The Sun. — London, England, 1831-11-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. --- The proclamation which the Crown has at length I thought proper to issue against Political Unions, usurping the functions of regular government, under the pretence of preserving the pub lic peace, is In accordance with the sentiments which we repeatedly expressed touching the unconstitutional nature of such novel and dangerous societies. We only regret that this proclamation has been so long delayed. If it had issued some time ago it might have been more useful, especially as Journals in this metropolis, professedly Ministerial, had taken the lead in not Only recommending the formation of such societies, but in vehemently urging the further step of their military organization, under the name of " conser vative guards," as a necessary means of carrying the question of Reform, and supporting the power of the present Administration. There is a sort of zeal in proselytes to any doctrine, the motives of whose conversion are doubtful, which surpasses that of old and authentic believers. They are afraid their con version will not be thought sincere unless their fer vour should appear extreme. It is only OR this prin ciple we can account for the violent, or rather the frantic, appeals which have been made to the people on the question of Reform by certain Journals, which, when we were supporting the principles of the Con stitution, about a year ago, were the zealous advo cates, the immoderate flatterers, of an Administra tion which had more the character of a military dic tatorship than the constitutional Government of a free country. Against such appeals to the passions of the people, which could only tarnish a great and noble cause by the irregularities of error, or the crimes of violence, we felt it our duty to guard the public, and we did guard them. We also warned the Government of their danger; and if they did not then listen to our voice, they have at length adopted our sentiments. We told them that if they allowed those self-constituted societies, which were starting ep in every part of the kingdom at the bidding of the intemperate or treacherous advocates of Reform, to usurp the functions of the executive power in pre serving the public peace, and in performing other acts of irresponsible authority, Government would be thereby virtually deposed--public confidence would be transferred from the legally-constituted powers to voluntary associations--another source of authority would be set up in the State than that which the Constitution recognises, and all the mis chiefs of an imperiunt in irnperio would follow, lead ing, at last, to a conflict between voluntary and responsible power, in which the latter must crush the former, or be crushed by it. We did not argue this question as one of dry law— we thought this ground too narrow, because there are many laws on our Statute-book which we should be ashamed to defend ; but we entered the contest against the advocates of such political associations upon the broad ground of the Constitution. If there had been no laws against political unions, of the nature of those which we opposed, they would nevertheless be, in our opinion, not the less danger ous and unconstitutional. It only required the exercise of common sense to ascertain the mischiev ous tendency. It was only the other day we said of them—" if voluntary associations were as power ful to protect the peace as they have yet shown themselves powerless (witness Bristol, with its Po litical Union), our objection to their existence would not be removed. There could be no more porten tous symptom of the decline of a great nation than having a Government either too imbecile or too supine to protect the peace, or to inspire confidence or afford security, while voluntary associations took the sceptre of popular authority out of its feeble hands, and calmed or raised C the stormy wave of the multitude' at its pleasure. Every power un known to the Constitution, and irresponsible, that has such influence in times of danger and excitement as to protect the peace, has also the power to subvert it." There is a point where popular freedom ceases and anarchy begins. Snch permanent conventions of or ganised bodies of the people as the National Poli tical Union of the Crown and Anchor, the Political Union of Birmingham, and others of that descrip tion, whatever may be the intention of their original founders, have always a tendency to encourage those proceedings which transgress the limits of constitu tional liberty, and endanger the safety of its most estimable institutions, They furnish the means and the opportunities for bold and unprincipled adven turers—for political quacks, who go any lengths in stimulating the passions of the people, that the people may go all lengths in supporting them—to es tablish a turbulent and dangerous ascendancy. The French Revolution has given us instructive exam ples. Poland received, as we have before observed, its deadliest blow from that political club which overthrew the regular Government, and placed in the hands of a traitor the reins of power. The Constitution of the Spanish Cortes found its worst enemies in the popular clubs of Madrid. For those minds which such example cannot instruct and warn, history has been written in vain. We are net surprised that Government has issued the proclama tion to which we alluded, though we could wish it bad appeared before. We stated, some time ago, what might iced our readers to suspect that something of this kind would be done. Here are our words :—" What objects journals, professedly the organs of Government, had in view, in causing the friends of Reform to plunge themselves madly into associations where they must be made the tools of the selfish and dangerous ambition of men, having their own extravagant arid unconstitutional measures to carry, by the intimidating force of organized num bers, it is impossible for us to tell ; but there is reason to believe that Government has begun to see its error—that it has become alarmed at the exhi bition of its own weakness, and already shrinks back from the precipice over which itself, and all the most valuable institutions of the country, would one day be puehed by the new power of club supremacy, which, apparently, its own connivance, if not positive encouragement, was raising in all the giant energy of confederated physical force through out the land." As friends of reason and temper ance, we oppose the dominion of the passions; as supporters of rational liberty and order, we wish for a peaceable Reform ; as belonging to no patty but that of the Constitution, we wish the rights of the people to be restored by means that will not der stsoy or impair the just privileges of the Aristocracy and tLe prerogative of the Crown. In short, we wish for such a Reform as will consolidate and stren g th en the Constitution of .England, and not raise upon its ruins either a military despotism or a fi►ce de mocracy.-4eforning Herald. 'We trust the consequences of the important deci sion of the Court o f Ki ng ' s Reuel), in the case of the par i s h of Camberwell, t r e p orte d i n the Chronicle of yesterday, symilnot have escaped our readera. That decision is, iir tact, pregnant with the moat import ant consequences. tt will at once remedy the glare itio abuse to which the erection of new c h urc h es has led—that of levy in g an additsc•eal taxati on for the benefit of the children of the eyristoeseacy. If new churches are wanted, they will always p a y them selves, if proper preachers are appointed to t b e4 , and the throwing the eapence of a church on the inhabitants of a district necessarily destroys the only guarantee for proper appointment, mid !TAkes sine curists of the officiating clergymen. aell the beds from under poor men, to keep up churches for lazy drones who cannot fill them, and who would consume all the pew-rents themselves, and Slosow Ole expense of repairs, &c. on those who derive no benefit from their ministration, is an abomination which cannot be too much reprobated. But the evil is at an end, thanks to the spirited inhabitants of Cainberweiir---Morning Chronicle. We yesterday prepared our readers for a p ros !,, mation on time subject of Political Unions. We have elsewhere inserted a letter irom some of the members of the National Union, written in order to remove the misconception, that the proclamation ap plies to them. We need not inform our readers that a proclamation does not make the la.v, but merely warns the people ; in cases in which it hsa been via lated, from inadvertence or otherwise, that the vio lation, if persisted in, will lead to prosecution. We have already observed, that Political Unions will Elie of themselves when the Reform Bill has secured the people against the oligarchy. Till then they will be continued, and they ought to be continued, but under such forms as are stricey accordant with the law. The object of the Unions is not to oppose the present Ministry, but to destroy the hopes of those who might, by the removal of the pre sent Ministry, seek to effect their guilty purposes at the expense of a nation's hopes. The Anti-Reformers have caused the Unions; the triumph of Reform will put an end to them. Nothing less powerful than the fear of convulsion could induce a people so immersed in their own private pursuits as the Eng lish, to embarrass themselves with the additional fatigue attendant on Unions. To unite for effect ing a political object may or may not be illegal, ac cording to the mode of uniting. It is, however, quite clear, that all which any man can reasonably propose to himself by union may be effected without the violation of any law. Let, therefore, those who are anxious to unite without violation of the law, look narrowly into the rules of the association, in order to renounce whatever is illegal. We are in the midst of agitation ; and till all uncerta'nty as to the future is at an end, must continue agitated. When men are agitated, they are, of course, appre hensive of evil; and it is by union alone that they can best obtain what is beneficial, and ward off what is evil.—Morning Chronicle. We publish to•day the Proclamation, the forth coming of which we announced yesterday, against Political Unions. Of this document it may be said that it mingles reasoning with authority, which is not usual in acts of Government. It applies only to one species of Union of peculiar organization, in which there are officers possessing different powers and ranks ; and it says that by such organization, men in right of the Union may be entitled to com mand those whom by the general laws of the country they would be bound to obey, in case dis turbance should occur. This no doubt would breed confusion : for example, a Magistrate in the county may be a private in the Union. In case of riot, ought he to obey a tithing-man or Alderman in the Union ? or ought the tithing-man and Alderman to submit, if called on to be made special constables, and obey him ? Upon the strength of this reason ing the prohibition of the Union is grounded. We recommend to attention a letter signed by four mem bers of the " National Political Union," at the Crown and Anchor; the purpose of which is to show that the Royal Proclamation of yesterday does not apply to that Union, nor to the great ma jority of Unions now in existence. A paper has been issued from the " Political Union," specifying the legal restraints and exceptions as they exist, and stating what may still be done by the people, as well as what they must refrain from doing. Whe ther the " Unions" can, under that novel name, be looked upon as not subjected to the lawful penalties as " Associations," we suppose will be determined by Counsel. " NATIONAL POLITICAL UNION.—ROYAL PROCLAMATION. " TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. " SIR,—In consequence of the mis-staterneuts in some of the Evening Papers, upon the subject of the Proclama tion relating to Political Unions, and the strong excite ment which it has occasioned in the public mind, we, as Members of the Council, think it necessary to state, that the Proclamation does not npply to the National Political Union, nor to the great majority of Unions now in ex istence. The Proclamation is, in fact, little more than a copy of the laws relating to Political Associations,' put forth some few days ago by this Union, and now in the hands of its members. " H. B. CHURCHILL, " R. H. FRANKS, " J. H. POWELL, " A. REDMAN, " Members of the Counci " Crown and Anchor, Strand, Nov. 22." Times. Our city article relates some particulars of a hole and-corner meeting, of which the professed inten tion was to bring the friends and foes of the Bill to an "understanding" by a common declaration which both parties might agree to support. The " decla ration," which went no further than an acknow ledgment of the necessity for abolishing nomination boroughs, and for enfranchising populous towns, but which, with a tender care for the prejudices of Atistocracy, forbore to stipulate any thing on the essential subject cf qualifications, was rejected by both parties, and so it must have been inevitably, if both were honest. It is, we see, stated by an Evening Paper,—and if there be any founda tion for the statement, Ministers ought to have the benefit of it even beforehand,—that after the Reform Bills shall have passed the Com mons, so many of the best friends of Reform in the Lower House \sill be raised to the Peerage as will infuse a reforming spirit into their Lordsh i ps' House." If this be true--if Alinisters have really determined on this manly and efficient policy—there can be no occasion for a compromise with the Anti- Reformers ? They cannot court gratuitous dis credit when the means of sure and honourable vic tory are in their hands. That a large simultaneous creation of Peers would not be in itself an ad vantage, either to that assembly or to the country, we have all along admitted. Let the Anti-Reform Lords, then, bethink themselves, ere they drive Ministers to that last and unwilling resource. A little pamphlet, which deserves the deep attention of every member of that Illustrious House, treats with spirit this branch of the ticklish question—" What s ill be done with the Lords ?" The answer de pends mainly on their Lordships' own patiiotistn and wisdom. We shall quote some passages from the pamphlet to-morrow.—Timer. We made on Monday a partial exposure of an ab surd charge brought against the Reform Bill, that it possesses a democratic tendency, and creates a mob constituency. This is now the note of alarm sounded by the boroughmongers to their aristocratic allies, — the distress-gun fired in their sinking cause to obtain succour from the unthinking idolaters of rank and properly. Nothing is more easy than to expose it ; but there is a danger that in answering one set of ob jectors to the Bill, we may lay ourselves open to the attacks of another,—that by satisfying one class of the litnitation of the suffrage, we may convince another that it ought to be more extensive. The truth, however, ought to be stated whatever be its tendency, or by whatever party it is most likely to be perverted. The Bill, then, in its present form, makes no alteration in the constituency of counties, except by taking from it the small freeholders voting on borough property, and adding to it the more re,pec table class of 10/, copyholders, and 501. leaseholders. If the electors, therefore, are to compose a mob in those divisions of the country, it is a mob which has existed anterior to the Reform 13111, and which the Re form Bill has done much to correct. In till the great towns which are to be admitted to a share in the re presentaion by the measure, about a fourth or a fifth part of the 10/, householders, who are now to enjoy a borough vote, and nothing more, were freeholders for the counties in which their boroughs are situated. They will now be cut off from the enjoyment of this latter privilege, and consequently will diminish to th: r ‘t event the mob freeholders (if the borough inonger insisi; upon so insulting a term) who are to frequent the county po4ing,-booths. Thus Man chester will detach at least 2,01/Q or 4,0p0 from the 1 constituency of Lancashire, and Leeds about 2,0P0 from that :,if Yorkshire. If it is not to be found in the counties, is i,:io so much dreaded mob suffrage to ta;:e refuge in the smaller b3rourrbs ? Let us only reply to this question by a few fz,ures clmyn from the Parliamentary returns, which are accessible to all the woad, The reader has het4d a great deal about schedule IS., iueluding the horoughs whose re , PL.sentation, according to the Dig, arc to be satisfied with a single Member. These towns are so comida4ble, that the boroughmongers in the House of Comaions strongly contended for the preservation of their complete right of making Members, even after schedule A had been interred, from its acknowledged deficiencies. They range jn population from 2,000 to 4,000 ; and what is the sort of suffrage created in these populous places ? Why, not one of the 54 boroughs in this 1 predicament can muster 300 ten-pound freeholders, 1 and in every case, in order to make up that mini- 1 mum constituency required by the Bill, the Pashas mentary Commissioners will be obliged to set out ' from the precincts of the borough into the surround ing districts in search of full-rented voters, like Diogenes with his lamp in search of a man. Such is the mob of these voters, that in 54 boroughs we find only 5,040 of them ; and the Commissioners will therefore be obliged to invite from " the roads and highways" 10,000 more, to make up the neces sary complement of guests at the electoral feast. We confess we think this schedule requires amend ment. But let us leave the schedules, and proceed to towns of too respectable a size to be included in such condemned lists. The Duke of Newcastle claimed the right of " doing as he would with his own" in the borough of Newark, and found " his own" a little refractory, Will " his own" now outgrow his authority by the addition of a mob, or is he now to be bearded by universal suffrage ? Let the returns speak. There were polled at one of the late elections 1,362 voters, and the Bill will reduce the new constituency to 351 ! ! A similar process will happen in every one of the small or considerable boroughs of the kingdom. Hunt's borough of Preston, for instance, polled at a late election 7,122, and its number of 10/. householders or, in other words, its future con stituency, is estimated at 976 ! Is this universal suffrage, is this a democratic constituency ? But, perhaps, it may be said that the dangerous principle of universal suffrage, though avowedly banished from towns hitherto represented, is to be concentrated in the newly-endowed boroughs. We may remark in passing, that though this were the case, the change could not be considerable on the whole body of the House of Commons; for it matters not, in voting away our money, or in performing other acts of legis lation in St. Stephen's how many constituents return a Member in a particular interest and with a popular bias, but how many Members are returned in that particular interest and with that particular bias. Though, therefore, the forty or fifty representa tives in populous towns were all returned by uni versal suffrage, we should not regard the change with any alarm while they composed not one tenth part of the representation. But nothing can be more false than this imputation on the Bill, even with respect to the new constituency. In looking at the returns for the 26 large extra me tropolitan towns to be endowed with the right of sending one or two Members to Parliament, we find that their whole constituency will be only 67,405, and when reduced by the abstraction of the freeholders who formerly voted in the counties, and who are now to be town electors, the new votes created will not amount to 40,000. Can this be called any thing like.universal suffrage, when Man chester, one of the 26 places, possesses for itself, in its electoral circuit, a population of 187,019 ? The , , , real fact is, tnat tne constituency ought to be still further enlarged instead of suffering any diminution. But it has been alleged,—and no doubt the falsehood has had its influence on the electors of Dorsetshire, as well as on some of the equally wise persons who composed the late majority in a certain house,— . . that though the influence of property is not sacri ficed to numbers, the influence of one species of pro perty is sacrificed to another, and that the landed in terest must lose, while the commercial gains, by the Bill. We have left ourselves no room to argue this point at length, and to show how absolutely the fact is in contradiction to the assertion ; but we shall just remark, as a thing easy to be proved, that the landed interest do, by this Bill, acquire an ascendancy in three ways. Ist. The new Mem bers given to the counties and returned by the existing constituency, over which the landlords re tain their influence, is a direct and obvious accession of power to the landed aristocracy. 2d. The con stituency of counties will come more directly under the controul of that aristocracy by the withdrawal of the town freeholders, whose suffrages will now be confined within the limits of their boroughs. That the power of this class of freeholders was con siderable, and consequently that the influence of the landed aristocracy was greatly diminished by its exercise, may easily be inferred from the return of Mr. Marshal by the influence of the freeholders of Leeds. 3d. As we mentioned before, all the smaller boroughs in schedule B, and many above 4,000, will be obliged to make up their necessary constituency out of the country, and will thus come within the range of the landed proprietor's influence. Let the squirearchy, therefore, be consoled. They are not to be deprived either of their property or political influence—of their preserves of game or voters by the Reform Bill, and may therefore support it them selves, and urge the Peers to pass it without terror or alarm. Let them also be aware lest their absurd resistance should create a demand for a Reform which may justify those fears which are now ridi culously visionary.— Times. The Liberal continental papers, both French and German, have been unanimous in; their declarations for some weeks past, that the Emperor of Russia in tends to destroy the independent existence, and even to abolish the name, of Poland, and to incorporate the provinces of which that kingdom was composed with the Russian empire. 'We have hitherto re frained from giving credit to these rumours, and do not even now believe them to their full extent. We remember that when the news of the capture of Warsaw reached Paris, and occasioned those conti nued tumults for three or four days, which we hope will not be repeated, the Minister for Foreign Af. fairs, M. Sebastiani, ascended the tribune, and read despatches, both from St. Pet ersburgh and Berlin, containing the most ample assurances from the Em peror's own lips, and from the mouth of his father in-law, that the rights of Poland would be respected, —that independent existence would be guaranteed, —and that the faith of the treaties which conveyed its sovereignty to Russia would be sti icily observed, whatever should be the result of the contest. These assurances had been repeated on various occasions, and were, no doubt, expressed to the English as well as the French Ambassador. They made the recognition of Polish rights to depend upon no contingency—upon no question of immediate sub mission or protracted resistance—upon no condition of a few days fighting more or less—but stated broadly and unequivocally, that Poland, when con quered, was still to be Poland,—was still to be a kingdom separate from Russia,—with its own laws, its own institutions, its own army, and its own civil administration, and only united to the other domi nions of the Czar by the diadem of its Sovereign. When these declarations were made, Warsaw, it is true, had not as yet fallen, but that event was avowedly contemplated, and therefore its actual oc currence, which had previously all the weight of an absolute fact in the mind of the Imperial Govern ment, could not consistently interfere with the ful filment of the Emperor's solemn pledges and re peated engagements. In conformity with this boasted generosity, the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian troops, assisted by the Grand Duke Mi chael, engaged, on the morning previous to the sur render of Warsaw, to grant a general amnesty to all the Poles who had taken arms during the war, and even to extend it to the insurgents in Russian Poland, who, regarding more their ancient ties than their recent subjection, had risen to assert their own claims to independence and to aid their struggling brethren, already free. The stipulations of that amnesty, we regret to say, cannot be claimed, in strict right, by the Polish army, or the Polish Provisional Government, which stood out for one hopeless month longer ; but the conduct of the lat ter does net alter the. engagements of the Emperor to his allies and to Europe. Since the complete re.subjugation of the country by arms, and the an• flounced attempt to restore tranquillity and order by a Provisional itlovernment, we have carefully watched the manifestos and orders of the day issued from Petersburgh oriWarsaw, but can find in neither of them any professed indication that the Emperor intends to place Poland under the same regime and to hold it by the same tenure as he does Siberia. He has, however, exercised several acts of rigorous' despotism in the conquered country totally incom patible with his engagements to his allies and his re spect for Polish privileges. It is one of the funda mental laws of Poland that no Polish subject shall, in case of an alleged crime, be withdrawn from his native judges for trial, or sent out of the kingdom for punishment. Yet, in the face of this stipulated and acknowledged right, the Russian Government has begun to people the penal settlements of Si beria with Polish patriots. It was a law of the late kingdom that Poland should be administered by Poles only, in all its civil and military departments ; but we observe that half of the Provisional Govern ment lately appointed are Russians. Confiscation was abolished by the Polish laws, but it is now re vived by their foreign tyrants against the Poles themselves. Hence the large property of Czar toryski, and of the other Polish patriots, who sup ported the revolutionary cause, have been appro priated for the use of the Russian treasury. We omit the persecution of Clopieki, and of the officers who stood out after the surrender of Warsaw—the punishments menaced against the members of the Diet and of the Provisional Government—and the other acts of Holy Alliance tyranny perpetrated on Holy Alliance principles; but we may say, that we cannot see how a single stipulation of the Treaty of Vienna can be observed, if Poland is to be occupied by Russian troops, and administered by Russian functionaries. It may continue to bear the name of a kingdom in official acts ; but to all practical pur poses it becomes a vassal province of the Czar. If the constitutional Governments of Europe were un able, by their most vigorous remonstrances and their most zealous offers of mediation, to arrest the Rus sian eagle in its career of slaughter, without point ing their cannon against its ravages so as to en danger a general war, it is not very likely that they can now frighten it away from its unresisting prey, without a similar danger; but surely they must do something to secure the faith of treaties to which they have been parties—from a regard to their own honour, from a sympathy with outraged patriotism, from an admiration of heroic virtue, or even from a feeling of common humanity !—Tintes. The Tories and Anti-Reformers, the enemies o the King, the Ministers, and the people, were yes terday in the dumps, ill consequence of the firm ness evinced by the King, and the determined con sistency of his Majesty's Ministers, in calling Par liament together at the earliest possible period. To day they will be in an ecstasy of delight, in conse quence of the issuing of a foolish Proclamation in the Gazette of last night, declaring Political Unions to be unconstitutional and illegal ! The Political Unions were the terror of the Tories, on the one hand, as they have, on the other, proved the very life of Reform ; and the Tories will now congratu late themselves that the Political Unions will be put an end to, and that having managed to net the above Proclamation from his Majesty's Ministers, they will be able to put down the spirit of the country in favour of Reform. and to do with it as they please. Let them not lay the flattering unction to their souls ! We are not to be put down—we will not be put down ; and if his Majesty's Ministers do not carry the Reform Bill successfully through both Houses of Parliament, the country will take its own way of carrying it, and that way, they may rely upon it, will not be so mild or pleasant as that proposed by his Majesty's Ministers. The spirit of Reform is prevalent every where, and the essence of it is only seen in the re solutions if the Political Unions. The latter may be put down, but the spirit cannot be quenched. It is every where prevalent, and it must pre vail, " The King," as a Member of his Ma jesty's Cabinet observed some years ago, " may die—the House of Lords may be put aside—the representation of the people may become a dead letter—but the people never die !" Nor any more will the spirit of Reform die among the people. The taxes are a sure remembrancer—the undeserved pensions and sinecures are daily memo rials—the immense sums of money voted by a cor rupt Parliament to persons of whose services the public knows nothing, are evils not to be forgot ; and, therefore, it is that although every Political Union existing in the kingdom were to be dissolved to-morrow, we confidently trust that: the cause of Reform would gain instead of losing by it. With regard to the proclamation, we have only to ob serve, that it is a concession to those to whom no concession ought to have been made—a conces sion to those who hate the people, and, in their hatred, would extinguish them, provided that they could benefit by their extinction. It will be observed, however, that the proclamation is not of a very strict character, and that it is only directed against those Unions which are " composed of separate bodies, with various divisions, and subdivisions, under leaders, with a gradation of ranks and authority, and distinguished by certain badges, and subject to the controul and direction of a superior Committee or Council"—and not against all unions, which are otherwise constituted. A district union, for irotance, is lawful—a parochial union is lawful—a city union—a county union—is lawful, provided it have lawful ends in view; but then it must not organize itself in the manner de clared to be illegal by the King's proclamation. So far so good. The union of the people will not be the less complete—the people will arm themselves privately—and in default of the unions being able to correspond with one another in furtherance of the common cause, a secret understanding will exist between them, which will be equally effectual to all constitutional purposes.—Morning Advertiser. It is said that his Majesty's Ministers have re cently been in communication with some distin guished Peers of the conservative party; and if we had no other reason for believing this report, Nye should find a tolerably good one in the measure, im perfect, feeble, lame, though it be, to which Go vernment has shown so much courage and virtue as to resort, for the discouragement of illegal Associ ations. Any degree of courage or virtue exhibited by the present Administration must be ascribed of course to some external influence, cela a sans se dire; and we cannot imagine any source whence an infu sion of these qualities might more probably have been derived than the intercourse to which so much allusion has recently been made. If the Earl of Har rowhy and Lord Wharncliffe have enlightened the Members of Administration with whom they have been in correspondence as much upon the subject of the Reform Bill as they would seem to have done upon that of Politieal Unions, the presentation of a rational and honest scheme of Reform upon the meeting of Parliament is a thing of which perhaps we ought not yet entirely to despair. The proclamation against illegal asscciations is not indeed such as would have proceeded from a vigorous or honest Government. It is so much in the style of homily, that had Ministers happened to be upon good terms with the Establishment it would in all probability have been ordered to be read in churches, although these are the only places to which the members of Political Unions never repair, unless, indeed, when a Bishop is to be insulted. It contents itself with earnestly warning and enjoining all the King's subjects to abstain from entering into such unauthorised combinations, with out intimating to the Magistrates that they will be held responsible in the several districts for the speedy apprehension and legal punishment of those who shall presume to disregard the mild arid paternal admonition. But still the step which Government has taken, if not positively good, is good considering the character and posi tion of the Statesmen by whom it is adopted. It is at least, as far as it goes, a step in the right road, anti, if it stop short, as it does considerably, of the length to which a vigorous and honest Ministry would have at once proceeded, it must be recollected that the latter description of Ministry would not have promoted such combinations as it is now attempted to suppress, f or a ny purpose whatever, and least of all for tile selfish and unworthy purpose of maintain ing themselves in office. It is well, however, that Ministers have had their eyes so far opened as to I perceive that the allies whom they had called to their aid, were likely to prove more powerful and less ' tractable than they expected, and have accordingly made a beginning—for we are persuaded it is no more—in the task of repudiating and repressing them. It was indeed high time for Ministers to discountenance the officiousness and audacity of their confederates of the Political Unions, if they in tended that any of the functions of Government should remain in their hands, if they were not willing to be controlled alike in the adoption of the most important principles and in the arrangement of the minutest details, if they were not prepared to surrender to these unauthorised and irresponsible combinations the whole management of the affairs of the nation, foreign and domestic, judicial, military, and financial. Already had the Birmingham Union ' so organised its powers as to supersede the authority of the Magistrates and the force of the Sheriff in the county of Warwick. Already had the Bristol Union fulminated its decree against a municipal Judge, and arrogated to itself a power of which a wise consti tutional jealousy had long deprived the British Monarch. Already had the Metropolitan Union be gun to interfere in the domestic affairs of other na tions, by offering its ironical congratulations to the Sovereign of France on the adulteration of the French Peerage preparatory to its overthrow, upon a Incas sure, that is to say, which this unfortunate Sove reign had vainly endeavoured to avoid, and which had been forced upon him by confederacies, like the Metropolitan Union itself, of levellers and repub licans. Already, as if to shew that nothing is too minute for the grasp of these all-pervading associa tions, had the Political Union of Renfrew issued its authoritative mandate to Government to repell the duty upon soap, as the most certain means which in its wisdom it could discover for arresting the pro gress of the cholera morbus. Already, in short, had it become plain to the meanest capacity that at the rate at which these combinations were pro ceed.ng they would have reduced every member of the King's Government to the condition of a useless and worthless sinecuris , , and degraded the British Legislature itself into an unmeaning superfluity and an inconvenient incumbrance. We do not flatter ourselves, however, that any proclamation, much less such a proclamation as that now before us, or that the existing laws, even were they vigorously and honestly enforced, would be found sufficient fur the abatement of the dangerous nuisance, for the overthrow of the ignominious tyranny of these ille gal associations, which have of course gathered both strength and presumption in proportion to the pa tronage and support which have been afforded them by the Ministers of the Crown. It will be the duty of Parliament, and we cannot imagine any other purpose for which it can at the present moment have been so suddenly and unexpected convened, to repair the error into which Ministers have fallen, to restore the dignity of Government, and to rein state the authority of the laws. It is by the Le gislature alone, we are persuaded, that the State can now be rescued from the dominion of clubs of unwashed artificers, who have been sedulously taught to regard themselves as the only competent and legitimate law-givers for the British empire.— Morning Post. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, Nov. 22. THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. PARSONS. After hearing this case at some length, the COURT said it would take time to consider its judgment. It was an action of trespass on Crown Lands. COMMON PLEAS, Nov. 22. DIGBY, KNIGHT, V. ALEXANDER. This was an action on a promissory note given for money. On a former day Mr. Serjeant SPANKIE obtained a rule, calling on the plaintiff to show cause why the writ of capias ad respondendum should not be set aside, and the bail-bond delivered up to be can celled, and why the plaintiff should not pay the costs of the application, on the ground that the de fendant was a Peer of Scotland, and therefore privi leged from arrest. _ - Mr. Serjeant WILDE now showed cause against the rule, and contended that the defendant, who called himself Earl of Stirling, had failed to establish any claim to the privilege of which he sought to avail himself. The principal ground on which the defendant sought to entitle himself to this privilege was his having voted three times on the election of Scotch Peers, on the last of which occasions his vote had been received under a protest made by the Earl of Lauderdale and the Duke of Buccleuch. The defendant, it appeared, claimed the Earldom of Stirling, under a patent granting the title, upon failure of heirs male, to the female line, through which it had descended to him. The Learned Serjeant then proceeded to read the defendant's affidavit, which stated that at the election of Peers for 1825, on the name of the Erirl of Stirling being called, he answered to the name and voted, and is vote was received by the principal Clerk of Ses sions; and that he had done the same in 1830 and 1831, his vote on the latter occasion having been protested against. The Learned Serjeant con tended that this amounted to nothing, because at all events he hail no right to vote, according to the order of the House of Peers, until his claim to the title had been admitted. The affidavit further stated that in 1830 the defendant having applied to Lord Lyndhurst, then Lord Chancellor, to be allowed to take the oaths as a Scotch Peer, he had been per mitted to do so; and that in 1831 an application to Lord Tenterden, similar to the present, had been by that Noble and Learned Judge allowed. In answer to this affidavit the affidavit of the plaintiff stated, that the bill of exchange on which this action was brought had been given to the plaintiff for money lent,—that no such patent as that referred to by the defendant was to be found,—and that the 'Marchio ness of Downshire, who was the great grand-daughter of the last Earl of Stirling, was heiress to the title under that patent, if any such existed. It also set forth the defendant's letter to Lord Lauderdale,' complaining of his having instigated the young Duke of Buccleuch to object to defendant's title, and as serting his right to the same, as lineal descendant of the last Earl ; and also a second letter, in which de fendant complained of the rigour with which his application to be received as a Peer at Court had been refused. It further alleged, that a bill filed in the Court of Chancery, to which the defendant was a party by the title of Earl of Stirling, had been dismissed by the Lord Chancellor, on the ground that he was no Peer. Mr. Justice ALDERSON asked on what statute did the Lord Chancellor decide upon claims to the Peeragee lkSerjeant SPANKIE--Not on any. Mr. Serjeant WILDE said it might as well be said that the person who some time ago claimed to be Lord Stafford, was, therefore, a Peer de facto, and entitled to the privileges of a Peer. Mr. Justice ALDERSON—And so he would if he had voted in the House of Peers. Here the de fendant had voted on the election of Scotch repre sentative Peers, which was all a Scotch Peer could do since the Union. The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE said, that with the defendant's right to the title lie claimed this Court had if he had b i e m e t n hi a r l i l g o% ? do allowed to; a‘svaaspeeneoruogfhsefoortiatlnidem. Now the only act which a Peer of Scotland could perform as such, since the Union, was that of voting on the election of representative Peers. This the defen dant had done three times ; the first and second time without any objection, the third time made a had beenpnitest. But that hat to vo st te ad , n alth s o o ug th h at so th o e bje o c b t j e e d eti t o o n , rather strengthened titan weakened his case. This Court were not to suppose that any person would be allowed to vote who was not a Peer. With re spect to the order of the House of Lords that no person should be allowed to vote until his claim was first allowed by that House, the Court could not judicially take any notice of that order, which seemed to break in upon the act of Union. They would not pronounce any opinion on the validity of the defendant's claim to the title in question ; but 4 finding him acting as a Peer de facto, they felt . selves bound to set aside his arrest, which they however, without costs. JONES V. WATTS. In tbi:.• case, which was not finished ye_ when we went to press, a verdict was found f( plaintiff.—Damages Si. THE PARLIAMENT HOUSES. Preparatory to the re-assembling of the Parliament extensive alterations are making in both Houses. In the House of Lords a gallery for strangers his raised ;—not in the House, however, but bey( House. It is erected over the space along which from the Commons proceed, to present Bills, to King's speech, &c., below the bar ; so that the of this gallery is only even with the wall of the It of the House. The gallery is the whole width House, is approachable by two staircases, and two doors at one end of the gallery, reserving a door, it is presumed, for the Press ; but if the of the gallery, which is four rows further back extremity of the House, is to be set apart for the is to be feared that the means of hearing their proceedings, except when set speeches are made, be much improved. It will hold 150 persons. gallery, it is said, is to be devoted to the half may be approached from the Commons, by a and door, newly opened, leading from the " smoking-room." If the reality of accommoda , stead of the show of it, were destined for the Press, not this door be arranged for such purpose ? The who will come with Peers' orders, and of course the Peers' doors, would the❑ take the - the farthest portion of the gallery ; and the Press enabled to enter the gallery more quietly, and annoyance from crowds. Below the bar, bt. voted to strangers, is now set apart for Members House of Commons and Peers' sons. The Peers' leries are entirely removed, and the materials laid should any particular occasion require their restm In the Commons great changes have been made prove the lighting, ventilation, and " wholesomenl the House. Divers closets and staircases on the the lobby, at the further side of the smoking-r are removed, skylights are made, and the lighting ventilation of the House and passages connected there greatly improved thereby. In substitution of whit removed, divers ante-rooms are constructed • smoking-room and on the way to the Commit, and here again, as in other places, openings have made so as to permit the admission of fresh air tht the House if required. In the preparation fur t portions of the original walls of St. Stephen's have been brought once more to light, particular? fine bold moulding in stone; it will not be again' up, but worked up with the decorations, so as to visible. The works at the Lords are under the direction Smirke, sen., who acts in pursuance of power 9 from the Lords' Committee ; the alterations in mons are guided by the Board of Works, directed Lee, of that department. Both Houses have been filled with workmen day and night, for sortie iii to complete the extensive alterations. There been fewer than two hundred men at work; Colln carpenters, bricklayers, plumbers, upholsterers, &c. One set work till ten at night, and then set commence : so that the labours have never r the alterations were all to be completed by this day. alterations are contemplated, but no directions on the ject have yet been given. Eaton Hall, in Cheshire, the magnificen t of the Marquis of WasmuNsrra, is a scene of p 1 vity. The Eirl and Countess GanavEr:oa, Lady ROBERT GROSVEN OR , a nd a l arge part,' tinguished friends, are partaking of the hospitalities` noble host and hostess. The Marquis has b e en on to the venerable Earl of DERBY, at Knowley, Earl and Countess GROSVENOR were among the fas guests of Sir WArxIN and Lady HARRIET W 1 WyNN, at Wynnasty, in Denbiehshire, on the 2 6 ' when great rejoicings took place to commeinc , b it d r r t s h t o" it e meats next year, at his mansion i n U pper Gr d o d ay, contemplates the ote m H p o a B e lr t o e n n e s t i . v e a T i t h e; a A t i l o a n r s q u a n i s d , street. It is stated by a correspondent, Bishoyieldingp was instrumental i n i n d uc i ng the calling th e R e f orm mee ti ng , a"' of Cr theluence of th e Ri g h t heia4iw to to mainly reuse ctedinOpposition to the wishes of his own whose name was prominent in the list of the tionists. —Dublin Morning Register. FARRINGDON WITHOUT POLL Utstox.—Ye..terday evening a general meeting of, habitants of this Ward took place at the National room, Harp-alley, Farringdon-street,l( IlicsaAßD Esq., Common Councilman, in the Chair), for •, pose of confirming the resolutions of the provisions' mittee, which met on the 7th instant, and of of a Committee of 21 gentlemen. The meeting dressed by Mr. TAYLOR, the Chairman, Messrs. MER, ROSSER, W. E. filo:sots, and several other , men, when resolutions were entered into, in su bits d " That it is the duty of every lover of order an vernment, to unite at the present crisis to obtain n of the Commons House of Parliament to the the Bill rejected by the Lords; and that to effect ject it is necessary to lay aside all differences of support his MAJESTY'S Ministers, act in conformiti, laws, and endeavour to repress all attempts at disturbance, which the enemies of the people deavour to excite." The meeting was nu. respectably attended, and many of the inhabitant; Ward enrolled their names as members. NEW PUBLICATIONS.—The tale of Life, entitled " Cavendish, or the Patrician at now published, and is exciting great attention. work deserving of particular notice is the molt ' edition of the entertaining " Memoirs of the Abrantes," in two volumes octavo, which cowl entire four volumes of the Paris edition, and is ill by two beautiful engravings, now first added, the lished at a much less price than the Paris edition. tenant-Colonel Boucaucrxx has just presented to • a most important work, the result of many y 0 2 13 ), and of actual surveys, entitled " The British 13° in North America." " The Catechism of Health' on the eve of publication, will enable every perso ° come his own physician ; for it will afford much ' advice conveyed in a plain and popular manner, s! preservation of health, particularly acceptable at sent moment, when we are threatened by an el. order. A very animated picture has been giv e° present state of the 'Washington Islands, the Islands, the Sandwich Islands, and others, situate .] Ocean happily called the Pacific, in the Rev. ♦AT's Narrative of the " Visit to the South " The Thoresby Correspondence," in two volui comprising numerous letters of the celebrated Jo' LTN, Sir HANS SLOANY, Sir GODFREY Cor bishop SHARP, BiIihOp:BURNIT, Rev. 111.krrnPv &c. will be published in a day or two. IRISHMEN IN AMERICA.--All New poor as well as rich, labour under dyspepsia' fourth of their local literature is coniposed of dyspepsia. It would fill a waggon. leery door the town has placards with titles of half a doses on dyspepsia put forth. Ask my good friend Dr' the reason of it, and he will tell you, like " Sir, they feed too much." Famines are terrib le in Europe, but I verily believe that a famine in the States once i n th ree years wou ld save many livea', l positively die of the superabundance of provisions f ;f in Ireland do of its scarcity. The first thing when lie goes to the States is to burst himself bread, and whiskey. If he outlives that, he make a decent citizen, though rarely. " Good ment" has spoiled him beforehand.—Notes to a Tucuman. BIRTHS. On the 9.2 d inst. in Hanover-square, the lady of the Best, M.P., of a son. On the 21st inst. the lady of Sutherland Hall Suthr of a daughter. On the `.2oth inst. at Bryanston-square, the Lady man, of a daughter. On the 19th inst at Brampton, the lady of Lieut. the Royal Dragoons, of a son. M RRIED. On the 20th inst. at St. Ann's, by the Rer. J. Captain Thomas Smith, 97th Regiment, to Miss Clase, slaughter of Edward Clase, Esq., of Pithing - "„ 0 On the 17th inst. at the hotel of the British Aina i t, Brussels, F. M. hlontgomerie, Esq , youngest son of M. Montgomerie, Esq., of Garboldisham-hall, Norfo ll4 youngest daughter of 11. Butler, Esq. DIED. On the _oth inst. at his se a t, Uhellowes Park, is f 1.• D o, of Surrey. James l)onovan, Esq. in the 85th year of of On the 21st inst. in Portman-square, Louisa, W. l ` Bulkeley, of the '2d Regiment of Life Guards. On the 21st inst. Elizabeth, wife of W. Simons, 94 ' Lodge, Sydenham, aged SO. On the 2•21 inst. in the 30th year of his age, M r * of the Poultry. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY RDO YOVN U SUN OFFICE, 112, STEAM), LONDON. C .OFtGA I T - the the GI This / 7. a ilei At aCt rhich eft, „„, !PPort t this .01e, and " Pale ( Juiun of' Car, 't, • ve ry 44 til • the T eas t '44, 4 be th er,iri :j h "ty% , Jefe I t o , "'Witi .er ve ry `tred fri Crate api Th e 1 tent ro ot, ~kad aib g • • A. the 4;l' 3 ' 4 1t To C - n '4l,iielti , ir t i lt. rd 3 0, krit ,'411)1 vo t , RAP, 4111 ti,, t 1‘,4, ,;,t P(4, rt, Ay 1 ., ' I ''‘l . Il vtiity. N 1 )( t Ihkettir, ,4 k 4t u ; '[v; e 44 ttis i ; ;;;::ft 4he; I,r, ` II. Th e .Cui C_ ling him acting as a Peer de facto, they yes bound to set aside his arrest, which they, ''' la- th e 13 wever, without costs. 4 the Glob JONES V. WATTS. IA In this case, which was not finished yeste 1 , THO: en we went to press, a verdict was found for',,'his cOl int i ff.—Damages Si. •fiatiaatior gist aetua - Ki ch w THE PARLIAMENT HOUSES. Preaerre t°11:1 itent, and t Preparatory to the re-assembling of the Parliaroetrau ~,PPort to ;ensive alterations are making in both Houses. u t"itlist er „ , i In the House of Lords a gallery for strangers has `""fore a ; ar felt 61 1; k o : t ra R T: a er A : sed ;—not in the House, however, but heyondTenti of m lose. It is erected over th e s p ace a l ong w hi c h m o l4 e l l°l lation 111 the Commons proceed, to present Bills, to hear tiN this c o ng's speech, &c., below the bar ; so that the foot e d: l and r e this gallery is only even with th e w a ll o f th e lover i N o Pile of the House. The gallery is the whole width c' f li c , i 2 ' of t ruse, is approachable by tw o s t a i rcases , an d thett A f th e c ' n, viz.. o doors at one end of the gallery, r ese rvin g a ser:ta e l c ease t, Jr, it is presumed, for the Pres s ; b u t if th e Taal' i je, t e°l4l nut the gallery, which is four rows further back els ° ,Is:l e gal, t tremity of the House, is to be set apart for the Pit C on °. 2, , to be feared that the means of hearing their Loro'i, k,ei l , viz oceedings, except when set speeches are made, wi ii ll i te e 4l tot much improved. It will hold 150 persons. ill' i s tee,f;,P ° iote Ilery, it is said, is to be devoted to the ladies-0 3 1 it t l s ,„ 4 l l o if may be approached from the Commons, by a p .. „ < ti t l ed , to d door, newly opened, leading from the Coon that be gi smoking-room." If the reality of accommodatio n :, 4k :erY ac ad of the show of it, were destined for the Press, 4 .st p rh 4 this t this door be arranged for such purpose ? The I r i of t ''t urg io will come with Peers' orders, and of course en o lt i of t h' ast i e Peers' doors, would then take the nearest ins i j' tt a 4,, 'iher s farthest portion of the gallery ; and the Press WO, y pet, io ' 4 , givt abled to enter the gallery more quietly, and vri t 'j lee, ti :,,,,,''' Ac noyance from crowds. Below the bar, heretafor e f o - 42genit ted to strangers, is now set apart for Members ' 1 (14 4 ( 4 " this Rise of Commons and Peers' sons. The Peers' 9 41 5 La th t° , incr 'les are entirely remove d, an d th e mater i a l s l a id in r. kley A t ne KA ould any particular o ccas io n r e qu i re th e i r restorati°" , irc e oll C a In the Commons great changes h a v e b een ma de t ° ,,,te so ie ° magi ove the lighting, ventilation, and " wholesomene°,l4eC ° e , of e House. Divers closets and staircase s on the 64 i'et of d e lobby, at the further side of the smoking-rooms' i i t .. ti ' v as re a removed, skylights are made, and the lightio9 (1,, i 5 1 th e 1 nrilation of the House and passages con nec ted thet e , , ° a be a t eatly improved thereby. In substitution of what . , 0 1 moved, divers ante-rooms are construct e d beyond 1 coking-room and on the way to the Committee- 0 "y d here again, as in other places, openings hared l i r,- tde so as to permit the admission of fresh air throa t , I ) It. e House if required. In the preparation for tbia l o *h er i I IIG rtions of the original walls of St. Stephen's ') lqaj : 4 " re been brought once more to light, particularly ar e ti e tY's A le bold moulding in stone ; it will not be again CO of th ? f end: ~ but worked up with the decorations, so as to t r , tc es : r lll- na: rible. , , th - 1 7t, 1 ,, The works at the Lords are under the direction o f ) k rtin nb tt nirke, seta., who acts in pursuance of powers a r i,/ Ch i° + Et( on the Lords' Committee ; the alterations in the i l Atid " 8, MS are guided by the Board of Works, directed bl) th e °.", or ' kt d d,c :e, of that department. Both Houses have been I' r i led with workmen day and night, for some t ie' : I complete the extensive alterations. There 1 3 . 0 1 c i t o en fewer than two h un d re d men a t wor k ; coniial, RA rpenters, bricklayers, plumbers, upholsterers, 1 Ntw .:. One set work till t en a t n i g ht, an d t h e n i i t commence : so th a t th e l a b ours h ave never mon J o 1. /A1 e alterations were all to be completed by this day. f terations are contemplated, but no directions on rya .atel v saris ~t have yet b e en giv en . ,p. boatl pun j If f)S PI - 1 Eaton Hall, in Cheshire, the magnificentoZlil reply' the Marquis of WasTastats.rxx, is a scene of O A . " , tro, ty. The Earl and Countess GROSVENOR, L° C f i vi ' v V i ery lit ady ROBERT GROSVENOR, and a large party Opel eu from nguished friends, a r e pa r t a ki ng o f th e h os pitalitiel 0 7 4 : gratefu able hoot and hostess. The Marquis has been oo s t liti, t ? ta lo - loda o the venerable Earl of DERBY, at Knowley, and aN 4. aPPro' ,art and Countess GROSVENOR were among the faelnuot4 Th e H ol uests of Sir WATEIN and Lady HARlttitT WI% iki i _ C entral VYNN, at Wynnasty, in Denbighshire, on the 261 0 % 4 7 () f . ro t 'hen great rejoicings took place to commemort i ta t ,, i 4 aotte a irth-day of the Hon. Baronet. The Marquis, iti Ati. ,roe ttio erstood, contemplates extensive alterations and in5r . ,, d. 4 . , and hi rents next year, at his mansion in Upper Grosr io ' ti 'tioa to :reet. s a „, all . cle g , A utlation tll 4 . r t. tr ° It is stated i h ns y trum a en c t o al rre in sp i o n n d d uc e i n ng t, the ; 7 0.1sviii prov u, f li c s t P iow wa t s o m re a f i u n s i e y calling the Reform meeting, arvi,j`kri ttt , t !, ' a yielding to the influence of the Right Rev. PeriT t c Q. fi . `" ,e acted in opposition to the wishes of his own ?i, t ,f tire ca chose name was prominent in the list of the 0 4 ItI R b e ta i( the Bel ioniets. —Dublin Morning Register. ' ' , Le : 't o B.t FARRINGDON WITHOUT POLIT E cr e , i 'ende Tatum —Yesterday evening a general meeting of tlthi, h 'Y le e abitants of this Ward took place at the National t;,t tli,h, 4 lell Dom, Harp-alley, Farringdon-street,lf RICHARD l''' f y,'` r ielit. ...sq., Common Councilman, lin the Chair), for t h , t o th i Y su s ose of confirming the resolutions of the prov iaions' i ,l ttle o ,; °l- ses: aittee, which met on the 7th instant, and of apP o i Q I c.Poti Committee of 24. gentlemen. The meeting ‘ ( 1.1. , l'alai n '• lac ressed by Mr. TAYLOR, the Chairman, .Messrs• , tb s , `:, to ~t E e n R , , ROBBER, wheti rel V . . t i E o n . s H w l C e rKeS entered r a e n d d isnetvoe,railnostubber B e d itt %l art : ll : g t e h k, e ' That it is the duty of every lover of order Old L ei , Is s of 1 ernment, to unite at the present crisis to obtain a P o i his ~s n d u f the Commons House of Parliament to the eft tic s .' ''Ploy, he Bill rejected by the Lords; and that to effect 1 b°,1 4 ? tt a tnne s ect it is necessary to lay aside all differences of OPV, 'az, r i ';ing upport his MAJEsTY'S Ministers, act in conformitl,t' "itl g C. ( awe, and endeavour to repress all attempts at ri ° , , - '`•<..._.', ft lieturbance, which the enemies of the people 10 ;1, ty., leavour to excite." The meeting was numeron `L r i espectably attended, and many of the bahabitantl° tit he .--, ;t] ‘vh Yard enrolled their names as members. Nt t en r IV,I t ats j ue tive NEW PUBLICATIONS.—The tale o. 4, ,,, 1 1 %1 b, ",ife, entitled " Cavendish, or the Patrician at - A l f ti,iPolak' sow published, and is exciting great attention. P er .. si i t and' work deserving of particular notice is the nevi I / 1,,,,tr0n g f elition of the entertaining " Alemoirs of the Du c t a I c e rou s kbrantes," in two volumes octavo, which corer V ,‘ , 1,,, e :ntire four volumes of the Paris edition, and is il id o'll 4: ''era A )), two beautiful engravings, now first added, thong p ot be en idled at a much less price than the Paris e dition , it te,itta ~..tt ot( enant-Colonel Bouctuerrx has just presented to tbepo t44„0... i roost important work, the result of m a ny Year!) tii,eklver, tad of actual surveys, entitled " The British IN'et, I , 4 ett, i f n North America." " The Catechism of Health' e' t a , be s z .,, in the eve of publication, will enable every pera ° ,o Li t i h 4 te a , !crie his own physician ; for it will afford much 4 , 0'4, 0 '11, 1in advice conveyed in a plain and popular manner, 3 1 ," e i 4' l l re-4 preservation of health, particularly acceptable at rel:, ai ii 'ae . it rent moment, when we are threatened by an epid elv d!' , to, i f ti ce order. A very animated picture has been give 4' As e s present state of th e W as hi ngton Islands, the v irdcilf %nei n Islands, th e S an d w i c h I s l an d s , an d ot h ers, s ituate. ] ,4,, (%., uf Nc Ocean happily ca ll e d th e Pacific, in the Rev. M c z ' e sitis, 4, 04, ART'S Narrative of the " Visit to the South ',/,t15, up s " The Thoresby Correspondence," in two volun'e ll g t eh di4 a,s e comprising numerous letters of the celebrated JO At st 'tea i t LYN, Sir HANs SLOANY, Sir GODFREY COPLOri l sAft e `ltY.f .„ , t, ot bishop SHARP, Bishop:BUILNXT, Rev. MATTHE" ,4), - ‘se i, &c. will be published in a day or two. „al . oati o ., i, cite tio a, IRISHMEN IN AMERICA.--All Ne v "i ti e lit „:'" poor as well as rich, labour under dyepepl iP t ai l id ie . j oe i iac fourth of their local literature is composed of vO O 4 Zi.k, , ' I dyspepsia. It would fill a waggon. leery door ci dv: N,l) ( j' t r ; the town has placards with titles of half a dozer' . in i ,, l 'slo V on dyspepsia put forth. Ask my good friend DP of, ti ) , (ii . t 'i, --- P , qt -,i• • the reason of it, and he will tell you, like A 101; of, " Sir, they feed too much." Pauline* are terrilr e d'il )k e i i t,o in Europe, but I verily believe that a famine in th is l'alcZq,, , l4; l ' States once in three years would save many live a %ft a k,i' r t uti i positively die of the superabundance of provision , i f ‘.„, 0 1 ; s in Ireland do of its scarcity. The first thing Ar,:i i o' / 1 1 4ot l a ',, r when he goes to the States is to burst himself i'm oi eliT:ss,' 4 , 4 ,kne, bread, and whiskey. If he outlives that, he 0 0 6 ,,i , f t iT , 0e o " , t , make a decent citizen, though rarely. " Good pluttj how ment" has spoiled him beforehand. —Notes to a it h ,Z, ! lie t tY rrir Tucuman. (: 4"g , ...., . I ... I ...OIOIWIVZINAWMIMMI , ___ ,..._............ ............j i i. , PI, ' N l , lki l BIRTHS. ?fil b:,(ln e , On the '22d. inst. in Hanover-s q uare, the lady of the ,I,l:4lQth. Best, M.P. of a son. 1 0 iti Ih ort' n On the 21st inst. the lady of Sutherland Hall Suthe t i t ,4ti u .,,t of a daughter. ~-,001 i "bvs" le On the `.2oth inst. at Bryanston-square, the Lady ..~- ~.• I, fl o. m OP ,_ an, r. sve of a daughte On the 19th inst at Brampton, the lady of Lieut. , 0. P, the Royal Dragoons, of a son. 51 A RRIED. . r, On the 20th inst. at St. Ann's, by the Rer. Jos ms . ; oo4t ‘ 4) 1 6 . Captain Thomas Smith, 97th Regiment, to Miss ~c , e,' 11',, • • - g Close, (laughter of Edward Close, Esq., of Pithing-,', A. . 4,, On the 17th inst. at the hotel of the British Alo'i La lag, ' ep i,„ : ".. e : l le ~ , Brussels, F. M. hlontgomerie, Esq , youngest son of 40 7 , 1 4 w , M. Montgomerie, Esq., of Garboldisham-hall, Norton:, ' 1 1 . ~ h ou s, 0 d ote , youngest daughter of 11. Butler, Esq. DIED. t r , tv,, • 3 the Atm ' 14 7 On the 20th inst. at his seat, Chellowes Park, in 4 . D if,./ t . ~. • A, of Surrey. James Donova.n, Esq. in the 85th year?.' d' 4 *.ittl ~,.,'''', On the 21st inst. in Portman-square, Louisa, µa - i , a u . ti e Bulkeley, of the mid Regiment of Life Guards. . L .„ ,',u,''eial.,„ On the 21st inst. Elizabeth, wife of W. Simons, r''' 1 , 0 „ i, ~ 4a• Lodge, Sydenham, aged SO. On le 22d inst. in the 30th year of his a ge, hfr. '' heat Bri, of the Poultry. u ghOu --:-: - :/s. )1