The Sun. — London, England, 1834-12-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We yesterday drew out, for the edification of our readers, a complete muster-roll of the Tory Regiment, that they might see the men in whom they must con fide for measures, as " measures, not men," is no lon ger the rallying cry of Ministers. Sir Robert Peel has told us that no " cold approbation of measures, after previous scrutiny, will avail for the support of a Government, without reference to the heads which conceive and the hands which are to execute those measures ;" and fortunately the men are not of doubt ful character. With a slight alloy of apostates, they are genuine back-bone Tories—the Newcastles, the Rodens, the Somersets, the Mansfields, the Knatch bulls, the Herrieses, the Goulburns--a genuine crew of incurables, who are and ever will be strangers to " the spirit of the age.'.' Blood has already begun to flow copiously in Ireland. The Duke of Wellington significantly hinted that " there was a way to make the people quiet ;" and we knew that day does not follow night with more certainty, than that the appear ance of Goulburn—the bigot Goulburn—at the head of the Magistracy of the United Kingdom, would, in Ireland, be the signal for bloodshed. " The appoint ment of Goulburn (said Mr. O'Connell) is to me a proof, strong as human proof can be, that the new Administration design to rule with a rod of iron, and by military force." The signal has been quickly obeyed. " Twelve men (says the Dublin Evening Post of Tuesday last), twelve men were killed at Rathcormac—wives have been made widows, children orphans, and parents childless, that the parsons should live a jolly life, and the sinecure Church—sinecure certainly as we shall show in Rathcormac -should have her own." Is this the way to keep the people quiet? " I went up to inspect the haggart where the carnage occurred (says a correspondent of the same journal), and so awful a spectacle I never witnessed ; the straw all saturated with human gore, so that blood oozed through the straw on the pressure of the foot, and, shocking to re late, the widow Collins was seen to kiss the blood of her sons, imprecating God's vengeance on the mur derers of her children. Another man have I seen stamping his foot on the blood of his brother, and say ing, The man that shed this my brother's blood shall drink his own blood if I live." The whole union of Rathcormac contains 2,900 Catholics and 41 Protest ants, including the Rev. Mr. Ryder's family of 13 persons. It is proposed that a plot of ground be purchased on the Kingstown side of Dublin, to be named Martyr-field, in which the bodies of those slain in this campaign may be buried. It was in an ticipation of scenes like that at Ttathcormac, that the opposition to the Tithes Amendment Bill was orga nized ; and the sanguinary speeches at the meeting at which Lords Roden and Winchilsea figured away at Dublin, betrayed the disappointment of the Orange monsters at being deprived of the expected prey. This is the beginning of the tranquillity we are to en joy under the Cabinet organized by the Duke of Wellington, into which Peel has been dragged. The Reform Bill is no longer to be our security for the men, but our men for the integrity of the Reform Bill. The Tinzes, now that " measures not men" has been repudiated, fairly owns that the groove into which Ministers were to be forced to run, after all, means only that their own characters must force them to run in the groove, though our contemporary makes a lame attempt to show that the distinction between it and Sir Robert Peel is, after all, a distinction with out a difference. " Why the difference is in sound, not in meaning (observes our contemporary). Sir Robert Peel's distrust of men, is 'f men from whom he cannot expect good measures. Our in difference of the men, provided we are secure of measures, still supposes that the Ministers must be such as will grant, whether from necessity or inclination, the measures to which we do at tach importance. Now, we are conscientiously of opinion, that given the capacity of the Reform Bill to enforce a system of popular legislation upon every English Government—a point for which we have always contended, and which we never shall be inclined to yield, but on sad, and what appears to us impossible, experience—the existing Ministry, as a whole, is more expert and efficient in the business of the State—is more capable of applying a recognized principle, by practical and smoothly-working details than their predecessors ever showed themselves." Given the capacity of the Reform Bill to enforce a system of popular Legislation, the existing Ministry have a capacity to be enforced. Sir Robert Peel tells us that the past character of himself and associates must be our guarantee for their future conduct, and that we must look to that character for the honest adherence to the Reform Bill. The Times infers from their character that they will adhere to the Reform Bill only so long as it can enforce their adherence. After all, the distinction is one without a difference ; for the first inspection of the Ministerial list must satisfy every man that there is not a provision in the Reform Bill to which the whole squad are not with heart and soul opposed. From their known characters, the anti-Reformers have the most thorough confidence in their determined hostility to all reforms of real and substantial grievances, while the People of England are equally confident, that so long as they are in power, the end for which they obtained the Re form Bill as a means—namely, the blessings of good government never will be attained. The trea cherous Times knows well that the only hope the Ministers have, consists in their actually proving that the Reform Bill is not all the people thought it, by throwing into the House a majority of Tories. Thank God ! the hope is visionary : but they must have a majority of Tories, or be driven from their places ; and were they to have a majority of Tories, i. e. of men hostile to the principles of the Reform Bill (an impos sibility we know) the security derived from their cha racter would merely amount to this—whether their hatred of the Reform Bill, or their fear of the people, would most weigh with them. The Duke of Welling ton, the real head of the present Government, whose spirit has presided over the various appointments—for Peel having been forced into the groove, must run in it, whether lie will nor not, and is entirely at the mercy of the backbone Tories—avowed himself the most un qualified enemy di all reform before the passing of the Bill ; and after the stiuggle was over, after the con sciences of the Lords had been enlightened by the at titude of the people, and a majority of nine on the se ' cond reading gave the victory to the Reformers—the Duke of Wellington, like Satan, displayed— " the unconquerable will And study of revenge, immortal hate And courage never to submit or yield." The memorable protest against the second reading, to which 72 other Peers adhered—the Cumberlands, the Newcastles, the Mansfields, the Winchilseas, the Lonsdales, and the rest of the backbone Tories—lays down principles which proclaim him a deadly and un compromising foe of Reform. "We feel it, therefore (says his Grace), to be the duty of Parliament, more especially of this House, to refuse to consign the country to so vast an untried change as is embodied in the present Bill—a change of which it has been justly said, by one of the most distinguished advocates for the second reading of the Bill, that it is in truth a new form of Government,' of which no one has ever pronounced that it would be practicable, and which, if practicable would be pernicious." He who runs surely may read this. The form of Government under the Reform Bill, ?practicable, must be pernicious ! Has this man ever said that he was mistaken—that he had seen his error ? No ;to the last moment he opposed every attempt to conduct the Government in the spirit of the Reform Bill. To him the Reform Bill is " the accursed thing." Again, " Because by this Bill that scrupulous regard to the soundness of chartered rights and vested interests which has always hitherto been deemed part of the essential policy of the British Constitution, and a fundamental principle of Bri tish justice, is now, for the first time, utterly abandoned— the moat ancient charters and the most valued interests are treated with reckless indifference, which (whilst it is unne cessary to the attainment of the proposed objects of the Bill, the correction of abuses a n d th e improvement of the existing system) shocks every feeling of justice, and cannot fail to be made a precedent for still more fatal violations of those prin ciples in future. " Because, on contemplating the violence done by this Bill to the great principle of prescription, we cannot disguise from ourselves the dangers which must arise to the most ve nerable of oar institutions, which mainly rest on that prin ciple; above all, to the highest of all —to that one on which all others depend. " Becapia, even if the principles of the Bill were consistent w i t h th e s t a bility of the Monarchy, and with the safety of our most valued institutions, yet the provisions by which it seeks to carry those principles into effect are, for the most part, unjnst in themselves, partial in their operation, and ano malous in their character—ill adapted to their avowed purpose, and still more to the extensive and complicated interests of this mighty empire." Let us pause here for a m mnent. According to the views of his Grace, the existence of the Monarchy and the existence of the Reform Bill are incompatible with each other. But all our institutions depend on the highest, the Monarchy ; and can we then believe that this man seeks office with any other view than to impair the efficiency of that which he believes to be not " consistent with the stability of the Monarchy, and with the safety of our most valuable institutions?" We will not follow him through his eulogy of the rot ten borough system, for opening the doors of the House of Commons to the vast moneyed and colonial interests, and his objection to the conferring a preponderating influence in the House of Commons upon the lowest class of inhabitants in towns, but proceed to the last paragraph, which contains the sum of his objection to the Bill : " Because the exorbitant increase of the democratic element of the British constitution, designed by this Bill, must give ad ditional strength and impetus to a principle which, while duly restrained and tempered by the checks provided in the existing constitution of Parliament, is the source of that genuine spirit of disciplined and enlightened freedom, which is the proudest distinction of our national character, but which, without those checks or other equivalent restraints, could not fail to advance with augmented and accelerated force, till, all other powers being drawn within its vortex, the Government would become a mere democracy : or, if the name and form of a monarchy were preserved, all that could give independence to the Sove reign or protection to the subject would be really excluded." Now this, be it remembered, is not language used in the heat of argument, but the calm and deliberate opinion of a measure pronounced after it was carried. Can this man be safely entrusted with the powers of Government, under a Constitutional charter which he I.oks upon as fraught with danger to the monarchy ? Is it to the measure it self that the Duke of Wellington is irrecon cilably opposed. How can he have any other wish but to destroy, the very first safe opportunity, what he views as from its very nature a curse to the country, as having a necessary tendency " to adv a nce with aug mented and accelerated force, till, all other powers being drawn within its vortex, the Government would become a mere democracy ?" The Duke of Wellington, if not the basest of hypocrites, must be a deadly enemy to the Reform Bill. And could we have a better proof of his bitter hostility being the same now that it was, than in the vile crew comprising the rank and file of the Ministry ? But, say the Tories, if the men who opposed the Reform Bill are to be for ever excluded from office, that would give to their opponents a mono poly of power. Why, the object of the Reform Bill was to exclude for ever from power all men whose principles were opposed to the principle conse crated by the Reform Bill. Their principles were for ever anathematized by a measure fouuded on the principle that Government should no longer be conducted for the benefit of the few, but for the benefit of the many—that the representatives of the people should be returned by a constituency identified in interest with the interests of the community. The principle of the Tories was that the people should have a nominal or virtual, not a real, representation—that the Lords, in their character of borough proprietors, should command majorities in the House of Commons —and that Government should be conducted for the benefit of the few, at the expense of the many. No men with these principles ought to have power under the charter of Reform. But for all sinners there is repentance. To all Tories who see the errors of their ways—who abandon their old obnoxious principles—who make public utility the standard by which they are guided in leeislating for the country—who seek fairly to make the Church efficient for its purposes, and to relieve the Dis senters from the odious and oppressive distinctions of which they complain—who wish to enforce the principle, that the reward of all public servants in Church and State should be determined by the actual value of their services—to all former Tories honestly converted to these opinions, the way to office ought of course to be open. But till they make their recanta tion, they ought to be proscribed. It is an insult to the nation, to say that men entertaining anti-national opinions ought to have the conduct of its affairs, after Representative government was established by the Reform Hill. To trust Tories in their old unre generate state, would be a tenirting of Providence. No, we have the power to exclude theni, and we justly exclude them, because their principles are not in accor dance with the true interests of the nation. Even the Times, the renegade Times, cannot stomach the pre sent Tory Ministers, though it seems to console itself with the idea that the unprincipled prudent will be able to keep in check the principled mischievous portion. " Have we not (says our contemporary) from the first hour, described the abrupt dismissal of the late Cabinet as in many respects a misfortune to the coun try ? and in regarding it as for the present irretrieveable, have we not discharged the duty of honest (?) men and lovers of public tranquillity, by pointing out to our fellow-subjects the main grounds for acquiescence and confidence which remain to them under the ex isting state of things, and the reasons which satisfy our own minds, that from any Administration, however ill-disposed (though we are far from attributing bad dispositions to the chiefs of the new Ministry), the people, fortified by their newly-acquired rights, have literally nothing to be alarmed at ?" Sir Robert Peel may well exclaim, if this be feiendship, save me from my friends ! No, the people, fortified by their newly acquired rights, have literally nothing to be alarmed at ; but the best use they can make of their rights is to place no trust in a Ministry of which even its friends cannot even state with certainty whether the ill-dis posed or the well-disposed are to have the ascendancy. —Morning Chronicle. Our readers, and all the enlightened—the Christian and right-minded portion of the British community, to whatever sect or party they belong—cannot fail to be gratified by the perusal of the " Address of the Pres bytery of Glasgow to Lord Stanley," on his recent elevation to the honourable office of Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow, which we have copied into our columns to-day from the Scottish Guardian. The address is admirable both for the principles which it upholds, and the tone and temper in which those prin ciples are avowed and advocated. We lately published the able, pious, and eloquent speech of Lord Stanley to the students on the ceremony of his inauguration. The Presbytery, after paying a just compliment to the new Lord Rector on his election to that distinguished office, and acknowledging their respect for Ins literary accomplishments, personal worth, and devotedness to those national institutions which are essential to the interests of pure and undefiled religion, proceed to ob serve upon an important topic in his speech, to which they allude in the following tems:—" In availing our selves, my Lord, of this opportunity for the expression of these our sentiments of unfeigned admiration and esteem, although belonging to a church, the ecclesiasti cal polity of which differs in several respects from that us'h which you arc connected, we cannot but advert with gratitude to those truly Scriptural and Protestant principles, held in common by the members of both establishments, and of which your Lordship . has late ly proved the enlightened and uncompromising advo cate. Whilst, as ministers of the Church of Scot land, it is our duty, as far as lieth in us, to live peace ably with all men, we feel it incumbent on us to pro test against the numerous and systematic attempts lately made by the enemies of our own and the sister establishment to undermine and subvert these bulwarks of our country." Such senti ments as t h e a b ove are worthy of persons who fill the high and responsible station of being guardians of the Christian ark in their own country, under whatever ecclesiastical regu lations, different from those of the Established Church, they are bound to execute their sacred trust, Rightly do they judge that those political agitators who, over stepping the limits of legitimate reform, would sub vert the Protestant establishment of England, would let in the tide of sacrilegious destruction upon the Scottish Chuieh. The ambitious Dissenters, who endeavour to fix the lever of a levelling hostility under the foundations of our established system of worship and instruction, is the unconscious instrument to do the wild work of the Infidel, who, under the much-abused name of " Reform," stimulates him to the unrighteous enterprise, anticipating that the success of his infatuated efforts will be the triumph of a philosophic fanaticism amid religious anarchy and political desolation. "In those days,' says the Presbytery, "of adventurous innovation, when the perilous experiment is proposed to dissolve all connection between Church and State, to appro priate with sacriligious avidity the revenues of both es tablishments to secular purposes, we hailed your Lord ship's magnanimons sacrifice of public office to public principle as an auspicious token to our country and our country's Zion. The luminous and comprehen sive arguments which were employed by your Lord ship in relation to the Irish church involve the recog nition of principles alike honourable to your talents as a Statesmen, and to your knowledge of that Divine Word, which declares that righteousness exalteth a nation." The promptitude and decision with which Lord Stanley acted in throwing up office in the ardent time of youthful aspiration, when he found that he could only retain it by the sacrifice of conscientious principles, and by sanctioning the example of sacrile gious pillage and subversion, afforded strong and honourable testimony to the personal disinterestedness of his views and the purity of his ambition. If the Whig Ministers had succeeded in that object—forced upon them by the " destructive pressure from without," which they wanted firmness to resist—and for dis gracefully yielding to which he abandoned their Cabinet —the ark of Christianity itself would soon have been in the hands of the Philistines.—Morning Herald. Some of our ex-Ministerial contemporaries deny that a crisis.of difficulty and danger had arisen in the affairs of the State anterior to the dismissal of the late Ministry ; but it appears to us that this denial only amounts to a proof that those who hazard it have a very confident, we think also a very mistaken, reliance upon the forgetfulness of their readers. Had not Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham, had not the Earl of Ripon and the Duke of Richmond been forced out of the King's Cabinet, simply and solely because, zealous and sincere Reformers as they were, they were also statesmen of moderation and prudence, and thus pre sented the salient points of the Cabinet, and were ex posed earlier than their unresisting colleagues to the " pressure from without ?" Had not Earl Grey him self, been also compelled to withdraw by an intrigue in which Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Littleton, and Lord Althorp were the principal actors—an intrigue for which no other motive can be assigned than " the pressure from without"—an intrigue which unques tionably, whatever might have been its motives, diminished both the disposition and the ability of the late Cabinet to withstand that pressure ? Had not an accidental vacancy in the post of Ministe rial leader of the House of Commons exhibited the King's Government in a position in which it had no choice of a successor to that important function in the State, but in obedience to " the pressure from with out ?" 'Was it not manifest to the most inexperienced eve that a large proportion of the Cabinet Council of the King were in tacit if not avowed alliance with the pressure from without," and that the next Session of Parliament must afford them early and ample op portunities of invoking its aid, to complete their ascen dancy, as they had successfully invoked it befere to augment their power ? \Vas it not plain to the dullest apprehension in the approaching series of shocks and collisions the statesmen who were thus prepared to employ the " pressure from without" as an instrument for the acquisition of power, must instantly have become its slaves, and speedily its victims, that in their turn they would have been crushed by politicians still more reckless and unprincipled than themselves, more obe dient to the " pressure from without," and therefore better entitled to its support ? The reflecting and intel ligent portion of the community must be aware that to these questions one answer and one only can be given with any regard to truth ; and must feel, therefore, that their understandings are insulted, when they are told that anterior to the dismissal of the late Ministry no crisis had arisen in the affairs of Great Britain which required such an interposition of the Royal Preroga tive. Had his Majesty been a careless or inattentive observer of the transactions passing around him, and in which his duty and his interests were deeply in volved—had he been an indolent and selfish man, anxious only to avoid personal inconvenience and an noyance—had he been capable of enjoying the exter nal magnificence and the ostensible dignity of the Crown, casting aside the cares and anxieties which honour and religion alike forbid to be separated from its possession, then, indeed, although the crisis would not have been less real or less dangerous, he might for perhaps a few short weeks have avoided its difficulties and embarrassments. But fortunately it was impossi ble that William IV. could•so judge and act. It was a moral necessity of his nature to show, and nobly in deed has he shown, that he is a King worthy of his ancestors, and of his people. The King has done all that depended upon him to avert from the nation the calamities by which it was imminently threatened. It remains for the people to do the rest. An opportunity has been offered them to stem the torrent of destructive revolution. A body of honourable and enlightened Ministers have been placed at their head, who declare their firm and unanimous resolution to proceed in the work of accomplishing all necessary reforms with as much celerity as can be reconciled to caution and deli beration ; but who proclaim at the same time—and this is the great and important distinction which sepa rates them from their predecessors—that they share that dread which has influenced the wise and the good of every country and of every age of organical changes in the structure of Government, when urged with vi hence, and adopted with precipitation.—Morning Post. If there be one section or description of the people of England, exposed at this moment to more imminent peril than another, it is beyond all question that which used to be termed the Whig party. By the Whig party, we mean that party of politicians, of whom Lord Grey for more than 20 years preceding 1830, was in Parliament the acknowledged chief, with Lords Hol land and Lansdowne, the Russels, Caxendishes, Stan leys, and• their large circle of friends and adherents, for supporters in both houses. It appears to us, as we have said, that the Whig party, inconveniently so named, and thus vaguely and imperfectly described, forming as it did, the bulk, or rather . nucleus, of the late administration, is now in immediate danger of ship wreck, as to character, power, nay, independent. exist ence, and that from a very common piece of indiscre tion—more excusable, however, in individuals than in public bodies—viz., the failifig to look an inch before it. A watchword has been raised within the last few weeks, which is among the most ruinous for the coun- try that ever were propagated, and one of the most in sidious traps that ever were laid for the short-sighted gullibility of men under the influence of political soreness. We have heard it repeated a thousand times, and most loudly by those whom it has been expressly calculated to extinguish, that Union ought to be the war-cry of all classes of "Reformers ;" signifying by the word " Reformers," all shades of the 'King's sub jects who have already served the cause of reform, combined with all those who aim at the accomplish ment of such political changes as would not leave two particles of the Monarchy together. Many friends of septennial Parliaments (though we are not of them) have supported the principle of reform--many friends of measures for the domestic relief of the Dissenters, in relation to birth, marriage, and death —many friends of corporate reform, and of law reform, and of a com mutation of tithe, and a better distribution of church property, but one and all of whom are earnest in their anxiety to maintain the connexion of Church and State, together with the substances which ofall those institutions, as well as those usage toge ther form the body, and feed and animate the spirit, of our constitutional Monarchy. But in addition to these, and most unjustly, no less than perniciously, placed beside them, and huddled up with them un4er the common cloak of Reformers, as if there was between then} any common bond or prin ciple of action, are these wii,9 d iye Pqwarfls to an --,ta—to universal Plienp nual —4 O the ypt g " the' POgrap----to thg by ballot—t o th e extinc t ion - utter subversion of the temporal church, substitu,...,, for it the " voluntary principle"—and, finally, to the breaking up of the empire, by a surrender of the su preme power of the Colonies, and a repeal of the in corporating Union with Ireland ! We ask, therefore, any reasonable man whether these several branches and orders of revolutionists are fit co-partners with the upright friends of that species and degree of "reform," THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 26, 1834. which would erase only the blots upon our institutions, and leave their essence undisturbed ? - When it is said that only one difference can be acknowledged between Englishmen at the present time—namely, that be tween Reforniers and Anti-Reformers—we must re peat that a far more important and prominent diffe rence is to be found —viz., between Reformers who embrace the intelligence and property of the nation, and revolutionists who present only a portion of its physical strength, and the whole of its dregs and deleterious off-scourings and deposits. Let us, therefore, put it plainly to the Whig and other Li beral but constitutional politicians of the United King dom, whether they are ready to confess and act upon this denial of all difference but between Reformers and ultra-Tories ? Is there not a much closer and more real assimilation between the moderate Conservatives and rational Reformers, than between the latter and the Destructive mob ? Of course, it is for the obvious interest of the Destructives to hoax the sound Liberals into a belief that they are fit confederates for each other. Of course it is the business of those who would overturn the State to reinforce themselves, if possible, by one of the parties which would preserve it, but which, to preserve it, are conscious that they must re form it. Only see what the Whigs are likely to gain by their present alliance with the extreme Radicals. They fancy they can make use of the Radicals as an instrument of their own restoration to place. But what a price will such a temporary union cost them ? Can the party of the Whig Ministers be wild enough to conceive that they will have the help of this desperado faction towards unseating the Conservatives for nothing, without sacrifices of principle which must disgrace and destroy them, without absolute conditions to be per formed on regaining office, the fulfilment of which must irretrievably undermine the foundations of our whole system of political society ? We are astonished that the Whig statesmen do not seem alive to these perils. It is incredible that they should not see the true nature, and the manifold advantages both to them selves and to the country, of the alliance which they ought to seek, and of the only fusion which would really serve them, either as holding property and sta tion in the country, or as candidates for the reins of Government, on the only terms on which honest Eng lish gentlemen would ever consent to hold them. We refer to certain expressions used at a meeting of the ward of Aldersgate, reported in the Times yesterday, where one of the orators of the movement faction thought fit to remind his Sovereign of the " time of Charles 1.," to which, said the orator, " the present times are approaching !" This is pretty well as a sample of the " sort of people," as Mr. Ward re marked, into whose arms the Whig noblemen and gen tlemen of England are now invited to throw them selves, under the auspices of that precious maxim, that no difference ought to be acknowledged but between the friends and enemies of Rfform.—Times. From the great unceasing pressure of matter of more immediate political interest, we are now only able to resume the subject of Spanish loans, suggested by the pamphlet to which we alluded in a former article, as published by Effingham Wilson. Although several days have since elapsed our readers will, probably, be able to preserve the connection between what follows and what we have before published :—ln order, so far as we are able, to mete out an equal measure of justice to all parties, it is right to notice here, that on reference to documents, not at the moment of our last writing before us, we find that the contractors of the first Spanish loan, whose iniquitous mysteries have been unveiled, were no other than the well-known Pari sian capitalists, Lafitte and Co. Of the third loan, about which we shall treat presently, the house of Arduoin, Hubard, an Co., were the under takers—a house, we may remark, not known pre previously in the character of capitalists, whatever it might have been as bankers a la mode de Paris. For be it understood by our readers, that the class of bankers in Loudon and Paris are two castes, as distinct and as superior the one to the other, as a Brahmin to a Paria in the East. Every man is, and may call himself a banker in Paris, upon whom a bill of ex change shall be drawn ; and a ludicrous examplifica tion of this came to our knowledge some time :ago, which by way of illustration seems worth repeating. An Englishman in Paris replied to an advertisement in the Petites Agiches, offering an appartement meu ble, on very moderate terms ; the proprietor of which, on their meeting, represented that he was in very pressing need, and would, therefore, take 700 francs (281.) for what little miserable furniture he had ; he was setting out for Bprdeaux, and must conclude on the instant, as he could not make the voyage for want of the money. Our countryman casually observed that he presumed he was a wine-merchant (from the city he was about to visit), to which the Frenchman answered, with customary vivacity—" Non, iTlonsieur, je suis un banquier."—" No, Sir, I am a banker." In relating the anecdote, we have no desire to class the house alluded to (and which, we un derstand, failed some two or three years ago) with this grade of Parisian bankers. Arduoin, Hubard & Co. were, we believe, respectable as Paris bankers and mer chants, but without any pretensions to loan millions, or even perhaps tens of thousands, on their own ac count to states or individuals. Indeed, with the ex ception of Delessert, Perier, Aguado, Rothschild, and some half-dozen other firms, there is nothing in Paris to answer to our caste of London capitalists and bankers. The two former concerns are more known for wealth acquired, and extent of business as manu facturers, sugar-refiners, or other enterprises, than as bankers, in *our acceptation of the word, in that re sembling much of our provincial banking practice in the smaller towns. The " third Spanish Loan, or that of Conversion" as it was called, was con cluded with this house of Arduion, Hubard, and Co., November 22, 1821. It embraced two objects; the first, to supply the Government with 140 millions of reales vellon, of which it was in urgent need ; the second, to convert the two former loans, already described, and the loans contracted .in Holland, in the reign of Charles the Fourth, into new Stocks—a Juggling piece of hocus-pocus for pocketing some millions of commission agency, in return for exchang ing certain pieces of paper, signed by Senores Tonto, Picaro, and Astuto, against oth ers counters i gne d b y the Senores Ladron, - Hermanos, Y Compa, all of Madrid. The first part of the transaction was thus accomplished :- 1. A loan of 280 millions of reales was concluded, at the rate of 50 per cent. 2. It was payable in eight monthly instalments. 3. A deduction of four per cent. for commission, &c. 4. The interest to commence from November 1, al though the loan was not concluded until the 22d ; the first instalment was not payable for one month after wards, and the Sciip could not be brought into the money markets of London, Paris, and Amsterdam, before the same period. The amounts actually re ceived by Spain, from Arduoin, Hubard, and Co., are thus enumerated : In bills upon Spain .............. In Spanish money ... ....... .. In gold and silver bars ...... Realles Talon. 74,280,933 1,538,124 31,633,314 107,472,428 The commission absorbed per cent., as per contract, on Wh erea s, at four ought to h ave amounted on il!. 5,600,000 That is, instead of four, it w as c h arge d a t 2 4 1 1 y 40 t0 1:" .... , .................................. per cent. And, finally, the state was burdened with a capital debt of 280,000,000 Whilst it received no more than 107,472,428 That is, rather more than 38 per cent . This is wholesale work ; but the government would hardly hay? escaped so well but for the after game of the conversion, or hocus-pocus, which had yet to be played. By the ter ms o f t h e contract o f Conversion, the Spanish. Government bound itself " not to receive, under any form whatever, from any but the contractors to the present bargain, for the term of eighteen months from the date,all and eac h o f t h e un d erment i one d W!!t i Fil ini_ 9 f9.9y9 . 9 ,, 3c9,lqwprs T'l9tYo ty the flgt4 qf i:emittiug exclusively," y 4. " Lad' bond , of the loan 1820 (Lafittes) at the price 11 -- w,rl each premium ticket at of 1,400 reales velion ; 300 reales," being the par of issue or contract. 4 . tach bond of the loan 18 21, at 2,100 reales," which we presume also to have been the rate of issim, ft liach Dutch bond of the old loans of 1,000 florins at 5,600 reales," which may be taken also at the par of issue. " Each florin of arrears of interest on these last, to the I s t o f J anuary , 1821, a t 42 reales, " being about 55 per cent. on the same ; and, " each florin of current interest, that is, of such as shall accrue after January 1, to the period of delivery of the bonds, at eight reales ;" • being the par, we think, of exchange. The interest due at the period of remitting the bonds of the loans of 1820, 1821, at par ; that is, to sum up all in a few comprehensive words, they had the pri vilege of delivering to the Govrnment for 18 months all the bonds of the old loans at 7O per 100. In exchange for which the government assigned to them a quantity of indeterminate stock at Difference —2o But this was not the whole profit of this honest manceuvre-40 per cent. profit did not suffice for the exchange of nominal capitals, in the operation of which not one single dollar of real capital was requi site. The State was saddled moreover with a cross fire of two concurrent payments of annual interest upon the same total of debt for the 18 months, making 12 per cent. against her, instead of five only—as thus :—The interest of the new stock to be exchanged against the old, commenced from the Ist of November, at whatever subsequent epoch it might be forced into the market or exchanged. The interest of the old stocks was chargeable against the State in the like manner, until delivered in —say until the conclusion of the eighteen months. The besotted Government of Spain remitted to the contractors besides, 700,000 dollars of stock, bearing interest, " by way," says our author, " of anticipation," or guarantee, (guarantee! ! !) as we presume, such stock to be restored un touched at the " end of the transaction." In the month of May of the following year the Cortes began to open its eyes, long after the rest of the world had been wide awake, through some exposures of the press, upon information which had imperfectly trans pired. A commission of inquiry was appointed, and it was resolved to impeach Angel Vallejo, the finance minister, who had managed this notable exhibition of sleight of hand. The commission, of which the Conde Toren° (the actual Minister of Finance) was, if we mistake not, reporter, for our author is extremely cos tive touching some names, made its report on the 17th of May, from which we have no room for lengthened extracts. The eloquent orator exclaims, "It is de signed to make her (Spain) drain the bitter cup of sacrifice to the dregs. In the eighteen months which this operation may occupy, of double payment of in terest, it will occasion to Spain a loss, in specie, of 61,096,950 reales venom' And, further on, "At the end of 18 months from the signing of the treaty, and without reckoning the disbursements occasioned by the former loans, the 140,000,000 reales specified in Article 1. (of which it will be seen 107,000,000 were received), are in reality reduced to the wretched sum in specie y . 47,785,251 reales ; for which incon siderable sum Spain binds herself to the payment of 2,082,235,609 reales,"—two thousand and eighty-two millions !! ! Let us hasten to the summing up of this magnificient budget of spoliation. The Cortes entered into a parley with the contractors, awl after the passage of divers state papers between the high con tracting parties, succeeded in obtaining from French liberality an abatement of grievances to the extent of 100,736,000 reales of " real value" or upwards of one million sterling of our money. It is pleasing to be able to record that the contractors were not entirely ruined by this display of unexampled generosity, nor even very materially damaged. The actual balance even yet exhibits hundreds of millions to the credit of their moderation. According to our author : Ai-chola, Hubard, and Co., received 37,742,455 Reales. reales of rentes, representing in nominal capital 754,849,100 For which they remitted to the Spanish Treasury in payment :- 108,003 Bonds of the first loan 210,000,000 77,360 Premium tickets 23,208,000 24,418 Bonds of the second loan 76,254,000 15,436 Bonds of the Dutch loans 123,488,000 _ _ _ _ 295,846 Dividends of Dutch loans 136,893,434 575,849,434 Difference of loss to the Government, and profit to the contractors, in this exchange of stocks, in round numbers 179,000,000 Add to this the double allocation of interest in actual money Losses in interest upon the stock issued payable yearly 16,959,375 In round numbers . 245,000,000 Or about two millions and fifty thousand pounds sterl ing profit to contractors and loss to the state. It must be borne in mind that we cannot pretend, in the haste of writing, and when we do not quote, to anything be yond approximate calculations. The misfortunes of the improvident Government did not, moreover, ter minate here. The annual interest of the st&ck which it issued Reales. amounted to 37,742,455 The interests of the amount, if received in pay ment to.. Loss annually resulting to the Government 16,956,425 All this, besides other disadvantageous conditions by which it was bound in the loan, not necessary to particularize here. But the gains of the Contractors were far from being limited to the moderate sum of two millions sterling here estimated. The bonds of the old loans, which, by their covenant, they were allowed to deliver in at par, were, we believe, at the time at enormous discounts ; whilst the Dutch Loans, on which no interest appears to have been paid for years, must have been, as well as the coupons of interest overdue and falling due, absolutely without price or value in the money market, and were, perhaps, pur chased at one-fourth, or less than one-half their transferable value. By the Pamphleteer, these items are not taken into account, and so far he evinces moderation; althou g h it i s , i n rea li ty, no more than throwing a veil over the more splendid gains of a species of speculation in which Aguado, in whose in terest lie clearly waites, was one of the greatest adepts of the time. It would not, probably, approach the reality, to assume the benefit of this class of operations in the case before us, at the same amount as that of the direct exchange—which would, adding thereto the commission of 34 millions upon the advance of 140, or rather 107, millions, according to the first article of the loan, make a grand total of four and a half mil lions sterling upon one transaction of eighteen months alone. We know the house of Ardouin, Hubard, and Co. did not pocket the one-half, or perhaps more than the fourth, of . this almost inc once i va bl e mass o f values to themselves—they had neither credit nor erApl_ tal to have excited money markets to the fitting point of delusion and madness. No, there were other real and great capitalists implicated in this wonderful con federacy and conspiracy of the moneyed interest against against the Spanish Government and the English people. If such be the fruits of accumulation of capital, better were it, we say, for public morals and public happiness, that gold, and silver, and paper be annihilated as representative signs of value, and that mankind return at once to the ancient mode of simple barter. In face of these pyramids of riches built up in one revolution of the solar system, let no one henceforth treat as fables the glories of the thousand and one nights, the kingdom of Golconda blazing with precious stones from end to end, or the magic of Aladdin's wonderful lamp. These are but the creations of fairy elves, whilst foreign loans are the Herculean labours of Titans themselves. Our author states, that the house of Ardsioin and Co. were after a ll indebted to the Spanish C or t es , at the time of its flight to Cadiz, and subsequent dissolution, a sum of about 20,000,000 of reales on a balance of accounts, most reluctantly, and a fter many delays, d rawn out, but which does not appear to have been liquidated then, and has not been, apparently, to thi s moment. He record s , moreo ver, a transaction, fo r w hi c h we re fer to the p am phlet, so disgraceful that, if true, and he quotes names, dates, documents, and details, the par, ties ought for ever to hide their heads in ignominious obscurity. Here, for the prqc.tit, we forbear : tlie sub ject has olre4dy tran sport©d Us bevor`2. the limits origi nally contemplated ; Surpassi ng won d ers yet re m:Ain to tell, which tiid, fair to raise the fame of Effing ham Wilson, the oPITIted publisher of this pamphlet, to ft Ilpigt4 tar beyond the towering dreams of Schelie rep* licrsPlf ,— Morning Advertiser. It appears not to b e genera ll y un d errtoo d t h at a l l person s are at liberty, by an act of the " no-relief" Adminis tration, to open any additional nnmber of windows without further charge of duty, provided that the house itself be not enlarg,o4 l The Roa m of dcu economy is of the greates t importance. There need be no longer close unhealthy rooms, dark closets, and damp passoges, and the Duke of Wellington shall bo displaced in our chamber to give admission to the glorious breath of Heaven.—Bury Post, DEVIZES CORN Per Sack. s. d. s. d. Best Wheat 22 0 to 2.1 6 Second l9 0 21 0 Th!rds 11;6 Sacks of Wheat sold i 19 11 ,t the average of LEEDS CORN MARKET - Dec. 23. Wheat, Nlrfolk and Stailk, 1301 b. r. - York. and Lincoln. 1301 b. Bat ley, ls orfolk and St, tthlk 4 - Yorkshire and Lincoln s hi re - Grinding itt t ooo o 33 5 11 1 03. 5 .. :1 .2s. to 2 3 g• g Beans ads, l't,tatoe --Mealing, For. 12d. to lad. ' Eng. 9d. to 10%d. 225. to Foreign. —l. to —/,25.!... Shelling Ra wee d, English. 931. LIVERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE.—Dec 23. 7 , .44. WiIEAT, Eligl l ';ii, White, per 70113. --.--- Red ---- Scotch Welch, and Manx Irish, ' White 6 0 5 6 Red Foreign OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b. 3 8 a ii - Foreign BARLEY, English, Malting, per I m p. quarter '4I 0 57 4 4 -- Scotch and Irish, per Millis. Feeding ... :t 5 42 9 BEaris, English, per Impe r i a l quitter 3 3 0 s 0 _ Irish, &c. A4 0 :. 0 3 .9 Foreign PEASE, English, per I m p er i a l quarter 42 0 A 4 0 _ Foreign FLowt, English, per 2911 b. as 0 4- 0 Irish 6 OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 24,4b s 22 0 • ~ 65 it IN. lAN Conic, per 4401 h. ItvE, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter 151 powr OF GRAIN tor the Week ending Dec. 22 oats''.l. tV heat. Oats. Barley I Flour. Qrs. iForeign, Brls.l Irish , &c. ti t s. r Sek s I 1 8116 '9. !...._....-' 8,493 121;16 1 775 i 8,227 SOUTHALL CATTLE MA ItKET.—Dec. 24. of sheer , The supply of B eas t s to th , s day's market was very scantY; roui Chives, and Porkers, moderately good. There was not a iturrif fo tentiance of town and country buyers, and the trade was dull, at the lo a i rig prices per stone tit 81b. to sink the offals:— . 1 , 10d tiet.t Mutton 3 2 4 4 I Pork 3 6 ' jot) o Beats, la, • Sheep, 1,024:; Calves, 20 ; Pi gs , 40. A . Port the supply left the market unsold ROMFORD MARKET.—Dec. 24. . 1 3. c d.t0 4 4 0 s. (i. to s. d. 13.• et 3 0 4 0 I Veal .... 3 6 . 6 :W ii I ton 3 4 4 0 Pork 2 8 ," - . - Suckling Calves, 14s. to 9 45.; Quarter old U; Mitch Cows, with their small Calt, 10L Os. to 141. Os• Supply limited, and trade very dull. HAILSHAM MARKET —Dee. 24. 4s. Beef 3s. 4d. to 3s. 10d V‘.:al 3s. to s 6 Mutton 3 8 4 4 Supply limited thro'l g hout P ; or and trade very dull Beef 11 ulten 5s. R. AU id. to 4s. Od.NDEL ;IA RKE ell—Dec. 23. 4s (4. I &1. to 3 0 3 6 4 4 Pork 3 BIRTHS. A Of $ On the 23d inst., at Ramsgate, the Countess of Kill n° ' daughter. the On the 24th inst at Arthingworth, Northampto nshire' Hon. Mrs. Charles lieneage, of a ___sot2______—..--- MARRIED. he I leg i On the 18th inst., at St. John's Chapel, Edinburgh, by t c o lotle G. P. B. Pollen, Rector of Little Bookham, Surrey , x i s ry, Russell, C. 8., of Ashiesteel, Selkirkshire, to Katherine , daughter of the late Sir James Hall, Bart., of Dunglass• DIED. On the 25th inst., Phillis, wife of J. Courtney, che."ist I'4 druggist, Regent-circus, Oxford-street. On the 22d inst., at tlxbridge, Ma r y, e ldest daughter of Hull, of the Society of Friends. ecl l3° ' On the 22d inst., at Brighton, Prince Hoare, Esq. , a g, o aborn On the 24th inst., in Ely-place, John Alport Esq. , bridge, aged 55. London : Printed and Published- - by MURDO YO' at rho Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, AG dri LlOtTsp recd, GEN r PHI -IL cc RAMF kid Sato; ri ,ROTT and every w e , ANTAN II follows Tues Frith' Bout °STE; night, . GALA 4ht. 1 •I(M. 14 ° t iTe ink • BRET for th e co of Rum, a , to ntein tr l i&n, end `Q „ nonmpt i Conte "ne Hai . b " part SOT T • t m erable al I ) ",Parnili( suPplie host perfi opri e t, t ondon, ; The fol Gin Dou Bro' sa b Ditt o , L t ha 5 Ni ni p Pag t'. , - , ogll ‘4l-al Isla qitith B At " Ger Inform y of COLT tunateir alm, ;A.] in a very 'as thick ; the virt; much pu " OLDI })regents It curl bi 14 g off. ctab it iveW n t g ers knititerf4 The I Oil i s 3 s Alacaa'sa toad curi on Lace - Me t that ut t he sta; mi ne Pers on feri or ite nps, vr, Sold tz e h a for 4 11 it d c f -.gent Paul's DREADFUL AFFRAY WITH POACHERS. HAT T ON- GARDEN. For some time past a. most desperate gang of poachers have been committing daring depredations on the estates of various.noblemen and gentlemen in. Staffordshire, Worces tershire, and Warwickshire, and on several occasions the most desperate conflicts have taken place between them and the gamekeepers, in which some of the latter nearly lost their lives. It was found necessary to increase the number of the latter in order to guard the premises of their masters, which step it appears had the effect of making the poachers more determined and violent, and they, became a terror to those parts of the country. The alarm was raised to such a height that the Marquis of Stafford, Earl of Tal bot, and other noblemen and gentlemen assembled to devise means in order to check the lawless gang in their depreda tions, and bring the ringleaders to justice. The tenantry of the above gentlemen offered their assistance to the game keepers, and for some time they kept a strict look-out for them. On the morning of the 12th inst., about t wo o ' c l oc k, the poachers entere Shetsworth Park, the seat of Edward, Groves, Esq., when th e y were me t b y th e tenantry and game-keepers armed, who called upon them to surrender. They were about eighteen in number, and they bid defiance to the gamekeepers, &c., and threatened to murder the first person that dared approach them ; and they com menced firing at some pheasants. The gamekeepers aroused the inmates of Mr. Groves' establishment, when the coach man and the whole of the servants got out of bed, and, bay" ing armed themselves, proceeded to their assistance, and pursued the poachers until they arrived on the estate of Edward Muley, Esq., when the poachers made a sudden stop, as if determined on resistance, and one of them ad dressed the gamekeepers and tenantry, threatening they would not be taken alive ; and that they would fire upon them if they persisted in the pursuit, at the same time level ling his gun and making use of violent language. Eventu ally a most desperate conflict ensued between them ; a nd the gamekeepers, &c., were attacked with the but-end of the gun, knocked down, and beaten in a shocking manner , and left insensible on the ground, weltering in their blood, and the poachers made their escape. Mr. Groves had the sufferers carried to his residence, and provided medical as sistance, and several of the injured party were found to have broken limbs and fractured skulls, &c. Mr. Grove's coachman was most seriously injured on the head, and is not out of danger. A meeting of the Magistrates of the district was immediately called, and the depositions of the injured party taken. The police of the neighbourhood were instantly put into requisition to trace and apprehend the offenders, and four of them were ultimately taken into cus; tady, when one of them " split " upon the gang, and said that two of the ringleaders started off for London on the day of the murderous attack. Subsequently, the police apprehended ten of the party, and lodged them in gaol, Pr e " paratory to their undergoing an examination before the Ma gistrates. Mr. Bruton, the Governor of Stafford Gaol' was directed to pursue the poachers in London, and having obtained a warrant under the hand and seal of Earl Talbot , he proceeded thither, and on his arrival he repaired to Besr street Police Office, and consulted with Sir Frederick 1 1 ° e ' who afforded him every assistance, but no clue whatever could be traced of them, and he was induced to r etell home. However, George Collier, an active officer, 94 ' N division, having received information of the circuit'" stance, with a description of the persons of the two inclit v duals who had escaped, has been upon the look out for thou Feeling convinced that he was on a right scent to apPre bend them, he suggested that Mr. Bruton should leave the warrant with him to execute, in the event of meeting with them, which was accordingly acceded to, and on Satur day morning last Collier, who had received information that two men answering the description were at a house in th e neighbourhood of Battlebridge, where he had watched ft /r 4 two nights successively, saw them leaving the house, an t W e l being exceedi ng ly p ower f u l young men, rather than them single-hand e d h e wa i te d t h e opportunity, went b e gin u them, and tripping them up, called for assistance, and su e " ceeded in handcuffing them and conveying them to the str tion-house, wh ere , f or t h e fi rst t i me, they inquired ?et charge again s t th em ." C o lli er repl i ed, " Why, about 03., affair at Shet swor th P ar k. Y ou nearly killed them." 'The't did not deny the charge, but were exceedingly enraged a suffering one ma n t o t a k e t h em. T hey acted with gre a t bravado ; and sa id th ey b e l onge d to a gang of poachers svil° nearly killed some gamekeepers in Staffordshire, in Octobett last. They were afterwards taken before Mr. L a ing this office, an d exam i ne d , w h en h e ordered Collier to sac,7l secure the prison ers , w h o gave t h e i r names Nichols and P i e d and to take them forthwith to Staffordshire, to be exaati e before Earl Talbot and other Magistrates. k to Collier accordin g ly i rone d th em an d too k them ba°,, ea the station-h ouse , b u t th e C omm i ss i oners of Police re` us r - , to allow him t o t a k e th em to S ta ff ordsh i re unless be —; signed his situation, when Mr. Laing ordered Coulson' constable of Battlebridge, to perform that par t o f th e duty, whi c h h e did. Yesterday he returned to Lunde ll, and informed M r . L a i ng that he had safely lodged them i ° Stafford Gaol. The prisoners underwent a strict examina tion before the Magistrates, and were clearly identified a s having been two of the ringleaders of the gang. Ten el the gang were in custody, and arraigned before the Mag 49 ‘ trates with the prisoners, and, after a long investigati on, the whole of them were fully committed to Stafford Gaol t ° take their trial. The prisoners were then heavily ironed and handell‘ and conveyed to that prison. Coulson stated, that Mr. Grove's coachman was sill very ill, the scalp of his skull being fractured. The oth ea servants were extremely injured by the violence they ' 1 " received. THE MARKETS. COUNTRY COW ;TS DURING THE WEI COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEB Wheat. I Barley. Oats. Beans. lei Per Quarter. s. to a. 5 . s. s . to s. s. to s s. to Bland ford 40 42 31 -- 21 40 41) 59 36 40 15 22 30 35 31 30 22 37 4a 0 Chart 40 46 24 32 18 22 .16 40 32 -- 1 -itintingdon 142 20 26 31 21 25 37 40 Long Sutton...—. 34 44 24 35 :37 t...uth 38 45 126 32 18 24 34 40 :1 4 I.y 134 49 26 :32 23 24 1 32 31 3.- Newark 44 25 33 17 26 36 41 ••••• No•tingliam 40 45 31 36 1:2 26 35 42 Pet,rhorongh 30 40 28 35 18 25 36 42 Plymouth —..... 40 50 30 34 20 23 *** Pantetraet 1 67 43 27 43 91 afunl 165 70 36 39 22 28 41 43 •-• tivpingh,oo !34 39 25 29 20 30 36 46 W..lwe --- 145 33 IA It K Dec. 24. Per Quarter. s. d. Barley t4 0 t' Oats 2O 0 Beaus (per sack) l6 0 Hour (per bag) 32 0 Bread (per gall.) I 0_