The Sun. — London, England, 1834-04-16 00:00:00

\- COURT CIRCULAR. The Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria walked and drove in Hyde Park yesterday for some time. The Duke of Cumberland visited the Princess Au gusta yesterday. A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon at the residence of Viscount Althorp. It was attended by Earl Grey, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Earl of Ripon, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Carlisle, Viscount Melbourne, Viscount Althorp, Sir J. Gra ham, the Right Hon. Sir C. Grant, Lord Holland, and Lord J. Russell. The Ministers were in delibe ration about two hours. Prince Talleyrand, M. de Moraes Sarmento, the Portuguese Minister, and Mr. Tricoupi, the Grecian Minister, visited Viscount Palmerston, yesterday, at the Foreign-office. M. Van de Weyer, the Belgic Minister, transacted business yesterday at the Foreign-office. Mr. Mayers, the Agent for Barbadoes, transacted business yesterday at the Colonial-office. Lord Hill had an interview yesterday with Earl Grey. The Marquis and Marchioness of Lansdowne came to town on Monday from their villa at Richmond. COURT OF CHANCERY, APRIL 15 The LORD CHANCELLOR gave judgment in the fol lowing cases : HODGSON V. SHAW. His LORDSHIP, after recapitulating the facts of this cue, reversed the decree of the court below. ASTON V. HERON. His LORDSHIP said that this case was one of con siderable importance to the general jurisdiction of the court, and one which had frequently come before the court, and on that account he had directed it to stand over, that he might attentively consider it. He re ferred to the facts of the case. A person of the name of Lee had been appointed, by an order of this court, receiver of certain estates situated in the county palatine of Chester. At the time of his entering upon the duties of his office a person of the name of Eacus occupied part of the estate in question as tenant, and in whose house, in April, 1833, the receiver put a distress for arrears of rent amounting to 1741. 10s. The latter, supposing that some irregularity had been committed by the receiver in levying the distress, brought an action against him and the bailiff whom he had employed for trespass. An application had been made to his Honour the Vice-Chancellor to grant an injunction to restrain proceedings on this action for trespass, and his Honour had granted the application, and subsequently refused on a motion of Eacus to dissolve the injunction. The matter had been brought before his Lordship, and he had now to decide whether his Honour had come to a proper conclusion. In cases where there had been some admitted irregu larity in the execution of the orders of the court the court had a right to assume to itself an exclusive jurisdiction ; but it might, if it thought proper, permit other courts to give redress, or to award punishment. If there had been any irregularity in the present case; then the matter might have been settled in a court of law • but in the present case the party, from the case made in his behalf, had no right to complain, and con sequently the present motion must be dismissed with costs. JONES V. PHILLIPS. His LORDSHIP said that in this case a bill had been filed to have the terms of a lease for twenty-one years executed, the principal terms of which were that the defendant was to pay the rent of 10s. for every weigh of coals that he obtained from the plaintiff's land. A sum of 000/. had been paid by the defendant on enter ing into possession, it was contended by one party as an advance for rent, the other as a deposit, which was to be retained if the rent was not regularly paid. His Lordship was of opinion, upon the whole circum stances of the case, that the Master had improperly ditallowed the exception relative to this sum of 5002 , consequently the order made in that particular must be reversed. BROMHEAD V. HUNT. His LORDSHIP affirmed the decree made in the se cond of the appeals made in this case, and ordered the deposit in the first appeal to be returned without costs. LORD PORTARLINGTON V. SOULBY. His LORDSHIP said that this was a motion to dis solve an injunction restraining the defendants from suing at law to recover the amount of a bond for 1,0001. given by Lord Portarlington to a person named Aldridge, and by him conveyed to a Mr. Brooks, and by the latter person conveyed to Messrs. Soulby. The ground of the present appeal was that the bond had been given as a consideration for a gam ing debt, and that it was consequently void by the statute of frauds. His Lordship was clearly of opi nion that the present motion ought to be dismissed with costs. RICKETTS V. RODENHAM. His LORDSHIP said that this would probably be the last application for a commission of review that would ever be made, as the High Court of Delegates was now, he believed, to the satisfaction of every body, abolished. The High Court of Delegates had been established at the Reformation by Henry the Eighth, as a substitute for the Appeal Court at Rome, to sue in which was, by the English law, considered criminal, and made the party so suing subject to a premunire. The Court was one of a most vacillating nature, one that had no certain jurisdiction of its own, and whose powers might be said to be paralysed after exercising its jurisdiction, as it had no power to carry its own or ders into effect. Therefore the abolition of that Court, and the transfer of its duties to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, had, he believed, given universal satisfaction. The application in the resent case was for a commission of review, and to have the proceed ings under an order of the Court of Delegates staid. He did not think, upon the merits of tke case, that the petitioner was entitled to have his prayer for a second commission of review granted. He should conse quently recommend his Majesty to refuse the prayer of the petition. COURT OF BANKRUPTCY, APRIL 1.5. (Before Mr. Commissioner 'MERIVALE.) JOSIAH SMART'S BANKRUPTCY. The bankrupt in this case was the leaseholder of the refreshment rooms in Brydges-street, Covent-garden, better known as Mother H.'s. The first meeting of the creditors under a fiat of bankruptcy issued against him was held to-day for the proof of debts and the choice of assignees. The proofs to-day were not con siderable, and the dividend, owing to the comparative valueless state of the property, is expected to be small. It is understood that the bankrupt gave not less than upwards of 3,0001. for the lease of the house to the party who kept it for many years, and that he paid not less than 3601. a year rent for it. Though the outlay was considerable, considering the extent of business done in the house at the time the bankrupt took pos session, it was considered a bargain, especially if what was stated in court be correct, viz., that between one o'clock and five o'clock in the motining as much as 401. to 501. a night has been taken for refreshments, out of which the profits were very great. JOUN NIABERCY'S" BANKRUPTCY. A meeting of the ereditOrs of Mr. Maberly, the banker, was advertised to be held to-day. It is ex pected a further small dividend will be declared in addition to the 2s. in the pound already announced. The total amount proved is nearly 200,0001. Mr. Maberly continues to reside in Brussels. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, APRIL . 15. (Before R. Floras, Esq., M.P., Sir W. CURTIS, Bart., and a Bench of Magistrates.) This day, at eleven o'clock, the important trial of the coal-whippers, John Kennedy, Jeremiah Roach, and Cornelius Haley, came on, who were defended by Mr. ALLEY. The circumstances of the case have been partially reported in the pdpers, from which it will be recollected that, on the Ist of March, a young water man, of the name of Munns, was attacked by four men, at New Crane-stairs, \Yapping, who beat him in the most cruel manner, breaking three of his ribs, and fracturing both his legs. The cause of the ill-treat ment arose in consequence of the prosecutor having served amaster tailor, of the name of Cooke, from their violence, and holding one of them to bail, from the Thames Police-office, for threatening his life. After a long examination, all the three prisoners were found Guilty, when the Chairman sentenced each of them to two years' imprisonment in the House of Correction, remarking that something must be done to stop these lawless proceedings. pie/ epterday Mr. Hobler, cl er k to Loa. Mr. Stagord, chief clerk of the , rii.. - _ . ce . : `"itr et, received directions to attend .- Ate-LO - F s' . .outilli :,respecting the sublitution of a ,Zkkeriratio.n•-in , lietrA aths, in order to their being : `r,•4 l o44AkeTeVOigi 4 1 ..__ •,,,.. .. c- ' - - •-_.j.112/•*s. , 3 114 1 0 J , - WINDSOR,X PIi 15. On Sunday afternoon, the Queen, attended by two Ladies, Earl Howe, Sir Andrew Barnard, and Colo nel Thornton, walked from the Palace to attend ser vice at St. George's Chapel. The Rev. Mr. Gore did duty. The service was Cook's in C. The an them, " God is gone up," Croft. Her Majesty and party walked back to the Castle. Their Majesties went yesterday to Kew, and in the evening returned to the Castle to dinner. The King rode out this morning in his carriage, and returned to the Castle about one o'clock. Their Ma jesties rode out in a pony phaeton in the Great Park, about half-past three o'clock. A few minutes after, Prince George of Cambridge, Sir Philip Sidney, Colonel Bowater, &c., rode on horseback in the same direction. Their Majesties leave here to-morrow :: - .3rning for St. James's. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 15. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from two parishes in the county of Sussex in favour of a labour rate bill. One of them stated that the poor rates there in 1833 amounted to 4,5951., while in 1834 they were only 2,966/. ; that falling off they attributed in part to their having tried the labour rate, and partly to their having assisted many paupers to emigrate. The Earl of TAN KE RV IL L E presented a petition from the dissenters of a parish in Staffordshire, praying for relief from the grievances under which they laboured. He said that in giv s ing relief of any kind, it was their lordships' first duty to preserve the present institutions of the country, and not sacrifice the feelings of the majority to satisfy those of the minority. Lord SUFFIELD presented petitions from North Walsham and another parish in Norfolk, to the same effect. He said that he was in favour of granting to the Dissenters all they asked for, but he believed he was unwilling to deteriorate or detract from the efficiency of the established church. Lord KENYON presented a petition from a place in the county of York, in favour of the established church. Mr. BERNAL and others from the Commons brought up the Exchequer Receipt Bill, which was read a first time. In answer to Lord WYNFORD, , The LORD CHANCELLOR said he was not then quite prepared to say what course was intended to be pursued with regard to the beer shops. He be lieved that they had been found beneficial in towns in the country. Where they were far from the super vision of constables, &c., they had been turned into the haunts of crime. Lord SUFFIELD said, as a magistrate of the county in which he resided, the beer shops had been found a curse to the whole country. Lord KEN YON gave notice that if no other peer brought the subject forward, he would introduce a bill to remedy the evil. The Bishop of LONDON would call the attention of the house and the noble and learned lord to the evil of gin-shops, which afflicted towns even more than beer-shops did the country. Lord MELBOURNE did not see how the evil could be remedied without returning to the old system. He did not believe, from the information he had, that the evil of intoxication was confined to those houses that were opened in the country. He was informed that it was as much practised in the towns. Though the subject belonged to his department, he could not hold out any hopes of his being able to satisfy himself with any measure. Lord ROLLE presented a petition in favour of the established church. The Earl of RO SEBE RR Y presented a petition from the presbytery of Linlithgow, praying for the re peal of the act of 1712, as regarded church patronage. He gave notice that on Monday, the 12th May, he would move the second reading of the Scotch Entail Bill. The Duke of GORDON presented petitions from the parish of Leslie, in the county of Aberdeen, and several other parishes, praying that no alteration might be made in the church of Scotland. The Earl of UXBRIDGE presented several peti tions from Wales, in favour of the abolishing of dis senters' grievances. The LORD CHANCELLOR then moved the second reading of the Old Bailey Bill. He said he would not enter into any detailed statement, but con fine himself to the two clauses which he intended to move in the committee. The fact of those was suggested by some of his learned brethren, and it was to form the whole of that part of the various counties over which the new court was to have jurisdiction into one county for the purposes of the bill and no further; by so doing they would greatly facilitate the business by making the drawing of indictments more easy. The other was to open the Court of Common Pleas to the bar generally, and in order to make compensation to the learned sergeants who had a monopoly there,he intended that they should hereafter have the power of opening and conducting causes in all criminal courts, a power or privilege which they did not now enjoy. The bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow. The bills on the table were then forwarded a stage, and the house adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Aprills. The SPEAKER took the chair at a quarter-past five o'clock. The Sheriff's of the city of London appeared at the bar with a petition from the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty of the city, praying to be heard by coun sel against the Bill for establishing a cattle market at Islington.—Ordered to be referred to the committee on the bill. Mr. CR AWFO RD presented a petition from the city of London against the East Smithfield Toll Bill. Lord HO WICK, after laying on the table a large quantity of papers which had been ordered by the house, moved an address to his Majesty for the copy of the 27th Report on Public Charities, which was agreed to. The noble lord proceeded to say that, before he moved for leave to bring in a bill to unite, under one jurisdiction, the town of Berwick-upon-Tweed and the district of North Durham, he begged to present a petition, most numerously and respectably signed, by the inhabitants of the district of North Durham, which stated a case strongly for the interference of that house. That district comprised an area of 70 square miles, containing a population of 11,927 persons, and although it was a part of the county of Durham, it was separated from it by the whole county of Northumberland, by which it was bounded on the south and west. In consequence of that separation that district was deprived of all the advantages which it ought to derive from that county. The assizes, the quarter sessions, the county'courts, and every other court were distant from the north dis trict in no case less than 68 miles, and in some instances 80 miles; so that all persons who had any business in those courts had to go from 68 to 80 miles. It ap peared also that there was no distinct coroner for that district, for it was under the jurisdiction of the coroner of Chester Ward, which was at Gateshead, a distance of at least 55 miles, and in some instances 64 miles. The consequence was, that it frequently happened, that, being engaged in his own neighbourhood, he was unable to attend an inquest when it was necessary. It was unnecessary to proceed to state further the evils arising from these state of things, and he would only add that this petition, which called for the atten tion of the house, was signed by a very great propor tion of the landed proprietors of the districts of dif ferent political opinions. The petition was ordered to lie on the table. Sir GEORGE CAYLEY presented a petition of a similar nature, signed by 335 of the most respectable inhabitants of the town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, which was also ordered to lie on the table. _ _ Lord llONVidisaiith; after these petitions had been presented to the house, he felt confident that the house would not refuse to agree to the motion he was about to make, he would only say that the words of the petitioners had described so strongly the ex treme inconvenience arising from the nominal con nection between the county of Durham and the dis trict of North Durham, that it must be clear to the house that the inhabitants of the last-named dis trict were deprived of all those advantages which the rest of the kingdom enjoyed. (Hear, hear.) Inconveniences so serious had not now for the first time attracted the attention of the inhabitants of that district ; they had been long matter of serious com plaint, and some years ' ago an attempt which he regretted to say was not successful had been made to remedy the inconvenience in the same manner as he had recommended. ( Hear.) At the conclusion of the last year there had been a meeting of the principal proprietors of North Durham to take the subject into consideration ; they had had communications with the inhabitants of Berwick-upon • Tweed, and committees had been appointed by both plaes, who carehlly consred the whole subject, and the result was a proposallio effect an union be tween the town of Berwick and the district of North Durham, in order to remedy not only the inconveniences to which he had adverted, but also to afford the town of Berwick greater advantages than it at present enjoyed. As he trusted that this stage of the measure would not be resisted, and as he knew that the house must be anxious to proceed to other bu siness of more general importance, he would not detain them, but would simply,reserving to himself the right of replying to any objections that should be made, move that leave should be given to bring in a bill to effect a union between the district of North Durham and the town of Berwick-upon-Tweed. Mr. PEASE did not rise for the purpose of giving the motion any opposition, but he had been requested by several magistrates and gentlemen, assembled at the quarter sessions in the county of Durham, to pray that time would be given, for the purpose of examining the merits of the bill. He (Mr. Pease) had some doubts as to the real benefit which such a measure would be likely to confer. That district of Durham contributed about 1,0001. per annum to the revenues of the county of Northumber land, and he thought it might be more advantageously joined to that county. He would not now oppose the bringing in of the bill, but he would reserve to himself the right of assenting or dissenting from it when the bill was before the house. THE DORSETSHIRE UNIONISTS. Mr. D. W. HARVEY said, that having a petition to present in favour of the labourers condemned at the late Dorchester assizes, signed by several hundred persons, and being aware that there were several other petitions to be presented upon the same subject, he begged to ask the noble lord opposite whether the unfortunate men had really left the country? Lord HO WIC K said he understood the vessel had gone round from Plymouth to Portsmouth, and he be lieved they had sailed ere this. GOVERNMENT OF CANADA. Mr. ROEBUCK, in rising to bring forward the motion, of which he had given notice, for a select committee to inquire into the evils which existed in the form of government at present existing in Upper , and Lower Canada, trusted that the house would permit him to state the circumstances as briefly as possible. He would satisfy the house that the pro- vinces of both Upper and Lower Canada were at ; present in a state of revolution, and should endeavour to show that this state of commotion had arisen from the continuance of bad government on the part of the English Government towards these colonies. He should also endeavour to show the house that these evils had arisen from the rash and inconsiderate conduct ' of the right hon. the ' Secretary for the Colonies. He (Mr. R.) should explain to the house why it was that he felt an interest in the subject, and wished to bring it before their attention. He had lived a long time, and was able of his own experience to form an opinion of the importance of the subject to Eng land. The representation in the two provinces consisted of three powers—the Governor, who should bear some analogy to a King ; the Legislative Council, which resembled the House of Lords ; and the House of Assembly, which bore an analogy to the House of Commons. Yet there was not any analogy ; for the Governor was sent there at the pleasure of the Crown, and was removable at the pleasure of a Minister ; in fact, the Governor was ge nerally appointed for some services done, and de pended on the will of a Minister for the retaining of his place. Mr. Fox was led by this order of things to say that there was no such thing as an aristocracy in Canada. The Legislative Council had nothing more than a set of officers appointed to that situation to be remu nerated for some previous services, and were therefore nothing more nor less than slaves of the Executive. They bore not the least analogy to the House of Representatives in this country ; in a word, the government of Canada was a complete oligarchy. Having given a character of the government, he would beseech the house to attend to the character of the people over which that government (government of Canada) had presided. They were nearly allied to the people of America; accustomed to see a people self-governed ; governed by democratic institutions, and in a state of great prosperity—a people governed by machinery, more like physical machinery than anything else, from the even manner in which all its parts moved on. They were accustomed to see among their neighbours , t good administration of the law, and a government performing all the func tions that ought to be performed by good government, giving complete protection to persons and property, and forwarding all essential matters necessary for the comfort and happiness ui a w ell-regulated people. Considering their condition, then, the house could not be surprised that they, like the people of France, should demand to have a Government of their own. Was it to be wondered at that, situated as those high spirited persons were, and stung to madness by the tribe of officials in England, they should have broken out into a state of open rebellion ? The first cause of complaint arose from the manner in which the government of the country chose to furnish its civil list. In this country the executive government was completely under the control of the house, and this occasioned the necessity of the house being called together annually for the purpose of having the civil list voted. The people of Canada, wishing also to insure a regular House of Commons, determined also only to vote their money annually. What was the consequence ? The tribe of officials set up a loud cry against that. They said that was not the way in which it was done in England; they said the civil list was voted for the King's life ; but the people of Canada contended other wise, and that was the cause of the outcry. He would ask whether the people of Canada were not justified in pursuing the course they did ? They had no other means of insuring an annual convocation of their House of Commons. This house, opposed to that proper system, had actually sent out three successive governments to fight the battle against it. They dis solved the house over and over again, and when it was seen that the house had become more and more demo cratic, they at length seemed to yield to the wishes of the people ; but unfortunately the Secretary for the Co lonies was this evening again determined to reanimate the dying embers of the animosity that had pre vailed, and to open all the wounds of strife afresh. The corrupt state of justice in that country required looking into. In this country a man had the means of at once contradicting a charge that was brought against him, but in that country he had not. Then with respect to the Receiver-General (and the right hon. Secretary opposite 'Would at once know what he meant by that), he was the receiver of the money of that country, and it appeared that he had never given any account to the re presentatives of the people. ( Hear.) After re peated evasions on the part of the executive, he avoided the question, and gave no accounts whatever. He was called upon to do so, and what was the conse quence? It was found the receiver-general had pocketed 100,000/. of the money of that country, and that he was, in fact, a bankrupt. ( Hear, hear.) What was done with him ? He was put into the legislative coun cil (Hear, hear, hear), made something like one of our peers ( Hear, hear, and much laughter), his estates were not taken from him, he paid about 2,0001. a year, from that 100,0001., which was about one-third of the interest, and he lived to merit the just indignation of the people. ( Hear, hear. ) These things called loudly for investigation, and no one could wonder that so much clamour had been raised upon the subject. This, however, was not all ; the exe cutive council, wishing to get out of the supervision of the house and gain a revenue, insisted that certain post dues had been improperly levied by the house, and declared them to be illegal. More than this, churches had actually been t urne d i n t o b arrac k s , an d other things done quite sufficient to excite the people. After this came the administration of Lord Ripon. He began to see the fault of his' predecessors, and by causing investigation into the conduct of the Attorney and Solicitor-General of Upper Canada, he had created hopes in the breast of the people of that country, that a change very much for their interest was about to take place. Just, however, as these hopes were raised, the administration of the noble earl terminated. The right hon. gentleman opposite had shown a damning proof of his incapacity to govern the people of Canada, in having excited their enmity instead of obtaining their good will. The honourable member then read from a colonial paper, in which were a variety of resolutions ; those which were num bered 48 and 49, tending, as he asserted, to show the feelings of the people of the colony. ( Hear, hear.) Those resolutions complained of the course which was pursued by his Majesty's government, and declared that one individual in the government at least was cognizant of the state of the colony, although they had previously entertained a hope that government did not participate in inflicting the wrongs of which they complained. The hon. member went on to say, such is the language held by this body of representatives—and such I take to be suite ent proof ; even or Asa, (g the extreme rashness and inconside irateness of the right hon. Secretary. But it may be asked I what were the circumstances which have led to this deplor able result ? I will briefly state them ; and begging the house to bear in mind the excited state of the people, and their peculiar political and geographical position, I have little doubt but that it will be immediately seen that the •• course pursued was eminently qualified to lead to such a disastrous conclusion. Before I mention the circumstan ces which, under the direction, of the right hon. Secretary, have produced these results, I must allude to a circumstance which occurred the year before last, and which, though in no way attributable to the right hon. gentleman's govern ment, still served to exasperate the people, and to sharpen all their jealousies. During an election for the city of I Montreal, a riot took place, and three unoffending Cana dians, persons totally unconnected with any of the election proceeffings, were shot. by the military. Now such a cir cumstance might produce little sensation in Ireland, but in any of the quiet and well regUlated communities of Ame rica, it was calculated to excite feelings of the deepest sorrow and alarm. The people, generally, are very ; nearly connected by relationship ; they are all of a happy and comfortable condition ; they are grave, sedate, and live a peculiarly quiet and well-regulated life. Such an event, therefore, caused regret, and spread consternation I through every part of the province. It is not now my in tention to express any opinion as to the case in question ; that is, whether the officers and soldiers were or were not guilty of murder ; but I am exceedingly desirous of calling the attention of the house to the events which succeeded this calamitous occurrence, and entreating them to observe how well calculated they were to disgust and excite the people. Certain of the officers commanding were deemed culprits by the great body of the people—and it was ne cessary to have them brought to trial. In that country the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General act as public prosecutors, and have or claim an exclusive privilege of prosecuting all offences committed against the Crown. But in this case it was notorious, that the law officers were sent from Quebec to shield the officers—to use their legal skill in extricating them from the difficulty in which they were placed. Those persons who deemed the officers guilty sought to have an advocate to aid the prosecution, besides the law officers, thus believed to be partial ; this was re fused, and it is now said by this disappointed people (with how much justice it is not now for me to say), that the mi litary officers were, by favour of the law officers, saved even from trial. The grand jury (which it is asserted was packed) ignored the bills ; and then the governor, in direct opposition to the feelings of the people, issued a general order, praising the officers and the soldiers who had thus killed the unoffending passengers. The public mind was wrought into a flame by this proceeding, and the House of Assembly spent much time last session in prosecuting a very minute investigation of the matter —and the publication of the evidence laid before them did' not a little tend to heighten the exasperation of the people, and to sharpen their jealous feelings against the executive and the judiciary. While the public were thus in a state of fermentation from these various causes, the right hon. Sefretary came into office. The first matter in which he has given such bitter offence to the people of the province is, that relating to the Address of the House of Assembly, respecting the Legislative Council. Every person who has reflected on the composition of this Council must at once admit that it is in the highest degree mischievous and absurd in its present constitution. For this there might be cited many authorities, and among these the opinion of a committee of this house, appointed to inquire into the state of the province. There is also another authority, who uses these words respecting the Legislative Council. [Here the hon. gentleman quoted Mr. Stanley's words.] These words, perhaps the house may know, were spoken by the right hon. Secretary in 1828, while he was on this side of the house. But I will not press this opinion. I certainly do not attach much weight to it, and I dare say the right hon. Secretary has seen reason on this occasion, as on many others, to repent the harsh and careless expressions he has used. But, nevertheless, he must not be surprised, if the world, then misled, should now charge him with tergiver sation—with advocating one set of opinions when out of place, and another when admitted to office. It did so happen, however, that the persons best able to form a correct judgment coincided in the opinion of the right hon. gentleman. They also saw that the Legislative Council was the bad and mischievous part of the constitution ; and seeing this, and actually feeling its evil effects, the House of Assembly sought to effect some change in the composi tion of this mischievous body, and in so doing be it remem bered they but followed the suggestions of the committee appointed by this house in 1828. But now, Sir, it may be objected by the right hon. Secretary, that there was now no need to seek for any alteration in that body, as the government had already, in compliance with the opinion of the committee essentially altered the composition of the legislative council by promoting to it various persons resi dent in the colony. I, however, will anticipate this ob jection, by asserting that this change was one in name merely, and not for the better. The evils complained of in the composition of the legislative council, were that, as now constituted, that body had interests diametrically op posed to the interests of the people—that neither by birth, by, predilections, nor by property, were they connected with the people of the country, and the object of the house of assembly was to make them so. The Government, it is true, had promoted certain persons to the legislative council, but the determination. of that body they well knew would be precisely the same as - Deco r . But what they knew, the people also knew—and knowing, were dis gusted; they saw that a trick was played upon them. These people are practical and sagacious—they are a downright and plain straightforward people, not to be duped by such a vulgar artifice. I will trouble the house with the opinion of the House of Assembly as to the supposed ameliorations of the legislative council. [The hon. gentleman here read reso lutions 33, 34, 35, 37, 33, and 39.] In accordance with the opinions expressed in this last resolution, the House of Assembly proposed to the right hon. Secretary, through the governor, that in order to learn what really were the wishes of the people, a body of persons should be called together, after having been elected by the people, in order simply to determine this single matter, viz., what alteration they desired in the legislative council. This plan was proposed. Ist. To learn distinctly the opinions of the people—it hav ing been asserted by a certain party in the country that the body of the people desired no change. 2d. To insure a quiet and deliberate consideration of a very grave matter. For, as the representatives in this case would be charged with one matter alone, and acting under a very serious re sponsibility, it was believed that they would be the more likely to give it a singular and complete attention. Now this body, thus proposed to be called together by one per son or other, was unfortunately termed a convention. The right hon. Secretary immediately called it a national con vention, and straightway there danced before his disturbed imagination the recollection of the French revolution and the disastrous year of 93—and Gensonne, Gaudet, and Louort, Robespierre, Danton, and the revolutionary leaders and deeds of that day, all rushed upon his mind, and in an agony of terror and indignation he penned a pithy despatch to Lord Aylmer respecting the proposal of the House of Assembly. [The hon. gentleman here read the despatch.] I would now beg the house to weigh this matter rather more carefully than the right hon. gentle man has done, and endeavour to learn how monarchy and monarchical institutions are to be destroyed by the simple, and, I think, extremely proper method suggested by the House of Assembly. It appears that the House of Com mons, itself supposed to be a democratic body, proposes that alterations should be made in a particular portion of the provincial government—what alterations it did not, however, specify. Well, then, in order to learn what those alterations should be, the House of Assembly proposes that a body of persons should be elected by those most interested in the matter, and by those certainly best able to judge of the wants and wishes of th e p eo pl e — v i z ., th e p eo ple them selves, in order to sugge s t th e requ i s it e changes. What is there in this subversive of monarchy ? It was not sought to make this body a soirereign legislative assembly—it was not intended to supersede the Lords, and Commons— but it was intended to give the imperial legislature the best means of learning the wishes of the people_ and their actual wants in the matter of government. This, I again assert, Was a wise and considerate proceeding, and in no way de serving the rebuke and reproaches which the right hon. Secretary too rashly hazarded. But let us suppose for a moment that this plan was not a wise one, what shall we think of the tone and manner of the despatch which con demned it ? Had the right hon. Secretary considered for a moment, he must have been aware that the people of Canada were not copying revolutionary France, but quiet and well governed America. He would have remem bered, that every day almost, in the United States, bodies are thus chosen to determine particular questions, and the people of Canada sought only to follow a plan which, on the opposite frontier, 'they saw pursued by the most sagacious and best governed people on the earth. Would he not (if acting wisely and calmly), even if he differed from the House of Assembly, have expressed in very tem perate language his dissent—haves stated quietly his reasons for dissent—have pointed out some other, and what to him appeared a wiser plan ? But he did none of these things. He at once, and without disguise, accuses a whole body of representatives, who had been acting in the solemn dis charge of-a sacred duty, with desiring to overthrow the constitution of their country . He accuses the m o f w i s hi ng to introduce republican measures, as if by that epithet he at once condemned the plan proposed, and then, without further ado, he violently threatens them with a second edition of his Irish Coercion Bill. It is idle to mince the matter. We know very well what that round-about phrase w as intended to signify. It meant threats—threats of c hanging their form of government threats of taking away power from the popular branch of the legislature— and why was all this angry language used? Simply be cause the House of A ssem bl y h a d propose d a mo d e o f learning the people's wishes and wants, which was dis tasteful to the right hon. Secretary. Now, Sir, what was the answer of the House of Assembly to -this rash and inconsiderate menace ? J ust what any one ac quainted with the people would have expected just what any high-spirited body would have given —and, for m y part, had they given any other, they would have had m y contempt, and not, as now, my sympathy.—[The honourable gentleman here read the 49th and 50th resolutions.) But, says the right hon. Secretary, theybad a republican intent in view; they desired to destroy the mo narchical character of the constitution, by proposing to make the legislative counc il e l ect i ve b y t h e p eo pl e , t o i make it, fact, similar to those republicansenatesjwhich are to be found in the constitutions of the United States. Let us learn what is the worth of all this outcry? I would observe, however, for myself, by way of preliminary re mark, that I do not advocate an elective council—a double chamber appears to me a clumsy contrivance—a mode of increasing the defects always attendant on legislative bodies, by multiplying the number of the persons composing them. The council, in my eyes, is a nuisance ; and my way of getting rid of a nuisance is simply to abate it ; in other words, to clear it away entirely. I would utterly abolish the legislative council, and set up nothing in its stead, leaving the government composed of the Governor and the House of Assembly. It appears, however, that certain be lieves ton.nermdoerwene strengthened score hta h ihlse a l etye t hnd our aiebo csaifbo osyh legislativeydominiontenhdee mischief-making o e i I C anm The d a s nh persons proposed to have an elective council, and hereupon the fright arises respecting monarchy. Does any one c o i sl Governoremc a t ei maintained tan i d together n b t . s t in coe- - smsa li r e yr w tooN o sm. u . ld not be weaker in reality o H nar ow ch t y h ? en ß , u l t s i h tm ou a l y d b l e ik s e ai t d o , allow two bodies of the legislature tobe chosen by the people, and you make the people paramount. I ask, in answer to this—do you desire things different from what the people desire ? If you do, you make bad government and mo narchy in this case identical. I, having a better opinion of the intentions of the English Government, suppose it to wish what the people wish, and so wishing that it would act in harmony with the people's representatives, whether I sitting in two chambers or one. Therefore say, this supposed proposal of an elective council is in no ways op posed to monarchical institutions, and that it only seeks to establish a good for a pernicious institution. The right hon. Secretary,. however, was not content with thus de claring war against the Assembly generally. He took care to quarrel with them in a matter peculiarly relating to their own privileges. The House of Assembly is fond of imi tating the proceedings of this house, and in order to in sure the purity and independence of the members, it was determined to take a precaution which this house has esta blished. In 1680 this house passed the following resolu tion :—" That no member of this house shall accept of any office or place of profit from the Crown withont the leave of this house, or of any promise of any such office or place of profit during such time as he shall continue a member of this house. Resolved, that all offenders herein shall be expelled this house." The House of Assembly, in imita tion of this, resolved that all members accepting place should vacate their seats, thereby making their con stitution in this particular similar to our own. Some time since Mr. Mondelet, being a member, did accept of office, and the house declared that he thereby vacated his seat, and called upon the governor to issue a new writ for the county of Montreal. The governor refused, and reports his refusal to the right hon. Secretary, who thereupon sends him a despatch. [Here the hon. gentleman read the de spatch.] It is quite evident that the right hon. Secretary was egregiously in error when he asserted that the House of Commons never arrogated to itself this power. I have quoted this instance ; and this proof of his own fallibility, will, I hope, lead him to judge of others in future with something more of mildness. The tone of this despatch, like the one I have already read, is in the highest degree unworthy of any one claiming the character of a statesman. This sneering comparison of the knowledge and prudence of the House of Commons and the House of Assembly, was more fitted for the flippant critique of a review, than the grave document of a responsible officer : and this com parison, too, is made in favour of a body who passed, ne mine contradicente, the resolution I have quoted—who expelled Wilkes, and who, twelve years afterwards, ex punged the record of that expulsion from their journals. Surely the right hon. Secretary must study a little more carefully the history of his country, and learn to be less hasty and positive in assertion, when he finds that he has thus grossly erred. But what say the Assembly to this? Their answer is as follows. [Here the hon. gentleman read reso lution 63.] The result, then, of all this imprudence on the part of the right hon. gentleman is, that the province now is in reality without a government. The three bodies of the legislature are at open war, and no communication exists between them. In the executive the governor is powerless, for no moneys have been granted ; and besides, the governor has utterly lost the confidence of the people. In addition to this, the judiciary is vehemently suspected by the whole province ; so that, in fact, the administration of justice may be said to be at a stand. And now, Sir, I ask, amid all this confusion, what is to be done ? The right hon. Secretary has refused the plan proposed by the House of Assembly, and by his proceedings generally, he and his officer, the governor, have put the country into a flame—a revolution (I will not hide it from the house) is at hand; and here comes the question—what ought this house to do ? Is it not, I ask, high time that we should carefully investigate the matter, and afford the people some means of redress—the executive some means of exculpa tion ? Is it not the very height of madness to allow the confusion to continue, without inquiring whether the house is inclined to agree with the opinions which I have expressed respecting the conduct of the home and colonial governments ? I think, then, I have made out a sufficient case for the house to grant me the committee which I ask. I have shown beyond all doubt, that, whether wisely or unwisely I shall not now ask, the provinces are in a state nearly approaching to revolution. I have explained that the cause of this great excitement is a belief existing in the minds of the people of the colonies, that their government is a bad one. I have shown how necessarily they must be led to make comparisons between their own condition and the happy stare of tue American republics ; and that, therefore, it is highly necessary, if we desire to retain a peaceable dominion, that we should give the colonists every opportunity of expressing their complaints and of seeking redress for their supposed grievances, through the ready intervention of the Imperial Legislature. On these grounds I say, Sir, if we be governed by the dictates of a sound and benevolent policy, we shall un hesitatingly grant the committee which I ask for, and allow the people to bring their complaints before us in a direct elsea n d t s h t rea rig h h t f t o h r N o v n a r . d s m e e a r n e n t a r e r I y. may s hope, ay e t n h e t r h e i f s o re, occasion, wh ate whatever will not oppose the resolution with which I intend to con clude. Let him recollect that the great republic of America, with her swarming citizens, adventurous, wary, and sagacious, is the close neighbour of our Canadian sub jects; that thirteen millions of enthusiastic republicans will watch with intense interest, and with selfish views, any dispute that takes place between the colonies and the mother country. Let him also be certain, that if any rupture takes place between us, the colonists will ask, and will indubitably receive, assistance from their all-powerful neighbours. And on what terms will that assistance be granted? But on one only—that the Canadians become part of the great Federal Republic. And when this event shall take place, who is there that on surveying the vast possessions of this already but too formidable power, but will tremble for the fate of England? From the North Pole to the sea of Mexico—from the Atlantic to the Pa cific—will her gigantic territories extend. With a coast unequalled in the whole habitable globe—with wise and beneficent institutions—with a well-instructed and saga cious people, where shall we fix the limits of her power— where find a check to her overwhelming force ? The fleets of England will dwindle into insignificance—her naval supremacy will shrink into obedient servitude to her Trans-Atlantic offspring. The day is not far distant which will see this prophecy fulfilled, if we rashly drive into rebellion the provinces of Canada. If we yield to their wishes, on the other hand, we may bind them to us by the gentle but firm bonds of friendship—we may foster them by time into an opposing power to the giant strength of America, and may erect in the more northern territories of that happy Continent a rival to the United States in force—in commerce—and in happiness. Gentle treatment —wise conciliation—will effect this. Any rash and impetuous contempt of their desires will revive the disastrous days of 1774, and the colonies now, as then, will, with arms in their hands, at once and for ever proclaim themselves in dependent of our dominion. Woe to that minister who leads us to this result. The hon. gentleman was loudly c m h o e t e in. r o ed, and concluded by repeating the words of his On the question being put, Mr. HUME and Mr. O'CONNELL rose together, but we understood the latter gentleman to second the motion, which he did without comment. ' " ' Mr. STANLEY immediately rose and said, that in pre senting himself to the house, he felt himself called upon in the first place to return thanks to the hon. gentleman who hadpreceded him—first, for the advice which he had so fully and gratuitously tendered ; and secondly, for giving him an opportunity of bringing under the con s ide ra ti on o f th e house, not the constitution, but the present condition of our North American provinces. He (Mr. Stanley) was not aware the observations of the hon. gentleman bore out the notice of his original motion, for that motion was for inquiry into the constitution, whereas he proceeded to en large upon what he considered the practical evils of the system under which the Canadas were governed. The documents he had quoted had not rendered his statements perfectly intelligible. He had not entered into the present state of the two provinces, the entire of his documents and allegations referred only to one province, and not to the other, which was in a state of the greatest repose and tran quillity. (Hear, hear.) It was perfectly in the recollec tion of the house, that Mr. Mackenzie had come to this country to complain of grievances under which it was alleged the province from which he was deputed was labouring. He had made charges, and submitted documents to substan tiate them. Now, he (Mr. Stanley) would refer to a de spatch of his noble friend, whom he had succeeded in hold ing the Seals of the Golonial-office, which was the answer made to that gentleman's statements. He had a copy of that despatch with him, but from the multiplicity of papers in his desk; he would have to detain the house a few moments in procuring it. Mr. Stanley having read the Earl of Ripon's despatch, said his noble friend declared that Mr. Mackenzie had concluded his papers by declaring that the continuation of the present system would bring on bloodshed and civil war, and would abolish all the pro tection given to property, and would ultimately lead to a dissolution of the connection between the mother country and Canada. Whatever might be the excesses to which the people of Canada might be led by a continued and per severing system of bad Government, he (Mr. Stanley ) would not adopt the injurious opinion formed and promul gated by Mr. Mackenzie in regard to the people o f Upper Canada. He would reject as a libel the supposition that the inhabitants of that colony would violate the allegiance and fidelity which they had sworn to observe towards their King. (Hear, hear, hear.) He would not adopt a suppo sition so injurious to the colony, merely because the hon• member differed from that opinion, and adopted that of a far less numerous portion of the House of Assembl y and of the people of the colony. (Hear, hear . ) In answer to this address, the House of Assembly presented an address , of which the following is an extract We, his Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Com mons of Upper Canad, in provincial parliament assembled, return our thanks for your Excellency's message of the 12th day of January l ms a i s ea t it, , etstoadr transmitting ced. lot to his despatchiheiss llordship, dasnh o ispw f e t fr h o e r t to r h i right ec h ep t rut ar p h i tin s . e t letters o h f e e C and t a d r o y e , butiened with grievances. and have becoine so • alleged that there is danger of revolt and bloodshed, unless those the people of this happy and prosperous colony are odppipsrcroo4ngignttaebnaad: burdens and grievances are removed and redressed. 1 . We most readily concede that the noble Secretary was actua ed by the best motives in framing the de'Patact re question ; but we cannot refrain from expressing OUT gre thus gret that it did not occur to his lordship, that allegations, deeply affecting the character of hi sMajesty's subjects of U.PP e a t Canada rested on no better testimony than that of an individuc! who had been twice expelled this house, and who, to of quence of his having fabricated and re.terated libels o Eeat grossest description, had been declared unfit and unworthy a in the assembly during the present parliament. If this fact he occurred to his lordsh.p, it is reasonable to suppose tha r of would not have felt himself at liberty to recognize the authoth, this additional calumny on the people of this province . 0,01.31 agent, or as speaking the sentiments of any portion of the t inhabitarA , of the province of Upper Canada, and would the; fore have considered it utterly unnecessary to enter into so c!a_ . o f State ,t borate an examination or refutation of anything advanced b y oebwm h tcic:hatr i ina ne diii ‘ m erdt ‘ tyelp,ch : l r ra House dild;ine l eb,f l uacvoa e otrtht.hrafoii of Assembly are unwilling to o c c - u pY 9 il , 0 f our F N. cellency's time or attention by commenting on the deta,. 2 , the despatch, or on the different matters referred to in ' f i' t he constituting grounds of complaint on the part of 3 fe w l ' t , ) e re people icn h ntachiat i yr:oc s hteeennf p isi Inissar r eel ots o osoilfpb v ,stncuutr i l lesnehestirskeelisoeetel pusillanimous alleged ieLnu , lo • ncayttralii t t, :tot. they ootan e oye y ruwaiyxsene w il orsddis:flptlotiioshfmr Stateaipt e thl. ha r e e eesd l eAy y L eodsuect r nistgen e i mmitishitgl: Legislature ulu k fpyprheeoga t owi h op ed a , of,pea l tit t ,n_:, u!f:uedtrtesabwoto i i on: : province but justice in believing that there are no ee,,t'r es , of despairing of the public good, and of betraying their nos, Ae s and feelings diameti fealty opposite to those imputed wther,',. 0 are confident that they will take care to exercise their rigin oe freemen and British subjects, in such a manker as will 'fl uen t constitution, guard our rights, and, with the concurrence ..',.„ 0 appear This was the address of the House of Assembly of "el" , spoke of way in " w ont t w h h a i t c i h m t u h s e e h to on v . il m ify em au b d er ah h u a se d . thought fit to come down i the representatives of th iis a vie t airst c u o : would lead the House of Commons to consider as u — as .. fected and discontented. This was the language of an sembly elected in the freest and most impartial manne r e , chosen by a constituency composed of forty -shilling ti'' . o f holders and of persons in free possession of housn o i • the value of 51., or renting houses of the value 0,1 ",,,, Yet this was the way in which they spoke ot under constitution and of the happiness they enjoy ed , i s , l o ,hl it. (Hear, hear.) Then he (Mr. Stanley) cool' beg to remind the house, that in the year 1828 a ted t ° mittee of the House of Commons had been aPr a in The h co o n n s . id g e e r n t tl h e e m s a te had of tthheougcohltonfiytoftoUpper Canm; them mitten the house us withoutthat t such a deigning eoii i Wa J Mr. ROEBUCK said the right hon. gentlemai co, mistaken, as he had noticed the proceedings of that mittee in the course of his speech, and— o n. Mr. STANLEY was not even aware that the o f gentleman had mentioned it. At all events his mentilir, it was so slight that it had altogether escaped his ( r t, Stanley's) observation. That committee, in their reP?, - i c state t'hat they " are desirous of recording the prioc i r a , which, in their judgment, should be applied in any alteirtn tions in the constitution of the Cana&s which were ii, itte t e o hadmention sat at i a i t ° a, s , l v ., e o r e r a t to o l ii ii c f : o o t l,l-10 , ; parted to them under the formal Act of the British L e j on g lature of 1791. That principle is to limit the alter rit j a h which it may be desirable to make by any future Act, as far as possible, to such points as, from the el i r bd between the mother country and the C p a as na s d disposed of b the paramount authority of the British Le gislature ; and they are of opinion that all other a ,1 2 , should, if possible, be carried into effect by the loe w .ile' t he latures themselves, in amicable communication 1 , " ~A local government." He (Mr. Stanley) cordially that opinion. He joined the committee in thinki r l tbl e ' raa 3 little intervention as possible should take place 0 _',.." as slur of the government of the mother country, and he.",erven prised that the hon. gentleman should propose an , :t_ olon y ton on the part of this country, in the affairs of 'other which enjoyed freer institutions than almost lasseni country on the face of the globe, and the legislative ..., lo t bly of which, chosen by the free voice of the peoP ie d t he declared their satisfaction with the government_au t t p h r e ese h n o t n. sy g st e e u m tle o m f a aff n a s ir h s o . uld H h e a w v - e as e p h e o c s ul en iar t eral ' lee riod to bring forward this motion, when the gep ,_ .. ,,, e a n tion was about to come on, and the people would°_°` f the ir opportunity of showing, by the choice or rejection 0 (Hear, hear. ) He (Mr. Stanley) woul take h i:'_! i i,, tions of the hon. and learned member as he had n t!`_` ii , them, though the case of the two colonies wa e !n se u !r p j, present thatsat representatives isfa w , whether ic the or a n d o not 0 r they erl co te n_ xteipnraue:e_Lctio: different. He (Mr. Stanley) maintained, that Canada there were no complaints, plaint, but he at the same time different in the Lower Province. In tracing and iv his several allegations co learned gentleman through ti" o trespass on the time of . plaints, he would endeavour t would admi t ' house as shortly as the nature of the subject 0 _ l. consistently with giving a full explanation of the . I) . T ie which he had mooted. The first point mentioned ve o3 n 1 4 hon. and learned gentleman was the difference between t he adreinttoerdgrthaut grounds h io c o as f n e . c° ,.: - 3 ,, i constitution of Upper and Lower Canada. I ,_,, t , one he admitted that there was no matter for colon; but in the other there was. The first pointot c lc l h y: ur p presentr i s e d that e a : plaint was the constitution of the executive and oi , lative councils. The duties of the executive a ff a ir , cil were to advise with the Governor on the _..' of of the colony ; to pass the Government accountserwiti, as regarded the treasury, and other matters conneet .he o af- 1 the Government ; but, said the hon. gentleman , 1 is i a tive cutive council interferes with the duties of the leg, h hi.; council. This was the fallacy which ran thr i ll c ony , whole argument. He told them of an act of ah o , ',) w l- t mitted by Sir James Craig, which he (Mr. St. o 6 o ther lingly admitted to have been unconstitutional, alT e re eou ,- , acts previous to 1828; but he said nothing of t ''' o nce t el e ' , mendations of the committee of 1828, nor did he _ d i n th , the house that the Government had ever since acts itte e,. • , closest manner on the recommendations of the egluse el k and had used every exertion to do away with eve k r- e v a ` n iel° l o ; `r , grievance. (Hear.) He (Mr. Stanley) in t' no tioll,,,, ~, ment which he should conclude by moving to the that !'., the hon. and learned gentleman, would propose ; the irl t committee to be appointed should be confined in ca d . -a f , quiries to the state of Lower Canada. He Pr ° P sta te .- • •to th e the" the committee be appointed to inquire in 0 t , ... o .ha the lower province, because the Government vc.' ,sar y ' ~,,, • trial both here and in Canada. And it was neee,;_ c oel l :_,,i they should have an opportunity of defending wi10n.,,1, from the accusations brought against them by th e s.' b • f learned member. He knew that it would be i t il:r o nei for the whole house to go into consideration of ~ ee, st ), farious subjects which such an inquiry would euw, r b i ete,„ :. he invited—nay, more—demanded an inquiry o l , d o _ l ',. ~ in order that the honourable member sli w__ roi nel' o stantiate the charges brought against the Gov: 00 ..0 0 ' o or the government have an opportunity of refti' : l ;elf (Hear, hear), and he (Mr. Stanley) pledged 1 °", in s e , show before the committee, that the governioF' l t he, r .o . .f they had done, had acted in strict accordance wi th a t th c c i , ,', d commendations of mo t ishb h utlao e nticsiyi c b:hl ommittee of 1828; an d t d C ei ;fie eeo e tsrfh e wAs n aaptsoysifia m ee dntmehaetbrtemhhkl the executive x.ndoepbexlviuy‘en, who uo:te s , i, P sv,: i be.o r oeo l it I or ' .,e:: : - 00i_it i otio a a.ersbeir.. :0: r ' l rjoiei ,l i :i ~: liation and concession. (Cheers.) With rega r n ,ber;, 1 , legislative and executive councils, the hon. il'ii ie l'q b e 4: condu ct t fmcc i h ei pee a ntma i t tr t bep h eo e r Theros throughout o executive atfhaoseefmt ihLai eel was ge lative council, and actually governed it ; that ent i V , ; under the influence of the government; and that cif oihe Upper Canada there were thirty-two memher s ' d , ( ci i of f only six were members of the Legislative Cowl' oa tio, br ee ; hear.) As to Lower Canada, the executive er e, 1 that province consisted of thirty-seven mei n ii, c hoo . only of which were in the legislative coun e ie te 'pee were facts which he (Mr. Stanley) should be old iire bo o• ~ satisfactorily to the house, and of which he e . lhe,, t eti the most satisfactory evidence before the cominitteveivg 8 11. 5 ,19' member had accused him (Mr. Stanley) of ha 0 the the opinions which he had expressed in 182 8, 1 ; I.o t lii t ject of the constitution of the legislati asA N e - e v e .sr o t n in n o l v — i l , are t ' was not the fact. He (Mr. S. had then n`: ct itlicF a r c ie• he now repeated, that a legislative council, CO V a - i , 4 0 , as 4 the legislative council of Lower Canada then ' i rff e,ii: l, ~.' pending, as the members then were, on Ple . . c i i " subject to the influence of the goyernTept, tive council he had declared tOir a grieyancle(i confirmed of the same opipipp, He W'''u di what he then said by some extracts from the r i committee of 1828, in regard to the govern beg Canada ; but before doing so, he would DTe , ty ~,,, the attention of the house to a part of _ oe . taken before the committee. The housterw i t iN that in 1828 a petition, signed by 87,00 0 ° f , ,• of Lower Canada, living under the French i s "Plat' the British House of Cominops,ip 'Which rove' made of arbitrary acts on the part of the ,_. s pe province, and of many other abuses. I n ' 311 intrusted to the care of three gentlemen,. _ Mr. Vigar, and Mr. Cuvillier, membersooftt.tr Lower Canada, who had been deputed tthis the purpose of seeking redress of the ins tha t of by them. Now, it was remarkable, r....e resolutions passed by the assembly, w hic i lA (~ n ot Messrs. Neilson and Cuvillier, who cou r seilsol to be opposed to the popular party. i n tat that the evils complained of did not tion or system of Government, but w to codpera house of assembly should be called nuously in repealing the laws, and pr ° e n ven_ ti e n d gb y . 4 complained of. That was the language n ' ; 1 but tha,t_ ere ,N, s mo o lad n en , e l a i b i d3o s , p ph e tie a md k i ; n w g aa ns t donohttehfeodlfileofetsl,ha, followed; , f 1 the t n t in ht e e t y roen s e , l ot 7,10 , a report was agreed to, which stated that 11 I er? s 'leo"iill eh A be 5 , 0 p!' s trePr o l RFOr t I,OW e t° f dr 3° , tO . te ; 4 ,F eVl a u S . 1 M lt' t ° • 4e.- ‘"a s o'e r ' • ..pot s va" islel ic 0 as selo v " V, colla tr ii) ) lie" coo p- o , r e tber e , e il opP ° ,o 4 be '"i L tt e ` rho'. t e son „tlt, ; he 1- t"' ba viog t str ,pera te e tice,' I% lP i ti tia lli. re s ° - 6° l A nnoen ds r osP he coo t jo t were se r