The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-25 00:00:00

The language of the Council of the Birmingham Political Union ought at this crisis to be the watch word of every Reformer. "We (say they) will stand by Lord Grey. That illustrious Statesman has declared, that the Bill of Reform shall become law in all its essential principles and provisions. The whole history of his life forbids us to distrust his word. The strength of an united nation, which he wields, forbids us to distrust his power. Therefore we will stand by Lord Grey. And if by any pos sibility he should be driven from power, we will carry him back upon the shoulders of the people." We have again and again expressed our thorough conviction of the honour and integrity of Ministers. But were they ever so much inclined, they cannot now detach themselves from the cause of the people; because, if the Anti-Reformers were to succeed, they would never forgive Ministers for what they have already done, and they would consequently he singled out as the first victims. Ministers can only hope to succeed by the support of an united people The union of the people has already converted Lords hostile to all Reform into moderate Re formers; the disunion of the people would soon re-convert the moderate Reformers into enemies to all Reform. Whatever, then, preserves the union of the people, diminishes the number of Anti-Re formers in Parliament. To concede anything to the Anti-Reformers, with the view of coaxing them into a support of the Bill, would throw discord into the camp of the Reformers, who have all agreed to waive their differences, and to rally round the Bill ; and would, in reality, increase instead of diminish the number of Anti-Reformers in Parliament. We must never lose sight of the truth, that Reform is a hitter Bill to the majority of the Lords, for it strikes at their corrupt interests; and that the knowledge that the people are determined to have the Bill, and that while it is impossible to resist an united people, it may be dangerous to try their patience too far, can alone convert the minority into a majority. That Ministers are as fully impressed as men can be with the necessity of persevering in that to which they owe the confidence and support of the people— namely, the Bill—we have the best reason for be lieving. But while we say this, we cannot help expressing - our regret, that at that critical time when men were filled with alarm and apprehension, and when a signal could have roused the country from one extremity to the other, and when the ap palling majority of 41 led many persons to conceive ' the House of Lords an insurmountable obstacle in the way of Reform, Ministers did not make sufficient allowance for all this, and were not a t sufficient pains to guard against the erroneous in ferences which the ignorance of the people as to the real intentions of the Government might lead them to draw. If it is of importance to keep the people right, it is of importance to use the right means. Now the course to be adopted for keeping the people right can never be too simple and straight forward. Everything like diplomatic mystery is only calculated to mislead them. We are, there fore, sorry that Earl Grey, when the delegates from the metropolitan parishes waited on him, did not at once express himself in such a way on the subject of their memorial as to leave no reason for the in ferences which have been drawn from what passed at the interview. We at e new satisfied that "Mi nisters never once entertained the idea of proposing a Bill differing in any essential respect from the Bill of Lord John Russell, and that they did not intend that Parliament should not meet on the Ist of December at the very latest; but admitting that the inferences drawn by the delegates were erroneous inferences, still it is obvious that his Lordship could not have been so explicit as he ought to have been, or seventeen men could not have left hint with the impression that Parliament was prorogued till after the beginning of January ; and that in new modelling the Bill an endeavour would be made to make it more palatable to the Lords. Earl Grey might think that a long political life of unsullied integrity and the noble manner in which he had fulfilled his pledges, the first opportunity that presented itself, ought to have ob tained for him at this time the full confidence of the people, that he would pursue the course hest 'cal culated to ensure the success of the great cause. But, however this may be, it is, at all events, wise to neglect no rnsans of securing the confidence of the people. We regret, therefore, that sufficient pains were not taken to guard against misconcep tion, both with regard to the terms of the Bill and the duration of the prorogation. For tire soul of us we cannot conceive why there should have been so much philandering about the prorogation, especially as it was impossible that any reserve on this sub ject should not lead to misconstruction. We are sorry to see that already mischief has resulted in one or two places from the above circumstances, which might easily have been avoided. For in stance, at the Reform meeting at Hull, on Monday week, art amended address was carried by a large majority, in which it is stated, " That we have heard with the deepest indignation which it is pos sible for a betrayed people to feel, that your Ma jesty's Prime Minister has declared his determina tion not to Reform the Upper House of Parliament, nor to attempt the restoration of the representative system in the House of Commons until January next." " Our record of this meeting (says the _Rockingham) is made with sorrow and regret. As far as the requisi tionists are concerned, it was a failure ; not from any neglect on their part, but from the fact that a large con course of the lower classes bad been collected by art indi vidual, who has obtained a great influence over them, and persuaded them that it was right to go great lengths in their demands upon the Legislature. The temperate ad dress to the King, so ably proposed and seconded by the Rev. Miles Popple and Mr. Buckton, of course did not please them, and they rejected it in favour of one proposed by their leader. Regretting as we do this result of a well meant endeavour to obtain a temperate expression of the feelings of the public, we are still of opinion that what passed will not be without its effect on that class of weak and self-important persons who have taken so prominent a part in the rejection of the Reform Bill. What we some time ago predicted would be the case, has come to pass. The question is now asked, ' Of what use are the Lords?' and not only asked, but answered in portentous language, that they are not merely of no use, but mischievous ex crescences on the body politic. The address that was car ried describes an hereditary aristocracy as a disgrace to the times, and the Bishops as violating the principles of the Christian religion—that religion of which they are nomi nally the superintendent Pastors." There is in this great injustice towards Ministers; and we trust, for the sake of the great cause of Reform, anti the credit of the people, they will see the necessity of supporting their best friends, which Ministers unquestionably are, and not allowing them selves to be betrayed into measures that will afford a triumph to the Anti-Reformers. It is by time alone that we can hope to succeed in carrying Re form. We are convinced that Ministers will pro pose the Bill of Lord John Russell ; and let us, therefore, rally round them, as the only means of obtainti:gs, that blessing. There is a meeting in the Borough th ig evening, and we trust that the people will then see the propriety of avoiding all occasion of discord. The advice of the Council of the Bir mingham Political Union, to stand by Lord Grey, is the best which can he given. We have never at tempted to blink the difficulty of obtaining for a Bill, differing in no essential respect from that of Lord John Russell's, the suffrages of a majority of the Lords. The majority of the Lords, for obvious reasons, never can like a really efficient Reform Bill; and " Convince a man against his will lie's of the same opinion still." We should as soon think of persuadin g , the class who live in the ale tropolis . by the violation of the laws, to give their suffrages in favour of an improved administration of police and justice, as of persuad ing men who live by corruption to support a Re form which shall secure alt economical Government. Let the array of the Peers be purged," sap, our contemporary—(the Scotonan)—" Let every hurgit proprietor be set aside, every pensioner, every sinelitist, every man who has got his family quartered on the country through the present corrupt system of representation, and we shall cheerfully abide by the award of the Peers. But a decision pronounced on the question of Reform by those who have ravened upon the abuses which Reform would de %troy, is not entitled to the respect due even to the resolutions of drunken porters !' " But the ques tion is not how we shall convince them, but how we shall manage them ? It is clear that either they must give way, or the people must give way. That a whole nation, united in demanding its rights, should give way to 200 corrupt Peers and Bishops, who possess no power except what they derive from the support of the people, is too absurd to be enter tained for a moment. The people certainly will not yield. Well, then, the Peers must yield ; and the only question is, whether they shall give way quietly, or whether they will carry their madness so far as to agitate this country to its centre. They must see that it is only necessary for the people to refuse pay ing taxes to decide the question with a hostile Go vernment in one instant. The most that the oligarchs can promise themselves is a little delay. But is there no danger to them as well as to all of us in that delay ? The stagnation of trade and other consequences of the prolonged agitation, by extending distress among the middle classes, may throw workmen out of employment, and cause ex plosions which will be placed to the account of the Anti-Reformers. Do not let them trifle with the patience of the people. As the banker at the Dundee meeting observed, all the mischievous con sequences produced by delay will be charged upon the hack of the Bill. They may raise the storm, but though they may not be the only victims, they will assuredly be victims of it. And here we must again enforce the necessity of organising the country without delay, as the best means of preserving tranquillity, and curing the refrac tory Lords of the delusion that they can hold cut with impunity. It is gratifying to learn that the recommendation to organise is being acted on exten sively in the metropolis and vicinity. We hear of several places already which have made considerable progress. By making the most of the interval be tween this and the meeting of Parliament, we may contribute materially to the progress of the Bill. Let us never forget that Ministers can only succeed through the support of the people. It is said that Lord Harrowby and the Archbishop of Canterbury are endeavouring to get up a moderate Reform party among the merchants and traders of the city. Alt moderate Reformers are either fools or knaves. The moderate Reformers are only Reformers, because they think they cannot hope to prevent all Reform, and they therefore wish to make it as inefficient es possible. This point is admirably argued by our contemporary (the Scotsman) :—" Twenty orators (he says) who have derided Reform all their lives, now declare, that if Ministers had brought in a more moderate Bill, they would have given it their support ! Well, let us suppose them sincere ; why are they willing to grant now what they would so lately have refused ! Because they would make a small sacrifice to appease the people, who are unani• mous in demanding Reform. And why are the people unanimous ? Because the Bill is not a mode- I rate,that is, a delusive measure, but one which goes to the root of the evil, destroying corruption, and render ing the Commons' House the organ of the people's interests. If Lord Grey had brought in a Bill, sup pressing some ten or twelve nomination burghs, and extending the franchise to as many large burgh-, leaving every thing else in strait quo, what would have happened ? First, the people, knowing well that the disease was too deep-seated to be reached by such a process, would have received it with great indifference. Next, the grand argument of the oli gatchs, the danger of innovation, and the wisdom of letting ' well' alone, would have applied just as much to the smaller Reform as the greater ; while the one argument, which has made these worthies moderate Reformers, would have been wanting — namely, the necessity of conceding something to ap pease the people ! Who is so blind as not to per ceive. that Earl Grey's moderate Bill would have been treated with still less ceremony than his re volutionary measure ?' Ninety-nine parts in the hundred of the reasoning—if reasoning it can be called—of the oligarchs is addressed to the igno rance of the people. A thousand times have we wished that men studied politicsl science in their youth, as they study grammar, arithmetic, or che mistry. Were such quibbles, and sophisms, and rank fallacies, as constitute the whole armoury of Anti-Reform argument, addressed to any sensible man Gil a business matter, he would never dream of replying to them ; he would grasp a poker, and knock down the impudent knave who insulted his understanding by utteritsg them !" Moderate Reform means delusive Reform. Lord Har rowby would extend the franchise, but he would keep the rotten boroughs—that is, he would keep that which renders the other utterly worthless. — Moderate Reform is the appearance without the reality. The question is simply this—shall the bo roughmongers or the representatives of the people controul the expenditure of the public money ? liither the boroughmongers or the people must pre vail ; thy moderate Government is the continuance of the government of the boroughmongers. No matter what elements they mix up schedules A and B with, the boroughs in these schedules, if not disfranchised, will poison the other ingredients. On one subject all honest men seem now united, and that is, that the ;Bench of Bishops will never be able to raise their heads again. The Scotsman sar casticaliy observes, that while so many are willing to plead the cause of darkness and despotism gratis, the services of the Bishops may be dispensed with. '‘ People ask (he says) whether ; in a liberal age, the Bishop., as a body, have not been as illiberal as the Muftis of Conatantinsple,—whether, since the Revolu tion, they have ever, collectively, given one vote in favour of the rights of the people? Whether the Bench have not invariably been the promoters of intolerance and arbitrary measures, and the enemies of education aad 1,-alowledge. Finally, they ask, whether there is any national foliy on record equal to this, that while so many are willing to plead the cause of darkness ~z.nd despotism gratis, the people of England pay away a quarier of a million per annum to 36 m,71), as a premium for suppoith;g ignorance and intolerance, foe impeding social improvement, apt] curbing the march of the ilurnan mind ! Such, they say, ie the end the order has practically ;...'trved, whatever was the object of its institution! These arguments may or may not be sound, but they are in every body's =stall in this inquiring city; sad we expect by and by to see petitions sent up, praying Parliament to suppress the Epis copal 13etiels as a nuisance !"—Morniag Chronicle. An address from fifty Justices and six Clergymen of the county of Cavan, to Lord Farnham, arraign ing the conduct of the Government in not making him Lord Lieutenant of that county, has Leen pub lished in the Irish Papers. The exercise or the Royal authority is terined by depositaries of that authority, unwise, arbitrary, and, unjust. Such Jus tices should 4t on c e be struck out of the Commission. " Who (says the Dublin Morning Register) are theta Justices and Parsons? They are a portion of the few by whoa;, or for whom, Ireland has for so tuat,ly ages been go verned. They express the sentiments of every man in Ireland who cslls himself, par excellence, a Protestant. They are a true sample of eight-tentha of the Magistracy, nine-tenths of the yeomanry, and almost the e ntire Church. We do not want the f,tavernment to make war upon the worthy people. We have doubt upon earth that the Gover,a meta is disposed to act justly, :a:partially, and forbearingly towards them. But we must be pertoi4ed to say, that it well becomes the Government, when they are lieriharating upon a course of in..aanres to be pursued in Ireland, to re collect that the acknowledgments which they are certain of receiving for their best intended acts from the few are such as are contained in the doeumeists ,efore us.— Morning Chronic/:. There has been foisted into the Brighton Gazette of Friday last (which by some accident we did not see till yesterday) a paragraph with an address; pro fessing to be that of the clergy of the diocese of Chichester, " numerousV signed," on the depar ture of the Bishop to a better bishopric; and the inhabitants of a s ants of Brightonsimile; are said to threaten another address kind. We should be sorry to be provoked on public grounds to institute an in vestigation into the conduct of the person thus ad dressed, but all know what has been his proceeding on the Reform Bill, and it is surely unwise in him to obtrude himself upon notice at this time, It would appear from a paragraph in a respectable evening contemporary, that certain good-natured and harmony-loving Peers, who, nevertheless, mistook their role of peace makers so far as to speak and vote against the Reform Bill, have been striving to bolster up some attempt at a petition from individuals in the city in favour of "moderate" Reform. About the Archbishop of Canterbury, who is described as one of the bolstering parties, nobody troubles himself at all, except to ask what made the worthy gentleman a politician ; but with regard to Lord Harrowby, who seems also to be putting his band to the same rather awkward undertaking, we must desire the noble Earl to look round him a little, and bethink himself what it is he can expect. Lord Harrowby wants a moderate Reform, not because his Lordship would, if left to himself, be a moderate Re former, or any Reformer, but because the less the Reform the less the evil in the eyes of the noble Earl ; and his Lordship sees as shrewdly as most men,that ton Reform he must come in spite of him. What, then, are Lord Harrowby's notions of " moderate" Reform ? Why simply one which did not disfranchise rotten boroughs, and did not enfranchise any 101. leaseholds. If we remember right, he called the first " confiscation," or some thing like it, and the second he thought a letting in of the democracy : that is to say, the noble Lord would take nothing from plunderers, and would give nothing to the plundered; arid his moderate Reform is one by which he dreams of satisfying the indig nant people, without producing the shadow of a change in the relations between them and the oli garchy. But what monstrous assurance is it of the Tories to exclaim against the "disfranchise ment" of close corporations and of rotten bo roughs ! Disfranchisement implies the preceding enjoyment of some free privilege or indepen dent right. Can the borough and corpora tion vassals—about whom such a factitious clamour has been raised by the Tory minority of the House of Commons, and by the majority of the 199 Peers and ecclesiastics,—can they be said to have enjoyed any franchise, or to have had the capacity of forfeiting any right ? Were there ever such slaves known to history since the days of the wretched Helots ? Franchise !—Not a voter of them dares to wag but at his tyrant's bidding,—not an elector, under borough or close corporation bondage, can breathe but by the task-master's decree. Arid to what end is such degradation inflicted on these no minal constituents of the House of Commons ? Fur no end but that the borough-holders and corporation chiefs may sell the voices (the free voices !) of these their servile and prostrate menials, to the Minister for the time being, and get in exchange places, pen sions, colonial sinecures, colonial governments, — money on any or on no pretence, so it be the people's money, no matter,—nay, the people's disgrace, toe, by the defilement and depreciation of public honours, stars, garters, peerages, and other dignities,—the highest and noblest species of national property being trucked by the Minister against the foul abuse of borough and corporation monopoly. And yet these political slave-merchants inso lently inveigh against the measure as a disfran chisement of those whose electoral rights they (the borouglimongers) have for ages trampled on, forgetting that if there exist a chance of escape from servitude for the borough vassals themselves, it must come from that great source of political rege neration whence now spring the hopes of the entire people of England. Moderate Reform is a plausible phrase. The nation considers, and considers justly, the Bill itself to be a scheme of " moderate"—that is, just and rational—Reform. It is vain for Lard Harrowby,—a man in other instances not easily de ceived,—it is vain for his Lordship to play tricks upon his own sagacity, and to flatter himself that he can prevail upon the people of England to take as little as it may suit his convenience, and that of Tories like himself, to surrender, when they have already the bulk of their own rights within their grasp. The fiat has gone forth, and who dares now recall it ? The boroughs must be hencefor ward satisfied with their share of the r e presentation of the United Kingdom in Parliament. The people ask no more than their share. A Bill adjusting these proportions will be accepted, and nothing less, by the nation. Therefore the two schedules must stand part of the Bill,—the enfranchisement of towns, &c., must stand part of the Bill, —and the qualifications of freeholders, copy holders, and lease holders for terms of years, must be left unimpaired in their actual force arid efficacy. Such a Bill will not please Lord Harrowby and the unfortunate waieinee-on-Providence-Prelates, we are aware. They have told us so; but no other Bill, we can assure them, will be held for less than a legislative outrage by us, the English people.—Tines. We have already commented more than once on the Royal speech on the prorogation of Parliament. There are, however, two points in it which cannot be too strongly or too frequently impressed on the public mind. The first is the King's firm declara tion of being unaltered in his own wish for Reform; arid, secondly, his assertion (which coming from him carries additional weight with it) that the people are all for the Bill, " The anxiety which has been so generally manifested," &c. This is, as it were, a solemn recognition, on the part of the highest estate in the realm, and upon the most so lemn occasion, of the anxiety of the people for Re form,—a paternal aelenowledtement, on the part of the father of his people, of the universality and in tenseness of their feeling upon this great constitu tional question. The King declared himself un altered in his own feelings : what then becomes of all thew 'eack-stairs stories—that he was wavering —that he was in his leeaet against the Bill—that he had his fears about the result—that ha heel thoughts of trying other men and other measures—all those " Lies of th,e day, just buoyant on the flood, Then number'd with tl.e puppies in the mud,"— Thoae fables which were carried about by Chamber leins, and Vice-Chamberlains, and Ladies of the Bedchamber, and Necessary Women, and all those retainers of a Court (end ,there are such in all Courts), who are in favour of old corruptiaes end old abuses? Why do we call attention to these expressions of the Sovereign Not because we had ever our selves any, even the siigheect, doubt of his Majesty's sincerity, and of his real and deep-(ootd anxiety foe Reform, but because we know that many very wort hy persons were in fl uenced by these inventions, which from time to time were renewed, and we only wish to warn such persons against being dee ceived in a similar manner in future. As long as they see the confidence of the King continued to SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS• The country cannot but feel indignant at hay ing their Reform Bill rejected by those whose clficial station it peculiarly belongs to cultivate the love of the people in order to win them over to the cause of religion and morals ; and if one man on the bench is more culpable than another, it is this new Bishop of Worcester, though he only kept away from the House on the division. How could he face the Minister who recommended the transla tion, and the Sovereign who bestowed it, when he meditated opposition to both their views in the most important act of their lives ? Did he not know that his insinct rity might be imputed to those who promoted him ? Well, let him take the Bishopric of Worcester, he will know how to spend its re venues ; and let him take it with the conscious ness of ingratitude to his patrons, and injustice to the people of England, Lord Grey Kill, we hope, in future, be more sure who are his friends before he bestows ad vancemen t.— Tinzes. The Court of Aldermen are playing a strange game. The result of a :second election of a Lord Mayor puts beyond doubt that this upper house at Guildhall are endeavouring to bring the upper house at Westminster into still greater disrepute, by obsti nately burlesquing the proceedings of the latter. We have studiously avoided taking any part in the elec tion, but the excitement caused in the city by this constant repetition of an absurd struggle by the Court of Aldermen, has now made their proceed ings not an amusement but a nuisance. What is the object of their continued opposition to the wishes of the Livery We confess we cannot see any rational cause for it.—Times. Lord Grey and his colleagues, they may rest assured that his Majesty's opinions on Reform are un changed.—Times. Whatever may be thought of a political Prelacy as one of the ancient pillars of the State, it is cer tainly not the best support of a Christian Church. The French Chamber has acted wisely in rejecting a proposition for converting Priests into politicians, and Bishops into statesmen. In England the ques tion as to having or not having a Bench of Bishops, as a component part of the House of Lords, stands upon different grounals. It is not the same thing to negative a proposition for introducing Bishops into the Legislature, and to eject them from the seats of which they have long been in possession. lii the former case the argument is perfectly free and open; in the latter it is entangled with the consideration of established usages and prescriptive rights. In Eng land the anomaly exists of a churchman being ineli gible to the Lower House of the Legislature, yet being capable of becoming a Member of the Upper House. It appears to us that there is no reason for excluding Clergymen, as such, from the House of Commons, which might not be urged against the propriety of allowing Bishops to occupy seats in the House of Lords, save and except the argument which present pos , ession, founded upon ancient custom, supplies. It is said that Clergymen below the rank of Bishop have no right to seats in the Legislature, because they are entitled to seats in the House of Convocation, which used in former times to sit con currently with Parliament, to manage and protect the affairs of the Church, and to settle the amount of taxes or subsidies which the Clergy wet e willing to pay to the State, they claimingexemption in those days from the authority of the secular Legislature. But if it were right to exclude Clergymen below the rank of Bishops from Parliament, because of their being entitled to seats in the lower House of Convocation, it was right at the same time (though we acknow ledge the question has a different aspect now) to ex clude Bishops from Parliament, because of their being entitled to seats in the upper House of Con vocation. It is true the meeting of the Convoca tion is now a matter of form, and takes place rather to preserve the right to meet than to transact any business. But, if this leave the Bishops leisure to attend the House of Lords, it would afford leisure also to the inferior Clergy to attend the House of Commons ; yet it is quite proper that the spiritual duties of the inferior Clergy should not be embar rassed by a necessity of attending to the discharge of the functions of political Legislators ; and have not the Bishops also spiritual and ecclesiastical duties to perform, with which legislative labours, and the contentions, intrigues, and anxieties of political party, must seriously interfere ? We are aware that the Bishops sit in the House of Lords in right of certain feudal baronies supposed to be connected with the episcopal lands of which they have the investiture; for all baronies were originally territorial, and the possession of certain castles and lands gave the proprietor a right of summons to the House of Peers, just as .Arundel Castle and its ter , ritory were decided to confer an Earldom on its owner. But as all church property, and whatever is incident to it belongs to the State, it is in the power of Parliament, constitutionally exercised, to regulate that property in the way that appears most condu cive to the interests of the established religion, and ing been so faithless and cruel to the cause of Re form as to dissuade the pure and virtuous Noblemen we have mentioned from perseverance in their prac tice, Dublin can expound the sense of the people no more. Liverpool, ►when an election cost each can didate above a plum, was an infallible index of national feeling; but now that the House of com mons has gently but effectually hinted that a less considerable sum might well suffice, Liverpool is an isolated, detached, insignificant place, whose suffrages ought to go for nothing. Darsetshire, again, so long as bludgeon-men had free play, was an epitome of England; but now that the energies of these very effective Reformers have been paralysed, what signifies Dorsetshire ? And when we have the happiness, which we suppose will be early in the next week, of announcing the return of an honest Tory for Cambridgeshire, we suppose we shall be told that since the last general election a pestilent Uni versity has sprung up in the county to pervert the minds of the people, and that therefore Cambridgeshire ought not to be reckoned as a part of Great Britain. The Reformers are truly in a pitiable plight, and we can see only one course which is left them to pursue if they wish the morti fying fact to be concealed that the country has wholly deserted them. They must get up meetings of their mob auxiliaries t , l petition the King and Earl Grey—we beg pardon for the Tory transpo sition, we should have said Earl Grey and the King —to convene Parliament at the earliest possible moment, riot to pass the Reform Bill, but to pass a short Parliamentary measure, for which the neces sity is more obvious and urgent to protect the cause of Reform from utter discredit and disgrace, by en acting that until " the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," shall have passed both Houses of Parliament and received the Royal assent, the franchise of every voter in England shall be sus pended who will not swear at the hustings, in addi tion to the usual oaths, that " the Bill" is an ema nation of perfect wisdom and justice. Such a mea sure as this is manifestly necessary, as a winch to the windlass of Reform, which at present seems to be running round in the wrong direction with a ter rible rapidity.—Mourning Post. to extinguish the episcopal baronies, like other branches of the feudal system that have been abo lished, if it be found necessary, as many think it is, for the prosperity of the Church, that Christ;an Prelates should no longer be feudal Lords. For ourselves, we think it better that the mitre should lose its political splendour than that the Church should be deprived of its moral authority.—Morn ing Herald. The great. Edinburgh meeting, of which we gave a report yesterday from The Sun, has,—coupled with the numerous other attestations of the indign.rtion and disappointment which have resulted from the rejection of the Reform Bill,—produced, as we learn from all quarters, its proper and just effect; and those who formerly doubted whether the people were in earnest in calling for Reform, are now said to have learned, since its perusal, a somewhat greater degree of reverence for popular feeling. That reverence, we think, will not be diminished by the abridged accounts which we are enahlel to give of some other meetings of a similar complexion which have been held in the North, and which will be found else where. They all, indeed, breathe the same spirit; and, but for the difference of individual character, and the consequent difference of expression, it might almos be supposed that the speakers in Edinburgh had transported themselves to Ayr, and those at Ayr again to Kilmarnock. The great Cheshire meeting takes place this day—another, and also a county meeting, is fixed for Thursday, and notices of many others are before us—yet the Tories say that there is a re-action of public opinion, and appeal to the results of a few rotten county and borough elections as the proofs ! Why do they not furnish the more direct and satisfactory proofs of borough and county meetings in their 1-ivour, and against the Reform Bill ?—Morning Advertiser, We regret to learn from all quarters that along with the blow which the Bishops have dealt to the security of the Church of England as a national establishment, one of a similar nature, hut on a smaller scale, is now impending on an individual Church, which we had once hoped to have recog nized as the continued and prosperous representa tive here of a more sober establishment in the North —we mean the Scotch Church, of which the Rev. Mr. Irving is the pastor. In this Church, the•sub lime simplicity of whose service differs not from that of the mother Church, it is strongly rumoured —nay, we may say confirmed beyond a doubt— that different persons belonging to the Church have lately been laying claim to the prmternatural gift of speaking in " unknown tongues," and that they have given evidence in the face of the congregation of such being the fact—nay, also, that the Rev, rend Clergyman himself has not been slow to give ear to their pretensions, or rather, that be believes these persons to be moved in their exhibitions by the Di vine Power. The former fact would not as tonish us ; for every age has given birth to religious pretenders, who have noised their day in the busy ear of the time, and been ranked by posterity as religious impostors; but that Mr. Irving should give ear to such things, is to us truly astonishing. He is well versed in every science and matter of learning connected with his sacred profession—and we are, beside , , assured that he is a sound logician. How then can he bring himself to believe, if he really does believe, that the mere fact of speaking in an " unknown tongue" —or, to speak more plainly, of giving utterance to sounds which are incomprehensible—and being incompre liensib!e, can be of no use to mankind—is an evi dence of a divine commission P I n th e ti mes of the Apostles, " gifts" were common; but they were given for a special purpose—they were conferred as attestations of the Divine power with which the parties possessing them were invested,and more espe cially as evidences of the truth of what they preached and taught. These " gifts" were then necessary, for superinducing belief in those whose minds were closed against less palpable arguments; and they did in numerous instances produce this effect: becaus e while those who possess e d the gifts spoke in tongues which it was known that they had never had an opportunity of acquiring, these " tongues!' were, on the other hand, known and understood by teen of different netions. But what sort of " tongue s '? are those which are said to be now epoken By whom are they understood except by the parties speaking them ? What use do they serve ? What need is there for them ? 'Were there not " f a l se spirits" in the times of the Apostles, and did not ,lie Apostles find it necessary to caution th e ear l y Christians " to try the spirits, lest they should be deceived ?" We treat the mater, perhaps, too seri. ously ; and assuredly it is not one of which the discussion is very suitable to the columns of a news paper; but a regard for the welfare of the Church of which we have been speaking, and for the repu tation of the Rev. Gentleman who is its pa9toy, have dictated our observations ; and if they con tribute to any good end—" our labour will not have been in vain." —Morning Advertiser. The Reforming Journals continue stoutly to assert that the people are unanimously in favour of " the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," al though at every populafelection which has taken place in England for the last three months the chance of success has been shown by the result to have been in proportion, not to the candidate's attachment, but to his hatred to the Bill ; although Anti-Reformers have always wherever they presented themselves been the triumphant competitors ; and although in every case in which no good, honest, thorough going Anti-Reformer was to be had, the least pos sible Reformer has been the object of the people's unequivocal choice. The King, we recollect, ap pealed to the elections of Members of the House of Commons as the mode in which the sense of his people could be most authentically ascertained. And all the advocates of the Revolutionary Bill, and all the partisans of the Revolutionary Ministry, rever berated the appeal. Yet the Reformers are now with one consent abjuring the King's words and their own. How is this ? Let Dublin, Dorsetshire, Pembroke, Liverpool, and some dozen other places, where there have been popular elections terminat ing unfavourably to the revolutionists, answer the question. The test of popular elections was a good one so long as by mingling bribery, Go vernment influence, mob violence, lawless intimi dation, and popular frenzy, in the process, the desired result could be obtained. The same test, now that those ingredients, which disturbed and vitiated the result are weaken , d or with drawn, is no longer good for any thing. Dublin, so long as the Anglesea and Plunkett prescrip tions were plentifully administered to its voters, was a faithful exponent of the sense of the people. But a Committee of the House of Commons hav- On Saturday last the infant daughter, about four years of age, of Mr. Cox, of Oxford-street, was on a visit at her aunt's, in Colebrook-row, in the care of her female attendant, and was there put carefully to bed, and not left until asleep. At midnight the family were alarmed by the shrieks of the child, who was found at the bottom of the staircase, with its skull fractured and is the agonies of death, from which time it survived only three hour , . Tht deceased, it is supposed, on awaking, and finding her self in a strange bed, had got out and wandered towarr's the bed-room door, which was not closed, and in endea vouring to walk down stairs, had accidentally fallen from the top to the bottom, and produced the fatal catastrophe. At a meeting of the Corporation of Ban bury, on Thursday, the election of THOMAS NOON Tar.. FOURD, of the Inner Temple, Esq., as Deputy-Recorder for that borough, was approved of by the Mayor and Al dermen ; and D. STUART, Esq., of Wykham Park, was elected an Alderman and Magistrate. CLINTON JAMES FYNES CLINTON, Esq., barrister-at-law, was on Tuesday last unanimously elected Recorder of the borough of Newark, in the place of JOHN BA LGUY, jun. Esq., who has resigned. ECCENTRlClTY.—Eccentricity finds eccen tric reasons in general for what it does. SCHAGAR, a Danish man of fortune, sold his estate and fixed himself in the northernmost corner of Iceland, saying that he hated the confined air of Europe, and chose to have his breezes fresh from the Poles. An Englishman, some years a g o, was found settled amidst hogs and dirt in a villige on the west coast of Ireland, and when asked the reason of his doing so, replied that he wanted to be in the next post town to America. A Spaniard perched himself on the Sierra Morena, amidst the clouds and winds. When asked why he settled in so solitary, cloudy, and stormy a spot, he said that he bated mankind, and the clouds woul hide them from him. The storms would drown the noise and fury of his wife's tongue, and he could not be solitary when he had the angels for next-door neighbours. CHOLERA MORBUS.—The character of ye cesection has been libelled in a peculiar manner. At an early period, during the progress of this singular malady, the blood deserts the superficial vessels of the body, for the deep seated and internal parts, and even before the period has arrived in which loss of blood could be injurious to the patient, not a drop of that fluid can in general be pro cured, after the opening of both veins and arteries. In 99 cases out of 100, where patients are said to have dud " despite of blood-letting," it will appear, upon examina tion, either that no blood flowed from the incised veins, or that it came away in drops, or in a small broken stream, rarely exceeding a few ounces in quantity. On the con trary, where blood was freely obtained to the extent of 20 or 30 ounces, and where the depletion was followed by proper auxiliaries, the patients have usually recovered.-- Kenendy on the History of the Contagious Cholera. The rules and regulations proposed by the Board of Health, for the prevention or alleviation cf the dreadful disease with which we are now threatened, hav ing been promulgated in the Gazette by order of Govern ment, parish meetings should be held immediately fur the purpose of deciding on the adoption of those means by which the virulence of the disease may be mitigated if no wholly avoided. Committees of the most active inhabit tants should be appointed at those meetings, to direct and superintend the daily cleansing of the narrow streets and alleys of their respective parishes, The principal part of London is cleansed by contract, and the state of the streets, especially those inhabited by the pourer class, where decayed vegetables and all descriptions of filth are allowed to accumulate for several days in the centre of the road, evidently prove how inefficiently that duty is per formed. The water that is allowed to escape through the different drains would, if properly applied, be sufficient to wash most, of the streets in the city ; and the plugs which afforded a supply for watering the streets during summer might he employed fur the same purpose. Col lections of manure and sweepings at wharfs, public lay stalls, and markets, should be constantly removed ; increased number of scavengers placed at the disposal of the parish committees would insure the performance of these necessary precautions for public safety, at the same time that the poor would be benefitted by employment a' a period when there is but little demand for their services. Not an hour should be lost in organizing a system, to be acted upon with vigour on the first indications of the disease. When once its symptoms have appeared, it wit' be impossible to act with that promptness and deeisi.o, that is required to admit of any chance of arre,ting its direful progress. — Vows. LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. the The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is 10d. fo , 41b. Loaf. There are others who sell from to 136c1. bdo that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.—Oct. 24 'yew English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) —s. 703. Old Ditto Ditto New Foreign Ditto. 523. 70s Old Ditto New White 40s. 603. Old Ditto —s. 50s. fine --s. l/153. fne —s• _, • fine -- 6 . l ; — ‘ fine --g• fine --s• fine 401' NTew Trefoil 31d Ditto fine fine ok. 3,5 i. „.„ Rib Grass -- - 10s. 255. fine :30s. •-,. English Carraway Seed--- —s. —s. 535. fine 5 0 ' Foreign Ditto -----*..— —s. —s. 565. fine coriander ---- -----. —s. .—s. fine •••" 4 . ~ St. Foin .. 'per Quarter)...........,. —s. '7ss. fine 804. ,-'' Rye Grass ' —s. —s. new 'Ng. 0 , Pacey Ditto Linseed, for feeding . - — s. 5•2.5. fine --s• ''‘. Ditto, for crushing Canary Seed, New __ —s. 525. 54s --c' tine ''itto Old.---- —4. —s. —s. fin e White White Mustard Seed ._(per Bushel).— —s. 104. 13s. fine —. Brown Ditto -- —s. Bs. 16s. tin e ---!.' Turnip Seeds, Rounds-- . —s. —s. ....g. fin la. Green and Red Ditto , —s. —s. —s. tine I S !' Tares, Old -- -. 255. Ms. fine **,Z Ditto New ---- —5. —s. fine 42-f. r: Rai.se Seed, English, fine (per Last) 22/. 266..,...., Foreign .-- j Kent Pockets StiFsex Ditto Viisex Ditto Fa►n!lain Ditto, Fine Seconds PRICES OF HOPS.-Oct. 24. 3/ l6s. 5/ 124. to 71. 41 0:. 4!. 13s. to s'. 4/. 4.; 51. 5.. to 6 1 . "*. OS. 9/. Os. 10/. 10s. to 111. 0/. Os. 61. Os to 8!. 811 ' 31. 108. 4/. 163 to •3/ NZ 31. 15s. 41. Bs. to 41. 1r 41. 04. 41. 10s. to 51. 0 3 * Duty laid at 163,000/. Kent Bags... Sussex I)itto Essex Ditto., Rve Oil, brown Refined ,i 42 6 Linseed Oil - 1.7 11 Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand Rape Cake, per ton - PRICES Per lb. d. to f111tt5.,—......50 to 561 b.... 15 D; tto —6O to 661 b.... 16 Dressing 131 Fine Coach Hides 16 Crop Hides, 35 to 401 h. 13 Ditto 40 to 451 b 14 Ditto OF LEATHER. 2-, d. ,d. d. Per lb. d. to • 19 Tanned Horse Hides,. 19. ~1 1 21 Spanish Ditto ........... 14 15 Per dozen. x oil IS Calf Skins... 36 to 441 b. I , if; 141 Ditto .......50 to 701 b. 21 00 15i Ditto —,...... '7O to 8(11b. IS 50/ 161 Small Seals, Greenland=/ RAW HIDES. 8. ( t. to; . 4. 0 Per Stone. s. d. to s. d. Per Stone. Rost Heiters& Steers 2 8 3 0 Ordinary . 1 8 h. Middlings 2 2 0 Market 6 H____Le..%c SHEEP SKINS. 3 3 • Polled 2i. 4d. to 3s. Od. I Downs Is. 9d. to • 'Os. Od. to Os. Od WHITECH A PEL HAY NI A RKE l'.—Oct. 22. 0d• —..... 60s. Od. to SOS. Od. I S4s. Od. to 12 0 304. (Al. to 34i. Od. PRICE OF POTATOES.—Oct. 94. New Potatoes 5%. to 31. 10s. per ton. NEWGATE AND LEADENHALL MARKET S ' At per stone, by the Carcass. S. d. to s. d. s. d.toti Beet 2 2 3 4 Veal 5 Mutton 2lO 4 4 Pork Cr/AL MARE Bnumont.--- 255. 6d Bishop's Main 25 0 Het/burn Man -- 29 6 Holywell 27 6 Killingworth .................. 29 6 Newcastle Beau 19 6 south Holywell 23 6 I'antiel 4 Walls End Boundary.. 26 0 Walls End Brown's_.. 29 3 Walls End Carr and Co. 29 0 Walls End Heaton...—. 31 0 slops at market, 2.1 N--Sh .ET —OcT. al , Walls End Hilda Ditto Yeareth......,---* 31 Ditto Walker 9 4 Walls End Hetton 3 1 o w Walls End Lyons 51 0 \Valls End Butter lino ,20 Cowpen ‘ . l Hartley 95 Walls End 7,74 Tantield '',l 0 Shipcote small ipa sold. 17N.--(1nsold NEWCASTLE CORN MARK ET —Oct 22. ‘ O.; We had a moderate supply of Wheat from the fan 0.4 fanners ! e , scP and, having no coasting arrivals, the sale of all qualiti orl brisk, at an advance of 2s. per quarter. Fine old VVl,e3ta fit wanted, with little in the market. Of Oats there WS', fin e supply with steady demand, and late prices fully supporteThe qualities of Barley, both North and South, sell freelY ;, e o ffet; ferior parcels neglected. Malt ready sale. No English an o ing, in Foreign sales are regular, though limited. Be a Pease without change. New. Old. Wheat, Northumberland fia 56 Norfolk and Suffolk Berwick and Scotch Foreign Rye, Norfolk and Suffolk Foreign 32 Barley, Malting, Norfolk and Stitfolk (38558.3°2'1.. *** ***** ***** : **************** s. Foreign 1‘ Grinding and Feeding •245. =F 3 ..•'••' fibs. COs4! Nlalt, Norfolk and Suffolk Beans, Small Tick 383. 405. ....• .. Pease, White Gray • Oats, Northumberland, Potatoe Feed Foreign Flour, Fine (per sack) ▪ 453. 3—j13.;. SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. I Barley I Oats. I Beans. Oay Aberdeen 4S CO 127 31 22 24 • ;Jo 4'; Berwick-- 38 43121 24 15 .30 32 35 Coldstream 37 42 20 23 16 20 30 31 Cimar 44 65 33 35 25 26 38 40 / Dundee ---.. 433 66 33 35 30 31 34 38 Elgin 50 58 30 33 20 2(3 19 Inverness—. 50 55 30 32 20 22 30 34 4 ' Kelso . 37 43 20 24 18 22 29 3'2 4 1 Kirkaldy--... 40 45 27 39 25 32 45 48 Perth 52 64 21 27 20 23 22 90 4 i a tri . • The size of the measure varies throughout the c0,.....2;/ EDI N 811 GEI CORN MAR !CF: • .—Oct. 19. e%; We had a middling supply of all kinds of Grain to - ,`, ) ,1t cept Barley, and the sales general were dull. Old, titer, Os. on the top, and down 10d. on the average; Ncf., o o 41 13 , same top, and down Is. 0,1. on the averag, Barley, - - ., e rag t , ters sold, and down Is. on the top, and up 6d. on the 3. re , * Oats down Bd. on the top, and Q.s. 4d. on the averag e ' and Beans up :Is. on the top, and Is. lid. on the average- go o. , Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. ' 4 " 5 First 79s Od 37s Od '29s 8d 42,; Od Second 66s Od 34s Od 24s Od 40s Od Third 52 , 3 Od 30s Od 9.1 s Od 37s Od PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Wl' Beef, per lb. .M Os. 4d. to Os. 6d. Fresh Butter, lb.s. I I - 0 1 0 Mutton 031 0 6 Salt Ditto—*. 01 0 0 0 Veal ---- 0 5 0 8 Ditto, per cu t. 90 0 0 6 Pork----0 4 0 6 Eggs, per dot. 0 11 10 Lamb, per qr. 1 0 0 6 OatStraw(kp'.) 9 6 0 6 tallow, cwt.... 37 6 40 0 Wheat Ditto— 9 6 I Quartern Loaf 0 8 0 0 Barley Ditto 6 6 I Potatoes, 17-41 b. 0 4 0 0 Hay, per 1 0 EDINBURGH MEAL MARKET,—Oct. IS '. O icli We had a dull supply of Oatmeal at this day's mar ke t, met with a dull sale at last week's prices. Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. X" 0 0 First Per First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 18 0 Second ditto ............ r, 1 'Barleymeal 1 10 0 Barlepneal ............... f 1 0 . Peas eni e.al 1 10 0 Peasemeal ......... ..... Pot Barley—No. 1, per cwt. 14s.—`2d, 165.-3d,205. --1 ° o a S t t m on ea e ic.1..1.4..1.13....117 •,,' : je. GLASGOW CORN MARKET.—Oct. 19 ' ilof 'pt{ Wheat steady at the rates of last week. Barley is (1 ,1 „• an tlA and rather lower, in consequence of a speculative del,t P''' Oats they may be noted fully 6d. per boll dearer since • J. s 4. s l , t. . 6 , No change on Beans. Wheat, per 2.401.1). s. d. s. d. Oats, per `2641b. 1• 0 to 1 British, old •24 oto3o 0 Irish ..... ... ..... 0 new '26 0 •29 0 British in Canada, free !IS 0 29 0 Beans, per `260113.00 0 ; 0 Irish Barl, -- 3•201 b. I Scottish - per English — 0 Pease, Scottish . : ! 1 Z p 30 Scottish 27 0 al 6 Oatmeal, per 1401 b. dlO Irish We have very great pleasure instating that A fce l o borough has settlild down into its wanted quietneOdeo t, the late agitation ; and although it is thought r tike every precaution possibl e to prevent the recu rre le l o4 6 any breach of the eace, we do hope there is not,tltrioa prub tbility of its bring again interrupted. The ina-tbeel artisans of Derby have too much good sense to all,? v ea t.o,,; selves again to be excited beyond the bounds 0 1 r o ot' and the dishonest will /e held in check by d'e taken to repress disturbances.—Derby Reporter. 05 , t „ EXCESSIVE DRINKING.—An ing—esoroo held on Saturday at the Hope and Anchor Lissonvofoi before 31r. STIRLING, on the body of EtazAngr il La tiO aged 52. The deceased, who was ia an butub:e ' 7 1 , 0 0,4: life, came to her lodging in Hereford-street, 0" night, in a state of intoxication. She went "' ler 0 ) 1 mediately, and not rising in the morning at ,. 1 0 1 t", time, the landlady went to her room, and Oleo ) .° t the deceased was dead. Her grandchild, about '° e e v0: 1 lf age, was lying on or her arm, unc.nsciou" f tli stoPP e d The deceased, it appe a r e d, h a d been freque ntlY for going in her chemise for liquor. Verd ict"- front excessive drinking." On the 23d inst. at Maidstone, , 0 _—_-_ o BIRTHS. , 014 daughter. ..,,,hco ° on the 15th inst. the lady of Dr. Foote, of 1 " ii is' place, Cheltenham, of a son. - f of The the Hon. LadYS °e. De' • On the tilst inst. in Woburn-square, Ann, the sy. -- ` o f Poynter, Esq., of a son. - Te ed, On the `2.3,1 inst. at Brighton, Mr. Henry Los ses ~,i,' posthumous son. j_ t l e ' On the 2,1 d inst. in Chester-street, Grosvenor -place, of J. Key, Esq.-, of a daughter. O f FAl.lringe,rl MARRIED. On the 22d inst. at Purton Church - ay the Rev. NN:. ''',,,t i - e, Mr. John Sadler, of Pinner Middlesex to Elizabct zl 'eiict o ' ~ daughter of Robert Large, Esq of Purton Stoke, ,J, ~ Wilts. Il t ":0 , I• `, On the 2•2 d inst. at St. James's-place, Westminster,,,pro ;',1,. Esq., of Launceston, Van Dieman's Land, to Miss 'o'o' : , io sannah Grubb, eldest daughter of W. Grubb, Es t i' buildings. 0 k0,,, E PO" t•'" On the 24th inst. at St. Mary-le-Strand, Mr. t -Thisoo, the Middle Temple, to Maria, eldest daughter of J. +-• of Chancery-lane. DIED. ' Ile'. , On the 213 d inst, in King's-road, Gray'S.inD, t he 00 itt il Taylor, age . 97. Dublin , On the 19th inst. in Great George-street, .--- Fin nc' , Dowager Viscountess Powerscourt. n ( ot On the 2.1341 inst. Emily, wile of R. Walkden, Esq: , pcl• l'ark, and only daughter of the late Allan Cliatficl` . 0 1 London. 0. , On the •2:2,1 inst. D. Gordon, Esq , of Ahergeldic, Dulwich-hill, Surrey, aged 79. . -,,,, 0 11 -- A l ' D AND P ------141./Rliii--YOOlC3' , RIPITE unumieu HY SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND. LANDO. NT Hop t hat % NI ; the ill"' Th„ c t Tb4t th t,'" e