The Sun. — London, England, 1827-05-08 00:00:00

hole of, Irelandi and .why was-this? It was through a mistaken .policy, which it was my duty and object to see terminated. Up to that • year, the trade of Ireland was Considered as a foreign trade, and subjected to all its re strictions : therefore, up to:that year I was forced so to con sider it. And now, Sir, the statements I have before me have been taken from the Restoration up to the year 1814, and from that year to the present ; and what effect have those principles of reciprocity had since that peried, with the single exception of the. year 1825, to this last year? The year 1825, be it remembered, was a year in which trade was materially depressed and injured by speculations o ° ,f an extraordinary nature, and to an ex t raor di nary ex t en t. et, i n the year 1826, a greater amount of British shipping entered into, and cleared out of, the various British ports, t han during any year since 1814. Here, then, is my first proof of the efficacy of the system which it was 'fly task to introduce. Let Hon. Gentlemen look at the columns of those returns from 1814 to 1826, and they will see that they stand higher in 1826, than at any other year since the Restoration. But, inasmuch as I separated Ireland from the foreign trade, and consi dered her as a part of this country, which it was so ne tessary t o her welfare and our honour that I should do, I did not include her in my estimate, and I now hold in my hoed the returns of our trade with all foreign ports, Ire land being exeepted, and here those returns are more fa vourable. In the year 1826, our exports in tonnage ex- Ze4ll anY year s i nce 1814. Wh at t h en i s t o b e come of charge that a ruin to our foreign trade was to be anti 'red, fur I admitted that the year 1825 was to be con ered a year of extravagant speculation, and the decrease h,the empl oyment of our British ships was naturally to expected. Yet, in this very year, there was not only a ;lecrease in British, less than that of foreign; but I have . O make this most triumphant statement, that in the fol !°witig Year there was, in the British, a positive increase 'l-It° all "r Ports. In 1825, the decrease of British ship ping was one-tenth, and the decrease of - the foreign two sbe,venths' b eing nea r l y one -f our th. So, then, what is to -- ‘. c ° 41 e of th e argument w hi c h seems so p the lausible, but ishich the House willperceive had no foundation te ye ar ndation ?In ni 1826 , the depression of British trade was not in . parison with that which fell upon foreign. When it said that the system of reciprocity attacked our interest, I will peg of H on . Gentlemen to look down the columns of these returns, and, out of the fourteen years, to refer to the four antecedent to those of reciprocity. I was also told, tied • it was qu i te un f a i r t o t a ke the averages of an y particu rB Year. I a d m itt e d it, an d, i ns t ea d o f ta ki ng th e year c. 23, I took the averages of the m an y y ears pre ,:"4lg, and compared them with th a t o f the pre ,- • I have been, th ere f ore , an o b e di ent di sc i p l e tb f_ the Henourable Gentlemen, and I have taken It mode of proving the efficacy of my own theory. 4 ' happened that, in the last year, there was a dimi il'oo t i nk o the amount of 209,000 tons, and therefore it is, plainly proved, th a t, whether one year only, or an l era ge of years, be taken into consideration, there has a coniiiderable increase in British shipping over foreign r e e ts• In order to exhaust every mode by which an at criticsli can be m a d e upon t h e presen t sys t em , some ver y acu t e would find out, that the number of shipping and the t t r "unt of t onnage spec ifi e d , i nc l u d e d th a t eng a ge d i n th e .arle with Ireland and with our Colonies in North Ame- Z ea ", 'which o ug ht no t t o b e i nc luded,when the comparison hj i . Wi th respect t o o ur foreign trade merely. But even f oe -e I was willing to meet them, and accordingly called f ' r ,eturns of the amount of British as compared with t err e lP l thips, which had traded to the ports of the P o he as well as those which had traded with the ether aaf T °f ,E urope, exclusive of the Mediterranean, with the - h ' il uies, with the West Indies, with America, also the all 'a-erl and amount engaged in the fisheries, and, last of the !RI which I am sorry does not go beyond three years, amot of shipping and tonnage engaged in the coast -41 trade.un Neither are the latter jumbled up, as has been t ei en ' w ith the amount of the tonnage engaged in our fo r ei; tra de• - I will now go through these; and first, with ' i,„7 -4 to the return of British and foreign ships which of the out o f a l l fore i gn ports f or t hi s country , ( exc l us i ve 4 t ''S colonies in our possession) it will be seen, that the la i t 4 l , ° t in the year 1826 exceeded that of any year since t•N r ',,, e xcePt the year 1825. The increase in oi . ir favour, te, ; " 'me to the papers on the table in the foreign trade, n g, en aver ige of four years, exclusive of the year 1825, am - ne out to be no less than one-fourth—(l - lear)-- if we look to the trade of Europe for a period of seven oi a a s; and long antecedent to the reciprocity treaties, we Sil l e fi rld that, in the year 1826, the increase has been . -,uoo tons. I admit that there has been an in t'ere.,.e. of foreign shipping also, but is it not in the na things that such should he the case; and are j eta t o allow ourselves to be carried away by a feeling of the s ", bec ause , w hil e our own shipping is increasing, pee that o f f ore i gners d o i ng s o likewise?---(Hear.)— as se l t he charges which were made, Linade, it my busi a,hieg examine into the nature of this foreign tonnage, tae has been so spoken of. - I was bound to.do so, for s ie ' r r eePutationwas at stake, and that ,was of as• m mil t or A n d Consequence to me, than any other conside.ration. et r , oh 4 w, from what description of vessels does this great er e ' tit of foreign tonnage proceed? One-fourth of them 1 , toncler 50 t ons b ur d e n, a n d by far the greater part do • 11r ° 1 1 ,""ed 100. These are the vessels which carry on the littl e 'pal trade betw e en France an d this country, and every our `"el w hi c h into Dov,r, Souti:aniptue, and ft tl i t i)l ber ports o n the South Coast, with eggs, poultry, onr ; ‘ , l the many other little things found so useful in RitC - Ports, help to swell the great amount of tonnage "er h i our lit-Al Our trade is menaced. Is this then the nur- fii; ' Of o • • s o seamen , ? (Loud cheers.)—No, but r 01 " "4 k : 4 'se's, which trade to the extremes of the earth— n;f:44 might as w e ll compare them as compare the hors gel- a Paddington stage with that of the mail which t '' Edinb urg h.—(ll ear , and laughter.)—At the same ror b e i• th i'l species of craft supplied our coasts with many ", and Hon. Gentlemen have no notion to what extent this trade is carried on. The Hon. Member for .a in : h i auberland (Mr. Liddell) would be astonished at the Nel l ! o f eggs imported in the last y H ear. e might sup beg ""at they amount to a million or two, but I 4 e to inform him that in that period there were sixty ,,,t,tnillions of eggs imported from France, the duty on dune a mounted to 22,000/. When I was absent, and Pti i .3 o ne of th e di scuss i ons on the Corn Laws, my Hon. alluded to the trade which was carried on in bones, 1 00 -°l° the Scheldt Ihey are imported here to the value of 1)44 - '""., and about 40,000 tons of miserable little ship eiflPloyed in this trade. Is then, I ask, a gallant , 11 1 1, 0 ; k r uP to go Hamburgh, and wait there, searching for a 41 ' ea -„,„°' bones from one ace to another, until she eni ttn - b rine home here argo of manure for our agricu •• insets And now, •what do I deduce from the employ °f t hese 40,000 tons?—why, that manure is a va liroiiie article t o our agricultur i sts, and t h at ot h erw ise they \ t h e d not lay Out their money on the refuse of humanity; Oc i r i , efu 'e, we h ave a r i g h t to presume o n h a ving 4 or A nd 7,130 quarters of co rn i n a ddition to our usual harvest. is also to be recollected, that what is grown addi -044.'3' in this way is c arr i e d by our coasting vessels, and ( tr. by thi s means, a most valuable trade is increased.— , the ar, hear.)_ ___A n d now, with respect to our trade with t en : Ports in Europ e; in 1814 it amounted to 540,000 tec ,, n 1826 came up to 878,000. In this branch ):thave an increase of three-eighths ; and are Gentlemen v te be sat i sf i ed with such an increase as this? I do say, ever, that it is not this, but the trade with the Pacific, a nd distant countries, which is the most beneficial to our efifoY• Thete h as b een, then, I say, a very little increase there!li reign vessels, and b ut f or those of the Un i te d States, would be none whatever. Our foreign trade with c ountries out of Europe stand s on a footing equally satis setoey ; an d I trust I have demolished every thing like the 44 e tt rtion which has been made, that by jumbling all toge ire; I succeeded in confounding them.--(llear, hear. ) e turn to the foreign trade permitted with places un • char ou r own controul, and here it is that the heavy ge li es against me, which tl h ia i tl mr u e nn h e a ce d s 7 sar r i i l g y h a t n t d n u r n e- - ,Z I Y opened that trade, y Z - 41 : , to ourse l ves , t o foreign P owers ; h ut s even if I it done that, I have not in the least degree injured the ext en t of British trade, or the a mount of Bri fZ,. ' l4i pPing. As respects the trade to the West I n di es, one 1,8"1 certain, that, in the last year, and while that trade Ras ° Pen to others, the amount of British shippi n g en- . bed th than in any of the six pre e e e,l had been greater 1a 0 ,,6 Years. (Hear, hear. )_Then, as to our trade with 1 1 1 „America, how does that stand, why that, in the 554 : e h. % 151 ,000 tons , it now amounts to 391,000 tons, e ,x 1 4 - 1 in the lastea , r it has exceeded that of every other .825 . Wi th re spect to the African trade, which ti.o o) ie _ most valuable description, the increase has been ' 4 ''tts ooo to 26,000 tons. I am at a loss to find any apt „ e la our t ra d e w h ere t h ere h a d b een n o increase, ex 'eep „__ - "e in which there has been a decrease—namely; the toi ed 7 fish ery. That is, however, very easily, in my 'sp ell be accounted for. It must be recollected, that, tot -"d Y we sup lied all the other nations of Europe with that, late Ply, those other countries have endeavoured re4;PPIP t hemselves; and France,. amongst others, has the p Nlidici ow il y , i n my opinion, applied bounties for ehoted tl 'P° 4 e. If w e h a d conti nue d our bounties here, we laid h ave been met, for other countr i es wou ld h ave 1 / 4 1a °n duties, which would have more t h an counter heceu" t hem, and those bounties had ceased here, not Fired, and wish e d t h ey s h ou ld, but bec ause t h ey h a d ex 11"idese !I Parlia men t did no t thi n k fit t o renew t h em. _ Of hit was also to be borne in mind, that a new mode g had been adopted in this country, and that, in stead of a vast consumption :of whale oil, lighting by gas was in general use. And now, as to Ireland, in that country there has been a great increase in trade, not only to the Baltic, but to the colonies, and at that I exceedingly rejoice, not solely on the account of the increase of trade, but on the presumption which I think may be fairly drawn that if timber, to three or four times its former amount, be consumed in that country, its comforts, and the desire to enjoy them, are increased in proportion. I have now, I think, gone through all the details of this subject but one, which still remains,sand on which a strong case, or, at least, cry, has been raised against me. The cry has been raised, that by my measures the Baltic trade has been diminished. I have, therefore, called for the jour nals of this trade ; the result you will see. In the year 1784, and if one argument be more conclusive than an other, those journals furnish it, the more especially as they distinctly prove that there is a greater quantity. now imported than before. In the year 1784, the quantity of timber which came from British North America was 784 loads ; from the Baltic 105,000. In the year 1825 we imported from America 407,000 loads, and from the Baltic 270,000.—(Hear, hear.)—Every one knows that the whole importation from Canada is limited exclusively to British vessels, so that, if we did not get a single plank from the Baltic, the consequence would be the employment of a greater quantity of British shipping than ever was engaged in the Baltic trade. This is, in itself, consolatory, as it shows how much the British shipping has increased. But here it may be said, that the Baltic trade will not now, employ any British shipping for years, and I will, there fore, invite the attention of the House, and particularly of the Hon. and Gallant Member, to the statement I am about to make. I say, then, that I have done with the Baltic trade what I have done respecting other matters.— I have taken and compared it first fora period of five, and then for a period of ten years, and have then compared it with the last portion of both periods. - In the first period I found, that the average in British ships was annually 45,000 loads, in foreign ships 61,000 ; foreign ships having thus an amount one-fifth more than ours. Then I compa red it for the 10 years, and found the average to be, in British ships 55,000 loads, in foreign 59,000, and in the last year the quantity imported in British vessels amounted to 100,000 loads, in foreign 112,000, so_ that, in all cases, the balance appears to be in favour of the foreigner. But, in this unfortunate year of fatal reciprocity, it stands thus—British 88,000, and foreign 68,000.—(Hear.) — Then, shall I be right in wasting the time of the House, and my own strength, in proceeding any further upon the subject ?—(Hear, hear. )—I thought I bad done .with figures, and I shall not go into the number of ships which have been built both here and iu the British colonies. I shall only say, upon that subject, that over-trading has depressed the prices, a circumstance that will occur in every branch where there has been over-trading. I was, however, near forg etting one material point—the amount of the coasting trade. This I have been accused ofjumb ling with the aggregate of foreign trade, by those sapient persons who set down its amount at 2,500,000 tons. I am very sorry that the returns respecting it have not been in the hands of Members, and shall take care that they immediately have them. However, in 1823, this trade amounted to 7,899,000 tons ; in 1924, 8,110,000 ; in 1825, 8,340,000 ; and, in - 1826, 8,306,000 tons.— Thus, this trade has grown with our growth, and is of the greatest advantage to the towns along our coasts- Cy, then, any one say, after this, that our maritime in terest is dimished ? And this coasting trade is, I contend, much better, for the purpose of forming both good sailors and a shipping interest, than that of Holland with our eastern coast—than those of the Baltic and of France into all our coasts. For it is carried on all the winter,:and calculated to give both strength, and skill, and boldness to our mariners. When the facility of ship-building is spoken of, our trade with Norway is dwelt upon ; but that trade can last only for a very few months; and as to their entering into competition with us, let it only be recollected that the principal articles with which they are supplied for this purpoise, are also furnished by us. Then, their ships are laid up for months, while, during the same period, our vessels produce greater benefits to us than theirs can possibly do for them during the months in which they can compete with us; and a s the duration of a ship's life is of value, is its lying in har bour during tempestuous weather to be accounted nothing? And now, with regard to paying respect to information obtained—God knows from where or whence—l certainly (when I gave my answer to that memorial from the ship.. Ping interest, about which so much has been said) did not say all those things, but I gave the conclusion which I had drawn from the knowledge and the consideration of them. Another matter remains to be defended which I recommended to Parliament—the Act passed in 1825, by which the Crown was enabled to open the trade of our Colonies to friendly nations, under certain conditions. For this I was abused by the shipping interest; it was' called a measure tending to diminish the trade with our sugar colonies.; but 1 thought it would be better not to keep our great possessions in North America as a mere sugar island. I know that the time has been when our Colonies were refused 'permission to make even a nail, or to weave a yawl of cloth for themselves. Inthe attempt to do so, we saw incipient rival manufacturers, but upon great political views we have deemed it better, and we think our colonies will be more attached, by the adoption of a more liberal system, which became more necessary, when all otlizz countries were departing from their old course-- For the interest of Great Britain—for the interest of the navy, we felt ourselves bound to allow the nations of the North of Europe to navigate to our Colonies in their own vessels. The reason is, the principal object of our . Navi gation Laws were, next to securing our own trade, to pre vent the carrying trade from falling into the hands of any one particular country. This trade had been opened to the United States in 1822, and that (the carrying) trade they carried on with most maritime Colonies except ours, and the consequence was, that their tonnage was nearly equal to half of the whale British tonnage, and in taking in Cuba and the Spanish Colonies, exceeded that of Great Britain. Therefore, on the soundest principles, and on a view of the best interests of this country, it must be ad mitted that it is desirable to put the countries of Europe on a fair footing of competition with the United States in this particular. I did not wish the commerce of the United States to be injured, but, without prejudice to them, it was only fair that the trade of other countries, I mean such as treated us upon principles of equal favour, should be put upon the same footing. 1 hey were not sa tisfied with this, and perhaps it is fortunate that they were not ; the result may be, that a part of the 100,000 tons of American shipping, may be supplied in our Colonial Ports, by the shipping of Hamburgh and other places, and, if so, I feel to treat the charge as alike beneficial to the interests of the Colonies, and favourable to the maritime power of this country. It will have the effect of cementing the communication between this country, our colonies, and other states. Sir, I am sure I may say this without being accused of any disposition to break through that communication which happily subsists be tween England and the United States of America; whilst I pursue British interests in justice towards ourselves and our colonial territories. Why, Sir, if these colonies are to be merely supplied from this country with articles of manu facture and merchandise, I say that they will not be able to maintain themselves, but must be ruined by the experiment. I have been frequently reproached by the organs of the shipping interest, for allowing the island of Newfoundland to be supplied with articles of foreign produce free of prohi bitory duties; and I have been told, that this course will not only injure the supply of British articles, but that it is detrimental to the shipping trade of this country. While I admit that it may be a comparative injury to some trades —for instance, the biscuit bakers—l cannot allow that it produces a detrimental effect on the shipping interest. On the contrary, I am satisfied that it has not injured, but promoted and advanced those interests, to open the trade of Newfoundland ; and that English navigation has been maturely henefitted by that anomalous measure. Ships clear out, and, because they are not laden with a return cargo di rect in British merchandise , the inference is that neither our commerce nor our shipping interest is benefitted. But this is a false inference. In the first three months of the last year, British ships, to the amount of 6,000 tons, went to that settlement from Hamburgh, and carried with them 8,500 barrels of flour, and 31,5001b5. of biscuit ; so that, instead of injuring British trade er shipping, by the adop tion of this course, I have promoted the interests of both, by opening the trade with Newfoundland. I now come to the Sugar Colonies, and I trust Hon. Gentlemen will duly consider with themselves for a single moment the nu merous, complicated, and conflicting interests, which a per son in my situation has to reconcile. The sugar colonies are in this situation. As it respects this country they have a monopoly of the sugar trade, but that is not worth much, owing to the extension of the Colonies of late years.— Within a recent period, various additions have been made to these Colonies, am ong others Demerara ; and they now actually supply, annually 60,000 hhds. of sugar more than we want, or can find any demand for in our mar ket. For this the Colonies can only find a vent in foreign markets, and the price which they there receive, must de pond upon the price of other sugars in these markets, and it is scarcely necessary to point out the way in which the , price of the commodity in the foreign influences the price in the home market. The consequence of all thie gut thin mono poly is worth just nothing at all to the Colonies:. We compel the sugar grower, by artificial regulations, to pro duce sugar at a rust above that at which sugars can be produced at other places, and, consequently, they are obliged to sell at a higher price, anti we thus place the population, for whom the planter is bound to provide, in a situation cruel in the extreme. It now becomes a consideration, whether with safety we can allow the Colonies to be supplied with articles of trade and manufacture from foreign states, which articles we are unable to supply as cheaply as can those foreign states. I admit, Sir, that the case would be a somewhat difficult one, if we were able to consume all the sugar grown by the Colonies, for then there would be a real monopoly on their part, whereas at present the monopoly is only nominal. Suppos ing that to be the case, the price of sugars here would be so much higher than elsewhere, and the counterbalancing ad vantage would be so trifling, that the country would not en dure it. But such is not the case. In relation to the pre sent motion, I am free to say that the state of the Colo nies is a question with which the shipping interest is closely connected; while the general interests of the country are also concerned. If we were so foolish as to make a futile attempt at preserving our shipping, in preference to, and at the expence of our Colonies, the result would be, that our Colonies would be ruined, our industry paralyzed, and that the shipowners themselves could not fail to partake of the general distress, which must inevitably accompany an ex periment of that kind. Sir, it has been made a matter of com plaint against us that we have opened the trade of the East Indies to foreign shipping; but it is a complaint with as little foundation as the rest of the charges brought against us. Do Hon. Gentlemen think that the East Indies is a little island which can be guarded by a fort? De they forget that if we persisted in the exclusive system there, there are other. ports in that quarter of the world ? Yes, even on the Ganges itself, which, if we did not open ours, would, nevertheless, be fully opened to Foreign Powers at our expense. The system pursued in the East Indies has been stated to be an innovation. Let me be allowed to call the attention of Hon. Gentlemen to a treaty, bearing date in 1797, by which the trade with British India is opened on terms of equality to countries in amity with our own. After this I should hope that the charge of innovation will be abandoned. Sir, when we reflect on the amazing in crease of British shipping, during, and up to the close of the late war, and consider the amount of tonnage thrown out of employment at its conclusion, it must be admitted that the difficulty was - great, under these circumstances of sudden change, to find employment for that shipping. Sir, if we had not altered various parts of our Navigation Laws—if we had not amended the sys tem of marine duties—if we had not adopted the ware housing system, this country would never have been able to find anything like adequate employment for such a mass of shipping as was diverted by that event from the chan nels of its previous occupation, and the distress now com plained of would have been still greater. Early in 1814, as soon as peace was concluded, I find a memorial was laid before the Board of Trade, signed by Mr. Buckles, who has since rendered himself so active as the chairman of the ship-owners, calling on us to re-establish an extensive ware housing system in this country; and threatening us, if we did not adopt the suggestion, with the loss of our trade and commerce. Sir, the arguments contained in that me morial afforded potent reasons for the adoption of the system which it indicated. It was clearly proved that it was necessary to abate the extravagant duties with which commerce in this country was shackled, and give an adequate encouragement to foreign merchandize. Such were the arguments contained in the document to which I have alluded, and, perhaps, some will think it unfor tunate that the advice was not immediately acted nn.-- Be this as it may, the Committee of Trade, to whom the memorial' was 'addressed, acted, perhaps, tardily, but, without doubt, wisely. They adopted the suggestions offered them, and the consequence was, that our ship ping found employment in foreign trade, which other wise would not have existed as regarded this country.— Sir, all practical persons have admitted, that the dues and charges imposed in our ports upon foreign shipping, were so great and burdensome, as to exclude them almost entirely from our harbours. 'ln short, it was au instruction given to the masters of foreign ships, which had occasion to pass down the Channel, on no account whatever, and by no means, to venture into an English port. No, Sir, not for the safety of the cargo—not for the preservation of the lives of the crew. Such were the directions given by fo reign owners to their captains. They were observed, and the consequence was, that it has been proved that ships have been wrecked upon our coasts, property lost, and lives sacrificed, because the foreign merchant was afraid to meet the expence attendant upon taking shelter in a Bri tish harbour,—(Hear, hear.)—Sir, I put it to the House whether what I have now stated does not alone, and in itself, afford a sufficient reason for the abolition of these charges. But looking at the matter in another point of view, if we had continued them, how could we have talked of a warehousing system ? Therefore, I trust, that the charge in respect of these dues will be t abandoned, and that neither the House nor the country wiliefortt•inomeist, grudge, the one hundred and thirty thousand pounds paid out of the Exchequer to persons possessing -beneficial in. terests in various harbour lights; but thataeon the con. trary, whatever further expence Amy be. necessary,on this head, would he gladly. continued. Concessions, had been made in. favour of Portugal and ,of the.. Brazils, some years before ; and it was only an extension of the same principle, and doing an act of justice to other Powers, to ad. mit them into our ports on the same footing. To listen to arguments which have been publicly urged in other places, and to Gentlemen who have addressed the House, it might be believed that the blame which had been attached to the new system ought to fall exclusively on my head. Sir, this is unjust, no such thing is the case. Neither for the reciprocity system the-warehousing system, or the changes which have been made in the navigation laws, ant I ac countable ; and of no one of these measures can I claim to myself the merit—they all originated at periods and with persons totally unconnected with my official career. The treaty with Portugal, in 1810, was the first instance in modern times of foreign ships and goods being placed on a footing of equality with our own. In 1815 the same system was applied to the United States of America; and for neither of these measures, which form the germ of the existing system, am I responsible. I have the autho rity of my bitterest opponents for 'supposing, that when we commenced the present system with any one state— for instance, Sir, when we began with Prussia—it became necessary to extend it to all; I mean to all those states w hi c h were ready to confer on us equality of benefits. I own it is with some surprise I have heard it stated that these measures are in contradiction to our previous system of com mercial policy, and altogether of very recent introduction. Sir, all the measures which now regulate our commerce with foreign countries, and a great pal t of which were in troduced in 1821, had the sanction of a Noble Lord, and were introduced by a Right Hon. Friend not now in the House. They were all introduced before my acceptance of office ; and I can claim (as I deserve) no other merit than that of having, with some industry, and a conscientious anxiety for the good of the country, followed them in their legitimate consequences.—(Hear.)—l shall now advert to another great and glaring misrepresentation, and one into which some of the more candid of my opponents have, no doubt, unconsciously fallen. It has been. the fashion to talk of dictation on the part of Prussia towards this coun try ; a dictation of so gross a character, that it has been also added, it ought not to be endured. And we have been told that if, in other times, any Power. had dared so to interfere with our commercial regulations, with our monopolies,with our maritime superiority, that the thunders of British cannon would have answered the attempt. Sir, this is a mistake. Prussia asked nothing from us, directed no pro hibitien against us individually, as anation. England is not even named in the obnoxious regulation. If a general mea sure is adopted, to England and France alike, we have no peculiar reason to complain. However, we ap plied to Prussia, and the answer returned to our remon strance was this—" we can't protect-out navigation and our trade against your monopolies, except by the adoption of a sytem of discriminating duties, similar to your own." When we are told of dictation, I should be sorry that we should live ever to see that day when Englishmen shall be disposed to look on the rights, privileges, and independ ence, of any, the smallest state of Europe, as less sacred than their own.—(Loud cheers.)—l should be sorry to see that day when, because we possess an irresistible maritime ascendancy, we shall not recognise the exist ence of those rights in other States to which we our selves lay claim. By doing so, we should not only be doing a great injustice, but we should be preparing the only possible way, by means of which the downfal of British maritime rights might finally be accomplished.—(Hear.) Instead of pursuing such a course, let us maintain our own maritime rights, by acknowledging those of others. The moment we fail to do so, our own rights will be assailed by all, and then, first, will they be in danger.--(Hear.)--Till then, Sir, I thank God, that they stand upon the firmest footing. But how was the case with Prussia?—this Piussia, which, according to our opponents, we ought to have treated in so cavalier a manner, as not to recognise her commercial interests, or arrangements ; but after exclud ing ourselves from commercial intercourse, to risk with her a war, on equally unjust and untenable principles. She has been represented as a place with which our commerce is almost nothing. It may be true, that Prussian ships. transport timber, and do not directly carry back our manu factures with them ; but let it be recollected, that our manufactures find their way to Hamburgh, to Holland, and other places, and are then distributed by the medium of the great rivers of Germany, through almost every part of that country. While I am told of the insignificant nature of our trade with Prussia, I answer it amounts to nearly seven millions ; and I ask, are you prepared to risk this intercourse—to throw away this connection with a State which, like Prussia, by means of the Elbe, the Weser, the Oder, the Vistula, and the Niemen, commands not only a great part of Europe, but conveys your productions through these arteries into the heart of Asia ? Are we to throw these advantages away, because their ships may not return from this country laden with cargoes of British goods, in the place of the productions which they have transported to our shores? Sir, I contend that our inter course embraces a most beneficial trade to the country. I am aware our opponents say, " don't you see they are your rivals and your enemies, and that you will soon have no' trade with them at all?" Sir, to those who would per suade us that Prussia is inimical to the interests of British commerce, I answer—look at the Prussian tariff?—exa mine it—turn it over, and, from one end to the other, you will not find a single prohibition.—(Hear, hear.)—l hope I may soon be able to say the same of the tariff of this country.—(Loud cheerings.)—This proves that there is no unfriendly feeling existing in that country towards British commercial interest, for not a single article of British fabric is prohibited. Sir, -not only is there no prohibition, but there is not an article . of British produce enumerated in that tariff, on which a duty is charged that exceeds 15 per cent. Before the reciprocity system was adopted in this country, the Government of Prussia was assailed year after year, by its landowers, its . manufacturers, and its shipping interests, calling upon them to shut us out of their ports . Under these circumstances, the Government of Prussia plainly told us they must shut us out, if we would not let them in.—What could be fairer than this? True, we might have opposed the principle, and we might also have been now at war with the whole of the north of Europe. Or, if we were not in estate of armed hostility, we should have been in a state of_ commercial hostility with that country; and the consequence must have been that our commercial interests would have been ruined ; our manu factures destroyed ; and our shipping interest annihilated. —Sir, I implore Hon. Gentlemen, when they talk of the appointment of discriminating duties, and of protection on the raw material, to look at the state of our manufactures, and to observe the rivalry to which they are exposed by the productions of foreign countries. The obvious effect of such duties and protections as are demanded, is to increase the cost of production, and, consequently, the price of our ma nufactures.—How, then, can we stand the competition of other countries, not only in the foreign, but in the home, market?—ln France, a rival manufacture of cotton has been established, which, within the last seven years, has managed to produce one-fourth of the entire consumption of that kingdom. In 1817, France imported 60,000 bags of cotton ; last year she imported 216,000. How stands our woollen manufactures?— They can scarcely meet the competition of France, in South America, and other open markets. If then, you call for discriminating duties, you must be prepared to see the decay of your manufactures, the consequent defalcation of the revenue, and the extinction of all the resources of the country, and, among the first, of the shipping interest itself. Sir, in my view of the case—and I have been in the habit of looking with considerable care and anxiety at all the great interests of the state, not separately, but in connection with one another—it is impossible that what directly tends to increase our bade, to give activity to our manufactures, and to augment our commerce, should not have a direct tendency to increase our navigation, and, in that way, support our maritime superiority. Impede the progress of these great interests, clog your trade with re strictions, throw difficulties in the way of your manufac tures, by means of discriminating duties on the raw ma terials of which they are composed ; paralyse your com merce by again introducing the old obstructions ; and you will not only destroy the prosperity of all those branches, but you will undermine your shipping interest and with it will be destroyed the naval power of England.—(Cheers.) These are the reasons why I wish the ship-owners, instead of taking a narrow and selfish view of the case, to look at the general result : that is a point which, in the system of ftee trade, should be considered, not by the ship owners only, but by all the various interests of the State. Sir, I believe that the system of free trade is much misunderstood, and I wish that some Hon. Members of this House, who think it a sufficient evidence of their patriotism that they are opposed to the policy of Government in this respect, would have the good ness. to tell me what they mean by the expression, fre quently used, of the misapplied, and, I do believe, very little understood—the System of Free Trade. By the help of a little mutual understanding upon this point, much time now wasted in useless discussion might be saved. I should feel particularly gratified, if Hon. Members who oppose me, when they have answered this simple question, would further tell me, what system they are prepared to recom mend, as contradistinguished from, and in opposition to, that of free trade, to which they are so much opposed? Would they recommend a monopoly ? would they have a commerce conducted by chartered parties, or sanctioned by bills, or regulated by prohibitions ? Will they be pleased to declare whether they would have the House revive the 1500 statutes which I have, within these few years, had the good fortune to persuade Parliament to repeal ?—(llear, hear). Would they have that complex, and oppressive, and vexatious code of laws, re-enacted, that formerly re gulated the customs and the navigation of this country ? Laws so absurd and intricate, that it has been well said that the most acute and experienced merchant always required to have his lawyer at his elbow, for fear of contravening them; and that, even with that assistance, he could not get on without feeing the Custom-house offi cer—not so much with any sinister views in exercising that species of bribery, as with the view of preserving himself from those difficulties and embarrassments into which, un der such a s ystem, he must have been every moment in danger of being unwittingly entrapped. Now, Sir, again I ask, is the re-establishment of that system what these gentlemen call " free trade ?"—(Loud cheers.)--I do nut know—l cannot guess—whether it is or is not what they would so designate ; but, as I have already professed my self to be unable to distinguish the principles, or to identify the character of the commercial policy which they would substitute in the room of that at present existing ; again I entreat them to explain themselves, and to answer the question I put to them.—(Hear.) —lf they would only do this, if they would only be prevailed upon to favour us with this reply or explanation, they would at least pro vide us with some little fund of amusement.—(A laugh.) —But whether, Sir, they may be disposed to oblige us or not, I would entreat them, at all events, not to flatter themselves with the visionary expectation that it is in their power, or in the power of any other set of men, be they who they may, to stop the career of civil and commercial improvement.—(Cheers.)—That England should be stationary in wealth or greatness, while ' all the surrounding countries are advancing in enterprise, in industry, in arts, and navigation, and in all those means and resources which increase the powers of empires, and multiply the enjoyments and the happiness of mankind— that England alone should be stationary in such a state of things, is impossible. I say that England cannot stand still, be the power opposed to her advance in improvement what it may, so long as there exists among us a free press, so long as we have the benefit of a free discussion in Par liament, in a legislative body influenced by public opinion. —(Loud and continued cheers. )—I put it to those Gentle men—l put it to every body who hears me, as a bounden duty common to us all—to endeavour each of us, by every means within his power, to contribute to the improvement of our country. And by improvement, let me add, I mean that wise, and , rational, and temperate, and ju dicious cultivation of our means—that cautious, yet intelligent, developeneeit of our resources, which is in itself, the surest protection that can be provided for the advantages we already possess, and the best safeguard against the dangers of that innovation which Gentlemen contemplate with so much alarm. Why, Sir, it has been by perseverance in this very course of action that England has become what she is—the first and mightiest Power in thee t w w e o i r e l d p . to those among us— to the memory of every thing which has advanced the o—ssi(bCleheethresre.)—couldwboeuladnysaimong us, who are dead grandeur of England, by upholding the glory of her flag, (for, to those who are sensible how mainly and how intimately her natural greatness is dependent on her maritime su periority, I need not address myself) ; I would say to those who consider questions of this nature with the narrowed and most sordid views, that we cannot afford, as matter even of mere calculation, to suffer England to be in arrear of any nation in the world in the political cultivation of her means. These, Sir, are the principles which have actuated me in the situation I have the honour to hold ; and, so long as 1 continue in it, I have no doubt that I shall continue to be actuated by them. In the discharge of the duties attached to it, I trust I hall continue to receive that which has as long been extended to me—the support of this House— (Cheers)--and having their approbation, and the favourable opinion of the most enlightened and sagacious of my fellow countrymen, to sanction the course I have adopted, I can not but feel sufficiently consoled for any vituperation, or any mis-statements, to which I may have been occasionally exposed, in • other quarters less qualified to judge, and leskcandid in their judgments. I am afraid, that I have already exhausted the patience of the House ;—(cheers)— and I conclude, by declaring, that I have heard no one fact laid down, in the reasoning adduced to support the motion before you, which can prove the case that it was necessary for the other side to establish :—that, consequently, in the absence of all facts, the inference which it is endeavoured to press upon the House, must fall to the ground ; that we have no basis on which to proceed, to countenance the sys tem it would recommend for our adoption, and that, there fore, I shall give to the motion of my Hon. and Gallant Colleague my most decided negative.—(The Hon. Gentle man sat down amidst deafening cheers.) Lord MILTON, in expressing his intention to vote against the motion, animadverted on the animus with which it was brought forward—as if to overthrow at once that liberal and enlightened system of commercial legislation, for which the Right Hon. Gentleman was so richly entitled to the best thanks of his country. Mr. PEEL, after declaring that had he still remained in office, his mind would have been equally made up to vote against this proposition—eulogised the course which had been taken by his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Huskisson), and stated his conviction, that the undoubted distress of the Shipping Interest, was not a distress peculiar to that body alone, but arising out of the same general causes of violent excitement and speculation in 1824 and 1825, which had, more or less affected since every other interest in the country.—(Hear.) Mr. CURWEN said, he had promised his constituents to support this motion whenever made, The able speech of the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade had certainly removed very many of these prepossessions with which he had that evening entered the House ; but if his Hon. and Gallant Friend pressed his motion to a division, he (Mr. C.) must support it, and redeem his pledge, though his judgment was certainly with the Right Hon. Gentle man. —( Laughter. ) Mr. ELLISON said, in deference to the wishes of the great body of the constituents he represented, he would sup port the motion of- the Gallant General. Mr. A. BARING thought that the Right Han. Gen tleman had pressed rather too heavily on the suffering shipping interest of this country. He could not concur in all the favourable views which his Right Hon. Friend was pleased to take of the prospects of the country, either as to its shipping or trading interests. General GASCOYNE shortly replied ; but amidst such tremendous cries of " Divide," that we could only collect that he looked upon the question rather as adjourned than determined, but would not divide the House on his motion, which was accordingly withdrawn. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Twenty Minutes past One this morning. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Mr. Canning gave notice last night of his inten tion-to move for a Finance Committee, next Ses sion, of the same kind as that which had been formed by preceding Ministers. We shall only say upon this subject at present, that the notice of such a motion indicates a strong sentiment of perma nence in him who gives it : he feels stationary. We hope the Committee, whenever appointed, will pre serve the duration of the means and faculties of the country. Lords Althorp and Milton last night, with Lord Nugent and some others, acceded to the Mi nistry. Lord Althorp said that he had hesitated for a short time ; but it was certainly better to sup port those with whom he agreed on many, or on most points, than to adopt a mode of conduct which might prolong the rule of men with whom he disa greed on all. Of the future conduct of the present Ministry, we can, of course, say nothing—we only hope the best ; but of the relief which the country is sen sible by the removal of the old one, we can speak in very decisive terms. It is, perhaps, unpleasant to notice the expression of personal feelings ; but yet it is most certain, that every one rejoices on observing men, who had been used to consider the finances of the country as their own, walking about without employment. Now is the time, when genius of all sorts, or dulness of all parties, may make a start. The present Ministry may fall—we certainly chi not think it will, and would rather advise the selfish to unite themselves to it for their own sakes; but even should it fall, the old system has received so thorough a disloca tion, that it can never re-unite.— Times. In the House of Commons the game of faction was again played last night, by those who are sud denly seized with so violent an affection for the in terests of the Catholics, that they cannot allow themselves to restrain their ardour within the limits which the Catholics have prescribed to themselves ; and are determined, therefore, to assist the poor Catholics; who are betrayed both by their friends and by themselves, whether they will or no. But all this Tom-foolery will not take. A 'number of Members of high character in the House, and in the country, repelled the charge of inconsistency, in the support they gave the Administration. Nothing could be more sensible than what fell from Lord Althorp on this subject. " He, and those who thought with him, had no alternative, but to sup port those who, upon the wholeovere liberal and enlightened Statesmen, or by his opposing them to make way for the introduction into the Administra tion of the country of Toryism in its most hideous form. He had differed from the Right I-lon. Gen tleman at the head of the Administration on the questions of Parliamentary Reform, and the Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts; and he differed from him on these questions still. But he should be mad.if he were to wish to throw the Right Hon. Gentleman and his Administration out of office 'on account of that difference, when he could only have in their stead persons from whom he differed not only on these questions, but on every other." The debate on the Shipping Interest ended in an al most universal conviction that the Skip-owners were without a case. The masterly statements of Mr. Huskisson were unanswerable. It is easy to charge able men with a love of innovation and of projects, and to bawl about the delusion of Free Trade ; but it is not so easy to grapple with facts, and to refute the most legitimate conclusions from them. In every encounter which the particular classes, with whose real or supposed interests Mr. Huskisson has had to sustain, he has regularly confounded the advocates in the House, and left them not a word to say. Yet, in a week or two, these modest Gentlemen will be at their work again, full of their own idea, and of their couple of facts, which some interested indivi dual has crammed them with, and rail at Mr. Hug kisson as a projector. To mend the matter, another individual in the House of Lords, who has the happy faculty of retaining in great age as high an idea of his infallibility as if every one of the thousand and one theories, sported from time to time,had not been proved to be arrant nonsense, will be as loud against theorists and projectors as any young coxcomb in either House, who is astonished how loud he can speak in Parliament, and how happy he is in calling names. Mr. Huskisson gave the Venerable Per son hard hits, which, however the Noble Baron has too hard a hide to feel himself.—We are unable, to-day, to enter into any detailed - consideration of Mr. Huskisson's luminous and triumphant speech. The Marquis of-Londonderry is determined, bon gre mal gre, to make the world -ring with him.— The fury of the Noble Marquess, and the cool indif ference with which it is received, remind us very much of a noisy cur flying open-mouthed at a mas tiff; or some other noble specimen of the canine race, which proceeds on its course unmoved; or at most lifts its leg, and salutes the object of its contempt agreeably to the well-known canine etiquette iw such eases. " It becomes," said his Lordship, " a man of spirit (' still harping on my daughter l') to de clare his opinions;" and accordingly he declares it, as the opinion of the Noble Marquess of London deity, " that the present Administration is the most contemptible in the whole range of history." I de clare, added his Lordship, that if I do not get what I want, " day after day, and time after time, I will show up the drivelling, the contemptible position, in which the public men of our time are placed." Having taking a moment to breathe—for his Lord ship puts himself on his.full speed at setting out, and requires a little respite to put his lungs in pro per condition—he naturally imagined that his next movement would convert the fear with which he must have inspired their Lordships into downright terror, and raised his voice to a still more formi dable pitch—" My Lords, I will go a little further." But this awful threat, unfortunately for his Lord ship, even in a House in which decorum is sel dom violated by a mirthful explosion, occasioned a general laugh. When Lord Goderich—who is naturally bland and obliging, and seems, besides, from old connection, to have a sort of kindly feeling to wards the Noble Marquis, observed that the Noble Marquis, who had not been much accustomed : to motions of this sort, had a day or two back ahewn them to him, he then told the Noble Marquis that they would require some alteration in form, as it would be little less than im possible to execute them in the form in which they were then drawn up, and suggested the expediency of allowing a delay of a day or two, to make such alterations in the language as would assist bins - in attaining the object he desired—the Noble Marquis, like a big boy spoiled by an over-indulgent Mamma, took pet, and exclaimed, "He did not require the assistance which thelNoble Lord seemed to insinuate." This, of course, produced another laugh at his expence. Piqued beyond measure, the gallant Marquis added, "all he desired was to get what he asked. He wished the Noble Lords opposite to give the returns as he bad moved them." The Noble Marquis not having been able to understand, that in order to get what we ask, it is necessary that people should know what it is we really ask, his relative, Lord Ellenborough, endeavoured to pa cify him by the assurance, that it was no extraordinary thing for great men, like his Lordship, who reached the heights of eloquence, without the drudgery of a previous attention to grammar and spelling, to receive, without any derogation from their, dignity, such aid as had been proffered his Lordship ; and this seemed to appease him. He then put off the sheaving up of the Administration to Thursday next, by which time, by the aid of a little clerkship, his motions will be licked into an intelligible shape. We learn from his Lordship's eloquent speech, that he has some way of obtaining knowledge possessed exclu sively by himself. He told, with the most circumstantial minuteness, the particulars of the negociation between Mr. Canning and the Whigs, and the proceedings between Mr. Canning and his seceding Colleag ues, end he called upon the Marquis of Lansdown and th e First Lord of the Treasury to contradict him—kindly adding, however, " I declare I have no information." After such a delft; has been laid, it will be impossible for the First Lord of the Treasury to avoid at once owning or denying the truth of what Lord Londonderry knows without information. His Lordship, though he sloes not very clearly explain how he learned these particulars, requiring to be at once owned or denied, is more fortunate with regard to other particu lars. " I see a change (he says) in all the offices of the country, such as the wisdom of our ancestors had settled them ; I see a change in those established systems which the greatest Statesmen and wisest men have approved of." What a pity that the country and the venal Press will not iee all these things through the spectacles of his Lordship and his two relatives, Lord Winchelaea, Sir Thos. Leth bridge, and Mr. Peel's brother-ia-law and brother. Is it nvt odd now that Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Win. Peel should see, what the country and the venal Press cannot ee made to see? The country blinded by a venal Press, has been led into the delusion, that Mr. Canniag Fluskisson, Lord Goderich, and Mr. Bobert Pea; the late Lord Liverpool, Lord Harrowby, and one or two others, really acted as wisely as under all eircumstaOies They could have acted, and that their practical me,:taare were evidently calculated to benefit the country ; but Mr. William Peel and Lord Castlereagh tbat - Ministers have bees, and are, in the hands of prZtfee tors, who will destroy all that the wisdom of our anees , tors has left to us. Lord Londonderry is afraid that "he may be written down by a vile and a venal Press." If that were all, we could guarantee his Lordship just as could almost guarantee some persons that they will never be drowned. But we will not undertake to guarantee his Lordship from a much more formidable enemy ; namely, his own tongue. Many a man has found his own tongue what the thief did the tongue of the bell, by the rope of vhich he desciuled. Vile and venal as the Press are, they are still often wise in their generation. They cannot afford to he laughed at like his Lordship. They do ndt, br their choice of objects, wish to remind the public of the fable of the viper and the file. It is all very well for his Lordship, who, through the discernment of his late lamented brothar, could be allowed to serve his country for twenty years, and figure away as a first rate diplomatist ; but who, had he been as 'poor as his paternal ancestor was when he first quitted the inhospitable soil of Scotland, would probably have found some difficulty in obtaining, by dint of talent the preferment of a Portership to a Newspaper, to froli.ij it away in knocking down Administrations and showing up First Lords of the Treasury ; but people of the Press are by their circumstances confined to the humble character of aiding Noble Lords desirous of showing themselves up, whose exhibitions might otherwise be exclusively the gra tification of those, who, from delicacy towards their own order, might occasionally be disposed to-draw a veil over them.—Morning Chronicle. A discovery has just been made by some of the ingenious admirers of Mr. Canning, which is very 'musing. It seems that the Right Hon. Gentle man was at a loss to know why his late colleagues entertained a personal dislike to him. The doubt was no sooner started than it was removed. The most sharp-witted of those panegyrists, who serve him up daily as much of the incense of pure flattery as would have satisfied the greediest heathen idol that ever inhaled the fumes of a morning sacrifice, have solved the problem much to the Right Hon. Gentleman's satisfaction. They say that he was disliked by his late colleagues on account of the na tural aversion which dunces always bear to clever :nen. This very novel application of the old maxim jf Dean Swift is peculiarly appropriate, because it is well known that Lord Eldon, Mr. Peel, and the Duke of Wellington, are dunces. We presume, on the other hand, that those sweet-voiced flatterers to whom we allude make common cause with Mi. Sturges Bourne, Lord Bexley, Lord Seaford, ,Mr. Wynn, &c. in admiring Mr. Canning above any thing the world has yet produced, on account of the sympathy which men of genius always have for per sons of kindred intellect. This discovery, however, which makes it as plain as noon-day that to enter tain a personal dislike to Mr. Canning is equivalent to a man's confessing himself to be a noodle and a lance —or, as Shakspeare expresses it, to " writing ,ne's self down an ass"—is very unfortunate as it regards 'le past achievements of the Whigs. Several of those Gentlemen had been so distinguished for their hatred of \lr. Canning, that they laboured many years to bring bhn into public odium and contempt in every possible way, and iome of them get very roughly handled in personal conflict with him—among whom Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Hob :louse, Sir Robert Wilson, and others, were pierced with more than a common share of arrows from the quiver of 'lis satire—but what better treatment did they deserve, as :t is now clear that their dislike to Mr. Canning arose out if " the natural aversion which dunces always have towards ,:lever men?" It is, to be sure, rather unfriendly in the Whig part of the Press to hand over the past labours of its patrons in the old Opposition to such sweeping censure ; Mit as the Whig Press itself was as loud in its reprobation if Mr. Canning, until a very short time -'nce, as its pa -1-on& were, we presume it is content to cs'l Itself the ap ,wopriate organ of dunces and noodles up to that period when some mysterious revelation of Mr. Canning's merits _aused it to admire and love him.—Morning Herald. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S. There was a great timidity observable in the betting of y-esterday, every one seemed afraid to open his mouth ; ;his is easily accounted for—never was the betting world none in the dark as to the merits of the favourites, their running in the two recent meetings at Newmarket having peen in the highest degree contradictory. One thing, however, is very clear, viz. that the Derby horses whi,h :lave come out are of a very inferior description ; and that it' there is one good one in the back ground, he will have in excellent chance. We cannot say the same of the Oaks, Yor it is admitted oy all that there never was a better field, uiu .:,at the only difficulty will he to say which is the best if a lot of good ones. The only material chang, in the adds is in Glenartney, who is at 3 to 1, and plenty of iriends MATCH ♦T NRWIIARIZT WRIT MONDAY• 500 to 400 on Pastime agst Lamplighte. (taken). DIABY. 30 to 1 agst Trumpeter 3/ to 1 net GamelLA S 3 to 1 agst Marestleld 33 to 1 agst Gaberlunzie 40 to 1 agst Chrysalis 40 to 1 agst Pontiff 40 to 1 agst Cressida 50 to 1 agst Catherine 15 to 1 agst 31r. Yate.i's to o OAKS. 3 to 1 agst Glenartney 9 to 1 agst Defence 12 to 1 agst Eliza Teazle 15 to 1 agst Roderick 17 tel apt Espagnolle(notak.) !8 to 1 agst Turcoman 18 to 1 apt Mameluke 20 to 1 apt Spondee LI to 1 apt Tatter fl to 9 agst Donna Clara 9 to 1 agst Brocard 10 to 1 agst Scheherazade 11 to 1 agst Togo (Duchess) 15 to 1 agst Morel 16 to I agst Souvenir 18 to 1 agst Gulnare 18 to 1 agst Translation 18 to I agst Tippityw•ichet 25 to 1 agst Maria CEA.. IT. L: 14 to 1 agst Nivalis le to 1 agst Reviewer No others 20 to 1 agit Pedlar 23 to 1 apt Medoro nentioned. MEETINGS OF CREDITORS. COUNTRY DIA/M.—THURSDAY, MAY 11. ' Anthony, C. and J., Devonport—Royal hotel, Devonport 12 Bartlett, C., Plymouth—London inn, Devonport ll Bates, J., South Crossland, Almondbury—Packhorse, Hud dersfield ll Blundell, R.. Liverpool—George, Liverpool Butterfield, R., Scriven with Tentergate—Elephant and Castle, Kr' lareiborotigh l2 Cottrell, J., Birmingham —Royal hotel, Birmingham 5 Curwen, J., Liverpool —George, Liverpool ? Ellis, G., Clifton—Bay-horse, York Foxton, T., Kingston —Dog and Duck, Kingston ll Gibbins and Co., Birmingham—Royal hotel, Birmingham Hansford, R., Weymouth—King's Arms, Dorchester... II Holwhede, J., Liverpool—Office of Messrs. Ramsbottom and Co., Liverpool :4 .James, 1., Merthrr-Tidvil—White Lion, Bribto , 4 :.awton, J., Saddleworth—Palace inn, Manchester sloore, W,, South TAwtou—Globe, Exeter ' ll