The Sun. — London, England, 1827-06-09 00:00:00

Lord Charlea, Somerset ; and if the question was put to a poll at the Cape he had no doubt the majority would be in favour of the petitioner. Lord EDWARD SOMERSET protested against the imputation thrown out against . Lord Charles Somerset, who was ready to meet the charges against him in or out of the House.—(Hear, hear.)—He was sure the -House would bear him out in the assertion, that Lord C. Soinerset ought not to be placed on a par with a person convicted of assisting in the escape of a felon.—(Hear.) Mr. W. HORTOINI said, no blame could be attached to Lord Charles Somerset for the verdict of a jury. Mr. HUME explained, and the petition was laid on the table. CASE OF COLONEL BRADLEY. Mr. HUME then presented a petition from Colonel Bradley, stating his case to the House. The peti tioner was turned out of the army without a trial, and disgraced without having committed any offence whatever. This the Honourable Member thought was a case specially calling for the interference of the House. If this system of dismissing Officers, without assigning any reason was persisted in, it would have the effect of making every military man a slave. The Hon. Gentleman was entering at come length into the details of the case, but was frequently interrupted by the unequivocal impatience of the House. Lord PALMERSTON said he would not follow the Hon. Gentleman by entering into the particulars of this case, for the third time—(Hear, hear.)—So far from being oppressively treated, Colonel Bradley was treated with great and unmerited indulgence. His conduct called for simple dismissal, but he was allowed to sell out as a matter of favour. With respect to the Hon. Member's general assertion—with regard to the practice of dismissing officers 'without a Court-martial,—he (Lord Palmerston) could only say, that there could not be a more fatal blow aimed at the well-being of the British Constitution than that the army should no longer have the power of dismissing its officers without resorting to any other course than its own pleasure. Mr. HUME explained. Mr. BROUGHAM said, that the petitioner, Colonel Bradley, had acted throughout from an error in judgment. He was a gentleman possessing a very honourable mind, and it was to be regretted that his discretion was not equally re markable. With respect to legal proceedings adopted against persons connected with Government, he (Mr. Broughan) could not help observing, that it was a very great hardship that officers, whether civil or military,—whe -ther in the army, the navy, or the revenue,—who might ;happen to be sued in a Court of Law, should have the .expences attending their defence defrayed by the Crown. It was obvious that so long as his Majesty's Govern ment chose to protect their officers in this way, and screen them from the consequences of their acts, private individuals -could have no chance in bringing actions against them. The same course had been adopted with respect to naval eafficers. A case occurred some time ago, in which the present Lord Chancellor, then Attorney-General, conducted the defence. A verdict was given for the plaintiff; but when his Solicitor applied at the Admiralty for damages and costs, he was told that the individual was gone off to a foreign station. (Here Mr. Croker said that' the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was mistaken.) An Hon. and Learned Gentleman on the seat below him (Mr. Brougham) said he was mistaken, to which he should simply reply, he happened to know that he was not. Lord PALMERSTON said, that the practice alluded to by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, had never been fol- Lwed in the army. Mr. BROUGHAM explained. Mr. PEEL said, the course which he uniformly pur sued when in office was this,—when an individual con nected with - the civil department became defendant in a cause, he was told at once that Government would have nothing whatever to do with his defence ; but if upon the trial it should appear that the prosecution was instituted from malicious motives, in that case Government would protect him from the consequences of such a proceeding. Mr. CRCKER said that the rule adopt e d a t th e Admi salty was similar to that which the Right Hon. Gentleman had just stated. After a few words of explanation from Mr. BRoucHaar, and a few•observations from Mr. A. DawsoN, the petition (eras brought rtp, read, and ordered to be printed. CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. Mr. BARING rose to present an important petition which had been signed, lie miat-t say, by the unanimous inhabitancy of the Cape of Good Hope. It had no -ordinary claims to the attention of the House, as that Colony was placed in a sieenlar predicament as compared with an the other Colonies formed by this country for the purpose of ugrienitnral and general cultivation. It had b ee n the practice to extend to these Colonies the benefits (as far as was practicable) of the British Constitution. All ctrl West India Colonies enjoyed the protection of the Bri tish Constitution, and our endeavour had been to form our Colonies in all parts of the world into communities of free m om, The Cape of Good Hope (and he knew not why) Ins a singular exception to this salutary rule. The Governor there had an absolutely despotic power. There uras a Council, it was true, but the members of it were ?liable to be dismissed at his pleasure; There were Judges also, but they were removable at the will of the Governor. 'Trial by Jury Was not introduced there ; and when all the important public officers conld be thus removed at the pleasure of the Governor—when there seemed to be little more than his " sic cola," to displace them, it was manifest that he had the arbitrary disposal of every thing and every body. After specifying some taxes and grievances. of which the petitioners complained, the Honourable reentleman proceeded to say, that in presenting this -petition he disclaimed, on the part of the petitioner and - ,liirneelf, a personal attack upon any particular Governor. The Ghject of it was to obtain an extension of the bless ings of the British Constitution, and an exemption from the continued wrongs sustained under the present system of administration, to the most lamentable extent. As he was ea this subject, lazfore he sat down he would advert to the question of the Currency, as connected with this Co )(my. By the paper current; introduced there, the value of the dollar was diminished front 4s. 6d. to Is. qd. This paper currency, which had been issued to the amount in value of 500,000 dollars, was issued ‘.er defraying the ex pence of some intended future buildings aid public works. The effect it had in depreciating the value e.f the dollar, had operated to a Most ruinous extent. It was a mea sure which the merest dabbler in finance—which any clerk in any banking establishment cf this country, would be ashamed to have recommended. Unless the inhabitants of the Cape had some place in which they might openly state the grievances under which they labours- e a it was not to be expected that those grievances would be tijminished.—ln his opinion the only security against a recurrence of abuses similar to those which they had suffered, would be to give the Colony something of a popular organ. Hitherto tit, dmily answer which had been made to any one who ventured eto make any complaints, was to send him out of the Co :long. So far had this principle been put in practice, that printer tad actually been sent out of the colony for merely Tepnblishing articles which had previously appeared in the London papers. He was desirous, therefore, to give the Colony something of a legislative - body; Caere power that s hould be ,independent .of Government, me, W. HORTON was far from thinking that the prayer t 1 „: petitioners was undeserving of attention; but without refers. ~? to that point, he must, in the outset, protest against w h at seeres eel to be assumed by some gentlemen,—that tip to the present moment nothing had been dace to ameliorate he inhabitants a t th e C a p e . Thi s mo d e the condition of t of dealing with the a 1 1 7tian was, he considered, extremely unjust to the l ate a d mi enstration of the Colonial deport ment. The colony of the Cape was, it sh ou ld b e recol lected, ours b m the comm e n ce m en t wasy conquest. and ft,: governed by 14ws who ll y diff eren t from ours; but it had been the endeavour of the Colonial Department gradually to assimilate them to ours. It had been said by the Hon. Member (Mr. Baring) that a kind of 1 gisiati.a assembly or representative Government should be given to the in habitants of the Cape. Were not Hon. Members awase, that the Mauritius, Ceylon, New Sonde Wales, Van - Dieman's Land, and other British Colonies, were without Representative Governments, though it was well known that some of them were inhabited almost exclusively by Englishmen, or their descendants? But even to this point the attention of the Colonial Government had been given. . . Many details of improvements--in the administration of the colony were already in progress—not thought of now for the first time, as some gentlemen seemed to imagine, but the result of diligent investigation, which had been carried on for the last three or four years. He was as anxious as any Hon. Member that petitions from the inhabitants of any of the colonies should receive due consideration,, but if the influence of the House and the public was to he used against Colonial Governments in favour of the people on fair occasions, it was also just that they should be exer cised in favour of the Governments in cases of unjust com plaints on the part of the colonists. He should be pre pared to show that anuchlad been done .for the colony in those years in which it was nnfairk , assumed that nothing w h a t e ver had been effected. It svgs no valid obj ec ti o n to the administration of the colony to' say t h at for some years its currenc y had been left in an unsettled state Th e same might be said of the currency of this country for many years, during which much ignorance prevailed on subjects connected with it, on which, within the last few years, much better information existed, and much sounder prin ciples were adopted. The establishment of one general standard for the currency of the colonies would be pro ductive of much benefit in this respect. In conclusion of this part of the subject, he would observe, that it was intended (and not now for the first tine) to adopt every measure within the power of the Colonial Department to ameliorate the condition of the colony at the Cape. He would now advert to another subject, on which, though it was one of a nature personal to himself, he would beg the attention of the House for a few moments. He alluded to a pamphlet recently published by a Gallant General (Sir Rufane Donkin), and which had found its way into all the newspapers, reflecting on what he (Mr. W. Horton) said, or was supposed to have said, in his place in that House. This mode of proceeding on a publiC ques tion was, to say the least of it, very inconvenient; for an other course was open to the Gallant Officer, by which his object would be much more easily attained. He might have brought the subject before the House by petition, or have instructed some Hon. Member (of whom there were, no doubt, many who would have willingly undertaken the office) to bring the affair before the House, where it would be discussed much more conveniently than it could be through the medium of newspapers. In this pamphlet Sir R. Donkin stated that he bad charges to make against Lord Somerset, which he was prevented from doing by my means, by orders of Lord Bathurst. Now, he (Mr. W. Horton) never gave any intimation of that kind to the Gal lant General. The Gallant Officer, in one of his letters to Lctrd Bathurst, said, "I have disclosures to make which will cover Lord C. Somerset with ruin." A letter was written, by Lord Bathurst's . order, calling an the Gallant General to produce his charges, and he then denied that he had any charge to make, or that he had intended to make any. He said he bad no direct charges to bring, but that he would make disclosures. Now, he (Mr. W. Horton) did not wish to shelter himself under any particular term ; but in the ordinary acceptation of language, when a man said he had disclosures to make which would cover an other with ruin, it was not unnatural to suppose that lie had in his possession matters of charge against the party alluded to. He was not called upon to bring forward a public accusation, or to impeach Lord Charles Somerset.— He was only required to bring forward his disclosures, and then he stated he had no charge to make ; but the fact was, he had no disclosures to make which were not already made known to the Colonial department through other sources. Mr. MABERLY, in reference to what had &lien from his Hon. Friend (Mr. Baring) respecting the alleged mal administration of the colony for fifteen years, observed, that such a sweeping charge would unjustly include the govern ment of the colony during the administration of Sir R. Donkin. It should be borne in mind, that at the time Sir R. Donkin left the Cape, he received tle most marked tes timonials of the approbation of the colonists. He had also the entire approval of his Majesty's Government at home. There was no ground, therefore, for including his Govern ment in the administration spoken of. With respect to the pamphlet, he did not advise, or approve of, its publica tion, for he agreed that that was a very inconvenient mode of discussing the merits of a public question ; but he must say that Sir-R. Donkin was at all times ready to state his disclosures, provided a fair opportunity were g iven to him. He was ready to state all that he knew. This was fair, and all that could be expected from the Gallant Officer. As to the subject of the alleged charge against Lord Charles Somerset, he would offer ne opinion until the whole question should come before the House. He would, however, observe, with respect to the government of Sir R. Donkin, that it had been most advantageous to the colony. 311.. HUME said, there were great difficulties in the way of Sir Rufane Donkin's bringing forward a public ac cusation, which, if he were anxious to undertake the task, he would be unable to surmount without the aid of the Colonial Department. The heads of that department owed it as a duty to the Colonists to institute an inquiry where their interests were concerned, and when import ant charges were offered to be proved. It appeared from the Right Hon. Gentleman's statement, that the Colonial Department had been aware long before of most of the dis closures which Sir Rufane Donkin could have made; and he thought it reflected strongly on them that they had no long before instituted some incuiry on the subject. - that ease, although Sir Rufani: Donkin might not have appeared as a public accuser, he might as a witness. Let the .House consider the difficulties which would present themselves to him, as an officer in the army accusing his predecessor in office, how such a circumstance might affect his character in the army. It should also be recollected that, as a public accuser, he would be put to immense ex pence in the production of witnesses, which no private in dividual could well hear.—(Hear:) —An Han. Member, not then in his place, had given a pledge to bring this matter forward ; but he would be unable to do so effectu ally without the aid of the Colonial Department. Would they bring forward the witnesses necessary to substantiate the charge? If earnest in the discharge of their duty, they would accept the offer which the gallant officer had given of his evidence. A MEMBER.7hose name we could not learn, observed that Lord CharleS'Sornerset would be ready at all times to meet any charges that might be brought against him. On the question that the petition be read, Mr. W. HORTON begged to say a few words in ex planation'. The Colonial Department had not called upon Sir R. Donkin to bring forward any accusation. He him self stated that he had disclosures to make; and when written to make his charges, he declared that he had none to bring forward. He (Mr. Horton) did not stand there as the accuser of Sir R. Donkin, or as the defender of any other party (for that was not the time for such a course), but he must say that there was something very incon sistent in some of the gallant officer's statements. In ene part he stated that Lord Bathurst had sacrificed him for Lord C. Somerset; and in another part, he said that he had no charge whatever to make against Lord Bathurst. Here the Right Honourable Gentleman referred to a pas sage in the Second Edition of Sir R. Doukin's Pamphlet, in which he offers to prove gross corruption against Lord C. Somerset, and refers, in support of his charge, to evidence which might be obtained of Mr. Brink, the Noble Lord's Private Secretary, though in another place he expresses his fear that that gentleman might break down under the heavy load which he would have to sustain. Now it happened that he spoke in the highest terms of this gentleman, and it was to be hoped that hereafter he would not turn round and say that the evi dence of Mr. Brink was not to be trusted. The charge to which he there adverted he (Mr. Horton) would prove to be false whenever the opportunity came ; but why, he asked, in an accusation of this nature, was Lord Bathurst to presume every thing against the accused, and nothing at . , ail in his favour? Again, he repeated, why did not the Gallant Officer bring forward his charge? It was idle to say that a man who oared to make disclosures which l i would bring ruin on another had no charge to snake. The Colonial Department were quite ready togo into an inves tiption, when the charges were made; but when called upon for those disclosures, the Gallant Officer referred to some information which was coming over from the Cape, and which was the result of inquiries already made by the Colonial Department. Mr. MABERLY - repeated, that Sir R. Donkin was not bound to appear as a. public accuser ; but it was the duty of the Colonial Department to•brinEr, the case forward, and to receive any evidence which he could offer. Mr. CANNING said, that not only the character of the Gallant Officer, but that of the department with which he was connected, was at stake on this question. He asked the House whether any department could pursue a course more fair than that which had been taken by the Noble Lord (Bathurst) on this occasion ? A Gallant Officer comas forward and states, that he was in possession of in formation which would be the rain of another public _ _ Officer at the -head of one of the Colonial Governments.— What could any hetldof adopartment imagine from that but that the individual making the offer was prepared to bring forward his charge? So far from•thinking that the Noble Lord (Bathurst) had not gone far enough in giving him the opportunity, he was of opinion that be had gone . _ rather too far. Hit were his own case, he would - say that it was not unfair to call on the individual making the offer (app;:over or informer he would not call him) to bring forward his statement. He would have gone farther, and asked him to give his information in writing. It would never, for a moment, have entered into his bead to have re- ceived his disclosures at a private interview, and to leave the question as to the nature of the information given to depend afterwards on the veracity of him or his informant. He would never have admitted him to such interview, unless a third party was present to take down all that was commu- nicated. - Instead, therefore, cf believing that any ground o f complaint existad on the score of the information having been rejected, lie thought a question might arise that it was too easily admitted. But did the Noble Lord, then at the head of the Colonial Department, stop there ? On the con trary, he made inquiry at the Cape into the matters which, from other sources, were known to constitute the offered disclosures, and the result of that inquiry would in a short time be laid before the House. Now, whether the con duct of Sir R. Dunkin was tog rash - at first, he (Mr. Can ning) would not say, as that was not the proper time or _place for entering into the affair, but he must observe, that as the head of a Department, the conduct of the Noble Lord, the late Colonial Secretary, was throughout most unexceptionable. Mr. H. GURNEY said, that all he had heard fully bore out the observation of his Hon. Friend, that some legislative assembly was necessary for the colony. Mr. A. BARING said, that let the Colonial Department ask the opinions of any of the inhabitants of the Colony not actually in office - there, and they would find them all unanimous in their opinion of the mal-administration by which the Colony was so long afflicted; and he believed the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Wilmot Horton) himself was well aware of the fact. If the Right Hon. Gentleman refused to give a Representative Government till the Co lonies were ripe to receive it, lie would tell him they would never be ripe until they got it.—(Hear, hear.)--If he treated them like children, and never set them on their legs till they were able to walk like men, they would never be able to walk like men. It might be true that in some Colonies, where the principal_ persons were the stewards of gentlemen living in Portland-place, it would not be advisable to give a legislative establishment. • The case was different with a colony consisting for the greater part of English farmers, who had carried out their capital for its cultivation. He could assure his Hon. Friend (Mr. Moberly), that he meant to cast no aspersion on the go vernment of Sir R. Dunkin. He knew nothing of it. As to that of Lord Caledon, he believed he did as much as any man could do to make despotism tolerable; but he (Mr. Baring) was unwilling to see Englishmen depending fur their prosperity or comfort on the personal feeling of any governor. Mr. W. HORTON, in explanation, referred to a letter which be had written to Sir R. Dozikin, in which he stated that as they had got the information that he had offered to communicate through other sources, they would not trouble him to give it himself. On that letter the gallant officer had most erroneously founded his conclusion that the Colonial Office had prevented him from making his disclosures. He now begged to advert to a notice of motion on this subject, given by an Hon. Member not then in the House. He was sorry he was not present, but he hoped that before he brought the question forward he would give him timely notice of the particular grounds he intended to take. He wanted to know what the specific charges were; and be trusted that the Hon. Gentleman would have no objection to communicate them to him. Mr. MABERLY said, that the letter which the Right Hon. Gentleman had just read, excluded the necessity of Sir R. Donkin's coming forward with any accusation. Mr. H. TWISS wished to know what the charges against the Colonial Department were. He did not un derstand whether the Hon. Member for Abingdon meant to withdraw the motion to which his Right Hon. Friend Inc' just alluded. —(Loud cries of " No, no.") The petition was then ordered to be printed. BOROUGH OF MANCHESTER. Lord J. RUSSELL gave notice that he would on Tues day next move for leave to bring in. a Bill to enable the Borough of Manchester to return two Members to Par liament. VOTE OF CREDIT. On the motion of Mr. CANNING, the House resolved itseli into a Committee of Supply. Mr. CANNING moved that the King's Message . should be read. It was read accordingly. " G. R. " His Majesty, deeming it expedient to provide for any additional expense which may arise on account of the con tinuance of his Majesty's forces in Portugal, and relying on his experience of the zeal and affection of his faithful Com mons, trusts they will make provision accordingly." G. R. Mr, CANNING—On a former evening, when he •had brought forward his statement of the financial condition of the country, he had taken the liberty of informing the Com mittee that he should have to call upon it for an additional vote of credit of 500,000/. to the Government, for the pur pose of meeting the contingent expences 'of the further con tinuance of his Majesty's forces in Portugal. The grounds on which those forces were sent to Portugal had been so fully explained to the House, and so nearly unanimously approved by it, that he held it unnecessary to refer to them ; and he had little further to say to the Committee at pre sent, than that the same causes which induced his Majesty to determine on sending that expedition, though dimi nished in their operation, still existed in sufficient force to render the continuance of our army in Portugal necessary. On the first occasionii when he mentioned this subject, lie had taken the liberty of stating, that it was impossible for him to explain the full extent of the grounds on which his Majesty's determination was founded, with out entering into an hostile explanation of the conduct of Spain, which it was undesirable to give whilst there were any hopes of adjustment existing. If in 'the hope of adjustment at a time when irritation prevailed and menace was employed, it was prudent to abstain from ir ritating discussion, much more prudent was such a course now, when the most sanguine expectations were enter tained that all the causes which we had for distrust were coming to a speedy termination. The mere fact of send ing our troops to Portugal had met, repelled, and anti cipated the danger of ruin which threatened that country. That danger had been •repellettsrtiot by any active exer tions—but by the mere presence of the British forces on the soil of P . Ortilgil. He wmilcf "riol pretend to deny that there had been differences anavariations of counsels on the part of the Spanish Government which had threatened the renewal °Pig same dangers ; but he was now happy to state that dal/tendency or the King of Spain's counsels were less danggrem,,and that the country might look for ward to a speellY adjustment of differences between the two nations, and to gliefinkiflit of the causes of them.--I(Hear, hear.)—He abstained Wm, saying mote upon that expe& tation, as he was not alto say when it might be rea,1184.; It would be izitiVious td every gentleman who heard him, that a state of things Ityltich might not justify them in' sending an army to Portugal might justify them in not withdrawing it when it was there; and that it mightlif prudent to keep ft thhe, not only till the danger was re-, pressed, but also till the probability of its recurrence was prevented.--(Hear.)—He had no hesitation in informing the House, that the prolongation of the stay of the British troops in Portugal rested upon the very same grounds as those on which they were sent there, and not upon any new causes, intentions, or dispositions whatever. Having made that statement to the - Committee, he was not aware that it was necessary for him, unless other gentlemen should object to this vote, to say any thing which would provoke needless discussion. He should, therefore, concluSe by moving that a sum not exceeding 500,0001. be granted to his Majesty to provide for any additional contingent es- penses on behalf of the British forces in Portugal. Mr. BANKES senior, said, that it still appeared to him that the casus firderis was not made out try the statement of his Right Hon. Friend, and he only saw on this, as on all other circumstances, the mischief which had arisen from one wrong and precipitate step. There might, no doubt, have been many who w ere satisfied with that state ment ; it was, no doubt most brilliant, and not likely to be forgotten either in the New or in the Old World. Was there, he asked, any thing like a casus fcederis, when there never had been any aggression on the part of Spain, nor a single soldier of her's ever marched over the frontier of Portugal. The Government having once taken a wrong step, and precipitately sent an army into the Peninsula, might not, under such circumstances, be competent to withdraw them, and certainly, on that account, he would be disposed to concur in any address to the Crown having that tendency. Though wrong to send them there, in the first instance, it was impossible to call them back. Yet he felt that, on their continuance in the Peninsula, a war eventually hung. They could not be kept there with jus tice, nor could they be broUght back with safety. His con jecture was, that Ministers intended to double, or treble the force in that kingdom. It was most extraordinary, and by no means called for by the circumstances of the case. Though such were his conviction, he would he far from putting his individual opinion in opposition to the general sense of the House, but he could not help prottsating against it, as unnecessary in the commencement—as plac ing it in such a:situation, as that it was less obliged to 1 , the wisdom of its own Councils, than to the moderation of France. Colonel DAVIES contended, in opposition to the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire, that the cases fiederis, which enabled the Portuguese to demand the assistance of the British Government, had bee!) completely made out by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. He maintained, that if there ever was a time in which England was called upon to send troops abroad for the maintenance of her honour and the protection of her interests, such a time occurred in December last. He could not sit still and hear it publicly stated, that the . Governmentof Spain had acted with good faith and moderation towards us.—(Cries of" Mr. Bankes said France, not Spain.") —The Hon. Member for Dorset shire had said, that no Spanish soldier had crossed the Portuguese frontier. But then was it not notorious that a large Spanish army was assembled upon it, and that the Spanish Government had aided and abetted the Portuguese rebels in all their attacks upon the Government of our ally? H e w a s persuaded that the departure of our troops from Portugal would be a signal to the Spanish army to com mence its march to Lishon.---(llear.)—Unless we were p re p are d to see Portugal, as well as Spain, made a pro vince of France, we could not have acted otherwise than we had done. He was convinced , th a t if we h a d acte d as we ought to have done in 1822, by preventing the unjusti fiable aggression which France made upon Spain, we should not have . been under the necessity of either sending an army to Portugal, or of asking for a sum of 506,0001. for its support.—(Hear.) Col. LINDSAY made a few observations in opposition to the grant, which was very indistinctly heard in the gallery. We understood him to say, that the declaration which Mr. Canning had made, that if that constitution were attacked, he could let loose all the passions of Europe in support of it, had caused it to be viewed with great jealousy and dislike by all foreign Powers. He condemned the sending of our troops to Portugal, which, he said, had placed the peace of the country in a very precarious situa tion. All the despotic Governments of Europe looked upon us with fear and distrust in consequence of that mea sure. He wished the Right Hon. Gentleman would in form him whether our troops were now kept in Portugal to repel foreign invasion or to support .the present constitu tion. That constitution was unpopular among all classes of Portuguese, and ought not to be thrust down their throats by the assistance of British bayonets. Sir:JAMES MACKINTOSH said, that after so long a silence and absence from the House, he should not have felt himself called upon to speak on the present occasion by anything which had fallen from the two Hon. Gentle men who had spoken on the other side, had he not been desirous of taking an opportunity—which he regretted that he had not been able to avail himself of before—to declare his opinion to the Committee, and indeed to all who thought his opinion worth notice—that he considered the prompt and vigorous succour recently given by the people of this country to their old ally Portugal in a crisis of great danger to be one of the brightest pages in its recent his tory. He said the prompt and vigorous succour—for he did not think that the mere performance of the obligations which the faith of treaties imposed upon us wanted any eulogium at all. God forbid that he should be so forgetful of the honour of his country, of the reputation of former, and of the character of the present Ministers, as to suppose that the mere fulfilment of a treaty on our part required commendation ! He confined his . approbation to the prompt and vigorous measures which had been taken to render the performance of our duty effectual—measures which reflected the highest honour upon the Government that had planned and executed them, and which, if they had not been sanctioned by all the individuals who com posed the British - Parliament, had been sanctioned at least by all the parties into which it was divided.—(Hear.)— With regard to the speech made by the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire, he must begin by observing, that the princi pal part of his argument was historical and retrospective. It was an inquiry into the result of the measures taken by the Government in the December of last year, and had no reference to the vote of that night. Indeed, he did not see how the Honourable Member for Dorsetshire could oppose the present grant, unless he were pre pared to show that Government ought to retract all the preparations which it had already made, and to ac knowledge the injustice of every measure which it had hitherto approved. The Hon. Member must have satisfied the Committee that what he had just said had no reference to the present vote; for he bad boldly avowed that if an address were to be proposed to his Majesty, calling on him to withdraw his forces from Portugal, he could not agree to it. In a Parliamentary sense, then, the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire had no opposition to this vote ; in a Parlia mentary r.-nse he must be considered as giving it-the benefit of his assent. With respect to the considerations which the Hon. Member had offered to the House on the amount of the vote, and on its distribution, man by man, among the soldiery in Portugal, he was not so good a calculator as to be able to decide off-hand upon its accuracy. It was most unfair and unreasonable, to say that this vote of credit was given to meet the expence of the army. It was not in the contemplation of either Government or Parliament that all of it should be expended ; it was merely asked, to meet any unforeseen exigency which might suddenly arise. A vote of credit which armed Government with large and extensive power, was calculated to lessen its expences. By voting a large sum, the House was taking the best means to prevent a larger stun from being, ex pended. Foreign powers might be controlled in their mea sures by seeing that the British Parliament continued their support of these measures with the same liberality which they displayed at the outset. The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire had not taken into his arithmetical calculations the expense of, the transports Which would be wanted to bring our forces back from Portugal. He believed that it would amount to a large sum, and that though it might not swallow up all the vote now asked for, it would swallow up a large proportion of it. An Hon. Gen tleman on the other side had said, that in a moment of in toxication the House had voted that which he (Sir J. Mackintosh) trusted that it would vote again in a state of coolness—namely, succours to our ' ally and performance of the obligations of treaties. He confessed that he partook of the intoxication, if intox%Ation it were, which the Hon. Member so loudly condemned : and was afraid that he -was now, after the lapse of several months, still in the same un fortunate state. He rejoiced greatly in soul when he con templated the skill with which that m easure o f assistance bad been devised, and the promptitude and vigour with which it had been executed. He should have been ashamed of his country, he should have considered it overwhelmed with unprecedented disgrace, if it had hesitated for one mo ment in taking that part which the Hon. Member contended it had taken in a moment of intoxication. --( Hear. )--He would not stoop to argue the question whether our troops had been sent to Portugal to support the Constitution. That duestion had been long since anticipated and answered, and a reply to it at present was quite superfluous. It had been Wilted by his Right Hon. Friend, in the most precise termethe language could afford, that the troops now remained' in Portugal to secure the very object they bad been 'suit to accomplish. Now the House had been infornied, not merely once or twice, but repeatedly, time after time; that the British forces were sent to Portugal with express in junctions to repel foreign invasion from it, and not to (inter . fere in its national affairs. They were sent to Portugal for that purpose. His Right Hon. Friend declared tliat they stayed there for that purpose ; and whlrfurtlier , answer could the Hon. Member seek to obtain c irom his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the EXchequer7—(Hear.) His Hon. Friend, the Member for Dorsetshire, must excuse him for expressing his surprise at the simplicity with which he (Mr. Bankes) hail asked whether any Spanish soldier had been sent across the Portuguese frontier. He admit ted that no Spanish soldier had crossed the frontier ; but was not the assembling of a Spanish army on the from . _ - tier, at a time when rebellion, excited by the intrigues and gold of a Spanish party, was desolating the interior of Portugal, a proceeding of a most alarming nature? Did not the Hon. Member know that the assembling of an army by one power on the frontier of another was always considered just ground of demanding explanation in the first instance, and, if explanation were refused, of .taking further mea sures sulriequently to enforce it? He should like to hear any prudent statesman deny that the assembling of a great military force on the frontier of a power whose deserters it supported, and even provided with munitions of war, was not a menace to that power, seriously affecting its internal security, and: giving it the right, if it chose to exercise it, of appealing 'at once to arms.—(Hear.)--If no man could deny the principle of national jurisprudence which he had just laid down, it settled the question of our duty to our ally. The duty of England rested on the right of Portu gal. If Portugal had a right to demand explanation from Spain on account of the military force which the latter Government had assembled on its frontier, a,qd if the ref; sal of all satisfactory explanation by Spain were ti sufficient justification of Portugal going to war—which no man would deny that it was—they was England bound in duty to afford the same assistance to Portugal as if she bad been openly and directly atthclt•ed.—(Hear, hear.)—The duty of the ally to give assistance rested, he maintained, o n the right of the principal to go to war.—(Hear, hear hear. )—lt had been said, however, by the other side, that in case our troops continued in Portugal, they must, if we adhered to our doctrine of not interfering in the inter nal arrangements of independent states, confine their hos tility to Spaniards alone. Now from this doctrine, lie must beg leave, under certain limitations, to dissent. Sup posing Spain were to invade Portugal partly with Spanish soldiers, and partly with Portuguese deserters, whom she had taken into her pay, would any man contend that our cannons and our bayonets should make spy distinction be tween the real Spanish soldier and the rebellions Portuguese, whom lie had taken into his pay? No : the Portuguese must be considered as the allies of the foreign invaders ; and as such our troops must treat them.—(hear, hear, hear.)—He admitted no interference between the two con tending parties in Portugal. If no menace bad been made by a foreign power against the existing Government of Portugal, we should not merely have had no duty to meddle in the struggle,—we should also have had no right.— (Hear.)—As soon, however, as a foreign partisan appeared on the stage, and dealt in menaces which endangered the security of the existing government, we were compelled by the obligation of treaties to become the domestic partisan of that Government against all foreign invaders, no matter how they were supported by its discontented subjects. If it had not been for the very extraordinary doctrines which hail been inconsiderately held on this subject by some per-' sans who ought to have known better, he shout* have been very brief on this part of the question ; but as it was, he should beg leave to illustrate it a little more at length. If a foreign army were to l an d i n E ng l a nd as aux ili ar i es to a pasty in rebellion aga i nst t h e G overnment, the Go vernment would immediately obtain the right of calling upon all its foreign allies to bring their forces to its aid. He did not allude to Holland merely,' which was .bound to support the Protestant succession to the Throne of these realms, whenever h was endangered, but to all our foreign allies, who would be bound in such a case -to send over their contingents, not merely to attack the foreign inva der, but also his domestic partisans. Thus it would be with our own forces in Portugal. The invader, with all his aiders and abettors, would be the legitimate object of the hostility which we were bound to wage there for the benefit of our ally.—(Hear.) —He had already answered the question which the Hon. Gentleman opposite had put to him as to whether our troops were in Portugal to sup port the Constitution, by reference to the declarations of his Right Honourable Friend both in December last and upon the present evening. He would now carry his reply a little further. He would point out a circum stance which had occurred in the year 1823, and which proved decisively that it was not in support of the Con stitution of Portugal, but of Parliament itself, that we now gave to the Government of Portugal our assistance. He would beg Honourable Members to recollect what the condition of Parliament was at that particular time. He had no doubt that many gentlemen would recollect, that among the papers which were laid on the table of the House in that year, relative to the negotiations to prevent the aggression on Spain, there was a letter of Mr. Canning to Sir C. Stuart, in which he desired him to inform the French Government explicitly, that any act of hostility committed by France upon Portugal would bring England with all her forces into the field.—(Hear, hear.)—Was it in behalf of the present Constitution that we threatened to interfere ? No such thing : Portugal was at that time under a democratical form of government, which it was well known that the British Government by no means ap proved, and which constituted a subject of regret to all the real lovers of liberty in England, however hostile they were to its amendment by foreign interference—(hear, hear) ; and yet in favour of that Portugal, then so democratically revolutionised, England declared to France that any a‘t<Lck upon its territory would bring her with all her forces into the field.—(Hear, hear.)—Could there be a more conclu sive demonstration that we were not now in arms to sup port the Constitution of Portugal, but only the right of Portugal to give itself a free constitution, uncontrolled by the interference of foreign powers ?—(Hear.)--He would ask any gentleman who would condescend to reason the matter temperately, whether, because we were bound to support the government of Portugal, we were therefore bound to approve of its constitution. He himself should be afraid to pass any judgment upon it, for he knew very little about it. The Honourable. and Gallant Member, who had addressed the House for the first time that evening with so much promise, would dis cover, before he became so old a member of the House as he (Sir James Mackintosh) now was, that it was a diffi cult matter to learn what was the real opinion of a fo reign people—what was their real condition—and how far they were or were not fit for liberal institutions. These were often difficult questions, God knew, with respect to our own countrymen, but were so much more difficult with regard to the people of foreign countries, that a wise man would not undertake to answer them. There was, however, another point in the speech of the Hon. and Gallant Member that surprised him exceedingly. The main objection which he urged against the conduct of the present Administration with respect to Portugal was, that in maintaining the faith of treaties with our ancient ally, we were offending those great Powers of Europe who exer cised despotic sway over their respective countries. If this were true, if this great nation, so long renowned for its good faith and strict observance of treaties, dared no longer perform the sacred obligations which its treaties imposed upon it, lest it should thereby displease the great despots of Europe, then he must say that not only Portugal, but England too, was unfit for the enjoyment of (Hear, hear.)--If England had so far lost her ancient pride and spirit as to he influenced by a bare fear, lest the per formance of her duty should cause displeasure to any Prince, Power, or Potentate whatsoever—if she allowed such an unmanly and dastardly consideration to be present to her mind, when she was consulted on the destinies of na tions, she might be sure that the day of her glory had de parted—that the sceptre of power was passing from her grasp, and that she herself was " cito peritura."-=—(Hear, hear.)--Whenever that sordid fear shall come over her, she will have lost all power to preserve her liberty at home, and to make her independence respected abroad.—(Hear, hear.)—He would imitate the example which had been set him by his Right Hon. Friend, and would abstain from en tering into any observations which might provoke a discus sion on the conduct of the great States of Europe. He valued the existence of peace as much as any man. He would perform the duties of amity to every other Power in Eu rope as well as he would perform them to Portugal. The duties of courtesy, which were included in those of amity, he would perform to every Government, no matter wha opinion he entertained either of their form or of their con duct; but he would not be discouraged by a fear of their resentment from advising his country to perform that duty which was required of her by the faith of ancient treaties. --(Hear, hear.)—He would not, at this time of day, go over the contents of those treaties. Every body must know what they were ;—and he would venture to affirm,—nay he would be so bold as to challenge the most expert jurist in Europe to disprove his assertion,—that if there was any one proposition in the law of nations more demonstrative `than another, it was the obligation of Great Britain to give her.support to her ancient ally Portugal, when she was required to do so in December last.—(Hear, hear.)—The law of the ease was clear, the facts of the case were clear, and the application of the law to the facts was, he might almost say, self-evident.—(Hear.)—He was therefore asto nished—nay, he was more than astonished—he was pained at hearing the doctrines which were propounded on this subject, when the House appeared to be representing the general feeling of the country, by his Hon. Friend the Member for Aberdeen, for who s e use f u l l a b ours i n behalf of the public lie should ever entertain a grateful esteem. His Hon. Friend had called on the House to deliberate care fully and cautiously before it ventured to the arduous and complicated question, whether it should violate the ancient good faith of the country or not.—(Loud cries of hear.)— He had never heard that his Hon. Friend had attempted to show that the obligation of treaties did not bind us to assist Portugal ; on the contrary, he believed that his Hon. Friend jumped at once to this conclusion,—that if we did assist Portugal, we should be guilty of a wanton interference in the internal affairs of another country. He did not know whether he ought to admire the boldness with which his Hon. Friend overleaped, or the discretion with which he overlooked all the obstacles which stood between him and his conclusion. He rather thought that he ought to ap plaud his discretion, because it would require greater ta lents than even his Hon. Friend possessed to produce - any effect upon the House, whilst he attempted to show either that we were not bOund by the faith of treaties to assist Portugal, or that if we were bound, we ought to seek the means of evading them.—(Hear.),--In justifying the mea sures which the present Administration had taken upon this subject, so much to their honour, he did not mean to justify them on the ground that the force we sent out was sent out to maintain - either liberal or any other kind of in stitutions. He would ask no more, under these treaties, than if they had been entered into with the Emperor of Morocco ; he would demand no more under them, than if they had been entered into with a power which was en- hdeavouring to destroy a free Government, instead of one that was aiming at the establishment of a liberal system.— ' (Hear, hear.)—lf he were asked, why he rejoiced in the interposition of this country, he would frankly avow that lie did so, because that interposition must have the effect of checking a system by which it was attempted to prevent the establishment of flee institutions in Europe.--(Hear hear.)—The only plausible topic urged against this pro ceeding was one that would hardly be used op any other occasion, and which, he conceived, was advanced with a . • peculiar ill grace on this. What was that topic ? Why, that England was interfering to give liberty to a country, that was not prepared to receive it, and that did not re quire it. But the fact was, that this attempt to introduce a liberal sytem was the work of the King and people of Portugal, and our interference was called for by the Po yernment of Portugal, under the faith of treatiee.— The effect of such an argument as that which he had quoted was, that they were scrupulously to ob serve the stipulations of all treaties that required the most odious and reyolting interfffence,--: 7 an interference thnt might lead, in its operation, to the most unfortunate consequences; and the m;ly treaties, with respect to which some few gentlemen were willing to relax this strict prin ciple appeared to be those under which the interference of England might be called for to prevent any ally from being crier-rifled by 'a hoStilepOwer, when that ally was making an attempt to give to his country a just and free Govern ment.--(Hear, bear.)--Was such a doctrine as this agree able to the ears of the Committee?—(Hear.)--Was it in unison with the generous feelings of this country?—(Hear.) H 6 approved in the highest degree of the step which the Government had taken in sending troops to Portugal to .• . prevent the sggresiion of *hi. If those troops were suffered to remain there one moment after the ob ject of their mission was accomplished, Ministers would be guilty of a flagrant wrong ; and if they were recalled one moment sooner than that object was effected, they would be guilty of gross per&dy.--( Hear, hear. ).Such an act might leave Portugal in a far worse situati on th an th a t i n which they found It. The presence of the British troops might have incited thousands of individuals to exert themselves to save their country from a despotism ; and if the protect ing force were prematurely withdrawn, those persons would be left at the mercy of their most implacable ene mies. --(Hear, hear.)—He trusted, that the feelings of a generous, manly, and honourable fidelity, whisk' produced those measures, would never suffer to listen to the plea of retrenchment, or of they priety of non-interference with the affairs of 4tai nation, or to any other doctrine, however, plaol iti , might he advan ce d, f or th e purpose of inducing t' to change their course of policy. A gallant officer (; lone! Lindsay) h a d sa id, t h at, according to his ln region, the g overnments o f E urope, or the natioso Europe, he (Sir J. Mackintosh) knew not which-4' haps both —were dissatisfied with the part which Fuel"; had taken on thi s occas i on . N ow he had heard, on ll hours ago, from as good authority as could he cited-' 3 authority of an E ng li s h gent l eman who had recent ly tr , t ; veiled thro ug h some i nterest i ng parts of Europe--a St' ' t+ directly th e reverse . H e h a d not the permission , that gentleman to disclose his name, and therefore he sh ° , withhold it ; because he had ever made it a rule ne t name an individual without permission, nor to produc e , written document without the writer's leave.—(Hear.). But if he had had permission to mention his name, he ``.;' quite sure that there was no quarter in that House in ‘ o ,: l ej , the opinion of the individual, to whom he bad alle u „; would not have weight. The impression of the mind that gentleman was very different from that which they ' be heard that night. He stated, that in the capital where 01 resided, every Englishman, 24 hours after the neWa succour having be e n a ff or d e d t o P ortugal, had ar rio" a ' found himself in a very different situation, in point of nity and importance, in every society he entered.--(H e ; i hear. )—A n d th ose w h o h a d b us i ness to transact w i t h t { public authorities, also perceived, that this event create,' for them additional res p ec t.—(H ear, b ear.)—ln s h or t, t! r !`, just, honourable, and brilliant conduct adopted by tIY country, had raised the national character all over the c gl i tinent of Europe to as high a pitch of honour as it I ° , attained at th a t g l or i ous per i o d , t h e seven years ' gill s when the great Lord Chatham was at the head of 1 t administration.—(Hear, h ear. ) Some individuals wig consider these little particulars as of no weight--of importance. —(Cheers. )—But he contended that they werere of great and hi g h i mportance, b ecause they were i n di c ati% .. lined fthe w g o e r n ld neraolths feeling i a p n a d rt t i h eua the gene r al n ene i ra e l a j s u u d r g e, ment of the ci v r lightlf they might he viewed, or however che a ply ho th w e e y ve tn r held, by a few gentlemen in that House.—(Hear, hear.) . Such marks of respect and esteem tended to exalt time chs7. racter of the nation, and to strengthen and secure the bea t interests of th e St a t e .—(He ar .)—Th ey gave a mo ral esti mation, in the highest degree conducive to good Cov es '''. went,—in the highest degree conducive to the preserw, tion of that tranquillity and peace which, after 11 00 °7 , should be th e c hi e f o bj ect with every Member i n the House, and with every English Minister. —(Cheeri)" There never was a measure more likely to secure peace this. A retrospective view had been dragged into the cussion, in the course of that evening's debate ; but wh' s was he to understand from all th at h a d b een said aga in' ' this measure ? Why; that by it England had saved ally, and instead of being exposed thereby to war, had gived herielf a tenfold security aga i ns t i t.— ( Hear.)—He assert, on the honourable and impartial authority toWlu c r he had before alluded, that the proceedings of the Minifit' for Foreign Affairs, and of his Majesty's government, Or ported by that House, were calculated to send an -Fur lishman to the Continent more proud of his ca l '' try, more c l ose ly an d natura ll y attac h ed to tha t country, and more anxious for her fame and Wooer' than he would have been if those measures had ne ver been adopted.—(Hear.) —He had begun by observing' that all the parties in that House were agreed in the p r h o ; priety of this Act ; an d h e cou ld not entertain a dou b t ' that the policy of the country would support it, unless 6°l extraordinary and unexpect e d a lt era ti on i n t h e state of of fairs justified th e Government. in - abandOning it. 'I P , - House, it was tr ue , h a d b een or i g i na ll y di v id e d on question ; but those who had so divided it immediately 03 d the utter futility of so feeble an opposition. Much h i s been recently said_ on the su bj ect o f coalit i ons. New, ' saw no objection to coalitions, in the abstract. If thq were mischievous in their n a t ure , t h en h e must say this was a most unfortunate country ; for one-third of t 1 1" years that had elapsed since th e R evo l u ti on h a d seen Au" ministrations formed by coalition. He was the less shaker by the frequent use of the watchword, because he recn, lected that coalitions• had not given to this country t h , v worst Administrations. It was no t a coa li t i on 1 1 /i o ist l l that signed the peace of Utrecht, and endeavoured to elg- " elude the House of Hanover from the throne of thesea realms : it was not a coalition Ministry that dismembe r the British empire, and lost North America by acts of in' justice and oppression : but it was a coalition Ministry: composed of the Tories or Jacobites, Lord Godolphin and the Duke of Marlborough, and of the Whigs or Revolu tionists, Lord Some rs an d t h e D u k e of Devons hire, that achieved all the vi c to r i es of the reign of Queen Anne, 0 4 planned a ll th e measures w hi c h secured and established, the House of Hanove r on th e th rone o f G reat Britain.—(get hear. )—lt was not a co aliti on Ministry that attempted . 1 - ,; defeat those measures, but th a t fortified and strengtl lol 7 ! them.—(Hear, h e ar.)—Th ere was anot h er coalition , or 3 more recent date—that of the immort a l E ar l o f Ch a tban% He had formed - a coalition w ith th ose aga i nst w h om he had long contended in a fi erce , acr i mon i ous,an d personal oppe,`; tion ; and that coalition c l a i me d, an d j ust l y c l a i me d, the glories of th e se v en y ears ' war.—(Hear,hear.)_But ije meant not to confine himself to warlike operations or Wa r " like successes— " Peace has her victories as well as war," and many of those victorie s m i g ht b e boasted of within th e last few years. The question of coalition to which be ba just referred, was deeply interesting to men of generous a?: . independent natures. Were such men, because their nions did not assimilate on points of policy, to be co" ;: nually ; nually estranged? W ere they to keep ep a perpe t u al po' v o tical enmity ?—(Hear.)—lfe knew that, with respect : 6 , ex W i h s i t g . a n E d x t T re o n r i y el y a a ri v s e t r o y er g a r t e i a c t o d p i i ff n e i l o .e n n s c ‘ e ve w re n a s iai su g P n P ed used to Oe c party, and highly liberal opinions to the other. 11 , question was wh e th er th ey m i g h t not he blended i n ° 4 P., system ? . N ow h e en ti re l y agree d i n t h e opinion given " Pr. Johnson, as stated i n a wor k w hi c h was, after all, t,:); greatest monum en t o f his fame—he meant his Life) Boswell, where he said— ,, A reasonable Whig and a n " 1 : -. derate Tory differ only i n d egree. The doctrines of an treme Tory are unintelligible —and those of an e etres n Whig render Government impracticabl e ."—(n e ar.)l ' They were both withi n th e pa l e o f t h e Constitution, .31]`A both might be useful in preserving it, as was clearly pr°Te by the pro cee di ngs o f the great coalition in the tiro,_ e , Queen Anne. For hi s own par t, h e gave hi s very below: support to th e p resen t Administration, because he 6°l _ ceived their course of policy to have for its object the ho • nour and interests of the coun t ry . H e approve d o f the (/' reign and of the domestic policy pursued by Ministers' The trade, manufactures, and commerce of the coun tri f • were placed under the supe r i n t en di ng v i g il ance o f one °,,. the most deserving publi c servan t s t h at t hi s kindom eve ~e possessed (Mr. Huskisson.),—(H ear , h ear , hear. )Alt, must also say, one of th e mos t ill- requ it e d me n t" , ever filled an important situation in the State,---it l. hear.)—He (Sir J. Mackintosh) concurred in al t h at i Gentleman's measures; and he admired as much the sonwr , ness of his general principles as his wariness and exPer n E _ ness in applying their details to the complicated of the country.—(Hear, hear.)—He supported Minister , because they were anxious to do every thing that favourable for religious liberty ; and, whatever circurn.,: stances would admit, for the pacification of one of the pri o l cipal members of the empire —Ireland.—(Cheers.) all they had hitherto done, he entirely approved. He e n` tirely agreed in the wisdom of their foreign policy. L ipg i 0 the recognition of the independence of the Sou American States—looking to the succours and suPP- 11 1 that had been sent to Portugal--con e l4 9 o o . t h e. go9 , `. f o r which, he hoped, was silently hilt •snrely 'WnrIP O .S he Greece—(hear, hear)—he came to this conclusion, wheo._; systc cast Isis eye over the page of history, that no three precolo, years could be compared with the three which had elapse: since the invasion of Spain by France, in point 4 br is - liarit, beneficial, and successf u l policy..- 7 (Hear, •••• his opinion there were no th ree yeees, pot even i n the l'o of Elizabeth herself leaving war e nti re ly ou t of the cos t that were so highly disti ngu i s h e d f or a lib era l an d bril li '; policy as those three years.--(Hear.)—The interests o f tie,f country, the inter es t s o f i n d epen d ence,•an d the isater ti ti the human race, had, during that time, beer? sepeorie ro ot • improved. lie was, therefore, happy and joyful to al oe h e tpadl in rhaps, hurriedistershteburn away bleandbythe w feeble ainh support r o w f templation of such principles naturally excit ed., vr,„. s e- ,-. • induced to intr u d e t oo l ong qn t h e t i m e e t t h e ' (Hear, hear.)—Btit, after so long an absence from P a in e• ment, he was very desircins to take an opportunity al a t of . panodrtudg4ilasasud alsoionatelywsitathtirnep g s l e i et is t o o pi t n h i e on m o ea n su t r l es ie a s d u o b p J t e c oa r e/ that Government to which he meant to afford his sup P ° —(Loud cheering.) • . a iies re ' Mr. HUME expressed a doubt whether the tie et ferred to were or were riot binding on this countrYn.e sti plated, on the part of Holland and England, that t a w pp et ea n re H d o r lan at d a , t p r o ipa rtua rti a te l, treaty h n a g d ian c lp the Portuguese territory was invaded by France then, and then only, should Greet Britain and u . "La afford assistance to the Portuguese. Now Hollatiga_;., withdrawn from that treaty, and the question boom to ther under these circumstances, England IV" the tribal • carry the treaty into execution ? In his opinion thq ought in point of law to have lapsed !what Qll9 Q 4 • • been letn‘tes!".edtliieirnr: Nib