The Sun. — London, England, 1834-11-24 00:00:00

A Ul roro t° ,ic k • ) suN O/ 11, in t oe last dee 0 0, ,a r hi7d(4160 o t an the 0 3 t he sP le if illy . non. ~r 0 tb : ta birP, re•tP e ' - o f oi r ) f sorne Aow ti ',l 8 5 ti°n thrc f be:,u .sart is c " al r a lat i l y " : o4 -c u tter, were f the g " one o e n0e,„1,1, ttract' c a 5 0ce,04 alb an to t e .il not des' there l ige de', ic i ne ss- so diot port ani cbcd attributtetlfrootetrool e able It 00 1 1 Kt), fatil IN THE COUNTRY. DUBLIN. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) P 3) antic co m ic Jlap iia n ot " ode' , ef the L t o heimivae:lnie, t°, 5 dap' 0354e' vita . tine t ile : I . ll' i o f n s f bus ine t ill t b sidenc e bee s 11 0 ,„ th e ) f TOrYt - igte eOf b' !ir 31,r jrs 0 1, aOCI I an j :P ar" VO4'; • ' d A, „ Sa 1 01 1 cl f o r . tran s c a c e :p c ie rl d i c c e ine gnti o , fr og' r p the e ,/,, veoll pt f .9 o f/ le, ' tbr ee Loost omY t° I) r ° b ‘ to C la m ri4 /1 ice req"l ci clitl io "l "tile s ctho f lci cr sts e n tent`" SrATE OP PUBLIC OPINION inwe perceive ty the accounts from the country, that the ns are at th e i r dirty work again. Hole-and-corner meet ings and political t r i c k s o f t h e mos t d egra di ng ki n d are f ree l y resorted t o by them. The close corporations are mustering their forces, and sending up addresses to the King, for the P c ?, l• Pese of ma ki ng an i mposing d i splay i n the columns of the a Zelle. B ut h ere the so loudly called for Tory demonstra -3" ends. N ot a s i ngle open public meeting have they ven tured to call, whilst the Reformers on every hand are making a di splay of numbers, spirit, and union, which ca nno t f a il t o strike dismay into the heats of their Tory adversaries. Ou r reade rs will perceive that the Conservative authorities of Man chester and Leeds are following the example of the London Lord . Wi nchester, and endeavouring to stifle, or at least delay, the expression of public opinion. The list of requisitionists to each of those towns comprises hundred:, ofWealth names of the first and respectability in Iliigland. If property were to :lecid e t hi s matter, they ',mild purchase that of the House of l inrds eut and out, 13 , that some of the ex-Whigs could mingle incog. with What I l i._ . 18 called good society in Ireland, and witness the ex , tion—the rabid, the indec e nt joy which the news of their overthrow inspires among those persons who have I ti Ten thei r b rea d , an d s h are d t h e i r o ffi c i a l f avours , to t h e iost utter exc l us i on o f th e i r f r i en d s ! I saw a L or d- Z n tenant of a county laughing in the street with a par titeoe a nd i a police constable. The nobleman had obtained ~Pinee of power and patronage which he holds from the ...." 11 3 8- -the parson was one of Lord Wellesley's chaplains tiar d the c hi e f consta bl e was f or a l ong t i me i n confiden ' tn , c °flimunication with Mr. Littleton, and expected to be `ue a stip en di ary mag i stra t e th roug h hi s par ti a lity. Th e y j ,re speaking of Lord Melbourne, and chuckled with de- It is high jubilee at the Castle. You do not meet a ;" te a a but s m il es ; an d t h ere i s a spr i ng an d e l as ti c ity i n th e 14 P Of all the high-salaried clerks and officials, as they trip their respective offices, which shows the joy of their rts. T he Lord-Lieutenant and the Chief Secretary cannot see these insulting manifestations ; yet, if it were with )e range of events that the King should relent and re matters as they were before, would the face of the t i' e nig Government be changed towards those treacherous ~Pe.odents? Not a jot—past experience forbids the thought. `' ie e or thrice already the same thing has occurred. The insolence and triumph were indicated, and when the ' llll blew over, the Whigs took again the same vipers to their I. 4 nns, and looked black upon their frinds, as before. If °ad not b een so, a strong expression s of feeling in their )ur would have been made, ere now. But liberal men afraid to put themselves forward. At the first dissolu of the Whig Government in 1832, some fearless spirits 'Ped forth, and called a public meeting in Dublin, with knowledge and sanction of the Government. But was the consequence ? They were denounced by the "range press as Jacobins and Ultra Radicals ; and the Ir a having yielded in the mean time, Lord Anglesey 4ne - ted every man who attended that meeting with marked 4.i ! d u ss and contempt, while he hugged Blackburn, (who r it away during the period of uncertainty), closer than to his heart. Very nearly a similar scene took place S ummer, on the retreat of the Thimbletonians from ? a ril!). Yet the Government was nothing wiser. The 'gs wanted something more than a fright to teach them, now they are likely to receive a lesson that will go to hearts. When they resume the reins, which must t o 'e about in a year or so, they will return to office, it is Ped, wiser men, with their eyes open, and hearts resolved separate the sheep from the goats. With all their 1 1 8 , th e h onest an d en li g h tene d por ti on o f the country " to them—and to them only—for the fruits of Re 1' and the blessings of an impartial Government suit to the spi r it o f th e age . T he leading articles of the London Papers have been de "red with the greatest avidity ; and but one sentiment as to the perfidious conduct of some of your Jour- The Times and the Courier in particular have filled r eader s with disgust, but no one wonders at them ; for a leY says somewhere, " It is difficult to resuscitate sur i, when f am ili ar ity h as o nce laid the sentiment asleep." 1 respect to the Times, it is pretty well known in this ' t ry that it was Sir Robert Peers organ in 1829 ; and su rmise that it has been for some months in,,that gentle s service, again suggests a reasonable solution of its vile 118 upon Lord Brougham and other distinguished IdB of their country. However that may be, the article li kt " : the Times which appeared in The Sun of Monday, ,3 *ng the Duke qf Wellington as a " fend to all sound ti!nicere Reform," admits of no mistake. The extra- Il pains taken by the Standard to prove that an eoiltpous Lady was " innocent of the knowledge" till she ' 1 " applaud the deed," have had quite a contrary effect what the writer meditated. An alibi is the most clan 'us defence that can be attempted ; and the ingenious offered by the Standard approaches nearly to such e xpedient. The Standard however is labouring on its side and nobody can reprove its work. In general it (e rnls it judiciously and well, though some laughter has ex cit of ed b its report of a Royal observation upon the ` ,, „-eter Lord Melbourne—" After the Noble Lord's rt ,ure fr om B r i g ht on , th e Ki ng wa s heard to say the r 3 in g Words, which we pledge ourselves to be as accu ' 'Ported as his Majesty's declaration to the Bishops, the men I ever met, Lord Melbourne is one of the Inost h ll onest, most straightforward, and most to be loved I • kn ew'!" Strange reasons, if true, for turning out a aster, and not over complimentary, one might be tempted , 41 ,, a gine, to his successors, who, we are given to under- I ', are b roug h t i n b ecause th e y are the very antipode s '?rd Melbourne in all points. It is difficult to believe l ais Majesty could have made such a speech ; unless we s uPpose that he spoke it in the spirit of Henry VIII. !1 1 , • I with an amorous leer the while upon Mistress Anne e Yn, he th us a p os t rop hi se d his divorced Queen— " Go thy ways, Kate; That man th' world, who shall report he has A better wife, let him in naught be trusted For speaking false in that. Thou art alone The Queen of earthly Queens." 1 pars'-,foe=" . )vr, 00 001 tt t ) alert; ,3111'tt'01tbee i tit s :iq,'' tbe r.°4lllies p l. ! the bbc ° la the Pt i w i e F e it °al steel l'i dept.P d before, oe rnecl, calla 1 Twie 'meeting. 0 ii?: ante ,eeninforll7; t o r 4to r Anchor, riv. t o n , ster• vi.ne tire:, i t - 11 80 4 : • are Insi" . ° 1 1 '0 , fm, 1 tr ibes beseech ilef,':', 4ou runefrenas ?Ivo s'::; ti eal S'b,etbecb.',ll at ( ig, is to volioat 0%1 vepn as usual, a . r 00,, wwhat 1t t 1 ?.se booe'eeit.o 8 '' l ' , 4 ' tat d'il Or nent re _. l i .., p eer an in contractef:, p.l .he letter tr:',,,cec:, tr,_ slightest re';oo7 ,oilt, boat t° ger' .4 Sin tin Iple of tbes7riovv"ril; IPals.ir: Diding, a s ~ I',''., th ~ !ft St. Jame', ej 4e c, As t 1,.. t e - if ton. p all' ~i, e nd r ,nee at 11$rjeoait4 ~N 1 r itness then,i,,D4 their ience with P te . 3 at o t • oe n g is exPec 0 40p 0 tO e( :4 to 1 1 0 fa se ly begir°lorie4,fl tilt Mpt of the, 0 , e,fiv 100, :leir everY ut.,01181 r, f,_ KS We have 'ri, olli.: wlir,tio, will be olill'e "P ti le 1 :,s. during t liffol°r vo I) ivy parogral, 010 P rey tlrc hOpeci that jelly .1.4 a or inniing tad 01!1, Nis, ;",.,5 sbotl,ci; lo°,o; 411 re !"; of bill'ig plac'ir, 4 P. gin Pesti,riifolej'j, trig,: )1d type, t"Aetg e ‘Vi t ii him agaio or rOt to. i u,ion is t° snag,(l.d'l the L l''.as je°P.`?o, the 8 ;licti to re::fs Oil, _ 4 a n': istratios ..,,,-,`,3 aa! . Beni Tie asso'- ':,,,;it i ft 4, I NQ i, all 01' t he 1 01 1 , r 0 A r a b s s 'ld pectably , ,f,0,;. ICB :: n a w't 11:,111'01`.:', eO/11 tabitaot ilou-,, ;IP,/ 4,0 .( 0:81 to coll.'e 0 9 4, at the 03q0.1 , terol auilig int0.0",,„„1, Dr. the late cilPect 411,411 f a irs 0 ec' le e ) 01,, b M o rriss' char ; ee n eb ar• ;BOY,: ,streetiiii 4epa‘ ined CP,,:.° TOP', 401101 ii'su?ry,,itc:so 90' rate, dult 1 1 . ut !. host Epir Cl4oendej: 1/,.er 7h, big r e %trYl p`' 'i ni hOldielVella tO‘ t, to 6 ;ition dlis'ete oti Btont lion the sta<tyl 'sty L Ile" eY th a t ; thcreell,eetip!" eall atecl $ ' to 1 17 ' whe bele' io t lig,' 4 01 ' 4 OS 4. OF feso) ot !tine of tigooP6ir at ° the v;corii"e",,i leccssity o f ..q, e,:i r ' that iofeep,e„. p u rpose :, .‘,,, ), politic oicePoi chair was,of 10 • former e' ' ill NIA: __,,ent ialrpfl ;L e L -tir ti t ' ;Le PUBLIC MEETING AT EDINBURGH. (F rom the Edinburgh Evening Courant of Saturday.) I nu Merous public meeting was held yesterday in the "(e Grass- Pursuant to advertisement, to take into consideration . e I ll ei r l ePriety of addressing his . Majesty on the subject of the th e i ' l nge in the Administration. had F ord Provost appeared upon the temporary Alitt " Si r j e en erected in front of the Corn-market, ac le after two o'clock hustings which accompanied by k ttf a n'es Gibson Craig, Sir Thomas Dick Lauder, _Bailies Tr a - ," n rian, Donaldson, and Maclaren, the Lord Dean of Guild, I Ay t 4 nrer Black, Councillors Crooks, Jameson, Richardson, chti, and Russel, &c. 11 41, 11 th e motion of Sir T. D. LAUDER, the Lord Provost was ftntiously called to the chair. and he L ean PuovosT then presepted himself to the meeting, t equi !' g received with great cheering. .After _having read . t_he 14 fashion calling the meeting, his Lordship spoke as follows . Y rittai tty , ds and fellow citizens, this most . unexpected,. and, I is / A. 4 ' 111 , most unprecedented situation in which the . countr loudi e ed by the sudden change in his Majesty's councils, calls t y et taf ,Y e ciu the friends of freedom, liberty, and social order, to kn it - b l ich'vrard and respectfully lay before his Majesty . their qs a:4 Petition, that he may not be induced to call to his ?oun t,he ,;" government men who are understood to be enemies to ,air ta - ;. ll se of reforna.—( Cheers. ) You are all aware that the re -1„"er 'which we have to thank our gracious Sovereign and . end ;:e A dministration, was only a means to an end. This Min .a „ o peratin{ , as fast as a tardy House of Peers would h cli--- -( Chee b rs, and cries of no, no.) Still, I say, they takien°Perating, and the amelioration of grievances was daily 1511 1)1', P l ace. It appears therefore absolutely necessary that a t hou l i d - "Pression of the feelings of the citizens of Edinburgh throne be thus immediately shown, and laid at the foot of the q,,e,-:--for which purpose this meeting is called. As . the t his d" is a vital one, I trust but one opinion will prevail here (S citn a Y, laying aside all shades of difference on minor points.. t ° e tt e , disa pprobation). Our principal object being this day e tPir -es s our objection to men returning to power wh . o . have ref ° , sled themselv the avowed enemies to constitutional t es i til ii : — : (Cheers) es l will not take up your time longer. The !Peak!Pe 9 4l -unn s will be submitted to you, and I trust every man who ot4s 6 will be patiently heard. In a cause like this, every e Pends on the order with which the business is conducted. !I/ley : I v i e the Tories looking upon you, and I can assure you . 1,.44Y. will the highly delighted if confusion prevails here this eatittivuerefore again trust that you will give every man a 4 " I t ' lee ring, whether he accords with your views or not, toms r ust that you have only one object in view. .The minor . j l llll b e gone into afterwards, but if you enter into detail beenSi the Meeting will lo_se all its effeet—( Cheers. ) . OMAsta Dicx L DER Gentlemen, often as it has l ber e ;' , Y lot to address A o u u I ' declare honestly that I never ko tt , e t °od in need of our indulgence than I do at the present this : it ' I must confess that I am absolutely confounded 'his d-astehishment at the event which has called us to ether e ltre k 3 ',; and s o much astonished am I, that I really feel . it 4 r ati e'Y difficult to concentrate my ideas into anything like t ‘ i v l .e sit Q u ila ! ocus.—( Laughter.) I feel myself very much in 'ti es atlol l of a certain honest sailor who having gone to l'i,x.tisirlutitoex.hibition of the tricks of a Conjuror, was sudde . nly ., gl°Do the air by means of the explosion of a barrel of ow .wder which happened to be ignited in the apartment t;I, 1 Honest Jack happened, most fortunately for himself, Illi4.beallirrlllelnd_slfe:..nd sound in a bed of cabbages . in a garden, t )4 was part y-LTA ly got up, and supposing all the . while that d t of t of the entertainment he had been witnessing, an ai r p ow e to t h h e e trilt! , of the conjuror—( Cries . of " Question, ilitt of a , 0 finish arty jok e _( t' 4 1 1 it , . Point ) I will come to the point, but you must Great laughter) I say that t h i eked sudden finding himself in this situation, he 1, Jer up his trowsers and exclaimed—Why Good God ! 1 Rht ti .) timbers what will the fellow do next.—(Great ki l a t nte th at T isl °w, gentlernen, I will have done with this when (Moo t f _ 1- ain not the only man astonished, for the whole min end to the other is astonished, but it will sur prise you when I tell you that the Tories and Conservatives are not Only astonished, but actually consider this as a most untoward event.—( Hear, hear.) Why, you will naturally ask how should they be so, but I will tell you: The tinSwet• to this question is vety ask whether during the whole of theit eXperience in the Duke of Wellington, they did not find that when his Grace wished to make a move against us he did not invariably make a move that turned to our advantage. I think the Duke well deserves to be called the great Captain of the &ge l for I ask you who made us turn out 1 and When Standing in battle array to fight the battle of re form, who give us the word to march ? I answer the Duke of Wellington.—( Great cheering.) It was that extra ordinary declaration that the Duke made in his place in Parliament that gave the great impulse to the cause of re form ; and what our Conservative friends are at this moment afraid of is just that the present conduct of his Grace may make us march in double-quick time. His Grace at one time declared that he would be mad—nay, worse than mad, if lie accepted office. All of you know that it is no very uncommon thing for a person liable to insanity, to have certain pre knowledge of the coming on of his malady. I think, there fore, that it would be wise for the Duke's friends if on that occasion they prepared to take advantage of the preliminary admonition he gives them, and fit him anew with a strait jacket.—( Applause.) But if the Duke was mad on that oc casion, I ask how insane he is at present ? By what means does he intend to govern this great country ? Does he intend to govern this great country, without carrying along with him the confidence of the people of Great Britain ? I say that it is impossible that we can ever submit—after we have ploughed, and after we have manured and sown our ground—at the very moment when we see the fair blade of promise piercing the soil, under the genial in fluence of a serene and sunny sky—l say is it to be tolerated that we shall see the enemy come and harrow us up in order to sow his tares among our wheat ?—( Loud cheers.) I ask you whether the Duke and his crew are the people who ought to administer those measures which have been carried, or who are likely to give us hopes of any salutary measures to come ? I ask whether it is likely that the Duke of Wellington is the person who will establish and confirm the freedom of Portu gal or confirm the freedom of Spain ? and I ask you further, whether he is the man who will tie more closely that knot of harmony, uniting us to France, our best friend, and which he conceives to be our worst enemy.—( Cheers.) And then, to wind up all, I ask you can we expect the Duke of Wellington to be the pacificator of Ireland ?—( Cries of " No, no.") You all answer me no, therefore it appears unnecessary to answer further arguments, but to read the resolution which I have the honour to propose.—( Cheers.) Sir Thomas then read the first resolution. Mr. WEMESS, in seconding the resolution, said he did not expect, after the prospects which they had so recently enter tained, that they would be soon met to commemorate this doleful event. He could not well see what could have urged his Majesty to adopt the resolution of putting aside an Admi nistration, which seemed so well to be answering the ends for which it was appointed. It surely could not have been because it had done too much, but rather that it had done too little ; but did they expect anything from the Tories ? Had the feel ings of the people been gained by such proceedings, or their commercial and trading interests promoted by such a mea sure? Surely not. Or was it that haughty oligarchy, who, if admitted to power, would rule with tenfold more force than they had done hitherto ? If any of these reasons, surely the last was the only one. After recommending unanimity, Mr. W. concluded by seconding the resolution. Councillor JAMESON.—Gentlemen, this is, indeed, a terrible crisis—a crisis only to be paralleled by that tremendous time when you yourselves met by countless thousands in the King's Park, and, with your black banners unfurled, did then de • nounce the soul of that man of whom the bloody god of war is the father and the friend. That was indeed a tremendous time, and we may now congratulate ourselves that this other terrible crisis is not so tremendous. Then the power was in other hands, and the moral influence in ours ; but now the power and the moral influence are both in our hands ; and it only depends on ourselves, and our wisdom, that we succeed, by using that power and that moral influence right. At the time to which I allude, our hopes in the Whigs were raised high, and we expected that they would consummate these blessings to the nation which they so anxiously desired. I need not enter into detail, because I see them mentioned in that friendly placard.—( Hear.) Mr. Jameson proceeded and said, that although they expected these reforms, the wishes of the nation had been trifled with by the Whig Govern ment, and the extension of the franchise, vote by ballot, and the shortening of the duration of Parliaments, had become merely the themes of Radicals or confined to essays in the Radical newspapers. But although the Whigs in these re spects had trifled with the wishes of the nation, he trusted to the justice of the meeting, when he said that recent disclosures had shown that this Whig Ministry were more blamed than they deserved.—( Hear, hear.) This Ministry was always at the beck of a vile court faction who could at any time turn them out, when that faction chose to under-rate the conse quences of a nation's indignation.—( Cheers.) But mark the result when the Whigs, actuai ed by the spirit of national re form did begin the work by weeding out the worthless weeds of their own body; he meant the Stanley and the Graham party, and when certain disclosures made in the Grey pavi lion reached the Court sycophants, and when they saw what was intended, and were terrified that the Mini stry were to commence the new campaign with awakened strength; the Duke of Wellington, great as he was then, demeaned himself, by becoming the whisperer behind the curtain of those who were too ready to abuse the royal ear and mislead that good old man, for, he thought the King was entitled to the eternal gratitude of the nation for the boon he had already granted, and, though every remaining act of his life were unpopular, it ought not to make the people forget it. Mr. Jameson then made some farther observations, strongly advising the meeting to union, as nothing would give the Duke of Wel lington and his party greater advantages than the Liberals dividing among themselves, instead of uniting against and conquering their common foe. When that was accomplished, then the Radicals might advocate their respective opinions ; but, if each Radical just now began to put forward his fa vourite nostrum, there was a great Quack Doctor in London, who, taking them all separated, would cram down their throats his nostrum, and that nostrum was one that would madden their souls, paralyse their bodies, put fetters on their limbs, and despair in their hearts.--( Cheers.) Mr. Jameson then proposed the second resolution. Mr. BAIRD wished to make a few remarks upon the resolu tion they had just heard. He feared, after the eloquent ad dress which had just been delivered, they would be with him as " After a well graced actor leaves the stage, Men's eyes are idly bent on him that enters next, Thinking his prattle to be tedious." But he would not be tedious.—(Laughter.) What did they think of the new firm, " Wellington, Peel, and Co. ?"—he feared it would be no better than in the years 1815 or 1816, when the firm was " Castlereagh and Co." Did they wish that these times should come back again ?—( No, no.) He also said no • but then what w ere th ey t o d o ? Why, turn th e Duke to the right-about. That was a word of command which his Grace had given to thousands, and he richly de served that the same should be said to him. Whatever the Tories might pretend they would do when they came into power, he warned the meeting to distrust them. The Tories would tell them that they should bask in the sunshine of pros perity, but let them remember that " It is the bright day that brings forth the adder, And that craves wary walking." Let the meeting be but united, and they needed not to care for all the Wellingtons and Peels in existence. He concluded by seconding the motion. Sir JAMES GIBBON CRAIG then presented himself. The re solutions, he said, which you have now passed do you high honour, and will do a great deal to establish liberal principles in the Government of this country. We are now placed in a dilemma—in a crisis which has proved most alarming to the country. The Administrstion which first gave reform, and which promised the fruits of reform to every man in th 6 coun try, 'have been displaced for reasons which we do not know, but which we cannot fail to guess at. It was not for their leaning to Tory measures, but because the Court party were apprehensive that all Tory principles were about to be put down, and that a system of Government would be established which would confer upon every individual the privileges which he has a right to expect—it was these grounds that the late Administration have been sent to the wall in a manner different from any thing that has been known in any country, or at any time. The time chosen for this was when there was no differ ence among Ministers, and when the country was in a state of prosperity, by the mere working of a Court intrigue. All I have to say on this matter is, if we do not put down the Duke of Wellington, he will put down us.—( Cheers. ) The question is now, whether we are to reap the fair and just benefits which the Reform Bill was calculated to give us, or shall it remain a dead letter, and shall its pro visions be set at nought ? Are we to remain free, or shall we be doomed to slavery ? The Duke of Wellington formerly asserted that no reform should be given to the country, and how will he govern the country now ? Will it be by the House of Commons, where nine-tenths of the members are hostile to his measures ? And if not by that House, will it be by any other House of Commons ? If he should obtain a majority in the House of Commons, lie will, indeed, rule this nation—but how will he rule it? Will it be by Constitutional principles or by the sword? It can only be by the sword—for he never will obtain a command over any House of Commons freely chosen by the people. The question then comes to this, are we to remain free, or are we to lay our heads before the Duke of Wellington ? Observe how we stand at present—it is an omen of what, is to come. The The Duke of Wellington is, at this moment, sole Minister of country—there is no other—he is the dictator of the country. Is that what we have reason to expect, or is it according to the constitution of this ceuntry ? The object of my rising at pre sent is to move an address to his Majesty, to make him aware of the mischief which his late dissolution of the Cabinet may bring upon the country.—( Hear. )—I seriously lament—every man must lament, that his Majesty has placed confidence in one in whom the country has no confidence. It is a proof of the fallibility of human nature, that his Majesty, who gave his country the blessings of reform, should have appointed a person to his councils who will defeat the great measure which will render his name famous through all ages. But still we ought to be grateful to his Majesty for what he has done—as subjects we ought ever to respect the King.--Cheers.) The Learned Baronet then read the third resolution, which was received with cries of " No, no," from one part of the hust ings. Sir James continued—l would repeat what was so eloquently stated before, if every man is to bold his indivi dual opinions at this meeting, it will prove for the benefit of our enemies. It is of the utmost importance that there should be no difference of opinion among us at present. When we have triumphantly established our common object—the prin ciples of Reform itself—then we may begin to discuss our dif ferences. But let us not lose the substance in search of the shadow. Our great object is, that every man may enjoy the fruits of the Reform Bill—that the Duke of Wellington may be excluded from power—and then let us trust that Provi dence may continue our prosperity as a nation ; and that we shall be as prosperous in peace as we have hitherto been successful in war. Bailie Nl' LAREN, at this late hour, would not detain the meeting by any lengthened observations. He would merely call their attention to the fact, that this was a very strong reso tion which he now called upon them to sanction. He under stood that an amendment was about to be proposed, containing specific plans of reform, some of which might be excellent in themselves, and he had no doubt many of his friends would vote for them, but he deprecated any division in the meeting. However much he might respect the motives of those who wished for a division, he would honestly tell them, that so far from promoting reform, they would only strengthen the hands of the Duke of Wellington.—(No, no, and cheers.) These were his opinions—he knew many parties differed from him in opinion—but it did not follow from that that they were right. —( Cheers, hisses, and cries of " yes it does.") He would conclude by cordially and warmly seconding the resolution. -- • • Mr. Arrouri rose and said—Fellow-citizens, you see before you to-day, together on the same hustings, the two classes of Reformers who upon this occasion wish to unite, so far as they can do without an abandonment of principle, against the com mon enemy, the opponents of all Reform—of all improvement, of all liberty—against the Duke of Wellington, in short— ( Great cheering.) When this same audacious Statesman at tempted, before the passing of the Reform Bill, to form a Tory Administration, for the purpose of defeating that great mea sure, we, the people, by our united efforts, hurled him from his high place, and told him in a voice of thunder, which re sounded from the Land's End to John o'Groat's House, that we would not be baulked out of our rights—that we were de termined to have the Reform Bill—to establish for ourselves, in short, the franchise of freemen.—( Cheers.) And we suc ceeded, spite of the influence and intrigues of the Court— spite of the influence of the aristocracy—exercised as it was over the then unreformed and boroughmongering Parlia ment.—( Cheers.) And now, my friends, that we have ob tained that Reform, which, although by no means perfect, has at least doubled the power of the people—that we have a House of Commons, chosen by an extended constituency, of which the great majority of the members are pledged to a liberal line of policy, and to the determinedopposition to Tory rule and Tory misgovernment—the very idea of the Duke of Wellington and his partisans being able to retain the reins of government be yond the first week of the meeting of Parliament, is absurd and ridiculous—and is a libel on the reformed House of Corn-. mons and the patriotism of the people.—( Cheers.) But we are told that the Parliament will be dissolved. So much the better. We shall then have the affair in our own hands, and the next House of Commons will be much more decided and determined, to follow out the wishes of the people. The great Duke, so far from bettering himself, will only have slipped from the frying-pan into the fire. I have no hesitation in saying, that the present crisis, if properly managed by the people, must be productive of beneficial effects to the cause of Reform.—( Cheers.) It must put an end to the wavering line of policy which has been hitherto adopted—it has taught the Whigs a great moral lesson, that all attempts at propi_ tiating our opponents by compromise or yielding of principle, so far from securing them in power, must, by weakening them in the confidence of the people, only make them an easy prey to the Tories— ( Cheers.) I s ay, gen tl e men, that the - Court would not have ventured, by their intrigues, to have had the Ministry dismissed, had they not imagined that because the late Administration had become somewhat unpopular, they might with safety dismiss them in favour of the Duke of Wel lington. Let the Whigs then learn from this, that if ever again they are offered the reins of Government, they must only accept them with the most unlimited powers--( Cheers) —and let them be sure, that no Government which assumes even the name of Liberal will be retained a moment longer in power than while the Court considers itself obliged to do so. Let them be convinced, in short, that their only chance of remaining permanently in office, must depend on their having the complete and full confidence of the people. (Loud cheers.) We on the hustings are fully united in one thing, whether Whigs or Radicals, to declare our determination that the people of this country will not submit to have forced upon them by the Court a Tory dynasty.—( Loud cheers.) The two first resolutions, then, expressive of this, which have been moved by the Whigs—we the Radicals, or Durhamites, have allowed to pass without opposition—without even attempting to modify them according to our own taste. We think it is of the utmost importance that the King —the Court—the Duke—and the country, should be fully in formed of our unanimity and determination in regard to the Tories. But, my friends, this meeting has a twofold object.— The first being the turning out of the Tories, upon which point there must be no difference--(Cheers)—the second ob ject of the meeting is the declaration of the people of Edin burgh, what kind of Government they wish to see established, and the line of policy which ought to be adopted. The reso lution which you have just heard read, is the Whig expres sion of the opinion on the subject. Now we, the Radicals, wish to substitute another in its place, which we conceive to be better fitted to express the wishes of the great body of the people.—( Cheers.) The Whigs and we have agreed to put the two resolutions together, amicably and with out heat, and it is for you to judge betwixt us. You have heard the resolutions, which I am far from ob jecting to as stating any thing which ought not to be stated, but I object to it as not being pointed and precise—as not conveying to the Throne the real opinions of the people —and as being couched in that vague general language which may mean everything or nothing, which may be subscribed to, equally by Stanley and Brougham, as well as by Hume and', Durham. I shall read it to you once more. How, my', friends, will this do ? Is this a time that our sentiments ought to be concealed ?—( Cries of " No, no.") If the resolution means anything at all, it simplies a restoration of the old men into office, and a continuation of that same wavering, clip ping, paring, compromising policy, which has been carried on since the passing of the Reform Bill, and which was so elo quently denounced by Lord Durham in this city.—( Cheers. ) Do you, my friends, wish to have this state of things restored? Do you wish to have Lord Melbourne, and Lord Palmerston, and Lord Brougham brought back to power without conditions to the people, and trimming end compromising with their enemies as heretofore ? Do you wish to have your rights denied you ?—( No, no) —to have the Corn Laws kept up —pensions and sinecures retained—the taxes and the standing army unreduced—and the misgoverment of un unhappy Ireland continued? If you wish these things, then, my friends, you will vote for the Whig resolution.— Continued cheers.) But, if it is your object to have a change of measures, not only to have the Tories ousted, but to have the old Cabinet purified—if you wish, in short, to have Lord Durham at its head, and to have its principles car ried into effect—to have the reform of the representation per fected by the adoption of the ballot and triennial Parliaments, and to have the unrepresented enjoy that franchise to which they are as fully entitled as are we, the electors—and by which means alone we shall be enabled, without agitation and without trouble, to banish for ever the Tories from his Majesty's coun sel. If you wish to enjoy the full fruits of reform—to have improvement carried into all our instiuttions—to have equal rights and equal justice dealt out to all classes of citizens— then, my friends, you will support the resolution which I shall now read to you, as an amendment—a resolution which is couched in no vague language, but expresses what the people wish, and are determined to have—it is a resohition which does not name Lord Durham as the future Premier, but, by embodying his principles, sufficiently points him out as our man. I shall now read it, and ask you to compare it with the other.—( Here Mr. A. read the amendment.) Can you hesi tate betwixt them? _ _ _ Councillor RUSSELL seconded the amendment. Dr. BROWNE said—We are met here for one common object —and having one common enemy. Our object is to defend the reform which we have obtained—to sustain it against the at tacks of its most determined enemy ; and after having secured it from these attacks, to derive it those reasonable and practi cable benefits in the shape of improvement, which we have a right to expect. Our common enemy, who has been already so eloquently described, is a man of whom I may, without pre sumption, say that he is greatest soldier in Europe and the worst politician.—( Cheers.) And as I see many lawyers around me I may add, that though he is not much converant with the jurisprudence of England, he is deeply versed in can non law.—( Great laughter.) And perchance, if you should prove at all rebellious under his yoke, he will treat you to a desert of grape that never grew on the vine. —Our enemy is not to be despised—his glory as a soldier is the inheritance of his country; it helps not our cause to deny his renown—it is his renown that renders him dangerous, and makes it our duty to meet him with a firm and determined resistance. I would then put it to the proverbial good sense of our countrymen, whether this meeting, having one common object and one common enemy, shouid discuss speculative theories of po litical science before these assembled thousands. For myself, I will say that I am decidedly in favour of the ballot ; and I am ready to meet any man or any set of men in its defence ; but this I say, that the time is not now.—( Cheers and hisses.) What would be conceived of the crew of a vessel, who, when in danger of shipwreck, should fall a quarrelling about their wages; or if a house were on fire, what would be thought of its inhabitants who should call in a painter, and discuss with him the colour and tints of the drawing-room.—( Laughter.) I have every respect for our gracious Sovereign, who conceded to us the Reform Bill ; but I will say that since the House of Hanover came to the throne of these realms, tbere never was a Ministry treated in the way the Cabinet of Lord Melbourne has been. They have received at the hands of the Court wh at is commonly called " Jeddart justice "—they have been tried and condemned without the privilege of being heard—before the colour of their measures could be anticipated, unless by the Court prophets, who anticipated that their measures would be more liberal, instead of being less so. Through a base Court intrigue, we have been deprived of their services, to make way for a military dictator, a military Government and court martial law. It is impossible that the Duke of Wel lington should carry on his Government by the ordinary means. With the present House of Commons he cannot; and will a dissolution mend him ? Our enemies have gained confidence by the apparent dissensions: and what I will call the unseemly and imprudent differences among men who were going the same road, though one may be a little in advance of the other—they have on this account taken courage to make the most perilous attempt that has been tried since the first constitution of the Monarchy. Once more, with your per mission, I would solicit your calm reflection as canny Scotch men, and submit to you that your first duty, as it is your first interest, is to be united. The resoluti on s tip u l a te s f o r a more liberal line of policy. ( A voice—" What is it ?") I am asked what it is—if govern this great nution I you,wouldtell I w but thougherefit to now-a-days every man is a States man, yet I have not advanced so far in self-conceit as to judge of measures before they come before me. I am one of those whose maxim is—with the people if possible ; but always for the people—( Cheers)—and however I may be td act with you, yet if I thought you wrong, I would honestly oppose you. I may also remind you that they are not always your real friends who on every occasion flatter you.—( Great cheering, mixed with hisses.) The LORD PROVOST then requested a show of hands for Mr. Aytotm's amendment, when an immense number of hands were held up. His Lordship then called on those who were in favour of the original resolution to hold up their hands, when about the same number of bands were held up ; and as it seemed to us in some places by the same parties. His Lord ship being pressed for his decision, decided in favour of the original resolution.—( Great cheering and hisses.) Mr. CUNNINGHAM moved a vote of thanks to the Lord Pro vost, after which the meeting dissolved. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, 24 1834• MEETING OF REFORMERS IN DUBLIN. (From the Dublin Morning Register of Saturday. ) MR. O'CONNELL. Yesterday there was a very crowded meeting held at the Corn Exchange, in consequence of the following advertise ment which appeared in the morning papers : " Mr. O'Connell, M.P. for the city of Dublin, requests the littendance of such of his constituents as are sincere friends of reform, at the Great Room, Corn Exchange, on this day (Friday) the 21st of November, at the hour of two o'clock in the afternoon, to consider the best means of combining all the friends of political amelioration, in opposition to the supporters of oligarchy and mono poly in church and state. " Merrion-square, 21st Nov. 1834." Amongst the gentlemen present we noticed Charles A. Walker, Esq., M. P., Richard Lalor Sheil, Esq., M. P., A. Carew O'Dwyer, Esq., M.P., Christopher Fitzsimon, Esq., M. P., Thomas Bish, Esq., Member for Leominster, Cadwal lader Waddy, Esq., M.P., Dominick Ronaytie, Esq., M. P., Morgan O'Connell, Esq., M.P., E. Ruthven, Esq., the Mem ber for Kildare, Ebenezer Jacob, Esq., M.P., G. F. Young, Esq., M. P., for Teignmouth, and Frederick William Conway, Henry G. Curran, William Grace Kelly, Alexander Seton, John M. Dolan, James O'Dowd, R. Barrett, William P. Kenny, Michael Staunton, J. A. Curran, J. Redmond, W. P. O'Connor, T. Nugent, and D. Doyle, Esqrs. At half-past two o'clock Mr. O'Connell entered the room, and was greeted with the most deafening cheers, which con tinued for several minutes. C. A. WALKER, Esq., M.P., was called to the chair. Mr. DWYER was requested to act as Secretary. He read the requisition for the meeting. Mr. O'CONNELL rose amidst the most enthusiastic cheers, which were continued for several minutes. As soon as they had subsided, he thus proceeded :—Mr. Chairman, we have heard that his most gracious Majesty, of whom we always speak in respectful terms, has been advised, as I believe, by the basest and the worst advisers—by those who are the foul enemies of the peace and tranquillity of the country, and of the security of the Crown—by those he has been advised to dismiss the Members of the late Administration.—( Hear, hear.) By such has he been advised to form a new Administration, at the head of which is the chance victor of a battle, but also the determined foe of every principle of freedom and liberality.--4 Loud cheers.) Let me recal to your recollection the situation in which we are placed. England has received mighty boons from-the Grey Adminis tration. The corrupt boroughs —the profligate nests of bribery in the hands of the oligarchy—those base weapons by which they were able to fleece the people to whatever side they turned—those instruments by which the oligarchy in one coun try increased the debt to a thousand millions, and more than a thousand million of lives were expended in the pursuit of the most sordid and selfish of purposes ; for the oligarchy of England is like every other oligarchy, sordid, corrupt, and the worst enemies of the liberties of the people. The rotten boroughs, by which that oligarchy worked and thrived, have been swept away by the Grey Administration.—( Hear.) Who will tell me that the people of England, who have emerged from every revolution, will not now shake off a profligate ty ranny ? England has shown herself great and powerful ; but the name of England will be covered with eternal disgrace if she quietly submits to the change that is now made—if she does not pluck down from the place of authority and power the head of Toryism, who has now come into office.—( Here Mr. Shed, M. P., entered the meeting, and was received with c heers.) The principles of amelioration were in the late Administration, anti they were advancing. Take notice that lam not here the advocate for the late Administration. I have seen too much of them to be so ; and I forgive them not. I never can forgive them, as a man and an Irishman, their vile Coercion Bill.— ( Cheers.) I will not then be misunderstood as coming here the advocate of the late Administration. I came here to do justice. We are now stopped—the Administration is turned out at the very moment at which it is most wanted, and in which it intended to do at least one great good. The ques tion is not whether we will do anything for the late Adminis tration—for I do not require you to do anything for them—but I do require that every man will join with me in opposing the present Administration.—( Hear and cheers.) Igo this length, and say, that no man is honest who does not join me in opposing the present Administration.—( Hear, and con tinued cheering.) Let no man come out on me, and say, " The Duke of Wellington is an untried man—he is a mere soldier—he is not a tried man in politics." My answer is, he is not an untried man. No man can come forward and look you in the face and say so, as it has been said by the base and mercenary hirelings of the Courier and the Times. —( Hear.) I want to know why it is that when persons about the London press act the vile part those are doing, they should not be dragged out to public view ? Instead of speaking of the Courier, why should we not talk of Stuart ?—and instead of descanting upon the Times, why not mention the names of Walter and of Barnes, that the public might see what miseta ble wretches they are who take the majestic " we ?"—that, divested of it, the world might know what squalid, mi serable, and contemptible scoundrels they are.—( Cheers and laughter.) If I live to go to London, I will certainly get the history of their lives, and proclaim it. I shall do this with Stuart and every one of them, for it is the only way of exposing, and holding up to public scorn, such mercenary wretches, and disarming of all effect such hireling scribes. The Duke of Wellington being at the head of the Adminis tration leaves no excuse for any man who calls himself a Re former. There is no pretence for not opposing his Adminis tration.—( Hear.) Every man who calls himself a Reformer is a hypocrite—a vile, paltry, base hypocrite—a man sold to corruption, who will not oppose himself to the new Adminis tration. Recollect that now no man assails the late Admi nistration but one who wishes to serve the present. We quar relled with the late Ministers because they were like the To. ries—a copy of them. Now we have the original itself. What are we to do then ? Is it by railing at the late Administration, to strengthen the present in office ? Is the Irish intellect to be thus clouded ? Are we for a moment to be deceived by this species of ingenuity, and to serve the Tories out of hatred for Toryism ? Oh, no ; it is our business to rally together, whatever differences there may be amongst us. What does it become us as patriots to do in a great crisis ? To sacrifice something—to throw away some favourite feeling, or even pre judice. I will have nothing to do with by-battles now. I call upon all reformers, who are not repealers, to join with me —I will ask them to let me join them—l will go to their c amp, if they think it a degradation to come to mine ; I will go upon my knees to get one man now to assist me against the Duke of Wellington.—( Cheers.) I will state to them more —if they come to our meetings, and join with us, they will find that we will keep faith with them. No resolution shall be passed here which they do not sanction. The object of all will be to get out the Duke of Wellington.—( Hear, hear. ) We will not seek a Repeal pledge if the reform pledge be given at the coming contests.—( Hear.) Do I relax Repeal by this ? Those looking to future events will s•ee that Ido not. We will have an election. The Conservatives are putting forth their strength. Our first thought should be the elec tions. A great deal of the South is safe. lam told we earl make an impression on the North.—( Hear and cheers.) We regret extremely that want of space obliges us to omit the conclusion of Mr. O'Connell's speech. He concluded amid loud cheers by proposing resolutions to that effect. Mr. A. C. O'DWYER seconded the resolutions, which passed unanimously. Mr. SiSIEL said—The Conservatives take their ground on the Irish church. Can it be done ? If so, how ? Through the present House of Commons? That seems impossible. By a new one ? Even supposing that upon a new election the church might gain materially in England, still the great majo rity of the Irish members would remain in determined opposi tion to the abuses of the establishment • and what would in a short time become of a government which would be resisted on an Irish question by at least two thirds of the representatives of this country ?—( Cries of " Hear, hear, hear," and cheers.) What does it become Ireland to do ? There is the main question. Let us remember what we have done, how we have Gone it, and what remains to be accomplished. We carried Emancipation, we carried Reform, and it will go hard with us if we do not carry what appears to be of Emancipation and of Reform the inevitable result. Let us meet ; form a Church Reform Association, establish county clubs, and command the elections of Ireland. " The Church, the Church, the Church I" let that be our rallying cry ; let us relinquish all other pursuits for an interval, and bring to bear on the Estab lishment the united and concentrated energies of a great people, who return a preponderating majority of the Representatives of Ireland to the House of Commons. Mr. O'CONNELL—I rise to move that a committee be named to carry these resolutions into effect. It is absolutely necessary that we should not lose a moment.—( Cheers.) The com mittee will be open to the public, and will meet to-morrow. They will prepare a report which will be submitted to the ad journed meeting on Monday. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, and the meeting adjourned to Monday next. MAIDSTONE. On Friday evening a public meeting was held in the large room of the Star Inn in this town, called together by handbills, which declared its object to be that of giving the reformers of Maidstone and its vicinity an opportunity of expressing their sentiments on this important occasion. About 600 persons, comprising some of the most influential inhabitants of the town, attended, and unani mously voted, among other excellent resolutions, the following : " That this meeting cannot place the slightest confidence in any Ministry formed by the Duke of Wellington, nor in any promises of reform that may emanate from such Ministry ; as they cannot but believe that the delay which has already taken place in the reforma tion of abuses, has been caused by the unceasing machinations of the Tory party, to whose intrigues, they believe, may also be at tributed the dissolution of the late Ministry." NEWPORT, ISLE OF WIGHT. The news of the great change in his Majesty's Councils, the un ceremonious dismissal of the late Cabinet, and the appointment of the great Captain of the age to rule the destinies of a free people, caused great sensation in this borough. The Committee a! the Friends of Reform immediately met, and appointed Thursday for a general public meeting, to be held at the large room, at the G.-een Dragon Hotel. At the time fixed, the large room of the h otel was crowded with the electors of borough and their friends Charles Day, Esq., was called to the chair, and the meeting was addressed by several gentlemen present., in a most able and, maieci ;t.ul! An unanimous feeling of surprise and alarm was ex pressed it the C:4. r.7.2r dmary change in his Majesty's councils, which every individual present : AP4ldered as intended to stop the progress of reform in Church and State, .74" h the liberties of the people, and defeat their wish to secure a good Go7rnment' FALMOUTH. There has been 'a spirited meeting at this place, at which it way resolved by acclamation, to wage determined war with the Wel lington clique. BLA CKB URN. A correspondent at this town says---" With regard to an elec tion we are fully prepared, and have long been so, to meet our op ponents any moment. We have done nothing here as yet, as we arc anxious to hear what steps are taken by Manchester, Leeds, ; but you may rely upon it, Blackburn will not be backward on an occasion like this. The greatest astonishment has been excited here by the extraordinary conduct of his Majesty. The reformers, to a man, feel the greatest indignation, and they will doubtless act with promptitude and vigour. ROCHDALE. Some of the active friends of reform have formed themselves into a committee, for the purpose of aiding in every way the cause of liberal government, and of ejecting the Tories from office. MANCHESTER. In this vast and important district the news of the dismissal of the Ministry has created the greatest possible sensation. The people, however, are nothing daunted, though greatly indignant. A requisition, signed in a very short period of time, by 400 of the most substantial inhabitants of this town, was presented to the con stituted authorities, requesting them to convene a public meeting as speedily as possible, for the purpose of addressing the King on the prosent critical state of public affairs. The constables of Manches ter, in reply to this, say— " We do not perceive anything in the present state of public affairs which would justify us in calling a public meeting of the in habitants of Manchester. We hope it will be understood that, in declining to comply with the requisition, we have the most respect ful feeling for the gentlenten by whom it was signed ; and that the conclusion which we adopt arises solely from the consideration that the subject is not such as would warrant our interference. The absence of the boroughreeve from Manchester prevents our having an opportunity of conferring with him on this occasion." Immediately on the receipt of this strange answer, a general meeting of the requisitionists, convened by circular, was held, at which it was unanimously resolved— " That a public meeting will be held on Thursday, the 27th instant, at eleven o'clock in the forencon, at the Manor Court Room, for the purpose stated in the requisition." The meeting, it is understood, will be most numerously attended, and the resolutions to be proposed will be of a most plain and in telligible character. LEEDS. On Wednesday a great number of the friends of Reform assem bled at the Exchange Hotel, at a few hours' notice, to take into consideration the propriety of presenting an address to his Majesty on the state of public affairs. An enthusiastic spirit manifested itself on the occasion, and, after mature deliberation, it was deter mined to present a requisition to the Mayor, requesting him to call a meeting of the inhabitants of the borough, to consider of the pro priety of presenting an address to the King, on the subject of the change of Ministers. The requisition was signed, in the course of a few hours, by between five and six hundred most respectable indivi duals, each one affixing his place of residence. The Mayor, how ever (Griffith Wright, Esq.), declined to comply with the demand of the requisitionists, on the ground of the object of the meeting being a direct interference with the Royal prerogative. The requi sitors then determined to call a meeting for the purposes men tioned in the requisition. It is to be held this day in the large room of the Commercial Buildings. WAKEFIELD. In this town the sudden dismissal of Ministers produced great astonishment. The news was the general, indeed the only, topic of conversation, and an election being considered inevitable, com mittees were formed by both parties, and the first bill that was posted was one by the Blues, calling upon the electors to reserve their votes as a candidate of liberal principles, and a friend to real Reform, would be brought forward to them ! A deputation was sent to solicitor Mr. Wortley to come forward and offer himself for the borough, but that gentleman being in London, a letter was addressed to him on the subject, which has not yet been answered. The friends of Daniel Gaskell, Esq., the present liberal member, also posted a bill, calling upon the electors to reserve their votes for him, as a tried and consistent man of independent principles, who was willing to serve them again, provided he was returned in the same manner as at the last election. HALIFAX. The intelligence of the dissolution of the Mdboarne Ministry, and the appointment of the Duke of Wellington to the head of the Cabinet, has produced a sensation in this town, such as has not oc curred at any former period. Reformers of all grades see the ne cessity of some steps being immediately taken to show to his Ma jesty, and to the Duke of Wellington, that, so far as regards the principles of liberty, and the progress of reform, there has no re action taken place an the minds of the people. A numerous meet ing of reformers was held at the Bull's Head Inn, on Wednesday evening, when it was unanimously resolved, that in the present crisis of affairs they should bury all minor differences and take prompt and decided measures to drive the Duke from his newly acquired post. BURY. On Wednesday evening a meeting of the inhabitants of Bury and the neighbourhood, convened by a public requisition, was held in the Clerke-street News-room, " to take into consideration what measures it may be advisable to adopt in the present critical state of national affairs," Mr. Daniel Bentley in the chair. A series of resolutions were separately and unanimously passed, to the effect that the formation of a Cabinet composed of individuals opposed to all efficient reforms is fraught with danger to the peace of the country, and likely to produce the most disastrous results; and that a petition to the King be forthwith forwarded, praying his Majesty to stop the arrangements for a Cabinet under the Duke of Wellington. CARLISLE. (From the Carlisle Journal. We have this week to communicate intelligence, which will be heard with astonishment by all men—with credulity by many—with fear and trembling by thousands. The Cabinet of Earl Melbourne has bean contamaciously kicked out—Chancellor and all—and the Duke of Wellington, as the head of a Tory faction, is at this mo ment the sole Dictator of England ! That the Cabinet of which Earl Melbourne was the head should have fallen to pieces—that the discordant materials of which it was composed, should have broken in twain on its first collision with public opinion, was no more than was looked for from the first day of its formation ; but that the King, without some plausible notice, should have ventured upon the reckless step of dismissing it, that he should have done so without the slightest " pressure from without," and for the mere purpose of restoring that faction to power, which is the most detested that ever attempted to rule a free nation, is indeed not only surprising, but most alarming.—Charles the first ventured to try the patience of the pe , ple over whom he reigned, by intriguing with the enemies of that people ; Louis the 16th attempted to preserve a power which he never would have possessed, by vacillating from one extreme to another. Charles ended his days upon the block, and Louis under the axe of the guillotine. It remains to be seen what may be the effect of the experiment which William the Fourth has now been advised to try upon the patience of his subjects. SHEFFIELD. (From the Sheffield Independent.) This week, we have to record a great event, the suddenness and importance of which have filled the nation with amazement. The King, in the exercise of his hereditary wisdom, has dismissed, on a mere pretext, the Reforming Administration, from which, in its recently liberalized form, great and salutary measures were ex pected. His Majesty has again called to his counsels the man who once declared, that he must be worse than mad if he thought of being Prime Minister,—the man who, in 1830, fled from power when his egregious and accumulated unders had lighted up the midnight of the southern counties with incendiary fires ; when he had found it necessary, to prevent a then popular King's visit to his metropolis, because his Prime Minister dare not accompany him ; and when our foreign relations were so embroiled, that the breaking out of a general war seemed inevitable,—the man, who took office in 1832, but retired in a few days, before the indignant rebuke of an insulted nation. This is the man who now holds, done, the reigns of Government. The first and universal impres sion was, that this change had been produced by a plot ; and al though the Tory press has laboured strenuously to remove this idea, we are fully p,:srsuaded of its truth. EIRMINGHAJIL - (From the R!rnanoham Journal.) The simple question of all these Ministerial changes is, who shall rule this country—the Commons, or i.lte Hereditary Peers? The two antagonist principles are at war with each other. They cannot both subsist together, if the Peers blindly determine to oppose themselves to the will of the people. It is no longer a question of Party—of Whigs or Tories. We much doubt whether Sir Ro bert Peel will meddle with such a dangerous instrument as a Re formed House of Commons. We are confident that the Duke of Wellington and Peel, who opposed the creation of that instrument , never can work with it. Will the Constituencies of a Reformed House of Commons bear the insult of such mockery ? Are not these two bigotted public men selected by the King to stop the nrogress of general Reform—to defeat the ends of the Reform Acts? Can thtAv cajole from the Electors of the empire any House of Com mons suitable to the purposes and notorious objects of a Cabinet formed by such public men ? We scorn the suspicion. We greatiy doubt the formation of 'the intended Cabinet. It will be an abor tion, or, if formed, it will die in its infancy. The Duke of Welling ton can only govern by coercion or concession: the first is certain revolution ; the second ruins his pa?tv, and delivers him over to his enemies. We now only advise our Reform in g townsmen to be united, to be alive to the possibility of a D:ssolution of Parliament. We beseech them to keep their eye on all i; ole and corner meet ings. The Tories have long ceased to appear in public, and will not dare to do it in Birmingham ! WAR WICK. (From the Warwick Advertiser.) Englishmen! the great crisis of your country's fate—the event which we know many thousands have been expec'ing—has at length arrived. The old leaven, long cherished and nursed in the hot-bed of corruption, and even now secretly nourised in the warm nests of Tory sinecurism, by which the British Count is sur rounded, has not only revived, but burst out into nsw life and vigour. The Duke of W ellin g ton —the ver y man who was driven from the highest office in the realm, for having treated the p s -ople the of England with u t ter contempt, when the mighty voice of multitude demanded a reform in the national representation-6:e man who scorned the petitions of the people while he held the reins of power--this man is now—not the Prime Minister only, but ac tually, in himself, the Cabinet of England ! At this moment, that ambitious man has more power vested in himself alone than has ever before been entrusted to a British subject ! Englishmen ! will you, in these times of intellectual improvement, when every mAn has already imbibed a new spirit of enlightenment, will you subunit to the uncontrolled sway of a Military Dictator ? Will you lay down your necks to be trampled under foot by the old and inv(sterate enemies of your country? While we ask these ques tion s, we hear from every province, and from the utmost corners of the empire, the sound of a mighty voice, the united voice of mil lions of British Freemen—No !! YORK (From the Yorkshireman.) We have this week to record an event which has created a most thrilling sensation throughout the kingdom—and justly so, as inde pent lently of the astonishment inevitable upon its sudden and unex pect, xl occurrence, it is fraught with the most important come quen, ;:es to the nation, —involving as it does, or threat( ns to do, an a b so l t te inversion of the principles upon which the country has be e n f o. r the last four years governed,—a change no less than that from lit, ralism to its antipodes, Toryism. To the astonishment and dismay of by far the greater portion of the community hig Ministry have been suddenly dismissed, and their constßi - pouents, the Tories, have been recalled to the councils of-% e King, under the wing of their leader, the Duko of WC.11 1 1 , 8- ton, who four years ago was compelled '• to, relincC i thel' helm of the state, on account of hlt--declaration' • r , -• •rm Strong indeed must be the infatuation, liidicleep.tlie-Witgiie r of the party who could allow themselves to be led on seilleapal a contest, ahieL can issue only in their discomfiture and defeat. We area wholly at a . 1 to account for the movement, upon principles re nu concileable with C.'non sense; and we are forced to recur to a declaration made by the nuke of Wellington on a former occasion, *it of taking upon himself the that he would be mad if he `bought office of Prime Minister. We wol.: 14 ask, now, is the noble Duke, or are his party in their sound senses? If it were madness for merly, it is doubly so now, to attempt goverm:ng this country upon Tory principles. BERWICK. (From the Berwick Advertiser.) We already perceive that the Times—the foul slanderer of Henry Brougham—the mighty broad sheet of Truckleborough Square—is truckling round to his Grace of Wellington ; and its defence of the Duke is an interpretation of its hitherto mysterious abuse of Brougham. We loathe and hate the time-servers, who for the sake of lucre would become the lick-spittle of Beelzebub himself. The people, however, have a plain and straightforward duty to perform. Let them immediately meet in every county, in every town, and in every parish throughout the country. And in addi tion to this, if Wellington do not dissolve the Parliament, then let each constituency address its representative or representatives, pointing out to them the path which they expect them to pursue, and if they refuse to comply, call upon them to resign—and if he dissolve Parliament, then let the reformers in every county, city and borough make common cause—let there be no division in their ranks—let reform committees be instantly appointed—let them vote forno man but such as will give distinct and positive pledges— for pledges are now necessary—general professions are good for nothing—and let them have committees to watch over the common enemy. Do not permit a day to pass without commencing the good work. Again we repeat " Britain expects every man to do hi duty," Let your cry be—" Durham and Reform !" and for the present we only add—" To your tents 0 Israel !" EDINBURGH. (From the Scotsman.) THE TIMES.-We were pretty sure that the. Times' abuse of the Chancellor was symptomatic of a real though unavowed change in its political creed, and its language in Monday's number confirms our suspicions. It speaks of the assurances it has from respectable quarters of the Duke of Well:ngton's intention to conduct his admi nistration on liberal principles I and pleads against prejudging him and his colleagues—prejudging a host of persons, whose acts and speeches for twenty years are vouci:?rs for their hostility to all re form ! The Times has made a bolt, as ;* is technically termed, and the true motive of its malignant attacks on the Chancellor is now obvious. The blows directed against that individual wer.! I.( ally aimed at the Ministry. GLASGOW. (From the Scots Times.) Citizens of Glasgow !—On the 2d of Nov:Tr-ober, 1830, the Duke of Wellington proclaimed aloud to Britains, that as long as he held any station in the Government of the country he should resist every measure of Reform. Since he utterci these memo rable words, he has fulfilled his declaration to the letter. He has resolutely opposed every reform, however limited its nature, how ever loudly demanded by justice or by the voice of the nation. Citizens of Glasgow ! l'His MAN IS Now YOUR RULES! Are you prepared to expunge the Reform Bill from the Statute Book Then look tamely on the scene before you—the work of destruction is already begun—a few weeks hence, that charter of your liberties, now in the hands of its sworn foes, may be merely matter of his tory ! The toils, the dangers, the achievements of 1832, must be fresh in your recollection—are you now ready to sacrifice all the fruits of those memorable exertions to Tory intrigue? Acquit yourselves like men who appreciate the importance of the great stake now at issue. Be true to yourselves, your country, and your principles, and the contest can neither be long nor doubtful. Above all, Fellow-Citizens and Reformers, we beseech you now to forget all minor differences of opinion—to banish all petty jealousies —to concentrate all your energies against the common enemy. We counsel no violence—we deprecate every thing like precipitation or rashness. The crisis requires cool heads and prudent hands. Let every true Reformer be on his guard. Citizens of Glasgow ! The eyes of your fellow-countrymen are upon you. Th day has come—choose ye betwixt tyranny and freedom, betwixt corruption and reform, betwixt Tory darkness and the light of a just and beneficent Government. In one word—FEAßLEssur Do You a Derv. You owe it to your Country, to yourselves, to your ehil dren, and to posterity. TILE TIMES ARD Tna COURIER.—At a time like the present, the public cannot have too vigilant an eye upon the Press. The traitorous, the infamous defection of two leading Journals from the cause of the people, has excited the astonishment and indignation of all classes in the metropolis. We refer to the Times and the Courier, both of which Journals, after months of unmeasured abuse of Lord Brougham, which the whole country saw with equal pain and disgust, have hauled down their Liberal colours and hoisted the Wellington flag. In plain language, they have at once gone over to the enemy, and 4zre now basely fighting the battle of the Duke and that of the Tory faction, as zealously as if they had never lifted a pen in the cause of the people and reform. METROPOLITAN MEMBERS' ADDRESS. ( From the Mo;ning Chronicle.) We received at a late hoer last night the following excellent Address from the majority of the Metropo litan Members to their Constituents. This important document is opportune and seasonai;le, and we recom mend our Liberal contemporaries to g;ve it every pos sible publicity. Copies should be posted oil the walls of every city and borough throughout the three king doms. To be forewarned is to be forearmed : and the sentiments of this Address will, we are convinced, be adopted by the great majority of the electors in Eng land, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. TO THE METROPOLITAN ELECTORS. We, the Undersigned, your Representatives in the first Re formed House of Commons, unable at this season to make our sentiments known in our places in Parliament, feel it our duty to address You on the present critical state of public affairs. We rejoiced, in common with yourselves, at the passing of the Reform Bill, in the confident hope that it would lead to those extensive practical ameliorations which we conceive the country to require ; and that it would ensure both redress of national grievances and continued progression in good go vernment, without the smallest interruption to the public se curity and repose. It is with deep sorrow that we now find this hope extin guished by the re-appointment of an Anti-reforming Ministry. We can expect no prosecution of the legitimate consequences of the Reform Bill from those who in every stage denounced and opposed it. We can anticipate no correction of social or political abuses from those whose voice has uniformly been raised in their defence. From such men Reformers have no thing to hope ; and not only nothing to hope, but in our opi nion, every thing to fear. For we cannot conceal our appre hension that any attempt either to withhold wise and necessary reforms, or to impose upon the people delusive and inefficient measures in place of them, will be attended with serious danger to the peace of the community. It is not our purpose in this Address to express any united opinion as to the conduct of the Ministry, since the opening of the Reformed Parliament. On that point we are not una nimous. Many of us are of opinion that the Ministry have greatly fallen short of the legitimate expectations of the people ; and our conduct in Parliament shows how far we have respectively acted on that conviction. Others among us think that considering the difficulties with which the Go vernment had to contend, no blame is imputable to them for not having effected more extensive reforms. But what ever difference of sentiment there may be as to the measures of the displaced Ministry, we arc all of one ac cord in proclaiming that the recent appointment is a change for the worse—a change greatly and fearfully for the worse—a change fatal to all prospect of efficient and peaceable reforms, and involving the near possi bility of perils, such as we shrink from contemplating. We have thus, under an imperative sense of duty, expressed to You, through the only channel at present open to us, our opinions on the recent changes in the Government ; we be lieve that those opinions will find accordance among the large majority of our constituents. It is not for us to suggest to you the proper mode of giving effect to your convictions on this momentous topic ; but we trust that You will concur with us in laying aside all slighter differences of political feeling for the purpose of preventing the restoration of Tory misgovern ment, and the retrogade movement of the Cause of Reform. A Dissolution of Parliament, is, in all probability at hand ; and, on the result of the ensuing Election, depends all chance of future political progress, and, perhaps, even the preserva tion of the Reform Bill itself, from iepcal or mutilation. Wo anxiously hope that you will unite in repudiating not only the declared enemies of that great measure, but also the sup porters of a Government avowedly hostile to those amend ments in our institutions for the attainment of which alone Parliamentary Reform is valuable. Your example will be followed elsewhere ; and a new Parliament will be chosen, such as no Anti-Reforming Ministry will be able to encounter. This is our fervent prayer : we rejoice to add that it is at the same time our confident expectation. M. WOOD. G. GROTE. W. CRAWFORD. W. CLAY. S. LUSHINGTON. B. II AWES. C. TENNYSON. Southwark i t W. BROUGHAM. J. HUMPHREY. Finsbury T. DUNCOMBE. Copies of the above address have been forwarded to S'r Francis Burdett, Sir William Horne, and Mr. Byng ; but no answers have yet been received from them. Mr. Hume is abroad. The Duke of Wellington's political manceuvres will utterly fail in the " home service." From all parts of the country we are assured of the confidence and over helming power of the Liberal c onstituencies. The Pes2l and Wellington impostors will meet their deserts at tio hustings. City Tower Hamlets Lambeth We are given to understand that a preliminary meeting of the Electors of Westminster, on the subject of the present political state of the country, will take place at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, to morrow evening, at seven. o'clock. - - - - - Mr. Hope, M.P. for Mary-le-bonne, has recently received an accession to his fortune of upwards of eighteen thousand pounds per annum, by the death of a near relation, Adrian Hope, Esq., of Amsterdam. Mr. Gully, M. P. for Pontefract, who attended the dinner given to the Earl of Durham at Newcastle,. is the largest proprietor of the famous Hetton colliery, in the county of Durham. Mr. Gully is said to have invested upwards of 160,0001. in that very extensive coal-mine. 7. c, zt •t i~ ryi