The Sun. — London, England, 1827-03-03 00:00:00

COPY - OF A' REPRESENTATION, ADDRESSED TO THE Qtrzinr, THE ORIGINAL or WHICH WAS FOUND IN Till BiGGAOIC or THE COUNT DE 3iONTEALRGE.E. Madam,—At the Royal feet of lour liiiperial.Majesty, the Count de Montealegre' has the honour of prostrating himself,— the same who first dared to raiieltii Sari:A, and - to . proclaim the inalienable rights of King Don Miguel 14 my lord; the august son of your Majesty; -having an equal consideration to the indis putable justice by which the reins of the Government must fall into the hands of your Imperial. Majesty, as the only legitimate Regent of these kingdoms, during the absence of his Faithful Majesty. It was with the intimate conviction of these principles, that while I had the glory of assembling the faithful offic ers of the 24th regiment, - I communicated with my brother the Viscount de Villa Garcia, respecting this unalterable resolution, and then trans ferred my residence along with them to the territory of his Ca tholic Majesty, the august brother of your Majesty, to whose royal munificence and never-enough-to-be admired generosity, I am, and shall always be, indebted, with the whole of the divi sion, for the most signal benefits, while for almost a month I maintained and supported, at my own charge, that corps. There I had likewise the singular honour of kissing his royal hand, and that of the most Serene Princessei, the Princess of Beira and the Infanta of Spain, having been on that occasion required by the first to take the command in second, and to consider as General-in-Chief my nephew, the Marquis of Chaves, that be ing the sovereign will of his Catholic Majesty, to which I sub mitted without any hesitation. In the mean time Viscount de Villa Garcia exerted himself in Portugal in perfect concert with me, to enlarge the Royalist party, and to excite the spirit of the people in favour of a cause as sacred as it is legitimate. There, having obtained his object, and having procured some assistance for the troops, he set out to join me, arriving in the Spanish ter ritory on the 23(1 October. I had at length the great glory of obtaining, in the month of November, the necessary permission for the departure of our troops for this kingdom, and having been enabled to tread on the desired soil of Portugal, I had the happiness of gaining fruits for the cause of the true and the only legitimacy ; on the 22d of that month, we spent the night in Mofreita, armed and accou tered. On the following morning, after a march of more than three leagues, we fought the hard-contested battle with the divi sion of Valdez, and the soldiers of the garrison of Braganza, the titular cradle of the dynasty of our adored King, who, in spite of the most obstinate resistance , yi elded to the valour of the Royalists and shut themselves up in the Castle, where, holding out till the 26th, they surrendered themselves prisommof war, preserving only their lives and the baggage belonging to the private property of the officers. The Royalist forces thus being crowned by the God of Victory, in spite of the occupation of the province of Tres os-Montes by two Constitutional divisions, under the command of Correa de Mello and Brigadier Claudino, the whole province de clared itself, with the rapidity of electricity, from one extremity to the other, •in favour of the good and sacred cause ; and over the whole it was successively proclaimed Don Miguel the first, as our legitimate King and Lord ; and your Majesty, as his Vicegerent, the Regent of these kingdoms, during his absence. The adminis tration of this oath I superintended, along with my brother, as Vice-President of the Supreme Provisional Government, in many towns ; and in others the Justices proceeded to do so, according to circumstances. Your Majesty will permit me, out of a feeling of zeal and truth, to call your Royal attention to the said Marquis of Chaves, who, having wandered much from reason, and lost that portion of in tellect with which God more or less had endowed him, was al ways with the division as a nominal chief, though the orders of the slay in spite of him, evinced the will of his uncle, the Viscount de Camelia& He, however, persisting in a system which was secret and al most. unintelligible, gave reason to fear that he would endanger the safety of the division by means of plans ill conceived and worse executed, in despising the true march by the heights of Barrosa, direct upon the province of Minho, and the entrance into Oporto. He turned aside to that of Tras-os-Montes, and in place of attacking separately the-enemy's divisions, for which he had the best oppor tunity, between Carrazedo and Franco, he ordered the movement of the troops Under my command, by the road of Santa Maria de Emmee, and that of his. own by the road of Zebres, instead of retiring by Murcia, neglecting thus to cut off General Mello, who was in. Carrazedo, distant three leagues from Passos and Lamm, where our diviSions then were. He retired by Villa Real, preceded by the division of Claudino, which marched to fortify itself in Amarante, while the division of Melho did the same in Villa Pouca, by the bridge of Cavez. I followed him with my division to Villa Pouca, whence I wrote to the same Viscount de Canellas, that he was to attack Claudino at Amarante, while I was to attack him in the rear, directing my march by Salto, pn the right bank of the Tamega ; and waiting his reply from halt: nest 10 on the night of the 7th of December till the afternoon of the Sth, he did not even deign to answer me. He displayed, Madam, other sinister intentions, which showed the design of dividing the army, the second division passing to the province of Beira, to allow the first, under my command, to be cut off. To avoid so fatal an event, I began my march on that day at 10 o'clock, and succeeded in joining, at Villa Real, the second division. I arrived on the 9th, at half-past nine in the morning, and it was only at four o'clock in the afternoon that I could obtain front him a reply to that despatch, the proposal of which he ap proved of, when it became impossible -to execute it, as he had before detached for Lamego a squadron of cavalry. It was, then discovered that the views of Canellas were directed more to the safety of his own near relatives of Lamego and the province of Beira, than to any other object ; perhaps in accor dance with his ideas to renew the final scene of 1823. This want of confidence extended to all the officers of the army, and obliged them by being provoked hy the same Viscount, who im puted to us faults which he himself had committed, to depose him front the Adjutant -Generalship, causing hint to retire to Canellas. The command devolving upon me, I resolved to enter into the prov:yice of Minho, and caused the army to march to the left bank of Ole Tamega, near Amar ante, where, placing my hi contact with the inhabitants of the right bank, I was prepared for the surprise of the enemy's troops on the day when new in trigues excited attL.9 head-quarters of the Marquis obliged me to a sudden, nocturnal, and precipitate march from thence to La znego, in the night betweert the 17th and 18th of December. Here the said Viscount de C Ane llaa came again upon the stage, and placing himself in contact with the Viscount de Varzea, whom he calls his son, because he is married to his niece, the Viscount being his cousin, to whom he gave a portion on her marriage, after attempting in a manner, as perverse as efficacious, to de rive me of the command of the army, they succeeded, by means of an is - surrection of the troops, and this conduct being punished by the Divine vengeance, they ordered a march upon Vireo, with the in tent of uniting with the divisions of Magessi and Telles Jordao. Having arrived at that city, they began to enlarge their party, by inviting to join it, Viscount de Molellos, whom they commis sioned to go and treat with the said Magessi and Telles Jordan. After this we set out on the road to Celorico, and being in the village of Sampaio, on the 29th of the last month, I set out on the same night to have a conference at Celorico with all the said Ge nerals. Then the said Viscount de Canellas returned to the exer cise of the Adjutant-Generalship. The two Viscounts de Varzea and Molellos being appointed to form a plan for the operations of the campaign, as if the Viscount de Canellas was not himself suf ficient to paralyze us, or if there were not sufficient facts to save ;:idividuals from conduct more or less suspected. But, Royal m e ,iain, that which I hold as decided is, that we have consumed ti me Qselessly, and without gaining for ourselves any ground to promote :he sacred cause. In the mean time, we are losing public opinion, anal the adherence of the people is weakened, or prepared for revolt. These evils, s .i,jch deserve the highest consideration of your Majesty, derive their prigin in a great part from the forced in action which the Viscount de Canellas has imposed upon the Su preme Provisional Governme);.t, which he net only disobeys, but which, after having been installed in Braganza, sworn to and re cognized on the 2Sth November, he, of his own will and plea sure, declared dissolved. In this manner this Viscount consti tutes himself the irresistible arbiter of the future fortune of the Royalist Army. The respectful love which I entertain towards an y legitimate Sovereign , to y our Majesty, and to ray dis tracted country, having determined me to save it, or to die with it, in proportion as it shows the purity of my zeal, con vinces me of the necessity of bringing to the knowledge of your Majesty these truths, not remote from your high penetration and wisdom, recalling to your Majesty the necessity for your Royal care. Perhaps on the preservation of this Government, installed and recognised in Braganza, depends the salvation of the cause in which we are engaged, this Government being authorised by your Majesty not only for creating concert in future opera., tions, and for providing subsistence for the troops, but likewise to carry on the war and to remove intrigues. Your Imperial jetty has only to command in order to be served. May God protect the sacred life of your Majesty for many years. Head-quarters at the Ponte de Abbade, Jan. 6, 1827. At the feet of your Imperial and Royal Majesty, I kiss your august hand. Viscount de MONTEALEGRE. eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeteeeeeeeexmeseeee The remainder of the battalion of Marines, which had been some time stationed at Lisbon, have arrived here in the Windsor Castle and Ocean.—Plymouth Journal. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, MARot 2. The Bishops of Ely, Clogher, and Killaloe, the Earl of Hope town, Lord Beresford, and the Duke of Newcastle, took the oaths and their seats. Mr. Chaplin, and others from the Commons, hrought up two private Bills. CATHOLICS. The Bishop of ELY presented two petitions from e Dean and Chapter, and from the Archdeaconry of Ely, against granting further concessions to the Catholics. Similar petitions were presented by Lord ROLLE from several places in Devonshire ; by the Earl of Winchelsea, from several places in the county of Kent ; by the Bishop of Exeter, from the parish of Newton, Devonshire ; by the Bishop of Bath and Wells, from the Clergy of the Archdeaconry of Bristol ; by Lord Ken yon, from a parish in Flintshire, and from several places in Shropshire ; by the Bishop of London, from the Inhabitants of Colchester ; from the Clergy and Archdeacon of Colchester; and from the Inhabitants of -, Essex. The Earl of KINGSTON presented petitions, praying for relief from the Roman Catholic Inhabitants of the City and County of cork. The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL expressed his opinion, that these petitions did not speak the sense of the inha bitants of the City of Cork. He , was sure the great majority of the inhabitants were adverse to the claims of the Catholics. After a brief conversation between the Noble Peers, the peti tions were received. The Earl of CLANRICARDE presented similar petitions from several places in the County of Galway. NAVIGATION LAWS. Lord FEVERSHAM presented a petition from the Shipowners of Whitby, Yorkshire, praying their Lordships to re-enact the Navigation Laws: CORN LAWS. Lord CARBERY presented a petition from the Millers of the neighbourhood of the City of Cork, praying for pro tection, if the Corn Laws should be altered. _ _ _ Lord ROLLE presented several petitions from parishes in Devonshire, praying their Lordships not to alter the Corn Laws. The Earl of KINGSTON presented several peti tions from parishes in the County of Tipperary, praying their Lordships to grant them protection, should they alter the system of the Corn Laws. Similar petitions were presented by the Earl of WINCH/LS/A from several parishes in the Eastern part of the County of. Kent by Lord TEYNHAM, from the Hundred of Manshead, Bedford• shire; by the Duke of. NEWCASTLE, from Newark-upon-Trent and from several places in Nottinghamshire. Earl STANHOPE, in rising to present a petition from the Agricultural Society of Holderness, in the East Riding of the County of York, begged to say a few words to their Lord ships, out of deference to the petitioners themselves, and out of of deference to the importance of the subject. He agreed entirely with the petitioners in their wish not to see the Corn Laws al tered for any untried projects ; but there was one point in which he dissented entirely from them. They stated to their Lordships that they regarded 265. as an adequate duty, but he (Earl Stan hope) did not ; and he would spew their Lordships, from what the petitioners themselves stated, that this sum would not be suf ficient. It wag a fact, as stated in the petition, as he could prove, that at Hull, the great storehouse for foreign grain, wheat had been imported and offered for sale at 245. per quarter ; if this were added to the protecting duty, the petitioners proposed, the sum would amount to 505., which would not remunerate the English grower. He did not doubt the fact ; and if their Lordships went into an inquiry, he should be ready to prove at their Lordships' Bar that wheat could be imported and sold at Hull for 245. per quarter. This did not surprise him at all. It accorded with, the information supplied by his Majesty's Consuls abroad, which he thought was quite as much to be relied on as that of,Mr. Jacob. In their reports it was stated that the average price of wheat in 1825, in the ports of the Baltic, and on the German Ocean, was ISs. 7d. per quarter. They had also •klded, that the expence of freight was such,that it might he imported into this coun try for 245. per quarter. Their statement, therefore, agreed with the fact, of wheat having been imported into Hull at this price.— The prayer of the petition was at variance with the allegations of the petitioners. They stated that the expences on the cultiva tion of wheat in Yorkshire, arising from taxation, could not be estimated at less than 325. per quarter, and they ought not, therefore, to be contented with a less protecting duty than that sum. If, according to their statement, sixty-four shillings was a remunerating price in Yorkshire, a still higher sum must be re quired when wheat was cultivated on poorer soils. The peti tioners asked a protecting duty of 265., and what would they now think when they heard that the duty was only to be 20s. when the price was 60s. per quarter? Was this the protection which it had been said had been granted to the British Agricultu rists ? and was this a scheme which was most favourable to their interest ? He happened that very day to hear the opinion of some eery intelligent agriculturists, on the measure which had last night beep proposed in another place, and they said, if it were passed, it would ruin them, and they were resolved, if it did pass, to leave this country, and retire to the Continent; they would quit, they said, a land which, whatever other advantages it might posstase was a land in which this measure convinced them no right was sacred, and no property secure. It was a strange project this, and strangely intended. It was described as in tended to prevent fluctuations in prices. But, were fluctuations in price the consequences of the Corn Laws ? He denied it. Did they lower the price of Colonial produce? Their Lordships would not forget Mr. Peel's Bill, which had carried desola tion into every part of the country. - Neither would their Lordships forget the measure that was introduced to miti gate the evils caused, though the Ministers had not the cou rage and the candour to avow their purpose. He hoped that there would be many opportunities—and he was sure there could not be too many—for their Lordships to express their opinions on the measure which had been proposed ; and he was sure, if their Lordships regarded the welfare of the country—if they thought of the estimation in which the public would hold them—that they would never consent to pass such a measure on no other authority than that of Mr. Jacob. There were two subjects on which be thought their Lordships ought to institute an inquiry. The first was, at what price foreign corn could be imported into this country ; and the second, what price would be a fair remunerating price for the home grower? much had beep said about a famine price, and odium had been thrown on the agricultural interest by using this word. But he wished their Lordships to eoosider, that what was called the famine price was,a nominal price, and it peght to be compared, not to the nomi nal price in other countries, hut to the wages of labour and the amount of taxation. He happened to know from a great landed pro prietor what were the wages of labour, and the amount of taxation, in one of the best-governed countries of Europe, and in which the peasantry were very well off. In Austria, the country to which he alluded, the price of wheat was I ss, per qr., but the wages of labour were sd.per day, or just one-fourth of what they were here. As to tax ation, taking the whole of the inhabitants, the amount of taxation paid in Austria was 7s. 6d. per head, while, taking the gross amount of taxation in Great Britain, not the sum which actually reached the Exchequer, the sum was 51. per head. In Austria the taxes were paid by IS days' labour, here it required 60 days' labour to pay them. And let their Lordships look at the effect of this state of things on the farmer. In Austria he paid his taxes by half a quarter of wheat, but he must in this country give one quarter and two-thirds. Under such circumstances, it was not possible for this country to compete with foreign countries. If Ministers would reduce taxation, and if they would alter all the existing ob ligations of the country, he should have no objection to see the trade in corn entirely free. He would then readily go the Noble Baron near him (Lord Kin g ), and say, give us a free trade in corn. Nothing, he contended, had been shown which could authorise altering the existing state of the law. What were the circumstances in the situation of the country at present which made the measures of 1815 and 1822 now mischievous?— The onus probandi lay oil those who had introduced those measures, and now proposed to alter them, without giving their Lordships any reason whatever for making the alter ation. He hoped the alteration would not be carried, for it would be highly detrimental to the country, and would pro mote to excess that very spirit of speculation it was said to be likely to repress. His Lordship concluded by saying, that he had also another petition to present from the farmers, occupiers of lands, agricultural labourers, and artizans, being inhabitants of Holderness.and its vicinity. He did not know whether he was quite in order in alluding to this petition, but he wished to call their Lordships' attention to the class of persons who signed it, who were, some of them, of the very class the law was said to injure. Yet the Corn Laws were described as the landlords' laws, and as intended to levy a tax for the benefit of the landlords. But he would ask their Lordships, if large districts of the coun try were to be thrown out of cultivation, would it not injure the husbandry labourers as well as the landlords ? He did not deny their Lordships' power, or the power of Parliament, to alter the laws ; but he would ask them, were they prepared by, any mea sure of theirs to deprive of the means of exercising their industry those who cultivated the .oil ?—The two petitions were laid on the Table. Lord KING said he had several petitions to present to their Lordships on this subject, and, like the Noble Earl who had just addressed them, he could not approve of the proposed measure ; but he differed in the grounds of his disapprobation from the Noble Earl. If it were necessary for all who live by their labour, and for all who live by the profits of stock, to eame forward and demand justice against the Corn Laws, there was no reason why these demands should not be repeated after what had passed within twenty-four hours. The petitioners asked to be allowed to enjoy the fruits of their labour, and they said that it was not fit and proper that their Lordship 4, who did not labour, should for their benefit tax those who la boured. It was said the Corn Laws did not cause the suffer ings of the country ; but he thought they did. There never was a period of greater suffering than the present, at least the sufferings were now as great as he ever remembered, and he thought these sufferings were caused by the Corn Laws. They limited our trade and they limited our food, and the country was suffering from wanting both food and employment. He was not contented by the proposed measure, and he believed nobody in the country would be contented. He thought they would never be contented till justice was done them. If their Lordships pursued their present course, and denied justice to the people, they would find before long that their hand would be against every man, and every man's hand against them. His Lordship concluded by presenting a petition from the Lord Mayor and Common Council of the City of London; a second petition from Rattray, Perthshire ; and a third petition from the Weavers of Leith. The Earl of MALMESBURY observed, that in looking over the returns from the Consuls abroad, he could find no information relative to the price of corn at the ports of the Black Sea, including Odessa, which he thought a most important point. Neither was there any information relative to Alexandria. Egypt had been the granary of Rome, and he did not kilow why corn might not be also imported from thence. In fact, a great quantity of beans had already been ordered from that port. He would move, therefore, that an humble Address should be present ed to his Majesty, praying for further information. But before making his motion, he wished to refer to the votes of the other House, in doing which he believed he . should net be out of order. He had seen those votes; and'he wished to take this' opportunity of expressing the concern which be felt lest he should not be able to support the Resolutions contained in those votes. The Resolutions destroyed the present system. He, for one, was willing to.titsent to considerable modifications in 'the present system, but he cmild not consent to abandon it. ' The alterations proposed would allow corn to be imported at all times, under certain conditions. It did away entirely with prohibition; and took away all security from the agriculturists. .He would have preferred a very•mode rate minimum price to the absence of all prohibition. It was said of the proposed measure, that it would take away the incon veniences of the averages, but he thought quite the contrary.— By the duty being fixed at a certain ampunt, a great corn dealer, by feeding the market, might lower or raise the price as it suited himself, and thus lower or raise the duty. Instead of preventing fluctuations, he believed it would cause them, and give occasion to more speculation than ever. He regretted that he was obliged to take the course he did ; but be thought it was better to take the earliest opportunity to express his dissent to the proposed mea sure. His Lordship concluded by proposing an humble Address to his Majesty, to lay before their Lordships whatever informa tion he may have received from his Majesty's Consuls relative to the laws regulating the exportation of grain from Odessa, and the price of grain in that port. Also, the same information relative to Alexandria.—Ordered. Lord ELLENBOROUGH suggested, that it would be adviseable if some Noble Lord would, by a motion, give their Lordships an opportunity of discussing the question before the Resolutions came up from the other House. The Earl. of INIALMESBURY had already troubled their Lordships very often on this subject, and he should not make any motion according to the suggestion of the Noble Lord. Lord REDESDALE .. suggested, that Mogadore should be included in the Address, and all the ports of the Me diterranean, as he knew that corn was imported in great quan tities from that port, and, in particular, that Madeiri received all its supplies from. thence. The Earl of MALMESBURY assented; and took that opportunity of" saying, that he did not think the infor mation possessed by their Lordships was so deficient as to what would he a remunerating price for the grower, which might be taken at 60s. or 645., as it was deficient with regard to the price at which foreign corn could be imported. It was necessarynot only to know at what price it might now be imported, but at what price it might be imported when foreign countries were assured of finding a steady market for their corn in this country. Earl STANHOPE differed with the Noble Earl as to their Lordships' information concerning a remunerating price, and thought it would be advisable to examine some practi cal men as to the effects of the proposed measure. He also wish ed to inquire into the effect of the measure on Ireland, which, he thought, would be so mush injured by it, that its population would he left destitute of employment. Their Lordship might, if they did not take care, kindle a flame which they might find it difficult to extinguish. His Lordship also condemned in strong terms the Bonding system, which, he said, prevented the sale of British goods. Earl BATHURST did not intend to trouble their Lordships, as he felt it occasioned considerable inconvenience to enter into long discussions on the presentation of petitions, or engage in a debate which might arise accidentally, and that could never lead to any adequate conclusion. But one Noble Lord seemed to think that their Lordships had not been treated with respect in not having bad a communication made to them before the Resolutions could be brought up from the Commons ; but their Lordships would recollect, that the measure could not have originated in that House ; and his Noble Friend, who wished to bring it before their Lordships, and who had bestowed great at tention on the subject, was for a long time in doubt whether he could even bring the subject before their Lordships without a breach of the privileges of the other House. Under such cir cumstances, he was sure their Lordships would not think he was wanting in respect to them in not bringing the subject before them, after his Noble Friend was prevented. As to the inquiry proposed by the Noble Earl, there might be some necessity, if their Lordships were not Satisfied on this point, to get further in formation as to the price at which foreign corn could be imported. As to the remunerating price—though this was a phrase he did not like to use--the Resolutions proposed were founded on what was understood to he a fair remunerating price. As to the other points for inquiry proposed by the Noble Earl relative to Ireland, and the effects of the bonding system, their Lordships must be aware, that if they were to enter into an inquiry of this exten sive nature, that they could not bring it to a conclusion this Ses sion; and when they recollected the number of interests con nected with this question, and the agitation it had already occa sioned, they must see that no evil could be so great as not coming to some decision. If their Lordships entered into an inquiry, it should be seduced to the narrowest compass possible, in order to settle the question before the close of the Session. The Earl of MALMESBURY explained, that he did not feel that there had been any disrespect on the part of the Government to their Lordships. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, if the Noble Earl opposite was not satisfied with the information before their Lordships, it was his business to move for a Committee. Earl BATHURST had never said, or meant to say, that the Government was not fully satisfied with the infor mation it possessed ; what he had said was, that if any Noble Lord were not satisfied, lie might move for further information. The Government had formed its judgment, and could not influence the judgment of their Lordships by submitting to them the papers which had guided the decisions of the Government. Lord KING said, if the Noble Earl opposite thought that any measure could settle the question, short of doing justice, he was mistaken. Certainly the present plan would not settle it. The Noble Earl found himself in great difficulty. He had not learned his lesson properly. He was unable to answer the objection of this Noble Lord and that Noble Lord, and the other Noble Lord. His brief had been put into his hands, but he had not come up to the mark. He would recommend him to buy a little catechism which had been published on the Corn Laws, which would enable him to answer all the fallacies of the Noble Peers op posite to him. For example, some Noble Lords said time Corn Laws were not the cause of our distress. This, the Noble Earl would find, was the fallacy, No. 49. The answer was, that they did deprive the people of employment, because they would not allow them to sell their pots and pans, and with them buy corn from any body but English landholders; and these landowners would not give them as much corn as would keep soul and body together. As to remunerating price, this was fallacy No. 82. A remunerating price was there stated to be necessary to the agri culturist; but the answer to it was, that the agriculturists asked a remunerating pri c e for what they were not asked to produce, and which might be got better elsewhere—(hear, hear.) —They per sisted in producing what nobody wanted, and insisted on being paid for it ; and the propriety of this might be judged of by sup posing the manufacturers to make the same claim. Lord R EDESDALE thought the latter quotation had let the cat out of the bag. The question was, should this country be cultivated or not—(Hear, hear !)—He knew, as had been stated by the Noble Earl (Stanhope), that several persons were preparing to leave the country, and would leave it, if the proposed measure were carried. He knew it ; and knew they would go to France, because that country had adopted our sys tem of Corn Laws, which would ensure them prosperity. France knew the utility of these laws, as America knew the utility of our navigation laws ; and while we were abolishing, those countries had adopted both our Navigation and Corn Laws. A great opposi tion of feeling prevailed between different classes of the commu nity, and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London had presented a petition to their Lordships, praying for an alteration in the Corn Laws. But whatever weight might be attached to a petition coming from so respectable a quarter, it might be conjectured that the citizens of London; were prejudiced by having an exclu sive eye to their own particular interests. Their Lordships knew that at one time their House had been voted useless; and the rea son was, that the influence of landed property had been excluded from the House of Commons ; and if they were considerably to diminish the influence of landed property, the House of Lords might be again voted useless, the Constitution would be destroyed, and the land-owners reduced to the condition of the Nobles of Po land. He insisted that the Corn imported from foreign countries, in exchinge for our manufactui es, would impose a tax on the agriculturists to an amount far beyond any advantage that could be gained. The Earl of DARLINGTON observed, that when he complained of the delay in bringing forward the Corn Question, he did so without any invidious intention. He was the less disposed towards any further inquiry at present, as such an inquiry, if it went any length, might prevent the decision of the question this Session; and the cause of his complaint, that the subject had not been brought forward sooner, was, that the country was in a state of great agitation and distress, and this question ought therefore to be settled without delay, since delay would he mischievous. He certainly did not think the plan proposed by Ministers so objectionable as some others thought it ; and although it was not, perhaps, so good as it might be, he con sidered, as one, that it might be very beneficially adopted for the present. The Earl of ROSSLYN observed, that if there should be an inquiry, it ought to be of a very limited nature, as he had no desire to protract the decision of the question. • Earl BATHURST begged leave not to be under stood as saying, that any further inquiry was called for. What he meant was, that the necessity for inquiry ought to be pre viously shown ; and if, upon that showing, an inquiry should be instituted, it ought to be of such a limited nature, that it would not protract the decision of the question beyond the present Ses sion. The Earl of MALMESBURY stated, that there were returns already made from the Consul at Odessa, where there were 600,000 quarters of wheat, last September, to be sold, at 71. per quarter. He proposed that the word " Alexandria" be substituted for Odessa. The Returns were then ordered. _ . - Lord YARBOROUGH presented several petitions from the Agriculturists of various parts of Lincolnshire, against any alteration in the Corn Laws.—Laid on the table. Earl BATHURST, alluding to certain Returns from the Custom-house, ordered by the House, stated that he held in his hand a Paper from Mr. Irving, stating the reasons why he had not been able, within the proper time, to make the Return. Their Lordships were well aware of the ability and attention with which Mr. Irving managed his business; and the Noble Lord who moved for the Return was, lie believed, perfectly satisfied with Mr. Irving's reasons. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that he was sa tisfied. Lord KENYON presented a petition from. Peck barn against any further Concessions' to the Catholics. The Earl of ROSSLYN presented a petition in fa vour of the Catholic Claims, from Hull.—Both laid on the table. GAME LAWS. Lord WHARNCLIFFE proposed that the Game Laws Bills should be read a second „time on Tuesday, the 13tb instant, and that the Lords be summoned for that day.—Ordered. Mr. Lloyd, from the Board of Trade, presented Returns from the Foreign Consuls relative to the Prices of Foreign Corn.— Laid on the Table. COLONIAL CRIMINAL LAW. Earl BATHURST moved an humble Address to his Majesty, that he would be pleased to order to be laid before their Lordsl.ip; a Copy of the Third Report made by the Com missioners appointed to inquire into the Administration of Justice in the West India Islands.—Ordered. His Lordship then laid on their Lordships' Table a Copy of the Second Report of the same Commissioners, and gave notice that he should, in a short time, bring in a Bill to improve the Administration of Justice in our Colonies. IRISH VESTRY ACT. _ _ _ _ Lord KING gave notice, that he would, on Mon day next, present a petition from certain Roman Catholics of Ire land, complaining of the Irish Vestry Act, under the authority of which the petitioners had been made to contribute to repair Pro testant Churches. He gave notice, because the petition contained several reflections on the Clergy of Ireland, and he should not wish, therefore, to present it unless souls of the Spiritual Lords were present. If it would be convenient for them to attend, he should present the petition on Monday.--Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-IStaacat 2. TIIE CATHOLIC QUESTION. The MASTER of the ROLLS presented a Peti tion from the Archdeacon and Clergy of Ely, against any further concessions to the Roman Catholics. The Marquis of CHANDOS, on presenting a si milar Petition from a parish in Buckinghamshire, remarked that be would oppose the attempts of the Catholics to possess them selves of political power as long as he had the honour of a seat in that House. The Catholic Question was of such an agitating and dangerous character that Government ought to settle it one way or the other.—(Hear !)—Their conduct in avoiding it was equally unfair, both to the Protestant and to the C a tholic.— s ( u C l i t l e e d ers f;:o ) m — t T h i e lepet presentiti o nsetrast,e nofthe illustration Catholic Question,of tlie e vils re fe t h r raetdre t ' the language and proceedings of the Catholic Association, which, they stated truly, had a direct tendency to excite insur rection among the Irish population ; and they, therefore, prayed that that body might be suppressed by law. Mr. A. DAWSON said he would shortly expose the hypocrisy and inconsistency which this petition was founded upon. The petitioners stigmatised the conduct of the Irish Ca tholics. But what, he asked, had the English Parliament done for the Catholics of England; who had used no inflammatory lan guage? What course were the Irish Catholics to follow? If they were silent, it was said they took no interest in the question. If they asserted their rights, they were treated as libellers and in cendiaries.—( Cheers. ) Mr. VILLIERS STUART said the only way to put an end to the Catholic Association was, by granting Catholic Emancipation. Mr. H. GRATTAN censured the language gene rally used by the petitioners against the Catholics. Mr. M'NAUGTEN presented a Petition, nume rously signed, from the county of Antrim, praying for the r 2- pression of the Catholic Association. Mr. BASTARD presented six Petitions from Hundreds in Devonshire, against the Catholic Claims. Mr. G. R. DAWSOIi said he had several Peti tions to present from different parts of Ireland to the same effect. This was a duty which he willingly and cheerfully performed, as his opinions on this question remained unchanged. One of these Petitions was signed by moo persons, and had been passed at a Public Meeting of Protestants, called for the purpose of expres sing their sentiments respecting the principles and practices of the Roman Catholics. In the Meetings of the Catholic Association it had been asserted that the opinion of the Irish people was univer sally in favour of the Catholic Claims. But this assertion had been disproved by'the acts of the people. The county he repre sented (Derry) had assembled and agreed to a Petition against any further coneessions. That example had been followed by the county of Antrim, one of the most populous and wealthy counties in Ireland. It had spread through the counties of Fermanagh, Tyrone, Donegal, and all the influential parts of the North of Ireland. He had also to present a Petition from the County of Wicklow. where the gentry felt the same determination to resist the claims of the Catholics ; and another from the County of Westmeath, which Ye deemed of considerable importance. The Petition from Derry was signed by all the resident gentry of that county, and that from Wicklow by a great majority of them, in cluding two or three Peers of the Realm, and most of those who composed the Grand Jury, as well as by a great number of persons of small property, who were neither under the controul of their landlords nor their priests.—(Cheers.) This fact was the more important as there was no county in Ireland more miserably afflicted than Westmeath was with the pestilential influence of the Roman Catholic P r iesthood.—(Cheers from both sides of the House.) He understood the meaning of the cheers from the Hon. Gentleman opposite. He could not at that moment stop to justify his language ; but when the proper time came he was prepared to prove against some of the Priests cases of such gross abuse of their spiritual authority as, it was hardly possible to suppose beforehand could have taken place in a civilised country.—(Hear, hear.)—lf the people of England would not al low such a domination as this to continue in Ireland, they must take on their heads the consequences of permitting this supre macy of the Catholic Priesthood. In hie opinion, all the evils that existed in Ireland were traceable to the Priests and the Ca tholic Association.—(Cheers.)--Nothing could be more fatal to the peace of Ireland than that body. No man dared to give an opinion on public matters, without subjecting himself to the taunts and attacks of that mischievous and illegal body. One petition he had to present was from the town of Headfort, in the county of Galway. All the:inhabitants had signed it ; yet, till within the last two years, they had been warm advocates of what was called Catholic Emancipation ; but, in consequence of the misery they had seen introduced into Ireland, through the agency of the Ca tholic Association, they felt themselves compelled, in self-defence, to send up a petition that no further concessions should be made, in compliance with the views, political or religious, of any portion of their fellow subjects, and that the law might be strengthened, in order to put down the mischievous Association of Dublin.— This was the feeling from one end of Ireland to the other among the Protestants.—(Loud cries of " hear, hear.")—He repeated it. Let any man go to Ireland, he would then see which was the op pressed party.—(Hear, hear.)—lt was the poor Protestant, who lived constantly in terror for his life and property.—(Loud cries of "hear, hear," from the Opposition Benches.)—Yes, he main tained, the Protestants lived in terror for their property as well as their lives. What did the Catholic Association mean by voting a part of the funds they drew from their starving dupes, to defray the expences of a Committee (for they imitated in every point of form the proceedings of Parliament), to search out the foundation of every man's title to his estates ? Was he not, then, justified in saying, that the Protestants lived in terror ? They knew they were inferior in numbers, and they felt their misery and degrada tion. The great majority had-now spoken out their sentiments, and he trusted the House would, as in duty it was bound to do, save them Worn the dangers that surrounded and threatened them. Mr. J. GRATTAN had heard with astonishment the inflammatory and seditious speech of the Hon. Member op posite. It was true that the Yeomanry of Wicklow were un friendly to the claims of the Catholics, because that body had been employed during the rebellion of 1798, and conceived that the. Catholics of Ireland were opposed to the rights and property of the Protestants. It was by such speeches as that just made by the Hon. Member for Derry that men were led astray. He denied that the majority of the Protestant Landed Proprietors of Wicklow were hostile to Catholic Emancipation. He (Mr. Grattan) was not himself friendly to the Catholic Asiociation, yet he trusted that that Association would persevere in their efforts, until his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects obtained their rights. Lord NORMANBY declared that he was a warm friend to Catholic Emancipation, though not personally connected with Ireland. He thought that the speech which the Hoe. Mem ber for Derry (Mr. G. Dawson) had that eight delivered, most tend to convince the House that the present state of things could not continue.--(Loud cheers.) ---The Hon. Gentleman, a Member of that Government which undertook to put down the Catholic Association, had stated that that Association still existed with all its baneful consequences. The Hon. Gentleman, a supporter of the existing laws, had told the House, that in the present state of Ireland, no Protestant could sleep with security in his bed. He would ask the Hon. Gentleman, then, whether, when the question of Catholic Emancipation was brought forward, he would dare to rise in his place, and oppose a measure calculated to tranquillize that country? Mr. G. MOORE maintained, that the great body of the landed proprietors of Wicklow were hostile to the claims of the Catholics. Mr. PROBY confirmed the statement of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wicklow (Mr. J. Grattan), that the ma jority of the Protestant inhabitants of Wicklow were favourable to Catholic Emancipation. Mr. BROWNLOW said, he had received a letter from the Colleague of the Honourable Member for Derry (Mr. J. GFattan), stating, that a petition , signed by 3,000 inhabitants of Londonderry, Emancipation. would be t ra nsmitted to him (Mr. B.), praying for Catholic Sir G. HILL asked whether the petition was signed by any Protestant inhabitants of Londonderry, or exclusively by Roman Catholics? Mr. BR OWNLOW could not answer the ques tion of the Hon. Baronet, as he had not yet received the petition. Sir G. HILL said, he would answer for it there were not two Protestant names to the petition.—(A laugh.) Sir J. NEWPORT said, that however intemperate the language used by the members of the Catholic Association might occasionally have been, no speech could exceed in violence and intemperate statement that which the Hon. Member opposite had himself addressed to his constituents of Derry. Had such a speech been addressed in the South of Ireland to a Catholic as sembly, as the Hon. Member opposite had addressed to a Pro testant assembly, the utterer of it might justly have been charged with seditiously attempting to excite disturbance, and involve the inhabitants in a civil war. Mr. G. DAWSON, while he entertained the greatett respect for the character of the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo site (Sir J. Newport) in common with every one who had watched the progress of his public life, could not but complain of the unfair manner in which he had taken this opportunity of charging him (Mr. D.) with uttering seditious speeches, either to his c onstituents or in his place in Parliament. This was not the first time that he (Mr. D.) had been accused of being in the ha bit of indulging in inflammatory language.—(Hear, hear, bear, from the Opposition benches.)—He had uniformly expressed the feelings of his mind with the same freedom, and no more than the same freedom as Hon. Gentlemen opposite ; and he would tell the Hon. Baionet that he should continue, notwithstanding his taunts, to express in strong language his opinions and feelings with regard to the Catholic Association, both in that House and the county of Derry, whenever he might feel it his duty to ad dress his constituents. Mr. J. GRATTAN beg ged to ask the Hon. Gentleman whether the petition fro m 'Wicklow had been agr ee d to at a Public Meeting. duals. G. DAWSON could n ot sa y whet her there had been a public meeting. The p etition had been transmitte d to him was signed b ya gentlem a nup upwards of o p f r propert y in t i h aid, that as a freeholder o f Mr. H. GRATTAN S the county of Wicklow, he should shortly have a p etition to pre sent from that part of Ir eland, similar in character to one which had been recently presented. As to intemperate and violent lan guage, he could no t hel p reminding the Hon. Gentleman o pp osite iudsl coun ty a . of Wicklow, and of the language used by a Member of the Government with respect to certain party toasts proposed at the dinner given to his Majesty by the Corporation of Dublin. His Majesty had expressed his disapprobation of these toasts, but a Member of the Irish Go vernment did not concur in his Majesty's opinion. The Hon. Member then read a passage in a letter signed by the Hon. Mem ber for Derry (Mr. G. Dawson), expressing approbation of the toasts in question. Mr. G. DAWSON complained of Hon. Members opposite making him the butt on all occasions.—(A 'ugh.) One would not allow him to speak, and another would not allow him to drink a glass of wine.—(Laughter.)—lt was not fair in the Honourable Member to make him responsible for statements made in newspaper paragraphs and reports. If he had any fault to find with his conduct, let him make his charge in such a way as would afford him (Mr. D.) an opportunity of answering it. Mr. SPRING RICE strongly deprecated this intrusion of spiritual warmth upon the discussion of such a ques tion. He entreated them not to lower themselves in the eyes of the country, or impair their utility, by exhibiting a want of dignity and temper on such an occasion as the present.—(Hear.) The petitions presented by Mr. Dawson were then laid on the table. Mr. PLUNKETT presented a petition from the Roman Catholics of several parishes in Ireland, couched in ve respectful and temperate language, one of which quest to have read, in the hope of recalling the House to some de gree of good temper upon this occaion. One of the petitions was then read, and together with the others subsequently laid on the table. THE ROMAN CATHOLIC PRELATES. Mr. PLUNKETT rose, in consequence of the notice which he had given last night, to prevent the petition of the Roman Catholic Prelates of Ireland, praying for a. repeal of the disabilities which affected their body. He was particu larly anxious to call the attention of the House to this petition, because of the important information it conveyed, the great re spectability of the persons from whom it canoe, aid who were en titledhigh station and character of these petitionees which gave them which they had of pos to every consideration'from that Howie. It was not only the that consideration, but the opportunities sessing an intimate knowledge of the situation of the people, of whose views and wants they were the most competent judges.— They stated that they felt the greatest reluctance in coming for.