The Sun. — London, England, 1831-05-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The right of a burgess to vote for a Member of Parliament was identical with his right to enjoy thi other privileges of a burgess. When Members were =ant to Parliament by boroughs, no new class of burgesses was created for the purpose of elections, but those already in possession obtained an addi tional privilege. It is clear, therefore, that a bur gess, the condition of whose previous privilege, was residence, could not ac quire an additional privi lege without compliance with the same condition. The custom of non-residents exercising the elective franchise was a gradual innovation, sometime s eon. nived at, but never legally e stablished, till Commit tees of the House of Commons :sanctioned the usurped power. We have thought it expedient to throw out these few: words, in notice of a poor creature in an Evening Paper, who fancies he has discovered a m are's nest. The seal of this simple minded man is very commendable; but we suspect his friends would dispense with a little of it, for the sake of a little tact. They must aeisb t h at h e vvas as harmless a friend as he is a foe. But let us come 'to more important matter. The mingled folly and hypocrisy of those who supported General Gas coyne's mischievously intended motion is nor ill exposed in the letter of an " Irish Freeholder," -which we this day publish, It certainly showed no small stupidity or daring in the same mere to oppose the disfranchisement of nomination boroughs, because of its weakening the peculiar power of England in the House of . Commons,—the same men, we say, who had always hitherto de fended those boroughs on the ground of their send ing Ntembers to Parliament, who did not represent England only, but every other portion of the em pire. That, however, is not all : the Members fir these wretched boroughs not merely did not repre sent England more than any other branch of the Kong's dominions, but they might, in fact, accord• ing to the chances of the market, have represented Scotland and Ireland jointly, to the utter exclusion of England; or Ireland alone, or Scotland alone, to the exclusion of both her sisters. For, a borough put uo to the best bidder, the nobleman or gentle man boroughmonger would not be very nice as to the birthplace of FOR temporary customer. Every close borough, therefore, in its high and palmy state, might he considered as an extraneous power, throw ing foreign goods into the magazines of the Consti tution. It did not give representatives to England, nor express the feelings or opinions of Englishmen. Even if the Reform Bill bad done nothing more than take away the 169 Nlembers from the House of Commons who used to sit there by virtue of the licences granted by their proprietors,—if it had done this, without introducing a single substitute for the Members so dismissed,---so far from de priving the people of England of weight or autho rity in the Imperial Parliament, the Bill would, by the very act of disfranchising the said boroughs, hive removed an irksome and iniquitous restraint from the operation of the real feelings of the country, and would have enabled the Members for counties and great towns to legislate freely on be half of the people who have elected them, un thwarted and unshackled by the borough slaves, who could vote no otherwise than as their lordly masters enjoined them,—or by the borough adven turers who had bought their seats, who were re sponsible to neither proprietor nor constituent body, and whose vote, therefore, proceeded from a regard to no interests or objects but their own. To prove, however, the wild extravagance of General Csaascovne and his supporters, no more is necessary than to look at the Bill, and see what it actually does for England beyond the mere benefit (momen tous as that is) of relieving her from the incubus of borough nominations by noble Peers and others. Instead of leaving her loaded with 169 Members of Parliament, who one and all could make laws to bind her, without having received the shadow of title from any notional authority for the exercise of so grave and vast a power, the Reform Bill pro posed by his Majesty's Ministers expels at once that hostile force, and supplies the place of it by upwards of ninety Members, to be freely chesen by the largest counties and most populous, intelh etent and wealthy towns of England, substanti ally representing, because really constituting, the people. Yet England was to be weakened, said the wise General Gascoyne, by the Bill. Again, a prodigious fear is expressed respecting, Ist, the in crease in the number of Irish Members by the Bill, and 2d, the influence under which they are likely to be elected. The number of additional representa tives proposed for Ireland by Lord John Russell is, we believe, either three or five. For Irish Members, or Scotch, or any others, to work mischief against the general interests of the State, we must suppose them to act in a trained and premeditated combinr,- lion. Now, what evidence have we from Irish history of the possibility of such a league ? When was it known that a large body of Irish Members of Par liament, or indeed Irish gentlemen out of Parlia— ment, ever combined for any one system, or even measure, of policy, except when receiving their im pulse from the nation at large ? Of the latter ex ception, the state of Ireland from 1781 to 1783 may be quoted as an example. And what was then the moving power ? Wf.y, the oppression practised upon Ireland by the Ministers of George 111. whom the common opinion of mankind has long con demned, as it has vindicate d a n d honoured the patriotic spirit of the Irish. At no other time, for no other end, do we recollect any tendency towards a strict union amongst Irish gentlemen, as a body. It is hardly to be presumed that even that sage Statesman, the discarded Member for Liverpool, will deny to Irishmen the privilege of uniting for the redress of grievances ; nor will any man, with half an idea to guide him, allege that it would not be safer for the empire to have a combi nation of Irishmen of property opposing the Minister on the floor of the House of Commons, than to provoke them, by an exclusion from Parliament to meet in College-green and pass resolutions for a re peal of the Union. The fact, however, is that were such a crisis to arrive,—were all the Members in Great Britain to vote on one side of any question affecting deeply the interests or passions of Ireland, and all the Irish Members on the other,—it mould indicate a collision between the two countries, so serious that nn Parliamentary distribution of votes, or measures of purely legislative activity, could ar rest it. The question must then be settled elsewhere, and physical more Lilian any other preponderance must deride between two hostile nations. For the kfiu ewe which is henceforth to return Irish Members to parliament, we feel no particle of apprehension. If the Catholic priests be active and powerful, it is because the gentlemen, Ptorestant and Catholic, have abused and greatly forfe;ted their power. If the priest be sometimes where he ought not to be, it is, that where the gentleman ought to be, he sel• dom can be found. The growth of an unwhole s.ante influence in most countries may he traced to the previous mismanagement of that which is more natural and lawful. When the relations of prop erty are esta bli s h e d on a right f o oting in Ireland, the priest, as well as the gentleman and the peasant, will have his just authority and no tumors. As for danger to the Irish Protestant church, that can nevtr be produced by any change in the de scription or characte r of men returned to Parliament under whatever influence ; o nt-ot-door proceedings and interests are those onl the stability of all our prr„,,'!iephalm."st tutimainly depend wa r of words may be w age d i t i n i sti ons. The St. Stephen's chapel—the pressure of things is not there.co " respondent who signs himself Substan ce Shadow," recommends a measur e which, however not bold, is conceived i n the true s p iri t of constitutional liberty, and would bring men to know the ditTerence between words with meaning, and words which h ave none. He proposes a petition from the inhabitants of boroughs, against the Members who do not repre sent them, while they pretend to do so. We will suppose a case. If eighty Members for English counties were to vote on a question affecting every . Englishman's rights, and give their v otes accord to the sense of the people, and if eighty-one Mem , bets for nomination uoroughs were to vote against the iaeopleo voice,ntlesam same question, and beat the counties iy a single we should like to hear which 'tight, in faro conscienlite, to be regarded as binding the people of England,—those whom they had sent to Parliament, or those who had been sent there by a knot of strangers ? Is the Constitution a name, or i reality ? Times. The Corwall election has commenced with iuspices that leave no doubt of the issue. We speak sf this first, in the course of our observations to-day, because we know the Anti-Reformers attached much importance to the name, character, and actual talents of Sir Richard Vyvyan. We respect them all; but we do not ascribe that semi-infallibility to the possessor of them to suppose that he knows the swats of the country better than all the people which constitute the country. In Worcestershire, Lygon still falls farther into the rear, yet not so far hut that a long- purse may measure the distance. We hope the friends of Parliamentary Reform %l en consider this. In Dorsetshire, Guile, the daughter of Old Age, is called in by the venerable Anti- Reformer to his aid, who has abandoned the good old bludgeon system, to which he at first seemed disposed. He now takes frivolous objections to the votes of his antagonists, for the purpose of detaining the Reform voters in town, and of exhausting the funds. The shuffling and contradic tory way in which an Evening Paper has spoken of the great measure —as, first, that it was to be modified; and now, that it is not to be modified; and to-morrow, perhaps, afresh, that its provisions are to undergo some material change—induces us to state, as a most positive fact, that the Bill, the Bill itself will be immediately brought forward after the meeting of Parliament, and its unqualified adoption in all its essential features recommended by Ministers to the skew Parliament. It is not sufficient to say they, the Mini -tern, will stand or fall by it, but con sidering the Members who have been universally returned whet ever the principles of a free election has prevailed, the country must sand or fall by it; for, undoubtedly, should this Bill fail, there is an end of the Constitution —we, the people of England, and William IV., the King of England, are governed by an oligarchy, whose despotism is founded only on corruption ; but on corruption so deeply rooted, that the whole efforts of King and people cannot eradicate or shake it by ordinary pro cess. We are sure that we are supported in this reasoning, and that others will think so, when we state, that the accession of strength to the King's Ministers is expected to amount to ten from Scot land, and to twelve from Ireland, and that upon the whole the majority in the House of Commons cannot be le‘s than one hundred and sixty ! Is there, then, under these circumstances, the slightest probability that with a Parliament thus chosen by the people for the express purpose of supporting their Bill, Minis ters should recede even from the least important of its provisious,—should desert their own pledge, and deceive the expectant country ? However, it is not as an inference which we deduce, but as a positive fact which we assert, that the Bill is to be supported by his Majesty's Ministers as it is now before the country; and we, with this knowledge, are therefore the more suprised, not that the Courier newspaper should make an erroneous unauthorized statement, but that such a roan as the Lord Advo cate of Scotland should have committed the grievous error of intimating that a change might be made in the amount of the qualification. We sincerely hope he will see this correction of his mistake, and set himself right.—Times. Success still attends Reform. In Oxfordshire Lord Norreys has resigned. In Worcester, North ampton, Dorset, and Cornwall, the Tory candidates are at the bottom of the poll, and two Reformers will to a certainty be carried. The success in Ox fordshire has astonished many people. The majority of the Aristocracy, the ecclesiastical corporations, and the parsons, were all arrayed against the Reform candidates, and yet all was unavailing. We have just seen an intelligent gentleman, returned from the contest, whose words we shall quote :—" I can cor roborate your arguments on the value of local Reform committees, by saying, that I attribute our success, in spite of nobles, ecclesiastical corporations, and par sons, very much to such institutions, and mainly to that at Oxford, of which the tJayor was chairman." There never was so decided an expression of public opinion in favour of any measure as that in favour of the Reform Bill. All classes and divisions of the population, all divisions of the country, are equally decided. The whole of that great division of Ey,g- land, which may be called by distinction agricultural, consisting of the rich level plains of the east—Kent, Essex, Cambridge, Bedford, Suffolk, Norfolk, Northampton, Huntingdon, Leicester, Nottingham, and Lincoln, will return only one Anti-Reformer (in Huntingdon.) Another great agricultural divi ion—the south and west—Sussex, Hampshire, Wiltshire, Dorset, Devon, and Somerset (we count uporoßankes's rejection) will, without an exception, have ReformsiTemhers. The coal, tin, and iron counties, Northumberland,Durham,Cumberland, Cornwall,( for Sir Richard Vyvyati has no chance), 'Warwick, &v., return all Reformers. The metropolitan and manu facturing divisions, Middlesex, Surrey, York, Lan caster, arid Derby, have returned ail Reformers. Again, the great cities and manufacturing towns, as London, Westminster, Southwark, Bristol, Liver pool, Norwich, Nottingham, Newcastle, Ipswich, Carlisle, &c. have returned all Reformers. The Anti-Reformers have found an entrance into Pailla ment only through rotten boroughs, ecclesiastical corporations, and one or two small counties, where family influence has enabled them to return one Member, and thus neutralize a Reformer. In no one county have the Anti-Reformers returned both Members : so that where circumstances have most favoured them, they have only been able to neutra lize a Reformer. Now if there was a time when the expression of opinion was free from objection, it is the present time. The people are generally employed, and no class can be said to be distressed. We hardly remember a period when there was less discontent. The elections have generally been con ducted with much good humour. It cannot, there fore, be said of the present period, that the judg ment of the people has been disturbed by their sufferings, and that a return of employment and pros perity will produce a revolution in their views. It is a fact fortunate for the country, that the circum stances under which the experiment has been made, have allowed it fair play. But here, again, the people are entitled to great praise for the quickness with which they perceived that the tranquillity of die country arid the well-being of the industrious classes—to which the maintenance of credit and confidence is of such paramount importance—could only be secured by taking up the business of Re form in so energetic a mariner as to show the boroughmongers that their efforts to oppose it must be unavailing, and that it will not be in their power, were they in their frenzy to embrace desperate re solutions, to interrupt the peace of the country. The boroughmongers, forsaken by the people, are but a poor contemptible faction. The borough mongers, the ecclesiastical corporations, the par sons, &c., possess, after all, but a small part of the mass of property of the nation. Now, with the exception of those who have an interest in perpe tuating a system for plundering the people, the whole nation are Reformers. Every man, too, who has put his hand to the plough in this emer gency, will not turn from it. They now say to themselves, we are determined that there shall be no violence in England—we have a deep stake in the country—our capital is embarked in agriculture, in manufactures, in trade; we can only prosper by the continuance of tranquillity and order, and no in furiated boroughmonger, no foolish or fanatical par son shall disturb this order of things. We range ourselves on the side of the Government, having found an honest Government, and having so identi fied ourselves with the Government;all the attempts ` This journal supposes we have " a morbid feeling" towards it. In the name of wonder, why ? We should never think it worthy of any notice, unless on an occasion when its supposed authority is injurious to the Ministers wham it encumber, with its help, of fact ion to paralyze it will be found unavailing. The people knew, that having given themselves heart and soul to the Government, the Government thereby be comes firm and stable, for who would dare to seize the helm of State with a nation hostile to his endeavours; who would have the bad courage to draw down on himself the maledic tions of a people by attempting to create confusion'? Who would dare to attempt to sacrifice a nation to a contemptible faction ? But the boroughmongers, deceived in their hopes of the eff e ct to be produced by the duplicity of Judas Iscariot, the sympathy with the potwallupers, the appeal to the justice of the nation in behalf of the corporaticns of rotten boroughs about to be robbed of their franchise—a franchise to return plunderers of the nation—and finding that the elections have every where gone against them, now say, what is it that the people want—if under the present system they can return a great majority, why alter the system. As well might a despot exclaim, when the people have risen against him, why complain when they thus prove how much more powerful they are than I am There is no need to prove that the people of every country must, of necessity, be much more powerful than the privileged orders ; but the latter, on all ordinary occasions, array one part of the people against another. Ott this Reform question an honest Ministry, by throwing themselves on the people, have induced the people to meet them with exertions and sacrifices commensurate with the emergency, and which could only be made on a question which unites all classes, and with the pros pect of sparing to themselves, by one great rising in their might, all necessity for similar exertions in fu ture. It is one thing to make exertions in an ordinary election, and another to make exertions to return such men as will support a Government pledged to make such a Reform as will secure them trorn plundering boroughmongers in all time corning, and ensure to themselves and their children the blessings of good Government.—.horning Chronicle. It is very amusing to hear the Anti-Reformers talk of giving the country what they are pleased to call a " qualified measure." Lord John Russell's Bill is henbane to them. "We cannot," say they, "on any account vote for this revolutionary Bill, but should have no objection to vot e for a qualified measure." How extremely generous is this ! One would almost be inclined to think, from this tone of liberality, that the boroughmongers, and not the people, were the conquerors. Who cares now what they would yield, or what they would vote for ? There was a time, and that not many months dis tant, when they had it in their power to satisfy the people by a reasonable concession. But no, s trong in their own weakness, they despised every kind of warning—they resisted every species of intercession; and now, after being compelled to surrender at dis cretion, they not only propose to march out of their citadel with all the honours of war, but would kindly tell us upon what terms they would conde scend to resume the command. But here we rather overrate this tardy ingenuousness. They talk, it is true, of a " qualified measure," but in such vague terms that it is not possible to define or understand their meaning. Neither before the late Parliament was dissolved, nor at any of the hustings during the present elections, have they had the candour or the openness to tell the counts) , what it is they actually mean. They are ready enough to raise objec tinns, and if possible to create alarm. They are shocked to see corporate rights, as they call them, demolished, and embryo apprentices disfranchised; while the transference of the right of voting from the pot-walloper to the 101. householder fills them with dismay; and, instead of these and the other advantages proposed by Lord John Russell's Bill, they say they would give us a " qualified mea sure;" but what that qualified measure is not a soul among them has ventured to define. But we are told that, when Parliament meets, Sir Robert Peel, or some one with his concurrence, is to let the country into the secret details of this qualified mea sure. If this should really be the case, we can only say that such a step will afford another striking in stance of that miserable system of postponement and delay which has characterised every act of the party from whom the main opposition to Reform has ema nated. A statesman's mind should be in advance of the age—should take the lead and give the tone to every measure of improvement : instead of which the party to which we allude has been dragged and dragooned into every thing; and, as in the ease of Catholic Emancipation, so, on the measure of Re form, concession is only wrung from them, and is yielded with a reluctance which takes from it the slightest merit, or even appearance of sincerity.— Even the eleventh hour does not bring w'th it wisdom to them. When they saw that, in a Parliament elected during their own con tinuance in office, the question of Reform was carried by a majority of one, they might then, at least, have made a virtue of neces sity, and if they really had a plan which they thought preferable to, and likely to supersede, the measure of their opponents, is by did they not at once manfully bring it forward, and submit it first to the ordeal of Parliament, and then to that of the country on a dissolution taking place exprestly for the purpose of ascertaining the sentiments of the people upon the identical subject ? The truth is they have no plan. Their " qualified measure" is mere moonshine. There is not a soul among them who can define what it means; nor have the oppo nents of Reform in Parliament hitherto meant any thing but a desire to cling to the rotten-borough sy... tem as their sheet anchor and their only hope. Thi s is the true point upon which the country is at issue with them. On this point the whole worth of Re form rests. The value of what Lord John Russell's Bill gives bears no comparison to that which it takes away. In removing the incubus which has so long weighed upon the vitals of the country, it will, of itself. alone give a new impulse to our na tional existence. On this point no " qualified mea sure" must, or can, be heard of ; nor do we envy the hardihood of any matt who would seriously ven ture to offer cne. No, a full, not qualified, mea sure is what the country demands; and all the pious constitutional alarms of those who have so long basked in the sunshine of a contrary system will neither have the effect of frightening the isle from its propriety, nor of one moment admitting a doubt that the country shall not now enjoy ttie fruits of the victory it has so nobly won.— Morn. Herald. It appears that the King has finally determined not to visit the City; and that the reason given for his Majesty's nen-compliance with the invitation of the Lord Mayor is, that his Majesty is apprehensive his health on the day proposed may not permit him to perform his engagement. This reason is suffi- cient ; and it would have been liable to no observa tion, excepting that of regret, if the announcement of the King's decision had been limited to the ex pression of apprehension that the state of his health might not permit his Majesty to dine with the Lord Mayor. But his Majesty's sentiments have been further explained by the Secretary of State, in whose letter there is a paragraph stating that the King begged it to be distinctly understood that the state of his health, and that alone, induced his Ma jesty to postpone accepting for the present the invi tation of the loyal citizens of London. Our Con temporaries of the Government Press (no mean au thority) add that this paragraph was inserted in the Secretary of State's letter because it had been re ported that the King was displeased with the conduct of the Lord Mayor. This letterbecomes thus a matter of importance. When the King dissolved Parliament, with the view, as his Majesty declared, of appealing to the sense of his people, an illumination was got up, not certainly by the direct order, but undoubt edly with the sanction and encouragement of the Lord Mayor. It was not by an illumination or any such means that the King desired to ascertain the sense of his people; nor did the King's Sp e ech or the Proclamation for the dissolution of Parliament require obedience to the whims of a weak•minded Lord Mayor, or to the commands of an ignorant rabble. No person in his senses could doubt that disorder would result on this occasion, and accor dingly the metropolis was for a succession of hours under the controul of a licentious !nub, who paraded the principal streets, and demolished the property of many thousands who could not outrage their feelings by illuminating. This was done under the windows of St. James's Palace ; it is even said that the Pa lace itself was not respected. The 'conduct of the Lord Mayor in this transaction cannot be considered meritorious; still less is it a matter of indifference. By officially notifying the post ponement of the illumination, he virtually took upon himself the direction of a proceeding which brought on confusion and outrage, and an extensive destruction of property. The consequences must have excited a sentiment of regr. t in every well-regulated mind ; and the feeling of the Sove reign must have amounted to displeasure against a Magistrate, vho had taken such a share in the busi ness. Let us see how far the existence of this feel ing is con-istent with the expressions in the Secre tary of State's letter to the Lord Mayor, and the explanation of that letter by the Government Press. The King does not dine with the Lord Mayor be cause his health is not good ; and, he desires it lobe distinctly understood, for that reason alone. His Majewv then, it is insinuated, would have dined with a Lord Mayor who has enrolled himself in the ranks of the Radical faction,—a class of persons who rest their cause exclusively on a system of violence and terror ; with a Lord Mayor, who, so far from discountenancing by every means in his power an in vidious display of a particular set of opinions, at a period of great excitement, sanctioned that display, took a prominent part in it himself, and thus in spired a lawless rabble with additional spirit and re. solution to perpetuate violence upon the property of all the inhabitants who presumed to think and act for themselves. Yet his Majesty, we are to under stand, feels no displeasure, and declines dining in the city simply on account of his health, which, thank God, if we may judge from daily experience, gives no cause for any such apprehension as is here implied, in the minds of his loyal subjects. No; the truth is apparent to all ; and the attempt to dis guise it is universally pronounced to be absurd. The letter is the letter of his Ministers, whose purpose was served by the excitement that prevailed and the terrorism that was commenced in the metropolis on the 27th ult., which example has been followed up with so much effect throughout the country. The encouragement of the Lord Mayor is theirs. They would have taken the King to dine in the city, if they could have moved that stern stuff of which the hearts of the Princes of the House of Brunswick are composed. This is a sample of what we are to expect from them, which is consistent with all their other acts and conduct, with their applause of the tri-coloured standard, and with the use of it in their electioneer:rig processions. We entreat our country men to attend to the signs of the times, and to the dangers that threaten them—Morning Post. We have again to announce gratifying intelligence to our readers—but not so much in the return of Reform Members—for the elections are now drawing to a close—as in the state of the polls both here and in Ireland. Some Reform Members, however, have been returned since the publication of our last number; and there is every reason to believe that, in a day or two, and, at all events, on Monday we shall have to announce many more. Essex, we mentioned yesterday, as having nobly responded to the call of the King, Devonshire has since followed the example by returning Lords Russell and Ebrington,—amd in the county of Oxford, the only Anti-Reform candidate, Lord Norreys, has, notwithstanding its hitherto well proven Tory partialities, found it expedient to resign The state of the polls is no less satisfactory. Old Bankes is far behind his rivals in Dorsetshire,—so, also, is that Ccryphxus of Anti-Reform, Sir R. Vyvyan, in Cornwall, and the Lygonitt•a in Wor cestershire. The Bill, iN fact, is the watch-word every where; and where the voice of the peoole is not silenced by local influence, no one can obtain even a hearing, who will not pledge himself to sup port " the Bill, and the whole Bill." In Ireland the business of Reform goes on swimmingly. The " Rus.ell pill" act, there with even more power than in this country ; and we confidently expect that a greater number of Reform Members, speaking comparatively, will be returned from the sis•er isle than from either England or Scotland.-llforning Advertiser. LUMBER TROOP. On Wednesday night a grand muster of the ancient and honourable Lumber Troop was held at the Gentle man and Porter, New-street-square, for the purpose of receiving a Deputation from the Loyal and Pa triotic Fund Committee, who, in consequence of the zealous exertions of the troop, expressed a desire to enter into the corps. Colonel RICHARD TAYLOR took the Chair, and commenced the proceedings of the night in the usual manner, by proposing the health of the King. The toast was drunk with great acclamation. The Queen's health vi as next drunk with all honour. The Members of the Loyal Patriotic Committee now arrived, and were received with long continued plaudits. They consisted of the following gent'e men :—Mr. Hothouse, Mr. Hawkins, Mr. SergeantPell Mr. Ord, Mr. Prescot t, Mr. Morice,ll Ef fing.:itone, Mr. Beauclerk, Mr. Menteth. Mr. Al derman Venables entered the r oom at the same time, and was received with great applause. Mr. Alderman VENABLES addressed his comrades of die troop, and said he had the honour to pro pose the admission to the troop of a distinguished patriot, the consistent, able, persevering advocate of Reform—John Cam Hobhouse, Esq.—(Great ap plause.) Mr. Sergeant PELL was deputed by the Memb ers of the Patriotic Committee present to exp ress their high gratification at the honour conferred on them by the ancient and honourable Lumber Troop, which had had so nobly distinguished itself i n the cause of Re form, and of which they hoped soon to be admitted members.—(Applause.) Its name reminded him • that many m dif an e y ie wordsr Saint, for in stance, in th onee i)people n e f meant th e their a liberty, i s b e e i r ii t s y h , bcg ando t, plunder ho t woulde 11 deprive 1 of their property, under pretence of doing God her vice ; in its good sense, it meant all that was best in justice, in liberality, and in piety—the word patriot, too, in its bad sense meant to deceive and to plun- der the people under pretence of doing good service to the country, but in its good sense it expressed that love of country and of countrymen that sought the happiness of all. The word Lumber too, in its lowest sense, meant what was of as little worth as old furniture—political Judges and Parsons—bo roughmongers and slaves—(Cheers)—and of them he would say, whom the devil had joined together let no man put a . sunder—(Great c l aecr i ng an d laugh ter) —hut their use of th e wor d i t meant respect ability, integrity, love of country, and of freedom. For himself he might say, however strange it might a ppear, that he was a Reformer before lie was born, for he was so impatient of restraint that he made hie escape before the usual time—( Great laughter)— and his nurses report e d o f hi m that lie would never allow himself to be bound up in swaddling bands, but from the mom en t h e saw the l i g h t cont i nue d to ma intain the liberty he had ained.—(Continued l a ughter.) The lon ger l ie had - lived the more con vinced he was of the necessity of a Reform that s hould give to the middl e c l ass o f t h e commun i ty t heir just weight in the government of the country * . And though he did not wish to speak harshly of an y man, yet he could not conceal the disgust he t s ch u l an i seee a snnood m fp artteothi:eearsispps speak r lte a ol. c v e ai t Sur h ely t i oe s nil s iii Parliament but for that sp ec i es o f e fe i e l felt yie N ) : ft • o h aor e rnif t d i l l iN%i i lv e e, oh uom h l e edi d a od r up d lleud who so lately ascended to th e m iddl e c l ass o f so nomination which it a e Reform time that R e f orm s h ou ld come to protect t h e peoplewould in from spite in insult the tas well boroughmongersas and a al and co l mt their r t s laves.—(Applause.) The several members of the Patriotic Fund then preeste, were pioposed as mernbets of the troop, each being proposed by a comrade. Mr. BARRETT, in proposing Mr. Hawkins, said, his most distinguished fault was, that he made the best speech that was made in the House of Com mons in favour of Reform, for which the borough mongers would never forgive him.—(Applause.) Mr. Honnouse addressed the troop oil behalf of himselfand new-elected iors e ) o , mrades. The calve still demanded a rid they should all see everythat portion of a farthing received was ex pended for the benefit of the people of England. Mr. Hawkins was loudly called for. Mr. HAWKINS addressed the troop in a speech that produced an immensity of laughter and ap plause. He commenced by saying they had no doubt all heard a ste e y Mathews told of hirreell, who received an invitation to dine from a lady with whom he was unacquainted, He went, and imme diately after dinner she addressed him :—" Pray, now, Mr. Mathews, do be funny."—(A laugh.) They had placed him in something of a similar si tuation—they had called on him not to be funny, certainly, but to make acknowledgment for the great honour they hail done him ; a situation in which he should not be placed but for their having heard some exaggerated account of the small service he lied attempted to render the cause of Reform. He had heard but one argument against that cause in which the Lumber Troop and the country were so honourably engaged, that ever excited the least ap prehension in his mind ; that was, when the enr m es of Reform held up their Tory purses and said, " Beat that if you can."—(Great applause.) He never heard any other argument from the ince who sought to preserve a system that was gain to them, but ruin to the people.—(Cheers.) When arguments were urged in favour of Reform, up rose Sir Robert Peel, not to answer the arguments, but to prove that lie was the only person fit to rule England. After him came Mr. Horace Twiss. It was quite enough to disgust him with the Bill, that low attorneys and countiy shopkeepers would be come electors.--(A laugh.) Mr. Twiss was a bar rister. He remembered to have heard the difference between barrister and attorney described—that the barrister pleaded the cause, and the attorney re ceived the fees. He believed Mr. Twiss hal not much practice in either way.—(A laugh.) Then up got two regular lawyers who had filled high offices ; but neither the buffoonery of the one, nor the dullness of the other, though they excited laughter and languor, could offer any goad argument against the Bill. Then came the Member for the University of Oxford, and lie thought to settle the question by the assertion that rotten boroughs ex isted in the reign of Elizabeth; for in the time of Elizabeth an Anabaptist was burned in Smithfield —ergo, burn Ana-baptists in Smithfield now.— (Applause.) What said the people of England to all these arguments ? They said they would have the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the (Great applause.) Then came a Legislator in kid gloves, who, after a seven-o'clock dinner, de litarates whether he shall amuse himself at the French theatre or the, House of Commons.—(A laugh.) He said you will disfranchise the lower classes. The appeal was made to the people, and al classes are for the Bill. Then came the Tory purse, and when it was considered that they had the taxing of the people for thirty years, it was not surprising that they should be willing to spend a part of their gains to preserve the source from which all had sprung. — (Applause.) When he heard of their subscribing hundreds of thousands, he was not surprised, be cause he knew they meant to get it back with com pound interest.—(Applause.) They could afford to gild the chains of the people, if they could only induce the people to continue bound in their chains. It was said they had raised 300,0001., but that could not buy a nation that paid fifty millions in taxes. — (Applause.) The Reform would be a great revo lution, but it would be a happy one, produced by the best means. Mr. Pitt, when in ofliee, could only work with the materials he had, the borough mongers; one wanted a commission for his son, another a pension for his laugh , er, who was turned of thirty, and not yet married.—(A laugh.) Pat's reply to those demands was, you must support me in raising taxes. In time of war there was greet opportunity for plunder, and such things were easily done; but when peace came Lord Londonderry found it impossible to continue the taxes; the ma jority of the Aristocracy found they lost more than they gained by the system, arid refused to go; then came Mr. Hume, and beat the Nlimster by his per severance, arid the machine came to a (had stop— the oil being dried up in the joints.—(A laugh.) The state of the Constitution became like that of a street-walking female. She had been seduced by the Tories thirty years ago—they corrupted her, end then left her to die on clue pavement—this was the state in which the Duke of Wellington left her when he retired. Then came Doctors Grey and Russell—Dr. Grey proposed sending her to the Magdalen—let me try my patent purge, said Dr. Russell—No, said policeman Peel, you are on my beat—you want to kill and anatomise her :—the hyestanders now stepped in—the people took her in charge, sent her to the hospital, administered Russell's purge, and in a few weeks she will come out sound and wholesome.—(Great laughter.) Mr. Alderman VENABLES said there was already a majority of 106 r eturned for Reform.—(Applause.) The CHAIRMAN said, in every place where those who opposed the Bill were turned out, they now say they are Reformers, so that the real Reformers had riot only the satisfetion of turning them out, but of converting them.—(Applause.) The visitors then took leave, amidst the acclama tions of the troop, who soon after retired. As I anticipated, the honourable conduct of Mr. WINSTON BARRON, in retiring from the contest, has achieved the triumph of Reform in the county of Water ford. Lord GEORGE BERESEORD has resigned ! I re ceived this gratifying intelligence by this morning's post. Sir RICHARD MUSGRAVE and Mr. POWER will he re turned without opposition. The great review of the National Guards which the King of the FRENCII was to have superintended last Sunday, was again put off for a week, owing to the uncertainty of the weather. The persons entitled to wear the order of July had in considerable numbers assumed the original decoration, am appeared in the streets with it on Sunday. They say they will persist in weaving that decoration in preference to the late one decreed by the KING. THE MODERN JOSEPH SURFACE.—It is `whispered that Sir R. NFL has become in some sort a convert to the proposal of Reform, on the ground of ne cessity, and that he has already given offence to several of the Ultra Anti-Reformists, by observing that this signs of the times and the opinions of the public when thus une quivocally expressed, ought to be attended to, as far as it might be consistent with principle and true attachment to the Constitution—Court Journal. THE MILLENIUM.—At the Hampshire elec tion on Friday, a gentleman, named MARSH, in the course of a very humorous address to the electors, said " he really believed that a sort of political millenium was corn• menced, as lawyers had refused to receive money for their services ; and who knew but that, by-and-by, they might hear of clergymen declining to take their tithes ; hut he did not believe th it would occur in the year 1831. (Laughter.) The other day, when he had an opportunity of seeing a numerous body of clergymen swarming toge ther in oppos , tion to the Bill, he gave them the n !me of ; finding them very strenuous, he culled them Hittites, which he subsequently changed, from their dis like of the KING'S Bill, to Anti-billites."—(Laughter.) The following account of the eccentric ap pearance and costume of an Attorney-General at Otaheite is taken from Captain BEECIIEY'S interestin g account of his recent voyage to the Pacific: — " The .Naca-rai of the districtdressed i t n oo a k lhanisgpsltarcaewbentLe, fi ne ly plaited, and edged withen the Court and the prisoners, fringe, with a slight cut in it for the head to pass through; a white oakum w ,g, which , in imitation of the Gentlemen of our Courts of Law, flowed in long curls over his shoulders ; and a tall cap surmounting it curiously orna mented with red feathers, and with variously-coloured tresses of human hair . His appearance, without shoes, stockings, or trouser s, the strange attire of the head, with the variegated tr esses of hair mingling with the oakum cuiruicldsurpaouni eff vet .'• produced, as may he fllagined, a THE MARKETS, SOUTHALL MARKET—Map IL This day's supply of Beasts, Calves, and Pigs, was limited ; of Sheep and Lamlss moderately good. The assemblage of both London and country buyers was rather numerous, and the trade was somewhat brisk, at the following prices per stone of Sib. to sink the oftals . _ Be,f lod. to 45. 10c1 4s. 6,1. to ss. 10d. vtlitton 4 5 4 IDurk 4 0 3 2 Lamb 3s. Sd. to fis. Sd The foregoing quotations are Beef ed., Mutton 44.1. per stone higher, prime Lamb .Id., and prime Veal ed. per stone lower than on this day se'nnight ; prices of inferior Lamb and Veal, as well as Pork, stationary. !feasts, 168; Sheep and Lambs, 3,607 ; Calves, 30; Pigs, 37. But a small part of the supply left the market unsold. LEWES MARKET.—May 10. to 4s. 8(1. Veal 4s. 4(1. to ss. (ld. `lntro') 3 I 5 2 Pork 3 6 410 Lamb to (is. 4d. Supply limited, and trade rather brisk, RUMFORD MARKET.—May 11. s. (Ito& d. 14cef.. Mutton 1 8 5 s. d. 8. d. Veal Pork ss. 4d. to 6s. Bd. , Quarter old l'igsl4s.to 18s. eacih and a sluggish trade. Lamb Suckling Calves from 14,. to 30s. A moderate supply, COUNTRY CORN MARK I's DURING THE WEEK. IN heat. Barley. Oats. Per Quarter. Biandford C b ri, ige Chard Huntingdon Long Sutton--. Louth s. to §. t;9 65 70 s. s. —! 37 36 40 64 70 58 74 62 73 63 74 58 71) 70 78 76 81 6'2 76 70 8t Lynn,— ti`evvark Nottingham Peterborough Plymouth Poutefract----.. Sleaforil Uopingliain 05 70 64 74 0' 70 24 42 a - , 37 36 38 28 40 86 47 33 48 38 48 38 49 36 3S ,"A 47 8. to 8. 20 9:4 20 22 22 • 30 30 23 27 24 30 24 30 24 31 20 30 '24 34 2'2. 28 24 30 24 28 8 0 .11187, s. to s. 35 :45 - . 3 6 3,1 40 36 43 07 40 36 40 36 40 40 48 4f 44 38 42 38 50 - 47 41 43 38 42 36 38 LEEDS CORN MARKE:4'.—May 10. Wheat, Norfolk and Suffolk, 601 b. York. and Lincoln. 6111 b. Barley, Norfolk and Suflblk ' tC7 Yorkshire and Lincolnshire Grinding Beans 6:3lb. Oats, Potatoe _Healing, Foreign lid. to 14!,2d. English 1.41 to 13V. per st. Shelling Ifis. to 375. per load. Rapeseed. English, 16/. to '24/ . Foreign, —/. to —l. per last, LI VERPOOL CORN EXCII ANGE.—May 10. WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b los. (ht. tolOs. 44 ....-...•-•-••-••••• Red Scotch, Welch, and Manx Irish, White 8 0 S 4 -- Red 5 3 8 6 Foreign OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 45113 4 0 4 3 - Irish ' Foreign BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter.— 40 0 46 0 Scotch and Irish, per 6011 is. Feeding 3 9 4 3 RuANs, English, per Imperial quarter 42 0 46 0 Irish, &c. Foreign PEAsc, English, per Imperial quarter 44 0 46 0 Foreign FLoca, English, per 2801 b. I rish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 240Ibs. INDIAN CORN, per 44015. RYE, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter I M PORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending May D. Wheat. Oats. !Barley •~Oatme.l. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Foreign, Brls. l lrish, sze. Scks. Loads. 12,223 4,`255 10,55 t.: 1,7-4 i 4,101 The Anti-Reformers are beat in all quarters. The difference in favour of Reform from Ireland will be at least 17 additional Members, equal to :34• Votes. We are authorised to state that the paragraph which appeared in the Newcastle Chronicle, of the Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND having subscribed one hundred thousand pounds to preserve the Government of this country in the hands of the boroughmongers, is a 6cau dal,,ul and malicious falsehood —Tyne Mercury. In Louth two of the Reform candidates have retired, in order to secure the triumph of two other Re formers, hi. A. DAWSON au4 Sir PATnteg BEIAm. The Anti-Reformer, APCLINTOCK, and all his party, are disgracefully' beaten. The term Borow;hinonger was iirst applied by Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, about twenty years ago, to the Parliamentary phalanx, or Regiment, as he called it. When first tiroachel it was laughed at, but at length it is an epithet which to,lces its objects laugh on the other side of their mouths. The celebrated author of " The Spy" has often publicly expressed his r , gret at the extremely incor rect state in which that novel has hitherto been published in England, where it has been printed from an unauthenfc American copy. In consequence of tLis Messr , . Cot.unam and BENTLEY applied a month or two ago to Mr. CoorEa. prepare in his own hand a revise copy of " The Spy" for republic 'thin in their " Standard Novels," and the author was induced to correct the work (a labour neces sary in every page), expressly for the ab4ve edition, which c msequently is the only authentic one extant in England. 13,sides this. Mr. CoorEa has kidded a new and interesting introduction and many illustrative note. A second-rate player, who was also a teacher of elocution, never could conquer in himself the ina o pronounce the letter R. The celet.rwed pa•satle in Pierre he would pronounce thus" Yats die in holes and coyneys—dogs yun mad—man has a nobleg yemedy—. yevenge !" - - COAL.—The bed of coal, which, we believe, extends tinder the whole town of Sheffield, lies so near the surface, on the west side, that scores of loads, and some large, have been carted away dut it& the formation of Fitzwilliam-street ; it lies immediately beneath a bed of strong clay.— Sheffield Iris. The celebrated Vicar of Bray was one SIMON SYM,NDS, who held that benefice during the reign of four successive Monarchs. He is said to have been twice a Protestant and twice a Papist ; and when re proached for the unsteadiness of his principles, which could thus suffer him to veer about witb every change of Administration, replied that he had always governed him self by what he thought a very laudable principle, which was never on any terms, if he could avoid it, to part with his vicarage. Last week engineers were engaged in making a survey of the country between Gainsborough and Grime. by, witb the view to a railway which is contemplated be tween Manchester and the eastern coast. This great measure was designed to connect Liverpool and Hull, by way of Sheffield and Gainsborough ; but it is found that the country is so much mere practic'eb!e in the line from Gainsborough to Grimsby, that the intention is to make the latter town the eastern end of the railway, with branch ways to Lincoln and other places at the nearest points of the line. BOU'IIItIENNE'S LIFE OF NAPOLEON. The French Edition of this work, just published by Messrs. COLBURN and BENTLEY, contains the whole of the ten volumes of the latest Paris edition. Numerous notes now first added from contemporary authorities and eye-witnesses of the facts described_namely, from the dictations of the Emperor hims,lf while at St. Helena, from the writings Of JOSEPH BCONAPARTE, from the Memoirs of the Duke Of ROVIGO, RAPT, CONSTANT, &c.--besides seventeen beautiful illustrations by the most eminent artists—render the present impression of this celebrated biography the most complete extant. Besides these claims it presents it self at only one-half the price of the Paris edition. A Philadelphia Paper announces the arrival of the Siamese twins in that city, in the folowing manner ; Onc of the Siamese twins arrived here on Monday last, accompanied by his brother." BIRTHS. On the 11th inst. in Lower Berkeley-street, the lady of T. W, Bramston, Esq. of a son and heir. On the 11th inst.. at Croydon, the lady of M. flarrison, jun., Esq. of a daughter, still-born. At Mexico, on the 17th of January, the lady of C. Thaddeus O'Gorman, Esq., his Britannic Majesty's Consul-General, of a son. MARRIED. On the 15th November, at Bombay, Henry Thomas Chatter. ton, Esq., of the Hon. East India Company's Service, to Emliy Jane, youngest daughter of the late Mr. Thomas H. Rush, of Pimlico. On the 12th inst. at St.. James's, the Rev. C. J. I'lumer, M.A. Vicat of Norton, and Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Durham, to Miss Thompson, of Stockton-upon-Tees, in that county. On the lOth inst. T. Blakeway Bray, Esq., of Church Stretton, Shropshire, to Mary Ann, youngest daughter of It. Welbank, Esq. of Enfield, Middlesex. On the 12th inst. at St. Pancras, Mr. It. Wilson, of Manches. ter, to Mrs. Pettit, Of London. DIED. On the 15th of March, on board the Lady Macnaglden, on his passage to Eng!and, Capt. Henry Gregory, of the Hon. E. 1. Company's service, aged 37, second son of the late W. Gregory, Esq., Consul of Barcelona. On the 11th inst. at West Cottage, near Bognor, Frederick, the infant son of Captain Bich, R.N., aged six months. Sir C. Bethell and th e H on. Lady Codrington. On the 12th inst In Park-lame, On the 10th in s t . M r. T . Wright, of Long-acre, age d 37 . • ane, Harriott, eldest daughter of On the Bth inst. J. S. Downes, Esq., of Prospect House, near Plymouth, in the tifith year of his age. On the 9th inst. Mrs. Frances Stunt, of Addington-place, Camberwell, aged 78. At Malta, on the `24th of March, Anthony, eldest son of A. Surtees, Esq. of Hamsterley Hall, county of Durham. On the 10th inst. at Upper Clapton, in his 10th year, E. Cour. tail, fourth son of the late C. Halyard ? Esq. On the 7th inst. aged 20, Mr. P. Vincent, jun., pupil of Mr. Stanfield, of the Theatre ltoyal Drury Lane, and brother to Miss Vincent, of the Surrey Theatre. PRINTED AND PUBLEiDED BY MIJItDO YOUNG, AT THE SUN OFFICE, 11:4 STRAND, LONDt'N. CLO ql BRI' HE T 1 4- and 'l3 Open 1) Er,ning, a init. Ala THE SON AGE his MAJE: WILL Or Harding ar Adinittl expence, or Just pi' riIHE -111 of ti enable Me , Others, tra% Author's pi Gums, inc Curing of Cement, &,c Artificial 'T 'Teeth, and Dlajeities' I DR. I Just public A' Fl . 6 . The fteh Vol. " The m generally d ness, and p 4 arranges na Few mode general not to our own • "We sh Dr. Linga favourable " The fi gard's mane reSiine oat; ma;k•ihle batt!e bl , tw( of 1665, nearly con h^e❑ notie, lineß. Dr. and may fa account of burgh It: vi London ; J. Booker, TO v t EDWARD rough, uric wndiag three affix Blao.king Holborn." ring the lik and to off, any Printei CABINET M . ' N best-seleete Englind. a I.radenball. ably to /Lei and enenur bine to pro Alembors at death. Full size ma Ditto tent tit Ditto with f Bordered as Hair mattre Featherbead Three feet 8 Four feet si: Four feet si: Four feet si: Six japannet Best japannt Ditto wash-; Common dit Ditto dress' Three feet ..i Three feet s Mahogany t Mahogany t Ditto with t Ditto bidet Ditto ditto Bed-room st French bed, Bamboo ten Five feet r draperies Servants' eh Mahogany 1 Mahogany c Eight mail° Ditto sofa tc Callaret side Ped. stal dit Set of tour f Small d tto, Music stool, Sandwich tr Butler's diti Eight 'Praia Ditto drawl Drawing ro Best horse-I ("mmlllloll di Rosewood Ditto ditto. Elegant dra Rosewood c Imitation d Mahogany Japanned] r( Ditto ditto Lady's wort Ditto, silk 1 Large wing Japanned Rosewood c Loo tables . All ft No. Ju of Life, a The Syph Sex, M. Porter, 75 gow ; at mingham tenharn ; Catubridg Lerds ; G Platt ,nr, Halt!On a Dowding, each,