The Sun. — London, England, 1834-07-12 00:00:00

grilFIT OF TOT_TRI‘TAL We are still without a Government There arc but three kinds of Administration which we can have—Coalition, Liberal, Tory. We have reason to believe that the King is unfortunately impressed with an opinion that a combination of opposite parties is essential and practicable in the present critical state of public affairs. This is impossible. Lord Grey has virtually retired from the public service ; and even if he could now honourably return to office, personal opinions on the Irish Coercion; Bill would be an in superable bar to his formation of a liberal Cabinet, nor could so honourable a statesman possibly coalesce with a moderate Tory party. On the other hand, the more liberal Tories never could modify their opi nions or measures sufficiently to coalesce with the more aristocratic portion of the Whigs. The Duke of Wel lington is an incurable politician, and a partizan of the Holy Alliance ; he is out of the question in regard to alliance with any public men of different principles. Sir Robert Peel, during the early part of the session, strove to preserve a crafty and neutral position ; but the imminent questions of the last few weeks betrayed the cloven foot, and the Marquis of Chandos, at a recent private meeting of the " Conservatives," con trived to extort a pledge from the wily Baronet to his old prejudices. The fanatic Tories are more hostile to the moderate members of their party than to the Whigs. 'We can positively assert that Mr. Stanley will not form part of a Tory Administration; the Right Honourable Gentleman has repented of his recent violent exhibition. What Sir James Graham may do is matter of pure indifference to the public, and the dead weight of the heavy Cumberland Fanner would sink any Ministry. Under these cir cumstances, the idea of a Coalition is ridiculous, and his Majesty can know little of public opinion, and is extremely ill-advised if he dreams of accomplish ing such a purpose. We have too high an opinion of the honour and sagacity of Lord Melbourne to believe for a moment that he would attempt to cobble up such a piece of patchwork. Any " Coalition " that could be formed would be only a base fac tion, composed of the refuse of all parties, gleaned by some political charlatan who had no proper weight or authority with any set of men. The naked truth is, that party is at an end. The real essences-of -Whig and ory are destroyed. We believe that the wishes of the King are communi cated to the Duke of. Wellington, but his Grace, even if he wished, would find no materials of political amalgamation. • Can he form a pure, unadul terated, back-bone Tory Ministry ? Such a political monster, in these times, would be hunted to death. The present House of Commons would not endure the insult. A dissolution of Parliament the Tories cannot, and dare not, attempt. Their leaders know that it would produce to them no substantial gain. Indeed we doubt whether, except in a few counties, and in still fewer small boroughs, any material change in the Representation would take place ; but assuredly it would be impossible for the Tories to obtain the return of a third of the House of Commons. A dissolution would leave Ireland without a Coercion Bill, and Mr. O'Connell full swing in his assault on the Irish Church. Moreover ; no Appropriation Act has yet passed the House of Commons, and the Tories could not carry on the Government three months without money. The faction is in a cleft stick ; it is placed between opposite fires. What, then, can succeed to the Ca binet of Lord Grey ? Only one combination of public men—a Liberal Administration. No other alterna tive remains for his Majesty, if he wishes to preserve his dynasty. There is no doubt as to the principles on which such a Ministry must be formed. Be they who they may to whom the King has confided, or shall entrust, the re-construction of a Cabinet, the force of circumstances—a power stronger than King or Kaisar—will compel 'that Cabinet to adopt one, and one only, course of policy. The nation repudiates alike the extremes of party. The dissolution of the late parti-coloured Ministry has clearly proved that the continued existence of a mixed or Coalition Government, composed of men differing from one another on fundamental principles, is impossible. There remains but one alternative—a purely liberal Administration, belonging to the present, not to the past century—bearing on its standard the promise of Practical Reform—determined to preserve the coun try from revolution by conceding those improvements in its institutions, the neglect of which is the sole cause of every revolution—an Administration prompt in the determination, frank in the declaration, firm in the execution, of its policy—an Administration which will neither truckle to ephemeral leaders, nor be cowed by party faction, but will base itself solely on thp voice and support of the people, as it will look solely to the people's good. We will state the leading prin ciples of action which such an Administration, on taking office, should frankly and boldly proclaim. First, respeCting Ireland—the immediate cause of the dissolution of the deceased Administration. We do not say that the Coercion Bill must be wholly given up by a Liberal Administration. No Ministry can venture to propose to any House of Commons clauses of a despotic and unconstitutional character, which the Irish Government has admitted may 1 .. e dispensed with. The resolution must be an nounced of securing a report from the Commission of Inquiry into the Irish Church in time to be submitted to Parliament, and acted upon, as the basis of legisla tive measures at the opening of the next session. But this will not suffice. There must be an expression of an earnest determination to probe, without an hour's delay, the real causes of the insurrectionary spirit of the Irish peasantry, and to introduce measures for re lieving the aliect misery which goads them to outrage, and for securing employment and a maintenance to those who are willing to earn it by peaceful industry. Without such remedial policy, Ireland can never be pacified, agitation quelled, or the safety of the empire secured. For England, pledges must be given of an effective and liberal measure of Tithe Commutation-- a reform of the system of Local Taxati on , un d er whit Agriculture is weighed down—the immediate and com plete removal of all the practical grievances of the Dissenters—a bold but prudent reform of the abuses and internal regulations of the Church Establishment. Municipal and Corporation Reform, Law Reform, and a correction of the mistakes and omissions of the Re- form Bills, must be promised and honestly per fected. The Commercial and Foreign Policy of the Government must be decidedly liberal, and its economical retrenchments still further advanced. These pledges the nation expects from any Ministry which asks its confidence. Into Administration which refuses to give these pledges will obtain public confi dence, or without it endure for a calendar month. We do not wait to see which way the wind blows, or keep our opinions in reserve at a period of extreme difficulty. We need not disguise our conviction that we look to the really liberal section of the late 'Ministry, reinforced by Lord Durham, and fresh members of the same stamp, with Lord Althorp and Lord Brougham, for the materials out of which a Government professing and acting up to these principles can alone be formed. From such a Ministerial arrangement we anticipate the restoration of national confidence in statesmen— the maintenance of peace, prosperity and general confidence. In any other course of the Sove- reign we can see only uncertainty, confusion, party violence, political convulsion, and ultimate The most intense anxi e ty ex i sts among anarchy. the great majority of the House of Commons for the resumption of office by Lord Alth or p, an d means are "ow taking for the expression of that almost univer alfeeling. We trust that Lord will not refuse his services to the country from any sentiment of false delicacy or temporary disgust. He is essential to a Liberal Administration, and every reflecting person makes sufficient allowance for his recent difficulties and occasional sacrifice of opinion. This day will probably determine the course of the King. The eyes of the whole enlightened part of the public of this great country are intensely fixed on the exercise of the fearful prerogative of the Crown—on the conduct of the remnant of the late CabinetLaild on the of England. On the courageous bearing of Par liament everything will depend. The critical moment is now arrived, when it will be discovered whether his Majesty, by the choice of his Ministers, is alive to the des of a Reformed Representation, and his ser- vents to the importance of the part they are called on 7:\ i f_ry tho orr "nt .ihAtt7ity AL confidence of the people in the Constitution may be revived, and when the crafty and sinister p o li cy o f Toryism may be f or ever crushed. The Reformers of England may again be aroused to vindicate their po litical rights, and to rally round the standard of a Re form Administration. The people will respond to the call, if they see that those who summon them are alive to the demands of the crisis. But they must not be trifled with. The time calls for bold and energetic measures, and without them all will be unavailing ; for it is only by acting with decision that we can hope for the support of the people.—Morning Chronicle.. The country still continues without a Government, and without any immediate prospect of a Government being formed. The attempt of Lord Melbourne to make up an administration out of the wreck of the Grey Cabinet is understood to have been signally un successful. How could it be otherwise ? Would the country have endured to see its Government composed of a body of men, part of whom believe, and are known to believe, that the British Constitution is bad for Ire land, while the. rest profess to think it is good ? Is Ireland of so little importance, is the British Con stitution of so little importance, that any Cabinet composed of honourable and conscientious men, divided upon such a question as we have de scribed, could have attempted, even for a single day, to go on together ? The Whigs attempted this so long as it was possible to conceal their division from the country ; but to present themselves to the country as a Government now that this im portant difference of opinion is universally known, is too much even for them. As to what will be the issue of the present crisis, no man can form at this mo ment even a rational conjecture. A portion of the late Government, with the Lord Chancellor at their head, arc resolute in the determination not to quit, office till the latest possible moment. "Whether this resolution is founded upon patriotic or merely selfish motives, will appear when we see whether they make any sacrifice of principle for the purpose of bringing recruits to their standard. The Lord Chancellor, it must be recollected, by recent and repeated speeches in Parliament, has inscribed upon that standard these indelible words : " In Ireland the British Constitution cannot now be maintained consistently with that pro tection to life and property which the subject has a right to claim in exchange for his allegiance." Some of our Contemporaries are labouring to excite in the minds of their readers a feeling of alarm lest a Conservative Administration should emerge out of the present dan gerous and embarrassing position of affairs. The country, we imagine, has already had too much ex perience of an Administration the reverse of Conser vative to be very susceptible of this feeling ; nor can the Conservative party be very eager to occupy such a bed of roses as the Whigs have provided for their suc cessors in office. But in the refusal or acceptance of political power the Conservative party will act as they have generally acted, not with a view to the gratifica tion of their personal inclinations, but with reference exclusively to the welfare of the country, and the exi gencies of the public service. In the absence of au thenticinformation, we abstain from noticing the various rumours with respect to negotiations, conferences, and messages which were last night in circulation.— Morning Post. Down to a late hour last night, we believe that nothing—literally nothing—was done towards recon structing the ruined Government of Lord Grey, or forming a new Cabinet. Rumours, which abound in proportion as facts are wanting, flew about yesterday in all directions, but gained no credit anywhere. It seems to be understood by those who are usually well informed, that endeavours have been made to thrust in a Tory phalanx upon the residuum of the Grey cabinet, on pretence of having what is called (no doubt ironically) a "combined" and vigorous Adminis tration. This attempt is one to which no man with the slightest knowledge of English history, with the slightest experience of coalitions, as they have worked from the close of the American war downwards, with the least capacity for turning to practical uses his own recollection of the adverse circumstances which have occurred since Lord Grey's Cabinet came into office, and which have all tended to produce the catastrophe that has now befallen it—the attempt, we say, to• force such a sinister expedient on the nation in its actual temperature, is one to which no well-instructed States man could think of lending his assistance or his name. The inconveniences of a Cabinet not united with re gard to many important questions must have been deeply impressed upon Lord Melbourne within the last twelvemonths. But the Grey Cabinet, even at the worst, was a mild form of heterogenous--that is, of noxious—mixture, when compared with that against the introduction of which into the Government, if current opinions be correct, Lord Melbourne has had to struggle, or is at this momont struggling,--we mean the infusion of some avowed and leading anti-Liberals into the new Administration. It is plainly impossible that such a Cabinet could work together for a single week, without being destroyed by its own internal fric tion. The elements of what was happily termed by the Standard " spontaneous combustion" would be a thousand times more active and irresistible in such a Cabinet than in the Grey Ministry, which yet it is certain was destroyed by them. We take it for granted, therefore, that as the issue of such an experi ment must be obvious, not only to Lord Melbourne but to any politician who has his eyes and ears about him, it will not be made at present—at least by a Liberal or a Whig statesman. Then what happens ? If the Court should think otherwise, Lord Melbourne, or whoever is co-operating with the N o bl e Vi scount for the formation of a Ministry, must throw up the game, and leave the King to seek advice from other quarters. His Majesty, of course, will not apply in the first instance to any public man more liberal than the acting Secretary for the Home Department. The alternative is, that his Majesty resorts to the Tories. But the Tories, with all their infatuated arrogance, understand the people of England well enough to know that their accession to office would now be premature. The Duke of Wellington's rude, unfeeling, and vin dictive reply to Lord Grey on Wednesday evening, showed pretty broadly where the shoe pinched him. His Grace was out of temper because Lord Grey had virtually broke up his Ministry before it suited his Grace's convenience and that of his party, to succeed. Months ago we warned the Ministers and the nation of the game of which both were to be the victims. We told them that the Tories waited only until the session of Parliament should be near expiring, to oust the Whigs, and play such gambols during the seven months' vacation (perhaps kick up a general war for one of them) as might enable them to divert the spirit of the country, to throw an unnatural share of power into their own hands, and turn a dissolution to the credit side of their own account with fortune. We told the Whig Ministry not to wait for the ripening of such machinations. It was our prayer to them to resign at that very hour—to tell the Sovereign that they could not carry on th e G overnment f or his honour, or for th e national well-being, without more enlarged powers, or with so _ extensive an adulteration of anti-reform spirit as then existed among them ; it was, as the event proved, a reasonable and friendly prayer, though perhaps not so regarded. Had they lis tened to us, they would have been enabled to defeat all the schemes of the Conservatives ; the latter would have confessed themselves unprepared to govern England ; and the liberal Ministers must have had carte blanche from the Crown. Now, again, we tell the remnant of Lord Grey's Cabinet, and specifically the Noble Lord who is in confidential communication with the Court, that their soundest, surest, and wisest policy is to throw up the cards and force the Tories to declare whether they will or will not undertake the Go- vernment of this country We have heard of a re quisition now in progress, the object of which is to pre vail upon the late Chancellor of the Exchequer to re sume the station of leader of the House of Commons, against which, we have the word of Lord Grey for stating that Lord Althorp's resolution was a few day's ago " unchangeable." We have objections both to this proceeding and to the purpose of it, which we may hereafter, if it be necessary, develop. But we shall now confine ourselves to observing, that if Lord Al thorp gives way to such a soli c it a t ion , f rom w h atever quarter it may springy, he will i ncur t h e susp i c i on o f much levity, or of what is worse, extreme insincerity irt the 1 fr)r h Tima. - - Lord Melbourne has failed in the object which he no dcubt had at heart—the reconstruction of a purely Whig Cabinet ; and the general rumour, in conse quence is, that he has been commanded by his Majesty to solicit Mr. Stanley and some of the leading Tories to form an administration. Who the person may have been who gave this advice we neither do, or pretend to know ; but that he must have been grossly ignorant of the real state, and of . the real feelings, of the country, no one can possibly doubt. Who would bear a coali tion Ministry ? Who would for ever disgrace him self by forming a part of it ? What principles could it profess ? What policy could it pursue ? To us, as we stated yesterday, the idea of such a Cabinet is a piece of madness, and a pure impossibility ; and we have only to add, that were it to be formed it would not stand even for one day I Who would trust men with the management of their affairs who would record in one moment white and black on the same board ? Would not this be the case were Sir R. Peel and Mr. Stanley, or the Duke of Wellington and Sir James Graham to attempt to form a Cabinet ? But, thank God, we have no occasion to enlarge upon the matter. For the King we have every possible regard ; but the times are past and gone by when Kings could, without the consent of Parliament, make Cabinets ; and we have the further gratification to state that the majority of the Members of the House of Commons, beginning with Hume and others, who have opposed the Ministry of Earl Grey, are now signing a requi sition, the purport of which is to insist upon Lord Althorp's acceptance of office as Premier, and to pledge those who havw signed it to support his Ad ministration. After such a demonstration of just feel ing on the part of the Commons, we c are qu it e as muc h about backstairs intrigues as we do about the election of Sir Charles Wetherell as Chancellor. The result is certain. No coalition Ministry can be formed, and Lord Althorp will, in all probability, receive the com mands of his Majesty to form a new Government.— Morning Advertiser. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE. Joseph Ady, so well kno%yn to the community for his correspondence with the public of all countries, appeared before the Lord Mayor upon a summons to answer upon an accusation of having unlatifully obtained a sovereign. The examination excited much curiosity. The Rev. Mr. Francis Tebbutt, of Welton, in Northamp tonshire, received a letter signed " James Laurie," from the hands of his brOther, who received it by post, directed to Clapton, from whence it was sent to Austin-friars, where his brother resided. Witness paid his brother the postage, and on coming to town on Monday, called upon a gentle man of the name of Hammond, who accompanied him to No. 11, Circus, Minories, the address to the letter, which in substance informed him that upon payment of 20s. he should hear of something to his advantage, and intimated that the amount of the benefit would be 250/. Witness saw the defendant, who said that he was the representative of James Laurie. Witness asked him whether he was re lated to the late Lord Mayor, to which he replied, " Yes, he is brother to Sir Peter Laurie, and my partner." Wit ness asked him whether Mr. Laurie was in the way, or whether there was anybody who would answer the letter produced for him ; to which he replied, that he could transact the business upon the payment of a sovereign. Wit ness said to defendant, " Is it in your power to inform me of the sum of 2501. which I can receive on paying you a sovereign?" The defendant said it was. Upon which wit ness mentioned to Mr. Hammond to pay a sovereign, which witness had given to that gentleman to pay, in order that he might be a witness. Witness then went to see whether the information he received was correct, having paid the money. _ Acly—Well, show the receipt. Mr. Tebbutt handed in the receipt, which stated at the bottom that the money should be returned if no benefit re sulted from the information. The paper which contained the information from which the sum of 250/. was to come to the right owner was also handed in. It contained a brief history of a bankruptcy with which Mr. Tebbutt had nt thing whatever to do. The LORD MAYOR—Was the information of any use to you ? Mr. Tebbutt—Of none whatever. When I found that the parties mentioned in the paper were nothing to me, I said to the defendant, " It does not all concern me, and I'll thank you to hand me over my sovereign." He refused to return the money, and went and locked himself up in a room, and we waited for two hours. • Defendant—Yes, and you kicked up a pretty riot, knocking and ringing at the door of my office, when the door was wide open. . Mr. Tebbutt—l dare say we were there for two 'hours. Defendant—l told you, if you had anything against me, the way to act was by civil action.—(Laughter.) You had no right to knock and ring, and create a row. The LORD MAYOR—Did you pay the money to the defendant in the belief that James Laurie, whose name is at the bottom of the letter, was the brother of the late Lord Mayor? Mr. Tebbutt—Certainly I did. We have all unfortunate relatives, and I thought that Sir Peter Laurie might have a brother in such adverse circumstances as to be obliged to enter into the partnership. The LORD MAYOR—You can't call the circumstances of a man adverse when he receives a sovereign for nothing. Mr. F. G. Hammond was a magistrate of Kent, and re sided at Greenwich. On Thursday he accompanied his friend Mr. Tebbutt to No. 11, Circus, Minories, produced the letter signed " James Laurie," and asked who that per son was. Defendant said that he was brother of the late Lord Mayor, and his (defendant's) partner. Witness asked him whether Mr. Laurie authorised him to receive the mo ney? To which he replied in the affirmative. " Then," said witness, " nothing can be wrong," and paid down the sove- reign. Defendant—l have a charge against you, Hammond. I charge you with a row, and taking away my papers. Mr. Hammond—Yes, I took away several papers, of which I hand your Lordship a copy. The LORD MAYOR read the paper. It was as follows " Z. A., page 3. " The undersigned is able to inform you of something con siderably to your advantage, and hitherto overlooked, on receipt of 20s. for his trouble.—Respectfully, " JOSEP H ADY, Accountant. " No. 11, Circus, Minories, London, July, 7, 1834. "No letters received unless post paid. Personal attendance daily from ten to three o'clock. " VOLUNTARY REFEREES.—The whole of the Court of Al dermen vide the minutes of the Court, M ay 7, 1833, eac h an d all widtestify of personal benefits received through my re searches, more particularly Charles Farebrother, Esq. ' Lord Mayor; Sir Peter Laurie, Knight, w h o h as spent 4001. City money upon me, recommending me customers, &c. Scc. ; and William Taylor Copeland, Esq., M. P., who will spend i,OOO/. more, when needful, out of his own pocket."—(Laughter. ) The LORD MAYOR—I'd wish to know, as Chief Magis trate of London, by what authority you dare to use my name to carry on this deception ? Defendant—You take me by surprise. I wish to get counsel. I'd be glad to. know how many of my letters did Hammond take ? He threatened to knock my nose flat, and rang at the bell and knocked at the door. The LORD MAYOR—If you have been assaulted you cag indict those who have treated you ill. You shall have the opportunity of defending yourself to the fullest extent. The defendant was then ordered to appear on Tuesday. MARYLEBONE. Yesterday a dashing Cyprian, named Eliza Smith, was brought before Mr. HOSKINS, on the following charge : Police Sergeant Godwin, 7 D, on the previous night, as he was on duty in Bryanston•square, saw the prisoner annoying two gentlemen, who were walking quietly along ; they had much difficulty in gettini , rid of her, and on her leaving them, he (witness) desired her to move on, but she refused to do so ; and after laying hold of his arm " in a rude familiar manner," told him he might take her to the station-house if he thought proper, which he accordingly did. She was at the time drunk, and her language was very abusive. Mr. HOSKINS (to the prisoner)—What have you to say to this charge ? Prisoner —What he has stated against me is false. I was neither drunk nor had I been drinking. The fact is— Mr. HOSKINS (to Inspector Wiggins) —Was this female drunk when she was brought into the station-house ? In spector—She might have been drinking a little, but I hardly perceived it. Prisoner—The sergeant has a spite against me, your worship. He has several times bothered me for my ad dress, saying that he should like to have the honour of taking a bottle of wine with me ; and because I have al ways refused to satisfy him as to where I resided, he has taken this opportunity of charging me with what I have not been guilty of. Mr. HOSKINS (to Godwin)—ln this true, that you have requested this female to allow you to take wine with her ; because, if it is, such conduct is very censurable ? God win (with apparent earnestness).— Upon my honour and sacred oath, it is not true. Prisoner.—lt is a fact, your worship ; he asked me for my address last night, and has done so three times before ; a short time ago when I met him in Oxford-street, he said if I would only allow him the honour of partaking of wine with me, he would visit me in plain clothes, and come to me like a gentleman. Mr. HOSKINS (to Godwin.)—This may turn out a THE SUN, LONDOI4 4 :, SATURDAY, JULY 12, 1834. I b e, S a` v MARLBOROUGH-STREET. George Hilewood, and Susannah, his wife, were charged wth stealing nearly 119 pairs of boots and shoes, the pro perty of his employer, Mr. J. Lloyd, of 30, Coventry-street. A host of pawnbrokers produced several pairs of the boots, and the prisoners were committed for trial. Yesterday, an inspector named Youen, belonging to the Animals' Friendly Society, summoned the male and female owners of a young donky before Messrs. CONANT, DYER, and HALL, for having used unnecessary violence towards the animal. The female defendant, who was as fat as a prize ox, was walking one day thi s wee k w i t h h er son, an d the donky through the park, when, probably with the view of promo ting perspiration, she gave the donky a sound rib-roasting. Her son, with an arm of 7 years' pith, also laid on lustily, and the proceeding having attracted the notice of two young ladies named Ross, the daughters of Lady Ross, they called in Youen, and gave him their" oini Certificate as evidence of the cruelty which they conceived had been exercised. The stick was produced, and it appeared to be about the size and thickness of a tailor's yard. • " It's werry false," said the male proprietor, a tall, rough looking costermonger, " to say as my life ill-used the donky. Vy she's got too much respect for the poor dumb hanimal to hact in sich an abrupt sort of way. Let any gemman as is a judge of sitch hanimals look over it, and see if there's a raw or the sign of a vhip on it." The magistrates, on being informed that the donky was at the door, directed that it should be publicly examined. The long-eared witness walked into the office, and iiith a look of profound gravity put his head over the bar. On in spection no marks of violence whatever appeared externally, andit was apparently very flat and sleek. " Lookee there," said the owner, "my donky's in slap up condition, and I takes a pride in keeping on him so. Lod love your worship, he's never walloped more nor vat does him good. He's jist like von of my own family, and as fond of a bit of lark as a babbv. I can't see no difference between him and von of my own." The Bench being of opinion that the outward appear ance of the donky did not indicate general ill-treatment, dismissed the case upon payment of costs. WORSHIP-STREET. Yesterday, a young chimney-sweeper named Henry Windsell, not more than sixteen years of age, was brought before Mr. BENETT, the sitting magistrate, charged with having decoyed from his home a boy only seven years old, named Jeremiah Sandys, under the following cir cumstances Police-constable Cooke, 144 K, about eleven o'clock on the night before was on duty on Stamford-hill, when he saw the prisoner coming along with a little boy, whom he held fast by his arm. After passing by witness, the prisoner turned round and looked very sharp at him. Witness asked him where he was going to take the boy to. He said into the country. Witness then asked him if the boy be longed to him, but received no answer. I then (said wit ness) asked the boy where he came from, in answer to which he said, from the other side London-bridge. I immedi ately told the prisoner I thought he had taken the boy from home unknown to his parents, and in consequence I lodged them both in the station-house, and afterwards informed the father of the discovery I had made. Jeremiah Sandays, the boy alluded to, was seven years of age, and lived with his parents in Peter -street, in the Borough. I was standin g (said the boy) about 11 o'clockon the ni g ht b e f ore at the bottom of the stairs of our house. The prisoner, whom I never saw before, asked me if I would go with him and be a sweep, and_also if I would go then with him to his master ? I said no. He then said he could not take me to his master until the next morning, and said no more. Mr. BENETT—What became of you ? Boy—l re mained at the bottom of the stairs until my father called me for some water, when I returned again to the same spot. The prisoner, who was still there, then said he would not wait for me till morning, and asked me to go with him directly, but I said I would not until the morning. Mr. ,BENETT—What did he say ? Boy—He said I should soon be a good way from home, so that my father could not see us. In half an hour after I went with him. Mr.. BENETT—HOW came you to go—did you wish to go ? Boy—No. Mr. BENETT—Then why go ? Boy—He said his master had plenty of victuals, shoes, and stockings. He persUaded me to go. Mr. BENETT observing that the boy was in a terrible plight, having neither shoes non stockings on, asked his father, who was present, how he came to neglect him so ? The father said be had only been out of St. Thomas's Hospital a week, where he had been confined five months. Mr. BENETT—You would not like to have lost your child to be made a sweep off The father (brushing a tear from his eye)—No, it's my only child, I should have gone distracted. Mr. BENETT—I know it is customary with many masters to find out boys like the prisoner to pick up children, but it is a most dreadful thing, as many families are thrown into misery in consequence, for which reason the law has made it felony. (To the prisoner)—What have you to say ? Mind, you are not obliged to say anything ? Prisoner_ The boy told me that he should like to be a sweep, and that he had asked his mother. Mr. BENETT like the boy)—ls that true ? Boy—l did not say I s hould to be a sweep, but I did ask my father if I might be one, and he said no. Mr. BENETT—Did you tell the prisoner that ? Boy— Yes. He then said, " Never mind, you'll soon be a good way from home, and you'll never see him more ; so come on, added he, we will go to-night." In a few moments af terwards we met another boy about my own age, to whom he said, " - Will you come with us, little boy ? Come, you b— fool, we are going into the country ; you had better do that than stop and be kicked about by your mother." Mr. BENETT—Did the boy go ? Boy—No. Mr. BENETT—The master makes use of this boy, the prisoner, as a cat's-paw, and leaves him to be punished. He is like the receiver of stolen goods, worse than the thief. Brown (an officer of the establishment)—l am sorry to say it, your Worship, but I know it as a fact, that numbers of poor boys are got rid of in this way. Mr. BENETT (to the prisoner)—Who employs you ? Prisoner —Nobody ; I am looking out for employment. Mr. BENETT—I have no doubt he is employed for this purpose. I shall commit him for trial. The parties being all bound over t o prosecute, the pri soner was forthwith committed to Newgate. LIVERPOOL COTTON -MARKET, THURSDAY.-- We have had a heavy cotton-market to-day, but no change in prices. The quantity sold is about 2,500 bales—viz., 50 Pernams, 111 d. ; 120 Maranhams, 11i-d. ; 450 Sawginned gid., and qd. ; 200 B a hi as , 10d. to 1 0 1 d. R est i n from 7d. to 01d. dAimttoe,rica, T HE STORM OF SUNDAY.—The effects of the thunder-storm on Sunday were very severely felt in the neigh bourhood of Kensington Gravel-pits, Notting-hill, Shepherd's bush, &c. About tw e l ve it was most severe, at which time the electric fluid struck the houses Nos. 2 and 3, Notting-hill grove. At No. 2, the residence of Mrs. Taylor, it passed d own t he iron water-pipe as far as the top of the back parlour window, where the iron pipe goes into a wooden one. It then forced in about half a dozen bricks from the right hand corner of the window, into the room, taking with it the shutters and all the wainscotting of that side of the room, completely tore the window-frame out of its place, and broke all the panes of glass in the sashes. It also knocked down the gable-end of a detached kitchen. At No. 3, it struck a chimney at the back of the house, and threw it down on the roof of the detached kitchen, which it knocked completely in. It also passed down the water-pipe, as at No. 2, and entered the parlour by about the middle of the window, and forced the sash weights into the middle of the room. Providentially no person was struck, but the daughter of Mrs. Kirke states that she was in the front parlour, and hearing the crash turned round, and saw the room, as it were, enveloped in flames, which immediately passed out at the door, which luckily stood open. At Shepherd's-bush and all down the road, a number of chimney-pots were thrown down, and the roofs of the houses damaged. of the ellarze her with Godwin—Th ey did not, b ut t h ey threatened tD CIO SO ; or.c of them raised his umbrella against her, she was so violent, and when she quitted them she took hold of my arm. Mr. HosKißs.—Do you know who the gentlemen were? Godwin.—l do not, Sir. Mr. HOSKINS.—Now, mild what you are about to say. I ask you again was she drunk ? Godwin.—She was. Inspector Wiggins here said that Sergeant Crowe was at the station-house when the prisoner was given in charge, and he could speak as to whether she was drunk or sober. Mr. HOSKINS (to Sergeant Crowe).—Was the prisoner drunk ? Crowe.—l think she might have been drinking a little, but she knew very well what she was about. Mr. HosiuNs (to Sergeant Godwin.)—l don't at all like the complexion of this affair, and it appears to me that you have detained her in a manner not at all in accordance with your duty as a policeman. Prisoner--A young woman who was with me, your wor ship, promised me to be here, but she is not come ; she could prove that the sergeant wanted to visit me like a gentleman, in his best suit, and also to take wine with me. Godwin—Upon my sacred oath I did no such thing, and considered that I was only doing my duty by taking her in charge, as she was certainly intoxicated. Mr. Hosxtics (angrily)—l tell you again, Sir, that I don't at all like the appearance of your conduct in this busi ness : and according to the evidence of your Inspector and Sergeant Crowe, she was not in the state you have described. Prisoner—l assure you that I was perfectly sober, and that I am brought here through nothing in the world but spite. Mr. Hosxms—You are discharged, and you can, if you feel yourself aggrieved, lay a proper statement of your case before the Commissioners of Police. The prisoner, on leaving the office, said that she should certainly do so. I' ..: - ..i.. - 7 , ..:-.:. ki; Lil t _ .r.'l; .7:477:ft;e:Y1'15. , , er .:J% - riA t r q.,7);:' This case involves a question of great importance to p: sons becoming sureties upon administration bonds. Sir JoiiN Nlettou this day pronounced judgment as follows :—This matter was argued before me some time since, and was reserved for consideration before a decision was given upon it. Mr. Leake and Mr. Smith have been cited to show cause why an administration bond in which they were sureties, given many years ago, should not be sued at common law and be delivered out for that purpose, and they have appeared under protest stating the circum stances of the case, upon which they submit that the Court should not grant this application. The facts of the case are these :—Mr. Nathaniel Middleton died in November, 1807 ; he left behind him Mrs. Frances Middleton, his widow, and he left besides Mr. Hastings Nathaniel Mid dleton and four other sons and two daughters, and three illegitimate children. One of the latter, then Mrs. Pattle, and now Mrs. Robson, is the person who with the second husband has taken out the present process against the parties. Mr. Leake and Mr. Smith. The deceased, it ap pears, wrote a testamentary paper, dated in 1806 ; it was not signed formally, hut it was all in the deceased's own hand-writing. In that paper the deceased ap pointed his widow executrix and universal legatee in trust. She renounced probate of that paper, and adminis tration with that will annexed was granted to Mr. Hastings Nathaniel Middleton, as curator or guardian of Louisa Ann Middleton, one of the daughters of that marriage,and named in the will as a cestui que trust, and who was at that time a minor of the age of ten or eleven ; and I think that the Court must presume that though such will was neither signed or dated, yet there were sufficient facts laid before the Court to show that that paper was entitled to probate. At all events it was annexed to the administration, and therefore it was the same as i f probate had been taken of it in the common form. Mr. Leake and Mr. Smith joined Mr. Hastings Nathaniel Middleton as his sureties for the faithful administration of the property for which he had taken out administration during the minority of Miss Louisa Ann Middleton, and according to that paper which was so annexed ; and immediately after the administration passed, a declaration instead of an inventory was brought in on the part of Mr. Hastings Nathaniel Middleton. This admi nistration continued in force till November, 1817, which was about ten years. At that time Miss Louisa Ann Mid dleton came of age, and consequently the administration granted during her minority then ceased, after having con tinued this length of time. Whether from there being no effects left, as it was supposed, unadministered, or from some other cause, no new administration was at that time taken by Miss Louisa Ann Middleton, and nothing was then done on the part of the minor, now become of age, or on the part of any of the creditors .of Mr. Nathaniel Middleton, to take any further steps, either to call for a further inventory, or an account of any thing of that kind. No step of that kind was taken upon the expiration of that administration. About four years afterwards, in Novem ber, 1821, Mr. Hastings Nathaniel Middleton died, and he appointed executors, who took probate of his will. One of these executors being still surviving, he th ere f ore has left representatives. But they in like manner have never been in any manner whatever called upon either to exhibit a different inventory, or to make themselves at all accountable for any supposed mal-administratio n on the part of Mr. Hastings Nathaniel Middleton. In May, 1823, about two years after the death of Mr. Hastings Nathaniel Middleton, a process was taken out by Sir Ge rard Noel as a creditor of Nathaniel Middleton, reciting the former administration with the will annexed of 1806, stating that the administration had ceased, that no further administration had been taken, and claiming to have an administration de bonis non granted to him as a creditor ; and he cited Miss Louisa Ann Middleton and the next of kine to show cause why administration should not be granted to him de bonis non, as a creditor of the deceased. That process also appears to have been served upon Mrs. Rob son. In November, 1823, about three months afterwards, a further process was taken out by Sir Gerard Noel to the same effect, and that process was served upon Mrs. Her bert, who was Louisa Ann Middleton. No appearance was given to either of these processes, nor was any mention made, nor any suggestion that the former administration with the will annexed of 1806 had been improperly granted, as far as it went during the minority of Miss Middleton, but merely that it had ceased, and that upon that ground the administration should then be granted to the creditor. But, in 1824, as it appears by the process itself, Mrs. Robson interposed, who had no interest under the will of 1806, nor under an intestacy, because, under the will of 1806, she would not have been entitled to anything ; and under an intestacy she would not have been entitled to anything, because she was an illegitimate daughter ; but she appears to have interposed for the purpose of preventing Sir Gerard Noel . from obtaining administration as a creditor, and she took out a process re citing as the other processes had done, but also adding that the deceased had made a will of 1788, with two codicils annexed to that, and calling upon the next of kin, and among others upon Louisa Ann Middleton, to show cause why administration, with that will annexed, should not be granted to her. No appearance being given, administration was granted with that will annexed. So that there are now, as appears by the records of the Court, two existing grants. The latter grant is with th e ear li er w ill, an d th earlier grant with the latter will ; for the grant with the latter will has not been in any way revoked. There has been no party called upon to propound that paper, or to show cause why the administration of that paper should not be revoked. Nothing of that kind has been done. Under the circum stances, therefore, of the length of time which has expired, and the administration never having been called upon, and the irregularity of this second grant, and the apparent ac quiescence of all the parties in what was done under the first administration, respecting which this bond is given, I think that I cannot take upon me to take the step of allow ing this bond to be sued and to be attended with. And I think under all the circumstances that sufficient cause has been shown why this Court should not take any step for the purpose of putting this bond in motion against the sureties, and therefore I shall dismiss the application. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE, MIDLAND CIRCUIT.—NORTIIAMPTON, JULY 10. ELECTION RlOT.—John Phipps, William Brittain, Sa muel Smirke, Richard Hodges, Joseph Smith, John Anstey, Thomas Morgan. Stephen Pearinan, Andrew Morgan, Felix M'eed, Thomas Harris, George George, and Richard Clarke, were charged with the commission of a riot. John Grims'naw sworn—ln December, 1832, witness kept the Flying Horse in this town. There was an elec tion going on then. On the Monday parties were parad ing the town. Witness had two blue flags at his window flying from the second floor. Saw the Orange party pass several times, and knew the defendant Phipps. He is a brewer, and witness saw him pass with the Orange party on that day. Saw him again on Tuesday. He made a stop at witness's house, and seemed to be beckoning the party to stop. Witness heard him say he would give .50/. to get that flag down. Nothing was done at that time. Tuesday was the day of polling. On Wednesday, between eleven and twelve o'clock, witness heard a noise proceeding apparently from the George Hotel. Saw a crowd of peo ple, and stones flying very fast. Witness ran to his own house and called to fasten the gates. When witness got to his house the gates were shut. There were a great many persons about the premises, who had taken refuge there. There was a large crowd outside the street. Heard his windows smash. Witness ran into the parlour to save some china on the sideboard. When he got into the par lour the stones were pitched in so fast that he was obliged to make an immediate retreat without effecting his pur pose. Witness then ran to the second floor. Locked the passage door on the first floor to prevent the people follow ing up. Shortly after, witness h ear d th e d oor at t h e f oot of the floor broken open, and people came up stairs. Wit ness saw Samuel Smirke, also Hodges and a score or two ; they began to smash all the furniture with bludgeons. Wit ness seized Smirke. Hodges was also taken into custody. His LORDSIIIP summed up, and the Jury brought in a verdict of Guilty against John Anstey, George George, Joseph Smith, Samuel Smirke, bleed, and Morgan ; and Not Guilty as to Phipps, Brittain, Clarke, and Pearman ; when S. Smarke, Richard Hodges, and Joseph Smith, were sentenced to one month's imprisonment and hard labour; and the others to a week's imprisonment and hard labour. HOME CIRCUIT.-HERTFORD, JLLY 11. Lord Chief Justice TINDAL has been engaged nearly the whole of the day in trying an action on the case for the obstruction of the lights of a malting-house, and at the moment of sending away our report was proceeding with an action brought by Mr. Patmore, the editor of the Court Journal, against Mr. Nicholson, the solicitor in this town, for a sum of money in remuneration of his services as editor of a weekly Tory paper, called the County Press. CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE.) William Baker was indicted for the felonious embezzle ment of 38/., the proceeds of a check intrusted to him by Baron Dimsdale. The prisoner, who was a brewer in Hertford, had been admitted to bail, and now surrendered for trial. The jury returned a verdict of Acquittal. John Gliddon Clark, a boy aged 14, was indicted for manslaughter. The prisoner and the deceased, a boy of the name of Saward, were playing with others in May last in this town, when they began hustling each other. The prisoner was teased and set upon by the rest, who called him " T a ff y, " and, as he att empte d to s h ow i n exa mination, his head was pushed into a gutter. At the same time he had a knife in his hand, and was throwing his bands about, when th e de ceased fell, compl a ini n g he was wounded in the breast. He . , 7=2:7 gave tho o, good charoiner. fo , mel him Cl...lilts-, ttettir4jr;l'. 4 him to mercy - .---Sentence deferred. - •• • , A • ;WESTERN CIRCUIT, WINCHESTER, JeLY 10. The Commission for holding the Assizes for the CO of Southampton was opened in this city this evening, about six o'clock, by Mr. Justice PATTESON. Lord Denman i 3 not expected to arrive here before two o'clock to-morron', but the Court is adjourned to twelve o'clock. The calen ds ' is not of a very he av y d escr i p ti on : i t conta i ns t h e na mes ° I , thirty-two prisoners, three of whom are charged with the, crime of arson. It i s ex p ec t e d th a t t h e part i es against whom a verdict of manslaughter was returned, in referenc e to the fight at And over , w ill surren d er , an d ta k e th e ir trial during the present assizes. The business on the law sid e will be heavy. The country is in a complete ferment 8 5 regards the resignation of the Ministers. The coaclies.are besieged by persons anxiously inquiring as to the neW Administration, and persons are speculating upon the U . certainty of many of the present members being again re; turned, in the event of a di sso l u ti on o f P ar li amen t, an their different votes are being canvassed with great feeling by those who take an interest in county or city politics. • - ATLY 11. This morning, at nine o'clock, Mr. Justice Patteson at' tended divine service at the Cathedral. The pugilists are in the town, but I do not think their trial will take place before Monday. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. TREATY BETWEEN HIS MAJESTY, THE QUEEN REGENT OF SPAIN, DURING THE MINORITY OF HER DAUGHTER, D 0 .044 ISABELLA THE SECOND, QUEEN OF SPAIN, THE KING OF THE FRENCH, AND VIE DUKE OF BRAGANZA, REGENT 01. THE KINGDOM OF PORTUGAL AND THE ALGARyEs, IN TO NAME OF THE QUEEN DONNA MARIA, THE SECOND. ( Signed at London, April 22, 1834.) Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, during the mina rity of her daughter, Donna Isabella 11., Queen of Spain, an d his Imperial Majesty the Duke of Braganza, Regent of the kingdom of Portugal and of the Algarves, in the name o f the Queen Donna Maria 11., being impressed with a deep consie tion that the i n t eres t s o f t h e two C rowns, and the security f their respective dominions, require the immediate and vigorous exertion of their joint efforts to put an end to hostilities, whi ch ' though directed in the first instance against the throne of her Most Faithful Majesty, now afford shelter and support to dis affected and rebellious subjects of the Crown of Spain ; an d their Majesties being desirous, at the same t me, to provide the necessary means for restoring to the subjects of each the bless' ings of internal peace, and to confirm, by mutual good offices , the friendship which they are desirous of establishing , and menting between their respective states, they have come to th! determination of uniting their forces, in order to compel thr, Infant Don Carlos of Spain, and th e I n f ant D on M i gue l . o' Portugal, to withdraw from the Portuguese dominions. In consequence of this ag re e men t, t h e i r M a j est i es the Ite' gents have addressed themselves to their Majesties the Kill of the United Ki ng d om o f G reat B r i ta i n an d I re l and, an d the King of the French ; and their said Majesties, considering t.b il interest they must al wa y s t a k e i n t h e secur i ty of the Spans monarchy, and being further animated by the most anxious de' sire to assist in the establishment of peace in the Peninsula_, well as in every other part of E uro p e ; an d hi s Britannic M; jesty considering, moreove r , th e spec i a l o bli gat i ons ar i s i ng out of his ancient alliance with Portugal, their Majesties have con sented to become parties to the proposed engagement. Their Majesties have therefore named as their plenipotew tiaries, that is to say : His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Grea t Britain and Ireland, the Right H on . H enry John V i sco unt Palmerston, Baron Temple, a P eer o f Ireland, a Member t his Britannic - Majesty's Most Hon. Privy Council, 'Knigh t Grand Cross of the M os t H on . O r d er o f t h e B ath, a Mein r of Parliament, and his Principal Secretary of State for F° - reign Affairs. Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, during the wil e " rity of her daughter, Donna Is. belle 11., Queen of Spai n ' Don Manuel Pand o , F ernan d ez d e Pi ne d o , Al ava, y , Marquis de Miraflores, Count of Villapaterna, and of Florida blanca, Lord of Villagarcia, a Grandee of Spain, Grand Cross of the Royal and distinguished Order of Charles 111., a nd her Catholic Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister ner d " potentiary to His Britannic Majesty. His Majesty the King of the French, the Sieur Chariee Maurice de Talleyrand-Perigord, Prince-Duke de Talley' rand, Peer of France, His said Majesty's Ambassador Extra prdinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to His Britannic hia jesty, Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour, Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece, Grand Cross of the Order of St. Stephen of Hungary, of the Order of St. Andrew, of toe Order of the Black Eagle, &c. And His Imperial Majesty the Duke of Braganza, Regen t of the Kingdom of Portugal and the Algarves, in the name of the Queen Donna Maria IL, the Sieur Christopher P e ter de Moraes Sarmento, a Member of the Council of Her Mos Faithful Majesty, Nobleman, Knight of the Royal Howe,' Commander of the O r d er o f O ur L ady of the Conception 01 Villa Viciosa, Knight of the Order of Christ, and Her Mkt Faithful Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni' potentiary to His Britannic Majesty. Who have agreed upon the following articles : Article I.—His Imperial Majesty the Duke of Bragann a ' Regent of the kingdom of Portugal and the Algarves in the name of the Queen Donna Maria 11., engages to use all the means in his power to compel the Infant Don Carlos to with draw from the Portuguese dominions. 2. Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain during the minority of her daughter, Isabella 11., Queen of Spain, being, hereby requested and i nv it e d thereto by his Imperial Majesty the Duke of Braganza, Regent in the name of the Quel Donna Maria 11. ; an d h av i ng moreover received just and grave cause of complaint against the Infant Don Miguel, by the countenance and support given by him to the Pretende r to the Spanish crown , engages to cause such a body of Spanish troops as may hereafter he agreed upon between the two parties to enter the Portuguese territories, in order to co' operate with the troops of her Most Faithful Majesty, for th e purpose of compelli ng th e I n f ants, Don Carlos of Spain, and Don Miguel of Portugal, to withdraw from the Portuguese dominions. And her Majesty the Queen Regent of spa.' further engages, that these troops shall be maintained at the expense of Spain, and without any charge to Portugal ;, th e said Spanish troops being nevertheless received and treated in all other respects in the same manner as the troops of her Most Faithful Majesty ; a n d h er M a j esty the Queen Regen t engages that her troops shall withdraw from the Portugues e territory as soon as the above-mentioned object of the expul' sion_of the Infants shall have been accomplished, and whe n the presence of those troops in Portugal shall no longer ?' required by his Imperial Majesty, the Duke Regent in to e name of the Queen Donna Maria 11. 3. His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Grea t Britain and Ireland engages to co-operate, by the employmen t of a naval force, in aid of the operations to be undertaken in conformity with the engagements of this treaty, by th e troops of Spain and Portugal. 4. If the co-operation of France should be deemed neeeS" sary by the high contracting parties, for the complete attain ment of the object of this treaty, his Majesty the King of the French engages to do, in this respect, whatever might he settled by common consent between himself and his three au' gust allies. 5. It is agreed between the high contracting parties, that in pursuance of the stipulations c on t a i ne d i n t h e f orego i ng a P ticks, a declarati on shall be immediately issued, announcing to the Portuguese nation the principles and object of the en gagements of this treaty. And his Imperial Majesty the Duke Regent, in the name of the Queen Donna Maria 11., animated by a sincere desire to obliterate all remembrance of the past' and to unite around the throne of her Most Faithful Majesty the whole of that nation over which the will of Divine Prowi dence has called her to reign, declares his intention to pro claim, at the same time, a complete and general amnesty favour of all such of the subjects of her Most Faithful Majesty as shall, within within a time to be specified, return to them allegiance ; and his Imperial Majesty the Duke Regent, in the name of Queen Donna Maria 11., also declares his intention to secure to the Infant Don Miguel, on his retiring f r om the Spanish and Portuguese dominions, a provision suitable to hilt birth and rank. 6. Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, during the minority of he daughter, Donna Isabella 11., Queen of Spai n , hereby declares her intention t o secure to the Infant Du" Carlos, on his retiring from the Spanish and Portuguese do' minions, a provision suitable to his birth and rank. 7. The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratification s shall be exchanged at London in one month from this date, or sooner if possible. In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries hal e signed the same, and have affixed thereto the seals o f their arms. Lo D rd on l e B3 at 4. London, the 22d day of April, i n t h e year o f or PALMERSTON. MIRAFLORES. TALLEYRAND. C. P. DE MORAES SARMENTO• 1311?711s. On the 3d inst., at Ramsgate, the lady of P. A. Browne, Esq" of a son. On the 9th inst., at Westonbi r t, Gl oucestershire, the lady Robert B. Hale, sq., of a son. On the 9th inst., in the 'Wandsworth -road, Mrs. Edward Bido of a daughter. • MARRIAGES. On the 10th inst., Samuel Haines, Esq., of Tavistock-place, to Ann, daughter of the late Major Kitchin, of the Hon. East 1 0 ' Company's Service. On the Bth inst., at Brighton, by the Venerable Archdeac on Webber, H enry P ooley, Esq., Royal Engineers, to Alicia Abner* youngest daughter of Sir D. Latimer T. Widdrington, DEATH'S. On the 6th inst., Mr. William Lawrence, late of Serle's Coffee' house, Carey -street, Lincoln's Inn, aged 51. On the 10th inst., in Charlotte-street, Bedford square, g enii William, infant son of Henry Moxon, E sq . , On the 6th inst., in Rutland-stre e t, Eli 2a b et h , w i fe of IW' Ebbs, aged 69. On the 7th inst., at Margate, aged 29, the wife of Mr. F. S?je ti of Trinity-square, Tower-hill, and daughter of Mr. W. J. Robe Royal Hotel, Calais. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG' at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand. v 1 ~•"'r T}