The Sun. — London, England, 1834-12-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, The Reformers of the City of London are setting an excellent example to the rest. of the kingdom. James Pattison, Esq., Governor of the Bank of Eng land, a staunch Reformer, having consented to become a candidate, a Meeting of Electors is to take place this evening, at six for seven o'clock, at the Guildhall Coffee-house, for the purpose of forming Central and District Committees, to act unitedly in returning Matthew Wood, George Grote, William Crawford, rid James Pattison, Esquires, for the City. We lave often lamented the want of combination among Reformers, and the sacrifice of the cause to the interests of individuals. The Reformers of London have gone the right way to work in putting an end to this system, through which Candidates entertaining the same principles often counteracted the efforts of ach other, and were even more anxious to see the re urn of an opponent than a brother Reformer. The Re formers should everywhere set their faces against separation of committees. It is as easy to return all the Candidates as one ; and it is of far more importance to them that the Reform cause should be furthered than that the vanity of particular individuals should be gra tified, by the place that they may occupy on the poll. No good Reformer would think of neutralizing his votes for Reform Candidates, by voting also for Anti- Reform Candidates ; and, as the representation is the affair of the Electors, and not of the Candidates, they ought to discourage, whenever they can, the demo ralizing practice of encouraging Electors to vote for men of opposite principles. The Reformers of Lon don have given a practical refutation, which cannot `fail to be understood, of the charge so causelessly and unjustly made against them by the Tories, at the City of London Tavern, that they were a miserable rabble, bent only on the destruction of property and other mischievous objects. Mr. Pattison (whose Address will be found in our advertizing columns), Governor of the Bank of England, and deeply in terested, as an extensive trader, in the prosperity of the City of London, may well be opposed to Mr. Ward, or any other individual whom the Tories are now putting forward as candidates. Mr. Pattison has stated his opinions in a clear and explicit man ner. He ,very ably refutes the position, that the Re form Bill ought to be deemed a final measure. Were this position to be admitted, the end for which the Bill was carried might in time be defeated. The ob ject was, the real representation of the people of Eng land ; but from the changes which are continually taking place in a country like this, it is possible that in the course of even so short a period as twenty years, villages may become wealthy anmunities, and many boroughs which escaped schedule A, or escaped complete destruction in schedule B, may have as little claim to be represented as Gatton or Old Sarum. The end must never be sacrificed to the means. The end of the Boroughmongers was the perpetuation of their oligarchical ascendancy. The end of the Reformers is the representation of the peo ple in Parliament, through a system of election which gives the suffrages to electoral bodies possessing an identity of interest with that of the nation. The people have, in the great constitutional charter, the means of preventing, through the application of successive re forms, the growth of abuses calculated to defeat their object. Time has already disclosed several imperfec tions in the Reform Bill, and these must be remedied, in accordance with the principle of that measure. The great advantage of the Bill, indeed, was, that it gave to the people the power of commanding all further re forms, either organical or administrative, which they may deem adYantageous or necessary. When the Tories contend that the Reform Bill ought to be con sidered final, they merely apply to it the old argu ments for the existence of Old Sarum and Gatton. Through such a system successive conquests would no dout be made by them, with the aid of that great innovator Time, to use the language of Ba con, by which the Bill would continually be come less efficient for the protection of their inte rests. Mr. Pattison, according to the report of the gentlemen at whose solicitation he has agreed to come forward as a candidate, is of opinion that the dura tion of Parliaments should be shortened, and that voters should be protected by ballot. In his address he states that he belongs to the Established Church, but that he respects the rights of Dissenters, and wishes to see them relieved from the grievances of which they complain. He is desirous of a reform of the abuses which exist in the Church of England ; and with respect to the Church of Ireland, he is prepared to support searching measures. On the whole, we congratulate the City of London on the fair prospect which it has of being represented by four Reformers, men of sound principles, and of high character and respectability. It would be libelling the City, to doubt the triumph of the good cause. We observe that the parties who promoted the hole-and-corner meeting at the City of London Tavern on the 23d instant, are to meet this day in the same place, " for the purpose of considering the measures to be taken to ensure the election of fit and proper persons to re present the City of London in Parliament." The citizens of London know their duty too well, to act on the recommendation of any such parties.—Morn ing Chronicle. As the time draws near to those days of trial when the country will be called upon to record its opinion by the return of Representatives to Parliament, we think it desirable to animate the friends of good order and good government by pointing out the chances of suc cess that await them, and to cheer them on to their appointed task by indulging in an anticipation of the result. Looking calmly on the situation of the par ties, Conservative and Destructive, into which the country is at present divided, we easily discover to which we must ascribe the qualities most necessary to ensure and to maintain a triumph. We know of no thing at the present moment more likely to inspire confidence than a frequent reference to the names of the leaders of the respective parties, for there certainly never was a time in which that great hindrance to the success of seditions mentioned by Lord Bacon, viz., the absence of any fit head or leader of importance, was more conspicuous than in the case of the Jacobin fac tion of the present day. We know too much of the shrewdness and pride of the people of England, and the feeling of contempt with which they invariably re gard those who have risen to wealth and notoriety by pandering to the worst passions of humanity, to sup .pose that they can be incited to rebellion by the pro prietors of gin-temples, or the vapouring authors of seditious publications. When we consider that such names as Robespierre, Danton, and Marat left an im pression which a thousand years cannot efface, we can hardly suppose that the lapse of a single aeneration has been sufficient to enable the O r Connells, the Fearons, the Bulwers, or the Stevenses to succeed in their attempt to rise to power by similar means, and for the same undisguised end. But other advantages are pos • sessed by the Conservatives of at nature far mots im portant, and which, as they formed he boasted streneh of the Liberals during the early struggles of the Whig Government, it would be useless for them now to un derrate or to deny. Every man must remember how the Radical party triumphed in the idea of the support which his Majesty unflinchingly gave to the Grey Ad ministration, and how proudly and truly they daily echoed the line— " The King's name is a tower of strength." Such was indeed the case. Unchanged in purpose, - the King pursued that path which his conscience dic tated ; nor did he falter until all that he had purposed was completed, all that he had promised was fulfilled. If fixedness of purpose has thus formed so striking a feature in the character of our Monarch, now, when that very boon which the people owe to his firmness is perverted into an instrument by which the Monarchy itself is threatened with subversion—now that he has heard the sufferings of his Royal parent made the sub ject for a brutal laugh, and the character of his imme diate predecessor assailed by the disgusting ribaldry of a heartless demagogue—shall we believe that he will falter in his determination to oppose licentiousness in the disguise of liberty, and reckless profligacy under the name of reform ? In short, may not the Conser 41..frOtyts now re-echo the cry, ". Th e Ki ng ' s name is a r -_,- 7 ,- - 7 - fotnerrof s trength?" It can s carce l y b e necessary f or -I , llktd-,irainind the Conservative and patriotic portion of the British people that the press, the whole of the fiat press of England, is steadfastly at work in !,. their behalf—that press which the Whigs flattered, and to which they cringed—that press, honoured in their toasts, apostrophized in their harangues, and worshipped as the deity which should raise them to power, and which it was afterwards the object of their foul conspiracy to crush and to degrade. li. what point, then, shall we discover the strength of the movement party—the secret workers of " the present crisis." Abstractedly it is of small extent ; but the spirit of Jacobinism has been the stirring dwarf, the genius of Conservatism the sleeping giant ; and it is only in latter days that the opponents of the destructive faction have roused themselves from a lethargy which threatened to prove fatal to the very existence of the country—a lethargy from which, per haps, they would not yet have arisen, but for the ex traordinary infatuation of a portion of the Dissenters (an infatuation witnessed with dismay by the more respectable and talented portion of their body), who, with the view of gaining privileges in the exercise of their religion, coalesce with a party whose chief object is the total subversion of the National Church. A scheme so desperate and profligate could not fail to arouse the indignant spirit of the country, and thus to the very means employed for their dertruction it is more than probable that we shall have to attribute the preservation of our institutions. In making these observations we wish to avoid any appearance of to the Dissenters, amongst whom there are men who would do honour to any age or country, but we would tell the more factious portion of that body, that as we listen not to a man who talks to us of peace with a knife in his hand, so we believe not in the religious professions of those who employ scorners and Atheists as the champions of their claims. Let them cease to acknowledge the services of the Humes, the Wades, the Duncombes, the Galloways, the Grotes, the Wakleys, and the whole tribe of rest less demagogues ; let them denounce their seditious harangues and their turbulent desecrations of the Sab bath evening ; and then let them, with a Christian spirit, unite with their brethren of the Established Church in the expression of loyalty and the support of good Government, while at the same time they calmly assert their claims. We would urge them for their own sakes to beware lest in despoiling the altar the crucifix be broken, and in seeking to throw open the gates of the citadel, they themselves be borne down by the impe tuous rush of its invaders —Morning Post. The great argument which some of our more vio lent contemporaries of the Press used to rely upon during the Reform-Bill excitement, when they condes cended to deviate from inflammatory appeals into any thing like argument, was that the passing the Bill into law would give such efficiency to the representa tive system, as the organ of the national will, that it would no longer be of the least consequences from what party the Crown chose its Ministers, because they must conform to the national will, legitimately expressed in Parliament, or throw up the reins of a Government which they would find it impossible to carry on. Well—the Reform Bill is now the law of the land, and the people are gravely told, by the same authorities, that it can only become of the least value by giving a perpetuity of power to the Whigs ; so that, upon the - showing of the Whig Journalists, the Reform Bill was only an instru ment of factious power, devised by one political party to crush a rival party, and establish themselves in the pos session of place and its emoluments for ever I What a libel on the Reform Bill, to say that it is worth nothing unless as a means of binding both the Sovereign and the people in the indissoluble chains of a Whig oli garchy ! Even gold may be bought too dear, and we should think even reform would be purchased too dear at such a price. It was our task to advocate the ne cessity of substantial relief to the industrious classes of our countrymen, whether belonging to the manufac turing, the commercial, or agricultural interests, under the Duke of Wellington's Government, as we at pre , sent do under that of Sir Robert Peel. Now, if the industrious classes ask what practical good the Whigs did for them, it would not be easy to give an answer. The Duke of Wellington, in his Administration, made the great mistake, which we endeavoured to correct, of supposing that the agricultural interests were in a state of advancing prosperity. He relied upon documents— as Mr. Huskisson' did, when he attempted to prove, by Parliamentary papers, that the shipowners, whose interests, owing to his fatal measure of breaking down the navigation laws, were rapidly going to ruin, had actually improved, and were then in a most flourishing condition I The Whigs were under the necessity of acknowledging the unexampled distress of the agricul turists, yet they did nothing for their relief. We must qualify our assertion on recollecting that the " honest" Lord Althorp emancipated shepherds' dogs from the tyranny of the tax-gatherer. This was his munificent boon to the farmer, independently of his " boon to the female population," which emancipated certain licentious poachers, whose game is female virtue, from the obligation of supporting their own offspring. The Whigs also to escape the persecution of the peti tions of the ruined shipowners, granted a Commit tee to inquire and report upon their case ; but when they found that the Committee were of opinion that a case of grievous distress had been made out by evi dence, and that it was intended to report in favour of a repeal of that legislative fraud called the Reciprocity Act, they contrived to prevent any report being made, and so evinced how sincere was their intention of re lieving the shipowners. Such was the conduct of political tricksters, not of Statesmen. Why, then, should the country desire to be governed by a Whig oligarchy ? Their last great labour=the labour of a Session in which all measures of real improvement and amelioration were pushed aside—was the Malthusian Bill. In foreign policy they reduced England to a lower state of influence among the nations of Europe than it had been reduced to, since the time that the corrupt and imbecile Government of Charles 11. leagued with France against Holland. Keeping all these things in mind, Mr. T. Attwood says, " They (the Whig Ministers) have given us internal misery and foreign shame—they have made a mockery of the sufferings of the people, and hardened their hearts against the prayers of the poor." If ot h er Ministers do not act better, let them share the same fate.--Morn inff Herald. In a recent number we threw out some remarks foe the consideration of such of the Whigs and their ad herents as were, and are, capable of calmly considering anything ; the direct object of our suggestions being to show them what a precipice was that on the brink of which they stood, and to pray that they would, by an instantaneous change of course, save themselves and their party from destruction. It is by no means certain that the persons to whom that warning was addressed appreciated our arguments, or put a charitable con struction upon our motives ; but their disregard of wholesome counsel would scarcely deprive a plain truth of its importance, nor would their blindness to an imminent danger make their own position more secure. We cautioned them against that junction with people hitherto called Radicals, but now assuming the more politic and melodious nick-name of " Re formers," for which many of the more infatuated among the Whigs !hernselves have cried aloud, and their fol lowers almost w ;thout exception. In that junction, directed aga i nst t h e C or iervative Government, and in tended for it s overthrow, lies, in our firm opinion, the speedy and final r u i n o f t h e Whigs—of real reform party—of the Conservatives—of neutrals, if there he any —of the agricultural interest—of the monied interest— of the Church—of the Crown—of the no-longer-united kingdom—and of that , ill-fated const i tut i on i tse lf, w hi c h appears in some men s eyes of no sort of use, but as a subject for experiment no less hazardous than would be the attempt of a schoolboy to take to pieces the en tire movement of the most delicate chronometer, or that of a monkey to 'spy into the, muz z l e o f a 12- pounder after applying a match to the touch-hole. That the Radicals would be irrecoverableity victims of their own triumph is as sufelts that despotism i n some shape or other, for the most part m ilitary has never failed to follow that ednfusion for which force presents the accessible and natural remedy. Even the subjugation and political extinction of that per verse crew—the Radicals themselves—ought to be de plored, since numbers of them, we believe, are honest fanatics ; but as such men are not to be reclaimed by any reasonings based upon respect for the monarchy, or love of old national institutions, we would transfer our appeal from them to their Whig partners, whom they cling to while the battle rages that in the moment of victory they may crush and devour them. The Whigs, then, are galloping on to their own death ; they fancy there is but one misfortune worth lamenting -namely, the expulsion from office ; that there is but Danger worth being secured against—that of a non-return to office, and that all means are lawful, all confederates valUable, through which the walls of Downing-street can once more be stormed, even at the after sacrifice of every thing for which the siege has been undertaken—even though their treacherous allies should cut the throats of the Whig garrison, or set fire to the magazines and blow the whole fortress into the air. The views of those two uncongenial factions ought to be clearly set before the people of England. The party of the late Ministers flatter themselves that they can use the Radicals as instruments for their own advantage. So be it—the Whigs succeed the Conszrvatives. But on whom they are afterwards to lean for support ? They are not of themselves sufficiently numerous to com mand a majority of the whole house. They must contemplate, therefore, a continuance of their league with the Destructives. If they do, no doubt the lat ter will listen to their overtures—no doubt they will be ,ready to enter upon terms, and their ultimatum is already resolved upon—universal suffrage, vote by ballot, annual Parliaments, separation of Church and State, abolition of the prerogative of creating Peers, equitable adjustment ! Will that suffice ? The next Whig Minister, whoever he may be, must swal low the whole of this group of monsters, horns, tusks, and claws. Then, are the Whig noblemen and gentlemen, let us ask, prepared for such degra dation ? Will they not from stupidity become Destruc tives ? On the other hand, the Radicals are sure of their game. They bribe the Whigs with place, and reimburse themselves with power. Let us ask, therefore, the entire Whig party, from Lord Grey down to the lowest private secretary among them, whether they might not make for themselves more palateable conditions than these—whether they might not hope to negotiate conditions far better for the country, and eventually far more advantageous for themselves, with those who would preserve the Con stitution than with its sworn destroyers ? Democrats are cruel taskmasters. Their measures are sweeping. They mow down all that waves above their own imagined level. They acknowledge no good in what exists, nor evil in that whieh still remains unexecuted. Restlessness is the motive of the least corrupt of their community, and disturbance the means of one, and all. And these are not chimeras coined by our dis eased apprehension. There is not a day but teems with demonstration of the gulf which stands yawning for the Whig Aristocracy, and towards which they and their followers are blindly rushing. There is scarcely an address from Radical candidates to the constituents whom they court, or from such constituencies to those whom they would enslave under the form of electing them their members, which does not breathe havoc to our most respected institutions. Seats arc still put up to auction, not frequently, as before, for money, but the price is paid in kind, in measures of wholesale subversion. Once more, therefore, we would conjure the Whig leaders to pause for an instant, and let that pause be now. They are but saddling themselves and their country with a weight which neither will in the :eiuel be able to shake off. They vainly—fatally— presume that in case of the Conservative Administra tion being discomfited by the joint effort of "all classes of Reformers," the next Whig government will be suffered to open the book of domestic policy at the same page whereat the last Whig Government closed it. A new leaf is already turned over—it is that en titled " Revolution." From a little pamphlet of a dozen pages we extract the following passage : " The King, in the constitutional exercise of his Royal pre rogative, has ' resorted to other counsellors for advice,' and already is the liberty of his Majesty to select his Ministers from whatsoever class of public men he may judge best quali fied to promote the true happiness and prosperity of his people, questioned and gainsaid ; and the dictum of the falsely called Reformers, but in reality Destructives, is that to one sec tion, and to one section alone, of public men,' shall his Ma jesty give his confidence, or the nation look for benefits. " Is this a state of things that can continue to exist, or prove compatible with the welfare and tranquillity of the people ? " And now, my Lord, the momentous question to be an swered is this—will your Lordship, seeing that the crisis is ar rived when it must be decided whether the working of the Reform Bill is to be for good or for evil—will your Lordship, I ask, quietly look on and wait the impending issue ?—or will you declare to the people, whom you have been the chief instrument in admitting to the privilege they possess, bow wide, how important, how vital, is the difference between the use and the abuse, the prostitution and the moral exercise, of the means put into their hands ? Will your Lordship passively behold the electors of this king dom, now that the last cast of the Monarchy is impending on the die about to be thrown, paving, broad and firm, the high way over which the future inroads upon their present liberties are to be conducted ; or will you tell them timely to beware how they wield the engine they possess to their own de struction? Will you - countenance--and I warn you, my Lord, that if you do not speak out you will afford your countenance and support to them—the return to the new Parliament of men who have already declared that with particular individuals whom his Majesty has been pleased to call to his councils, they will wage uncompromising and bitter hostility? Will you advocate by your silence the tolerance, the spread of such principles, or will you at once declare, that to enlist in such a cause is to level a blow at our fairest liberties, our most venerated institutions ?' Times. Our readers will be delighted to learn that the City is determined, for this coming election at least, to have its own sentiments represented—that is, to have four liberal representatives, and no Tory 1 The present three liberal candidates are unexceptionable in every respect—the fourth, Mr. Pattison, who now conies forward, is no less so. The rashness and presumption of the anti-reformers in putting forward Mr. Ward, and thus provoking a contest, has, we must say, been met by the Liberals in a just and proper spirit, and we doubt not, from the assurances which have been already tendered, that Mr. Pattison will come in with triumphant colours. He is a gentleman well known in the Ciry, and well calculated by his steady and consistent support of the cause of Reform, to do honour to the City by his election. " Though not a party man, says Mr. Pattison, " I am a Whig in principle, and shall always be found an unflinch ing Reformer, being prepared to carry the spirit of Reform, wherever it can be beneficially applied, in Church and State. I cordially approved of the Re form Bill, and gave to it the best support in my power. I cannot, however, admit that this ought to be a final and irrevocable settlement of that constitutional ques tion." And this is enough for us, as it ought to be enough for all Reformers ; but Mr. Pattison goes far ther in a subsequent -part of his address, and adds, that when he considers " the component parts of Sir It. Peel's Administration, together with the speeches and declarations made at the Mansion-house, there is no other course open to him, but that of declaring his eetermined opposition to the present Ministry." It is needless to add more. Mr. Pattison deserves, and ought to have, the vote of every Liberal in the City. He stands forward on sound principles, and it will be a disgrace to the City electors if they allow a Tory to slip in instead of him.—Morning Advertiser. In this day's Times will be seen a document for which one class at least of politicians are probably but little prepared ; yet, it is the work of their own hands, cr, more strictly, of their own lungs ; and the Destruc tives of the city have none but themselves to thank for it. Twenty-four of our columns (one entire sheet) are filled with the Address to his Majesty, agreed upon at the great Conservative city meeting of last Tuesday, with the signatures of boweep and 6,000 persons, 1N,.. 1 `. 0 _ ?lave all affixed thereto their natnos and addresses, in approbat:sn of the :sentiments which it embodies, and of their resolution to uphold the• Royal prerogative by " every means in their power." liaa the seditious and revolutionary clanlOtirqr4 0f that meeting permitted those who attended it to emiress their opinions, and to signify their votes ill the manner known to most assemblies of eiviliged meth the vast Conservative majority would have been well content to leave the matter to the issue of such a trial, and would have saved their assailants the mortification and despair into which this memorable record of the damning truth must plunge Om - g. s When it is attested by evideace of which there can be no refntation, an 4 from which the Destructives will vainly attempt to flinch, that the political feeling which on the day in question, was drowned by the savage howlings of Es multitude, organized and tutored for disturbance, is that of the great mass of affluence, intelligence, and inde pendent principle which constitutes the commercial world of London, it would, we believe, be impossible to find in possession of the same number of individuals in this metropolis, and therefore in Great Britain, which is equivalent to saying on the whole earth be sides, such a weight of disposable capital, or such an authority and force of character, as is here concentrated. Let Messrs. Grote and Fearon muster their bands, if they be able, and produce an array like this. How it may tell upon the approachiag election for the city, or for the neighbouring boroughs, it is not for us to pro nounce, but an extensive moral effect throughout the kingdom we are not afraid of anticipating ; and when the nature and quality, and claims to deference, of the army of enlightened loyalists who have here come for ward are considered, it may be truly said, that if they do not powerfully influence the general returns to Par liament, and if they and others of their class be not adequately represented in the House of Commons about to be chosen, the elective franchise will prove itself to have been grossly abused, or most unfairly distributed. It is indeed incredible that the commercial body throughout England should not entertain and act upon a lively sympathy with their London brethren, who have now thrown themselves into the breach to repel the invasion of headlong violence and political anarchy, the total overthrow of public credit, and the exposure .of industry, civil liberty, property, and life, to destruc tion in the same storm by which the monarchy and its attendant institutions are doomed to perish.— Times. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1834. POLICE COMMITTEE, GUILDHALL. THE LATE MEETINGS AT THE TAVERNS IN BISHOPSGATE-STREET. On Saturday Mr. Peacock, Mr. Taylor, and other Common Councilmen, appeared before Aldermen Chris topher Smith, Venables, Kelly, and Harmer, in conse quence of what had taken place in Bishopsgate-street on Tuesday last, when the Whig and Conservative conflict took place. Mr. PEACOCK requested to know whether the police under the management of the Committee acted by the au thority of the Committee on Tuesday last in tearing down the placards and seizing the boards on which they were exhibited, or whether the officers who had so acted were under the control of the Committee ? Alderman SMITH said the Committee knew nothing about the employment of the officers on the occasion. Mr. THEOBALDS, the Under City Marshal, had received instructions from the Lord Mayor, particularly on Tues day morning, to prevent the exhibition of placards. He believed that his Lordship had issued the direction in con sequence of having received a communication from the Se cretary of State. Mr. PEACOCK—Were you to have acted so whether the placards related to the meeting in Bishopsgate-street or not ? MARSHAL—We were ordered not to allow placards of any kind to be exhibited within the City of London, and we acted strictly upon that order. Mr. TAYLOR—Was the order a verbal or a written order ? MARSHAL—It was a verbal order, delivered by his Lordship to me, and by me communicated to Mr. Brown, the Upper Marshal. Alderman VENABLES—W e surely ought to have the same administration of the law at all times. What were the time and circumstances under which you received this order ? MARSHAL—I saw the Lord Mayor at nine o'clock on Monday morning, and at the same hour on Tuesday morn ing, and received from him instructions with respect to the arrangements for the election at Portsoken Ward, and the meetings in Bishops -gate-street. His Lordship stated that he understood boards were to be exhibited at the Lon don Tavern, and he ordered if such should be the case that we should cause them to be removed, and I directed the officers accordingly. Alderman SMITH---I know that the Lord Mayor issued the order. Mr. TAYLOR—Did the Lord Mayor order you to re move those boards which were within the doors ? MARSHAL—Certainly not. Mr. TAYLOR—For Mr. Brown, the Marshal, seized one of the boards on the steps of the London Tavern, and acted with the greatest brutality and violence to those who held it. Z received a blow or a push from him when I in terfered, and I asked him whether he was not exceeding his authority? to which he replied that he was acting upon the Lord Mayor's orders. Alderman SMITH—I would not excuse unnecessary vio lence, but I certainly would have ordered Mr. Brown to take the boards from the steps of the door, for it would be ridiculous to deny that they might cause a nuisance there as well as elsewhere. Mr. TAYLOR—But boards upon charitable occasions are frequently exhibited at the doors of the London Tavern. Would you have them, too, dragged away ? Alderman SMITH—Oh, everybody knows that the placards seized were not of that description. You don't recollect what took place 24 years ago ? Mr. TAYLOR—I perfectly well remember what you allude to ; I cannot forget the brutal and disgraceful conduct of the police on that occasion. Alderman VENABLES—Certainly nothing can be more mischievous than the interference of Magistrates on occa sions of the kind. It was but a week ago 1 had a man be fore me for carrying a board, on which was placarded a quotation from an article in the Times respecting the Por tuguese Government, but I would not allow any political matter to interfere with my duties as a magistrate, and acted accordingly. I merely considered w h e th er or no t th e carry ing of the board caused a nuisance in the street. Alderman SMITH—The Lord Mayor has a very great re sponsibility upon him, and L must say that I would have done exactly as lie has done. Alderman HARMER—It is the duty of the Lord Mayor to preserve tile peace ; but to bring the police into colli sion with the people, is an odd way of effecting that. No thing could more completely tend to a violation of the peace, than the conduct of the officers in seizing the pla cards. In fact, nothing could be more calculated to cause a riot. If I had seen one of the officers seizing a placard of a peaceable nature, and ill-using the person who held it, I should feel myself justified in seizing him by the collar. MARSHAL—I was asked by Mr. Pewtress and others of the Corporation, by whose order I caused the board to be removed, and I said distinctly by the Lord Mayor's orders. When I communicated the orders to Mr. Brown we con sulted together, and decided not to touch any placards, if those who carried them consented to take them away ; and it was upon their refusal that the boards were seized, and we did not detain in custody any of those who held them. I assure the Committee that we followed the directions with respect to other boards, as well as with respect to those. Alderman VENABLES—Have you acted upon these in structions since the day alluded to ? MARSHAL—No. Whenever there is occasion we act. There is an order to that effect under the Sewers Act. Mr. TAYLOR—It has been a particular application of the law for a party purpose. MARSHAL—Whenever we find any annoyance arising from the carrying of placards we uniformly check it in the way complained of. Alderman VENABLEs—It is evident that this was a part of the machinery of party purposes, and the question is is whether the magistracy ought to have interfered. Alderman SMITH—Is there any one here who has been ill-used I say we have nothing to do with this question at all. Mr. TAYLOR—I expect several Gentlemen who were present and strongly condemned the conduct of the police. I was myself struck. Alderman HARMER—We must proceed in the regular way. It is necessary to have the accused and the witnesses here. Alderman SMITH—I shall not be a party to the busi ness. We have nothing at all to do with the question. Mr. PEACOCK—It is not necessary to proceed further. Our object is, I think, fully attained. We wished to know from the Magistrates who form this Committee whether they they had issued orders on this occasion, and we are satisfied that they had nothing at all to do with the matter. Mr. TAYLOR—It is all between the Lord Mayor and the Secretary of State, who wrote to his Lordship upon the subject, Alderman SMITH---I hope that such a a thing as this will not occur again, Mr, TAYI , PR — I f the citizens of London 114€1 not been shut out of their own hail so absurdly, nothing of this sort worik l . have occurred. Alderman VENABLES—There has been a great want of judgrrianf, 41 . ,PaTe . , entertain a high respect !I T the office of the Lord r 1 and at a wardmote of 'my own ward, when the constituency were proposing a vote of cen sure for what they considered a violation of promise upon thg L f if Lordship, the' i9Fdallip, suggested the impropriety of woesisail , evidence, 1 rtigret'ex condemning with e the injudicious course a d opte d i n t hi s l ate i nstance. nt Supe r i n t en d en t of the City P01i,!..„-_TA N Y ityear, the regret very much that the ofileers under my superintendence hate got int@ c IiP L I4O tqkPll 1114P(': henddd what might ire gig cpu§eqiience of the is§np crtcco or, der, arid I remonstrated a..gainst it, for I thought that n riot would ensue! I re r ll9 -4§tra,o4 l l loWiltPr l in vain, Alderman V"Alimiii—You could not hPJ of course blame you for c I cannot —•...vingacted in obedience to the or ders of the Lord Mayor. You were right in so doing. MARSHAL—I kn 9 Wthat the Lord Mayor received ajetter from the Secretary of State on the subject, and I dare say his Lordship acted from that communication. Here the parties left the Committee-room. MANSION-HO USE. THE LATE POLITICAL MEETINGS IN BISHOPSGATE STREET.—Mr. Brown, the Marshal, mentioned to the Lord Mayor that he understood it was the intention of Mr. R. Taylor, the Common Councilman, to make a complaint of him before the Police Committee at Guildhall, on the sub ject of his Lordship's orders for the removal of all placards from the streets on Tuesday last, and he wished to know whether his Lordship had any instructions to give upon the subject. The LORD MAYOR—Oh certainly ! You have nothing to do with the Police Committee. You have very properly obeyed my directions, and I have nothing whatever , to complain of in your conduct. Mr. BROWN—It maybe the intention of the Committee to send for me to answer for my conduct. I have not the least objection to appear and justify myself. The LORD MAYOR—Appear before them ! For what ? You are not to act under their instructions, but under mine, and I desire that you do not go before them at all. I am responsible for what you have done, and I do not shrink from the responsibility. Is it to be supposed that I, as Lord Mayor, am to allow such nuisances to exist as are likely to lead to breaches of the peace ? Those who think so, are most grossly in error. Mr. BaowN—The directions which your Lordship gave were literally obeyed. We made no distinction between placards—we permitted none to be exhibited ; and in exe cuting our orders we were not influenced by any other than the authority under which we considered ourselves bound to act. The LORD MAYOR said that from all he had learned the Marshal had acted with his usual forbearance on the occasion alluded to. He did not exactly understand the sort of authority which the Police Committee soemed dis posed to assume to themselves. Their recognised occupa tion was that of regulating the police, or the material by which the public peace was to be protected. What had they to do with his office as Lord Mayor ? It was ridicu lous to assume any power which he alone was warranted in doing ; and they had no more right to order the officers to act on the occasion of the nuisance in Bishopsgate-street, than the officers bad to order them. He should be glad to know if a murder had been committed, whether the Police Committee would not be very anxious to leave him the whole responsibility,-without at all wishing to participate ? No doubt of that. He knew how they would heap the blame upon him, and say, " Oh ! it was all the Lord Mayor's fault ; if the Lord Mayor had directed his officers to act resolutely, this would not have happened " He did not think it necessary at all to ask the advice of the Committee, and certainly should not allow them to in terfere with his duties which he found himself quite ca pable of perfoiming. Mr. Taylor knew as well as any man that the Committee of Police had nothing whatever to do with the question, and if that gentleman had any thing to say against Mr. Brown, he might have visited the Mansion House, and regularly made his complaint. Mr. BROWN—Nothing could give me more pain than the idea of impressing the members of the Corporation with the opinion that I do not exercise due forbearance in doing my duty ; but in the performance of that duty I certainly act without regard to persons. Mr. HOBLER said that Mr. Croucher, the owner of some of the placarded boards which had been seized, had, in the absence of the Lord Mayor, applied for the boards. The LORD MAYOR—Why did he not come in the first instance himself? Where are the boards ? In the green yard ? Mr. HOBLER replied that they were in the Mansion. house. The LORD MAYOR—They ought to have been taken to the Green-yard, and then Mr. Croucher would have to pay fees upon them. However, I have no objection to give them to him if he comes himself ; but I know nothing of the person who called here and demanded them, saying that he was an honest man.—(His Lordship then repeated his orders to Mr. Brown not on any account to attend the Committee of Police if summoned, to answer for obeying the orders of the Chief Magistrate.) POLICE INTELLIGENCE. QUEEIV-SQUARE. An unwashed cadaverous, half-starved-looking cobbler, named Elwood, was charged with stealing a fat goose and a leg of mutton from the shop of Mr. Watling►, the pro prietor of a cook-shop in Arabella-row, Pimlico. It appeared that the prisoner had been seen lurking about the shop, and feasting in imagination on the smoking geese, rounds of beef, and other luxuries of the season. At length, it would seem, his appetite got the better of his ho nesty ; he boldly entered the shop when a favourable op portunity served, and slipped into his apron a large fat goose ; in addition to which he had laid his bands on a fine leg of mutton, and made it the companion of the goose. He was, however, seen to take these liberties with the cookshop-mUn's property, and on being pursued by a pot boy, he threw the goose at him, and nearly knocked him down. The boy, however, recovered his equilibrium, and continued the pursuit, and on being joined by a policeman the prisoner was captured. The cobbler, in spite of such evidence, boldly asserted that he never was near the shop at all, and, moreover, that he could not bear the taste of a goose. The MAGISTRATE, however, committed him for trial. UNION-HALL. A young man of fashionable exterior, named Wright, was charged with furiously driving a gig, and running over a Mr. Dewlett and a Mrs. Phillips, the latter of whom re ceived such injuries that her life is despaired of. On Friday evening Mr. Dewlett, Mrs. Phillips, and his son were crossing the road together near the Greyhound, at Stockwell, when the defendant came up in a chaise, and before Mr. Dewlett or Mrs. Phillips had time even to look round them they were knocked down. The wheels of the gig passed over the body of the former, and the shafts of the gig struck the latter on the left side of the face, laid the cheek open from underneath her eye down to her jaw bone, which was broken. Both the sufferers were taken up in a state of insensibility. The prisoner, although shouted to by several persons, continued his career, until he came in contact with a chaise cart belonging to a Mr. Cowdoroy, the grocer, of Blackfriars-road, by which both vehicles were upset. The defendant was then secured. Evidence was also given that on the same day the de fendant had been observed driving over Southwark-bridge at a furious rate. Defendant was not going at a furious rate. He remem bered the chaise passing over something in tho road, but thought at the time that it was either a hillock of dirt or some stones. He was not aware that he had driven over any persons until his chaise ran against Mr. Cowderoy's cart, and he was then told of the accident. He also denied that he had heard any person's voice desiring him to stop. A certificate from Guy's Hospital was here produced, stat ing the dangerous condition of Mrs.. Phillips, and the Ma gistrate, in consequence, refused to accept bail for the de fendant's appearance, and he was accordingly sent to Horse monger-lane gaol. NORWICH.-LORD STORMONT AND THE NORFOLK FARMERS. We have, in a former publication, given an acoount of the manner in which Lord Stormont was received at the Corn Hall, on Saturday last, at Norwich ; but since then he, or his party, has thought proper to summon before the Mayor several persons who were in the Hall on that occa sion, who were charged with creating a riot, by which Lord Stormont's life was endangered. Several of the Tory party, judging we presume from their own practices, Ivere very active in disseminating reports that the row was occasioned by bullies, hired and paid for the purpose by the blue and white party at Norwich, and that the former took no active part in it. This we deny most positively; it is a foul calumny raised for party purposes. It was perfectly acci dental that Lord Stormont went into the Hall, and it was certainly not known by any of the blue and white party that he would do so. Seven respectable persons have been summoned before the city a uthorities, an d the witnesses who appeared against them swore t o them all taking part, more or less, in the proceed ings. These witnesses all spoke to the Hall resound ing with the cries of " No Lord Stormont ;" We have had enough of Lord Stormont in the House o f Commons ;" "We want no House of L or d, ;. "No bribery ;" "No Peel ;" "No Wellington ; " "We d o n o t sell votes here ;" " T u rn him out ;" and othrs of a grosser nature. One of them (Dawson, a police-officer) said the farmers were the mob ; and that they pressed upon 14.0K1 Stormont till his life was in danger, The Tories are chagrined that his Lordhip, gllOtiid meet with no better re ceptiojit 404 That there is a report that he will leave Norwich, and, indeed, is already a candidate for Durefrim and that his brother, the Hon. Mr. Murray is to Ile put in nomination for the city, with Mr ; Acthor4 Nearlett, but no IcittMPO coca eithor hl t hese gentlemen have as yet ap peared. Things seem to have taken a turn here in favour of Reformers ; tr.`. l . we really think the Tories dare 414 l uribe ; and if so, his Lordship, or any 9fhpy Tory mud;- date date, ma Y retire fretn 1A.40 0 t6rrssina ftiflßA- -11%4C"4 W 4 !NM Over; huagoli in §tiretiaa 1 5 0/, Paah, to keep tu moot. Tho peace towards , and two Lord Stor- T, ,ases of the others were adjourned until ...onday next, and it was understood the charge against them would be withdrawn. The panic in which his Lord ship seemed to be is a subject of great merriment here, and affords us many a laugh over our Christmas hearths.— Morning Chronicle. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, DUBLIN. (Continued from The Sun of Friday.) CRIM. CON.—HODGENS V. MAHON. Mr. HOLWELL WALCH addressed the jury on the part • of the defendant. He preferred, before he commented on the evidence, going into his client's case, for that case, owing to misconstruction, Mr. Litton had not fully put be fore them. When they heard that the plaintiff was mar • ried, when his wife was young, the Learned Counsel had forgotten to tell them all. Mr. Litton began in 1819, a year too early, for the acquaintance of Mr. H. with his wife was in 1820, when she was at a boarding-school, and was very young. He ran away with this young girl from a boarding-school after three interviews, and w ithi n one we ek firstof the interview he ever had with her. Her father died when she was only three years old. He died intestate, leaving his widow and this child surviving, being his only legitimate issue. He was possessed of freeholds, which, of course, vested in her. Her share was 12,000/. This was not all. Her mother had three other children born before she was married to Mr. Walker, and she might have felt a wish to divide that fortune equally amongst all her children. When this young lady was three years of age, her uncle, Mr. H. Walker, made her a ward of Chancery. In 1819 her uncle died, and she with the Wheelers and Carrs became possessed of his assets. They had heard that when Mr. Walker died, there was a great deal of litigation by various claimants for his property. Mr. Hodgens was called to the bar, and a case was laid before him by Mr. IL Walker, the elder brother of this young lady. Thus Mr. Hodgens at once declared that none of them were entitled to the money, and that it all centered in her, and of course he at once felt anxious to find out where this young lady was to be found. She was put to school in Grenville-street, and shortly after the execution of the deed, the family came to the determination of introducing Mr. Hodgens to this girl at the boarding-school. The first in • terview he brought her a pocket-full of sweet-meats, a nd • the next time he went lie brought her a quantity of fruit, which she partook of very cheerfully. The third interview was conclusive. The young lady consented to exchange her doll for a husband, and changed from a little boarding school girl to a contented matron. She was brought by by Mr. Hodgens and a Mr. Elphinstone to Smithfield, where they were married by the notorious couple-beggar, Mr. Woods.—(Laughter.) After this she returned to her boarding-school, and he to his house in Fitzgibbon-street. In April following, this produced the just displeasure of the Court of Chancery, and Hodgens, Mrs. Walker, and Woods, were committed on an a tt ac h men t f or co n tem pt ' and on full consideration before the Court of Chancery, the, parties were left in pri son f or n i ne mont h s . A t t h e en d 0 1 that period he was discharged on a petition, in which be pledged himself, on his affidavit, to have no more inter course with the minor, without leave of the Court. Matters lay dormant for some time, and on the 14th of May, 1822, whethe whole scho o l were wa lki ng out near D rumcon d r a, two iffians assailed the party. The two ladies who conducted the promenade were knocked down, the young ladies put to flight, and this child carried to a neighbouring road, where a chaise was in waiting, in which was Mr. Hodgens. He went to the house of a merchant, a friend of his, and put himself and the young lady completely under its protection. The Chancellor was vigilant, and the roads and port were watch' ed to prevent the possibility of escape. In this situation Hodgens felt his danger, and suggested to his friends that as he was sending a cargo of pickled pork to London, be should be sent as part and parcel of the pickled pork. The proposition was acceded to, and Tommy Hodgens was packed up, body and bones, into the cask, and put on board , and the young lady also, but not exactly in that wa y of conveyance. There was a dog on board, who knew the difference between real and fictitious pickled pork. The dog discovered that there was something besides pork in the cask. He was discovered, and when he was taken out of the cask he walked about on his two legs as well as u nothing had happened. He went from London to Roder' dam, and then to France. When in Dunkirk they conti nued to be domiciled as man and wife. They lived ther e for seven years. Much bad been talked of his sacrifices' What were they ? Why, his father allowed him 1501. year, out of which, in that time, he contrived to save 40 0 s. They talked of her attachment in poverty and privation . "What was his conduct ? He brought her from Ireland at a time when her education was incomplete, and still, during all the time, he never gave her an opportunity of improving it. During their stay in France, he never brought her to a place of worship. She had no clothes, and when cleanli ness compelled her to change the only garment of a name' less nature that sh e h a d, s h e was o bli ge d to ' wash it writ' her own hands, and to remain in bed until it was sufficient l Y, dry and aired to put it on aga i n . Sl th was i n that time o bli g ed to wear one gown for six months, and was in every way Pe' glected. During all that time she never received a single sons' The Learned Counsel then commented on the cold-hearted ness of his conduct. In 1823, the jury, witl 9l- ! t leavin g th e b ox , gave a verdict in her favour ; when 111 plans were fully matured, and after Lord Manners left Ire land, he returned to this country and sent an imploring pc' tition, offering to submit himself to every thing—the petition in one hand and the wife in the other. They were married, and he became the master of her purse and pe rs on. They went to live in Great Denmark -street, and when she wo g there in a state that gave her particular claims to his a tten c i tier', what was his con d uc t ? savage b eat i ng o f hi s w if e , and adultery with his menial servents. She was beaten, and s e cruelly beaten, that the sources of nature were dammed up by the ruffian treatment of this cowardly husband, They had heard that s h e use d to rece i ve t h e di v i dends. and hai!'; them to him. She dared not do otherwise ; and what df she get in retu rn ?— a s hilli ng ; or if 1 .!; , . was in a mog ul ''' . Fent humour, he might give her ball a crown, with an in junction not to be extravannt.—(A laugh.) This mone): was accumulating, 40, with it he purchased splendid boos: in Stephen's-gre en , and took car e th a t th e con veyan ce should be made to Thomas Hodgens and his heirs, totallf exeluding h er . Th e Learned Counsel then proceeded to ‘,. state the circ ums t ances o f t h e d e f en d ant ' s i ntro d uct ion . 7 a the plaintiff at the ball at the Rotunda, and the progresl i acquaintance of the plaintiff and the defendant. , 0 would be p rove d th a t w h en at t h e C ast l e, a t ° a instance of her husband, she took Mr. Mahon's arms nn was presented to the Viceroy in that way, though she dr e w. back for the purpose of being presented with her busbao.7 .. The learned co unse l then proceeded to state several el. cumstances of subsequent occurrence, illustrative of tr's° course of conduct pursued by the plaintiff. Matter: went on in this wa y, un til anot h er construction was pu t °n Doctor Maho n ' s v i s it s , an d Mr. Hodgens then began to, disparage Mr. M a h on , an d sa id t h at h e was not suf fi c i e nt respectable t o k ee p company w i t h a man of his en us f o f quence and i m p or t ance . —(L aug h ter.) On the 4t h 5. , March, Mrs. H o d gens di sc l ose d M r. Hodgens ' s suspiciu° r What did she say? Why that she would live no long in the ho use w ith a man who, after all his ill-treatme nt ' which she h a d b orne so pat i ently, now turned round ,t beard the mother of his children with the stigma of infanl: She left the house in the heat and warmth of her feelingd and went to her milliner's, Mrs. Affleck's. Th e Learn e e Counsel went on at ver y grea t l eng th to comment o n t' , t evidence in detail, which he did with very great ability the conclusion of his speech, there was a suppressed ID U mur of applause throughout the crowded court. At eight o'clock, w h en M r . W a l s h h a d conc l u d e d, the Court adjourned by consent of counsel, to this day at eleve n o'clock. At a late hour on Thursday night, Mr. O'Connell re' plied on the p ar t o f H o d gens ; an d t h e J ury, after triell minutes deliberation, re t urne d a ver di ct f or t h e plop% damages, 3,0001., an d 6d. cos t s . Th e tr i al occup i e d thre days. IRTHS. On the 21st in s t., a t Gorle ß ston, the lady of Captain Anneloo4 R.N., of a son. At Britford Vicarage, near Salisbury, the wife of the 1 3 ."' H. Hill, of a daughter. „ii o On the 26th i ns t., M rs. J o h n K i rk, of three fine boys, "' whom with their mother are doing well. csAO On the 30th o f J une, at Dapoolee, the lady of Alex. Dun r Esq., surgeo n , 11 t h Regt. Bombay Native Infantry, of a daughte ARIED On the 27th i nst., at St. M Peterß . AlP 's, in Thanet, the Bev . —c ol Benn Russell, youngest son of the late Claud Russell, E 91 ,1 33 0.. Binfield, B er k s, to L ou i sa Ansley, eldest daughter of Georg e " nam, Esq., of 13romston House, near Ramsgate. On the 16th inst., John Dyer, Esq., of Botesdale, to Alio E li°. Johnson, of Fakenham, Norfolk. On the 17th inst., at St. Mary's Church, Ross, Jane, e t he daughter of the late Adam. Glascott, Esq., Wexford Militia, t° th e Rev. Thomas John Jacob, Esq., of Wexford, and brother to Member for Dungarvan. ditr On the 18th inst., Bonamy Price, Esq., of Rngby, to L) eldest daughter of the late Rev. Joseph Rose, vicar of Rothley . ,,,, a On the 27th inst., at St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, Thomas rf;f Adlington, Esq., to Wilhelmina Stone Woollery, only daugl ll %., the hire W. S. W oo ll ery , E sq ., o f Mid g h am, i n t h e is land of " maica. c the On the 27th inst., at Woolwich Ch urc h, C orne li us Sharp, °, e , Ordnance Office, Woolwich, to Mrs. S ume rfield, of Rectory - P 4 Woolwich. DIED. ce, On the 27th inst., since re l y lamented, at No. 9, Lancaster-P•• of Jame* Collin, third son of D r . M'Christie, aged five moat'''' Bkunchitis, after one 's illness. On the 24th inst., i d n ay Smedley-lane, Cheetham. s uddenly , 3 5,1 59, Samuel Smith, Esq., of the firm of Co., linen-merchants, Old Aiiiigate, Mes` - .s. Smith, Bi ll ' .. 1 " - anc . hesier. On the 23d inst, M Kenninitfr: n , Elii 9 . - bcth Baxiiik, a White ere.- d. St. L k ' deeply latue ll ' e 1 , ~..street, t. ue s, B. ' ' 011 the 19th jest aged 23, John George Mills, Es' !" 1 1 3 11, in her 724 . year, Airs. Od'tit son ~ .4 ' ' . .... the late Rev. Thomas Mills, M. A., of Coca ell•-• ..,rinsford, Rector of Bumpsted Helion, Essex. 0 f the On the 23th inst., Eliza, the wife of Mr. E. Rob erts, Britannia, Camden Town, aged 24. , Y O, On the 25th inst., at Highbury Park, in her 73d Year relict of the late Mr. Edward Frisby, of Basinghall-street., of On the 10th inst. , at Forthampton House , near TF ss ' K e ::. f or Hopewell Tyler, Esq. , a descendant of the anc ient family ~ ward, of Forthampton. London : at Pr The inted Sun and Published by l2 U , Strand. MRDO YOUNG, Offiee, A T a 1 1 DLI ? a zic, on M kyveci I st• —Th Period of th conditions t these Re; kr brother eo odition NA7 .f thos e p r i i order to I !Sing and IN grliamenti thould be f f reedom of lerted " therefo' re re Irite in the , M oved by 2 ( l .—Th 4 u , ove as lai tr ess and di dined by t 'knot hop , 41 63, upon. 'loved by ath.—T x 4 r tions, " I ' r" embers. be 'wed. by 4th. Th r .,ivett to ou ESI ~o nstituen to promote Pledges its at the ensu &loved by sth_T s?ablish a Leith one i all necessa Moved by 6th. TI Phael and t ilesex, for kd for till That th , 1 ;g Chron Courier, a A T T( !turn the (- lead, Cat First Resc That th blont to b !Ilernselve it is resole t o rnaintai f , rfil and ttaive all r the princii Second That at (at all tiro stituencies 4 ' l unwilli Electors c seal in the C ommons Third Res That th thew Woc far this C cause of I Pattison,' whos e hal Tnent, the he safely -Fourth R . That it i rarnediatl by every 1 fittin g th to represE Aforei That t lkingseoto Chair, fa Meeting, The C for the pi form Car LA the C eommuni Gull& SON, tl House, i before Physic ( tb in and p l "e Of th ton-build they Will ---L____ Cl with the of the sai arnpton-1 January, in Two I A FR greet, C Number Thei Roardrir Warehoi a Rent o 4 4 uneal PrintE ms's Ch: Coles, sc Solicitor Narnilto --______ GE first styl credit m Louse ii Willia m the Ban N.B. boys' ch liveries, and on 1 PPG to purci EDWA consists CLO Satin T SHA Mans of /eau, MET high pri Period. z , Als Ship act.