The Sun. — London, England, 1831-11-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The report of a change in the Administration has again prevailed to-day; but we have not been able to trace it to any authentic source. There is one source, however, to which, in the absence of positive intelligence, we may refer the origin of this and other rumours of the same kind, without much danger of being wide of the mark—we mean the boroughmongers. These who dread Reform, who long for the overthrow of a Reforming Administra tion, and who, withal, may he suspected of an in clination to succeed their political opponents in office, are sufficiently versed in such expedients to be aware that one way of weakening a party is to give it the character of weakness. The near approach of the Session, the silence of Ministers with respect to the question, on the fate of which their continu ance in power must depend, and the constant ap peals made both to the Government and the people by those journals which are most violent in calling for Reform, have all conspired to countenance the opinion that Ministers have met with difficulties which admit of no alternative but resignation. That the boroughmongers should take advantage of those circumstances to circulate such a report is probable ; —they feel they are in a desperate situation, and have no objection to try a desperate remedy. But the transfer of the rumour from the East to the West end of the town (tor it has spent but one day in each quarter) is a proof that there is not much stability in its foundation. To judge from present appearances we should say thar few things can be more improbable than the re signation of Earl Grey and his colleagues before the meeting of Parliament. Men who have staked their political fame—nay, their political existence, upon one great measure, which the bulk of the na tion expect at their hands, would ill consult their re putation by abandoning the post of danger without an effort to accomplish what they stand pledged to undertake. Even if their prospects were worse than we can suppose them to he, while a Monarch of such spirit and candour presides over the country, it is not on the eve of the battle that we can expect them to retire, unless we could suppose them can didates for universal ridicule. There is but one party more who would cut such a ridiculous figure, and that is the party who look to succeed them. Even the success of Mr. Hunt, which has inspired the Anti-Reformers with renewed hopes, though it may have attached some of the most ignorant of the people from the measure of Reform, will have but little effect in recommending an Anti-Reform Admi nistration to the people. But it is as a Reformer that the Duke of Wellington would take office. The idea is ridiculous; but the experiment, if it could be regarded as anything short of madness, is so improbable as to discountenance the resignation of Ministers, almost as much as the argument de rived from their own sagacity and boldness.—Morn ing Herald. One of the first considerations in building a city, it will be admitted, without any dispute, we should think, at the present crisis, ought to be the capabi lity of its being well ventilated. London, at least the central anti eastern portions of it, has not that advantage. When the city was rebuilt, after the great fire in 1666, great improvements were un doubtedly made ; but though much was done to re form it in point of convenience and salubrity, much was left undone. London has not, like Paris and some other great cities, large and open public quays (the Custom-house quay excepted), where the inha bitants may promenade, and breathe somewhat Let ser air than in the confined streets—all the embank ments of the river being covered with warehouses, and engrossed for mercantile purposes. The open spaces called squares have been, by an expressive metaphor, said to be " the lungs of the metropolis;" bet there are few of such open spaces in that part of this metropolis properly called the city of Lon firm. The city is, therefore, deficient in " lungs," and, we cannot wonder if its health be sometimes in danger. In making the approaches to the new ,London -bridge, a space of ground has been cleared of buildings which, we believe, is the property of the Corporation. It was said, some time ago, that t was intended to erect new buildings upon this epace. We hope this intention will be aban doned. Here a new square might be made, -which would be exceedingly ornamental, and very useful to that part of the city, in the way of ventlation. We would suggest to the Corpora tiott the prepriety of improving the beauty anti healthfulness of that portion of the city, by keeping this space free from buildings, and surrounding it with an iron railing, enclosing a dwarf shrubbery, by which the neighbourhood of the Monument would be greatly embellished, and rendered more salu brious. At present the Monument, which is one of the most noble columns of the sort in Europe, by ;saving its base uncovered, which, with a consider able portion of the pillar, had been choked up by the old buildings, appears to a spectator, passing to or feom London-bridge, on that side, in all the magni ficent effect of its united grandeur and symmetry. But thoosh to consult for the beauty of a city be a cnattee of snow consideration, to improve its health fultiees is a far more important matter. As to any sacrifice of property which this improvement would cost the Corporation, it would be no more than the oes of the ground-rent, there being no coat at pre cent for erections. The expense, we conceive, would be more than compensated by the improved value of the adjoining buildings, and perhaps the in habitants of Monument-yard would not object to bearing the expense, which would be repaid them in the increased value of their shops, thus secured from a certain quantity of competition—but this is only our conjecture. The improvements which, of late years, have taken place at the West end of the town, are eminently calculated, not only to beautify that portion of the metropolis but to render it more healthful, by promoting a freer circulation of air. The sweeping away the Jose derk filthy lanes and courts on the north side of the Strand—the foui welly of anxious effluvia— the receptacles of shameless vice, of squalid wretchedness, and a bomination—is, in itself, as re rads health and morals, a local reform of a most lieneAcial sort. We should like to see that sort of re form introduced into many parts of the city, where dark narrow alleys, and bark courts, almost 4niperviotts to seri and wind, present spectacles of onisety and filth that rival what we are told of the west degraded circumstances of man in barbarous life, even in the midst of the luxury and refinements of opulent civilization. The Corporation of Lon don has it in its power to do a great deal to relieve the city from these reservoirs of di.tease, where the stagnant air, loaded, as it is, with all netts of un• r.o'holesome evaporations, seems sufficient to gene rate pestilence or to invite it. The cleansing avid lime -washing which the Civic Board of Health are etideavouring, with the public assistance, to carry ipto effect, will do much good—but it will be only a temporary good ; for so long as those receptacles of filth and disease to which we have adverted exist, so long will there be a recurring danger to the public health front renewed accumulations of those offensive c „„„ w hi c h pollute arid deteriorate the air, What has been done it , ,he w est of the metropolis ought to stimulate the inhabitants of the eastern parts to ;make the ancient seat of eeeenmerce worthy the ad• lanced state of modern civilize-Wm-214mm Her. A variety of r e p or ts of a change of Kinistry were yesterday circulated. They must be bol4 evens in deed, who, on the resignation of Earl Grey, because lie is not allowed the means of carrying art efficient Reform, would think of taking office. The resigna tion of Earl Grey would be a sigriel to the country of the triumph of the oligarchy; an d if t h e people acquiesced in the indignity offered to them, they would thereby prove themselves vile sordid slaves, and the very name of Englishman would stink in the nostrils of the nations. Heavy, indeed, would be the responsibility of those who, by compelling Bail Grey to resign, would thereby drive a nation to de spair. We cannot believe that his Majesty would expose the people cf this country to the calamity of witnessing itself deceived in its fondest hopes. His Majesty roust surely have believed Reform indispen- Bible, or he would not have bestowed his confidence on a ?tlinistry formed on the principle of Reform. But vhoso wishes the end must wish the me;ms. To propose Reform, and yet refuse to consent to the means for effecting it, would be a mere mockery of the nation. However, it is time that the nation should know who interposes the obstacles to the passing of Reform. If his Majesty is an Anti-Re former, and prefers the welfare of the boroughuton gers to the welfare of the nation, let it be known. The time has arrived when there should be no longer any mystery or mystification on the subject. That there is a hitch somewhere is beyond a doubt. lithe course were clear, there could be no hesitation as to the instantly removing the apprehensions of the people.—lihrning Chronicle. - Blackwood's Magazine is well known as one of the great organs of the Tories, and the champion of Anti-Reform. In the last number Aristocracy has found a singular advocate, in a writer who, in combatting the supposed assertion of some of the supporters of the Bill that Scotland owed nothing to its own institutions, and that its prosperity was entirely to be ascribed to the beneficent Legislature of the sister kingdom—is at great pains to show that it has an advantage over England, in having a number of institutions calculated to benefit the people, properly so called—such as a democratic church, the exemption from tithes, the education of the people, a mild code—and that it possessed these advantages prior to the union with England. It is a strange way of combattitag a measure alleged to be too democratical, to sing the praises of a democratic church, equality of benefices, and abolition of tithes. But they who argued that the present prosperity of Scotland was not owing to its political constitution, did not mean thereby to contend that the Scotch institutions were generally inferior to those of England. They are, on the contrary, for the most part incomparably better. But the Constitution of Scotland before the Union is not the Constitution fixed by the Union, and such a Constitution as that fixed by the Union could only have been upheld by the power of the English Go vernment. What that of Scotland would have been at this day, had there been no Union, is matter of conjecture ; but if it had become anything like what it is now, the prosperity of that country could have had no existence. But if the English Government kept the yoke of the Constitution on the necks o the Scotch, in order to strengthen corruption is England, it is but justice to admit that the Scotch had all the benefits of the English Parliament ; and for one material improvement of its institutions, Scotland is indebted to the British Parliament--the abolition of Heritable Jurisdictions. The Reformers of England, however, are much obliged to the writer in Blackwood for reminding them so forcibly at this time, that the absence of Bishops and Pluralities, and the permanent settlement of tithes, contribute to the peace and prosperity of a country. The follow ing is the passage to which we allude : " Have they forgotten, that when the Reformation had roused the spirit of freedom in both countries, it was Scottish ardour that first took the field; that years before a sword was drawn in Eneland on the patriot side, or ti:e Royal Standard waved at Nottingham, a Scottish army had fearlessly assembled, routed the English royalists at Newcastle, and driven Charles to concession at York ; that when the armies of the long Parliament were sinking under the efforts of the cavaliers, it was the arrival of 2.'2,000 Scottish auxiliaries which turned the scale, and gave victory to the arms of freedom at Marston Mo r ; and that, but for the phrenzy of the popular demagogue. at Dunbar, Scotland would have crushed the despotism of the long Parliament, and saved England from the rule of Cromwell? Have they forgotten, that when tyranny re turned its ascendancy under Charles H., and England saw in indignant silence the blood of Sydney and Russell stain ing its scaffoldsthe Scottishenvenanters resolutely continued the contest, and exhibited,in a hopeless struggle, the inch mi table spirit which their forefathers had shown at Stirling and Bannockburn, and that when the cup of national in dignation was full, and James was driven from the throne, while the English Parliament only ventured to enact that the throne was vacant, because the Monarch had deserted it, the Scottish estates at once declared that it was open to a nation's election, because he had forfeited it ? Have they forgotten, that when the patriots of both countries set themselves to establish a barrier against arbitrary imprison ment, the Scottish Parliament devised a remedy much more effective, and much more bold, than the English habeas corpus act ; that the Act of 1701 is open to none of the objections of the English statute ; that it absolutely ex cludes imprisonment in every case beyond 140 days to those who apply for its protection, and gives a degree of security to the subject which English liberty has never yet attained ? Have they forgotten, that, four centuries ago the Scottish Parliament conferred absolute security on the leaseholder against the landlord and his successors of every description ;an enactment, says Mr. Smith, such in calculable importance, that it is sufficient of itself to ac count for the present flourishing state of Scottish agriculture, and conferred a greater blessing on the people than the Legislature perhaps of any other country ever conferred on its subjects by a single enactment ?' Have they forgotten, that two centuries ago, the Scottish Parliament effected a universal and equitable adjustment of ecclesiastical property, which has ever since that time pre vented, over the whole country, the vexation arising from the drawing of the tithe in kind ; and that Scotland ob tained for itself, even in the arbitrary days of Charles 1., a complete exemption from an evil which the English and Irish patriots have laboured in vain to obtain for their people up to this hour ? Have they forgotten, that whereas the unequal division of ecclesiastical estates, and the weight of the hierarchy, are an incessant and existing eyesore to the English Reformers, both these evils, if evils they are, were abolished 250 years ago by the Scottish Reformers, and the Presbyterian Church established on a footing of democratic equality, which French enthusiasm has not surpassed, and English democracy laboured in vain to attain? Have they forgotten, that while the beneficial intentions of the English Poor Laws have been defeated by the multitude of enactments which have grown out of its provisions, and England in consequence labours under an inextinguishable load of poor's rates, the relief of the Scottish poor was settled 250 years ago by its Parliament, with such wisdom, that abuse has never yet fastened upon its enactments nor real suffering been denied by its re lief? Have they forgotten, that that universal system of parochial education, which it is the glory of the present age to have, in some degree, obtained for the English poor, was established 130 years before by the Scottish Parliament in their dominions; and that the achievement, which it is the boast, and the deserved boast of Lord Brougham, to have partially effected in this age, was completely effected at the close of the seventeenth century by the Scottish Legislators ? Have they forgotten that the humane spirit of Sir Samuel Romiily, the eloquence of Sir J. Mackintosh, and the wisdom of Sir IL Peel, have suc cessively endeavoured to introduce into the English Crimi nal Law, was attained three centuries ago in the Scottish customary pi actice ; that criminal reform has never here been thought of, because criminal severity never existed ; and that while the crimes punished by death in England amounted to about three hundred, those capital in Scot land are not fifty, of which above one-half have been in troduced by the British Parliament since the Unien?"— _Morning Chronicl,. political unions and peace-preserving armed as eociationa ai-e now the great bugbears of Anti- Reform. As permanent branches of our general system, we have not bean slow to admit that political unions are hut a clumsy and dangerous sub stitute for a well-constructed legislative body. Even tie transitory excrescences upon the commonwealth, such unions can be no otherwise justified than by the depth of the eracrgency which produces them. One question is, ought such institutions to lie now, at this moment, encouraged ? That they cannot be put down by any armed force existing in the country is clear to every man who can look, and listen, and compare. That they ought not to disperse or abe dicate their functions so long as the Reform Bill arid the Reform Ministry are in apparent peril, is the belief of every man with whom we have yet com municated and that belief is grounded on a fear that the rej ect ion of the Bill, and the a nnihilation of the Ministry, would be followed by worse conse quences than is implied in either of these results. if the Tories have opposed the Whig Reform Bill, it is not hoer ar, expectation that they will be able to frus trate effectually all measures of Reform, they know each a hope to he chimerical,but with a determination to accomplish the overthrow of Lord Grey's Gc. vErnment, that they may themselves treat the country to what they describe as a moderate and safe Reform,—via. one which shall redress the smallest possible quantity of the national grievances, and that they may supply what is wanting in conci liation by direct and vigorous coercion. To judge rightly at what might be looked for at the hands of a Tory Government, succeeding to that of Lord Grey, we must not content ourselves with recollect ing what had been the course of the same faction, when Toryism is in its high and palmy state. The Tories would now come into office, trembling for the stability of whatever constituted tl'. e elements of Tory power. They would discover on every side of them people primed with information upon all ques tions of political right, and on the history of our constitutional changes and corruptions. They would see that authority stripped of reason was of less weight than before,—that men were apt to discuss the difference between what was substantial, and what was incidental in their political relations,—and that things tolerated from dread of power, or from a regard to convenience, had no longer, in the eyes of the mass of Englishmen, the reverence which they would still pay to institutions established no less by justice than by time. The battle of the oligarchy, for their exclusive privileges and profits, might be fought on other pretences than at present; but it would be fought with tenfold des peration. The new spirit of jealous inquiry mani fested by the people would be represented as new danger to the " Constitution,"—that is, to those who wished to monopolize its blessings,—and would serve as an argument for augmenting the military force. We do not speak without book in asserting that the scheme of keeping down the nation— ' typifying the nation under the term "revolutionists" —has superseded every other system of policy in the breasts of certain Tory Suttesmen. To this end we are already threatened with vast additions to the yeomanry force,—a force in its essence oligarchical. If it be no more, therefore, but for the fear that, first, the King's Ministers may not be powerful enough to carry the Reform question; and, next, that their successors may be powerful enough, after 'obtruding upon us a mock or mutilated Reform, to stifle our complaints, and trample the manifestations of our resentment, it is justifiable by every law of prudence and foresight for the people to anticipate such calamities, and to prepare in due time the means of universal and effective co-operation. There are few things better understood than that a Tory Government, if in office, would long since have plunged this country into war. The state of affairs upon the continent is far from serving to calm the apprehension that such an event might naturally and speedily follow their return to power. Ireland, again, little benefited and not half tranquil, since the accession of the present Ministry, would burst into commotion at the first hour of a new Tory Cabinet's existence. The result of all is, that to maintain itself at home,tosupport its maxims of foreign policy, and to subdue the national array of Ireland, it would be unavoidable for a Tory Administration to increase enormously the armed force at its disposal, and thus to render the people of England the victims, that they might become the instruments of a tyrannical power. To promote the success of the Reform Bill, therefore, and to secure the continuance of a Reform Ministry, let the political unions proceed peaceably but perseveringly, in marshalling the might of public opinion against the designs of the Tonie,; and let, by all means, the gentlemen of the country join them, that their measures may be at once dignified and free from suspicion. Let also the people of England, "gentle and simple," learn how to protect each man his own castle, and to act, when it shat. be necessary, for mutual defence. So, by neacefu national councils, the accession of a Tory Govern• ment may be averted, as by a timely exhibition o the national courage its evil imaginings may be frus trated, and its bad acts repaired.—Tines. The French Ministry have of late proceeded with considerable rigour against journals, both of the Ja cobin and Carlist factions. The number of their verdicts has not, however, corresponded with the number of their prosecutions. The seizure of the paper at the Post-office is always effective against any particular number; but unless the public prose cutor obtains a verdict on the subsequent trial, tha , seizure is reckoned unjust, and of course tends to make the Paper more popular. It is a singular fact, that the journal which is the leader of the Bourbon Royalists has been seized anti prosecuted more than any other—not for supporting the cause of legitimacy and divine right, but for advocating the necessity of universal suffrage, or an appeal to the great body of the nation on the recent changes of the dynasty and the charter. In order to have any chance of success against the existing order o f things, the party of royalists whose principles are supported in the Gazette de France, demand the abolition of the electoral monopoly, the extension of the privilege of voting to every householder, and the convocation of primary assemblies to decide on the existing frame of government. This might ap. pear at first sight nothing but a factious combina tion of royalist with the republican writers, for the overthrow of the throne, like that which took place last year between the ruffians of the different mobs to produce those disturbances by which they all hoped to profit ; but the royalist writers endeavour to acquit themselves of this charge. They profess to desire neither internal commotion nor external war, though they evidently push towards both. They pretend that they are lovers of peace, and declare that they would resist the entry of their exiled masters, if they returned to France in the rear of foreign armies. Their theory on the effect and tendency of general suffrage to restore the exiled family is more plausible. As far as we can gather their meaning from their pamphlets and journals, they reason in somewhat the following manner The revolutionary mob which resisted the ordinances of 1830, under the guidance of the Paris Deputies, were but a small handful of men compared with the general body of the nation, in whose name they pretended to act. The nation did not resist their decision, but had no opportunity of assenting to it. The Deputies who were in Paris at " the glorious days," composed but a small portion of the Cham ber, and even the majority which conferred the clown on Louis Philip did not exceed the half of the Members. The [Louse of Peers was a cipher, and, besides, had been mutilated by the Deputies, before it could deliberate or vote. Yet these Jaco bins of the suburbs, and this fragment of a legis lature, expelled three generations of Bourbons; while they gave away a crown, and made a fun damental law for the whole people. The south was discontented,—the west was dissatisfied, — many Deputies refused to take the oath of allegiance to the new Sovereign. The Chamber of Peers, besides being mutilated by a revolutionary decree, which struck the creations by a whole reign off its rolls, was reduced still further by a conscien tious refusal on the part of many to take the oath to the new dynasty ; and yet it resisted. It was found necessary to disband the Royal Guard, and other corps of the army. It was necessary to change all the public functionaries, from the Mime Minister down to the Mayor of a village; it was necessary to change commanders of milittuy divisions; and, in short, it was even strongly urged to sweep the tri bunals of all their counsellors, that the new order of things might be safe. This showed, at least, that France was far from being unanimous in adopting the new order of things. It showed that the great change was brought about by the activity of a few, and esta blished by the passive acquiescence of the rest.— The work of a Paris tumult (say the Royalists) was thus imposed on a great nation as its own doing, because it received the apparent sanction of law by being adopted by the Chamber of Deputies. The nation could not, in July, 1830, be consulted on the sudden emergency, but let it now be polled by convoking it into primary assemblies, and the settlement which it will form may be very different front the present. To this it may be replied that the nation has since been consulted through the me dium of the electoral colleges, and these assemblies have sent Deputies to confirm the vote of their pre decessors. With such an answer, of course, the universal suffrage Royalists are not satisfied. They admit Oat tee body of electors, on whom the exis ing law has conferred the right of choosing lators for France, may exhibit a majority against them, and therefore that the Deputies returned to the Chamber may support the present settlement of the crown and kingdom,—but they deny that the electoral colleges fairly and fully express the opi nions, information, and judgment of the nation.— The electoral oligarchy, they assert, is too limited in its numbers, and too uniform in its mass, to re present the interests, feelings, and views of a great and diversified community. It does not exceed 150,000 out of a population of 30,000,000, and it belongs to only one class,—the small proprietors in the country and the shopkeepers in towns, who com pose the portion of society which profited most by the first revolution. The electoral qualification, being the payment of 200 francs in direct taxes, leaves out of sight the lower classes altogether, and embraces so many of the middle rank as to neutralize the votes of the more wealthy. It therefore gives a monopoly of power to a small but stirring, ambi tious, and conceited portion of the community, who are all actuated by the same passions, and who on great emergencies may be directed by the same influence. Hence the uniformity of action and feeling wttich prevailed over the electoral col leges at the three last general elections—hence the influences of directing committees—and hence, for instance, the recent concurrence of the electoral body, in demanding the abolition of the hereditary rights of the Peers. The strings that move so uniform a machine, may be held, and pulled, and directed from Paris. Such is the allegation of the royalist pamphlet-writers and Journalists, from M. de Chateaubriand down to the fabricator of a Car- list paragraph in the Quotidienne, against the present constitution of the electoral body, and such is the reason why they demand a more general suffrage, in order to allow a more free expression to theiropinions. If the 40,000 communes into which the kingdom is divided were allowed to choose their delegates by universal suffrage, the chapel and the chateau,—the priest and the provincial nobleman,—would have their influence; but the 200 francs electors is above such influence, and has no local ties. The conse quence is, that neither the higher nor the lower classes enjoy any political power, or possess any po litical controul. This fact may be illustrated by a reference to the present situation of La Vendee, where, though the Chiefs arc conspiring against the Government in their saloons, and the common people are fighting the King's troops in the fields and high ways, the four or fire Deputies elected to the Cham ber ale overflowing with admiration for the existing order of things. The same remark will apply to all the west and south of the kingdom. As another illustration of the same fact, it may be stated, that in selecting the officers of the National Guard, and in choosing municipal councillors, Royalists are often preferred to Liberals, though the Liberals obtain those suffrages in the electoral colleges which are refused to the Royalists. Such is an outline of the assertions and reasonings of the Royalist press re specting the influence and numbers of their partisans in the nation, and the causes of their failure in at taining their due share of political power. There is, no doubt, some truth in the view which they give of the question, though, as we shall perhaps take another opportunity of showing, their preten sion; are greatly exaggerated.—Times. The more we consider the present moral and po litical condition of the country, the more we are per suaded that the time is now come, not only for the most serious consideration of it, but for the adop tion of the most vigorous measures to ensure that pacification of the temper of all classes which is so indispensable to the prosperity of time country. The mischief done to his Majesty's subjects, by the im perious rejection of the Reform Bill, is incalcu lable, not only on account of the ferment which it has excited throughout the country—the destruc tion of property which has resulted from it, and the injury which it has caused to every industrious pur suit ; hut from the strength which it has communi cated to that party in the commonwealth—and it is no inconsiderable party—which considers a House of Lords to be only a clog upon the operations of the Legislature and the Executive, and which would run no small hazard in endeavouring to carry its wishes into effect. Had their Lordships only seen somewhat beyond " the length of their noses" —had they only possessed that cotnmon prudence, which, however much it may be at fault in other respects, is, in general, sufficiently keen in the scent to detect the approach of greater dan ger than that which is visible at the moment— had they only listened to the dictates of justice— given unto Ceaser the things which are Cmsar's— and unto the people the things which are the people's —we say, that had their Lordships done this—had they merely r. fleeted for a moment that in rejecting the Reform Bill, they—a body towards whom there has, for years past, been a growing disinclination, not to say decided ill-will,—were taking up tams, not only against the King and the Commons, but that, being fewer even in number and dependents of all kinds, than the population of the smallest borough which the Bill was intended to enfranchise, against millions for every thousand—they would have passed the Bill, not only as beneficial to the country, but as conservative of their own order and privileges as equally necessary to the tranquillity of the country. and to a renewal of that confidence in their wisdom and patriotic principles which is now utterly destroyed. But they determined on having all or nothing; and what has been the result? There have been disturbances, as every one knows —there have been riots, and apprehensions of riots —there have been attempts,—failures they have for tunately proved, to divide the different classes of so ciety, and to induce a war between them, which would necessarily have ended in the destruction of the common enemy ; and there have been, also, other signs of the times with which, we fear, there Lordships, from their retired and exclusive habits, are but little acquainted, but which, to the minds of more attentive observers, appear pregnant with even greater and more permanent danger to that existing order of things to w hich their Lordships are so fatally attached. We have not only now a very plentiful growth of twopenny newspapers, and penny newspapers, and halfpenny newspapers, but " Po litical Alphabets," accompanied by explanatory notes of no doubtful interpretation, and illustrated by figures whose meaning is even more dangerous and powerful than the eloquence of the Lord Chan cellor himself to all who deal in boroughs, pensions, or sinecures. Of these we have numbers before us, and we also happen to know that their popularity anti their sale come by no means short of the pungency of their graphic illustrations and explanatory remarks on the men and things of the present day. The people have also learned to rhyme of late, and as an additional proof of the spirit which is abroad, we may mention that the work of one of these popular rhymsters, though selling at 4-s. per copy, has already , reached its third edition It will be long, we sus pect, before Craker's Boswell, or the Marquis of Londonderry's Peninsular War; will have attained time same degree of celebrity; and the author him self is modest enough to express his astonishment at the circumstance. But we are not a stonished at it, and the reason is because the rhymes are in har mony with the people's feelings—because they speak of their every day's labours, toils, anxieties, a n d wishes—and because a quick, but nevertheless deter mined, death-struggle has been waged for some years past by justice against injustice, of which th e verses present a faithful picture. They are entitled " Corn Law Rhymes," and were noticed by ue sonic months avo, in a less perfect shape then that ,„ w h ic h t h e y now appear; and we shall therefore .ay nothing farther of them at present ; but we can not at the same time conclude without quoting the following passage ft om the preface, as an additional argument in favour of that system of timely con ciliation and cession to the declared wishes and known wants of the community, which we set out with recommending, and with the a d opt i on o f w hi ch we conceive the tranquillity and prosperity of the country—the stability of the throne, and the per 'patience of the Constitution, to be inseparably wound e a up n n : 0 t— , l conclude without a f ew remar k s on t h e pre sent state of the trade of Sheffield, as connected with the tendencies of the eorn law. The Germans being able to buy the necessaries of life without restriction, mitmorning dangerous competitors to us : but, in consequence of the troubles on the continent, our merchants have lately re- ceived many orders which in other circumstances, would hare been executed abroad ; and the great and sudden de- "nand for our goods has caused a general strike for increased wages. The present glut of orders, then, is an accident ; but gluts and scarcities, generally, are the results of absurd legislation ; and I might assert, without fear of refutation, that if trade was universally free, neither gluts nor scarci ties could, to any great extent, or for any great length of time, exist. This then is the favourable moment for the repeal of the Corn Laws. If we wait until the continent is pacified, and our rivals enter again into active competi tion with us, the advance which has here taken place in wages will be another premium in their favour. But who does not see, that until the corn laws are repealed, the great question of wages can never be settled in Eng land ?—that gluts must alternate with scarcities ; gluts of orders with gluts of goods ?—that the feast of to-day must he followed by the fanine of to morrow ?—insolence by humiliation, humiliation by insolence ?—and that, with the intemperance and want of forethought resulting from the absence of a steady de mand for goods, the conflicts and heart-burnings of the employers and the employed must continue ? But how long will such a state of things yet last? Can we com pete for ever with unbreadtaxed rivals? No! capital will go where it will pay ; skill will follow capital ; and our manufactories will at length stop, simultaneously, and for ever ! The immense camp of London will then be without pay; the immense camp of Glasgow will be without pay ; the immense camp of the West Riding of Yorkshire will be without pay ; and almost within shout _ _ of a still more multitudinous camp, that of Lancashire, also without pay ! And all this may happen, and, if the Corn Laws remain much longer on the Statute-book, will happen, perhaps, in one and the same week, day, or hour! If I am called upon to produce from history a record of similar catastrophes, I shall answer, that history can fur nish no record of a similar state of things. The British Government is the only one that ever legislated against the bread of its people, by impeding the exchange of ma nufactured goods for food, at the very moment when such exchange ought to have been facilitated by all possible or conceivable means."--Morning Advertiser. Now that the large and important order of the community, the working classes, have penetrated the veil of delusion and fraud ender the cover of which the Ministry and its adherents intended so to reform the House of Commons as to deprive them, with their own consent arid approbation, of that share of the national representation which they have hitherto enjoyed—now that the plot of the Minis ters and the shopkeepers of England to insure to the former a long lease of office, let them blunder as they would, and to the latter a monopoly of con stitutional power, let them abuse it as they might, is detected and in effect already overthrown—now that the success of the Reform Bill has become ut terly hopeless, the conspirators against the rights, the welfare, the happiness, and the freedom of the community who proposed and supported it begin, as is natural on all such occasions, to manifest the most acute jealousy and the most deadly hatred towards each other. In estimating the comparative justice and reasonableness of the various parties in this turmoil of disappointed and defeated conspirators—not towards the nation, for in this point of view reason and justice are out of the question, but towards each other— we shall not be suspected of undue partiality to any of them. We have therefore the lese hesita tion in expressing our opinion that his M.jesty's Ministers are excessively ill treated by toeir late reforming allies upon the occasion of their common humiliation, and shall vindicate the judgment we have ventured to pronounce, by referring to one or two of the principal accusations levelled against Minis'ers by the Journals of the shopocracy, and by proving such charges to be wholly groundless, and not only groundless, but outrageously absurd. " Why," say the Journals of the counter.aristocracy, " do not Ministers permit and encourage our Politi cal Unions to arm for the promotion of their and our cause? Are they afraid of us? Do they not know that we are as zealous and determined to carry the Bill as themselves ? Do they not know that the single purpose fur which we mean to employ the arms we demand is to coerce the House of Lords ? And have they not intimated in a thousand ways to us and to all the world that the coercion of the House of Lords to agree to the Bill, in spite of their convictions, would be an excellent thing ? Why, then, in the name of all that is honest and candid and straightforward among men, should we be for bidden to arm ?" Now, good gentle patriotic tailore, shoemak, rs, pawnbrokers, and brothel keepers, restrain your virtuous indignation for a moment, and learn why Ministers do not wish you to arm. They would be as glad as yourselves, rely upon it, that the House of Lords should for once be coerced by the constitutional means you suggest, or by any means; but unfortunately they cannot grant permission to arm to clubs of tailors, shoemakers, pawnbrokers, and brothel-keepers, while they deny it to all the other liege subjects of the King. And knowing (little as they know) something more than you do of the state of Eng lish society, they are aware that the sight of arms in such hands as yours, and for such a purpose, would be the signal for tke instant appearance on horseback, in every county in England, of one, two, three, four, or five regiments of gallant yeomanry, according to its population and extent, whose ob ject would be, not to coerce the House of Lords, but to assert and maintain its independence. Mi nisters also know, although you are ignorant, that arms in such hands as yours would be the signal for urming to hundreds of thousands of those lower orders whom you affect to despise and seek to op. press, and whose object, whatever it might be, would certainly not be that of supporting a Bill which imparts to you as a class the exclusive power of manufacturing every future House of Commons. These reasons are strong, and we beg the gentlemen of the select and exclusive Political Unions to reflect upon them maturely before they again reproach Ministers with indifference to the fate of the Bill, on the ground of the reluctance of Go vernment to indulge them in their martial propen sities. We should be sorry to find any portion of our countrymen in comparison with whom it could be said than even the present Ministers of the Crown are reasonable, honest, or discreet. Another grievous charge incessantly urged against the Mini sters by the classes interested in the success of the Bill, and the Journals they support, is, that they have not vet proceeded to destroy the independence of the House of Lords by a numerous creation of new Peers. Here again we must be the apologists of the Administration, for this accusation is if pos sible more absurd than the former. Can any man in his senses imagine that the Ministers who wilfully convulsed the country for the single purpose of getting a decided majority of partisans of their own in the House of Commons are so inconsistent with themselves as to require to be pressed and goaded to do a thing so delightful and congenial to their nature and habit as packing the House of Lords, and thus securing and perpetuating theirascendency also In that assembly ? This we take to be impossible, and therefore conclude that the displeasure towards Earl Grey manifested by our Reforming Contemp?- ries, on account of the non-creation of Peers, is mere affectation, a pretence for deserting him now that his fall visibly approaches. Is there no diffi culty in finding men who will consent to be Peers upon such terms as Earl Grey can offer? Look at the last batch. and see if it do not afford evidence 'hitt the Noble Earl had then exhausted his mate rials. Or shall the King be advised to assume the new prerogative of issuing press-warrants to drag men against their will to the Upper House of Par liament ? This is one view of the subject. But there is another, in which it must appear still more embarrassing to all . Alinisterialists, however the difficulty may he overlooked by those who are only anxious for a pretext to quarrel with an Administre t ion likely soon to go out. Suppose the King were willing to make Peers for the nonce, as many legis lative tools as Earl Grey could require; and suppose, also, that the Noble Earl knew where to find men ready to invest themselves with the degraded and polluted ermine—what then ? Does it follow that Ministers would by such an increase of its Members obtain a majority in the House of Lords ? Bi t means, since it is possible that for every ten Pee, he creates Earl Grey may know that eleven 0 " were formerly, and up to the very moment of su i unconstitutional creation, the friends and support of his measures, would be converted by that act into determined and systematic opponents. who can tell so well as Earl Grey himself so effect would probably be produced upon his act! majority in the House of Commons, in an a sset' yet, fortunately for the nation, capable of 249 : sympathy with the Peerage, by an act, in its 1.). and obvious consequences, equivalent to the 51)01r! of the House of Lords? Let our Reforming C i temporaries, therefore, mitigate their unreaso ne anger towards poor Lard Grey. If he d e lay' , sluice the Upper House of Parliament, they 1 1161 1 quite sure that there are other and better reasons it than any repugnance on his part to the mult cation of Grey Peers.—ilforning Post. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MAR YLEB ONE. Yesterday the attempted murder of E Doran, which occurred on the 27th ult., at buildings, near Portman-square, by her James, was investigated by Mr. HosKINS. It will be recollected that Jamec Doran was owing to the description given of him in the papers, on Old Oak-common, near the canal , furze, where he was scented by a dog belt Edward Strike, on Sunday morning, the 6th in an apparently lifeless state. Inforrnati given to Mr. Williamson, the parish-clerk of of the circumstance, who caused the unf man Doran to be taken to the alms-houses, finding him deranged in appearance, a room ricadoed, and all accessories to self-destruction taken from him. During his residence in the alms-house-i confession could be acquired from him; he to give even his name ; and when, yestere ing, he was led into this office, he maim same sullen silence. Mrs. Elizabeth Doran, his ill-fated wife, tears on meeting her infatuated husband. She for she could scarcely be said to depose f her husband came suddenly home last fortnight, when he rushed upon her whilst the yard behind the house; that he struck lently with one hand, and stabbed her with t when she screamed out " Murder Her then escaped through Calmel-buildings. lieved him to be mad. Mr. Williamson was of the same opinion Doran, from what he noticed; but he prisoner's madness had method in it. Mr. HostuNs—Well, Mr. Williamson, done your duty, by housing and producin fortunate man ; and the question now is, of proceeding is to be adopted in regard to Elizabeth Doran, the wife, expressed lest her husband should get loose, and ~afety. Mr. Hosxtss—There is no danger of ti aPer all that has transpired, your husband sent to the County Lunatic Asylum. HATT 02V- G ARDEN. Yesterday a lad about 17 years of age Wag . 0 thin office, charged under the following stances : Mrs. Crick, of 25, Higla-Atreet, Sr. Goes that a fortnight ago, she sent her son, a Iv' 13 years old, to pay a debt of two soy; .he had not seen or heard anything of him time, until she was informed that he had in the company of the prisoner, who bol bad character. She became exceedingly alarmed on account of his absence. She him, and made every inquiry, but could tidings whatever of him. Mr. Serjeant Sta Los asked her whether loner had given any account of himself ? Crick replied, that he had been in custody that office, and was known to the officers. seen decoying her son away from home. Mr. Serjeant SELLON—Where is this lad?' Prisoner—[ went with him to the country, left him. Mr. Serjeant SELLON —What patt ? Pr Esst Grinstead, your Worship. Mr. Serjeant SELLOS advised the moth' .urther inquiry about him, and as there Ws' ticular charge to warrant the prisoner's deten would discharge him. lie could always be any future charge was made against him. In the course of the day numerous aPP' t 'i were made at the oE!e by jewellers and 1, spectable tradespeople, to make inquiries re ; the " Hon. James Kemp," who was r emsn r Mr. ROGERS, on Monday last, and to reque s t 6 sion of the Magistrates to see the " man" at his new lodgings, in order to I ' o whether he was the same that had duped Oh larly to Mr. Collins, of Piccadilly. The ''(11, the applicants went to the New Prison. well, where they saw the identical custotoef, same naval costume in which he visited the his orders. On their return they intimat suit of their attendance, and stated the wsi th e " Hon. Mr. Kemp" had exercised his efforts upon them and their property. them had been duped to a large amount. Mr. ROGERS informed the gentlemen t soner would be brought up on Friday ne%' would be important for them to attend to g charges, which they promised to do. LAMBETH-STREET. 'esterday a well dressed young tra m hi Clarke, who keeps an academy in 0; 5 0 Poplar, was brought before the sitting 1‘ 19 2 1 :(0' Messre. HARDWICK and WALKER, by r h the officer, on a warrant, charging him W l ' flogged a child, of four years of age, nam e in the most merciless manner. oO t , It appeared from the statement of the "; the child, who is a poor wom an res iding 9 , ( i, and who is in the habit o f go i ng ou t to she sent her child to the school of the " tr - e d, and paid 4d. a week for him, merely to %eV out of the streets, and that he might be t t ,fi i t of during her absence. On the evening wo came home crying, and complained that b B ri e , severely beaten by the defendant with a o examining his person, she found it in h ol frightful state, from the punishment that , e l inflicted upon him. The child was here exhibited to the )°s ltl se . who shuddered at the spectacle which he 1) ( 0 3 : His posteriors, thighs, and loins, were e° O lir dark livid stripes, and the poor little fello°' to be suffering acute pain from the effect' SBl The defendant, in reply to the charg e , to! the child made use of a revolting expressi°lor; him, and he merely meant to chastise hit°, Mr. HARDW ICK remar k e d, th a t the aPP e et the child indicated the most cruel tortu.vic‘ than that of p ro p er c h ast i seme nt. No tbl irii i justify so shameful a punishment on 011 .110 1 : young ; and t h ere f ore th e o pi n ion of hirl e h' brother M ag i s t ra t e was , th a t he pay t n it l P, penalty the l aw inflicts,-51., or two 01-1 prisonment in the House of Correctio BI RTH S. th Cr On the 14th inst. at Palace-yard, Westminster , rt. ~t W. Blunt, Esq., of Enham-house, H a nts, of o s ° ,oc l ' On the 13th inst. at Alderton, Gloucestershire, 0,, Rev. C. Covey, of a son. /.loriV On the 13th inst. the lady of the Hon. G. C. - ta ds th ( e )n lat At Curtachy Castle, the Countess of Airlie, 0.1 A OS M A R RI E D. Norfolk, to Louisa, daughter of T. Thistle" vo o °l e the Si 1 14 ,1 t s IL inst.onii Traffordat so Paddington, ui ii w c E i i , W F I ~ (I T: a c t f f o :, ,,, y a r yt s , ; t Southwick-park, Hampshire. CO ° In France, the Rev. H. Dalton, of Wolyerhanar , Geraldine, daughter of Lord Fitzgerald. mi tt D S r t a . k C e o , l n uin iec b e , i E ti . Lo Co rd lli a n n s, d Es ta q d ., y I DIED. 3lr. On the 14th inst. Richard James, second son of A n of Wardour-street, Soho, agod '23. fe t tir ° On the 13th inst. at Streatham, Mrs. Powell' 8B - On the lah inst. at Bath, Mrs. Deane, relict Deane, Esq. of Parrock's-lodge, Somersetshi re. 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