The Sun. — London, England, 1861-08-14 00:00:00

ROYAL ITALIAN OPERA, U Govent-Garden. MR. MELLON'S PROMENADE CONCERTS. ',Yr, Alfred Mellon has the honour to announce that his Promenade Concerts take place every Evening at 8 o'clock. Promenade, One Shilling. Conductor, M. Alfred 3lellon. On MONDAY next, August 19, a MENDELSSOHN NIGHT. . THEA TB, E. It Y A 1,, HAYMARKET. Lessee, Jr. J. B. Buckstons. THIS FIVEN G, the performance; will c o m mence w i t h IN anew Ballet. BACCHUS AND ARIADNE. Miss Fanny Wright, the Leclereqs, Mr. Webster, &a After which, a new Comedy, entitled MY LORD AND MY LADY ; or, It Might have been Worse. Mr. C. Mathews, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Buckstone, Mrs. Charles Mathews, Mrs. Wilkins, Ace. Followed by OF AGE TO-MORROW. Miss M. Oliver. To conclude with TURNING THE TABLES. Commence a 7. NEW THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHI, Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster. Reproduction of the great drama of "The Dead Heart." THIS EVENING, the great Adelphi drama, THE DEAD HEART. Messrs. B. Webster, J. L. Toole, Fisher, Billing ton, Eburne, Smith, Romer ; Miss Wooigar and Miss Kate Kelly. To conclude with (26th time) THE PRETTY HORSE BREAKER. Mr. J. L. Toole, Mr. Paul Bedford; Miss K. Kelly, Miss Woolgar, Miss E. Thorne, Miss Laidlaw, and Mrs. Chatterley, Doors open at half past 6—Commence at 7. C A NTERBURY HALL, AND FINE ARTS GALLERY. Every Evening, a Grand Selection from Verdi's New Opera, srvroN BUCCANEGRA. arranged and conducted by Mr. Jonghmans (produced for the first time in this country). Also, Verdi's UN BALLO IN MASCHERA. Little Word in his extraordinary Negro Delineations - The wonderful comic duet, "The Nerves," by Messrs. Harvey and French, and Mr. Marshall in his celebrated Songs, " The Excursion to Brighton," "Selina Sly," " In the Park." SAM COWELL will appear early in September. Admission, 6d.; Stalls and Balcony, is. The Hall has been beautifully re decorated and, with the SPACIOUS PROMENADES and PICTURE GALLERY, now forms one of the MOST ELEGANT PUBLIC BUILD INGS in the WORLD. O X F O R D, 6, OXFORD-STREET. The architectural beauty, elegance of ornamentation, and brilliancy of lighting of this noble building, render it one of the sights of London. Open Every Evening,. The pro gramme is varied, and includes Selections from "La Tra viati," "Un Ballo in Maschera," (by a full company of principals, powerful band, and chorus). Solos by Miss Bryant on the Piano Forte, and by Mr. Russell on the Trombone. Old English Ballad, by Miss Green, Scotch Duets by the Misses Stuart, and other vocal and Instrumental music of the highest order. Conductor, Mr. F. Jonghmans. The Comic portion of the entertainment is supported by Messrs. M. P. Foster (in his " Life Sketches"), Sam Collins, Harvey, and French (the Nerves), E. Marshall, and W. Randall. Hall, sixpence ; Balcony and Stalls, one shilling. Private Boxes, 10s. 6d. T H E HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. THXB DAY.—Morning, 7h. 20m.—Afternoon, 7h. 50m. To-moaßow.-Morning, Bh. 27m.—Afternocm. 9h.10m. THE WEATHER.—Sux OFFICE, AUGUST 14, 1361. THEHMOMETEE., IN THE SHADE. 73 —highest since noon yesterday. 6:l—lowest this morning and during the night. 75 —this day at noon. . - BAROMETER-30.10. WIND—S.-Westerly—light; with fine harvest weather. 6 ,,Le =•G • • .1 4 1,!br:0 r THE SUN. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14, 1661. Once more the Hungarians have nobly done their work. They are engaged in a battle of the pen, it is true ; but it is a battle which they would most assuredly be as willing to fight with their swords, were that the surer way to success, and had not their perfidious and timid oppressor taken the same precautions as the Philistines did of old with the children of Israel. But the time is not lost. Hun gary appeals, in fact, to the public opinion of Europe ; the favourable verdict of that opinion can be gained only by such a persistent appeal as shall compel all who attend to European politics at all to understand clearly the points at issue between Hungary and the German Camarilla, which advises the EMPEROR, and is so doggedly plotting against the liberties of his kingdom. These selfish and ambitious men see plainly enough that their Monarch might be a greater and stronger Prince than he now is, by ruling over a contented and loyal Hungary, and also over his other domains. But great would be the fall of SCIIMERLING and RECII BERG. They would be Ministers immediately but of the Archduchy and the States which consented to cast in their lot with it. A responsible Hungarian Ministry would strengthen their master's crown, but it would kick the Ger man intermeddlers out of the comparatively huge kingdom which they endeavour in their military mortar to pound and grind into one with their own slice of Germany. This must be the reason which makes German Ministers even more dogged in their antagonism to Hungarian rights, than very probable testimony reports of the Hapsburg himself. Even half-witted imperial despots have moments, per haps hours, of rational perceptions ; and when FRaNcis JOSEPH'S mind happens to be lucid and reflective, he must feel that he i:, no gainer by being cheated out of a willing and loyal kingdom, and being presented by his Ministers in return with one kept down only by illegal violence; and one cer tain to be more formidable than any invading army, should such a very possible calamity befal him. The Emperor of AUSTRIA and King of HUNGARY has every inducement to prefer the certain result of legal government in Hungary to the more than doubtful hazard of attempts to convert Hungary into a province. Nothing could he do more for his own advantage than to summon M. DEAK to his councils as his responsible adviser on Hungarian We shall see immediately that this is questions. Dot mere assertion. We recently received, by telegram, the infor mat ion that the Lower House had voted M. DEAK'S reply unanimously ; soon after that, on the proposition of one of their number, the Hun garian House of Lords had voted it by acclamation lirc have now received from at , eve-witness an account of the manner in which M. BEAK, and his address to the EMPEROR in reply to the Viennese rescript was received by the Lower House. The whole thing is probably unique in the history of constitutionalism, but it is worthy of the best days of English Parlia ments in their struggles for constitutional rights ; of course the Magyar is a more excitable being than the Englishman, but he has also much of our political strong sanse, and of our love for maintaining constitutional rights and introducing reforms by legal means only. The EMPEROR'S Itescript was a pamphlet, and as replies must occupy more space than the false statements answered, M. DEAR'S paper was so long that it took two hours and a half to read over rapidly. Yet throughout, the attention was closely sustained, and d eers were the only interruption. Seven-eigths of it were a careful and minute refutation of the Rescript. It was an uncompro mising assertion, accompanied by full evidence, of the Rights of Hungary. When he sat down the whole chamber rose to its feet, shouting its " El jens2) His friends crowded round to congratulate him. Sturdy middle age and gray hairs seemed to vic in ap-o„, se, ere was no difference of opinion but on the eld question of form, but this was cor dially conceded On account of the universal admi ration of the contents. Then followed a Tebaath able scen e • ' certain forms I. had to be g one throu gh before it was the legal act of the Diet . It was common to Wait, for in s tance, till a docume nt is printed b efore it is adopted—it was, however, adopted at onc e , , 'nen a protocol has to be draw n u p , usually taking some time, once, qu ite legal to draw it up at but as it was the President suggest ed that this should he done In half an hour the Secretaries working full eveea got through their ,task. The Hungarian Bill of Rights was put in thatqfga/ form, wltic)l.„ to Hun garians seems so important. But why all this baste, immediately after the reading of so long a document? Vienna is not far from Pesth—in instantaneous con nection by telegraph—and every one feared that the German Ministers would, by telegraph, order a dissolution of the Diet, and enforce it by its foreign—German—soldiers. Pointing to some Austrian troops as they were walking home after the completion of the business, a friend observed to the correspondent, " Those are the gentlemen whose interference we apprehended, but we have done what we wanted, and now they may come and do what they like." After these facts, we ask, what monarch with the slightest tincture of con stitutional knowledge would hesitate for a moment to call to his councils the leader of the house—the man whose combined moderation and firmness and great ability unites all parties in the Diet ? While unassailed from without, the Germans may occupy and coerce Hungary—govern the nation they can not. We need not discuss whether amalgamating the higher departments of Government be theoreti cally best or not ; it is impracticable when a nation, as large as the Southern States of America, and with a separate constitutional his tory of a thousand years, refuses to be amalga mated. The Hungarians, in their generosity, are willing to be loyal to a King who has little 'claim indeed to their loyalty, but they insist, as the in dispensable condition, that he should be loyal to their Rights. So stands now this noble quarrel of a noble nation, with a herd of selfish Germans, who use a weak prince of a despotic dynasty as the tool of their crabbed ambition. We have but to notice an egregious, though doubtless unintentional, misrepresentation promul gated yesterday by a contemporary. The Diet appointed a committee to meet the wishes of the numerous small territories and populations well known as the partes annexce; they are of several races, Slavonians, Roumans, Germans, Servians, Ruthenians, &c., and have long been annexed to the Hungarian Crown, sharing under it the advan tages of constitutional government. All will remem ber that in 1848 the Austrian, that is the German, Ministers secretly bribed the savage JELLACHICH of Croatia, and others of these territories, to invade Hungary, while they openly denounced them for doing it as traitors. After the Russian intervention the Croatians and the rest, instead of the liberty promised them, found themselves, to their utter disgust, deprived of the constitutional liberty they had before enjoyed together with Hungary, and all merged in one common despotism. 111-will naturally existed for some time between the Magyars, and the ungrateful Croats who had been deluded into treachery; ten years of Austrian despotism, however, reunited them in one feeling of hatred of Austria and desire for their old constitutional liberty. Now, our contemporary represents these petty races as standing in the same relation to Hungary as all the other parts of the Austrian Empire to the Archduchy, and the Diet as endeavouring to do the very thing in regard to them, which it resists on the part of Austria in regard to itself. The resemblance is apparent only. Setting aside the prodigious difference of population—the Aus trians wanting to amalgamate the larger and freer with their smaller and more servile population— the relation itself is quite different. The Emperor of AUSTRIA first received these petty territories, as parts of the Kingdom of Hungary. They had been parts of it for ages. Hence they had a long his torical connection with the vastly greater Kingdom of Hungary, and had been represented in its Diet. The Hungarian committee, therefore, was endea vouring to perfect the liberties of an old historical connection; the Germans at Vienna are straining law and power to subvert the same in regard to Hungary. A pretty broad difference surely. We need not go far for the evidence. Amongst the Austro-German devices to delude the Hungarians in 1848 was a Royal proclamation, dated Innspruck, 10th of June, remonstrating with Croatians and Slavonians (whom they were bribing to attack Hungary), and this document re minds them, amongst other things, that for " eight centuries they had been united to the crown of Hungary and shared its fortunes ; that they had enjoyed constitutional freedom through the Union : that they had shared in all the rights and liberties of the Hungarian constitution, with " equality of rights, and the abolition (in 1848) of feudal servitude in common with the rest of Hun gary ; and that (alluding principally to Russia) they were the only Slavonians enjoying such liberty !" These were of course truths. But how great the mistake then committed by our contem porary. We must, of course defer till to-morrow our notice of the eloquent address of M. DEAR, which will be found in our columns to..day. The principle of "Passive Resistance" is still winning its way in Poland, as steadily and as surely as the principle of Non-Intervention is working out the Destinies of Italy. The national anniversary, we now read through the telegrams, has passed off at Warsaw—may we not say triumphantly ? It was observed far and wide as a general holiday. The shops were for the most part closed. The churches were, without exception, thronged. At nightfall the city was illuminated from its centre to its cir cumference. The people, there, are locking for ward with confident expectation to the time when (as they hope very speedily), Poland shall again be endowed with a National Government. And all this while the Imperial power of the CZAR is grimly upon the alert—prepared, whenever the opportunity for harsh measures may arise, to trample down the reviving aspirations of the Polish multitude under the tread of armed hosts. Several of the quarters of Warsaw were (during the festivities of the national fete) thronged with the Muscovite soldiery, horse, foot, and artillery. Blood has been poured forth there already in the streets of Warsaw within this pre. sent year of grace—and,' may be yet again. The wounds inflicted upon Warsaw are even now barely staunched. Thecritical position of things, there, may again bring about a collision between the merce naries of the Autocrat and the unarmed and un aggressive Polish population. The only human security there is against this, being the resolute determination with which the inhabitants of the City of Warsaw still cling wisely to the saving principle of Passive Resistance. Wherever the military fury of Russia has been kindled against the Poles—as was the case when it broke into a flame a few months since at Warsaw —there seems but small security however against outrage even in that screening principle of Passive Resistance. A lamentable instance of this has recently come to the knowledge of Europe in the chief town of the Government of Flock, called Mlawn. There, as formerly at Warsaw, the offence of the Poles consisted in their Prayers and Hymns for the nationality. And certainly in detesting and op posing as something formidable a choral song of the people, the Russian Government may be allowed to be simply actuated by a profound sense of the truth latent in the memorable axiom of FLETCHER of Saltouu—that anybody else might make the laws, if he might be per mitted to write the Ballads of a Nation. The fate of the oldest and grandest monarchies as we all know has often and often gone (with a peculiar significance in these familair words) for a song. More terrible to the ex piring power of the BOURBONS than even the for midable opposition of MIRABEAU, more fatal as the tocsia of the Revolution than the sound of his thundrons eloquence, was—history proves it, history relates it—the choral chaunt of the Marseillaise. The hymn composed and written by ROUGET DE LISLE was literally to the ancient Government of France as the trumpet of the Israelites to the walls of Jericho. For years and years in our own history much was effected by the once famous refrain of Lillibullero. How long did not the Jacobite Ballads keep alive the old spirit of Jacobinism in Scotland, and in various parts of England. KORNER'S im mortal ode to his Sword did more for the patriotic ardour of Germany than all the efforts of all the Governments of the old Fatherland. It were, however, unnecessary further to multiply instances of the power yielded by song over the hearts of the people in any country. The annals of the human race attest the fact upon all hands. The Russian Autocrat and his Government appear to be painfully alive to it. Hence the outrages that occurred not long since at Warsaw. Hence the miserable incidents that have recently agitated the chief town of Plock, the provincial town of Mlawa. " The inhabitants of Mlawa," we read, " chiefly composed of mechanics and agricultural labourers, had, since the Warsaw massacres, been in the habit of praying to GOD that their country might be delivered from its misfortunes. These prayers were read, not only in their churches, but also in their homes and in the fields at their work." In consequence of representations which were, therefore, made to the authorities, "Two com panies were accordingly sent to the town ; but in spite of this the prayers and hymns continued, and they were not opposed by the soldiers. Things went on in this way during the month of May. In June the people began to occupy their leisure hours with singing ' GOD save Poland,' and other hymns, daily before a figure in the cemetery of the parish church. Two more companies were now sent for." Here is one of the incidents that a brief while afterwards occurred :—" On the 24th July the people had assembled in the cemetery as usual when suddenly the soldiers made their appearance and surrounded them. They continued their hymns however, and when they had done turned to leave the cemetery. In their way stood Lieutenant- Colonel Runowski, a beadle, and a drummer. The beadle called upon them to disperse in the name of the law. The people laughed at this as they were already dispersing. The drummer then entered the cemetery and began to beat his drum. This raised the indignation of the crowd ; they forced him to leave the sacred precincts, and declared they would not disperse until the troops were re moved. Meanwhile the news had spread through the town, and crowds, among whom were numbers Jews, collected in the market-place, where the church is, to defend their fellow-citizens. The commandant, seeing that he was surrounded, or dered his men to march away, and assured the crowd on his word of honour that he would not oppose their singing their hymns so long as they did so in the church. The people upon this quietly dispersed." Nevertheless, after this all kinds of wanton outrages were perpetrated by the military upon the inhabitants. Sacrileges were com mitted in the churches. One inhabitant, a poor tailor, was robbed and shot at, but " fortunately missed," we read, by his assailant—another, a poor bootmaker, has been flogged, and is still kept a prisoner. All this for—what ? Conspiracies ? Mustering in arms ? Incendiary speaking or in flammatory writing ? No—but for Prayers uttered in the Church of GOD ! For Hymns chaunted by the people in their cemetries. Such, in effect, is the brutal retaliation of the military power of the Autocrat—provoked against the Polish multitude by the very meekness of its Passive Resistance ! Never has the appeal been more to the pen than in the last few years. The master of half a.million of soldiers, and the struggling nationali ties, are alike pleading at the bar of European opinion. The Emperor of the FRENCH employs pamphlets and letters, the Moniteur and the Con stitutionnel. The Hungarians publish their addresses to the Emperor of AUSTRIA, and Italy sends round circulars to her diplomatic agents— a course adopted also by most of the civilised Powers, even contemptuously silent Austria being obliged to follow the fashion. From Italy, while CIALDINI is busy in the South suppressing the Royalist brigandage, nourished from Rome as its headquarters, RICA. SOLI writes to the European public by the last mentioned method, and places before it Italy as she is. He wishes general attention to be called to the unity of Italian action, to the continuation of CAVOUR'S policy, and to the determination to secure complete unity. One thing is undoubtedly remarkable. Louis NAPOLEON can appreciate it well. There is not, in a house cf the most freely-elected representatives, a _Legitimist party. That not one merely but a whole batch of heredi tary Sovereigns should have been expelled, that from each of their former dominions a fair propor tion of deputies should have been sent, and that not so much as one Lord NORMANDY can be found among them, is surely a most remarkable fact. What would the Bonapartists of France not give could they point to a similar fact there? The laws enacted by the Chamber have been passed with wonderful unanimity. The Opposition has been distinguished from the majority, not by absolute disapproval of the course taken by the majority, but because it wanted to go further and faster in the same course. A very natural, we might say justifiable thing, in the more ardent mirds while one Government, and that a proposed benefactor, withholds its capital from Italy; while ano ther, an avowed enemy, crushes one of its most important provinces. The plebiscite of the people of the different uniting provinces confer ring the crown on VICTOR EMMANUEL has been solemnly confirmed by the representatives of the people. The laws relating to arming the nation have been cheerfully passed, and an indirect com pliment paid to the French Emperor for advice which the m ore i t i s followed the more it will make Italy independ en t even o f hi m. "Th e Italians have not forgotten the solemn words which our august and generous ally addressed to them on touching the soil of liberated Lombardy---' Be all soldiers to-day, that you may to-morrow be the free citizens of a great nation.' For military service forms citizens to temperance and discipline; gi ves them the consciousness of their own dignity and strength, and renders them familiar with all those manly and austere virtues which are necessary to the exercise and preservation of liberty." The national debt has been unified, and the subscrip tions to the loan largely exceed the amount re quired. A broad and national view has also directed the encouragement of public works. " The Par liament has provided for the development of the economic resources of the country by giving its THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVE NING, AUGUST 14, 1861. sanction to the bills presented by the Mi) iistry of Public Works relative to the prompt exe cation of a vast network of railways. To promote s mong all classes of society, by the stimulant of labour , wealth, and public morality ; to excite the augmer station of national capital by the powerful co-operation of foreign capital ; to remove the obstacle s which distance and the configuration of the P sninsula oppose to the rapid fraternisation of all, the in habitants—such are the results which the Govern ment hopes to be able to obtain in a short time by the energetic impulsion given to public works." And this is not mere general represent ation or promise, the leading particulars are also gi yen:— "It will be sufficient to say that in addition to the works of the arsenal of La Spezzia„ 2,700 kilometres of railway (the kilometre is of a mile) have been conceded; that they are to be com pleted in from a year and a half to eight yeari ; and that the execution of them will cost about 750,000,000 lire, of which about 290,000,000 lire are to be supplied by the Government, in addition to the guarantee accorded by the contract." Glancing back at the whole the Baron feels as sured that Europe will soon recognise the full right of Italy to both Venice and Rome,. And will not hesitate to confide to Italian keeping the head of that Church which now always liook to Italy for her Supreme Bishop. He regards the recognition of Europe, and its effect as an- almost accomplished fact. " Yes (he exclaims) Italy is created, although part of Italy is still under the power of the foreigner, for we are certain that Europe, seeing us well organised, well armed, and strang,will be convinced of our right to possess altogether our territory, and will find a guarantee of repose and peace by favouring the restoration of the part which is wanting to us ; for we are convinced that Europe, in learning to know us better, will become persuaded that we, a people essentially Catholic, understand better than any other the true interests of the Church when we ask her to divest herself of the feudal rights which a barbarous age gave her, and which are incompatible with civilisation, offer ing her in exchange independence and full and entire liberty in the exercise of her holy ministry, and the gratitude and respect of a regenerated nation." The die is, however, cast, for his conclusion is that " Italy must be completed, and no sacrifice for that end will appear too great for Italians." ; E j KTEWQ 1:1 0. PARIS, AUG. 14. The Noniteur of this morning gives an account of the inauguration of the Boulevard de Males herbes yesterday, and says : " The Emperor, replying to M. Haussmann, ex pressed his satisfaction with the embellishments of the capital. His Majesty said,— " Certain interests necessarily suffer by the execution of great works. It is the duty of the public administration to have as much regard for these interests as possible—to infuse activity into labour—to protect the less favoured classes, and to oppose au increase in the price of articles of the first necessity.' "The Emperor also said, — "'Since the treaty of commerce the exportation of articles of Paris has nearly doubled. " The Emperor recommended the Municipality to reduce, as much as the local finances would per mit, the town dues on goods of the first neces sity.' " The itoniteur also publishes the following nomi nations to the post of Envoy Extraordinary : " M. Benedetti to Italy, M. Reenlot to Bavaria, and M. Damremont to Wurtemberg." Numerous promotions in the Marine are like wise announced in the Moniteur. CONSTANTINOPLE, AUG. 7. The fall of the Minister of Finance is expected very shortly. A change has been ordered in the uniform of the military officers. army reforms ar e i n p rogress . Important The arrears of the garrison of the capital are about to be paid in Kaimes. A commission has been named to reconsider the scheme for a general Kaime circulation. Oinar Pasha has been ordered to act against Montenegro. VIENNA, AUG. 13. The Emperor will receive the Presidents of both Houses of the Hungarian Diet at two o'clock to morrow (Wednesday). PESTH, AUG. 13, EVENING. The Pesther Lloyd is printed to-day on only one half-sheet. As an excuse for this it states that a strike of the printers at all the typographic esta blishments had taken place. THORN, AUG. 13. The national fete was celebrated at Warsaw yesterday, notwithstanding the prohibition of the authorities. The Bourse and all the counting-houses and shops were closed. The churches were filled by large congregations. In the evening the city was illuminated. An imposing military force, with artillery, was stationed in the streets_ Some arrests have taken place. CRACOW, AUG. 13. Popular feeling at Warsaw is very much excited. The people hope that a national Polish Govern ment will soon be established. A newspaper under the title of the Phare has for somo time past been secretly circulating in Warsaw. A circular has been recently distributed, warn ing the Judges not to yield to the influence of the Government in trying the persons arrested during the late disturbances at Modlin. FRANCE. BOURSE, August 13.—The market hes been more buoyant, and the business done, although not to a very large amount, has been at an improvement on tho closing rates of yesterday. Threes, for the Account, are now at 68f 45c to 68f 50c. Railways firm, and in some cases rather higher. The following are the last quotations :- 41; per per Cents ... 98 —, Credit Foncier l3OO IS ° end month.... 98 101 Belgian 41 3 per Cents Do. end month 6B 601 Roman Bank Shares 2900 • ; Austrian Credit Mobilier.... 737 50' Spaniel Threes 4B Do. Account 740 !Home Debt ItA.ILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans 1415 1417 ..h0 Northern 985 .. 987 60 New, ditto ........ 902 50 .. 903 75 Lyons and Mediterranes.n. 1205 1208 75 Geneva ................ 350 .. 351 25 Southern .............. 625 627 50 Western .............. 530 532 50 Eastern . ........ .... 582 50 .. 583 75 Sardinian .............. 365 ' 367 50 Austrian .............. 507 50 .. 508 75 Lombard s ............. 533 75 • • 635 TEE KING OF SWEDEN.—SOUTHAMPTON, Wed_ nesday Morning.—His Royal Highness the Prince Con sort, the King of Sweden, and the Crown Prince of Prussia landed in the dock at 11 o'clock from the Fairy yacht, and proceeded by special train to Aldershott. The Royal party will return to Osborne in the evening. Earl Russell accom panied them, and Viscount Palmerston met tho Royal party and went by train with them. AMERICA. LONDONDERRY, AUG, 13. The Montreal Ocean Company's steamer North American has arrived here, and brings £30,800 sterling in specie. She passed the steamers Anglo-Saxon, United Kingdom, and Bohemian. The Norwegian, which left Londonderry on the 19th ult., passed Father Point on the evening of the 3d inst. On the 29th ult., during a thick fog, she struck on the Reef Rocks, 36 miles south-east of the north point of Anticosti. The Norwegian threw a large portion of her cargo overboard, and was afloat aft all the time. On the 2d of August the passengers were put on board the United Kingdom, and the same night the Norwegian came off undamaged and proceeded on her voyage. The mails were put on board a schooner on the 31st ult., but, owing to light head winds, had not on the 3d inst. arrived at Quebec. The United Kingdom was expected at Father Point on the 3d inst. (BY TELEGRAPH TO FATHER POINT AND VIA LONDONDERRY.) NEW YORK, AUG. 3. The war news is unimportant. Congress has passed the Tariff and Direct Tax Bills, the latter for the sum of 20,000,000 dols. Bills have also been passed levying a duty of 15c. on tea, 4c. on coffee, 2c. on sugar, and a tax of 3 per cent. on incomes above B'.lo dols. A bill ordering the confiscation of property used for insurrectionary purposes has likewise been passed. The Fulton has arrived out. QUEBEC, AUG. 3. The Canadian crops aro reported to be satis factory. COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. (LATEST BY TELEGRAPH TO FATHER POINT.) NEW YORK, AUG. 3. Cotton firm ; middling upland, 16-4-c. to 17c. Breadstuffs advancing, and all other articles quoted higher. Provisions quiet. Stocks heavy. Illinois Central, 64 ; New York Central, 761; Erie Preferred, 44-1. Exchange on London, 107.1. ADDRESS OF THR HUNGARIAN DIET TO THE _EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. PESTH, AUG. 9. This morning the first part of Deak's address, adopted yesterday unanimously, and without altera tion, has appeared in print. The following is the translation of the text : " Imperial Royal Majesty,--When the dominion of abso lutism which burdened us for 12 years suffered a break, we thought our sufferings had reached their term, and that we might confidently hope that time would soothe the after pains, that the strength of the nation, if not exhausted by new attacks, would make good the injuries which the pur poseless course adopted had inflicted on us, and on the whole monarchy. "We could not shake off all feelings of anxiety when we perceived that a great proportion of the ordinances issued in the administrative department were not constitutional. But we trusted that when the Diet was called together, and had laid at your feet the expression of the rightful wishes of the nation, your Majesty would progress in the constitutional path—would deem worthy of consideration the demands of the nation based in justice and in law, and would order the suppression of all the unlawful relics of flip absolute system, so that at last the monarch and the nation might stand united on the lawful footing of a con stitutional right. " The Diet was summoned to meet. We considered it to be our first duty to lay before your Majesty, with respectful sincerity, a statement of those measures which are absolutely indispensable for the complete re-establishment of the con stitution, and hence to reassure the nation. 'We addressed ourselves in the name of the nation to a Prince who, by virtue of his lawful right of inheritance to the throne, wishes to become the lawful crowned King of Hungary. Because we saw that already in t'le preliminary steps many provi sions of the laws were disregarded, it became our duty openly to express what arc the conditions inevitably attached to the right of succession and the coronation, by that fundamental state contract by which the crown of Hungary was conferred on the ruling dynasty. "It is not we who have established these conditions. This is not the first time that their fulfilment has been re quired. The predecessors of your Majesty became on the same conditions crowned kings of Hungary. Tho tide of your Majesty to the crown of Hungary depends on the self-same contract which establishes also those conditions. " We asked in our address for no concessions ; we pro posed no new laws to guarantee our rights. We wished only that the Pragmatic Sanction, with all its conditions and the mutual obligations it imposed, should be strictly observed. We required only that our ancestral constitution and the laws enacted by our Diet, which have been suspended by force, should be re-established, and that the right of altering and repealing laws should in no degree be withdrawn from the Diet. In a word, we wished that legality and constitu tional procedure should not half, but entirely, take the place of absolute force. " The Rescript which your Majesty was graciously pleased to send to us on the 21st of July of the present year distinctly refused to satisfy our rightful wishes. From the whole contents and spirit of the Rescript, we have come to the painful conviction that in fact your Majesty does not wish to reign over Hungary in the full spirit of the Prag matic Sanction. "No one can doubt that it is a fundamental condition of the granting of the right of succession to the female line, that Hungary shall be governed according to its own laws. The same article which conveys the right of succession to the female line of the ruling house, after detailing the order of succession declares in paragraph 9 that ' the third Act of the year 1715 shall equally bind the female line admitted to the succession by the above paragraph.' Now, the very first clause of this third Act declares that his Royal Ma jesty will not rule and govern the estates in any other way than according to the known lams of Hungary heretofore made or hereafter to be made through its Diet.' The same Act (third of 1715) in its second paragraph adds 'that Hungary shall not be governed according to the manner (secundunz normani) of the other lands.' - " The King of Hungary is therefore to observe the laws of the land, not only by the Royal Diploma issued at the coronation and by the Royal oath taken, but by the Prag matic Sanction. This obligation extends to the period be fore the coronation. So the third Act of 1790, totidenz ver bis, declares that the Prince, upon whom devolves the suc cession, ean, until his coronation, which may not be de ferred longer than six months, govern the land according to the constitution. ':Therefore, the whole contents were quite unexpected by us. Your Majesty has, in violation to the Pragmatic Sanction, suspended our constitution and our laws by absolute might and will not even now cause this suspension to cease. Your Majesty promises to re e lace fragments only out of our con stitution, withdrawing f , om us its own essential rights. Of your own might your Majesty has suspended our funda mental laws, and has substituted for them an Imperial Diploma and Patent, which your Majesty wishes us to regard as fundamental laws. Your Majesty requires of us that we should send representatives to the Reichsrath, which was created by absolute sovereign power, without our influence, that withregard to our most important inte rests we should transfer to tha Reichsrath the right of le gislation, which up to the present moment our nation has always exercised in its own Diet; that we should surrender ' the rights of the land, by virtue of which it has always de termined its own taxation, and the levies of troops, and to submit ourselves in these matters to the Reichsrath. Your Majesty refuses to recognise a part and indeed an important part of the laws passed by the Diet, and sanctioned by the King, and at the same time commands us to modify and repeal the same ; but beforehand your Majesty declares that you will nct recognise the laws. By this your Majesty has completely laid aside the fundamental principle of the Hungarian constitution, and indeed of all constitutional government, that sanctioned laws can only be repealed by the collective legislative factors, and have therefore annihilated the whole legislative power of the country. Your Majesty declines to complete the Diet, and yet require of us that, in the absence of those who have not been invited to attend, and yet whom the rights of the land concern as much as they do ourselves, that in this incomplete state we should surrender an im portant portion of the laws of the land, should alter our constitution, acknowledge as fundamental laws ordinances (' octroyir le') cf a bureau, and should pass laws on the most important political questions. Further, your Majesty an nounces that the iterration' of the Reichsrath (by the in vitation of the Transylvanians, &c.) will only take place after we have beforehand completed all this. "These are throughout steps so unconstitutional as to menace the very existence of the Pragmatic banction, for they lay aside all that is contained in it as a fundamental contract, in the shape of declared conditions for the security of the nation, and retain scarcely anything but the right of succession guaranteed to the Royal house. " Whereas the most gracious Royal Rescript declares that in conformity with the contents of the Diploma of the 20th of October, the Hungarian Diet will no longer discuss and decide the questions of taxation and military service; it adds, by way of re-assurance, that the guarantees of the consti tutional independence of the land will not be endangered, but, on the contrary, further secured, if Hungary discusses these questions in common with the representatives of the inherited lauds.' " But we find in these words no ground whatever for re assurance. The constitutional independence of the land is seriously infringed by the fact that your Majesty, without the previous consent of the Diet, of your own might takes away from the land this cardinal right ; that your Majesty of your own might establishes laws, and, without once asking the Diet whether it accepts these essential alterations of its ancestral constitution, treats the same as an accomplished fact, and orders us straightway to send representatives to the Reichsrath, which will take the'place of our Diet in exercising I those rights with regard to Hungary; and so your Majesty considers the Diet, not as a body which exercises in the name of the nation, in cGnjunction with your Majesty, the legis lative power which is divided between the Prince and the nation, without the consent of which a law can neither be made or altered; but your Majesty regards the Diet as a corporation, which in the very field of legislation is bound to receive the commands emanating from the sole power of the Prince as law; nay, is bound further to inscribe them in the statute book, even though they are in opposition to the constitution and the sanctioned statutes of the realm. In what would then the constitutional independence of Hun gary—whose legality the texts of the Royal Rescript acknowledge—consist? and where would be the guarantee of this independence if at a future period a successor of your Majesty, appealing to this precedent, should act in the same manner with our other laws and rights, and should by a command of his own power and authority suspend or modify these without the previous consent of the land, and then instruct the Diet to complete this order in the field of legislation. " But apart from this important consideration of political right, and supposing that this question was laid betore us, in the regular course prescribed by the legislation, we could not accept this alteration of the constitution, for the same would be injurious, nay dangerous, to the rights and in terests of the nation. " We will not now appeal to our older laws, which show beyond dispute that so long as taxes have been paid since the first standing army was established, the ganting of taxes and the raising of recruits have been the undoubted right of the nation, which the nation has continuously exercised through its Diet. We refrain from recapitulating the de tailed exposition in the text of the Bth Act of 1715, and the 19th Act of 1790, and s% ill content ourselves with quoting the 4th Act of 1827, which declares that as well as the de creeing of all kinds of taxes, and other subsidies, in gold or in kind, as also granting recruits, belong to the province of the Diet to discuss and settle, and cannot, under any pre text, even in the most extraordinary cases, be withdrawn from it; that the taxes granted by the Diet cannot be in creased without its consent, that no new tax can be decreed, nor the recruits raised.' " In accordance with these laws, the nation has disposed of its blood and its money. In times of peace and prosperity it has fulfilled its public duties ; and when threatening dangers required great efforts, or called for sacrifices, it has never been known to spare its blood or property. The nation did this from a feeling of duty, and in doing homage to its laws it bore the burden more easily because they were self-imposed in accordance with the requirements of ne cessity. " But if the constitutional right the land has hitherto en joyed and exercised were taken away—if it could only de termine the question of its new taxes and its military in com mon with others, the disposition over the property and blood of the nation would pass into the hands of a corporation, the considerable majority of which would be composed of the representatives of other provinces. And seeing that the greater part of the provinces belong to the German Confe deration, of which we (the Hungarians) are not members, it might easily happen that they would impose burdens upon us for such interests and such obligations as are not our in terests or our obligations. " The Royal Rescript affirms that the influence of Hun gary extended hitherto over but a small area of the field of taxation. This we cannot admit. The part of the direct taxes which were called 'royal taxes,' was always fixed and voted by the Diet : that part which was destined to cover the expenses of the internal administration of the several coun ties, districts, and towns, was always fixed and administrated by the autonomic jurisdictions themselves, subject to the superintendence of the Hungarian Dicasteria. Indirect taxes there hardly existed in Hungary but those derived from the sale of salt, the monopoly of which legally be longed to the Regalia, and the Hungarian customs duties. To determine the price of salt belonged to the Diet, and the King could only raise it in cases of the greatest emergency, without the sanction of the Diet, according to the provi sions of the 20th Act of 1790. The Hungarian customs duties were also royal revenues, but were placed under the superintendence of the Hungarian Dicasteria, and the Hun garian Legislature at various times passed decrees on the method of their collection and on the purposes to which they were to be appropriated. Moreover, commercial cus toms and duties in every well-organised land should not so much be treated as part of the revenues of the state, as to encourage the interests of manufactures and commerce. The ports were also placed under the direction of the Hungarian jurisdictions, not so much on account of the trifling revenue they contributed to the state, but because they can scarcely be considered as an organ of taxation. Those indirect taxes which have been introduced by the absolute system, and which furnish the state with so large a share of its revenue, and which are dangerous, partly because they are too high, but chiefly because they weaken the basis of the strength of the state through the expenses, injustice, and grievances connected with the present mani pulation in their collection -these taxes wcte totally- un known in Hungary, and are at the present moment totally illegal. It is therefore not a fact that the constitutional influence of the Hungarian nation extended hitherto over but a small area of the field of general taxation.; " The Royal Rescript further maintains that the Prag matic Sanction was called into existence not only to secure Hungary more thoroughly from external and internal attack and to prevent the internal confusion which might arise through a disputed succession, but also to furnish a more substantial base for mutual harmony and union, and in cor roboration of this it appeals to the literal sense of the Ist and 2d Acts of 1723. In our first Address, we developed our views of the text and meaning of the first and second articles of the Pragmatic Sanction. We think that these, our views, are well grounded, and we see nothing in the Royal Rescript to shako them in the slightest degree. There is not in these laws one line from which, whether ac cording to a literal or real meaning, any other union, any closer union can be inferred than that which we in our said Address have established. The indivisibility solely refers to the undivided possession of all the lands by the Sovereign; and it is the more impossible to deduce the identity or unity of the form of government or of the administrative system, because the above-quoted 9th paragraph of the said 2d Act, 1723, extends the application of the 3d Act of 1715 to the female succession, which said act explicitly declares that the King shall only rule in Hungary subject to and in accordance with the laws heretofore passed, and hereafter to be passed, and that the country shall never be governed according to the method of the other lands.' Of any other . kind of union not a trace is to be found in the Ist and 2d Acts of 1723. " The isolated acts which the Royal Rescript quotes to de monstrate a more intimate real union do not establish this real union, but, on the contrary, the political and administrative separation of Hungary. The unity of the Throne is, indeed, referred to, but this unity, in the sense that one and the same monarch reigns over us, and over the inherited lands, no one will call in doubt. This constitutes no real union, but is the natural consequence, nay, the very essence, of personal union. A unity of the Throne, taken in another sense, is indeed not to be found. The method, the condition, and the forms prescribed by law, by which the Prince becomes King of Hungary, is ono thing ; the steps by which he ascends the throne of the inherited lands, are another. He governs us according to one system, the inherited lands' according to another. His sovereign rights are legally not the same in all their parts, as there. Even the personal union of the Throne would cease, if all the issue of your Majesty's ances tor, the Emperor and King Leopold I. should fail; for in such a contingency, as we developed in our first, Address, in accordance with the terms of the Pragmatic Sanction, the country would bo free to choose its own King, whilst the other lands, according to the Pragmatic Sanction given to them, and which they accepted, would devolve to the mere remote female branches of the House of Hapsburg. " Further, in the Royal Rescript the unity in the ad ministration of foreign affairs is alluded to, and reference is made to the fact that since the ruling family ascended the Throne, Hungary never had any special representatives abroad. " In our country there exist sovereign rights, which the constitution itself has transferred to the person of the King; and since the King of Hungary is at the same time ruler of the inherited lands, it follows, as a matter of course, that rights of this nature should be exercised both in relation to Hungary, and in relation to the inherited lands by the same prince. From thence no closer real union can be deduced. " Such a Royal prerogative is the right of the King of Hungary, by virtue of which he decides of his own sove reign will the external relations with foreign powers, Our laws, namely, the 2d Act of 1608, and the 4th of 1681, have stipulated that the questions of peace or war, specially with reference to Turkey, should be subject to the influence of Hungary—that war should not be commenced in Hungary, and its annexed parts, without the knowledge and concur rence of the country ; that the articles of treaties of peace should be communicated to the Diet ; that a Hungarian resident, with the same powers as the Imperial resident, should receive like credentials to the Ottoman Porte ; and many other laws, especially the 104th Act, of 1723, the 11th of 1741, the 17th of 1790, contain the stipulation that the Hungarians should not be excluded from the administration of foreign affairs, and that Hun garians should be admitted to the foreign embassies. But the supreme contrel of foreign affairs was placed in the hands of the monarchs, and the country, satisfied with its highest and ample guarantee in its right to grant taxes and recruits, only desired that Hungarians should have their due influence in the administr a tion of fofrign affairs. This principle, too, in reference to foreign affairs was carried out by the Diet of '47-'4B, w hi c h, respecting the said Royal right and maintaining it in its full integrity, considered it sufficient that the Minister attached to the person of his Majesty should exercise that influence, secured to the land by the laws above enumerated. " The Royal Rescript brings prominently forward the fourth paragraph of tho 11th Act of 1741, in which is con tained that his Majesty will causo Hungary to be repre sented in the State Ministry. But concerning the law alluded to, we must remark that the words cited from the same apply solely to external affairs. The land, as we above said, only deTired to attain that, pursnnnt to our former laws, Hungarians should take part in the discussions on foreign affairs ; and because foreign affairs were handled in the State Ministry, and because his Majesty administered them in accordance with the advice of the said State Ministry, therefore and on this ground alone, the Estates. of the Land required that Hungarians too should be named. This is corroborated by the 17th Act of 1791, which again confirming the said 11th Act of 1741, referred to in the Rescript, continues to declare that his Majesty will appoint Hungarians to the State Ministry, and will provide that such. Hungarians as wish to be employed in foreign affairs shall have the opportunity to fit themselves for the service in the Secret State Chancery. From these words of the act it is clear that it was only in relation to foreign affair s that the country wished to hive Hungarians placed in the States. Ministry, from which no conclusion can be drawn that the internal administration of the country was at all dependent on the State Ministry. " The Royal Rescript further alludes to the lu'lloY, and its unity. It is true that the Hungarian army fought ag ain ! e . the enemies of their country and the King the troops of the other provinces ; but there existed alvral an essential difference between Hungary and the' inherited lands' in all that related to the Ministry. Hungary deter' mined by its Diet the number of the Hungarian army il l "'.. pendently of any influence of the inherited lands or till . government, as very numerous laws; e. g., the 2d Ac t o f side by side wit.- 1802, prove. In the Diet was determined the WO of sustaining the Hungarian army, and that often deciate, materially from the system adopted in the' inherited laud s i . the recruits necessary for keeping up the compleraO t ec t ° the army were granted by the Di e t, w hi c h only rear is and filled up the gaps made in the Hungarian regim e n' 4 and did not regard the losses of oth er th a n Hung regiments. In the Diet was determined the planner "-- conditions of levying recruits, without any regard to th e e method adopted in the other provinces. And in gran tin ' supplies, not only did they take into consideration the O r : ber of men wanted to raise the Hungarian re giments their standard number, but required that an account of t r foreign relations should be laid before it, and voted th e e recruits according to the necessity which it seemed t he e circumstances rendered necessary. The correctness of ti l t statement is established by our laws, of which it is sul s6 " . to quote the first paragraph of the 2d Act of VW'''. ' Whereas, in accordance with the demand of the Es tste : based on the law, reports have been laid before theta of ".`,; circumstances pending in foreign affairs, and of the Pre see ,, state of the Hungarian regiments, in consequence of tilt reports, and in consideration of the requirements, the Bei de ; grant, as subsidies, to satisfy the said requirements, of the free will, 38,000 recruits, under the following couditiolls. " The Hungarian army was kept up by regular continuo levies, over and above the recruits from time to time vot e "; These levies also took place in accordance with laws pass e ' by the Diet, and the Diet regularly voted the supplies nee"' sary to keep up the same. " Our older laws especially provide that the foreign mili tary shall be kept out of the country, that the Hungary' soldier shall always be brought back, that Hunga rm ' - commanders shall always have the charge of Hungaria tt fortresses, and that the command in chief of the flungariao troops shall devolve on the Palatine of the land. The Huss' garian garian Royal ' Staat-halterei' council regulated the vict ual ' ling and the barracks of the soldiery, and often, e , g' 1790 and 1840, the Diet appointed commissioners to pre pare on these matters standing regulations. All this pla te it beyond a doubt, that Hungary also in military matt e both in a political and in administrative respects, enK, ecr a constitutional independence, and that the clauses of t,'" third act of 1848, w hi c h pl ace th e a d m i n i s t ra tion of the military department, with ou t p re j u dic e to the Royal P l43re° gative of the Hungari an Ki ng , was no t p ass ed in opr' sition to the spirit of the former laws. " We are therefore compelled, as representatives Of the nation, with the mostprofound respect, and at the same ti133,1e with the sincerity we owe to your Majesty, our country, an ourselves, to declare that we hold fast the Pragmatic Salle tion, and to all the conditions centained in it, without PO exception, and we cannot regard or recognise as constitu tional anything which is in contradiction to any part of it. c( We hold firm to the constitutional independence of our country, and cannot therefore recognise any other uhl°tt with the ' inherited lands' than that which the Pragrat iti° Sanction establishes. " We can neither accept the Imperial Diploma of the 011 of October, 1860, nor the intended application to Hungary of the Patent of the 26th of February of this year. IV° cast' not accept the same as basis for our deliberations, nor recor nise it as binding for the kingdom of Hungary. " We also solemnly protest against the exercise, on th e part of the Reichsrath, deny legislative or other power olv el. Hungary in any relation whatsoever; we declare that 1 5 will not send any representative s to the Reichsrath; arts further that the election of any, by other instrumenta litY r will be an attack on our constitution, and we declare that any persons elected by such means cannot in any respe° represent Hungary. " Whereas, no one has a right to regulate the aff airs of Hungary, except by will of the lawful Bing, and of th e con" stitutionally expressed will of the nation, we hereby declare that we must regard as unconstitutional and unbinding 011 acts or ordinances of the Reichsrath referring to Hunger!' or its annexed parts. We further declare that we cannot , recognise as constitutional with reference to Hungary, and therefore as binding, any S tate burden or obligation founded by the Reichsrath, any loan contracted by its authority, or the sale of any Royal demesne sanctioned by it—and that' we shall regard all such as having taken place unlawfully and without the consent of the land. "We declare that we will maintain, unimpaired, the rift of the nation to vote its supplies and regul a t e its taxes, ani military levies in its own Diet, and will never agree to din transfer of these rights to the Reichsrath. " We hold firm to the constitutional right of the country, in accordance with which the legislative functions, whe tiler of passing or of repealing and modifying already sanction,4 laws belong solely to the Sovereign, with the Estates iS Parliament assembled, and cannot be exercised by either separately. A one-sided exercise of the legislative power, we cannot, therefore, regard as constitutional; ave accept any oktroiyirung ' (orders issued from a bureau: and cannot admit that sanctioned laws can be in any Pe' suspended, modified, or annulled by a one-sided power' ° o n ' this ground, we hold also to the laws of 1848 in their fu ' . extent, and declare them binding, because they have been constitutionally passed, and solemnly sanctioned by tee Royal power. "We declare that until the 'completion' of the Rei° llP rath (by the issue of the writs, &c. in Transylvania) P rey scribed by law we will enter into no negociations conct" -- ing the Inaugural Diploma. " We declare finally, that we are compelled t o regard tile present administration of the country, esp ec i a lly the deal )° , i i t conduct of unconstitutional officials, as ill ega l, and subjee v h ; punishment according to the law s o f th e country; and direct and indirect taxes i m p ose d i n v i o l a ti on o f the le"' and levied by military force, as unconstitutional. " We see with regret that your Majesty by your gracinus Royal Rescript has rendered mutual understanding ituff t :, Bible, and has broken off the thread of nego tiation. - Royal Rescript does not stand on the footing of the IN% garian constitution, but it establishes as fundamental lay' the Imperial Diploma and Patent which emanated fora absolute power, and are in opposition to our constitution. We are bound by our duty to our country, by our position as representatives, and by our c ,, nviction, to the Hunge r l constitution, and on its footing alone our deliberations In tiB ct take place. These two directions deviating, nay, opP °ee r to ono another, cannot lead to the wished for union. ° II ' most holy duty has pointed out the direction we must tar , We must, therefore, declare, with the greatest sorrow , tn . in consequence of the Royal Rescript we are also comp e ll ed to regard the thread of negotiations through the Die t o broken off. " It is possible that over our country will again Pe e ; ' hard times ;' we cannot ward them off at the sacrifi ce ° our duties as citizens. The constitutional freedom of the land is not our possession in such a sense that we can fre ey .. deal with it; the nation has with faith entrusted it to 01 keeping, and we are answerable to our country and to °n ., l conscience. If it be necessary to suffer, the nation 1 submit to suffering, in order to preserve and hand down 1° future generations that constitutional liberty it has in : herited from its forefathers. It will suffer, without losing courage, as its ancestors have endured and suffered, t° able to defend the rights of the land; for what 'nigh t all v power take away, time and favourable circumstances ra_ return ; but the recovery of what a nation renounces ottlit; own accord, from fear of suffering, is matter :of difli ci better and uncertainty. The nation will suffer, hoping fo r ; l ir e re future, and trusting to the justice of its cau se * o bedient main, with the most profound respect, the most servants of your Royal Majesty, Y "THE REPRESENTATIVES OF HUN GA F ' IN DIET ASSEINIBLED.“ __- Several remarks made by the King of Sweden at Paris are already in circulation. His Majesty, on leaving the Opera, is said to have observed to the Emperor, "Sire, if I could become a private citizen, I should not wish i° live anywhere but in Paris." After successively visiti n the Louvre, the Museum of Artiller y , the Rue de Rivoli, and the Caserne Napoleon, his Majesty said to Colonel Castelnau :—" Your Paris is at once a drawing-room, 6 theatre, and a fortress." T HE WESTERN FISHERIES.—The drift boats at St. Ives (Cornwall), when the weather permitte d of their g oing to sea, have during the past few days taken from 400 q to u a 5 mn ,o to o i tv O i ae pilchards I.s seyhave the b epee drift r boat.ift taken bo A ,a tat: h P wello a r v t h e 1 a e ts v a e k anen,nfrom u nearly mber the of b At e a a k r 'l e . 1,000 0 3,000 pilchards per boat, but the seines have done but little ; one only took about five hogsheads. THE ORDER OF THE SERAPHIM.—The Order of the Seraphim, which the Emperor wore at the review, . 0 the most ancient and venerated of all t he Swedish. It is said to have been founded by King Magnus I. in the 12th century; but its primitive constitution has undergone sev.e ral modifications, the last of whic h took place in 1748, in the reign of Frederick I. The King is the Chief and Grand- Master of the Order, but has no p ower to abolish it. The princes of the Royal family of Swedam are membertheir s b! right of birth. The knights form only one class, and number is fixed at 23 Swedes and eight foreigners, exclu sive of sovereigns and their heirs-apparent. No Swede can be admitted to the Order of the Seraphim if he is not already a knight either of the Sword or of the Polar Star ; but on being received into the Order of the Seraphim he becomes b e l on ged. a commander in the orde r to which he previously ties. aPpri ea' d fized il_clw; °W i7, 81 11 I 8 o.p assBoei ful, il. Iziu n , Bur Pubr, Per c, tha. se bzwe to'w t rttref e z di s . ; loan the 43 ,.. 1 ' l ‘ 1 ' 6 +.i ttte,4 li e4tl ad Pel l ; _ 411 E nEtt ; 134 nk ! It 'e st E I ,Prov nt C( c CI 44,• ia Si .Ditto Ditto r , tit to India St 1 W t e2. l:l er c 1 , ° l trs e t. ,.. 57 ha gst, , e to Itatr fi ' 3 4R, ftP ll :l, ' 14 111 the ' on t Q iiet ! ( dot l eta °t/ fto, Ar t A i ,vel f r t, , ta bat krr• S 6' e l , 4 eTT; th 44 t4 4 P " t N d est er Be 4