The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-08 00:00:00

! i pies of the revolution which placed - the present &roily on the throne, was the establishment of a free and full representation of the people. On that principle I take my stand. I certainly lament that other inviduals with whom I am personally con nected, do not agree with me ; but I have no doubt of the purity of their motives. As for myself, I always was a Reformer, I am a Reformer, and I shall always be a Reformer until this Bill, or some other measure of equal efficiency, is passed. But at ' the same time, I am most anxious that the object of Reform should be obtained by constitutional means, and that no ' acts of violence should be resorted to with a view to its attainment. If they should, I shall certainly feel it my duty warmly to support his Majesty's Government in repressing them. I trust, therefore, that if this 13111 should un fortunately be thrown out, the people, though firm, will be tranquil. If any outrage should ensue, I shall be sa. tisfied that it proceeds only from the populace, and not from the middle and respectable classes. I hold in my hands a do cument which proves the little danger there is of any act on the part of the middle classes subversive of good order, and of existing institutions. It appears by that document that there are no fewer than 264,000 holders of stock in the Bank of Eng land, whose dividends do not exceed 200/. a year. The intelli gence of the middle classes is proved, in addition to that which I have already stated, by the fact that 191,170 newspapers leave London for the country every week. My Lords, under all these circumstances, I feel it my bounden duty to vote for the second reading of this Bill; and in taking that step, I conceive that I am doing the best for the benefit of the country,—(Hear.) The Duke of GLOUCESTER said that he was friendly to Reform, and that had the Bill been of a different character he would have voted for it ; but it was a Bill, not for Reform, but for the establishment of a new Constitution. Being convinced that the adoption of such a measure would be pregnant with mischief and danger, and that it would lead to the overthrow ofthe State, he felt it his duty to vote against the second reading. The Marquis of HASTINGS, in a very low tone of voice, stated, as car as we could collect the Noble Lord's opinion, that he believed the feeling of the people to be greatly in favour of the Bill, and that he should vote for the second reading. The Earl of HAREWOOD certainly believed that there was a strong sentiment in the emmtry in favour of Reform ; and that Reform would be conceded. Rut the question on which their Lordships were now called upon to decide was between Reform and this Bill. He verily believed, that if the question of Reform had been conducted by his Majesty's Go vernment in another manner, and if it had not been accom panied by so many extraordinary external circumstances, it would have been successful. lie thought that they had been much to blame in dissolving Parliament $ since they must have known that, although the character of the House pf Commons might be changed by that measure, the opinions of the Ifouse of Lords would remain the same. He did not consider Reform necessary to cure any existing evils. The wealth of the country was to him a proof of the thriving state of the country, There was also an increase of knowledge. He did not wish that these improvements should be urged es en argument for excluding the suffrage. He hoped that the questien might be settled in a less high tone than had been assumed ; ;net that parties might not be offended f4y any unnecessary harshness of gunge.—( When the Noble Earl took his seat there were loud and continued calls for " Question t") Lord BARHAM could not reconcile it to his conscience to give a silent vote. The Bill was so much approved by the country, that he should think himself unworthy, if he did not give it his support, Some of their Lordships were possessed of influence to which they had no right; and to preserve that to which they had no right, seas neither consistent with mo rality not religion, He recommenced. their Lordships to allow the Bill to go to a Committee, because it was calculated to render the House of Cerninons the real guardians pf the Peoples' interest. He conjured his Noble Friends, who, like himself, were not ashamed to avow themselves friends of reli gion, to put a stop to that corruption in the State, they would be most anxious to put an end to in private life.—(The Noble Lord was frequently interrupted by cries of " Question," and at the close of his speech, " Question" resounded from all sides of the House.) Earl GREY felt much exhausted from five nights' debate, and could assure their Lordships that lie did not mean to detain them long. But he must express his extreme regret at the feebleness he felt, at a time when he had most need of even more strength than he generally possessed, to reply to the Noble and Learned Lord who had made a statement that evening on the other side. He was prepared to expect that the Noble Earl , would express a dissent from the measure then before their Lordships. He felt deeply interested in a measure which he considered of vital importance, and he felt, therefore, all the disadvantage of having opinions opposed to that mea sure delivered with all the authority of the Noble and Learned Lord.—(Earl Grey alluded, we believe, to Lord Eldon.) He , dreaded his authority, and was prepared to have it exerted against the opinion he entertained, but he was not prepared for the speech of the Noble Earl. He knew that he was powerful - . - in arguments, and that th.ose arguments would have greal weight; but he was not prepared to expect a bitter, acrimoni ous, and virulent attack upon the whole of his Majesty's Minis.. ters and the course they had pursued. He did na enter much into the principles of the Bill, but he attacked the whole foreign and domestic policy of the blimisters, and declared that their whole policy showed that they were not suited to the country, and that it would not be difficult to supply their places with a better Ministry. Yet the Noble and Learned Lord had, at the same time, expressed a wish that his Majesty's Ministers, should they be defeated on the Bill, would not be removed. He had attacked every one of their measures, and referred to their for mer opinions to fix on them the charge of inconsistency. The same course had been pursued the other night by his Noble Friend, who began by paying him some very great personal compliments, as well as those connected with him—men who professed the same opinions with himself—opinions, too, for merly professed by the Noble Earl, and which he now regretted the Noble Earl no longer profesgea, He regretted that . _ :he Noble Earl should have attacked bite., as if he (Earl Grey) had departed from the principles he h 4 formerly professed, when the departure was not on his side, for his present opinions were the same as those he bad always espoused. He had frequently observed that when a speech began by very great compliments to him, it was generally the prelude to a something disagreeable, and the expectation ex cited by the first part of his Noble Friend's speech was not dis appointed by the subsequent part of it. He declared that his feelings were those of amity to his Majesty's Government, and yet made a speech distinguished by rancour, by invective, by sarcasm, and by charging them with inconsistency. The Noble Earl, with a view, as he said, of supporting his opinions by authority, but apparently with a view of fixing a charge of in consistency on him, had quoted a speech of his, and had per haps read the passage which he would beg leave to read them, that his opinions had remained the sante. The Noble Earl read the following passage ;—" I am now, as I was formetlf, the advocate of a temperate, gradual, judicious correction of those defects which time has introduced, and of those abuses in the Constitution of the other House of Parliament which give most scandal to the public, at the same time that they furnish de signing men with a pretext for inflaming the minds of the mul_ titude, only to mislead them from their true interest. To such a system I am a decided friend—whenever it shall be brought forward, from me it shall receive an anxious and sincere sup ! port. But as I never have, so I never will rest my ideas of salutary Reform on the grounds of theoretic perfection, ,o That speech had not been published by his authority, but the sen timents were the same as he had always professed, and he was ready to abide by them. He had, he admitted, in his younger days been a Member of the Society of the Friends of the People, but he had never gone the length of supporting Annual Parliaments or Universal Suffrage. The Noble Carl quoted part of a letter , Written by him as Chairman of a Committee of the Friends of the People, to the Society for the Constitutional Information at Sheffield, in which it was stated—" That they make the preservation of' the Constitution, on its true principles, the foundation of all their proceedings, and the measure of all their Reform." A feeling in favour of Reform had been his ruling principle through life, and had guided and regulated his con duct on the present occasion. But might it not be possible, without any inconsistency, that in 1810 he should have thought that a less Reform was advisable than ia the year 1831 ? (Cheers.) But above all, was it the Noble Lord who was qua. lifted to call him to account on else charge of inconsistency ? (Loud cheers.) Could the House hair? forgotten the condoet of the Noble and Learned Lord on the Catholic question ? (Renewed cheering.) Could they have forgotten that only a short time before his strenuous advocacy for that rneyoure, he had denounced it in the House of Commons as subversi*e of the Constitution and destructive of the Ctillrch in Ireland ? (Great cheering.) When, therefore, the Noble Lord charged him with inconsistency, he would recommend him to remember his own speech on that occasion.—(Fresh cheers.) The Noble Duke had said that he had made a charge against the late Govern ment. This he denied ; he had made no charge ; he had only described the state of affairs when he came into office. The Noble Duke had admitted that he resigned in consequence of the question of Parliamentary Reform, The Duke of WELLINGTON said that Reform had nothing to do with his resignation further than it had induced him to resign on the Tuesday morning. Earl GREY went on to say, that the Ministry had been accused of exciting the public mind, but the fact was, that the public excitement existed before he came lute office; besides which, what object could be have in excitement ? anrely the object of 3 Government was always Baa, g and quiet. But it was also said that this measure was destructive of the Constitution Gf the , country, and subversive of the Aristocracy. He trusted that I the Bill would not be found to be deserving of that character. It had been complained that he had not shown rufficient reasons for the measure; he was aware of his own deficieiwy, but he certainly had endeavoured to dhow, in his openi n g speech, that • the Bill was introduced on account of the public dissatisfaction, and owing to the public attention being fixed on the great abuses that existed in the Constitution. So snswb then for the object of the Bill. But was it calculated to give satii.fe„etion to the people ? He thought that the answer to that was to be found in the almost un i versal voice of the peop l e d ec l a red i n their petitions—(Loud cheering) —and in the manner in which they were trembling for the event of th a t n i g ht — (L ou d cheer ' i ng ) - -100kIng to the adoption of the Bill as the sa f eguar d o f th e country, and to i ts i rejection as a thi ng calculated to pro d uce circums t a nces, which, f he were to dteisiecribeno,z!(lcairfelry4lt would be said that lie was threatening He could not but notice the distinction taken by the Noble Duke between his duty as a Minister of the Crown, and the liduties which he had to discharge as a Member of that H ouse; that was certainly a distinction rather new, andl i t t was onewhi c h he professed himself unable to co m p rehend. had b een said hat the present Bill was the cause of the excitement which pre_ railed throughout the country, and then they iterctold that the people were not qualified to judge. N N hat, no judgment m a question that concerned them so nearly ? .He would s t v • . h a tamidst the present diffusion of knowledge, i t would be an isult to the people of England to say that they were not quail- fled to judge such a question. Perhaps they did not understand paradoxes—perhaps they did not understand the new, and curious, and ingenious system of morals, which justified the purchase and sale of nomination boroughs ; but their inability to understand these things they shared with Pitt and Fox, Locke, Saville, and Blackstone. He would appeal to the Right Reverend Bench on his left, to disavow and repudiate that sys tem of immorality. He inquired of them, were they prepared to do evil that good might come of it?—(Loud and long_ continued cheers.) Would they sanction hypocrisy, false hood, and fraud ? Would they admit " the money-changers into the Temple," and resist any measure to dislodge them ? Would they vote an establishment of that pollution by which it was desecrated.—(Loud and enthusiastic cheers.) The system which it was the object of the Bill to correct was an eye-sore, a blot, a blemish—it was worse, it was a consuming ulcer, which eventually would spread gangrene throughout the whole Con stitution. The Noble Earl then proceeded to reply to the argu ment founded upon what was called Corporation robbery—the Corporations lost nothing, except what a large proportion of them were perfectly willing to lose, for they all felt the evils of non-resident voters. He next proceeded to contrast the argu. ments of a Noble and Learned Lord opposite with those of the Noble Duke at the table. The Noble Duke seemed to fear the influx of a tierce democracy, while the other Noble Peer con tended that the Bill would prove a cheat and a delusion. These arguments, he observed, were scarcely consistent with each other. It was not to be denied that the consequence of the refusal to entertain that measure would be general flissatisfac. tion and discontent.—(Hear.) He agreed with the Noble Lord opposite, that even a tacit combination amongst any number of people to resist the payment of taxes was unlawful, But the people had shown great patience in all the difficulties with which the country had had to contend, and they would have just cause to complain if the present measure was unceremo. niously rejected.—(Cheers.) He thought that there was much of party spirit in the opposition to the measure, both in that House and elsewhere, and that a system of attack had been carried on against the Government, with a view to drive them out of office.—(l-lear.) So far as the question of Reform had any thing to dq with that, be must say that to the present measure, or to one of equal extent, he was pledged ; and If a more mo, derate measure would satisfy the people, although no man could be more happy to see that result, he would not be the person to introduce such a measure.—(Hear, hear.) As to what course he should follow under those circumstances it was for him to consider. But this much he would say, that he should be cul pable if he were to resign his office, and abandon his King, so long as he could be of use to him—(Loud cheering)—,flor he was bound to him by gratitude as great as ever subject owed a Sovereign. Therefore, so long as be could be a useful servant —so long as he could carry measures necessary to the security and happiness of the country, he would not abandon time King.— (Cheers.) Although, he would not contend with others, in ability and fitness for office, he would yield to none in zeal, or in the desire to do the best that he could for his country anti his Scvsreigp, at any cost of personal sacrifices. He did net mean to make any prc,fessioris of rare disinterestedness ; but he would say that he found himself placed in, a situation in which he thought that he could not stand back from the services of his country ? when he was called upon.—(Hear.) It was under that conviction oe duty he hail accepted office- He had lived long in retirement, and had never acquired that attaphintud to an official life which a long connexion with office is supposed to produce. He had been accustomed to live in the bosom of his family, and nothing could have tempted him to embark upon those " Stormy seas ? " Bankrupt of health, and prodigal of easp." (Hear.) Rot he hail quitted kis retirement from a sense of duty to his country and his King, whom he would continue to serve so long as his Majesty was pleased to require him. But if the King and Parliament should withdraw from him their confidence, he was ready to return to his happy retirement, with the ciniscii4.isness that he had done his best for the good of his country and the service of his Sovereign.—(The conclu sion of the Noble Lord's address was followed by repeated cheers,) The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that when he recom mended to their Lordships to keep themselves free from any pledge upon the question of Varliamentary Reform, he looked upon the state of the question to have beep quite altered by his Majesty's speech at the opening of the present Session, from what it had been when he retired from ofliee.—(Hear, hear.) He would not complain of any thing personal that had been said of him, and he was sure that the Noble Earl (Grey) would do him the justice to say, that he had rendered the Noble Earl's Government any assistance which he could give them consis tently with his avowed sentiments.—(Hear.) Lords GREY and LYNonuitsT mutually explained, amidst cries of sc Question l" Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, when their Lord ships divided— Contents Present 128 Proxies 3O -litS Not Contents Present 150 Proxies 49 -199 Majority_against the second reading of the Their Lordships then adjourned, at a Quarter past Six o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, OCTOBER 7. Colonel EVANS presented a petition, praying for the repeal of the taxes on knowledge, especially that upon Newspapers. Mr. HUNT presented a petition from a person in Hunting donshire, complaining of the conduct of some Magistrates of that county, and praying that before Magistrates are sworn they should be examined as to their knowledge of the law ; also one from the Rev. Robert Taylor, complaining of his treatment in prison, and stating that the Chairman ( Hedger, Esq.) was drunk when he passed sentence. The Hon. Member would not have presented a petition to the House containing such a grave charge, but he had the assurance of two respectable gentlemen, totally unconnected with Mr. Taylor, that they saw the bottle passing round upon the bench. Mr. TREVOR said that Mr. Taylor's conduct had been so violent upon one or two occasions that restraint was necessary. He was of opinion that Mr. Taylor had been properly punished, and was happy that A body of men had taken the prosecution in hand. Mr. GOULBURN thought it strange that no complaint had been made of the conduct of the Chairman sooner than at the expiration of three months. He entirely disbelieved the impu. talon. Mr. HUNT moved that the petition be printed. He also presented a petition from Finsbury against the tax upon News. paper s. Mr. BRISCOE defended the Magistrates of Surrey, and stated that there was not the least foundation for the charge against the Chairman. Mr. KEARSLEY presented a petition, praying that the beer-shops might be closed at an earlier hour on Sundays than at present. Mr. JOHN WOOD could not see what end Hon. Members had in view in crying out so against the new beer-shops; it could not be for the morality of the people, as nothing was said against the licensed houses. By shutting up these beer-shops at an early hour it obliged the people to go to houses where more temptation awaited them than in the beer.houses. The Hon. Gentleman then presented several petitions, praying for an assimilation of the hours of beer-shops and licensed houses. Mr. HUNT supported the prayer of the petition. Sir R. INGLIS presented a petition against the Beer Bill. Mr. GOULBURN presented a petition from the West India merchants of Liverpool, against the Bill for allowing foreign sugar to be imported into this country for the purpose of being refined. They were convinced that much of what was im pertgq. found its way into the consumption of this country, Mr. J. WOOD acknowledged the respectability of the peti - tion which containe4 $9 many misrepresentations, The fact was the petitioners were grussly imposed on by a discarded ser vant of one of the refineries. After a few words from Sir J. NEWPORT, Mr. BUIWE, and Mr. EWART, the petition was ordered to be printed. cQNSOLIDATED FUND. On the motion of the Warmly of WAR, that the House form itself into a Committee on the Consolidated Fund, with instructions to receive the appropriation clause, Sir H. HARDINGE said that there was a mdst invidious clause in the Act, which prevented officers in the army receiv. ing th.er half-pay if they accepted any civil appointments.-- (Hear, hear)„„rhile officers in the navy were exempted from such regulation. tic ;was confident, both as a matter of eco. nomy and policy, it would iso right to allow half-pay officers the army to fill civil offices without ga;ilcting them of their pay. Be.fore the year 1828, officers in the army wore not obliged to give up Wel; half-pay if they filled civil offices ; but in that year the Finance Co - i. -- ttee recommended that course to be adopted, and an Act was passed for that purpose. He knew it was Ow opinion of Mr. Iluskisson and Lord Palmerston, that an exception aught to have been made in favour 'of officers of the army holding civil offices in the colonies.—(Hear.) If a Captain in the army, with 7s. a day for half-pay, was appointed a Barrack-master abroad, at a salary of 7s. fitl, a day, he was compelied to give up his half-pay—(Hear, hear),,ana many officers had retum4 to accept of employment, in consequence of which the service had beer, greatly injured.—(Hear, hear.) He should move that officers in the army on half-pay be allowed to fill the one of Magistrates, or any other civil office, with out being deprived of their half-pay.—(Hear, hear.) He asked the House whether there wars anything like a semblance of jus. tiee : in allowing the officers of the navy to have their half, pay, and to fill civil situations, while the officer: of the army were wanded from doing so ? Such a course could but bt the means of iaeptpig unfounded jealousies in the minds of the members of the two Secv , ;4;es.—(Hear, hear.) Why, he would ask should a Captain in the navy r,oziye his pay, and also his sallry, if he was appointed to an office In ti.ic household, while the officer in the army must give up his half-pay From 1806 to IRS, toere was no such limitation, and the Finance Committee had recomincmlf , d the stopping of the half-pay of officers in the army on their obtaiohig civil situations, without hearing evidence on the subject—(Hear)—and to make the dis tinction io the two services was most invidious.—(Hear, hear.) Why should the tiva service be treated with great liberality while the officers of the army, whose services appeared to have been almost forgotten, and why shcgild a Commissioner of Bankrupt; who had only been appointed a few weeks, retire for life on a pension of 2001. a year ? ► Sir HENRY PARNELL considered it merely a question of expence. In fact it was whether or not they should save to the country 70,0004 a year ; and he observed, that as a Committee had recommended retrenchments on the ground of economy, he thought the abandonment of the Bill now would prove an un. advised measure. He admitted there were individual cases of extreme hardship ; but he felt bound to say that he was con vinced that the officers of the army ought to be placed on the same footing as the civil servants. Sir HENRY HARDINGF. denied that there would be a saving of 70,000/. a year by the arrangement, because the civil offices must have been filled by civilians if the military officers did not accept them. Mr. HUME approved of the report of the Finance Committee of 1828 ; and he was of opinion the civil service should be put on the same footing. He knew military officers who had been in the army thirty years, who could obtain not more than 2001. per annum, while officers in the civil departments held various situations amounting to nearly 1,0001. a year. Mr. FERGUSON thought it would be for the benefit of the service that both naval and military officers should be allowed to fill civil offices, and also receive their half pay. Mr. HUME said he had known officers who had seen active and dangerous service for above twenty years starving and pining in penury, and to prevent this, he would have had the old officers put in active service, instead of a parcel of boys, who filled the places of old and efficient officers. Mr. MABERLY thought the officers of the army were not well dealt with—(Hear, hear)—and they ought to be on the same footing as the civil service. In the civil service, some gentlemen held several situations and sinecures.—(Hear.) The Clerk to the Treasury held three distinct offices, with salaries amounting to 2,500/. a year, besides a retiring allowance of 500/. a-year as a Commissioner of the Lottery.—(Hear.) Sir G. CLERK knew not why military officers on half-pay should not be allowed to fill civil offices. It was a monstrous anomaly that officers of the navy should have the favour, and military officers be precluded.—(Hear.) Sir H. PARNELL said a few words respecting the Report of the Committee, which stated that 78,0001. per annum might be saved to the country. Sir H. HARDINGE said, there was no saving at all; but the public service suffered great injury by the halfpay officers refusing to accept of situations in the civil service, and they were obliged to do so, or give up their half.pay.—(Hear.) Sir J. GRAHAM and Sir G. CLERK said a few words. Colonel :11ABERLY thought the subject had not been suffi ciently considered, and hoped his Gallant • Friend, Sir Henry Hardinge, would not press any motion on the subject till the question had been more fully discussed. He thought the army was not well treated. Lord ALTHORP said a few words. Sir G. MIJRRAY was of opinion the service was materially injured by the regulations which prevented half-pay officers from filling civil offices without a forfeiture of their pay.—(Hear.) The situations were filled by civilians, but no saving was ef fected thereby. Sir J. GRAHAM thought the officers in the army filling civil offices in the colonies, and the officers in the Royal House. hold, ought not to be deprived of their half.pay.—(Hear.) Mr. HUME said he felt inclined to dividet he Committee on that question. The addition of the clause to the Bill was, after a short con. versation, agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be reported on Monday. SUGAR REFINERY BILL On the question being put that this Bill be read a second time, Mr, KEITH DOUGLAS moved that the second reading of of the Bill be deferral to that day fortnight, in order that time might be given to the West Indian Committee to make a report upon the expediency of passing such a Bill, and what probable effect it would have on the interests of the West Indian Colonies. The House divided, when there appeared— For the original motion Against it - 130 96 Majority - —34 The Bill was then read a second time. EXCHEQUER COURT BILL (SCOTLAND). The House resumed the adjourned debate on this Bill. Sir C. WETHERELL said, that the present Bill and the Reform Bill were unequal measures. Both were in extremes, and he should therefore move that the Bill be read that day six months. The House then divided, when there appeared For the amendment - - 31 Against it - . 95 Majority for the second reading —6.} The Bill was then read a second time. Lord EBRINGTON said, that it was his intention to move, on Monday, in case that the second reading of the Reform Bill was not agreed to in the House of Lords, to submit a motion to the House on the state of public affairs. _ _ The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter-past Three o'clock until Monday SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The debate is over,—the decision is made. May it not be " the beginning of the end !" Who can help the ex clamation—" What is this fearful crisis to result in !" Is any man on earth prepared to conjecture what will take place in England before this day week? It is now half-past seven o'clock on Saturday morning, that, in announcing ' the majority of forty-ore against the Bill, we make these remarks on what we will not still call the fatal issue of the measure. The death-wound to the Constitution of the country, to the people's rights, to a free representation in Parliament, has been aimed, has been struck : but we still feel confident that national liberty will not expire.un der the wound : we still hope that there subsists in the hearts of Englishmen a strength and a resolution which will enable them to outlive the blow. There is no faint ing, no irresolution, but, on the contrary, so far as time will permit us to observe, unbounded determi nation to renew their exertions with redoubled energy. We turn from the appalling sight of a wounded na tion to the means already in action for recovery. This day, the very day on which the division but too painfully anticipated took place, a meeting almost contemporaneous with the mischief will be held at the Thatched-house Ta vern, of all the Members who voted for the people's Bill in the House of Commons. But it is to the people as well as to their representatives that we must look for all the efforts which the law and the Constitution allow for the maintenance of their injured rights. With equal protnp titude, the Common Council of the city of London meet to-day; and the merchants and bankers, we believe, on Monday. And, under the support of the whole nation, the King and his Ministers will not fear to do their ditty. The greater the majority against the Bill, the greater ne cessity there is for an accession to that body (in which the majority has been found) of persons more identified with the spirit of the times and the feelings of the people of the united empire.— Times. Vainly do the Members, male and female, of fashionable coteries in some patrician stree s, spend days and nights in gossipping against Reform. It is the petty vengeance of the drawing-room and boudoir, which King, Ministers, and people, can afford to pity and forgive. But in the name of Heaven, what is it that the borough-tainted Peers and unteachable Bishops look forward to as the effect of their trifling majority against the second reading ? Is it to a change of Ministry? Who then would succeed Lord Grey? The Duke of Wellington ! Indisputably not. Hi s Grace may be suspected by some of wishing to play off against Lord Grey, in respect of the Reform question, th e same game by which, in 1828 and 1829, he triumphed over the old and consistent advocates of Catholic emanci pation. We now believe it not. Whatever may have been—and we pretend not to guess—the party designs of his Grace three days ago, it is now impossible to ca i rry nto execution any scheme for resuming the reins of Govern ment, a'ter being nailed to the opposition benches as he was last Thursday evening, in rpite of many bold and re peated, and not quite orderly, attempts to escape from the gripe, and to parry the sledge hammer o f Lord Plunkett. Of course, as every body will admit there can be no new Minister but the Duke of Wel lington. The argument, then, of Lord Plunkett is, in few words, as follows :—The Duke of Wellington, when la.t in office, declared that " so long as he remained a Mi nister, he should feel it his duty to oppose any proposition for Reform." These are the reported words of the Noble Duke, and the Irish Chancellor pinned him to them with little show of mercy. Very well. The Duke was beaten on the Civil List, and resigned because notice of a motion for Reform was given in the House of Commons, and he did not wish that the opposition to that motion should he conducted by a Government " which had lost the confidence of the House of Commons :" in other words, the Duke, being pledged to resist all Reform, had no stomach for a second beating; and his colleagues confessed what all men knew—that in the then state of feeling among the people of the United King dom, it was impossible for any non-Reforming Minister to stand. L or d G rey h ad no i ncl i nation to try such an experiment; if he hail entertained the wish, his good sense would have told him it was fruitless, Ho made a Reform of Parliament the first great measure of his administra tion. The Commons passed it : the Lords talk of throw ing it out, and dream of a " change of Ministry," with the Duke of Wellington for leader. But one of two things is first indispensable. The people of England must agree to do withput Reform, or the Doke of Wellington must agree to grant it. Does any man of observation imagine hat the people of England will, at this time of day, fore rthe Reform for which they have been so long panting Does any man of honour conceivet: . ithe Duke of Wellington will assent to that Reform apt st which, "as a King's Minister," be stands so solemn, pledged It is clear, therefore, that whoever was to stn. sed Lot go Otey, should his Lordship resign on the rejection ' this mai measure, it could not, in the actual temper of the uuntry, be the Duke of Wellington. There will be no chant of Ministry—the rats may assnre themselves of that. Lora Grey and his col leagues are sensible,that to abandon their postat such an hour, would argue a total want cf public spirit and patriotism to ' wards the country, on the eve of a convulsion, and an utter callousness to the feelings and honour of gentlemen, in skulk ing from their gracious Prince, who has shown them, amidst unexampled difficulties, the noblest and most ge nerous confidence. The question stands thus:—The people of England demand a resumption of their rights. The mock-reform Peers have rejected their present de mand in toto ; but hold out some vague prospect (not even a distinct promise) of giving them in the course of another half century a tr'fle less than 6d. in the pound. • How will the British nati o n en du r e thi s unceremonious rejection of their almost unanimous prayers ? Times. The debate in the House of Lords became animated and interesting as it drew to its close. We need scarce y call attention to the magnificent speech of Lord Brougham, in support of the Bill, which has eclinsed every effort of oratory made within the walls of Parliament in the me mory of the living generation. Probably nothing is to be found more splendid, more powerful, more convincing, in the whole range of ancient or modern eloquence. It was a noble, a prodigious specimen of the power of the hu man intellect. But to produce its full effect, it must have been heard from the lips of the transcendant orator him self, for no report can do it justice. Even if we could give his words entire, where are the expressive looks, the corn. manding gestures,—above all, the emphatic, the sublime intonations of his various voice? " Quanto magis admiraremini, si audissetis ipsum ?"—Times. Last night concluded the debates ou the second reading of the ever-memorable Reform Bill. The opening of these debates had been solemn and powerful. Earl Grey, whose talents were never more conspicuously displayed than in the luminous exposition with which he introduced his measure to the House of Lords, made an impression that will live in the history of the time. But if the opening of those debates was impressive, the conclusion was, it possible, still more so, for, besides the importance of the qnestion itself, which no mind, however constituted, could think of underrating, there was the circumstance o fan im mediate decision hanging over the last debate, and im parting to every word of it an interest unparalleled in the transactions of Parliament. What Lord Grey was in the first debate, the presiding spirit under whose influence the whole host of corruption was scattered and discomfitted in argument—the Lord Chancellor—was in the last debate. With a powerful grasp of mind, with a versatility of genius which few have ever equalled, he seized and took to pieces the whole web of sophistry by which the system and practice of corruption has been attempted to be upheld against the united efforts of the Government and the people. To enter into a description of the Lord Chan cellor's speech would be an unnecessary attempt in the same paper which contains the best description that can be given of it—a fair report. But that speech, though triumphant in argument, though unapproached in wit and sarcasm, and eloquence, and in all the aids and embellish ments which genius is capable of bringing to the assis tance of truth—that speech was defeated, was deprived of its natural effect, conviction—not by the paltry ingenuity of an ex-Chancellor, who could as soon have shaken the foundation of the earth as any one of its positions, but by the predestivation of a party, who were determined at all hazards to add one month more to the long life of corruption. Well, they have gained their point for the present; the Bill has been rejected by a majority of 41, in spite of the noble speech to which we have eluded, and in spite of another noble speech—the reply of E irl Grey, which, if reasons had no other difficulties to con tend against than ignorance or dulness, was calculated to disperse the birbarous obstacle, and create the elements of its own success. The opponents of the Bill have suc ceeded, however, for the present; but do they, can they flatter themselves with the hope that they have, to any practical or permanent extent, defeated the just ex pectations of the people of England ? We can tell them that they have nut; we can tell them that the people, who have been in some measure prepared for the turn which things have taken, know and feel that they have not, and that such knowledge and such feeling on the part of the people, are the best securities to which we can look at this :moment for Ztlie preservation of tranquillity. There is no doubt now as to the course which Ministers will pursue. They are pledged to stand by the people, who have stood, and will continue to stand by them until that great measure—the soul of their administration— .hall be redeemed and vindicated by the virtue and intelligence of the age. We have no fears that the people will be betrayed into any violence. They are too strong, and too conscious of their strength, to be fretted into exasperation. Lord Grey, the Minister, the champion of Reform and of the Constitution, with a firm ness well worthy of the wisdom and patriotism he dis played from the commencement, has renewed his declara. tion to stand by the King. Some Member of the Oppo sition, anticipating the numerical triumph of his party, called out to the Minister to resign, and the challenge pro duced an answer which is the omen of complete success. The Minister will not resign, and the Opposition must be beaten. We say must be beaten— for, only let the same Bill be introduced, and see if the people of this country do not rally round the King and his Ministers in a way that shall set a mark upon the present Opposition, by which it shall be known from all the Oppositions that ever existed in England !— Morning Herald. The Reform Bill is lost by a majority of forty-one. The votes in favour of the Bill were in all 158, including 30 proxies; the votes against it were 199, including 49 proxies. The triumph of the wicked does not endure for ever. Thank God, there are ways by which the invaders of the rights and properties of the people can be managed. When a House of Commons leaves the Government and the nation—the remedy is a dissolution. When the House of Lords stands out against the King and the nation, the remedy is a fresh creation of Peers. Without this remedy the Constitution would fall to pieces, and the people would be left a prey to anarchy. The speeches last night of the Lord Chancellor and Earl Grey in reply were mas terly—of Lord Brougham's speech, it was said by an opponent (Lord Lyndhurst), that it was, perhaps, the most masterly he had ever made. It would be of fering an insult to the understanding of our readers were we to argue farther a question which no one can misunderstand. The enemies of the Bill are the crea tures of corruption, who wish to retain the element in which they have been generated, and in which they find support. As Lord Brougham observed, the real aristo cracy of the country, the old Peei s possessing estates which will allow them to be upright, are generally in fa vour of the B;11. The present Ministry themselves pos sess twice the property of their predecessors. The Peers who formed the majority, for the most part, owe their titles to jobbing and sycophancy, to prostitution of votes to the Minister of the day. " Political service (said Lord Brougham), without a scar in the Constitutional conflicts of St. Stephen's, has made more Peers than all the blood that was shed in all the battle-fields from Blenheim to Waterloo." On Monday Lord Ebrington brings on a mo tion on the state of pubhc affairs iu the House of Commons. The result of that vote may, of course, be anticipated. It will place the two Houses in collision, and Ministers must either resign or create new Peers to get over the difficulty. Lord Grey has solemnly stated that he will stand or fall by this Bill, and that nothing less efficient shall he supported by him• Fellow Countrymen—let us be firm—let us be pru dent, that we may ensure the victory which must be ours if we only conduct ourselves with wisdom. The oppo nents of the Bill are playing a desperate game. But if we be firm and determined they must be defeated. All lovers of peace and order—all who wish this country to es cape being the prey of anarchy and disorder, must rally round the Ministry. So long as they remain true to the great cause, let us remain true to them. We, the na tion, are not to be intimidated by 199 Peers, though in that number be included nearly all the bench of Bishops, They shall not snatch from us the healing measure which was almost within our grasp. They shall not, through the means of a sham Reform, succeed in preying on us and making us tributary to a host of Noble Mendicants. We trust that the Ministry will not desert the people in this conjuncture—that they will not resign, and not hesitate one moment to introduce into the Peers the number necessary for the success of Reform. Lord Grey in his reply said, " He would continue to serve his King so long as his Majesty was pleased to require him— but if the King and Parliament should withdraw their cooficience from him, he was ready t o ret i re to his happy re tir e ment, with the consciousness that he had done his best for the good of his country an d t h e service of his Sovereign. " The King will not withdraw his confidence from him, though this, of course, is what the Anti-Reformers build on. Let the people of this country now show the metal they are made of. rbe English never were characterized as a fickle peopl e — eas il y elated and eas i ly cast generally sho wn th emse l ves equa l t o t h e their Sc o t c h b ret h ren are not f ame d for emergency. o n d nw p . s i i an e y 1 4 0 nv pusillanimous s tame ness and . timidity. Th e struggle, however, on which We are entering is not to he made light of. Corruption has tune to strike a deep toot, We must prepare for a desperate struggle,.-hut One which must end in success, if we be only true to ourselves. That corruptienist who first, for his selfish purposes, sheds the blood of a citie,ot, ought never to be forgiven. We warn the borough. m engers, that if they count on gaining their ends by brute ° heap b urn i ng coa l s on th e i r h ea d s. Once countrymen,lnle:lwiii en's let us show ourselves men. You brave men of the Midland and Not thern hives of industry, do not awayo trieti friend s i n t hi s emergency. S o long as we your energi es w i t h ou t occas i on . L ook to the hope in Mi n i sters continuing at the helm, do not let advice barrass the rti. —Morn ing Chronicle. SIR WALTER SCOTT.—In addition to the celebrated romance of " Frankenstein," by Mrs. SHELLEY, which is to have a characteristic introduction, Written by the fair Authoress, the next volume of the Standard Nyvels will include the popular romance of " The Castle of Otranto," accompanied by a Life of its Author, Lord Onrono, from the pen of Sir WALTER SCOTT. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 8, 1831. The Reform Bill was lost last night in the House of Lords by a majority of FORTY-ONE ! We anticipate the feelings of regret—apprehension— astonishmen:—indignation with which this disastrous news will be every where received by the people. But we entreat our countrymen not to despair, not , o break out into acts of insubordination, but pa tiently and firmly to abide the issue. Let them but be peaceful, vigilant, and determined, and they shall, —they must, riumph. Not all the subtle arts of the subtlest faction on record, shall have power to blight their hopes. The hour, indeed, of their de liverance may be awhile put off, but so surely as to day's sun shall set, so surely shall the good cause prevail. Ministers are firm, united, and confi dent, and will stand by the country to the last moment. • Could talents, however, of the very highest and most various character, have ensured their success, they would not now have been left in a minority. The speech of Lord BROUGHAM, anti the reply of Earl GREY, were master-pieces of elo quence in their way—the former being as argumen tative, sarcastic, and impassioned, as the latter was dignified and energetic. The effect of both speeches on the House was electric. The people are again in motion, but this time with more determination and a more definite aim than ever. The excitement throughout the metropolis is, we believe we may say, unprecedented. The news of the defeat of the Reform Bill has already flown from one end of London to the other, and though scarcely nine hours has elapsed since the fatal division in the Lords took place, more than a dozen parishes have resolved on instantly getting up public addresses to his MAJESTY and his MinisterF. The public agitation gains strength hourly. Countrymen, do not forget that the votes of the Episeopa?Bench decidt'd the rate of the Reform Bill in the House of Lords! ! We have just heard that delegates from the various parishes in the metropolis have resolved on 41 meeting this day, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, 'or the purpose of renewing their expressions of loyalty to his MAJESTY, and perfect confidence in Ministers. Our City Correspondent says, " The state of the City corresponds with the weather, in gloom and FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, Sam. 21. The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knight. hood upon Major-General George Bulteel Fisher, Commandant of Woolwich. CROWN-OFFICE, Ocr. 7. MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN TUTS PRESENT PARLIAMENT. Shn RE OF FORFAR.—The Hon. Donald Ogilvy, of Clova, in the room of the Hon. William Ramsay Maule, now Baron Panmure, and one of the Peers of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. COUNTY OF Lottru.—Sir Patrick Bellew, Bart., in the room of Alexander Dawson, Esq., deceased. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. JAMES AUGUSTUS LAMB, Battersea, victualler, BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. FRANCIS RIX, GEORGE JAMES GORHAM, and WIL LIAM INKERSOLE, St. Neot's, Huntingdonshire, bankers. BANKRUPTS. HUGH DONNE, Cardiff, Glamorganshire, scrivener, to sur render Oct. 25,26, and Nov. 18, at eleven, at the Angel-inn, Car diff: Gregory, Clement's-inn, Lond on ; Williams, Cardiff. EI,IAS BANETT, Liverpool, victualler, Oct. 21, 22, and Nov. 18, at two, at the Clarendon rooms, Liverpool. Toulmin, Liverpool ; Norris, Allen, and Anthony, John-street, Bedford_ row, London. JOHN STEWARD, Great Haywood, Colwich, Stafford shire, surgeon, Oct. 21, at four, 22, and Nov. 18, at eleven , at the Littleton's Arms Inn, Penkridge. Dove, Carey-street, London; Barnett; Walsall, Staffordshire. WILLIAM SNELL, East Stonehouse, Devonshire, coal-mer. chant, Oct. 25, 26, and Nov. 18, at eleven, at the Royal Hotel, Devonport. Smith, Basinghall.street, London; Gilbard, De vonport . - JAMES PARKER, Birmingham, pearl button maker, Oct. 15, 17, and Nov. 18, at twelve, at the New Royal Hotel, Bir mingham. Norton and Chaplin, Gray's Inn-square; Stubbs, Birmingham. STEPHEN HUTCHINSON, Westminster, engraver, Oct. 11, 28, and Nov. 18, at one, at the Court of Commissioners. Sylvester and Walker, Furnival's Inn, Holborn. FRANCIS MASKERY, Birmingham, linen-draper, Oot. 11, at eleven, 23, at twelve, and Nov. 18, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. Bell and Broderick, Bow Church-yard. RICHARD HILL, Rotherham, Yorkshire, brewer, Oct. 13, 14, and Nov. 18, at eleven, at the Kingston Hotel, Kingston upon-Hull. Rosser and Son, Gray's Inn-place, Frost, Hull. JOHN BARKER, Layton, Essex, brewer, Oct. 18, 28, and Nov. 18, at two, at the Court of Commissioners. Smith, Basing hall-street. JAMES TUDOR LOMAS and FREDERICK COOKE, Do ver-street, Piccadilly, tailors, Oct. 21, at eleven, 22, at nine, and Nov. 18, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. Gale, Ba singhall-street. DIVIDENDS. J. and W. Jackson, Strand, stationers, Oct. 28—J. Hodson, Farringdon, Kent, miller, Oct. 21—J. and R. A. Browning, Bet. videre-wharf, Waterloo-bridge, timber-merchants, Oct. 25—W. Gray, Hosier-lane, carpenter, Oct. 2S—G. P. Lamb, Skinner. street, Somers'.town, cheesemonger, Oct. 25—G. Gelson, Cross. street, Hlackfriars-road, timber-merchant, Oct. 25—J. Wythes, Stourbridge, Worcestershire, grocer, Oct. H. Renny, South Sea-chambers, Threadneedle-street, merchant, Oct. 25 S. Southgate, Gate-street, Lincoln's Inn-fields, builder, Decem ber 13—T. Burton, Hillingdon, brickmaker, Oct. as—R. Wace, Castle-street, Falcon-square, merchant, Oct. 28—W. Norton, Clayton West, Yorkshire, fancy waistcoat-manufacturer, Oct. 28—J. Hawkins, Bristol, grocer, Oct. 31-11. Way, Somerton, Somersetshire, victualler, Oct. 27—J. Lucy, Bedwardine, Wor cestershire, builder, Nov. l—J. Shepherd, Liverpool, stone. mason, Oct. 22—R. Williams, Weobley, Herefordshire, draper, Oct. 26—T. Binney, Wakefield, R. and M. Binney, Morton, Lin colnshire, corn-factors, Oct. 27—J. Walker, Mearclough Bottom mills, Yorkshire, coru.miller, Nov. 3—J. E. Wood, Shrewsbury, tanner, Oct. 27—T. Coleman, Highwood, Herefordshire, banker, Oct. 26—J. Cheeseman, Reading, Berkshire, baker,.Oct. 25—W. Wrangham, Louth, Liiicolnshire, silversmith, Oct. 21—M. Myers, Birmingham, auctioneer, Oct. 28. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. J. Mills, R. Jenner, and H. Jenner, Old Kent-road, brewers— J. Paul and J. Parmiter, Winchester, spirit-merchants—W. Cole, R. K. Vorley, and J. Watling, Bread-street-hill, dry salters—G. W. Mahon and J. Maher, Swansea, schoolmasters— A. Lesley and J. Ley, Newton-Abbott, Devonshire, surgeons— M. Lawrence and G. J. Lawrence, Penton-street, Pentonvilie, bakers—J. Howitt and J. Kimber, Nottingham, lace-manufac , turers—W. Eaton and J. Arnold, jun., Sumner's-court, Bishops gate-street, Without, carpenters—S. Court and T. Court, Acise and Main, Kent, farmers—G. Havell, C. Havell, and D. ila. yell, Kingston-upon-Thames, plumbers—J. Gorton, C. Clegg, and R. Porter, Heywood, Lancashire, cotton-spinners (so far as regards C. Clegg)--C. Conly and M. Hodgson, Queen-street, Finsbury, milliners—R. Preston and A. Richardson, Liverpool, distillers—H. Palmer and W. Palmer, Stratford, Essex, timber merchants—B. Oldroyd and J. Clay, Dewsbury, Yorkshire, woolstaplers—W. Carill, P. Waycott, and S. Rowse, Plymouth, in proved patent mangle-manufacturer—J. Adams, R. M'Curdy, sen., and R. M'Curdy, jun., Manchester, dyers—W. Duckworth and R. J. Minsher, Liverpool, coffee-dealers—J. Spencer, W. Spencer, and W. Browell, Newburn, Northumberland, steel manufacturers—T. Rogers and G. Bradshaw, Welch Pool, Montgomeryshire, drapers—W. Hammond, G. Hammond, and T. Raine, Gray's Inn-lane, buttermen (so far as regards J. Raine) —C. Farnworth, T. 'l'. Cattley, and W. Clark, Dowgate Iron wharf, lead-merchants—J. Chatfield, T. Arnott, jun., and R. Mercer, Upper Ground-street, Christchurch, Surrey, timber-mer chants—A. MiLach lan and D. Russell, Glasgow, warehousemen. PRICES OF THE STOCKS Bank Stock 3 per Cent. Red 3 per Cent. Cons. ...80%%%% per Cent. shut Dia° Red New 334 per Cent....BBi 3 per Cent. Ann. 17'20 - 4 per Cent. 1826 Bank Long Ann to expire Jan 5, 1860 shut Oct. 10, 1859 Jan. 5, 1860 Jan. 5, 1890 April 5, 1880.....»....» - Jan. 5, DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. New 5 per Cent. •••••••••••• India Stock Ditto Bonds par South Sea Stock 914 Old Annuities.......... New Ditto ......... ...»...« S per Cent. Ann. 1751 - Ex. Bills, X1,000...8 10 6 7 pm Ditto.... 500 8108 pm Ditto Small 8 10 8 pm. Ditto pm. Ditto Advertised ....... M- Bank for Opening ..... 195 6 India for Account ... - Cons. for 0ct.:13... 8014% 80 MICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O b eLOCIE. Austrian Bonds ..... .......... Neap01itan..„.„....„.„ Brazilian Bonds ... ......... ... 43 Peruvian Bonds — Sr nos Ayres 80nd5......... Portuguese Bonds_ Chnian Bonds .... ....... ....... Prussian, Old Colombian Bonds — ,Ditto, New — Ditto, 1824 Danish 6lli I , Spanish, 1821 l3 IN% Greek Bonds let 23 — !lilt°, 1825 — French Rentes, sp. c. —t. Guatimala. ....... ... ....... Mexican Bonds 3 per cent ...... —f. —c. Qt. , . 1825 — Exchange...... —f. —c. HAILS. Arrived. Due. Arrived. Due. 0 America 0 0 Hamburg 0 0 Brazil 0 Buenos Ayres 0 0 Jamaica 0 0 Carthagena 0 i 0 Leeward islands ... 0 1 Dublin 0 1 Lisbon 0 0 Flanders 0 0 Malta 0 0 France 0 0 Sweden 1 GuernseySzJersey.. 0 1 Waterford 0 HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW. Morninic...3ti minutes after 4. I Evening...s6 minutes after 4. .„..:,,,., ,r, . J ..1 .. wink 4 j r .-- ' ' t . . ~. . y.." . .-- -.' • • '''' .. \ '' l' ''' ' 1 dismax, and great are the apprehensions Wry.- for the final result of the defeat of the Bin, i ftt ; ticularly f rom t h e co untry. Various re orts 0, p „ circulation, but we do not wish to mention there cause further alarm." —I Dg DORSET ELECTION.-(SEVENTII DOR CI-lES TER, FRIDAY. STATE OF THE POLL AT FOUR O'CLO,I ,' 4j. Day's PolL Grot,, JP. Mr. Ponsonby ***************** 67 1 ...-- - 62 1 Lord Ashley **** 55 , 45 Gross majority for Mr. Pons onb y ********* HOUSE OF LORDS.—( TH Is DAY.) ) The late lily The LORD CHANCELLOR, notwithstanding --- Acp. w Loleft h r i .d ch TT t e h hy e ne House broke up this morning, sat at on e o ,;"bieb $ f day to hear the Irish appeal of M`Cabe v. Bus s ° , in ppel l ' l4 l O'Connell was engaged as one of the Counsel forthe arepoori The Solicitor-General was opening the case whe n our , 140 hoathme,raPneed the eiißliasthtoepndoafnccheilich,eersetetrh.e Earl o f REFORM BILL-PROTEI Immediately after the division on Saturday m i n following Peers entered their Protest again st the vol' House : DISSENTIENT. - VASSALL HOLLAND. NORFOLK, E. M. FOLEY. GOSFORD. IVIULGRAVE. YARBOROUGH. DEVONSHIRE. ALBEMARLE. SUFFOLK and BERKSHIRE. DUCIE. GREY. STAFFORD. SHERBORNE. GRANVILLEA AUCKLAND. VERNON. LILFORD. LEINSTER. CHA WORTH. STOURTON. DUNDAS. RADNOR. CLEMENTS. THE REFORM BILE• • of e 11. We publish the snbjoined lists of the div i doe, night, with as m uc h accuracy as t h e s hortne: ble 0 8, 1 ' 1 4 1 the enquirie s we h ave b een a bl e to ma ke, e w ilJ 1 0 ;i0 them. W e b e li eve t h ey are correct , but think make any co rrec ti ons ( a l t h oug h we d o not 0 1610 0 Pi. ir he requir e d), w ith w hi c h we may b e furni' be tise ° day. About the Reverend Bench there ow as prlb, take." O n ly one Bi s h op , Dr. Maltby, "tad with th e p roxy o f t h e venera bl e Bi s hop o hs Twelve Bish o p s p resent . an d n i ne prox i es swa in NOT-CONTENTS. PRESENT. EARLS. Harrowby Bradford Longford Limerick Liverpool Caledon Howe Norwich Verulain Wilton Warwick Waldegrave Home• Enniskillen Carnarvon Abingdon St. Germains Hardwicke Poulott Coves ry Glengall Mountcashel VISCOUNTS. Sidmouth Beresford Gordon Combermere Arbuthnot Melville Lorton Doneraile Sidney Maynard Hereford LORDS. Tenterden Ritiblesdale Rodney Wynford Feversham Carbery Wharncliffe Arundel Clanbrassil (Roden) Bexley Redesdale Melros (Haddington) Walsingham Monson Carteret Boston Saltoun DUKES Cumberland' Gloucester Ba ring Bolt 11 4 9 1 Kerr ( I ^7 Gage , Clan o 1 vA Stuart — llo s Ebenboo Ravens Forbestn." _ d Lyntlf! Forrest er Farnbert,"Ne Willougr ShelbeluAgi Skelrcr .-- Wallace' Manner s Colville, ) Hay k Meicirt - DYn eVV. Rope Grantham , Arden rden,,a3ll, Ott MarYb c !'` sae Dufferi n _ 4 0 5 bore , o f JP' Dougleej Montag' strew Exeter ß SLO LiCaS°BristolßLWNDPec°f cl natnicn i o f l h nnhc s til o thtrs b lica ti dehd r hea° u hirac d a e n) ri et °ft suilusss: Glo u ces ter Ptri 'fr'od° 1 Buckingham Wellington Beaufort Leeds Rutland Dorset Newcastle Manchester MARQUISSES. Bristol Thomond Camden Bute Salisbury Cholmondeley Bath Exeter Ailesbury Hertford EARLS. Shaftesbury Harewood Doncaster (Buc clench) Mansfield Winchilsea Orford Rosslyn Beauchamp Guilford ;. Dudley Digby Talbot Lonsdale Eldon Selkirk Horton Tankerville Vane Bathurst Wicklow Jersey Westmoreland Beverley Plymouth Falmouth Delawarr Aylesford Powis Brownlow T5,i." 14 0 Lori: NOP DUKES. Marlborough Northumberland PROXIES. Cardigan Clancarty Gort Strathallan Exmouth LORDS. Rivers Saltresford Colchester St. Helen's Calthorpe Carrington Ross (Glasgow) Bagot Gray Stowell Wigan (Balcarras) Churchill Grantley Harris } se Gle arsna leon u o petonn e L a uderds i Farnhan!„., L o ftus (n"' 0 1 Arad):lisiolgis. Ban gor St. Asar Cork b Peterboro Durhars Carlisle 4 fo r Le i g hlin and cloyne 111 A IiQUIS. Tweeddale EARLS. Malmesbury Macclesfield Stamford Mount Edgecumbe Leven and Melville Elgin Chesterfield Charleville Lucan Carrick Graham (Montrose) Scarborough THE FUNDS.—(THIS DA" A O CP O CITY, TWELVE 0' -- rL be : ,14 New York Papers to the 17th of September, eu t , 10th, Montreal to the Ilth of September, and Cal eo ' d 6th of May, have been received at the Nor th AO' American Coffeehouse. 001 ~, By the New York Papers we find that the late L e" extended to St. Jago de Cuba, where, on the Pith a reed of shipping was much injured ; the coffee trees have sti oSO C l , O O terially, as well as the plantation provisions. T he ,uPt S has also made great havoc at St. Domingo. The a c abIC Aux Cayes, Jeremie, and Jacmel are most del”..%id o , i ii Aux Cayes not more than twelve houses remain Jeremie three hundred and eighty houses out of % Do e were blown down. The Quebec Papers state by the accounts f l3° ,e ' l9 r.., that the salmon and cod fisheries have almost comp this season. Seals have been plentiful. The Calcutta Paper, of the 3d of May, state s bird from Penang that two frigates, one of fifty guns, ha d to Se 'P Batavia with a thousand European troops on board , / 01001 an insurrection which had broken out amongst tile w a o f ~ Padang, who had risen en masse to take posses settlement. ° P OO Letters from Valparaiso to the 4th June s -- t ito pra i , country was tranquil, and the produce of the redn e l Is 0 : 0 6 ; 1 0 , The National Congress opened its Session on the 01 The Vice-President, in reference to the foreign d e bt, o vil d irr that the Minister of Finance will make you acqua in ec eis` resources. Also that our agent in London ha s h structione to treat with the holders of bonds, b°t..„.l - of the arrears of interest, as well as the Prv o 'ocew demption of the debt ; in the mean time funds ste , : de pd. Coquimbo, in gold and silver, for completing a d ' THE FUNDS. tie " 0 5 0 11 lbl1 1 ? The great question, " What will the Lords ~,g o on. 0 1 "I, morning resolved in the House of Lords by a,,',"" ii 00 0 ,10;1 1 against the Reform Bill. Now we have arrived 3 '701, - R;to tant crisis, and the grand question ho ped gn ner,e. v ; e vet o let t i, will his Majesty do 5" It is to be he u h ise , t ,eqd King ; and with the support of his loyal subjects he in oan fear. This untoward event caused considerable gl °° ,, the ° ' but had no material effect on the Funds, reducin g 11Atilo half per cent. ° Consols, which left off' yesterday at SON buYe t r 805 di s ti ll morning at RN ovent down to 80%, up agai n f a ll is, pae are at present-RN. The reason of so trifling a a in e ° monied interest have an idea that the Tories will ag Power. FIALF•P . oz In the Foreign Market nothing doing. (9 1;. te i 4ST tiq o t,)tY il Consols upon the whole are rather steady ; they LI, ; wit ri e l , from 80% down to SO; at present they are 8054 t, ifi doing. Next week is expected to be one of the paS in regard to our local situation for a length of t+"" eyes are now fixed on his Majesty. The Foreign Market is void of interest. a 0 THREE' O'C4- Consols, 801. „ T riss. FOUR 0 CLOCK.—CLOSING 131`.1- Consols Ditto for Account 8 8 01 D G a re n et h , '''''''''' ........ . 6 .: l i t Brazilian Bonds 43 Mexican, 1625. ' 7 ' •••••• Buenos Ayres - Peruvian •••••••• g a s . , Chilian Ditto ..•• Russia n ..... .•••• , Columbian. 1824 Spanish ...... ••••_Led BIRTHS . of o#l On the 4th inst. the lady of J. W. Chevalier, Esq. , ,fk ton-square, of a son. f ' the ladY ° el On the sth at Ratcliffe-hall, Leicestershire , filer sq., of a daughter. Ha P $ On Oliver,ihe 4th inst. at Culverthorpe, the Hon. Mrs. . of a daughter. P er lCUss o, On the th ult. at Pitfour, the Hon. M rs ' (laughter. 1 nIINC/ PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MU 11 •• - SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON. -411111 AL