The Sun. — London, England, 1831-07-26 00:00:00

the franchise and the division ref counties. We w , ll not at this period Oehate those points ; suffit citert for the day is the evil thereof. The destructive part of the Bill should be wholly supported. It were better to pass that portion of the Bill in the lump than to endanger its ultimate success by cavilling at rdnute parts of it. Under the peculiar circum stances of the formation and introduction of the Bill perfection was impossible, but as a substitute for the present shameful system of mock represen tation nothing can be more excellent. Errors and imperfections will be amended hereafter. We repeat therefore, that the real friends of the measure will stick to Ministers. It was in this spirit that tin people pronounced f gr" the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Mil." It cannot be supposed that the people are blind to the faults and aristoera tical bias of the measure, but they understand the principle of b arter and the bill of exchange. They are aware that they can obtain adequate and full representation by means of its instrumentality. We trust that our remarke will be appreciated, and that Honourable Members will not torture their consciences or mistake gnats for came's. Do they ever see off-sets from the minority join the ranks of Ministers ? The boroughmongers know better than to give cross votes, or split off from the main body into skirmishing patties. We confess that we are far more disposes: to impugn the conduct of the freely-chosen repre sentatives than the occasional infirmity of purpose it their Ministerial leaders. We think that, on so cri tical and vital a question, a daily call of the House should take place. No excuses should be accepted but physical inability and certified illness. If per manent incapacity, from any cause, prevents the at tendance of a representative, his constituents should in-tantly call upon him to vacate his trust. The custom of Parliament formerly secured attendance when wages were refused to defaulters, and a roll of daily attendance was kept by the Clerk of the House of Commons. It should be moved that all divisions of the House or Committee should record the individual names of Members. This excellent and effectual mode of insuring attendance should be substantively arid boldly proposed. It is called for by the occasion. No rule or privilege of Parliament forbids it, and desperate diseases require desperate remedies:. There are considerably upwards of 300 Members, staunch supporters of Ministers; the country and the Ministry have a right to their hourly attendance. These decisive measures would uphold the confidence and spirit of the people, now daily ebbing ; they would enable Ministers to take a bol der position, and would soon vote down and termi nate the manceuvres and opposition of the pitiful minority, which represents a mere handful of indi viduals, callous usurpers of the people's rights. Sr Robert Peel may not relish these sugges tions, but if adopted, they would speedily de stroy his masked batteries and false redoubts. Our readers may ask, what will facilitate the Bills in the House of Lords ? 'We are not come to that pass yet. Through or over that House the Reform measures will pass, and all the accounts of public feeling we read and hear from private sources con vince us of that fact. Our present purpose is with the house of Commons. We trust that the public will not allow themselves to entertain any unjust suspicions of a sincere Ministry formed under the most arduous and perplexing circumstances. On the other hand, let the Administration place unlimited confidence in the people. Ministers may rely upon it that the people are their only safe support, and that an undisguised and avowed reliance on the country will alone uphold them, and carry them safely through all their difficulties. Conciliation is a self-destructive principle, where enemies are en gaged in a war of extermination. Ministers are in vading the land of the boroughmongers. Having entered their countiy, there is no retreat, no sus pension of hostilities; they must give and receive no quarter. Old birds are not caught with chaff. Here and there a Bishop may be captured by a mitre in the horizon, but the aggregate are too old and cunning a body to be blinded by false pretences. Such tactics deceive neither friend nor foe; and that which inspires the people with confidence in Lord Grey is the integrity and singleness of purpose which has marked the whole course of an hottest and disinterested public life. We trust that Minis ters are aware of the critical sate of the public feeling, and, with the support of his Majesty, will man their decks, and break the line of the enemy. If the people once lose faith in the Administration, eve forebode the most dreadful evils. In the present desperate state of the prospects of the reckless be rouglimongers, we verily believe that to destroy the Whigs they would, like Sampson, pull down the pillars of the Temple, and perish under its ruins.— Morning Chronicle. In the House of Lords, last night, the Earl of Aberdeen intimated that he should this evening put questions to the Ministers respecting certain passages in the Speech of the King of the Fre:ich. It will he seen that inquiries were made in th e Howse of Commons on that subject, and answers given. The Bishop of Bath and Wells, on present ing a petition relative to the Beer Bill, complained of the demoralizing effects of that measure ; and said he hoped the Government would propose some correction of its provisions. The Lord Chancellor admitted that disadvantages had attended the opera tion of the Bill, but contended that it had not been without its advantages ; and stated that its revision was under the consideration of the Home Secretaiy, Lord Melbourne, who, be doubted not, would here after be prepared with some remedies for the evils complained of. In the House of Commons, the presentation of petitions from Ireland gave rise to a conversation on the necessity of introducing poor laws into that country. Mr. Leader (who pre sented the petitions) observed that, without some thing in the shape of permanent provision for the poor, he feared that the most frightful anarchy must ensue. Colonel Torrens having spoken of the ne cessity of remedial measures and an enlarged sys tem of emigration, Mr. Grattan said the dis cussions on such matters had diverted the House and the Government from considering really efficient measures for Ireland. If rents were not drawn from Ireland by the ab sentees—if, in fact, landlords would reside on their estates, and perform the duties of their stations — then lie would expect relief to Ireland. Mr. O'Connell added that no country in the world was similarly circumstanced —four-fifths of the pro-1 prietors had estates elsewhere, and consequently re-1 sided out of the country. The present state of Ireland, in consequence of the height of party ani mosity, and of nothing having been done for that country by the present Administration, he deemed to be most alarming, and he could hold out no hope —he could promise nothing to his countrymen. Mr, Crampton replied that the severest distress had been alleviated—that renewed inquiries had been insti tuted in the Newtownbarry affair—that proclama tions had been issued forbidding the Orange pro cessions—and that where any of the yeomanry, officers or men, were engaged in them, they had been dismi sse d. No Government had strewn greater anxiety to alleviate the condition of Ireland. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, stated in reply to in quiry of the Marquis of Chandos that the Arms Registration Bill for Ireland Would be pro ceeded with, having, however, undergone alterations. The Marquis of Chandue then inquired whether there was arty truth in that pert of the Speech of the Kling of the French which affirmed that certain fortresses in Belgium were to be destroyed, and, if So, whether that contemplated destruction had re ceived the sanction of the Englieh Government ? The Chancellor of the Exchequer (1 5 oed Palmer anon being absent) replieel that it had been agreed, on certain conditioner that some of those fortresses should be destroye—because, as they could not all be properly garriconed the event of a war, a n nother Power (France) for instauce, might get pother at of them, and stake them the " Igoe" of i tacks. It was desirable to have Belgi do um abe ne w territory; and what would be done wuln the guarantee of the Great P ow ers. Lord J. Rut - sell • übsequently intimated that the proposed dt- truetion of certain fortresses was not to take place ell after the recognition of the King of the Belgians by all the Great Powers. Lord Stormont asked whether a day could be set apart next week for a general discussion of our foreign policy ? Lord Althorp replied that so early a discussion would be inconvenient, as negotiations were still pending. The Marquis of Chandos afterwards asked whether there was any foundation for the asser tion in the same speech that the tri-colour was floating on the walls of Lisbon ? Lord Althorp said he understood the meaning to be, that it was before, or under, the walls of that capi tal. Lord Palmerston (who had just entered the House) next stated, in reply to inquiry from Mr. Gordon (Lord Aberdeen's brother) as to the alleged forcing of the Tagus, that, from telegraphic communications,such was understood to be the fact ; And that on arriving before Lisbon its Governor had forwarded to the Commander of the French fleet compliance with the demands of France. The House then resolved itself into a Committee of Supply—the further preceedine with " Schedule A" standing adjourned till this day. Mr. S. Wee brought forward the Miscellaneous Estimates, &c. The first one, that for upwards of 112,000/. on ac count of our Consular establishments, called forth a good deal of desultory conversation—though Mr. Hume was not in the House. It was complained that there are too many Consuls, some being in places where they are useless ; that the salaries and expenses of them are too great; and that it would be well to revert to the old system—(with better modification)—that of paying Consuls partly with salaries and partly with fees, the said fees to be fixed by the Foreign Office. It was replied, that savings had already been effected—that some of the Consulships would be reduced (Washington, &c.) —and that the Government hoped next Session to he prepared with a completely revised system re garding the employment of Consuls, arid which would embody the part payment of them by means of regulated fees. Several other resolutions on the Estimates were proposed, and the desultory discus sions on them occasioned them to occupy nearly the remainder of the evening. On the grant respecting , Sierra Leone, Lord Howick stated, that the pro jected establishment at Fernando Po, to supersede that of Sierra Leone, had been abandoned in conse quence of Spain having claimed it ; and, had there not been that. difficulty, it was found to be nearly as unhealthy us Sierra Leone. On the grant for Western Australia, &c., his Lordship mentioned that the last accounts from " Swan River" were more favourable.—Morning Herald. One announcement in the speech of the King of France will excite surprise, and occasion dissatisfac tion in a neighbouring state. His Majesty Louis Philippe declares to his people, that the fortresses erected on the Belgic frontier, in consequence of the treaties of 1814 and 1815, are to be demolished, and that the independence of Belgium is henceforward to be protected and guaranteed, not by walls and bulwarks, but by the friendship of France, and the recognition of its neutrality by Europe. His Ma jesty does not state whence the order to dismantle the Belgic frontier has been obtained, nor does he pretend that it has received the sanction of the party chiefly interested. Being a resolution, however, which could not be taken singly by any one foreign Power, it must have proceeded from the conferences of the Frye Powers in London, which lately acted as self-constituted arbiters between the contending states in the Netherlands. The French King boasts of the measure as an advantage to France, and produces it as an evidence of the recovery of that influence in Europe by the late revo lution which France had lost by the treaties of 1815, which erected the formidable barrier of the Netherlands now to be dismantled. For the same reason the troops of the German Confederation are to be withdrawn from tire Netherlands, and the King of Belgium is no longer to derive aid I': om the possession of a German garrison in the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg. Both the erection of fortresses on the Belgic frontier, and the enchainment of Belgium to Germany, by the representation of the Grand Duchy in the Diet, were, no doubt, intended to se cure the Netherlands against a French invasion or from French conquest. They were, therefore, an expression of distrust in French honour, and a mo nument of the humiliation of French power. Had, therefore, a new war arisen, and had the Nether lands been again over-run by the flood of French armies, we might naturally have expected that these old land-marks of fear and hatred would have been effaced, and that the King of Belgium would be enabled to meet his brother Sovereigns on the frontier without seeing a walled town, or to stretch out the hand of friendship, not from behind a port cullis or a drawbridge, but in the undefended habi tations of their peaceful subjects. But no reason can be given why, in full peace, and without the acqui sition of any new rights, France should require the demolition of these fortresses, or any re versal of the decrees of 1815, so far as third par ties are concerned. Had the Revolution of Brus sels not occurred so immediately after that of Paris, —had the King of Holland still reigned over thy united kingdom of the Netherlands,—had, in fact, the northern frontier of France been pressed upon by the force of 7,000,000 of people instead of 4,000,000, the French Government would not at this moment, have thought of requiring the demolition of the for tresses, or the abandonment of the alliances which are announced as a conquest in the speech from the French throne. What has occurred to render a measure advisable in the one case which would never have been suggested as possible in the other ? Is the frontier of the Netherlands to be deprived of its defensive positions in proportion as the kingdom be comes less able to defend itself by arms r Are the fortresaez to become less useful to the country as its population becomes less powerful, or are they to be more menacing to foreigners as its garrisons become lees effective ? If France incurred no danger of inva sion when in the neighbourhood of a considerable state, what clanger can she apprehend now from half its numbers ? if France bore the humiliation of the political arrangements of 1.815 for fifteen years, and would still have borne it longer had the Belgic re volution not occurred, what reason is there for ex pressing any feeling of it now, when the power of her Belgic neighbours is so much diminished as neither to offer an offence to her pride, nor to threaten an iriterruption to her security ? We know of nothing that has occurred in the relative position of France and the Nethetiaeds calculated to give the former any justification of the view demand, arid we are quite sure, that if the proposed demolition is less necessary than ever for the honour and security of France, it will be more galling than ever to the pride and patriorisi4 of the belgians. They have been lately accustomed to view with suspicion and jeelousv every order or recommendation which has emaciated from the conferences of London. They refused to tistes; to the plenipotentiaries of the Five Powers when they offese4. their mediation to fix the limits of their territory, or seteise the amount of their debt. What will they say when tLy see the French ber n ie ;noire entering Mons, Tourney, ieth, or Nieuport, accompareed with their sappers arid miners, and exhibiting an orciee from the Holy Alli mice to blowup thewalls of these magnificent fortresses? About a fortnight ago the friends of the Dutch cause spread a report that the Conference had agreed to the proposition which the King of France has now announced. T he statement wag; transmitted to the Orange reed Republican Journals in ltelgium, for the purpose of extitioe - the Belgic people to reject the preliminaries of peace, acd of destroying the popu larity of their future Sovereign. The fact was un doubted ; but it appeared so unreasoitable, that nobody believed ;t, reed the sensible portion of die Belgians imagined it a fable, invented by the ene mies of order to defeat their best hopes. We en tertain some apprehension, therefore, that its an nouncement in the Speech from the throne of France may be injurious to the popularity of the new King of Belgium, and prolong that state of political agitation which his accession was expected ;o terminate. The justification pleaded by the Conferences of London for adopting thi s measure, son nr rather for yielding to the representations of the French Government ►n permitting it, is that the neutrality of Belg um being decreed and guarauted by Europe, that kingdom can stand ►n nu need of rortresses to protect its frontiers from French aggres . But would those frontiers have been less secure by possessing the double protection of a Eu ropean guarantee and undemolished ramparts ? The immense expence of maintaining garrisons in so long a range of fortresses may be an excellent reason for dismantling them or allowing them to fall into de cay; but the proper judge of such economical ques tions is not a European Congress, but a Belgian Legislative Chamber. We mention these objec tions to the decision announced by Louis Philippe, actuated with no apprehension that Belgium will be less secure against French invasion by being de prived of its fortresses, or that the London Confe rences have committed any act of injustice in COE. senting to their demolition. Garrisoned as such an extensive line of frontier must have been by so small a population, the new kingdom could never, unassisted, have resisted the arms of a nation like France, whatever might be the number and strength of its fortifications. But we think that the matter might have been left to the Belgians themselves, —that France had no right to interfere,—that the enormous expences of garrisons would have done the work of diplomacy without producing its irri tation,—that in the case of a general disarming the Belgic strong places would have fallen into decry of their own accord, like the walls of Montreuil, Grave lines, or any of the neglected fortresses of France; and that the era of the new reign, when the great body of the Belgic people are under arms—jealous of their independence and prepared to assert their rights—is peculiarly unfitted for announcing an order to a gallant nation to raze the ramparts and fill up the ditches of their fortifications. We had made these observations before we were aware that the subject had attracted the notice of Parliament; but we see no reason, in what was said, to retract or to modify our expression. Lord Althorp is right in stating that Belgium, with its diminished resources, could trot maintain► such a line of fortresses, and that it is not less secure under the protection of Europe without fortresses than with them. His Lordship admits all that we have stated on the unseasonable time of discussing the question, or announcing the fact, as has been done on the other side of the water, by telling us that the decision of the Con ference was announced sooner than was expected, and that it had still to receive the sanction of the King of Belgium.—Times. It was to be expected that some passages in the speech of the King of the French would lead to some discussion among ourselves. That part in particular which relates to Belgium, could hardly fail to draw forth animadversion from the friends of the Duke of Wellington ;—" The King of the Bel glens will not be a Member of the German Confe deration. The fortresses erected to threaten France, and not to protect Belgium, will be dismantled."— In the House of Lords, the Earl of Aberdeen was only prevented by the absence of Earl Grey from entering on the subject. But in the House of Com mons a question was put by the Marquis of Chandos to Lord Althorp, whether the Government of this country had been a party to the negociation for the destruction of the fortresses, or whether the de clarations contained in that speech were to be taken as from an accredited source ? Lord Althorp stated, what is unquestionable, that rimless the extensive fortifications erected as barriers against the attacks of the French on the side of Bel gium were properly garrisoned, they would be use less; and in the present state of Belgium it could not be expected that the Belgians would be at the expense of garrisoning these fortresses, and it was impossible to suppose that the stipulations of the Treaty of 1815, by which the fortresses were to be still garrisoned by the troops of the different Powers interested in their maintenance, could now be main tained. The whole policy of 1815 was founded on the assumption that Europe was interested in the humiliation of France. One part of the policy was to commit the resources of the nation to a family in a state of hostility to its best interests; and another was to open an easy passage for what Lord Castle reagh termed the great military monarchies into France. But this policy carried with it the seeds of its own rapid dissolution. The family seated on the throne could acquire no hold of a people to whom its presence spoke of conquest and humilia tion. The nation was too strong to be kep t in fetters, and the expulsion of the anti-na. tional dynasty enabled the energies of the people to be employed in vindication of their inde pendence. To attempt to retain advantages over France by fortresses along her frontier, is as absurd as fur a pigmy to attempt, by placing his foot on the neck of a sleeping g►ant, to think he can keep him down. As Lord Althorp truly observed, th e best security for peace is the interest of the nation s in peace. The fortresses cannot be maintain e d against France in a war, and they only excite feel ings that tend to war. It is a pity that England should have wasted so much treasure on these fortresses ; but if they are useless, and even mis chievous, the cost can be no good reason for retain. ing them. It appears, however, that the King of the French has been a little over-hasty in communi cating the demolition of the fortresses to the Chambers. Lord Althorp observed, that " though the result had been disclosed a little more suddenly than usual on such occasions, still he had no hesita tion in stating at once, that the communication was fully authorised, and that a part of these frontier fortresses were to be demolished." Lord John Russell afterwards observed that " the dismantling was to be consequent on the recognition of the new King of the Belgians by all the great Powers of Europe, and to be effected through the means of negociations with the King of Belgium and his Government." However, it was not so convenient for the King of the French, as for his Majesty's Ministers to keep this secret.—Morning Chronicle. The Speech of the King of the French, besides throwing a considerable light upon transactions unknown through any other medium, is remarkable for the decisive language (brief, but full of mean ing) in which it denounces the Republicans as ene mies to the existing order of thinge. From the re ports which were previously circulated in Paris, and which had made their way into this country through the journals and other sources, many persons were led to expect that the speech would have assumed a very different tone from that which the result exhi bits. Though the elections were generally consi dered to be in favour of Ministers, they were sup posed to have assumed that character in consequence of co►►cession; which compromised the principles of Ministers. This, it must be confessed would have been no great triumph unless it could be considered triumphant to have retained place upon any tame —even upon die degrading ones of sacrificing their own judgment to the opinons of those by whom they had been most strenuously opposed. But we trace no such timid policy in the Speech of the King. On the contrary, we find him grappling at once with the republican party, chose efforts, he tells them plainly, "will be disconcerted or punished. By the way, lie pays no great compliment either to the intellectual vigour or the pobtical importance of the Republicans when he classes them under the same head of nuisance with the miserable imbeciles of the late dynasty, This is not the language of compromise, but of confidence ; and whether well or ill founded—whether thrown out as an experi ment, or used advisedly as a threat—intimates in a manner not to be mistaken the course which the Government have determined to follow, so far as the state of public opinion will allow them. The ,ray in which the important question of the Peer age is alluded to in the Speech appears to us to be rather obscure, for, though his Majery talks of a desire " to put the institutions in harmony with the interests and wishes of the nation,•" he does riot state his impres,ion as to what those interests and wishes are. If we couple his declaration with his previous denouncement of the Republican par ty, ►t would seem to mean any thing rather than a surrender of the disputed point, But it is probable that some concession will be made, though to what extent, or with what effect upon the strength and duration of the Government, time alone can determine. If there be any feature in the Speech calculated to provoke discussion in the pre sent temper of France, it is to be found in the allu sion to the cause of Poland. That allusion is dis- tinct as far as it goes, for it avows an endeavour on the part of the French Government to put an end to the struggle, by an offer of mediation, and an en deavour to induce similar offers by the Great Powers. But the question is, whether the intense interest with which the people of France regard the Polish cause, as a scion of their own revolution, will be sa tisfied with mere unsuccessful negotiation ? Unfor- tunately, as events have occurred, the last accounts from the seat of war arriving as a sort of com mentary upon that portion of the Speech, it would have to be considered at the moment when the ex citement was at its height in Paris--a circum- stance far from favouring the dispassionate con sideration of the question. The two topics to which we have just referred are not only the most important to France herself, but are looked at with much anxiety by surrounding nations and by the people of England amongst others. It is true that in some of the minor arrangements, such at the destruction of the fortresses on — the frontiers of the Belgic territory, our own Legislators may find matter more congenial, because more available to the annoyance of the Ministry at home. The ques tion put by the Marquis of Chandos in the House of Commons last night, as to whether the destruc tion of these fortresses had received the sanction of Great Britain, seems to be a preparation for some attempt of this nature. We shall, probably, hear that France is placed in a most alarming attitude by the arrangement ; but, until we have heard his Lord ship's reasons for believing so, we shall continue to rank it amongst those inferior regulations with which as a nation, we have little or nothing to do. Upon the whole, the speech contains great variety of matter, and is unusually communicative for a King's Speech, the great art of such compositions having been, from time immemorial, to touch a sub ject without disturbing it. The pacific tone which it breathi s is one of which we cordially approve; but who can undertake to say, on looking at the as pect of affairs in the north of Europe, that the pa cific disposition of Government may not be over borne by imperative necessity from without ? We shall be happy to find our neighbours settle into tranquillity, and apply themselves to the improve ment of their political institutions, under the au spices and in the spirit of peace; but while a bar barous despotism continues its aggressions the best feelings of the human heart are put into a troubled motion ; and no one can pronounce how soon even war itself may become a mild alternative, as com pared with the evils and the insults of tyranny. — Morning Herald. We are truly gratified to find that the dilatory mode its which the Reform Bill has hitherto been carried through its different stages, has at length begun to arouse the suspicions and indignation of the people, and that meetings have been held in different quarters, for the express purpose of desiring his Majesty's Ministers to press forward the measure with greater vigour and determination than have lately characterized their efforts. Such meetings were absolutely called for by the circumstances of the times; for while, on the one hand, his Majesty's Ministers have betrayed a greater lack of rigour in the prosecution of the Bill than the sanction of the Sovereign, and the united voice of the people, would have amply justified, their opponents have not been slack in throwing in their teeth the unfounded charge that the people of England had ceased to entertain any anxiety respecting the fate of the Reform Bill. That assertion has now partially met its refutation, and will, we trust, in a few days meet it even more amply than it has vet done. It would well become the inhabitants of yet done. It WOUI(l well become the inhabitants of Marylebone, Lambeth, the Tower Hamlets, Greenwich, and its adjoining districts, the Finsbury division of the metropolis—and, in a word, the inhabitants of every city and town to which the power of electing representatives is to be given by the present Bill—to meet and to address his Ma. jetty's Ministers on the subject. The state of trade, and the near approach of the Coronation, render such a course highly desirable and proper.—Morn. Adver. The remaining boroughs on the proscribed li-t, amounting in number to nineteen, will probably be disposed of this evening, and the question naturally arises—what has been gained from that pretended concession to the demands of justice by which Ministers permitted each borough to be taken sepa rately into consideration ? Most justly was the whole proceedings denounced by Sir C. Wetherell as a mere mockery of justice. Apparently the case of each particular borough has been submitted to investigation ; but die disgraceful fact is, thut the Ministerial party entered upon the contest with a fixed determination to render the discussion a nullity, to reject all evidence, and to stifle the voice of reason by the sheer weight of o pledged majority. How otherwise can be explained the condemnation of Apple by, Minehead, and Plymptou,whose respective claims to one Member, according to the scale adopted in the Bill, were established upon the incontrovertible evi dence of facts ? Ministers, probably, consider them selves necessitated to pursue this violent course, in order to retain the countenance and support of their Radical Allies throughout the country, and truly the parties are worthy of each other; for while a liberal Government denies inquiry and treats facts with contempt within the walls of Parliament, - the friends of free discussion in the city of London summon their representative before them to answer for his for r own i local ple i n k v n e o s s ( v i - - conduc t, ledge, or gation ought to be adm i t ted, merel y because he indto t a b r n i l n k g t to hat trt a is e t ia t i o m hi happened to know that i t was reasonable. But if Ministers are unable to adduce an y reason, drawn from the principles even of their own Bill, why the boroughs of Appleby, Plympton, &c. should be still less are they able or defendwil thegeneral principle upon which they wil ling utterly n disfranchised, invade the rights and privileges of the boroughs so arbitrarily sentenced to lose one or both Members. it is asked, what right has any individual to nomi nate a Member ? What right, we ask in return, has a man to vote ? Property gives the right in both cases. The voter whose income does not exceed 501. a-year has us much political influence in propor tion to his property as the patron of one or more boroughs who is worth forty or fifty thousand a-year. But to level all such distinctions is the indubitable tendency of this Bill, which gives to pauper 10/. householders an equal political weight with the first subjects of the land, and prostrates rank, intelligence, and property before a numerical majority of the population eager to grasp the privileges and avail themselves of the power that is offered them.— s illo riling Post. Mr. CURTIS has just published a fifth edi tion of his excellent Treatise on Diseases of the Ear. This e dition contains much new and useful information, and will be found highly interesting to those afflicted with any defect of hearing. SUPPOSED MURDER.—The neighbourhood of Hampton Court, Wick, and Teddington, has been in a state of great excitation during the last week, in conse quence of the ensanguined habiliments of a female having been discovered in a ditch in Bushy-park, about 200 yards from the Queen's -lodge, The bundle contained every article of dress necessary to a female, all of which were more or less stained with blood. Blood was also traced from the spot where the bundle had been dep os i te d to a no cons iderable distance; and at many places in it s trac k t h e gras s and earth appeared to have been torn up , or vio lently removed by some person or persons in a vi o l ent, roo a t mortal e ( But s i rtg l e further di scovery . The p o nd s near to the most place probably to wards the elucidation of the mystery has yet be en ma d e. It is said that a soliliees wife has been a b sent from her h ome since Tuesday night last, and no one has heard have been a m dragged, tiding, of her. Bushy-park has lately been infested by rascals who have committed numerous paltry depreda tions; they are supposed to belong to the local banditti denominated " The Teddington Gang."-- Observer Cor respondent. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HO USE OF LORDS, Jur,r 25. KING OF THE FRENCH'S SPEECH. The Earl of ABERDEEN, not seeing the Noble Ear at the head of his Majesty's Administration in his place wished to wiz any of the Ministers who w,-re present whether the Noble Earl would attend to-day, as he (Lord Aberdeen) had some questions to put to him respecting certain very important passages in the Speech of the King of the French, lately delivered to the Chambers at their first meeting. If the Noble Earl was not to he present to day, he would ask whether he would be in his place to ? The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—The Noble Earl at the head of the Administration, not bring aware that there was any business of particular importance to come on to ' day, was absent—he believed in attendance on his Ma jesty--and it was not likely he would be here to-day ; but he had no doubt but that the Noble Earl would be in at tendance to-morrow. _ CHURCH BUILDINGS. On the motion of the Bishop of LONDON, the Church Buildings Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Thursday. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY gave notice that he would move the second reading of the Augmentation of Small Livings on Friday. _ BLEB BILL. The Bishop of BATH andWELLS presented a peti tion, praying for the repeal or alteration of the Beer Bill. In case it should not be thought proper to repeal the Bill, the Right Rev. I'relate suggested that the beer-houses should he placed under certain regulations, such as that the new beer-houses should not be allowed to have the beer consumed on the premises, and that they should be placed under the superintendence of the Magistrates and Police. Ile supposed that there would be no serious objection to preventing the beer being consumed on the premises, as the Noble and Learned Lord bad not proposed originally that the consumption on the premises should be allowed. The LORD CHANCELLOR repeated what he hal before stated, which was, that he had not originally pro posed in his Bill to allow the consumption of the beer on the premises ; but that he had given up his own opinion to that of the Committee, which had taken evidence on the point. He did not agree with the Right Rev. Prelate that there would be no objection to put an end to the consumption of beer on the premises. On the contrary, he thought that this would be the principal point of dif ference. The Bill, however, as it at present stood, had not got a fair trial, and this being the case, it certainly was not fitting that the Bill should be repealed or altered in its principle for the present. But he had the satisfac tion to inform their Lordships that the Noble Secretary of State for the home Department had prepared a Bill to add souse regulations to the Beer Bill, which it was to be hoped would remove all reasonable objections to it. Lord BEXLEY—The Bill had been of the greatest ad vantage to the public, for the public had had the whole benefit of the reduction of the duty, which was not the case with respect to the repeal of the duty on leather. The amount of tax taken off was about three millions ; but owing to the reduction in the price of beer, the saving to the public was at least five millions per annum. With respect to the consuming the beer o❑ the premises, it had been the practice in Rome, previous to the time of Pius the Seventh, to consume the wines sold in shops of this kind on the premises. But that Pope put an end to the practice, on account of some irregularities with which he conceived it to be attended ; and by that act he made himself exceedingly unpopular. His successor altered the plan, and allowed the wine to be consumed on the pre mises; but in order to prevent any bad consequences ft oni this indulgence, he added, by way of regulation, that there should be no seats on the premises; and consequently the successors of these wine shops were obliged to remove all their seats, so that the guests who chose to drink their wine there were forced to drink it standing. The result was, that the Pope was almost as ❑npopular on this ac count as his predecessor Pope Pius had been. . . The petition was laid on the table. Lord FALMOUTH gave notice that he would move the second reading of the Kennet Navigation Bill to-mor row week. _ Counsel were beard, and evidence taken, on the second reading of Kinnaird'e Divorce Bill. Mr. Kinnaird was described as a page of the back-stairs', to his Majesty, who resided with his wife at Windsor, and the alleged offence was said to have been committed by the wife with a serjeant of the Guards. Further proceedings to-morrow. Evidence was then heard on Lefevre's Divorce Bill. The evidence related chiefly to the terms in which the husband and wife lived, and how he had received the in telligence of his wife's misconduct, in order to guard against collusion. Mr. Serjeant Mereweather, in answer to questions by the Lord Chancellor, stated that he had further evidence as to the adultery, but that he was not prepared to prove that the damages had been levied or execution taken out. The reason was that Sir John Myles Winnington had gone to Scotland, and that on inquiry it had been found that the office was full of judgments against him. It was there fore thought useless to take out execution. Further proceedings to-morrow. The Mint Salaries Reduction Bill was committed, and the Lord Steward's Oaths Bill was read a second time. Some Private Bills were brought up from the House of Commons, and read a first time.--Adjuurned. 110 USE OF COMMONS, Jux,i- 23. Mr. HUNT presented three petitions for the repeal of the Corn Laws—one from the inhabitants of Oldham, ano ther from Blackburn, and a third from the working classes of the metropolis. Sir J. BRYDGES said, that the repeal of the Corn Laws would lead to a rise in the price of corn. Colonel TORRENS replied, that such could not be the impression of the land-owners generally, or they would have called for the measure, instead of strenuously op posing it as they load always done hitherto. Mr. O'CONNELL said, be should never cease to press upon the legislature the policy of repealing all restrictions on a free trade in corn. Mr. LEADER observed, that as Ireland had nothing but her agriculture to depend on, the abolition of the Corn Laws must be ruinous to her interests. Mr. WYSE said, he would undertake to prove that no injury whatever would accrue to Ireland from their repeal. Mr. HUNT presented another petition from the la bouring poor of a parish in Lincoln, praying for a repeal of all taxes that affected the necessaries of life. In so doing, the Hon. Gentleman took occasion to observe that he should have opposed the recent vote of an allowance to her Majesty, bad he been present when it was granted, on the ground that the people could not afford to have their resources lavished with such extravagance. He also presented a petition from the working classes of the Bethnal Union in favour of annual Parliaments, uni versal suffrage, and vote by ballet, including a prayer for the liberty of the press. Mr. LEADER presented a petition from certain kelp manufactures in the west of Ireland, complaining of grievous distress in consequence of the reduction of the duty on ba rilla, and praying for legislative relief. The Hon. Member confirmed the statement of the petitioners, and observed that it would be absolutely necessary for Parliament to give some encouragement to this manufacture, which was their only means of subsistence, or the i nev it a bl e consequence must be that the inhabitants o f th at part o f I re l an d wou ld be thrown again on En g li s h c h ar i ty next year, as, unfor tunately, s s o n necessary the t o House they had alr ea d y b een d ur i ng the greater part o f tile . present. The H on . an d L earned Member went on to pro meet the the necessity enormous of d em a s onndise upon for the po or in Ireland, to enable them to produce whi:pr%e.s them for the support of two churches, and the heavy im posts of grand j ury assessments. It was a conv i ct i on o f the necessity of some measure for the relief of Ireland, and a knowledge o f th e f act t h at not hi ng h a d b een d one , w hich produced the petition presented a few evenings ago by the Hon. Alember of Armagh, for a repeal of the Union, and the strong language used in the petition from Cork on the same subject. Indeed, if some steps were not speedily taken to i mprove t h e con di t i on o f t h e peo pl e of that country, it would be impossible to prevent similar petitions from all parts of Ireland. Colonel TORRENS said that the time was now arrived when a phil oso phi ca l i nqu iry should be instituted into the causes svhich made Ireland stand still or rather go back ward, when all other nations were improving. The Hon. and Gallant Member, iu alluding to same of time causes of the depressed condi ion of Ireland, mentioned the change in the curre nc y, a nd the withdrawing o f its issues by time Bank of Ireland, which had the effect of snaking a differ ence of 20 per cent. in the exchange against Ireland. This was the result of a rash application of principles, sound in themselves, but which, from the manner of their application, only aggravated the evils they Were intended to remedy. He hoped, however, that under the present Government some measures would be adopted to relieve that country by giving e mployment to the people in the draining of morasses, and by encouraging a well-regulate: system of emigration. Mr. GRATTAN thought it was wrong to impute the present condition of the people of Ireland to a transition from one state of currency to another. We had riot on record any perisd when the condition of the peasantry of Ireland was in any better condition. They were always distressed from the time of the conquest to the presents What Ireland wanted was a resident gentry, who were willing to discharge the duties of magistrates and grand jurors. It wanted that the capital raised in Ireland should be spent there. As to emigration, he hoped Parliament would not interfere with it. Any interference of Parlia ment would only serve to check it. Sir J. BRYDGES expressed a hope that some modified system of poor laws might be introduced into Ireland. Until that was done, we most have a large portion of its population more or less dependent on the charity of this country. Mr. O'CONNELL said, that one great cause of the dis tressed state of the people of Ireland was, that 15 out of of its landed proprietors spent their incomes out of the country. Ireland paid 7,000,0001. of money per annum in this way. It was not a want of capital that affected Ireland. He would undertake to raise a half million in Dublin in forty-eight hours, on good security ; and he would undertake to raise a million in a fortnight, to embark in any speculation which had a fair pros pect of success. Ireland wanted that encouragement which could he given only by a resident landed pro prietary ; but not only had she to contend against an ex tensive system of absenteeism, but her difficulties were in creased in that way by taking from her most of her public offices. The Board of Excise anti Stamps, and other public establishments, down even to the station at Cove, were all removed, or in the course of removal. It was not, then, the transition which was talked of that caused this distress. The only transition that he saw was a trap ' sition from bad to worse, which was going on from siay to day. The Hon. and Gallant Officer (Colonel Torrens) spoke of his hopes of some measures of relief from a liberal Government. He (Mr. O'Connell) saw nothing in the ' acts of Government to encourage such hope. They had done nothing since they came into power but what tended to aggravate the evils already in existence. Party feeling and partisanship were now as great as ever in Ireland. — Blood had been shed on its soil, and no redress was oh taintal ; faction was going on, and he would say that the measures taken by Government tended rather to increase than diminish its rancour. He had no wish to weaken Of embarrass Government, but his duty compelled him to state what he felt. What would Englishmen think of a systeM under which a Grand Jury assembled at dinner with opened doors should give such a toast as that of " Our feet on the necks of the Papists," in cold blood, and the healths of " The yeomanry of Newtownbarry." He spoke of the Grand Jury of Wexford. The Government took credit for attempting to put down Orange processions. Had they done so? He had a letter in his pocket which spoke of 4 large Orange procession in Enniskillen a few days ago.--: How did this square with the efforts of Government ? Government also called out the yeomen ; that was another act of unwise policy, which added to the discontent already sufficiently excited by other acts equally impolitic. The people were now struggling with famine and disease, to which were to be added that discontent which they Mud feel when they knew that nothing was done for their re' lief, or for a change of the system of which they had se i much cause to complain. He had been asked by some 01 the Catholic clergy to address the people of Ireland ; but what could he promise them to allay their discontent ? 118 wished Government would do something. Let them strike off partisans from the magistracy and the y e amanrf throughout the country. That of itself would go a grea t way to restore peace. Mr. CRAAIPTON would not follow his Hon. an d Learned friend (Mr. O'Connell) into his remarks, but h e A must protest against su c h hi g h-draw n a nd hi g h-coloure d statements as to the condition of Ireland. He did not del i that distress existed in Irela n d, b u t he was happy to 6" t that in many of the district s it was muc h abat e d, and th e. a prospect existed that it would in a short time be re. moved. His Hon. and Le arne d F r iend in his commen on the conduct of Governm en t hail not been able to ,aw one proof that it had acted otherwise than with 40 1 2: tiality. Government had issued proclamations to pot d n Orange processions. Those proclamations had, he admit not been attended to in every case, but an inquiry was Oa going on for the purpose of ascertaining what officers 0 " , privates of yeomanry corps had taken a part in those pr ° a cessions, and every officer or private who should be fo nti o to have taken any part in them would be dismissed f tn i !, e the corps to which they belonged.—(Hear, hear.) could not sit still and hear charges brought against tu, present Government, which had done more for I reland than any Government that had preceded it. eSnitr wouldlt . n BATESON ot beh givenoped toemigration thatany farther from lolu m The emigration that was g oing on was an emigration 0,, the most useful and ind u st r i ous p ar t of the populatio r y whilst the least useful and most discontented remaine d. He hoped that kind of emigration would cease . He hap" - Government would do touch for Ireland ; and that th e ' would consider that it wanted a reform in many thing besides a reform in the representation. After a few words from (we believe) Mr. LEE, be The Marquis of CHANDOS asked whether it wa s t ( intention of Government to go on with the registratio o ° Arms Bill. e ncourage The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER refs, that it was to he brought forward with some modificati°l:: Sir R. BATESON asked when would the Irish ' et' mates be brought forward. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said were in preparation, and would be ready in the course 0 ' short time. The petition was brought up an red. Mr. HUNT said the Hon. Mem d ber a for Kerry did fl it know what he - could promise to the people of Ireland• di appeared to him (Mr. H un t) t h at t h e H on . an d Leer b, Gentleman had already promised them a little too triufbil He had promised them all manner of good things frora expected repeal of the Union,—that it would turn bar,,,"11 heaths into gre e n fi e ld s an d soon. H e did not know W w ijj more the lion. Member could promise them ; but it W° u o probably hav e b een muc h b etter f or t h e country if he L not promised them so much. Sir J. DOYLE corro b ora t e d t h e statement respec f 6fl o g the distressed c on di t i on o f I re l an d ma d e by the Member for Kerry. The petition was then ordered to lie on the table. BELGIUM AND PORTUGAL. Upon the motion that the above-mentioned petition printed being put, t " ° l The Marquis of CHANDOS said he would takee opportunity of p u tti ng so me questi o ns to the Noble 1', 4 opposite on a su bj ect o f g r ea t i m port anc e. He ohl et ve li in the rep or t o f t h e speec h w hi c h th e Ki n g of the Fr e v i had just add resse d t o th e F renc h Ch am b ers , the folio/ 11 ,0 ' remarkabl e p assage :—" Th e f or t resses ra is e d to W l :a, France, and not to prot ec t B e l g i um , will be demolish d He wished to know wh e th er th a t p ass age r e ally fore , part of the French Ki ng ' s speec h ; an d w h e th e r, 0,4 there stated, there existed any i n t en ti on on the part 0 ' t French Government to dismantl e th e w h o l e o r ni t ,'" those fortresses ? lie also desir e d t o b e i n f orme d whei r s the British Government had acceded to any such P position ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER saia, t si though it would have been more regular if the i sc o i e Marquis had asked hiS questions on the motion that . 0 ; Speaker leave the chair, previous to the House resols,s into a Committee of Supply, he had no objection to ;10%j! them at the present moment. In doing so, h o weve r ' is t would, perhaps, be necessary fur him to address the II'? a little more at length than he need du if he nierel got the Noble Marquis direct and immediate answers 0 4 1 1 , questions which had been put. lie thought that it be admitted on all bands that fortresses could not "' l asi value as a defence to any country, unless that countrY„less possessed the power of garrisoning them properly. ,t 4 it was impossible, in the pr esen t con di t i on o f th e itirg ir p or Belgium, to expect that th a t St a t e cou ld a ff or d the t e ri mous number of men which would be required pray to garrison the fortresses. By the treaty of 1815, i t tl't provided that these fortresses should be garrisoned b kpt' troops of different countries ; but then the qu estia ° s o turally arose, w h et h er i t wou ld b e o f a d van t a ge t f ci r power to k eep up so l arge a num b er o f f ortresse s (Ivo' could inform the Noble Marquis that the w:ole Cf 0 ,11 d( were net to 1;e demolished) with a view t o protectioaP . y et unless they v rere p ro p er l y garr i sone d, t h ey wou ld, in (fi l s' r war, always be in danger of suddenly falling into tl' e p e'', session of the en e my. I ns t ea d, therefore, of being " t tection against France, they: would become, in the el e t r i e°; war with that Power, a basis of her operations. Tin ° 'se • being th e state of the cas e , it did not , during the a n ", or, the negociations which had taken place on this subj ec t i, t t pear so important, as it had f ormer ly been cousitlerersi,44 keep up the whole line of for tresses ; and it was diet() (II true enough, that an agreement had been entered i h ", s dismantling part of th em. H e did not t hi n k t hat, ' f f fr' r :j a proceeding, th e secur i ty of E urope aga i nst a ttac' i je tt France would be at all impaired ; because he co n :2lite re that the aclino w ! e d gment and guarantee, b y all t,_':eson",e a ifn r eu se t c r n ai r i i t t:: : sim li p e l ) x , v s a o s Powers of E urope, o f the neutral i ty of Be l g i u m, O r , still g e te ( called waste paper •; but it was a differerit'inatte r became the i n t erest of all parties to maintain the 013 of )3' l o Such was th e case with respect to the neutrality -,oj, g lum. It was clearly to the interest of Eriglaai l l ot h e r it appeared t o him, to the interest of France an d t h s f id s Great Pow ers of Europe, to respect the neutralitY b i s aP country ; and it was this state of things, which in The answer Col( (Alth o lar ge 4 4t o f 1, "Igiu , Th e on rnittee C a p, Par agr , t he Pr, kerst o French Th e solved Air, c onsul ad n eb an2 would ti be eQr Lot very, c g4e ratil d e , tal N ape Crick Ai; not , upon te 4it Wo u t Vro,