The Sun. — London, England, 1831-02-03 00:00:00

L 2.) _.? j_ ..,.,...,_,..S , .., ~.;..-.,: ' .7 ~ ..,. . , , .c, ~ . ~', -*,7',1 , Z.,iii,;. - !.t, '.F '''i3.l „,-.:_` ---:":;a, f ''''. '''' ." ; t:e ' ).t • '; ‘: ' : A. . ----, F. I' .t, , 1 , .. 0 1 4 , 1 „1.... 4 T : ... il, •.;x.f. -- .1.1:,:0-',. ~ , i ' • 3.. 4-- ..,,, ft...1,' ... - ••••• *. ' 4- f. 5 „ f, I 4IPS it k, ~ ~ ;.rat,r_,.,:: , !' t i ,:: Wip T .. . ~ 15 • /~ orthy friend. M t ' l to do more than se GREAT COUNTY MEETING. tried unanimousiP J c as moved by Mr .: r 44 -LED B Y THE YEOMANRY OF L IN- Jobson ; the nu ll COLNSHIRE. Mr. Thompson, ' (From the Stamford Champion of Tuesday.) • d ti' • CASTLE OF LIECOLN, JAN. 28. ions were carve i , on _ ring; when m r , pl i , e, e t :f in t d h . e most important meetings that has yet taken =hive of the state of public feeling among the it some length , sfi b; j: l4 tantiai c,iti,t been y•eomanry and farmers of this important county, of the vote bl or of the held, and, notwithstanding the inclemency .. INlAuty and 0 ° d. T ia r between 2 and 3,000 freholders attended it. Dlution was Ga r d rie t h, T he TT High Sheriff, General JOHNSON, took the Chair. wards expres se t ie UNDER SHERIFF read the requisition. r , ho e ,J . ?' HANntsv—Gentlemen, a number of resolutions fo le i p rope Zen drawn, sue of which 1 shall have the honour to e Magistrate' A petition has also been framed on these reso (ishes of the P ell ; l y 4 O t t i l ' a ltvhi c h is in fact a mere echo of them, so that, if artial and manly r°l *i t h You P r t the latter, the former will of course have met he brivflv than Li, ou a r pprohation. The petition I shall also have and patient Oi ls ' t,i)e ti tLat n r,..c to lay before you, with respect to its effect ess of the meetiag:, I may be given to the country from present ? quietly to tliej,rh()i ,I.iliee%Lncell', and to effect a sufficient security for o their crude w'''..il tai "t partofthe • ' • t. lop it s i . nd constitutions ; t4 r,f ried on the country is grievous to a degree : it tioninpre,,clalls upon you to consider the propriety of peti )ke up. Ni t ; `' .5 Legislature. Gentlemen, there are a set of ti eta " or what ta noure . , I may term a nutuiser of good- TV. t p l , ) , tares eiold.fashioned people, who, though they do not :aced and increasi'ge tir , them directly , are of opinion that taxation does not than when, as i° t), : much :to such people I would say, the taxes ated in one of th e 1 NI Pa y otlr o Y e, directly . area mere trifle to those taken out of s-a close boroug a l '' re , 144 sets by indirect mens• —(Cheers.)--The second t, a numerous an IY , p r of tile requisition declares ' there is a mass of public this borough 5: 9 1 ::$ tr'opPetTrttY7 called : there is a large mass of public requisition to Crown land, which is not appropriated a public meeting,,lsl 4,, Y 'uy means' to the service of the State, and it is of expressing *he t i: hittssted whetherto the such property is not properly ap . Amongst those i i e t 4,1-3,l'foLtbel•l proceed present emergencies of the State. sted of nearly 3 0 °#' to the . third part of the requisition, I must lowing persons J 1 k:„ 14 4 few observations on the enormous pensions that M.P. for the I , os ti !' . 1 ts - t i: e i , °Yed, without any corresponding benefit accruing Horticultural SI Hou. Gustavuo tu • country. if they were enjoyed for the purpose of 1,11t41Y supporting life, we might perhaps tolerate them ; lir e z t he greate r part of them are enjoyed by persons who t. ‘ ,, 41 affluence and luxury. You cannot but hold in c n on o 4 - 41,1 those wh o w ill so f ar f o l- ge t th e dignity of a man I, h t l ° liv e oa the char i ty o f their fellow beings. If you tu n ' in contempt the r ece iv e r s of these pensions, what to , t 't be th e feel i ngs that actuate the heart o f every bare eryh hadones ri;" When h e re fl ects on t h ose miscreants who cast-offmis. t ° 'ile ness and infamy to pension all h ;444er, and ill eg i t i ma t e children .—( Cheers .) — The third t op i:f the requisition contains that great and . important I N vote by ballot. —(GI-flit cheering.)—Ancient and . sfr ee :ro history affords the best authority of the beneficial The ancient Roman re hest by secret voting : ; by ballet, and the very adopted a system lu(4t4othority on recorda f ffi f v o r o . " that it was found to be for suppressing tyranny. Cice ro,. excellent and effectualballot th 'mares that vote by was a the . most excellent system . : t could be invented. In the middle ages the same cir. t\i!nstances took place, and Venice adopted the system. go er . itr o t . 4 ,tespect to modern times, you have theexa t n h i P e vie tor,,llea, and to vote by ballot we may attribute . . ' it elY gained by the people of France over • their desl til? g d his imbecile ministers. Gentlemen, ths,l,- the refo ' re an conclude by moving the first resolution. jr:he !twit Sitaairr—Before we proceed any further, , th, -11 , 4 t inform you there are a great of peop.e f . a,„otira:asstle-yard- who cannot oletain . nisiadon into t nal ta t `; several have made the attampt, .and have gone 142; As this is a public meeting, I think it necessary irorn the Court to the open air. b'''i ad journment having taken place, I th H ERA, Es then proceeded to address the freeholders 1:v; t he basting' in the Castle-yard.—Gentlemen, I beg 4 4r1 t t° c ongratulate the Sheriff, the freeholders at large, g o , 4 e whol e ki ng d om , on t h e c h eer i ng f act, t h at t h e "r nent and th e p eo pl e h a v ing Itta now agreed to pull trier, for their i nteres t s are i nse p ara bl e . l am sorry lit y i"1:111 ' during th e l as t fifteen years, the Government have Cain coo way and the people another, and distress and the h4 c• attach e d t o th e w h o l e b o d y . W e h ave , however, 1 , 1 14 34 1 • 0 11 consciousness that this distress will be re ho ; for we have a Government who will remov e it if IL, el them your best supporf .... (Cheers.)—What is lia tiief? It is observed, "0, you are very re a dy t o ca ll $111),tle a bolition of the taxes ; but where will you find a Itit o t tOe for those that are repeitledl? will Give us a sub for once have th, '' and they shall be repealed . st in. ," u toption . to name a substitute. I would . in . the 114 e1P 4 'e have them to take of the malt t o z i a n L e t n h:s is the IL 4 4 f e 1. i to you tp e ing of the country. I next re I t4 try?" l of the assessed taxes, for they are an evil to , k t esa ,41,sarl--.-(Great cheering.)—l would also recom ,*4 i„''' Government to take off those taxes t let oppress 0,41-anstrious community. With respect to the ballot, o all o o r t . , Ittlp t • ec ovineed i t would on l y open t h e door to more i ts: t° a nd brib ery t h an now exists. Gentlemen, I beg , Sir 4ec ond the r eso l u ti on . 1 /1 41 ll' Hato); Gentlemen, I will tell you why I I 1 4 1 ) :::t Rign the requisition — : it was because it container ' he reduction of ti44 te n tr Ph the effect of which was ' 4 . 1ny ' ,.. 41 , al fur as is consistent with the national faith." rti "at does that mean? It means we are to uphold or. t(l)s44,l4l.l'ohleis --to continue to pay in gold what . we b . h M l' ' f n i a n i. P a Pe; • and what is called keeping faith with Rat is ' the most gross injustice that can be iri /Thetr4:rwil . ' , very other part of Hon. tlie e l o ,r n i l e i n ai d ui ( ii A t i v a . j — or i 4, 1d1 t \ , ito all that fell from my in 1 14 1 ' I do most fully and heartily concur, and now I I'll kei r ril most I will say a word or two on the subject L lceti : 4 ', and it shall be but little. I am an advocate for r ""%t °- hY ba llot. —(Cheers.) That ballot would be i l 4t t( ' lffeetiV e ; it alone could put an end to every attempt itk4:ttestt!'" anti undue influence. But as there is only I% tpti, I °4 befor e you, I shall not trouble you long, i' ale ~:g with onepiece of advice, which I beg leave . to to meat strongly, hone beg your attention whilst I give t t klik e Y : n i ) 4 period is approaching when probably the t ii' l it. ,L f a - a` ef°lll l will be in the hands of the people, and in . i f gal hand' a lone. If with public opinion in the favour 11, 4 kat,:t"tY's present Ministers—if it should happen : o 14 nee of the violent and unprincipled opposition 1 Youcllltliied against them with a degree of . virul7ce ,tote t::flY thing you have before seen or experiencer,- 4 4 4iie u "id hia Majesty's Ministers be unfortunately, f in I,l4ria the of this opposition, defeated in their attempt to k O u 4t veili e „ e wvinions House of . Parliament, the Parlia qt,,lll), ' n en be dissolved, and it then will depend upon is ou q 'rta u , ll Your support alone—whether we are to the Yo t Ltt , r 7 ;,: )°t • The prosperity or abject condition of at), - taej, 4 with you, with you rests the merit, or with lo t ' : 1 41 Cen t our success or failure.—(Great now form lal v ti s)ti s f 'fleo, I wish is, that you shall h 4 t °"oPporting candidates who will pledge t em -44i o ilef eh t Itr uilu otini mutually pledge yourselves t . o Reform, 'ti ra 4ll. re a ° , l4l Y oppose every candidate who will not de ot'llsii friend to Reform in Pal liansent.--(Cheets.) A t ' camr,"lorisoites Gentlemen, the present resolu ad t lie p,'" itself to excessive taxation, and I shall not 4: l 4 te irt.e'lle‘ot step beyond that topic. I have great con effo.„d4Ys the Present Ministry, and I think it one of the I tlai'af G ° °Y short political life, when by the united ta;' 4 PD, "'lest Men on that memorable 15th November, " !'°lldier of 29 (in which I was included) th e Commons House of Parliament those tali 'ad too long held the rains of Government. I '' O Y Bon. Friend who has already spoken, . 1 t tax is one that should be instantly repealed. 4 " the assessed taxes are the most oppressive. 'flour lately to present a petition from the city e , s ent, and I expressed my opinion strongly ; and wh en t h e county petition is presented ed i t ore l " supp ort i ng i t with all the power my - -(Ch eers. ) Y---I hold similar opinions with Sir R. '% faith kept with f un dh o ld ers means public beers.)-1t cannot be continued because of debt, and it is ridiculous to suppose that all ill the labour of all the country shall be mort 'er' to pay for the follies and villanies of these the debt.—(Cheers, and bravo, liealY• ) has statesl, he objects to the requisition be ss‘4lki s• h ' not emanate from the right sort of people. ternal, 9 14 ' , j, 0 4 Nl,t4 ri fre e 41 ~.e 4,1 merit in the requisition, it is that of ladf 0' 0/ 4 4 a a ,'aea i the people : there are none of the aristocracy aid, the ss% 04 : 11 he n 4 ' and after the meeting separates, I hope !lady °fSirli : S t .efilqi i :: s ha,ilZ4 safficieritlythat the yeomen can carry on t ana to il 1, the ,i 1.),...., 'a. without the aid of the aristocracy.-- ate Ar r n o u the 0 ., , , s ra on. 1, It will be to me a matter of pride to show oloshi , c, 0 i j , A, N, k -',ronet we can do it. ra-I3" a ll / 1 1,!ell o l'' gust la in Ma 0 4 c l, - a -chat, —ncA n - --Gentleme n , on the subject of ae , p t ie - N tN. . of taxation I go with you hand in hand. ED. Geo o al ce fl it N u , itio n ii Church' , cave of „ta li !Nutt. oneetly states that there should be an _strce:', a.:o4'' ? F a N I. soh . , !en of taxation, consistently with the na ,, get[ , . of 13 0 1 1 1 ': I;ii i ‘,, i l t u ll: 4 l , net; 0 ,4 1 0 4 ; ots:inehte done ; there ought to be an ex ten- , rsq' of i' l Ok t tt, 0 . 4 44" oft axes, and it may be accomplished iy ,os o r ' 00 a ~ 1 ,,4 . a ‘ ,„,, t1 , ' the national faith. .If I thought a on 01) .1 , el 'l o t 't o '' touch an atom of that faith, 1 would be rest, so , rey Isi ktii Pro Post it. Fr ' • Iti t ' 'fte i r O Cer d ‘ti i: tt Nt Nt to 1 ht, t, e taxes upon groceries,. ithOe,,, al; b "ol' 1, ,4 IN millions upon millions annually, which Beii•`, 3 . ,f a a. $ ',, k1 1 c 'is au ° "erY cots or, said oppress the industrious i relatL Y ,, 0 aio• ,'$ till, , , ei h PP th /cl.- - % k ' li, 'kt, 1 ' amid every class should be redeced one , f gr. c t4, ,,1 i 'I u 'l"re---(C4 ' And on the other hand est al' a ° # (CI 4 lf Pon pi t . s c era.) -01t]...T0, ►ht a tt , ', tit _ e Insurances should be reduced not only : pt,,%)...,14,1uch more --do away' with. them entirely. 0 pa';" vli o • 'Le taxes on the newspaper press, which gag SURD ti e .Rixr 4 intelli"tnee, Should also be reduced oue-half : ho was in the Chs'ic'' led the objects o f ill , n Mr. Charlton, 5,i tined a great dal' ; whereupon ei rose, and, in O r d urgent necessity :ed out nurnero lo ;st others the ro t e irticulir, which '! fl of a No b„ ' tis puppets. id 6,000 inhabit o :4 at burgesses, of fi r! .N; and in these p Representatives loud deers, colgq a string of r esolo: 1, vote by ballot , ;ing to all househ ol o tration of e resolutions, be 13 .P., after a polori olleague (Viscoo n, lr e ballot, and wo ul d •ra until he had 0 present Ministrl' CIiARLTON, E N V seepting only t be y )e " un-Englisby ANDERSON, file imously. lie thOi of Lord. be pre y the House of 64 1 also carried nem. Ily the, recently tions to any otior ttives. g of the inhabit °- ; will be held t 0.1,1,, iely, it the Boil ; 11 a purpose of " 01 , 1 cop, iety of riti t4 ,, moss, fur a RO„ . 1 ) chinent in the 1.', 1 di resolutions as expected that th e of the respectab!, a in favour of - at Banbury, B° ,e , orough there sr sl - of whom has 31vt . r t the patron, th s ' i ll s of their gift , in t ye dealt; so ti ll t l actory, could eli el . " o to that, for Ono , 0 1 I a Mamber m any oCCII BI I o r as either a Wit ti' the patron for t"oi at any regard tofsh town, or eye° 'co stover be the itary Reform, t :0 11 becoming req ec to t' be, to couto l vo r try, enabled ' O lO he House of C° of Lostwithel ceal h, on Wedneelek in favour of a 0 4 dance was fl e d Fss(l., wa s e ller osed, which , A a t iJ l al meas.ure of 'oe itry, redressl (loption of s uch existing &titre atoll it to be °le a f 1 ' t no measure -130 t Factory to the C O r rough-systeui• roete • ballot wad Poor tree dissentie ste, no eting fi l • ear P 4 were l‘les el :o t vhe most Abu co de der which th e ,. e ee I nd enforced t;to, cogent argto n . 0 de nay be regae ► 3 in this emi r) OP Pt t• e in ters] , e to inter. ur if hz..,_,, R.. the unanie' to • Os ti "ut , f t ' i . ss,—by leYs lt/ 011 ti: 4 4 tid *4o l34 in the heee g ' o / k ' t 4 ) : P ith anks of the for 1 - tlty roc Mr. Pendargeo d , b c , spi tc t b e he i ►6k th len readiness t hs ip kb ° hen meeting, P r o otiev h!tv o „ tep tel ouse of C° 6l 0./ -.` i; P Or' • The t 4 .44% 't !ettng. 0 ,_ , 6 4 , ition w the tter i 4 vt. t-t, give the chair, sl o b k t i :(l4. ll e4 t , 'us have the, t o Ik t 6 trY P 4 bli, ,ly wiped °l' ie V th sik.,..(el [ to acquie .ce o t O F 1 t kt t isk i P keu i ne of the 111 ,. 0 16„ t d f o Ni a t [0 inflicted 11" ti t ' h to4: ter ...•••••••). , i r4 ee( !Its it "64 [S. ~•l'di *4 t .tt d id vf•Il • 1. ti llh ° b. LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 3, 1831. No. 11,980. the revenue on that head would not be diminished, but doubled.—(Cheers.)—The re are other taxes, which stand so thickly that they actually choke each other : they want thinning out and pruning, to leave room for their full growth ; for instance, the same article is taxed in a great variety of forms. Malt liquor is taxed, and the tax ex. tends to malt, licenses, and hops. If the hop duty were repealed, there would be more malt liquor consumed, which is at present poisoned with deleterious substitutes. Hops, which, like barley, are an English produce, would be more extensively grown': as it is at present, hops grow wild in our hedges, and we are not allowed to cultivate them.—(Cries of " they grow near Newark.")—lf the taxes on stage coaches and internal communications were !educed, the post-office revenue would be increased one half by increased intercourse and public wealth, and by reduced cost in carrying the mails. In the same manner the window duty and the glass duty—l mean that upon window glass—choke the growth of each other; there might be a considerable reduc tion.—.(Hear, hear, hear, from Colonel Sibthorpe and other gentlemen.) I now come to another tax, the duty on coals ; I know not a more iniquitous tax than this : it is what O'Connell would call "an Algerine tax."— (Laughter.) There is no duty upon this article at the pit mouth, where the article is cheap, but there is a heavy duty where it is dear. This affects the poor vitally, as we can all feel this cold day.—(Laughter.) We talk of our navy, and yet tax our sea-carriage, and restrict the number of our seamen. There are other taxes in the shape of monopolies, for every monopoly is a tax, and pro hibitory tax : and these are a burthen upon the kingdom to the amount of many millions per annum : they are the greatest curse to the country.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, we have now got the Whigs in office ; let us see what they will do : watch them—let us see whether they will break up the East India monopoly.—(Loud cheers.) If they betray the country on this point, we shall halloo a Whig through the streets when we see him.—(Cheers and laughter.) With regard to the taxes generally, I state it, Gentlemen, as my firm conviction, that if the late Ministry had continued in office, they WOULD have done what they could to relieve the public from those burthens, and I hope to see that Ministry within six ruonths reinstated in office.—(Clamour.) Mr. W. BEDFORD, sen. of Lincoln, presented himself to the meeting, holding in his hand a long catalogue of pensions. I need hardly tell you (said Mr. Bedford) that the Constitution of this kingdom consists of three parts— King, Lords, and Commons. Unfortunately within the last fifty years a fourth has sprung up called the Oligarchy, which has been dividing the produce of your labour amongst themselves. There have been many changes of the Administration within that period, but they have all been what is called "in and out." Those who were out wanted to come in, and when they were in they followed the same track as their predecessors in pursuing those whom they had succeeded. Then the •uts got in, and then they likewise pensioned their prede cessors, so that pension after pension has so often suceeded that the whole •f the property of the nation is almost swallowed up.—(Cheers.)—We have a great number of what is called the Nobility, but they let down their dignity very much by living as pauper. upon the public.— (Cheeri.)—Gent'emen, I beg leave to move the second resolution. The resolution was seconded by Mr. Healy. Mr. J. BEDFORD, of Sleaford-1 propose the third resolution. Mr. WILLIAM WIIITSED, of Kingston-hall, seconded he resolution. Mr. HEALY proposed the fourth resolution. His worthy *riend on his left (Mr. Drakard) would do it ample justice. Mr. DRAKILAD, of Stamford—Gentlemen, it cannot be expected that I should be reluctant to second a resolution which shall take away the talons from those birds of prey who have so long been a scourge to this country,—who have been my uncompromising foes ever since I first en tered on political life, and who 21 years ago incarcerated me in that prison.--(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I thank God I live to see the day when they are to be humbled—a cir cumstance, perhaps, which they never once contemplated. I firmly believe that, as a body of men, there is not a more odious set upon the face of the earth.—(Cheers, and cries of " You are right.") I conclude with saying that I se cond the resolution with all my heart. —(Great cheering, and cries of That man's Paper has enlightened the country snore than any other.") Mr. TALLENTS, of Rauceby, proposed the fifth resolu tion, which was seconded. Mr. ATKIN, of Caythorpe, proposed the sixth resolution, which was seconded by Mr. PADDISON, of Louth. The Hroll SHERIFF then adjourned the meeting to the Nisi Prius Court. He then informed the freeholders that Colonel Sibthorpe would address them. Colonel SIBTIIORPE rose—Mr. Sheriff and Gentlemen, with regard to the complex question of Reform, I have witnessed the great necessity of Reform in the representa tion of this county.—(Hear.) I mean as to its character. Then with regard to the question, viz., that of shortening the duration of Parliaments, I must object to it, and I do so with the greatest respect. I object to any alteration in the duration of Parliaments. If you ask why ? I say, if you call for an annual Parliament or for a triennial Par liament, only consider how many days we spend there sometimes in " getting a House," and how many we spend in doing nothing at all. It often happens that a Member wishes to bring forward an important question, and he goes down to the House and finds most of the Members absent. This has occurred when I have had a question to bring forward. On a recent occasion I had a measure to propose which was not agreeable to the feelings of his late Majesty's Ministers. I attended the House, but there was nut a sufficient number of Members present to make one. His Majesty's Ministers were up stairs, and would not come down. Mr. High Sheriff can, I have no doubt, speak to this. I wish he was in Parliament now. I saw the lion. Member for Cornwall, who had a question to bring forward, and he could muster only 29 Members. The number was insufficient. Hie object was to enquire into the distress of the country, a very unpalatable subject for the late Ministry, who, no doubt, chuckled upon the Hon. Member being disappointed, and who had, no doubt, said to some Hon. Alembeis, " We will have no house, bark, bark away, my boys."—(Laughter and cheers.)—This was attempted by Mr. Davenport; at first he did not get a house, but in three days he suc ceeded, and it proved " a packed one." Another Mem ber—l speak of the Hon. Member for Newark.—(Cries of " What, Newcastle's Mic!)—Mr. Sadler, who could not get a house on an important occasion. Now I ask you, gentlemen, if, supposing you obtained annual Parlia ments, and I should be your representative, how I could carry a measure forward, when, in a few days, an ad journment might be moved. I could get no further bear ing, Parliament would be prorogued, and all would have to be begun ever again. Theta probably, for having failed in my project, I ant to be cast aside in contempt, and another individual is to succeed me. The same rea soning will, I think, also apply to triennial Parliaments. With regard to the other question, viz., giving protection to the exercise of the elective franchise, I see no difficulty at the present moment; but if you look to secure it by voting by ballot, I am averse to it—(Clamour)—and why ? Because I hate—(" It won't do," and great cla mour)—and detest any thing that is done under the name of concealment.—(Clamour.)—l say there is only one thing that cm be done in the dark, and that is using the poignard of the assassin. Au Honour able Friend in this Assembly (Major Handley) has stated that voting by ballot is founded on ancient custom. I differ with him ; though I do not mean to say my readiug has been so extensive as his. He alluded to Cicero : the ballot was opposed to the policy of Cicero. Cicero says (here the Hon. and Gallant Colonel made a long quotation in Latin from Cicero : saute sturdy yeomen, advocates of the ballot, vociferated, " What is the English," what does it all mean ? Others rejoined, " Humbug" which excited much laughter. We forget the Latin quotation. ) Well, I will translate it--" To give the free exercise of free voting to the people, it mu,t be known to the representatives for whom they voted." With regard to a Reform of Parliament, I dare say you would recommend (and I agree with you) the disfran chisement of close boroughs. But what will you say when we have a recent instance,—(l hate to be personal, but as a public man I must speak of public men,)—what will you say when you reflect that you have one of the great advocates fur Reform in Parliament, lately returned for a close borough, since appointed to a situation uncle ! Government? Physician, heal thyself : you ate puttin g into practice the very evil you openly deprecate.—(Ther e was a profound silence during the delivery of this sentence.) Will that reformer vote for the disfranchisement of that borough of which he is the representative ? Would like to lee it fez:mm(l from the reach of hia rich and wealthy relation ? Will he vote against a thing in the adoption of which he is a principal agent ?—(Hear, hear, from Sir E. T. Bromhead.) Then you talk of putting,an end to close boroughs, and of transferring the franchise to large manufacturing towns. Look at the good and virtuous town of Liverpool. Is there any town in England in which there have been unblushingly exhibited more glaring instances of corruption ?—(" Disfranchise it," from Sir E. F. Bromhead, and cries of " Yes, y e s."). Gentlemen, as a reformer I am for a moderate, grad ua l, and sound Reform, not wishing to turn everything upside down, and if you would wish to have a proper re presentation of the people, you most not go to the large manufacturing towns. If you ask me what I should recommend,—a husible individual like myself,—l should recommend a Committee (not appointed by Minis ters) to enquire into the state of all these boroughs where perhaps there are only one, two, or three voters, and that perhaps is the case with a great many of them. I would vote a petition for a Committee of enquiry : I would not go hand in hand to disfranchise these boroughs, hut I will tell you what I would do, and it is an important measure, and was strongly recommended by Mr. Pitt : I would give additional representation to the counties, and that would be a most extensive representation. 'With regard to another point, which I believe is thought of very much, though it is not in the requisition,—l mean universal suffrage. That I never can consent to : it would be a dangerous innovation.—(Cries of " Order.") Mr. PADDIsoN, of Louth, was now called upon by the freeholders. He said—We have been doomed to experi ence the disgusting profligacy of a Parliamentary states man during 25 years,—of the war undertaken by the re creant Mr. Pitt for the most iniquitous purposes,— doomed during 16 years of peace to bear with disgusting struggles, dishonourable falsehoods, sudden transitions from war to peace, bad harvests, too much food for the mouths of the people, too many mouths to eat the food— (Laughter) —and at all times, not excepting even the present, the blasphemy used against Providence,— ca l ms over which they had no controul.' We have seen the blood-thirsty axe and the dungeon alternately em ployed against Reform,—we have seen the face of tyrants bared when the people have thrown off the mask,—we still groan with the recollection of the Man chester massacre, perpetrated by the hired assassins, the yeomanry cavalry, in 1819,—we burn with indignation at the recollection of the Six Acts in 1820 : and yet, after all these indignities, all these lurid aspects, I do think the day of justice and retribution has at length began to dawn, and brings us the hope of seeing fair and even-handed justice dealt out to the whole people of England.—(Great cheering. )—Let me ask, what is the ground for this hope ? Upon what considerations is it founded ? Not that the heart of Pharoali is softened. No! Not that the nature of our enemies is changed. No ! Not that the poor tyrants of 1830 are, or are likely to be, a different set of men in character and disposition. No! Not that their follies and their crimes have doomed them to destruction. No ! They have so blundered about in their legislation, —so blundered in the management of their own affairs, — that into the pit which they had dug for others, they are ready to fall themselves.—(Tremendous cheering.)—Gen theme'', there is now an impassable gulph between them and the people, and into that gulph the boroughmongers will most assuredly be plunged, where, as if they had mill stones round their wise necks, will they lie like Satan in the bottomless pit, not to be let loose again at the end of one thousand years, but to remain in perdition for ever. The mention of that word forcibly reminds us of one of our best friends : depend upon it, were it not fur the debt, the poor tyrants would even now be renewing a war against principles. It cannot be forgotten that the former French war was undertaken expressly, not to put down Bonaparte, but to put down opinions and principles,—those very eter nal principles which taught, and still teach, that every man who has not a voice in the choice of those who make the laws affecting his person and property, essentially are slaves—(Cheers)—those principles, the operation of which in France abolished the grinding taxes, the state dungeon, the game laws, and established truth.—(Hear.) Yes, the truth ; and by causing an appropriation of the church property to public services, relieved all the industrious classes of France from their cruel burthens. We all know that it was to prevent a Reform of abuses in Church and State in this country, that the poor tyrants whooped on the nation during a 25 years' war ; it is impossible to for get how they celebrated their vain and transitory triumphs over those principles. Upon the restoration of the Capets or the Bourbons, whichever you call them, and upon the re-introduction of the Inquisition in Spain in 1814,, at the jubilee in London how they danced and sung for joy, thinking they had got their feet upon the necks of the people for ever. But mark the signal vengeance which their own suicidal folly has brought upon them : in order to pay the expenses of that war, not forgetting their di verting little war against Marathon on the other side of the Atlantic, where they were drubbed by the Yankees —(Laughter)—in order to pay these expenses, th ey spent on e h un d re d m illi ons o f money: this constitutes the debt: it is not the debt of the people—(Hear, and cheers)—that debt remains still to be paid by them, not by the people. And we all know that the bare in terest of that debt, whilst it beggars the thousands and starves the millions, and can scarcely be paid at all by the addition of a large standing army, to which an addition has lately been made, (I don't know what to call the Govern ment,) the payment of that debt so cripples their powers, ties their hands behind them, and emasculates their ma lice, that they stand guilty by, and let the French again go to work with those principles. They have wronged the people of their representative system, arid the people are loudly sounding their cry for Reform in the ears of the half-distracted tyrants.—(Loud cheers.) —I have alluded to this subject thus briefly, and I am sure it will now be proper to demonstrate to you the real character of the parties with whom the people have now to deal : and this is a most important consideration in every parley be tween honest men and rogues.—(Laughter and cheers.)lt is quite clear that the borough tyrants cannot bear to see the p e opl e sna k e a stan d aga i ns t aristocratical in croacliments : and it is clear that they will not yield until they are compelled. I have reminded you of the fact, that our enemies are on the point of making over tures, and that they arise front certain misgivings in their own minds, and not from a sense of justice. It therefore behoves us to remember who mid what they are,—to look back on their past conduct,—to take care, that whilst they are losing their powers, we do not lose our wits, and to beware of the danger of being deceived by bad men, and of being dragooned out of our righte.— (Cheers.)—l beg you to look narrowly into and keep your eyes fixed upon the real source of the misgovernment of which we complain, and which has produced the miseries that now distract the community. What is the source of those miseries? It may be described in one single sentence, the long-abused absolute power of making laws, and of ap propriating to themselves the whole resources of the king dom. There you have it all in a nuteliell.—(Laughter.) You cannot be too often reminded of the fact, that it stands recorded upon the Journals of the House itself, upon the petition of the present Premier, Earl Grey, that 154 Peers, together with a few Commoners, return a decided majority of the M em b ers to that House. And how did these enemies get into their seats? Why through the medium of the rotten boroughs, which are bought and sold, exchanged and leased ; and traffic, which was on a certain occasion in 1809 declared to be as notorious as the sun at noon day, is 'admitted by both factions, Whigs as well as Tories. Ned we wonder, then, at the manner in which we are pillaged and bestridden by these Lords ? Out of tke 658 Members of ihs Commons, there are but somewhere about 171 who can by any stretch of the imagination be called the people's mem bers. The petition of Earl Grey states 171 who can he called the people's members, and even supposing the whole of that 171 were members for counties and open boroughs, supposing th em a ll di s i nterested and inde pendent men, which is a monstrous charitable supposition on our part, still they can be of no real use to the people, for it is the majority of 487 which preponderates on the decision of a question, and in such case a majority is as good as the whole. Let us now take the case of a single borough as a sample of the whole mass,—for instance, Old Sarum, which Lord Goderich, in his political style, would call one of the portals of our Constitution,—(Shouts and laughter.) This villainous boroughs of Old Sarum sends two members, and does not contain one single soul, no, not one single house or inhabitant. Why then, how are the members chosen? or in what is the right of vot ing vested? In seven bits of land called Iturgage tenures, —(Roars of laughter,)—and as they cannot speak for themselves, the proprietor of the borough steps forward on the day of election and gives their votes for them. —(Roars of laughter.) And who is the owner of the borough ?) The Earl of Clarendon. He exercises his right : "and has he not a right to do as he likes with his own ?"--(Laughter.) He puts into these seats two cou sins of his, and they of course, like good and true cousins as they are, give their votes for some of the nice pickings in church and state, and accordingly we find the Earl of Clarendon on one occasion, the governor of the Cape of Good Hope with a handsome salary, and his fourth cousin a prebendary and the possessor of several rich livings.— (Cries of "shame! shame !") His members have fought through thick and thin for corruptiou, and have opposed retrenchment and Reform ia every shape and degree. This is a pretty part of the system lay which the people of England are cousined.—( Laughter and cheers.) Does not any man see that what is called the House of Commons is not more nor less than a fac-simile, a coun terpart, a reflection of the House of Lords, that the people of England possess no real weight there ? Here, then, 1 think we have the real nature and source of that misgo vernment of which we complain—here we have lying be fore us the root, the very heart's core of the borough_ mongering system—here, proof undeniable that the people of England have no real voice in the election of those who enact the laws,—that the power is usurped into the hands of a few individuals, who cramp the energies of the nation —of those who hold the purse of the nation, who can dip their hands into it and help themselves as freely and as often as they choose—who make what laws they please, lay on what taxes they please, and dispose of them as they please—who vote directly or indirectly, several millions into their own pockets, and into the pockets of their de pendents, and with regard to the whole expenditure, are accountable only to themselves. They exercise power i just the same way as all aristocracies have ever done—just as might be expected. Have we not the evidence of the abuse of their power now before us in the present state of the country, at which the boroughmengers themselves seem to stand aghast? For how do we behold vice and craft filching the bread from toiling poverty—taxes pres sing down the industrious classes of society to the earth— severe law and a standing army to compel the payment of taxes—the makers and the receivers of the taxes wal lowing in wealth—the payers of the taxes pining in poverty—whole districts goaded to revolution by sheer want of the necessaries of life.—(Cheers)—and special commissions glutting the vengeance of violated laws upon the miserable victims of despair. These, Gentlemen, are some of the fruits—the bitter, but the natural fruits—of the horrid boroughmongering system. And yet there have been in several instanees, odious reasoners to insist that this system works well. For whom? For the few, or for the many? For the thousands who fatten upon the taxes, or for the millions who are starved by them ?—(Great cheering.)—A Mr. Lister, of Kent, has deliberately stated (for he had had great experience and observation in the matter), that convicts on board the hulks were much better off than labourers, and that some of the latter had boldly declared they would commit some crime in order to better their condition. Another witness stated (I forget his name) that he had frequently seen with surprise and sorrow, from 30 to 40 young men in the prime of life, degraded by dragging carts on a highway, for want of better employment. Another witness out of Wiltshire (a Magistrate) also gave the most afflicting testimony. Gentlemen, I need mention no more facts : we have quite plenty,—we have reached the climax of oppression. Here we see the worst Government can do. Now, mark the application. These appalling proofs of the utter desti tution of millions °four fellow countrymen have been known to Parliament several years, and during such period earnest appeals have been made to Parliament on behalf of the labourers ; yet from that Parliament there has not been made one single combined effort to avert the evil day,—to raise the labourer from his appalling state,—to stop the torrent of taxation upon his own earnings,--nor the slightest manifestation of sympathy. Instead of these, we have seen proposals to prevent the increase of these worthy and productive classes, whilst protection has been given to the leeches of the state,—to those splendid paupers who annually draw a sum from the public purse to the amount of 400,0001. a year. We have also had proposals (mark the wisdom!) to prevent marriages, and thereby to in crease the number Of bastards—(Laughter and cheers) — proposals to deny relief to able-bodied men, merely be cause they were able-bodied,--proposals to mortgage the poor-rates, and with the mortgage money to transport the sinews of the nation to Nova Scotia, leaving behind the lame and impotent. That disgraceful proposal was moulded into a law, and passed by that damnable House,—that pro posal to authorise overseers of parishes to take the dead bodies of the poor and hand them over like the carcasses of malefactors, for dissection. The House of Lords, how ever, threw it out. It tends to show what a precious set the Members of that House are as a body.—(Great laugh ter and cheers.) Need I ask if this set of men really be the representatives of the Commons of England ?—if they really be the advocates of good Gove rnment ? I h ave gone thus far to shiny the wicked ness o f t h e system, and shall now turn to the consideration of a remedy for the evil. As to the means for accomplishing this, there appear to be four kinds; first, destruction of the boroughs; se condly, extension of the suffrage; thirdly, vote by ballet; and fourthly, shortening the duration of Parliaments. As to the first, I have already said quite enough to show the necessity of destroying those places of misery and mis chief. As to the extension of the suffrage, this is a most vital proposition. If you confin e the exercise of the suffrage to a few hundred thousands, you create an aristo cracy upon a larger basil; you give to tkat aristocracy the power of pillaging and oppressing the many, for every aristocracy has ever been found to exercise itself for the pnrpose of depressing the peopl e . I advocate uni versal suffrage. I s ay that every man who pays taxes in any shape, has a right to the choice of those who o s , which the labour er earns, 35. goes from make the laws affecting his person an d property .— Out of every him in the shape of taxes. And let the ask, is it to be be lieved that this robbery could possibly be committed on the wages of the labourer if he had the slightest controul over those who make the laws and impo se th e t axes ? To whatever degree the suffrage is extend e d, i t w ill f a il o f its object—it will prove wormwo o d an d bi tter s —unless allowed protection by ballot.—(Tremendous cheering. ) The late Major Cartwright used an argument in favour of th e ballot which is conclusive : he says, " right to the end includes a right to the means ;" and if the people of right be represented at a ll, th e y h ave undoubtedlyae a an equal right to th e on ly means o f protect ingEi igi t l t em ,l a h g have against chose who interfere in the choice of their representatives. It is an argument grounded upon the present state of the law.—(Great cheering.) The only remedy is in the ballot : it would defeat the influence of temptation on the one hand, and intimidation on the other ; it would leave every elector to vote ju s t as he pleased, iu perfect se cur i ty an d i n d ependence.—(Cheers.) We lutve had objections m a d e to vote b y b a ll ot to- d ay by the ga ll a nt Colonel. He has all u d e d t o Ci cero, an d ma d e a quotation t o the effect that " the vote ought t o b e k nown to the nobility , and at the same ti me t o th e p eop l e ." Colonel Stivrtionre—N o ! " l et t h e vote b e free to the people, but let it he known to the nobility." Mr. PannisoN—That means to th e ar i s t ocrac y.— (Laughter and cheers )—The reason we want the ballot is, that the aristocracy may not know how we may rote. —(Cheers.)—With regard to the ballot being American, the Atnericans owe to it th e possess i on o f t h e i nnumera bl e good things they enjoy. They are exempt from a stand ing army, from military and naval colleges, from law with four o r ti re l i vings each, whilst the ready es tablishments, frenn Bi s h ops w i t h 60,000 / . a year, and hard-working clergy are so poor as to stand in need of a vote of 16,000!. a year out of the taxes to support them. Th e people are persecuted because they refuse to sell their birthright for a mess of pottage. These are the men who now , being poor, would be rich in the ballot; the former are the men of whom it may be truly said, th it the bal• l o s, which would undoubtedly be death to their base in fluence and ambition, does indeed " make cowards of them all."—(Great cheering.)—Look for instance at the Newcastles and the Exetere—there you have the charac atesrno,eflltlaies I v l r° d ' i ' e g t l i t v n e m a n n g , e i r f s u _ itio th u e s re the yee y ou ar s er wa n d o e w r t c l aa ie u h , a y r p d o ly: critical pretence that " they have a right to do as they choose with their own." After alluding to an anecdote told by Load King, the speaker alluded to short Parliaments. Triennial Parliaments would be a very, great improve meat upon the present system. I should say annual Par liaments would be better than triennial, and I do not think the character given of the present idle habits of the l e gislature would he appli:able to a Parliament really c hosen by the peopl e . —(Ch eers.) When the present ‘1 inie r forward his plan o f R e f orm, s if t it t o as certain whether it c onta i ns t h e real principles of Reform : such a Reform as will comp l ete l y d estroy the borough system, and substitute i n it s p l ace a pure representation. lrt PRICE 7D. If it do, Lord Grey will be the saviour of his country : if it do not contain that principle, regard it as a mere tub thrown to a whale,—as a mere stratagem to noodle and juggle theyeople a little while_longer. Wait for better success at some future period ; for, depend, the grand tide of events will continue to close in until it eventually over take and swamp all our enemies. —(The speaker Was greeted at the conclusion of his address with three cheers ) The HICK SHERIFF then put the resolutions seriatim so the meeting, which were carried unanimously, amidst deafening plaudits. On the fourth resolution, Sir E. F. Brombead demanded a shew of hands against it ; but not one was held up, amidst great laughter. Major HANDLEY proposed the adoption of the petition, which was seconded by the Rev. J. Caars, and carried unanimously. It was theta resolved that the petition should be pre sented by Sir W. INGuer, Sir R. HERON, and Colonel SIBTHORPE. Sir W. INGILBY then rose to address the meeting.—As soon as I saw the requisition to the Sheriff, aid his sum mons attached to it, I determined at once to appear amongst you : and I now thank you for the confidence you seem disposed to repose in me by corutnitting into my hands this important petition. Gentlemen, I confess lam a convert to the principles of the ballot.—(Cheers.) I feel ruyeelf called upon to make a public declaration to that effect.__ (Cheers.) This petitioa shall have my best support. I trust I shall live to see the operation of the ballot : I shall rot be afraid of it. The first principle of Reform must be that which shall destroy the rotten boroughs; your Commons House of Parliament ought to be a repre sentation of the people, and not a little beggarly House of Lords.—(Laughter.) Gentlemen, whatever the influence that shall hereafter be used against me, ballot is not the thing I shall fear ; neither ecclesiastical nor aristocratical influence. I shall maintain my seat in the House as long as the freeholders will have me, where I shall always be ready to advocate and support the rights and privileges of the people.—(Great cheering.) Colonel SIBTLIORPE pronaised to give the petition his support, excepting that part of it which prayed for ♦ote by ballot. The following is the petition agreed to at the meeting: The resolutions, which have not yet reached us, will be given in the News and our next Champion:— TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. We, the undersigned freeholders and in;abitanta of the county of Lincoln, humbly represent to your Honourable House— That by the grievous weight of taxation now imposed upon the coun t r y, a ll pro d uct i ve industry is paralyzed, and must, if such taxation be continued, be shortly anni hilated. We have seen with horror and disgust that long cata logue of unmerited pensions which has lately been exposed to public indignation by the wise and honest decision of his Majesty's Ministers. We deprecate the waste of public money which ensues from keeping up unnecessary offices, civil, ecclesiastical, and military, and from an unreasonable amount of sAla ries paid to great Officers of State and of the Law. We denounce (as opposed to the principles of the Chris . .. . _ tian religion, whose kingdom is not of 'this world), and destructive to society, those enormous emoluments whir) are lavished upon the higher• order of the Clergy. We complain that national property, commonly called Crown land, is misapplied. We believe that these grievances have arisen from a want of popular representatio❑ in the House of Commons, and that nothing can give to the people the unbiassed exercise of their elective suffrages, and restore to them a just influ ence and oontroul over their representatives, but a well organised system of voting by ballot. Feeling a perfect conviction that this measure, and this alone can complete your plan of retrenchment, that this and this alone can remedy existing grievances, and give security fur the future, we conjure your Honourable House, by all you hold dear and sacred, as you would save your country from an impending convulsion, to give attention to our prayer. We pray that your Honourable House would be pleased to remit a large portion of the existing taxes. That all unmerited pensions, and all unnecessary offices, civil, ecclesiastical, and military, may be suppressed. That the salaries of Officers of State and of the Law, may be reduced. That a more reasonable provision may be made for the hierarchy. That the Crown lands may be sold. That the savings resulting from the correction of all these abuses may be applied in the place of taxes to be re mitted. Above all, that you would cause those old laws to be re spected whose object it is to secure the freedom of elec tion, and enact a system of voting by ballot, with such regulations as shall to your wisdom seem beat calculated to prevent the wealthy and the powerful from invading and usurping that dearest privilege of the people, the right of choosing their own representatives. And your petitioners will ever pray. THE PENSION LIST. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. beg through you to express my grateful thanks to your two correspondents, " A Practical R e f ormer an d no R ad i ca l " and " No Radical," for their kind assistance in exhibiting with me the abuses of the Civil List. I have also equally to thank you for having given me two such able coadjutors, who have not haired to support so formidable a person as a Radical. It was impossible for me to work through such a mass of, wasteful prodigality, of wanton remuneration, and of untoward meanness, without omitting some objects, neglecting others which merit particular attention, or noticing sonic to whom suspicion attaches from their very names, that they are receiving sums to which they are by no means entitled from the public purse, under the mask of Royal bounty. As the whole of the three lists of pen sions are without any designation of the person, or any mention made of the particular service done to authorise the grant of the pension, it is left entirely to conjecture who it may be, or why bestowed. A personal knowledge of all could not be expected to be possessed by one individual. Some persons who arc given as still on the list, are evidently deceased, but then why should they be continued 2 The amount of the pension must have been paid from the Treasury. Who, then, have been the receivers: How the pensions are paid, and by whom, whether quarterly or half-yearly, is not shown ; but certainly some kind of receipt must be given. It can be traced into whose private hands the various sums of money have passed from the public purse. There is au instance in particular—that of Count Lally Tollendal, who, in 1794, had granted to him 2661. 18s. 4d., and who has been dead nearly these twelvemonths. This French nobleman ob tained this grant most probably, besides being an emigrant, from a consideration that his father, as Governor of Pondi cherry? had been suspected from his Irish connections not to have discharged his duty on the defence of that colony, acid met with an unjust and ignominious fate. This nobleman, on the restoration of the Bourbons, recovered some part of his pro perty, and also received liberally from the French nation as a Peer, by an inscription in the Grand ',lyre." Yet this pension appears to have been constantly drawn, and is con tinued down to the day of the return, the 30th of October, 15:30. 1 should regret extremely to be uncourtooua to a lady, and particularly so to one so respected as the Dowager Lady Eli bank, who in her note to you gives the denial to Radical" of ally pension being received by her or her son. The lists may be wrong, but I made no mistake. I quoted most correctly from the two. Mr. Edward Ellice, who had just been installed at the Treasury, as successor of Mr. George Dawson, could notbe ex pected himself in a few days to ascertain the correctness of such au enormous return. Mr. George Dawson had prepared little for him. As the return was given null„ re lui, thought the clerks had been set to work from the memorable vote which ordered it, that from the Ist of June up to the 30th of October contains so few pensions, and so recently given, that Mr. Ellice would have hail the means of personally ascertaining its correctness, but in that a Lady Elibank appears for 1331. Ss. , but whether it be the present Lady, or a Dowager Lady Elibank, . is impossible to distinguish ; if not the latter, but the former, then probably there has not been that intimate chit-chat communication between them, to allow of the old lady learning the good fortune of the young lady. It is very painful to remark how grasping are the very many members of the aristocracy, and with what tenacity they hold the merest trifies. After arriving at affluence they still meanly hold pensions which could only have been claimed under the pretext of poverty—of inability to support their rank. I am distressed to remark the disgraceful submission of some hundreds to their wives' di sgrace, sons to their mothers ' rapacity or their own baseness, brothers to their sistare pauperism; the highest rank, the largest fortune,—all alike bending to public s oliation. if a particular order of privileged persons be essen tial to the State, it should be distinguished by the noblest feel. ings and highest conduct. If my information be correct, the present Earl Tyreonnel married the heiress of a large fortune, set he retains pensions both on the English and Irish lists, obtained in March and June, 1813; the two amounting to 1,04 a Bs. Id., and which apparently he has been enjoying and still enjoys, not withstanding he has come into the pOssession of the fortune of the heiress. What pleasure can an additional equipage aftbrd— wlat consequence a few more pampered menials" give ? he sensation of horror that must be excited at the recollection that such poor indulgencies are purchased at the sacrifice of high feeling ought to be most painful and humiliating; but it is to be • doubted whether such persons are gifted with recollection, or are blessed with the finer feelings that do honour to man. Would , my Lord Strangford otherwise, with so large a retired pension as he has as a diplomatist, still condescend to draw yearly the SUM of 88/. Is., Isis mother, sisters, and, as I believe, a brother—the lion. G. A. F. Sydney Smythe ---and other relatives, having also ',elisions to a consider a bl e amount ? He has not the excuse of the Dowager Countess of Errol, otherwise Mrs. J. H. Frere, whose sisters, having a most scanty provision, she pays over to diem her small pension, and lends them her apartments at Ramp ton-court. This is very amiable : but should this amiability be indulged in at the public expense 2 Should the proud high minded Duke of Newcastle, the paragon of the order, have al lowed his mother to have received for so long a period a sum so unworthy of her rank, and only abandoned when, by an honest :in unusual vote of the Commons House, the list of pensions was to be blazoned forth to the:vulgar gaze of the people, and circus lated by radicals nclt- only to Newark, but to every corner of the empire ? Would the high-minded and amiable Duke of Richmond allow his sisters, or have allowed his late grand mother, to have been quartered on the public? • Would thi. equally amiable, but more wealthy, Duke of Leinster have tolerated that his sisters should draw such miserable sums as two of them appear to have from the hard-earned industry of Little_ his starving fellow-countrymen ? NV ere i t not for that al:winn able indifference to dirty the hand s b y the touch of the public gold,---were it not for that revolting selfi s h ness which is respected under the mask of cleverness and sharpne ss ,- could it have been permitted by a Duke of Leinster that his si s t er, Lady Emily Sut ton, should be sti g m a ti ze d w ith a pen s i on o f 17 71. Its. &1., how ever her husband may h ave squan d ere d a l arge fortune, and is now l itia.e,!oylk the k b 13 ve e r e ß y i ia ? uk - s - eb - saanotheririarlg:,,h,fs, fortune, sister, t, tie hales,eortiern, e, Lady was not so improvident, should have granted to her on the 6th oi . De c choseneniber ther-in-law, Count Chabet, and also his own relative, Madame de Jarnac, who, since March, 1794, has drawn annually to have es . l k f l Or o the l u mother eh rath rather rf wouldi fri t r ieh l and 1771. 1 ls. Bd. ? his uncle, Lord Robert, besides a retired pension as diplomatist, of 1,700!., has, on the English li s t, a f u rth er one since 1801, of 8241. ; an Lady G. Fitzgerald de Roos, in Au gust, 1824, 200!. Cs. 7d. The sisters of the Duke of Richmond, Lady Mary Lennox, who married from attachment her cousin, a son of the late Lord Chas. Fitzroy, an officer in the army, whom she gallantly accompanied to the seclusion of the Cape of Good Hope ; yet as her father had not provided for a rational marriage, a small pension of 2001. 6s. 7d. became a requisite to secure to her the comforts of life; another, Lady Sophia Georgiana Lennox, unmarried, has, to enable her to bear. the expences of fashionable dress through the season, a more moderate pension since 1819, of 1501. ss. Bd. Thus are both Tory and Whig Dukes, grandees of the country, blended in al lowing their nearest relatives to be charged on the public purse, for such is that which is termed the Royal bounty. Let any one examine carefully the lists, and particularly those of Ireland and Scotland, and it is very soon discovered that the Royal selection is very insignificant, but that the Lord-Lieute nants of Ireland and the Pro-Consul of Scotland figure promi nently in the provision of their relations, followers, and minions. Were the people not considered as fair plunder by the order?- would the Marquis of Salisbury, with his very large property, have allowed his sister, the Marchioness of We s t meat h , to h ave accepted a pension of 3 801. 6s. 4d. ? Would Earl Mulgrave, who has a good estate, and only one son, having himself held for the greater part of his life high and profitable employments, whose brothers have done the same, have obtained a pension for his Countess of 800/. !Is. 21. ? Would the Duke of Wellington, with the enormous sums he has received from the liberality of the country, his large pension of 4,000/_ a-year, his valuble mili tary appointments, allow his old moth er , the Countess of Morning_ ton, to depend on the public fur 60N. Bs. 91. annually, and his sister, Lady Anne Culling Smith, also for 6001. Bs. 9d.? Would he not have sought, with his noble brothers, to have made amongst them a provision for their mother, if not for their sister? But no-that would have betrayed a respect for public opinion -a deference to good feeling, and have exposed them to the laugh of their clubs; for even these great and distinguished persons cannot bear the taunt of ridicule, though improperly applied. Would the Earl of Clare allow his mother to be a public pauper for 7801. 2s. per annum ? But she is the widow of a Chancellor of Ireland, a great politician, who, by his own confession in the House of Lords, published that he had de signedly forced his countrymen into a civil war, because he considered that was the only mode of crushing the discontent, produced by misrule---by his own arbitrary conduct ? But it is said he lived well, he entertained largely, to serve his own abo minable party and political views, by which he deluged his native land with its best blood, and sanctioned the most horrible :mil unheard-of cruelties; and so, because lie was prodigal mid pro fligate, the country is to be charged with the maintenance of his widow, who, if I am not greatly mistaken, brought him a iriar riage-portion of 14,000/.,-he himself having inherited landed property to the amount of 7,000/. per annum ; and like all Chan_ cellors, gave large sinecure places to his sons, What can be said of General Sir George Murray allowing his wife, Lady Loni,a Paget, under the name of Erskine, to draw pensions which she only obtained as having married from attachment Sir James Erskine, when a younger brother, who was obliged to sue for a divorce from the most unpardonable misconduct on her part ? Is it pardonable in the Hon. Captain Cadogair to allow his wife, as Miss Honoria Blake, still to Band charged with a pension of 43/. 18s. 4d. ? She undoubtedly follows the example oilier sister, the Dowager Countess of Errol, and pays over this allowance to her ill-provided-for relatives ; hut if such a pittance le of too ment to them, far better would it come from Captain Cadogan's private purse than fries that of the public, the Captain being in charge of the family estate. Could ray Lord s'iscount Allan not pay his subscriptions at White's, Brookes's, and Crockford's, his journey to and fro to Paris, and his cabriolet, without the pension of 2661. 18s. 4d. ? But for the spirit of plunder that is afloat, would Mr. Bowles, as a retired private secretary to that distinguished statesman Henry Goulburn, when Secretary for Ireland, be ple ase d to re _ ceive for himself, and his wife, one of the Montague's of Port man-square, 19i/. ss. Bd. Thin gentleman, who married the sister of Mrs. Goulburn, found it both pleasant and convenient to shut up, or let his own house in Berkshire, and to go over to Ireland to spend his time in the Pinenix.park with his brother_ in-law, and being dubbed private secretary, is fixed on p oor Ireland as an annual charge, on bidding h e r hi s adieu, the sleight-of-hand politics of th e ay unaccountably advancing his kind protector and relation to be a Cabinet Minister, But for the sad degradation of the order, could the Marchioness of Headfort be insulted with a pension of SS/. Is. ; or the non. Caroline Croiton be left to a public maintenance by her relatives of 141/. 15s. Bd. ; or should we find a Dame Mary Dacre Ckrk with 97/. ? A dame me rns the wife or widow of a 'Baronet. Has this lady any claims on the late place-enjoying Sir George Clerk, Bart., of Pennycuick ? I find that Lady Janet Buchanan is a daughter of the late Lord Caithness, and was fortunate enough to find an opulent husband in Mr. Buchannan, who lives in or near to Glasgow ; yet this lady, in O c t o b er, 1827 , has presented to her a pension of _1361. Dame Louisa Harvey appears for 300/. I's. :kl., since June, 15:. ) 6. This lady is not the widow, as is supposed, of the late Admiral Sir Eliab Harvey, Bart., representative of the county of Essex, whose estate was large, and whose daughters have considerable fortunes : his widow is known as Lady Louisa Har vey, and has no intention of receiving the pension of an Admi ral's widow, to which she is entitled. But then, who is this Dame Louisa Harvey I' Miss Emily Rumbold, who is sister to Sir William, who was taken out to India by the Marquis of Hastings, has married a wealthy Prussian Jew, of the name of Delmar ; yet she still continues on the English pension list for 115/. Ns. 6d., but this lady may follow the fashion, and pay it over to her sister Mi.. Caroline Eliza, who has nut been reported to the as having been so fortunate. The public attention is now happily directed to the abuses of the civil list pensions, and a suftielent exposure has been made of them, to lead the present retrenching Government to correct them ; but I find a puling feeling is abroad, which condemns them, but would tolerate them, since they exist: so it is to be feared they will not be discontinued, and only avoided for the future. It is weakly observed, how very severe it would be upon the poor individuals now to withdraw from them what they have • so long enjoyed, and how cruel to interfere with their present arrangements. Such feelings do not tend to save a falling coun try from ruin, to avert those sweeping changes that involve the innocent with the criminal. I trust the Government will be wiser than to listen to the whinings of the Clubs, and be bolder than to be influenced by the condemning coteries of Dowager men, as well as Dowager women. There must be great change* to prevent still greater ones; no abuse should be allowed to linger on, it should be excised as soon Fs discovered. I feel, and do not say to much, when I assert, that the public expect a puri fication of the civil list pensions, and would stoutly support the Ministers who would boldly completely cut off the sources of such corruption. The people will cheerfully raise their voice that the Monarch shall enjoy ample means to be generous —to be munificent ; but they desire that no Minister shall be able to put hi, hands into their pockets pretending they are carrying into effect the Royal pleasure. The separate list for each kingdom must cease ; there must be only one for the empire. Let the King have a fixed sum for a royal bounty, solely to be exercised by his own judgment. It may sometimes be done with out discrimination, but it will be unattended with jobbing. When I place it at ....)0,000/. a year, it may be low ; let it be made larger; but it should at present be only in unison with the distressed si tuation of the empire. let the principle of public rewards and compensations be laid down by Parliament • let it be fixed, an d a return ann ua lly b e submitted to the two ' Houses, and a vote taken for the amount. Master Thomas Knox Holmes will then never have an increase to his pension of 54104 a year, if what was so umnerited should be confirmed, however useful his father's services may become to some other Premier who may be as pro fusely and as personally inclined to reward his satellites as wa s the Duke of Wellington. Young private secretaries, however attached and meritorious, will not find a provision of 2501, a year for having made no sacrifice of profession. I trust my coadjutors will continue to bring forth the many personages whom I have omitted to name, so that no one shall escape. I shall now return to the examination of civil and midi. terry officers. After the recess, the public will be put in posses sion of all places, salaries, pay, fees, and emoluments under IMO/. a year. 'My labour s will not cease, I fear, until the close f the sessin ; but, if I can assist the present Government in the i r virtuou s o in tentions to retrench and do public, good, the midnight oil will not be regretted by RADICAL. TO THE EDITOR OF 2'llE TIMES. Sts,—The word of Captain Cadogan is indubitable : he declares that his lady, Miss Honoria Blake that was, has never received a sixpence from the Pension List, either before or since her mar riage. I believe him, and so will every one; but then, who is the Miss Honoria slake who stands charged on the Irish Pen sion List, since the 24th of June, 1812, with 43/. 18s. 4d. ? On re ference to the Peerage, I find, unde r th e h ead of Baron Walls_ court, Honoria, aunt, and another Honoria, sister of the pre sent Lord. It may, then, be the latter, Captain Cadogan is pleased to use the words "it is falsely stated." They may be cor rectly used t bins ; but whence arises the falsity ? The mistal'e is with the Treasury : why is net a proper designation given to each individual, so that every person should be positively known on a mere reference to the fist. The Parliament is highly curable for not having previously voted the publication of the list. The great pauper list should have been annually laid on its table, and then neither the Treasury nor any one else would have fallen into errors which concealment and mystification have pro duced. The comments or" Radical " would not then have been required to elicit the truth. The very circumstance of Captain Cadogan's letter is an argument for publicity. Why should the wife of that gallant Officer be confounded with a set of persons who have had the meanness to live upon the public purse ? " Radical " Must be pleased that he furulibed him with the occa sion of making such a declarations and would, I am ennfident, be still more pleased, if others enrolled on the list could make a similar declaration, either for themselves, their wives, their mo. them, or sisters. The whisper of the clubs is, that Lord Seymour, the son of the Duke of &..anerset, now pleased to call himself St. Maur, has sent in the resignation of the pension of 571. Is. tkl., which had been granted to his lady before her marriage, as Miss Sheridan. It would have been indeed melancholy if such a resignation had not been made. .9. sister of this lady, married to the brother of a noble Peer, tylio has no family, it is to be hoped does not retain g hers. The Sarah Ponsonby th a t a tt rac t e d t h e part i cular attee. tion of " Radical," by h er th ree grants on t h e E nglish Pension List, of the triflin g sum, i n of 37/. Ifs. 6d., and in 1882 , of 471. ss. o d., but in the reign of the gallant Doke Wellintot. iu 18 0 9, of 2001.65. 'id„ is no less a person than th e romantic lady who abandoned her family to accompany her friend, Lady Bullet in her seclusion, and who buried thosnselv es i n t h e beautiful vale of Llangollen, until the attraction of thei r co t tage brought them into notoriety; but because ladles of high f am i ly were pleased tc be romantic, is it a consequence that such romance was to be fosteted at the publie expense ? Th e Ci vil List was certainly public revenu e (I n well purposes, Let the not voted from the\ proud visitants who were admiited within the sanctu a ry o f th ese voluntary recluses have c o ntributed to its mainten ance , or it should have been support e d b y the houses of Ormonde and Pon sonby. Elizabeth Mulay has escaped the notice of " Radi ca l" and his able coadjutors. She is to be wand in the Irish pension list since Juno, 1198, with 881. Is, This lady, if I am not greatly mistaken, is now somewhat alma forty years of age, and so she must have been quite a child when the pension was granted to her. Her own services could have been 0; but then, what were those of her parents I believe only th a t her mother was one of the Lanesborough family, and who married a handsome gentleman, who was either of the garrison of Dublin or of the Castle; but his services never extended beyond the one or the other. The Lady Catherine's sister, Lady Mary, married a PO/i -sm-thy, and by her exertions with her husband's relatives, a pee sion was obtained for her sister, her husband, and their childreo. Miss Marlay is the survivor, I':as Mary, The Bathursts, Mrs. or Miss Charlotte, or Mrs. or s. It has been and Master or Mr. Charles, are not rightly known. It thurst, denied that they are of the sinecure Pal e rnly Earl r ot; r‘ 1 .4 se BatlitllS:, but that they are the wife and relations of , of rim sap..srt whose great merit was being b d r f i l i r r a s'lv si ktershare„ Air. Doctor," who was describof idcaiwould ;1.1,w flu, to be, as far as the paucity ofp men. , Mrs Pr: gge .aie of the most mischievous au.;usa,ut the Bathurst held very lucrative posts . He ayes