The Sun. — London, England, 1831-09-13 00:00:00

speech, which completely answers the statement of Lord Althorp—,we should be as ready to notice the fault as the offended Member could be : but it is our duty as it is our inclination to defend our agents against unfounded charges. For our own convenience, however, it may be necessary to adopt that shield of privilege, which some Members are so eager to display, and in all cases where we find it impossible to please a Member by any report of his speech, to abstain altogether from violating the rule of Parliament as far as regards that Member.- 7imes. It is a curious fact, in illustration of the evils re sulting from monopolies, that, while the piety and good feeling of the nation have for years past been ransacked to raise money from individuals for the laudable purpose of distributing and making known the Scriptures in all nations and languages, the per sons holding the patent office of King's Printer, to gether with the two Universities, have actually been enjoying, and charging to the members of these charitable societies,in common with the other buyers of Bibles, a profit of from 501. to 1001. per cent. above what the same article could have been obtained for had the trade in printing Bibles been open, and as it ought to be, to every one. Though the subject is one so intimately connected with Christian charity, it is scarcely possible to advert to such an absurdity and abuse in terms quite within the compass of what that feeling enjoins. The only ground upon which any monopoly could be defended is that of its being a general advantage ; but how very rarely indeed such is the ease the history of all monopolies is a standing evidence. . But, of all monopolies, a monopoly of the Word of Life seems the most dis gusting, the most indefensible, and the most incon sistent. Our Monarch is styled " Defender of the Faith ;" and his subjects lay claim, and justly, to being the people who, above all others, have dif fused a knowledge of that faith, not only through out his Majesty's dominions, but in regions where the light of Christianity never had, and, but for them, perhaps, for ages never would have penetrated. Yet, to enrich a few individuals, this very fountain of light is obstructed, and, as far as in them lies, blocked up and shut out from the eyes of hundreds of thousands, whom it would otherwise reach and illumine. Surely it is high time that such a system as this should be put an end to. The death of the late King's printer affords a fair opportunity of do ing so ; and we trust that a Reforming Administra• tion will not let the opportunity pass without vin dicating its own consistency, and thereby doing more towards an enlarged distribution of the Scriptures, both at home and abroad, than the utmost efforts of private charity, great as they are, can ever hope to effect.—Morning Herald. The impotent rage of the Ministerial Newspapers at the present condition and future prospects of the Reform Bill is provocative at once of indignation and of ridicule. The insulting language in which the House of Peers is threatened and attempted to be bullied is mingled with so much ranting extrava gance, that, except upon the mere mob, it must fail of any serious effect, and its wickedness must be rendered almoit harmless by the folly which sur rounds it. Such a mass of vulgar error, absurd argument, and high-sounding abuse as the Times poured forth yesterday morning—though it presents a distressing picture of the audacious violence tip which the liberty of the Press, under the patronage of a Whig Government. may be carried—cannot b• felt by the Peers of England as worthy of more than a contemptuous smile, and perhaps such an enforcement of the privileges of their House as may quell such insolence for the future. Though the Times should rage with ten times its present impo tent fury and malevolence, it cannot change the fac', that the people are sick of the Bill, and vexed and disgusted with all its absurdities, which the Oppo sition held up to view, while Ministers sat still with stupid and dogged pertinacity in error. The Lords will doubtless reject the Bill, because it isan unjust, absurd, and impracticable Bill, upon which they are at liberty to exercise their unpledged judgment, just as the Commons would have done ere this had not a majority of its Metnln rs sold the free exercise of their judgment to the mob for the poor price of a seat in Parliament, without that independence which alone makes a seat in either House of the least value to a man of principle. In the height of its extravagan' raving the Times talks of the Tories as " conspirators against the Constitution," and supposes that they would attempt to govern the country by means of the House of Lords and the army. We should like to know when the Tories gave any indications of a wish to dis pense with any of the Legislative powers of the Constitution, or attempted to teach such a doctrine through their organs of the Press. But we need not go far to find when and where such a doctrine has been inculcated. The Constitution recognizes the Lords as a power of as much weight as any other in the estates of the realm, and the real con spirator against the Constitution is he who dares to teach that the Commons' House of Parliament and the rabble are to have the power of making laws, or forcing the Upper House of Legislature to forego its right of judgment, and agree to whatever they may dictate. The Times may easily guess where such a conspirator is to be found. Our con temporary, in its inflammatory langu sge, says that in the event of .the Bill being rejected by the House of Lords, " that House would be at open war with the King, the Commons, and the whole people of England." In reply to this mischievous observation we assert that the country would be placed in no such situation as that here so insi diously stated. The Lords, in acting fearlessly on the occasion, would have the support and ap plause of all the good, the loyal, and constitutional portions, who form a great proportion of the popula lation. In rejecting the revolutionary Bill, so far from placing themselves in a state of warfare with the King, they would be adopting the only moans of pre serving to him his crown, and rescuing him from the degrading domination of a faction who have abused his confidence. Their Lordships would not " be at war with the Commons," the good sense of which House never fails to bow with due com placency to the decision of the Peers, in the exer cise of their undoubted constitutional rights. They will not be " at war with the whole of the people," for the great majority of the nation is decidedly averse to the evil designs of the Reformere. Even at the late general election the voice of the majority of the people would have been against the revolu tionary Ministry were it not suppressed by sheer brutal and ruffianly force. And now that the ex citement so artfully created has happily, subsided, and the true merits of the atrocious measure are pro perly understood, demonstrations of dissatisfaction are every where visible and undisguised ; and we really believe, from all that we heard and ob-erved, that the utter rejection of the Revolutionary Bill would diffuse general joy throughout the land.— r ming Post. The Right Hon. John Calcraft, M.P.—lt is with infinite regret we announce the death of this gentle man; alas I. by his own hand, lie committed sui cide, by cutting his throat with a razor, on Sunday afternoon, at his house in Whitehall-place.—From all that has transpired upon the subject, we are led to conclude that remorse of conscience alone pro duced this melancholy catastrophe. From the mo ment of the sudden ;tad extraordinary abandonment of the cause of the Constitution, which he had so ably &fended, and enlisting in the revolutionary ranks in favour of the atrocious Bill, ire could not help con sidering that he had committed the fatal act of suicide on his political life andm -2- ....- did we pity him, from the conviction' we felt that t th th e atlns conscience could not possibly be at ease in e contemplation lf of exist ing occurrences as they regarded himself. Our pre sages, alas! have been too fully and se m . verified. The Right Hon. Gentleman n o e s v t er fn a ta ft lly enjoyed a single moment of mental repose; and even r his triumph in the Dorsetshire election, effected as it was under the delusion of the moment and the corruption of faction, served as no relief to his mind. lie continued to exhibit the most evident symptoms - of remorse, never gave more than one attendance in the new Parliament, and ultimately sinking under Ida poignantly repentant feelings, his miserable ex istence was closed by the dreadful act of suicide. We have no wish to enlarge or particularly animad vert upon this painful subject ; and shall therefore conclude with the humane exhortation :—" De mor tuis nil nisi bonuni."—Morning Post. The cause of the distress of our West India colo nies came under discussion last night, on the ques- tion for going into a Committee on the Sugar Re fining Act. The causes of the distress of the West Indians are, the inability of the home market to consume the whole of their produce, and the neces sity for exportation to the continent, where it came into competition with the produce of foreign colo nies, raised at a smaller expence. The price of the continent determines the price of the British market, whenever exportation is necessary. It was admitted on all hands, that the sugar raised in our colonies is greatly beyond the consumption of the home mar ket. The object of the Sugar Refinery Act is to allow the sugar of foreign colonies to be refined in this country for exportation, the cheapness of the manufacture giving us a great advantage in refining over the continental refiners. This question is quite distinct from that of a remedy for the \Vest India distresses, and we confess we are at a loss to under stand how a eensib'e man like Colonel Torrents should suppose the encouragement of this manufac ture could be injurious to the colonies. We think it is almost susceptible of demor.stration that the Act can neither do good nor harm to the colonies. It being granted that the price of sugar in the home market is determined by the price in the foreign market, and that the quantity of the sugar of our colonies re-exported to the continent is out of all proportion greater than that of the foreign sugar refined here for exportation, not one hundred weight, more or less, of our sugar will be consumed on the continent, with or without the Refinery Act. If the people of the continent should not be allowed to have the sugar of foreign colonies refined here, and, in consequence of the cheapness of the manufacture, should purchase in England the refined sugar of our own colonies, they would purchase so much less of the raw sugar of our colonies in the continental market ; and the price of the raw sugar in the home market being deter mined by the price of the continent, would remain precisely the same as if foreign sugars were refined here. Till the consumption of the home market shall equal the supply, while the foreign refined sugar for exportation does not equal the excess of the supply over the consumption, it is as clear as any proposition possibly can be that the Refinery Act can have no earthly influence on the question. The opposition to Ministers was, therefore, wanton and uncalled for. Mr. Hume stated some curious facts explanatory of the causes of the difference in the cost of production in the British and foreign colonies At present (he said) the foreigner purchased a slave for 401., who cost our planters 30/. In the foreign co lonies fifty slaves out of the hundred were workers, while in our colonies there were not above thiity-five out of the hundred. It was impossible that our planters could cons pete against such disadvantages. The Hon. Member for Worcester said, that the Intercourse Act had done no good; but he had received a letter from Trinidad that day, which gave him a different account. The barrel of flour which had cost twenty dollars now cost sixteen dollars ; dn d at the same time the barrel of flour bonded at Liver pool cost only I/. 17s. ; and what prevented that from being sent, for the voyage was only, as it were, a few days to where it was worth 31. 4s. ? The Government ought to allow a perfectly free importation of food into the co lonies, and it ought to pan an end to the foreign slave trade." Colonel Torrens observed, on the point of the higher price of food in our colonies, that " the West Indies were sacrificed most unjustly to the policy of supporting Canada—they were taxed to enrich Canada. ' Some curious circumstances were stated by Mr. Burge, which ought to operate as a warning hereafter how we rashly tamper with such subjects. " The West Indians had, it was said, received a great favour by the repeal of the Non-in tercourse Act between the West India islands and America. But what was the real state of the case? It was an illustration of the course pursued by the Government of this country towards the colonies. They first passed non-intercourse laws, which proved most ruinous ; and then, when they discover-d their error, they admitted the intercourse to take place. Trade had, however, in the mean time, passed into new channels, and those whom they in- tended to restore to their former intention were unable to avail themselves of the advantages pre sented to them. For instance, in the case of America —the people of Lousiana, who were at one time in the habit of taking rum and sugar in exchange for their staves, had, by the cessation of the inter course, begun to make rum of their owe, and the profits of the trade were now wholly destroyed." It was recommended by several Members that greater exertions should be made to put down the slave trade. It is quite clear, that if this trade be not put down, our colonies must be ruined. We, however, much question the power of putting down a trade which so many nations have an interest in continuing, the coast of Africa and America being so extensive. Brazil, Cuba, and the French colonies will import slaves to the last, and render the culti vation of sugar a losing concern in our colonies. We therefore set down these colonies as ruined, as far as yielding a profit to European capitalists is concerned. The slaves have the land to cultivate as peasantry, and they cannot be losers. We state this broadly,because we would not wish to encourage any delusion on the subject. We are not consider ing the question of free labour, because we doubt whe ther, if the slave trade were put down, sugar could be raised by free labour as cheap as by compulsion; but if the slave trade enables the foreign planter to have all his stock nearly males, he must cultivate out of all proportion cheaper than a planter who must support the working negro and his family. We really do not believe it possible, under these circum stances, that the colonists will long remain connected with us. If they see that Government is unable to put down the foreign slave trade, they will conclude that if they could throw off subjection to us, they might also carry on the slave trade, and supply sugar to the European market at as cheap a rate as the foreign colonists. If the Continental market de termine the price, it will be of no consequence to them whether their sugar went first to the Conti nent or to this country ; for if even we were to shut our ports against their sugar, we must import it from the Continent, and then sugar would fill up the void on the Continent caused by our imports tion.—Morning Chronicle. We are glad to see that in the last Church promo tions Ministers have had the courage and honesty to promote men who have maintained, in the worst of times, the principles to which they themselves owe their elevation. Dr. Carr, Bishop of Chichester, is to be translated to Worcester. Dr. Maltby, who, if learning and virtue constitute a title to preferment, ought long ago to have enjoyed it, is to become Bishop of Chichester ; and the Residentiaryship of St. Paul's, vacated by the removal of Dr. Carr to Worcester, is bestowed on the Rev. Sidney Smith, one of the best writers England has ever produced, and one who has laboured incessantly to promote the cause of truth and benevolence. A few such nominations would go far to liberalise the Church. It is by elevating good men that good is to be done, and not by abandoning patronage to the enemies of good. We wish we could. say as much of the man ner in which the Lord Chancellor has exercised his ecclesiastical patronage as we can say of the above promotion. But the Lord Chancellor, with all his qualities, has some weaknesses, and one of them is a disposition to promote good ends by Ma chiavelian means.—Morning Chronicle. JACQUELINE OF HOLLAND.--VIC very great circulation of this historical romance, which has been pronounced the best work of Mr. GRATTAN, has ftmiliarized English readers with the annals and the manners and scenery of Holland, of which they have hitherto had but faint impressions. Many, indeed, have been induced to make a summer tour in that country, and visit the interesting spots described in the romance as being connected with the eventful fortunes of Queen JACQUXLINE. SUICIDE OF JOHN CALCRAFT, ESQ., M.P. Last night at eight o'clock, J. H. GELL, Esq. and a highly respectable Jury, assembled at the dwelling house of John Calcraft, Esq. M.P., to investigate the cause of the death of that gentleman. George Renuison stated—l am footman to the deceased. Had been in his employ nine years. The deceased had been only three months in the house, No. 17, Whitehall-place. On Sunday afternoon, about four o'clock, I was in the kitchen when Miss Arabella Calcraft, the daughter of the deceased, came home from church, and went, as I thought, to the drawing-room, but not finding the deceased there, she called me and asked," Where is my father ?" I replied, " I suppose he is in his bed-room." She then inquired, " How long it was since I had seen him ?" I replied, " Three quarters of an hour." She then proceeded to his bed-room door on the same landing-place, and knocked, but it was fastened and she received no answer. She then proceeded to his dressing-room, which adjoins his sleeping room. I followed her, and we removed some things which were placed near the bed-room door, which enabled us to enter it. On going into the room Miss Calcraft shrieked out, " George, George," and we advanced about two paces into the room. I then saw the deceased lying on the floor, with his face downward, in a complete pool of blood. Miss Cal craft threw herself on the body of the deceased, and cried out, " Father, father," five or six times. She then directed me to run with all possible des patch and fetch somebody. I went instantly, leaving her kneeling by her father. When I left the house there was no one below but the footman, the porter having just gone out. As I went down stairs I met the footman coining up, but did not speak to him, and proceeded out in search of as sistance, and in the course of a few minutes Mr. Freeman, a medical gentleman, arrived; but prior to his arrival I had returned and got into the house, having the precaution not to shut the door. I went instantly into the bed-room of the deceased, and found Miss Calcraft still kneeling over the remains of the deceased, screaming and crying. She re quested me to lift the body on the bed, which I was unable to do. I think I was absent about two minutes, and when I returned the footman was in the hall. As soon as Mr. Freeman arrived he pro ceeded up stairs to the deceased's bed-room. Miss Calcraft was still there, and it was with extreme difficulty that Mr. Freeman prevailed upon her to retire. Mr. Freeman then examined the body, and said that the deceased was quite dead, and conse quently he could do nothing for him. Whilst the examination was going on Miss Calcraft again entered the apartment, and reluctantly quitted it again. As soon as she was gone out, I and Mr. Freeman lifted the body on the bed. On lifting him up I saw a dreadful gash in his throat, and he had a bloody razor firmly grasped in his right hand. The deceased was attired in his dressing jacket, black waistcoat and pantaloons, stockings and shoes, his cravat was on the bed, and his watch lying on a small dressing-table. It is my own conviction that he committed the act himself. CORONER—What time that morning did you call the deceased ? Witness—l called as usual about half-past eight, and at the same time I opened the window-shutters, and put his shaving things ready for his use. I then left the room. Did he speak to you prior to leaving the room ? —He did Not. When did you see him again ?—About nine o'clock, when I took him his shaving water, he hav ing rang the bell. What was he doing when you entered the room the second time ?--He was cutting his nails near the looking-glass. Did he speak to you then ?—No, he did not ? it was not his usual habit to say any thing. What time did the deceased come down to break fast ?—About ten o'clock, when he sat down to breakfast with Miss Arabella Calcraft. He was dressed, as usual, in his morning dress. The witness continued—About eleven o'clock the deceased rung the bell, which I answered, when he asked for his snuff-box, which I took to him. I saw no more of the deceased until two or three o'clock in the afternoon, when I was sitting in the hall, and saw him quit the sitting-room and preceed up stairs, without saying any thing. Juror—Did he read any paper that morning ?---I brought him the Observer, which he was accustomed to read. Did you hear him make any observations upon its contents ?—I did riot hear him make any. What time did Miss Calcraft leave her father, to go to church ?—About three o'clock, and shortly afterwards I saw the deceased upon the stairs going towards the parlour. DA he speak to you at the time ?—lie did not, and I went up stairs to the bed-room to brush his clothes. Had he shaved himself at this time ?—I think he had partially shaved himself. Did you find the razor where you bad placed it ? —No, it had been removed; the deceased generally put his razors away himself. Whilst I was engaged in the room, the deceased came into the room, and then followed me down stairs, but I cannot say where he went. In about twenty minutes after this I went into the drawing-room to look after the fire. The deceased was not there then ; and I left the room. I never saw the deceased after this, and nothing particular occurred till Miss Arabella Calcraft came home, having been to church, about twenty minutes past four. Did you hear him converse with his daughter at breakfast time 2—Not in my presence. CORONER—Have you observed any difference in his behaviour lately have seen a great difference within the last three or four months; he appeared low and dejected, which I observed to my fellow servants. Did the loss of his situation as Paymaster of the Forces appear to affect him ?—I cannot say ? Was he present at the Coronation ?—He was not, and had not beer► out of his residence within the last two months. _ . . Had he seen company lately as usual ?—He saw but little company, and was atteuded by a medical gentleman named Philips for his lowness of spirits. Did his indisposition confine him to his bed ? About two months ago he was confined to his bed f r a week, when I took away his razors, for fear lie should do mischief. When Capt. Calcraft called I told him what I had done, when he said very well. Mr. J. Freeman, No. 21, Spring-gardens, surgeon, examined—l was called in to the deceased yester day afternoon, between four and five o'clock. I found him lying on the floor, with his face down wards. There was a wound across his throat, di viding the principal arteries, and laying bare the ver tebra of the neck. The floor was covered with blood. On looking I saw a razor lying on the se cretaire. The deceased was quite dead, and I have no doubt but the deceased inflicted the wound him self; and it appears to me that the wound was in fl:cted by the unfortunate gentleman in a standing position, whilst leaning against the secretaire, which was covered with blood. For the last three months I have attended the deceased professionally, and have observed, during that period, a deep and settled me lancholy; and I was not without my apprehensions that he might do mischief to himself; but I did not make this communication to any one, as he had only his two daughters living with him ; but I did caution Captain Calcraft, who did not reside in the house, but who called occasionally, that the deceased ought to be watched. Alexander Philip Wilson Philip, M.D., of Caven dish-square, examined—l have been in attendance upon Miss Calcraft for sonic months past, when , dnring my visits, I had an opportunity of seeing the deceased, who appeared low-spirited, which increased to such a degree that, about three weeks ago, he was confined to his bed with slow nervous fever arid aberration of mind. I prescribed for him, and in a short time the fever left him, and the aberration of mind settled down into a deep melancholy, when I cautioned Miss Arabella Calcraft to look well after him, lest he should do mischief. The last time I saw the deemed was on Friday, and he was then certainly labouring under great depression of spirits, and this great depression of spirits, when compared with his late aberration of mind, leads me to the conclusion that at the time he committed the act he laboured under a momentary return of that aberra tion of intellect; and that, in fact, he was at the time of an unsound mind. I feel convinced that the de ceased committed the act himself, though, in conver sation with me, he frequently assured me that he should never commit such an act. Juror—Did he ever feel disappointment at not being elevated to the Peerage ?—I believe he never had any expectation of being raised to the Peerage. He had latterly fancied that he was con tinually watched by a man sitting on the top of a house. The deceased was a thorough believer in religion. The CORONER having summed up the evidence, the Jury, at twelve o'clock, returned a verdict— " That the deceased committed the act himself, he being at the time in a state of temporary mental de rangement." IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, SRPTZAririt 12. Colonel Berkeley was introduced by Lords Lurie and Foley, and took the oaths as Lord Segrave. The Earl of HADDINGTON presented a petition from the owners and occupiers of land of the county of Caithness against the use of molasses in the distilleries. GAME BILL. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY proposed that the Game Bill should be read a second time to-morrow pro forma, and that the discussion should be taken on the question for going into Committee on Monday next. The reason for this proposal was, that a Noble Duke, who had paid great attention to this Bill, could not, owing to certain circum stances attend to-morrow, and hardly hoped to be able to attend till Monday. Earl GREY was anxious that unnecessary delay should be avoided, but saw no objection to the second reading of the Bill to-morrow. He hardly thought, however, that it would be right to postpone the committal till Monday. He suggested that the Bill should be read a second time to-morrow, and that it should he afterwards considered when the next stage should be taken. After some observations from the Duke of CUMBER. LA ND and Lord CA RBERY, the proposition of Lord Grey was agreed to, on the understanding that there be no discussion on the second reading. The hearing of the case of Harris and Kemble was post poned till Monday.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, SZPTEMIXI 12. On the motion of Mr. ELLICE, Kinnaird's Divorce Bill went through a Committee. When the House resumed, Mr. JONES (we understood) presented a petition from the borough of Kidwellyn, praying to be represented in Parliament in conjunction with the borough of Carmarthen. Mr. SHAW presented a petition from certain freemen of the town of Galway, against interference with the elective franchise in that borough. Mr. SHAW also presented petitions from the coal meters, from the Lord Mayor and Corporation, and from several Guilds of the city of Dublin, praying for compen sation to the coal-meters of that city. Mr. T. DUNCOSIBE presented a petition frum certain freemen of the borough of Hertford, complaining of op pression on the part of the Marquis of Salisbury. CORN LAWS. Mr. ELLICE presented a petition from Coventry, pray ing for a revision of the corn laws. Mr. HUME supported the petition. He hoped that it would not be long before those laws should be brought fully before the consideration of the House.--(Hear.) Mr. ELLICE agreed with his Hon. Friend, the Mem ber for Middlesex, that the state of the corn laws required the most ample and the calmest consideration of the House. Lord G. SOMERSET, in reference to the Tregony election petition of 1830, wished to know from the Hon. Member for Kerry tvhat he intended to do ? After a short conversation, in which Messrs. O'CONNELL and WYNN participated, the debate on that subject was further adjourned to Wednesday next. Mr. H. GRATTAN presented a petition from the Ro man Catholic inhabitants of Navan, praying that the re venues of the Church Lands in Ireland be applied to the relief of the poor. Mr. HUME said, that the present state of things could not go on in Ireland ; it was impossible that the Legislature could look with indifference upon a body of men wallowing in wealth, and paid for doing nothing. Mr. ESTCOURT observed, that the remark of the Hon. Member of Middlesex applied with equal force to property of all kinds. The members of the Established Church in Ireland were men of learning and ability, and there could not be a greater misrepresentation than to describe 0 em as paid for doing nothing. He would not sit silent and hear such insinuations thrown out against them. Mr. HUME threw out no insinuations; be would state broadly and above board, that he thought the members of the Irish Church Establishment were overpaid, and that a very large proportion of those who were best paid had nothing or very little to do. Mr. ESTCOURT said be did not believe the statement. Mr. O'CONNELL wished to deity the statement of the Hon. Member for the University of Oxford. It was a mischievous error to suppose, that the title to Church property stood upon the sante footing as that of private property. Church property was trust property, as any Clergyman of the Church of England or Ireland would learn to his coat, if he took it into his head to become a Jew or a Catholic. He agreed with those who said, that there were to be found Clergy of the Established Church who had some duties to perform, and who did perform them ; and lie would not much object to the payment, if they were only paid according to their work. The Hon. Member knew not much of Ireland, or be would scarcely have hazarded the assertions which fell from him. Did he know that one Rev. Gentleman, Thotnas Perceval Magee, held eleven livings? ALLEGED BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. Colonel SIBTHORPE—I rise for the purpose of bringing under the consideration of the House one of the grossest violations of its privileges that, perhaps, cou'd have been committed. I allude to a report, purport ing to be the report of a speech delivered by tne in this House, and which contains the grossest possible mis statements respecting what fell from me on Tuesday, the 6th instant, during a discussion upon the Reform Bill in Committee. On reading the Times newspaper of Wed nesday, the 7th of this month, I find the most gross, in jurious, unwarrantable, and, I may add, false statement of the words which I then used. It must be evident that the intention of the report and the description was to to bring into contempt the Members of this House. There was evidently but one wish, namely, to lower and vilify individual Members, and but one endeavour, to de grade the House of Commons in the estimation of the country. I find that not only did the Times newspaper publish the report to which I have referred, but has followed it up by a statement on the part of the editor. I can safely affirm that those publications were wholly unwarranted by the facts, and that a greater falsehood was never sent forth to the public. On the even ing of the day when this misrepresentation was published, I felt it my duty to call the attention of the House to what had occurred, and to give to the report the most unquali fied contradiction. I felt that I owed it to this House and to myself to vindicate my character from the gross as persions attempted to be cast upon it ; but as I have al ready said, on the Bth the same Paper reiterated the for mer statement, and thereby cast upon this House and upon me a double insult. That Paper, in endeavouring to vin dicate its first statement, only followed up the line of con duct, both in word and deed, asserting that in the Morn ing Chronicle and the Morning Herald a similar account Was given, thus imputing to those Journals the same gross misrepresentation and falsehood of which the Times itself had been guilty—there were no such statements or descriptions as that in the Times. I entertain as much respect as any man for the freedom of the Press, and I desire as much as any man to promote the free exercise of opinion; but I conceive that there can be nothing so dangerous or so degrading to Members of Parliament as those gross, wilful, and repeated misrepresentations. or therefore hold it to be the duty of every Member of this House, as far as in him lies, to stand forward for th e purpose of contradicting them, and then following that up by moving such proceedings as the case may require, the privileges of the House permit. I shall not now de tain the House longer than to move that the paper now put in be read. Mr. TREVOR, in seconding the motione,,:i.,,tnnhu baat o uinht, that a t h i s a a s t the e a od House greatly indebted to the Hon. Member for t i g the course which he had thought pr oper to adopt, in pursuing oci:iuyauda cious witho bringing nanrs ede u mv n eac d r ra e aki r l us the r osmui n oso o ns t stp i c rac e i pdo eai t err h .u. e el e ad p l n u t td b iliv l au i a c t ns a 81 ea i o eo jm n uo s sil ad dition the to having done so, it was pursuing the same line of conduct. If such a course were allowed to be continued ' it would have the effect of reducing that Hou se an d t h e House of Lords to the situation of mere cyphers.—draw log upet them the entire contempt of the public. Ile hoped tie House would take the subject into its most serious consideration. It certainly did not surprise him that the journal of which he spoke should have assailed as it had the Hon. Member for Lincoln, when even a Royal Per sonage, whose general conduct obtained the respect of every Englishman, was made the object of its base, cowardly, and disloyal attacks. He need do no more than call atten tion to a leading article very recently published in that journal, referring to the other House of Parliament. With such facts before them, lse knew not how they could pass the offence by without incurring the utter contempt of the nation. Its uniform study was to discover and put forth all that could draw down on Parliament the contempt of the public. He, therefore, hesitated not to say that it was the most malignant, calumnious, and revolutionary paper that ever disgraced the Press of this country: The Clerk then read the following report of the speech delivered by Colonel Sibthorpe on the 6th, as published in the Times of the '7th : " Colonel Sibthorpe rose with violent agitation, and declared that he had opposed the Bill fairly and fearlessly. His side of the House was cheered by the supporters of Ministers, as it they had got through their labours. He could tell them that their la bours were only commenced.—(A laugh.) He did not under stand being treated with contempt.—(Continued laughter.) He could tell those who laughed at him, either in the House or out of the House, that he would support his opinions and vindicate himself to the last hour he had to breathe.—(Laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear.") He regretted that the Bill had passed so soon.—(Bursts of laughter.) The Bill had passed too speedily.— (Laughter.) If his opponents were tired, he would not give up. --(Laughter.) He would never give in.—(Laughter.) He was never yet put down in the House, and never would be.—(Laugh. ter.) He was never put down out of the House, and he defied the Hon. Member opposite, who was laughing at him, to put him down.—(Laughter.) (We could not exactly catch the particular Member to whom the Hon, and Gallant Colonel alluded ; the laughter appeared to us to be general.) He defied the Hon. Mem ber to do it. • The Hon. Member had supported the Bill consci entiously,and why did he not suppose that he (Colonel Sibthorpe) had opposed the t ill with equal conscience ?—(Cries of Ques tion' question, ' from all parts of the House.) Colonel Sibthorpe, with great vehemence—He prayed to God that the Bill might not pass.—(Cries of Oh, oh,' and Question, question.') If the Bill did pass, which he prayed to God might never be the case, all he had to say was in the words of that great, that sublime statesman, now admired, and who, he fervently trusted, would have his memory for ever preserved in that House, " Oh, save my country ; may God have'mercy on it! May od protect it from revolutions, and may he preserve in it all proper respect for the aristocracy—all proper respect for the—(The Hon. Mem ber was so interrupted with laughter, that we were unable to catch the objects for which he invoked respect.) He felt con fident that the Bill would not pass—such a Bill never could pass." The Clerk, in reading the übove account of Colonel Sibthorpe's speech, of course repeated the word "laughter' . as often as it was given ; almost every repetition again causing renewed laughter. The Clerk next read the Times of the Bth, a report of the complaint made to the House by the Gallant Colonel of the al!eged misrepresentation, together with the Editor's note thereon : " Colonel Sibthorpe said he should take the present opportu nity to complain of a contemptuous report of a speech of his in the Committee yesterday, which had appeared in one of the morning newspapers of that day. The report to which he al luded was interspersed with laughter, and other expressions of derision, which he flatly denied had been justified by the fact.— (Hear.) He considered he had the more reason to complain, as this report had been inserted in a journal of the highest respec tability—he meant the Times—and it was therefore only an act of duty to the House and to himself to contradict so gross and unwarrantable a statement.* _ " We - have referred this observation not only to the reporter whose account is complained of, but to others who were present : they deny the accuracy of the Hon. Member's charge. On looking at the Herald and Chronicle, we find, that though the reports are shorter, they contain the same allusions to the laughter of the House, which the Hon. Member asserts to be an invention of our reporter." Colonel SIBTHORP.E said, that the motion which he should submit was intended to support the privileges of that House. He should move that the printer and pub lisher of the Times newspaper on the 7th and Bth of this month be required to attend at the bar of that House on Wednesday, the 14th instant. Mr. HUME wished to know from the Hon. Member, whether he complained of the words which the report im puted to him, or the description of the manner in which that speech was received by the House ? If he complained of the words put into his mouth that was one thing, if of the frequent introduction of the word " laughter," it was quite another. Colonel SIBTHORPE said, that the words imputed to him conveyed an exaggerated impressio❑ of his sentiments; and with respect to the manner in which it had been re ceived, he was bound to say that there was no such conduct on the part of the House as had been stated by the Times newspaper. It was altogether a gross misrepresentation. Mr. HUME often regretted that that House had not the means of sending forth to the public authenticAed re ports. He confessed he slid not see how they could bring an Editor to that bar for the introduction of the word laughter into the report of a speech—that is, for the too frequent introduction—it was a question between the true number of times that laughter was excited and the half dozen times too often which it was introduced. It would be rather ridiculous than otherwise to bring an Editor to the bar on such a charge.—(Cheers.) If motives or words of an improper kind had been imputed to the Hon. Mem ber, it might be very well to make a complaint; but what was this? That one reporter mentioned instances of laughter of which the other took no notice ! Mr. O'CONNELL said, that any notice of the matter would be inconsistent with the dignity of the House. No man should be called to the bar, unless upon some charge of a solemn and serious nature ; mere exaggeration of a thing so unimportant did really not call for such a pro- ceeding. The Journal in question had already been sub jected to punishment enough, in the castigation inflicted on it by the Hon. Gentleman who seconded the motion. Surely, the repetition of the word " laughter" would not justify a proceeding for breach of privilege—would not justify any exercise of the arbitrary and despotic authority possessed by that House. He would put the matter thus: Suppose the lion. Member thought proper to proceed in a Court of Justice, by way of indictment or criminal in formation, did he suppose that the countenance of any lawyer would resist his inclination to laugh. He hoped that the Hon. Member would not press his motion ; but assuredly, if he were so ill-advised us to take the sense of the House, he (Mr. O'Connell) must divide against him. Lord ALTHORP was understood to concur with the Lion. and Learned Member for Kerry, in the view which he took of the motion under consideration. Though the report much exaggerated the laughter, there was laugh ter, as he well remembered, especially when the Hon. Member for Lincoln spoke of the Bill as having been proceeded with speedily ; then, indeed, there was laughter. So far as he recollected, the account given of the laughter was not excessively exaggerated ; and whether or not, he thought the printer ought not to be called to the bar. Ile was very averse from the House engaging itselt:in any contest with the Press, unless in cases where there was strong reason for doing so. He thought that the reasons on the present occasion laid before the House by no means justified any interference. He hoped, therefore, that the Hon. Member would not press his motion. He recollected no instance in which the House engaged in any such proceeding, without having much reason to wish it had been avoided. 'Lie power of censure which the House possessed was valuable, and es ' sential to be preserved—essential to the freedom of debate and the privileges of the House—but he was sure that no Hon. Member could fairly say the present was one of those occasions on which an arbitrary power, and one which ought seldom to be exercised, would advantageously be call into aciivity.—(Hear.) Mr. LAWLEY (as we understood) said, the report was almost verbreim, et literatim. He never read a more ac curate or correct account of any speech delivered in his hearing. The comments towards the beginning might have been a little exaggerated ; but surely that was no reason for such a motion as the present. Colonel SIBTHORPE said, that there had been a gross misrepresentation of what had occurred, and that was per sisted in by the Editor, and therefore it would be his duty to divide the House. The House then divided— For Colonel Sibthorpe's motion Against it 7O Majority —63 REFORM. Lord ALTHORP, in answer to a question from Mr. Goulburn, stated that on the bringing up of the report of the Reform Bill it was not the intention of Government to more any amendments but those of which notice bad already been given, with the exception of a few verbal alterations. WINE DUTIES. Lord ALTHORP, in moving that the report on the Wise Duties be received, said that as he was desirous that the present measure should be adopted without opposition, it was not his intention to introduce any clause respecting the increase of the duties on Cape wines, which would re main at 2s. 91. ; but he begged that it might not be thought that he was abandoning his former proposition with respect to the year 1831. The report was then received, the amendments agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time this day. SUGAR REFINERY ACT. On the question that the Speaker leave the Chair pre vious to the House going into a Committee on this Bill, Mr. KEITH DOUGLAS rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice. The West India colonies were already in a most depressed state ; and he thought that the present proposition of the Government would only tend to increase that depression. It was now far a long series of years that the colonies had had to con tend against the greatest difficulties; and he thought, that unless the Government of this country was prepared to al leviate those difficulties , it should at all events he prepare d to absolve the colonies from their allegianc e t o thi s c ountry, so to allow them to join with the United States; aed, indeed, is his opinion, everything that bad t el/' taking place in the West Indies had been tending tm;loat What hopes could the West India colonies entertsl,llt this country ? The Government, which should "ws have put prominently forward this Parliament l'APold its intentions with respect to those intereatsy 6° 0 4 itself with this measure; and seemed to forget veh st the colonies had on this country in eonsiderstO:or slave trade; for while the foreign colonies bad le, tage of a continual series of fresh slaves being brA their markets, ours were obliged to get througb,ibeoo with those who remained of former imporiatiatift the price of slaves was considerably higher. . a :its lowing the West India colonies to sink into ruitel Government was not only injuring those .11 t r but also inflicting considerable mischief °l ' manufactures of this country, which for so long ser had found a market there ; and yet, with all tbeee,ig siderations loudly demanding that our colonies #,s 0 ,, supported, nothing of late years had been d one s s,o l the amelioration of their condition, with the e xceP 'o t a small remission of the duties. It was true, tb, 4t o ol Lord Goderich was Chancellor of the Exchequer Woo a show of doing something ; but after all, that o' o rei i, statement of an act of intention, and nothing had i° , been accomplished. And, indeed, at the presen t ti loe colonies were even still worse off, for, u p to 1 8 ' 0 '0 co'onist had received an additional drawback of s e' ,r 4, had enabled him the better to enter into coi npetiti orl e, the foreign planter ; since that period, however , even o lil had been altered : and now the affairs of the c olaD arrived at so desperate a condition, that he did I ° 4 l sitate to say, that one of the most imperative o' which were devolved on the present Government i f inquire how support might be afforded in that q°o,:' before it indeed became too late to do anything. t ? the colonists were thus depressed in their ilog' lr t ri neither were their interests better cared for in the rtio l l ,f which, by the superior advantages allowed to Scol d Irish whiskey, was unable to compete in the British v; against those spirituous liquors. These, then, were the important grievances of which the colonies had te e' plain ; and yet he found that the only measure which th e ,:' Lord had to propose this Session, which had reference West Indies, was this Sugar Refinery Act. To such' he should at any time have objected, as being diam et ) opposed to the West India interests ; but at the P ° time more than any other there were peculiar obj eeti o,' it. Ever since the French Reviilution of July, I Ss ,? state of trade on the Continent had been in a very def, stite, and England, among other countries, had fr • depression ; the consequence was, that the ma ou l of this country were lying on hand, and that the nental articles of produce were in the same elit then, we allowed foreign sugar.to be brought bere t) refined, and then sent back, the result would be II being an overstock of the article on the Continent,/ our colonists would be forced to reduce their price 4„, as the continental, to be able to compete with the 1 from that quart e r. Such a circumstance would c° , n b the ruin of the West India colonies ; and he s hould i t .ore move, as an amendment, that the House red ° c, in d t e o ra a ti Co o n nm the i tt s e t e a t o e f m t e h n e t s v:th c o a l l e c u I n a t o i u o s n e s , , to a n take es pi_°l submitted to the Board of Trade, relating to the col.; financial, and political state of the British West b l II lonies, and printed by the House of Commons o n tie tls of February, 1831. And in the event amendment being agreed to, he should take 8 0 portunity in the Committee of bringing f o rwsra ter (i of resolutio ns on th e su bj ec t. It would be be t ,,i l Government to t a k e an open course, and c°' some settled determination as to the colonies" would be better for the Government to say a t Or) will provid e f or y our i n t eres t s , or a t o n c e to atm° Or) colonies from their allegiance, and to allow them r e il protection from some other country. To that, ".,0 frail, it would come; and if the Government d'ti afford the colonies protection, they might be e%Pe c i o ) throw off their alle g i ance . The H o n. Member 00c by Mr.k maing his 'notion. O DIXON said a few words,which were no t a „ ti c li Mr. P. THOMSON hoped that the House sv°,,," low him to go i n t o a C omm i ttee , w h en h e should pared to make that statement of what were the of the Government, which would be bett'r Inadeideot Committee, and for not making which the Hon. " t t,6 , seemed inclined to reproach his Majesty's Gove r fit . He was sorry the Hon. Member had not chosen I ' opportunity to make his statement ; and that it we' l , o o favourable one, the thin appearance of the House ettt„s have satisfied the Honourable Member. ne have other opportunities of answering the/ nourable Gentleman, and should, therefore , following his statements. The Honourable t r, her had, however, brought a charge agai lll o ol i , Majesty's Government, as to the course it had Por and to that charge he would reply. The Hon. complained that the Government bad not talc° s eP" ; papers into consideration which the West India le aV had submitted to it; but the Hon. Member forgeV af'er those papers had been submitted to the 13 '„ Trade by the West Indians there was a debate ""tii subject in that House. His Noble Friend (the C h i :" lor of the Exchequer) then offered to refer the ter to a Committee, but both the Noble Lord, ° v e t ' s " her for Buckinghamshire, and the Right Hon. 7 0 , the Member for Tamworth, advised the West ptt bs to ", to accept the offer, and declared that it was a, t d which the Government ought to take up, and ca ward on its own responsibility. The Governatelor' `teen pressed to afford relief, and it had done °:00 could ; but it could not, by adopting the stiege; t h j the West Indians, disregard all other interests. . I .' s c i vernment bad taken the subject into its considera ne such relief as it could give it had given, and furth er sures were still in contemplation. The charge v 4 'sl y , the Government had not attended to the suggestifalsel West Indians. The first of these was, that the °;') 1 sugar should be reduced ; but his ls,oble Friend I ts once stated, that be could not concede to thatt: is sition on account of the state of the revenue. I : t e r 4 point was to give them relief by enabling them 10 101.,'1 supplies at a cheaper rate. This had been done. if f y tercourse Act had been passed, and reliefhad been a 0, —(No, no.) At le as t G overn ment had done soniLler afford relief. The third suegestion was to give 3 on the exportation of r e fi ne d sugar . H e clid n ot de7 ". 4 such a measure would give relief to th e W e st Indis" t se s it would injure the revenue, and increase the prire t, At consumer; and it was one which be was sure, l° e ; l acp he present state of pu'die feeling, the GovernMe lP et never propose, nor the House receive with 1)3 6 1,16 would not at present be borne that a tax should L' t, - on the people to pass directly into the pockets of the Indians. The H o n. G e ntl e man said " No, 0 0 °„fci then, would it o p era t e ? Would it not increase t'esi to the consumer, and would not the whole sum g as the West Indians come out of the pockets of the t The Government had d one wh a t it could to intro du e ce o/; 'asses into the br e w er i es , w hi c h was another ° l r - 0 giving relief Th e wh o l e c h arge a g a inst the Go re ,' then fell to the ground. Why did the West India ,(y e have the subject refer red to a Committ e e above stailloil`j it was offered ; and why did they not ask for a Cl e r„, of the whole House to examine a subject that rea l° closest investigation ? It was impossible for a C olo e of the whole House to examine documents and he l o ilr t o dence before it to substantiate them; and quite introi t therefore, that the Committee should be grante d be motion of the Hon. Gentleman. The charge of two''' vernment not sympathising with the West Indians borne out by the facts. The Government bad "Pant labour to collect information, no labour to undefattcal subject, and no labour to ascertain what was th e he' Ci‘ to adopt. That it had not succeeded to the firirt,4 tleman's wishes was not surprising, for the W h o diens did not agree among themselves as to w pr . ° wished. The Honourable Member opposed theito4 Sugar Refining Bill, but be could bring We st ,„ o 1 11 ( well acquainted with all the bearings of the one' t. ":eev approved of it as a benefit to the colonies. Sale men thought the 'eduction of duty would hear. o e ' ef il r , nefit, but he could find West Indians who main tel t of, it would be no benefit at all. The whole subjeebelld colonies, particularly as they were referred to hY t is ety Gentleman at the close of his speech, was with very important political considerations, Wit,' p ' sh i s? net fall within his province to discuss, tha t P i - 0 0 think himself blameable if he entered further ge , l et subject on such an occasion, and in such a l icni a admitted the great importance of the subject, 't was, in his opinion, a sufficient reason to reg re l oolf ) had been discussed incidentally, when so fey° pF were present. at th e 9 6hj on C e o x lou por e t l in T g Oß re ll fir E ie N d S su d g i a d r n u o . t ,,s co t n h cv e ei o e n i t y b could be devised to give rebel to the West Pcosef njeadib ) rest. That body had a right, he thought, 0 , r fr a i of the Administration ; and not merely of t''ep Administration, but of former Administrations. ositi complain, too, of those who advocated its e , e , they appeared not to understand it. Both i t'i i sfi of the distress and the measures that woul° i ly lief were more obvious than people g en ,. er t ' oar posed. The great cause of the distress was, t""" e d l° 1 " nies grew more s ug ar than could be ron' u fd tbe, country: it was ex ported to the Continent, a'. l ce 0 17 at which th e ex p or t so ld determined the Prt tbec sugar that w as consu m e d at home. The m staoi •