The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-15 00:00:00

vincing the Algerines that it was wrong to sub aiston the-pillage of traders on the high seas, by any 'other arguments than ''those which were ultimately itrged with regard to it**. All the Methodists in E4rope and Amcrisa would fail in their attempts to soften the, heart of one single Arab, brought up in the notion that it is more glorious to rob Caravans than to labour. The jobbing boroughmongers, like all other persons convinced against their will, will relapse the very first opportunity which appears to (latter their inclinations. Nothing on earth but the demonstration in a manner not to be misunderstood, that the people are to a men bent on Reform, and that the danger will be greater to themselves from opposing it than agreeing to it, will command their suffrages. The processions of 120,000 respectable tradesmen and other householders in the metropolis on Wednesday last were of more avail in the way of argument than all the pamphlets that ever were written, all the speeches that ever were delivered. A Reform which would enable the Ministers of this country to throw themselves on the people, and to govern without distributing the plunder of the people among the possessors of borough property, must always be wormwood to the latter. The people have had great reason to confide in the honourable intentions of Ministers, who have shown themselves sincerely desirous ni ren- . _ dering the representation of thrt, people ade quate to its object. The people know, more over,, that Ministers, evert if they would, dare not depart from the principle of a just Reform, with which their own safety is bound up. They have done so much to destroy the corrupt influence of the borough mongers, that forgiveness is altoge ther out of the question. Any concession by Mi nisters to the Anti-Reformers would be depriving themselves pro tanto of the means of influencing the latter—namely, the support of the people. Every advance to the Anti-Reformers is,therefore, a dimi nution of their own power. Interest and honour,, therefore, equally point out to them the necessity of adhering to that which is not only a tower of strength to them, but all their strength.---namely, the scheme of Reform, which has rallied the nation as one man round them. Bat while we have the most thorough conviction in the good intentions or Mi nisters, we may not have the same favourable opinion of the wisdom of the course which they seem determined to adopt in order to give effect to them. We may believe that they will neither pro pose nor support any measure of Reform less eflicient than that which has been rejected by the Lords, without believing, at the same time, that the Lords will be induced, by the means they propose to em ploy, to consent to such a measure any more than they chose to consent to the last Bill. We say a measure of Reform not less efficient, because a less efficient measure would produce a disunion among Reformers, of which the Anti-Reformers would instantly avail themselves. Lord Wharncliffe and many other Reformers against their will, would be the first to vote against a less efficient Reform, when they saw that Ministers were no longer backed by the people. We need not say that the people of the metropolis have been in a very uneasy state with regard to Reform, ever since they knew that no Peers were to be made. On Wednesday last, a meeting of delegates from the different parishes, at the Crown and Anchor, came to the following reso lutions " I. That this meeting has heard with feelings of dis may, that it is intended to prorogue Parliament till after Christmas. " 2. That this meeting, composed principally of depu tations from various parishes of the metropolis, is confident that the state of feeling in their respective parishes is of such a nat'ire as to render a prorogation for so long a period of most imminent and instant danger to the lives and properties of his Majesty's subjects. "3. That this meeting beg leave to urge uponbis Majesty's Government the necessity of immediately proroguing the Parliament, and to assemble it again within seven days, so as to enable them to re•introduce Lord John Russell's Bill, and to pass it without delay. " 4. That a memorial to Earl Grey be founded on the foregoing resolutions. " 5. That the memorial now read to this meeting be adopted, and signed by all the gentlemen now present. " 6. That the memorial be conveyed to Earl Grey to. night by a deputation, to consist of one gentleman from each parish. " 7. That the thanks of the meeting be given to Mr. Thomas Potter for his conduct in taking the Chair." The following is the memorial alluded to : '4 TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE EARL GREY, The Memorial of the Undersigned " Sbeweth—That your memorialists are resident in various parishes in the metropolis, and have considerable knowledge, and some influence, in their several localities. " That they have heard, with astonishment, that it is intended to prorogue the Parliament, and not to re•as• semble it again till after Christmas. " That they should neither do their duty to themselves to their country, nor to to the Government itself, if they did not assure your Lordship it is their firm conviction, that unless the Parliament be prorogued for the shortest possible period (not exceeding seven days), and that the Bill for Reforming the Parliament, which has passed the House of Commons, be there again introduced, and the necessary means he adopted to secure its becoming the law of the land, this country will inevitably be plunged into all the horrors of a violent revolution, the result of which no one can predict. " And, therefore, most urgently implore your Lordship's immediate attention to this memorial." On Wednesday night, at about a quarter to (eleven, a deputation of seventeen gentlemen from the different parishes, headed by Dr. Carpue, waited on' Earl Grey on the subject of the memorial. The result of their interview was the ascertaining that Parliament would be prorogued till after Christmas, that no more Peers would be made, that a concilia tory Bill would in the interval be prepared of a nature to obtain the suffrages of a majority of the Lords. The deputies, we understand, assured his Lordship that the people would be content with Lord John Russell's Bill. His Lordship answered that it would be absurd to think of again proposing Lord John Russell's Bill—that Ministers would not think of bringing in a Bill which they knew would not be carried—that, however, the people might rest assured they would support no Bill which would not secure to the people their constitutional rights. As to the prorogation for seven days, his Lordship said it was quite impossible to be prepared with the Bill in that time—that the framing of the Bill would require much attention, and occupy much time. This is, we understand, the substance of what passed at the interview. We find that a contem porary (the Globe) has taken the same view of the danger of delay which we entertain. " — While the confidence," says our contemporary, " which the people every where show in the Ministers is not too much to be commended, the Ministers themselves must reflect on the weight of the responsibility which this confidence imposes on them. There are, no doubt, a great number of inconveniences as to principle and persons in getting on the sudden three score or a hundred new Peers, and pouring them into the House of Lords ; but the Ministers must know that this is not to be put in com parison with a second rejection of the Bill. They must know that a second rejection of the Bill would shake the confidence of the country—that it would be then impos- sible to preserve the peace—impossible to preserve the Lords themselves. " It is desirable, of course, not to resort to any expedi ents of inconvenient example, if not necessary to carry the Bill ; but it is well to err on the safe aide. And there is one thing especially to be reflected upon by the Ministers, with what silly arrogance--with what contempt of danger till danger is at hand—have they to deal among their opponents I When the people have been again quiet for three months, when the Peers have been for three months pampered and deluded by the vermin who surround them —then we may have a fatal spirit al blindness sent among them. An historian remarks it to have been the charac teristic of Princes, and it is but too true of Lords sur rounded by flatterers, to despise the force of their oppo nents up to the very moment when it is too late to be wise. It is represented to them, he observes, by their parasites, that it is a mark of a lordl y s pirit to fear nothi ng , though he adds, les sages tiendront tots puroll e s, grande folic ; et est grand honneur , de cruindr e ce que l'on dolt, et d'y bien pourvoir. Which may be thus translated for the benefit of Mrs. Partington :—' It is creditable to the bravest man not to walk into a wed, and even a Lord, if he has a head, should not run it against a wall.' " How grievous to think, that the very cireum stances which all good men ought moat devoutly to pray for, are likely to impel the bnrOughmongers on a course fatal to, themselves, as to the well-bein g o f the country . The safety of the country depends on the union of the Reformers among themselves, Ministers may err in judgment; but We are satisfied they mean well. We kno re that pains have been taken by the organs or the Anti-Reformers to hold out the Lord Chancellor as by no means indisposed to desert his party; but the people may be assured,that if thee had been the least foundation for stth en atiCusation, there would not have beet! ch fin ankiety in the quarter whence it triginated to induce a belief in ft. It is an ititretrtlon of the enemy, and the ohiect of it may be easily seen through. Mr. ".7 1 aibett, however, in his Register of this day, examining some passages in his Lordships speech, has in some degree coun tenantea the report of his insincerity The high flown compliments Kt`a says) bestowed on Harrowby, and the calling bithat old and inveterate enemy of Reform his ' Nloble Friend' was very ominous; but there It a's something a great deal more suspicious than thlsl. and a great deal more offensive to an ex prop.ed readiness to make the ittr. sutrage a subject of discussion, with a rod hint of a readiness on his part to give up that !hest important part of the Bill. I will not be 'Charged with misrepresentation here. I allude V! two passages, in particular, of the speech, and 'take those two parts without any garbling, th'd then ask the reader what he thinks they earl r;ossibly mean, other than that the Lord Ciratteeltor was ready, if necessary to some purpose or bttatt that be might have in view, to give up thin part of the Bill, or so to modify it as to make ho longer a thing which the people would retAe. The first passage, taken from the llfordnr eifronicle, was as follows : " I have litrtiied with profound attention to the de bate of V - , Aida this, I believe, will be the last right, and e;Thich has already occupied five days ; and having heard a variety of objections, having tveighed the arguments on both sides, and careless tAei l lier I give offence in any quarter, I must ray, that I am so far moved by some points urged, ca 'to be ready to reconsider some matters upon which I had deemed that my mind was sof ficient?y made up. lam bound to say, on the other hated, that in the greater proportion of objeetir.ll4 to this Bill, I not only cannot concur, bet that, judging as dispassionately as any man in this Rouse, they have left my mind altogether un influenced as far as regards the bulk of its principles. (Cheers. )' " This was a preparing of the Way. There then fol lowed an hour of very tthhieaning stuff, having neither statement nor argument ; calculated merely to amuse and bewilder the'people. And then, by-and•hy, some good strong stuff about the rotten boroughs; but in the midst of it, and as it were by accident, oat dropped the fol!owing, which I quote word for ttiord, begging the reader to pay particular attention to every word of it : " Bet, my Lords, touching the boroughs, I say it is not true that the borough representation is founded On popu lation. Ten-pound householders l-------now that is taken as the test. You do not say to a man—you must be a freeholder, or yott must possess a certain property in money or pods ; but you take the ancient constitutional criterion of his being an inhabitant householder. If we were to grant the franchise to all inhabitant householders, then it might be fairly said we proceeded upon the prin ciple of population. But we do not—for we restrict the generality that htich a principle would require when we declare that a resident householder must have no less a qualification than that of renting a house at ten pounds per annum. In London and the great towns—in the Tower Hamlets—in Marylebone—l allow that the renting of a 101. house is a low qualification.—(Hear, hear.) But this does not affect the principle of the Bill. —(Hear.) Ten pounds is only a low qualification in London and the other large towns. It is by no means a low qualification in the rest. Therefore, ray Lords, I say the question is onefor the Committee —(Hear, hear.) In the small town the 101. householder is generally an easy man. Twenty pounds was originally destined for the qua lification, but upon inquiry into the circumstances of the small towns throughout the kingdom, we were induced to abandon it. We found one town of 18,000 inhabitants, in which there were not over twenty 101. houses. And now, my Lords, as to the class of men occupying these 10/. houses. In some towns the 10/. householder is a small shopkeeper—in other towns lie is a shopkeeper of a better order—in others a mechanic—in others foreman to some great manufactory—in others a labourer—in others an ar tisan ; but generally he is a man above want—a man who has a house over his head, and a family that interests him. —(Hear, hear.) Now, if Noble Lords, speaking upon the question in general, choose to object to this qualification that it is uniform, and say that it ought to be different in divers places—lower in the smaller towns, and higher in the larger—l will not say that I agree with them ; I will not say what was originally my opinion—l will not tell the reasons that now recommend the Bill, as it stands, to my support; but I will say, that whoever holds that doctrine will find me ready to secure for him the most ample—the most scrutinizing—the most candid discussion of the sub ject in the Committee. I speak as an individual; candour compels me to say thus much. But I, at the sante time, say that it is emphatically a subjec; fur the Committee,— (Cheers. )' " Now; what does this mean ? Will any man of sin cerity pretend that it does not clearly mean that he is ready to give up the ten-pound suffrage in great towns, and to make it a twenty-pound suffrage ? At least, that he is ready to give up the ten-pound suffrage in great towns ? Mark him : he says that if Noble Lords think that the suffrage ought to be lower in smaller towns, and higher in larger towns, he will not say that he agrees with them : he will not say what was originally his opinion ; he will not tell them the reasons for which he now supports the Bill ; but he will say, that whoever holds that doctrine will find him ready to secure for him the most ample, the most scrutinizing, the most candid discussion of the subject in a Committee ! Then he says, that he speaks as an individual ! " Is there a man in his senses who does not see that this was saying that be felt himself at liberty to differ from Lord Grey in opinion as to this part of the Bill ? It is impossible fur a man to shut his eyes to this truth; and, then, look at the passage quoted before, where he says that, having weighed the arguments on both sides, and being careless whether I give offence in any quarter, I must say that I am so far moved by some points urged as to be ready to reconsider some matters, upon which I had deemed that my mind was sufficiently made up." It is utterly impossible to look at these passages without believ ing that the speaker meant to signify his readiness to quit Lord Grey. I put it to the sensible reader whether he can come to any other conclusion. I am sure that he cannot ; and this was the conclusion to which all sensible men in London came instantly upon reading the speech. So general was this conclusion, that the rumour all day on Sunday and on Monday was, that a new Ministry was about to be formed, of which the head was to be Lord Harrowby, and Brougham the Lord Chancellor. When I went into London on Monday morning, a gentleman stopped me in Fleet•street, and asked me if I did not see clearly that Brougham meant to abandon Lord Grey, and to make part of a new Ministry. I had not, at that time, read attentively the speech of Brougham ; but this question induced me to do it. With regard to the schemes about a new Mi nistry, I could not tell ; but it was plain enough that he was preparing the way far getting into the long boat, and leaving Lord Grey amongst the breakers, which en Satur day and Sunday, and even on Monday, appeared to be very close at hand. Lord Grey, I observe, had expressed his determination to stand or fall by the Bill. The two Lords, Melbourne and Goderich, clearly expressed- their determination to stand by their leader. Lord Durham, though he did not speak in the debate, might be assumed to have done the same. From Lord Holland no declare- tion was necessary; but from Lord Lansdowne there dropped no expression indicative of such determination : while we had from the Chancellor the passages which I have above quoted, and which were quite enough for me. "On the Saturday and Sunday those things were made known to the public by degrees, which had been known to Broupbam many days before. He saw, long before the debate was concluded, that there would be a decided majority against the Bill. He bad heard, with out doubt, that which the public learnt on Saturday and Sunday ; namely, that fears existed that the King would be prevailed upon to refuse to make a new creation of Peers, without which the Bill could not be carried, and without carrying which Lord Grey could not remain in office. The rumour was, that the Queen particularly, and that others of the Royal Family, but particularly the Queen, was opposed to the passing of this Bill. There is no doubt that the greater part of the persons, if not all, immediately sur rounding the King, wished the Bill not to pass; but the public could know nothing about the matter." We repeat, we do not believe that there is any intention on the part of the Ministers to produce any other than an equally efficient Bill with the last; but we believe at the same time that the public, seeing no new creation of Peers, will doubt the power of Ministers to carry such a Bill: and that the moment the Anti-Reformers perceive there is any want o f cor di al i ty among the Reformers, they will avail isicq themselvesuciotnecaesdsiioff concession. of .r e n Tthsoe i r t tob t jo. o efe d tbi e ou f ns e si a n t ets the nr measure. oamn e the pn. Cl•latishoi tien were metaphysical and not teal; but Parlia mentary Reform means the depriving Anti-Reform ing Lords of solid pudding , --it means the keeping their hands ont of the Public Treasury. There is ho analogy between the two cases. In the case of the Catholic question it is d;flicult for a man of sound intellect to understand why there shoald bt any opposition to emant'pation ; in the case of Re form thee is no diliiculty in understanding the gi•oundS of opposition to it. Well stocked eellah ' and splendid parties ; rich *visions ter soh; and daughters; are arglinients palpable to the most ordi: i'n6.-y understanding. Therefore, we repeat it, the Anti• Reformers cannot be coaxed into an eqicieni Reform. The people may dOend tip6n it—they are not yet i;‘.4,hout: hope that something will turn it ih the interval between this and the new year to prevent the dreaded Reform.—Morning Chronicle. After the Reform Bill had made its tva! i t into Pat.: 'lament, and it had pecora.. dear that it powerful majorlq , dr. the 'Commons was in its faVotir, the People of England desisted from every thing like a vehement expression of their eagerness foi- the 'sub cess of that great measure , in tie persuasion th a t it was cotinffiit';'iti to safe and honest hands, and that they might look on securely. This composure, which really ought to have passed for a proof of the sound and considerate interest with which the people regarded the whole subject bid prospects of Reform, %Wraid not satisfy th e b oroug h mong ering f act i on . With them it attested nothing more than the utter indifference of the people. We said to them— " Wait until the Bill appears to be endarigefed&- wait until the Lords throw it out, if in their in fhtuatinn they should commit such extravagance; and then see if the people of England do not mani fest symptoms somewhat different from those which you have so curiously misconstrued." The Lords have thrown out the Bill, and what days the British nation ? Is it now indif ferent ? Is it now confiding ? Is there no passion, nor movement, nor threatening indication of what the people will do for themselves ; if others do no thing for them? Why, the rhinds of men are on fire, The whole country is a political club. The majority of the House of Lords, and each individual name which swelled it, are as familiar to the ears and memories of even the rural population of the United Kingdom, as to the messengers and door keepers of that illustrious House. And what has thrown this extraordinary glare around certain mem bers of the British Peerage, not hitherto possessing any very conspicuous hold upon the attention of their countrymen? Why their vote upon the Reform Bill,—upon that Bill towards which we were assured for some months past, that the people generally en tertained such absolute disregard or alienation I Well, the excitement cannot be denied,. but, as was the tranquillity of the people a few weeks ago, it is calumniated and perverted. Some tell us that it is a transcript of the French Jacobinism of 1792. Jacobinism ! We marvel where Tory observation has been sleeping. If they want to learn how the Jacobin spirit,—how the revolution spirit contemplates the passing of the Reform would advise them to watch the workings of certain Members of the House of Commons, in relation to it. Let them inquire how Hunt, the present (and as he will soon be, the past) Member for Preston, speaks of it. Does he ever open his lips but to dis parage and revile the Bill and all its provisions ? Does he—Hunt the demagogue--ever get up to speak professedly on any other topic, without con triving to drag forward some abuse of this Bill, and endeavour to convince the mob, that it does not suffi ciently consult their pretensions to despotic power ? Why, the meaning of the thing is broad and unam biguous. By arming with their just privileges the middle and independent classes of society, the Bill reinforces that extensive interest by which dema gogues and their followers are most effectually kept down. By arming the middle classes with political authority, it makes them guardians of the public peace, and repugnant to the arts and devices of those who would disturb it. The trade of the Jacobin is threatened with ruin by theßill no less completely than that of the boroughmouger. Hence these joint strains of never-ceasing execration, by Messrs. Wetherell, Trevor, and Hunt. But, besides being revolutionary, the present moral commotion is to be but short lived! Good God ! that men should be so stricken with incurable blindness! Short-lived ! this sensa tion ! Yes, if the suspension of the Bill on its way through Parliament be short-lived. Pass the Re- form Bill, and the winds will cease to blow, and the troubled waters will at once have subsided into calmness: but interpose one further obstacle,--dis play but the shadow of an attempt to retard its course,—and the late desolating hurricane in the Western Ocean was a feeble type of that convulsion in our political system which must inevitably follow. If Tories flatter themselves that the existing irrita- tion throughout the country is no more than skin-deep, and will disappear upon the utterance of a few hypo critical sentences in favour of some undefined Reform principle by Noble Lords who have lately proved themselves its practical and bitter foes,such Tories are miserable self-deceivers. Worse deceivers of them selves,—and of others, if others listen to their half dream, half-drivel,—are those Whigs, or moderates, or whatever nickname they may choose to go by. who pro pagate the echoes of the Tory falsehoods. Men whose faith is large, because their views are narrow, have been whispering about within these 48 hours " that much may be accomplished by time, and prudence, and temperate measures," and that sooner or later we are sure of It_ierm, if only the people remain patient, and that " a long prorogation would be an excellent device." Men who offer such advice are fools, or traitors. The country will not be quiet— the country ought not to be quiet ;—that is, it ought to be agitated up to the vet) , moment at which the Reform Bill shall be ready for the Royal assent. If the people do not press upon Minis , ers, the timid ones among the latter may go on, " letting I dare not, wait upon I would," and fearing to use the ne cessary means, whatever those means may be, of securing the triumph of the Bill. It is one thing to decline bringing in a worse Bill, and another to se cure the success of a good Bill after it shall have been introduced: Times. The mistake of the Bishops is, that they fancy they are playing the part they did at the revolution in 1688; but the difference is, that they then had the people at their back, and now they have them opposed to them. Now, with regard to the conduct of the Bishops at the revolution, upon which Dr. Phillpotts laid so much stress the other night, un doubtedly they were of great use in forwarding that important event ; but then they never did any thing—they never put their shoulders to the wheel— till their temporalities were attacked. Burnet, him self a Bishop, complains that Sancroft, then Arch bishop of Canterbury, " lay quiet at Lambeth" and would not stir; and the other Bishops followed his example, till King James appointed a Papist head of Magdalen College, at Oxford. Then the Bishops saw that their temporalities were going from them, and then they blew the trumpet of rebellion through the country, and the country answered the call. They have probably now the same notion as to their temporalities, but how erroneous are the measures they take for preserving them ! If their temporalities are looked at with a j ea l ous eye , i s it by setting themselves in opposition to the public wishes that they are likely to remove this feeling? If their endowments are thought by the many to be too large, is by separati ng t h emse l ves f rom t h e many that they are likely to preserve them ? Surely the blindness of such conduct is only to be equalled by its injuriousness to the country as well as to themselves. For what must be the consequence of the alienation of the people from their spiritual rulers ? Anarchy, confusion, plunder,—even blood. But we will not d well upon this picture. The giving to the Bishops seats in the House of Lords, among many ot h er evi l s and i nconveniences has this one, that Ministers will and must promote to the Bench political partisans, instead of Christian pastors. Hence the scandal that is sometimes offered to the Christian public by placing in impor tant dioceses m en whose whole life is one conti nuation of Secular objects, secular views, and secular intrigues. A history of tie. Phillpotts would strit ingly illustrate what is here asserted. His getting the great living of Stanhope from the late Bishop of Durham, as the price of his political and elec tioneering violence against Mr. Lambton in the county of Purham,his Anti-Catholic pamphlets, which got hirti the Deanery of Chester,—his short crane -necked turn, which got him his Bishopric, When the Duke of Wellington had deterrtlined to earrY that Measure,—are matters of which none are ignorant. Atter such a course and such catises fot his elevation, can one be surprised at the bitter, abusive, intoleraiti, and factious spirit which he dis plays " Every tree is known by its fruit !" " Men do not expect to gather grapes from thorns, or figs from thistles."—Tintes. That the Rev. Sidney Smith, the consistent ad vocate of liherttr and ropery; should rail at the Pro testant Ilierarchy, and help in catering to the de praved appetites of Papists; Wile's, and radicals, at.the present niometit excites i n its no Stirprise. W . e leave With pleasure to his Majesty's Govern ' ment the support and aid of such an auxiliary; but when the sneers of that reverend gentleman, and the cheers of the Dissenters, and the echoed plau dits of Irish Papists and demagogues, shall have pass'd away, the idle wind to WitiElt Bishop Copleston justly likened them—when, we say, the whispers of Whig faction within doors, and its cla mours without, shall have alike subsided, the ton duct of the Bishops *hd joined in the glorious ma jority of 10 will be remembered with grateful ve neration: The people of this country may in the hour of delusion be unjust, but with returning wis dom and good sense their wanted generosity will return also. They Contintie, as they ever were, Protestant in their feelings; and the ve nerable men who, as pillars of the Church, ma'n tained the sacred edifice against Whig vio lence, will insure not only the applause of friends but the respect of her veriest enemies: Bishop Phillpotts was singularly happy in his illus tration of their preseht eonduct by that of their disc tinguished predecessors at the time of the revolution. Then, as now, the Crown and its sworn advisers were in league with Dr. Petres, O'Connells, and Dr. Dayles- - -s.then,as now, " to defend and preserve the Church" was professed, and the credulous people believed in the professions of Government—then, as now, religious toleration was the cant of the day, and " since the Church party could not be brought to comply with the design of the Court, applications were made to the Dissenters, and all on a sudden the Churchmen were disgraced and the Dissenters in high favour." As Lord John Russell toasted the Dissenters in Devonshire, and Lord Brougham bows down to the saints in Yorkshire, so Lord Chief Jus rice Herbert was sent on the western circuit ex- pressly to please and curry favour with them. As the downfall of the Protestant yeomanry:in Ireland is now all but accomplished under Lord Anglesea, so the Irish army of that day was new modelled and placed in the hands of Papists by Lord Tyrconnell. Then, as now, to attack the Bishops was the fashion, and in high places not only was their disinterestedness called in question by the Lord Chaccellor—we beg pardon, we mean Chief Justice Jeffries—but, because they refused to be subservient, it was hinted that they wished to trip up the King's Government. "It was said they had been loyal as long as the Court was in their interests, but as soon as this changed they changed likewise."* Lord Suffield little thought the other night how closely he adhered to history. Then, as now, the Uni versities declared against the Government, and the Dissenters, in concert with the Papists, supported it, whilst public liberty was the watch-word of both . , parties. Still the nation was bli n d and infatuated, and saw nut whither these proceedings would lead, until the memorable declaratiou for liberty of conscience. Then were the Bishops commanded by one estate of the realm to act in opposition to their own judg ments. It was sought to make them contribute to their own ruin, and the arguments by which they were then influenced are so perfectly analogous to those which the threats of the Government and its Radical satellites now call forth, that we must quote the historian's own words :—" As for the danger that they might incur they saw their ruin was re• solved on, and nothing they could do was like to prevent it, unless they would basely sacrifice their religion to their woddly interests. It would be perhaps a year eooner or later by any other manage ment ; it was therefore fit they should prepare themselves for suffering,and not endeavour to prevent it, by doing that which would draw on them the hatred of their friends and the scorn of their enemie,." " These reasons prevailed, and they resolved not to read the declaration." " The Archbishop of Canterbury resolved upon this occasion to act suitably to his post and character." "He found that eighteen of the Bishops and the main body of the clergy concurred in that resolution." Such was the spirit of those Protestant Prelates who, in defiance of a united Government and the warning voices of Ministers, stood true to their country and their God. Such is the spirit which now actuates their descendants. They resolved, twenty-one in number, not to read the Bill, which establishes Popish influence in Ireland, and to which, as the Government papers now boastingly tell us, every Popish Member in both Houses of Parliament, two only excepted, gave their support. The three Uni versities, and the whole of the clergy, Mr. S'dney Smith excepted, concur in that resolution, and un less the spirit of Protestantism be extinct among us, the bulk of the British nation must, ere long, be again found at the altar of that Church which is and ever has been the firmest guardian of our laws and of our liberties.—Morning Post. It is really a matter of unconquerable d;fficulty to us to know in what terms we ought to speak of the pitiful, paltry, and factious opposition, principally on the part of one Member, which has been shown in the House of Commons to the Bill originally intro duced in the House of Lords, for the amendment of the Bankruptcy Laws arid practice. Any change in this respect could not by possibility be for the worse ; for as eve!) , one who has had any thing to do with bankruptcy cases knows, an estate which, duly administered, would pay the creditors ten shillings in the pound, never yields more than ten farthings after it has gone through the routine of the present system. To remedy this defect, as well as to enable the Lord Chan cellor to attend more minutely to business com ing strictly within his own department, the Bank ruptcy Courts' Bill was introduced ; and what has been the result ? Why, in the first place it was opposed in the Lords by all who could speak on, or thought that they would have any future interest in the matter; and, in the second, when it got into the Commons, it met with one of the most un worthy oppositions that ever was set up against any measure ever proposed in the House. Night after night have Sir Charles Wetherell and his friends got up in their places, net for the purpose of expos ing the errors of th e Bill , if errors t h ere b e i n i t, but for that of d e l ay i ng i ts passing—the same speeches—the same arguments—the same dull and wearying tautology has, night after night, been repeated ; arid not satisfied with this pitiful and unmanly clamour, they have lately taken it upon them to say, that the Bill was concocted by the Lard Chancellor for the purpose of in creasing his patronage, and not for that of benefiting the public I The pitiful creatures ! To think for a moment that a man of Brougham's stamp of mind thought about gaining or losing pa tronage by the Bill ! How rank the accusation smells of the pitiful propensities of the low, job hunting, and place-seeking creatures, who make it ! What is the fact ? The Bill abolishes about seventy places—all sinecures, or very like sinecures—and gives to the Lord Chancello r the power of appoint ing to ten or eleven! What an increase of pa tronage I What a desire on the part of the Lord Chancellor does not the proceeding manifest to in crease his power of patronizing I Lord Althorp, in the Course of the debate on Thursday night, told Sir Charles that " it was impossible for any one to * Bishop Burnet., be who with him." It was a severe lecture ; but there are some people so kindly dealt with by na ture, that they do not even frel what would kill others.—Morning Advertiser: It is by no means astonishing to us, who have been for 11 - tenths post Carefully watching the signs of the times, that the populace, in many parts of the country, should, on learning the fatal decision of the Lords on the Reform Bill, have broken Out into acts of insubordination and lawless violence towards the persons, tis Well as the property, of those who have proved themselves the declared enemies of the King, the Govern_ Mat, and the liberties of Englishmen ; fdr their affections had l)een :is intently fixed ofi the measure which the Lords would not even cOndescend td consider ill Cbmmittee, Nnd their ekpeetations of its speedily becoming the law Of the land as strongly wound up to the highest pitch, as they were also most unceremoniously dashed to the ground by 21 Bishops and a handful of boroughmongers ;—but it is, nevertheless, painful to learn that any breach of the public peace should have occurred thereon—painful on account of the destruction of life and pro perty, Anil nti lth 1 dillful dti itadthit Of the fsmiliftrity with Public disttirbanCes, which every one bresieti Of the petite is calculated to create. But whci is to blame for these proCeed. legs ? The actiial perpetrators of them, who will hate to suffer the pdini and penalties of their triinsgregsion Hi' the law, or illosc Nrho urged them on to their commission The flirmer, reply the Anti-Reformers—the latter, say we. The people are, no doubt, greatly to be blamed for giving way to violent pas sion and indulgence in acts of retaliation, which he would be a bad man who would attempt to justify ; but those who, in their legislative capacity, dashed the cup of hope from the lips of an eager people; are infinitely morC desrfing of reprobation. To deny that the public voice teas in fat Our of the 131% tit to plead ignorance ih the Way of extenuation of the crime, is no valid excuse ter the misehievaui vote so recklessly giten ; for not to know that the public voice Was in favour of Reform; is a proof that those with whom such ignorance dwelt 'Were unfit to legislate upon the subject, and ought, consequently, not to hatt nieddied with the matter. This ; however; is the extenuating plea set up by the friends of the Antl:RefOrth Peers, and more espe cially by the friends of the Bishops. The latter, good easy and pions men as they are, are said to be unacquainted with the ways of the world—to have passed their lives in the retirement of clois ters, in the profound study of the Scriptures, and to have, all their lives, had their minds so "intently fixed on things above," its not to have known what was passing around them. Were this statement founded in fact, it would be a sufficient apology for the Bishops having refrained entirely from meddling in the debate between the lay Peers; but it neither is, or can, be any apology for their taking an active and fatal part in it. But is it really true that the 21 Bishops are so very studious, and so much addicted to divine contemplation ? We will not hazard either the answer or the proof of it ; but if the Bishops were really ignorant of the state of public feeling, it says but little for their conscientious discharge of that part of their duties which requires them to mingle with their flocks, to watch over their welfare, and minister to their wants, both temporal and spiritual. Had they been as " instant in season and out of scastlll," in the perfdrmance of this sacred portion of their duties," as in watching the changes of Administrations, and the chances of mortality in the better benefided sees of the church, could they, by possibility, have remained ignorant of the public determination in favour of Reform ? Could they have been guilty of giving a tote: Oh a grestt constitutional question,which has excited the hatred of the whole of the Community, and ren dered the Church anything but the " beloved of the earth ?" Morning Advertiser. The excellent temper of Lord Althorp on Thursday night put to a severe trial by Sir C, Wetherell, who, in the course of a rambling speech, happily characterized by Mr; O'Connell as a rollicking rhodomontade, threw out all manner of insinuations, and even accusations, against the Noble Lord and his col leagues, of participation In the late outrages. Mr. Trevor had made an advertisement in the netrspapers from the parish of St. James's, recommending tothe inhabitants, as th. success of the Select Vestry Bill was no longer doubtful, no longer to withhold the payment of such rates as had become due, the subject of an abstird tnOtiOn. It having been the general feel ing that the subject ought to be dropt, Sit` Charles Wetherell moved, as an amendment, " That an humble Address be pre- sented to his Majesty, praying that a Special Commission should be issued with all convenient dispatch, to try the offenders en gaged in the burning and destruction of Nottingham Castle, and in other outrages and acts of violence in that neighbour hood." In his speech he asserted, " That for the last six weeks the main object of the Press, of speeches in Parliament, and speeches out of Parliament, had been to direct the popular vengeance against those who resisted Reform. This he laid down as an undeniable prOpOsition. Perhaps the Noble Mem ber for Nottinghamshire (Lord Althorp) had reed the speech of his Noble Colleague, delivered at Sheffield, wherein it was said that the Peers created by George the Third, George the Fourth, and later, were those by whom the Reform Bill had been thrown out. . , He did not charge Ministers with promoting the attacks already made, but he did charge them with con niving at them. The burning and deatruction of property was recommended by the Ministerial Press; and Misting and trea son among the Army was urged in the speeches of the co. adjutors of Ministers at Birmingham, whatever might be said to the contrary by a metaphysical Paymaster of the Forces. If vigorous measures were not taken, the Duke of Newcastle's would not be the last property destroyed; and he said so, be cause the Noble Lord at Sheffield had especially pointed out Lord Wharncliflb, who was called a Peer of the other day, and in no respect equal to the Wentworths and the Russells. A more mischievous speech than that of the Noble Lord's was, perhaps, never uttered." Lord Althorp, with considerable emo tion, observed, "that the present Members of his Majesty's Go vernment are as determined as any set of men can be, to main tain the laws and to protect property from outrage ; and I should think it hardly necessary to defend myself from such a charge, or to deny that lam capable of making such a distinction. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman accuses us of conniving at the disturbances. Docs he feel any thing in his own breast which makes him believe that any gentleman—l will not say employed in his Majesty's service—but mixing in the society of gentlemen, would connive at confusion, bloodshed, and arson ? (Vehement cheering.) However, his Lordship soon felt that he had attached too much importance to the rhodomontade of Sir Charles. He concluded his speech by noticing a sort of offer of compromise which had been thrown out by Lord Valletort on the subject of Reform. " A Noble Lord opposite," he ob served, "says, that if he would produce a measure so modified as to meet his wishes, he would no longer oppose us. But, Sir, I think that if we were to modify the Reform Bill in any degree that would render it less efficient, so far from that being a means of promoting the peace of the country, it would have the very contrary effect.—(Hear.) I at least never will be a party to any such measure."—(Cheers.) This declaration, and that of Earl Grey, will produce the best effects throughout the country. Ministers are then pledged not to sacrifice the efficiency of the Bill on the altar of oligarchy. Were they indeed to be so weak as to meet the boroughmongers half way, the people would feel indignant, and the Anti-Reformers, having thus dragged Mi nisters through the mire, would have little difficulty in sup planting them. Ministers are strong in the support of his Majesty, and in the support of the nation. The Anti-Reformers have already tired the patience of that nation much further than prudence justifies. Their efforts against the nation have been happily compared by the Rev. Sydney Smith, at the Taunton meeting, to the efforts of Dame Partington to drive back the ocean with a mop. With regard to the speech of Lord Milton at Sheffield, of which the tendency, according to Sir Charles, is so mischievous, we have examined it in vain, without disco vering any such tendency. What his Lordship said of the majority is nothing more than what he was entitled to say : " If you will take the trouble (he says) to examine the votes on the Bill, you will find that a great majority of the ancient hereditary Peers of England voted in favour of the measure.— You may examine this case within your own neighourhood. Tile Duke of Norfolk is for the Bill—the Duke of Devonshire is for the Bill—my own family is for the Bill.—(Cheers.) My Lord Scarborough is for the Bill. These are, gentlemen, the ancient hereditary Peers of your own neighbourhood. Now, without saying any thing disrespectful of another neighbour— one who has recently obtained the title of a Peer, is my Lord Wharncliffe. He is against the Bill.—(Loud disapprobation.) I say this not with any feeling of disrespect to him, but men tion him to prove an assertion which I have stated to he a fact. I give Lord Wharncliffe credit for his voting conscientiously on this occasion, for lam most willing and ready to concede to others what I demand myself. I give him credit for form ing a pure and conscientious opinion on this question.— The Government of this country has been far between sixty and seventy years in the hands of one party—and that party has not been favourable to the liberties of the people.— That party, of course, raised to the Peerage those who acted with them. And if you will look to the great number of Peers created in the reign of George 111. and George IV., you will find that they constituted the great majority of the Lords who have voted against the present measure." His Lordship not only states a result, but assigns the cause of it. The old Peers may be said to be, in a question of this kind, impartial judges ; but the Peers made during the last sixty or seventy years, having been made by a party not favourable to the liberties of the people, in a question regarding these liberties, are naturally against the people. And here we cannot help observing the difficulty which such a state of things opposes to any Sove reign disposed to emancipate himself from the thraldom of a particular party, so long as boroughmongering continues to exist. The Peers are created on account of their servility and possession of borough influence. They command one house in their own right, and the other through their nominees, and thus the King is merely a tool in their hands. But Reform re stores to the people their rights and to the King his prerogative. If the representation be once what it ought to be, the King and his Ministers may always set faction at defiance, and boldly throw themselves on their country. We cannot help alluding to another difficulty with which a Ministry succeeding one acting on different principles, long in the possession of power, has to en counter. The Magisterial and Lieutenancy system of England is, though not in the letter, substantially not very different from the Heritable Jurisdiction abolished in Scotland, the disadvantages of which were so admirably demonstrated by Lord Chan cellor Hardwicke. " I think (said his Lordship) the parcelling out the power of jurisdiction, originally lodged in the Crown, in this manner, was a Wrong and a dangerous model of Govern. ment ; I say of Government in general, because I look upon the administration of justice as the principal and essential part of all Government. The people know and judge of it by little else. The effects of this are felt every day by the meanest in the busi ness and affairs of common life. Statesmen, indeed, have their attention called off to more extensive political views ; they look abroad into foreign countries, and consider your remote interests and connections with other nations. But of what utility are these views, great as they are, unless they be referred back to your domestic good order ? The chief office of Go vernment peac e secu an reto d us the regular course o f l aw an d justice. isto o When the King, therefore, grants away jurisdiction, he parts away with so much of his Government; it is"g i ' lng ,„; o „, many jewels of his Crown. It is certainly putting ' i dol the protection of his people into other hands; and °I li; f I dissolve the bond of union and affection Ring, people; whilst the subjects do n ot see the King, eire benefits they receive or the punishments they f ee 14 arises a dangerous and unconstitutioint:a,,flhadietcehpkitehniasdewres7n:c'ilio : can it be otherwise ? The people will follow th° r the power to protect or hurt them, and the d I operate most strongly on the uncivilized Part °f t a : c btli Now, although in England jurisdictions are not .A• cably to certain estates, yet jurisdiction is consider',4 junct of landed property. The power of nara ing ; o f i r holders to be vested with magisterial authorit)4o:/ !nia,, vested gainstt se i r n ai atth:e authority Lord with f i e , t, i Lieutenants x t t e ici. n ee a; t i t oo s un o ns f Count i 0 S, Oath° n e being When they were respeeiht,errlyryeamtialdre:. 61;t1;:t4 In orderthaltVteh will x answering of sixty or seventy years he °thee, the WhoMl.Jtei. jh who succeeded them. We see the results of th:004,4 elections. twelve iri f l : ei p r os i tri n e:r l is n sa, : nyit l: na l elt a iol g o3: E na t ebe r ge a itsi t ce e odi s inwt f ee o isst r isimil o :o l , l :t e tenl dleilteseirfirofaiecoplt eg:i3o,'il:athigo:scrishtidcosro:eua_dbeerdweiii:inimotveliPitt:oo".i noes should change, sis a matter Lientena e 'of co j t bu li ed e i al a b i :ed thiti je j ;: i u: . of l'i' the ' Crown, * Y fth f i o s i. beard the Sovereign, and set did natieli Nidefigo,,,.. fro will P' ' country should are as a pretext for for 1" ~ without the dread of being called W account Chronicle. ____......... MARKET INTELLIODN LONDON 111AIME T5 ' c otetaril . i Y (From the London New Price Curley o f 11 , t he i ts SUGAR.—The Sugar Market has beeou ,aka nseu n PO' ) early this week were considerable; the total;nrotioil.i lilids. and trs. ; and the prices are Witht.! weet, l A/ fined Market has been rather heavy telower. 7•- fined little reduction in the prices—Molasse s ""' this cbil pl o d for large and small Lumps has been steady , i . ta trilk. 635., and the former being scarce, have broar ree h t o in some instances ; there are now very few 1 1,00 W o° , under 625. Of the fine descriptions also, e k - r to ore'S.A on double refined, the sales have been CS" n ovl l w 702:0 last week's quotations, and the refineis ate_ to pc, r firmly ; the transactions in crashed eontinr therelp those qualitie'. for the fine Grocery ° ° „ : „ 0 1 Or A I rather brisker demand, and full prices 1 10 7 7,,‘ broti EAST INDIA SUGARS.--By Private C o d lA r ring of the week several i?areels of lUauritiustatio Bri o, Is. a Is fid. advance; but in the British Inan nia itio at eol/; is now little inclination for business, bille 1'be . 5.0,.,7e ° i lie sale of 5,706 hags advertises! for to- day 70 0 ' i 13,036 bags, chiefly Manilla. This day'll 01 01,54# Mauritius Sugars, a good proportion was ~ 0. , " gi posed of at Is. advance on the last public sa . S t. at sft;o which ate the market prices by private corlb o ots 10 ;01 FOREIGN SlJOARS.—Excepting MY 6d. s3ltwO:ol Havannah Sugar, bought in from ON' t ract Vl' 0' been offered at public sale. By private COo n on o ttsi z ot very limited. }or export strong white an d . t heret o O A si me . at a ready sale at the quotations, bo the r prarostittl sale at present, and for these rather 14", A for ili I,COO chests white HaVannah are advert o 7orit Ole 18th instant. Since last week there are Irr to goo' 0 1 public sale 231 boxes Havannah Sugar, n'' ..k 0 ik i 30s . fni., 14 , 12ich is 2s. lower. ; be Ind? COFFEE.—TiIe Coffee Market early . o _,. t k e t - %now, brisk, St. Domingo 565., Brazil 545.; the nil:mot/ Tr, lower, St. Domingo Ms. a 535. and abouL:',Thritlisti yesterday by private contract Lout 535. "2.1.60 , fit CofFee this week is about 2s. a 4s. lotrer, F — s boVe h , a . fr qualities. It is calculated that within a vietatiSelis,oll' i of Foreign and East India Coffee have than „ f , $ oy.t: chiefly 525. a 545. • the St. Domingo chiefly ~---,,„iii, good ord. Cheribon yellow 535. a 535. 6 d_;; ootl oo 4 Batavia 535. a Ms. ; triage Jamaica 71s, a "ms'l3 fine card: 'lls, a 79s This day public sales 1, 5 ..„1,01 . ' all taken in O. a 70s. ;62 casks 2'2 barrels O rd' 7 fine mid. Jamaica We: a 905,, fine fine ord. 82s Xt s* r - . 4 demand a a n ris. f, ; ,r th F e o l r a e t i t g e n r is oatteinwraaethaegralionwreerv. i 5,,, ,, ;s* d,.4 Brazil and St. Domingo 525. a 555. The lUl l° 4 4 )1 RUM, BR ANDY, and HOLLANDS.---.-1, iT oto t ogot yl r f become rather more firm this week; there 3 , 6 Market, but at present they will not purclia.orn $0 rates; proofs and two over are Is. sd. Th e • v eri °lot ,i tract for 100,000 gallons of Rum has also on 00 j i more firm appearance. Brandies are heavYr f a te, KO, arrivals. fieneva scarce; sales at 2s. fid. for 500 0 is P i HEMP, FLAX, and TALLOW. —The , he r, A O. been more firm this week at prices a shade tug Ahost, Flax there is little alteration. f outter d 'ill o o, ` IRISH PROVISIONS.—The arrival 0 very short, and our last quotations are fully !WO; o r oil/ scriptions. In Bacon, Bladder Lard, HanA in got.,A 0 1 cannot note the least alteration in price or de _,., ge.' SPlCES.—Pimento of good quality hash y' I tio " Pepper still maintains the late advance. oil pot ` Ao SA LTPETRE.—I it Saltpetre there is little 4 (67 I to ASHES.—This day's public sale 81 barrels /,, 0 1,7 0 . , 1 firsts 325, 3d., seconds 295. a 295. fi d. ; 312. a rea i f 6d. a 345. 9d. seconds 325. 6d. a 3.35.; New Y° rl te con e TEA.—The declaration for next sale mak es the price of them is now 3s. 9d. duty I ,Biu ;t . steady, and low Twankays are in some demand' ----,'------ ; c0° 4 5 1 PRICE OF SUGAR. sub' 1 0 10 ........„7 / The average price of Brown or Muscovaagt.)), from the Returns made in the week ending 9° or per cwt., exclusive of the duties of customs paid on the importation thereof into Great Britain . t 14 • 0 PRICES OF HOPS. —Oct. , 04 1 y, t Kent Pocket: 3l 163. 5 A.L 165.,,, 1. 0" Sussex Ditto Essex Ditto -- 4'. 43. 0.7 tl5 St', Farnham Ditto, Fine.........—.............. 0/. 05. a ,'" ()f•n tip Seconds .—....—...... 01. Os. l';' Otis. nP ! ' ......., 31. 10s. 1; John 0. 41. OF. ;7 ps'" --....... 41. Os. ..• 165,000!. Kent Iba; Sussex J)itto Essex Ditto., Duty laid M PRICE OF OIL. „ 4 01 Rape Oil, brown Mt. Gs. ite" Linseed Oil Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill Rape Cake, per ton :r tliou _/$1 LEATHEIL ii; 1 Per l l liideie 0 Tanned Hors e ........) Spanish Ditto _.,. r e r donor 0 Calf -Siting., 4 , ) , ~,t ° OD' 0 Ditto ~......,," ':2 0 10,, „ Ditto ...........I,r "eal, Small Seals, ut. i bri per S° ne. Ordinary Market SKINS. ALOA . Short j Oti. to 4 0' 1 M ARK 6,,11:c. v' Clover.. pd. Od. to 0„ PRICE OF POTATOES.—Oct• D ' tj SOAP O 3544:,r,„:04#0?&1 G G WM o r l a: t v i d ttle e d50::e.5,.:.«....0"5.3"ee 51 f OF CANDLES... „ PRICES OF Per lb. d.tod. Butts 'io to stilb..r 15 19 to 661 b.... Itl 21 Dressing 131 ID Fine Coach Hides 16 18 Crop Hides, 35 to 418 b. 13 14j Ditto 40 to 451 b 14 15 1 Ditto l5 161 RAW Ter Stone. a. d. to a. d. gest Heifers & Stcers2 8 3 0 Midd1ing5......................2 2 2 6 SHEEP Long Wool .... Os. Od. to Os. Od. Lambs—,,,. WHITECHAPEL HAI Hay 50s. Od. to SOs. Od. 'otatoes PRICE OF TALLOV Town Tallow 465. 0,1. Yellow Russia. . 41s. Od White 425. Od. Soap Ditto _ 40s. Od. Melted Stuff.. 345. Od. Ditto Itough 225. Od. , l'" I J I PRICE OF CANPLb. Is 5.." , The price of Store Candles in the retail sh o p s ; Jo s Candles. per doz. 7s. Od. to Bs. Od. I Moulds, P e albf Pt stell t COAL MARKET.—Oc T ;sets O 00 y 1 Bensham Main ..... 245. 3d Walls En. ,00b , es/ 01 Dean's Primrose.---..... 25 6 Ditto Noll. s oil ve 01 Felling Main------ 26 0 Ditto PerkTiddell_o,oo Hebburn Ma n --30 0 Walls Kenton West —......—.... 30 0 Ditto Wa,,.i f oret /01 Killingworth ...................... 31 0 LambtOn; 1ie.,"91 1 Long 8ent0n.................... 27 0 Walls En", stelttov r i Petaw Shipeote........ ......... 25 3 W. E. it us 'ill:2 . o k l'antiehl _ .. ....0 l'ownley .26 0 Cowpe .*:"," - 0,g0 , " - / I West Hartley --. 25 6 Walls En" ~ ,,1006 p ti Wylam 25 3 Flartley ,, : .. " bw o, .1 Walls End Bell & C 0.... 31 3 New Floe , ' CO. 01 Walls End Brown's— 28 6 and Co. vi ol:701 i i Ditto unscreened —.... 29 0 Silkstone t i e y , t o? ' W Walls End Carr and Cc. 29 0 South IP:„,, WO/ Walls End Gosforth —32 0 South riet"oosr ff. Walls End Heat0n........... 32 6 Greenwich , 0,019 Walls End Hilda ...... . 30 0 ......" V ' .. i , -I,,ps a' market, 641', _Ships solo. •,`' e OP 00', .7. -- ---- - - - --- ,s f COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DWG Oat'',. 40 6 ! Wheat. Barley. 1___,....... 54 0 p Per Quarter. - -..--- .--26 ...,.. , 0 A5hburn...,.,....,.. 62 72 34 143 ;; t Basingstoke .—...... 56 74 30 40 124 ~‘ • of) '', Bath 42 46 32 40 1 7" • , 1 4 94 10 ,d Bridgewater —..,.... 58 72 26 .-,- 16 0 411 ~ Bristol , _ ~... 56 69 38 42 0, 0 , 0 I. Chesterfield 64 70 -- 99 50 49 .. , 4 ' Derby •••••••••••• 66 69 """ as 36 4' • Des' iZ es .w...,,....,, 66 70 29 42 , 8 „ a , 1! Doncaster ................ 57 68 24 41, 2 '. 1 ." 11, D0rche5ter................ 50 68 32 V ~... ;13 0 56 i Exeter—.*. 69 70 31 ', 21 0 .• : G10nee5ter...........^. 44 66 40 `,-. 0 9 9 4i Hungerford ............ 60 74 33 40 .... 54 / 1 Leice5ter................ 75 -- 44 ,,,, :V 31 /! " Newbury —.,... 46 73 28 „. 26 gi 10 '. Romsey —. 60 66 34 ,°'..„ ~.._. gg 611 t , Shaftesbury Shepton Mallet ... 55 64 28 43 20 gi b , 5herburne.,......... 60 66 36 1 2 ., 20 . 91 , 1 Taunton.* 58 72 —' 20 (I , al , Yeovil 34 t 8. d• l e 0 ' Per Bushel. s. d. s. d. s. d. s• -- Shrewsbury ........... 86 90 60 65 1 5 0111 On the 9th inst. at Heathn it ou T s il e B. Philips, Esq. of a son. ' f a dsl44 In Edinburgh, the ' lady of Lord Cringletie, °Moe' On the 13th inst. at Kew, Mrs. GO r g e ors. s daughter. Finsb ury ' On the 14th inst. at Artillery-place, O4 Kent, of a daughter. MARRIED. ~„robtithijoir On the 13th inst. at St. George's , r ia 3,, On l Y i , f, Blunt, son of Lieut.-General Blunt, to laCe. the late J. Clay, Esq., of Bloomsbury - P - uddle, 041:00:1 On the 13th inst. at Kenilworth, J . _, _ pv l 9 . 'Or Queen-street. Lincoln's-inn -fields, to ma.y , R. Draper Esq. er-s (1 4; 11 11 1 On the 13th inst. at St. George's, Hanov 0 ,. 1.ey ,e Hawley, brother of the late Sir H. Ha ' daughter of IP li, Bart. to Henrietta hfargaretta, eldest I'egus, Esq. WO , o f DIED. „f gr. On the I3th inst. Margaret, the. wife ' „jet, Pentonville. Suffolk, °a"- Al On the 10th inst. at Holbrook-hal l, .- • Suffo , Captain Job Hanmer, R.N. dill'', O. On the 11th inst. at his brother's in Picea aged 73. Hea th On the 10th inst. at her brother's, j;-1310 shire, Miss Russell SS.taftbrdshire, th e 1,1,, PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY •MORD° iO OO, SON OFFICE, 1 12 , STRAND, Losoo VI, THI Tend ers of jesty, Na l Rule: rti COcO A - S am Tna SO4Fk . A le tea c h e r ter. requi re c ra aY be 8 , Each end b e d 4 a nd th e t kis behalf VIA TRI Orp 47 itzu "iVe T el Qua r ter 11 0h e is , BS o , es J a Inth th t 44 Y Of i; Sa kt .„ teUdetj Pll , at this 6 and be 411 d thA tut 14 4 be sitti n 28 to ry , A and CHZ'i