The Sun. — London, England, 1834-02-22 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEir. 21. The Turnpikes' Act Continuation Bill went through a Committee, and was reported without amendment. Lord ELLENBOROUGH moved for a copy of the cor • respondence between the Board of Control and the Board of Directors of the East India Company, relative to the case of Mr. Prendergast.—Ordered. Viscount MELBOURNE laid upon the table the report made by the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the poor laws. He did not then mean to say anything relative to the case that could provoke any sort of discus. sion. The proper time for that would be when the re port came under consideration in that House. He could not, however, let that opportunity pass without express. ing his high approbation of the care, diligence, and atten tion which had been bestowed by the Commissioners. Considering the nature of the subject—its complicated na ture, it was scarcely possible but that some errors might have crept into the report, but when it was known that two Reverend Prelates of that House, who had many other important duties to perform, and considering also that the other gentlemen who were engaged in the com mission, belonged to a profession the duties of which were very arduous, the country must be much indebted to those commissioners for the ample and valuab'e infor mation communicated in their report.—On the motion of the Noble Viscount, the report was ordered to be printed. The Earl of DURHAM presented a petition from the Protestant Dissenters of Bridgewater, praying for relief from the grievances under which they 1 thouted, in having to support the Established Church. He also presented a pe tition from Allhallows, London, complaining of the con• duct of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury. in present. ing the rectory of that parish to the Rev. Francis Daw son, who at the time was rector of Chialehurst, and Orpington, and likewise Prebend and Sub- Dean of Canterbury. The petitioner stated that as the Legislature had provided funds sufficient for the due maintenance of the ministry, and as they (the peti sinners) were compelled to support a minister for their own parish, they thought that, at least, they mere entitled to have one who was resident within the parish. The Noble Earl said he had no connexion with any one of the petitioners, but that he felt it his duty to present any petition which was sent to him, and which was res?ectfully worded. He had made some inquiries into the allegations contained in the petition, and he found that there were considerable causes for complaint. It appeared, however, that before the present pre sentation, the recto'y was held for 18 years by a gen tleman named Brown, who resided at Woodstock, and it was proved that during all that IS years, he had only been in the parish IS time., or once a year. The citrate who performed the duty was so unknown, that even the over seer of the parish knew nothing more of him than that he lived somewhere in the West-entl.—(Hear, hear.) Ser- vice was performed only once a week, on Sundays : the church was very large, and capable of containing the whole popul rtion of the parish, which amounted to 600, yet an average having been taken, it was found that it was attended by not more than 25 people. The curate's salary, he believed, was only 60/. per annum ; but the tithes of the parish, with the fees on burials, &c., alto altogether amounted to upwards of 400/. The petitioners complained that in consequence of this pre sentation they would now, as they had heretofore been, be left without any scriptural attention whatever. He could not help thinking that that was a case of very peculiar hardship, and that it was one well worthy the attention of the Legislature. The petitioners did not, and of course he would not, say one word re decting on the character of the individual ; all they said j was, that they did not expect to derive any advantage from his being appointed. It was of the system that they complained, and, as he had before stated, he con sidered it a case of considerable hardship, and one wor thy the attention of the House. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY said that, after the cool, temperate, and gentlemanly manner—(llear, hear)—in wh'cla the Noble Earl had brought forward this petition, he had not one word of complaint to make. The objections both of the petitioners and the Noble Earl were to the system, anti not to the Reverend Gentleman therein named.--(Hear, hear.) With those objections he entirely agreed ; but such was the state of the law at present, that the presentation was perfectly regular. That such was the case was no fault of his, for, two years ago, he had brought forward a Bill, for which he had to fight most strenuously against an obstinate, and, he might truly say, factious opposition in that House. He however succeeded in having it passed there ; hut it shared another fate in the other House. Had that Bill become the law of the land, he stated at the time that it would have put an end to two-thirds of the pluralities that then existed ; but now, on more mature consideration, be believed it would have put an end to five-sixths. He had nothing to say in commendation of the Rev. Gentleman, because no at tack had been made upon him. The case stood thus : —He was Rector of Chiselhurst, which living was worth about 400/. per annum. He also held the sinecure rectory of Orpington, which produced him about 40/. per annum. But he, having been chaplain to the House of Commons, was recommended to his Majesty for promotion. A prebend's stall in Canterbury fell in soon after, to which he was presented in consequence of that recommendation. Not many months after, the present living fell in, and by the law of the land, the Chapter was bound to offer it to some one of their own body— (Hear, bear)—and so it was that Mr. Dawson bad got the presentation. He had not a word to say as to the propriety of his having accepted it under such circum • stances, but as the law at present stood, he had a perfect riaht to take it. The livings, however, were at so abort a dis tance, that he understood from the Rev. Gentleman that he intended to spend great pat tof his time in it. With regard to the curate, he also bad been newly appointed, and be believed that it was his intention to reside in the parish. He would always be ready to lend Lis assistance for the purpose of putting an end to all pluralities, or any mea sure that was likely to be advantageous to the Church. The House then adjourned to Tuesday. R OUSE OF COMMONS, FRE. 21. The SPEAKER took the Chair at a quarter past five. There was an unusually Lige attendance of Members, and a vast number of private Bills were presented, none of which were possessed of any interest. On the motion of Lord ALTHORP, that the order of the day be read for the House to resolve itself into a Com mittee of Supply, Mr. ROBINSON rose, and begged to ask the Noble Lord (Altborp) whether there was any intention on the part of the Government to make any alteration in the du ties on timber ? We understood the NOBLE LORD to say, in reply, that there was no intention at present, on the part of the Go vernment, to do so. In answer to a question relative to the salaries of the officers of the House, Lord ALTHORP said, there were some officers who should be paid by fixed salaries, and there were other cases in which a payment by fees was necessary. There were some instances in which officers connected with that House were obliged to sit up to a late hour of the night, and if these persons were paid by fixed salaries, although he did not suppose there would be any danger that they would not perform their duties efficiently, yet still the payment by fees would insure their doing so. The House was the best judge of what officers should be paid by fees, and what officers should he paid by fixed salaries, and a Committee of the whole.Honse would be the proper place to have any alterations made. Mr. GUEST put a question, which could not be beard in tblgallery. Lord ALTHORP said, that with regard to gratuities they were almost in the nature of fees. Hon. Members frequently felt themselves disposed to make gratuities, but there was nothing of that sort compulsory on any Mem ber of the House; and for his own part he did not think it was a subject the House ought to interfere with. Mr. GUEST attempted again to speak, but the Speaker arose, amidst cries of "Order, order." The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Member must be aware that although by the counting of the House he was permitted to ask a question on what had been just stated, yet it was irregular, and would be extremely in convenient if he were to argue upon the answer he had received. Mr. WILKS wished to know whether it was the intention of Government to revise the provisions of the Irish Stamp Office Act, which did not exist in England, with a view to the bringing in of some measure to amend that Act. Lord ALTHORP said, that the Act which be believed the Hon. Member alluded to, in Ireland, had been passed by the Irish Government, and not by the British Par liament.--(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Yet it was an Act passed in 1738, and had been adopted in 1815 into the Act passed by this Parliament. He believed it was an Act prospective and imperative. Not long since the Secretary for Ireland had written to the law officers there, calling their attention to it. Their attention hdd been directed to it and they found that it was impera tive, and that they were bound by it. It wss an Act, however, that was most easily evaded, arid always bad been evaded. No attempt bad ever been made to prevent its being evaded, and that was the reason, in all probability, why it had existed as a law so long. He was not prepared to pledge himself to bring in any Bill at pre sent with a view to alter or abolish it. Mr. O'CONNELL said, that in 1800 it was made an annual Act—it had b en continued annually for some time down, but was universally supposed that it had long since expired. As to himself, he had no idea that such an Act was in existence, until the present notice of motion had been given. The Hon. and Learned Member then put two questions to the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland, re specting the measure, the eff-cts of which he had detailed last night, neither of which we distinctly heard, from the bustle and confusion that prevailed in the House at the time. Mr. LITTLETON submitted to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and to the House, the propriety of abstaining from putting questions upon this subject until the Bill was before them, which would be introduced in about three days at the latest. Sir S. WHALLEY asked two questions of the Noble Lord in the department of the Woods and Forests (Lord Duncannon), but in so low a tone of voice, and the noise in the House was so great, that they were not audible in the gallery; we understood them to relate to the accommodation which should be afforded to the public by opening the Regent's Park. Lord DUNCANNON was also very imperfectly heard, as were several succeeding Members. He was under stood to say that it was his wish that the public should he afforded every accommodation and convenience : but he could not advise his Majooy to order the Regent's Park to be altogether thrown open, although he did intend to recommend that that part which was between the road and the canal on one side should be opened. Mr. RUTHVEN asked the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland if it was the intention of Government to carry into effect the recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Com missioners, by uniting the Deaneries of Down and Raphoe? Mr. LITTLETON said that was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers, and that in a very few days the sub ject would be before the Lord Lieutenant and the Council. Colonel VERNER, in allusion to a meeting for the abolition of tithes in Ireland, which was held a short time ago, at which two magistrates were present, wished to know whether it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to adopt any steps with respect to those Magistrates. . Mr. LITTLETON said he was aware of that meeting, the requisition for which was signed by one Magistrate, and at which a resolution was pro posed by another Magistrate.—(Hear, hear.) He was, however, not aware that the meeting was illegal, or that any unwarrantable language was used at it, and therefore it was not the intention of the Government to Like any steps with respect to those magistrates.—(Hear, hear.) Major BEAUCLERK put a question to a Noble Lord opposite, relative to the contemplated employment of the new police force in a pa►ish in Surrey, which had been protested against by the parishioners, but he spoke i❑ a tone that was nearly inaudible to the reporters. Lord HOWICK said he could give no answer to the question, as from the want of previous notice he had not any information upon the subject. If, however, the Hon. and Gallant Officer wished, he would make the inquiry. Major BEAUCLERK then gave notice that he would, at another time, put the question. On the motion that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of Supply, Lord CHANDOS rose, and, after that part of his Majesty's speech relating to the distress of the agricultural interests had been read by the clerk, the Noble Lord said that he was about to call the attention of the House to the subject of the agricultural distress. He believed that he was about to call the attention of the House to a question of the greatest importance, and one which, in his humble judgment, was not exceeded in im portance by any other. It was admitted that distress per vaded all the agricultural classes. He was unable to do justice to the subject, but he trusted in what he brought before the House, however humble his efforts might be, that the House would go along with him, for they were all satisfied that distress existed, and he was sure they would be all ready to relieve it. Distress bad existed amongst the agricultural clasies for a great many years—it had extended with great rapidity, and at one period with greater rapidity than at another ; but! there was not one portion of the agricultural intetest which was not, more or less, suffering under distress. n the year 1821, a Committee was appointed to in quire into the agricultural distress, but he believed that that Committee did not do great credit to the agricultural interest, or give any relief to that body. Certainly distress existed in 1821, though not to such a degree as it existed at present. Last year his Majesty's Government appointed another Committee, in order that this House might be made acquainted with the present state of the agricultural distress. It was but due to the Right Hon. Btroner, the Chair man of that Committee, to state that no person was better able to inquire into the subject than he was. The report, which was so clearly drawn up, went along with him (Lord,Chandos) in his assertion that distress to a great extent existed amongst the agricultural in terests.—(Hear, hear.) He would read an extract from the report of the Committee in 1821, which expressed a hope that the great body of the agriculturists, though suffering from distress, might, from the increasing prospe rity of the times, from their credit, and from the resources which they possessed, be able to meet the difficulties which surrounded them. But the Committee of last year allowed the full extent of the difficulties which pressed upon agriculture, and expressed their opinions that the agricultural credit was falling, and that their resources were exhausted. Was it then possible for any man con nected with the soil, and relying upon it for his indepen dence, not to sympathize with the distressed state of the farmer, and to take the earliest opportunity to assist him in his distress? He felt, and be stated with feelings of plea sure, that he depended upon the soil for his independence. The reports of the Committee of 1921 and of 1833 con firmed the opinion, to which there could be scarcely a dis sentient idea, of the general distress of the farmers. This distress arose from different causes; from local and general causes. Same farmers, to be sure, were in a flourishing condition ; but those were such as had other resources besides their lands—re sources upon which they were obliged to fall back. Those were resources which the generality of farmers did not possess.—(Hear.) It was well known that the destruction of crops had been very general. It was well-known that in the lowlands, where, in the year 1815, rents were 535. they were now reduced to 7s. and 14s. The landlords made every ex ertion to meet the coming difficulties, as they increased from time to time ; but every contrivance tended only to increase the difficulties, and diffuse them through all grades—from landlords down to labourers. Daily charges were brought against the farmers of a wish to enjoy a monopoly to the prejudice of other classes. lie (Lord Chandos) on every opportunity would disclaim this.—(Hear, hear.) They did not trench on the interests of any other classes. They endured their distresses, and did not clamour as other classes, for relief.—(Loud cheers.) They bore them patiently—they did not resist the King's officers. They manifested a degree of patience which entitled them to the consideration of all who were willing to award redress, whey it was sought fur peaceully, and when their claims to it were derived from the spirit of loyalty they exhibited, and the forbear ance they evinced, under all their grievances.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord, on bringing in his Budget the other night, had alluded to the distresses of the agricultural classes, and stared his hope that be should be able this session to relieve them by his proposed alterations in the poor laws, and the tithe system.—(Hear, hear.) So far as these two measures went, they would certainly benefit the farmers, but they would by no means relieve the entire class. The Noble Lord was himself a farmer, and knew what the state of the farmers was at that moment. At all events, the plan, as proposed by the Noble Lord regarding the commutation of tithes, was prospective, and they could not obtain any relief from that for a certain time. But before the farmer got that relief, a great many of those who were now able to go would sink. In the county where he (the Marquis of Chandos) resided, such was the amountof the poor rates that one large parish was in the hands of the poor. That was not the state to which the whole country was to be brought, because, whenever that should be the case, it was past legislation, and no Minister, no matter who he might be, could save the country from utter ruin and destruction. It was necessary for the House to look to the state in which the agricultural interest now stood with regard to produce anti its price. He had heard an Hon. Member, a few nights since, allude to the monopoly the farmers enjoyed in the articles of butter, bacon, and he believed he added eggs.—(Laughter.) He meant the Honourable Member for Middlesex. But he could tell that Hon. Member, that the farmers did not enjoy any such monopoly. If the lion. Member for Middlesex held a large dairy farm, he would be aware that the butter which was formerly sold for Is. 6d. and Is. 7d. was now down to is. Id, and Is. 2d. With re gard to the price of cattle, the Hon. Member knew snore about that than he (the Marquis of Chandos) (Great laughter.) There was nothing extraordinary in the prices of any description of agricultural produce—it was no more than the farmer ought to have in order to be able to pay his labourers, and, in fact, it was under a fair remuneration. The prices of labour which were formerly 6s. and 7s. were now up to 10s. When he looked back to the period of 1823, when riots and fires took place throughout the country, he cou'd not help bearing in mind that these excesses took place from the distresses of the agricultural population, and their anxiety to have rents reduced. He hoped the country would never see those things again, and he hoped that the House would assist him in bringing about some relief to the farmers and the labouring classes. As Mr. Burke said, the trade of the farmer was a poor one, and his capital more precarious than any other. He would now call the attention of the House to the condition in which the middle class of farmers w ere. A farmer who held 750 acres of good grass land paid 170/. fur parochial rates, 2301. for labour, and when the King's taxes, and other incidental expenses were added, the whole charges upon 750 acres amounted to 769/. 12s. The farmer also paid a considerable duty upon malt—he also paid the duties upon windows, and upon horses employed in agriculture, and the servant who worked in the fields, if he came to assist his master in the house, was taxed. To show the extraordi. nary increase that had taken place in the poor rates, be had taken the amount at too periods of six years, from the year 1787 to 1792 they averaged 765/., and the average of six years from 1828 to 1833 was 3,6771. This was in the county of Buckingham, in which the price of wheat was 10s., and labour was front 9s. to 10s. In another parish the average from the year 1787 to 1792 was 2,6001., and the average for six years from 1828 to 1833 was 7,139/. In another parish the poor rates averaged in the former period the sum of 2,151/., and from the year 1814 to 1819 they averaged 9,7771. In another parish in the same county, in the former period, from 1787 to 1792, they averaged 2,1551., and they now averaged 6,297/. If a stop were not put to this system, the property would soon be in the hands of the paupers ; they would have the fee simple of the land. When these things were stated, the Noble Lord would see that it was necessary to give the agricultural interest relief by some other means than the prospective relief to which he had alluded. He had received a letter from a farmer in Somerset, and althou 4 h he (the Marquis of Chandos) did not know him person ally, he was a man who was well known and respected. The letter stated that the produce of a farm in the vale of Taunton, for which he paid forty shillings per acre, amounted to 584/., and that his outgoings amounted to 58'7/. This was a first rate farm. In a second rate farm, for which 28s. an acre was paid, the produce amounted to 766/, and the outgoings to 883/. He did not think that, looking at all the circum- stances in which the agricultural classes were placed, they could make the two ends meet in any part of the country. In the instances to which he had alluded, the farmers having other means and resources, would perhaps be able to get on for same time longer. The Noble Lord had stated that he meant to give the householders the remission of their taxes. He (the Noble Marquis) was one who bad voted for the reduction of those taxes, and he would have done so again this year had the question of vote been brought forward. He con gratulated the householders on what they had received, but he should have been better pleased if tile Noble Lord had given the remission without accompanying it with the statement that he remitted that tax merely because it was unpopular, and there was a clamour raised against it. But why give up the house tax, and impose the malt tax? Lord ALTHORP—I did not impose the malt tax. The Marquis of CHANDOS—Yes, indeed, you did, because the House voted its abolition, and you cime down in four days afterwards and imposed it again.—(Hear and laughter.) He had rejoiced to hear the flattering statement made by the Noble Lord of the state of his revenue. With respect to the 800,0001. which the Noble Lord said he had to appropriate in payment of the interest of the West In dia giant, he did not understand that that could be wanted till next August at the soonest. Lord ALTHORP said the money had been all trans mitted. The Marquis of CHANDOS—.The whole of the capital ? Lord ALTHORP—Yes. The Marquis of CHANDOS then doubted that the Commissioners would not be ready to receive it, but still he thought the Noble Lord Lord might have retained part of it here awhile, so as to have enabled him to take off the window taxes.—(Hear, hear.) He was not one who wished that there should not be a strict at tention to good faith in the payment of that large sum of money now that it had been granted, but still important claims of the inhabitants of this country were not there fore to be rejected.--(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord would only impose an additional duty on gin and o❑ French wines, he was quite sure that the Ex chequer would enable him to make these further remissions of taxation which were so loudly called for. The Noble Lord was extremely mistaken if he thought he could go on another year without giving assistance to the farmers. They had long and patiently suffered, and never attempted, by clamour or improper interference, to call upon the House to reduce their taxation, but they had this night begged through him to lay their case before Parlia went. In doing so, he knew the jury of which the House was composed. There were many country gentle men in it who well understood the subject, and he had no doubt they would conduct themselves on this occasion in such a manner as they would be enabled to go back to their constituents with confidence and satisfaction. He would not have felt that he was doing his duty to the farmers or to the public, had he not taken the earliest possible opportunity of bringing forward this question after the notice that had been taken of it in his Majesty's speech. After that notice every one thought and ex pected that Government would have brought forward a measure for the amelioration of the farmer's condi tion, but all had been grievously disappointed. He implored the House not to separate this night without showi❑g the farmers that they would listen to their prayer. He brought forward the subject from no improper motive, not because he was opposed to the present Ministry, but because he considered it absolu•ely necessary that at tention should immediately be paid to this class of society. —(Hear, hear, hear.) He hop,d it would not be said that because the farmers had not given way to clamour they were to be neglected, and now told nothing could be done for them, because the Budget was closed for another year. Should their prayer be rejected, their distress would be augmented, and the Noble Lord's difficulties beyond all doubt increased. He trusted, however, his humble tale on their behalf would be listened to ; he implored the Noble Lord to accede to his request. The Noble Marquis concluded by moving the following resolution, 39 an amendment : " That in any reduction of the burdens of the country which it might he practicable to effect by the remission of taxes, a due regard be had to the distressed condition of the agricultural interest, as adverted to his Majesty's speech." Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL rose to second the amendment, and said that he should ill discharge his duty to his constituents, if he hesitated for one mo ment to express his concurrence generally in the senti ments of the Noble Lord who had preceded him. The Noble Lord had gone into so many topics on the subject of the distress of the agricultural classes, and had so fully illustrated that distress, that it would not be necessary for him to trespass long on the attention of the House in seconding it. The case of the agricultural classes had, he considered, been fully proved, and he could not think that it would be disregarded by the House. As many other opportunities would occur of addressing the House on this subject, on the other motions connected with it which stood on the book, he would not at present go into any details, but he would call on Ministers to state why the occupiers of land, and they alone, should be excluded from the relief which it was proposed to give from direct taxation? Allusion had been made to the high character for good conduct, for loyal and peaceful disposition, of the petitioners whose case had been brought before the House. He could bear his testimony to that high character, and could state, front his own knowledge, that a better or more peaceably disposed class did not exist in the country._( Hear, hear.) He did not, however, lay their claim to relief on that ground alone. They had grounds fur seeking relief which in common justice ought to he irresistible. He did not wish on this occasion to a'k for relief for one class at the expense of another. H e was glad to find that the manu•acturers and commercial classes were to be relieved. All he desired was, that relief should be extended to that other class which stood so much in need of it, for he did not wish to raise up dis tinctions of interests or to set one class against another, where the general interests of both were so blended that one could not suffer without seriously affecting the other.— (Hear, hear.) He would not detain the House further than to express a hope that that relief could not he with held for which so strong a claim had been made out. Lord ALTHORP concurred in the description given by the Noble Marquis of the distress which existed amongst the agricultural classes. He was quite ready to admit that those classes were most pressed down, and he assured the Noble Lord that be concurred in the wish that his exertions might relieve them. In some points he differed widely from the view taken by the Noble Lord ; but the Noble Lord could not think that he should eiffa from him, when be laid so much stress on the severe pressure 01 the poor-rates. He agreed that those rates did press with great severity on the occupiers of land. Indeed, so great were the burdens and pressure in this respect, that little if any serious benefit could be derived from the relief from other burdens, unless some remedy was devised to lighten the pressure of this great evil. He (Lord Althorp) was as much interested as the Noble Lord, or as any man could be, in the prosperity of the owners and occupiers of land, and when be spoke of those who advocated the landed interest, he referred to them only as taking a pro minent part in th e questions relating to land, as contradis. tinguished from th ose who took an equally prominent part in questions relating to manufactures and commerce. He differed widely from those who said that relief to the other interests in the country would not bear ad vantageously on agriculture. He would assert that the greatest relief which could be given would be that which would in, st affect the general body ; relief, therefore, from a tax which pressed heavily on the general body must be a relief to agriculture as well as to commerce and manu factures. It the Noble Lord could show that the tax on malt was one which pressed heavily on the general wealth, he would be establishing a go o d ground for extending relief by the repeal of that tax in preference to any other, but unless he could do that, he did nothing. What would most benefit the landed interest must, lie repeated, be what would most tend to the benefit of the general in terest of the country. Now, in speaking of this, he could not overlook the great increase which had of late taken place in the price of wool. He did not underrate that when he stated that within a very short time the price of that article had been raised from 93. to 2s. the pound— that was an increase of ls. 3d. is the pound. Now, if gentlemen would consider what a great addition this must have made to the receipts of the occupiers of the soil, they would see that the repeal of the whole of the malt-duty—if it all went into the pockets of the farmers,which it would not do—would not be equal to the relief which they derived from the increase in that article alone. He was not pre pared to go into details on that point, but he was sure he was not wrong in what he hail stated. Bat why had this great increase taken place ? Was it not owing to the ge neral prosperity of the other interests, or at least to a great improvement in their circumstances? He was aware that this rise in the price of wool was owing in part to the deficiency House.)in tli s tit): ready was (lle to a r,h hear, fromadmit th a t severalti the parts defici e n c y of supply had operated to a certain extent in raising the price, but it could not he denied that the main cause was the increasing demand from the improved cir cumstances of other interests. Thus they became more extensive customers to the agriculturists than before, and it must follow that a measure of relief which would pro mote the interests of those who purchased from that class would do them good as well as those to whom the relief was more immediately given, and more good than they could derive from any small amount of direct remission. The Noble Lord b a d expresse d hi s concurrence in the remission of the house duty, but expressed his regret that it should have been conceded in consequence of the resist ance made to it. The Marquis of CHANDOS said that he had used the word " unpopularity." Lord ALTHORP said it was true he had stated that the unpopularity o f th e tax was one ground of hi s objec tion to it, but it should be recollected that he had in a great measure pledged himself to the repeal of the tax before any resistance had been made to it, and that that contemptible resistance, if he did not use too strong a word, had been put down, and tta law vindicated, before he had brought the question forward in the House.— ( Hear, bear.) The Noble Lord thought that because he (Lord Althorp) had given up the house duty, lie had also the means of relieving the agriculturists to somewhat near the same extent. Aa to giving them relief from the application of any portion of the sum set aside for the payment of the West India loan before such payment became due, it was out of the question, for it bad been agreed that the interest should he payable from the tnoment the parties should entitle themselves to receive it, which would be (he supposed) about the mouth of August. It had been very truly said that in the present year the Government would not have to pay more than half a year's interest on the loin for the compensation of the West India proprietors ; that might be perfectly true, but at the same time it was equally true that it would be in the highest degree improvident to apply the funds allocated for that purpose to any other ; such a practice would be most dangerous to public credit, and it could not but be obvious that in providing the ways and means it was impcssible for him to take such a consideration into account.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to what had been said on the subject of an increased duty upon spirits, he was perfectly ready to admit that the duty should only be limited by the amount that it was prac ticable to collect. He should be willing to go to the highest amount in duty that had not the effect of dimi nishing the revenue; but these observations or admissions contributed nothing to the support of the Noble Lord op• posire in the position which he took up. For the reasons, then, which he hid stated, he should object to the amend ment then before the House : he could not agree that the diminution of this or that particular tax would meet the agricultural (listless at present prevailing. He was aware that the small taxes payable off land were vexation., but they were not much more, and far greater benefit, in his opinion, would accrue from placing the poor rates on an improved footing, than from anything that could be done in the way of relieving the landed interest from the pres sure of direct taxes. Even the malt-tax, of which so much had been said, would not afford the relief which was imagined; though some parts of the country might gain, others would not. He admitted that there was considerable distress, but he begged it to he borne in mind that the owners of the barley-growing lands were not those at present in the greatest distress, the heavy lands were at present the least profitab:e. After much reflection be was quite convinced that there were oilier taxes than those mentioned which would afford relief to the agricultural interest; for example, the removal of any taxes which interfered with the general industry of the country. Upon all these grounds he must refuse his assent to the amendment. Mr. FRYER was understood to say that he would sup port a commutation of tithes, and an amendment of the poor laws; but he would at the same time ask the Noble Marquis to join with him in a simple act of justice by putting an end to that monopoly in food, which was alike mischievous to the population of the towns and of the rural districts ; it was the repeal of the corn laws that would alone make both independent for the true interests of the agriculturist and the manufacturer were identical. An HON. MEMBER said that several years ago the cal culation was, that 160,000,00016. of wool was annually grown in this country; it at that time sold for 9d., it now brought 2s. Wis not that single circumsrance almost enough to compensate for the losses and burdens endured since by the landed interest? He knew it might be said that the increased demand for wool might be ascribed to the rot in the sheep, but he would ask did the rot in sheep occasion an additional demand for manufactured woollen goods ? That demand was constant in its opera tion, and probably would be permanent. As to the malt tax, it mustaffect the agricultural interest either as growers or as consumers. In the latter capacity, it could only affect the farmer in common with the other members of the community, and that only in a matter more of shil lings than of p iunds. The growers alone would be bene fited by it, and they only within certain limits, for this reason—that the moment the markets rose to a certain point foreign corn would be admitted. He had beard much in different quarters of the peculiar burdens imposed upon the land, but though he was himself connected with the landed interest, he had no difficulty in saying, that the poor rates were the chief burden which the farmer en dured. He was fully borne out by the facts, for let any one inquire of the farmers, and their answer would be, .‘ Parliamentary taxes are as nothing ; the poor rates are the great evil." Mr. BARING would confine his observations to the subject immediately before the House, and not follow the diversion which had been attempted into the corn laws, which would be fully discussed on the day set apart for that purpose, hut was too important a subject to be dis cussed incidentally. The state of the case at that moment before the House was this; last session a Committee had been appointed to inquire into the state of the agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing interests, the result of w hich inquiry had b een a repor t, s t a ting the agriculturists to be in the greatest distress, while the commercial and manufacturing interests were highly prosperous. These facts bad been also set forth in the speech from the throne, and what was done in consequence? Why, the very re verse of what might have been expected : the Noble Chan cellor of the Exchequer came down and informed the House that he should, in consequence, be able to afford some portion of relief from taxation. It was naturally to be expected that this relief would be afforded to that interest which was represented as in a state of dis tr,ss ; but no such thing :it was given precisely to e interests which were in no want of it; which it was ad mitted, on the contrary, were in a state of the highest prosperity, while the distressed agriculturists were suf fered to tem iin as distressed as ever. No doubt there did e xist, and very properly, an intimate connection of inter ests between the two classes, and as undoubtedly both classes were intitled to the care of the Legislature, or if one class were in a more distressed state than the other, it was the duty and the interest of Government to apply all their attention to remove the distresses of that class, and mike it equally prosperous with the other interest. It had b .en said that to relieve the commercial interest would hate the elicit of benefitting the landed interest ; this might be very true, and the converse of this position woo Id he equally good, for if the House relieved the latter interest, it would have the effect of benefitting the former.— (Hear, hear.) And this being granted, he thought it would he better to extend the eirect relief to that class which was more in want of it.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord had talked last night about a commutation of tithes; to-night, however, when the question was the agricul tural interest of England, that Noble Lord said nothing about commutation of tithes. His Lordship probably thought it would be too great a relief to bestow upon the agriculturists. The Noble Lord had, with great em phasis, thrown out a hint that he proposed some altera tion in the poor rates; it remained to he seen what alte ration was proposed, but it was a pity that the Noble Lord had not at once given the House at least some idea of his plan, for if it had been at all eligible, it might have had the effect of quieting the agricultural Members, who were otherwise likely to give his Lordship some trouble. Even if the proposition were only to relieve the agricul turists from part of the poor rates, by levying them on some other property, or otherwise, this would be a great relief. There was this difference between the relative positions of the manufacturer and the landholder; the former, if he failed in business, or chose to drop it, could set about something else, or at the worst come upon the landholder, while the latter, whether fortune shone upon him or no, was obliged to keep on, and had no other interest on which in distress he could fall back, like the other classes. The Noble Lord seemed strongly averse from helping the landholders. If he gave them a particle of relief, he con trived that they should not be the better for it for twenty years or so. What they wanted, however, was immediate relief ; and if they were compelled to wait much longer for it, they would probably be past cure. The misfortune of the landholders was, that they were not in a position to assemble in hebthimadal crowds, and, walking in pro cession two and two, besiege the doors of the Noble Lord, and clamour him into giving them relief. Not being able to assemble in clamorous crowds, they had none of the advantages o'f . great towns for procuring a remission of taxes. The fact was, that the number and clamours of the metropolitan and other representatives for cities and towus, had altogether overwhelmed the humble petition and remonstrances of the agriculturists. The Noble Lord supposed that the assessed taxes were the only unlit). pular ones, because the complaints of the aericulturists had been silenced and unheard amidst the boisterous cla mours of the town and city representatives. As it was, the country had bread and the other produce of land at a much cheaper rate than at any period within the last 150 years. At present, the price of corn was only 4Ss. quarter; whereas, for a whole century before 1793, it had been 50s. Though the price of meat and wool had increased, and the farmers had thus been benefited, as farmers, yet such had been the course of adverse circum stances for the last three years that the 1= as of the farmers as flock farmers had more than counterbalanced their gains as farmers. The Hon. Member considered that a reduction in the malt tax would be eminently beneficial to all classes, as well as to the revenue itself : if it took all say ss. a quarter, the deficiency would be amply made up by the increase of consumption.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Indeed, a good half of this duty might be judiciously made, if Government would only consider some of its late reductions, which it wag generally admitted had been very hastily made.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Several of these were of no service to the public: the reduction of half the malt duty would be universally and eminently beneficial. There was another subject on which a Committee had la 4 session been appointed—a subject of general importance, on which the Grand Jury in every county had made a strong remonstrance : he alluded to the beer shops.— (Hear, hear.) These shops were universally considered as mere nurseries of crime—the cause of that dreadful increase of demoralization which had become matter of such notoriety. All the country magistrates, private country gentlemen, farmers, and even the more respect. able labourers, united in the strongest protest against the beer shops.—(Hear, hear.) Last year the Noble Loud bad talked of bringing in a Bill on the eubject; but he had mentioned this et a time when all the :11er-fibers were gone out of town, and nothing could he done. Now, when the House was re-as•embled, and greater anxiety than ever prevailed on the subject, his Lordship said nothing about the matter. In short, the Noble Lord on this point, as on every other, clearly showed that he was determ'ned to do nothing for the agricultural interest. Mr. WIIBRAHAM thought Parliamentary taxes had very little to do with agricultural distress. He recollected that, several years ago, when many petitions and motions had been brought forward on the subject of agricultural distress, the Duke of Wellington, then in office, laid on the table of the other House a very ably drawn up statement on this subject, which clearly demonstrated that the dis tress was by no means owing to taxation. The few taxes which had borne on the agriculturists, such as that on carts, Sisc., had recently been taken off, and that interest had now no taxes to complain of. The Hon. Member made a few other observations, which were, however, totally inaudible in the gallery. Mr. COBBETT wholly differed with the Noble Lord in the principles he had laid down on this subject ; and he would talk to him about it directly.—(A laugh.) He would, however, in the first place, address himself to what an Hon. Baronet had asserted, that agricultural distress was in no way attributable to Parliamentary taxation, but wholly to tithes and poor.rates. Indeed ! He would just ask the Hon. Baronet at what time it was that tithes were first instituted ?—( Hear, hear.) Was it five years ago, or ten years ago, or was it not rather earlier.— (Hear, and a laugh.) The Hon. Baronet must remember the good times for agriculturists ; he must remember the cattle shows at Hulkham, and the other specimens of the arrogance of agricultural aristocracy. Toese were good times for the agriculturists, yet tithes existed even then. And this simple fact would suffice to show that agricul tural prospsi ity or adversity had nothing to do with t then. __(Hear, hear, hear.) This would do as an answer for the Hon. Baronet : the error of the Noble Lord was of much greater consequence, because he gave it as his reason why he would not give the agricultural interest the relief they wanted— the reduction of their taxes. The Noble Lord was right in saying that all taxes fell indirectly or directly upon all classes ; if they instituted a land tax it would fall upon the labourers—(Hear, hear)—hut lie (Mr. C.) would sav, that if there were any taxes which were more particularly injurious to one class than another, they were those which bad deterred the farmer from keeping labourers as servants, and providing them with beer. The taxes on agricultural servants and the Beer Bill had produced all those dissolute manners which had never been known among agricultural labourers before. The Noble Lord said something abaut a proposed alteration in the pour-rates; he must, of course, mean to lessen the amount of that relief. Before the Noble Lord talked of poor-rates being the burden upon landholders, he should have put the House on an inquiry as to how those rates had been caused. Had they been in flicted on the people by an act of Providence ? No. Had the poor themselves instituted them ? No. Let the Noble Lord look over the Treasury records, and he would there find that the amount of pour-rates bad gone on in exact coincidence with the progressive increase of taxation —(Hear, hear)—and uuless the Noble Lord intended to take off the taxes—which he (Mr. Cobbett) by the bye strongly advised him to do—(A laugh)—itw was entirely out of his power to alleviate the case of the farmer by had distress among the been another cause of c onstant misery and be studiously overlooked. farmers, which he also found to Ithat had it was not the poor rates, he repeated, ruinedthing he could do with regard to poor-rates. There the farmers. H e r emembered the time when who,t fetched 401. or 501. a load, yet the poor rates were higher then than now. There had never been a year of greater agricultural prosperity than the year 1812 (we believe he said), yet the poor rates were higher then than now. _(Cries of "No, no.") He said yes, yes—(A l aug h)__ and he should like to hear any one disprove hitn.—(An Hon. Member made a short observation, which we did not hear.) Pshaw, continued Mr.Cobbett—(A laugh)__ no such thing. He was giving facts, which could be proved from documents. He repeated, that in the year 1 1 i :1 ,1 2 er:i t: a w ry agriculturistsi.eturn returns, . ere werehigh higher then a thanstate of the hiehe t prosperity, yet po u r rates, as he cou ld prove b y the Par hear.) The paytnent in gold brought down the price of wheat, and in this the great cause of the distress was to be found. The Noble Lord said the poor rates bad been the cause of the ruin of the country. These poor rates had now been 250 years in operation, and yet it was only lately that they were discovered to have produced this ruin.—( Hear, hear.) Much had been said about checking the poor rates, but by what meins—how were they to be checked ? Was it by a law to prevent the relief being extended ? Was it by letting them have less wages or allowance than now ? How much less ? He would appeal to the Member for South Wiltshire, to know in what degree the allowance could be lessened. That Hon. Member knew that in his neighbourhood a gallon loaf and threepence per week was the allowance, and how could this be lessened ? (Cheers.) The gallon loaf was about a pound of bread per day. Could they reduce this allowance? The allowance made by the Magistrates of Hampshire to the poor labourers was Os. 6d. per week all the year round; and if they objected to this there was no allowance for them. In Dorsetshire they were allowed a penny a week more. Where was the room for check in this allowance ? Could the Noble Lord reduce it lower ? If such a measure were attempted the consequences which he (Mr. Cobbett) predicted the other night would ensue, and the., ought to ensue. flow superior was the condition of the soldier who dint no work, who only carried a bayonet, and yet received poor labourers, who had only their gallon loaf and threepencat per week. To meet the distress there should be a gen eral reduction of two millions in the navy and two millions ill t_ 6, army. There could be no effective mode of relieving the d_i ., his Is. rid. per da ate y thli , the a eiot s raurx w es ' el ell as fuel and lodging, to that of tbe;ee ' tress unless by some such general reduction as that which fo lowed iLuiril: ; t dlla,rei . o t ds h fetla e %nt,:i.l last denied adi: peace,:a rcausein y w. and i c i It t , h compelled‘i , s , 0 could ,li b e unreasonablenot t h b e G d o o n , , e e r iexcept,minj, ibtei-n,1::::::p; to expect that Government could reduce a single tO " they stood by them in an effort to remove the debt. t H h l e T re lll w o a li s E n s , a n i o d p , that the distress existed, but because he did not tin t h means proposed would be found effectual as a !Tine , y i: He concurred with his Noble Friend below h i i h rr e . :I , l ' '' l , )ll , est would vot e against the propositio()nlYtsh'naothtebtei(icol‘aulugrizlVehdontrnaki°ittilee(ie Althorp), that the appli c ation of toesl remedies to i i :s .. evils by which the agricultural interests were locally aryl fected, would be more remedial. No and demane i more attention than the poor rates, and the Ministry, hd directing their attention to them, would effect more g0,. , -; . than by any other measures. If these were not se'e'n Y . taken into consideration, there would be no hope ot port. perity for the country. Another matter of great itnporart. tent te return.would be F t t l . m u e m in t t h r e od u u n c t c i e o r o ta o in f n a ut f n a r i e r system of co f mutation of tithes. By this means a greater outlay ° capital would take place, which would produce a cumpe: now stood, it would be difficult to calculate on the " turn ,' of outlay. If Government would redeem its pledg e ' , an a in n t; o p d a u r c ti e al s , om bu e t measure relating r a e t la ti t i i e ng ro t o o t o poorthreateesv,il :lot would i t wou , . o w r o d u er k s l . do be of more service than any other measure which could be proposed. tsio:Aeelrft.oi time et E h N teh E tz T ri T it c would : a : s r] di o s f t:: : p p i r n To i vi o ,ee n tr t i l et m ep a et morals u ofrulsthu somethingef tmh ti : m l u tiu s t wo h es e r a re n p d ea s l o o a f is t o h nre e fdiidt m nh class of the population ; the benefits accruing from th e Mi. CLAY said, it had been stated that the agricul turall much repeal i n the he ofw i w e tt f ha: landlords; yxeu , l , od a ht : gSueel l nf i b e e rae u e e rrl t ty m ara u ni t x , : h a l hr e nee:y o eu r e f l' e llx)i yafi°,:sritoealnead'oteffli:swvtnqcrahlit%'a.lautetsj 13°Istehesi;:t: interest bad not shared in time reliefcorise consequent on y dt p hi a de rt n i r a oe l tP it es y llia ttith which it was imposed.—(Hear, hear.) It was evidently a tax which could not be fairly and equally levied. If the malt tax were remitted, it Would tend in a great degree to increase agricultural prosperi t y , by protnotir.g consumption. The tax on beer h ad hee. remitted ; and the consequence would, in some degr . t e ' support his opinion. From 1820 to 1833, it had ll' maser] 44 per cent. The Member (or Essex had obeerved upon one of the reasons given by the Government for re p, sling the house tax—t ) wit, its unpopularity; and in his (Mr. Clay's) opinion, it was a very j us tifiable on He was glad to know that the opinions of unreproentea millions found utterance and attention in that Ilouse.--' (Ch e ers.) For his own part, he rather represented the opinions, than the numerical strength of his constitueneYs Lord HOWICK begged leave to observe, uldr "rates the asse rtion of the Member for Oldham, that the poo augmented with taxation. The Hon. Menrier was ruts' taken in his assertion. He (Lord Howick) had taken a° opportunity of looking at the returns, even since th e assertion was made , and he f iund the fact quite the coos trary. In 1812 the poor rate was 6,665,6001. ; in itW it was 6,731,000/. In 1812 the taxes were 65 millionsti in 1832 they were 46 millio ns.— ( Cheers.) How enui, the Hon. Member reconcile this with his statement Here was a diminution of taxes to the amount of °t to millions, and an increase of the poor roe amountiolgct eu ,t ° n e arly 100,000/.—(Cheers.) This s urel y contrail. ~ _ e the statement of the Hon. Memb er for Oldham; and difference would be moot) mo re striking had refereoe* b en made to any other than the year 1812. , he Colonel EVANS made a few ob,ervations, in whien c w o i n o t , ra t Thas_ a, the metropolis were—Rental, 5,700,000/, Poor . li_ . : r ot s h t e ed re t n he rai ren an ta d l a p n o d or t ,s he ra p t o e o , r ,f 's I r r a o t r e k o ,h f itfrtee. metropeolt:f' 680,000/. ; of Yorkshire—Rental, 4,700,000/, Y Rate, 410,000/. h I Lord ort the Mr. CARTWRIGHT referred the No—e at h. N Chancellor of the Exchequer to a cou nt y meeting ampton, at which he (Lord Althorp) sail he would ~..e the consideration of the malt tax to Government• sv'lP_ motion was a temperate one, merely claiming it could be afforded, and as such he should c,,ncur ild . lt _ oo , Mr. CAYLEY, who spoke amidst great noise and '' fusion, was understood to support time amendment. pr,htoriginalictiera,:ipeiei.b A :diy l uti e, r mta, . wiTadebas L htl:r . nusee A o:pkoNb .ll pt,etio l :,iddot l.3 brlvntalnt E ee.hoiryt E newtlsehi T irer:aliyat di or‘te i veati . eeinedmr,luvtrt:iheeeatshmlneisloildi yamgicertainly hemhti attend that ie,dat p , iarrsa e udet b l tiisc l ,ont,t, e hinahu d higkweini ide.s t yhdaj o e siidipip r i r it; inunsir l o. e, itee o t l yurcerd : j e gogie f f e e. ~,pi .n_ o,l. o o,o.eaba,gs p nt t ri :co ,dy b r r:1: 1. . , every possible relief to the agricultural classes; but :veto s h vo ad tin fa g lle f n or on a th r e ep landed e a i of to the p r es s ure , t..of taxation. This he denied. In his o pinion i t tiie : ilia' interest e re m st al w t a t s ax o , " s i • E ll )g ich he could riiob currency.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Alember then P. ~ „r, ailed.. amongst the agricultural classes, particularly in j wily' he had iorsaken his plough and taken to agitation; a loug h once did when my agricultural pursuits broug ht h i pro' adequate return for my industry, my plough w n dy g ive duce nothing but ruin ; but agitation maY P c ' s most die' me something."—(Hear, hear.) This was t inq uiri tressing state of things, and demanded the utto2,!_e L e g iir and attention on the part of the Legislature. T he Leg" and attention on the part of the LegiBlato o SdWflstr lature had done the wrong, and it was bound to' o tti f e f r:::: s y : t h l o t ug w h ts d n w o i t m y; l e e t d t a o l o va l y a , te. The measure dent bj: confiscation was not yet complete. Tbe ind e f e The remedy, however, was very dillere w ia 3 t by the Noble Marquis, and though lie respect ed bi he could not support his proposition. d ca lled Mr. C. FERGUSSON—The Noble 'Marquis ba r,doe , on the House to express their ()prawn, that in 5n Y sts of tion of taxation which was to take place the intereat,_A. the agricultural classes ought to be particularly reg.s443", Everything that had passed from the instant when la t t o ' i the jesty made his gracious speech from the throne, liT tioo. It present moment, showed the justice of that iug go 00 0, G Yer n I was admitted on the part of leis M aj esty s ° . co i t ore that some relief should be granted, that the agr' _ o w interest was in a state of great distress, whilst the w yet , factoring interests were increasing in prospe . r s it Y A i a j es ty ge strange to say, the only relief proposed b y II i . tercet" Government was to be granted to the latter in ...,ei ' t icrtthYftet sstiev3glgoteltjui-vtced: (Hear, hear.) est wa s in from his Majesty's speech that the landed In d trail ing state of unmitigated ruin, whilst the manufacturing an „ t his Mr. ROBINSON was sorry to see it classes were in a state of great prosperity. How, the were the case, came his Majesty's G overnmen t to give , all t he relief to the latOr class ? The object of the Noble M ar lioift' motion was to give the former a portion of the relief. _„ c el. suppose the motion were carried. It appeared that the Clw ep if for of the Exchequer had only 1,200,000/. to spare. 11 , 0 0 the agriculturists were to share, it was evident that h e , i - i g ide' not give up the house duty. Suppose, then, he were to m. is od" it, and give 600,0001. to the shopkeepers and householeers'eold 600,0001. to the landed interest—why then the house tax n o ble not be remitted on the one hand, and he would ask the n i t rist i the measure of commercial prosperity was Marquis what relief would 600,0001. give to the a grial . „ e n: , °unt i l D 0 on the other ?—Hear, hear.) One tlemen. It . was ( assumed that the manufacturing class : 0 1 thO ' . 0 generally assuol"• in a state of great prosperity, but it should be remelobe b y ti was calal A' re td amount, whilst that of agricultural distress the returns.—(Hear.) Let them use the sallie ° l ea° o° . both interests. Don't let them say that, bsene y us ui e ix jail. calculated o f D/ manufacturers sent out of the coulltrY were m ore Ill . ":, ' vire!. pounds more of cotton, therefore they . no pose ''',- INlarelit s, " porous. Let him ask the Noble market for 10" sold last year one hundred sheep at Smithfield a 1001. , would he say that the increase in the and this year twolhundred, for which he only obt t"!,, e ut „ 'ty sold vi"" ot q uanti ndio tion ~.., proportionable increase in the returns, was a° , I . „ in a P i. ,7„ prosperity ? The manufacturers were far from bei n e' ero t, P' - e , porous state.—(Hear, hear.) One point, one 1,..:., to t b „ entirely been lost sight of in this debate —he all o a u; t, its t; shipping interest. Was that so trifling, soliniroP °rt tr ied, n o be entirely neglected ? If this proposition were ca ,„ o plY . should feel it to be his duty on the next night of I"; te reSt; make a similar motion with regard to the ship Ping a ss O s and this he would certainly maintain, that whate ver , b ose e h l; distress of the agricultural classes, the distress of .. * A ge gaged in shipping was much greater. He wouldllo',lote. support to the proposition of the Noble Marquis ---0° t orCP; he did not sympathise with the agricultural classes--o.:terettor, he was now unwilling to extend equal justice to al l ,' e bjel g but because he foresaw that the amendment of the ' a sil.P .- quis could lead to no good results. ~ IP - Sir GEORGE PHILLIPS considered that th e the _ ro suggested by his Noble Friend (the Chancellor .., t i ref' chequer) with reference to commutation of tithes a'".. the e of the poor laws, would prove much more efficient fo: o f it lief of the agricultural classes, than the pr oPosit i %ot n Noble Marquis ; for this reason he should vote af b opal amendment, though he fully admitted the right of ; r i g " interest to participate in any relief that migh t be tg ddo r ,, t ii [here had been only two modes of such relief suggesbut 'et, the discussion. One was the repeal of the malt ta x' ember f o° for would be only a very partial relief, not affecting ', -- o . i her r e. generally. The other alluded t o by the Hon. N 0 01 0 , Wexford was a return to paper mone y. Let any 0.1311 ,of these proposed remedies with th e b e tt e r administ ratiO wo poor rates, and the com mu t a ti on o f tithes, and o • sl itte r ' -a ll the two would be the more efficacious? Certainly the 0-re latter should, therefore, vote aga inst the amendtilen t, ;12