The Sun. — London, England, 1861-01-28 00:00:00

This day is published, in post octavo, price 125., THE CAMPAIGN OF GARIBALDI IN THE TWO SICILIES. A Personal Narrative. _ ' By CHA.RLEs STuAnT FORBES, Commander R.N. With Plans, and Portraits of Garibaldi and the King of Naples. William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London. BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZ INE for FEBRUARY, 1861. No. DXLIV. Price 2e. 641. CONTENTS. School and College Life: its Romance and Reality. Carthage and its Remains. Spontaneous Generation. The Transatlantic Telegraph- Iceland Route. Norman Sinclair: an Autobiography.—Part XIII. Biozraphia Dramatics. Judicial Puzzles.—Eliza Fenning. The Foreign Secretary. William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London. ROYAL ENGLISH OPERA' COVENT-GARDEN. Under the Management of Miss Louisa Pyne and Mr. W. Harrison, Sole Lessees. THIS EVENING, and during the Week, - Balfe's New Legendary Opera, BIANCA, THE BRAVO'S BRIDE : Miss Louisa Pyne, Miss Thirlwall ; Messrs. A. Lawrence, .T. Wharton, H. Corri, A. St. Albyn, G. Kelly, Wallworth, T. Distin, Lyall, and W. Harrison. With the Grand Pantomime, BLUE BEARD ; or, Harle grin and Freedom in her Island Home. ti Clowns, Messrs. H. Bolen°, H. Payne. Hildyard, and Lillipuans. Harlequins, Messrs. Milano and F. Payne. Pantaloons, Messrs. Barnes nnd Tanner. Columbines, Mdme. Bolen and Clara Morgan. lsprites, the Zelinski Family. Mr. W. H. Payne, Mlle. Lamoureux, &e. Conductor—Mr. Alfred Mellon. Commence at Seven. THEATRY,-ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lessee, Mr. J. B. Baekstone. THIS EVENING the nertorraannes will nommen , * with (by subs, STOOPS TO CONQUER. Miss Efardcastle, &qtr..) Miss 'Fanny Stirling*; Tony Lumpkin, Mr. Buekstone. After which, a new Pantomime, QUEEN LADYBIRD AND HER CHILDREN. The Pantomimists by the un rivalled Leciercqs, Herr Cole, and Fanny Wright. Commence at 7. uoOYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.— Lessee and Manager, Mr. A. Harris. THIS EVENING, the performances will commence with RUY BLAS. Messrs. Fechter, Basil Potter, Garden, Ray mond, Graham, Cathcart, and A. Harris. After which. a new Christmas comical pantomime, entitled ROBINSON CRUSOE ; or, Harlequin Friday, and the Rine' of the Caribbe Islands : in which Monsieur Espinosa and Marie Dumilatre, of the principal cantinentai =mauve, will appear. Clown, Kr. a.. F. Forrest. HEATRE - ROYAL LYCEUM. Soie Lessee and Directress, Madame CELESTE. THIS EVENING, a new Drama, entitled THE IRISH EMIGRANT. Messrs. G. Vininr. J. Johnstone, T. Lyon. Forrester, and John Drew ; Miss Kate Saville, Miss Stuart, and Mrs. J. Rouse. After which, the Lyceum Christmas Comic Extr sho avazan wing za, CRYS TABELLE ; or, The Rose without a . THE VISIO`7 OF A ROSE. ITS FADING AT E AND THE MAY-BLOOM OF THE WILD BRIAR. vE, To conclude with MORE BLUNDERS THAN ONE. Larry Hoolagan, Mr. John Drew. A DgLPHT, NEW THEATRE-ROYAL. j - 14, Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Beni. Webster. Igrs E-vENING, AN UGLY CUSTOMER. Messrs. J. Toole, C. Selby, and Warde ; Miss K. Kelly, and Miss E. Thorne. Alter which, THE COLLEEN BAWN. D. D. Fisher, Billington, Falconer, Stephenson. C. J. Smithßomer. Miss Agnes Robertson, Miss Woolgar, Mrs. Billington, and Mrs. Chatterley. To conclude with a new Burlesque Extravaganza, entitled BLUE BEARD FROM A NEW POINT OF FITTE. Messrs. J. L. Toole, P. Bedford. C. J. Smith ; Miss Woolgar, M. Kelly, Laidlaw, and F. Thorne. Doors open at half past 6—Commence at 7. Box-office open from 10 till 5. No charge for booking. Private boxes, £2 2s. ; Fily Boxes, It O rc h es tra Stalls, ss. • ' Balcony, 4s. ;am Front Circle Stalls, IL ; Amphitheatre, is ; Gallery, ed. Pit Stalls, 2 5 .; Pit, is. ; Acting Manager—Mr. Win. Smith. A Fruprs ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.— _ Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Was. BATTY. Last week of Mr. J. Crockett and the Trained Lions. A Grand Juvenile Fete will take place on Friday, Feb. 1, Commenclro• at two o'clock with the Pantomime, concluding with the:Lions. This Eyenin , , a new Spectacle, entitled THE LION CO'NQUEROR ; or, The Death Jungle, expressly for the introduction of the Wonders of the'iirorld, " The Groupe of Performing Lions." The Lion Conqueror, r. J. Crockett. To be succeeded by Scenes in the Arena M , supported by talented Parisian and British Artistes. Concluding' with Batty's Prize Equestian Comic Panto mime, for Good Little Boys and Girls, by T. L. Greenwood, entitled HARLEQUIN AND Tut WONDERFUL HORSE ; or. Percinet and Grociosa, the Ugly Duchess and the Greedy King, produced with Gorgeous Scenery. by Mr. Cuthbert, new Costumes and Appointments, and introducing in the comae scenes Batty's Prize Equestrian Harlequinade, and the celebrated Old Bob Ridley, and Brandon Ledger. Doors open at halt - Fast 6, pertormance commence at T. CANTERBURY -HALL PANTOMIME. "THE ENCHANTED HASH," EVERY EVENING. ENTERTAINING PEOPLE. 3rr. 31AnanALL and Mr. BELL. GOOD TEOPLE. Wildrome, j ) Fairies, with the usual mom- ) Mr. Marshall Primrose, plishments. j Mr. Bell. COMMON PEOPLE. Farmer Thickhead (a husbandman, with a Wife and Child, who make a fool of him) Mr. Bell. Giles Gosling (the mysterious Orphan. who runs after every MIRES, and afterwards Harlequin)Mr. Marshall. Dame Thickhead (Who having worn out the b ree ches, takes to Pantalo ons) Dolly (the bell of the village, which Giles in tends to ring the—changes to Columbine) .Mr. Marshall. BAD PEOPLE. ITowleygrowley, ,Demons of the blackest dye) Mr. Marshall Growleyhowley, and brightest Magenta. S Mr. Bell. COMIC PEOPLE. Harlequin.. ..... ............ Mr. F. BELL. Columbine ....... Mr. F. MARSHALL. Clown Panta100n............ .... Mr. F. BELL. Scene, CA.NTERISURY (that's) HALL ! —Time A.D. 186 1 , at half-past nine. Mr. B. A pack of nonsense! Mr. M. What we want— Mr. B. Pooh ! pooh ! The idea ! a Pantomime played by two! HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tara DAY. —Morning, 3h. 4m.—Afternoon, 3h. 26m. To-moaaow.-Morning, 3h. 46m.—Afternoon, 4h. sm. TICE WEATHER.—Svx OFFICE, JA. 27, 1881. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHAD N S. 51—highest since noon yesterday. 41 —lowest this morning and during the night. 0 —this day at noon. BAROMETER-30.29. WIND—South -Westerly—Light; with fine mild weather. JAN. 28. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADS. 51—highest since noon yesterday. 42—lowest this morning and during the night. 47—this day at noon. Ekuoml rEn-30.27. WIND—South -Westerly—light; with fine weather. --- ...,, ....%. . „.: ` , ":4 4 : , t'• ~.1 ~, , ..: „ „v i ....w.(. 0 ' • et ....;!- '4."'""'<l ) ' . ......p t „. ,6 1 ' 1 •V I 4i:k ,,, L.-L....4. ~,,,,,.....„...„ ~... ,- ... ~- ~~~ '2IIE SUN. I.ONDOtsr, MONDAY, JAN. 28, 1881. The Premier of the American Union, as it must still be called in courtesy, has given his views to the world in a speech to the Senate. Mr. SEWARD will stand in the same relation, as nearly as may be, to Mr. LINCOLN in March, as Lord PALMERSTON does to her MAJESTY ; and, prominent as he has so long been, as Senator for New York in Free State politics, his opinions are matter of interest to us all. He is, it is well known, strongly in favour of maintaining t he Union, and disposed to carry a conciliatory policy farther, perhaps, than the great majority of the inhabitants of the Free States; he may be regarded, therefore, as the ex positor of the mildest views taken on the subject there; indped, one reason why Mr. LINCOLN was preferred to him as a candidate for the Presidency was, that the latter would, it was expected, be much more inflexible in his dealings with the Southern States. Mr. LINCOLN'S accepting Mr. SEWARD as the head of his Cabinet, was, therefore, taken as an indication that the new President did not intend, at least at first, to push things to ex tremities. Mr. SEWARD, like all Northern men, exaggerates we think, the evil of division of the States. He pictures how fallen the two confederacies would appear in the eyes of foreign nations, and illus trates this by the respect now paid to an American man-of-war, and the contempt with which one of the ships of a feeble confederacy would be allowed to pass by. This May be true of the new Southern Confederacy, which would, doubtless, be feeble in deed, in a military point of view, and would never be able to carry out its favourite proje c t o f wres ti ng Caba from Spain, but the North with its wealth, manufactures, ene.7,37, and rapidly increasing po ptilation would soon' be as formidable a nation as the United States 110‘ y a re; above all, it would be looked upon with infinitely more respect, when frcied from the detested and antiquated barbarism of personal slavery. l'hat will save the Union, Mr. SEWARD finds it not easy to sq—b - uf kno*73 what will not tic, it. It will not be saved by mutual recriminations, or by debates in Congress on topics like that of the power of Congress over the territories, topics on which the opinions of parties have become dog matic ; it cannot be saved by proving secession to be illegal or unconstitutional, since persons bent on it have got beyond all concern for legality—nor, by discussing the right of coercion ; for the practical question will become this—whether secedin g States have a right to coerce the remaining ones to acquiesce in a dissolution; nor would a Union pre served by the sword be worth preserving. Con gressional compromises also will not save the Union ; on this important point we quote his reasons verbally—" I know indeed, that tra dition favours this form of remedy; But it is essential to its success, in any case, that there be found a . preponderating mass of citizens, so far neutral on the issue which separates parties that they can intervene, strike down clash- Thg weapons, and compel an accommodation. Moderate concessions are not customarily asked by a force with its guns in battery ; nor are liberal concessions apt to be given by an opposing force not less confident of its own right and its own strength. I think, also, that there is a prevailing conviction that legislatiTe compromises which sacrifice honestly cherished prbeiples, while they anticipate future exigencies evei if they do not assume extra constitutional powers, ,:re less sure to avert imminent evils than t he y are c rtain to,. produce ultimately even greater dangers. _lndeed, Mr. President, I think it will be wise to disi.'ard two prevalent ideas or prejudices, namely, first i that the Union is to be saved by somebody in par ti.a.s. - s-.-A sananilly, that it is to be saved by some cunning and insincere compact of pacification." Mr. SEWARD would certainly appear to have all American experience on his side ; for the Missouri compromise,and the Fugitive Slave Law compromise, and others, less or greater, between slavery and freedom, have been but the occasion of increased bitterness on the part of the outwitted North, and of attempts at further extension of political power on the part of the South. Mr. SEWARD strongly holds, however, that the right of Secession is inadmissible. It was not tole rated by JEFFERSON in 'lhe face of war with Eng land, when some of the New England politicians set np the principle, and if inadmissible in one case, it is necessarily so in all others. " I fully admit," he says, "the originality, the sovereignty, and the in dependence of the several states within their sphere. But I hold the Federal Government to be equally original, sovereign, and independent within its sphere. The Union can be dissolved, not by seces sion, with or without armed force, bat only by the voluntary consent of the people of the United States, collected in the manner prescribed by the constitution of the United States." His view is that after the present excitement has cooled down, " When the angry excitement of the hour shall have subsided, and calmness once more shall have resumed its aceustomed sway over the public mind, then, and not until then—one, two, or three years hence—l should cheerfully advise a convention of the people to be assembled, in pursuance of the con stitution, to consider and decide whether any and 1 what amendments of the organic national law ought to be made." Nor is Mr. SEWARD backward in indicating generally what he thinks might be proposed as amendments of the constitution, which should be fair between the contending parties, and give some hope of permanent satisfaction. He acknowledges the principle of the extradition of the fugitive from slavery. No doubt it was on that principle that the slave states first entered into the Union ; but we conceive the principle to be the curse and bane of the free states. If they cannot form a Union with out it, they had better separate. A fugitive from slavery zs, to all intents and purposes, a political refugee; he ought not, by all the laws of nations, to be dealt with on other grounds. He flees from a political constitution under which he cannot have the freedom to which he aspires ; he was no party to the infernal oppression which uses him as a beast of burden in cultivating cotton, sugar, rice, or tobacco ; he has the same right to flee as Poles, Hungarians, or Neapolitans have had— indeed, infinitely stronger reason, if not stronger right, to do so ; and in amending the constitution, if the Northern " Sovereign States" took counsel with their "sovereign" dignity and their future position in the world, they would strike out that accursed compromise inserted in the constitution, which declares that " persons held to labour by the laws of one State" shall be delivered up if they escape into another. Indeed, as has often been urged, though the meaning of the clause was well known when presented, yet as the word " slave" was firmly repudiated, it might be fairly argued that the escaped slave was not a " person" held to labour. The claim on him is made as on a chattel, a property, not a person. If the idea of person be introduced, the slaveholder might be asked to produce the proof that the per son had ever acted as such—had ever made any agreement to work on any such conditions, as the humblest person would make with the claiming party. If the Union be dissolved, the Northern States will not be slow to find out that negroes are persons, and the Southern States to discover that their slaves will be free by crossing a portion much nearer than that of Canada. We regret therefore to find Mr. SEWARD appeal ing to the constitution as a satisfactory basis of action in this style—" So far the abstract question, whether, by the constitution of the United States, the bondsman, who is made such by the laws of a State, is still a man or only property, I answer that, within that State, its laws on that subject are supreme ; that when he has escaped from that State into another, the constitution regards him as a bonds man who may not, by any law or regulation of that State, be discharged from its service, but shall be delivered up, on claim, to the party to whom his service is due." He acknowledges, indeed, that the Fugitive Slave Law is too bad—he would amend, not abolish it, but would also repeal the personal liberty acts of the Northern States. This is what he means when he says, " While , prudence and justice would combine in persuading you to modify the acts of Con- i l gress on that subject, so as not to oblige pri vate persons to assist in their execution, and to protect freemen from being, by the abuse of the laws, carried into slavery, I agree that all laws of the States, whether free States or slave States, which relate to this class of persons, or any others recently coming from or resident in other States, and which laws contravene the Censtitution of the United States, or any law of Congress passed in conformity thereto, ought to be repealed." He is willing to vote for an amendment of the Constitution, which shall make it impossible for Congress ever to abolish slavery in any of the States which have legalised it. We thought, how ever, that Congress had not now that power. Certainly the free States havo always declared themselves, hitherto, free from the guilt of slavery on this particular ground. On one point he seems, however, to speak very . decid e dl y , "I thi n k," he says, "that Con gress has migive and sovereign authority to THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 28, 1861. tions, under another title, compiling un ostentatiously enough his autobiography. Latest of all—M. GuizoT has spoken again in France in the hearing of a great assembly of Frenchmen—he has mounted the rostrum once more in the midst of Paris, and has there (after how low an interval of silence ?) delivered an ora tion, half literary, half political, has spoken eloquently and effectively in his capacity as one of the forty French Academicians. No wonder all Paris has, during this last week, been in a state of feverish excitement. After so prolonged an intellectual stagnation even this momentary re laxation of the grim system of silence—silence both of the Press and of the Tribune—must have about it something exquisite in the mere sense of relief ! One can only compare it —this rapturous sense of relief—to some such touching incident in the life of genius, as that related towards the close of Lord BYRON'S career at Missolonghi. When the bandage fastened tightly round his aching temples—that bandage, like a tourniquet, which he had long vainly sought his attendants to unfasten—when that agonising bandage was at length unwound, and the dying poet shed tears of gratitude at the mere sensation of its loosening ! It has so happened now during this last week at Paris that the tyrannous ban placed by the Empire upon the Tribune has been so far withdrawn for the moment that, within a very few days, throngs of Frenchmen have listened with breathless delight to the voices of three great living orators of France speaking to them—one in a court of justice, two in the rostrum of the Academy ! Paris Ras thrilled to hear— France (England, too, by sympathy) '! is thrilling to hear the echo of those three renowned and potent voices, the voices of the great avocat, M. BERRYER, of the great statesman and Homme de lettres, M. GUIZOT, and of the great Dominican Monk, the PERE DE LACOIDAIRE. When they are hushed again—the echoes of those three wonderful voices—when there comes back once more over Franse the cold deadening silence of these last ten years, that double silence of the Press and of the Tribune, will there not lie deep in the hearts of every Frenchman who can think and feel a pang of bitter recollection ? Does NAPOLEON 111. ever think of this—as not by any means the least recognisable result of his rigid despotism, as not by any means the least depressing and tormenting result to France and to Frenchmen, as not by any means a result calculated to prove the least perilous eventually to his own imperial and imperious Government ? LATEST NEWS. legislilte on all subjects whatever, in the common territor ,: es of the United States, and I certainly shall never, directly or indirectly, give my vote to ' establish or sanction. slavery in such territories, or anywhere else in the world." This is the grand j point of contention between the two great parties, and if the Republicans be firm on this point they will attain their great object. They are' masters of the situation," for if secession be completed, they are so much the stronger side that they will take the territories into their own hands, whether the South likes or not. But if it be finally renounced, slavery limited, as it must be, to the States where it now will in time be overpowered by surrounding free dom, or die out of itself. Whether Mr. SEWARD'S speech will produce much effect remains to be seen. The President recommends the old Missouri compromise; Mr. SEWARD, only what we have just seen. At present, neither proposals will be accepted by either party, and corrupting and enfeebling as the vicious principles of the South must even be on the North, if accepted by it, we begin to think that peaceful secession may be the best thing for the only part of America, in which England feels any social and political interest—the Free States. Intellect, we all know, is in France under the ban of the iron despotism of the Imperial Govern ment. It has been thus ever since the overthrow of the Republic of February. The Tribune was broken up and burnt as effectually by the coup d'etat as ever was that throne of LOUIS PHILIPPE which, in the early spring of 1848, was torn ' f;:oln its dais in the Tuileries, and carried in trio spn auwn the Boulevards by the insurgent DemoeleY . And not only was the French Tri bune virtually destroyed as an institution ago by that dominant BONAPARTE ten long yea." l3 of our age, N „-ho has been since then reigning but the French Press under there as Severeiga n t the same inexorable regime has been put under grim and gagging pad lock and key, under tie lock of the Imperial censorship. With a Free Press ouogelves and the most perfect liberty of Speech as well as of printing —we have been looking on, all this while, not without emotion, not without profound sympathy, at the painful contrast presented to view in both these particulars by the condition of our Gallic neighbours. During ten years that condition has to all intents and purposes remained identi cally the same. It is the same at this present moment—undiminished, unrelaxed, un mitigated. During ten years France has been, France still is, altogether without a living litera ture. Her journalists, once so powerful, have lapsed into comparative insignificance. Her orators have remained dumb all this while almost unin terruptedly. If a voice has been heard for a brief interval now and then from the Tribune of the Imperial Chambers, it has been that of one of the liveried Senators or of the Count DE MORNY (uterine brother of his MAJESTY) their President. Has a hybrid literary success been achieved for a moment at rare intervals—it has been some flippant prose-pasquinade from the pen of M. EDMOND ABOUT, in which sarcasm has merged into scurrility, in which pleasantry has been exaggerated into caricature ; or, on the other hand, it has been some honeyed effusion of elaborated loyalty authenticate! with the timbre of the Imperial Government, and signed by the pensioned and decorated Count DE LA. GUER RONIERE. 'We are not alluding to facts in any way merely surmised or vaguely rumoured—we are writing about what has all this while been matter of absolute notoriety. And while such and such only has been the "situation" in Paris, throughout France, for ten long years—how have the great literary celebrities of France been all this while occupied ? Is not that also matter of equal noto riety all over Europe ? Don't we all know that during the last few years of his life the voice of BERANGER was completely hushed as a chan sonnier t Moreover—how many years is it now during which M. DE LAMARTINE has been strug gling in noble obscurity against apparently interminable pecuniary misfortunes, without the heart to give to the world another of those great products of his poetic imagination which originally won for him his resplendent repu tation ? True, it is, no doubt, that the historic mas terpiece of M. TRIERS has in the meanwhile been gradually approaching its completion volume by volume, until the last volume is now actually upon the eve of its appearance. But then the very nature of that great work sufficiently explains how it has come to be continued thus exceptionally —is it not the literary and political apotheosis of NAPOLEON the GREAT, is it not consequently thereby the extenuation, and, still more, the glorifi cation of Bonapartism ? Yet simultaneously with the unrolling by M. TITTERS thus uninterruptedly of the magnificent historic scroll of his an nals of the Consulate and the Empire under NAPOLEON, under the NAPOLEON—how has it been with others of his contemporaries ? Say with the most popular class of all among them, with the class the most generally read, the gay romance writers, the feuilletonists. Ah, well with them—how has it been ? Did not EUGENE SUE die in exile with all the romance taken out of him ? Has not ALEIANDRE DUMAS been striving almost in desperation one might conjecture, to keep his hand "in" as a public writer by editing a little journal at Naples, and seeing through the press the romantic narrative of Gen. GARIBALDI'S autobiography ? Another famous writer of France —not a mere ephemeral novelist either, like the Gallic Alexandre le Grand, whose greatest mas terpieces of fiction, such as that wonderful " Monte Cristo," can scarcely be regarded as literature —Another celebrated author of France, an author in every way far beyond DUMAS pere et fils together an author great at once as a Romancist, as a Poet, and as a Dramatist— a gorgeous romancist, an exquisite poet, a play wright of lofty and impassioned genius —who will not recognise him under those truthful designa tion ? Yes—there is yet unmentioned that great man of letters—there is VICTOR HUGO. And is it not familiar to us all how long he, too, has been in exile, eating his heart out in the Island of Jersey ? M. DE MONTALMIDERT, without doubt, has once or twice ventured to break through the general silence, and, through the unambitious medium of a luminous pamphlet, not unworthy of him as a Liberal or as a Christian—but he has paid the penalty of his rashness in a state prosecution, in an adverse verdict, and worst of all in an Imperial pardon ! Another European writer and orator of France has yet to be particularised —one whose voice has long been hushed, whose pen has chiefly during these ten years past been busy for the London publishers —in a word, there is M. GulzoT, latterly con tenting himself with °editing historico-political treatises upon our English Statesmen, coming down as recently in his survey as Sir ROBERT PEEL, and going as far back as His Highness OLITER CROM WELL. Later, however, than this—M. GUIZOT has been penning the Memoirs of his Own Times, recounting in them his personal recollec- (REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.) TURIN, JAN. 28. The elections to the Italian Parliament have been conducted with order and tranquillity. The members for Turin are—Cavour, Miglietti, and Cassinis. Among the deputies elected in the provinces are —General Cialdini, Admiral Persano, General Sir tori, Signori Malenchini, Fabrizii, Ribetti, General La Marmora, Signor Ratazzi, and other satisfac- tory names. The result of the elections in Southern Italy are still expected. FLORENCE, JAN. 28. The deputies elected to the Italian Parliament at Florence are—Baron Ricasoli and Signori Peruzzi and Ginori. At Bologna—Signori Minghetti, Pepoli,, Berti, and Pichat. The result of the elections is generally favourable ,o the Ministry. PESTH, JAN. 28. The assembly of the Comitat of Stuhlweissen burg has voted an address energetically demanding the restitution of the property of Count Batthyani, which the Comitat says has been illegally confis cated. The same Comitat has also demanded the recall of the heirs of Count Bathyani, who are abroad as refugees. VIENNA, JAN. 28. The ost Deutsche Post says :—" There is no doubt that the convocation of the Imperial Assembly of Representatives, elected by direct popular vote in the German and Sclavonian provinces, will take place at an early period, most probably in April." GENOA, JAN. 25 (via Marseilles). The Corriere ,f let-cc:utile of to-day says :—The bombardment of Gaeta is continued with prodigious effect from the batteries on the land side, conjointly with the powerful co-operation of the fleet. It is hoped that success will attend the efforts of the besiegers in a few days. The fleet withdrew on the morning of the 23d instant, after having silenced nearly all the enemy's batteries, in order to repair damages. It was to recommence the bombard ment on the same evening. MARSEILLES, JAN. 26. A Russian frigate has left Toulon, but has not proceeded to Gaeta. Her destination is Villafranca, where the commander will await fresh orders. FRANCE. BOURSE, Sam 2G.—The market has been dull, as far as the amount of business is concerned ; but the English funds having arrived without any further decline, prices have obtained a slight improvement. The following are the last quotations :- 41 per per Cents ... 97 10 Credit Foicier 915 Do end month.... 97 —1 Belgian 4t 9B 75 3 per Cents Do. end month 67 60 Roman Bank Shares 2900 Austrian Credit Mobilier.... 667 501 Spanish Threes 47 50 Do. Account 666 25 ; Home Debt AMERICA. REUTER'S EXPRESS. LIVERPOOL, SUNDAY. The Royal mail steamship Australasian, Captain Hockley, which left New York on the 16th instant, arrived in the Mersey at two o'clock this afternoon. A telegraphic summary of the news (received via Queenstown) has already been published. There is but little news of importance from Charleston. The South Carolina Legislature has declared that any at tempt by the Federal Govern ment to reinforce Fort Sumter will be regarded as an act of open hostility and a declaration of war. The Legislature has approved of the attack upon the Star of the West, and decided to support the Governor in all measures of defence. Military companies were arriving at Charleston from all parts of the State. Governor Pickens has tele graphed to the President of the Bank of the Republic, of this city, that no vessel will be dis turbed or prevented from entering the harbour of Charleston, unless bearing hostile troops or muni tions of war for Fort Sumter. The South Carolina Secretaries of War and State went on the 11th to Fort Sumter, under a flag of truce. There is great excitement, and all sorts of rumours are afloat as to their object, but nothing certain is publicly known. The secretaries remained two hours at Fort Sumter. It is believed the visit was not hostile. Mr. Gourdin, a member of the South Carolina Convention, went to Fort Sumter this morning, and held a private parley with Major Anderson. All kinds of rumours prevail as to the cause of the sending of a flag of truce by South Carolina last night. Some say that disaffection exists among Major Anderson's men, and others that a surrender of the fort is contemplated, and that it will be evacuated. It is believed the negotiations with Washington are going on for a peaceful surrender of the fort, and for the cessation of a warlike attitude. Colonel Hayne, on the part of South Carolina, and Lieut. Hall, on the part of Major Anderson, left for Washington with proposals, and to obtain further instructions. A Charleston despatch of the 13th says :—" Eight working men came away last night in a boat from Fort Sumter; they report the soldiers on short allowance." Last night was quiet. The excitement of the people has subsided, and there are great hopes that the ultimatum of South Carolina sent to Wash ington by Messrs. Hayne and Hall will give peace. Nothing of importance transpired at Charleston on the 15th. The largest crowd that ever assembled inside the United States Senate House assembled on the 12th to hear the speech of Hon. W. H. Seward on the National Crisis. The full Diplomatic Corps were in attendance, the galleries were crammed almost to suffocation, and numbers went away unable to obtain admission. Mr. Seward's remarks were listened to with the most profound attention. No business of special importance was done by the Senate. On the 14th Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, pre sented in the Senate a bill proposing amendments to the constitution, to be voted on by the people on the 12th of February. This bill carries out substantially the ideas of Mr. Crittenden, though with some vhriation of detail. In the absence of Mr. Crittenden, and other senators, Mr. Bigler preferred to postpone its consideration and refer ence. During a brief discussion relating to it, Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, announced the secession of his state from the Union, and said that although he and his colleague had not yet received official notice of the States action, they should decline here after to take part in the Senate's proceedings. Mr. Grimes, of lowa, offered a resolution, which was laid over, calling upon the President for informa tion relative to alleged intention of certain men, or bodies of men, to obstruct the free navigation of the Mississippi. Consideration of the Crit tenden resolutions was postponed. Mr. Polk, of Missouri, then addressed the Senate, the subject under consideration being the resolution offered by Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, calling for information regarding the Pttorept to ieinfbrce the garrison at Fort Sumter. He found the republican party answerable for all the ills which now afilict the country, and insisted that the only means by which the Union could be saved was through such guarantees from the North to the South as would assure the latter equal rights and facilities in it. In the Senate on the 15th a number of memorials were presented, urging the passage of the Crittenden resolutions, and they were taken up as the special order. After a short discussion, however, they were laid over again to make way for the Pacific Railroad Bill, which had also been appointed as a special order. A motion to postpone its considera tion was defeated—ayes, 12 ; noes, .39. Subse quently two other motions, one of them made by Mr. Crittenden, were defeated; and after consider able debate the Senate adjourned, pending a motion by Mr. Benjamin, of Louisiana, to amend the section relating to guarantees. In the House of Representatives on the 12th, Mr. Clark, of Missouri, asked leave to offer a resolution in reference to the reported occupation of the Government buildings at St. Louis, by United States' troops, and moved a suspension of the rules ; but objections were made, and the resolution was not entertained. The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Mississippi delegates announcing their withdrawal from Congress. An attempt wa s made by Southern members to have their names and those of the Carolina delegation stricken from the roll of the house, but it did not succeed. The Navy Appropriation Bill was then taken up, and a long debate followed a motion to strike out all appropriations, on the ground that the navy was to be used to make war upon the seceding States. The Southern members announced their intention to defeat appropriation for the army and navy by the usual parliamentary expedients, and a full debate could be had. A compromise, however, was finally effected, on an agreement that a three days' debate should take place on the army and navy appropriations, and the navy bill was allowed to pass. On the 14th, in the house, Mr. English, of Indiana, asked leave to offer a resolution, instruct ing the committee of 33 to report the proposition of Mr. Crittenden for the pacification of the coun try, but objections were made, when Mr. English gave notice that at the proper time he should mov e a suspension of the rules, and subsequently did so but without success. Several measures were in troduced bearing on the present condition of affairs, which were referred to the select committee of five on the President's message. A resolution was adopted instructing that committee to consider and report, as soon as possible, uron that portion of the message which recommends that a vote of the people be taken upon the great questions at issue between the North and South. Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, made an effort to appoint to-day for the consideration of the bill providing for the organisation and discipline of the militia of the district of Columbia, but he failed by one vote. The house then went into committee of the whole on the Army Appropriation Bill, and the general debate, which was on Saturday agreed to, was commenced by Mr. M'Clernard, of Illinois, who took strong ground against the right of seces sion, and closed with an appeal to all conservative men to rally to the support of the Constitution and the Union. Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, presented the majority report of the committee of 33. Mr. Taylor, of Louisiana, obtained leave to have the minority report printed. On the 15th, in the house, Mr. Harris, Maryland, presented a petition, signed by 12,000 citizens the nsof Baltimore, irrespective of party, praying for adoption of Mr. Crittenden's Compromise Resolu tions. The house then went into committee of the whole on the Army Bill, and the general debate on the condition of the country was continued. Messrs. Hayne and Guardin, messengers from the Governor of South Carolina, and Lieut. Hall, bearer of despatches from Mjr. Anderson, arrived atWash ington, on the 14th. The latter immediately sought an interview with the President, but the object of his mission had not been made public. Nothing had officially transpired respecting the mission of th• gentlemen from South Carolina, but it was believed to have reference to measures for the prevention of hostilities. The New York Herald says :—" Our Washing ton despatches reveal the object of the mission of Col. Hayne, the envoy of South Carolina to Wash ington. It is to demand of the Federal Govern ment the surrender of Fort Sumter. The South Carolina authorities notified Major Anderson of their determination to capture the fort if it was not given up, and the Majorin reply stated that he had no alternative but to defend it. He however agreed to refer the subject for decision to his superiors. It is stated that the President will not yield to the proposition of Col. Hayne. There appears to be no doubt that if the Fort is not surrendered the South Carolinians will attack it." The New ork Times Washington correspondent telegraphs on the 13th :—To-day has been the quietest that we have had here for a month. Mr. Seward's speech, despite the articles in the Constitution, which denounces it in unmeasured phrase, has had a decidedly soothing effect and is doing much good. Mr. Crittenden declares that it is in the right direction, patriotic and states manlike. The Southern extremists insist that it offers nothing, but the more moderate confess that it reassures the South as to the purposes of the incom ing Administration, and indicates that there is no insuperable obstacle to the South getting constitu tional guarantee:against Northern interference with slavery in the States, and some amicable mode of settling the territorial question. The best effect of the speech is to allay irritation, and to enable all parties to reflect on a future course. The most troublesome issue now relates to Fort Sumter. It was announced to-day that no rein forcements will be sent to that point at present, as they are not seceded ; but I have good reason to believe it to be the cottled purpose of the Adminis tration to vindicate the flag of the Union by send ing, as soon as the department can be properly arranged, the means. The chief difficulty is the scarcity of war vessels suited to this emergency. It is not considered imperative to retake at pre sent the many forts at other southern points, which it will burden the State to maintain, but the feel ing is strong that Government cannot with honour remain driven out of Charleston harbour since the unsuccessful effort to enter already made. Some apprehension is felt that the Charlestonians may refuse to let Lieut. Talbot return to Fort Sumter unless they are assured first that his instructions are peaceful, but, if he fails to return in reasonable time, Major Anderson will understand why, and be heard from again when the American flag is fired on again. It is reported here that a collector at some minor post in South Carolina maintains his loyalty to the Union, and refusing fealty to the Secession Government, has been arrested for treason. The important question arises, shall the Federal Government interfere for his rescue. Go vernor Pickens, of South Carolina, having a balance of 3,400 dols. due to him as late Minister to Russia, sent here for it. The Department adjusted his accounts by sending him a draft on the Charles ton Sub-Treasury, the monies in which have been seized by the State. A Washington telegram of the 15th says :—" Ths resolution of the New York bankers, at their meet ing on the 12th to sustain the Government with money, is hailed here as a most encouraging token of confidence in its stability, and chills the movers for the Southern Confederacy, for they foresee that the two Republics cannot borrow in the same market. Private advices from Texas, just received indi cate the probability that the Disunionists will be badly beaten there. Letters from Louisiana express the opinion that the co-operationists will give the immediate seces sionists a close race, if the former do not indeed control the convention. The secession leaders are much annoyed by the conservatism of the several Southern States which hesitate to plunge into revolution, and are endea vouring to provoke some new issue that shall drive the Conservatives into extremes. This is urged here by the friends of the: zulmini.tration as a good reason for the forbearance relative to the recent affair at Charleston. Lieutenant-General Scott is engaged making pre parations to guard against a possible breach of the peace in Washington, ',consequent on the present political agitation. Effective military forces are to be posted in parts of the city. It is not pro bable that any but regular troops and the militia will be employed for the purpose. It is rumoured that Government had positive information of an intended attack on the Treasury here by a mob, whose purpose was robbery under the pretext of revolution. A troop, numbering 260 Light Artillery, have arrived here with horses and equipments by special trains. They are quartered at the Arsenal, pointing on the Potomac, about half a mile from the capital. The New York Times says :—" The programme for the establishment of the Southern Confederacy is understood to be already perfected. Georgia, it is expected, will have declared herself out of the Union by the 19th. When this event shall have happened delegates from South Carolina, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, and Georgia will assemble at Milledgeville, in the latter state, to take steps to establish a Provisional Government and elect a President and Vice-President pro tempore, provide for an army, and initiate other defensive measures. It is the intention, also, to despatch ministers immediately to foreign powers to negotiate treaties. It is possible that the states mentioned may be left alone in this movement, as indications are not wanting that their precipitate action will not be followed by either Louisiana or Texas, upon both of which states the Secessionists have counted." A telegram from Pensacola announces that Fort Barrancos and the Navy Yard at that place had been taken possession of by the Alabama and Florida troops. It will be recollected that only a few days since, probably in anticipation of this movement, the Government forces at Pensacola were all concentrated at Fort Pickens, the strongest of the three fortifications at that place, so that in reality the seizure is very much like that of Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney, in Charleston Har bour, after Major Anderson had evacuated them for the stronger position of Fort Sumter. A telegram from Colonel Todd, in command of Fort Monroe in Mobile Bay, says he has plenty of men, guns, and ammunition to prevent any hostile force approaching Mobile. • The United States sloop of war Brooklyn has returned to Hampton Roads. Governor Hicks had again refused to call a Con- vention. United States' Circuit Co ur t d S j m u a r l y le , y in d t e h li e vered an important charge to the at JudgeNgn e r w a York, on the 14th, on the law of high treason. He told them that the seizure of United States property, and firing on the United States flag by persons owing allegiance to the United States, constituted high treason by levying war; that no State could absolve citizens from their allegiance to the general Government ; and that neither South Carolina nor any other state could legally protect citizens of other states in waging war against their Government. He laid down the legal definition of treason, and declared it to be the duty of all good and true citizens to do everything in their power to suppress rebellion, expose treason, and bring traitors to justice. The services of the whole of the Ist Division of the New York State Militia had been tendered to the Commander-in-Chief. The steamship Star of the West, with two hundred United States' troops and four officers, which had been despatched hence for the reinforcement of the garrison of Fort Sumter, returned to New York on the 12th, after as ineffectual effort to land troops at their place of destination. It was with great difficulty that an entrance was effected into the harbour of Charles ton, 013 account of the removal of the coast lights and ranges, and the displacement of buoys ; but when the steamer had penetrated to within two miles of the fort, she was fired upon from a maske d battery on Morris Island. Seventeen shots Wer e discharged, apparently from an eighteen and forty-four pounder, two of which shots struck the !.AILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans 1392 50 .. 1392 50 Northern 958 75 .. 958 75 New ditto Lyons and :Mediterranean 916 25 .. 916 2.5 Geneva 371 25 .. 370 Southern 5lO 511 25 Western Eastern Sardinian 375 .. 375 Au stri Lowbard 470 463 75 GAETA. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the King of the Two Sicilies has addressed the following circular to the diplomatic agents of his Sovereign at foreign Courts : " GAETA, JAN. 18. " Monsieur le : The admiral of:the imperial squadron proposed to the King, in the name of the Emperor of the French, an armistice which, commencing on the 9th, was to last to the 19th. The admiral declared that if this proposi tion were not accepted the squadron would withdraw in a week ; and if accepted it would remain until sunset of the above day, when hostilities would recommence, and the Sardinian squadron would be at liberty to bombard Gaeta This alternative was a sad one, because either involved the departure of the fleet and the interruption to all communi cation with the rest of the world. The armistice in itself was unfavourable to us, because our defences could not be increased, and the Sardinians required time to complete their means pf attack. Nevertheless, his Majesty accepted it not only from considerations of humanity, but because it was the desire of the Emperor of the French. This is why the Governor of Gaeta accepted all the articles pro posed ; but the proposal that a French officer should be present to see that no works were carried on by either party was refused by General Cialdini, a refusal which was afterwards confirmed by his Sovereign. We, however, did not refuse to observe the truce, and, although we heard every hour of the progress of the enemy's works we respected the conditions, and we cannot be accused of not having been faithful to this indirect armistice. From to-morrow the port of Gaeta will be blockaded and open to attack by sea ; from to-morrow the very vessels of his Majesty, delivered over by the most infamous treason to the King of Sardinia, will come and throw their shells on disarmed families who have sought refuge here, and on the legitimate King and Queen of the Two Sicilies. It cannot be believed that Europe will any longer remain im• passable at the spectacle of a King recognised by all the Powers despoiled of his States by the most iniquitous aggressions, a prey to all the horrors of a long bombard ment, without any other crime than the courage of bravely defending the last bulwark of the monarchy against a cowardly invasion. The King is resolved to meet to the end all the perils of his position. Blocked in and attacked at the same time by sea and land, he may fall under the ruins of the place, or be made prisoner by his enemies. Whatever may be his 'fate, his Majesty is ready to meet it with that greatness of soul and that firmness of which he has given such constant proofs during the last five months. Against what has happened and what may take place it is useless to protest. The moral feeling of every right minded man will do so, and if Europe abandons the King, his Majesty will not abandon himself, but will do his duty as a Sovereign to the end. You have seen by the journals what is the true state of the king dom of Naples and of unfortunate Sicily—mistrust, absence of security, and ruin. The inhabitants in every part rise spontaneously, and protest in favour of their legitimate Sovereign against foreign domination. Under these cir cumstances the King, wishing not to save his own person which he exposes every day to the greatest dangers, but to secure against humiliation and insult the royal dignity which he represents, has a right to hope that in the unequal struggle which is about to continue, the Powers of Europe will declare, yes or no, whether they recognise the blockade which is about to be established without any declaration of war by the squadron now in the power of Sardinia. And if this blockade be not recognised his Majesty has at least the confidence that a collective summons willbe sent to the King of Sardinia to guarantee the liberty of our Sovereign if the arm of a desperate siege should spare his life, and to secure against outrage the person of the young Queen, who with a magnanimity worthy of her heart, and insensible to all personal peril, has resisted the most incessant prayers, to devote herself in the hospitals to the care of the wounded. You are authorised, Monsieur le —, to read this despatch, and to deliver a copy of it. " CASELLA." The will'of Major-General Frederick Blundell, C. 8., of her Majesty's Indian Army, was proved in the principal registry in London on the 18th of the present month, by his relict, the acting executrix in this country, probate having been first granted in the supreme Court of Judicature in Madras, on the 26th of October last, to William Arbuthnot, Esq., merchant, Adyar, in that Presidency, who is the lawfully appointed attorney of Major John Debii sey Mein, of the Indian Army, one other of the executors, the testator having been possessed of property in India and in England. The General died on the sth of July, 1860, at Cheltenham, in Gloucestershire. His will bears date the 27th of March, 1857. The General has bequeathed all his money, Indian securities, Government paper, and all other investments to his wife for her life, and has also bequeathed to her the rest of his personal property absolutely, and upon her decease he directs the invested property to be divided equally amongst his four daughters, share and share alike. To his executor, Major Mein, he has left a legacy of 1,000 rupees,—lllustrated London Nom COTTON FROM DEMERARA. A letter from a contemporary says :—As so much anxiety is at present manifested in influen tial quarters as to the future supply of cotton for our mills, perhaps you will be good enough to per mit me, through the aid of your columns, to direct attention to British Guiana as an inexhaustible source from which cotton can be obtained. Mr. Anthony Trollope, that intelligent traveller as well as sprightly and forcible writer, in his West Indies and Spanish Main, says : " British Guiana consists of three provinces—viz,, Ber bice, Demerara, and Essequibo, so called from the three great rivers of the country. . . Demerara is flat. Ber bice is flat, and so is Essequibo. The whole laid is formed by the mud which has been brought down by these great rivers and others. . . To the rear there is an eternity of mud running back to unknown mountains, the wildernesses of the Brazil, the river Negro, and the tributaries of the Amazon; an eternity of sugar capability. . . Guiana is an enormous extent of flat mud, the alluvial deposit of those mighty rivers which for so many years have been scraping together earth in those wild unknown upland countries, and bringing it down conveniently to the sea board, so that the world might have sugar to its tea. . . There is no limit to the fertility and extent of this region. The only limit is in labour. The present culture only skirts the seaboard and the river sides." Then, after giving a correct description of the figure and boundaries of an estate, he says, speaking of the owner ; " He starts from the water, and is bounded on each side ; but backwards 1 backwards he may cultivate canes up to the very Andes, if he only could get Coolies. Oh, ye soft hearted, philanthropic gentry of the Anti .Slavery Society, only think of that ; a million hogsheads of sugar—and you like cheap sugar yourselves,—if you will only be quiet, or talk on subjects that you understand." A Cabinet Council was held on Saturday at the official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury in Downing-street. The members present were—Viscount Palmerston, the Lord Chancellor, Earl Granville, the Duke of Argyll, Sir G. Cornwall Lewis, Lord John Russell, the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Herbert, Sir Charles Wood, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Duke of Somerset, Right Hon. C. P. Villiers, Sir George Grey, Lord Stanley of A lderley, Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson, and the Right Hon. E. Cardwell. MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.—The following eir• cular has been addressed to the liberal members of the House of Commons : "94, Piccadilly, 22d January, 1861. Sir,—As matters of considerable importance will come tinder discussion at the meeting of Parliament on Tuesday, the sth of February, I shall feel greatly obliged by your attendance in the House of Commons on that day. I have the honour to be, yours faithfully, PALMERSTON." The Address in the House of Commons, in reply to the Speech from the Throne, to be moved by Sir E. Colobrooke, will be seconded by Mr. Charles Paget, M.P. for Nottingham. The Duke of Sutherland continues daily to regain his strength. His Excellency the Earl of Carlisle, Lord and Lady Blantyre, and the Duke and Duchess of Argyll, are staying with the Duchess of Trentham. The Marquis and Marchioness of Westminster left Grosvenor-house on Saturday, for Eaton Hall, near Chester. ----- • The Right Hon. B. Disraeli and Mrs. Disraeli have arrived at Grosvenor• gate from Windsor Castle, where they have been on a visit to her Majesty and the Prince Consort. The Lord Chief Justice, Sir Alexander Cockburn, has during the past week been compelled to absent himself from the Court of Queen's Bench by indisposition. We are glad to find that his lordship is now convalescent, and will probably resume his judicial functions in his court to day, or to-morrow. SIR BENJAMIN BRODIE.—This distinguished surgeon (we learn from the Medical Times and Gazette) underwent the operation for extraction of cataract from the right eye on Monday last. Favourable reports were given of the progress of Sir Benjamin up to Saturday afternoon. CALLS TO THE BAR.—The undermentioned gen tlemen were called to the bar on Saturday :—lnner Temple. —John Walter Tyas, Esq. ; Thomas Neilsen Underwood, Esq.; Charles William Mackillop, Esq. ; Henry William Franklyn, Esq., B.A. ; William Henry Mellor, Esq.; Thomas Green, Esq. ; Felix Hargrave Hamel, Esq. ; Henry Brooks, Esq , B.A. ; John Barker Thornber, Esq.; Henry Goldwyer, Esq. ; and John Martineau, Esq., B.A. Middle Temple.—Thomas Henchman Buckerfield, Esq., of 10, Southampton-buildings ; Henry Michael Durphy, Esq., of 3, Dr. Johnson's-buildings ; George William Paul, Esq., of 4, Elm-court ; Alfred Richards, Esq., of Lamb-build ing ; and Thomas Henry Goodwin Newton, Esq., 8.A., of 4, Hare-court, and St. John's College, Cambridge. Lin coln's-inn.—Deane Parker Pennethorne, Esq., 8.A., Cam bridge (Certificate of Honour, first class) ; Percy Simpson, Esq., M.A., Cambridge ; Arthur Giles Puller, Esq., M.A., Cambridge ; Joseph William Dunning, Esq., M.A., Cam bridge ; George Worthington, Esq. ; Charles Robt. Flet • cher Lutwidge, Esq., 8.A., Cambridge ; Paul Penton, Esq., 8.A., Cambridge; Edmond Robert Wodehouse, ; Charles Collett, Esq. ; Horace Davey, Esq., M.A., Ox- M.A., Oxford ; Arthur Dixon, ford ; John Liddon, Esq., Esq. ; Charles Synge Christopher Bowen, Esq., 8.A., Ox ford ; George Randall Johnson, Esq., 8.A., Cambridge ; Bernard Cracroft, Esq., M.A., Cambridge; Wm. Halfhide Allen, Esq., M.A. and .E.c.L„ Oxford; Frederick James Quick, 8.A., Cambridge; Robert Smith, Esq. ; Angelo John Lewis, Esq., 8.A., Oxford ; Charles Stewart, Esq. ; Mark William Hunter, Esq., 8.A., Carabridge ; Henry Augustus Clavering, Esq. ; and William John Belt, Esq., M.A., Cambridge. Gray's-inn.—Richard C. Rogers, Esq.; Timothy O'Brien O'Freely, Esq., L.L.D. ; and Julian Emanuel Salomons, Esq. BATHING IN THE JORDAN.---The shore was muddy with the feet of the pilgrims, and the river so rapid that I hardly dared to get beyond the mud. I did manage to take a plunge in, head foremost, but I was forced to wade out through the dirt and slush, so that I found it difficult to make my feet and legs clean enough for my shoes aid stockings ; and then, moreover, the flies plagued me most unmercifully. I should have thought that the filthy fla vour from the Dead Sea would have saved from that nuis ance ; but the mosquitoes thereabouts are probably used to it. Finding this process of bathing to be so difficult, I in quired as to the practice of the pilgrims. I found that with them, bathing in Jordan has come to be much the same as baptism with us. It hardly means immersion. No doubt they do take off their shoes and stockings ; but they do not strip and go bodily into the water.—London .review. - • # • 101 mi cot of diE be co of St 1.& Ca 20,