The Sun. — London, England, 1861-01-28 00:00:00

THE NAVY. The Emt raid, 51, screw, will be completed by the 28th i o st. The He ro, 91, screw, will have her defects made good at I )evonport by the 2d of February next. The Geyser, 6, paddle, Commander C. M. Jack eon, arr;Lved at Portsmouth on Saturday, with supernumeraries from the eastward, and sailed again the same day for the westward. The aradoc, 2, iron paddle steamer, Lieut.-Com mander Charles M. Buckle, arrived at Spithead on Saturday, from the Mediterranean, and sailed again in the afternoon for Woolwich, it is supposed to pay off. The following are her dates :—Sailed from Malta, Jan. 12. Arrived in the Tunis bay on the 13th, and sailed again on the 14th. Arrived at Gibraltar on the 18th, and sailed on the 19th, arriving in the Tagus on the 20th, and sailing again on the 22d. The Cossack, 20, screw, Capt. R. Moorman, was docked on Saturday at Portsmouth for overhaul and repairs. The Vindictive sailing frigate was towed from Portsmouth Dockyard on Saturday to Messrs. White's yard at Cowes for conversion to a coal depot. We regret to hear that Commander M'Killop, commanding her Majesty's steamer Bulldog, fitting out at Portsmouth for Channel service, was severely injured on board his vessel on Saturday by a gaff falling from aloft and striking him on the head. The gallant officer was at once removed to the Royal Naval Hospital at Hasler, where his injuries were attended to. The trials of the engines of the gunboats Trin culo, Heron, mid Delight, last week, at Devonport, were satisfactory. The screw of the screw steam-corvette Satellite, 21, Capt Prevost, were paid off at Devonport on Sa turday, She Was commissioned there in 1856. The ship will be temporarily placed in the second divi sion of steam ordinary. She is in fair condition. That portion of thu Channel squadron stationed at Plymouth is still lying snug for the winter, with lower yards and topmasts struck. The iron screw steam troopship Megsera, Corn. Henderson, from Woolwich, with draughts of royal artillerymen, arrived in Plymouth Sound on Satur day afternoon, on the way to Gibraltar. The coal vessel was immediately sent to her, and as soon as she is coaled will proceed to the Mediterranean. The Trincomalee, 24, Commander T. Heard, having completed fitting for the naval reserve at Sunderland will, according to present arrange_ ments, be towed this morning from Chatham to that port by the paddlewheel steamer Geyser, 6, Commander G. M. Jackson, which will arrive at Chatham, from the westward, with Royal Marines, for head-quarters. Her Majesty's screw steam frigate Ariadne, 26 guns, 300-horse power, arrived at Sheerness on Satur day, and embarked 450 men and 60 women belonging to the Tipperary Artillery Militia, under the charge of Capts. Quin and Pedder and four subal terns. The Ariadne sailed the same afternoon for Queenstown. It is expected that the remainder of the men of this regiment, with the head-quarters, will shortly leave Sheerness. The dock labourers at Woolwich yesterday com menced laying down the ways in preparation for launching her Majesty's 51, screw steam-frigate Bristol, nearly completed. The launch is ordered to take place on the 12th of February next. The total number of hired and supernumerary artisans and labourers ordered to be discharged from Chatham Dockyard amounts to nearly 800 men, being nearly the whole of the additional hands taken on at that establishment during the busy period which occurred a few years since. Of this number 340 are hired shipwrights, and the remainder arti sans of various callings, and labourers. By direc tion of the Lords of the Admiralty each man is to receive a month's notice before being discharged. The first discharge of the hired men will commence on Feb. 25, and be continued weekly until May 25, by which date the whole number ordered will have left the establishment. Their lordships have given directions for the railway fare of each man discharged to be paid for him from Chatham to the town to which he belongs, but as most of the me chanics are married men with families, a great ex pense will be entailed on them, unless the Admi ralty also pay the fares for the wives and children, the cost of which will not be cansiderable. Instructions have been received from the Admi ralty by the authorities of Sheerness Dockyard to reduce the number of hired workmen employed in the yard, the reduction to commence on the 23d of February and to terminate on the 25th of May. The number of men to be discharged is as follows: —3l joiners, 8 sawyers, 40 smiths, 16 millwrights, 23 labourers, 208 shipwrights, and 27 caulkers, making altogether a total of 425 men. The instructions are that 36 men shall be discharged weekly, of when 15 will be shipwrights. The men as they are discharged to have travelling expenses to their respective residences. With reference to the application received from Mrs. Kynaston requesting a contradiction of our statement, given on Monday last, as to Clifford's patent boat-lowering gear being in general use in her Majesty's ships of war, we are enabled to an nounce that, from inquiries carefully instituted at Woolwich, it has been ascertained that the number of ships fitted at that dockyard with Clifford's and Kynaston's gear are found to be at the rate of 20 to Lin favour of the former. Lieut.-Commander Robtxt H. Burton, of her Majesty's ship Triton, just paid off at Woolwich, asserts in confirmation of the above statement, that during hi' commission on the west coast of Africa, since the year 1857, ho never once fell in with or heard of a vessel on that coast fitted with any patent boat-lowering gear except that of Clifford, which is there and elsewhere in general use ; and he adds, with a view to benefit the service, that "this method of lowering boats was constantly used by him at all speeds from 6 to 11 knots per hour, that on all occasions it worked admirably, and that he cannot speak too highly in its favour." He further adds " that he should be neglecting his duty to himself and crew if he ever left England in command of any ship without making application for the fitment of Clifford's boat-lowering gear on board." The following appointments were made on Sa turday at the Admiralty :—Commander G. W. Watson, to the Princess Royal ; Lieut. H. T. Mars den to the Meander ; Lieut. T. K. Hudson, to the Immortalite ; Lieut. M. B. Medlycott, to the Racoon; Lieut. E. St. J. Daniel, to the Victor Emmanuel ; Lieut. W. L. Martin, to the London ; Lieut. W. J. Walker, to the Queenl; Lieut. C. H. Murphy, to the Cressy ; George B. Bedford, naval cadet, to the Ariadne ; Edwin Boulton, chief engi neer, to the Princess Royal ; John Snell, first class assistant-engineer, to the Princess Royal; W. R. Donald, promoted to the rank of first class assist-engineer, and appointed to the Fisgard for service in the Eclipse ; Alfred Mason, promoted to the rank of first class assist.-engineer, and ap pointed to the Asia as supernumerary ; James 0 . Barrow, second class assist•engineer, to the Prin cess Royal ; William P. Guyer, promoted to the rank of second class engineer in the Narcissus ; Henry W. It. Pellew and John Leigh, acting third class assist.-engineer to the Princess Royal; Ste phen Judd, third class assist.-engineer, to the Asia, for charge to the Blazer ; W. Harris, acting third class aasist..engincer, to the Fisgard for service in the Bustler; C. A. Shapcote, paymaster additional, to the Indus ; and 0. V. Grugelier, as2istepaymas• ter, to the Victory as supernumery. ARMY. The following announcements were made in a general regimental order, dated 24th inst., issued by the Deputy Adjutant-General of the Royal Ar tillery, Col. C. Bingham:-11is Royal - Highness the General Commanding-in-Chief has appointed the following officers and non-commissioned officers to be instructors and assistant-instructors in gunnery —To be instructors, Horse Brigade, Lieut. Tupper; bth Brigade, Capt. J. R. Glanville; 6th Bri ga d e, Lieut. J. R. King. To be assistant -instructors, .--nstructo rs , Borse Brigade, Sergts. G. Ripley and E. Spicer ; Ist Brigade, Sergts. J. Hanson and J. Weeks ; 3d Brigade, Sergt. J. Kelly; sth Brigade, Sergts. J. Donnelly and Wm. Rowley; Bth Brigade, Sergt. James Watts; 9th Brigade, Sergeant John Wilkie and Corporal Alexander Abernethy; 10th Brigade, Sergeant Sohn Cartmill ; Depot Brigade, Cor poral Fred. Beck, vice Dawes, resigned. The fol lowing removals of brigades have been ordered, viz. the Ist Brigade, from Woolwich to Gibraltar; sth, from Gibraltar to Plymouth ; and 3d, from Ply mouth to Woolwich: Lieut. Charles Molony has been appointed to superintend the proof of ordnance at Elswick factory ; Lieut. 0. H. Goodenough of the 15th Brigade, has been appointed to the Company of Gentleman Cadets, vice Gilmour, promoted; Second Capt. Thomas Henry Pitt, from the supernumerary list, to be Second Capt., vice Brabazon, deceased ; Lieut. C. Dalrymple Gilmour, to be Second Capt., vice Noble, who resigns ; Lieut. P. C. Whalley, of the Ist Brigade, is raised to' increased pay therein, vice Gilmour; Lieut. T. B. Tyler, of the 4th Bri gade, is raised to increased pay therein, vice Guille, deceased. The following transfers of officers have been ordered, viz :—Lieut. E. T. Warry, from No. 1 Battery,sth Brigade, to No. 8 Battery, let Brigade; Lieut. H. G. Palmer, from No. 3 Battery, Ist Bri gade, to No. 5 Battery, 7th Brigade; and Lieut. C. Jones from No. 5 to No. 6 Battery, 7th Brigade. His Royal Highness the General Commanding-in- Chief desires, until further notice, that discharges of soldiers by purchase from the Royal Artillery be suspended, except under very special circumstances. The 32d Company of Royal Engineers, which was some time since placed under orders to embark for St. Helena, to be employed in the erection of addi tional defences for that island, has been augmented to 80 non-commissioned officers and men, from the companies and detachments now at headquarters, and this, with 20 men of the Royal Engineers now doing duty at St. Helena, who will be attached to the company on its arrival in that island, will make its strength the requires number of 100 men of all ranks. The 32d Company has undergone the usual medical inspection, in order that none but men in good health and capable of undertaking the dative on which they will be engaged may be sent out to St. Helena. Everything has been prepared for the embarkation, end the company is ready to leave Chatham at a few hours' notice. The officers who proceed with the 32d to St. Helena are Capt. D. A. Frazer and Lieut. C. A. Lyon-Campbell. The 2d Company of Royal Engineers is expected to arrive at head-quarters from Gibraltar during the present week, and quar ters have been prepared for them at Brompton Barracks. The 2d Company has been absent from England six years, and has been relieved at Gib - raltar by the 27th (Capt. A. W. Durnford's) Com pany. The 15th brigade of Royal Ai tillety, under the command of Col. Franklyn, C. 8., are under orders to move from their present station at Gosport; six batteries under Col. Franklin proceeding to Pem broke, two batteries under Lieut.-Col. Dixon, V.C., to Alderney, and two batteries to Kinsale, to re lieve the Northumberland Military Artillery, under orders for disembodiment. The examination of candidates for direct commis sions, before Major-Gen. Rumley, vice-president and the members of the Council of Military Educa tion, will commence to day at the Royal Hospital, Chelsea, and will occupy six days, terminating on Saturday next. .A general parade of the officers and men of the Royal Marines Light Infantry now at head-quar ters, Chatham, took place yesterday morning, prior to the battalion attending Divine service, for the purpose of witnessing the ceremony of decorating five non-commissioned officers of the corps with silver medals, which, together with gratuities vary ing in amount, had been presented them by the Lords Commissioners of the Adtr;ralty, for long service and meritorious conduct. The battalion having been formed into square, with ,the non commissioned officers to be decorated ranged in front, the adjutant read the official documents from the Admiralty directing the distribution, their lord ships ordering the name of each of the recipients to be affixed to the church and chapel doors of the parish to which he belongs. Colonel-Commandant Rea then advanced to the front, and, addressing the division under his command, said it was his most pleasing duty to present to the non-commis sioned officers they saw before them medals for their good conduct and long service. When he spoke of long service he might point to the fact that each of the non-commissioned officers then to be decorated had see ved upwards of twenty years without having committed any offence, and when a man had done that he was deserving of everything he could get in the shape of rewards. It was often the case in the army that a man might succeed in getting a medal for distinguishing himself in some act of gallantry without being at all remarkable for his steadiness of conduct, but no man could serve upwards of 20 years without a stain on his charac ter unless there were something in him. The medals he was about to present would be certifi cates of good conduct to each of the men as long as they lived, and, although the breast of one of the non-commissioned officers was already covered with four medals, this additional medal was by no means the least important. He only hoped that the dis tribution of the honours that day would be the means of stimulating every man on the parade ground td strive to do his best, and to faithfully perform his duty to the Crown. Colonel Rea then fastened the medal to the breast of each of the non-commissioned officers, at the same time sishing them long life to exhibit their well earned eertificates of good conduct. Sergeant Frederick Vanderkiste, the first decorated, has been no less than 32 years in the corps of Royal Marines, 11 of which he has been a non-commissioned officer ; he receives a gratuity of £l5. Provost-Serg. John Turner has been upwards of 22 years in the service, 16 of which he has been a non-commissioned officer; he is decorated with the Crimean medal with clasps for 13alaklava and Sebastopol, two medals for actions in Syria, and the Turkish Crimean medal ; he also receives a gratuity of 1:15. Serg. Wm. Jeffries has been 26 years in the Royal Marines, and 23 years a non-commissioned officer ; he is in receipt of the good-conduct medal and an annuity of £lO, and also the Syrian medal. Colour-Serg. John Alexander has been upwards of 21 years' service, 17 of which he has, been a non-commissioned officer. Lance- Corporal Wm. Clarringbould has served 21 years in the Royal Marines, and receives a gratuity of £5. [ADVERTISEIOINT.—Out of 50,000 cures without medi cine, by Du Barry's delicious Reralenta Arabica Food, we quote a few :—Cure No. 71, of dyspepsia the Right Hon. the Lord Stuart de Decies. Cure No. 49,832.—" Fifty years indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness at the stomach and vomiting, have been removed by Du Barry's excellent food.—Maria Joly, Wortham Ling, near Dies, Norfolk." Curo No. 4,208.—" Eight years dyspep sia, nervousness, debility, with cramps, spasms, nausea, for which my servant had consulted the advice of many, have been cured by Du Barry's health restoring food.—Rev. John W. Flavell, Ridlington Rectory, Norfolk." No. 32,836. Three years excessive nervousness, with pains in my neck and left arm, and general debility, which ren dered my life very miserable, has been radically removed by Dn Barry's health restoring food.—Alex.Stuart. Avoid Pills and Medicines : they invariably aggravate and peipetuate diseases ; their annoyance, disappointment, and expense may be avoided by using Du Barry's Food which, at a few pence per day, saves be times its cost in other remedies!, removing effectually, without purging, constipation, indigestion (dyspepsia) nervous, bilious and liver complaints and all their consequences. Certificate No. 36,418. W e find it the safest remedy. Andrew Ure, MI)., F.R.S., Dr Harvey, Dr. Wurzer, Dr. Shorland, Dr. Campell. Let invalid s avo id the fearful dangers of spu rious and injurious imitation s offered under a variety of 1 false pretences. Nevill's imitation s are p ro hibit e d by th e 1 high Court of Chancery under a penalty of £5,000 against Alfred Hooper Nevill and his agents -, and the pretences that Novill has a patent for Arabiza Food and that Du Barry's are connected with such patent are utterly fake. , No canister is genuine without the name Barry Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, in full, ontheseal and wrapper. Shopkeepers who attempt imposition in one article must expect to be distrusted in all others. Packed in tins lib. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d. ; 51b. 1 le. ; 121 b. 225. ; 241 b. 40s. The 121 b. and 241 b. canisters aro sent carriage free on receipt of Post-office order by Barry Du Barry and Co., 77, Re gent-street, London ; Fortnum Mason, and Co. ; Abbit, 60, Grac,echurch-street • ' 4, Cheapside ; 63 and 150 , Ox bard-street ; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 and 60, Bishopsgate street •, Batty, 16, Finsbury Pavement ; Phillips and Co. tea-dealers; Petty, Wood, and Co., King William-stree,t 'City ; at 127, High Holborn ; and all grocers. [ADVERTISBMENT.]—IfoIIoway's Ointment and Pills. — Derivative Remedies.—Where all important vital organs become disordered it is of momentous importance to draw the cause of disease elsewhere where it can be borne with less mischief. Hence, in chest complaints, blisters are fre quently ordered as derivatives of disease from the lungs , but their derivative power is far excelled by rubbing Hol loway's Ointment upon the back and chest. Its effect is speedy and permanent, without the annoyance and pain of blistering. Holloway's Pills should likewise be taken. They regulate respiration and expel impurities. These two potent remedies, if aptly applied according to their ao e:zepanying instructions, would removepeotoral complaints from their preaent prominent position in the weekly raor tali% 4 olzare raAch distress in familio, —..i.....•,J,, THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 28, 1861 society is safety or security, for which, if need be, they will, and they must sacrifice every other. Foreign wars come from either violations of treaties or domestic violence. The Union has, thus far, proved itself an almost perfect shield against such wars. The United States, continually enlarging their diplomatic acquaintance, have now treaties with France, the Netherlands, Great Britain, Swe den, Prussia, Spain, Russia, &e. If the Union should be divided into only two confederacies, each of them would need to make as many treaties as we have now; and, of course, would be liable to give as many causes of war as we now do. I will not descend so low as to ask whether new confederacies would be able or willing to bear the grievous expense of maintaining the diplomatic relations which cannot be dispensed with except by with drawing from foreign commerce. Our Federal Government is better able to avoid giving just causes of war than several confederacies, because it can conform the action of all the States to compacts. The United States, being a great and formidable power, can always secure favourable and satisfactory treaties. Indeed, every treaty we have was voluntarily made. Small confederacies or states must take such treaties as they can get, and give whatever treaties are exacted. A humiliating or even an unsatisfactory treaty is a chronic cause of foreign war. The chapter of wars resulting from unjustifiable causes would, in case of a divi sion, amplify itself in proportion to the number of new confederacies and their irritability. This Government not only gives fewer causes of war, whether just or unjust, than smaller confederacies would, but it always has a greater ability to accom modate them by the exercise of more coolness and courage, the use of more various and more liberal means, and the display, if need be, of greater force. Mr. President, no one will dispute our forefathers' maxim, that the common safety of all is the safety of each of the States. In addition to the many treaties which each must make with foreign Powers, and the causes of war which they would give by violating them, each of the confederacies must also maintain treaties with all the others, and so be liable to give them frequent offence. If, indeed, it were necessary that the Union should be broken up, it would be in the last degree important that the new confederacies to be formed should be nearly as possible equal in strength and power, that mutual fear and mutual respect might inspire them with caution against mutual offence. But such equality could not long be maintained; one confederacy would rise in the scale of political importance, and the others would view it thenceforward with envy and apprehension. Jealousies would bring on fre quent and retaliatory wars. If, however, we grant to the new confederacies an exemption from compli cations among each other and with foreign States, still there is too much reason to believe that not one of them could long maintain a Republican form of government. Universal suffrage and the absence of a standing army are essential to the republican system. The world has yet to see a single self-sustaining state of that kind, or even any confederation of such states, except our own. The disunion movement arises partly cut of a dispute over the common domain of the United States. Hitherto the Union has confided this controversy within the bounds of political debate by referring it, with all other national ones, to the arbitrament of the ballot-box. Does any one suppose that dis union would transfer the whole domain to either party, or that any other umpire than war would, after dissolution, be invoked ? This movement arises, in another view, out of the relation of African slaves to the domestic population of the country. Freedom is to them, as to all mankind, the chief object of desire. Hitherto under the operation of the Union, they have practically remained ignorant of the controversy, especially of its bearing on themselves. Can we hope that flagrant civil war shall rage among ourselves in their very presence, and yet that they will remain stupid and idle spectators? The opinions of man kind change, and with them the policies of nations. One hundred years ago all the commercial European States were engaged in transferring negro slaves from Africa to this hemisphere. 2'o-day all those States are firmly set in hostility to the extension and even to the practice of slavery. If dissolution prevail what guarantee shall there be against the full development here of the fearful and uncompro mising hostility to slavery which elsewhere pervades the world, and of which the recent invasion of Virginia was an illustration ! I have designedly dwelt so long on the probable effects of disunion upon the safety of the American people as to leave me little time to consider the other evils which must follow in its train. But, practically, the loss of safety involves every other form of public calamity. When once the guardian angel has taken flight, everything is lost. Dis solution would not only arrest, but extinguish the greatness of our country. Even if separate confe deracies could exist and endure, they could seve rally preserve no share of the common prestige of the Union. No petty confederacy that shall follow the United States can prolong, or even renew, the majestic drama of national progress. Perhaps it is to be arrested because its sublimity is incapable of continuance. Let it be so, if we have indeed become degenerate. After Washington and the inflexible Adams, Henry and the peerless Hamilton, Jefferson and the majestic Clay, Webster and the acute Cal houn, Jackson, the modest Taylor, and Scott, who rises in greatness under the burden of years, and Franklin, and Fulton, and Whitney, and Morse, have all performed their parts, let the curtain fall! While listening to these debates I have sometimes forgotten myself in marking their contrasted effects upon the page who customarily stands on the dais before me, and the venerable secretary who sits be hind him. The youth exhibits intense but pleased emotion in the excitement, while at every irreverent word that is uttered against the Union the eyes of the aged man are suffused with tears. Let him weep no more. Rather rejoice, for yours has been a lot of rare felicity. You have seen and been a part of all the greatness of your country, the towering national greatness of all the world. Weep only you and weep with all the bitterness of anguish, who are just stepping on the threshold of life, for that greatness perishes prematurely and exists not for you, nor for me, nor for any that shall come after us. The public prosperity! how could it survive the storm ? Its elements are industry in the culture of every fruit; mining of all the metals; commerce at home and on every sea ; material improvement that knows no obstacle and has no end; invention that ranges throughout the domain of nature ; increase of knowledge as broad as the human mind can ex plore; perfection of art as high as human genius can reach, and social refinement working for the renovation of the world. How could our successors prosecute these noble objects in the midst of brutalising civil conflict ? What guarantees will capital invested for such purposes have that will outweigh the premium offered by political and military ambition ? What leisure will the citizen find for study, or invention, or art, under the reign of conscription—nay, what interest in them will society feel when fear and hate shall have taken possession of the national naiad ? Let the miner in California take heed, for its golden wealth will be come the prize of the nation that can comtnaad the most iron. Let the borderer take care, for the Indian will again lurk around his dwelling. Let the pioneer come back into our denser settlements, for the railroad, the post road, and the telegraph advance not one furlong further into the wilderness. With standing armies consuming the substance of our people on the land, and our navy and our postal steamers withdrawn from the ocean, who will pro tect or respect, or who will even know by name our party confederacies ? The American man-of-war is a noble spectacle. I have seen it enter an ancient port in the Mediterranean. All the world wondered at it, and talked of it. Salvos of artillery from forts and shipping in the harbour saluted its flag. Princes and princesses and merchants paid it homage, and all people blessed it as a harbinger of hope for their own ultimate freedom. I imagine now the same noble vessel again entering the same haven. The flag of 33 stars and 13 stripes has been hauled down, and in its place a signal is run up which flaunts the device of a lone star or a palmetto tree. Men ask, " Who is the stranger that thus steals into our water ?" The answer contemptuously given 31R SEWARD ON THE STATE OF THE UNION. Mr. Seward said, in the United States' Senate on the 12th,—Mr. President, Congress adjourned last summer amid auspices of national abundance, con tentment, tranquillity, and happiness. It was re assembled this winter in the presence of derange ment of business and disturbance of public as well as private credit, and in the face of seditious com binations to overthrow the Union. The alarm is appalling, for union is not more the body than liberty is the soul of the nation. The American citizen has been accustomed to believe the Republic immortal. He shrinks from the sight of convul sions indicative of its sudden death. The report of our condition has gone over the seas, and we, who have so long, and with much complacency, studied the endless agitations of society in the Old World, believing ourselves exempt from such disturbances, now, in our turn, seem to be falling into a momen tous and disastrous revolution. I know how diffi cult it is to decide, amid so many and so various counsels, what ought to be, and even what can be done. Certainly, however, it is time for every senator to declare himself. I think it easy to pro nounce what measures or conduct will not save the Union. The Union cannot be saved by mutual criminations concerning our respective share of re sponsibility for the present evils. He whose con science acquits him will naturally be slow to accuse others whose co-operation he needs. History only can adjust the great account. A continuance of the debate on the constitutional power of Congress over the subject of slavery in the territories will ' not save the Union. The opinions of parties and sections on that question have become dogma tical, and it is this circumstance that has pro duced the existing alienation. A truce, at least dur ing the debate on the Union, is essential to reconci liation. The Union cannot be saved by proving that secession is illegal or unconstitutional. Persons bent on that fearful otop will not stand long enough on forms of law to be dislodged; and loyal men do not need such narrow ground to stand upon. I fear that little more will be gained from discussing the right of the Federal Government to coerce seceding States into obedience. If disunion is to go on, this question will give place to the more practical one, whether many seceding States have a right to coerce the remaining members to acquiesce in a dissolution. I dread, as in my innermost soul I abhor, civil war. I do not know what the Union would be worth if saved by the use of the sword. Yet, for all this, I do not agree with those who, with a desire to avert that great calamity, athise a conventional or un oppo3ed gel:le - ration, with a view to what they call a reconstruction. It is enough for me, first, that in this plan destruction goes before reconstruction; end, secondly, that the strength of the vase in which the hopes of the nation are held consists chiefly in its remaining unbroken. Congressional compro mises are not likely to save the Union. I know, indeed, that tradition favours this form of remedy. But it is essential to its success, in any case, that there be found a preponderating mess of citizens, so far neutral on the issue which separates parties, that they can intervene, strike down clashing weapons, and compel an accommodation. Moderate concessions are not customarily asked by a force with its guns in battery ; nor aro liberal concessions apt to be given by an opposing force not less confident of its own right and its own strength. I think, also, that there is a prevailing conviction that legislative com promises which sacrifice honestly cherished prin ciples, while they anticipate future exigencies, even if they do not assume extra constitutional powers, are less sure to avert imminent evils than they aro certain to produce ultimately even greater dangers. Indeed, Mr. President, I think it will be wise to discard two prevalent ideas or prejudices—namely, first, that the Union is to be saved by somebody in particular ; and, secondly, that it is to bo saved by some cunning and insincere compact of pacification. If I remember rightly, I said something like this here so long as 1850, and afterwards in 1854. The present danger discloses itself in this form. Dis contented citizens have obtained political power in certain States, and they are using this authority to overthrow the Federal Government. They de lude themselves with a belief that the State power they have acquired enables them to discharge them selves of allegiance to the whole Republic. The hon. senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas) says we have a right to coerce a State; but we cannot. The President says that no State has a right to secede, but we have no constitutional power to make war against a State. The dilemma results from an assumption that those who, in such a case, act against the Federal Government, act lawfully as a State ; although manifestly they have perverted the power of the State to an unconstitutional purpose. A class :of politicians in New England set up this theory and attempted to practice upon it in our war with Great Britain. Mr. Jefferson did not hesitate to say that States must be kept within their constitutional sphere by impulsion if they could not be held there by attraction. Secession was then held to be inadmissible in the face of a public enemy. But if it is untenable in one case, it is necessarily so in all others. I fully admit the originality, the sovereignty, and the independence of the several States within their sphere. But I hold the Federal Government to be equallyoriginal, sove reign, and independent within its sphere. The Union can be dissolved, not by secession, with or without armed force, but only by the voluntary consent of the people of the United States, collected in the manner prescribed by the constitution of the United States. Congress, in the present case, ought not to be impassive. It ought, if it can, to re• dress any real grievances of the offended States, , and then it ought to supply the President with all the means necessary to maintain the Union in the full exhibition and discreet exercise of its authority. Beyond this, with the proper activity on the part of the Executive, the responsibility of saving the Union belongs to the people, and they are abun dantly competent to discharge it. I propose, there fore with great deference to address myself to the country upon this momentous subject, asking a hearing, not less from the people within what are called the seceding, than from those who reside within the adhering States. Union is an old, fixed, settled habit of the American people, result ing from convictions of its necessity, and therefore not likely to be hastily discarded. The early States, while existing as colonies, were combined, though imperfectly, through a common allegiance to the British Crown. When that allegiance ceased, no one was so presumptuous as to suppose political existence compatible with disunion ; and, therefore, on the same day that they declared them selves independent they proclaimed themselves also confederated states. The founders of the Consti tution, moreover, regarded the Union as no mere national or American interest. Some form of Go vernment is indispensable here as elsewhere. What ever form we have every individual citizen and every State must cede to it some natural rights, to invest the Government with the requisite power. The simple question, therefore, for us now to de cide, while laying aside all pique, passion, and prejudices—whether it conduces more to the inte rests of the people of this country to remain—for the general purposes of peace and war, commerce inland and foreign, postal communications at home and abroad, the care and disposition of the public domain, colonisation, the organisation and admission of new States, and, generally, the enlargement of empire—one nation under our present Constitution, than it would be to divide themselves into separate confederacies or states. Our country remains now as it was in 1787 —composed not of detached and distant territories, but of one whole well-connected and fertile region lying within the temperate zone, with climates and soils hardly more various than those of France or of Italy. This slight diversity quickens and am plifies manufacture and commerce. Our rivers and valleys, as improved by art, furnish us a system of highways unequalled in the world. The different forms of labour, if slavery were not perverted to purposes of political ambition, need not constitute an element of strife in the confederacy. Notwith standing recent vehement expressions and manifes tations of intolerance in some quarters produced by intense partisan excitement, we are, in fact, a homo geneous people, chiefly of one stock, with accessions well assimilated. The first object a every human is, " She comes from one of the obscure republics' of North America. Let her pass on." Lastly, public liberty, our own peculiar liberty, must lan guish for a time, and then cease to live. And such a liberty ! free movement everywhere through our own land and throughout the world ; free speech, free press, free suffrage : the freedom of every subject to vote on every law, and for or against every agent who expounds, administers, or executes It. Unstable and jealous confederacies, constantly apprehending assaults without and trea son within, formidable only to each other and con temptible to all beside. How long will it be before, on the plea of public safety, they will surrender all this inestimable and unequalled liberty, and accept the hateful and intolerable espionage of military despotism ? And now, Mr. President, what is the cause for this sudden and eternal sacrifice of so much safety, greatness, happiness, and freedom. Have foreign nations combined, and are they coming in rage upon us ? No. So far from being enemies, there is not a nation on the earth that is not an interested, admiring friend. Has the Federal Government become tyrannical or oppres sive, or even rigorous or unsound ? Has the Con stitution lost its spirit, and all at once collapsed into a lifeless letter ? No ; the Federal Govern ment smiles more benignantly, and works to-day mire beneficently, than ever. The Constitution is even the chosen model for the organisation of the newly rising confederacies. The occasion is the election of a President of the United States, who is unacceptable to a portion of the people. I state the case accurately. There was no movement of dis union before the ballots which expressed that choice were cast. Disunion began as soon as the result was announced. The justification it assigned was that Abraham Lincoln had been elected, while the success of either one of the three other candidates would have been acquiesced in. Was the election illegal ? No ; it is unimpeachable. Is the candidate personally offensive ? No ; he is a man of unblemished virtue and amiable manners. Is an elec tion of President an unfrequent or extraordinary transaction ? No ;we never had a chief magistrate otherwise designated than by such election, and that form of choice is renewed every four years. Does any one even propose to change the mode of ap pointing the chief magistrate ? No. What, then, is the ground of discontent? It is that the dis unionists did not accept as conclusive the arguments which were urged in behalf of the successful condi date in the canvass. This is all. Were their own arguments against him mere satisfactory to his supporters ? Of course they were not, they could not be. Does the Constitution, in letter or spirit, require or imply that the arguments of one party shall be satisfactory to the other ? No ; that is im possible ? What is the constitutional remedy for this inevitable dissatisfaction ? Renewed debate and ultimate rehearing in a subsequent election. Have the American people, then, become all of a sudden unnatural, as well as unpatriotic, and will , they disinherit their children of the precious estate • held only in trust for them, and deprive the world of the best hopes it has enjoyed since the human race began its slow and painful, yet needful and , wisely-appointed progress? More than 30 years • there has existed a considerable—though not here tofore formidable—mass of citizens in certain States situate near or around the delta of the Mississipi, who believe that the Union is less conducive to the welfare and greatness of those States than a smaller confederacy, embracing only slave States, would be. This class has availed itself of the discontents resulting from the election to put into operation the machinery of dissolution long ago prepared, and waiting only for occasion. In other States there is a soreness because of the want of sympathy in the free States with the efforts of slaveholders for the recapture of fugitives from service. In all the slave States there is a restiveness:resulting from the resistance which has been so determinedly made within the last few years, in the free States, to the extension of slavery in the common terri tories of the United States. The Republican party, which cast its votes for the successful presidential candidate on the ground of that policy, has been allowed, practically, no repre sentation, no utterance by oppeeh or through the press, in the slave States, while its policy, prin ciples, and sentiments, and even its temper, have been so misrepresented as to excite apprehen sions that it denies important constitutional obligations, and aims even at interference with slavery and its overthrow by State autho rities or intervention of the Federal Govern ment. Considerable masses even in the free States, interested in the success of these misrepresentations as a means of partisan strategy, have lent their sympathy to the party claiming to be aggrieved. On a complex issue between the Republican party and the disunionists, although it involves the direst national calamities, the result might be doubtful ; for the Republican party is weak in a large part of the Union. But on a direct issue, with all who cherish the Union on one side, and all who desire its dissolution by force on the other, the verdict would be prompt and almost unanimous. I consi der the idea of the withdrawal of the Gulf States and their permanent reorganization with or with-, out others in a distinct Confederacy as a means of advantage to themselves, so certainly unwise and so obviously impossible of execution, when the purpose is understood, that I dismiss it with the discussion I have already incidentally bestowed upon it. The case is different, however, in regard to other subjects which I have brought in this con nexion before the Senate. Beyond a doubt, union is vitally important to the Republican citizens of the United States; but it is just as important to the whole people. So far as the abstract question whether, by the Constitution of the United States, the bondsman, who is made such by the laws of a State, is still a man or only property, I answer that, within that State, its laws on that subject are supreme; that when he has escaped from that State into another, the Constitution regards him as a bondsman who may not, by any law or regulation of that State, be discharged from its service, but shall be delivered up, on claim, to the party to whom his service is due. While prudence and justice would combine in persuading you to modify the acts of Congress on that subject, so as not to oblige private persons to assist in their execution, and to protect freemen from being, by the abuse of the laws, carried into slavery, I agree that all laws of the States, whether Free States or slave States, which relate to this class of persons, or any others recently coming from or resident in other States, and whish laws contravene the Constitution of the United States, or any law of Congress passed in con conformity thereto, ought to repealed. Experience in public affairs has confirmed my opinion that domestic slavery, existing in any State, is wisely left by the Constitution of the United States ex clusively to the care, management, and disposition of that State, and if it were in my power I would not alter the Constitution in that respect. If mis apprehension of my position needs so strong a remedy, I am willing to vote for an amendment of the Constitution, declaring that it shall not, by any future amendment, be so altered as to confer en Congress a power to abolish or interfere with slavery in any State. While I think that Congress has exclusive and sovereign authority to legislate on all subjects whatever in the common territories of the United States, and while I certainly shall never, directly or indirectly, give my vote to establish or sanction slavery in such ter ritories, or anywhere else in the world yet the question what constitutional laws shall at any time be passed in regard to the Territories is, like every other question, to be determined on practical grounds. When the au gry excitement of the hour shall have subsided, and calmness once more shall have resumed its accus tomed sway over the public mind, then, and not until then —one, two, or three years hence—l should cheerfully advise a convention of the people to be assembled in pursuance of the Constitution, to con sider and decide whether any, and what, amend ments of the organic national law ought to be made. A Republican now—as I have heretofore been a member of other parties existing in my day—l nevertheless hold and cherish, as I have always done, the principle that this Government exists in its present form only by the consent of the governed. I hold myself ready now, as always heretofore, to vote for any properly-guarded laws which shall be deemed necessary to prevent mutual invasions of States by citizens of other States, and punish those who shall aid and abet them. Notwithstan — dingthe arguments of the gallant senator from Oregon (Gen. Lane), I remain of the opinion that physical bonds, such as highways, railroads, rivers, and canals, are vastly more powerful for holding civil com munities together than any mere covenants, though written on parchment or engraved upon iron. I remain, therefore, constant to my purpose to secure if possible, the construction of two Pacific rail ways, one of which shall connect the ports around the mouths of the Mississipi, and the other the towns on the Missouri and the Lakes, with the harbours on our western coast. If, in the expres sion of these views, I have not proposed what is desired or expected by many others, they will do me the justice to believe that I am as far from having suggested what in many respects would have beea in harmony with cherished convictions of my own. I learnt early from Jefferson that in political affairs we cannot always do what seems to us absolutely best. We must be content to lead when we can, and to follow when we cannot lead ; and if we cannot at any time do for our country all the good that we would wish we must be satisfied with doing her all the good that we can. Having submitted my own opinions on this great crisis, it remains only to say that I shall cheerfully lend to the Government my best support in whatever pru dent yet energetic efforts it shall make to preserve the public peace, and to maintain and preserve the Union ; advising only that it practise as far as pos sible the utmost moderation, forbearance, and con ciliation. My faith in the Constitution and in the Union abides, because my faith in the wisdom and virtue of the American people remains unshaken. Coolness, calmness, and resolution are elements of their character. They have been temporarily dis• placed, but are reappearing. Soon enough, I trust, for safety, it will be seen that sedition and violence are only local and temporary, and that loyalty and affection to the Union are the natural sentiments of the whole country. Whatever dangers there shall be, there will be the determination to meet them ; whatever sacrifices, private or public, shall be need ful for the Union, they will be made. I feel sure that the hour has not yet come for this great nation to fall. The Union has not yet accomplished what good for mankind was manifestly designed by Him who appoints the seasons and prescribes the duties of states and empires. No, sir; if it were cast down by faction to-day, it would rise again and reappear in all its majestic proportions to-morrow. It is the only Government that can stand here. Woe woe ! to the man that madly lifts his hand against it. It shall continue and endure ; and men, in after times, shall declare that this generation, which saved the Union from such sudden and un looked-for dangers, surpassed in magnanimity even that one which laid its foundations in the eternal principles of liberty, justice, and humanity. THE /STATE OF EUROPE. (Front La Tresse.) According to the strict letter of the news and correspondence which we have published during the last week or so, we are evidently on the eve of a new crisis in the policy of Europe, William I. said to his generals, " A storm is brewing !" and the Augsburg Gazette declares that war can neither frighten nor surprise sovereigns who, in their Warsaw meeting, laid the bases of an alliance the chief object of which is to secure to Austria the possession of Venetia. Public opinion is much moved by these threats ; it remembers the noise that was made in Germany at the beginning of the Italian war, and it has not forgotten the ridiculous and abortive issue of these boisterous fanfaronades. In any case, the remembrance of the Warsaw meet ing can cause it no great anxiety. On the 23d of last October the descendants of the three sovereigns who, ninety years ago, commenced the work of spoliation, which has been finally accomplished under our eyes, met in the town which still stands as a monument of the indepen dence of Poland, and of the attack made ois its nationality. This second triumvirate, in which Europe saw a menace against its liberties, had, however, nothing of the audacity and insolence of the first. For thirty years order has reigned at Warsaw. Russia, Prussia, and Austria full of terror, irritated at the present, and afraid of the future—assembled then, not to plot the ruin of a people and to share its territory, but to devise means for saving an edifice whose foundations are giving way on all sides, The interview, brought about with difficulty, terminated ab ruptly, and the three princes separated, giving to Europe the solemn and instructive spectacle of their anxiety and their impotence. This interview, which the Augsburg Gazette is so awkward as to recall, disclosed to the members of the triumvirate the secret of their weakness. It taught them that there existed no harmony in their views, and that they had neither the sincere wish nor the power to combine their resources for a common course of action. They returned to their States, discontented with one another, and quite convinced, beyond a doubt, that the principle of non-intervention is henceforth fatally imposed upon them by their weak ness, their disagreement, and the daily growing as cendancy of the modern ideas of Europe. Europe is now divided into two camps, in one of which may be witnessed the desire for war and impotence to make it; in the other all the means of recommencing it brilliantly, but the desire to avoid it, and let the regeneration of Italy be accomplished peace fully. On one side the old worn out dynasties, and the easy fall of thrones which had no other support than the bayonet ; on the other, democracy victo riously shaking off the rule of oppression, which for about half a century has been the:misfortune of peoples and the scandal of humanity. On one side, in short, the Europe of 1815, on the other, the Europe of the new public law, i.e., the Europe of the liberty and independence of nations. It is in the midst of these death-struggles of absolutism, in presence of old monarchies in a state of decomposition that certain German jour nals threaten democracy with a coalition. Where is that coalition to come from ? Where is it to be got up ? Where are its generals, its armies, its funds ? That the blind councillors of the Papacy should reckon on the head of the Greek church and the King of a Protestant and constitutional state to bring the Italians to obedience; that Francis IT. should reckon on a Holy Alliance to replace him on his throne ; that the Emperor of Austria should endeavour to form a league that should permit him to restore the old regime, maintain the con cordat, subdue Hungary, and lay that phantom of a parliament which already shows such a strange spirit of independence we can very well understand; and it is possible that their hopes may be fed by confidential " notes" and diplomatic proposals. But there is a long way from a cour teous and diplomatic good understanding to an alli ance offensive and defensive. The times are gone when Russia, Prussia, and Austria could think themselves strong enough to give the law to Europe. They have no longer that unity of aim or that community of interests which they had when Poland offered herself up to them as an easy prey for seizure and partition. The sovereigns of these three powers may lay out pro grammes, but they will never be guilty of the folly of wishing to impose them on Europe. They may form plans in concert in view of certain events, but on the express condition of undertaking nothing against the peace of the world on the independence of nations. The day they transgress that limit the order which they claim to re-establish in Italy or elsewhere would not exist very much longer in their own states, even at Warsaw. But these, let us hasten to admit, are chimerical apprehensions. In the first place France and Eng land are lastingly and sincerely allied, and as long as their alliance, a condition sine qua non of the peace of the world, is not broken, every European difficulty, of whatever kind it may be, will be solved or cut through in the interest of civilisation. In the next place, among Russia, Prussia, and Austria th ere ex i s t s no pr i nc ipl e o f s incere alliance, no real element of coalition. Austria, although in a rapid decline, is still a state of the first rank ; but she is so in virtue of her past rather than her present power, and in that fact lies precisely her greatest danger. Althou g h she has lost the prestige . of her wisdom and her strength, she cannot bring herself to renounce either the preponderance she exercised so recently as 1848 in the councils of Europe, or the supremacy which she has arrogated to herself in Italy and Germany. Severely shattered in 1848, she could hope to recover her strength on l y b y keeping h er self quiet and avoiding every i n t ernal shock ; it was at that very time, on the contrary, that she substituted for the old traditions of th e C a bi ne t o f Vienna, a system o f intemperance and audacity which were ill suited to her situation. In 1850 she provokes Prussia and displeases all Germany ; in 1854 she provokes Russia, and has not the cour age to push the matter to an issue ; in 1856 she reaps in the Congres s o f P ar i s t h e f ru it s o f this vacillating and provoking policy. To avenge herself for her check oho attacks Piedmont; and provokes France, and comes out of the two n;onths struggle beaten, humbled, exhausted, and with national, added to financial derangement. She has just played her last card in giving a constitution to her dissatisfied provinces. But this constitution, torn from her by fear, has excited demand every where and satisfied discontent nowhere. is ruining herself to keep enormous masses of troops in Venetia, and yet the Emperor Francis Joseph, not being sure of the provinces that he leaves behind him, and not being able to rely an/ longer on Russia, as in 1849, does not dare to take a step beyond his fortresses. Austria Prussia does not love Austria, whose natural rival she is; but in order to keep in Europe the i attitude and authority of a great power, she s compelled to adopt a firmer, more direct and bolder policy ; let her remember the triumphs of Re" bath a little less, and the humiliations of Jena little more. Above all let her be convinced at length that paltry finessing, tergiversation, and ambiguity are unsuited to the present time!. She wished to persuade England and Russia that she agreed with each of them, and she mast have subsequently found out that in so doing she was wanting in cleverness as well as in frankness. For the rest, as the principle proclaimed in Italy and maintained by France and England might re ceive in Germany an application favourable to tho interests and the ambition of the House of Branden burg, it is not probable that the new King 0 1 " Prussia, in spite of the inexplicable stupidity of his speech, dreams of going arm in arm with England and France on the dangerous path followed by Austria. Russia is a power full of life and growth, which uses her fortune moderately, and studies the causes of her misfortunes in order to prevent their recur rence She undertakes railways and encourages maritime companies ; she colonises the vast region of the Amoor, and gains ground by treaties rather than by arms in China, which she is opening to her commerce. She has studied, and now she is put ting in execution, the project of Peter the Great, to join by a canal the Black and the Caspian Seas; she has subdued and seeks to attach to her the people of the Caucasus, thus securing to herself I ' passage into Georgia, Persia, and Asia Minor; she is ext ending 6)v - cry day her relations with Turkis tan, in order to push on further and further on the road to the Indies, into which she is sending her outposts, her merchandise, and her scientific ob servers. A government taken up with such works and such plans does not dream of forming coali tions. As to the Emperor Alexander, he has too much to do in his own States to throw himself stupidly into the storms of Italian politics. He has before him a whole population of serfs, which he has en couraged to demand their rights, though he bas not yet found the means of granting them without danger. If be were as powerful as the greatest of bis ancestors, he could not look without trembling on the troubles which threaten him, and which, should they actually break out, might overthrow his Government. The war obstinately provoked by his father has ruined his southern provinces and shaken his credit, and it is with great diffi culty that he keeps up a considerably reduced army. He may recall his ambassador from Turin, and encourage Francis 11. in his resistance, but the times when Suwarrow crossed the Alps to stop the triumphs of the French armies are past never to return. The Emperor Alexander may not approve of all that is taking place in Italy, but he will not make war to oppose the formation of an Italian kingdom. Besides, to prevent Austria from encroaching on the Lower Danube, to drive her out of Italy and to raise up in the Peninsula a state able to defersd its inde pendence, are traditional ideas in the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. A coalition in the present condition of Europe is then, if not absolutely impossible, at least essen tially improbable. A new war this spring, is that equally so ? That is another matter, and one which depends above all on the Italians. It is important accordingly to have an exact conception of their dis positions and their real interests. COUNTRY 31ARRET8. NOTTINGHAM—JAN. 26. The supply of wheat was somewhat improved, and th• trade ruled dull at the prices of last week, inferior only 1. to 2s lower. Extreme rates were given for beans. Flour, 44s to 62s per 20 stone. LEICESTER—JAN. 26. The supply of wheat to-day was very good, with a fair attendance ; damp sorts is to 2s lower. White, 72s to 780 —red, 65s to 70s per 36 stone; s very moderate sale for barley, grinding, 32a to 31e ; malting, 37a to 43i per qr.; oats, 24s to 38s per 24 stone. Beans—old, 56a to 58e, now, 38s to 40s per 38 atone. Fine flour, 50a I Seconde, 47a I Thirds. 45a per 20 atone. NORWICH-JAR. 26. At this market to-day wheat was in good supply, and last week's rates were realised for dry sorts; but damp parcels receded is per qr. Barley firm. White wheat. 65s to 67s I Red wheat 66s to 62s Malting barley...4ss to 47s I Chevalier barley 41s to 44s Distilling d0......31s to 34s I Oats. 26s to 30s Flour, 42s to —a Od per sack from the YORK- JAN. 26. The trade was limited, but wheat was in large show. A tolerable attendance of farmers and factors, and sales were effected at previous prices, but inferior samples were at is to 2s under former rates. Barley held for lower price.. Beans and oats supported late rates. Wheat, red 4Bs to 58s i Oat 5.... White do .60s to 65s 1 Beans 48s to 56s Barley .38s to 42s 1 Peas ....—s to —s Malt, 70s to 72s per qr, ; rye, 38s per gr ; flour, 48s to bOs per sack. STAMFORD-JAx. 26. A plentiful supply of wheat at market yesterday, which sold at is to 2s under last week's prices. Barley scarce, and realised late rates. Oats sold at steady prices, and beans made high prices. Wheat .. .. 50s to 60s Oats.. 26 s t o 33 5 I White do 62s to 658 Beans 445 to 475 Barley ....34s to 465) Ditto, old ......., 518 to 603 THE MAILS. MAILS DUE. Australia, Ceylon, and Mauritius (via South ampton) .. Jan. 18. Do. (via Marseilles) Feb. 12. Brazil and Capo Verds .. • . Feb. 4. Buenos Ayres, Monte Video, &o. Jan. —. Cuba and Mexico .. Jan. 28 Canada, &c. (via L'derry) • . .. Jan. 23. Cape of Good Hope, &c. Feb. 1. China, Penang, and Singapore (via S'ampton) Feb. 1. Do (via Marseilles) Jan. 26. Gibraltar (via Southampton) Jan. 25. India (Calcutta), Ceylon, &c. (via Southampton) Feb. 1. Do. (via Marseilles) Jan. 26. India (Bombay), (via Southampton) .. Jan. 25. Do. (via Marseilles) .. Feb. 4. Lisbon Jan 21. Malta, Egypt, and Aden (via Southampton) .. Jan. 2.5. Do. (via Marseilles) .. Jan. 26. Vigo, and Oporto .. Feb. 1. United States, California, &c. • . Jan. 23. Western Coast of Africa, Madeira, Toneriffe .. Feb. 10. West Indies and Pacific, Carthagena, Cuba, &o. Jan. 28. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Pills and medicine invariably ag gravate and perpetuate diseases; their annoyance, dis appointment, and expense may be avoided by persons in indifferent health sending only their address to IC• S. Barry, Esq., 77, Regent-street, W., London, and they will receive gratis and free by post the " IkvAninal OW GUIDE," or Natural Restorer, without medicine or ez p-use, of perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, and refreshing sleep, to the most enfeebled, insuring the removal of indigestion (dyspepsia), constipation, liver complaints, nausea, epilepsy, paralysis, debility, nervousness, palpitation, cough, asthma, consumption, dropsy, flatulency, diarrhasa, dysentery, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, oolds, noises in the ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpi tation, heartburn, headache, despondency, cramps, spasms, sinking, fits, bronchitis "Iltouestionably the &afoot Quids tolhealth " 8 . .1 R T H S. ALLEN.—On the 25th inst., at 15, Victoria s t ree t , S . W., Belgravia, the wife of Frederick Allen, Esq., of a son. CAREY.—On the 22d inst., at th e R ectory, Kingweston , Somerset, the wife of the Rev. Charles Carey, of a daughter. GASKELL.—On the 26th inst., at Priory Lodge, Peckham the wife of Thomas Gasitell, jun., of a son. HALL—Onthe has. B. 25tIyalit q netisat.s, of a 2,Ec d c a l u es g - h et t r e e r. et, Dublin, the MARRIAGES. COIME— CLARKE.—On the 22d inst., at the parish church of Silkstone, Lieut.-Col. Charles Augustus Cobbe, chief constable of th e W es t Riding of Yorkshire, to Sarah Anne, the eldest daughter of the late Robert Couldwell Clarke, Esq., of Noblethorpo, in the same county. ROMAINE—TENNANT.—On the 24th inst., in the Chapel of the British Embassy, Paris, W. G. Romaine, Esq., C. 8., Secretary to the Admiralty, to Phebe, daughter of Henry Tennant, Esq., Cadoiton Lodge, Glamorgan shire. DEATHS, inst.,ford, aged 79. BnoTHERTeN.--On the 25th inst., at Rose-hill, Pendleton, near Manchester, Martha, widow of the late Joseph Bro l‘tife. for 24th Sal S al Albimia Mary, youngest daughter of the late Donald Cameron, of Lochiel, and Lady Vera Cameron. Cuoox.—On the 21st inst., at Worthing, Mr. Josiah CA t a h t e r r n t O rl i; CAMERON. — On Co q ' n ' Rectory, Great Crook, of Hackney, and 73, Coleman-street, London, aged 34. HARDMAN.—On the 20th inst., at Ardwick, Manchester, J. Hardman, Esq. `WELSH.—On the 24th inst., at 10, North Parade, Bath, General James Welsh, ageB6. LONDON : Printed and Published by MUREOO TOIJNG. at• No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TILE SUN Office, No. 112, Strand in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County ot_Middifingt Janukri 2% ism Wi Co] C. St. xe J. butt the opii Con Tuf Wel Wil