The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-23 00:00:00

into the community of acknowledged States— they fixed their eyes on their present Sovereign, Prince Leopold, and elected him for their King. An obstacle as strong existed to this nomination as to the last. The King elect could not ac cept of a throne which would place him in hos tility with Europe. But after his election, which was regarded as a pledge of peace, the Conference changed their ground, and then be. gan their war with their old ally the King of Holland. Instead of the Protocols to which we have before alluded—and of which the Dutch Government was incessantly demanding the ex ecution—the Plenipotentiaries of the great Powers, having heard both parties, drew up eighteen articles, which they called preliminaries of peace, and to which they peremptorily re quired the assent of the Dutch and Belgium Governments, whhout permitting any change or modification. In these stipulations the tables were turned on the Hollanders. Luxemburg w as to be given to Belgium on a promise of in demnity ; and, besides other alterations, the di vision of the joint debt was left to be settled by the parties. This new basis of separation, which bears date the 26th of June, was imme diately communicated to both ; and to both at appeared iniquitous and tyrannical. It spread alarm and indignation at the Hague. Brussels the political dubs denounced es a display of insolent despotism. In three or four days after it was subscribed in Downing-street, it was submitted to the Belgic Congress t which, after a week of stormy debate svn bin and threatened insurrection without, adopted it on the 9th of July by a considerable majority. The news was immediately communi cated to the Conference—and the King elect was row enabled to mount his throne with their concurrence. His Majesty hemediately pro ceeded to Brussels, where he was inaugurated,; or, in other words, took the oaths to the consti-' tution, on the 21st of July. The King of Hol land, determined not to accept of the 18 preli minaries, made immediate preparations for the invasion of Belgium, to enforce better terms ; and on the Ist of August broke the armistice which he had formed, not with Belgium, but with the Conference. his Dutch Majesty had previously refused to accede to the preliminares of June, and the Conference, willing to open negotiations anew, under the better auspices of a settled 13eigic Government, had invited the mission of a Belgic negotiator on the 25th of July,—an invitation which was re fused on the 28th of July, on the ground, that till both parties accepted the preliminaries, it would be in vain to discuss the consecu tive arrangements with either. The Dutch in vasion—the defeat of the Belgians, and the de monstration of their military weakness—the entry of the French troops, and the epprehen eions of their stay—together with the various events and discussions to which they gave rise —induced the Conference to recall their irre vocable and unalterable decrees, and to invite the parties to a speedy adjustment of their dif ferences, or rather to form themselves a fresh ar rangement on the new information and reason ings which the parties might supply. The Belgian Sovereign could now obtain admission for his Plenipotentiaries as well as the Dutch. Both parties again submitted their claims—both parties founded their pretensions on the previous decisions of their judges, the Dutch claiming the execution of die protocols of January, and the Belgians that of the preliminaries of June ; and both parties were again disappointed by a final departure from stipulations which had succes sively been declared to be final. Out of these contradictory and clashing pretensions and in terests grew the twenty-four articles, which, by varying the name, have been called, not prelimi naries of a treaty of peace, but the treaty itself. On the 15th of October the "final and irre vocable" decision, requiring, in the words of the Plenipotentiaries, a " full and entire ac ceptance," and allowing no separation of parts or change of condition, issued from the Conference, and on the 20th it was submitted to the Belgic Chambers by their Sovereign, with expressions of sorrow and regret that Belgium had been so hardly dealt with. Again, after angry debates, the new articles were accepted by the Belgians, only as a sacrifice to peace,—a concession to ne cessity,—and with feelings of mournful resigna tion. Having received the sanction of his Le gislative Chambers, King Leopold ordered his Plenipotentiary at London to agree to the con version of the 28 articles into a treaty with the Five Powers, which was done on the 13th of November. By this treaty each of diem engages to guarantee to Belgium " the execution of the 24 stipulations," and to give them all the force " of a solemn convention between themselves and his Belgic Majesty." No alteration can therefore now be permitted at the instance of Holland, without breaking the faith of " a solemn convention" with her rival. Thus has Belgium twice accepted of conditions ref Used by Holland. A month having passed after this solemn engagement," the Dutch Plenipoten tiaries presented on the 14th instant time protest to which we have alluded, and which in the cir cumstances cannot alter the determination of time Allied Powers. It is needless to say that the 24 , articles are less favourable to Holland than the protocols of January, but his Dutch Majesty ought to reflect that they give him advantages which he could not have derived from the 18 preliminaries of June. Articles 9, 10, and 12 may appear objectionable to people of other countries, because they sanction a right of passage to the Belgians through Dutch territory ; but that rase occurs only when the road, time river, and the canal have been com mon to both. The adjustment of the debt would appear to us to have been made upon a basis which must appear reasonable to every man who knows the origin of its different portions, and who considers the circumstances rn which the countries were united. As negotiation s of this kind arc never likely to be conducted to a satis factory conclusion by third parties, and as the King of Holland has now a regular Belgic Go vernment with which to treat, why does be not accept of the present irrevocable decision, and wait for modifications or changes for mu tual ad vantage in a separate conven ti on with the hlng of Belgium ? We have stupidly and malignantly been accused of hostility to the people of Hol land and their excellent monarch, because we have incessantly called upon them to remain at peace. To betray any such feeling—any disrespect or hatred to such a nation and such a Sovereign, would argue an insensibility to the blessings of regulated freedom, and to time glories of consis tent patriotism. But while we say thus, We are not disposed always to admit the disinterestedness of the one, or the tractable disposition of the other. On the present occasion his Dutch Majesty must be imprudent to resist the award of Europe, if he believes the Conference to be united and sincere ; and his conduct would de serve a harsher epithet, if, trusting in their divi sions, he smashes to convert his particular interests into an apple of discord, and, by holding out against the treaty of separation, hopes again to provoke a general war, and to envelop the Ne therlands with hostile armies.—Times. A Morning Contemporary of Wednesday has the following observations : " The doctrines of the modern lace of political econo mists, with regard to accumulated cap tal and large farms, have very much tended to promote the mischievous delu sion under which the great landed proprietors had fur some irne acted, in throwing several farms into one, and dis continuing the letting of small portions of land ; but this error is now, in some parts of England, correcting itself— ,he fdlure of a considerable proportion of the great farmers has thrown so much land upon the hands of some of the treat landed proprietors, especially where tl-e farms were held by tenancies-at-will, that several landlords have an nounced that they are ready to let small parcels of land, of one, two, or three acres, who, some years ago, would have considered it a degradation to have treated with any but a man of capital,' or a farmer who kept his hunter, and who thrught it a worthier occupation to follow the tail of a fox fur a day than to follow his own plough." The practice of throwing a number of farms into one, is, we believe, of much older date than the publications of IDodern political eco nomists. The controversy respecting the rela tive advantages of large and small farms was car ried on with little intermission during the greater part of the last century. The landlord threw several farms into one, for the same rea son that he will now throw one large farm into several small ones, namely—to obtain a higher rent. There was a saving in the expense of keeping up farm-buildings ; there was a saving in labour; for the number of men and horses on a number of small farms was proportionally much greater than on one large farm ; and the occupant of the large farm being often a man of intelligence, he introduced a number of improve ments which the small farmer never would have thought of. Add to this, that in many districts of the island, hill and valley arc so distributed, that a farm must be large, in order to have a command of turnips and other green crops in winter for the cattle. The large farmer was not only able to pay more rent, but he paid his rent more punctually. One most mischievous moral consequence of the throwing a number of small farms into one, and the extinction of all small possessions was the degradation of the labourers. The small farmer and the labourer were nearly of the same class, had their meals together, the labourer profited by the conversation of his master, and if he were a sensible and well-dis posed man, there was nothing to prevent his being one day a small farmer himself. In this way his labour was cheered by hope, and he had a strong motive for self-denial and economy. It has been well observed by Dickson, the judicious author of the Husbandry of the Ancients, that though gentlemen farmers may be most likely to introduce into a country in which agriculture is at a low ebb improved processes, when once these processes are introduced they can be followed by small as well as large farmers. Accordingly it is now found, that i❑ many districts of this island there is as perfect a system of agriculture with small farmers, as in districts where the farms are large. In the Netherlands and in Switzerland, and in the North of Italy and Tuscany, the most perfect agriculture prevails with small farms. In Flanders, the farmer, like the old English farmer, sits at the table with his servants, and looks carefully into every detail. He is at the same time, according to all accounts, a much better farmer than the English farmer. Radcliff, who was sent by the Farming Society of Ireland to the Netherlands, and published a report on the agriculture of East and West Flanders, in 1819, thus describes the manners of the Flemish farmer and labourer : " It is a pleasure to observe the laborious industry of the Flemish farmer recruited by intervals of decent and comfortable refreshment, and not less agreeable to perceive the farm servants treated with kindness and resp-ct. " They uniformly dine with the farmer and his family at a clean trble-cloth, well supplied with spoons, with four-pry nged forks, and every thing necessary for their convenience. In Flanders the gentlemen are all farmers, hut the farmers do not aspire to be gentlemen, and their servants feel the benefit. They partake with them of a plentiful and orderly meal, which varies according to cir cumstaneeF Tl•e clothing of the peasnatry is warm and comfortable—good shoes and stockings, and frequently gaiters of leather or strong linen, which are sold very cheap Their comfortable supply of linen is remarkable: there are few of the lalosuring classes without many changes With respect to tie farm-house, the exterior is, for the moat part, orna mented with creepers or fruit trees, trained against the walls; and within, the neatness which prevails is quite fascinating. Every article of furniture is polished—the service of pewter displays a peculiar brightness, and the tiled floor is purified by frequent ablutions. The cottage of the labourer, though not so well furnished, is, however, as clean ; a frequent and periodical use of water and the broom pervades every house, great and small, in the country and in town." _ _ NV hat our contemporary says with regard to accumulation of capital is irrelevant. The ca pital ought to be suited to the farm. A large farm requires a large capital—a small farm, a smaller capital. If a man takes a farm which he has not capital to stock sufficiently, whether the farm be large or small, he will labour under difficulties. What is wanted is Not that men without capital shall take farms (for the mis chievous consequence of this is felt in Ireland, where a man without a farthing will take a farm), but that there should be farms of sizes suited to the capitals by which they can be ad vantageously cultivated. We believe that after the first great improvements of embanking and draining, &c. have been made in a country, if things were left to their natural course farms would constantly diminish rather than increase in size. . The small farmer can observe all the most improved practices, and he can better at tend to minute details—an immense matter in farming. The difference, too, between the ex ertions of a hireling and the man who labours for himself is not to be disregarded. Accord ingly, it has been found that during times of difficulty the small farmer has strug• Bled through, while the large farmer has sunk, from inability to keep down his expenditure. The small farmer and his family will toil early and late if necessary, and cheerfully submit to privations, in the hope of better times ; but the hireling has no interest in the prosperity of his master, and no motive for encountering priva- tions for the sake of one who, if prosperous, would never bestow a thought on him. The tendency to multiply farms is retarded by the necessity for an outlay on buildings, and still more by the manner in which the poor laws have been abused in a great part of England. The man who cultivates a small possession by his own labour and that of his family is made to pay the wages of the labourers of the great farmer. In many parishes the rates are as high as thirty shillings a pound merely through the labourers receiving their wages in the shape of rates. Wherever this system prevails, there can be no small farmers. It they were to pay no rent, they would be ruined by the rates. A s great farmers hate to have small farnis in their neigh bourhood, and hate to see labourers possessed of small allotments of land, or any means by which they can escape from absolute dependence, the poor-rates were often raised with a view to work the destruction of the small farmers and the more complete dependence of the labourers, We never can think of the manner in which the Magistracy lent themselves to schemes to reduce the labourers of England to parish slavery, with out a feeling of deep indignation. We are ready to admit that, in recommending the system of paying according to the number of children, they might not be aware of all the consequences to which it would lead. But that institution is necessarily a great curse to a country which has the power to do the mischief which the Great Unpaid have done. The Justice played with the labourer as with a football, One year one overseer would induce him to fix the wages of a parish at 9s. a week ; next year, a succeeding overseer, who has different notions of parish government, would induce to fix the wages at 12s. a week. In short, the labourer was made a complete slave. The picture drawn by Mr. Wakefield of the relation in which the rich and the poor stand to each other in England is a most hideous one ; but who will say that it is not a faithful one ? ..... - - - - - - " Is nothing done by the ' Nobility, Clergy, and Gen try,' to conciliate the affections of the purer mass, by whose toil all their own wealth is produced? Charity! The chatity of the poor laws, which paupers have been taught to consider a right, which operates as a curse to the ab'e-bodii d and well•disposed, whilst it but just enables the infirm of all ages to linger on in pain and sorrow. Soup ! Dogs'-ine It, the paupers call it. They are very ungrateful ; but there is a way of relieving a man's neces sities which will make him hate you ; anti it is this way, eenerally. that soup is given to the poor. Books, good little beoks, which teach patience and submission to the powers that be ! with which such paupers as obtain them usually boil their kettles, when not deterred by fear of the reverend donor. Of this gift the design is so plain and offensive, that its effect is contrary to what was intended, just as children from whom obedience is very strictly exacted are commonly rebels at heart. What else ? Is nothing else dune by the rural rich to win the love of the rural poor ? " Speaking generally, since all rules have exceptions, the privileged classes of our t oral districts take infinite pains to be abhorred by their poorest neighbours. They inclose commons. They stop foot-paths. They wall in their parks. They set spring-guns and man-trar. They spend on the keep of high-bred dogs what would support ha f as many children, and yet persecute a labouring man for owning one friend in his cur. They make rates of wages, elaborately calculating the minimum of food that will keep together tlee soul and body of a clod-hopper. They breed game in profusion for their own amusement; and havine: thus tempted a poor man to knock down a hare for his pot, they send him to the tread-mill, or the Antipodes, for that inexpiable offence. They build gaols, and till them. They make new crimes and new punishments for the poor. They interfere with the marriages of the poor, compelling some, and forbidding others to come together. They shut up pauptra in workhouse , , separating husband and wi'e, in pounds by day, and wards by night. They harness poor men to carts. They superintend ale-houses, decry skittles, depreeste beer-shops, meddle with fairs, and otherwise curtail the already narrow amusements of the poor. Evt nin church, where some of them solemnly preach that all are equal, they sit on cushions, in pews, horded, matted, and sheltered by curtains from the wind anti the vulgar gi:ac, whilst the lower order must put up with a bare bench on a stone floor, which is good enough for them. Everywhere they are ostentatious in th e di s pl a y of wealth and enjoyment ; whilst in their intercourse with the goer they are suspicious, quick at taking offence, vin dictive when displeased, haughty, overbearing, tyrannical." Englishmen, who visit other countries, are struck with the contrast which many of them present to their own, in as far as regards the mass of the people, by no means to the advan tage of England. Mr. Inglis, a traveller through many lands, and who, as a pedestrian, mixed with the people, and entered their cottaFes, de scribes, again and again, his painful feelings on perceiving the superior condition of foreigners. " During my residence in Berne," he says, " never passed through the market without re ceiving new gratification, though mingled with some painful reflections. The healthy and ro bust appearance of the country people, well clothed, and evidently well-fed, busy, and seemingly contented, could not but recal to my mind the half-starved population," &c. " In every direction around Berne, proofs are abun dant of the great industry of the Bernese pea santry, and of the easy and comfortable condition in which they live. I everywhere saw a fertile soil about to repay well the toil of the labourer. Every cottage appeared substantial ; and the little gardens attached to it carefully dressed and neativ arranged." Speaking of the people of France, he says—" I think it only just to record here my belief in the great honesty of the French people, who cannot be charged with that disposition towards petty theft, which so disgraces the people of most other countries. This superior honesty may be partly owing to a natural virtue ; but I suspect that the difference in morals, and especially in the prevalence of robbery, is, in most cases, to be attributed chiefly to the difference in the condi tion of the people. This sufficiently explains the difference between France and England in a comparison of the quantity of crime in the two countries." In another place, he says— " Country labour is generally to be had ; and its rewards, though small, are sufficient to supply the comforts, and even the little luxuries of a peasant's life. In France, too, a great propor non of the land is the property of the peasantry, who {cm a class almost unknown in England, and who are happier than the same class in other countries. The Swiss peasant is indeed as much a proprietor, and generally a richer pro prietor, than the French peasant ; but his life is a life of labour, because his climate renders labour necessary." If the goodness of a Government is to be estimated by the physical and moral condition of the great mass of the inhabitants, we fear that of England, at the present moment, would not rank very high. The incendiarism prevailing throughout a large extent of the coun try, indicates a dreadful want of sympathy be tween the rich and the poor. A good municipal police might do something to arrest the progress of crime, especially of arson. And this leads us to observe, that we never can have a good po lice with an unpaid Magistracy. What is the complaint at present I" That the Magistrates are afraid to act. No man chooses to make himself conspicuous, lest his house or yards be fired. The unpaid are admirable for driving and harassing the peasantry in peaceable times ; but they have too much at stake to act rigorously in times of difficulty. They interfere in every thing where interference can only do mischief ; but where they ought to interfere they han g back. Were the stipendiaries in the different districts charged with the peace of the country, and the public prosecutors responsible for the state of their different divisions, they would be obliged to exert themselves to check the arson. But a police cannot, of course, im prove the condition of the English labourers. A number of causes have concurred in placing them in their present deteriorated condition ; and to extricate them will require both time and exertion. An improved administration of the Poor Laws will go a great way. The poor will then be able to employ their sm,all capitals in land without fear. The tithe system must be altered ; for no labourer would think of bestow ing labour on a piece of land, if the parson were to take the tithe. In cases of poor land, the tithe would be seriously felt. Local Courts and stipendiary Magistrates, without the power to oppress derived from overwhelming property, and without local connection, would also contri bute greatly to the independence of the poor, Any man who knows any thing of Scotland can be at no loss with regard to the evil produced by an unpaid Magistracy in England, in destroy ing the independence of the peasantry. Much is wanted, but without the labourer is rendered independent of parochial despotism and tithes, allotments of land cannot be held by him with much advantage. But we have exceeded our Emits, and must stop for time present.—Morn ing Chronicle. The state of France, which it must be admit ted has been any thing but prosperous since the glorious days" of July, is frequently adverted to by the Anti-Reform orators as affording a practical illustration of the dangers and evils re sulting from popular change and revolution.— Sir Robert Peel has been very solemn and didactic on this subject, and Mr. Croker has been no less facetious and satirical. But a gross fallacy lurks at the bottom of the political ser mons of the one, and blunts the point of the taunting jokes and gibes of the other. The fallacy consists in attributing the present condi tion of France to the effects of popular change in the Government ; whereas that popular change was itself the result of a despotic subversion Of the Constitution. It is convenient enough for Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Croker, and other orators of that stamp, when adverting to the history of the French revolution, and converting it into an argument in terrorem populi, to omit the most important part of that history—namely, the issuing of the flagitious and fatal ordi nances. The issuirtng of those ordinances was an act of regal revolution. It con verted in an instant a limited Monarchy into a despotic one. The Charter, to which the Monarch was morally and legally bound, as much as the meanest of his subjects, was, by a dash of the pen that signed the ordinances, can celled. The liberties of the people had no lon ger any existence. The title-deeds of that most valuable of all property, a nation's freedom, be came the spoil of regal rapine. The ancient tyranny of the house of Bourbon was restored, and nearly half a century of political struggles and vicissitudes left France at the point from which she started. The despotic revolution was complete from the moment that the ordinances appeared in the Moniteur ; and the people must have acknowledged themselves the slaves of a Bourbon Sultan, or immediately reclaimed their political rights by a counter-revolution. They chose the latter alternative—a bitter necessity, indeed, but still the only means of escaping something worse—and we hope the day will never come when Englishmen would not do the same. What France would have become, had the despotism, been quietly established, we may infer from the condition of Portugal or Spain, or from the state of France itself before the revolution of 1789. But it is said the revolution has not advanced its pros perity. We admit it ; but we deny that the re volution has been the cause of the miseries which now press so heavily on France. Some of these are only the accumulated consequences of pre vious misgovernment, under the profligate and priest-ridden reign of the Restoration. Others are of more recent origin; and their curse has come upon France, not because the revolution happened, but because the principles of that re volution have been jalstfled. It has been said, with less sarcasm than truth, that France has changed nothing by the revolution but her colours. She did in the first instance, in deed, change a great deal. She changed the throne of a despot for a popular one. She changed a sullen system of persecuting bigotry for civil and religious freedom. She changed the ordinances for the Charter. Scarcely, however, had the national will placed upon the throne a Prince of the house of Bourbon, when the nation might have elected any body else, or have abolished Royalty altogether—scarcely, we say, had the national will placed upon the throne a Prince of the house of Bourbon, when that Prince evinced symptoms of the incurable weak ness of understanding of the Bourbon race. He taught his Minister to talk of the nonsense of a quasi legitimacy ; as if being raised by public acclamation to a vacant throne was not the highest of all titles, while in point of " legiti macy," under any aspect, he could never be re garded but as a usurper. The real legitimate must always have a higher claim than the quasi legitimate ; or, in other words, Henry V. must always have a better title than Louis Philippe 1., as long as the latter relies upon any other title than that of the public choice; which, among ourselves, gave William 111. the sceptre that had fallen from the hand of the tyrant James 11., and elected the house of Brunswick in preference to nearer relatives of the exiled dynasty. Louis Philippe had, however, the bad taste, and worse judgment, to make himself a quasi legitimate as to title, and to qualify himself ever since to be considered a full and genuine legitimate by his conduct and policy. Hence the revolution has retrograded, until it has pretty nearly reached, in every thing but time tri-colour and the dynasty, the state of the " restoration ;" and it makes badly enough for the argument of the Anti-Re formers that, in proportion as the revolution has retrograded, the difficulties, dangers, local dis turbances, and distresses of France, have in creased and multiplied. Are we asked for proofS of the falsiiication of the principles of the revolu tion ? Here they are :—France was promised an adequate representation. She has been de ceived. Less than half the number of those who elect our unreformed House of Commons elect the Deputies of a nation consisting of a popula tion of upwards of thirty millions, while our own is something less than twenty millions. France was promised a cheap Government ; but the Civil List of a King who engaged to surround the throne with republican institutions is extrava gantly large, and proves that the mind of the new Sovereign is far more enamou re d o f go ld than glory. In this respect he has proved himself as genuine a " legitimate" as if he were one by birth ; but the establishment of his claim has been a costly one to the nation. Again, France was promised many internal ameliorations, such as the thorough reformation of her penal code, of which reformation the leading principle was to be the abolition of the punishment of death: but the King and his Ministers, though they appeared so favourable to the abolition of capital punishment when the lives of Polignac and his fellow-criminals were at stake, have not showed the same repugnance to the infliction of the pe nalty of death since the armed citizens of Paris, with the blood of the revolution yet fresh upon the streets, allowed them to spare the lives of the traitors. It is true the code is now under revision, and we admit that some progress has been made in its amendment, though the good that has been done falls very short of what had been previously promised. France was also promised the liberty of the Press—a real liberty, such as an honest Government fears not, and without which no Government long continues hottest. How this promise has been kept will be found written in the records of those Courts where all political freedom of opinion has been, ever since the revolution, bitterly and incessantly prose. cuted. Not a fragment of liberty would now have remained to the French Press if it had not been for the manly integrity of Juries. Then look at the foreign policy of the French Go vernment—the mean retractation of the proud boast to make the other Powers observe the principle of non-intervention—the betrayal of the revolutionized States of Italy, given up to be crushed by the iron hand of Austria, after having encouraged their revolt—the com bination with the Holy Alliance in a partnership of arbitrary principles, and protocols fulminated against the independent States of Belgium and Holland—the cruel treatment of the Spanish patriots, who were made a sacrifice to propi tiate the " pious" Ferdinand, and mitigate the scornful hostility with which he treated the new dynasty of Orleans, and insulted the flag of France, but, worse than all, the shameful and treacherous abandonment of heroic Poland to the desolating sword of the barbarian—the re fusing the Polish exiles the rights of citizens— and truckling in every thing, with coward sub serviency, to the presiding genius of .Russian barbarism. Call we speak of these things, and not prove that the evils under which France labours do not result from the revolution, but from the principles of that revolution having beenfalsXed ? What then becomes of the ar gument of the Tories drawn from the miseries and discontent of France ? Could Casimir Feder act with more zeal and consistency for the interests of the confederated despots of,Eu rope if he were the appointed Minister—not of France—but of the Holy Alliance? Could the Holy Alliance, as long as they tolerate a French Government not founded on legitimany, wish the affairs of that Government to be administered by a more obsequious partisan of their principles than Casimir Pericr ?—Morning Herald. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF COMMONS. NOTICES OF MOTIONS, AND ORDERS OF THE DAY, WHICH NOW STAND IN THE ORDER BOOK OF THE MOUSE OF COMMONS. TUESDAY, JAN. 17, 1832.-ORDERS OF THE DAY. Land Revenue (Buckingham Palace) Bill; Committoe.— ChArities Estate Bill ; Committee.—Anatomy Bill; Second Reading. WEDNESDAY, J. IS.-ORDERS OF THE DAY. Limitations of Actions Bill ; Committee.—Fines and Re coveries Bill ; Committee.—Curtesy of England Bill; Committee.—Dowager B.I1; Committee —lnheritance Bill ; Committee.—Supply ; Committee. NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Mr. WETLAND—Resolution respecting the priority in which the Orders of the Day shall be taken into con sideration by the Hou.e. Dr. LusitiNGTox—Bill to r.,gulate the Vice-Admiralty Court at the 3lauritius. FRIY„JAN. THE DAY. Ecclesiastical Lands Exchange Bill ; Second Reading.— Juries (Ireland) Bill; Committee.—Sub-letting Act Amendment (Ireland) Bill; Second Reading.—Reform of Parliament (England) Bill ; Committee. NOTICES OF MOTIONS. In Committee on Reform of Parliament (England) Bill : Colonel Surruoara—To move, that all bon& fide tenants and occupiers of land, not being Freeholders, Copy holders, or Leaseholders, who shall hold any number of acres situate within the several Counties or Divisions of Counties for which any Elections for Knights of the Shire to Parliament should be at any time hereafter made, the annual rental whereof shall not be 'ender or less than 501. per annum, free from, and clear of, all charges and d.ductions whatsoever, such tenants and occupiers as aforesaid shall be and hereafter are entitled to vote at any such Election for Knights of the shire for any such County or Divisions of Counties in which such lands are situate; provided they, and each and severally so claiming to vote, have been bona fide in actual possession of such lands as aforesaid for a period of not less than one entire year preceding any regis tration as may be hereafter directed or required to be made touching the Right of Election•. Margnis of CHANDOS—To move the ornit.sion of the Me tropolitan hlembers intended to be added by the Bill. _ . Mr. OonE LANGTON—To take the Raise of the Cow mittee on the Clouse for the Division of Counties. Mr. PRAED—To move that no title to vote for the Election of a Knight of the Shire be conferred by any property situate within the limits of a Borough which shall, by the provisions of this Bill or otherwise, return a Member or Members to Parliament : —That every man sere I of freehold lands or tenements, of the clear yearly value to him of 40s. above all rents and chargrs, situate within the limits of a Borough returning a Member or Members to Parliament, shall have the right to vote in the Election of Members for such Borough. Mr. BARRY BALDWIN—To move that the Borough of Totness be erased from Schedule 8., and that the said Borough, with the addition of the Town of 14:rry Po• Inert)) , (otherwise Bridge 'l'own), continue to return two Members. Mr. DRAKE—To move that the Borough of Amersham be transferred from Schedule A. to Sch:dole B. Colonel SIBTHORPE—To move that all Freeholders whose freeholds, in the County of the City of Lincoln, art situated on the Northern side of the river Witham, shall vote in future for the Representatives in Parlia ment for the Division of Lindsey, in the County of Lincoln ; and all Freeholders whose freeholds are situ ated on the Southern side of the aforesaid river, in the same Ci'y, including the four Parishes annexed by Char ter to the said County of the City, shall vote for Re presentatives in Parliament for the Divisions of Keste yen and Holland. MONDAY, JAN. 23.—ORDER OF THE DAY. Vestry Act Amendment Bill; Second Reading. NOTICE OF MOTION. Mr. PROTIIEROZ—BiII or Bill, to alter and amend the Charter, Munieivil Government, and Regulatitns of the City of Bristol. TUESDAY, JAN. '¶t.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Colonel ToaßENs—Bill for repealing such Taxes as have the effect of lowering the Profits of Capital and the Wages of Labour ; and for substituting in theil stead a modified Pruperty Tax. Sir ROBEKT Itit:LlSPapere relative to the Vaudois. Mr. HERKIES—Mution on the subject of the Russian Dutch Loan. Mr. SHElL—Select Committee to inquire into the Re- venues and Possessions of the Established Church in Ireland, and the sevetal charges which are made upon the public for its support. ORDERS OF THE DAY. Wallingford Election Petition ; Ballot for Committee at three.—Dorset Election Petition ; Ballot for Com mittee at ten minntes after three.—•Forfar County Elec tion Petition ; Ballot for Committee at twenty minutes after three. —Drogheda Town Election Petition ; for Committee at half aftt r three. WEDNESDAY, JA.N. 23. —ORDER 01 THE DAY. General Register Bill ; Second Reading. NOTICE OF MOTION. Mr. HUGHES Ruches—Bill for the regulation 01 Buildings and Party-walls, and for preventing mis chief by fire, and injuries to the lives sod propertyof his Majesty's subjects, from the injudicious construction of buildings. THURSDAY, JAN.26.—NOTICE OF MOTION. Mr. PERCEVAL—Address to his Majesty, that he will ap• point an early day for General Fasting awl Humiliation. FRIDAY, JAN. 27.—NOTICE OF MOTION. Mr. HENRY BuLwEß—Select Committee, to consider tht present state of New South Wales, with a view to Le gislative improvement. TUESDAY, J.N. 31.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Colonel DAvrEs—Select Committer, to inquire into the present distressed state of the Glove Trade. Sir RICHARD VYVYAN—Affairs of Belgium. THURSDAY, FEE. 9.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Sir JOHN NEWPORT—WI lor the regulation of the First Fruits Fund, Ireland. Mr. FYAHE PALMER—To regulate the office of High Sheriff; to reduce the expellees attending it ; and to facilitate the passing the accounts. _ FRIDAY, Fee. 17.—NOTICE OF MOTION. _ . Colonel TORKENi-Bill for the gradual abolition of al, Duties upon the Importation of Fordgn Agricultur. Produce: _ - Last Day for receiving Petitions for I'rivate Bill.. On Report of Reform of Parliament (Engliml) Bill. Mr. DOMINICK BROWNE—To insert in Schedule B s., many of the smallest Boroughs not already in Schedules ar B as will he neussiry to give Ireland, in add 105, as many Members as will constitute the di portion of Ireland with England and Wales, takint due consideration their population and revenue eel Lively. If the above motion be negatived, and 500 be number ;chilled for England and Wale., on the BSI of the Irish 11,40 rm B 11, to move that em h a n lOl , of Members be added for Ireland as shail, i n addle to 105, constitute its due proportion to 500 lor Eye and Wale., taking into due consideration their pot tion and revenue respectively. NOTICES OF MOTIONS FOR WHICH NO PARTICI DAYS HAVE BEEN FIXED.—AFTER CHRISTN Mr. GisnoaNE—Bill to repeal Ac's [7 Geo. IV., e' and 9 Geo. IV., e. 65 ] (Small Note Acts.) Mr. RORINSON—SeIect Committee to inquire int ° state of Newfoundland. Mr. RotrlNsols•—Motion on the Trade and Comet''' . the Count' y. vL Mr. I3ARRY BALDWIN—BiII to authorize the comPo a r# t ing and commuting of charges for charitable PI on freehold property. Colonel EVANS—BiII to alter the mode of appointing' r*r o corders of Cities and Borough Towns ; also to preL, Recorders from sitting in the Commons' House ofy liament. Lord Viscount MILTON—Pre-ent State of the Corn L ti t i ? Sir JOHN OWEN—That the censure passed on the 'I Sheriff of the County of Pembroke, his Under Silv' and Assessor, by the Report of th e S e l ec t Corn° ° i t t appointed to try the merits of the late Pembrolz es ', Election Petition, is not warranted by th e Evi de°' taken before the said Committee. Mr. HAnvEv—Repeal of the Duty paid up on the a dm sion of persons to the freedom of Cities and 13(0 ° ' returning Memlters to Parliament. Mr. WOLRXCHE WHlTMORE—Resolutions relating to China Trade. Lord Viscount MORPETH—In C o m m itt ee on C ?n er-„ 1 gisrer Bill, to move that the Coun'y of York be einpted from the operation of the Bill. p ile Mr. HODGSON—In Committee on General Begisttr 0 , to move that the counties composing the Northern cuit he exempted from the operation of the Bill. Colonel SIHTHOIIPE—BiII fur the regulation of S t ' Vessels. Mr. NYSE—BiII for the establishment and inaintea of Parochial Schools, and the advancement of the cation of the people of Ireland. pt'bbi 4 Mr. HENRY BuLwEa—Select Committee on the si Trade. d ( Mr. SLANEY—BiII for the b e tter rating T e n e ments a a certain annual value. , 0 10 Colonel EvAxs—Bill to repeal Act L 59 Geo. Foreign Enlistment Act). Mr. Coo:LTENAY—Relations with Portugal. , g l t l Colonel EVANS—Address to his Maj e sty, that he • l i r graciously pleased to intercede, by friendly officr e negotiation, with the Court of St. Petersburght i_ tj ot half of the Polish people, anti in mitigation of th e fiscations, or other heavy punishments, s a id to be ~jr to befal them, in consequence of the lat e war in P tij i! Mr. FRANCIS BARING—BiII for the doing away of e ' t r Mi offices in the Exchequer ; for the snore spoedi'Y t i i cf effectively passing of the Sheriffs' accounts, and P r regulating of the office of Sheriff. YEOMAN SHOT. Pa s t i° A practice has prevailed for some time r ot various parts of the n ort h o f I re l an d, on t he P% Orange yeomen, of forcibly entering the hotOe' ro i Roman Catholics and carrying away whatever t o they could find. This public robb e ry hay b to t usually perpetrated at night, an d u n d er the Pr e ;4 of depriving the Catholics of th e m ea ns of u 'ro: fire•artus against the Protestants of Ireland! 1 ,,,4 Catholics in the neighbourhood of Portadown r of ft been subjected to such predatory attacks for %or, time past, and a life has just been lost in e j l7 ,, (pence. In the course of last week a b° ul lio Orangemen came to the house of a Roman Cci t . b° o l in the parish of Drumeree, about six o'clock i n dd evening, and, finding his doors barricaded, they '11; Toi mantled what arms he had, accompanied by a t "„ft. 'reet_h l - at " 4 that if he refused they would wreck his h ° "ty k ktk e n e it ° , At, t ; Binyol Thus intimidated, the Catholic gave them 0 01) -, , tits i n all the fire-arms he had its his house. Th e I. iIN ---f% every next proceeded to the house of another Catha'Val ~I , „"tt- ---1 10D11 a short distatace; and, finding he had also clos eu dd' a L e. PAR his doors and windows for safety, they det r° ,o l DANp T E , D his arms, accompanying their request with thei r dre l /VI — ' lll . 4 , r 1 , 4 1 . 0 U N 1L LN ESSR denunciations, should he refuse to comply wit h I 4 1 wishes. The Catholic, a small farmer, c hop sa N ee 9EoN courageous man, replied that he had e xpected jil I AG] arrival ; that he would not give up his arms; °li bel t r ` t liessi o they offered violence to his house, he woul d s t hto I, e Poli,, n' b l ev e' r the first man that entered. The Orang e part,' ' i d t'plie i n " e " commenced breaking in the door with stone s; ( lit ti t Cl itt 13c u j the Catholic, having stowed away his family till ooll ! ta te N ,RAL S a bed for safety, knelt down, and deliberately t,, , e 9 hiC td by the aim, shot dead the first man who presented l'itile 4 tit ': 1 , 15 PERI 14,1,..,y years at the breach made in the door. The rest O jet 'ill y '"e S LIG: b i 'P.; CHER ft: hi ' the coos party came forward to drag away their fallen 01 ,0 when the Catholic, having re-loaded his gun , lli f fired among them, and wounded three meth „ ( 1 1 k EASE i person killed proved to be a bad charactere:.gii' 1 1 % t- AL araiTs notorious Orange yeoman, against whom 9 - l ' c or t ( L ;;rt set, trace's warrant was then in the hands of th e t o' 14, - uItATION s abulary. lie had in his hand, when shot, 3 , 1 0 ti l '' s " 3 rance o man's gun and bayonet, belonging, we belie" 14 14 * , e , r every 'd Dear Government" A!kinsori's corps; pi' F ICATII All C proving, beyond dispute, what we freque litlf „std m kt srted, that the Irish yeomen use the arms tea t ; G tiet „... P n e I to them against the lives and property of tho se be ‘` r- ---.: z' ' d at 1 1 I differ from them in religion or politics. We e a JP Marquis of Angle-ca's attention particularly °i ll l ' ° ( T -414 E N 1 fact; and we also trust that Mr. Stanley nee' A Al longer hesitate in at once dismissing the wr ii ii P.,j, t he reco the yeomanry of Ireland, who are not a for ce P.- 03 0 ( 4 it y l '' of the effective as the regular army, and who are th e the kintl)resented I le t 'sand ci of much mischief and bad feeling throug"ut 0 fo r e th country. Au inquest was held on the body ; ' i ori f i s !Pub k u ralerstoo facts we have narrated were elicited in then ,8c1" of the inquiry. Mr. Brownlow and Mr. }D t tli e 44 , 13 ' nm " , have sent the police into this district, to proteeroch 44 ' to Catholics from being butchered ; indeed, W e n o I ti 11, 1 1' , i4 inb. t A P . fear that the Orangemen of Arrnagk will r e , g , f ed tk, 4 ` such pov very dreadful measures, unless Government ta'holi o Wi ll l it—_ t i, s , efficient means for the protection of the G3t;(„i t ° `tit a top have of that county. Already a turf-boat, beloPPriliff' O tt -, done thei a poor Catholic, has been burned on the 13 11 .. , 11° ,4ef f/ l' il l i,j ; With ti and other damage is hourly dreaded. --Lwi 14. )a -e have th Whig. I ti t , - 41 "Ple t 1 # , h. - i . ioe t b f th The costume of the new BankruptcY:Vi ef k ill ii turk e a f t t P h r e is to be the same as that now worn by the oats 1 11 il • Ad a when sitting at .Nisi Prius. ile t e Y ha ' O 5 4 ye net An Evening Paper of last night conta in 0 1 / , t," new al (mints of sonic disturbances at Paris. They ee e , ii : f ilie ri , se t t , 4l. , ; and of very little moment, being chiefly excited by '% 4 ' Worth ] o ! i t ,:: , ,..iind th, and giddy boys.— Times. LOVE AND MURDER.—RICHARD f ort ti 4 1114 i t the E was indicted on Wednesday, at the Surrey Asdiee 4 ' o "„ &liti I ( , ) ,, re q ui tempting to murder SUSANNAH HOLT. It q v ., ti- - 44 . -- w. from the evidence, that the prisoner was a ttache d we , 1 :' 1 ' 44 1; , pli e d prosecutrix ; and despairing that he would bee 1 (5t 4 ' l l en ' n ' d °, " r itttire ls a tit asks her as happy as he wished, he took a ru_ Ait ist a : ,:rh i ;-!rtial ' with her, and attempted to shoot her with a loa der ( lo' Fortunately the pistol did not go off, ant the priscoiore' 14 Politi cal coot' prevented from making a second attempt by eaf a ge fe e ; 11 Po rta ' ca l w i skrteri nee th ference of a person named Josxrit Wing/0;s '' e l I t ', evidence in the case. The unhappy ;irl imPle' r 6 yo 4 i t , Y Jou w i, o o , le t b eti tti Portant mercy of the Court in favour ,al the prisoners position, she said, was very kind on all other oceal;,°. b° I :: : kott e , i ts , to : wards her. The Jury found the prisoner Guil t ) ' i miti n e. NI) -4 ' of L recommended him strongly to mercy. ll 11.4 Y of affai _ o f , : ih_ tie A n _ BIRTHS. orl' . 41 1 , h Annul On the 2. th inst. in Devonshire-place, Mrs. Wm. AM .0" I I 1 - Mtt daughter. o re' lb. iit K r ,. On the 19th inst. at Sandwell, stafrordshire, the C° A ti ~,,'Y e n , ' ti e ~,f;" '''' di, d '; , th e Dartmouth, of a son. On the 25th of October, at fiarbadoes, the lady of t"" I la, 'set and 0 , ° , 1 ., g Rev. the Bishop of Barbadoes, of a son. the ° - 4,0 the yea On the 20th ins . at Ash, near Farnham, Surrey', '7' Na m op c alm a the Rev. A. L. Lambert, of a daughter. 13 ,c° l l , P it 'rZ it t g l ie ii ir h at MARRIED. On the 21st inst. at Chelsea, J. E. Walters, E. a —' o , - tt , inn, to Eleanor, daughter of A. R. Sidebottom, El° l '' for / i (41 t1i, • t . a hi ll t , ° °let I n tun ,oln's-inn and Sloane-street. On the Ist ult. at York, Upper Canada, T. W. Birc h pw' e t i v ttit, „phi( to Magdalen Catherine, daug h ter of the late J. Gamble' 41,4 q ts e ; F. I LO( ty th A M to the Oueen's Rangers. On the Ist of October, at Antigua, A. Moffatt, E: r ° i l , l o6 4 ticl tide Wind e Wind to Cordelia Duncoinhe, only child of the Don. J. 1 - ) . '`- fth ' - ' 4 'I, c ' Vile ' °l' that island. o pif 4, 1 4 4 to ~r DIED, On the 20th inst. at Beaconsfield, Bucks, the C °li co il° t l haa i, 41 , Ptirp. Orkney, aged - di. f Sl' W." 55 as On the auth inst. at Taplow Court, the infant son 0 i tio . , ith they! Kirkwall. St tee t "tri "se On the 15th July, on his-passage from Madras to the • i e.' at th e Sir George Ricketts I. :0 1' - 11 _.. . • On the inst. at the Oaks, near Faversham, ve Hefter Brooke, aged 9.. t he o On the _oth inst in Gerrard-street, aged 31, Sara h ' Mr. W. Manson, after giving birth to twins. y PRINTED AND PUBLISHED Ilti ?.111XDO Yov ,- SUN Orvice, 112, s LOVDOS• ,77 7 , T tti eziti. cin, hogt aovAaceKGNObi EneeNge,,viT. ,a t n2 a d l ( ►SHE CC DE NVER, and ",,,NVER, in t or a --. 11 'fl.peeted, an 4 ,%Office, No. 2 on applicat Norfolk, Clerk t Person s desire trstecl to tram d e lton, before " Tender Just put ISTOR J . of ENGI inurinlietion of I the Represent By ,tonulo n • Lo Published, fravin g s by] RADIT berry Bvo. f: 31. 3s. ; IN 41. 4 9 . A few copic 1 • pURSU2 tk ,_ Court of LI,SPE, the t i 73, in the G 4 10ntli of M January, 18 i re th e i r d e bt 1 R t t i l'e BI caters .tLltopton-bt te'atilt thereof L l'efit o f the ma I URSUi. IN ;Court of 1± 1 831, ma lid o n or P er m pi r the will, it% d eeds, in Ui th e month of 4 ,) headings ,` he Oday c /I° 4l e in and ma I,,,9 l, acribers i 4d, — .lofm • , or in c 1 the be Pt Yana kt, r hies of pen 51, 41° " of the ] tithe_ , recom r It ' t o produc at "., or in a or in a t A n " unexam 1 have t 11 14 Nvern e 0 Aeaeil bring it groupies th e are thus ? tt e . as ''; price "ufacturec - .d on 1 10% , • Sold t er -rots ;T1 k. M‘c.rmick Regent