The Sun. — London, England, 1856-07-01 00:00:00

LATEST NEWS. TURKEY. CONS r..A.N FINOPLE, JUNE 19. The railway project from S.nyrna to Aidiu is at a stand-still. Before the Ramazin everything seemed to be concluded, and every clause of the firman being granted, an eng;neer, who was sent out, went to the spot and made a survey. But now new difficulties have arisen, specially about the privilege to be conceded to the company to work the coals mines found near the line, paying only a royalty of 10 per cent. Lord Gough, on his return from the Crimes, was introduced to the Sultan by the Ambassador on Monday last, and left, with General Barnard, the day before yesterday, in the B inshee Redschid Pacha left, as he intended, on Monday last for Egypt. The day before he left 1,500 per sons came to take leave of him. The Scots Greys, one squadron of the 11th Hus sars, and 25 horses of the King's Dragoon Guards, embarked to-day on board the Orinoco, and will leave at 2 a in. to-morrow. They were to have left to-day at 6 p.m., but the Sea of Marmora and the Dardanelles are so full of ships that it was thought advisable not to start before daylight. There are Only the King's Dragoon Guards remaining of all the cavalry at Scutari ; the German Legion at Ku lulee, the infantry depot, and some artillery. There was some disturbance among the Polish Legion at Tchekmedji, owing, it is said, to an un willingness of the soldiers to enter into Turkish service. Generals Storks and Zamoysi went down and settled the affair. I could not get the par ticulars. This morning the 41st and 49th arrived here. Several of the men-of-war sent out to fetch troops have arrived, among them the Colossus, jatr.es Watt, and the Exmouth. The James Watt has broken her machinery, and will have to be towed home. FRANCE. Our letters from Paris had not arrived when our Afternoon Edition went to press. RUSSIA. The last accounts from Russia describe the in undations to be inconsiderable. Prince Menschikoff, who has been staying for some time in St. Petersburg, whither he was sum moned from his summer residence near Moscow by the. Grand Duke Constantine, is expected to leave there shortly by steamer for Germany ; but what the object of the journey is cannot be explained anywhere. ITALY. T l7l ilzr, June 27.—Die affairs of Parma oolltinue so veiled in mist, in consequence of the fear which people have there of con si gning their thoughts for transmission to the Post-office, that all that can be asserted with s afety at this hour is that the embarrassment is unabated since our last accounts. The state of brigandage has now become so in tolerable in the Romagna that certain commune have determined on petitioning the Roman Go vernment on the subject, but accompanying their petitions with a declaration that uub-ss the civil power is employed for the protection of their lives and property they will not pay the Government taxes. Two most important lines of railway communica tion are said to have been determined on this last week. The first is for the junction of the L nn bard with the Piedmontese Railways at the Bridge of Bilffslora,• over the Ticino, near Novara. The Novara and Turin Railway Company have already wade an agreement with the contractors for their line, Messrs:- Brassey and Co., for its continuation to the frontier. The other is for a railway through what is called the Luemagno pass, iu the Canton of Ticino, so as to join the Lakes of Con stance and Mag , _tiore by rail, and in fact connect. southern Germany with Genoa by steam communi cation. The precise terms on which the latter arrangement has been based are not quite- deter- Mined on, I understand, but it is said the Credit Molailir4 of ,Turin supported by M essrs . Roths child of Paris, will' be the Concessionaries. The immediate danger of a Concordat between Rome and Tuscany seems to have passed away. AUSTRIA. VIENNA, June 27t h.—The reports of the damage done by the violent hail storms began to come in from . the provinces. The quantity of wheat de stroyed in the circle of Sae; which is one of the most fruitful districts in the province of Bohemia, is said to be enormous. The capital of the Galli clan Railway Company has been raised from 3 6,000,0001 to 40,000,0001 The subscription has been made thus :—The nobles have taken 16 ,000,0001 fer themselves and the province of G4llicia ; the Credit Btnk has 5,000,0001 ; the Northern Railroad, 5,000,00111. ; the house cf . R!;thschild, 3,500,000 fl.; Baron Maurice von Haber, 3,000,0001; the bankers Sina, and Arustein and Eskeles, 2 ,000,00011. The rem:.inder will be divided between the other grett banking firms. Prince G-n tschakoff, who has been a great deal with Count Buol lately, will probably leave, via S tettin, for S t . Petersburg, ou Monday, the 30th inst. During the night of the 14th many persons (about GO) were arrested at Florence. It is believed that some plot agaiust the life of the Minister Baldasseroui has been discovered. The report that the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria will inset in the course of the next month is agai n i n c i rcu l at i on , b ut not h ing positive is known on the subject. MARKET NEWS.—(This Day. HAY MARKETS. SSRTIIFIELD.—OId meadow hay, 31 lOs to 51 15s; new do., 3/ 0 to 41 0 ; clover hay, 4/. 15s to 61 158 ; and straw, 11 88 to 11 138 per loa , l. A moderato demand. CUMBERLAND.-- Old meadow hay, 31 8 3 l'" 51 159 ; new d 1 0.. 3/ 's i/ to 4/ 4s ; c l over h ay, 41 1.5 s to 6z 123 ; and straw, 8s to 14s per oad. Trade steady. WHITECHAPEL. I —OM meadow hay, Nsito 51 13s ; new do, 3/ Or to 41 Os ; clover hay, 41 15s to 61 15s ; and straw, 11 8s to 11 13e per loa:l. Trade rather dull. COLONIAL. T!t4—The mark e t i s without any material change, the ad vi by the last overland mail not having affected the market to any extent. Stveral large parcels offered for public competition have been withdrawn. Common con gone 80. to 9d. per lb. SUGAR•—SIme small parcels of colonial have been taken for exportation, but for the home trade little business has beau done. Prices, however, still rule very firm. in the refilled market but few buyers are to be found, although lower rates have been refused by holders. COFFEE. —Native Ceylon has been in better demand, at 51s. to F 25. 6d. for clean descriptions, and Plantation also met a good sale at fully previous rates. RIDE. —The market has been rather quiet. A few sales of Arracan has taken place at 15s per cwt., but g.ner.lly business has been very dull. The stocks on hand have Considerably increased. RUM.—.The market is extremely inactive, and the quo tations given are quite nominal. TALLOW has been in more steady demand, and P.Y.C. on the spot has advanced to 46s 9,1 to 475, and last three months 473 6d per cwt. LLOYD'S SHIPPINU.--ahis Day.) LONDON, July I.—Wind this day at noon, N.E.; light breeze, and fine clear weather. PORTSM•UTH, June 30 —Wind N.E.- Arrived—Bar lam, from London, and sailed for Madras and Calcutta; St. Jean d'Aere, Crimea, leaky ; Good Hope (s.s. int.), Constantinople and Malta ; lihersonese (s.s. tpt.), Cork. S a il e d —J ura (s.s. tpt.) and Candid (s.s. tpt ), 'Woolwich ; Simla (s.s, tpt.), Southampton ; Mauritius (s.s. tpt ) Plymouth. PLYMOUTH, Juno 29.—Arrived - Jane Elise, from Sa lonica. for Quebec. ItA.MSGATE, June 30.—Wind E.S. E.—Arrived—Rams bier, from London, for Rio Janeiro, had be en in collision off Fair Light with the Washin;ton (s.), and carried away bowsprit, cutwater, &c., but does not make water. CLYDE, June3o . — Arrived—Euphra s i a , from St. John's, N.Bi.; o Jan Dante, Newfoundland. S a il e d . —M orning Star, for Reiro. SW NNSEA, June 30.—Wind S.W.—.Arrived Re• dierick Dim, from Cuba. fro lU m Monte —Wind N.E..—Arri ve d—O cean S pr i te, ELL, . unft Vid 30 eo. (PER RLEOTRI.: LIVERPOOL, Tuesday Morning. Wind N.W. Arrived—Aita, screw steamer from Santander ; Speed- Dieppe ; City of New York. No 91 York. Sailed —John J. Boyd, fur New Yurk; Star, Brussels ; li.dustry, Bombay. DUBLIN, Jane 30. Wind W. ar rived—Teneseo, from St. Stephen's. QUEENSTOWN, Jane 30. Wind S.W. Arriv ed — icoh-i-noor, from Matanz is ; Helmuth Mentz, atdatz ; Alexander, Prince E (ward's Island. GRAVESEND, Mon ay, 10.12 3 .M. 'Wind N.B. ; tide, three hours flood ; fine. „Arrived, June 30.—Alice, from Guernsey ; "tadt • Georgi ans , & Myrna ; Geraldine, Guernsey ; Veiles ; Providence, Dunkit k ; Johanna Chi istina, Vrelleborg ; Qu een o f S he b a, Tub , go; Mary, G uernsey ; aiinoy, Riga Pilgrim, Christiania . Eva, s ,""1:1; Othello, Riga • Zwei Zusteis, lielsiegborg Vivid, 43-arlingen • Alison, Draw. ,alailed, duly I . — Euterptiz3, for Barbadoes ; Invincible, "° ll g Kong, 'Wind DEAL, Tuesd a y, 9.37 a.m. E.N.E.. moderate. and tiue. l'i 1 I 'Lled•— C:Audia, (5.8.), 213 transport, and Jura, (s.s.), Ici !inspoit, f oui EsAkkiava, from Woolwich. "1,4 41od.—Deslandos, for B athurst ; Challenger, London. --~~~_ IYIPERIAL PARLIAMENT, }SOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his beat on the woolsack at 5 o'cl..ck. ROYAL COMMISSION. The Royal assent was given by com.nission to the foi l() viog bills :—Exciss ; Insurance on Lives (Abatement of Income Tax) ; Con tinuance of West India Loans ; Trsnsfer of Works (Ireland) ; Facto ries ; Si,rdinian Loan ; Rutherham and Bromley moor-Road ; Glasgow Paving ; Wolverhampton Water ; Blackburn ; Coke Valley and Halstead Rail. way ; Wandsworth and Putney Gas ; lloniton an d Sidmouth Road ; West Han Gas ; North British Rail way ; Penrith and Cockermouth Road , ; Carmarthen and Car. igan Railway ; Deeping Fen Diainage ; Stock port an : Warrington Ruad ; and Elgin and Lossie month Harbour. The Royal Commissioners wire the Lord Chancellor, Lord Monteagle, and he Marquis of Breadalbane. AFFAIRS OF ITALY. Lord LYNDHURST called the attention of the house and the Geverionent to the affairs of Italy, and asked the noble earl at the head of the Foreign Depart ment whether he was prepared to lay on the table the correspondence which had taken place between the prin cipal European Governments in respect 'o the affairs of Italy. As far as regarded Naples, he feared the corres pondence ha I ended in no very satisfactory result. He was induced to come to that opinion by what had passed recently in that part of Ear tpe. He found that the most drea^ful restrictions were kept isp--that even priests and other members of religion were exposed t great persecution, and even threatened with the it:dile. tion of tie lash if they did not consent to give evidence in certain political trials. It appeared to him that this system of persecution was but a duplicate of proceedings that had taken place in the trial of Paerio, of which the right hon gentleman the member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstone) had given so graphic a descrip tion. It appeared to him that the whole of the Govern ment of Naples was in the bands of her police agents, spies, and informers, and that the situation of affairs in that part of Italy was truly deplorable. He wished then to know whether the noble earl was prepared to lay on the table copies of the communications which had taken place between her Majesty's Government and the Nea politan Government, or the other European Govern ments, in respect to the affairs of Italy I The Earl of CLA.RENDON said he was not then prepared to lay upon the table the correspondence which had taken place between her Majesty's Govern ment and the European governments in respect to the affairs of Italy. The correspondence was net yet concluded. No answer had as yet been received to the deer atch which had been communicated by her Majesty's Government in conjunction with that of the French Emperor to the Neapolitan Government. It appeared that at the time the despatch had arrived the King of Naples was absent from his city. He, how ever, retuned iu a few date, and he had reason to believe that that answer would be received very soon. Until that reply had been received, the noble and learned lord would ueder,tand the: it would be altogether premature to lay the correspondence upon the table of the house. In re-pest to the correspondence that had taken place be .ween her M tjestyis Government and the other Euro pean Governments in regard to the affiirs of Ita'y, it was true her Majesty's Government had off-red opinions and advice to th tae go , ernmente whose armies occupied a portion of the Papal States. (Hear, heir ) But he di .I nit think that the cause which they ha-I at heart vvs.uld be at all .erved by the producrion of the cirres oondence. He believed that the only result of so doing would be to ch.ck that friendly and conti lential tone of corr e-p mdence that was now going on. Tae noble and learned lord might, however, accept th answer that everything would be done by her Mjesty's Go vernment to bring about the desired result in Italy. He believed tha . he might add that both France and Austria had declared their willingness to withdraw their troops from the Papal States as soon as certain condi lions were riereeil to. Lord LYNDIIURST asked whether it was possible before the ertnination of the session that the correspon dence would b, produc-d Eirl ,if CLARENDON could not sly ; but the noble and learned lord would have plenty of opportuni ties of rotwatii,g his TFIE OATH OF ABJURATION BILL. The Earl of Derby paid it. was noc hi , intention, in consequel.ce of the couree taken by the noble and learned lord at that late period of the session, of proceeding far ther with his bill. After some conversation the or ler of the day was read and digch a r4.ed THE E N.ST INDIA COMPANY'S SUBSCRIPTION TO TOE FRENCH INUNDATION FUND The Marquis of CLANRICARDE asked whether the sum of 500/. lately subscribed by the chairman of three. tors of the Ea. t India Company in aid of the fund for the sufr-revs by inundations in France had Leen supplied by proprietors of East India Stock, or had been taken from the public revenues of her Majesty's possessions in India ; and, in the latter case, whether subscriptions, grants, or gratuities not exceeding 6001., taken from Indian revenues, were subjsct to the control of Farlia.- went or of her Majesty's Government, or were limited by any fixed regula , ion ? His lordship, while appr viug warmly of the object to which the East India Company had devoted the money; denied their right to appropriate that or any other sum out of the revenues of India. Her Majssty had subscribed to the Inundation Fund, but r was out of her own private resources and it was open to the directors of the East India Company to do the same, but they had no more right to dispose of the revenues of India than any of their lordships. The Duke of ARGYLL said that the vote of money had receive d the sa3etion of the President of the Board , t Control, to a horn it bad, as a matter 4.f course, been submitted. With respect to the latter part of his noble friend's question, he believed that there was no abstract rule resirtcting the East India Company from voting s•iiall ',urns orminiey for charitable purp .ees. The Earl of ELL ENBOROUGH said that this grant could not be legal, as the court of directors had had no !evil con . rol over the revenues of India since the year 1833. By the act passed in that year the c Inpany sold all their territorial rights for an annuity, and bad ever silica been nothing but trustees for the Government. The nobie earl also complained of the amount expended by the company in dinners and gr.tud eutcrtaininen which bad no parallel in the Govertanent departments. Even when the Government sought to inaugurate the late war by a grand dinner at the Reform Club to a reform ii.g adtuiral—(oppsition cheer)—they di I not venture to put the arn , unt in the estimates. bhoulA they give a imilar dinner to Sir E. Codrington on his return, it could not take place at the pubic expense. The Bankruptcy (Scotland) But was read a third time and pasried. Toe Joint-stock Companies Bit was, after a short converation, read a third time a, , d passed. The third reading of the Annuitiei Redemption 1311 was postponed. The ',Austria' and Provident Societies Bill, the Sea men's Savings Bank Bill, and the Survey of Great Bri ain were real a third time. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS...-;YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER tlok the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS• ___ The Lord's amendments t the Eastern Union Rail way ; London, Tilbury, and Sauthe - 41 Railway (Exten sion and Branches) ; Middlesnrough Improvement ; Torm , harn Water ; and Yarmouth and Haddiscoe Rail , way Bills were elnsidered and agreed to. The North Weitern Railway 8.11 Ribi read a third time and passed. Tne 80-ton. Sleaford, and Midland Counties Railway Amendment 8,1 l was real a second ime. THE PEACE FIREWORKS. Mr. M. CHAMBERS mowed for a return, in de'ail, of the total amount of the expenses incurred in the Royal Arsenal at Woolwich, in the preparation of the fireworks for the celebrAtion of the pea incluiing the cost of materials, workmen's wages, and all experiments connected therewith.—Ordered. THE AUSTRALIAN MAIL CONTRACT. Mr. HAMILTON asked theSecreta.y of the Trea sury whether he had any objection to lay on the table of the house a copy of all tender 4, and of all correspond ence relating thereto, for the Australian postal servi , ie I Mr: WILSON said it was not usual to lay on the table tender that had been made to the Government, and not. accepted. If the house gave a good reason for their production, and the parties making them had no objection to such a pr weeding, he would grant the papers asked for, but not otherwise. NATIONAL GALLERY SITE BILL. In reply to Mr. SPOONER, Lord PALMERSTON skid for the present session it was not intended to ask the house to proceed farther with this bill. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear".) It wa', therefore, his intention to move that tue order be now read and discharged. The order was accordingly read and discharged. AFFAIRS OF GREECE. Mr. JAS. MACGRE:3OR Asked whether the Govern ment were prepared to communicate to the house the correspondence respecting the relations between this country and Greece, which had taken place subsequently to t'lat already laid before Parliament extending to May, 1854 ? Lord PALVERSTON said he did not precisely um derstand the question. There had Una no particular question between this country and Greece. There had been various acts of brigandage, but he had no corres pondence to lay before the house. THE FORTREiSES OF ISMAIL AND KILIA. C.ol. DUNN E begge 1 to a k whether any information hal been received on this point I Lori PALMERSTON said no positive information had been received, hut the Russians, he supposed, thought themselves at liberty to destroy the fortresses. He should have thought that it would scarcely have been wort h wbily for the Russians to destroy that which the Turkish Gsvernnient would of course reconstruct when they got possession of those places. RETIRING BISHOPS. Mr GREGSON asked the First Lord of the Trea sury whether it was in the contemplation of Government to pr-pose a,.y plan for the retirement of bishops on peDsiorA *ituliar to the arrangements for colonial bishops, Lord Chancellors, and Ministers of State? Lord PALMERSTON said it was not his intention to propose such a measure, hut the Bishops of London and Thrha , n had, thro ugh ill health, placed their resign4tii.n in his hands. With regard t, those two particular bishoprics he did intend to bring in a bill for that purpose PURCHASE IN THE ARMY. Major REED asked the Under-Secretary for War it he could give the house and the country any informa tion respecting the cornmi:siol appointed to inquire i-to the operation of the system of purchase in the army ? Mr. PEEL said he could only inform the house that the commission had not yet fini-hed it. labours. BUSINESS OF VIE HOUSE. In reply to a goe , ti.m from Sir J. GRAHAM, L. , rl PALMERSTON stid he proposed to take the second reading of the Appellate Jurisdicttin Bill on Monday near, and the Testairientiry Jurisdiction Bill on Thur•day. CORRUPT PRACTICES PREVENTION BILL. Sir F. KELLY a•ked when the Corrupt PracLices Prevention Bill would he read a second time ? Lard PALMERSTON said he was unab!e then to answer theNuestion. He would give tho house due notice when the a-cond reading- would take place. ROYAL COMMISSION. Mr. Putman, the Deputy IJ,her of the Back Rod, suramont,d the Speaker and the inembet's of the house to the HousP of Lorde, to hear the Royal Assent giveu by commis-i ,n to e.-rain L rds' report. OUR RELATIONS WITH AMERICA.. On the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. MooRE, who had a motion on the paper relative to our American relations, and Mr. BROWN, rase together. Mr. BROWN called upon the hon. member for Mayo to withdraw his motion. There was a strong feeling throughout the country that our American differences should be left in the hands of the Government and the American Minister in this country to settle, and if the house abstained from discussion on the matter it would be amicably accompli-hed. (Hear.) Mr. CHEETHAM and Mr. J. EWART concurred in the appeal of the hon. member. Mr. SPOONER also coincided in the appeal. (Hear ) He implored the house to give up all party considera tions on this question, and complete the silence they had hitherto maintained till they learned from the Minis ter of the Crown the result of the negotiations now going on. He deprecated any discussion now on the state of our American relations, for no possible good could re sult from it. Mr. MOORE said the opinions of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down must necessarily have great weight with him, but particularly on the subject of ex citing ill-will between classes sects, and people. (De risive cheers.) With r: gard t ► the hon. gentlemen op posite, he certainly listened to their opinions with great respect, but at the same time they could not think that they had answered the observations he hail made on Fri• day evening. The hon. member for North Warwickshire talked of this as a party question. He (Ur. Moore) thought it ought to be jielged by the house apart &Jai all party considerations, and in * purely jtelictal It was a question of right or wrong that had arisen be tween,the governments of two great countries, which bad been settle 1 , in his opinion, on the basis of present dissatisfaction and fu' ore dangar as regards the feeline's and the opinions of the people of this ceuhtry, because it had been left ti be settled by the wrong-doers themselves, and en the principle of saving their own character., or at least their own positions, at the ex petiee of the national honour, which it was their duty to guard. In so ter as such a question, if entertained by the house, inu:t nec4ssarily affect tier Majo-ty's Go v,rninent, so far it migtit be termed--if hon. gentlemen liked the term -a party question. In his opinion there were rio circiunstatices the house ought to watch with wore vigilant and anxious atteutikm than our selatious with that c , untry whose people hn,d sprung from the tame soil, spoke the same language, amid were pverni-el by the game institutions as ourselves. There was no thing England ought to cherish more than to be loved and horeftured by those e.oninunities which ware rapidly multiply g them-elves, peopirog the earth, tiding the earth with cities and the sea with fl seta, and carrying with theni thee: erey. enterorise, ai,d unenuquerebie will and self reliance of the great people torn hich they spiting. Although we hail ;net the piittical govereinent et America, and would probably lose the poitical eoverionent of other colonies, ,ve oueht n-v,r to relax our right to their reve• recce as the need of their race, as the ton 'tam of their ei lisation, as the standard ~ f what a tree nation ought to be. Whatev , r might be the faults of the American peo ple, he did not think we were entitled to throw the first stone. He believed them to be a sagacious people, and that in the heart of every American there was a feeling, of love and admirati , n for the old country. Depend upon it that in ail our dealings with the people of Ame rica we should have no chance except by compelling their respect, and as regarded our political and diploma tic r-dations their respect rested on no b,isis but truth, plain dealing, and open speaking. He believed that a well-founde I distrust of our charaeter for truth and ho nour woul be, and eTecially so far as regarded our re lations with the United States, the greatest misfortune that c mid befall the people of this country. It was be cause in his opinion the G •vernment of this country had justly forfeited the respect and confidence of the United States, that he thought it was the duty of this house t ) declare that in the conduct which bad led to that result the people of England had bad no act er part whatever. The issues that arose on this subject were nut to be unquestioned. They had been fairlyand properly stated by Lord Clarendon himself in one of his despatches. Tee real questi els at issue," said Lord Clarendon, "between her M , je:ty's Governininit and that et the United States are, whether the British G ivernment ordered or contemplated any violation of the neutrality laws of the United States ; and six whether, if ic British Government did not order or contemplate aey such vieiation, those laws w.. re nevertheless violated by p reone acting on the authority or approbation of the British Gevernment." Oa those two points he j )indd issue with her M) jesty'e Government. He und• rteok is make it clear that the newt. ,!ity laws of the United States were grossly and delib:,rateiy violated by persons acting with the approbation and cen , ent of her Majesty's Government ; and, secondly, that her Majesty's Gover,- /Bent did contemplate the violation of those laws. He was aware that the American Geverninent had in their last despatch offered widi contemptuees courtesy to , eparate these two prep.?siiione. The distinc ion drawn by the Ainer;cae Goys,' nrnent was based on the as-umed disav .wal of Mr. Crampton's aets be our government, and, secondly aed no less, on the distinct s p ec ific assuraece of L , rd Clarendon that Mr. Crampton was above all other tliiege enjoined to have uo conceal !Dent with the Geverime nt of :he United States. Now, with regard to the first of these a-sumptione, he cared net to consider whether her Maj-sty's Government had or lied not in their last despatch thought proper to as sett it. It cou'd he clearly shown that from first to last Mr. Ciaeipton only performed the duty that was iuti meted to him by 1,..rd Clarendon, that he only acted upon the interpretation of the law which was given to Min by Lord Clarendon, and that from fir 4 to last his conduct .vas approved and defended by Lord Clarendon. From first to la-t Lord Clarendon d•precated all violation: of the Ameri.an law, and so did Mr. Crampton ; but it was true also that Lord Clarendon insisted on an interpreta tion of the law which was net the true interpretation. It it should turn out that Lord Clarendon's construction of the law was an incorrect one, then for that misin terpretation Lord Garendon was responeible. He would refer the house to pave 21 of the blue-book, in which Lord Clarendon expressly stated that Mr. Cramp ton was etiened above ail things to have no oonceal went from the government of the United States. Now, that was a clear and specific allegatien ' nhich Mr. 1 Marcy on th e p ar t o f th e U n i te d States Government, had used with effecl _ . His reasons for withholding from me the details of the enlistment system—the most important part of it for this government —are not satisfactory. If Mr. Crampton be lieved that what he was doing, or intended to do, in the way of recruiting was right, he could have had no reluc tance to communicate it to me, for his instructions required bite to make that disclosure. Acting in due frankness, ann with a proper regard for the dictates of international comity, Mr. Campton should, it would seem, have dis closed to me all the measures intended to be pursued within the United States by the agents of his government, including himself, in execution of the act of Parliament for raising the , Foreign Legion. Nay, he was expressly commanded by his Government to practise no concealment with the American Goverment on the subject. If he had obeye f these orders, all misunderstanding between the two Governments would have been prevented. Was this allegation true ? de believed there was no foun dation for it, lied that there was no such instruction given to Mr Crampton. This despatch of Lord Ciarens don's was illustrative of an imaginative memory of what he did, and a conscientious sense of what he ought to have enjoined and what Mr. Crampton ought to have done. He called on the Government to show that there was not the ; lightest ground for this Statement of Lord Clarendon's. He would show, on the other hand, that so far from there being no concealintrit on the part of the British authorities in America, that there conduct was al concealment, dis ivow.n; every one that was build out, aiding and abetting every one who was working in secret ; that Mr. Crampton was not in structed at all not to conceal, but that, he was aided and abetted in a line of conduct of which coneealinent was the keystone and afforded the only hopes of success. It was necessary to show that this question of the neu trality of the United States and the strict enforcement of their law l.r this purpose was in the view of her Ma- jests's Government. Early in April, 1854, in the begin- Ti ler; of the war, Mr. Crampton wrote to Mr. Marcy to this effect : "The allied Governments c infidently trust th 't the Gevernments of countries which may remain neu t r al during the war will exert their autbcrity and en force on their subjects the necessity of observing the strictest neutrality, and also that the citizens of the United States shalt rigorously abstain from taking part in armaments of this nature, or in any other manner op posite to the dtv des of strictneutralit). To this reasonable demand the American Government returned this pithy answer : "The law of this country imposes severe restric tions not only upon its own citiz•ms, but Ural aq per sons who may be resident in the United States, against e quipping privateers, receiving eoinini:c4i.ms, or enlisting men therein for the purpose of taking part in any foreign war. It is not apprenended that there will be any at tempt to violate the law, hut should the just expecta tions of the Presideet be d sregarded he will not fail in hie duty to use ail the power with which he is invested to prevent any such participation in the contest in which the principal powers of Europe are now engaged." Tne interpretation he pat upon this was that the Ame rican Government was to prevent any armamen t what ever within their territory against the interests of Eng land_ but, on the other hand, under a quibble of the law, to carry oil' all our desires to enlist men. This was a propo -ition so unjust and so rnons t ruus , th a t h e • ~elieved the common liense of every man in this country , would pronounce against it. Well, so the matter stood ill the end of the year, when we took it into our head to ta k e new views. The Foreign Enlistment Bill passed r- THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY' EVENIN-G, JULY 1856, through both borne: , of Parliament, not because it was considered in or out of the house an unexceptionable ua aeure, but because the Legislature, having en trustrd to the Government the responsibility of the war, they could not refuse any measure which the Govern ment considered necessary for protecting frthe interests of the country. But the bill did cot pass through either house without explanations being asked for and given. The Duke of Newcastle, being asked in what country they meant to enlist, said no answer could be given on that subject till the G)vernnoents of other countries bad been consulted. He believed that the Duke of New castle had no idea el introducing the system of enlist ment into any country without the consent of the Go vernment of that country. The next question was, bow to put the bill into operation consistently with the neu trality laws. A letter was written to Sir Gaspard Le Merchant, in which it was suggested whether persons, subjects of the United States, being willing to enlist, might be brought to Nova Scotia. The first step that Mr. Crompton took in this matter was a discreet one, and he was strongly inclined to think that if Mr. Cramp ton had had a wise and discreet chief over him it was extremely probable he would never have got into tke trouble he did. He wrote to Lord Clarendon an answer to the despatch, in which he said— In order that no misconception or mistake should arise in regard to this matter, which is justly regarded by her Majesty's Government as one of primary importance, and which is indeed an indispensable condition to success in the objects they desire to effect, I have caused the legal opinion in regard to the bearing of the Neutrality Laws of the United States in this matter, of which I have the. honour to enclose a copy, to be drawn up by an eminent American lawyer, in the Roundness of whose views —both professional and political---I place the firmest reliance. He thought Mr. Crampton placed a just reliance on the eminent lawyer alluded to ; he believed that wiser, more pregnant, and more sound advice was never re ceived from any man. Why there was not a single diffi culty, danger, or disaster which subsequently occurred which was not pointed out. In his report, he said, speaking of the Neutrality Act— By the 2d section of this act, a person enlisting himself within the United States, for foreign service, is punishable; and the person who enlists him is also punishable. This is the case of a complete enlistment within the United States ; both parties to which contract are offenders. But it was apparent that if the statute stopped here, nothing would be easier than to evade its provisions. Good faith required that it should, if possible, be made to reach and prevent the mischief ag.inst which it was directed. Ao cording's' it is made equally an offence "to hire or retain" any person to go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the United States, " with intent to be enlisted." The offender in this case is the party hiring or retaining, whether the party so hired or retained actually go abroad add be en listed or not. The proof thereof woul I ordinarily be found at hand, if found at all, and might be ,irawu from the other party to the contract, who could interpose no objec tion on the score of criwinating himself, since, as to him, there is no offence except by enlietme it within the United States, which the supposed case excludes. The danger of volunteer witnesses among such people would also be very great. Tae opinion of this American lawyer concluded with the following g nvrous and sagaci summary of the whole unatti-r : When we consider the necessity of something like an in spection, the nuavoi table coincideuc.) of numbers of emi grants, the malice of rejected applicants, the inducements to treachery, the natural vigilance of a certain portion of the community iu such a matter, and through them the action of the press and of the police, I think the least to be apprehended is a prosecution, wh Aever its result ; and in that event the counecti in of any official person, how ever iudirect or f tiutly traced, would more than counter balance the advantages proposed. Was it not II:re:1st rous for the Government after that to upbraid the authorities of the U..ited States for taking the vtry course which the Government was warned by their own la . yer it would be their duty to take under the circuin. , tai , ces T C.,uld anything be more extraordi• oary than f r them t) raise an elaborate quarrel with the United Sales in re-poet to an interpretation of the law which was not only contrary to the opinion of the United Bta , es authoritie-, but absolutely in direct oppo sm.') to their own la.vyer's advice? It appeared to Ain that such an opinion ought at or to have been decisive, 1:0:. only as r, 4 ards the proceedings 6tquenily taken by Mr. Crampton, but decisive also a, regards the is , ue af - erwards raised by Lord Clareudon. At ad events, it ought to have suggested the eousiaera turns, nay the duty, of further inquiry ; but what was the ree , ,,u•i whicti this advice produced in the mini ut sir. Crampton, and which he curnalunica'ed to the authorities at Canals and the Foreign Secretary at home ? The resolution Nas thus conveyed to Sir Gas pard Le Marchant : _ Washington, March 11, 18:55. A copy of the instructions addressed to your Excellency by the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department has already been forwarded to me by the Earl of Clarendon, accompanied by an instruction from his lordship to myself to use my best endeavours to give effect to the wishes of her Majesty's Government, and with that view to communicate with your Excellency for the purpose of obtaining your co-operation iu regard to such measures as way be adopted with safety; and with a scrupulous re spect to the provisions of the law of the United States. Thus, though not empowered by her Majesty's Government to raise or embody iu the United States troops for her Ma jesty's service --- fur this would he obviously impracticable in view of the existing laws of this country—l feel fully authorised to use suclfmeans as may be within my power, and are legal, to meet the views of her liajesty'a Govern uieut. The just anxiety which is felt by 'der Majesty's Go vernment to avoid the possibility of any cause of complaint on the p trt of the Government of the United States has induced me to give this'part of the subject my best con sideration ; and with a view of avoiding the possib lity any misconception or mistake, I have caused the legal ..pi- Dion, of which I have the honour to enclose a copy, to be drawn up by se able A.inericAu lawyer, stating the bearing of the neutrality laws of the United States upon the mat ter. I have furnished your agent with a copy of this opi nion fur his information and guidance, and I have directed him to confine his operations, in the first in tance, to snak ing inquiries as to the desire which may exist among the inhabi. ants of the eastern cities of the United States to enter her Majesty's service, to inform such persons of the dispo sitiou of her Majesty's Government, to accept such properly qualified candidates as m‘y offer themselves, to make them acquainted with the terms upon which the enlist ments wit) be made, and with the places within the British doinioions to which they may repair for the purpose of being enrolled, carefully abstaining, however, from enter ing into any agreement with such persons, or from doing anything which might be construed into "retaining or hiring" any individual to emigrate for the purpose of en listing in the British service. Auy advance of money by her Majesty's agents or others in the United States would coastatute au infraction of the Neutrality Law. Ti: is appeared to be a dogged determination on the part of Mr. Crampton to take his own c.mrse ; and yet L rd Clarendon, with the former legal °parkin, wrote au en tire approval of the priceedii,gs which Mr. Crampimi had taken iu the following terns : Foreign-cffice, April 12, 1855. Sir,—l entirely approve of your proceedings es reported in your despatch of the 12th ult., with respect to the pro posed eulistineut iu the Queen's service of foreigners and British imbject. , t in the (Juiced States. The instructions which I addressed to you upon this subject, and those which were sent to the Governor of Nova Scotia, were fouuded upon the reports from various quarters that reached heir Majesty's Government, of the desire felt by many British subjects as well as Germans in the United States, to enter the Queen's service, for the purpose of t Acing part in the war iu the E oit ; but the law of the United States with regard to enlistment, however conduct ed, is not only very just, but very stringent, according to the report which is inclosed iu your despatch, and her Majesty's Government would on uo account run any risk of infringing this law of the United States.-I am, &c., CLARENDON. It was clear that this approval covered the who!e pro ceedings suoiequently taken by Mr. Crampton ; it amounted to a:i approval of his resolution to proceed with the enlistment, notwithstanding the advice he had just received. It was an approval of his instruction to the government authorities in Canada to communicate to all whom it might concern in the United States the terms on which her Majesty svas prepared to receive re ernits ; it was an approval of Mr. Cranipton's interpre tation of the law, that an advance of money would ne cessarily constitute an offence. But mark what fol lowed. At the very moment in which L , .rd Clarendon was answerng Mr. Ciampton's despatch, the noble lord was m receipt of another despatch from Mr. Crampton, in which he raid— Washington, March 21, 1855. I have the honour to inclose an extract from a letter which I have received from Mr. Con-ml Barclay at New York, informing me that the person whose name is at the foot of the printed handbill therein inclosed had stated to him that the handbill ha.l been issued by authority, that is, I presume, by the authority of her Majesty's Government. As the person who signed the handbill, Angus M`Donald, is totally unknown to me, and is certainly not acting under the author ity or under the suggestion of this legation, or, as far as ism aware, under that of any other agent of her Majesty's G vernment ; and as, moreover, the act of issu ing a printed notice of this sort might be taken to con stitute un infraction of the neutrality laws of the United States, I have lust no time in instructing Mr. Barclay to .tisavow Mr. M`Donald's proceeding, and to read to hint the let ter of which Ihavethe honour to enclose a copy. Perceiving that the subject of a supposed enlistment at New York of troops fur the British 'army has beea com mented upon in the newspapers, I thought it right to state to Mr. Marcy the true state of the case and the steps I bad taken in the matter. I accordingly read to him my above mentioned letter to Mr. Barclay. Mr. Marcy observed that he hal never doubted that no sort of countenance would be given by her Majesty's Government to persons who should use their name iu any attempt to violate the neu trality laws. He added, however, that the proceeding in question hail been brought under his notice, and that orders had alre;idy beoi given to the district attorney of the 'United estates to institute legal proceedings against Angus M'Douald or any other pet sons who should be found to have re titered themselves liable to penalties of the act of Congress regarding the enlistment of citizens or resi deots in the United States for the service of a foreign power. The handbi.l referred to was as follows: " Highly important to the Unemployed! —The British Government having concluded to form a foreign legion in Nova Sc. tie, and to raise several regiments for duty in the provinces, offer a bounty of W., or 30 dollars, together with the pay of 8 dollars a mouth, rations, good clothing, and warm quarters, to every effective man fit for military duty, from 19 to 0 years of age ; to join which are in vited English, Irish, Scotch, and Germans. The subscriber (with the view of asbistiug those who have not the means of paying their passage) hereby gives notice that he has opened 16 passage office, No. 36, Pearl-street (near Broad), where he proposes to engage passages by good vessels to Halifax, leaving twice or three 'imee a week, for the sum of five dollars ; or, procure through-tickets by railroad, leaving every morning (Sundays excepted), and arriving at St. John's, near Montreal, that evening, which passage money must be paid him or his agent, by the parties, to gether with the small s..m of s'► cents additional for corn ! missions, on arriving at their destination in the province. It is hoped that those effective men who are now suffering and iu distress, will avail themselves of this rare opportu nity 01 bettering their condition before it, is too late.- I.ANGIis ArDONALD." to this handbill Mr. Crampton wrote an inge nious disavowal, in which he said it had not been ism d with the authority of her Majesty's Government ; but he did not add that it had not been done with the authority of Sir G. Le Marchant, under his own directions. Ac- cording to Lord Clarend,n, he had never given any in structions of the kind, but what pessihle ohject could Mr, Crarnpton have had in communicating these facts to -the Foreign Secretary ? At first sight it di i not appear, but on a moment's reflection the house weeld perceive that it enabled him to rush off to the United States Fo reign Secretary, and throw the communication into his face as a declaration of her Majesty's Government. Mr. Marcy expressed himself satisfied then with regard to the acts of Angus M‘Dantald, just as be now declared himi self to be satisfied with the recent explanations of her Majesty's Government. Let him, however, now call at tention to the fact that at the very time Mr. Cramp ton went to the Foreign Secretary of the United States the Government were countenancing the issu ing 'under the authority of the Royal arms of another proclamation, containing all that was in M'Donald's notification, nay, going a great deal more in advance of it; and 'Net, stupendously inconsi,t: ent as it might appear, Lord Clarendon declared this document to be legal while the other was not. There could be no deubt that Mr. Marcy accepted the commu nication made to i?im at this time by Mr. Crampton as a complete disavowal on the part of her Majesty's Govern ment of all participation in the enlistment movement. Well, Mr. Crarnpton having settled this difficulty pro ceeded in hot haste to Canada to organise an extensive system of enlistment, and under his authority emissaries of all kinds were employed for working out the scheme, who were furnished by himself with ciphers for carrying on a correspondence relative to it. Tney bad this on the authority of Mr. Strobel, one of the agents employed, a person of doubtful reputation, certainly; but Mr. Cramp ton admits having furnished the agents with memoranda and ciphers for their guidance in carrying nut his instruc tions. It would be scarcely a figure of speech to ray that at the very moment Mr. Crampton was drawing up these memoranda and constructing his mysterious cipher in Canada, Mr. Lumley, his secretary, was explaining the reason of his absence from Washington to Mr. Marcy. The absence of Mr. Crampton had become a source of uneasiness to the Unite-I States Govtriirnent, and Mr. Marcy applied to Mr. Lumley for some expla nation on the suoject. What passed at the interview Mr. Lumley communicated to Lord Clarendon in the following terms : Washington, May 7, 1855. At an interview which I had with Mr. Marcy, I told him that he had judged rightly in supposing that Mr. Crampton's visit to Canada had reference to the enlist ment question. I sated that from tho first moment this question was mooted, Mr. Crampton had shown the greatest anxiety that it should in no way lead to vio lations of the laws of the United States, that he believed everything that could be done might be effected and that he was delearnained, as far as lay in his po ver, to prevent anything like infraction or evasiou of the neutrality laws of this couutry. Unfortunately the very str ingeut na ture of the provi dolls of these laws was not generally under stood, and several persons had on their own i esponsinility acted at variance with them, and it was for the purpose of fully explaining the bearings of the hew, and of preventing such infractions, that Mr- Crampton had undertaken his journey to the British provinces. I then told Mr. Marcy that as I thought it would i uteresittim to see your lordahip's last instructions on the subject I had brought them with me, and I said that I was certain a perusal of this paper would convince him of two things : first, that the view which had been taken, and the opinions which had beeu ex pressed by Mr. Crampton on this subject, were precisely Duch as Mr. Marcy might have expected from his knowledge of Mr. Crampton ; and set:audit , . that those opinions had been respended to by her Majesty's Government in the same frank and honourable manner. I then re el to Me. Marcy a copy of your lordship's depatch of the 12th ult. Hr. Marcy appeared much pleased with this communication, and said that as the question was one which had engaged the atten tion of the United States Government, he should he very glad to be able to show this despatch to the Cabinet. I told Mr. Marcy that I had no instructions to leave it with him, but I would take upon myself to do so if he would con sider it in the light of a private memorandum. Mr. Mercy said he would note it as such, and that if at any time Mr. Crampton wished he might recall it ; " the question," Mr. Marcy added, " will no doubt come before Congress, an-t I should be glad if this fiespatch could be found among the papers called for." lain aware that in lekviug this despatch with Mr. Marcy I have transgressed the regulations ef her Majesty's service, for which I must throw yourse'f on your lordship'd indulgence, but Mr. Crampton was anxious that the United States Government should not for a moment suppose that a project for enlisting troops for her Majesty's service within the United States hart ever been contem plated. After rea iing the despatch himself Mr. Marcy said he had no doubt that the course pursued by Mr. Crampton was the proper one; he was, indeed, convinced 31 this from having seen Mr. Crampton's instructions to her Ma jesty's consuls ,when the question of recruiting iu the United States first arose. Lord Clarendon replied t) that, despatch, aparoving of what Mr. Lumley had dime, and yet he must have known that the explanation-given was evasive and shuffling. It needed no lawyer to make out the meaning it intended to convey ; it was simply to deceive, for at the very time it was given Mr. Crampton was undoubtedly engaged in mak ing arrangements in Canada to defeat the enlistment law of the United States. He had often heard the hun. mem ber for North Warwickshire talk of the mental reserva tions—of the suppressio yen and the sugyestio falsi, sanc tioned and advocated in the musty volumes of some ancient Mowan Catholic divine , • but he asked him whether he was prepared, either by act or speech, or both, to counte rianoethis perversion of the English language, whose purity and simplicity were not calculated to encourage a spirit of mental reservation, or the conduct of a British minister who so twisted an explanation as to display more suppressio yen or suggestio fatsi than would have taxed the iugenuity or the conscience of an Escobar. Now, in the month of May these enlistment proceedings in the United States were j uui chilly shown to b s illegal, and yet during the whole of May, June, and July Mr. Crampton allowed Chose proceedings to be taken, and so far Mr. Crampton alone was held re sponsible. In the month, however, of September, the trial was made keown, rend the complicity of Lurd Clarendon with Mr. Crampton's arrangements turret then have become Cully apparent. The noble lord must then have been fully aware of Mr. Crampton's having employed German emis saries of all kinds of characters ; or his having furnished Them with memoranda for their 'gui unit of his having invented a cipaer for carrying ou their corres pondence. Well, now, did Lord Clarendon ever hypothe tically express the em Blest disapproval of any one of these proceedings / He did not. The answer of the Ameri can Government to these insolent charges was before the world, and it was as complete as it was unexception able in its tone and temper. Lord Clarendon said that the American judges, the American courts, and the American Government, supported as they were by the opinion of their own legal advisers, -- were all wrong ; and the noble lord offered to furnish them with a correct c instruction of their own law. The noble lord's argument was most p culler. He sail that no infringement of the American law could take place unless there war a valid contract to enlist ; but then he said that, iu wafer to con stitute a valid contract, the party must be attested, and the attestation could not take piece anywhere except upon English territory. Tue noble lord, not satisfied with de fending the conduct of his Government, went ou, without the smallest reason, deliberately to advance claims on the part of the Crown that were of a most dangerous charac ter. In a letter to Mr. AI ircy he said that her Majesty lied a right to recall to her service any of her own sub jects who were capable of bearing arms. (Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Moore) would only like to see any Government attempt to put a claim like that iu force in case hostilities arose between this country and America. Such a claim involved questions upon which the Americans felt strongly, and he should like to see any English Govern ment hang a person found on board an A inerican ship on the plea that he was an English subject. He (the hoc. member) would now take leave of Lord Clarendon's cor respondence; but he must be allowed to make some re marks upon the conduct of her Majesty's Government in impugning the testimony and bolouling the character of their own officers. (Hear.) They had audaciously and un necessarily proclaimed to the world that men in the Bri tish service who had been confidentially employed by Bri tish agents abroad had characters so abominably flagitious that they were not to be believed upon their oath. Mr. Strobel was a captain in the British service; he was asked to dine with Sir Gaspard Le Marchaut, and he was called " Dear Mr. Strobel" till he was called to bear wit ness against Mr. Crampton. Then a compatriot was cited to prove that Strobel was a Russian spy. Presently, how ever, this new witness was found swearing against Mr. Crampton harder than Strobel himself, and then it was discovered that his character was also bail. (A. laugh.) Such a procedure he (Mr. Moore) could not help regarding as most discreditable not only to'the Government who put forth such a plea, but to the nation. Lord Clarendon might have known from experience the results that would be cer tain to follow the employment of such means. Not long ago there was a journal in Dublin called the World. It was for some months the organ of the I ish Government, and Vie character both of the paper and of its conductors was known from the first to everybody'. As soon as the connection became inconvenient Lord Clereudon found out that the editor was a most doubtful person, and the noble lord went into a court of justice in order to depose to the fact. The conduct of Lord Clarendon bore a striking resemblance to that of the late Mr. Palmer. Palmer also impeached the character of the witnesses, and he also found fault with the Attorney-General. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—No, no. (Laughter.) Mr. M.OJRB—Palmer also favoured the world with his own peculiar notions of jurisprudence. He was charged with murdering the deceased with strychnine, and he con tended that as he did not use that drug he was not guilty. The answer ot the Government was illogical, but conclu sive—they hanged him. And in like wanner the Ameri can Government were treated with equally cogent argu ments; but they dismissed Mr. Cramptim. He (Mr. Moore) thought that they had no other course to pur• sue. Tneir neutrality had been grossly violated ; their confidence had been r;baken ; they had been imposed on by false assurances ; they bad been surrounded by a sys'.einatic conspiracy to defeat the laws of their coun try ; their cPmPlaints had been met by recriminations, by insolent criticisms on their courts of wijudicature, and by special reading Ns bleb was in-uiting alike to their authority aid to their intelligence. The English people could take no just exceriou to the curse which the American Government bad pursued, or t.) the tone and temper in which it had vindicated its honour. But in the meantime bow had her Majesty s Government vindicated theirs ? To the heaped-up accumulation ot disgrace they had added vet another —they bad nothing to say but that they lined it. The noble lord began by observing : Her Majesty's Government are gratified at learning that the assurances contained iu my note to you of April 30, that no intention existed on thepartof her Maj esty's Government to violate the laws, compromise the neutrality, or disregard the sovereignty of the United States, have been unreserv edly accepted by the President, and that all cause of diffe rence with respect to the question of enlistment has ceased to exist between the Governments of Great Britain and of the United States." Now it was not the fact that the President had accep'ed the assurances of h-r 51.9asty's Government unreserv• edly. The case was as it one man %ere to strike another and then deny that he had done yo ; and if the injured party were to reply, " My dear sir, I am perfectly satis fied with your statement, but, as I am certain that your hand did strike me, I shad take the liberty of chopping it off." The answer of her Majesty's Government was as it the other man was to say in return that, although the offending hand had umfoubtedly been struck off, he was glad to find that the person who had so mutilated him had no complaint against him personally. Lord Clarendon went on to declare that— "lf the Governm en tof a reign country were capriciously and without any apparent belief that it had good ground for doing so to break offits diplomatic relation s.wi th the Minister accredited to it by her Majesty, her Majesty's confidential servants, answerable for maintaining the honour and dig nity of the Crown, could not hesitate as to advising her Majesty equally to break off all diplomatic intercourse with the Minter of such Government accredited to her court. But in the present case her Majesty's Government are bound to accept the formal and repeated declars.tious of the President of his belief that these officers of her Ma jesty have violated the laws of the Union, and are, on that account, unacceptable organs of communication with the Government and authorities . of the United States; and her Majesty's Government cannot deny to the Government of the United States a right similar to that which, in a pa rallel case, they would claim for themselves,—the right, namely, of forming their own judgment as to the bearing of the laws of the Union upon transactions which have taken place within the Union. - In other words, the Government had received a gross offence from the United States, accompanied by serious imputations upon them.. As that offence was PO accom panied, they were content ; hut had it been offered by itself, then the spirit of the British Lion would indeed have been roused. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord con cluded as follows : I have, therefore, the honour to inform you that, how. ever deeply her Majesty's Government regret a proceeding on the part of the President of the United States which cannot but be considered as of an unfriendly character, they have not deemed it their duty on thet account to ad vise her Majesty to command me to suspend my diploma tic intercouse with you ; and I have to assure you that the high personal esteem which is felt for you by all the mem hers of her Majesty's Government a ill render it most agreeable to myself to have the honour of entering into communication with you upon all matters connected with the mutual relations of our two countries. You will be certain of meeting, on the part of her Majesty's Govern ment, the most friendly feelings towards the United States, and the mostanziouS desire's° to arrange all questions of difference as to reconcile the just rights anij real interests of the two countries with the maintenance of those ami cable relations, the preservation of which is of such great importance to both. Well, he (Mr. Moore) thought he could find another parallel to this case, in the life of Lord Clarendon. On one occasion a gentleman in confidential intercourse with the noble lord wrote to him a letter in which he declared that a certain right hon. baronet was a " deli berate liar ;" whereupon the noble lord's private secre tary wrote back acknowledging the receipt of a commu nication containing those offensive words, and demand ing a retractation, adding " if you will write me a line to that effect you shall receive a hundred pounds." (Laughter, and some sensation.) Her Majesty's Govern ment, certainly did not send Mr. Dallas a hundred pounds, but they sent him what Sir John Falstaff de clared to be " worth a inillion”--they sent him their love. (A. laugh.) The question the house had to decide was a very simple one: Lard Clarendon had been en gaged in a petty intrigue in America ; he had been found out, as he a+ ways was ; he had persisted in his schemes, act' he had disgraced not merely his own character, but his country. The house had to decide whether he had been right or wrong—whether or not they mould ap prove of his conduct in these proceedings, and adopt his chastisement as their own. That was the issue trey bad to try, and let them remember that in the verdict they would pronounce, they would judge net Lord Carendou only, but themselves. (Cheers.) The hon. gentleman concluded by moving " That the conduct of her Majes ty's Government, in the differences that have arisen between them and the Government of the United States, oa the question of enlistment, has not entitled them to she epprobetioe of this house." After a little delay, Mr. MAGUIRE seconded the motion. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he thought the hon. member for Mayo would have exercised a sounder discre tion had he yielded to the appeals which had been wade ' to him t postpone for the present the discassiou of this question. (Hear.) The significant delay which had elapsed before the motion had found a seconder must, in some de , gree, have shaken his confidence in the expedieucy of the course which he had taken. It was but on Ft iday last that the First .Minis:.er of the Crown had intimated that, in his opinion, this question could not be discussed consistently with a due regard to the public interest, anti it had always been usual, even in times when party feeling ran highest, to treat such a statement, made at a period of public (ma-a gency, with proper consideration. The hon. member fur Inverness-shire (Ar. Baillie), who might be said to have a vested interest in this question, since he had given notice at an early period of the session of his intention to call the attention of the house to it, acting in concert with those among whom he sat, had thought it proper and necessary to postpone his motion ; but the hon. member for Mayo, uninfluenced by the appeals made to him by members re presenting constituencies of all others most interested in the maintenance of a good understanding with the United States, had declined to follow that example. The hen. member for Mayo told the house that it was to treat this question judicially, but had the hon. member himself treated it judicially ? (Hear.) It was impossible nut to see that the hon. member was animated by-some feeling- of personal animosity towards Lord Clarendon. (Hear.) [Mr. Moore—" No, no."] - Certainly he had never heard a speech which led so strongly to such a conclusion. (Hear.) Was it judicial, was it just, was it even coin moil f a irness, to drag into this debate allusion to a scanda lous newspaper—(hear)—to refer to some obscure-trans actions the import and history of which not a single mem ber of the house was acquainted with ? (Hear, hear.) Was it arguing the question judicially, was it even in gOod taste, to compare Lord Clarendon to the malefactor who a few days ago had paid the penalty of his crimes on the scaffold ? He never remembered to have seen a notice of motion so frequently altered as this had beau. The hou. member for luvernessethire had modified the terms of his tuotieu from time to time; and the hon. member for Mayo had twice altered his motion. As it stood now it was certainly a most strangely worded motion. It did not ask the house to express its disapprobation of the conduct, of the Government, but merely to declare that her Ma jesty's Ministers were not entitled to the approbation of the house. That, he believed, was a new form of moving a vote of censure ; but as the hon. member meant it for a vote of censure, as such it must be taken. Let it not not be forgotten, however, that the responsibility for this discussion rested with the hon. gentleman. He had risen thus soon in the debate because it appeared to him that this question involved legal principles and considera tions 'which it was most essential should be fixed as wally as pte.sii.tle, and to which the hon. gentleman did not seem to have given the attention which they deserved. The British Government was charged with having by itself or its agents, infaiuged, first, international law; and, secondly, the municipal law of the United States. He joined issue with those who made this charge upon both those points ; but it was necessary to see, first, what was the interna tional law upon the subject, and, secondly, what was the municipal law. The international law on this subject had been left very-vague and uncertain by most publicists who had written upon it. Vettel laid it down that by the law and polity of nations no state could recruit its forces from the subjects of another without the consent of the latter. He would not for a single moment question that proposi tion. He doubted whether the authorityof Vatted would be sufficient to sustain a proposition of any great importance. Although generally received as an authority upon these subjects, yet where he could not ground himself upou the opinion of the jurists he was neither profound nor precise. (Hear, hear.) Nevertheless, he would take the p ro p os iti on which he had quoted as it was laid down by this author. He admitted that one State could not enlist the sub jects of another to serve in its army and navy without the acquiescence of the State of which they were the sub jects. But then he must go back to another proposition, which was, that that assent or acquiescence might not only be expressed by treaty, but might b e implied; as for in stance, by a State permitting its subjects to enlist into the forces of another country ; because if a State gave to its subjects permission to enter the service of a foreign Govern ment, such permission necessarily carried with it by impli cation a permission to foreign Governments to avail them selves of the servicesof the persons to whom this permission was extended. That being established, it was necessary to see what the municipal law of the United States prohibited and what it permitted the subjects of the Union to do. In that law you might find the measure and extent to which the Union enforced or relaxed its rights of sovereignty over its subjects. The municipal law of America upon this subject differed most essentially from our own. The law of Great Britain claimel and enforced the most complete, absolute,and unqualified authorityoverits subjects. (Hear, hear.) It not only prohibited them from enlisting, or others from enlisting them upon its own territories, but it prohibited them from enlisting beyond the territories of the united kingdom ; it prohibited them from serving in the military or naval forces of any other Sovereign or people, without the express consent of the Sovereign. Therefore, if a British subject were to enlist beyond the territories of Great Britain, he would be liable to the penalties of the law ; and Great Britain would have reason to complain of any State which should propose to its subjects to violate the municipallaw which was binding upon thenl. How stood the case with regard to Amirica ? Was the law of that country equally stringent ? Certainly not. The American law said to its citizens, "You shall not enlist within ;he territories of the United States." It said to other persons, "You shall not enlist citizens of the United States within the territories of those States, neither shall you contract with them to go beyond the precincts of the States there to en list ;" but it did not prohibit American subjects, when be yond the boundaries of the United States, from enlisting in the service of ally foreign State or potentate, nor did it prohibit them from serving such foreign State or potet,e tate. This was a most material and important distinction, of which the hon. gentleman had entirely lost sight. (Mr. Moore made a gestut eof denial.) The hon. gentleman sig nified he had not, but so far as he (the Attorney-General), had hearii, he appeared to have done so. If he had not lost sight of it, he hail certainly forgotten it iu his speech. This distinction undoubtedly existed, and he (the Attor ney-General) could not suppose that it was the result of accident. Perhaps the American law was so limited that, while the neutrality of the American territory and the re sponsibility of its Government should remain intact, that tendency which the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire had the other evening very happily characterised as a tendency to expansion, and which he e presented as not only the natural but the legitimatepolicy of America, might remain unchecked. It might be that it was intended to leave the citizens of America, who were not quite so patient of control and restraint as the subjects of our own country—(heai )—free to expand and to give vont to that energy of character which particularly dis tinguished them ; but that the American I,w pet wit the citizens of the Union, ao long as they did not enlist within its territories, to serve foreign Powers was un doubted and unquestioned. (Hear.) We hail a grave in stance and illustration of td., in what was passing at the present moment. Not only did the law of America permit its citizens to engage in the service of a foreign St a t e en gaged itelostilities with another which was not at war with America, but it allowed them to enli- t and take arms in support of a faction in a civil war. The existing Govern ment de facto of Nicaragua had been established with the aid of the arms of American citizens, who, without the sanction of their Government, except 5o far as it might be implied from the existing state of the law, and from what that Government had cone since, had established a Government in that couutty, and at this moment main tained it. So far was the American Government how seeking-to punish those citizens—so far was it from cow -1 plaining that the State or the Government of Nicaragua, by engaging their arms, had violated the sovereign rights, of America, that it had actually recognised the government which had been established and subsisted entirely by the assistance of American subjects. That being the state of the law, he would briefly state the facts to which it was to be applied. A fact which ought never to be lost sight of was, that it was never intended in this scheme of recruit ing to enlist American subjects properly so called. At the time when the Foreign Enlistment Act was passed there were in the United States large bodies of persons who were anxious for military service. They were of two classes' —British subjects who had emigrated to America, and who being disappointed iu their expectations, were anxious to return to their own country, and ,avastnumber of political refugees whom the revolutionary movements of 1848, and, above all, the counter-revolutionary movements had driven into exile, together with other foreigners who had served in the Schleswig Holstein army, and who, on the disband ment of that army, had found refuge in America. With regard to the first class of persons, it was quite clear that, if they desired to enter the British service, so long as we did not violate the law of America, no man could say that we had not a perfect right to enlist them. The law of England was that no British subject could throw off the allegiance which he owed to the Government of England, (Hear.) His country or his allegiance he could not put off. A principal maxim of law was " .Arenbo potest mere patriam." A man might expatriate himself, he might change his atmosphere, he might stand on another soil, and look at another heaven, but he would not put off his allegiance. Therefore if you had, as was the case at this time, offers from British subjects who had not found in America the house which they had expected, who had not put off that attachment to their native land, which he be lieved a British born man could no more put off than the law would allow him to put off his allegiance, and who when they heard that the old country was at war and needed the services of her so or naturally felt an inclina- Con to enter into her army, you could, withoat violation of the municipal law of the United States, take them into your service, and there could be no consideration, moral, social, or political, which could interfere with your doing so. The other body of men, the refugees, were not Ame rican subjects, iu the proper sense of the term. They had taken refuge in America, but did not desire to remain there. They had fallen upon a period when there was great distress iu that country. At the conclusion of the year 1854 trade was in a state of universal stagnation, em ployment was scarce, wages were low, anti provisions dear. These men could not find employment ; they had been used to the army and preferred military service to any other oc capetiou. They, therefore, prop9sedand proposed in considerable numbers—to take service in the army of this country. The whole question was this :—Could we, con sistently with the laws of the United States, take those persons into our service? If we violated the laws of the United States we were responsible ; but, considering that the laws of the Uoion allow persons who owe allegiance to it to take foreign service beyond its boundaries, he said that there was nothing in the law of nations which prohi bited us from receiving those persons into our service. We were not bound to carry the obligations of American citizens one whit beyond that which their own laws im posed. We were entitled to take that as the measure of extent to which the American Government desired to carry its sovereign rights. We had a right to look at the muni cipal law, and if it did not forbid the enlistment we were justified iu proceeding with it. But then it was said that a e hail violated the kyr by enlisting men for the service of Great B.itain upon American soil. He thought he could show that this had never been done by those for whom the British Government were responsi ble. He begged to call the attention of the house to the original instructions sent out by her Majesty's Govern ment: These instructions were sent out on the 16th Feb., 1855, while Mr. Sydney Herbert was at the Colonial-office, and were to be found in the following despatch from Mr. S. Herbert to Sir Gaspard le Marchant, Governor of Nova Scotia : " I transmit to you a copy of the Foreign Enlistment Act, which has peen passed in Parliament in the present session ; and, iu with it, ala auxieusto eall your immediate attention to tue following subject :—Her Majesty's Govern ment have received communications from the British Minister at Washington, and also from some of the Consuls in Ameri can cities, which lead them to suppose that a considerable number of German and other European foreigners, now resi dent in the United Seates, are ready and disposed to enlist under the provisions of this act. Iu particular, it has been stated that there are, scattered in different parts of the Union, men who have seen service with the Sc: leswig-liolstein army, and who h we, therefore, toe advantage of a certain mount of military training, and who would willingly take up arms again under the British itandard. But supposing these state ments to be well founded, the men in question could not be enlisted for British service ou American soil with due respect to the laws of the United States as a neutral Power; and considering how uncertain it is whether parties who might thus offer themselves woul I turn out fit for enlistment, it is sc trcely practicable to iavite them over to this country with the chauee of rejection. Under these circumstances, it has occurred to her Maj e sty' s G overnment that it mig:,t be pos sible for men who should represent themselves to the consuls or other British authorities in the United States, as willing to serve, to proceed to Halifax, if a depot, of which public notice would be given, in Nova Scotia, could be established iu that city, under your inspection, for the reception of re cruits for a foreign legion, where they might be examined, and if found fit for service,. enlisted, and either sent to this c3untry or formed ou the spot into a battalion. It is also stated that a large number of persons iu the United States who are British subjects would he willing to take service in the British army if au opportunity were afforded them of enlist ing It would be necessary to keep the latter class of recruits (if such should offer themselves) quite distinct from foreigners and they might perhaps be willing to enlist into existing re giments of the line." Tuese were the fir.t instructions tent out to the United States, and without trouoling the house with the various despatches from the Colenial-office and the Foreign-office, he would assort that in every one of these despatches the most distinct and emphatic instructions were to be found to official persons in the thiited States to take the utmost care and caution not to iufi ingu the municipal law of that country. What was the view of the A mericansupon their own law and their own rights? The hon. gentleman had put the question as it the fact of a depot having been formed at Halifax fur the reception of recruits had never been brought to the knowlelge of Mr. Marcy. Now, he did think that the hon.gentleinan, acting in ajudicialcharacter, ought to have stated the whole case, There was the posi tive statement of Mr. Crampton in two despatches that he - had communicated distinctly and clearly to Mr. Marcy the fact that a depot had bee I established in Nova Scotia for receiving recruits from the 'United States, nor h a d thi s f ac t ever been denied by Mr. Marcy or any one else. In his de spatch dated Feb. 22, to Lord Clarendon, Mr Crampton I told him (Mr. Marcy) that I utterly opposed and discoun tenanced any violation of the neutrality law. I also told him that numerous applications were made to me by persons here wishing to join the British army, and that my answer Lad been, that couldusot enlist them here, and that if they wanted to become British soldiers they must go to British territory to be enlisted. He made no sort of objection to this, and entered into no discussion as to its being incon sistent with international law, on the contrary, he said that anybody might go who chose,—" that half the United States might go if they chose," were, I think, his very words ; and he repeated the same thing to Mr. Lumley during my absence. I certainly, never dreaming then, as I do not believe now, that any violation of international law was involved, so long as the municipal law was observed, did not enter into any discussion of such a question with him. He did not show the least inclination to enter on the subject of the recruitment at all; and I thought that I understood his motive to be the natural one, that having, on the one hand, shown a deteemination to sustain the law, and, on the other, a disposition to leave every citizen or resident of the United States free to exercise their, undoubted right, or not. as they chose, he did nut wish to seem to take part, either one way or the other, in either recommending or discouraging them from doing so iu favour of either of the belligerents. 'That statement was borne out by Mr. Lumley, who re. peated the same thing to Mr. Marcy, while Mr. Crampton was absent in Canada. The hon. member had spoken of Mr. Crampton and Mr. Lumley as two mean, dishonourable, and miserable culprits, to Whose statements not one tittle of credence attached. He did not believe that this was a fair view of the conduct and character of these gentlemen; and when he found both these gentlemen assertinthat Marcy the bad distinctly br oug ht t o th e attent i on of Mr. the fact that the British Government had established a depot at Halifax for receiving men for enlistment. 'What Gladstone—Where does Mr. C ram pt on s t a t e th a t ?) That was in page 172, but Mr. Crampton stated the same thing in his despatch dated March 3, 1856, where he said : I told Mr. Marcy on the 22d of March that numerous applications had been made to me by persons in this country who wished to join the British army, and that my answer had been, that I could not - eulist them here, or hire or re tain them here, without violating the law, and that, con sequently, they must go into British territory, there to be enlisted. Mr. Marcy made no objection to this, but re sr marked that any person might go who chose, and then reiterated the expression he had just before used, of his intention strictly to enforce the Neutrality Law. Te this I, on my part, hat no objection to make; on the con trary, the view it disclosed entirely agreed with that I had myself submitted to Mr. Marcy on showing him a letter I had written to Mr. Barclay Asapproving of the proceedings of a Mr, Angus M'Douald, because I thought that those pro ceedings would or might be taken to constitute a violation of the act of 1818. It was clear that, unless Mr. Crampton had gofer forgotten his honour and truth as to fabricate that statement, Mr. Marcy, on the 22d of March, 1855, was made fully aware of the mode in which the British Government were carry. lug out the Enlistment Act. Well, that being the state of things, upon what ground did the American Government make their cernplaint against the British Government for having infringed their laws? They did not deny any where that the state of the American law was as it had bean represented—viz., that, although no one could be enlisted on the soil of the United States, there was nothing to prevent the American citizen from going to another country to enlist there. No one denied this ; but the American G ' , ferment said the British Government had violated their " sovereign rights" by attempting to enlist their subjects at all. The answer of the British Govern ment was, that they were not infringing or violating the sovereign rights of the United States if they availed theraselves of the permi s sion which the law of the United States gave. There was nothing in that law which pre vented an American citizen from going to another country for the purpose of serving a foreign State. If that were periritted to the United States' subject, who was thus res leased from his obligation to give an unqualified and entire allegiance to his country, it could not be matter bf com plaint against the British Government that they were wil ling to accept the services which the subjects of the United States' Government were willing to render. (Hear.) This doctrine of sovereign rights could not certainly apply where the British Government had to do exclusively with British subjects, over whom they had rights which had the force of law • and it would haroly apply to persons who were the e subjects of oth er States, and not of America , who re Do ty temporarily in A merica,i and did not w make it their permanent place of abode—who had not taken rout in the soil, and only made it their temporary place of asylum, with the inten tion of returning to Europe. If this permission to go to the territory of another P. to enlist were allowed to American citizens a fortiori it must be allowed to the quasi subjects of other States and to British subjects ; and, therefore, the British Government were entitled to take persons and enlist them. But it was said the British Go. vernment were not content with enlisting them beyond the boundaries of the United States, but that they violated the law by enlisting, or rather engaging them to enlist, in that territory. Upon what testimony did that rest? It-was deuie) iu the most emphatic and indignant terms by Mr. Crampton and the consuls. What was the evidence upon which the American Government Rersisted in saying that, although Mr. Crampton denied his complicity, he was in velved in these transactions? It rested upon the evidence given on the trial of Hertz. Was that evidence worthy to be belie7ed—was it evidence to which the house would at tach the slightest importance, confronted as it was by the positive statement of Mr. Crampton and the consuls, on their words of honour, tiustpit was a tissue of falsehood and misrepresentation? The trial was a very remarkable mob w_ ,~. e,}