The Sun. — London, England, 1831-08-27 00:00:00

- _ -~~ CONTRACT FOR IRISH BEEF AND PORK. THE OFFICE, JULY 30, 1831. viE Commissioners for Victualling his T up liajelay e N av y d o hereby give notice that on b e 7 S PAY, the 13th day of September next, they will t 'earl t o receive Tenders in writing (sealed up), and fer the supply to this department of a quantity of I t T b _SH SALT MEAT, equal to 4,000 Navy Tierces of T e 4 r. and 12,0 00 N avy Ti erces o f PORK, on separa t e 44 eni, all to be cared in the ensuing season, to be deli re seven eight parts parts thereof in Tierces, and the i tt tit ting one-eighth part thereof in Barrels, into his Ma- Ye Victualli ng S tores at D e ptf or d, P or tsm o uth, and po.taouth , In such proportions as shall hereafter be agreed o t h "e half thereof by the 2Sth day of February, and the on or before the 31st day of May, 1832, to be Ift net for as usual b bills without interest, piyable 60 days e r dat e. is to condition, of the Contract may be seen at this v i c 'e , or b y apply i ng to W. A l ves, E sq., A gent f or t h e C u ct ., (l hog at C o rk, o r to the Collectors of his Majesty's M d . ?"' at Limerick, Belfast, Waterford, and Newry, rt t the Secretary to the Postmaster-General at Dublin pectively. T ie °tender f or a l ess quan tity th an s h a ll b e e qua l to 300 a l :" of Beef, or t o 300 Ti erces o f Pork, will be ad tt.rd, and eac h T en d er must spec if y t h e pr i ce i n wor d s tpL 4 gth, and b e d e li vere d b e f ore O n e o'clock on the day te r , and must be accompanied by a letter signet by th e tes Pectable persons engaging to become bound with the m° tendering in a penal sum equal to one third of t eree " t eount of the Contract for the due performance of the It ' 6 1 3 (0 be expressly understood that the Tenders for Pa t i L itf are to be distinct and separate from those of the ,Tl l , Ait.b th Peri , on who makes the tender, or some person on 41 f, Must attend to answer when called for. M. WALLER CLIFTON. T E AST INDIA-HOUSE, AUGUST 17, 1831. H E COURT of DIRECTORS of 4 1 , th e UNITED COMPANY o f MERCHANTS o f tit t t it ti ND, trading to t 3 l —, do hereby h ce ' Ittitinea the COURT will be ready to receive Proposals in %lila on the 14tle September, from the Owners of 4t l ii t .;, 3, of th e b urt h en o f 850 T o ns and upwards, Alet t . a “ )r the Company's Service, and which have COM ttikm—,t"e numb er o f Voyages for which they were con -46.'4 to serve the Company, specifying the Rate of for *llt at whi c h they nay b e w illi ng to LET suc h SHIPS Cliff N E ADDITIONAL VOYAGE TO and FROM 1 , 4 A, on a reduced Esta b l i s h ment. Cte,„ Tenders, with the words " Ship Tender "on the at t i;' to be severa ll y sea l e d an d left with the Secretary I t tot iti 7 4 1 . 1 h Ou s te ep , te a m t or before Twelve o'clock at noon on the beyond which hour the Court will any Tender. PETER AUBER, Secretary. Ai i ; th h e particulars of the Terms and Conditions upon the Ships will lie respectively engaged for the 4 7 4 3 .8 Service, may be had on application at the Of kthe Cl er k to t h e C omm i ttee o f Sh ip ping, on or N- ---.2. 1 29aY, the 22d inst. FRAUDS IN PATENT PENCILS. Zi MORDAN and Co. respectfully solicit 1 the public attention to the frauds which are daily t upon th em , as regar d s th e i r P enc il s , an d th e l ea d s Ni t r ll ing the same . T o guar d th e p u bli c aga i ns t ini- Ittp iar r s t : th e P atentees are i n d uce d to ma k e t h e f o ll ow i ng 1 4 t • 40 k for the London Hall mark on each silver 4d. 8 . Mordan and Co., Patentees and Makers, on the of the cape. d * The genuine leads in boxes have a yellow belt, 13 tt , S .seal in wax. PENCILS.—These pencils contain the Mlle °I pure Cumberland lead as their silver patent iTLICIAL TEETH, AND FILLING DECAYED 4ETI-1 WITH MINERAL SUCCEDANEUM. °NS. INTALLAN, SURGEON-DEN ILL T IsT, 9, HALF MOON-STREET, PICCA k, grateful for the high and EXTENSIVE PA -4141GE which h as so em i nen tly di s ti ngu i s h e d h is t;al exertions since his arrival in the British Me ,4lit';')egs leave to announce to his Friends and the In general, that he still CONTINUES to RE "ECAYED TEETH, with his CELEBRATED 'otieti`4l. SUCCEDANEUM, so universally recom tie% ley the Faculty of London and Paris. The Ope th4 E RFORMED IN A FEW SECONDS, with -4YI t e l SLIGHTEST PAIN, HEAT, or Pressure, and . " naust EXCRUCIATING PAIN, and lasting ;Ilt i , 4° L ,Y years; also FASTENS LOOSE TEETH, s4.:k n ell ARISING from AGE, NEGLECT, or 01AC' in the GUMS. INCORRODIBLE M1,,A1,1; ,,A1 , 1 ; and NATURAL TEETH, from one to a COM- L ,` l tlti,, S , et, which are INCAPABLE of DISCO -0,144,,..."0N or CORROSION, and fixed without the I: k l), t er - "re of Wires or any other LIGAI URES, and , ST ev ery PURPOSE of ARTICULATION and N TAOI Charges as in Paris Operations performed on the Teeth. 4 - 1.1 7 f MAKERS' SOCIETY, 71, LEADEN HALL-STREET. .„ jtiuRNELL respectfully solicits the t 'r t i e obility and Gentry to inspect the largest and hdao t i tt e'l Stock of Cabinet and Upholstery Goods in k j 1 ,'14, 1 4t the CABINET-MAKERS' SOCIETY, 71, 4to A, s treet, City, which Society is enrolled agree -4:40,; °I Parliament, and founded for the support (, to p 'gement of industrious Mechanics, who all corn k6tk'cluce only the very best Articles, provide for its d eath s i'l s ickness, old age, and burial, and far survivors By order of the Trustees, tl i,i THOS. HASLER, Secretary, k ,k tz 4 a hogan f 71, Leadenhall-street, City. Servants' chest of l* l Nth tPa • .. .3'. fo ur_ 15 0 drawers £2 2 0 4 t, 3l *, , N i h• e ' l ur ' n tead . .............. I 6 0 Mahogany Pembroke 1, tt sti r Iture .... 3 15 0, table 1 16 0 N,„ ''W Mattress , Mahogany dining table 3 3 0 i11: A th,,ati",;'• , ....... 11 0 Eight mahogany chairs 5lO 0 40 4 4 P, to fit ............. 11 0 Ditto sofa to match 6lO 0 ~,,,, ... free from Cellaret sideboard 6lO 0 ' l ,.(•!Zci:i . ... '-' , . a. .. . . .... ..... 3 10 0 Pedestal ditto etmahogan ' ,i i , titlix '',L nl th a e tt bed .4 12 9 tof tour 10 Oi Se dini t n bur tables, 11 feet Li N t k ''' best d't re" - 1 6 g 14 10 0 l i nit i, . ;;:1),...''''.•• dittos .. 3 3 long OiSmallditto, patent ...... [ o4 4 p 4" gt4. - G oa .. bed .. IMusicstool,in morocco 1 5 0 Ye l l'j'ecl f K*"..... ...... 1 10 0 Sandwich tray 1 8 0 i N -.'alrs 4i, Iktir , in oil, I Butler's ditto OlO 0 t' . 4 '''inr,,,''' , . .......... 1 6 0 Eight Trafalgar chairs I 0 10 0 tpl,,„. . dressing I Dittodrawing-room, each 018 0 t, t, ' 11 • 1i . }),,............ 0 16 0 Drawing room couch 5 5 r 0 4 'ti t tlit t 'Z'Ad ditto ... 0 16 0 Best horse-hair cushion 0 5 6 .' ( e ' !'l t 'llk . i•_•:: . . ....... 0 8 0 Common ditto if, 100, 0 4 6 ~ ),1,. ,E n 'ute ...... 0 8 0 Rosewood tables, s , t ' 4 34 "t /natio_ I card, and sofa 19 0 0 il t l 3t:ti te,rs, ............ '2 19 0 Ditto ditto 2l 10 0 wjlyb i c i , tlitto ....... 316 o.Elegant drawing-room to: l ' , . '' Blass. two I curtains 6 (3 0 t',tti t ,Y 1 ;:, .. ;.. ........... 015 0 Rosewood caddies, of t*;;; .... ''t con, ! fancy wood, from ISL to 1 8 0 ;t, l ll 44' ... ............ 1 4 0 Imitation ditto, Canter ', cii` t ' t : :t t „ r step.... 112 0 bury . ll2 0 3 i k So t , „. Pan ...... 1 6 0 Mahogany ditto iQ E , u seir a . "iz i, ....... 1 16 6, Japanned rosewood chef -41)4 • fit ii d,ead, I fencer 8 0 Ditto ditto 3 10 0 % '1 "t"it, t op 3 'tt t ..... iLady s work table, ma tt.ttt ent • } ',.: !: ........... 2 201 hogany qt 4444,-jciatead.... 1 12 0, Ditto, silk and fringed,- 3 3 0 q'k'' (l 17 1 Y four- I Large winged wardrobes. Ili , t k r niture I lapanned book shelves 0 6 0 ii ' h kil t' , and i Rosewood ditto ‘ 11 r,4 " t • 11 .... ...........14 14 0; Loo tables... (upwards) 6 0 0 * Z beds warranted free from dust and smell. • Old Furniture taken in exchange, a g 6 6:1,1 a§ ~ I d ow , 1 0 ; -01 a rl, 13$' ; de' 0 15 ' 1104' . cloo , 'odd , of, lace , 01 :;, c '' 9 3n13, • / • - No. 12,156. GENERAL CEMETERY COMPANY. THE BOOKS of the GENERAL CE METERY COMPANY will be CLOSED on the Ist of September next, after which no new Shares will be issued to the Public. A GENERAL MEETING of the SUBSCRIBERS tvill be held on the 7th of September, at Exeter Hall, at One o'clock. Shares, and every information, may be obtained of Messrs. Snow, Paul, and Paul, 217, Strand ; of the Trea surer, 3, Inner Temple-lane; and also of the Secretary, to whom all communications are to be made ; if by letter, post paid. C. B. BOWMAN, Secretary, 18, Milk-street, Cheapside. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Dublin election has terminated in the resig nation of the Reform candidates. Though we can not say that we foresaw this result, we are not sur prised at it. The character of the Dublin Corpo ration was not unknown to us; and as for the Castle underlings, who have been allowed to acquire a scut of vested right to their places and emoluments, we are aware that their sympathies were all for, and not against, the system under which !hey have been enabled to live upon the public whom they abuse. One would think, from the triumph of the Anti- Reform press, that the fate of the measure was already decided by the good citizens of Dublin, or, rather, by that portion of them who have out generalled the rest. But, besides that there is to be a petition against the return of Lord Ingestrie and the Recorder, the general impression which, accord ing to our correspondent, has been made upon the citizens by the course which the election has taken would seem to indicate any thing rather than a change of sentiment even in Dublin itself. But supposing the worst to happen—that is, the choice of the Anti•Reforrners to be confirmed, it is not improbable that their representatives will arrive just in time to be in at the death of corruption. What a sight for men of their constitutional pro pensities, to see the old lady at her last gasp, with out being able to add one moment to her life, if it was only that she might bequeath a blessing to the Corporation who sent them to look at her ! If we should have another case of bribery established it th's new election, what a charming comment it will afford upon the state of the representation, which in is the great object of the Anti-Reformers to perpe tuate by all sorts of practices and manoeuvres.— Morning Herald. If the Courtier Francais describe truly the sort of intercession which Casimir Perier and his colleagues made with the Empeior of Russia on be half of the Poles, no one can be surprised at its failure. Its very servility would ensure its being treated with contempt. The Courrier says they ap plied to the Emperor Nicholas almost as supplicants, as if they were requiring something new in calling fur the nationality of Poland. The same Journal tells us that the French Ministers have showedthem selves particularly ignorant of diplomatic precedents. They must be so, indeed, if they were unacquainted with the fact that the national independence of Po land was guaranteed by the Great Powers of Europe sixteen years ago. But the Courtier Francais, in exposing the diplomatic ignorance of the French Ministers, falls itself into historical error. It attri butes to the Emperor Alexander, at the Congress of Vienna, the great and liberal design of restoring the whole of the kingdom of Poland, as partitioned by the three Powers, to its national rights and political independence. The reverse is nearer the truth— namely, that Alexander's ambition was the great obstacle to any arrangement which would have for its object the re-union of the scattered portions of Poland in one political system, and animated once more with the spirit of national vitality. The Courrier Francais states, uron the authority of a work just published, called Histoire de la Restauration, that Alexander's exclu sive notion at the Congress was that of the inde pendent Constitution of a great kingdom of Poland. It goes on to say that the Czar advocated the pre tensions of his Cabinet with a warmth and vivacity which rendeied the position of the other Cabinets very difficult. lie wrote with his own hands a me morial, in which he argued the necessity of esta blishing a powerful and independent kingdom of Poland, formed of all the old Polish provinces. But Austria and Prussia declared against it, because they foresaw that Russian Poland, once constituted, the Grand Duchy of Posen and Gall cia would sooner or later be united to it. We should like to see an authentic copy of such a memorial—but we must cenfess we doubt its existence ; or if Alexander did express, either in writing or otherwise, a wish to re unite the Polish provinces under one Government, it was, we are sure, upon the condition that he should be placed at the head of it ; so that under pretence of justice to oppressed and plundered Poland, he might extend over a large por tion of Europe the barbarous influence of Rus sian dominion. If that be not the case the late Lord Castlereagh (we call him by the name by which his Ministry is beg remembered) has got credit very undeservedly for having contended for the real independence of Poland, in opposition to the views of the Emperor Alex ander. It has been put upon historical record that Lord Castlereagh declined it to be " the wish of England to see some independent power established in Poland, as a separation between th e t h ree great empires of Europe;' that Prince Talleyrand ob. served, " of all the questions to be discussed at the Congress, lie considered the affairs of Poland as in comparably the most important to the interests of Europe, if there be any chance that a nation so worthy of regard for its antiquity, its valour, its misfortunes, and the services which it had formerly rendered to Europe, might be restored to complete independence." Even the Minister of Prussia a r_ fected similar sentiments, and Prince l%letternich de clared (whether in good faith or not was not put to the test) that Austria was ready to sacHice some of h r own territory, if by so doing the freedom of Poland could be insured—her own territory, o f course, meant her share of dismembered Poland, to which she had just the same right that one of a gang of robbers has to the booty of a way-laid tra veller, who lies plundered and half dead by the road-side, whom many commiserate, but none re lieve—passing by like the Levite in Scripture, on the other side—dreading the consequences of the charity that would pour " oil and wine" into the wounds of the bleeding victim. To return. The Emperor Alexander, however, opposed himself to all arguments for the restoration of the complete independence of Poland, and insisted on the Duchy of Warsaw, which forms the present kingdom of Poland, being annexed to his em pire. Lord Castlereagh, notwithstanding the high ground which he originally took, was weak enough \ * - ‘ , 54:k. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, AUGUST 27, 1831. o sacrifice the independence of Poland, and thereby he interests of England and of civilized Europe, to -he 4‘ irresistible" (for so it proved) influence of he barbarian Autocrat. The Duchy of Warsaw -vas accordingly, with the consent of all the Powers, .rected into a kingdom, with the Czar at the head, is King of Poland, and on the condition that she -hould have a Constitution of her own, and separate national institutions, independent of Russia. Thus, it the moment that the national existence of Po !and was proclaimed, the chains of her future sub jection were forged. Still her independence was liplomatically recognised by the Great Powers of Europe. That independence and the conditions of sovereignty have been grossly violated by Alexander and Nicholas. Russia has torn to pieces the treaty which bound the Great Powers to protect the in dependence of Poland, and they have, one and all, .mbmitted to the insult and connived at the aggres sion.—Morning Herald. Among the papers printed for the use of the two Houses of Parliament, there is one which has been laid before the Lords' Committee engaged - in an er ' quiry " into the state of the poor laws," which con rains some curious tables. The purpose of the per son who has compiled these tables is to show, that from the increased population of England, unaccom panied by an equivalent increase in the capital ap plied to employment, and consequently in the means cf subsistence, the surplus people can be no other wise got rid of but by emigration. To prove this point, the calculations are carried back to Cie year 1700, when the inhabitants of England and Wales appear (from these returns) to have fallen short of .5,500,000 souls, and thence brought forward to 1821, when 12,085,000 is stated to have been the amount of our population. The increase, therefore, in 120 years would be above 6,600,000, yielding an increase of 120 per cent. There may be reason to conclude from other causes, that the population of England has augmented considerably within the last 100 years; but it would be satisfactory to learn on what grounds we are called upon to place credit in any returns on that subject, of so old a date as the year 1700. It has been generally and confidently asserted, that the first accurate lists on record in modern times were those of 1800. In deed, the compiler of the tables now exhibited con fesses that he has deduced his general estimates of the population from the births of each year only,— a standard somewhat vague we should imagine, even if the registry of births were correct, which is more than can be safely taken for granted. A se cond table is designed to prove that the proportion of annual deaths to births has diminished:from a ratio of 1,000 in 1,146, to one of 1,000 in 1,60.5, com paring the year 1700 with 1820. Not knowing ' from what source, whether parish registries or others, the compiler may have drawn this second series of calculations, we are ignorant what faith may be reposed in it. The author next proceeds to the ten agricultural counties following, and states that the births of 1810 were, to those of 1700, as about 47 to 28,—a proportion of excess falling some what short of that exhibited by the modern popu lation of the kingdom generally over that of 1700 : and between 1811 and 1821, he makes the ac tual increase of population in the same counties amount to 15 per cent. He concludes by several observations tending to show, that while population has increased, agriculture has not so improved or extended as to make the produce of the soil keep pace with the growth of consumers ; and therefore he argues that nothing can save us from famine or civil war but a recourse to emigration. We believe there is little doubt that, from the fifth or sixth year of the war against the French revolutionists, the po pulation of this country did take a:sudden and con siderable start. A greater number of hands were required, both for war arid manufactures, than at any former period, and a much improved cultivation of the soil afforded a large increase of subsistence. The general adoption of the green crop system of farm ing not only began to supply food in greater quan tity, but of a better and more wholesome quality than had been enjoyed by preceding generations. Cattle had, down to nearly the end of the last cen tury, been slaughtered about November,and salted for winter store. Bacon, salt beef, and salt fish, formed the staple nutriment of most of our countrymen who were between the rank of gentry and the mere handicraftsmen and labourers, to which class they served as luxuries. W' hen the turnip and green-crop husbandry came in,—and we believe it may be fixed between 1790 and 1800,—ample means were fur niched for fattening cattle through the winter months ; fresh animal food, consequently became the substitute for salted during the 7-12ths of the year; and we have heard intelligent physicians state, that a gradual improvement in the general health of society might be distinc!ly traced to it. If a comparative diminution of deaths have really taken place in England, some cause must, we appre hend, have operated powerfully to counteract the vast increase in the consumption of ardent spirits, which, unhappily, during the last thirty years have superseded to a dreadful extent the enjoyment of home-brewed beer. But, admitting at once the accelerated growth of population, and the dearth of demand for labour, as affirmed by the note-maker on the tables to which we have been adverting,— that is to say, granting that the power of buying food has not kept pace with the want of it,—was ever madness so combined with inhumanity, as in the legislation of the British Parliament with refer ence to the supply of corn ? As our people have become more numerous,—as mouths have multi plied,—while, according to these returns, the pro duce of the soil of England, for many years past, has been stationary, if not declining, our lawgivers have been straining every effort to make food more inaccessible, instead of more attainable, to the poor. Far from inviting bread to the poor man's door, they have been repelling it,--first, by open prohibi tions,—next, and to this moment, by severe and pinching duties. They have striven to check popu lation by artificial famine. Why, such a system is no better than delibetaie rebellion against Provi dence, and is of itself enough to draw down some signal visitation upon us, if instant means be not taken to retrace a course so indefensible. One in fallible test of the reality of Reform in our Parlia ment wi:l be the treatment of the corn question by the House of Commons of IB32.—Times. The Reform 13111 has at length progressed, as the Americans say, beyond the 101. clause. This may be considered the most important of the constructive clauses, and it has been. accordingly the subject of much discussion, and attacked by all sorts of amend ments. We may now indulge the hope that the remaining parts of the Bill will be soon disposed of. We trust that this day there will he a grand move ment. The public are beidtily tired of the endle-s debates on this Bill, and most aox:ous to see it fairly launched in the oilier House. In a discussion in the House last night on the Newtownbarry affair, Mr. George Dawson said, if the Government should come to the unwise determination of disbanding the Yeomanry, they would throw themselves into the arms of Mr. O'Connell. A pretty tenure of a country ! Government must employ the yeomanry against th e C atholics, otherwise the yeomanry will join the Catholics auainst the Government.—Morn ing Chronicle. Mr. Senior has just published a letter to Lord Howick, " On a legal Provision for the Irish Poor; Commutation of Tithes; and a Provision for the Irish Roman Catholic Clergy." We have only space at present for a notice of the first division of 'iis pamphlet. No man who looks with any degree if attention at the condition of Ireland, will hesitate o admit that the establishment of a provision for the ion is beset with many difficulties. But it is not enough, that there are difficulties in the way of any measure, to induce us to reject it ; if the measure, though not without its evils, free us from still greater evils, we ought still to adopt it. Mr. Senior sets ret with the proposition, that " it is generally ad mitted that the prosperity of the labouring classes lepends principally on the extent of the fund for the maintenance of labourers, compared with the number af labourers to be maintained;" and that it "is also admitted that the extent of that fund depends princi pally on the efficiency of labour in producing the com modities which the labourers consume." Now in order that the fund may increase, it is, we suppose, also ad. mined, that there should be security for property,for no man will embark capital in any undertaking without being tolerably assured that lie will be allowed to reap the returns from it in security. The fund for the employment of labourers cannot, therefore, be increased without security ; and where the labourers are sufTeaed to increase without restraint of some kind, moral or physical, they will more than keep pace with the funds for their maintenance, and con sequently there will be no security for property. Mr. Senior has not had the main points of the question clearly in his eye in his pamphlet, which may be said to have proved every thing but that which he ought to have proved. The grand point is security for property. Sir Matthew Hale, in his discourse touching provision for the poor, has, in the preface to ir,shewn this in a few words :—" A due care for the relief of the poor is an act of civil prudence and political wisdom ; for poverty in itself is apt to emasculate the minds of men, or at least it makes men tumultuous and unquiet. When there are many very poor, the rich cannot long or safely con tinue such. Nreessity renders men of phlegmatic and drill natures stupid and undiseiplinable ; arid men of more fiery or active constitutions rapacious and desperate." All our hopes for the improvement of society must rest on the security for property. With every increase of wealth we obtain additional means for extending the dominion of man over matter. Without a class relieved from the necessity of unre mitting toil, we should make no advances in science —we should be strangers to the arts which embellish life. It will hardly be denied that the chief cause of the present &stress in Ireland is, that the number of labourers exceeds the fund for their maintenance. But, says Mr. Senior, " if any moral fact coin be a,certained by experience, if the testimonies of all ages and all countries have any weight, it is esta blished that idleness and improvidence can be pre vented only by leaving them to the punishment in flicted by nature—want and degradation." Why, the Irish have been left to this punishment from the time of the English conquest to the present day, and yet they have increased far more rapidly than any other people in Europe. If the punishment inflicted by nature were a cure for idleness and im providence, the Irish would be at this day the most industrious arid provident, instead of being the most lazy and improvident, as they have enjoyed more of that punishment than any other European nation. Mr Senior is altogether on a wrong tack. With a people having the low notions of the Irish as to what is ne cessary for subsistence, he will find that the punish ment of want and degradation is without terrors. To a people who have already made some advances in civilization, arid of whom the very lowest consider-4 certain luxuries indispensible to his comfortable existence,want and degradation may have some ten ors. An English labourer will work, and work hard, that he may have something more than bare necessaries. An Irishman is content with lower fare, and if he can obtain that fare at a small expence of labour, he will give no more. It is no easy matter to induce an Irishman in this country to undergo hard labour. The general complaint of all who employ labourers is, that an Irishman requires to be well watched. Load ing and unloading barges, or any sort of labour which is soon over, suits them ; but constant toil they hate, and would rather live meanly than toil hard. The land of every country belongs to the whole inhabitants of it. It is found beneficial for society that the soil should be appropriated to indi viduals ; but they hold the soil under the implied trust of enforcing good order. The proprietors of the soil are properly held responsible for the main tenance of the population ; but then, as they ought not to be held to perform an impossibility, they must be vested with powers to prevent such an increase of people in the various localities as shall create a dispro portion between the number of labourers and the fund for maintaining them. By making every man a co partner with the nominal proprietor, while the latter is vested with full controul over the distribution, the weight of the proper discharge of the important duty o f preserving a balance between the labourers and the fund for inaintairring them will be attended, as it ought, with the severe punishment of the cul pable party.. That it ever can be an easy matter to prevent an unnecessary increase of the numbers of the people we do not mean to say. In truth, the history of every society is a history of constant struggles—of tendencies contracted by other ten dencies—of difficulties, and discoveries of means for surmounting them• The landlords of Ireland will hav e unquestionably no sinecure in preventing those who are charged on the land from having more than a due share of its produce. But property is power —and we know of no class so well able to cope with the evil alluded to as the possessors of property. The question between poor laws and the absence of them would be at once decided, could it be shown that poor laws, with suitable vagrant laws, have a tendency t o prevent an undue increase of the popsy lation. No man who exa mines the domes tic his tory of England, Holland, Switzerland, Norway, Denmark, Sweden, Germany, &c. even superficially, can fail to discover that the laws for maintaining the poor have contributed materially to keep the num ber of the people within bounds. In all these coun tries there are Poor Laws, and in most of them ri gorous laws of settlement. In England difficulties were constantly thrown in the way of the marriage t wereperiod loud whenar) and of laboure rs when hands were trot wanted ; and th e ctomplaints orrnipal‘avise t o s f on t t t h l eemsubject, wered o:evlrt t axed, o : le e n t :lYrepeated. I n a work of a distinguished Gelauthor, who wrote a b out the middle of last century, Justus Moeser, th ere i s a very instructive essay, w ritten when i t b egan to be fashionable to preach the encouragement of population, to show w i l y their forefathers had constantly opposed them selves to an increase of population. All the Teu tonic nations seem to have been early alive to the necessity of guarding against being overrun by des titute people. Mr. Senio r o bj ects to t h e restra i nts usystem of Poor L a ws. " A po licenish idl eness. H ow constant i s heece (lie says) t s e r airrY in tendency to p yer a of extremes to meet—of systems w hi c h began by promising benefitsin to end by infli ct i ng ev i ls pecular to slavery. " inconsistent with state could b e o b ta i ned i n c i v i l i ze d society? eve: ima g i ne d that all the advantages of savagei t ir r ril'e e llee e td‘ q c%' u h e ° stion is not, whether a man shall have ab solute freedom, but how much of that freedom it is necessary that individuals should sacrifice, to enjoy t h e advantages of the social union ? If a man without property will not work, and becomes a nu i san ce to others, s oc i ety must place him under constraint. No man is entitled to even his liberty, to the detriment of others. The statements bor rowed by Mr. Senior from the Scotch writers are i m perfectly understood by him, from his want of ac quaintance with the circumstances of the northern PRICE 7D. girt of the kingdom. The reluctance to depend on •harity in those parts of the country in which assess nents prevail, may be abated ; because, where there a a regular charitable fund, the necessitous will pply to it, rather than trust to casual relief. Bu► f Mr. Senior supposes that in those districts of ,cotland in which assessments prevail, the lower lasses are in a more destitute condition than in ithers, or are more improvident, he is woefully mis aken. In fact, assessments began with the outlay if capital on the soil, and they have followed the narch of cultivation. They began in Berwickshire ind Roxburghshire, and East Lothian districts, cul ivated like a garden, and in which the labourers are 'letter off than in any part of Scotland, or, perhaps, England. The condition of the hinds of Ber vickshire and Roxburghshire, in particular, has al vays been considered most enviable. In all the rich Ind cultivated districts, the possessors of property 'nund it for their interest to provide regularly for the poor, and rigorously to repress vagrancy; and it is only in the miserable districts of the Highlands, and )ne or two poor districts of the south-west, that he poor are not provided for by assessments. We fief) , Mr. Senior to lay down any plan for preserving arder in a country which shall be effectual to its ob-1 ject, without a vagrant law, and a vagrant la►v supposes a fund for the destitute, and limits within which the vagrant shall be coerced. Without a va 4rant law and law of sttlement, it will always be in the power of proprietors to allow a worthless po oulation to grow up on their estates, and to keep their neighbours in a state of insecurity. One pro prietor can at any time, in Ireland, throw a whole country into a state approaching to civil war.— In England, the poor laws limited the range of in dividual caprice, and compelled them to proceed in their plans with some regard to others. " Tenants in the North," says Laurence (Land Steward, 2d edi tion, 1731), " who rent but small farms, have, gene rally speaking,but little substance wherewith to make any expensive improvements. This, indeed, is a mis fortune, but it is such a one as requires time to mend and alter. To alter farms,and to turn several little ones into great ones, is a work of difficulty arid time; for it would raise too great an odium to turn poor fami lies into the wide world by uniting farms all at once, in order to make an advance of rents. 'Tis much more reasonable and popular to be content to stay till such farms fall into hand by death, before the tenant is either raised or turned out. I remember an instance in my surveys, of a gentleman, who was for tasking small farms into great ones all at once— the consequence whereof soon after appeared to be this—that the Church and Poors' assessments fell so heavy upon the remaining tenants, that the Lord of the Manor was soon brought to discover his mis• take, by re-admitting the poor tenants, and disposing the farms partly in the same state they were in be fore, arid to content himself to allow time to com plete his desire of improving his estate in that way of making the farms larger." In Ireland the dis possessed tenants would have murdered their suc cessors and set fire to their property, and thrown the whole country into confusion and alarm. But we must drop this extensive subject for the present. i —Morning Chronicle. clause could have been added to the Bill for: any ether purpose than to discredit and destroy it? Why, again, if it be necessary to add yet another luestion, and one still more perplexing to the frau iulent professor' of Reform, should the same men vho three months ago thought the quarterly p av 'tient of rent an insufficient test of respectability and ndependerice, and who still think it so in Scotland, le now so resolutely fixed upon bestowing the frar, .hise in England upon weekly rent-payers ? Will Lord Althorp or the Attorney-General attempt to 'rawer these questions ?-211orning Poe. We have always entertained the opinion that not one man in ten in the House of Commons of thoso who affect to supprrt the Revolutionary Bill are sincerely desirous that it should pass into a law, while with respect to his Majesty's Ministers we think there is abundant evidence that they hate their own monstrous offspriug with a perfect hatred, and are deterred from strangling it only by the cer tainty that the contempt and indignation of the no w w ou p ld art b ia u i r ly st and upon a with d great d co iffi un c t u r l y ty , which suppressed, over whelmi them the moment their abominable hypocrisy is unveiled and acknowledged. The determination of Government and of a majority of the House of Commons to insert a clause in the Bill imparting the right of voting at the election of two-thirds of the Members of every future Parliament to persons occupying tenements by the week, is the newest and perhaps the strongest manifestation of their desire to destroy the whole measure. Such a clause, we fearlessly assert, could not have been agreed to by one man in his senses, from any other motive than that of hostility to the measure into which it is intro duced. Mr. Campbell, who seems to bean honest advo cate of Reform, clearly, but in vain, pointed out to the fraudulent pretenders to the character of Refor mers the incompatibility of the franchise they were about to create with any degree of freedom or purity in future elections of Members of the House of Commons, asserting his belief that in the borough of Southwark there is at this time one man who is the landlord of 500 houses let to weekly tenants. We do not question the accuracy of this statement; none of the Reformers pretended to deny it ; and if it be true, what did they do by their clause? They conferred upon an extensive house-jobber,who may be a man of substance or who may he a man of straw (for being the landlord to 500 or 1,000 weekly tenants does not prove him to be one or the other), the power at every future election for the borough, and at a very small cost to himself, of commanding some proportion of his 500 teriata to vote as he thinks proper, and of annihilating the votes of all the tenants whom he cannot command. Whether there be any one man who carries on the trade in small houses in Southway k or any other borough to the extent described by Mr. Campbell is, however, unimportant. Not a singla individual of the majority who voted far tha clause can by pos sibility be ignorant that such a trade exists, and is carried on very extensively, by men even of small property (for men of large property this Lade is a great deal too troublesome), in every borough and city in the kingdom. Nor is it possible to suppose any individual of this majority, dull as many of 1 them att., so dull as not immediately to have per ceived that the effect of the clause must be to su peradd to the trade of these lieu:e , jobbers the more profitable and dignitle; l 4 profession of an election jobber. And th2se men, we arc to be told, are ha nest and sincere Parliamentary Reformers I The ill effable nonsense that was uttered in support of the clause is an insult t o the common sense of the com munity, and proves the sham Reformers of the Ad ministration to Lava a thorough contempt of the people, whom, having excited into momentary frenzy, they think to keep in permanent delusion. Lord Altltorp and the Attorney-General both dis tinctly admitted that the clause code's the power . we have described; but the former does not think it will be abused to destroy the fredom and parity of elections, because if a man have few houses the abuse of his power can be of littla consequence, and if he have many he will not incur the hazard of loss of rent by giving his tenants notice to quit; and the. !attar consoles himself with the notion that r 4 force of public inblic such opi hands.rdor iwill p A regrit fo t r he th u e n i d r ae po ex or erc N i N s ,i e ts of power etthe the manwho inducem ents has which may halfpenny y and w i l be o e ff k re The loss of rent, of a week's or perhaps a f art night's rent, of 500 houses, at three shilli ngs an d e a, against to the we the power of extinguishing or con t ro lli ng 500 t c ma vot, s ! Alas for their poor wits ! The force of public opinion upon the mind of the middle man, the jobber, the grub, who ferrets about every Monday morning to grasp his one, two, three, four, or five hundred three and tenpences in the wretched recesses of St. George's Fields! Away with such paltry hypocritical palliatives. Does that deserve the name of a Reform Bill which places such power in such hands ? Is it possible to believe that such - . ! • • 1' • . VV - $ ' • .1 - r/• isP r • , • 'Ol • .4/er g-0 1 - I' 1 °"' The account• from Warsaw come down to the 15th inst., and they are full of hope for the Poles. The army of the latter is described, as we mentioned yesterday, as being in the most complete condition. - tnd consisting of 60,000 men, supported by a prop r , roportion of cavalry and 200 pieces of artillery. The Russian army is about 100,000 strong; but such is he enthusiasm and determination of the Poles, that :hey care nothing for the disproportion, and are only anxious to have one mare and fair fight with the •nemy. Whether this disposition will or will not be peedily gratified, it is impossible for us to say; for ithough the two armies were in sight, it is pos .ible that various manoeuvres may he attempted and nuch time consumed, before any actual engage ment ensues; but it would certainly seem, from 'he reports in the Warsaw Papers, that the day of rial was near at hand. May freedom avid national mdapenderice triumph—may the victory be on the 4ide of justice —may the abettors of tvranny and !espotism bite the dust—and may the k ngdom of Poland—the kingdom of the gallant and brave—. .nce more re-assert its title to a station among the States of Europe! Would to Heaven that the ,trayers of all England were as forcible in repelling he aggressor as they are ardent in support of the float just cause for which war was ever waged ! Morning Advertiser. On this day week we expressed a confident hope that the seven days which have since elapsed, would have the honour of witnessing, in their course, the agreement of the House of Commons to the whale of the clauses in the Reform Bill; but we prophesied vainly—we indulged hopes which have not been re alised—and flattered ourselves with expectations of returning reason on the part of the Anti-Reformers which there is now no ground for entertaining. So far as they are concerned, no sound physician could speak otherwise of their disorder than as a confirmed madness, which there is no hope of curing either by ordinary or extraordinary means; whil e , w i t h regar d to the Reform Bill, so far is it from being near the happy termination which we confidently antici pated, that the house has been engaged during the whole of this week in the discussion of only one clause Calculating on the same rate of progress, the English, Irish, and Scotch Bills are not likely to pass both Houses of Parliament until some time in the year 1832: How far such a course of pro ceeding is consistent with the legislative wisionz of the country—the respect due by the House to the united voice of the people—or the justice of the case still under discussion,—we shall not stop to inquire; for on all these points the mind of the country is already made up, and no powec on earth can unsettle it ; but we put it to the country whether those who thus, by unne cessary delay, oppose the progress of the Reform Bill are not its greatest enemies—whether they are not the greatest enemies, even of their own order— and also whether, while they are laying the founda tions of a civil Regression on themselves, they are not guilty of an injury to the trade of the country, which is deeply felt, not by the commercial classes only, but the whole community ? We have no wish, now that the Anti-Reformers have shewn themselves in their proper colours, that they should desist from their opposition until they have had enough of it, because we are persuaded that thcl more the opposition to the Bill, the more, ultimately, will be the measure of Reform ; but in the mean time it behoves the public, not only to watch narrowly the conduct of its representatives, but to afford to his Majesty's Government every aid which it can possibly afford, by public meetings calling for the speedy passage of the Bill to the Upper House, and denouncing, as it ought to be denounced, the con duct of those who have so unnecessarily delayed its passage thither. In the country several meetings, originating in the stagnation of trade, and the abominable delay in passiog the Bill, are on the eve of being held; but the metropolis ought to be fore most in the course, and we call on its leading Mem bers to do their duty to their Country by anticipating the former. The correction administered to Alder man Thompson and Alderman Venables was some thing, and has partially helped the cause of Reform ; but another public meeting would do mote good, and we look confidently forward to such an occur rence as worthy of the seal and patriotism of the city.—Morning Advertiser. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Ales:aver des Chambres.) The retrograde movement of the Dutch troops took place after the arrangements had been made which were agreed upon.. On the 21st they reached their own territory. Thus has this attempt at invasion terminated, which, at the moment when all Europe is in arms, seemed likely to be the cause of a general commo tion.. The European Powers will appreciate the . promptitude with which all the movements of the French army have been characterized. They cannot but respect the moderation and conciliatory spirit which that army has shown in the accomplishment of the mission intrusted to it. The chief divisions of the army stopped half way on the Belgian frontiers, and the instant the Dutch force enter upon the ancient limits marked out by the armistice, they will commence their retrograde movement. They will only leave, provisionally, two camps, of from 7,000 to 8,000 men, of the line from Nivelle to Enghien and Namur; a few battalions will be stationed in the Belgian towns which lie in the line of direct eommunication of these troops with France. The corps already, exceeding 30,000 men of all arms, now remaining in Belgium, are marching to re pass the frontiers and re-enter the garrisons which they occupied before the expedition. Saturday the project of law relative to the peer age will be laid before the Chamber. It is difficult to discover the origin of the report of the death of Nicholas, which has been spread throughout Europe within the last few days, then contradict 4, and again affirmed by news from Ham burg received at Frankfort on the 17th inst. Report went so far as to say that the Emperor had been killed by being shot in an insurrection; but this version of the affair did not gain much credit. In another quarter it is stated the Emperor is without doubt dangerously affected in his mind, and Ithat Dr. Hurst, of Berlin, celebrated for his treat ment of mental diseases, had been sent for to St. Petersburgh and it is added that the Grand Duke Michael had been obliged to quit the Lithuanian army to return to the capital, in order that he might be near his brother, It is quite impossible for us to venture any opinion on all these reports —we can only give them to our readers as current throughout Europe. To what we yesterday said on the affairs of Poland relative to the proclamation of Nicholas, we will add, that a circular is spoken of at Berlin as having beets addressed by the Cabinet of St. Pctersburgli to those of Vienna and Berlin. It is a correct state ment of all the expenses, in men and money, sus tained by Russia for the purpose of putting down the Polish insurrection. The expenses amount to a very considerable sum—so great, indeed, that it is a matter of surprise that the resources of the empire t should not have been exhausted. This statemen t concludes concludes by saying, that after the o en ftorocog_t_mate fices made to the common interesttshefsalildi cm , b i inors sovereigns, Russia is in hopes t hat o c o mmon object. will join her in attainin g hfat Th a t t e b c eets the effect produced by this circular; b ut th ere prospect of concessiens bou they see through ere are iudividuals who thit,k Jr is not known w the • s ec ._ , uponb attention to the frauds which are daily ft'u them as regards their Pencils, and the leads s°lll 011' 4614 the same. To guard the public against f; 41 404 1 . the Patentees are induced to make the following ctOr -- 10 ;4 441 Look for the London Hall mark on each silver ht 2 c12 48e ' Or d b ody ofB, Mordan and Co., Patentees and Makers, on the d v ice i , a d. I. !,f e e caK e . s h . _genuine leads in boxes have a yellow belt, o fr Ot bA .,.m. and Co. ' s seal in wax. to "Alit, R. PENCILS.—These pencils contain the same kiw i ' °' Pure Cumberland lead as their silver patent of A je d _ o .,r'Y was published, the Second and Third Vols. of LONEL NAPIER'S HISTORY of P t i ft 14 '14' WAR in the PENINSULA, with Plans, Syn. r . sty 44 each, boards. __Y oe H 's pi ,. euo t . i a litar y observation and criticisms, in particular, c i,ll"Niti on et . ltly valuable, whether with reference to the er r ut if which he so ably analyses and reduces to their eiet n )r 44 4 "Its, or to the theory of war itself, of which he v e^ tkti ku ', l ,Y affords the most instructive practical exemplifi ----Westminster Review. 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