The Sun. — London, England, 1827-05-26 00:00:00

UttnOit use' s , sh i laension-r- ertaanty-over every contract, and infused appre e the sub' ato every mind about to form arrangements on object' sect of land or its productiOns. Whether or not the deg. aons he h a d urged should be conceived to possess any to ,see of validity, there was one observation he had to make, . which he did not anticipate resistance from any quarter, AamelY--a reasonable delay, that could militate against the interest of no class in society. He attributed the clamour th at , had been raised against the Corn Law, to the depressed state of trade and manufactures. If they but once more b ut i ved, and w ere prosperous, the Legislature would hear ! few complaints against the Corn Laws. In every 'view that he could take of the subject, it was his full per alrasion that the present measure would prove most mis .hievaus; tact he therefore, felt it to b e hi s d uty to object toning into the Committee. ~,'be Duke of SOMERSET said, that in 1815, he P°Sed the introduction of those bays, then perceiving blest pernicious tendency, though.not to its full extent. In ''" e laa_ Session of the last Parliament, he advocated, as i s 7 a glY as he could, the immediate revision of the Corn PItI'M -Subsequent events had shown the necessity there -fa co it su c h a measure, as the distresses of the country had lived . His Majesty's Government to do, by an Order in 9, that which might sooner and more beneficially : 164 'e been done by enactment. It was now at last proposed fttWafford by enactment a velief to one part of the commu s Y• For thi s purpose a 13111(bad been. brought i n b y th e 'th ' at e Administ ra ti on. . Th is Bill had not been hurried brough Parliaraent. Not only the representatives of the Ple, but the p eo pl e t h emse l ves, bad had full time to nk of t, and they had ex p resse d their' thoughts with anfficient freedom. Public M ee ti ngs had been called ; the •P a esi had teemed with observations on the subject, and the table of that House had been loaded with petitions. At last the _Bill had come up, amended and revised by the at atescoen and agriculturists of the other House of Parlia bleat. It might, then, have been expected to have been l ' e eeired as a measure that, of all others, was the most Ranted. But instead of this, it was assailed as the most Pernicious measure that could have been introduced. It seas assailed by arguinents that had long ago been answered—by facts that bad been long ago explained— prejudices that had been long exploded, and by fes4ings which should not be found in a British House of Parliament. One principal objection which ha d \been urged against :In measures of this kind was, the vast debt under Witielt this country , laboured. ab inw the way to inak.e a heavy, debt either pay tohiet* supportable, was to i ncrease the resources applica eks. . t be Payment of its i nterest or its principal, The tti 7sal a of foreign corn, ( na payment of a duty, tended to • 5 i ncreaae in various we Lys. It promoted manufacturing by • by e s It afforded a di red revenue to the state. Then, (lit' a dlug to reduce thr a prices of all home-made comma. trade ofd and articles of Tiritish produce, it encouraged the soilau°f exportation, a' nd increased the real wealth of every ruer of tho se articles. Viewed in this light, the magnitude and weir eurnents in F avour ,fit of the national debt were strong ar tof the admission of foreign corn. Again, had been ale, u urged o f as most material, that foreign corn was i es .q.' Paid for in money and not in manufactures. The , is tln' up o A this argument , rev erti ng to the old ex of dins . °f a. , alone about the balance of trade ; if . it were item o , a ' c("nseetience to a country in what way it paid for its were ' ‘ l ---as if in the traffic between nations, gold and silver aki e s n t mere commodities, to be bought and sold like others, 6 '''Y estimable in proportion to their quantity and !•ela ve valu e . Oh ! but, it would be said, this is political s e te° ,, a4 nY, Cud it had been of late the practice to inveigh ' & 7' l4 'political economy altogether. ' Some thought it - : a44t taphysical, others that it was revolutionary : some sy T t e against it because they were against all change. There e 'e lo this country those who, in their dread of move.- 43 1 ''' Ivould prohibit all improvement. As soon as any 4'teration was proposed, they said it was like the French ;7_ u ,ton. 111 r. Burke wa s . sufficiently adverse to the .4 tats s, revolution, but he neither proscribed improvement, th ought ill of political economy. He called it a new ~ i ! e n ee, and he acted upon its principles with regard to ',very subject. At Lis suggestion, in 1772, those old trade in laws were repealed which shackled the internal In ' in provisions. Mr. Burke did not reason like our F ree stickler s for old regulations; his dread of the t!,°,91 revolution was founded on deep thought, not on tinUnish apprehension ; he could distinguish between a re tails., isnprovement and an extravagant attempt. But, as he racer'fe observed, mo d ern sticklers for o ld regu l ations ed against p o li t i cal economy. An d as i t was closely e nett Zed with th e p resent su bj ect, b e must say somet h ing nt its Inuits. The political world owed a great deal to politi cal cen w - nYs and the writers'on that subject had pro be,' m gated several important discoveries. Amongst the trade ire several he considered to be the doctrine of free ges ' sta in former times, we. had had great sovereign s and b r i' l l t tesme n ; but neither Henry VII. nor Queen Eliza -11 is ewer t hought of free trade. Neither Bacon nor iau--ei'h she thought of free trade. It was above the age geni us y lived ; .it was a discovery reserved for the Li ana ° f the 18th century. Henry the Seventh's restrice ss s uPon agriculture, and the monopolies authorized by ee ' l Elizabeth, would not be endured in modern times. poke hy would not they be endured ? Because such a et ° , Y had bee n exploded by the writi ngs o f the politi ca l 1 4 (s t , ta i 'StS * It was t o th ose men, rev il ed as they ha d b een b oth War ' l s .' . and and i n France, it was to those men that we owed The securi ty against the return of such absurd regulati . ons. a ud P le krit Bill was very ,c, litelligible• concise : its principle was simple The duties payable by the schedule were „ a4Justed as to ensure a supply, and to exclude a reds:end ,arei of each sort of grain, And they admitted of being ra cy ltd in table s of easy reference and undoubted emu ,:ela),;, And its having undergone alteration without being prs"ses'ed nugatory, or perverted from its purpose was a , s "",z . of the solidity of its basis. He concluded by express '`'glis decided intention to vote in favour of the Bill. Bill all STANHOPE said, the principle of the present 4 4 0 Was completely subversive of that of 1822, whys was la, -Pte4 by Parliament, after deliberate investigation : - 1 , 0 ! Principle of the present measure was to allow im bi, tat ion at all times, subject to a fluctuating duty.— v e state of uncertainty in which the agricultural interest s'it'uld be, kept under such a system, '"), great evil. Farmers would providently reduce their must be productive . py'eaditure to the lowest possible scale, and would em u no more labourers than were absolutely necessaryn7a tio esonseluence would necessarily be, nie m u '''t the burden of the poor's-rate, already suffi c iently . an aug (1 .-e'v s °4B - It never could happen except, under extsaor atl e ircurnst s that 60s. would prove a remune ' - ng price "cc ' let their Lordships consider what r e lv° , 4 ,, id be the e The q n nee cf aihnitting the importation of I' -", ''bject toonseconsequence of 203., when the price reached 60s. w ° %rite", 4 duty examined Pro s si s es who were t brought e was zsarter, to this co un try, including all expenses, at 425. per thi s Therefore, nen the price should arrive at 60s. slo t e - ( 1 ) entry, that wheat might be imported (duty in l'ss-i at no more than 425. per quarter.—(Hear.)- I(ii !e were two circumstances which ought to have deterred 4.4mi:titers from bringing- forward the present measure. One rep s , e '.-et Passed a few years since respecting the cur sena w uieh a high authority in that House had properly ty 4n3 an edict of con fi scat i on ; and the other was the se r i at ) .'e of what h ad happened from the allowing the im eiisaioinn of fdreigrt woo l. Th e consequence of that per- V`llooli 4 b ad.'sheen a great d ec li ne i n the export of our kat . 11a anufacture. Th e market, also, was at present 4, 1 1 te,ked `sixth wool, that it was b ecome almost an un-. sti r ,e article. 'H e did not mean to dispute the power . authority of Parliament; but that power ought to be exercised fo r ‘ 4,o ti ; : 9 - 1 4Y, for the benefit of the people, in trust -. 't= was held. If their Lordships should consent t o Not , , . be acting for t he present Bill, they would not lie could prove, eron: i h .lsenefit _of the community— table o f th e House, that runaller of petitions lying on the bee n rt d h of no means the worst, on e- fo e nnse districts, and those by , the labouring poor had the whole number of consequence of the low price e o P f rived of employment, in *fleet of this measure, which, it w e . °"4 generally beneficial, must be to rah: The immediate telaiid, would prove so Profit' of the farmers must be redueeed poor -rates. The lan dlords would fall MT, and ultimatcetalsee. rent of the Increasing population, theme would beef} diminished With , an f tlaloynient ; pauperism would be seen stalkies ll-IC.llls 1 ne e land, exciting in the first place discontent, andt throw i ~xt, by a natural consequence, open disaffection. This Zhis firm and honest conviction, and his first wish ryas oavert such evils as must necessarily ensue if the Bill th I ' t Past into a l aw . A revolution ill the st ate must he °! necessary consequence of a revolutions in the property ,foadduals : th e beginning of such a revolution was to' le t found in any measure which tended to impai r the seen th:t°,f,Property ; and nobody, he thought, could doubt bi lorl ' i n' Bill would produce that insecurity. Ile ealled vii ,ti, Ireir Lordships, as they would save the country f rom ttn revolution, and bankruptcy —to give this measure et most decided opposition. No Zord BEXLEY rose, but spoke in a very low tone. A tapper e Earl (Lord Stanhope) had said that corn had been , 0 at the price of 225. Per quarter. It was true, li it _ I Y, that some corn had been imported at that price ; but Noll uot to far true as to warrant the inference which the raj: Earl sought to draw from the fact. He aught in foreto have stated that th e corn was of bad quality, 6 and fo r qat aaged ; and that it was proved by the evidence be h c e i !he agricultural committee, that prov e d , foreign growers tlai'. Government to despair by the resolution s ado it (1 by 18 This measure arforded as great ipreotec tion as Was necessary for the interests of the land. With respect to Ireland, the - change in the old system had been most sensibly felt. In the three years ending 1816, the average exports had amounted to 3,012,000/. ; but for the last year they amounted to 7,000,0001. The present mea sure was calculated to extend these advantages, and by pro moting the agriculture, to improve the condition of all the other manufactures, on which the tranquillity and prosperity of that nation so mainly depended. As to the effect which might be produced on the woollen-trade, he wished the House to keep in mind the fact, that wool was not here, as it was in other countries, the principal part of the produce of the sheep, or the chief source of the grower's profit. In 1822, previous to the reduction of the duty, the Southdown wool sold for 16d. • a pound, which made the whole fleece worth just 3s. 4d., at the same time the mutton of the same sheep fetched 40s. In 1826 the price of wool had fallen to 9d., the fleece was worth but 2s. 2d., but the mutton sold for 21. 6s. Bd., so that the value of the whole sheep had considerably increased. He was convinced that none of the corn laws which bad been introduced had ever deserved to be compared with this. For his own part he confessed that he was very much at tached to this measure. He looked upon it as the last pro duced by his Noble Friend (Lord Liverpool) and regarded it in the. light of a legacy from that Noble Lord. He was far from saying that this measure, or any other of human invention, was altogether perfect ; but he was quite con vinced that it was infinitely better than any which had be fore been brought forward. The Marquis of SALISBURY, as we understood, op posed the measure. Lord ELLENBOROUGU agreed with the Noble Vis count (Lord Goderich) that the present Bill was susceptible of very considerable improvement ; but he could not go so far as the Noble Lord (Bexley) who had spoken last, that it was one of the most perfect,productions of the human in tellect. He was obliged to consider the Bill as ane brought there for amendment. It was not his intention now to propose the alterations which he thought necessary ; but h e shouldhiostpone, until it was in the Committee, the de sign he bad formed for making the Bill what it ought to be. In its present shape in that Committee it would have his most determined opposition; and also at the third reading, unlesshe should first succeed in introducing the improvements he al luded to, and of which, as the Noble Viscount said, it was so susceptible. If the Noble Viscount had known this House better, if he had been better acquainted with its quiescent nature, its sedative'habits on all subjects, he would have known that, on no occasion whatever, was the acrimony of party feeling allowed to interfere with the discussion of momentous topics, and his deprecation of such acrimony he would have known was altogether unnecessary. But if in this respect he had shown himself to be only a young Peer, he (Lord Ellenborough) thought he had in other respects proved himself to be also a young statesman for, in the conclusion of his speech, he had alluded to the dis tress recently experienced by the manufacturing classes, to the exemplary fortitude and patience with which they had borne their sufferings, and bad expressed a conviction that those sufferings were now about to be relieved. Yet the Noble Viscount having this hope and this belief, thought that, on these grounds, he was entitled to ask their Lord ships to pass a permanent law in order to relieve distresses which he had made a strong point of insisting were only temporary. The- Noble Viscount could not have forgotten that in 1815, when petitions . from every part of the country against the then Corn Law loaded the tables of both Houses of Parliament, he resisted all inquiry. The universal complaint, and op.. position, and outcry of the nation produced no effect what ever on his mind. He adhered to his resolve, and nothing could shake it. In 1820 his mind was changed, but that change was effected by a circumstance which was al. ways found to have a very considerable influence on a mi nister, however determined he might be—he found him self in a minority. From that period his affection for his Bill of 1815 was turned to hate; and among all the at tacks (and they had been many) which had been made against that Bill, none had been heard more acrimonious in tone, mere hostile in spirit, than . that which the Noble Viscount had himself made to-night. But let him remem ber all the circumstances which had taken place eincelBls. Let him consider the effects of the fluctuation of the cur rency—the alteration in the manner of taking the averages —and he would find that those alone were sufficient to ac count for all the difficulties which had belle found in the progress of the measure. Then' came the Bill of 1822, the effects of which, notwithstanding the delay which had taken place, had been in some respects not disadvantageous. In 1815, the principle of prohibition had been called into operation ; in 1822, they had conceded to the scheme of a . graduated scale. With respect to the present scale, he must say that he was much disappointed at the shape in which it had presented itself. This question was not like one affecting the sale of any manufactured articles : it was a great constitutional question. No one could look at the increasing manufactures of the country, without seeing that a great power was growing up which claimed a preference over the agriculture : and it was obvious that the measure now brought into the House had for its first object the advantage.of the manufacturing over the agricultural inte rests. Another point of great importance was, that the question was an Irish question. The imports of that coun tryh;tl been gradually increasing for the last eighteen years. The improvement iq agriculture had been of the most striking and satisfactory .kind,—the increase in manufac tures had been the natural consequence of that improve. ment, and to these their Lordships must look as the means of maintaining and increasing the prosperity of Ireland. He was not, he confessed, bold enough to lopk unconcer ned at an act which might, as he believed would, shake that prosperity. He did not say that this consideration would of itself, be enough to induce him to negative the Bill, but it made him reganl it with serious apprehension. He would look at the details with a manly and disinteres ted view, and he recommended it to their Lordships that they should not allow themselves to be deterred from the same object by any thing which might be said of them else where. He respected the rights and privileges of the House of Commons, but he respected no less the privile ges of the House of Peers. The Marquess of LANSDOWN.—After the full, able, impartial, and convincing statement laid before your Lord ships by my Noble Friend (Viscount Goderich), of the grouuds upon which he calls upon your Lordships to assent to the commitment of this Bill, and more especially after the intimations which you have had from the Noble Baron who has just sat down, and the Noble Marquess who pre ceded him, of their inte,,ion to acquiesce in the motion before your Lordships, I should think it unpardonable in me, this late hour, to occupy your Lordships' time fir more than a few minutes, with any statement or argument in support of the course which you are now called upon to adopt. I shall, howeve., in the first place state, that the Noble Lord (Ellenborough) did very much misrepresent my Noble Friend, when he said that Noble Lord adverted to the state of the manufacturing districts, and made it the foundation of the measures which he proposed. When that Noble Lord spoke of the manufacturing districts, and of the distress which has unhappily prevailed among them, although now fortunately diminished, be adverted to it only as a ground—if he wanted any ground—for the interfer ence of Parliament upon this subject, ant, as deserving of your most serious attention whenever the situatio n o f those manufacturing classes shall come under your conside ration as a separate interest. He did not, however, coins before your Lordships, for the purpose of arguing that the interests of the agricultural classes of this country were to be sacrificed to the commercial?? No. My Noble Friend knows the value and importance of that class too well to contemplate such a project. He knows too well the im portance and the value of that agricultural portion of the community, through whose influence the Aristocracy of this country have mounted to the pinnacle of power, and through whose means the manufactures of Great Britain have been promoted and extended—by whose assistance this country has been enabled to convey her produce to every country of Europe and every quarter of the globe, and whose prosperity has at once contributed to our wealth and formed the support of our power. The Noble Lord has observed, that there is no difference between this mea sure and that of 1615, and that of 1822 ; find he has asked why those measures might not be tried rather than enter upon any new and unknown project. But, my Lords, there is a great difference—those Bills held a prohibition to be absolutely necessary in every case short of famine, while the present measure per mits importation under a graduated scale at all times, whe ther of want or plenty; and yet, at the same time affords a most effectual protection to the British agriculturist. I am ready, my Lords, however, to admit the principle laid down and argued upon • by the Noble Baron (Lord Ellen borough), that this country might depend upon other countries for support ; and I am ready to contend, that the richest country in the world ought, in some degree, to depend upon other countries for some of the articles of its consumption, because, if it can apply its capital in such a manner as to produce those things which are almost ab solutely necessary to other countries—if it can bring its capital to bear in the support and encouragement of other trades, the country is benefitted by this employment of its capital, and the very class most interested is benefitted by the reaction of the capital in such trade. And, I must say, that the arguments of prohibition, I have heard upon this subject would, in a great degree, apply as much be tween county and county in England, as they would be tween Great Britain and the world. It is said to be es sential to protect the agriculture of England against foreign competition ; but if you were to take Lancashire, or York their shire, or any other counties, and shut up agriculture frOm any 'connexion with each other.a-if you were to pro hibit their intercourse, and stop the interchange of their agricultural produce, there would soon be such a glut, th a t ruin and impoverishment must be the consequence of the prohibition. A Noble Lord has asked, whether this Bill is intended to benefit the agricultural class, or the gene ral interests of the country ? It is a Bill for the , advan tage of all; and such, I am convinced, it will be found, when its provisions are maturely considered. But, my Lords, a bill even for the advancement of particular inte rests, may prove disadvantageous to those it'was intended to benefit. A state of forced encouragement which out runs consumption—a succession of favourable seasons— various circumstances, may combine to produce a glut; and the effects which I have described. This state of things has been repeatedly produced in this country. We saw it in the year 1815, in which, in spite of a state of law, affording every protection to the agricul turist, the greatest distress prevailed among the landed in terest of the country, and the whole of the agricultural po pulation were absolutely left almost without the means of subsistence.—(Hear.) —ln a country like this, where so much larger capital is vested in manufactnres, and where an equally larger capital is vested in agriculture, free inter communication with other countries can alone enable either to flourish, and prevent those disastrous transitions between a glut and a scarcity, which we have witnessed in 1815, and other times in this country. A Noble Lord has ob served very properly, that there is no class in this country which has not complained of distress, and applied for relief—a clear proof, in my opinion, that from the two sides, if there are two sides in the question—there is equal danger to be apprehended from the state of the law as it exists. In that state, either side is alternately , placed in a state of jeopardy, and the rise in their produc tions, consequent upon too great encouragement, must lead to a glut as pernicious as a scarcity. 'lt is true, that every class have called upon the Government to consider the state of this question. So called, I Myself, and I have, in common with others, supported this and those other measures of the Government connected with the reciprocity of national advantages. I pressed it upon the attention of the Government then, and I support it now, because I think that there is no more natural or fit ting time in which we can be possibly called upon to discuss the question. But then we are told, what is there wrong now ?—are not prices such as you wish?— why n4t wait and see how matters turn out—why not wait the result of the labours of the Fiance Committee, which I apprehend is to be called upon to apply itself to a very different object ? And are we then, my Lords, to lose the present opportunity, and wait till famine or distress drives us upon considerations of relief ? Is it, my Lords, for the time when domestic misery and public distress rouse the feelings and the passions of parties in this House? Is it when the passions are aggravated, that we are to debate this subject? Are we for the time when all are interested, or prejudiced, and intemperate within doors, and when all is violence and mis-statement without, to exchange that moment for the present period of temperance and tran quillity? The change, my Lords, which we now con template, has been long expected, and is even required from us. This, then is the time to deliberate, when all are at tentive, and .I may say, acquiescent; and when the feeling out of doors is such, that I may venture to say, it would be almost impossible to obtain such a state of things at any other peric ,l This Bill makes no sudden changes--it pro. fesses, my Lords, aiid is intendel to avoid 'them. This is not the first time that the principle has been as serted. The Report of the CoMmittee of 1822 ad mits it in express terms, that a different system was desirable. It admitted that the system which it consented to propose had no solid foundation ; and it is for us now, though late, to establish a basis upon which the affectioni of the people may rest—upon which all the contracts and agreements between landlord and tenant, upon which all the speculations' of trade may at last repose as upon a secure and solid foundation. Admitting this principle—that it is not, expedient , to effect any sudden cha.nges—l think it will be admitted that the Legislature are bound to consider the state of all existing interest S---that they are bound to con sider the state of taxation. It will be found that those in terests are effectually protected by the provisions of thin Bill; •- and I declare most solemnly that, if I could be brought to believe that one acre of land would be thrown out of cultivation, or a labourer out of employment, by its effects, nothing could induce me to vote for its passing into a law. Great principles, sometimes, have been subjected to the danger of being contemned and slighted by those who understand not their application, from the want of a proper attention to the artificial state of society for which they Were intended. Nothing cquld be , more absurd than to suppose that man could be driven all at Once out 'of his habits, and all notions by new theories, however just in principle or advantageous in effect. In all great changes there is a mass of misery and suffering painful to be. contemplated ; and although the results may be ultimately beneficial, it is wise and prudent to guard as much as possible against those consequences, which, although attendant' tition all political changes, must be yet always deplored. I believe that this Bill, as far as human power can, does guard against such consequences. In Ireland feel 'confident that its provi sions will be most beneficial. Now that I have adverted to that country, let me call the attentioi, of your Lordships to, the statement of the Noble Baron, wheie he contends that a country must be blessed that 'produces inure than its inhabitants are able to consuine, If that be the case, my Lords, then I must say, that Ireland enjoys more of that of blessedness than any country on the face of the earth— (heir, hear, and a laugh) ;—and yet, which of your Lord ships connected with that kingdom would not be willing to exchange all the landed prosperity of Ireland for a very small portion of the manufacturing difficulties of this country.—(Hear.)—lt is not upon the gross production that property depends. It is upon the combination of 'all advantages, united with that reciprocal interchange which this Bill goes to secure, that the happiness and prosperity of Ireland is to be accomplished. As long, my Lords, as the National Debt continues to press upon us, I fear that we cannot look to any different state of things in the con dition of our currency; and I must only conclude, by trusting that your Lordships will not refuse to go into the Committee; that you will give the country the benefit of a settlement of this question,, by what may be called nearly the last 'of your Legislative Acts—so near to a prorogation, and by giving to the farmer a knowledge of the value of his produce, and to the speculator a proper sense of the ground of his operations, prevent the necessity of those interferences which every man must lament—inter ferences which' I myself objected to last year ; but as giving a power beyond that which the Legislature had considered unnecessary, but which Parliament, under the circum stances, was compelled to adopt. By, however, permitting that interference, you denounced the law as it then stood • you held it out as unjust, as unconstitutional, and os inef fective—you are now called upon to remedy the evils which you conferred, and by putting the regulations with respect to the agriculture of the kingdom upon a proper footing, leave the people in possession of an efficient law, rather than the Government in the pos-ession of an unconstitu tional power. The Noble Marquis was listened to with deep attention, and was loudly cheered when he resumed his scat. The Earl of ROSSLYN was convinced that the law as it stood was so far before the present Bill, that it was much better calculated to prevent fluctuation in the prices of pro duce, and consequently the inability of the farmers to pay rents, and ,employ agricultural labour. His Lordship en larged on the advantages of keeping all the lands in cultiva tion, .and thereby preserving the country in perfect inde pendence as to foreign powers lor the support of the popu lation. Lord REDESDALE opposed the 13illl. The Earl of CAERNARVQN supported the Bill. The Earl of DARNLEY supported the Bill. The House then divided, when the numbers ureic— For the Committee l2O Against it Majority for the Bill . The House adjourned at One o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRIDAY, MAY 25. The SPEAKER took the Chair, this day, precisely at Four o'clock, and the House proceeded to business. STIRLINGSHIRE ROAD BILL. On the motion for the second reading of the Stirlingshire Road Bill, Mr. FERGUSSON proposed a clause to exempt the Carron Company from toll, in conformity with some pre vious agreement. The Honourable Gentleman concluded by moving, that the clause should be added to the Bill by wa} of rider. Mr. HOME DIstIMMOND opposed the motion on the ground that the introduction of the clause proposed by the Hon. Gentleman would subject the county of Stirling to a perpetual burthen, by obliging those persons entrusted with the repairing of the road, to take the materials from the Carron Company. The clause proposed to be added to the Bill was nega tived without a division. Sir W. GUISE brought up a petition from Burton, Gloucestershire, praying for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. _ _ Mr. PORTMAN presented a similar petition from Dor chester. A Message from the Lords brought up their Lordships' assent to several Private Bills. Ns. C, N. PALLNER prceented a petition frucd the Difientere of the County of Surrey, for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. Mr. C. N. PALLMER brought up the report of a bill to regulate the carriage of goods. Mr. SOLICITOR-GENERAL brought up a report of a bill to prevent arrests for debts under 20/. upon mesne proCess, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday next. Colonel SIBTHORPE presented a petition from Lin coln, praying that a duty should be imposed on foreign wool. Mr. CURWEN presented a petition from Bluni.er basset, in the county of Cumberland, praying for the re peal of the Test and Corporation Acts. A similar peti tion was presented from Haylesbury, (Wilts.) Similar petitions were presented from Wickly in the county of Glamorgan, Newport, in the Isle of Wight, St. Ives, Eye, in Suffolk, and Royston, in Cambridgeshire. Sir N. COLTHURST presented a petition from the Dissenters of Cork, praying to be exempt from serving the office of Churchwarden. • Sir J. WROTTESLEY brought in the Bill for regu lating Elections in Coventry. Lord MOUNTCHARLES presented a petition from the Grand Jury of the County of Donegal, praying the House to pass an Act explaining the powers of Grand Juries. Mr. J. WOOD presenting , a petition from the Dissen ters of Horwich, Lancashire, for the Repeal of the Corpora tion and Test Acts. Lord ALTHORP presented a similar petition from Long Buckby, Northamptonshire, and another from Thame, in Oxfordshire. Lord JOHN RUSSELL presented petitions for the Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, frog' the Dis senters of London and its vicinity, from Hale Weston, in the County of Huntingdon ; from Cross-street Chapel, Manchester ; and from the Borough of Wallingford. Obser vations were made as to the feelings of the Dissenters upon the Catholic Question, but he believed that the Dissenters, like other classes of the community, were very much divided on that question. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the prisoners in the gaol of Aberdeen, praying to be allowed some means of support whilst in prison, and that the House would consi. der the expediency of revising the laws connected with the smuggling of spirits. Mr. HUME also presented a petition from a parish in the county of Galway, praying for the repeal of the Church Rate Bill, and Parish Vestry Act. Mr. HUME moved for a copy of the evidence given to the Committee appointed to inquire into the state of free labour in Trinidad.—Ordered. Mr. J. W. D E NISON presented a petition from King ston' Surrey, praying for the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts. WATER COMPANIES. Sir F. BURDETT presented a petition from Westmin ster, with respect to the conduct of the Water Companies. Mr. HOBHOUSE supported the.prayer of the petition. Sir F. BURDETT gave notice that he would move that the petition should be referred to a Committee on Monday next. Lord. CASTLEREAGH gave notice of a motion re specting the Constabulary Force in the County of Down, cu Thursday next. General GASCOYNE presented a Petition from Liver pool, praying for the repeal of the Second and Third Stamp Receipt Duty. Mr. MARTIN presented a Petition. from Tewkesbury, for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. Sir G. HILL presented a Petition fic,:a the Ctlpora tion of Limerick, against the Salmon Fishery Bill. Mr. ROBERT GRANT prepented a Petition against the Salmon Fishery Bill, from several proprietors of fisheries in the Counties of Cromarty, Inverness, Nairn, Ross, Sutherland, and Moray. . Sir C. BURRELL presented a Petition from Bramber, in Sussex, praying for a Duty on Foreign Wool. MANUFACTURING DISTRESS. Mr. DAVENPORT said, that after what had occurred last night, which was fixed on for his motion, he could not flatter himself that the House had any disposition to enter into a discussion on the state of the Manufacturing Di'tricts ; nevertheless, he was resolved to make one other, and it should be a final effort, and with that view, he would bring forward the motion, which has dropped by the ad journment of - the House last night,, on Thursday, the 14th of June. Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN presented a petition from certain persons, natives of Inverness and Aberdeenshire, who some time since had been induced by the agents of the Colombian Agricultural Association to migrate to Co lombia, under representations of the fertility of the soil where they were to settle. But that, after hating reached the 'place' of destination, they discovered that the land, so far from answering the glowing descriptions by which their hopes were- so much raised, would take a consider able time before it was in a state to be cultivated ; and that, in consequence of their being 'disabled from procur ing the common necessaries of life, they were reduced to so deplorable a state, that a wretched linen trousers and a blanket with a hole in it, constituted the entire of their habiliments. They prayed that the Government would enable them to be sent to Canada. The following is a copy of the petition To the Right lionourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Commons of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled. Topo, near Comma, South America, Nov. 21, 1826 , Gentlemen—Permit a small and humble portion of your fellow-subjects most respectfully to make known to you, from a distant part of the globe, their melancholy and for lorn condition, and to implore your consideration and pro tection. We are mostly natives of Scotland, and chiefly from Inverness and Aberdeenshire. We were living qmetly in our homes, mostly with large families, and found it diffi cult to prOvide for theinovhen an agent of the Colombian Agricultural Association of London sought us out, and visited us. We did not seek to leave our native country, but were allured from our houses, our native fields, and avocations, under a belief that the Colombian 'Agricultural Association would give us some of the best lands in Colom bia, and that, in a few years at most, we might gain free hold farms of about 50 acres each. This was the height of our ambition—an ambition cherished excited by the agents on behalf of the Association.' Thus we have been induced, under great names and spe cious promises, to settle in a country in which we are strangers to the language, and the political hemisphere of which is now beclouded with the threatened storms of re volution. The lands which we occupied were not selected by us, but the estate was purchased by the agents here, and proved to be some of the worst, instead of some of the best land in Colombia, as promised us ; but we were in debt to the Association for our passage and rations, and we were in the power of the agents, and had no choice but to endeavour to cultivate, even against hope, the bar ren rocks, the waste wilderness on which we were so un expectedly and unhappily placed. . The estate of Topo, of which we are speaking, is situat ed twelve miles from Caraccas : the land, which is the best of the whole, has no irrigation ; it is surrounded by moun tains, and they attract the clouds, monopolising the rains, and leave to the wild woods and weeds of Topo little more than the wind ; 120 acres of land yielding only 200 bushels of maize and about 30 of beans, among 140 persons, SO of whom are children or females under 14 years of age. On good land we should have raised 3 'to 4,000 bushels in a season at all favourable; whereas our crops do not afford two bushels of any kind of food for each person. This is not the result of any bad season, for before any European set foot on Topo, it was proverbial for its sterility and bad harvests, and the natives tell us the present season is the best they have seen for ten years past, and nothing bat the ruin of the settlement had been expected from the first, by many of the most respectable natives, who know the lands.—Topo being only another name for barrenness. To the failure of our harvest is to be added the sudden stoppage of our rations, which had been promised for four months longer. Thus deceived by the agents of the Com pany who brought us out, we are now deserted by that Company; settled on a barren rock, we have been left to encounter beggary, bankruptcy, and starvation there, and in this country, where the difficulty of getting employment is very great. _ _ _ We must have starved before this time had it not been for the generosity of Wm. Acres, Esq., of Caraccas ; Foster and Co., Tulic ; M'Webster and Co. ; Mr. M'Martin ; Spotte, Shawley, and Co., and other merchants of La Guayra and Caraccas, who have humanely headed the subscription for our present relief. This will not, cannot, last long, and as many of us wish to go to Canada, we humbly im plore the aid and assistance of your Honourable House, for that object, and your petitioners humuly submir, to the wisdom of your Honourable House, that it is high time that a strong interference of Parliament were made to prevent our fellow subjects being thus allured, deceived, and deserted in foreign lauds. We hear companies and merchants speculate in merchandize ; whether they lose or gain, their commodities know nothing' of the heart ache, and the owners only suffer; but where they specu late on the interests, and at the expence of humanity, the heart-ache, the head-ache, and all the pains of misery, in volve persons like ourselves in the very gloom and depths of calamity and want, and make us objects of your com passion. And, iu duty bound, your petitiouero will ever pray for your peace and happiness, for • your HearegfttildOrdi every earthly good to attend you. (Signed) ELIZABETH BULCHART LILLY HALLIDAY DUNCAN GILLIES JOHN WALLACE JOHN GILLIES - WALTER M'DONALD AND 28 OTHERS. Mr. SLANEY, seeing the Secretary for the Home Department in his place, begged to ask whether it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to bring forward any measure to carry- il.to effect the recommendations of the Committee on the Poor Laws which sat in 1818, 19, and 20, with regard to the employment of the aged poor. Mr. Secretary BOURNE having intimated to t..e Hon. Gentleman that there was no intention on the part of Go vernment to adopt that recommendation, Mr. SLANEY gave notice of a motion upon the subject for the 12th of June. Mr. W. WHITMORE moved for a return of all articles imported into this country and exported during the years 1790 and 1826 respectively, specifying the rates of duties payable, and the quantity entered for home consumption ; and also for a Return of the Excise Duties taken in the same period.—Ordered. Lord MILTON moved for a Return of the Amount levied for Hearth and Window Duties daring each of the last five years; together with the amount of the Assessed Taxes during the same period, specifying the sums raised in Birmingham, Leeds, Manchester, with Salford and Sheffield.—Ordered. SUPPLY—THE ADMINISTRATION. Mr. HERRIES having moved " That the House do resolve itself into a Committee of Supply"— On the question of the Speaker's leaving the Chair, Sir THOMAS LETHBRIDGE said, I hope I may now be allowed to avail myself of my undoubted right and privilege, as a Representative of the People in this House —I hope, at the same 'time, that I could not be supposed capable of wishing to avail myself of that right, without being able to show that I am actuated by a conscientious motive, as well as by a deep-rooted feeling of whatiso'right in the course I pursue, however singular that course may seem to some, and however unpleasant it may prove to others—l am sure, however, that I cannot be called to order now—l am sure that I have now an undoubted right t 6 exercise my privilege of addressing this House as a Re presentative of the People, and to state my opinions upon questions affecting the general state of the Empire, in any way which I may think I ought to do it, provided that I pursue a course consistent with the known rights and un doubted privileges of a Member of Parliament.—The course which I observe the newly-formed Adnfinistration pursuing, is one which is disapproved of by the country, and which, if it continues, will work injury, not only in the British empire, but throughout Europe. To such an Administration I shall not be deterred from offering oppo sition—not by obloquy—not by taunts—not by threats —not even by the eloquent threats of the Right Hon. Gent. who threatened me, in finely poetic language, though it seemed to partake of prose.—(Much laughter)—for the Right Hon. Gentleman introduced an alteration of his own, to give me information that would " sear my eyes and blast my heart." This language the Right Hon. Gentleman thought proper to address to me—language, I must say, that ought not to be addressed by one Hon. Member in. this House to another, and that is not fitting to be .used by the First Minister of the British Empire.— (Hear, and a laugh. )—Now I will not use these words ; but if I thought proper I might show him some opinion's of the country, which, to speak preperly, the line which the Right Hon. Gentleman altered, would " shew his eye and grieve his heart." What lam desirous to call the atten tion of the House to is the position in which the Adminis tration of which the Right Hon. Gentleman is the head stands, and deserves to stand, in the estimation of the coun try, and to remark upon the changes, or rather the nature of those changes. In my opinion, it is impossible for a Government, the Members of which are so anomalously composed, to preside over the Administration of the coun try with advantage. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Prime Minister, of whose "master-mind" we have lately heard so much, and who possesses, I admit, great power and talents, will show such a " master-mind " and talents as I believe no other human being to possess, if he keep together au Admi nistration composed of persons of such different and opposite principles, each of whom declares that he will maint , 4;ll his own. It is not necessary to go far back to show the inclination manifested towards the coalition that had lately taken place. For the last two or three years I have ob served the preparing and concocting of what bad led to the late result. I will not, however, go so far back ; I will refer to a period nearer in history, and coming under our more immediate observation. I will refer to some ques tions Which I put (the first of them not more than a fort night ago) to the Right Hon. Gentleman in perfect since rityeand candour, and to which, I think, the Right Hon. "Gentleman was bound in honour and honesty to afford in reply all the information I required. The last of these questions was put by me on Monday last, when, after a partial answer, the Right Hon. Gentleman declared he would give no more information in answers to questions put to him, unless a motion were made for the purpose of eliciting the information which I sought. The first ques tion which I put related to the circumstance of his having been joined by the Leaders of the' Opposition ; and When, after be had admitted them to be his Colleagues, and had declared, that before he had done'so, and before even the breaking up of the late Administration, overtures had been made to him by Members of the Opposition, I inquired if he had made any communication to his Colleagues of his having received such overtures?— This question I put for the purpose of eliciting a particular point I had in view, and because they (his Col leagues) had denied that they had known any thing of these overtures. This question the Right Honourable Gentleman refused to answer. But he had done so, I be lieve, not in accordance with his own free will, but be cause some Hon. Members thought proper to advise him not to do so, and he adopted their advice. Ido not com plain of it; but it ought not, and will not escape the at tention of the country. Another ground of distrust with me is, that the persons composing the Administration are o pposed in principle to each other. Another ground of objection and distrust with me is, what has been admitted in another place, that the majority of the present Admi nistration is opposed, on an important and vital principle, to an illustrious—(Cries of " Order, order.")—l know I am standing on delicate ground, I will proceed as carefully as may be, and as the rules of the House require ; bat though I am not permitted to conclude what I was about to say, the Heuse perfectly understands what I was about to show—that a complete difference exists on a great and leading question between that illustrious—(Loud general cries of "Order, order.) Sir W. WYNNE—The Hon. Baronet must know that he is quite out of order; and he is the less excusable for being so, as he has but just pledged himself to the House that he would confine himself within its rules.—(Cheers.) Sir T. LETHBRIDGE—WeII ! I will be doubly guarded now.—(A laugh. )—But I will not be diverted from my point—(Hear, and a laugh)—and I will avail my self of the utmost limits that the rules of the House afford to bring it forward. Suppose, then, some country not far from the kingdom called Great Britain— Mr. C. WYNNE—" Sir, I call upon you to confine the Honourable Baronet within the orders of the House. It is not a point of etiquette that is involved in the course the Honourable Baronet is pursuing; but an important Con stitutional principle is involved—in which the freedom of debate in this House, and in which a principle distinguish ing the separation of the different branches of the Li-gisla ture, depend.—:(Hear, hear.)—l submit, Sir, that that which an Honourable Member cannot say directly, he can not say indirectly. If the point at which he aims is one that cannot be stated consistently with the rules of the House, no observations which he adopts as means to arrive at it could sanction it, and they ought not therefore to be listened to by the House."—(Hear, hear.) The SPEAKER—I take it to be my duty to declare, that what cannot be said directly cannot be said indirectly —(Hear, hear)—and if I could have arrived at the infer ence which the Honourable Baronet was about to draw, be fore he came to it, with as much distinctness as the Right Honourable Gentleman seems to have done, it would cer tainly have been my duty to have called him to order. The Honourable Baronet must be fully aware that the substitu tion of the Monarch of some other realm, whereby it was meant to convey the Sovereign of this country, whose name could not be uttered in this House without a viola tion of the orders of this House, could not be allowed con sistently with a due observance of the rules of the House. The rules of debate of this House require that that name should not be introduced to influence a debate, particularly in anything in which the Sovereign was acting without responsibility. Sir THOMAS LETHIMIDGE.—I hope, in what I shall add, I shall observe the orders of the House. In what I still to urge, I shall avoid this point as much as I possibly can—(laughter) ; though it is oue, I own, which, as it appears to me the strongest, I should be glad notice the urge. The Honourable Gentleman proceeded to the explanation which the Right Hon. Gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) said_he was permitted to give by the Sovereign, respecting the resignations. In consequence, (said Sir T. L.) of these resignations, the Right Hon. Gentleman was appointed to the office of Prime Minister, and on that occasion he informed us that he was directed to reconstruct an Administration on the 47-rtr ;tilk,#tig7,l - _-,-; ,ly .--- t- ,_,„ I n d a 5 sa. 10 ,s ; nor did he construct it on his own. ,- • d eaterpezo . i. l* nttenstr_uet it on it 4 ., , ; . i t • , TV. not fin . si . tault with Ins own. But what I eat% : ' - . :thet4o - , etfinitructed it on principles totally.oppen t. 'llli-Oil. Government was formed on the pnnetge if f riMtitirtonapromise. All those who had most influence on this (the Opposition) side of the House —even the apparent, if not the avowed, Leader of it—. took their seats on the Ministerial side, and abandoned that on which they had acted so vigorously and zealously for many years against the Right Hon. Gentleman; yet they declared that they had preserved the principles upon which they had always acted. Why, they only agreed upon one point, and that point they dare not toueh.—(Hear, hear.) —They now totally omitted the question, the essential question, as they called it—the question of Catholic Eman cipation—of which they had declared that a day ought net to be allowed to pass without its being carried is That the Right Honourable Gentleman ,and those around him are men of talents. I adMit ; but if they do not prove that they ate men of integrity too, they may depend upon it their talents would not weigh as a feather An the scale, in the esthete -don of the people of England; and from the conduct they have exhibited, the people of 'England will have a pretty account to give of their moral eiotfh. The ques tion, about which they were so anxious, was one en which the consciences of the 'people of England would not be forced. The Right Hon. Gentleman may be ,dent of a majority now, but the day is not far distant—detiend tii'm it " the march of intellect"--(Loud laughter)se-the Right e t ,,z Hon. Gentleman seemed to laugh—indeed " the march of intellect" seemed now to be a subject of merriment. I speak advisedly ; the effect of what was called " the match of intellect," of the diffusion of knowledge, and_of the en lightenment of the people, would be to fill them with ex ceeding disgust. It is because I view their conduct in the light I do, that I feel it my duty to oppose the granting supplies, now in the course of being completed, and to expose their conduct. If only one or two of those who went over to that side of that House would come back again (as ere long I expect they will), the conduct of tho present Administration would be exposed in its true and disgusting colours.—(Hear, and laughter.),—Let us have r little of their talent, end it would be properly done. (Great and continued laughter.)--The Right Hon. Gen tleman (Mr. Canning) has really host hitriself--he has eh-- scended in the estimation of the country, &ism the frig!, pinnacle on which he stood. I would have hien ioCe sharp.—(Much laughter.) I know he is equal to taking care of himself.---(Langhter.)—The Cabinet consists of 15 Members—of these, 12 are for, and S against Catholic Emancipation-12 to B, fearful odds.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh). Yet it is not carried ; and even with such a majority in its favour, they will not dare to have it enter mined. At present the Cabinet consists of a minority of Whigs; but to use a metaphor of the Right Hon. Gentle man, the Whigs had got the wedge in edgeways—they 64 not yet driven it in with effect. But let him beware, for when once they begun to drive, he could not resist them— he could not prevent them from drivin g up to the hilts-- (general laughter). I perceive the Right Hon. Gentleman laughs; he does not seem to consider it so serious a matter —but I would tell him his situation is very ticklish.—: (Laughter).—He will be disunited soon from those around him ; he may, for the present, go on smoothly ; but with the opposite principles entertainet: y him and those who now support him, they cannot long sit together. The Right Hon. Gentleman had got up and said, " If you mean to oppose us, why not bring forward a motion—why not abandon the- course you now pursue, in putting vexatious questions--hitting us between wind end water ?" Theo theßight Hon. Gentleman was cheered from one end of the House to the other. He is a complete tacti, !an, and is not ever at a loss what to say, or bow to act. I can assure him, if I do not bring forward a motion, it is not from want of inclination—(mach laughter from the Ministerial benches:)—l am aware, that although no person on the opposite side could conscientiously vote against the propo iition which I might propose, yet that the Right Hon., Gentleman would be certain of a majority. Nov, I don't think I'll give notice of a motion to-night, nor do I think I'll give notice of one on Monday; but I wish it may he understood that what I say i- laid in perfect good humour I eutertain no unkindness or personal hostility to any one; I must discharge a duty in holding up to public view the conduct of those who have deserted their principles. The Fact is known here, and elsewhere ; and although I must not let it out here, it is now taking a most delightful ex cursion up and down the country.—(Laughter.)—lt is, in my opinion, a subject of congratulati ' . If the Right lion. Gentleman had - formed an Administration either on Lord Liverpool's principlesor his own, I say again I would not blame him ; but he has not only not formed one on his own principles, but on principles diametrically opposite. I . cannot conceive how an Administration, consisting of Members of such discordant opinions, can comur in mea sures beneficial to the country. [The Hon. Baronet went on to enforce the several points he had previously urged, and concluded by disclaiming any personal hostility, and declaring that, in what he had said, he had only acted in conformity with a conscientious lischerge of his duty.] Mr. CIJRWEN did not think the Hon. Baronet con ducted his opposition with discretion ; if be were anxious to root the present Administration in the affections of the country, he could not adopt a more effective course. It he were asked, could he conscientiously support the Admi nistration of the Right Hon. Gentleman ? he would reply, he would give it his support, as being the most competent to extricate the country from its difficulties. Without pledging himself to approve all his measures, he would say. " Give him fair play !"—(Cheers.) Lord CASTLEREAGH wished to explain the grounds of his want of confidence in the present savants of the Crown. He disclaimed all perst,i.al hostility, and stated that he felt himself almost in an isolated situation in tho House, aa he differed from many of those who sat on tho same side on a subject which appeared to him, net only on account of Ireland, but of the Empire at large, of the most vital importance—he meant the Catholic question. What ever hopes he had had of that question, they, were now sunk for ever. Although the Ministry were composed o f twelve Members in favour, and three against it; yet were thbse twelve, and all their influence, and all their ta'. but as dust in the balance against the insuperable bar now raised against the Catholics. What was not kirnva before was now known—the established opinion entertained in the highest quarter. For himself, he belonged to no party ; but was opposed to the present Government, because he thought that by the recent changes the interests of Ireland had been deprived of the active services of their principa 1 advocates; and because, under the present Administration, he had less hope of the Catholic Question being carried, than under that which preceded it. Mr. LINDSAY• expressed his surprise that if there hail been so great a concurrence of opinions on all points he tween the Hon. Gentlemen who had lately declared their intention of supporting his Majelty's Government, and that Government, those Gentlemen had remained so long on the Opposition Bencbes. The late alliance which had taken place seemed to him to be one of the most extraor dinary that could possibly be imagined. He certainly could repose no confidence in parties so joined, until he shotddsee the measures which proceeded from them ; and he bad thought it his duty to take the present opportunity of say • ing so. Sir ROBERT WILLIAMS, as he was one Member o f the extraordinary coalition to which the Hon. Gentleman who had last !spoken bad refereed, begged leave expressly to deny that there had been the slightest inconsistency or dig. honour in the step which had been taken. Mr. YNNE said, that although undoubtedly his fe ings would induce him to support his Majesty's Goys' n ment, yet that he must see what their actions were bef,ro he could conscientiously declare that be would give them his support. It appeared to him quite clear, that on the one hand the question of Parliamentary Reform, so on the other the question of Catholic Emancipation had been thrown overboard; at which last circumstanc we under stood the Hon. Gentleman, although from the noise which prevailed in the House, we cannot vouch for our accuracy, to express his satisfaction. Lord SANDON dmied that the present Administration had done any such thing as to throw the Catholic question overboard. The individual Members of the Cabinet were at liberty each to pursue his own view respecting it ; but the question was not to be Lrought forward by his Ma jesty's Government. He must say, however, that he thought every man who was a true friend to the Catholic Question acted a most inconsistent part in opposing the present Government.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. J. GRATTAN was perfectly convinced, and no strongly supporting no thing could persuade him to the contrary, that no line of conduct could better serve the Catholic cause than thz.t of supporting hi e M a j e sty's present Ministers.— (Hear, He was astonished at the conduct of the present Opposition, who were constantly pressing questions and introducing desultory discussions, instead of at once bringing forward some specific motion.—(Hear.) With respect to the question of the Dissenters, it did not of.. feet his country, he was not particularl ,- called on to sup port it.—(Bear.) The Catholic Question had superior claims on inns. The present was not, he thought, the time for bringing it forward ; and, in his opinion, it ought to have the precedence. With respect to Parliamentary Reform, he might, as an Irishman, be excused if he did not precipitate the consideration of that question. Lord J. RUSSELL chiefly rose to say, that it would, in his opinion, be unfair, and unjust, on entering into a Cons. mittee of supply, to call Ou a uew Government to stat 2