are not under the absolute control of the Legislature of the country . Thu s , i n th e event of an un foreseen eventuality occurring, as was the case when the decision was adopted of paying the funeral of the Duke of Wellington out of the funds of the State, there is no other alternative than to convoke the Parliament in order to ob tain the moues. — .Private Corropngenee. I .