The Sun. — London, England, 1856-07-15 00:00:00

have ceased, even if it had ever arisen. (Hear, hear.) Be it observed that the excuse of its being necessary in order to support the Government, because the Government causes discontent and disaffection, g ains strength from every unjust exercise of unjust an d unlawful powe (Hear} -Take the case of Bologna. The city of B o log na ' has been in a state of siege for the last eight years. If the Papal Government were to demand that the heads of 100 families in that city should be arrested and sent to i dun geon, there would arise great discontent and disaffection, and then, because there was discontent and disaffeCtion, the foreign Government and the Papal Government Would say that it was impossible to relieve this city from the pre sence of foreign troops, and that the occupation must be co n ti nu ed. It is an evil, therefore, which propagates itself. (Hear, hear.) But are there no reasons even stronger than these general considerations of this state of things being abnormal, of there being no precedent for sanh an occupation, and of the discontent which it creates being so great as to induce her Majesty's Govern ment, at the Conference of Pari-e to pronounce themselves in so decided a manner, which would still lead them to carry into effect the views which they there expressed? This house will well remember that at the time when we 'were carrying on the struggle in the Crimea—when the troops of Great Britain and France were besieging Sebasto pol and were suffering every sort of privation, the Powers of Europe generally stood aloof from that struggle, which are proclaimed to be a struggle for European liberties. At that time there was one State—a small State, but with an heroic people and a heroic Sovereign, which came forward to join us—(hear)—to add its troops to ours and to send to the Crimea apart of its small army in order to 'hare in the dangers and glories of our army, to stand side by side on the banks of the Tohernaya and before the walls of Sebas topol with those gallant men whose reception in this me tropolisa few days ago filled every breast with emoti ons Of gratitude and pride. (Hear.) That noble army, by the •couamand of the Sovereig n, with the full assent of the Chambers, became most w illing associates of our hardships, and partook of our glory and our honour. (Hear.) It would be too much to say, too mach to suppose, that the Govern ment of Sardinia would have added their forces to ours in that struggle from no other motive but regard to the gene ral interests of Europe. Sardinia had suffered much in its contest with Austria, its finances had been greatly bur dened, and its taxes had been enormously increased. A Sardinian Minister standing before the Parliament to ask them to enter into this war with Russia—a distant Power, whose advances against Turkey, however menacing to Eu rope in general, did not bear on the face of them any great danger to Sardinia—would have had great difficulty in ob taining an assent to his proposal had the Chambers thought of nothing but the dangers of Europe. (Hear.) There ap peared, however, to be a general impression on the part of the Sardinian Government, and from all that I can hear a very justifiable impression, that if they joined us in that war their position of continued sacrifice and of consider able danger in Italy would be very much ameliorated by the acquisition of the friendship of two great Powers like France and England. I shall not be told, I hope, at least by her Majesty's Gotiernment, that there are no words in the treaty binding us to take into consideration the state of Italy. The Piedmontese believe, and I hope they believe rightly, that, although we may not be bound by the letter of the treaty, yet that its whole spirit would give them as much right to expect this consideration at our hands and at the hands of France as if the determination to consider the state of Italy had been specifically inserted in the treaty. It is therefore a question of honour with this country and with France not to abandon the affairs of Italy. I believe such an abandonment would be fatal, if not in name, yet in reality, to the independence of Piedmont. The course of affairs would be probably this. The Austrian Govern ment, if they were aware that this country and France did not mean to interfere—that we were content with the bar ren aid of protocols —would increase their troops from one end of the frontier of Piedmont to the other. Piedmont would be obliged—she is even now obliged—to keep up an army larger than her size and resources would naturally justify. Discontents would arise thereupon. There would be in the Piedinontese Parliaments—perhaps in the very next session—complaints of the Government which had im posed such burdens upon the country, and had sent its army to such a distance without bringing back anything but hostility on the part of Austria and indifference and disregard on the part of the Western Powers. It would be said—and very likely successfully said —that, if this was to be, the rtisult, it would be better for Sardinia to diminish her armies, to yield to any demands which Austria might make for the suppression of a free press and the limitation of the right of free speaking in the Tribune, and to sink to that wholly dependent condition which existed for some 25 years after the peace of 1815. If that wise statesman and sincere patriot, Count Cavour, were driven from power because England and France had failed in their implicit engagements—if he were to be driven from office amid the despair of Italy and the laments of those who looked to us and to France for assistance, should ere not feel humiliated that we had asked fur the assistance of Sardinia, that we had ever appeared at the conferences of Paris to say a word on behalf of the Italians ? There are other considerations besides this which immediately affect our honour. I cannot but think that if France and England, holding the poation they do in Europe, should go to a conference of European Powers, and declare that the Roman States are misgoverned, and point out a way in which that misgovernment can be remedied—that if they should denounce the King of the Two Sicilies as a Monarch whose rule was so intolerable that even that general international law which forbids others to interfere in the internal affairs of foreign nations must be suspended against him—and yet iu the end should'allow the Austrian Government to treat them with haughty disdain, the Pope with positive denial, and the King of Naples with taunts and defiance, they would be hum bled even to the dust. I am now patting the case that it was wise and right to go to the Conference of Paris with these statements. I was myself an earnest advocate for that treaty with the King of Sardinia. Say, if the house chooses to say, that the whole of this policy has been wrong, that her Majesty's Government, and those who support such a policy, have advised a rash and undue interference in the affairs of Italy. That I can well understand. Go back, then, in Your policy and assume a totally different attitude. But what I -cannot understand is, that you should maintain the same opinions, that you iihould retain the same senti ments, and yet that you should not proceed to execute that which you said it was necessary to do for the security of Europe and the good of Italy. Sir, these are questions, and qftestions of great difficulty, which would arise in the pursuit of the policy upon which we have set out; but recollect that the Goveruinent of this country but a short time ago--a Governmeet to which I had the honour to be long —the very pacific Government of Lord Aberdeen—sent tt, fleet to Constantinople, and ordered it to take the rommand of the Black Sea—a sea at that time very inuch unknown to us—and also despatched an expedition to take a fortress upon its shores ! Is any such effort necessary to accomplish oar present object? Nothing of the sort. I cannot for a moment think that of Guest Br i• tain and France declared that they could no longer permit Austrian occupation, that occupation would be continued. • Ido not believe that, such a declaration would lead to the slightest danger of war. Italy is accessible at all points. ,Great Britain and France, with the good-will and hearty concurrence of the whole Italian people, would surely be more than a match for any force that the Emperor of Aus tria could bring against them. Well, theq, you may de pend upon it that the Austrian Government would yield at once to such a determination. And, be it observee, that what I am now speaking of is not an interference in the internal concerns of foreign nations. I will say a few words upon that question hereafter. What I am now speaking of is a declaration to Austria that she shall no longer interfere. Ido not propose that there should, with regard to the Roman States, be any authoritative inter erence for the secularisation of the 'Government, or for effecting any of those improvements of which Lord Cla reudou spoke. lam quite satisfied to leave that question to the Roman people. Let the people of the Roman States be freed from this incubus of foreign occupation, and let them settle with their rulers what shall in future be the form of Government. If they, as Milton inys that " na tions grown corrupt" are apt to do, prefer " bondage with ease to strenuous liberty," let them have their preference. , Far be it from•ns to order them to be free, or to command them to enjoy any of the libertiesof which we are ourselves ao proud; But do not let a foreign force interfere: Let 'notes man who prefers not to be sent to a dungeon because he wears a particular sort of hat, or who has been suspected by some worthless and villanous spy, who gains his liven . hood by the betrayal of the upright said the good— let not a man who has such a preference and feels that hist fellow-esuntrym en likewise entertain: it, be met with foreign troops ' anti forced to submit to the mis government w hi c h he detests. (Cheers.) With regard to liaples the caseis different. Lord Clarendon has stated that there the circumstances are so grave that evien internal in terference may be justified. 'What may be the intentions of the Government I know not, nor is it for me to say whether the case is really so strong as to j a ray this inter ference. If it is, I should much doubt the efficiency of any new laws or the permanency of any constitution granted under such pressure. If it merely means that those vir tuous and good men who have been pining i o dungeons for • years, because thoy had the audacity to d evise for their country something better than its former misgovernment, should be released, I can wall understand that some inter ference may be justified. What I want to lay stress upon is that we ought not to allow this foreign occupation to be continued.. There is, however, one par; of this subject of which we must not lose sight, because it somewhat con cerns the character of this country. In the year 1812 we were the patrons of every people in Europe wh o rose against what was then the foreign occupation of the :French army. That army, extending from Piorence to Hamburg, excited strong feeling of repugnance to foreign 'dominion arid a strong wish for independence. We favoured that wish. In Sicily especially—Sicily, which it was the last object anti concern of the public life of Mr. Fox to preserve for the house of Bourbon—in Sicily we ailed to establish a free constitution, and by means of that constitution, as Lord new Bentin c k s tat e d i n th i s house, everything gained a we _ . aspect ; th e country which had beets miserably k became strong, troops and militia were forth coming, and the csmunauder-in-chief in Sicily was enabled to send 6,000 British troops to Spain, to aid in the contest there. The people enjoye d an unwonted d egree o f prosperity an d liberty—liberty un wonted in modern times, but not discordant with their ancient constitution. In 1814 • the British t roops l eft Sicily, and in that or the following year it was stated, on the part of the British Government, that although we did not pretend in to say that there sh ou ld b e no changes in th e constitution, t hat the Prince R egen t would think himself juatitiedinterfering if either those persons who had appealed to British protection during our stay in the island should be molested, or the p r osperity liberty of Sicily should be materially reduce d- leS a i e n d lien Minister, in vaguer terms, l eav i ng out especially t he word "liberty,'. ' accepted that declaration, and e 3 - gee the honour of his Government to its performance. In 1815 the general treaty of peace was concluded at Vienna ; but on the 12th or 15th of June in the same year, the Ring of the Two Sicilies had signed a treaty with the Emperor of Austria, by which he engaged that no Govern ment should be permitted in Naples or Sicily which was nut in conformity with that of the Austrian empire. The Sicilians were of course treated with bad faith. They complained that England had deserted them ; and, with cut entering into the policy of those days, it is sufficientto !,.ul %), that L or d C ast l ereagh was di spose d , as someone sa id a t ttime, to t rus t rat h er to sovere i gns w ith l arge arm i es al tt h eir command than to popular efforts or to popular sympathies. A few Pears ago another effort was made by Sicily. At the request of the King, Lord Minto went over from N ap l es with terms which, after a long discus sion, it was thought mi ght a t once assure t h e pr i v il eges o f the Sicilians an d main tain the union between Naples and , Sicily. But, before Sicilian Parliament, ma k e hi s communication to the leade rs o f the Parliament, the Neapolitan Government, ender the d irection of th e Ki ng, h ad carr i e d through th e l an d intellige nce of these terms, and had pro .voked so much opposition and resistance that it was found Another effort was impossible to obtain assent to them. "lade, having for its object to raise the Du keof Genoa to t have been the throne of Sicily. We, for our parts, shou ld not think • eeeppy if that effort had succeeded; but wed ourselves entitled to interfere between the Ring i' au d his Sicilian subjects and, in a manner, todoisZbeeptlhees ki ngdorn of Sicily from that of Naples. It must litted that in that instance, and likewise in anotherepadr" %Maly, our conduct has to a certain degree excited the suspicion and the anger of the Italians. (Hear.) Lord William Bentinek—than whom no juster or more sincere man ever stood forth, either in command of an army or as a member of the house—when he went to the coast of Italy, promised indeyendence to the peeple_of Lomba r dy. "Thil prothise likewise was not carried into effect. Some of these are certainly old reminiscences4—some of them are connected with the period when, the whole of Europe being convulsed, it was desirable to obtain, if possible, the bless ings of order and tranquillity even at a great sacrifice. But at the present time, after standing forward at the confer ences of Paris—after making large professions and exciting great expectations—after inducing the Italians to think that a great effort was about to De made in their favour. if we confine ourselves to notes and paper protestations, I am afraid that we shall altogether lose Sim confidence of the inhabitants of that peninsula; that 25,000,000 of people, who well deserve good government, will have occa sion to rue the day when Great Britain ever interfered in their affairs. Seeing, then, that, while Austria is taking fresh precautions and sending an increased military force into Italy, the Roman government is more severe than ever in its system of repression and suspicion, I think it incum bent upon us, in concert with the Emperor of the French, to consider what further we can do to remove these evils (Hear, hear.) Upon that which does not properly belong to me, but devolves more legitimately on the Executive, I wish to offer a few words. I may be asked, " How is it pos sible to carry your views into effect ? (Hear, hear.) True, we have made these declarations, but how can we act in accordance with them?" I say, in the first place, that you are bound at whetever risk to support the King of Sar dinia. Ido not think you can possibly allow his in dependence to be assailed or his means of free government to be taken away from him without declaring that we are ready at any sacrifice to uphold the cause of one who has so nobly stood by us. (Hear.) In the next place there is some thing more that we can do. Among some of the Sovereigns of Italy there is a growing feeling that dependence on fo reign bayonets is not a proper position for a ruler—that a king who enjoys the love of his people stands higher, is more respected in the world, and more respects himself, than one who sends for a foreign general and has his sub jects brought before a courtuaartial and shot for disobe dience of the orders of that foreign general. Wherever we find this feeling springing up we ought. I think, to encour age it. (Hear.) There is another point on which I dare say my hon. friend the member for Perth (Mr. Kinnaird) is better informed than I am. It is stated that that spirit of persecution which revolted the people of England in the case of the Madiais, and also prompted the King of Prussia to interfere in regard to the reformed faith with the Grand Duke of Tuscany, has lately received a check; and that in the last instance in which an attempt was made to convict a person for endeavouring to proselytise from the Roman Catholic religion to the Protestant the prosecution has failed, and the verdict of the tribunal before which it'was brought will not be interfered with by the Government. If this be so, it is a very welcome symptom not only of appro bation of liberty of conscience, but of a rising spirit of in dependence. We are further told that the haughty and in solent manner in which the Austrian troops have treated the independent Sovereign of Parma has excited resistance and disgust in that State. I trust that this may be the case, and wherever it is so T think the influence of the Bri tish Government should be exercised to confirm those growing feelings, and to nourish this rising spirit of inde pendence. (Hear.) I remember, Sir, very long ago, having the honour of an interview in the Isle of Elba with the First Napoleon. The Emperor talked much of the States of Italy, and agreed in the observation which I had made that there was no union among them, and no likeli hood of any effectual resistance by them to their oppres sors ; but when I asked him why Austria was so unpopu lar in Italy he replied, that it was because she governed, not with the sword (that was probably not a reflection which that great man would make), but that she had no other means cf governing except by the " stick." (Laugh. ter.) I believe, sir, that that is the secret of the whole disfavour with which Austria is viewed in Italy. Taking this to be the fact, I say that you have a means ready to your hands for rousing the feelings of the Italian people, and that if we and the Emperor of the'French once declare that we shall not allow the States of the Pope to be occu pied by Austria beyond a certain fixed date, the attain ment of their evacuation will be a matter of comparative ease. One thing, indeed, I have heard, and it is a mere whisper, a surmise—namely, that the Government of the Emperor of the French, which agreed with us so much at Paris that its Minister for Foreign Affairs took the initia tive, is not prepared at present to protest any further against the foreign occupation of Italy. I, for one, sir, cannot believe—l think it is impossible to believe—that a Sovereign who was so faithful an ally to this country— who during the late war proved himself so ready to aid us, and to act in every way as became a Monarch true to his engagements, would ever lead the King of Sardinia to rely on his support, and then allow that hope to be disap pointed. (Hear.) The matter to which I allude may be one of some time—it may require the adaptation of vari ous means to the end in view. It is for her Majesty's Government to carry on communications on this subject. They' have the time before them in which to do so ; but this I will 'say, I cannot but think that, if having done, and having proclaimed so much we are contented with the refusal of all that we propose—if we sit down quietly without obtaining any improvement in the condition of Italy, it will be to us a ground of everlasting reproach. I trust, therefore, that in the course of the autumn, or at least before the next meeting of Parliament, the object which Lord Clarendon had in view at Paris will be effected. I know that no greater object can be aimed at by a states man. When Lord Byron was in Italy in 1821, and had become enthusiastic in her cause, he said that the cause of Italian freedom was " the very poetry of politics." I believe it the poetry of politics ; " but I believe, at the same time, that it is also a practica question. lam sure it is one on which our character and credit depend. I express no want of confidence, but I do think that before Parliament separates this house ought to have from the Government some declaration of the one kind or the other —either that they are not prepared to carry any further their interference in the affairs of Italy, or that, using whatever moans they deem best adopting whatever mea sures they think most adequate to the occasion—they do mean to attain this end—the independence of the Italian states. Lord PALMERSTON said—l think the house will not be surprised that my noble friend, who has taken so great an interest in so many important transactions throughout the world, should have deemed it to be his duty before the present session closes, to draw the attention of the ' house, and through the house the attentionof the country, to those interesting matters which he has just brought under our consideration. It is impossible, I think, to overstate the importance of those matters in the present cmdition of the world. We have just seen the termina tion of one of the greatest although certainly one of the shortest wars in which this country was ever engaged—a war which involved interests of the deepest and greatest magnitude, and which might, if it had continued, under certain circumstancts, have extended itself over the greatest part of the surface of Europe. That war has happily been terminated, and those questions which give rise to it, and which threatened in their conse quences the greatest calamities to Europe, have been settled in a manner which I trust will for a long period avert the recurrence of similar dangers. (Hear.) When the congress assembled which was to discuss and deter mine the conditions of peace, it was natural that the re presentatives of the great powers of Europe should not separate without directing their attention to other matter. of European interest beyond those which were the imme diate object of their consideration My noble flieudi I think, assigned ample reasons why that couese should hive been pursued. It would have been a reproach to the re presentativ es of the great powers of Europe if, when they were brought together to accomplish the great purnose'of European pacification, they had shut their eyes to circum stances which might in the future bring about complica tions as dangerous to the peace of Europe as those which it was their gratifying duty to put an end to. The affairs of Italy, thetefore, naturally attracted their attention. My noble friend well remarked that the occupation of hide pendent state ::by foreign nations is a departure from the ordinary and proper condition of things, which can only be justified i),, au immediate and pressing necessity, and which ought not to be continued beyond the duration,nf the emergency which gave it bi th. (Hear.) The occupation, therefore, of the Roman states by foreign troops naturally claimed the attention of the plenipotentiaries at the cep gress, and there was no member of that congress who was more fit to direct the attention of his colleagues, and through them the attention of the governments of Europe, to that subject, thau the representative of the Emperor of the French, who had partly joined in that occupation; and , most hononrable I think it was to the Emperor of the Trench that he should have taken that opportunity of eix pressing his desire thet the occupation should cease, pro vided the assent of Austria could be also obtained to the cessation of that state of things. These discussions did not lead to any satisfactory result, as my noble friend stated. The representative of Austria held out no expectation that his Government would takeany steps in that direction, and he professed himself to be without' instructions from his Gov ralueet. My noble friend wishes to know in regard to . that matter what are theintentions of her Majesty's Govern • went—whether wo mean to let the matter drop altogether, or, if we thinkitourduty to urge this matter, and whatsteps it is our iniention to take. I think my noble friend and the ' house must feel that when her Majesty's Government, in conjunction with the Government of France, made them ' selves parties to public and official representations, with the view of inducing a cessation of that abnormal occupation, that was,not a momentary impulse -(hear, hear)—and that no temporary disappointment, of their expectations would induce the Governments of the two countries to desist from their endeavours to accomplish a result which they thought right in principle, sound in policy, and conducive to the best interests of Europe. (Hear, hear.) What steps the Government may think it right to adopt, I think my noble friend, above all men, will feel that it would be unbecoming on the part of her Majesty's Government to state ; but, I have no hesitation in saying that we think theobject is one of groat and general importance, and that we do not ahem .ion the hope that it may be ultimately accomplished. ' (Hear.) It is said, on the one hand, that if that occupa tion were to cease revolts and revolutions and scenes of die- Aster would occur in the Ttelirin States. It would be unbe c pacing in a spectator at this distance to pronounce any o i nnion on the value of such an objection, but reasoning on general principles one cannot bring oneself to think that th ci - ,e anticipations arenotexaggerated—tisat aGovernment li! ce that of the Pope, at the head of which is a man of w hose benevolent intention's and enlightened ideas the past h: is giver► us sufficient proof, could not so regulate the ad ministra Lion of affairs as to remove those causes of violent di.snent •which alone produce convulsion in states. I will not go b eck 'Co the advice given to the Pope in 1831 by the representatives of the five great powers, but will observe that no later than 1849, when the Popo returned to his dominion is, he published an edict called a proprio =Mt, by whict , he announced his intention of establishing insti tutions, not, indeed, on the scale of representative govern ment, b at still based on popular election, and which, if cerried • into full effect, would, I think andl feel confident, have all Orded that contentment to his subjects which woteld I itave rendered the interference of foreign troops in, his dote inions wholly unnecessary. That proprio ntotti prof. sssec I to establish municipal councils founded on elec tion, wit It a franchise of a most extended description. Those ma tnicipal councils were to elect members to form prov incite, 1 councils, and those provincial councils, again, were 'to el ect members to form a council of state in Rome ___, 03 an t :il certainly not administrative—and then there was to bas re been a council of fi nance, to g i ve a d v i ce on t h e financi el arrangements of the State. I cannot but think if the Popo had put in force even that limited arrange ment ( if the proprio motu, that such security would have been AS .forded for the tranquillity of his dominions as to render their occupation by foreign troops unnecessary. As to tliat point, I can only repeat what I have already stated, that her Majesty's Government feel that the cessa tion of that foreign occupation is an object of European interest , and which it would be becoming the Government of this c or miry and the Government of France, if possible, to accem p lish. Now, wi h regard to the affairs of Naples, la m son: r to say that the friendly representations of the Governments of England and France to the King of Naples, with respect to the condition of that country, have not hitherto been attended with any Successful result. My noble Tripod hafaropressal w rin 'Oliipitn that although it is a de-i pirture frdm general principles fnfone foreign government t(' interfere, eiehliy a.dvice, with Felfaldliillie internat • affairs of another state, there are in the condition o' the kingdom of Naples sufficient grounds for a dep rturo i t from that general principle. The ground on whic that exception rests must be evident to every one who c sts a glance at the map of Europe and takes a retrospectiof its history. If the severity and the injustice of the King of Naples should lead to the outbreaks and resistance 4Thich occur in the ordinary course of things under similai• cir cumstances, and if the King of Naples were to find himself enable by means of his own troops to restore his authority, it is obvious he would apply to Austria for assistance. (Hear.) Bat would the rest of Europe stand passivelspec tators of that additional interference on the part of Aus tria? (Hear.) And if they did not, would not thet en danger the peace of Europe, and would not the complica tions and the difficulties which such a state of things Would create seriously affect the interests of other States ilia Eu rope ; and is it not a justification for the friendly endea vours on the part of the English and French Governments to induce the King of Naples to prevent by his own means the occurrence of outbreaks which would so much eridan ger the general tranquillity of the civilised world? (Hear.) I say that no succe s has hitherto attended our friendly re presentations. But the Government of Naples may have looked with jealousy and suspicion on any advice coming from the Governments of England and France; but we do not despair that advice of the B%Me kind coming from a Govere went in which the King of Naples may place more confidence may produce the desired effect. (Hear.) It is one of the misfortunes arising out of the language which has been too frequently held in vituperiation of the course pursued by France and England, and' more especially to the habit of attributing to the English Government the de sign of promoting revolution and fomenting disorders—it is, I say, one of the misfortunes arising out of these calum nies that they tend to prevent the reception by other Go vernments of the good, and sound, and useful advice of fered to them by the Government of this country. (Hear.) But I do Rot despair that even the evils which still exist in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies may, by the interference of those in whom the King of Naples and his councillors place more confidence than in the Governments of England and France, produce better proceeds to them than have re sulted from our interference. Therefore, with regard to Naples, as with regard to Rome, we do not despair— (laughter)—we see a state of things threatening, as we think, the interests of Europe; but I do not at all mean to say that the British Government give up all hope of producing an improvement in that state of things. With regard, however, to that, as with regard to other matters, my noble friend must excuse me from following him into the details into which he entered. On one point I have no difficulty in giving a full assent to the opinion expressed by my noble friend. My noble friend has stated that the King of Sardinia, having bravely and nobly asso ciated himself with England and France in the war which' has just been closed, has given himself a right—an' holiour able right -to the support and protection of England and France-- (cheers)—and if any danger should threaten !lima not brought about by any provocation on his part-rand that provocation I am sure he is too well advised to &re — it would be a danger, I agree with my untie Mudd lu thinking, which England and France are bound by every tie of honour and every sentiment that can actuate the Governments of two great nations, to resist to the utmost and to repel. lam satisfied, however, that the knowledge that such a tie exists between him and England and France will be sufficient to prevent him from being threatened, or if he should be threatened and danger should really exist, to repel that danger. No doubt my noble friend is right in thinking it would be desirable to encourage those sove reigns of Italy, whose territories are free like the Grand Duke of Tuscany, or which are occupied like those of the Duchess of Parma, but who wish either to maintain or re gain their independence ; and it will be the duty of the governments of France and England, as far as they can, to encourage those sovereigns in maintaining or regaining that territorial independence. It is true that Italy is dis tant from us, but it is also true that no great conflict of opposing armies, or opposing countries, can take place in Italy without spreading far beyond the limits of that peninsula the flames of war, and therefore I agree with my noble friend in thinking that every wise and enlight ened Government of this country must consider that the affairs of Italy require its constant and urgent attention, and that the interests of England, as connected with the interests of Europe, will be best consulted by securing to the several states of Italy that perfect independence within their own limits which the hest security for that good understanding between governments and peoples, and which, by establishing that good understanding, is best calculated to prevent those interesting and, as they ought to be, prosperous regions from becoming. a source of danger and calamity to the rest of Europe. My noble friend has moved for papers, but said he would not press for their production if it was considered that it would be prejudicial to the public service. lam bound to tell my noble friend that the production of the papers in the pre sent state of the correspondence would not. be conducive to those interests which he takes so much to heart ; and I cannot, therefore, consent to their production. Tho cor respondence still is going ou, and if it were now made pub. lit would possibly prevent the accomplishment of those ends which my noble friend as well as her Majesty's Go vernment are so desirous of obtaining. I can only say, therefore, that, concurring ta ith my noble friend in those general views he so well developed, but reserving to her Majesty's Government the discretion of pursuing those objects in the manner they may think best calculated to accomplish their purpose, without any unnecessary depar ture from those general principles which ought to regulate the intercourse of nations, rtrust he. will be satisfied with the statement I have made, and that he will not press for the production of those papers. Ho mayrest assured that her Majesty's Government, steadily keeping in view those objects which he has explained, and in which I concur, will omit no proper endeavour to restore the governments of Italy to that freedom of action within their internal limits which is, I think, best calculated to promote the security of Italy, and which alone can secure that country from becoming a source, of danger to the rest of Europe. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELL—The noble lord the member for Lon don has called our attention to a subject of the greatest in terest and importance ; but of Italy it may be said that it must either be considered in a poetical Cr practical point of view. No doubt there is no gentleman in this house who does not feel the greatest sympathy with Italy and the fortunes of the Italians. When we remember how much we owe to that country, that in ancient times it gave us our laws, and in modern times our arts, it is totally im possible that its Condition can ever be a subject without lively interest to the House of Commons. (Hear, bear.) But that. is the poetry of politics, as the noble lord has reminded us, and I cannot think, notwithstanding the high authority he quoted on the subject of poetry, that the house to-night will feel, on a discussion that may involve immediate consequences of the utmost impor tance to the people of this country, that we should in dulge merely in the poetry of politics on the one hand, or of satisfaction on the other with that vague explanation which we have just heard from the lips of the First Minis ter. (Hear.) The noble lord the member for the ci'y of London compensated us for dwelling on the poetry of the question, and in a very business-like manner, becoming the importance of the subject, reminded us of what occurred at the recent conference at Paris, and of the important State rapers to which. at that conference, the plenipotentiary of England bad affixed his signature. The noble lord intro duced the question to us with business details which the house clearly understood, and made ns feel that. by the con duct of the English Minister at Paris, this country had entered into engagements, according to the version and interpretation of the noble lord, which had placed this country in a position of grave responsibility. (Hear, hear.) I cannot understand, from the observations of the Minister who Iris just sat down that her Majesty's Minis ters have done, or are intending to do, anything which the plenipotentiary of this country assumed on that occa sion. (Hear, hear.) If all that -the Ministry have done or Intend to do are merely those routine representations to which the noble lord has just referred, and which he has promised, it does not appear to me that, at a conference called to settle questions of a very different character, it was necessary, or expedient, or politic, to have introduced the question of It ply as it was introduced at Paris—(hear)—to have drawn up and signed these prbtocols, if all that has been done, or is to be done, is, in fact, merely that diplo matic action which, as I humbly conceive, might have taken place without so much ceremony, and without having, as the noble lord the member for London said, roused the passions of the population of Italy. (Hear.) I ;want to know what is the deduction we are to draw from the inquiries of one member of this house, who has been First Minister of the country, and from the answer of ano ther member of this house, who is First Minister now, on a question that is indeed truly described as one interesting and, important from its social character, but one in the treatment of, which are involved urgent, perhaps imme diate, consequences to the'people of this country—to the state of their industry and the state of their com merce, the question of peace' and war, and all the most vital subjects that can possibly engage the atten tioc of this house or the consideration of statesmen. (Hear, hear.) When I first listened to the observa tions of the noble lord I thought he was about to counsel action of the most. decisive and energetic character. The noble lord said it was the duty of, thiscountry not to aban don the affairs of Italy. He laid down that position with the utmost precision. Now, I can hardly suppose that the noble for l, by declaring that it was the duty of this coun try not to abandon the affairs of Italy, could, after all that has occurred on the subject, have confined his meaning merely to the communication of a note from a Minister to the Court of Naples or of Turin. The noble lord, indeed, stated there wore circumstances which might demand the most decided conduct. on the part of this country. He said, if Austria, for example, required the suppression of the liberty of the press on the part of Piedmont, then there is no step which he should not be prepared to take on such an occasion. (Hear.) But, strange to say, tho only formal proposition that, I find in the papers upon which the noble lord founded all his observations—that for repressing the liberty of the press—does not emanate from the Austrian Plenipotentiary, but from the representative of our great ally, the Emperor of the French, by whole aid and whose aid alone these magnificent visions of Italian regeneration are to be realised. (Hear.) Now,. oily,' if I look to the papers to which the noble lord has referred I find language of a very precise character upon the subject of interference. The house will recollect that when the protocols of the con ferences at Paris were first laid on the table, it appeared that upon the Bth of April it was Count Walewski, the French Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, who, when the treaty was signed for the settlement of the Eastern question, and when all those points were arranged which had given, rise to the conferences, introduced in a formal manner to the consideration of the Plenipotentiaries ques tions which had no immediate reference to the principal cause of their assembling. The house will recollect that, so far as the protocols would show us when they were laid on our table, the responsibility of that introduction, which many thought not very adroit, rested - with the French Minister. But there were subsequent papers placed on the table of the house which threw considerable light upon this point, and proved that it was not Count Walewski who really was the cause of the subject being brought for ward. It was upon the Bth of April that Count Walewski, after the' settlement of the main question. said, " It was desirable that the Plenipotentiaries, before they separator', s'iould interchange their ideas on different sub jects widen required to be settled, and which it might be advantageous to take up in order to prevent fresh &impli cations." Then Count Walewski went on with that retherka able exposition—fresh, lam sure, in the memory of every gentleman who hears me—in which he showed that Greece was in wha t is called an " abnormal state," that the Roman d and on that the Legations were also in an "abnormal" condition, the affairs of Naples were not abnormal, but `'exceptional." (A. laugh.) Now, when those papers wale placed table, many gentlemen, while wondering at the indiscre tion committed by Count Walewski, must have felt tli. , minister of experience and hgh character could never have introduced at a conference 'or the settlement of terms of peace with Russia questions of this vast iinportance, with slutitavitig previously comnuhicateck litittrilais colleagues, and felt the pllse of the •epresentktive' of the different Courts. That was the conlusion which everybody must have drawn from the protuols of the conferencei ; but a short time afterwards paper were laid on our table which completely exhibited the case of this conduct on the part of thR French Minister. andthe means by which the atten . tion of the Congress was drected to these extraneous and extraordinary subjects. It then appeared that on the 27th March, ten days before theexpesition of Count Walewski, the Plenipotentiaries of Sa•dinia placed in the hands of Lord Clarendon a memorandum which, if it be anything, is an act of impeachment e! Austria and Austrian rule in Italy, which proposes secularisation, the Code Napoleon, and other remedies, and wiich in spirit was the basis of the observations that LotiClarendon made on the Bth of April. Therefore it is quit► clear that there was an under standing-among the Pleniptentiaries in Paris that at their meeting on the Bth of Apri all these extraneous questions, including that of Italy, wire to be brought forward, that the movement came from Piedmont, and that in the me morandum of the 27th of March may be found the mo tive spring of all that hai occurred. (Hear, hear.) Now, to proceed a step further, what are the engagements, as the noble lord the member for the city interprets them, what are the representations which the latest inter pretation of the words ve might call them —of Lord Clarendon ? Our Foreign Secretary agrees that the state of Greece is " abnormal ;" he agrees that the condition of the R )man States is also " abnormal ;" but, as regards I_the Neapolitan Government, " He is of opinion that h must doubtless be admitted in principle that no Government has the right to interfere in the internal affairs of other States, but he considers there aro cases in which the exception to this rule becomes equally a right and a duty. The N eapolitan Government seems to him to have conferred this right and to have imposed this duty upon Europe." Now, I ask the house whether that is language that could have been used, or ought to have been used, without hav ing some foregone conclusion as to the policy of which it was to be the indication ? . Though I may not agree with the noble lord the member fur the City that the language of a protocol of this character-is an engagement which may bind us with the formality of a treaty, still it is impossible to read it without feeling that we have a right to expect from the noble lord at the head of the Government, with out revealing the secrets of Cabinets or the mysteries of States, some explanation of the declarations of t he Eng lish Plenipotentiary more satisfactory than those phrases with which the noble lord has favoured as to-night, and to which I confess I am at a loss to annex any other mean 11; than that which I had the misfortune, years ago, to atl eel to the statements hf the noble lord with respect to the affairs of Italy. The noble lord has explained to the house what is the nature of the exceptional character of the Neapolitan Government, and why there should be a departure, in the case of Naples, from that golden-ruleof non-interference to which I trust the house will adhere, or which it will never quit without the most urgent necessity. [" Hear, hoar," from Mr. Bowyer.] The noble lord said the position of Naples was remarkable, because, if the Government were to conduct itself so as to give rise to any revolutionary eeeeeeeeee i o te e eye e te e re , th armed feswka of a grant Powi r- Austria—were'ett hate", r ani y , n may depend upon it," added the noble lord, " .a.usta is would occupy Naples, thus producing a state of things that would not only endanger the peace of Europe, but might bring about cala mities which it is difficult to measure or foresee." But when the noble lord defends himself from the charge of doing no thing to mitigate the evils which, according to him, render the state of Naples so exceptional, and which require our interference, he intimates that, though England and France may not succeed—have not succeeded—in obtaining that mitigation of Neapolitan rule which he thinks so neces sary, yet some other influence, not less powerful, and which will be received in a far more friendly spirit by the Neapolitan Government, may be brought into requisition with more success. The house 'clearly understood the noble lord to mean the mediation of Austria. It was the action of Austria upon Naples that, according to the noble lord, was to induce the Neapolitan Government to cease from its ill-doing and to adopt that remedial course which seemed so expedient. But how extremely inconsistent is it to hold Austria up to us as the Power which, by its beneficent interference with Naples, is to put an end to the iniquitous rule which you deplore, and at the same time to say that, in the event of any revolutionary move ment in Naples, Austria will occupy the kingdom in order to uphold the very misrule to mitigate which Austrian mediation, according.to your own account, is now the only means to which you can resort! Sir, I cannot have much hope that the influence of Austria will be of the nature which the noble lord supposes, if, as we are assured at the same time by the noble lord, we have reason to anticipate and fear Austrian invasion in order to support the mis government which Austrian mediation is to mitigate and remove. But, air, in what way, viewing this question Practically, are we to put an end to the occupation of Italian states by foreign Powers? The noble lord who began the debate confined the whole of his observations to the Austrian occupation of part of the Roman states The noble lord must have felt the extreme awkwardness of his position, because when he assured the house of his confi• deuce that, with the aid of our great ally, Austrian oceu• pation might be terminated in the Roman states, he must have remembered that another part of the same states was occupied by the troops of that very august ally by whose co-operation we were to put an end to the occupation of the Legations by Austria. The noble lord touched very lightly —or, rather, did not touch at all—upon the fact that the capital of the Roman states is occupied by French troops, though he must be aware that nothing can be more irrational than to address violent representations to Aus tria in order to terminate the occupation of the Legations by Austrian troops unless, at the same time, our ally is prepared to take steps by which the occupation of the Roman metropolis itself by French troops shall cease. I know that this question has been settled by Count Cavour in a very ingenious manner; ho insists upon it as a first condition, that Austria should quit the Legations, and that the French army should quit Rime, but should remain in the Legations until everything is settled. Now, I ask what is the use of doing what the noble lord has done to-night— what is the use—to employhis own language—of "rousing the passions" of Italy, unless we have a practical objectbe fore us, and unless the opinion of Parliament can support the policy of the Minister ? (Hear, hear.) Never ie. this house justified in entering into discassious upon external policy unless wo are prepared to impugn the conduct pur sued by the Miuister as injurious to the country ; or un less we can, by the expression of our opinion, support the Minister iu a policy which will be beneficial to the country :and to Europe. So far as the theoretical part of the quee tion goes, so far as sympathy for Italy goes, 53 far as the poetry of politics is concerned—there being but one feeling in this house —I want to know, when we turn to the prac tical question, what the motion of the noble lord will do, or a het 'anything we cs.n!say will do, to support the policy of the Minister? Why, sir, what is the policy of the Mi nistry ? (Cheers.) It is the very point which throughout this whole discussion has been mysteriously withheld from us. (Hear, hear.) I don't expect the noble lord to tell us the means by which the Cabinet is to fulfil his policy ; but we ought to know from the noble lord what are his general opinions on the subject of the occupation of Italy by foreign troops, and whether he is prepared to take steps to put au end to that occupation or not. (Hear.) Now, sir, there are two modes in which wo can deal with this question, and as they are both practical modes, I will, with the permission of the house, and with as much brevity as I can command, slightly advert to them. We can go to war with Austri sae doutt ; we can send a fleet to the Bay of Naples or to the Bay of Genoa; with the consent of our great ally, we can send a French army to some part of Italy; and we may embark in a great struggle, the object of which will be entirely to change the phase of Italian life, to subvert its Government, to emancipate—according to our views—its people, and to effect a great revolution, which may, per haps, be accomplished after one of those long wars like the Punic war, or the 30 years' war, or the French Revolution, or after one of those struggles which al ways occur when such immense consequences are aimed at and attained. On that policy I will not presume to give an opinion, because I feel that it is a subject which would require a discussion wor thy of its importance in this house before we embarked on it. I will make only one remark with regard to it, and I say, if that be the policy of the Government of this coun try, they are bound frankly to announce it. (Hear, hear.) They are bound td submit such a policy to the considera tion of Parliament, and if sanctioned and ratified by Par liament, the people of this country will at least have the satisfaction of knowing that they have not been drawn into a great struggle without being aware of it, and their minds will be prepared —as the minds of a nation ought to be pi epered—for so great a struggle and so great a stake, by those discussions in the house of their representatives which will direct their attention to the great issue before them. By this means they will be enabled to brace their energies to the occasion, and they will have no grounds for accusing the Queen's Ministers ortheir own representatives of having embarked in a conflict of such difficulty - and du ration without fair advice and warning. I think all hon. gentlemen will agree that if that be the policy of the Minis . ry—that if they are prepared to go to war to emancipate Italy from Austrian rule, they are at least bound frankly to explain their policy, to appeal ,to Parliament, and to take the verdict of the country upon itsexpediency. There is another practical mode by which you mayproceed to at tain our °hied. I remember at the end of the session of 1818 it vas my fate, s t has bee a the fate of the noble lord to-night, to bring before the consideration of Parliament the question of interference in Italy. I have in my wind a perfect recollection of the events which took place in 1847 and Vela, atiereathiongn tistrertoeite lora way not condescend to profit by the experience of that adventure, I confess myself that the consequences were so sad, and have been so opposed in my opinion to the progress of Italy and to the amelioration of the condition of Italian society, that I trem ble lest he should embark in a like enterprise again, and lest welehould reap from that conduct the same bitter and de solating fie:tits. This leads me to thesecond practical means by which you may attempt to emancipate, as it is termed, Italy. You may have diplomatic communications—you may have what you had in,lB47—first friendly advice, and afterwards, what are called "admonitions" to the ruling Powers ; and I have not the slightest doubt that without declaring war and without the active co-operation of fleets and armies, you may thus set a great portion of Italy in flames, and may reap consequences which we may all have deeply to deplore. (Hear) I will try for a moment to trace what would be your diplomatic action under that second system upon Naples. But before I do that, there is one observation which I cannot help impressing on the house. The state of Naples is declared by Lord Clarendon to be so exceptional as even to justify the violation of the golden rule of foreign policy, viz., non-intervention. Now, it would be very desirable to have before us, en authority, some description by tie Government of what the state of Naples is. I will for the moment assume that all those tales which haye reached us of ruthless aod savage im prisonment are perfectly authentic ; but if authentic, they are in all probability in a great degree tho consequence of the panic-stricken councils of a small sovereign surrounded by jealousies and difficulties fomented often and encou raged by foreign Powers. I will admit all we hear to be perfectly authentic—the ruthless imprisonments, and the cruel and even sanguinary punishments. Well, but I re member a few years ago, when there were alleged against Austria the same horrible stories of the imprisonment of citizens --the flower of the worth of Italy—in distant fort resses. (Hear.) Who has not heard of the names of men iu the highest walks of literature and science who have been the inmates of Austrian dungeons? I don't know what were the particular causes which induced those im prisonments. If I eater into that, I enter into the inter nal aelministration of the country, and the principle of non-intervention in fcreign countries is much endangered; but I want to know what there is in the state of Naples more exceptional that there is in the case of Austria ; and if the cruel imprisonment of citizens by as Sovereign is considered, so exceptional a thing as to permit the violas tion of the cardinal principle of our diplomacy, why do we not violate it in the instance of Austria? (Hear, hear.) Vs when we hear of •those dreadful banishments to Siberia with which Inn. gentlemen are so familiar do we not consider that an.exceptional case; and what other difference is there between Naples, and Austria, and Rus sin than this —that Naples is a weak Power and the others are very powerful ones? I would impress upon the house, therefore, that it should be very cautious upon this head. Now, let us see what will be the action of the second practical course in the cape of Naples if we pursue it. We determine not to go to open war to emancipate Italy ; but still the condition of Naples is so intolerable as to warrant interference though not in a military form. Then, Sir, we have an admonition—England and France publish an admonitory note to the King of Naples, and, perhaps, au English fleet rides in the bay of Naples. Every body knows what the consequence of that would be. The instant that the discontented portion of the, popula tion of that kingdom find that Naples has lost the good offices of the Western Powers, that process takes place which the noble lord has referred to—bands of the Italian population are reused. They will reason thus. They know well, when their own Sovereign is lectured by Eng land and France and an English fleet is in the offing, that if they rise, and rise successfully against their Sovereign, • Austria dare not interfere. I deny the proposition of the noble lord, that an insurrection in Naples is a necessary prelude to an Austrian occupation. If England and France arouse the passions of the Italian population by proclamation and by lecturing the King of Naples, and if an English fleet is in the bay, Austria will not occupy Naples. The noble lord who introduced this question seems to think that there is no contest going on in Italy but between worn-out dynasties, and some intelligent and well-educated persons of the superior classes, who desire his great specific for all its evils—constitutional govern ment. I do not think that this is a true view of Italy. (Hear, hear.) There is in Italy a power which we seldom mention in this house, but without considering and under- Can, i tg which we shall never rightly comprehend the posi tion of Itnly—l mean the secret societies. (Hear, hear.) The secret sccieties do not care for constitutional govern ment. (Hear, hear.) They do not want existing society ameliorated, they want it changed ; and the objects of that change can neither be obtained nor secured by those en lightened institutions to which the noble lord refers. We know something more of these societies than we did. Since 1848 we have had means of obtaining a knowledge of their numbers, organisation, principles, and objects, and without some considerations of these it would be absolutely impossible for us to form a conception of what would be the consequence of our interference in the affairs of Italy. It is useless to deny, because it is impossible to conceal, that a great part of Europe—the whole of Italy and France and a great part of Germany, to say nothing of other countries—are covered with a network of these secret societies, just as the super ficies of the earth is now being covered with railroads. And what are their objects ? They do not attempt to con ceal them. They do not want constitutional government ; they do not want ameliorated institutions ; they de not want provincial councils nor the recording of votes—they want to change the tenure of land, to drive out the present owners of land, and to put an end to ecclesiastical esta blishments. Some of them may go further. Do you think that, with their complete organisation, when Austria can not interfere to occupy the kingdom of Naples, when the King is lectured on his throne by the Western Powers, and when, as the noble lord says, the feelings of the people are roused, these societies will be quiet? (Hear.) We know what they did before. Their energy and their orga nisation carried everything before them. lam told that a British Minister has boasted—and a very unwise boast it sr., by holding out his hand be could raise a revo lution' in Italy to-morrow. I believe it is not impossible, with the means at his disposal, that he aught. What would happen ? Yon would have a republic formed on extreme principles, and there may be many intelligent and well-meaning persons—l do not say in this house— who would say, - " And what then?' "Nothing can be worse," they would say, " than the present state of Italy ; let us try a Red Republic, or even a republic of is still more fiery colour." But the question of Italian politics is not of that simple character. Rome is not far distant from Naples. The passage from Naples to the States of the Church is not difficult. You may have triumvirs again established in Rome ; the Pope may again be forced to flee; and my hon. friend behind me (Ur. Spooner) may say, " So much the better"—(laughter)—and not. cardi nal may be left,in Rome. What Will be the consequences of thai . ? 'The two great Catholic rowers of Europe Prow°, whose Emperor boasts in these protocols of being the eldest Eon of t h e church—that ally With whose bane- 1 ticent co-operation Italy is to be emancipated—and Aus tria will pour her legions over the whole Peninsula. You will have to withdraw the British fleet ; your admonitions will be thrown into the mud (as they deserve), and your efforts to free Italy from the occupation of foreign troops- will terminate by rendering the thraldom a thousand times more severe, and by aggravating the miseries of the un fortunate people whose passions you have fired, and whose feelings you have this night commenced to rouse. But is that all the evil ? If the movement which commenced at the conferences at Paris is to to be followed up ; if the proto cols are to be suceeded by speeches of the noble lord the member fur London while Parliament is sitting, and by ad monition and written lectures by cur foreign Ministers and by our representatives abroad during the autumn, in all pro bability you will again have Italy iu flames, and you will again crash that progress which has been always going on in time of . peace, and when we meet again we may find the posi tion of the Peninsula infinitely worse. But do not suppose that that is the whole of the evil. What I have said I con sider—so far as the future can be certain—to be the certain consequences of the policy which you are pursuing. What I am now going to refer to are merely possible results, but they are results of ...3 terrible a character that it is my duty to refer to them, though I do so with reserve and some feel ing of awe. The secret societies are not confined to Italy, as I have ventured to remind the house. They are at this mo ment more numerous, more active, and in a higher state of organisation in France than in any other State of Europe. If Italy be in flames, if the Italian secret societies be successful, do you think it will have no effect on the French societies ? They are of course always in a state of excitement and ready to act upon every occasion. Parliament and the country have confidence, and have justly confidence, in the character of the great prince who now rules France. He is a man of rare sagacity, he has been schooled in adversity, and he is a man who is at this moment at the head of a numerous and triumphant army devoted to him. You may therefore allow Parliament to be prorogued with little fear as to the conse quences to France of the system in which you are now about to engage in Italy. But we all remember another great prince who sat upon the French throne, whose sagacity during his reign was also proverbial, who was never mentioned in this house but in terms of panegyric on both sides of the house, who also had been schooled in adversity, and who was also seconded by an army which he and his princes had themselves formed, which was fresh and flushe I with victory, and which was led by ,;neat generals devoted to him and eager to prove their devotion by the assertion of his rights and the maintenance of his throne. But that great prince fell suddenly, and he fell solely and entirely by the action of the secret societies. (Hear, hear.) That I apprehend is a fact which no man acquainted with the events of 1848 will deny. No doubt that terrible catastrophe was assisted by a great misfortune which then occurred to France. In 1847, when a member of the British Cabinet (whose career I have commemorated in this house already) was sent to give advice and counsel to the Italian princes, there happened to be a season of unexampled want in Europe, and especially in France. At no time within the following year were the means of sustenance and of employing labour so deficient. What is the condition of France at this moment ? A terrible visitation has fallen upon that country. The charity of more than one nation and the admirable measures adopted by the ruler of France to mitigate the consequences of that visita tion may enable the next season to be passed without that misery which fell upon the country in 1848. But the pros pect, in a material point of view, is very grave, and if you commence another campaign of Liberalism—the expression of sympathy without being prepared to support it by acts—a policy convenient for a Minister or a public man who wishes to make a political demonstration, or to au ambitious mon arch who wishes to increase his territories, but one which a wise Parliament will hesitate to sanction with its ratification —if you once embark in this scheme of raising the passions of the Italian population, as the best means of atneliorating their condition and mitigating the political evils of their country ; and if the cousequ:nces of that policy should be concurrent with a period of great agricultural distress in France, it will require all the sagacity of the most sagacious prince and all the resources of the army (however numerous and however victorious) to guard against the danger ; and fortunate will it be for France and for Europe if they escape the most fatal results. I have touched upon these points be cause this is no holiday question. We are now in the very lees of the session, and.this may probably be the last day on which there will be assembled so largo a number of members as were present when the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) addressed the house. The noble lord has commenced a course which, if not watched with vigilance and care, may involve the coun try in proceedings the consequences of which it is difficult to foresee. I certainly find encouragement in the language of the First Minister. Notwithstanding the proud protocol of the Conferences of Paris ; notwithstanding this despatch of the 27th of March fr M. Cavour, which must h ave b e e n delivered behind the s eves, and which in the pape rs app ears fin as aspeeeh of Lord Cl rendon;.n,,twithstanding all the details of the protocols', it appears to be the calm, the well-con• sidered, and the solid determination of her Majesty's Minis ters to do nothing. (Hear, and a laugh.) I believe that the noble lord, profiting by the past—(hear)---remembering his experience of the years 1847 and 1848, has made up his mind not again to be seduced into a position so difficult and so dangerous as that which he then encountered. I will also say that I have such confidence in the wisdom of the Em peror of the French that I feel persuaded that, as regards the affairs of Italy, !leis of the same opinion and determination as the noble lord the' First Ministhr. (A laugh.) I hope I am not, wrong in this anticipation, but it cannot be unadvisa ble when such a subject as this is brought before .the house to meet it fairly in discussion. Let us not as on loaner occa sions be met with t.t.o p.,01..--y yr poltles." (Hear.) I can feel for the condition of Italy as keenly as any gentleman in this house, whether he be a First Minister or an ex-First Minis ter. I hope and believe that the time will come when in Italy there will be neither secret societies nor erowned despots ; but these are questions for the closet, not for a practical and popular assembly. We have to deal with the facts before us, and if we raise up an agitation against Aus. trian rule without a distinct conception of the obj ec ts at which we aim and the line of conduct which we intend to pursue, we shall be arresting the progress of Italy and aggravating every misfortune which has been brought wider our notice. (Hear, her.r.) It is impossible to conceal the fact that the great power of Italy is Aus tria. Both the noble lords have admitted that, unless we are prepared to enter into an internecine struggle with Aus tria, our object ought to be to render the Austrian rule as mild and beneficent as we can. At 'least we ought not to encourage those who are prepared to conspire against that rule, but who 're prepared to do nothing else. I was in Italy long before the affairs of 1848. The Government of Austria was not that Italian Government which poets would imuine in their dreams. It was not! alsystem of Govern ment under which Petrai chs were crowned with laurels in the capitol, but it was distinguished from the other Governmeats of Italy by an immense expenditure of Imperial— * -not Italian —treasure upon great public works, by the light taxation of the people, and by the progressive material improvement of the country. That was something. It was good to have a country with roads unrivalled, with means of communication yearly increasing. Thatis not, it is true, the only object of life, but I need not impress upon hon. gentlem e n that mate rial comfort is a basis upon which you may, and in time pro bably will, establish civil and political rights ; that the richer a people become the more anxious they are to guard that wealth ; and that, whatever we may say of the Austrian rule, it was, so far as Lombardy was concerned, a rule under which at least the material character of the country was greatly im proved. I have not been in Lombard since that unfortunate year, 1848, but I have heard that the picture of society is now tf a very different character. I hear that in consequence of the affairs of 1848 taxes have greatly increased, the public works have been arrested in their progress, and that the ma terial development of the country has much diminished; therefore by the course we took in 1818 we have not improved the condition of Lombardy. That leads me to my last point, our position with regard to Sardinia. (Hear.) The noble lord the member for London (Lord J. Russell) laid it down as a principle that, although there may be in the treaty with Sardinia no f rmal stipulation that wa will support that coultry against other Powers, yet, after its allegiance to the great alliance and all that has occurred since, we are bound in honour to give it that support if it should be attar ked. The noble lord the tfirst Minister (Lord Palmerston) seemed not to question that position, but rather urged upon the at tention of the house that there was no fear that Sardinia woild attack Austria. Now, I think it undesirable that a man of I the great character and influence of the noble lord the mem ber for the city of London should in this house volunteer en gagements to other countries which the litera scripta of the treaty does not authorise ; but I certainly agree with the noble lord that any attackupon Sardinia by any Power in consequence of the internal policy which she pursues would constitute one of those grave conjunctures which would demand the most serious consideration of the British Government, and could certainly not be encountered by a despatch or an admoni tion. Let me, however, remind the noble lord, who .ays that there is no danger of Sardinia attacking Austria, of what occurred in 1848. It was Sardinia that attacked Austria. It was when Austria was supposed to be in distress and in de spair, even while negotiations of a not unfriendly character were going on between the two Courts, that the King of Sar dinia made, as it were, a nocturnal attack upon his Austrian neighbour, and commenced the war which ended in his signal discomfiture. I hope that the present King will profit by that experience, and will feel confident that if he, within his own dominions, pursues the policy which he believes to be for the advantage of the great body of his people he will re tain the respect of Europe, and will be safe from any unjust attack. I should deeply lament that any occupation of Sar dinia by Austria should take place, That would indeed be a conjuncture which would require the deep consideration of this house. To judge from the past, I cannot bring myself to believe that any danger of that kind exists ; I cannot but be lieve that the King of Sardinia is safe so long as he remains within the limits of his own dominions, and pursues that policy in the management of his kingdom which he has a right to follow. If anything can give to him power to develope his whole political:system it is the maintenance of peace in Italy. I am persuaded that, if the policy recommended by the noble lard the member for London is followed, you will have the position of Sardinia endangered—not by Austria, but by the revolutionary element, exercising its sympathetic influence upon the secret societies of Piedmont; and that throne will fall, not by the hand of Austria, not by the interference of foreign occupation, but by the efforts of men and bodies of mega, who have in view far other objects than the constitu tional improvements which wisely engage the attention of the King of Sardinia, and the subversive career of which will be accelerated by the motion wade by the noble lord to-night. the noble lord the First Minister tells us that he cannot con sent to the production of the papers now asked for. I can hardly suppose that the noble lord the member for London expected them to be granted - but he has had an opportunity of placing before the hmase and the country the policy which he advocates. I entirely dissent from the views of that noble lord. (Hear, hear.) I say, if you will interfere with Italy, you must interfere with fleets and armies, and be prepard to meet the consequences. (Hear, hear.) If you interfere in Italy, you must make up your minds for a war of prolonged duration a war that will tax your resources to the uttermost, and which, once it is commenced, you must continue until yod have fully accom plished the objects for which you embarked in it, and have in fact reconstituted the map of Europe. (Hear, hear.) That is the only mode in which you can interfere in Italy. If you are not prepared to do that, for the sake of the Italians, for the sake even of liberty and civilisation, you will avoid stirring up the passions of the population of that peninsula. (" Hear," and a faint laugh.) I am confident this view is right, although you may smile at the association of the words " liberty and civilisation" with Austrian rule. (Hear, hear.) We are told that we can expect nothing from Austria. Let me impress on the house this point—that Austrian statesmen are mon of the very highest enlightenment. Among these are the present Prime Minister of Austria and the Minister of that country at the Court of Rome. Prince Metternich is a statesman distinguished above all others for his freedom from prejudice and passion, and a man who has an interest in self-government ; he must feel that, if Italy were tranquil and undisturbed, Austria, being a powerful nation, could afford to be clement, to trust, and confide. It is the King of Naples—the little Sovereigns, teased with constant con spiracies, who, rather from a feeling of panic than any natural cruelty or arbitrary disposition, are driven to those excesses which we all equally deplore and desire to see ter. minated. No man can wish to fill dungeons with his own subjects. I remember perfectly well that when Lord Minto went to Italy in 1817, and at the request of several of the northern Courts tendered his advice on the part of the Bri tish Government, the same King of Naples, who is now de picted to us as quite a Caligula, was so anxious to establish some form of constitutional government in his dominions that he applied to our Government for their good offices towards that end; and Lord Minto, at the King's express desire, re paired to Naples, and for a considerable period I believe en tertained most sanguine expectations of success. It was the sudden outbreak of the French revolution which put a stop to the arrangements then in progress in Naples. (Hear, hear.) For these reasons, although there can be no division tonight on this question, I hope the house will refuse to sanction the course recommended by the noble lord—l hope it will arrive at this conclusion :—if we agree to interfere in Italy, let it be a real interference ; or, on the other hand, if we are not prepared to act, if we are not prepared to give effect to our policy by force, then the best thing fq,r us will be to remain silent ; not to rouse the pagions of the population ; not to upset thrones—a policy which can only end in aggra vating the thraldom of Italy, and may lead to consequences still more fraught with disaster to Europe. (Cheers.) Mr. BOWYER had been told by persons on whom he could rely, that the evacuation of the Roman States by foreign troops would very soon take place, and he trusted that no more attacks would then be heard upon the Roman Government. Nothing would tend more to prevent foreign armies from leaving the Roman States than speeches such as that which had been delivered by the noble lord the member for the city of London, who was anxious to introduce into Italy notions which were inapplicable to the condition of that country. He concurred with what had been said by the right ben. member for Buckinghamshire, that it was impos sible to carry into effect the views of the noble lord without sending out a force sufficient to revolutionise Italy ; and be lieved that if the noble lord occupied the same position as the noble lord at the head of the Government, he would take a different view of the subject. Count Cavour had placed be fore the conference a monstrous document, recommending a most ridiculous plan for the government of the Roman States; and had said, that unless certain things were done, there would be danger of revolution in Italy. Now, the danger arose, in a great measure, from the violence of the press, which made attacks of the most ferocious character against constituted authorities and the Church, and from the viola tion of laws of property. It was gratifying to find both the leader of the House and the leader of the Opposition taking a reasonable view of the matter. He should be glad to see a constitutional Government established ; but such speeches as that of the noble lord tho member for the city of London were not calculated to promote the progress of civilisation He trusted things would be allowed' to take their natural course, and that the Roman States would be left to manage their own affairs without any foreign interference. (Hear ) Mr. M. MILNES said the noble lord at the head it the Government bad given no right to the right hon gentle an opposite to assume that he had come, to the same conclu on as himself on this important question. He said (Mr. Mill es) did not say that the Austrian Government was at presentlac tuated by any desire of aggression, but her previous condiact rendered it necessary to watch her conduct most carefully ; for under preteuce of assisting the Sovereigns of the States applying to her, she might eventually occupy the whol : of Italy. (Hear.) He believed. the Sardinian Government to be at present in no peril, but no one could tell what its peal tion would be if it had not .the good will and good wishee.of this country. Sardinia would be looked upon with an evil eye by the Absolutist Governments ef the Continent, nd I therefore it was the duty of this country .to throw ove r r dinia the shield of its protection. He did 4 not think the ques tion of the independence 0, Italy iaas at all mixed up with the question of religion. 'lf that independence were esta blished there would be no'` . ff.; : 7 of secret societies, or of any other danger which some eople apprehended to society. The Sovereigns of Italy nearly all acted under foreign rustica tion, and that he believed was the principal cause of the pre sent state of Italy. The Emperor Napoleon I. had always said that one of the greatest. objects of our policy was the in dependence ofAtaly. That declaration would certainly not be forgotten by the present ruler of France, and ought always to be remembered by us. Mr. WHITESIDE said this was a subject of deep in terest, and the speech of the noble lord the member for Lon don upon it was logical and clear; but if his object were to draw some definite statement of policy from the noble lord at the bead of the Government he certainly had not suc ceeded, for no one who had heard that noble lord could have understood what his argument or what his policy was. The noble lord had displayed the faculty of talking for a consid er . able time peacefully, and saying'nothing. The noble l or d h a d declared no policy. Lord Clarendon's proposition was to deal with a hard hand with Popery, and to secularise the Pa pacy, which meant the overthrow of the Government of the Church.. And had the noble lord the member for Tiverton endorsed that policy ? What did the paper whi c h was signed by the plenipotentiarie s at Paris say ? Why , th a t t h e armed occupation of Rome was to cease when the authority of o s t t he o nPionpg it t a t consolidated.G Pope w Greek rcalends Why, that was, i n reality, , and that w as th e ppargu ment of the noble lord the member for London, and it had s o not in any way been met. When did the noble, lord (the member for Tiverton) say that armed intervention was to cease ? He had said nothing about it. It hud been said that within the last fortnight Lord Normanby, the ambassador in Italy, had advocated the armed intervention of Austria and France, so that we had one ambassador in Italy holding one argument, and another ambassador in France holding another. The noble lord the member for London was justified in asking; the noble, lord at the head of the Government what he in tended to do. That noble lord would have said, if he in tended to follow up words by actions, that if Naples dici e not behave itself we would blow it to pieces. Instead of that the noble lord had said nothing, a course which he (Mr. White.- , side) could not but characterise as childish. Was it the rule of the noble lord's policy to have barren protocols and nothing _ e l se ? He believed that-the protocol on Italy would lead to war, and the permanent occupation by armed troops of Italy. There seemed to be something like a sarcasm in the observa tions of the noble lord the member for London, when he re ferred to the Pope. He said that if the troops were with drawn from Rome the Pope would settle with his people. suppose the people settled him. (Laughter.) Wero the troops withdrawn he apprehended that the cardinals would as speedily quit the place as they did before, and Rome would be deprived of some of its most respectable inhabitants. (Laughter. Ho (Mr. Whiteside) believed that the course of the Government here would exasperate the people of Italy into revolution, and when in revolution the Government would leave them to their fate. Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE said of all governments the go-' vernment of priests was the worst, and the government of the pope was the most mischievous in the world. The appear. ance of an English fleet in the Bay of Ittraples would bring the King of Naples to his senses in a day. The policy of Austria had always been to keep her subjects in sensual enjoyments, in order to keep the people from that freedom to which they were entitled. He was astounded to find that the right honourable gentleman opposite (Mr. Disraeli) should defend the policy . of - Austria and a Metternich. The policy of Metternich was that of despotism and nothing else. As to the Emperor of the French defending the Papacy, he (Mr. Phillimore) believed that much as France had submitted to, there was one thing that she would never tolerate, and that was that her present ruler should shed the blood of France in putting down the liberties of Italy. Sir J. WALSH said the French had created a word which ought to be introduced into our language. It was specialte. The moaning of the word was an aptness for certain things. N o w, he thought if there was one thing which the noble lord the member for London was deficient of specialto in, it was diplomacy. Now, however, the noble lord seemed again in clined to try his hand at it, and to come forth again in an old character. The noble lord seemed to think that we ought to interfere in the Papal Statt s As the withdrawal of the troops would immediately produce revolution, he (Sir J. Walsh) would be glad tnknow if the n o bl e l or d expected that the Emperor Napoleon would allow himself to be made a tool of by this country in a course of policy entirely antagonistic to all his principles. He (Sir J. Walsh) could not look upon the political parties in Italy as being so innocuous as some gentle men imagined. Why, some of them advocated the policy of the stiletto, and many of the politicians of Itily were simply Red Republicans, which was another name for the old Jaco. binism. Could proper safety be placed in such hands ? He believed not ; for there was a revolutionary element :a existence in Italy, which, if not narrowly witched, would defeat the objects of the best friends of Italy. He thought that the noble lord at the heal of the Government had been wise in speaking a good deal and saying nothing, and ho supposed the noble lord the member ter Loudon had now nothing to do but to withdraw his motion, which he presumed he had never seriously intended to press' on OS attention of the house. Lord J. RUSSELL said that his observations had been en tirely addressed to the subject of the occupation of one coun • try by the troops of another. He lied never prop sed any interference between any sovereign and his people. Ho had said that be could not admire that Government whose policy was such that it required a foreign armed force to support it. rho right honourable gentleman the member for Bucking hamshire had not at all addressed himself to the subject of foreign intervention. He supposed that the right hon. gentleman had prepared his observations before he had heard those of his (Lord J. Russell's) own. With regard to the speech of his noble friend the Prime Minister, he must sal that it had given great satisfaction to the honourable mem ber for Dundalk (Ir. Bowyer), and it had curiously enough given complete satisfaction to himself (Lord J: Russell). It was satisfactory, because it was an indication that the Go vernment did not intmd to abandon attempts to carry out the objects he had proposed. It hart been urged that there had been secret societies in Italy, and therefore that foreign occu pation was necessary. On the other hand it was said, that because there was fOreign occupation there were secret societies, and thus they might go on argu ing for ever in a cit cle. (Hear, hear.) He trusted that Pope Pius IX. would in due time return to that system of govern ment which he adopted in the early. years of his sovereignty, and which he believed had been productive of very great benefits. The noble lord having adverted to some o f the objections which had been raised in reference to the details of his opening speech, expressed a hope that benefit would arise from the discussion that had taken place. The SPEAKER then put the question that the motion be withdrawn. Lord J. RUSSELL—Not withdrawn ! Let it be negatived. The motion wrs then negatived without a division. PARTNERS`HIP AMENDMENT (No. 2) BILL. This bill was read a third time. On tbe motion that it do pass, Mr. J.' G. PHILLI VIORE moved the following addition to clause .3 :—" Provided also, that no such loan shall be deemed to be protected by this act unless the lender thereof shall, within fourteen days after the same shall have bean advance, cause to be inserted in his own name in the Gazette of London, Edinburgh, or Dublin, according as the principal place of business of the borrower may be in England, Scotland, or Ireland, a statement of such advance, exhibiting the amount thereof, the person to whom and the term for which the sum is made, the portion of the profits which the lender stipulates to receive on account thereof, and the nature of the business by which such profits are intended to be ae" quired." - Mr. WILKINSON trusted the hon. and learned gentleman would not press the amendment. It was no doubt very de sirable to prevent fraud, but if such provisions were - intro' duced they would so clog the bia as to make it entirely inoPe' rative. • Mr. MUNTZ supported the proviso, on the ground that the bill as at present framed would lead to.collusions of every kind. Mr. PELLATT thought that if the proviso were agreed to, persons in business would never be able to obtain any loans at all. - Mr. SPOONER was afraid that the bill as it stood would enable persons to obtain fictitious credit, and therefore he thought the proviso useful. Mr. RbEBUCK objected to the clause. Mr. GLYN thought the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Lowe) would do well to withdraw a bill which was evidently open to so many objections. In another session it might be advents' geously considered. Mr. W. BIGGS opposed the proviso, which ho thou;b t would give no security to the public. Mr. JOHN M'GREGOR would give this bill his utmos t support if he thought it would pass this session ; but he be hewed that it would be better if the Government would Wi th draw it for the present session Mr. LOWE wished the hon, gentleman behind him ( 51r , a egisg Glyn), who had so great a f on d ness for rration, register every bill he transacted. If the principle was ge ° iu one case it would b e so i n ano th er. (H ear , )bear ) li; The question was whether thi s l en di ng on pro fit s was rea u J a partnership. He contended that it was not, aud the hug e ought not therefore to fett er suc h l oans w ith th e incidents °f a partnership. If it was not a partnership, why had the i house five times approved the principle that it was net There was no occasio n w h a t ever f or ma ki ng l o a ns o f thi g character public ; it was lik e all other loans, secret in the character, and they ought no t t o b e t rea t e d on differe e . t grounds. If the clau se was passe d b y t h e committee, rt would be better to reject the whole bill at once ; and, ente u r ; taming these opinions, he certainly could not ebusent to t h ,,", introduction of the clause. If the clause were passed, '''s bill would be nothing but one vast pitfall and snare (1 104 11 Mr. CARD WELL said that when the hon. member sin" of the " pitfall " which the clause contained tho answer that it was taken almost word for word from the Act of) 55 saehusetts. The house had already adopted a clause treats loans as partnerships, and all that was now required was t i l f: insert a clause to gi ve e ff ec t t o t h e pr i nc i p l e a d op t e d by t'; house. The question as to whether loans of this charact e r involved partnership was not a new one, and the laws Italy, Italy, France, and Ameri ca h a d a l wa y s t rea t e d these - les; in the same meaner, and the greatest commentators of tb,e; countries had invariably insi s t e d on th e necess i t y o f an - see $ rate system or registration of such loans. He contended t4: 1 4 the proposed amendment would not be a clog on the would, on the contrary, tend to make the bill more effeeti" and afford greater security to the public. (Hear) Mr. LINDSAY was at a loss to understand why the le: should allow a man to receive 50 per cent. for his wen without any interference, but should step in and say t" te such person should not a d vance money on a fluctuating.% of interest, far that was rea ll y th e o bj ect o f th is cl ause . .P", clatise, if agreed to, would be perfectly unworkable and less, aud would defe a t th e pr i nc i p l e an d o bj ec t s o f the' t o , He hoped if the clause were carr i e d th a t th o r i g ht h on . gen`4 6 man the President of the B oar d o f T ra d e wou ld w i t hdraw bill. Mr. T. BARING contended that the clause would n et b ° inoperative if it were agreed to, and as a proof of it, 11 °2; ferred to the action of the law i n M assac h use tt s an d York. He felt strongly that publicity was indispensable „ the working of the principle embodi e d i u th e bill, and . more he looked to the provisions of the bill, the more deep', he felt that it was the duty o f th e h ouse t o wa t c h the oP e ' d - , tions and effect of th e Li m it e d Li a bility A c t a l rea dy pa ,5 1 10 . Every other country had surrounded the laws of limited Wl bility with numerous precautions and safeguards. The 1. 7 0 object of the bill was not to help the poor man, but it 14 re .11y to enable the rich man to grasp as much profit as. I ra could, with the risk of l os i ng as littl e as poss ibl e. H e s hou 0 most certainly, on the motion that the bill do p as s, take t 1 : 1 1 sense of the house upon it, f or it was per f ec tl y d evo id of ‘,s, benefit alike to rich and p oor, w ith th e excep ti on o f loco ing a spirit of gambling and speculation. ' Lord PALMERSTON said he was perfectly at a 1 ob to understand what was the asto un din g diff erence betwe" 4 , money lent at a fixed rate of interest, and money lent'e ° ,,,, sbare of profits: and why in the one case, reg istrat l ; s and publicity were thought necessary in order to preT e j s fraud, and not considered requisite in the other ? (Hear.) 0 ep2eared to him that the principle whi c h l ay a t th e betto t of the opposition to this bill, wee the on e w hi c h h o thoug l i l o had died out, and which was_ that of limiting transaction s , much as possible, which had. interfered in the assize of br e d and which was evident in th e l aws made against forestaGil, and regrating. He trusted th a t th e h ouse wou ld come t o eision fairly and openly ou the whole principle of the bill. to Mr. W. BROWN thought there never was a more dauger ° a measure introduced into Parliament than the present one, it was entirely uncalled for .by the wants of the country, 3'l o f woulkilpassed, tend t o s h a k e an d d es t roy the confidence the public in the great monetary. transactions of the co untry' (Hear.) Our cre dit , as merchants, stood high, over a ll ti'2 , world ; but, under the oper#ion of this bill, it would soon e ' impaired a n d d est royed.Tl~e bill w is really in effeot On° to enable per Sons to commit fraudi under act of Parliament. Mr. HENLEY contended, - that, as the clause had alreSl been inserted into .the bill, making loans advanced t uroutig share of profits part of the assets, it - would be necessary to introduce soma provision for affording information a 1 the character of the assets. He should support the clan g% the gr oun d th a t it mere l y carr i e d out t h e pr i nc i p l es o f 1 . other clauses already agreed to. (Hear.) Mr. MALI NS was glad t o h e ar from the right honoure 9 .o ° gentleman that it was his intention to withdraw the 1 0 if this clause were sanctioned by the committee, for it , / one calculated to destroy the character of the measure After some remarks from Mr. Brown, Mr: Gregsoni au Mr. Bass, 71e house divided, when there appeared— .' - For the proviso lOB Against it lO2 Majority against the Government --G Mr. LOWE said that in consequence of the decision J a come to, the Government intended to abandon the bill. ( 1 / 10 cheers.) Shire he had introduced the bill he bad received t t, opinion of Mr„lßaron Bramwell, Mr. Justice Willer the othe r the A t a , torney-General, the Solicitor-General, Sir F. Kelly, an learned gentlemen - , that in all loans where the l e nders receil"; a dividend according to the rate of profits they were not HO: as partners. The effe c t o f th e d ec i s i on j us t come t o was° deprive these contracts' hi On e o f th e i r sa f eguar d s. (Hear.) Mr. DI: 4 RAELI said that-as a new principle had been intro: duced into legislation by the statement referred to, he hot practice would be followed out., and the ease and oPill i° qurted laid upon the table of the house. Mr. LOWE said he had no objection to do so; the case he referred to was that of the Union Bank. ' - Mr. MALINS inquired if the opinions referred to of the tai learned judges were not given when they were practising 3 the bar ? (Hear, and laughter.) After some remarks from Mr. HENLEY in opposition r, extrajudicial statements b e i ng ma d e i n t h at house, the 0 4 ject dropped. • INCOME AND LAND TAXES BILL. This bill was read a second time. The Stamp Duties Bill and the Racehorse Duty Bill We i' read u second time.. The Episcopal and Capit u l ar E s t a t es C on ti nuance 13iI I was read a third time and passed. The Mercantile Law Amendment Bill was read a sebot a i time, on the understandi ng th a t th e fi rst clause shou ld .1 - withdrawn in committee. The Lords' amendments to the Smoke Nuisance Abat e went (Metropolis) , Act, 1853, Amendment Bill were COo l ' dered and agreed to. The Civil Service Superannuation Bill was postpone s till Friday. POOR-LAW AMENDMENT (SCOTLAND) BILL A Mr. BLACKBURN move d that th i s b ill be read a thir' time that day three months. The LORD-ADVOCATE said that, notwithstandl the oppositi on of some of the Scotch Inembers, he felt 01% this was a very important measure, and he bhould s upl% the bill. The house then divided, when the numbers were— For the third reading le: V 5 Against it 4. 5 Majority 7 o The bill was then read the third time and passed. The Indemnity Bill was read a third time. The Nuisances Removal, &c. (Scotland) Bill was raga ili ' l j; third time and passed. MARRIAGE LAW AMENDMENT (SCOTLAND) 44 BILL. Sir J. GRAHAM said that this bill most appropriatell followed the N u i sances Removal (Scotland) Bill, and el," plained that the eff ec t o f it was chiefly to compel a dolor cile of 21 days of one of the parties to the marriage. After some discussion the bill passed through commi act The Mercantile. Law Amendment Bill passed throng° committee. Upon the motion of Mr. H. BERKELEY the CorraP i Practices Prevention Bill was postponed. The Tithe Commutation Rent Charge Bill was witlr drawn. The Ecclesiastical Courts Jurisdiction and Testamental and ?tratrimonial Jurisdiction Bills were alio withdrai , vn• The Formation of Perished, &u., Bill was'reati a this ( ' time and passed. The Lunatic Asylum Acts Amendment Bill was; read • second time. „ The remaining orders were then disposed of, ancl i P• house adjourned at five minutes to two. , LONDON: Printed and Pnhliahed by MURDO YrITJJ-- of No. 112, Strand. Frinter, at The Sure Office No. Strand, in the P , eci ict of the Savoy, in the coun 4 7' linddleves s Tueilay, july 15, 1850. ' `~' 'E ;~;. 4` ~:~ ~~~ ,; 1 >, ~ C. t ' THE Stil‘r, LONDON WJESDAY EVEN`V';6-, JULY 15, 1856,