The Sun. — London, England, 1856-05-02 00:00:00

in the opinion of one of the most experienced of our states- men, a Minister is to be exempted from the penalty of his mis conduct —the censure of this house—merelybecau=e he happens to be au old comrade of the right hon. hart they will be amazed at the doctrine, and confess that they have heard from him a sentiment well calcuated to shake their confidence iu public men. (Hear, hear.) But I acain ask did Ministers send money to General Williams ? Who will rise in this house and assert that they did. Not ole single piaster dil they send. The soldiers of five nations were wanted—every man of them —at Sebastopol. Was the money required there elk'? Were all the balances of the Exchequer likewise and of the banks needed at Sebastopol ? The noble lord at the head of *he War Department should have known, if any one did, what are the sinews of War; yet it will not be asserted that he sent any supply of them. ( Hear, bear.) On subjects of fina , ce the Chancellor of the Exchequer is, of course, a high authority. Without meaning any disrespect to him, however, he must Permit me to say that I did not concur with him in thinking that the fall of Kars was neither a military nor a political disaster. But on questions of finance, whatever our political opinions, we naturally listen to anything that falls from the right hon. rentleman with the respect duo to his high posi tion. Ho knows the value of money, and does not pretend for a moment to deny that any sum, however small, would have been of advantage to General Williams. "But," says the Chancellor of the Exchequer, " supposing we had pro posed a vote of money, what chance should wo have had of carrying it with the opposition to which we should have been subject ?" That is the strangest doctrine that I ever heard a that Minister of State advance in th e H ouse of Commons. (Hear, hear.) The functions of an Opp os iti on un d er our f orm o f P a rliamentary rery mGoinviesitleiiniekuutowarse el a e t ar thel defined d ure a s lee intro duces, nahltelli- if they have weak points in th em, w il l naturally en countergbile. !Every an imudversinn. The cou n t ry expects it ; but "there are limits to this resistance. and I defy any O pposition to per sist f or an y length of time in a course antagonistic to the na tianal feeling or to common sense. The legitimate remedy of a Minister lies in an tutimate appe 41, if n ee d b e, to the tribu nal of public opinion. But I lay it down with confidence as a maxim which the right hon. gentleman cannot controvert, that it is the duty of the Government of this country to pro pose all such measures as they believe to be ess..ntial to the public welfare, without the least reference to what may be the conduct of an Opposition. The assertion of a di t T erent principle is a libel on our institutions, and I s a y, " P erish our Parliamentary constitution if its spirit be such that i n a period of war—in a cr iti ca l emergency —a Minister dare n o t ava i l himself of the national resources because he fears the criticism of au Opposition." (Cheers.) Yet we have been told hi this debate that we are not, to allude to the extraordinary doctrines advanced by the Minister in defence of his conclnct ; and the hon. member for Edinburgh, accusing us of faction, says it is Inot of the slightest consequence that we should trace national calamities to their sou rce , an d that the assertion of the most dangerous principle is, forsooth, to go unchallenged in the House of Commons. But if the position taken by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer was constitutionally so untenable, haw does it work practically ? The noble lord at the bead of the THE SUM LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING; MAY 2. 1856: must become very limited ; and no doubt that is a theory very agreeable to a Ministry, from whatever party selected. To say that opposition is only to be justified by a divisloa -- sufficiently successful to upset a Ministry, is to lower poli tical conduct to a selfish and sordid standard. It is telling the people of this country that their Parliament is not to' be an assembly where the relative merits of different principles • of Government are to be discussed and debated ; where the pulse of the nation is to be felt ; and where the passions even of the people are to be represented ; but that it is to be a clever, well-organised, mechanical assembly, where nothing is to be considered but selfish consequences and the mere am bition of the individuals who are fortunate enough to obtain a seat in it, and where the distribution of power and enjoy ment are to be, in fact, the sole objects held in view. It is not so that I have understood the character of Parliament ; it is not so that I have conceived the duties of opposition. (Hear.) There is a ready answer for a Minister to a captious and factious Opposition. He will appeal, aud, generally speak ing, not without success, to the independent feeling of this house, and if he is not supported here he will appeal without fear to the country. (Hear.) But so long as we represent—: whether our opinions be erroneous or not—a great force of public opinion on any question which we bring forward, so long as we vindicate, though we be a minority—and it is the necessary consequence of our Parliamentary system that an opposition should be a min rity—the principles of Govern ment and the policy which we think right we are fulfilling our duty, and not all the swagger of a Ministry, not all the flip pant taunts of its followers, will deter us from taking that course which we believe to be founded on right aud justice. (Cheers.) No majority, however accidentally gained, can de prive discussion g its consequences nor prevent the force of truth—if truth be ou the side of our opinions—ultimately prevailing. (Cheers) It is thought, and justly thought, to be a very great inconvenience to have to address you, Sir, at the end of a long and protracted debate. Every public docu ment which has been referred to as an oracle on the first night of debate has lost its inspiration iu the course of the speeches which have been delivered. Every paper, Which was scarcely understood when first introduced to the notice of the house, has become worn and faini iar when three or four nights of discussion have intervened, and al. tee arguments which are obvious have become obsolete. Then is not an opinion which can be enforced, if it is just, which has not been examined, and all that is left to ono who ad dresses you under these circumstances is the dreary duty of repetition. There is, however, a counterbalancing advantage, which, were I as dexterous as the right hon. member for 'Jar lisle, I would make greater use of than unfortunately my abilities will allow me. There is this to be said, when we come to, the conclusion of a debate the circumstances of the discussion have taken the relative _positions of importance which they must ultimately occupy, but which when it com mences they unfortunately never can occupy. The principles which are of great importance when the debate is opened have found their proper position in men's minds as it proceeds, and at the end we have this edvantage, that we see the real neetion at hale dive steel of all those extraneouseircumstances which masses of documents and the ingenuity of speakers have cast around it ; and we have therefore the opportunity of addressing the house, us briefly asi shall endeavour to do the present oceasion. What is the real point which we have to decide upon ? ,The right, hon. gentleman who ha-, ad dressed the house with so much art has said that the subject under discussion may be divided under two heads—the con duct of the ambassador, Lord StraVord do Redeliffe, and the subsequent conduct of the Government in the summer of 1855. These, he says, are the two points which we have to consider in calculating-what may have been the causes which led to the fall of Kars. With great respect to the right hen. gentle man, I cannot agree with him in that division of his. Ido not consider that the conduct of the ambassador is a moiety —certainly not a principal moiety— of the subject. Let us look a little at this question of the conduct of the ambassa dor, because the observations of my hon. and learned friend the member for Enniskillen on this part of the subject have been very much misunderstood. I draw from them inferences quite the reverse of those which were drawn by the light honourable gentleman the member for Carlisle. (Hear.) When the fall of Kars was first known in this coun try—l speak of circumstances notorious, lam sure, to mem bers on both sided of the house—there was undoubtedly an in stantaneous feeling of sorrow and indignation. (Hear.) I hatdry ever remember an occasion when our troops had not been engaged -and when our own immediate interests—in terests, at least, which the mass of the population would look upon as immediate—were not affected, on which that feeling was so deep and so prompt. (Hear.) What hap pened ? Mysterious whispers were heard from those who knew it was impossible to.deny the nature and consequences of the catastrophe, and who, feeling how disgraceful and in jurious the event must be to the Government, were anxious to palliate it as much as possible. It was darkly said, that if we only knew the truth we should find that the Government were perfectly blameless, that there was another influence at work which had produced all the mischief. For a consider able time, in a most powerful and consistent manner, by the most able machinery, the public mind was kept quiet by the intimation that there would at last be a revelation, that it would at last be known, what was she criminal influence which had caused the sad disaster, but that we mast wait for a time before the scapegoat was indicated. At last the fact was published, and the scapegoat was indicated by the same machinery. Every means—l will not sa. which a Govern ment can influence, because we know that all Governments are totally uninfiuential—a Gcvernment never influences any body nor anything—but eveiy means which power, ingenuity, and some feeling of despair could command wab set to work to prove that it was the ambassador at Constantinople who was the real cause of the disaster. Some days before this blue-book was published we were toll that 62 despatches, addressed to the ambassador by Colonel Williams, had re mained unanswered, and the people of England were asked whether an ambassador who left 62 despatches unanswered on so important a subject had not betrayed his country? Public indignation was excited against Lord Stratford, and there Was one of those strong but premature verdicts pronounced against him which are oten as unjust as they are precipitate. I am not here to vindicate the conduct of Lord Stratford (1,.. Redclitre with respect to General Williams. My hon. sand learned friend does not bring Lord Stratford's conduct bet , re the house to be branded by its verdict. Look at the resolu tion. What reference is there in it to that part of the sub ject 1 My hon. and learned ff iend was neither able nor wl. liug to defend the conduct of Lord Stratford to General Wil liams, but in this volume, which contains all the confidential correspondence between Lord Stratford and the Government, here is a passage which my hon. fdend the member for Dor netshire said he could not believe though he had read it, in Which the Secretary of State complains that he has appealed ii - ftbn and often in vain, and continues to appeal in vain, to the ambassador. All the correspondence is plaeed before the house—much of which it was not necf , ssary to place before us, according to the view now supported by the Government —and an amendment was placed on the paper by au hon. gentleman who sits behind the noble lord, which, if it had any object at all—there certainly are people who have no ob ject in life, and for aught I know the member for Leominster may be one of them—(laughter)—was meant to divert the storm from the heads of the Ministry and to direct it ou the head of Lord Stratford de Radcliffe. My hon. ansl lea ned friend was forced to go into the question of the conduct of Lord Stratford towards General Williams because the Govern ment placed the whole of that correspondence upon the table. It was impossible to avoid giving an opinion upon the conduct of that eminent person, and I defy any person of a generous disposition, or who has a due regard to the public service of this country, to avoid expressing such opinion with the u most frankness. The conduct of Lord Stratford, as shown by the xuments which her Majesty's Government have placed upon the table, was indefensible. But the argument of my hon. and learned friend—an argument in which I perfectly con cur—a constitutional argument, and, like all constitutional arguments, a just and generous one—is this—lf Lord Strat ford has sinned so grievously, you did not recall him ; and therefore you, and you alone, are responsible for his conduct. (Rear, hear.) It was the unnecessary placing on the table Of the whole of this correspondence with regard to Lord Stratford and Mr. Commissioner Williams which forced us to form the opinion which my hon. and learned friend ha frankly and fully expressed. My hon, and learned friend refuses to include Lord Stratford in the motion which he asks the house to adopt, because the Government, by not re .. calling the ambassador, has made itself responsible for his conduct. lam not surprised that a Cabinet Minister has, in a manner becoming one who occupies such a position, sanc tioned and adopted that constitutional theory. Why, sir, if there are any principles which ought to regulate ns in our ob ervations on public men, they are the two principles never to permit an attack to be made upon a particular Minister when we believe that the whole Cabinet is responsible for his con- duct—(hear, hear)—a species of attack which I have ever re sisted, and which I hope I shall never sanction—and never to allow that any person employed in the service of her Majesty abroad—however outrageous, however iniquitous, however ruinous, in our opinion, his conduct may be—is guilty se long as he is not recalled by her Majesty's Govern- Mont. (Hear, hear.) I suppose the noble lord (Lord Pal merston) will concur with mo that these are the principles z Which ought to guide our conduct. But, sir, I cannot anise with the right hon. baronet (Sir J. Graham) that the conduct of Lord Stratford is by any means an important portion of the subject under discussion. It is not touched in the reso Sir 3. GRAHAM—The non-recall of Lori Stratford. Mr. DISRAELI—But the non-recall of Lord Stratford is not referred to in this resolution. I think the question is of 11 much simpler kind. Somewhat more than a year ago that happened to the Government of Lord Aberdeen which the President of the Board of Control (Mr. V. Smith) says we Want to do to the present Government; it was " upset." There is not the slightest wish to " upset" the present Government here. (Cries of " Oh, oh !") We arc not the men for that. If we wanted to " upset" a Govern ment we should seek an artist on some of the benches behind the noble lord (Palmerston). (Laughter and cheers.) We are plain men, quite content to assert our opinions and vindicate ear principles. We are so silly, Booth, that we actually ex press in our resolutions that which we say in our sreeehes. (Hear.) But, sir, rather more than a year ace the hand of a very fine artist "upset" (as the President of the Board of Control said) the Government of Lord Aberdeen. We had no idea that that Government was going to be " upset." We thought it was the strongest Government which this country ever possessed; and I suppose had there net been in the Cabinet one who was equal to the occasion it never would have been "upset." (A laugh.) Let me remind the house what was the ground on which the noble lord the member for London (Lord J. Russell) left that Cabinet and sealed its doom It was frankly expressed. The noble lord found fault with the conduct of the war; and mainly, specifically, par ticularly, and precisely with the conduct of the war in Asia (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Aylesbury ha made a speech upon that subject, which reminds me that .the .hon. member (ifr. Layard) said the other night that be had been continually bringinc, the war in Asia before the house, and asked us why we had ' not supported him,—in fact, spoke of us in language almost as contumelious as that •of the Scotch members to-night. (A laugh.) I will take this opportunity of saying, on the part of myself and my friends, that we are quite unconscious of the laches of which the hon. gentleman has accused us. I perfectly recollect that the hon. member for Aylesbury was in the habit of giving notices of motions upon almost every night of the session ; but at this mo ment I have no recollection that he brought forward one of those motions. (Hear, hear.) Constant visions I have of excited houses called together to hear the revelations of the honourable gentleman, and almost equally constant ones of occasions on which—of course prompted by the most patriotic motives—he felt it his duty not to embarrass her Majesty's Government. (A laugh) That the boa, mem ber did once make a speech on the war in Asia, there is, I believe historic evidence, because that speech threw into a musing mood the noble lord the member for London (Lord J. Russell), and made him contemplate the position of his Cabi net, and his responsibility to his country ; and it was that speech, like the first move in the " House that Jack Built," which ultimately destroyed the Government of Lord Aber deen. (Laughter.) Now, sir, why was the Government of Lord Aberdeen destroyed ? It was because he did not effi ciently conduct, because he entirely neglected, the war in Asia. Well, that—to use an expression lately adopted from the German—is the " standing point" of this question. Wo ' have been told several times in the course of this discussion that we must look to dates. I will look to dates. At the sad of January, 1855, the Government of Lord Aberdeen is destroyed by a colleague, who of course, acted under some sense of responsibility, because be neglected the war in Asia, If you look to dates, you will find that about the same time General Williams was made a Turkish officer of the highest rank, was invested with the Ferik, was evidently contented with his position, and felt that at last ho could accomplish all that he desired, and could achieve those great results which from the first he saw with so clear a ken were to be attained. Therefore, we started the year with great advantages. We had a Government formed to carry on With efficiency this neglected war in Asia, and at the same time all these squab bles, jealousies, and misunderstandings with Lord Stratford— the evil effects of which I do not depreciate, but most ear nestly deplore, and think that they ought to be visited on Lord Stratford, and to which I think h cannot look back without regret and remorse—were terminated. By a fortui tous .combination we had a Prime Minister —a modern Chat ham—determined to carry on with vigour the war in Asia, and all these local misunderstandings with which the Government of Lord Aberdeen had to struggle, and which would have been some excuse for them, had been terminated. General Williams was in a powerful position, recognised by the Turkish authorities, invested with great powers, content, sanguine, determined to do his duty, and looking only to the gentlemen opposite to support him, and to give him an oppor tunity of atzaining those great objects, which, had he been supported, his bold spirit, his mind, so fertile in expedients and resources, would undoubtedly have enabled him accom plish. (Hear.) If that be a true representation of the pc,si tion of affairs—and that it is so is proved by your own docu ments on the table—l have a right to ask what did you (the Government) do ? Talk to me no more of Lord Stratford. I admit all that. I admit that his conduct was, as stated by my hon. and learned friend, indefensible. I think he may road these debates with profit. With regard to him I will agree to anything except the amendment of the hon, and learned member for Leominster (Mr. G. Phillimore) of which he himself was ashamed, and which was unjust, uncoustitu tional, and unsupported by evidence. Yet lam told that it was at one time sanctioned by a very great authority. It would have been a disgrace to the House of Commons. But now I ask you—you who were formed as a Government to conduct the war with effect and to prevent the contin - auce of this shameful negligence in the Asian army—you who had the advantage of acting with a man who had been put in au . . in(elligible, powerful, and satisfactory position—what have you done for the country? What did you do for him ? This is a question which appears to me to be a very proper one for the consideration of the House of ComiLmi, and I believe that the people of Edinburgh are of the same opinion. (A laugh.) I believe that it is much more im portant that that question should be discussed, that some s ttisfactory conclusion of this involved controversy sh,uld he arrived at, that some determinate opinion should be expressel ou this matter, than that the bill of the hon. member for Ayr, which the house would not meet to consider, should be introduced. Well, what did you do for Gen_ Williams ? Did you assist him with men? That is the most extraordinary feature in this case We have been told that this deb,tte has been prolonged for factious purposes, :And that it is quite unnecessary that there should be any speeches upon a subject which is so insignificant and so petty. Nay, but this is a great question, a..d one in which the ho- nour cf the country is deeply involved. (Hear, hear.) Did you assist General ill ams : and if'so, when I (Hear, hear.) We have been told that you had it got in your power to do so. I protest that, had I not myself heard this excuse from the lips of Ministers of the Crown, and from those of the right lion. baronet the member for Carlisle—l say nothing of the other members who like mo .king birds repeated the words of _ _ hose high authorities —rsholedhave found it difficult to be [eve that any matt of position would have had the courage ,) stand up in his place and use such language. (Hear, 'hcar.) We have b3eu assured that all the energies of the cation were concentrated on Sebastopol, and that the stake was too great, the conflict too arduous, to admit of your undertaking any other enterprise. That the stakp was great I freely confess; that the energies exerted were no greater than the occasion demanded events have testified ; that mighty efforts were required to he made even by the leading nations who were emb.,rked in the struggle is beyond all controversy. But what armies were ass ambled ou that remote peninsula ? France was there, Imperial France—England was there, free and patriotic England—you had by your side the Turkish army, a gallant band, whose valour bad been proved on many a well contested field ; you had br,,wilit from the north of Italy a body of men, _ _ dauntless and intrepid, for whom I trust that the glorious des tiny is yet reserved of exercising a high and salutary influence on the fortunes of their country—(hear, hear)—and not con tent with these assembled hosts, you had entered into con ventions, enabling Austria to call up from the banks of the Danube all the chivalry of Hungary to protect your interests in Wallachia and Moldavia. (Hear, hear.) You were five nations allied in a common cause —England, France, Turkey, Sardinia, Austria. That you were pitying a high game, and that you had a great stoke in Sebastopol, I do not for one moment dispute. But was there not another Power who had also a great stake in that mighty fortress? (Hear, hear ) [lad not Russia everything at stake in Sebastopol ? (Hear, hear.) And did she not prove by her policy that she knew well how to gauge the value'of the prize she set her heait ou in Asia Minor? (Hear, hear.) Now that peace has been concluded, we can afford to speak of Russia with the respect and admiration due to the prowess, the valour, and the' fore- , slit of which she gave such abundant evidende throughout ie recent contest. (Cheers.) Russia, I repeat, had every ling at stake in Sebastopol. Her pledge was as grave, her interest in the fate of the struggle as momentous as it is pos sible for language to describe. Yet Russia could at the same moment defend Sebastopol and invade Asia Minor. (Hear, hear.) And now we are told that the combination of two such enterprises exceeded'our powers ! What a tribute to our country ! What a compliment to our great and faithful ! What an encouragement for these rising Sardinians ! What an animating reflection for Turkey in her future con• fiiets with the Czar to tell her that the banded nations of Europe made common tauso against Sebastopol, and that Russia, unaided and alone, not only baffled them f an year, iuit sent an army of diversion to Kars. while you could not afford 900 guns to General Williams ! (Hear.) I will not believe that we are so fallen that the House of Commons will tolerate such a defence. ' I tell you that you ought to have sent forces to Asia Minor—however grave the responsibility that devolved on you—however great the stake for which yon were contending—however Arduous the difficulties that encompassed you. (Hear, hear.) Yes, even though you had not had these true and gallant allies by your side—even though you had stood against Russia single-handed and alone at Sebastopol, it still would have been your duty to have sent assistance to Gen. Williams in Asia Minor. We have upon the table of this house a desp ttch from that heroic offi cer, written about the time when the Ministry of the modern Chatham was formed on the principle of carrying on with vigour the war in Asia Minor. I believe I am correct 111 stating that that despatch boars the date of the very day on which the noble lord took his seat as First Minister of the Crown. In that most interesting document Gen. Williams gave you an estimate of the forces necessary not only to se cure his communication with Erzeroum, but also to de-troy the Russian army in those regions. It was no such extrava rant calculation ; it was less than 20,001) ieee. (Hear.) Yet this aid could not be granted. Our army was engaged at the siege of Sebastopol, and we are to be told that with all the resources of England as completely at his commandos if he had been autocrat, with an enthusiastic nation ready to pour their treasure into his exchequer, the noble lord at the head of the Government could not afford to send 20,000 men to the ,•clief of the beleaguered garrison in Armenia ! It exceeds belief. (Hear.) Say, if you choose, that as a matter of high policy you did not think it necessary to interfere; say, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer had the intrepidity to assert the other evening, that the fall of Kars was neither a military nor political disaster—say that or anything like it, and, how ever the facts of the case may be, you will at least have a :)lausible case for argument ; but, in the name of com mon sense, and if you would not insult the intellect of the ;louse, do not ask us to believe that you were prevented from vindicating the honour of our army in Asia Minor, be cause, forsooth, your energies were concentrated on Sebasto pol. (Hear.) On the treaty of peace which the right hen. bart. thinks so satisfactory I shall express no opinion, except to say in general terms that peace is a great blessing where war has been carried on so inefficiently—(a laugh)—and that for my part, after all I have seen, I Should be disposed to welcome any peace which is not disgraceful. I may be permitted, however, to observe that the right hon. gentleman appears to me to have quoted erroneously the only two articles of the treaty to which he has alluded. I should be sorry to see any of the contracting parties presume to interfere with Turkey in favour of the Christians according to the stipulations of that treaty, nor can I believe that the forts upon the eastern coast have been destrbyed as he supposes them to have , een under the provisions of that document. The treaty, as I read it, does not at all touch those important places. This, byway of an episodical answer to the right hon. gentleman's own episode on the subject of the treaty. Reverting to the ' question more immediately under consideration. I will take leave to assure the right hon. baro , ,et that, whatever the treaty may be—whatever humiliations its conditions may impose on Russia—whatever may be her sacrifices of terri tories, fortresses, or fleets, Russa, is entirely compensated for all her losses by this avowal id the English Minister in the presence of . the English Parliament, that united Europe, when pitted 'against her, was not so strong as to be able to offer resistance to her simultaneously in any two regions. But, if you did not send men for the relief of Kars did you send money ? This is a question that has been asked ou both sides of the house, and, if it be not satisfactorily answered, the right hon. baronet will not stand justified before the country in supporting the Government. Indeed, I must take leave to inform the right hon, gentleman that the grounds on wh:ch ho seems disposed to vindicate his vote are not such as are likely to find favour with the country. When he speaAs he is listened to by others besides those who are as sembled in this chamber. The people of England watch with interest what falls from his lips, and when they are told that, Government introduced the Turkish Loan Bill to this house. Its preamble, if I can recall the terms aright, declaree•that the•loan is to be raised for the defence of the territory of, the Sultan. Were you too late in bringing 'forward that measure If so, what is your vindication of your tardiness? You charge us with being an obstacle to your affording the neces sary supplies to the Ottoman Porte. We are no such obstacle; but, whatever were our intentions, your bill was passed with promptitude. I ask you, then,,what did you do with the loan? Did you furnish the Sultan with money ; and, above all, did you remit the funds in time? If not in time, why, then, was your proposition not made before? (Hear.) But what did you do ? Year measure was opposed in this ECM on grounds which, on reflection, I still believe to have been sound and constitutional. (Hear, hear.) Its policy, I think, caunnt be too severely impugned. In any case, it could only be justi fied by the extreme urgency of the occasion. There are moments, I admit, when even the constitution must be wrested to save an empire ; and if the noble lord, had by his sudden, crude, and unprecedented project, rescued the Asiatic dominions of the Sultan, he would have found that vindication which energy, and especially successful energy, has a right to obtain. (Cheers.) But not a piastre of your loan went to the relief of Kars. The justification of the Go vernment is, that it was too late—that is the excuse given by one of their own members. Of its truth, however, lam not quite so sure. The first instalment of the loan was paid in the month of August ; and the wonderful victory of General Williams at Kars was gained at the eud of September. But I will not insist that the money might not have been sent too late. I won't be so severe as to deprive the Government of the immense vantage ground afforded tlien by such a plea —(a laugh)—although I may doubt its perfect accuracy. Yet, in either case, I ask what became of the money? Have hon. gentlemen looked at the return for which I moved on the day that Parliament met ? At that date those millions, raised by appeals which, if sincere—as I don't for an instant doubt— could only be justified by the Minister's want of information and care, were absolutely lying idle in the Bank of England, not one-third of the sum having been transmitted to Turkey. (Cheers.) I don't for a moment pretend that the Turkish loan was necessary to have saved Kars. We all know the amount neces-ary to have done that. rho sum that you raise as a testimonial to a suecessf& ra;lway speculator, the sum that every hour of our lives we are called upon to contribute for some meritorious but obscure instance of excellent con duct, would have saved Kars. (Hear) Why . , sir, the Cabi net might have themselves subscribed the money. (Cheers and laughter.) The Government of Lord Aberdeen was changed because the war in Asia must be conducted with vigour to achieve that object the noble lord (Palmerston) steppedinto power, I ask him, how has he conducted that war with vigour ? Did he send men or money to Gen. Williams ? I have, I think, disposed of the unworthy and ignominious plea that you were too much occupied with the siege of Sebas topol-to be able to defend Kar If you had been attacked in your Indian empire, at the Cape of Good Hope, or in any of your other possessions, you would, of course, have defended yourselves But was this a British interest—did it less con cern British honour? (Hear) Of all the arguments used in this debate the one most discouraging and depressing to the heart of the nation is th- , t which says you were unable, with all the aid of banded Europe, to resist th: foe save at ono point, and that he must be suffered to run riot elsewhere be cause your energies were absorbed in oppo •ing him at Sebas topol. (Cheers.) I am told that the resolution before us applies strong language to the Ministry. An Administration of great responsibility having been displaced in time of war because it failed to wage the conflict with adequate vigour,. a Pew:. Ministry is constructed for the special vigour, a new Ministry is constructed for the special object of correcting the omissions of their predecessors. Yet, when a heavy disaster occurs on the very theatre of the struggle which they were chiefly-bound to prevent, because, under such circumstances, I ask whether they. sent men or money, and find that they did neither, I am to be told that I am supportiug a resolu tion couched in strong tangnarr ' e, since it accuses such states men of want of foresight and energy. (Cheers.) Where is the display of those qualities proved ? lam not addressing the right lion. gentleman the member for Carlisle, because, although he is about to support old comrades, has, in a most crushing and effective speech, demonstrated that they have exhibited neither energy nor foresi4lit. (Laughter.) I urn addressing the Government—the modern Chatham, the War Minister par excellence—and I ask him in all humility, where in this period of the new Adminis tration is foresight to be detected and energy dis covered? (Loud cheers.) On the sth of March Genet al Williams sent to the' Government bf England an account of the force necessary to secure not only his safety, but; his triumph. His demand for aid was moderate, and might easily have been met; but how was it treated? The facts are in the recollection of the house, and I have no wish to pervert them, Why, sir, communication was bandied from public office to public office, and tossed from one Under-Secretary to another. The two Under-Secretaries corresponded with each other from either side of Downing-street like two wooden puppets pulled by strings. (A laugh,) The principle of existence was not necessary to such beings, (Laughter.) To ,accomplish such results vital power was not necessary. The anintula vaqula blanclu , ,a—that evanescent thing —animated mot those mechanical and frigid forms. (Laughter.) I. ought to have been one of the grounds of censure of the Government that they should, with fatal accuracy, have 'published this correspondence—that they should have revealed to Sardinia, to which this country ought to be-a model, that this is the mode in which our public business is conducted that they shOuld have damped the rising energies of the Turks by showing that the great nation which has saved them conducts its affairs in such a Manner. Well, the Under-Secretaries communicated from either side of Downing-street, at inter vals of abont a fortnight, the principal Secretaries animating them with instructions quite worthy of the occasion. The demand of General Williams was tossed back to Constanti nople ; at Constantinople it was tossed back by our Ambassa dor to the Divan, and the Turks were asked to- do that which British gold and British valour ought to have accomplished. I ask them this question, a very simple one—Was that energy (Cheers and laughter.) Is there a man in this house who Will say that ,was energy? Will even the First Minister of the Crown rise iu his place and say that it was energy ? (Renewed cheers.) Well, ou the 3d of August, the War Minister of this country, which was then engaged iu one of the greatest struggles in 'which we have ever em barked, was in his place iu Parliament called ---I will not say to account, but to deep and serious reflection, by one who will be admitted, even by those who differ from him on general political questions, to be a ripe and practised states. man, and one eminently qualified to speak upon such a sub ject the Earl of Elleaborough. In the month of August Lord Ellenborongireeite his Once - Palitatnent; milled the attention of her ilajesty'a Government to the state of affairs in Asia, and asked for information with reference to our policy. Tho War Minister of Eng and then assured Parliament that in the opinion of her Majesty's Ministers the power of the Porte was sufficient to maintain its ~uthority and clonal- nions in Asia. Was that foresight ? (Cheers and laughter.) If, in the first iustance, there wa a want of energy, was there not subsequently a want of foresight A new Ministry was formed upon the principle of conducting the war in Asia, and from the period of their formation to the fall of Kars there was"an interval of nine months. We find that at last ale Porte, wearied with the energy and foresight of the Bri tish 4overntneut—(a langh)—in its desperation ralliM its resources ; it made a final effort, and it offered a plan of ac tion for the approbation of the British Ministers. That pro ject of the • Porte, after due deliberation, and after many councils, was described by her Majesty's Government as an insanesa project plan (c) w h a e s e r a s 4 —0 adopted —but t find t d I hyhe na t her Majesty's month afterwardsthe same Government. te g n ee e olg.g d uehyr i na ivuaesnd b united, ee(Chee rs broughtna natdno foresight;l d d: ih l n a et u ho f g awa h tl pel t laughter.) fy . ne ) 0 kwa , : ilv, ie r fen find the ch presciencea finer ne iu r s instances qualitiese and n o a f (Renewed cheers.) Well, is that energy and foresight com bmivnenfii notis complete. justified i ( n C h b e l e i r s n c, ._) ing forward this question. Why, what subject, for weeks, ' and I may say for months past, has more occupied public attention ? Up on what subject has there been more industriou s misrepresentation and greater perplexity ? If the only result of this debate had been to show the true light i n w hi c h thi s s house and by the country it wouldluebe e tio a n n is inip viewedc rimportant t b d y i s e t u h s i s. sion, as it is on e necessary to the honour and usefulness of the House of Commons. We have, however, been told by the right. hon, hart. wholast addressed the house, and the other night by the noble lord *t op os e, when ho tried to supp r ess the debate, that in anotherr i place they have shru o k f ro m the l discussion of this question. can assure the noble I , ,rd and his colleagues that they are very much mistaken Th ere h a s been no disposition iu th e other House of Parliament to shrink from the discussion, and the course taken in that house by a noble friend of mine was one which lie could not avoid. My noble friend (Lord Mal m esbury),l believe, fully and entirely .approves of the sentim en t s I. arned friend expressedthe member for Enniskill en (M r . in the resolutio n o f m y hon. and Whiteside), but that nobl e lord thoughtm his motion a declaration of opinion hat it was expedi en t t o proper to includ e i n t consider the effect of thi s qu i stion t iPell the conditions of peace. When my noble friend's notice s tated by a Member•. of her Majesty's Government wasgiven, it was that the treaty of peace would be brought before the house on Mond a y, and, after what I cannot but think that the injudicious intro duction i,,to his motion of the t* declara i it was of course totally impossible for my on I have men ti one d , noble friend to pur sue the course he had originally intended to follow. I d o no t think, however, that my noble friend' will for the opinion of the other H ouse of Parliamentshrink from ca lli ng s ubject. I have now touched upon what upon this conceive to be the pr i n cipal points for the consideration of the house, and it only remains for me to refer to the nature of my hon. and learned friend's motion, to which I shall give my support, and which I trust the hous e will not r ej e ct without thi n k the terms of that motion are Perr (Inc onsi perf e ctly :oration. I y justified, not merely by the arguments which have been submitted to the house, but by the admissions which have been Majesty's ,M inisters themselves, an d by thei made bY her unanswerable argume nts of the right hon. member for Carlisle, Wheers and l au ghter) This motion has been brought forward h oao utible and learned frieni the member for Enniskillen by my at the desire, and with the concurrence, of all those who the honour of acting with him i n public life. It ti have has been said that my hon. friend precipitately forced this sub' the consideration of the house. It is not the hal l . ect upon hon. friend to force any subject upon the consideration of InY house. He is, in my opinion, PeeullarlY fitted to bring °f the ward this question from the attention he has devoted far subject, and from his intimate acquaintance and Constantt°the in tercourse with that gallant officer who was so rudely tti rejected —or rather ejected—from the office which he held by pre sent Minister for War. The hon. and learned gentle brought forward his motion in a manner which entirely email tified the expectatione of his friends, and I cordially ttjus him for that great intellectual effort, which fully sustainedauk the reputation of this house. (Cheers.) Two amendments have been proposed to the motion of my hon. friend—one an hon. and learned member opposite (Mr. J. Phillim ;c -ond. the other by my hon, friend the member for Dorsetshiree)' (Mr. K. Seyiner). I shall support the resolution o my hon. -and learned frien d (Mr. Whiteside), the intr o d uc tionorwanci to this house, so fa r as m y humble influence is concern d,. I have already sanctioned. I wish it, however, to be under stood that I have no desire— so far as the form s of the house are concerned - to stand in the way of the amendm en t pro posed by the hon. member for Dorsetshire. I a pp r ove of the motion of the lion. and learned member for Enniskillen. I have vindicated it, and I am prepared to give my vote in its favour. I know very well the objections that are brought aga i ns t motions which it is probable may not be . carried in this house. In my opinion those objections are foUnded en.: tirelv ou a fallacy and t think that the House of Commons ' or rather the Oppo sition, commit a great Mistake i f they limit the occasions upon which they ask ;or the opinion of this house to those cases only iu which, as the President of the Board of Control says, they may upset a Cabinet. (Hear.) Far from that, I think, upon every occasion of importance, where there are subjects which arrest public attention, and especially subjects upon which the public mind is perplexed, it is the duty of the Opposition to assert the policy which they approve, and to vindicate the principles which keep them together ; and to comment upon and denounce the conduct of the Minister, if they think that that conduct is injurious to the interests and the honour of the country. (Cheers.) If the Opposition relinquish that duty,—if the country have reason to believe that they shrink from performing that office, if they take refuge in a scandalous silence because they think they may not put the iMinistry in a minority. I can tell them that they will, in the long rue, fall in public estimation—(hear)— and that this house, too, will. equally in the long ru n, fall i n p u bli c es ti ma tion ; and that no greater blow to the pri irileges and reputation of Parliament and to the influence of the House of Commons can be levelled than that it should be come a question whether or no the Opposition is influenced only by selfish and sordid sentiments of official success and Parliamentary triumph. (Cheers.) The noble-lord opposite 4y. not be of my opinion. .(Hear.) I fear thexoble lord is not of my-opinion. (Hear) Nothing but sentiments contrary to mine—nothing but early conduct in public life, utterly op. posed to that which I have attempted to describe, would have induced the noble lard, with indecent exultation the other night, when ho knew, and ought to have known, that the question had only been partially discussed, and had not even been decently discussed from his own benches—nothing but feelings contrary to mine could have induced the noWe lard to express himself in such a manner as lie did the other night ,when a temporary majority was obtained by. him. (Hear, hear) I deeply fear that the noble lord is influ enced by very different feelings to mine on this subject. ('‘ Oh, oh I") Well, .1 will prove to you. These happy in terruptions, when one is sometimes nearly wearied with a lengthened discussion, are what one is not ungrateful for. (Laughter.) I remember a crisis in this country scarcely of less importance than the one from which we are new emerging. I remember when this country was on the eve of a war with a country with which, of all others, I should most deprecate hostilities, not only from considerations of material interests, but from moral considerations—l mean the United States of America. I remember when this country was on the eve of a war with thAt great Power. Sir Robert Peel was then Prime Minister of Eugland ; he appointed a ne gotiator for that great emergency, one admirably qualified for the difficult but noble task which he had to accomplish. With a wisdom which can never be too much admired and appreci ated Lord Ashburton prevented a war—(cheers) —and he laid the foundation of what I trust will be an enduring peace, even though the noble lord is Prime Minister of England. (Cheers and laughter.) Well, sir, when Lord Ashburton returned with an admirable treaty he was received with the gratitude of the country, and with the appreciation of all men who duly valued the importance of his labours. (Cheers.) But there arose in this country, immediately on his arrival, an organised attack upon what was called the Ashburton capitulation—an attack conducted with ample knowledge, prosecuted with unceasing vigour, and constantly impressing upon the public opinion of England that our interests had been betrayed and our honour had been disgraced. Well, sir, in due time, when the same feeling with regard to the Ashb ur t on t r eaty had been created as has now been created iu re ;ard to the capitulation of Kars, and when Lord Ashburton was selected to be tho scapegoat then, as Lord Stratford de Redeliffe was selected in the present instance, due notice was given to the Parliament of England that this important question, involving, as .a perplexe i and frightened public believed, the deepest interests of the nation, and oke which concerned mattera of charge against the Prime Minister f England scarcely short of treason, would be brought under the consideration of Parliament by one most competent to discharge that duty. It was brought :Omani by one who sat on this side of the house and opposite this box; and he bad that which neither my hon. and learned friend nor myself can pretend to, accurate official experience, derived from long years of po , session of offic3, powers of great eloquence, and unri valled knowledge ,ffif the subject. The noble lord recollects the time when he introduced the question of the Ashburton capitulation to the attention of the Douse of. Commons. The no de lord and. his friends now sneer at, ,long speeches when the conduct of the Ministry is impugneth "But the noble lord on that occasion made a very long speech, though I don't believe it was so long as the speech of my lion, and learned friend : it certainly was not so entertaining; that, however, was not the fault of the noble lord, but of his subject. (Cheers and laughter.) Never Wore such charges brought against a Minister as were made ou that oce • Sion when the assembled Pardament hung on the accents of the noble lord, a most ex perienced Minister, with a knowledge unrirdled in diplo . - matic subjects, and who is now Prime Minister of England. They were charg s little short of treason urged by tho noble lord, mister of speech as be is, in a speech of hours. But the noble lord is not a rash leader of a party. He can make a long speech, and can make charges which no man has a right to make who is not prepared to take the - opinion of Parliament upon them. (Hear, hear.) The noble • lord did all this. The charges wore brought forward with all the pomp and solemnity of an indictment; the debate was ad journed, and he concluded his elaborate and lougtheued ha rangue, not by a resoludon, and in strong language, but by motion for papers. ( 'beers and. laughter.) Now I wish to contrast, for the instruction of the house, the e tse of my hon. and learned friend and the case of the noble lord. ,I wish those who think it rash to speak in strong language—l wish tlose who think it precipitatolo express in a resolution that which they darn not say in a speech-4 wish them to contrast the conduct 4,f •mv rash and impetuous friend—(clieers)-.. with the wary and circumspect conduct of the noble lord.' (Renewed cheers.) I am certain that the noble lord who accuses statesmen of treason, and ends by moving for papers,' must have conclucte I his business much more warily than he supposes my hoe, and learned to be doing when he with so much complacency prophesied what is to be our doom this evening. (Bear.) Sir, we may be defeated, but until the , numbers are really kniwn it is not necessary for me even to believe in that, (Cheers and laughter,) But at all events this unexampled speech of my hon. and learned friend will be fol- lowed by an explicit motion, and I am sure my hon. and learned friend will have the support of a large and powerful party, while the noble lord in ay possibly be supported by th , ae who have male speeches against him. (Cheers and laughter.) That will be to reverse the position of my hon. and learned friend, But what was the position of the wary master of tactics on the occasion of which I hare spoken ? Why, on the second night of the debate the noble lord, strong with his blue books, and with his documents admirably arranged and tied up, this great statesm n, who would not enter upon any imprudentcours; had the satisfaction of fiuding the house counted out. (" Hear," and laughter.) Therefore I think the noble lord, who took such an exulting tone the other night, and who seemed to suppose that ours is to be the minority and his the majority, ought to remember that, whatever our fate may b it will be at least superior to that of the noble lord when in a similar position. (Hear.) The right hon bait. the member for CArli;le ha- said lie could have wished that a pro posal had been made to pals a vote' of thanks to General Wil- hams, but that there existed no precedent for such a course. I too, sir, wish that this house had proposed a vote of thanks to General Williams. ( Loud cheering ) I wish this house had proposed a vote of thanks to Gen. Williams in the sense of ex pressing their indigdatiou at the manner in which he has been upported. (Cheers.) That was an idea which had occurred to others besides the right hot,. baronet. (Hear.) But we, too, were stopped by routine. There was uo precedent. I think it wou!d have been wise if we had made a precedent (hear)—and had proposed a vote of thanks to a man who was the distinguished object of an admiriug Senate, and had ex-' pressed our sympathy witil one who isau exile and a prisoner, (Cheers.) I think it..is well, toraetimm that we should.show our sense of the eunduct of melt who, though not successful, arc at least triumphant. There are berocs in a7lversity,and there are prisouers,not to say it profanely, who have proved even more than conqueror by their leading captivity itself captive. We have not been ab:o to express those feelings, but at least we have done this—we hay; not taken refuge iu a shame- ful silence; we have allowed to the people of this country an opportunity of having their opinions and feelings rePreseulcd in this, their own.house ; and, whatevar may be the fate of this division, we have had the satisfaction of expressing our sympathy with heroic merit, and With national honour.. ('he . . usual" language of ministers, implored this house to grant a guarantee because he said Turkey might fall to pieces if that assistance were not given, this house by almost a majority endeavoured to defeat that object. And , who ware the fore most in endeavouring to refuse that assistance ? Why the right bon, gentleman and his friends. I trust that whatever may be at times the injustice of public opinion, and I think 1 am ,one of those who at times have suffered from that injustice —that in this country, and in every country .vhere we can have any influence, there will be a free current of public opinion, and the representative, institutions may gain fresh strength and excite increased admiration from the contlsts in which we have lately been engaged. Lord PALMERSTON—The right hon. gentleman has taunted me with the course which I thought it my duty to pursue on Tuesday last. He has endeavoured to represent that it was my object to stifle discussion. Sir, I entirely deny that representation. Undoubtedly I thought that at the time at which the adjournment was moved there still remained time to carry the d . scussion to an end. and that it was more fitting .to go on with it than to adjourn it till this evening. I certainly thought, and still think, that the divi• sion which too': place on that occasion was not simply a divi sion on the question of whether the debate should be adjourned, but that it declared in a great degree the opinion which had been formed by the members present as to £he qu'estien which is now under discussion, and I think that the state in which we are at present is a state that has often been proposed for Parliament—dividing first and debating afterwards. The speech of the hon. and learned gentleman who made this motion was indeed a wonderful speech. (Hear, hear.) It was a speech of great ability, as all speeches made by that hon, and learned gentleman must necessarily be. (Hear ) It was a speech, however, which those wise saw it, I s>y, not heard it, but those who saw it, must admit to be a speech which exhibited as much bodily activity as mental acumen. It must have been gratifying to the friends of the hon. and learned gentleman to see him continue for four hours and a half to exert so much power; but however cre ditable the speech was to the body and mind of the hon. and learned gentleman, it did little credit to the judgment with which it was conceived. The hon. and learned gentleman be gan with a dissertation upon the interest of England as con nected with Turkey, with Affghauistan and with India, and founded the argument by which he proceeded to condemn the conduct of the Government upon the assertion that by net at tempting operations in • sia we were neglecting the great interests of England in India. Why, if anything could be imagined more calculated to encourage those suspicions which the enemies of England endeavoured to engender as to the ob j cot of England in the war, such representations were calcu lated to effect that purpose. The Russians endeavoured to instil into the minds of our allies that we were dragging them into the war for objects of our own ; that it was not the maintenance of the power of Turkey that we so brach wanted, as that we wanted to defend our Indian territories. Carl taiuly we engaged iu that war not for the purpose of defending Indio. If England should be attacked we are capable of de fendhag ourselves. We do not want the anance of any Power for the purpose•of defence. England is able to defend her self, when attacked, in any part of the world. (Cheers) We and our allies, when we commenced the war, disclaimed any selfish interest. We had European objects as important to our allies as ourselves the maiuteaance of the Turkish empire and the balance of power in Europe. The speech, therefore, of the hon. and learned gentleman was calculated to give countenance to an opinion utterly inconsistent with the . fundamental principle of the war. (Hear, hear.) The hoe. gentleman's address was certainly productive of one very singular and remarkable result. A noble f. iend of his in the other house of Parliament, who had given notice of a motion of the same purport, whether actuated by the effect of that speech, or from whatever cause, but certainly by a most remarkable coincidence, the very hext evening abandoned.his design. (" Hear, hear," and a •laugh.) One portion of the hon. getitlenian'S speech then was devoted to an attempt to induce this house and' the public to believe that the main object of the war was to de. fend India against the attacks of Russia—an utter _misrepre- Sentation of the policy of the war (Cheers.) Another and a great portion of it was devoted to the vituperation of Lord Stratford. Indeed, I may say the speech was a singular,iu stance of vituperation, right and left. (Hear.) It reminded one in some degree of the great explosion which took place in the French lines—up went rockets, shells, and c trtridges in every direction, killing and wounding friends all around, but none going far enough to reach an enemy. (Cheers and laughter.) The hon. gentleman devoted an hour and a half ' to the unmitigated condemnation of Lord Stratford ; but re membering, perhaps, admonitions received in a morning meeting—(cheers)—he terminated his speech with praises of the nob e lord whom lie had before represented as being to• tally unworthy to maintain the situation he held. (Loud cheers.) In fact, 11:s main charge against her Majesty's Go ' vernment was for continuing Lord Stratford in his office of Ambassador at ConstantinoPlo after ho had neglected to an swer the letters of General Williams; and it was for that he held that we were deserving of the ceusure of" parliament. But the hon. gentleman was immediately answered by his noble friend who sits near him, and who said that the fall of Kars was not accelerated one moment by the omission of Lord Stratford to answer the letters of General Williams. And truly did he say that because the omission occurred in 1854, and Kars did not fall till November, 185.. (Cheers.) But I am perfectly ready to take my share of any respon sibility that may devolve upon thoSe who did not think it right to recall Lord Stratford. (Hear, hear.) No duabt we regret that from pressure of business Lord Stratford omitted those letters, and to give amend Williams that comfort and encouragement which he would naturally _ derive from letters received from the Ambassador at Coil statitinople But Lord Stratford did at Constantinople all that Gen Williams urged him to do. (Hear.) No one who reads these papers can fail to arrive at the conclusion that Lord'Stratford did everything that it WAS in the power of an ambassador to do in order to obtain for Gen. Williams the supplies and reinforcements he wanted. ( ~ :heers.) But when the hon. gentleman treats Lord Stratford so lightly, I am bound to say that of ail men he was the fittest for the post he occupied. (Hoar.) He was beyond all men acquainted with the details of circumstances connected with Turkey, and he had established an influence over the Turkish Government which was of the utmost importance. Indeed any govern- ineut that should have recalled Lord Stratford at that mo ment simply because heliad omitted to answer certain letters might have boasted of their energy, but they could not be praised for their foresight. (Cheers.) Sir, it is clue to Lord Stratford to mention, in connOctiou with that great act which has been recently obtained from Turkey, and which we may call the Magna Charta of the Christian population of the Ottoman empire, that when, in 1546, upon the termination of Sir R. Peel's administration I became Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Stratford was on leave in this coun try.At that time I thought it my duty to urge that ho _ . would continue to hold his office and to return toConstanti nople. Lord Stratford did not belong to our party. He was a friend of Lord Derby; and it was Lord Derby who gave him the title which he wears with so much honour to himself. (Hear.) Lord Stratford, then Sir Stratford Canning, said ho would agree to do what I asked him upon one condition. And what was that condition 4 Why, that he should be sup ported, uay, urged by the Government at home to continue those exertions which had been the great object of all his energies during the time he had been in Turkey, namely, the ob. taining of that equality between Christians and Mahommedaus which has now crowned his labours. (Cheers.) It was that honourable ambition which induced Lord Stratford to con tinue s ) long in a situation which under other-circumstances he might have preferred to relinquish ; and yet it was the moment when he wore upon his brow that double coronet one granted to him by his Sovereign, and the other the result of his own honourable labours —that ho was selected by a friend of Lord Derby to be the object of his vituperation. (Cheers.) But the mistake of the hou. and learned gentleman was soon discovered. Those who have followed him have al lowed Lord Stratford's conduct to pass without doing it addi tional injustice ; and they have turned their batteries more directly against her Majesty's Government. A great attack has been made upon us because wo did not send Gen. Wil- Hems reinforcements of men and supplies of money. In the first place, be it observed, it is a total misrepresentation of the right hon. gentlemen opposite to say that wo undertook to carry on war in Asia. We never hinted that we intended to carry on war iu Asia. The Government of Lord Aberdeen had decided, and decidedly wisely, that in i; war with Russia for the defence of Turkey, the point to in struck at was Se- bastopol, that that centre of the Russian power was aggressive against Turkey—and that ufltil you strck a blow at the heart, al other attempts would be futile. (Cheers.) It was on that account that the Gcfe:•nment of Lord Aberdeen declined to send an army into Bessarabia or the Principalities ; for if there is one principle of war far more evident than another, it is that when you have a great object to accomplish, you must concentrate all your power upon that object, and not to allow your self to be tempted away from it by any collateral opera tions, The great object of the allies was to capture Sebasto pol, and to get possession of the Russian fleet. (Hear.) The right bon. gentleman says, " What a disgrace to Euglaudand France that they should not be able to have one army in the Crimea and another in Asia, warm Russia was able not only to maintain an army in the Crimea but to make a diversion in Asia." But Russia was defending herself at home. She had all her resources at hand, and she had an army, be it of 500,000 or 1,000, 1, 00 men, ready prepared for the contest. On the other hand, England and France hal to send troops by sea to a great distance, and at the end of a long line of communication. It was therefore no disgrace to England and France that they were not able to etuploy as many forces in that quarter as Russia. No doubt the fall of Kars was an event greatly to be lamented—not for the mere. fall of the position; for Kars has no great fortifications. Kars is not a town surrounded by walls or natural defences ; but Kars is an important geographical position, which it is desirable that Russia should not occupy. Why we lamented the fall of Kars was, that that gallant hero and his brave associates, who inspired such courage in the 10,000 Turks who held the town, that they and those brave Turks should have become prisoners through famino to men who could not conquer them in arms. (Loud cheers.) But we knew well that we must succeed or fall; and if we;succeeded, whatever Russia might have taken from the Turks she must have eva cuated before she could obtain a peace. We had taken up the war to maintain the integrity of the Turkish empire ; and never would we have sheathed the sword so long as an inch of Turkish territory remained in the hands of Russia. (Loud cheers.) Therefore all those arguments which are founded upon the danger to Turkey which might arise from the lois of Kars are based upon a vain and groundless assump tion—an assumption which implies that we should have been content to make peace upon terms inconsistent with the very principle upon which the war was commenced. (Hear, hear.) No doubt, when Gen; Williams first went in the ca pacity of commissioner to Kars, ho was not vested with those powers which were necessary to enable him to perform effi ciently the duties which devolved upon . him. But every man that knows anything of Turkey must be aware of the insur mountable difficulty there is in getting military command for a European, more especially in Asia, because military com mand there gives a person control over paellas and the governors of provinces. (Hear, hear.) What caused the fall of Kars ? • It was the want of provisions and of a relieving force. Supplies were missing in consequence of the miscon duct of the Paella of Erzeroum. It was nos , want of money, Money had been supplied him to purchase provisions, and he had bought them, but he had neglected to pay the carriers to convey them to Kars ; and they had left them about half way between the two places. The result was that when the Russians invested Kars with a superior force of cavalry, they pushed on to where the supplies were lying, seized and de stroyed them. Had those supplies been properly sent to Kars by the Governor of Erzeroum they would probably have been sufficient to enable the garrison to hold out. Additional troops for the garrison were not required,' for the garrison had shown itself to the last more than a match for its toes. But what was required was a relieving force, to open a com munication with Kars. The hon. and learned gentleman, finding the case not very easy to handle, chooses, with that dexterity which belongs to his profession—to represent that as a disgraceful act of the Government which was, in truth, most deserving of approbation. He dwelt upon that de spatch of Lord Clarendon of the 13th of July, in which the noble earl on behalf of his Government expresses disappro l'ation of the operation for the relief of Kars by Yenikate and Kutais. I am not discussing this piestion as a military man, .but the hon.. gentleman is likewise not a military man, and therefore my opinion is as good as his. But I will maintain against all comers that the arguments in that despatch are perfectly conclusive that the plan proposed by the Turkish Government was radically defective. The plan they pro posed was to land at Redout-Kaleh, and then to march against the rear of the Russians, for the purpose of drawing them away from Kars. Now, in the first place, the sea passage was longer, and a greater quantity of transports would be necessary. Then the country iu which the Turkish troops would land was Christian, and they were Mahommedan, The population would thus be hostile to them. Besides, as the operation was only for a diversion, and not a permanent con quest, they would know that if they joined the invaders they must soon expect to feel the resentment of the Russian Go veraine,nt. (Hear, hear.) The country moreover was in tersected with rivers, and was difficult to be traversed by au army; it was one,,, likewise in which animals for trans port were scarce. r!nally, the route was long, and the army proposed to be sent, as an hon. gentleman had observed, was a collection of odds Bend ends, without the regularity and com bined discipline of the Russian troops. If it had gone, it would probably have advanced a certain distance from the sea, the Russians would have attacked and defeated it, and would then have resumed the investment of Kars freed from all fears of being again interrupted. The plan of her Majesty's Government was that the troops should bo sent by Trezibond, from which 10,090 men might have marched, according to Mr. Brandt, to Erzeroum in 10 days. The road was even practicable for artillery, for all the artillery at Erzeroum and Kars bad gone by that route ; but there were guns e ;lough, so that was not material. The country was Mahommedan ; there were in it plenty of animals for transport ; and it woi.hi even have been easy to raise a force of irregular horse, light cavalry being the arm which General Williams most required. Besides, if the movement for the relief of Kars had not suc ceeded, it would at least have made Erzeroum safe ; and the garrison of Kars might have retired to that city. But it is said you recommended a disgraceful course, the abandonment of Kars. We recommended no such thing. We recom mended that which we believed would have saved Kars, but which at all events would have enabled its garrison to fall back in safety upon Erzeroum. (Hear, hear.) The brilliant imagination of hon. gentlemen suggests to them that if Kars had remained in the possession of Russia Constantinople might have bees taken. But that would have been impos sible, unless, indeed, the Russians had an army of Leanciers to swim the Bosphorus. (Laughter •and cheers.) Honour able gentlemen seem quite to have forgotten the existence of that famous strait; and that there was a Tarkisa. a French, and an English fleet close at hand, if by auy strange accident the enemy had arrived at the shore opposite Con stantinople. But it is said,"You proposed this scheme for the relief of Kars at cne time, and thou you adopted one exactly contrary." But we did not adopt any measure. It was not an operation in which the British or French army was to take part. It was a proposal made to us by the Turk ish Government, and we stated our reasons why we thought it ought not to be adopted. But when we were told that the council of war still held to its former view, it was not for us to maintain our opinion to the contrary. (hear.) Then hon. gentlemen complain that we did not send the contingent as a part of the relieving force ; but the contingent was not in a condition to go. That was the opinion of General Vivian, of Omer Pacha, of General Simpson, and of every man who knew the state in which the contingent then was. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet (Sir J. Graham) has drawn a com parison between the Turkisli Contingent and the Portuguese troops, whom ho described as the " fighting cocks " of the Peninsular army ; and I have no doubt that the Turkish Contingent would have been the same. (Hear, hear.) But my right hen. friend must consider time as well as men. W hen that Portuguese force obtained the designation which he mentions, they had been longer in organisation under British officers than the Turkish Contingent, which at that time had oulyjust been formed. It has often been said that in the early part of the Peninsular campaign, the Portuguese battalion fled at the sight of shells in the air, but at the storm- in , s of San Sebastian, the bodies found most forward in the assault were those of the Portuguese soldiers. The change was effected, not merely by better pay and clothing, but was the result of better leading by British officers, and the greater confidence which they felt. So it undoubtedly would have been with the Turkish Contingent. I have not the least hesi tation in saying that, if the war had gone;oa another year, we should have seen iu the ensuing campaign the Turkish Con tingent behaving with the same courage as the brave TUrks who had defended Kars, and adding fresh laurels to those gained by their countrymen ou the banks of the Danube. But at that time it would have been madness to expose the half-armed and half-clad Contingent to the attack of , the Russ;an forces. That objection applied not only to their being sent as part of Omer Pacha's relieving army, :but it applied also to their being posted at Balaklava, in exchange for the 12,000 Turks who bad been some of the best troops in Omer Pacha's army. Therefore it was out of the question to send them either to Redout-Kaleh or to Balaklava- The Government very properly would not consent that the Turkish Contingent should f -rue any part of those forces. Then the question was, whether Omer Pacha should be allowed to take from Balakiava those 12,00) Turks, who held an impor tant deffusive position on our line. It is said that se might have ceu allowed to take away the force at Enpatoria, and that we were wrong in not doing so. Who commanded at Eupatoria ? The French Geueral d'Allonville. What right had we to insist on his relinquishing a part of the force which he thought necessary ? (Hear, hear.) If that position bad been ours, would we have alio', ed the French Government to dictate to us what the English Government should do and what amount of forces should be retained there ? ear.) The main question was whether Omer Pacha s .ould take the Turkish forces from Balaklava either to Trebizond or to Redout-Kaleh. Against that proposition General Pelissier and General Simpson protested ; they said they could not spar. a single mau!from before Sebastopol. And I must Say I think upon the whole they were right. (Hear, hear.) Sebastopol was the great object of the whole campaign. Sebastopol had stood against us for a twulvemouth, and the great object was to conquer. the resistance of Sebastopol. (Hear, hear.) We were quite sure if Sebastopol was taken, that wo should get back Kars even if it had fallen. (Hear, hear.) But if we had been beaten before Sebastopol the calamity would have been great, and the object of the campaign would have been en tirely lost. (llear, hear.) Therefore I think that no mau, taki,,g a review of the question at issue; can for a moment doubt that the Governments of England and of France were right in upholding the decision of the generals—that no troops of any kind should be taken from before Sebastopol until Sebastopol had fallen to the attack of the allies. (Hear, hear.) The question, then, seems to me to resolve itself into nothing. ("Hear, hear," and laughter.) A censure on the Government is, in fact, a censure for having done their best to get possession of Sebastopol. (Hear.) It is a censure for not - having - pursued a course which would en. danger the very objects of the campaign, and by so doing would defeat the very objects of the war. (lieu, hear.) I am quite content to take my stand upon that issue. (Cheers.) "notwithstanding the deep sy•upathy which every man must have felt at the surrender of General Williams—the con queror yielding to the conquered—l am prepared to put it to any reasonable man in the country to say whether the Government would not have been very much to blame if they had done anything which might interfere with the accomplishment of the great object for which the forces of the two countries had been for so many months contending. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, I think there was neither want of energy nor foresight in the course pursued. There is no want of energy in the speakers on the other side ; there has been plenty of energy in this debate. (Laughter.) But want of foresight I think there is. (Cheers.) I perfeetlyagree with the proposition laid down, that the duty of an opposi tion is to oppose, which no man can for a moni,ent deny. (Laughter.) It is perfectly true also that if the right hon. gentleman wants to keep his party together, he ought every now and then to bring them into action, although he knows beforehand that he will be exposed to a great and disastrous defeat. (Hear.) If the right hon. gentleman has come into action with a perfect conviction that he is going to be de feated, there is certainly uo want of foresight as to that, but some little want of judgment. (Cheers.) I am the first to do justice to the course which the right hon. gentleman and his' party have pursued during the war. With those exceptions which have been adverted to, when Russian blood could not withstand the temptation, or a little opposition to giving Turkey money without which she could not move on—(laugh ter)—and attempts to prevent our raising additional troops to assist us in the first operations of the war—those are trifling matters which few joined in. But beyond that I am seri ously willing to admit that their course has been most honour able to themselves, and in perfect accordance with what was the general feeling of the country. • (Hear.) They felt that the nation was engaged in a war which the whole nation thought just and right, and for which the people of the United Kingdom were prepared to make any sacrifices ; and they abstained very honourably from any real demonstration calculated to embarrass or impede the course of the Govern ment. (Hear, hear) That was a course which was in per fect unison with public opinion, but which was honourable to them, and which, looking back to former periods of his tory, was always pursued by the gentlemen who sat on that side of the house. But I think it quite natural, when the war is over abroad, that there should be war at home, that opposition should revive, and resort to its natural function— that of opposing Government, and trying to turn the Go vernment out ; for there is no imputation on an Opposition for wishing to do that—it is the natural function of an Opposition. (Laughter.) And when they think they have the power of dispossessing the Government, it is natural that they should from time to time take up subjects on which they think the people will go with them, for the purpose of keeping their party together, or keeping them selves alive. (Cheers, and laughter.) But I think they have chosen their time injudic ionsly. What is the moment they have chosen for this attack? And though the right hon, gentleman professes to deal with it as a mere expression of abstract opinion, of course when a censure is,proposed ou a Government to the extent of saying that they have neither energy nor foresight, I do not know what other quality is to be left them, for certainly a Government possessing neither energy nor foresight is not one which the House of Commons would long like to see in their places. What is the moment chosen for this purpose ? We have be ought to a cicse a war which has been carried en with admirable energy—(cries of " Hear, hear ")- a war carried on at a great distance from these shores, with an army which was originally sent out, though in small numbers, with greater expe dition, greater rapidity, and better equipped than any army of the same amount that ever left these shores. (Hear, hear.) It is but justice to the Duke of Newcastle to bear testimony to this. That army was in the first instance ex posed to great suffering; but since then, by the persevering energy of my noble friend at the head of the War Depart ment,r who his earned a title to the gratitude of the country for the successful energy with which ho has follo,vea uph brought the campaign, campaign, the army now in the Crimea has be en a state of admirable efficiency, health, and order, which renders it the admiration of all who see it. During that. war, while, on the one hand, the Government showed the utmost energy, we have, I tnk no t been deficient in fore sight in regard to the p ea ce which . we have concluded. Those who will take the tr ouble to look at the articles of peace will see that we here foreseen all the matters up on which it was possib' e to fram e e treaties,havepraoide nvdthdata, against future as f u tu r e danger to political foresight could go, , w P the Turkish Empire. (Hear, hear.) I con t en d that the Government has, in the prosecution of the r, shown groat energy, and that the stipulations of the peace have proved their foresight. (Cheers.) At that time, when the country at large is, I have no hesitation in saying, satisfied both with the results of the war and the peace that has been concluded, the hon. and learned gentleman steps in with a vote of consul e upon the Government —a vote, I will undertake to say, not more at variance with the general feel ing of the country than the division of this night will show that it is at variance with the general opinion of the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) I think, therefore, that the gentlemen •opposite, whatever may have been the energy which they have displayed, have shown very little foresight as to the result of this motion ; and I am satisfied that if they pursue that duty of opposing which is said to be the proper function of an opposition with no more judgment than they have shown with regard to the motion now under con,idera tion, the people of this country will be of opinion that the longer those gentlemen sit where they do the better will it be for all who are interested in the welfare of the country. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And on that ground I go with confidence to the division that is about to take place. (Cheers.) Mr. WHITESIDE, who rose amidst loud cries for a " division," said that when the noble lord stated they had nothing to do with the war in Asia, he forgot that the Bluebook contained several despatches to General Williams, informing him that Asia Minor was to be the theatre of the war in the spring. General Williams had been sent out, as it ucw Appeared, to learn the misfortune of your ally but not to assist him. (Hear.) The noble lord the member for the City of London, who was the means of making the noble lord Prime Minister, speaking on this very subject of the war in Asia on a former occasion, said, " The war in Asia is a very important question, but I could not get from Lord Aberdeen that support I hoped for when the subject was under consideration." (Cheers.) Was that the way these Lohle lords thought to trifle with the people of Eng land ? (Cheers) lie denied that he had cast any imputa tion on the gallant defenders of Kars, and the best proof of that was, that he bad received a letter of thanks from their relatives. He spoke the conviction of his heart when he siid that the officers in Kars ' Williams ' Teesdale, Lake, and Thompson, d eserve d the honour of the country far more than her Majesty's Government, because they saved it from an ignominious peace. He denied that he had been asked by any one not to speak what he believed to be true of Lord Stratford. When he read the blue-book he sai 1 that no honest man could justify the conduct of Lord Stratford. He spoke the dictates of his heart when said that Lord Stratford showed himself arrogant to his inferiors and disobedient to his superiors in office, and if such conduct was to receive the sanction of Go vernment, their generals and ambassadors would in future be little better than despotic tyrants. (Cheers.) But even when Lord Stratford's judgment got the better of his temper, and informed. the Government of what they ought to do, the Government took r• steps to carry out his suggestions. Since he last ad dressed the house he learned that even without money General Williams could have procured provisions if he had had but t!ie authority of the Ambassador. (Hear.) The pay of a Turkis'a soldier was 2d. a-day, and if the Govern ment had sent bat 30,000/. to General Williams he would have saved Kars. (Oh, oh.) He did not know how many would vote for him on the present occasion. He counted on the support of the Administrative Reformers, but he believed they would prove mere mock reformers. (Cheers.) When areal abuse was placed before them, they retailed the abuse, in order to maintain the men who were guilty. of it. (Hear, hear.) On his side they struck at the abase and the men. (Oh, oh, and Hear, hear.) He was aston ishe.) at the speech of the hon. member for Aylesbury, who defended not only the conduct of Lora Statford, but of Lord Penrnure. He could not understand that politi cal morality wnich justified a misstatement of the truth. (Hear, hear.) If that was the hon. member's morality, it *as not the morality of the gentlemen of England. (Cheers.) .Wheu such questions were pat, a Minister might preserve silence if he pleased, yet be had no right to say that which he knew not to be right. (Hear.) " But the age of virtuous politics is past, And we are deep in that of cold pretence ; Patriots are grown too shrewd to be sincere, And we too - wise to trust them." (Hear, hear.) This question is now before the House. Whatever may be the result, we at least have dens our duty, and it is satisfactory to feel, in examining this mi- serable business, that it was not in the power of a Minis try to efface the glory of the past, for the mighty names of our Wellington and NelAm would ever keep fresh the fame of our military victories and preserve the lustre of our naval triumphs. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON rose to explain. The boa. and learned gantleman had entirely misconceived his remarks with regard to the war in A.Qis. What he meant to say was that during the attack on Sebastopol, and until, it was taken, they had nothing to do with the war in Asia. (Cries of "oh " and cheers.) a did not mean to say that after Sebastopol was taken acampaign in Georgia was aot part of the plan of operations. The house then divided on Mr. .Ker Seymer's amend ment. For the amendment • 52. Against it — . The house then divided on the origins I resolution of Mr. Whiteside. ___ For the resolution Against it • 303-L-127 . • The announcement of tha numbers was iToceived with kill cheers from the 'Ministerial benches. The other orders were then disposed of, an d the hone. adjourned at half-past one. PARLIAMENrARY DIVISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MAT 1. FALL OF KARS. Motion uncle, and question put. The house divided—Ayes 176, Noes 303. AYES-176. . Adderley, C. B. Evelyn, %V. J. Montglmery, IL Ii; Alexander, J. Farnham, E. Moore, G. Anuesley, Earl of Farrer, J. Mowbray, J. It. Arbuthnott, Oen. H. Filzgeraid, W. R. S. Murrough, J. P. Archdall. Capt. M. F over, J. • Naas, Lord Bailey, Sir J. Follett, B. S. • Na.,ler, J. Bailey, C. Forester, Col. Newdegate,.C. Bantle, 11. Forst r, Sir Geo. - Newport, Viscount Baldock, E. H. Franklyn, G. Noel, G. 13,11, E. Galway, Viscount North, Col. J. Banker, At. Hon. G. George, J. Northcote, Sir S. Barrington, Vist. Gilpin, Col. H. Oakes, J. liateson, Capt. T. Graham, Lord M. Ossulston, Lord Bellew, T. Groan. Edward • "Packs, C. Bennet, Capt. P. Guernsey, Lord Pakington, Sir J. Bentinck, Lord H. Guinness, R. S. Palk, L. Rentiock. 'G. Gwyn, Howe' Peacocke, G. Beresford, Rt. Hn. W Halford, Sir Henry Itepto st‘ G. Bernard, Vist. Hail, General John Robertson, P. Bignold, Sir S. Hamilton, Lord Claud Rushout, Capt. G. Blake, M. J. Hamilton, G. A. Rust, James Blakemore, T. Hamilton, It. Shirley, E. Blaodibrd, Marquis of Banbury, don. S. Sibthorp, Major Bolder°, Col. H. G. Handcock, IL . . • Smijth, Sir W. Bowyer. G Hardy, O. ' • Smith, Abel Bramiey- %fnore, J. Hayes, Sir E. Somerset, Colonel Buck, Col. Heathcoate, Sir W. Spooner, R. Bader, •lr.T. Henley, J. Stafford, A. Bur. ell, Sir C. Herbert, Sir T. Stanhope, J. Burroughes, H. N. Ilildyard, It. C. Stanley, Lord liurrowes, Robert Hume, W. Starkie, Le G. Butt, G. M. Irton, S. Stracey, Sir H. Cabbell, U. B. Jolliffe, 11. Stuart, Captain Cairns. 11. Jones, Admiral Stull, H. Carnac, SIrJ.R. Ke11..., Sir F. Swift, R. Cecil, Lord Kendall, N. Thesiger, Sir. F. Chandos, Marquis of Kennedy, T. Tottenham. C. Christy, Samuel King, J. Trollope, Sir J. Clinton, Lord C. Knatchbull, W. . Tyler, Sir G. Clive, Hon. R. W. Kn ght; F. Vance, John Cocks, T. S. Knox, Col. B. W. Vansittart, G. Cole, H. A. Loco's, Sir E. Verner, Sir W. Coles, H. Langton. W. EL P. G. Vernon, V. Compton, H. C. Lennox, Lord A. P. Vyse, col. it. Conolly, T. Lennox, Lord H. G. Walcott, Admiral. Corbally, M. E. Ltddell, 11. G. Walpole, 8. Corry, H. T. L. Lindsay, Col. J.. Warren, S. Cubitt. W. Lisburne, Earl Whiteside, J. Davies, D. Lushington, C. M. Whitmore. H. Davies. J. Lytton, sir E. 'Wigram, Loftus T. Davison, R. Macartney, G. Williams, T. Disraeli, B. MacEvoy, E. Woadd, B. Dod, J. MacGregor, James . Wyndham, Gen. Drax, J. MacMahon, P. Wyndham, H. Duncombe, Hon. A. Maguire. J. F. Wynne, John Duncombe, lIon.W.E. Malins, Richard Yorke, E. Dundas, G. Manners, Lord J. Dunne, Colonel March, Earl of TELLES!. Du Pre, C. Meux, sir 11. Jolliffe, Sir W. Elmley,,Viscount Michell, William Taylor, Colonel NOES-303. Aciand, Sir T. Fortescne, C. S. O'Flaherty, A. Acton, Joseph Fox, W. J. Oliveira, li. Asiatr, H. Freestun, COlenel Osborne, R. Agnew, Sir A. Gibson, M. Otway, A. Aleock, T. Gifford, Earl of Owen, Sir J. Anderson, Air J. Gladstone, W. Paget, Lord A: Antrobue, E. Glyn, G. Palmer, Roundel' Atherton, W. Gordon, A. - Palmerston. Viscount Baines, Rt. Hon. M. Gower, F. Patten, Col. - Ball, J. Grace, 0. Paxton, Sir J. Baring, H. Graham, Sir J. Pecheli, Sir G. Baring, Sir F. Greenish, Gilbert Peel, Sir R. Barnes, T. Greene, John Peel, F. Bass, M. Greene, Thomas Pallatt„ A. Baxter, W. Gregson, Samuel Perry, Sir E. Beamlsh, F. Grenfell, Charles Philipps, J. Beaumont, W. Grevilie, Colonel F. Phillimore, J. G. Beckett, W. Grey, Rt. lion. Sir G. PhilLmore, R. J. Bell, J. Grey, R. rigott, F. Berkeley, Sir M. Grosvenor, Ld. R. Pilkington, J. Berkeley, Hon. 11. F. Grosvenor, Earl PoHard-Urquhart, W. Bethel', Sir R. Gurndy, J. 11. Ponsoiiby, A. Biddulph, Col. R. M. Hadfield, George Power. N. Biggs, W. Hall, Sir Benjamin Price, W. Black, Adams Hankey, T. Pritchard, J. Bland, L. H. Hanmer, Sir John Ramsdell, Sir J. Bonham-Carter, I. Harcourt, G. G. Raynham, Viscount liouverie, Hon. E. F. Hardinge, lion. C. Ricardo, 0. Brady, J. Hash% Alex. Ricardo, S. Bramston, T. W. Hastie, Archd. Rice, E. Brand, H. B. W. Headlam, T. Rich, H.' Brocklehurst, J. Heard, J. Richardson, J. Brockman, E. D. Heathcote, G. Ridley,' George Brotherton, J. Heneage, Geo. IL Robartes, T. Brown, H. Heneage, Gco. F. Roebuck, .1. Brown, W. Herbert, H. Roll. P. Bruce, Lord E. Herbert, S. Russell, Lord J. Bruce, H. A. Hervey, Lord A. Russell. F. C. Buckley, Gen. Heywood, J. Russell, F. W. Bulkeley. Sir R. Higgins, G. 0. Sawle, C. Burke, Sir T. Handley, C. Scholefleld, W. Byng, G. H. C. Hogg, Sir J. W. Scobell. Capt. Cardwell, E. Holland, E. Scrope, G. Castlerosse, Vis. Tlorsman, E Scully, F. Caulfield, Col. J. Howard, C. Seymour, H. Clavendish, C. C. Howard, Lord E. Seymour. W. D. Cavendish, G. C. Hughes, W. Shefto, R. Challis, T. Hutchins, E. Shee, Serjt. W. Chambers, M. Hutt, W. Shelburne, Earl Chambers. T. Ingham, It. Shelley. Sir J. Chaplin, W. Ingram, H. Sheridan, R. Clay, Sir W., Et. Jackson, W. Smith, J. B. Cobbett. J. Jennyn, Rt. Ha. Earl Smith. M. Cockburn, Sir A. 3. E. Johnstone, J. Smith, R. Collier, R. P. Johnstone. Sir J. Smyth. John Colvile. C. R. Keating, H. Somerville, Sir W. Cowan, C. Kershaw, J. Stafford, Marquis Cowper, W. , King, L. - Stanley, W. Craufurd, E. H. J. Kinsscote , K i n naird, A. S:rickleud, Sir G. Capt. 5. Steel, John Crossley. F. Currie, Raikes Kirk, W. Streit, lion. E. Dalkel 1, Earl L a bouchere,llLTlon.ll Sullivan, Michael .R. Davie, Sir IL B. r• Langston, ne,31).1t.• H. Talbot, J. Talbot, C. Deasy, R. Langton, U. G . Denison, E. Tancred, 11. Layard, A.H. Thompson, G. Lee, W. T hornely. T. , Derin„, Sir E. Legh, G. C. Lindsay, Lowe, iR. .W . Thornhill, W. Dent, J. J. B. pe Vern, S. E. Lemon, Sir C. Tit e . W. oiliwyn, L. L. Lewis, Sir G. C. Towline, G. Divett, E. Trail', G. Druinlanrig, Via .Uxbridge, Earl Drummond, U. Luce. T. Vane, Lord H. Duff, G. M ackie, J . Vernon, G. Duke. Sir J. Mackinnon, W. Villiers, C. Duncan, Viscount McTaggart, Sir J. Vivian, 11. H. Duncan, George N agan, W. Waddington, D. Dundm, F. Marjoribanks, D. walmsley, Sir J. Dangtarvan, Viscount Marshall. W. Walter, J. Dunlop, A. Martin, J. Warner, E. East, Sir J. Martin, P. Water park, Lord Ebrington, Viscount Massey, W. Watkins, Col. ' Ellice, E. Milligan, It. Watson, W. Ellice, E. 34 ills, T. Wells, W. Emlyn. Viscount Milner, W. H. E. Whatinan, J. Esmonde, J. Milnes, It. Whitbread, S. Estcourt, T. lti itchell, T. A. Wickham, 11. Euston, Farl of Moffat, G. Wilkinson. W. Ewart, W. Monck, Vie. 'Willcox, B. Ewart, J. Moncreiff, J. Williams, M. Fagan, W. Monsell, W. Williams. W. Fenw ck, H. Morris, D. Wilson, J. „,... • Fergus, John Moityn, E. Winningtorl. ~- .• Ferguson, Colonel Ai owatt, F. Wins, A. Ferguson, Sir It. Mulgrits , e, Earl of Wood, Sir C. Filmer, Sir E.. Manic, G. Wrightson. vv . FitzGe^al.l, Flr John Napier, Sir C. 'Wyndha m, W. Fitzgerald, J.. Norreys, Sir D. - Wyvill, M. Fitzroy, Dena? North, F. Foley, J. 11. O'Brien, P. Forster, Chi tries O'Brien, J. Forster, Jo' ma, O'Connell, J. TELLEI9. Hayter, W. Berkeley, G. C. Th 3 Berlin wool fair will be held this year from the 21st to t.bH 25th of June. LILZESt EAF : THE CONCLUDING PASSAGES IN TNI LIFE OF 1 IRS. MARGARET MAITLAND, OF SUNNYSIML —WWI , ' MI BY HERSELF. -1 VOLUME:—We are glad t 3 observe the A a new and cheaper edition of " Lilliesleaf," compri ;ed i n a single volume, has just mitered. In this ft ,rm the work will 'doubtless become extremely populr a.. The iftlemiceum, in its notice of this interestin book, Nays:--`The concluding series of 'Passages in th• Life of Mrs. Margaret Maitland is to our thiuki.ug Ripe , ior to the beginning, and this we take to be abo ut the Inag t satisfactory compliment we can pay th e autm J 4ese . . There is a vein of simple good sense and pie oas fee ling running throughout for which no reader ca ,q fail to) be the better." right hon , gent!emau resumed his seat amid loud cheering ) Lord J. RUSSELL—Though this - debate has continue to this late hour on the third night, I hope the house. will in- dulge me by listening to a few obse;vations which I wislvto address to them. I admired, in common with others,` tie ability and the eloquence of the hon, and learnel gentleman who introduced this motion, but I own it did appear to me th.tt admitting that censure may at any time be proposed, he chose with singular Infelicity the occasion to propose it. If the war had gone on it would have been competent for the hon. and learned gentleman to say that Turkey would suffer by the loss of Katy; but the answer to any such language is, that the war is concluded, and that Kars will in a few weeks be again bearing the flag of Turkey. Or, it might be said, in another view, that the loss of Kars had been injurious to the negotiations, and that the terms of peace bora testimony to the loss we sustained when Kars surrendered. Mit the hon. and learned gentleman, instead or foltow:ng the example which has been given in the other House of Parliament, did not wait for the introduction of the, treaty, but on the very day that the treaty of peace was laid before the house, he in troduced this motion. Well, then, I must say upon the mo tion itself that the house will be disposed to view the war as a whole—that they will consider its various parts, and whe ther, having undertaken to defend Turkey for the present, and to obtain some security for her for the future, those ob jects have not both been fully attained. With regard to the ag gression of Russia upon Turkey, it wasevident that aggression might be made either on her European provinces or by means i r of a fleet from the Crimea, or on the eastern frontier. With regard to the European provinces, the heroic defence of Silistria, the gallant fights on the Danube, and, lastly, the occupation by Austria and the evacuation by Russia of the Principalities, secured Turkey on that side. But the next question was the means which Russia possessed in the Crimea. Lord Aberdeen's Government, after delibereeely considering in what manner theeneeaus of warfare on the part of Russia might best be crippled, and the war brought speedily to ater mination, decided that the mode of attaining those objects was to send an expedition to the Crimea. The right hon. gentleman who has just spoken says he expressed his fear at the time of any such expedition. Well, no doubt that expe dition was of a nature to make it hazardous. For a time it did not succeed. The bombardment of the 17th October failed, the winter passed in privation and misery, the born; bardment bf April like eise failed, the assault made on the 18th of Juno was unsuccessful. Well then, I ask the house, such being the state of your expedition to the Crimea, under taken with the best troops of Great Britain and France, was it not the duty of the Government to endeavour by all means to procure the success of that expedition?—(hear, hear)—to encounter any risk, to press any object, rather than to allow that expedition to fail? The hon. and 'learned gentleman who introduced this motion blamed the Government of her Majesty, and blamed the Emperor of the French for requir• in; that, before any portion of the army was despatched from Balaklava and Eupatoria, the opinion of the generals should be taken. I think that the allied Governments acted wisely in that respect— I think that they acted with foresight and with energy. What would have been the case had the assault in ever.) way failed, owing to the want of troops at Balaklava? That was the obvious reason, that was the pre vailing motive why an expedition was not sent earlier in order to cover Kars. I will not at this time enter into the military question, which has been most ably argued to night, as to Whether the troop s should have been sent in one direction, or in another to the relief of Kars. The President of the Board of Control says that the Government took military opinions before they decided that question, and therefore I think that disposes of a charge which might otherwise have seemed probable, that the Turkish authorities having deckled in favour of an operation, they peremptorily rejected it, and preferred another. We come then to the question whether taking Sebastopol and attempting to de stroy what they have destroyed, the whole fleet of R uss i a , which had been so long a menace to Turkey, whether consis tently with that object they could obtain men and money for the purpose of sending to Asia. I heard these accusations of the right hou. g ntlemau, and of those who act with him, with a deal of astonishment, because I could not help think ing that our small army having exhausted its sev era l batta lions in furnishing troops to hold the lines of Sebastopol, it occurred to the Government of Lord Aberdeen to endeavour to raise a force of Swiss, and Germans, and Italians; they thought that if 20,000 or 30,00 0 of these troops could have been collected at Constantinople who were n o t urgent l y wanted in the Crimea, there would then have been the means of sending the Turkish army to Erzeroum or to Kars.' But what was the discouragement thrown on that plan-(hear) —what were the terms of contumely which induced the spie ited Germans for some mouths to refuse to enlist in any such force, and thereby prevented that additional force being given to Turkey, and by whom was that discouragement made, and those terms of contumely used ? By Lord Derbyand Lord Ellenborouget in the other House of Pariament, and the right hon. gentleman !and his friends in this house. Well, then, it was desirable no doubt to send money to Turkey to enable Turkey to continue the War. A loan was obtained by her own credit in the first year of the war'. In the second year, the whole of that money being exhausted, Turkey, finding it exceedingly difficult to support and pay'her army, asked the assistance of the allies to support her credit. For my own part, I may have thought it would have been bet ter to have made a subsidy to Turkey ; but Government were quite content to take other means to gi ve ass i s tance But wizen that was proposed in this house, and my noble friend the First Lord of the Treasury, going fee beyond the `.,~ much re not Sebss is tha , and, from after e fur 4th of mdoa iss at ant to 4% for trkish ic the ne of wined that, ig n2Y navy► d not [press led by Irnest it on ,tela • with .ror of the with liuis - The ga ble that they that 3 asion right W e Li an ,s•on t ,s l fit" of m" t pre• lities bay° for' v ana fter lb told cir. Cool' tit in' ti of fac sal' mpt the 'or a that Mies, the 1 this 'cars • dis ru bor r the ) lain - 01115 8 !ii on Tiev - oun' one