The Sun. — London, England, 1825-10-22 00:00:00

COUNTY of NORFOLK ANTI-SLAVERY MEETING. In consequence of a Requisition addressed to JOHN HARVEY, Esq., High Sheriff of Norfolk, a Meeting . wf the Nobility, Gentry, &c. was convened upon last Thurs .-slay, at the Shire Hall, for the purpose of expressing their sentiments upon the present state of Colonial Slavery, and pe titioning the Legislature to have effect given to the Resolutions of last Session. The names attached to the Requisition prove the degree of interest which the question has excited in Norfolk. Among them we find the following:— ‘lbernarle; I3entinck ; Stat . - :ford ; Suffield ; Calthorpe; 11. Worwich ; J. Astley ; W. B. liolkes ; T. W. Coke ; E. Wodehouse; 1). Gurney ; and T. Buxton. The HIGH StnertlFF read the Requisition. He thus far performed the duty which those wlio signed the document re quired ' • and it would be for them to appoint their Chair man. bordSUFFIELD was of opinion, that upon the present occa sion there could be no doubt upon the part of the Meeting. He would therefore propose that the High Sheriff should act in that capacity. The proposition being unanimously assented to. 'fhe HIGH Sineureer felt no hesitation in accepting the fa vour conferred upon him, and from the rank, talent, and re apeetability of those whom he saw around him, he augured most favourably for the success of the measure which they had in view. He would enter into no details upon the subject. Ile would state briefly that the intention of the Meeting was to effect a mitigation in the system of Colonial Slavery at pre sent, .and to pursue such measures as may lead to its final ex tinction. With respect to the Resolutions to be submitted, he was sure there would be but one feeling and one sentiment 'urn the hearts and minds of those whom he had the honour to address. It was, he thought, unnecessary to assert that slavery ought to be abolished. The denial of this would be an act of wickedness. It Was the intention of the Requisi tionists to support, by all possible means, the benevolent in tentions of Government. There was one gross anomaly to which he could not refrain from adverting. We had all witnessed the abolition of slavery. We were well aware that it was declared to be felony. It was the peculiar pri. vilege of our constitution, that when a slaie set his foot upon British soil he became free. Under these circumstances it niust appear almost an impossibility that nearly one million of our fellow-men should continue slaves; that not only the parents should be reduced is this condition, but that children yet unborn should be subject to the severest punish intuit next to the loss oflife; that they should be held the goods and chattels of their masters. It was, in his opinion, a gross contradiction, that slavery should be abolished, and that no measure should be as yet devised to prevent future generations from becoming slaves. Such a state was agreeable neither to the British Constitution nor to the maxims of our holy religion. SlaVery could not exist wherever the principles of the one, or the precepts of the other, had their proper influence. It was said that difficulties were to be encountered, and dangers were to he overcome. His answer to such an objection was, that such obstacles were to be met by fortitude and perseverance, and that means should be devised fer the purpose of surmounting them. When dangers and difficulties were to be discussed, there was no class of men which he could address with more propriety than the officers of the Navy, many of whom he saw present.— He appealed to them, and to none could an appeal be made with more propriety than to those men who were in the habits of sur enounting difficulties and dangers, with honour to themselves and benefit to the country. He hoped he would he pardoned for thus giving his opinion upon the subject ; he knew it was not his strict duty, but he could not upon this occasion be governed by reere discretion. He would conclude by reading the Reso lutions adopted by the House of Commons in 1823, which were the foundation of this meeting. (Here the High Sheriff read the Resolutions of 1823 as carried in the House of Commons, stating the expediency of ameliorating the state of the popula tion in our West India Colonies, and of improving the character of our slaves, so as to make them fit for the participation of the privileges enjoyed by others. In the Third Resolution, the House expressed its anxiety to make a fair and equitable consi deration to the parties interested.) The Requisition for calling the Meeting having been read, Lord W. 111:14TINCK said, that if the duty which he was about to perform required the least talent or ability upon the part of the ativcsate, he would not obtrude upon the meeting ; but he felt convinced that the principle.: of his resolution ; would meet a hearty assent from the heads and hearts of all those who heard him. The resolutions which were proposed wrest to pledge the meeting to the support of the policy laid down by the Government; and here he would for one affirm, candidly, that lie did not approve of the Orders in Council ad vised by Mr. Canning, in the year 1823. He thought these Orders would not attain the desired object, nor had lie been mistaken in his supposition. In his opinion, friendly remon strances end gentle precepts were calculated to produce little 31Tect upon the body of the West India Planters. This he in ferred from the constant resistance made by that class to the emancipation of the negrocs, in the time of the great and good Mr. Wilberforce. During that period, little was done by the planters far the amelioration of the slaves. In speaking of the merest India Planters, lie wished to be understood as speaking of them as a body ; there were, he knew, amongst them, many great and splendid exceptions to the conduct to which he al luded. From the general conduct of this class he could have wished the character of the Orders to be much more energetic 'than it was. He must also complain of a gross omission in these Orders ; they took no notice whatever of the condition of the negro chibiren. These were also consigned to slavery, a circumstance inconsistent with the principles of our Constitu tion—of Christianity—of humanity. The imported negro may be said to be unfit for liberty, but surely this unfitness did not extend to his children;; if it did, it was decidedly our fault. Why did we not redeem the child ? Why did we not educate Lim in the spirit of Christianity, and make him as fit as our - selves for the blessings of freedom ? lie knew it might be said . -that the child was property, and that a pecuniary compensa tion should be made to the master : to this he made no objec tion whatever; he would propose no measure upon this head. It was not his intention to dictate to his Majesty's Ministers, of whose sincerity and determination to carry their resolutions into effect he had not the slightest doubts ; his zeal might have carried him farther, but he would not surrender his opinion to theirs. The question was one of great difficithy ; it was sur rounded by embarrassments of every kind; and Ministers would, of course, devise the best means of getting over them. Hi thanked the meeting for the honour done him, and would road the resolutions which he intended to propose. " 1. That the system of Slavery, as it is now maintained in the West Indies and other Colonies of Great Britain, a system which degrades many hundred thousands of our fellow men to tile condition of chattels, to be bought and sold at pleasure, ap pears to this Meeting to be utterly inconsistent with the ina lienable natural right of men, with the benevolent precepts of Christianity, and with those essential principles of that British Constitution, which ought to secure to all his Majesty's sub jects, wherever situated, an equal participation in the benefit of the laws. 2. That we consider it our bounden duty, as Christians and Englishmen, to promote by all justifiable means, and with a due consideration of the interests of all parties concerned, the immediate mitigation of that system, and its total extinction at the, earliest, safest, and practicable period ; and that we cor dially approve of the Resolution to this effect proposed by Mr. Cginning to the House of Commons in May, 1823, and unani mously adopted by that Honourable House. it is with the deepest regret we observe, that the wise proposals made by his Majesty's Government for the pur poi of effecting these just and benevolent ends have either re ceived little or no attention from the several West Indian CO lenial Legislatures, or, after consideration, have been positively rejected. 4. That, under these circumstances, we consider it our duty to support the Government in tie prosecution of their great object, and to petition the Parliament of Great Britain to take such further measures as may appear to them to be most desirable, in order to surmount the difficulties occasioned by so Unreasonable an opposition, and effect the immediate mitiga tion, and, with as little delay as possible, the final and entire abolition of British Colonial Slavery." fdr. T. KETT expressed his hearty wishes for the success of the meeting, and seconded them. Colonel WODEIIOUSE, M.P. was anxious to rescue himself from the imputations of hostility, or even of indifference to the interesting cause which was now under their discussion ; and though be had the misfortune to differ from many most respect able gentlemen whom he saw near him, he would yield to no man "..1 zeal and ardour in behalf of the unfortunate African. Me would be unworthy of the name of an Englishman who, Aimself possessing the blessings of a free Constitution, did not dispense them to every part of the globs. For this opinion he claimed no merit • it required little ability to proclaim that Slavery ought to be abolished; but he feared this call for the speedy abolition would be most detrimental to that cause which they all supported. It was with no little astonishment he heard that gentlemen opposite affected to come forward and call this meeting upon a friendly footing with his Majesty's Ministers, and affected to approve of the resolutions of 1823. Such con duct would be most proper, nothing could be more so, if, in stead of approving of, and reposing confidence in, Ministers, they held them in suspicion and distrust; if we were dissatisfied Wcith Government, nothing could be better than to call a county meeting. With these meetings he was well acquainted ; they were no where held with more frequency than in Norfolk ; and, under certain circumstances, nothing could be more proper or .., snore constitutional than to call the county together and petition Parliament, or lay our grievances before the Throne; but he was perfectly at a loss to account for ttre calling of a meeting to tell Ministers they approved of their conduct. Would net Mi nisters say this was a most extraordinary way of chewing ap probation ? This was a ease beset with difficulties, and those who pursued a certain line of conduct endangered the lives and properties of the West India planters and the .safety of the Co. lonies. It was gross inconsistency on the part of those who called the meeting; if they were hostile to Ministers their con duct was no doubt right. He would put a case to the meeting. If Ministers took off bisrthens and reduced the taxes, and a meet ing was called at which those assembled said they were satisfied with Government for what they had hitherto done, but they should do more, Ministers might say they were obliged for such hostility. The case before them was of a much stronger nature. It was stated as a ground of this meeting that the Colonial Le gislatures treated the Orders in Council with disregard. This was, he thought, most unreasonable ; for, admitting that the Colonial Legislatures disregard the votes of the two Houses of Parliament, hacked as they are by the country, are we to expect that they will mind what we say ; it is the greatest fallacy to think that, under the circumstances, this meeting of Norfolk, respectable as it is, will not he laughed at. Your conduct is a mere waste of time, and will provoke a smile of contempt upon the part of the colonists. But there is another body of people who will pay the greatest posale attention to your proceed ings; these are the slaves. Your speeches, your resolutions, and petitions, will be sent to the colonies; the slaves will be told of your conduct by vicious and designing people, or, what is worse, by those who have no judgment upon the subject; they will be told that the people of Norfolk, and of England, wish them to be free; and they should act in a manner worthy of freedom. The slaves would quickly take the hint and mur der many of their masters. Would not the blood of the plan ters be on the heads of those who gave such suggestions? If in consequence of such meetings blood was shed, would not the blood be on the heads of those woo called such meetings._ (No, no, and loud tumults.)—lle knew there were many enthu siasts who thought the more blood spilled the better. There were many •entlemen present, one in particular, who st oo d in the place of the good Mr. Wilberfore ; but he lamented" these individuals were not as judicious and cautious as lie. This question divided itself into three heads, one was the abo lition of the trade; and here lie must note the caution of Mr. Wilberforce, who, though he had the abolition constantly in his mind, never mentioned it. He spoke merely of the trade. In this cause lie had laboured for half a century, and he never spoke of emancipation; this he knew would be the extinction of the question, but the pamphlets which we now see every where speak of nothing else. His (Col. W.'s) advice would ' be, mitigate slavery, improve the slaves, make them Chris ' tians. To this state they should be advanced before they were worthy of the qualifications of free men. This moderate course was far from that pursued at present. It was far from that comprehended in the phrase, Emancipation, now used in pam phlets, and which served as the watch-word upon the occasion. This. would put back the cause half a century, perhaps for ever, and endanger the safety of the Colonies. lie was not afraid of speeches delivered here or elsewhere ; if injudiciouS, they were answered ; but it was not so with pamphlets ; they were circu lated every where; the poison was read, but not the antidote. If those who styled themselves the friends of this measure in sisted upon Ministers pressing and hastening their course, they would be the means of putting off the cause perhaps for ever. He regretted the difficulties that were in the way ; he also re gretted those that were attached to the resolutions themselves. With regard to the Ministers and the Parliament, they were inconsistent ; and with regard to the Colonial Legislatures, they were a mere fallacy. \net he had said would not pre vent any man from signing the petition : he himself would not sign it—God forbid lie should. He was sure those who signed would injure the cause; but he called upon them to be con sistent. He called upon them to withdraw their sentiments of confidence, and say they signed the document because they completely distrusted his Majesty's Government. Mr. BUXTON was aware that there were many gentlemen present who, in a meeting of the county of Norfolk, were en titled to a hearing before him upon every question, with the single exception of this. But to this cause the greatest part of his short political life had been devoted, and he could not hear hitnself, and those with whom he had the honour to act, de scribed as eager for, and desirous of, the destruction of the planters, and anxious to raise insurrection through the West India Islands—he could not hear himself charged and mixed up with the consequences of certain pamphlets, without rising to repel such imputations. [Here Col. WoDEnonsE explained. He did not allude to any thing that was said by the Hon. Gentleman ; he merely spoke of certain writings that had been disseminated.] Mr. BusToN confined himself to pamphlets circulated, not by individuals, but to those published by the Society ; and from what had been advanced in these, he did not wish to shrink in the slightest degree, and he held himself perfectly answerable for their contents. He had been charged with a wish to shed blood—with raking up old stories, by the Gallant Colonel, who had in die commencement of his speech stated his concurrence in their opinion, and his detestations of slavery, but had con cluded by affirming that these opinions were proofs of hostility to Ministers, and would cause the shedding of blood in the West Indies. With regard to compensation, he had asserted there and elsewhere that he was a friend to it. He wished compensation should be given to all who were injured in their property. He wished it should be given to the planter. But was there not one who had a stronger claim—was it not due to the negro who was not despoiled of his property alone but of all the blessings of life? A comparison had been made with regard to Sir. Wilber force. In his time all was moderation, all was different from his (Mr. Buxton's) earnest and anxious desire. Within these two days lie had received a letter front Mr. Wilberforce, who was said to be startled at their rapidity. In this letter lie stated in terms of the highest exultation, that his heart was cheered in consequence of the county of Norfolk coming forward to testify its adherence of this detestable traffic.—(Cheers.)—As to the word " Emancipation," all the newspapers talked with the greatest freedom and unconcern of this awful and mysteri ous word. Amidst scenes of confusion and of horror are we answerable for the blood that may be shed?—(No, no.) —We have been told of insurrections in the West Indies; we have heard they would take place, and so they did. We ad mit the fact, but who caused them ? He would give a little his tory of these tnsurrections—the first took place in the parish of St. Mary (this was known by a reference to the :Parliamentary Papers), in Jamaica. A man of the name of Roberts, had, it seems, been scolding his slave, and he naturally wishing to turn the discourse to some other object, told his master they were to hare an insurrection ; in consequence of this, upon the 17th of December, seven men were apprehended, tried on the 19th, and in five days after they were executed. This took place upon the testimony of a boy, a woman, and a man. Ile may be asked what were his objections to the testimony ? They were these—the boy was not sworn at all ; he was ignorant of the nature and obligation of an oath; this, though it appear ed to be a disqualification as to his being sworn, was none as to his giving testimony. He objected to the strangeness of the tale and to the flat contradictions of the parties; he object ed, because the son gave testimony against his father, and the woman against the mart to whom she was married ; he object ed, because the son hanged the parent, and the wife hanged the husband. The man who was the third witness was not sworn; his tale was altogether incredible ; he said that he was walking along the road for water, he saw a large body of people plotting insurrection,—they, no doubt, sought the high road for the pur pose of secresy, and spoke of course, in the loudest tone of voice that they might not be heard. The boy did not confirm the testimony of the man ; the latter saw a great multitude of men and women, the former saw but six men and no women. Their discrepancy in this was not more singular than their agreement in others ; in every thing the boy recollects only what the man sees. The parties were arrested on the 17th, convicted on the 19th, and executed on the 25th s they had no evidence ; they were not allowed Counsel to cross-examine; they were in fact hurried to their trial, and thence to the gallows. The .Judge before whom they were tried, wrote to the Governor that he in sisted upon the Magistrates trying them immediately, as it was highly desirable they should be executed before Christmas, and the men were executed upon Christmas Day with all due decorum. He would now assert it was the Planters who were, though unintentionally, the cause of murders. To his statement it may be said, there were difficulties in the case, and the first question to be asked was, if there was any corroboration of the testimony against these men. He would confess there war; there was the testimony of Gordons an overseer, who, whilst in bed, heard a gun fired and a trumpet sounded; upon this he walks in his gar d en , an d t e ll s w h a t h e h ears an d sees a s indica tions of approaching rebellion ; two men in white frocks approach and utter these treasonable words—" this will never do." With out knowing the meaning of these words, he writes an account to Government, and the two men are sent to England, to silence the incredulous upon the subject. Were arms discovered ? They were not; all the Police of Jamaica were employed to find out the arsenal, but without effect. One man named Angel, the chief of the establishment, was more fortunate, as he discovered —not arms, but a house with a door, against which arms may be pl ace d ; he found no bayonets—but he found a basket, out of which they may be taken. When questioned about powder, shot, and the stores of war, he found only a few grains of shot, and one ball, whether for the purpose of destroy ing our large army, or the game of the country, could not be explained. Did the men confess ?—the Judge says that only one of the wr etc h es w h o was execute d w i t h suc h decorum, ex hibited sentiments of repentance or religion. Repentance, with regard to that plot ! They had no more need of it than those whom he saw before him ; and as to religion, they had none. More shame to those who fattened upon their labours, who worked them with the cart whip, and left them like brutes in want of relio ' ion.—This was the reproach of the planters, who left them without instruction, who stole from them their sabbath, and defrauded them of all means of acquir ing a knowledge of their Saviour and their God. The Judge had affirmed that one of these men had made a con fession. As to tht, he (Mr. B.) was incredulous; the persons who sent th night ramblers of Gordon to England, would not have (united an important confession. The plot was perfectly incredible. One of the negroes who gave testimony was tempted and intmidated; there was no corroborating proof, no arms. no confesson ; he was therefore justified in saying there was no plot. :Ilion another occasion 13 men were con victed of treason ; tieir sentence was sent to the Governor, who had the benefitof legal advice, and his answer to the Ma gistrates was, that tiere was no evidence of concert or combi nation for eriminaleurposes against them, and he reversed the sentences of nine, tle tenth was imprisoned for a short time in consequence of sonu idle expressions which he might have uttered for aniusenent. As to the second position, that they should repose confdence in Ministers. this should be done, he presumed, in consequence of die smooth and rapid manner in which every thing went on. The Gallant Colonel could eearce ly believe that there were still 800,000 of our fellow creatures in slavery. lie did certainly repose confidence in Ministers, particularly upon Mr. Canning, who, up ii this question, had acted in a mosecreditable m a nner, but it should be recollected that all the assistance hitheeto derived was confined to expres sions. The system still went on. He was aware of the manly language of Mr. Canning, who had affirmed that if he met with resistarre from the Colonies, amounting to contumacy, he would come to Parliament for new powers, but he would pre fer mildness The day was at length come when the Minister should stand to his promise, and be required to be upheld by the people tf England. Such was the power of the planters, that, es Parliament was at present constituted, Mr. Canning could not fu:fil his pledge if the people of England did not rise against the abomination. Copies of the Orders in Council were sent to Trinidad, and thence to the other Colonies, as a pattern. By some they were received with the greatest contempt. Other Colonies behaved more manfully. They were so convinced of the correctness of their own system that they said they would not alter it. He would confine him self to time question of amelioration. If he wished to dis close certain facts, he could harrow up their feelings by stating instaeces of a man's conduct when he was in full possession of authority. Within this century there was a law passed in I3arbadoes, said to be for the better security of the subject; it stated that there was in the island a great number of negrees, mulattos, and others, the killing of whom would be, by the law of England, murder, and would subject the party to the loss of lif e a nd property ; but this law should be altered, as the persons alluded to were, from the brutishness of their nature, valued only as goods and chattels; and it is enacted, that when, for any crime, or supposed crime, they were put to death, the individual should not he liable to any ar raignment, imprisonment, or trial whatever. This was not now the law ; it certainly was ameliorated, and the - law, thus im proved, was sent over here to meet the wishes of the people. There was, he admitted, a most important change in the law of evidence ; but it had not abolished the flogging of women nor the absolute power of the master--:it did not put down the driving system, nor give the negro the power of redemption ; neither did it give him the Sabbath. This was the Act of which the egregious Legislators spoke in splendid terms, and said it would endear their n a m es to all posterity, and yet this celebrated Act leaves the negro not a man, but a mere thing to be bought and sold, to be paid as a debt or left as a legacy ; it left him a man, saleable an floggable, without the name, though unfor tunately not without the feelings of a man ; it left him deprived of all rights, shorn of all privileges. He had no marriage, no child, no Sunday. This code, though ameliorated, was full of flogging. This was the punishment even for trotting a horse— this is the punishment for the slightest possible offence ; but if the negro.raise his hand against his master—if he lift his finger against the white man, in defence of his life, or the chastity of his wife, it is death without the benefit of Clergy. In Deme rara, the planters say that their interest in 'a slave is a fee simple absolute. In Trinidad the whip is said to be essential. Some West India papers which he had seen illustrate this in a manner which, as it alludes to a Nobleman present, may be a little laughable. They say the whip is as essentially neces sary in the West Indies, my Lord Calthorpe, as the liberty of the press or trial by Jury to you. They further maintain that the welfare and happiness of the working classes could not exist without the whip. The time was now come when the people of the country must instruct their Members as to their feelings upon the subject. He did not wish to harrass their feelings with a picture drawn from indubitable authority—he did not wish to lead them to the daily life and walk of the negro. Some one would, however, shortly come forward with the horrid detail of these miseries, and exhibit them to the eyes of the astonished country. The negro was perpetually flogged, ids child was perpetually flogged, they bore upon their backs the. old and new scars ! If he were asked his authority for these assertions, he would say they ob tained it in the office of the Fiscal, who, upon complaints made to him by the negroes, generally gives them a severe flogging by way of redress. In the House of Commons, he moved for papers from Demerara, and added to his motion the Island of Berbice, by mere accident, if that strange contingency by which Providence brines deeds of darkness to light, can be called accident. In Deilserara no accounts were found, but those from Berbice were such as to shock and horrify. It was from these he learned to dislike that coldness which impels a man to think he does well when he professes himself an enemy to slavery in ti;,2 abstract, though he does not oppose it when in the House of Commons—who advises us to put our trust in Ministers,and tells us that,as the penalty of our assembling here to.day, we shall be laughed at by time Colonists. It was from these he learned that eight hundred thousand of our fellow subjects, treasures of the same God, guilty of no crime but a difference of complexion, were in a state of vile and detestable slavery. It was from these lie learned to repeat the word eman cipation—he learned to think day and night of their miseries, and to apply all the faculties of his mind and of his heart to the overthrow of the system. He would once more say, let not the emancipation be immediate, but let it be such as will give protection and liberty to time children, and let be coupled to as great an extent as you please, with a liberal and fair indem nity to the masters. The lion. Gentleman sat down amidst loud applause. Mr. J. J. GunxEv bore ample testimony to the sentiments of Colonel Wodehoune upon the question of emancipation, and though he had a mistaken view of time nature of the Meeting, he believed the feelings of the Gallant Colonel were perfectly accordant with those of his friends upon the subject. Lord SUFFIELD was decidedly of opinion that the public opinion should be expressed at the present moment, for the purpose of promoting the avowed object of Ministers. This object was worthy of a Christian, humane, and generous people. How was it to be effected but by the force of public opinion, which would break the chains that bound the negroes in degra dation and misery ? Are not the negroes like ourselves, pos sessing the same faculties, and governed by the same passions ? Have they not the same share with us in God's kingdom ? Will any man dare say this is not the case ? Will any man dare thus to calumniate his Maker? Are the negroes free and happy as persons thus constituted ought to be, or is not human nature brutalized in their persons? It remained for the people of Norfolk, and of England, this day, to see the picture that may be exhibited : to hear of the wife torn from the bosom of the husband—to hear of the daughter ripening into maturity,whose look of innocence, and voice of kindness, were the comforts of her parents, torn from their protection, and sacrificed a victim to barity and lust ? They might hear of females far advanced in pregnancy forced to slave-labour. Here the HIGH SHERIFF appealed to his Lordship's good taste, and asked if, in consequence of the presence of ladies in the gallery, general instances would not suffice. Lord SUFFIELD said there was not a man in England who had a higher respect for the female sex, but he had a duty to discharge to 800,000 f e ll ow crea t ures , a nd he felt bound to speak plainly. Pregnant women were sent to pick coffee, and when they could n o t stan d t h ey were o bli ge d to wor k u p on their knees. Child ren i n consequence came t o th e w o r ld prema turely, and in some cases, from the violence practised upon the parents, with the arm broken and the eye knocked out. These facts were vouched upon the authority of the Fiscal, and would, he trusted, arm the gigantic might of public opinion against the system. The habit of branding men for offences in this country was discontinued as too barbarous, but the negroes were branded without offence at all. They were . allowed no Sunday—they had no marriage tie—the blessings of the Gospel were withheld from them—they were encouraged in habits of licentiousness. In a population of 65,000 black and white, the complexion of 40,009 slims at once their lineage and the state of society. The law in some of the colonies is now amended. Ifs black offer violence to a white he may be punished at the discretion of two justices, short of life and limb. If a negro aid or abet a slave in escaping from the islands, he may be punished in a similar manner. If a white man commit this offence lie is subject to a fine of 1001. Lord Bathurst objected to this law that it was founded in injustice, and inflicted the greater punishment upon the less aggravated crime. As the white man was higher in rank and education, he was the greater criminal, and his punishment should be more severe. His . Lordship made a similar comment upon the law respecting perjury. By the law of Barbadoes, the looseness with which clauses were worded authorized a negro to be punished if he had a single article of property. He would now re fer to the documents lately procured from the Fiscal's Office in Berbice. It would, perhaps, be well to add that the Fiscals were the authorised protectors of the slaves; there were but three of them in the colonies, and but for these officers no information at 'all would he procured. From these it appeared that women carrying children upon their b a cks were required to weed grass and coffee, and were flogged r d. s u ck lng their children ; their clothes were stained with b she could not three stakes Com plaints were made, but the Fiscal does not favour us with the result. In another instance a female was tied to and flogged with cart-whips ; her fault was that . be sold. A man named Felix had a black wife, wheal the ma eager of the estate took away, though he had a wife of his own; upon complaint the acting Fiscal went to the estate with the proprietor, and the result was, that Felix was flogged for idle ness, and the manager reprimanded. Upon another occasion the manager of an estate wanted from his slave his daughter Peggy ; the father refused and was flogged ; the demand was repeated on a Friday, and upon the denial of the father he was again flogged on the Saturday. 'He would not conclude the story. The female Rosa, in a state of pregnancy, was ordered to pick coffee; being unable to stoop she went upon her knees; the manager ordered the whip to be given her until her blood flowed ; upon the next Sunday she was delivered of a dead child. (The HIGH SHERIFF again appealed to the good taste of the Noble Lord.) Lord SUFFIELD said, this was the last case of the descrip tion. He did not say any thing that could hurt the sensibility of the most delicate. His object was to bring these acts to the feelings and heart's core of every man, woman, and child—that public o'nnion should roll like the flood that bursts its barriers, and cause emancipation. There was another case which, in the discharge of his paramount duty, he would not omit. The man, Scipio, had been placed in the stocks for fourteen days— and when in a state of debility and exhaustion, he was flogged at the water's side, that the lash might not be heard. He would not continue these details. He might be guilty of a breach of taste, but he would not be guilty of a dereliction of . duty. It was known to his friends what pain it cost him to ap pear in public; but when he came forward, neither England nor Norfolk should see him shrink. It should be recollected that the papers from which he read extracts were furnished but by three Fiscabt ; consequently they did not contain a fortieth part of the enormities that were practised. The Noble Lord then referred to "the Jamaica Gazette" received in August, which exhibited the degraded state of the negroes. They were advertised with the cattle ; a black was described as having two marks—a roan horse as having three. Notices are given of stray negroes, and horses being found—and of their being sold, unless the expenses shall he forthwith paid. Thus, to all in tents and purposes, continued the Noble Lord, the negroes are treated as the brute part of the creation. In the same Gazette,a pregnant female and cow in calf are advertised for sale, if not claimed. In one week ninety.seven deserters were apprehended, seven were to be sold for debt, seventeen out of workhouses ; they were marked with frightful scars, many had lost their teeth, come a finger and eye. %Vomen are described as scarred upon the back and stomach. He did not know them, nor would he own them as countrymen if they preserved a guilty silence under this aggravation of horrors. He implored them to avail themselves of that liberty which they possessed, and in which they gloried, and rescue eight hundred thousand fellow‘crea tures from the rapacious lust exercised upon them with impu nity by the hand of lawless power. Mr. Nosaasox disapproved of the words " scornfully re jected," as applied to the planters. Lord Surrixtp said the fact was so, there was no use of mincing it; the authority of this country was scornfully re jected by those whom he did not wish to call monsters. Mr. NOSZASON said he was well acquainted with the plan ters ; they were men of property in the West Indies, and were as much proprietors there as as the Noble Lord was in Norfolk. He objected to the course pursued at the meeting; facts alone should be attended to—the minds of the negroes should not be inflamed, neither should Gentlemen address themselves to the feelings of the galleries, that gave, he was ready to admit, eclat to such meetings a► this. Here the Gentleman received a decisive proof of that eclat which the meeting was, according to him, so adequate to be stow. The disapprobation was so general that he was inaudible. ' Silence being restored upon the interference of the High Sheriff, Lord SUFFIELD said as it was the wish to make as many friends as possible the obnoxious word should be expunged, and the word " posisively" inserted in its place. Mr. Nosseesose profeseed himself a friend to the emancipa tion of the negroes, but wished to have some precise plan laid down upon the subject. He thought the people should be taxed to remunerate the planters, and he had no objection ,to pay the tax himself: He was inclined to make a motion, containing, as a principle, the allowing of a fair, just, and equitable remu neration to alfparties. Lord SUFFIELD said the motion was perfectly unnecessary, as the Resolutions submitted to die meeting contained one ex pressly upon that point. Lord CarerHoitrE felt himself relieved from the necessity of justifying the conduct of those by whom this Meeting was called ; their conduct was fully justified by the shock ing outrages by which the system of slavery was charac terized. Was it to be endured, that a British subject sanctioned by British power and authority, should not only stand in defiance of the Government, but should represent as unwise and imprudent, a measure adopted in the cautious spirit of humanity. It was peculiarly disgusting to find that this measure should in proportion as it accorded with the feeling and heart of the country, be re presented as the heated offspring of a wild, almost mad, disre gard of justice. Who could have supposed that the instruc tions which were more agreeable to the spirit of this country than any other, should be received as they are stated to have been to die Colonies. Such conduct could be scarcely paral leled in a helpless, weak, precarious Government that was in a state of absolute dependence upon its Colonies. He did not wish to dwell upon this part of the subject, but he could not imagine a more humiliating spectacle, than that England should be braved, dared, insulted by those who depend upon her con sumption for their political being and existence. With respect to the question of remuneration, he thought strict justice should be done, all that they could justly claim for any sacrifice should be given to the planter, but he could not help thinking that these claims should be so advanced as to appear upon all hands consistent with human justice. He would take high ground, would maintain that the interest of the country, her free Con stitution, the liberty in which she exults and glories, call upon us to put an end to this frightful pestilence. The English cha racter will be redeemed by even the cessation of this monstrous evil, and we shall all be cleared from the mass of self-reproach arising from this opprobrium. To effect this object, it is only necessary to call the attention of the English people at large, to the events which have taken place, by . the confession of those engaged in the administration of justice, and who held legislative situations in the Colonies. There is no thing required but to bring the might of English humanity to act upon this mass of evil, and induce every man to give a portion of what he has to rescue his country from this frightful, miserable, and he feared he might say, in creasing opprobrium. Why do we find in the West Indies, and there alone, that the ordinary protections of the adminis tration of justice, upon which we set such a value, and which the poorest man in the land who enters a Court is sure to have, should be not alone suspended but perverted ; that there and there alone they should not be the forms and charters of unequi vocal blessings, lade. shelter for gross and foul oppression.— He lamented, he deplored the existence of the system, and he was sure that no man could be the proprietor of a slave with out being tempted to abuse an authority with which no man should be entrusted. _ _ E. Worn tiousE, Esq., M. P., addressed the meeting, and testified his concurrence in their opinions respecting Emanci pation. The Resolutions we unanimously carried. The petition was read, approved of, and resolved that It should be presented to the Lords . by Lord Suffield, and to the House of Commons by the County Members. Thanks were voted to the Sheriff; and the meeting adjourned. The following is a copy of tha Petition adopted by the Meeting : " To the Hon. the Commoners of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled, "The Petition of the undersigned Freeholders and Inha bitants of the County of Norfolk ; sheweth. " That your Petitioners are deeply impressed with the con viction, that the system of slavery, us it is established in the West Indian, and other Colonies of Great Britain (a system which degrades 800,000 of our fellow-men to the condition of chattels, to be bought and sold at pleasure, and which occa sionally exposes them to the most grievous sufferings)—is utter ly inconsistent with the unalienable natural right of man, with the benevolent precepts of our holy religion, and with the glo rious principles of the British Constitution, which ought to se cure to all his Majesty's subjects, in whatever situation, a full participation in the benefits of even handed justice and equal laws. " That your Petitioners consider that the continued main tenance of such a system involves this nation in the deepest guilt ; and that it is our indispensable duty, as Christians and Englishmen, by all justifiable means to promote it immediate m i t igation, and final extinction. That while your Petitioners cordially approve of the Reso lutions unanimously passed to this effect by your Honourable House, in May 1823, and while they are thankful for the efforts so wisely made since that period by his Majesty's Government, in order to promote the great end in view—they deeply regret that the fervent desires of the British people, the declared sen timent of Parliament, and the strong recommendations of the Government, have hitherto been rendered almost entirely abor tive-by a local opposition of the most determined and disgrace ful character. " That under these circumstances, your Petitioners earnestly beseech your Honourable House to take the subject into your reconsideration, and to adopt such further measures as shall appear to you the best calculated to overcome so unreasonable an opposition, and to insure the immediate amelioration, and as early as possible (consistently with the safety of all the parties concerned) the final and entire abolition of the British Colonial Slavery." PRICE OP STOCKS THIS T AT ONS O'CLOCIC. Old Annuities ............... Nev Ditto. ........ . .......... Bill. 10001. lid. 1 2 °~' 1. D DD ln i ii : t t i t tt i oo o a Small A . t . . o . d r 5 r A O e ( Advertised • • ........................ Pm• 113" 1 : Bank for Act. ............... -- Cons. for Acot• ......... g 7444 Bank Stock 3 per Cent. Red B7 61 3 per Cent. Cons. B7if 3,► per Cent. Ditto Red. 4 per Cent. New ... 1021 3i 3 Bank Long Ann. 20 15-16 21 India Stock Ditto Bonds l2 9 pm. South Sea stock PRICES OF Formic?' F Austrian 13(11, S per cent.... = Braailian Bds 73 1825 Scrip Buenos Ayres lids Chilian, Bds, 6 per cent — Colombian lids, 6 per ct — Do. do. 1824 Danish, 5 per cent. Do. 3 per cent. Greek lids ND. AT wit 0'cr..0646 . . Mexican Scrip .. ✓ . 8 0 11° N e apolitan, 5 per cent. 81 N ea politan do. 10.4 ......... Peruvian Bonds .......... Do. Scrip .................. --- Portuguese Bonds ..... Prussian, 5 per cent. ...... Ditto New ..................... Russian, New , 5 p er ct. l9 Spanish 1821, a per ct.... --- 1823 .................. French Bente', p. c. •••" 4 ' Exchange ... --- 3 per cent. ... ""4" —Exchange ... •'-41 Do. Scrip 1825 Guatimala Mexican Bd. Do. do. 6 per cent. FILMS OF MARES AT ONE O'ILOCIC• Per 07i m Anglo-Mexican Mining Company .................. Bolivar Mining Company Castello and Espirito Santo Brazil Mining Company . I 0 i Pasco Peruvian Mining Company ........................ 411 Potosi La Paz and Peruvian Mining Association ...... Royal Irish Mining Company ........................ Royal Waldeck Mining Company New United Mexican Mining Compan.y. ...................... ...... joi 'elch Iron and Coal Mining Company ............ Alliance Fire and Life Assurance Company • •..... - ....... Birmingham and Liverpool Railway Australian Company ............ ................. ' 16 1 b Britivli Rock and Patent Salt Company ...... General Steam Navigation Company ............................... Patent Bricks Provincial Bank of Ireland ........................... FOKIEIGX MAILS. nelf. 1 fluernsey and Jersey Lisbon nollana - Flanders - II PO 11 WATER AT LO I) - ON BRIDGI , TO mon- flOS( • o r Morning, 29 minutes after 11.1 Evening, 51 tninu tes aft rri IE OLXM QVIS Drciaz PALSUDI Ll/DX` N, SATURDAY' ZIENING LOND ,OCTOBER 22, 11[MIRNIMIA.M. Hamburg!' Papers to the 17th inst ant srriv this morning, hut their contents are quite uoi ss ; important ; and owing to the boiste roo9 weath. o we have not received any French Journals 11— our last publication. We fear from the following statement, that hope of saving the great timber ship, the fl‘ r°ll of Renfrew, is at an end : TIDE BARON RENFREW ABANDON ED Olf 11j% DUTCH COAST. [Extract of a Letter from the Agent to Lloyd's at DOW, °lli 21st October ] " The cutter /Era, Thomas Clark, Maste r, arrived he° gb lo ill morning with the second mate and sixty o f the mill at moral; Baron of Renfrew. Clark reports that yesterday 7, the wind blowing very hard at N.E., the ship parts her chain, and her head cast to the Eastward ; the re be „ m pr -- great deal of sea, and the after part of her rudde rs "cb: the ship would not veer. At S P. M ., th e ship being 0 east of the North Foreland about fif teen miles, driving -., by der bare poles to the Southward, the wind N° rth 0 1 0 West, the cutter Friends, Endeavour, in conlra n i' r f be /Era took out Mr. Hard, second mate, and silt)! %ors crew, and in effecting this the /Era's an d the ship's boo lost. The /Era laid by the sh i p until half -past eight:.ooo when she appeared to be driving towards Gravelines, 613;4,601 having nearly 70 people on board, and no boat, Clark 0:0,0. it expedient to leave t he shi p , and steer for the Ellieigib We hope and trust the Friends and Endeavour will arrtr ia the the remainder of the crew. The /Era has retool' direction of the ship with two other cutters to r ende r ° p p assistance. Great praise appears to be due to the glist er° /Era for his exertions." h 18 The Turnpike System, against whic to k we )1 • at different times th ou g ht it our duty dir ect - issl few remarks, wi th all its vexations and e and all its al eti° , o . j o bbings and e xtortions, p r e. o hardly more cause for reprobation than th it a h its upon post-horses an d stage-coaches, w tie m farers and check tick ets, and its numberlele ,t 4 vices for " bothering th e natives," and 010 their pockets. Pe e Notwithstanding we are of opinion that . I, niched as much as possible, the to motion ought to be encouraged, and its cosi ti/. 0 , , u pon P . 9 0, horses and stage-coaches is not so m uch ° li i 04 tionable in itself; but the method pursued to collection is at once deficient as 'a protectieo t b ib s the G overnment thesemightcollected, and the cause of the mo s t iv faced and impudent extortions on the part of . collectors of turnpike tolls. These e%t°rtiur : OW Os become doubly odious, inasmuch as it ' 6 0 , the tiontoarfcthe lrt °l the * money extorted only goes to enrich sids • overpaid turnpike toll men, and never ° re/ is p bad sr - .. sliver to the public revenue. On - f e rs, i t ii, ther ° thus grafted on another, and itvr iitshoeucittiaillei icaiet:r ~ wonder that both should be unendurable' jos ;and The little itoPr• , public voice has made a polo ee we trust the e% co. 100 upon the turnpikes, a nd time, 43° the stage coach duty will, i n due jt. coo, or an alteration of its heavy charge 6. Ili"' rsiiss and down daily, with four horse°, oil i s 1 " . ~nt of It ° 'es of of road, pays taxes to the arno-• de op is m s q than 30/ --- per week. This sign . olog t for it ° money payable to the Governtnert