The Sun. — London, England, 1827-05-02 00:00:00

I/Y C. , I IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. , ROUSE OF COMMONS, TUESDAY, MAY 1. The Members' Lobby, and the steps leading to it, were much crowded throughout the day, by persons anxious to get a glimpse of the political characters regarding whom there is so much public interest at present. Considerable doubts were entertained as to the possibility of Mr. Canning's taking his seat to-d a y at all, from an impression which prevailed that he could not take the oaths after the clock had struck four; and it was thought that the ballot would not admit of attention to any other business till some tim e after that hour. All misapprehension was, however, terminated by the appearance of the Right Hon; Gentleman, followed by an attendant bearing his " qualifications" for a seat. His entrance into thelobby was marked by a demonstration of eager curiosity on the part of the strangers in waiting, who by this time formed a body so dense as to make it a work of extreme difficulty for the High Constable, with his numerous posse of subordinates, to keep a c lear passage for the Members. " There's Mr. Canning!' burst from many lips as the Right Hon. Gentleman appeared upon the scene, and began to make his way through the crowd, not without con siderable impediment from the curious, to the office aPPointed for the examination of the qualifications of Members newly elected. Similar, although less in •degree, was the feeling of interest excited towards Mr. Peel. The Gallery was not opened till near five o'clock, at which time the appearance of the House, to eyes accustomed to its ways, and havine- t an acquaintance with " olden style," was highly singular and in teresting. " A mighty change" was visible, and it seem ed as though some magic influence had been at lv011 s: altering the face of all things. The House of Co mmons no longer appeared as a House " divided a gainst itself." Hostile array there seemed none; a nd conflicting interests and parties appeared now assembled round the same standard, united as in one mass, arid devoted to the same - cause. In other Words, the ancient opponents of his Majesty's Go vernment had-ceased to contend, and fairly grounded their arms before one destined to attain mastery over all his enemies, by the force of genius, and the wisdom and integrity of his mind. "His Majesty's Oppo- , sition" had absolutely. fled from the field, and were lo be seen" in dense array. behind the leading Mem bers of his Majesty's Adthinistration. On the Tree s u rY Beach was Mr. Calcraft and Mr. Western, seated tbesid e Mr. "Wynn, Mr. Croker, and subsequently, ir. Can n i ng , M r . H us ki sson, & e. O n t h e sec o n d • N ench sat Mr. Tierney, Sir Francis Burdett, Lord "uncann on , and others. On the third Bench, Mr. B rougham h a d t a k en hi s pl ace , t oge th er w ith SiP R. 1,,, ilsoo, Mr. Leycester, Mr. Fowell Buxton, Lord Nu gent,(\ and severa l oth er M em b ers of th e Opp os iti on . V-' l 4 the fourth Bench were to be seen,Lord Sefton,Mr. r °ll6, Mr. W. Smith, and so on up to the sixth )eneh from'the floor into the remotest corner of the ! I Calse. A more f u ll a tt en d ance , i n d ee d, cou ld not be con ce i ve d— nor did i t seem poss ibl e to fi n d room for one additional Member in any part of the build- Z. Th e s id e ga ll er i es were crow d e d to excess . MY Peers, amongs t w h om were L or d B ex l ey , Lord F arn h am , L or d R o d en , the Bishops of Litch field and Bath and Wells, were accommod a t e d w ith Seats i in this part o f the House; th e D u k e o f orfolk was also here and appeared to take a deep h/ite rest in th e proceedings. But that which puzzled the skill of the most experienced attendants of the °llBe Was, to discover who were the Members in rlcssession of the Opposition benches. 'With the "Ption of Joseph Hume, Esq., who was constant, t 4 • leithe pillar erected for the support of the side gal 'on the third beach, and Lord Milton in his l i a "ual seat, it was impossible, among the croivd of tak e to recognize any one accustomed to shine or Mr. "Y part in the business of the House. tit "'r. Peel had taken his place on . what is under -4470d to be the neutral ground on the Ministerial C e of th e House, and the identical seat which Mr. , g used to occupy during his temporary re b:lasot from office in 1822. Mr. Goulburn sat ",10 him • fuse gallery was sometimes frt a state of great con ti,°ll, from the excessive crowding of the strangers ; t,,_auccessful precautions had been taken to secure, i r as possible, the convenience of the Press. , tut he H ouse was occup i e d unt il w i t hi n twenty mi tes to five o ' c l oc k in balloting for the Ludlow Elec - C ommittee. On our entrance we found t1 e 14 ,,. 1 % WESTERN upon_ his legs, and reporting to mi House, from the East Retford Election Corn , ti k t t e e- ire understood the Hon. Member to say, the Committee had 'decided that the petition t the return of the sitting Member was not tsil t :'°us or v exa ti ous —th a t Si r R o b ert D un d as was 104 of treating, by his agent, at th e l as t El ec ti on a said borough—that 'William Wrightson, Esq.' El, eon al so guilty o f treat i ng , b y hi s agent, at t h e l ast ' boo b__ ) that it appeared from th e ev id ence g i ven )1 0 , 0 -e the Committee, that the corrupt state of the to o U gh dem an d e d th e mos t ser i ous attent i on f rom to r ° ,use—that it was the general practice in that gte ii %lo3 for the electors to receive the sum of forty th at ." for flair exercise of the elective franchise— bed t did not appear, however, that the electors wards en encouraged in the expectation of such re regiler.°Y the sitti ng M em b ers —th a t the Committ ee to be Led that the House would order their report - Ne tt : Printed before the issuing of a new Writ of Th e for the borough of East Retford. eoti s i de Report was then ordered to be taken into Lo or ratio n on Thursday the 17th of May. the , d d :• RUSSELL was understood to move 4 PPoi tite ° n of three names to the list of Members sid e ,d to serve upon the Committee for the con titetstiotTil,of a Bill forthebetterregulation of Private kr. Committees. akar ed P "NTZ observed, that the Noble Lord and t , an addition to the Committee of three names, 60 11 n e at, On a form er night, he had moved the addi be °' six a f• e names, most of w hi c h b e longed t o mem - Bill,same family, and all to promoters of the ben s "e felt perfectly convinced, that the M en' - ver p a : t oned 1 ) . y the N o bl e L ord would act in the of th re est manner, b ut h e ob j ected to the addition " d e_ names as a b reac h of the general principle, 4 , 0 .wlshed to take the sense of the House upon the , tl ,° r o a of th e N o bl e Lord.n gels were then ordered to withdraw, and the l'kuii.;'t was proceedii a- to divide, when Mr. CALcitAp T l '' , d a , nd moved that the con- Aeration of the NobleroLsoe 2d3 motion should be ad the of May. 44 rned to Wednesd a ad he SPEAKER the n put the quest i on from the and Mr. Calcraft's motion was unanimously ed to. NEW WETS. 1‘4,-.. or writs were moved and or d ered for the return n1'4111%111 her to serve in Parliament for the borough Sc . arletit, Es ettrborough, in the room of Jam At%),,,,110 had accepted the office of hi_s es m ajesty , s serve7Y,-General ; for the return of a Member to the .641 rarliament for the comity o f Sutherland, in be.en:r4,,„. of Lord Francis Lcvison Gower,. who had h4l Vhirked one of the Lords Commissioners of toaer47tY)4 Treasury ; for the return h of a Member of Liskeard, 114 the r - .4 l'arliament for the boroug °Tie °et ° of Lord Eliot, who had been . appointed duty the • m p ; Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Member to serve „i•and for the return of a - "lani • • of Cambridge, th roo m o for the University oot ti to e th e °I Lord Lyndhurst, who had been called A n--til"se of Peers. Parli titn e W writ for the return of a Member to . serve in roo r y i ~ent for the borough of Ashburton, in the h ad me th th e - so "'tight Hon. Wm- Sturges Bourne, who cipal seePtett the office of one of his Majesty's prin , plat Plev tari et of State, having been moved for, hi mself t 4 , L rose amidst loud cheers, and expressed ill 'aiedi st () l rh e f ollowing effect !—As this motion was 1111(11,4i-9:Y connected with the office which he he p -er he trusted the House would not think that treatedr -erre d an unreasonable request when he en ,ii them to allow him to take the opportunity Se:ePriavieeinflfthegrounds on which he retired from his Majesty. He knew how much Zsonal is, matter must be involved in a step this 'kind, yet he had so frequently met with kind in dulgence of the House on former No. 1.0,809. occasions, that he should be disappointed in= deed, if on the present occasion, he found he had entertained a vain expectation that they would allow him the opportunity he now soli cited. In this expectation, he bad abstained from resorting to any other mode of explaining his motives. Three weeks had now elapsed since he had virtually resigned the office of Secretary of State for the Home Department. During that interval his silence might have subjected his conduct to much doubt, but he had waited patiently, supported by the confidence that he had acted on public grounds ; that he had taken a course consistent with the maintenance of his own character, that he had been acting with a view to the character of that class to which 1, be longed, he meant that of public men, and supported by the hope, that on this day, and in that place, lie should have the opportunity in the 'face of that - House, whose confidence and good opinion he was chiefly anxious to possess, and, if he might say so, to maintain—(hear, hear)—supported by the hope too, that he should be able to vindicate himself from any misconstruction of his conduct, he had rested till the .present raiment, he said, to vindicate the course he bad taken, because he did not conceive that a public man 'having embarked in public service, was entitled on light and trivial grounds to sever the connection that subsisted be tween him and the public, and to withdraw himself from those whose confidence he had possessed. If he had acted from feelings of inconsistency—if he had acted from levity or vanity—if he had acted from any private pique or personal violence, he should consider himself though not constitutionally, yet morally, most unjustifiable, and unworthy of the confidence his Majesty had reposed in him. The grounds on which he - had retired were shortly these—from his first entrance into public life, he had entertained an opinion, and taken an active part in a great con stitutional question, to viNch he was most firmly attached,—(Loud cheers.)—For eighteen years he had persisted in an undeviating course, offering an uncompromising opinion, and which he considered a .constitutional resistance to the motion brought for ward. During fourteen of those eighteen years he had held office, for eleven he had been closely con nected with the Administration of Irish Affairs, and he had still to this moment retained the opinions he had originally entertained ; but above all, having taken such an active part for some time past, if a single Minister entertaining sentiments in opposition to those he had cherished came into office, he did not consider that he could, consistent with his honour, and as a public man, he did , not conceive that he could remain in office, if the situation of- that Minister was calculated to maintain 1 that question under another aspect, to which, under 1 other circumstances, he himself t hadbeen in the habi of offering a decided and undeviating resistance. Under these circumstances, the nature of his opposition being such as not to be constituted of temporary difficulties, not having been such that he could have hoped' for time to have removed, and that opposition being necessary, as he conceived, for the maintenance of the question in favour of the Established Church, principally in Ireland; , he did not think but that be was bound to retire from public service should his Right Honourable Friend, the First Lord of his Majesty's Treasury, be placed at the head of that Treasury. He should now state the reasons why he considered that the success of the Catholic Question would be Fromoted by the appointment of hi s Ri g ht H on . riend to the station of Prime Minister.—(Hear.) He gave his Right Hon. Friend the fullest credit for the honest sincerity of his intentions. He jud ged of him as he wished others to judge of himself—by his acts—and he could not help recollect ing the uniform course be had taken in favour of the Roman Catholics. Judging from the •Right Hon. Gentleman's previous conduct, in his (Mr. Peel's) opinion, duty as well as inclination would oblige him to promote, if not the immediate, the ul timate concession of those Claims—(Hear, hear)* —and, therefore, he considered it his duty to retire from office. The change was not ,so much because his Right Hon. Friend differed from the Earl of Liverpool in his , opinion on the Catholic Question, but because his Right Honourable Friend's attaining the station of Prime Minister, a change must take place in the direction of all that influence which belonged and properly belonged to the First Minister of the Crown. That influence which lay with the most able and powerful opponent of the Catholic Claims was now transferred to the most powerful and the most able advocate of those claims. With reference to the Catholics, he was prepared to act as he had acted from the first dictates of his feelings, which usually pointed out the most honourable course to pursue. Subsequently; however, he had frequent opportunities from mature deliberation, and the persuasion of every hour confirmed him in the first suggestion of his feelings. Could he haveactedother wise, when he beheld his Right Hon. Friend, when the period to which the restrictions were removed _ _ . froni his present Majesty up to the time when the lion. Member for Westminster had brought forward his last motion in favour of the Catholic Claims, earnestly, consistently, and perseveringly, advo cating those claims, and acting as earnestly in support of them as he (Mr. Peel) had a-ted in opposition to them. Then what would prevent his Right Hon. Friend from doing in 1827 what he had previously done for a course of years. There was no Constitutional ground to prevent him from adopting the same course. No pledge had been offered to him (Mr. Peel) that his Right Honourable Friend would not adopt that course. He had not asked for such a pledge; but if he did, he was sure he would be refused it. Had he accepted office under his Right Honourable Friend, the possibility, nay, the probability would have been, that this very Session he would have been compelled to retire.—(Hear, hear.) — Because it was impossible for him to acquiesce in any motion pledging the House -to take into consideration the Claims of the Catholics in the next session of Parliament. From 1812 to 1827, whenever the Catholic question had been brought forward, his Right Hon. Friend had been its most decided, its most powerful, its most effective, advo cate. When it had been brought forward by others, the Right Hon. Gent. had given it his decided support, arid he' hiniself had brought forward the claims of the Catholics at different periods. In 1822, his Right lion. Friend originated a motion for admitting Peers of the Catholic persuasion to seats in the House of Lords; he (Mr. Peel) opposed that motion; and now suppose his Right Hon. Friend, invested with the aut h or i ty of Prime Minister, should bring forward that motion, could he (Mr. P.) acquiesce in that, which five years ago he had opposed ? He did not mean to complain of the conduct or opinions of his Right Hon. Friend in the remotest degree, but he thought it due to himself that he should state the grounds of his retirement, and essen tial that he should state the whole truth, and explain the principles upon which he had acted. Then what security had he that his Right Hon. Friend would bring forward measures similar to those which he had brought forward in 1812 ? The language of his Right Honourable Friend then war, " I so lemnly declare that I would not have brought forward the present measure of reparation, if I was not convinced that in the name of po licy it was expedient, that in the name of hu manity it was charitable, and, in the name of GOD, it was- just.—(Cheers.)—Then if it was expedient in the name of policy, if it was charitable in the - ..._71,74.17.01-Fit; , ;,,cr li;.,(1`; • k ~., , 3;:j ..),...'---... • , • . .. . . •,, , ..-43 - r., , - ...,--- . __,..'.,, rOw . . i •,".. t , *.•,'• • . - . -• . N. \,,, , :,-,...,!,.., P' , :',,F, -' 2 (A , :t '''''4;‘ • t 7 i. t Y !.l 4,. . ; ' ( (1) . 4 ; H ~ . 4 --. . ---I ,l l' ~''''''''. :_ c..„ _ :- • .t : . -_ A - ..... N . 3- , ,: : IP -, ; ,, — , "!.... , :_- , ,,.. -----: ,,, , ,,) , „ 4 ._ 4 , -- —•- • 4- ‘'' q , A i ' 1, A --„. ~. -.:% ~.,,. . __,..... . . ~,,,,'- , 1 . .. , ~, „7 ../ ------ \.4 C ---7— ' -' •,...-,,z?" - \ 6 , - 4 4 r oorp - 44, qois4 -- ---k ,-• , _....: , ~ .._ ____. _LT.iI t,iii , i ______ _____. PRICE 7D. tion, I think it right to observe, that the country is now prepared, by the progress of civilization and rational prin ciples, to put an end to improper distinctions between the different classes of the community ; and to promote the operation of that general principle of conciliation and con cord which is so necessary for the interests, perhaps, for the salvation of the country. When I recollect the into lerant bigotry which was so common some years ago in this country, and look to the progress which liberal views and sound principk.s have since made, I cannot help rejoicing that a liberal Cabinet, corresponding in some measure to the advanced state of society, has been now formed. On that ground I heartily rejoice at the .ecession of those per sons who formed a component part of the late Auministra tion, because I think, that by this means, a great and almost inseparable obstacle has been removed to the adop tion of that line of policy which is imperiously required by the actual circumstances of the country, and the state of society in this and other civilized nations of the world. Sir THOMAS LETHBRIDGE observed, that he was most anxious at the present moment to declare Ns opinions respectiag the alteration which had recently talten place in his Majesty's Councils, especially after ha had heard the ,peech of the Hon. Baronet who had just sat down. Of all the changes which had recently taken place, he thought the change indicated by the Hon. Baronet's speech the most extraordinary. The Hon. Baronet, however, wbile he dwelt so much on his candour and his loyalty to the Throne, had adverted to a great leading point or principle upon which the present Cabinet had been formed—a prin ciple which had led to the secession of the late Ministers, including the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr.' Peel) who had recently addressed the House. For many reasons he regretted the secession of the Right Hon. Gentleman; and yet, in some respects, he was glad of it, as it would lead the country to a real and just view of the great and leading public principle upon which the present Administration was made up. The change had at least produced this good effect, that it did show the plain public principle on which the AdminiStration was resolved to act; and it would be for, the people of this country to decide whether they would support such an Administration. There were now two clear distinctions formed in point of principle, and the nation must be decisively divided into those who supported and those who opposed the concessions claimed by the Catholics. These were the views which must be taken by those who supported and those who opposed the new Ad ministration ; and so far he rejoiced in the change which had taken place. The Cabinet was now at least united in principle, as he apprehended all Cabinets ought to be ; and it was from that feeling that he had on a late occasion brought forward a motion for an Address to his Majesty, requesting him to form an Administration united in principle.—(A laugh.)—He insisted that it was proper that a Cabinet should exist entertaining a decided opinion either one way or the other, and st.• Administratim had now been formed, and was supported by the Hon. Baronet : because he conceived that the Ministers were pre pared to act upon the principle which he stated to be the sine qua non point in the formation of a Ministry—mean ing a full concession of all the claims made by the Catho lics. The present First Lord of the Treasury might, there fore, now be expected to come down to the House, and broadly and openly bring forward the proposition for the concession of these claims as a government measure.— (Hear, hear.)-1t was well known what the opinions of those were on this questiOn, who, if they did not ac tually come at once into office, had at least been very near coming in, and probably would soon form a part of the Administration. The question must, therefore, now come before the House in a decided form, more particularly as the Hon. Baronet had said, that the being prepared to make the fullest concessions to the Catholics was a sine qua non qualification for a Member of the Cabinet.—(Cries of no, no.)—He certainly understood the Hon. Bart. to say so, and that he stated that to be his reason for supporting the present Cabinet, and the whole course of his argument went to that point. He certainly would oppose any further concessions to the Catholics; but he wished the question to be brought forward in a plain and decided shape, instead of seeing it hanging on as a matter of doubt, as it had done for the last 20 years, from 1817.—(A laugh.)— He meant from 1807 to the present time. Those who had shown a disposition to support the present Cabinet, were bound in honour and conscience to see that the Catholic Question should be plainly and unequivocally brought for ward as a Government measure ; and he now called on the First Lord of the Treasury to speak out plainly on the subject this very evening—(Hear, hear!)—and lie hoped that the Right Hon. Gentleman, instead of continuing to temporize and to pare down principle, would bring the system to a final issue. This was but fair, and he would continually call upon the Right Hon. Gentleman to bring the matter to a final issue. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, in explanation, said he had not stated that the concession of the Catholic Ques tion was a sine qua non, but had only expressed his hope that the present Cabinet would do much to insure the tranquillity of Ireland, and follow a coarse corresponding to the progress of, the English mind, and it was in that hope that lie supported the present Administration. Mr. DAWSON observed, that he was quite convinced that in the whole of this business the Gentlemen who had formerly sat on the Opposition Benches, and had now joined the Ministry, had only done so from a wish to oc cupy the Ministerial station and authority—(a laugh.)— lie himself did not regret that he had quitted the service of the Crown, since he had done so for the reasons which had been so ably and eloquently stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman, the late Secretary of State for the Home De partment, and who had most honourably preferred the sup port of his principles to the retaining of the high situation which he had held. The Hon, Baronet had expressed his hope that the Catholic Question would be carried by means of the present Cabinet ; and it was his duty, entertaining the opinions which he professed, and of those who along with him held these opinions, to insist that the Cabinet should propose the granting of the Catholic Claims as a Government measure, otherwise the Hon. Baronet and his Friends would he parties to the basest coalition that ever was formed—(Hear, hear ! and a laugh.)—He repeated, that they would he parties to one of the basest coalitions that this country had ever witnessed ; and would exhibit the grossest abandonment of principle—(another laugh. ) He was not to be put down by laughing and sneering, and called upon the Speaker to enforce order in the House. He insisted that sinless the Hon. Baronet and his Friends would cause the Catholic Question to be brought forward as a Government measure, there never was such a base coalition formed for party purposes. He asked, whether the concession of the Catholic Claims was to be brought forward ? since, if it was not, there never was such a com promise of principle. Almost the whole of the Press had, by a kind of fatality, supported the First Lord of the Tree sury—(a. laugh)—in the whole of this business. The Press was corrupted to the very heart's core, and hardly a portion of it had given expression to the real opinions of the public. He would here state same particulars which he bad heard in different places. He had been informed that it was designed in the highest quarter that the Ad ministration should be essentially Protestant. This was said to be the basis of the Administration which was to be formed ; but the present Administration was not form ed on any such basis. The Catholics of Ireland would expect that, with such a Cabinet, their claims must he granted ; and if such hopes should be excited among the Irish Catholics, what must be the effect on the Irish Protestants ? The Cabinet was almost entirely Catholic ; and what would the Protestants of Ireland say, when thel heard that the whole of their interests were intrusted to Lords Bexley and Lyndhurst? The Irish Protestants would have no great confidence in either, although Lord Lynd hurst had made a speech in their favour in that House, em ploying the arguments which had been furnished to him by Doctor Philpotts. He requested leave to state to the House a circumstance, of which he was assured on good authority ; and that was, that the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London had represented to the Prelates, assem bled at Lambeth—(Cries of " order !")—that his present Majesty was as much opposed to the Catholic Claims as his father had been, and had in 1806 desired Mr. Fox not to trouble his father on that point He wished to be informed whether or not this was true, and whether the Archbishop of Canterbury had not stated that his Majesty considered the Coronation Oath as standing in the way of any further concessions to the Catholics.—(Cries of " Order !") The SPEAKER here rose to order, observing, that when lie thought it his duty to interfere, he was always anxiour. that such interference should be founded on the clearesf grounds. But it was one of the most fundamental rule, of that House, that the name of his Majesty should neve: `be introduced, either directly or circuitously, to influence any point in debate. Mr. G. DAWSON ,resumed. When he was inter - Tiapted, he was making a statement relative to one of tin greatest and most important questions that could engag, a:?,71 I 2 ,e „ • _ 4 , • •; the attention of I'Arliament, and which, indeed', involved the nature and essence of the Constitution itself. He was justified, he contended, in giving his opinion as to the for mation of ',he new Government. The House.had been called upon by an Hon. Baronet (Sir F. Burdett) to sup port the new Government, because they entertained a cer tain opinion upon that great question. He (Mr. Dawson) therefore said, that if the Hon. Baronet acted on this con viction, and was correct in doing so, his Majesty and his new Ministers were at variance in their opinions upon that great question ; and the House had a right to demand some explanation from the Right Hon. Genticman at the bead of the Treasury, before they were required to give their support to any set of men calling themselves his Majesty's Ministers. —(Hear, hear !)—He was at a loss to know how he could in a more orderly manner have stated the fact, that the Archbishop of Canterbury had declared, ad captandum, that the Coronation Oath stood in the way of any con cession to the Catholics, on -the part of a cc. , rteir distin guished Personage.--(Cries of order, order !)—Now, if that was the case, and the Ministers knew that such was the opioion of their Royal Mastcr—(Order, order! Chair, chair !)—he begged pardon if he was out of order; but he ;lid not see that he was. He sad again, that if to this day, the basis on which every Government had been formed was laid with reference to the decided objection known to exist in a certain high quarter to the Catholic Claimi—and if it was true, as commonly reported, that the Archbishop of Canterbury and C,e Bishop of London had told the assembled Prelate, t Lai Lech, that that ob iection still continued in unabated force, the Right Ho oourahle Gentleman (Mr. Canning) was called upon to give some explanation to the House, not only respecting :he stipulation on which he had eepted office, but as to :iis own intentions with regard to that great question, be `ore the House could feel in a condition 4o sit.pport him. As to himself (Mr. Dawson), it was a matter of little aon ;equence whether he supported the Government or not (a !augh). The junction of the Whigs, if it had any effect en him, would only tend to make him more decisive in his apposition.—(Hear ! and a laugh. )—But, he maintained i the House ought not to be satisfied with such explanations as might arise incidentally in the debates that were likely to take place. They should ask, at once, fairly and Openly-, what Was to be the public expectation with resPeet to this measure ? He observed that if the Roman Catholics of Ireland shotild be deluded by the prospect held out to them those now in power, and any criminal excesses should ollow, he would hold the present Government and the Alinisiers . o'F the Crown responsible, and them alone re. ponsible, for every calamity that might overtake that :ouotry, and be thereby entailed upon this.--.-(Hear ; year ! )—He would once more repeat, before he sat down; ! - hat an explanation was necessary, and he trusted it would lie ample and explicit. • Mr. BROUGHAM then spoke to the following effect. : t rise under the pressure of no inconsiderable, no ordinary anxiety, to address myself to you, Sir, and to the House ; end, permit me to add, in the present extraordinary state of the Government, to the country also, on the subject c f 'his conversation. I should, perhaps, have done so after ny Hon. Friend (Sir F. Burdett), the Member for West minster, had spoken, in order to prevent some sentiments iLe uttered from being misunderstood—(Hear, hear !)••--but ,aving waited to hear, as I did with some surptire, the , peech of the Hog. Baronet (Sir T. Lethbridge), the Slember for Somersetehire, and still more that of the late Under Secretary of State for the Horne Department (Mr. 3. Dawson), which I heard with increased astonishment, can no longer defer for an instant the performance not tnly of the duty I owe to myself as an humble individual n this House, but of the duty which I owe to those friends vith whom it hue been, and still continues to be, my pride old pleasure to act since my first entrance into Parliament. Hear.)—The Hon.. Gentleman who last addressed the louse made an appeal personal to istysen in an ,espe ial degree. lie was considering the state of the !new administration, as he is pleased to term it, and the prinei des that have presided in the reconstruction of the Mini •try, and he discovered, it seems, especially after the peech of my Honourable Friend, the Member for West ninster, that there can have been no earthly motive' for .he change of position which we have assumed, except the lesire we must have to participate—l do not know vhether he said in the emoluments of office ; but Übe did not say it, more sordid natures would understand him to .nean it—at all events in the patronage and power of the light Honourable Gentleman' below me (Mr. Canning.) fo whomsoever that observation may be intended to ap ply, be it a sober theory of the Honourable Gentleman's, :blinded on a reason, according to his mode of reasoning— :a laugh)—or a sarcasm, the first birth of wit in an ex pfficer of the Crown, less accustomed heretofore to in bilge in sneers than in silent votes—(order, order) — here are, it appears, same Gentlemen whose ideas of ustice would he well satisfied to hear the charge, but rho refuse to listen td., the defence.—(Cheers.)—What• ver may be my difference or agreement with the go vernment of the Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Can ting), of which I am disposed to augur favourably, I 'rust at any rate that his government will not be con hided in this -House on principles that would sanction so ;rievous a departure from the justice due to every indi lual—(Cheers.)—l say, then, that to whatever Member .sr part of the House the observation of the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Dawson) may apply, to me, in my - situation, application it can have none.—(Cheers.)—l -lever dreamed of taking office under the present arrange neut. lam much more certainly and inevitably out of dice, and out of office ant more likely to continue, than he Honour: hle Gentleman himself.—(A laugh.)—But tecause I support this Government, though Igo no further, I ant to be charged with having acceded to an unnatural ,oalition lamto be told, there has been a monstrous and unnatural alliance formed between the Right Honour tblc Gentleman below me and those friends with whom have had, and still have, the happiness and honour of meting. The House has heard that we joined the Govern ment, though we are composed of men holding various ;trinciples and opposite doctrines, having different feelings is to individuals, and hostile sentiments as to the sum if affairs. No doubt, Sir, this charge is true, because we ;or years have condemned every measure of the foreign policy of the Right Honourable Gentleman—(hear,)—be cause since the death of the late Marquis of Londonderry, we have been disposed against his will to rivet fast to the wheels of the Holy Allies the triumphant chariot of the i3ritishfortunes.—(Cheers.)-s—An unnatural coalition to be one, with the Board of Trade, because we have always been enemies to a liberal commercial policy--(hear, hear,) because I never gave utterance to those principles long be fore they were found acceptable to those who, by their ta lents, and official weight and importance, were infinitely better qualified to promote • them.—(Cheers.)—An unna tural coalition, undoubtedly, because we have constantly differed from the Right Hon. Gentleman as to the internal policy of the Empire ; because we, forsooth, have ever dis puted with him as to that great corner stone, the mode fitting to be adopted for the Government of our sister king dom of Ireland.—(Cheers.)--Look over all the great pit , litieel questions that divide some men, and approximate others at the present day. Travel with your eyes over the affairs of Europe, or across the Atlantac, and see the dawn of liberty in South America, where millions are blessing the grateful light, while the hearts of millions in this country are beating in unison with theirs, yet rejoicing in their new-born freedom.—(Cheers.)—Whether we look, I say, to America, or to the E a st ofEurope, or the policy of our East India possessions, or our domestic policy, or the queS dons of trade, or the agricultural interests of the country, the last subject on which I gave the feeble aid' of my voice and support to Government, th oug h th e late - Under Secretary was then silently voting on the same side-4A laugh)-- su7eying all those great questions which divide men in their opinions, and animate conflicting parties and rival Statesmen, I can conscientiously &dare, that passing them all in review, I cannot discern one: single tenet or sentiment nay, one solitary feeling, which; practically speaking, hes influenced the Councils of his Majesty's Government during the last three or four years gone by, and which did not find in my opinions a firm support, and in my feelings a faith ful echo.—(Cheers). There was, indeed, one point in those days in which I differed from the Right Hon. Gentle man. As to one question, one practical view of the state of affairs, I could not coincide with him. When I saw a Cabinet formed of Statesmen appearing outwardly to a:t together, but whose opinions on the greatest question of all not merely discorded, but differed widely as the Poles asunder ; when I saw time opinions of one Secretary of State, as evidenced by his votes and speeches, opposed by another Secretaryof State ; when I saw the Government in such a state as the late Secretary (Mr. Peel) has manfully and honourably to himself and satisfactorily to this House and the Country, and I will add - feelingly, described—a state in which he found himself chiefly, as he was if not singly opposed to his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Canning) so painfully situated that he had almost resolved to retire a year or two ago from his M a j es ty' s service; when the Go vernment wits in this state I could not give it a more re gular, constant, and, therefore, valuable support. I wee prevented from doing so, barred out from the very attempt because I could not lend my assistance to a Government so constituted as to command respect from no thinking man, and in which, from its very construction, it Was utterly inta possible the interests of the pubiie service could be eon sulted.—(Cheers.)—This impediment has been removed by the retirement from office of those who were the . .principal elements of .this . opposition in the King's Counsels. I wish to speak with unfeigned respect of the Noble Lords and Right Hon. Gentlemen who have WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 2, 1827. name of humanity, and if it was just in the name of God, with .my confidence in the 'sincerity of my Right Hon. Friend, could I doubt that now, when. placed in the situation of Prime Minister, that I must acquiesce in those measures of conces sion, or withdraw myself from the Admi nistration. Partial success, my Right Honourable Friend admitted, would lead to greater concessions, and it was not in my. power to acquiesce in the in troduction of any measures of concession. Then he (Mr. Peel) should only have held his place by suffer ance, and have been compelled to resign his office at a week's notice, when his retirement would have been more inconvenient.—Always considering 'the prominent part he had taken in the opposition to the Catholic Claims, he could not dot:' i that it was his duty, as well as a man as a Minister, to pursue the course which he had taken. He (Mr. Peel) was placed on the present day, in circumstan ces very nearly similar to those in 'which his Right Hon—Friend was placed in 1812, when h.c refused to become part of a Cabinet, the Prime Minister of which was not pledged to the Catholic Question. — When the proposition to join that cabinet was made to his Right Hon. Friend,_ he, in a speech delivered within those walls, stated the grounds on which he rejected that prophiition. His Right Hon. Friend had at that time stated, what would be the situation of a Minister thus opposed to the Premier.—(Hear, hear.)—He could not avoid adverting to the example which was then set by. his Right Hon. Friend, nor the construction which was then put on the proposition, by the 'very Minister wh o now possessed the highest situation in the Ministry.—. (Hear, hear.) He certainly felt that the doctrines laid down in the speech delivered by his. Right Honourable Friend on that occasion, might have been quoted against him (Mr. Peel), if he had sub mitted to continue in the situation of Secretary of State for the Home Department under his Right Honourable Friend, the whole of, whose influence would be exerted in the support of a measure of which he (Mr. Peel) so entirely disapproved.— (Hear.)—When, on the 21st of May, 1812, Mr. Stuart Wortley (now Lord Wharncliffe) moved an address to his present Majesty, then Prince Regent, praying him to take measures for forming a strong and efficient Administration, it was understood that the Catholic Question was to be left an open question amongst the members of that Administration. At least, he knew that his Noble Friend, the Secretary at War, and some other members of Administration voted for it. That motion was carried by a majority of 129. He (Mr. Peel) voted in the minority, which was a very small one ; for the Protestant cause was not then supported by such large numbers as now up held it. He mentioned this circumstance to show that his conduct with respect to this question had always been consistent, whether he was in a majority or a minority. On the 21 st of May, 1812, his Right Hon. Friend, in his speech on Mr. S. Wortley's mo tion for a strong and efficient Administration, as signed the grounds on which he declined taking office,; and those grounds so nearly resembled those on which he (Mr. Peel) deemed it necessary to re tire, that instead of explaining them himself, he begged leave to make use of the much clearer and more emphatic words of his Right Hon. Frieed, which were as follow :—" I have been asked whe ther supposing I had accepted the offer that was made to me, I should not have felt myself at, perfect liberty to act as my own opinions shoald dictate upon the great question which constitutes the main bar of separation ? I reply, that as a Mi nister I know I should have been at liberty.— I do not mean to assert that if I had joined the present Administration to fight against my own prin ciples, under the banners of the Noble Lord, I should not have had the power of making my soli tary speech, and of giving my solitary vote, in sup port of opinions I had previously maintained. I will not even say that there may not be honourable minds who would be satisfied with such a dis tinction; and it may be my misfortune or my fault that mine is not a mind of that construction. If when out of office I have lent to any cause that I deemed just my influence and authority, I never can consent to accept office under the condition that I shall in stantly divest myself of that influence and authority which ought still to be my companions, and to leave them on one great vital question in open and wilful abeyance." Those were the sentiments which hisßight Hon. Friend gave utterance to in 1812. He (Mr. P.) admired them. He gave his Right Hon. Friend credit for sincerity. He was satisfied that he would use the influence of his new situation for the pur pose of carrying, when in office, the measure which out of office he had declared to be just. He would read another extract from his Right Hon. Friend's speech, every word of which applied strongly to his (Mr. Peel's) situation :—" Personal objections (con tinued his Right Hon. Friend) to the Noble Lord, I declare I have none ;" nor (said Mr. Peel) had he any personal objection to his Right Honour able Friend. From the bottom of his heart he declared it. " I am actuated by no feeling -of rivalry," said his Right Hon. Friend ; heither was he (Mr. Peel.) When his Right Honourable Friend was about to proceed to India, he (Mr. Peel) declared that he would feel no objec tion to continue in office, if it was thought that the services of his Right Honourable Friend would be advantageous to the interests of his country. After quoting several passages from the speech of Mr. Canning, the Right Hon. Gent.entered into a defence of his conduct with respect to the three great questions which applies so immediately to the state of Ireland. He said that when these questions were in agitation, he waited on the Noble Lord then at the head of Government, and expressed his wish to retire from office. Many were the considerations that then influenced him, but most of of all he was urged on by the circumstance of seeing his col league actively engaged with his political oppo nents.—(Loud cheers.)—lf such was 'his feeling when his Noble Friend was at the head of the Government how much more cogent must these considerations now be, when his Right Hon. Friend was the Prime Minister. It must be known that the Prime Minister possessed all the patronage and appointed to nearly all the offices, whilst on the other hand it was the peculiar duty of Secretary of State for the Home Department, charged as he was with the administration of the domestic affairs, to affix his signature and to give validity to every measure originating with or proceeding from persons selected for, and acting on principles diametrically opposite to his own. Throughout all the recent changes he declared most solemnly, that he had not acted in concert with any man or set of men. His first communication was made to his Right Honourable Friend himself, and he put it to the candour of his Right Hon. Friend to say, whether his conduct had not been open and explicit.—(Hear, hear, from Mr. Canning.)—His next communication was to the highest authority in the State ; at the same time he did not in either of these communications disguise his wish to continue in office, provided the Government was conducted on the same principles which formerly guided it. I have stated, said the Right Hon. Gentleman, that I did not act in concert with any other persons; but whilst I state this, I must also declare, in the teeth of the foul imputation cast on me, name ly, that I despise or disappro ve o f t h e feelings by which they were actuated, that I think their motives as pure as my own. And equally false is it to charge these high individuals with having, formed a cabal—(Cheers.)--Upon my ho nour,-continued the Right Hon. Gentleman, I never had any communication direct or indirect with the late Lord Chancellor until the day after he had resigned his office. The Right Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to prenowice a high encomium on the splendid military talents of the Duke of Welling ton. I now (said Mr. P.) retire from office with regret but still with the conviction that another course re mained open for me. 'Whilst in that office I believe I may appeal with confidence to the House for the truth of my assertion, I did not neglect the oppor tunity and the facilities which it afforded me of rendering myself useful to my country by effecting those 'reforms in its laws, and in the Administration, which Thad recently the honour of bringing under the consideration of Parliament. And I do most solemnly declare, that the only distinction and the sole. honour which I hoped or expected, from the exercise of my poor abilities, was, that it might be . hereafter said of me, that I had thus rendered myself Useful to my country.— (Cbeers—in which Mr. Brougham loudly joined.) He hail the satisfaction of refrectintr that every institution connected with that office, was conducted by him in such a manner as called forth the thanks and gratitude of the country. He might in some respects have been illiberal and partial, but all must allow, that the duties of his situa tion imposed a very high and unusual responsibility upon He'had also the pleasure of reflecting, that there was no law in the Statute Book in his name, frit had for its object the mitigation of the severity of the law, and im partiality in the administration of justice.—(Hear). Dur ing the severest triali which the manufacturing districts of this country had ever experienced, he meant those of the winters of the two last years, during which he had the Administration of the Home Office, he hoped they had no cause to attribute any inattention on his part. He considered it his duty to ina;ntain all the institutions of this kingdom, to which he was by early associations attached ; and since some of them could without any danger, admit of some temperate reformation, he would still exert himself for that purpose, the same as he had endeavoured to do heretofore. He concluded by thanking the House, amidst loud cheers, which lasted for several minutes. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT (speaking from the Bench directly behind that on which Mr. Canning eat).—Under the present circumstances, I think it improper to remain altogether silent, although I do not mean to trouble the House with more than a few words. The Right Honour. able Gentleman who sat down a little time ago (Mr. Peel) has stated his views in that open, candid manner that might be expected from him, and I heard him with admi ration, even when I did not concur with him. And I heard him with the more respect and admiration, when it appeared that he, in retiring from office, was actuated by no sinister motives, or objects of personal dislike or ambi tion, but that his course was directed by his opinions on a great public principle. For the same reason, however, I, acting also upon a great public principle, wish to support to the utmost of my power the Administration as it is now formed, because it is formed in a manner which may en able the Government, merely by following the general course of the information of the times, to confer infinite benefits upon this country, and on mankind in general. I support the Cabinet as at present formed, because it affords the best opportunity that I have ever yet met with, of promoting that great cause for which I have been ever since the commencement of my public life most eagerly struggling—the cause of civil and religious free dom—which has been, in the progress of knowledge and civilization, spreading over almost all nations having any pretensions to the name of civilized; the British empire, strange to tell, alone excepted. The period has at length arrived when an Administration, in promoting the best interests of mankind, has not even the trouble, to direct pubic ripiriienit has only to folloW it (bear); and trust ing that here at length we have an Administration that will follow the march of the age, I have resolved to give it my humble support, for the same reasons of public prin ciple which have induced the Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr, Peel) to abandon that Administration. Upon the same grounds of a great public principle which have led the Right Honourable Gentleman to withdraw from office, do I give my'support to the Cabinet, as at present con stituted ; not entirely, perhaps, upon the foundations of a complete concurrence upon abstract principles, but as the best opportunity that I ever enjoyed in my life of doing something practically to promote the most important:— beyond all measure, the most important—interests of the nation to which I have the honour to belong. Ido not propose by any means at present to debate the Catholic Question, nor do I mean to allude to that question parti cularly, as connected with the formation of the presents Cabinet ; but, I must observe, the opinion of the public will be, that there are now stronger hopes of a conclusion to the differences that have created so much division in the nation upon grounds which ought never to be suffered to exist in any civilized country. A dawn of hope at least now opens for those who have struggled to promote har mony, and peace, and knowledge, and, consequently, reli gious and moral improvement in the nation. This opinion will, in the meantime, do much for the best interests of the country. I give the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) credit for the integrity of his motives, and I am sorry that he should have found himself compelled, by his principles, to abandon his office. By his retaining that office, he would, no doubt, have more influenee in promoting those minor ameliorations to which his attention had been so zealously and usefully directed. But, I hope, that although he has quitted office, he does not mean on that account to discontinue his exertions for carrying into effect the im provements which he contemplated when in office. That course of conduct the Right Hon. Gentleman has still in his power to pursue, and his labours in that respect will still be most useful to the country. But if the Right Hon. Gentleman means to say that his late Colleagues resigned, one and all, on the same principles with himself, I have only to observe that I never was much disposed to throw even justifiable reproach upon any one. Here I take it for granted that reproach would be unjustifiable ; but allow ing all the credit that can be claimed for good intentions on their parts, I still cannot help saying that, in my opinion, their retiring was a most fortunate event for the country ; for by that means - a great obstacle, as I conceive, has been removed to the adoption of measures, particularly with re spect to Ireland, which the circumstances of the country render almost absolutely necessary—things being in a state in which it was impossible that they should long continue. The truth is, that the march of civilization and enlightened principles cannot be entirely stopped in a civilized country, 'and a decided opposition to it may be attended with the most direful consequences ; but wisdom and ability may turn every thing to the best. and most useful purposes. It is on that ground that I am ready to take an interest in the success of the Administration as at present formed ; and as I did on principle for some time support many ef the acts of the most liberal portion of the men who Compose the present Administration, it cannot he surpris ing that I suppo r t them now. On principle, therefore, lam interested in the success of the present Administra tion. I know that abstract principles can seldom be acted upon• to their full extent ; and I adopt this as, for the pre sent, the course, which, practically considered, prothises to be of the greatest benefit to the country. The state of the country is, at present such, that it requires the concur rence of all the ability and principle which can be brought into the public service. Whoever looks at the state of Ire land—at the foreign relations of the country—at its do mestic situation_and at the qUestion as to the policy by which the nation ought to be regulated, with a proper regard to all its circumstances, both within and without, can hardly fail to be fully sensible of the great importance, at this moment, of having a powerful, liberal, and united Administration ; and, I cannot help thinking, that for the purpose ef carrying into execution the best measures for the benefit of the country, it is, at this moment, of the last consequence that the country should have an Administra tion—not splitting upon the greatest points of public policy, but firm and united on the most important princi ples. As for myself, I have, all my life—except, perhaps, in some cases, from deference to the opinions of those for whose judgment I had the highest respect—taken, on great occasions, very decided steps, and have never failed to support the Throne when his Majesty appeared to be exercising his just prerogative ; and, in the present in stance, I think his Majesty has only exercised his just and undoubted prerogative in selecting for the Head of his Ad ministration that individual whom he thought best calcu lated to confer the greatest benefits on the country. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) says that he sees symp toms of a determination to . have only those in office who were prepared to make the fullest concessions to the Catholics. Without saying that the carrying of the Ca tholic Question ought to be a sine qua non of Administra-