The Sun. — London, England, 1831-11-09 00:00:00

WARWICK GREAT COUNTY REFORM MEETING, 13Y EXPRESS. NVARWICK, TUEiDAN , Nos. S. This town has been the scene of bustle and excitement for some slays, partly in consequence of apprehension being entertained that some disturbances would take place at the great county 'netting, whioli, in pursuance of the follow- ing requisition to the Sheriff, was hill to-d iy. NVr, the undersigned freeholders, request you will con vene a meeting of the nobility, clergy, freeholders, and householders of the county if Warwick, to address his Majesty on the r. jection by the llouse of Lords of the Bill to amend the representation of the people of England and Wales. The Mayor and Magistrates, tearing disturbances, issued the following placard :-- " The Mayor and Magistrates respectfully invite the ill'ilLbitant householders of the borough to assemble at the feourt-hous e this day, between the hours of twelve and three, For the purpose of being sworn in special constables, for the preservation of the i peace, and the protection of their persons and property i the event of any tumult taking place to.ntorrow. " Warwick, Nov. 7, 1531." " JAS. TIBBITS,tArn Clerk. In consequence of this the greater part of the inhabi tants were sw , ,za In special conetables, the infantry and yeomanry cavalry of the court! were ordered to hold themselves in readiness tv) act at a moment's notice. These apprehensions were increased in consequence of 'some disturbances which took place on Monday at Coventry, where the mob burnt down the large silk manufactory of Messrs. Beck, in consequence of some disagreement be tween them and their workmen with rescect to their wages. Happily, however, the disturbances did not ex tend any further, and on Tuesday morning all was quiet. The fears of the Mayor and Magistrates of Warwick were completely ridiculed all over the town, and a placard was soon put in circulation, addressed to the inhabitants of Warwick, decrying the conduct that had been pursued, of witich the following is a copy : "TO THE INHABITANTS 01' WARNyICK. "The High Sheriff of th© county has called a meeting forTues_ day next, at the request of one hundred and fifty respectable, and many of them the most influential and opulent gentry and freeholders of this county, including nearly thirty Magistrates, with the late and present Chairman of the Quarter Sessions, lbr the legal and constitutional purpose of addressing the King npOn the all-engrossing subject of Reform. " Upon a similar occasion the largest County Meeting ever known here was held, and since then one at Ilirtningharn, at tended by one hundred and fifty thousand people, in the most peaceable and orderly manner, and yet the Magistrates of this borough have attempted to cast a slur Upon the intentions of the present requisitionists,who they wostM have you believe are about to meet to break the peace, and they call upon you to be sworn as special constables, to protect yourselves from the fatal eflbcts of some visionary dream that" has entered into their wild and timid imaginations. " The yeomanry Are to be called out to protect you from the suachinations of these county Magistrates and freeholders, Have these borough Magistrates then raised a shadow and frighted themselves ? or are they trying to create that disorder which they pretend to fear P I tell you, and I tell them, that they have no grounds for what they are doing, and they know they have not, and if one grain of sense is left in the whole body they will recall their insulting request, and leave you to enjoy your meeting in that peace and good order, which nothing but the foolish interference of an imbecile, weak, and inefficient body can destroy. "Fellow Townsmen,--)le peaceable, suffer not yourselves to be thrown off your guard by the impertinent interference of those who, truckling to slaves in office, will try to distract your atten tion, and by every means they can devise endeavour to pro mote disorder—for nothing on earth can now prevent that Re form which we are all anxious to obtain, while peace and go o d order is your motto, and union is your strength ;—by peace you will defeat the machination of your enemies,—by peace you will show your loyalty to your King,—and by peace you will pre serve the honour and reputation of your country.—God save the King. " Nov. 7, 1531." Among the other placards posted about the town were the following " RWICKSHIRE COUNTY REFORM MEETING. " Freeholders and Inhabitant HoUseholders of the County of Warwick,---Your petitions, the claims and rights of the whole nation, have been grossly and blindly rejected by the House of turd. Spiritual and Temporal. The Anti-Reformers falselj assert that a re-action has taken place—a re-action has taken place. You are now determined to overcome an oligarchy which nas usurped the constitutional rights of the people in the Corm mons House of Parliament. Do your duty, for a great crisis is at hand. Your liberties, your rights, your property, your labour. your industry, are involved in the peaceful success of this great national cause. Suppon. the King, his Ministers, yourselves. Freeholders, householders, attend the county meeting on Tues day next. Fellow-countrymen, Lovers of Freedom, Justice, Truth, and Humanity,—Matifest your warm attachment to vour King and his Ministers—your ardent desire for the fran quillitr, safety, and happiness of your native country—your love for posterity, and your abhorrence of that foul faction that would rob your gracious Sovereign of his prerogative, and withhold from you your rights, by attending the great county meeting on Tuesday next; and let your numbers and the pro priety of your conduct on that day prove that the friends of Re !win have not relapsed into indifference that they are the true lovers of peace." " The Warwick Political Society, and all other friends of Re. form, are respectfully requested to meet at the Grand Stand, at half-past nine o'clock on Tuesday morning, to welcome their brethren who are corning from other places, and with them to march in procession to the place of meeting.—God save the King?" The original place of meeting fixed upon by the High Sheriff was the Shire-hall, but in consequence of the ex pected largeness of the meeting, it was determined that it should take place in the Market-place, and hustings were accordingly erected for that purpose. The High Sheriff, attended by Viscount Hood, Sir George Philips, Sir George Chetwynd, Sir E. Eardley Wilmot, the Rev. A. G. Wade, D.D., Sir C. T. Throckinorton, Thomas Attwood, Esq., Thomas Cotton, Esq., G. F. Aluntz, Esq., Sir J. Skipwith, F. Lawley, Esq., M.P., Bolton King, Esq., 11. C. Adams, Esq., Hon. C. T. Clifford, Arthur F. Gregory, Esq., W. F. Wratislaw, Esq., John Shuckburgli, E-q., Joseph Parkes, Esq., R. Gee, Esq., F. Holyoake, Esq., J. West, Esq., and most of the influ ential and wealthy landowners of the county, proceeded shortly after twelve o'clock to the Shire-ball, and after reading the requisition, immediately proceeded to the Market-place, where upwards of 5,000 persons bad col lected. The members of the Birmingham Union did not attend, considering that it was better to leave the free holders of the county to their own independent expression of public opinion. The Leamington, Stratford-on-Avon, Coventry, Kenilworth, and other neighbouring Unions, marched in with banners and music, imparting a most lively character to the scene. Many of them also wore medals made for the occasion, having on one side likenesses of the King, Earl Grey, Lord Brougham, and Lord John Russell, with the motto—" The Confidence of the People," and on the reverse—" The Desire of the People—the Re form Bill—No Ministerial Pensions—No Tithes—No Corn Laws—No Game Laws--No Stamp Taxes—No East In dia Monopoly —No Colonial Slavery." On Mr. LAWLET mounting the hustings he was re ceived with three rounds of applause. On the High Sheriff taking the Chair three cheers were given for the King, three for the county Members, three for the High Sheriff, three for Lord Hood, and three for J. 'fames, Esq. The HIGH SHERIFF' then rose to address the meeting. He had convened it in consequence of having received from many highly respectable freeholders the requisition which had just been read in the County Hall. He trusted that the meeting would prove themselves attached to the old English principle, offering all parties an attentive hear ing.—(Loud cheers.) A. GREGORY, Esq. have received the following letter from Lord Dormer, felt it his duty to read it to the meeting : " My DeAR regret that my absence from home will prevent me having the honour of attending the county meeting. " Had I been present I would have voted for the support of his Majesty's Ministers, and in testimony of my gratitude for their measure of Reform. " Should you have an opportunity of expressing these my opinions, you would very much oblige, " Your's faithfully, " DORMER." Lord HOOD also pleaded an apology for the non-attendance of Chandoa Leigh, Esq. of Stoneleigh, who had met with an accident in consequence of being thrown from leis gig; but he had directed bins to assure the meeting that it had his best wishes, that he always had been, and should be, a supporter of Reform.—(Loud cheers.) Sir RICHARD PHILLIPS then rose for the purpose of moving the first resolution, which, on being requested to do, he did not think be should have acted as became biiii if he had not complied with, but could not but wish it had been put in abler hands.—(Cheers.) If it bad not been repeatedly asserted by Parliament, that a re-action had taken place with respect to Reform in the public mind, and that it was becoming quite indifferent upon the question, he should not have thought it ne cessary to have said a word, or have ben of the body to request the High Sheriff to convene the present meeting, the sentiments of the freeholders and in habitants of the county upon the great question having been so fully declared on former occasions.—(Loud cheers.) Though he had been doubtful as to what would have been the fate of the Reform Bill in the House of Loris, he never could have persuaded himself to believe the reports that were current that the Lords would reject the Bill upon the second reading. lie did not conceive it possible that that assembly would have refused to take into consi deration the provisions of the Bill recommended to the Commons by his :Majesty, passed by th e C ommons, with a great majority, after a most patient and deliberate consideration of the subject.—(Cheers.) He could not bring himself to believe that the Lords would refuse to take into consideration a Bill introduced to them under ouch circumstances--a Bill that had been received by a treat majority Of the people, and a measure that w ould eal all their woe* and give happiness an d prosperity t- W• the country..—(Lcittid cheery.) When he looked to the 4 etspeeches of the opponents to that great m easure, be must acknowledge that he could not see a single s l / 4 " reasonable ground urged for their having acted so ungracione a part.—(Loud cheers.) The principle j -woo. we eapements of the Measure had adithitted themselves to be advocates for some tkeform, but they would not tell the people what , —'(Chters.) They admitted that some change was necessary . Why, therefore, shOnld they not take Into consideratiou the change proeose,l to them by his Ma jesty's Government, a Change which had been sanctioned by the rinse of Cdanmons, and was approied of by the people. He did not mean to say that tha measure, as sent from the House of CommoWa was so complete and perfect that it might ant be improved in the House of Lords.—(Cheers.) The House of Lords ought to have set them -~elves to work upon the Bill to make improve ments if they were necessary, and b y doing that they would conferred upon thems e lves he gteatest (Cheers. ) But their Lordship's had delerMined hot to act that parts 'I here was a want of accordance between the Lorda and the people of Englanal on this great question. What was the reason of that Why the people had been governed for the last halt century by a Ministry totally de void of libere 4 .l - ',rinciples—a Ministry who threw every impedireint in the way of an admission into the House of Morals, or into any of the honours of the State.—(Loud and long-continued cheers.) In several counties that principle had been carried to such an extent, that the most trifling thinta had been caught hold of to withhold from men of high rank and station, and known liberal principles, the honours of even a Lord-Lieutenancy.— (Cries of " That was done to Earl Fitzwilliam.") When Lord Grey came into the Ministry such petty feelings were done away with, and honours were conferred on the most deserving.—(Cheers.) When such things as he had been referring to were done by a late Ministry, how could the meeting be surprised at the conduct of the Bench of Bi shops ?—(Cheers.) But to use the language of the Lord Chancellor he would say that the Government was not to be tripped up by such conduct—that its stability wonld be increased by the firmness of the King, and the conduct of the people.—(Loud cheers.) He did not wish the meeting to suppose that by the obser vations be had made, he wished to prejudice them against the Lords, Spiritual and Temporal. He knew there were many on the Bench of Bishops of high exemplary conduct in private life ; the Bishop of London, for instance, was a men of most extraordinary attainments, but the contrast between the course that he had pursued, and that which had been followed by the Bishop of Norwich and the 'l;shop of Chichester,,must be apparent to the meeting. —(Cheers.) The observations which he had addressed to the meeting was for the purpose of leading them to the conclusion, that if the obvious expedient for passing the Reform Bill, by creating Peers of liberal principles, was resorted to, it was an expedient which might be adopted with great public advantage.—(Loud and continued cheering.) The infusion of a body of liberal Peers, Spiritual and Temporal, into the House of Lords, would have a most beneficial effect on the House of Lords itself, as it would bring them more in accordance with the feelings of the community, and of restoring that confidence between it and tl em, of which its late conduct had de prived it.—(Cheers.) lie could not for a moment enter tain a doubt that a great and fficacious measure of Reform would soon be carried into affect, as it was impossible to resist the united wishes of the King, the Government, and the people. The time had now gone by when any man could stand up and vindicate a state of things which would give a right to return two Metall ers for a place like Old Sarum, but deny it to such great and influential towns as Manchester and Birmingham.—(Continued cheering.) Nothing could resist the attainment of that great measure, on which the King and his Ministers had set their hearts, but any thing like intemperance in their resolutions or violence in their conduct.—(Loud cheering.) He was persuaded, however, that nothing was to be apprehended from the county of Warwick. It had set an example to the community at large,—it had been firm in its prin ciples, but peaceable in retaining them. That conduct, he had no doubt, they would continue to-day, and show to those who feared that the meeting would produce dis order, riot, and confusion, the fallacy of their apprehen sions. —(Loud cheers, and cries of " We will, we will.") He had had a paper put into his hand, showing that some parties entertained great alarms for the peace of the country.—(Loud laughter.) That the military had been placed at short distances, ready to act, and that most of the inhabitants had been sworn in special constables.— (Loud laughter.) Of such nonsensical conduct he would say that if it were possible to exc'te the people to mischief the course pursued by certain persons was the very way to do it.—(Loud cheers.) He would not say that the per sons issuing the placard alluded to had that object in view, but he would say that if they wished such results to ensue they could not have adopted a better course for the attain ment of their object.—(Loud cheers.) He had no doubt that the great measure would soon be carried. In the meantime he trusted that those who professed them selves the possessors of liberal principles would be careful not to give cause for any man to say they cast reflections upon others because they differed in opinion from them.— (Cheers.) Allowances must be made for the differences of opinion entertained by men on the same subject.— (Cheets.) There were no doubt men who believed danger would ensue from so extensive a measure as that which had been brought forward, and that it would be much easier to carry a more li mited measure through the House of Commons.— (Cheers.) He thought, however, such men would soon find out their mistake, and that that measure which had been adopted. by the King, and received by the people, was the only eff.ctive measure that could be brought forward. —(Loud cheering.) All differences would then be for gotten, in the anxiety of all to promote the welfare of the community, and all would join heart and hand in sup porting a good Government.—(Loud cheering.) The worthy Baronet concluded by moving the first resolution:— "That this meeting, sincerely attached to the Constitution of these realms, deeply deplore the ref - asal of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal to take into consideration the Bill for amending the representation of the people in England and Wales, which was recommended by his Majesty, had passed the House of Com mons, and would have secured the rights of the people." —(Loud and long continued cheering.) BOLTON KING, Esq., in rising to second the resolution, which had just been read, observed that it was not his intention to occupy much of the time of the meeting, as on another occasion he had had an opportunity of stating his opinions in favour of Reform.—(Loud cries of " Bravo.") It was not necessary, therefore, for him to state his own individual opinions on the subject ; but that as the Bill had been rejected by the House of Lords, he thought it the duty of all men in the country to shew a determination to support Ministers, who were de termined to support them.—(Loud and continued cheering.) The Bill, he was happy to say, though thrown out for a season, was not lost. That the House of Lords had a right to reject it he did not mean for one mo ment to question, but he lamented that they had thought proper to put their negative to a Bill which had received the assent of the whole nation, was patronised by the King, and which had been sent up to them by a great majority of the representatives of the nation.—(Tremendous cheering.) That this Bill would be carried, be had no doubt, and it was by meetings of this sort, firmly expressing the opinions of the people, that they would be successful. If, however, that should not be the case, it would then become the duty of the King, in his opinion, naexercise those high prerogatives with which he was invested, in creating a sufficient number of Peers to pass the Bill.—(Cheers.) He trusted the meeting would allow him to say, that no greater injury could be done to the cause than by attempting to carry it by uncon constitutional means—by riot and confusion.—(Loud cheering.) He was sure that rotten boroughs could not any longer be represented, and that it would be impossible any longer to deny the great towns representation.—(Cries in the crowd " Where is the 101. suffrage.'') Great Reform in the representation was absolutely necessary. He should, therefore, continue his support to the measure introduced by his Majesty's Ministers, and feel it his duty to oppose all those who would take ad vantage of the state of public excitement to produce riot and disturbance. Let the present meeting do their duty as Warwickshire men and Englishmen, and they mould soon have a Bill passed which would render this country one of the happiest on the earth.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. GEORGE EDMUNDS, of Birmingham, wished to make a few observations with the permission of the High Sheriff, before the question of the passing of the resolution was put to the meeting.—(Mr. Edmunds was received with the most enthusiastic applause.) In his opinion the country was now in a most critical state.—(Loud cheers.) It was now impossible that it could avoid the alternative either of an effectual Reform or a convul sion and subversion of the foundation of society. —(Load and continued cheering.) Upon this great question, a numerical majority of every sect or society in England had declared itself favourable to the great mea sure of Rerorm. Iu England—in Old England—a majo rity of the Nobility had proved themselves favourable to the Bill brought forward by his Majesty's Ministers, and it was to the Scotch and Irish Peers, and to their Lord ships the Bishops, who had chosen to repudiate the Bill, that the people of this country were indebted for all the privations they were labouring under.—(Cheers.) fle would say to every Englishman, if they wished to see real English sentiments expressed, they should look. to what had been said by the Old English Aristocracy.—(Tre tnendons cheering.) Another circumstance, .as a guaran tee 9f the passing of the measure brought forward by . his Majesty's Ministers, was that the people—he did not' mean the rabble—the rioting rabble—he did not mean the labouring man or the master manufacturer, he theant all the community of every class, were nosh, one and all, determined to carry this gr'eat measure, and it had been very properly observed that Where the wealth and strength of the country were determined on a me Imre that wait beneficial to the country, it was impossible to reset it.—(Loud cheers.) As well might the Government of Algiers be imposed on the people, or a Russian Autocrat placed upon the throne, as to attempt to resist it.—(Tremendous cheering.) Another circumstance in its favour was its obvious justice. The welfare of such a nation had produced in the nilnd of every Englishman the deepen anStiety for its ultimate success, and the worst of consequences might he expected to ensue if the reason able wishes of the people were again refused. Another cir cumstance in its favour was the nature of the boroughmong ering Constitution. It had been contended by an Oligarchy that i t was impossible to place the representation of the country upon a better foundation.—(Cheers.) The real property of the country, however, had stated their opinion otherwise. They were favourable to the mea sures and were of opinion unless they got a Reformed Parliament they were as badly off as during the time of ' Charles the First, when he chose to reign for twelve years without a Parliament.—(Loud cheers.) Without Reform the country might as well have the Russian Autocrat and the Great Turk planted upon them in the shape of Lords who were determined to make them slaves.--(Loud &leers.) Many persons who had engaged in the prosecu tion of Reform, doubted the propriety of it; but when the House of Commons had rejected the assertion so long made, that the constitution of the House was bad, it was impossible for public opinion to recede in that important point.—(Loud cheers.) The public mind was as surely nailed to the glorious cause of Reform, as that the King had patronised it, and that the great Peers of the country had stated that it was necessary.—(Loud cheers.) No man would now recede from the cause on account of being considered disloyal, and it was because his Ma jesty was endeavoured to be led by a faction to a precipice, that the people of England now stepped fora and to save him from destruction, and prove their loyalty and sincere attachment to the Constitution of the country.— (Loud cheers.) Another circumstance that caused at tachment to the great cause was the bitter fruits that had grown upon the boroughmongering tree.—(Loud cheers.) Those bitter fruits presented themselves in the shape of wars, taxation, and the cramping of the liberties of the lower classes, by which they were reedered available. He would ask the meeting to look to the fruits of that tree, and then inquire of the faction who advocated it whether they could ever plead that the thing works well.—(Cheers.) Who would dare to say that the country, almost reduced to rebellion on account of bad laws?--(Cheers)—who would dare to say that the boroughmongering Government had been a goad one? It was an insult to the people of England to sty so.--(Loud cheers.) He had made these few ob servations with a view to convince the meeting, that although the cause of Reform might be retarded for a season, it must ultimately succeed.—(Loud cheering.)— The complete exposure that had now been made in the boroughmongering system, carried conviction to the minds of ever , / man that the cause of Reform was a righteous one, and mast be successful.—(Loud cheers.) A few of the obstacles that lay in the way of that cause was, that the ex-Ministers, anxious again to get into power, were its most deadly opponents. If the meeting looked at their conduct, however, they would find that they were setting at nought the peace and tranquillity of the people, and that some of them were openly declaring that they would rather see rioting and confusion than peace and good order.—.(Cheers.) The Duke of Wellington had admitted that some Reform was necessary. Ile knew that the cause of the people was a righteous one, and he also knew, that if it was supported by righteous and legal means, that such was the confidence of the people in the present Government, that they knew they had no cause for despair. —(Loud cheers ) He would now make a few observatims upon the conduct of their Lordships the Bishops. If they had only given their votes in favour of the Bill, instead of against it, they would have secured the passing of that measure.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " Down with them, down with them.") They had, by their votes, rejected this measure, they had intro duced more enmity against religion amongst the people than Mr. Taylor and all the deists and athiests of the present day had.—(Cheers.) In the reign of Charles I. the Bishops were turned out of the House of Lords, and voted a nui sance. This was sanctioned by Bishop Burnet, who gave the character of the clergy in the following terms. He lamented that during the whole of his life to see so little true zeal among the clergy of the Church of Eng land. He saw much more zeal in the clergy of the Church of Rome, though it was but ill-directed and ill-conducted, and he saw likewise much more zeal throughout the foreign churches and far greater than had been displayed by the Church of England.—(Cheers.) Their Lordships had treated the King and his Ministers with consummate contempt, and had set themselves in open defiance to the wishes and happiness of the people. But he trusted now they saw that Ministers were likely to stick to their posts, they would vote with them, and by that means regain the respect which was before en tertained for them by the people. Most heartily did he wish that every Noble Lord, either Spiritual or Temporal, might be deposed that was an enemy to the people, and refused to support the Bill. There were other enemies to the Bill, those who injured this great cause by acts of violence. Every Reformer was hound to preserve good order. He could not but deplore the terrible disorders that had taken place at Bristol, and he hoped those who had caused it would be brought to condign punishment. — (Cheers ) He detested the principles of Sir Charles Wetherell, who had argued as a lawyer on behalf of a cor rupt client.—(Cheers.) The meeting would he surprised to hear it stated that at Bristol one of the persons who had been forward on setting fire to a house in that city was actually a special constable.—(Loud cheers.) Those who aimed at revolution were the avowed and greatest enemies of the people, and those who wanted to persuade them that the present Reform Bill was not sufficient, and they ought to have universal suffrage, annual Parliaments, and vote by I allot, were worse ene mies to the people still.—(Loud cries of " That's Hunt, that's Hunt.") He (Mr. E.) would not deny that he meant the Member for Preston. lie would take upon himself to assert most positively, that if he was an honest man he was a revolutionist—there was no alternative. He either meant to tell the people that if the Government did not grant them that, you must put down the Govern ment, or else the boroughmongers would be told to put them down. Ile would say that for the Hon. Mem b e r to vote for the Bill as gcod, and then to tell the peop l e it was a humbug, either proved him an arrant kna v e o r a great fool.—(Loud laughter.) If Mr. Hunt meant revo lution, why did he call upon him for proposing to the people not to pay taxes, which, by-the. bye, he never did do, or that he said if all other constitutional means fail, that the people could not grapple with the boroughmongers by any other means, that then they were to refuse to put their hands into their pockets for the purpose of paying taxes.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. E.) admired the conduct of the present Ministry, and they should have his support as long as they stuck to the cause of the country.--(Cheers.) The conduct of Mr. Hunt in Lancashire, either proved hint a knave or a fool. He lamented extremely that Mr. Cobbett should have taken steps to undermine the confidence of the people in Ministers. He thought in doing so he had committed an overt act.— (Cheers.) It was the great duty of all to continua to en lighten the public mind. He rejoiced to see the force of truth—he rejoiced to see the High Sheriff, an avowed Re former, in the chair.—(Loud cheers.) The very gentle man who some years ago was foreman of a jury, who had convicted him for his endeavour to establish this great and glorious cause. Like the great persecution of the Chris. tians, the light of Heaven had shone upon him and made him a Reformer.—(Loud cheers.) He trusted that the people would organize not with a view to employ physical force against the laws of the country, but in order that the boroughmongers might be able to count them. The people of Birmingham were proceeding in such a course, and the Union would be able shortly, not only to give their names, but the places where they resided, in order that the boroughmongers might, if they choose, call upon them, for the purpose of ascertaining their sentiments.—(Loud laughter.) The great ques tion before the meeting was one of more importance than had ever been discussed, and he hoped the country would imitate those noble Grecians who sacrificed them selves for the good of their country—(Loud cheers)—and would retain the sentiments of the poet, who declared " That it was delicious—it was heavenly to die for his country."—(Cheers.) He implored every man at the present meeting to consecrate himself to this great work, and to act as though the cause depended upon his single hand and arm.—(Loud cheering.) The HIGH SHERIFF. then put the question to the meet ing, which was carried unanimously. Lord Hoon came forward to move the second resolution a midst the most enthusiastic applause. lie was in hopes that the next meeting he should have attended of this great county would have been for the purpose of congra tulating it on the passing of the Reform Bill.—(Cheers.) That, howemr, he was sorry to say, had not taken place. But he trusted the meeting would not despair, but re member that they had a patriotic King and an honest Ministry who would support the people, and stick close to their King in this greet elid glorious caase...-(Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord concluded by reading the fol lowing resolution : " That this meeting declares its unabated confidence in his Ma jesty's Ministers, and awaits with anxiety the re-introduction of a measure of Parliamentary Reform equally efficacious in remov ing corruption ; whereby the Constitution will be preserved, and the prosperity of every order of society be secured." H. C. ADA:SIS, Esq., seconded the resolution winch had been proposed by the Noble Lord. He had during his whole life been a friend to Reform, and should always be so.—(Cheers.) A person calling himself a Birmingham mecha nic, here addressed the High Sheriff, but at so great a distance from the Reporters as to be almost inaudible to them. We, however l understood hint to say, that the present system of representation was a violation of all social compaCts, and had caused the sons and daugh ters of once happy England to be cursed with a load of taxation.—(Cheers.) When the Reform Bill was intro duced, it was hailed with happiness by the people. With respect to the conduct of the Bishops, he considered that there was as much difference between the course pursued by them and that of the other Peers who voted against the measure, as there was between Judas Iscariot and Jesus Christ.—(Loud laughter.) The time was now approaching when the rights of man were to be recog nized, and the glorious Trinity of truth, liberty, and jus tice, was to he regarded.—(Cheers.) The resolution was carried unanimously. Sir GEORGE CIIETWYND, in moving the address, stated that it would not be necessary fur him to occupy the time of the meeting, but at the present most awful and mo mentous crisis in which the country was placed, he con ceived it to be the duty of every individual who had any thing to state, to come forward and to state his sentiments in favour of this measure. He would therefore implore the meeting to indulge him for a short time while he made a few observations.—(Cheers.) Only a few months had elapsed since he had the honour of addressing a meeting 01 this great and important county, and so much having been written and said to prove the imminent necessity of Reform in the House of Commons, he considered he should only be occupying the time of the meeting, if he attempted to enter into an argument in favour of that, the necessity of which all were convinced of.---(Cheers.) He had been told over and over again in the protracted debates which had taken place on the question that the advocates of Reform were in a state of delusion.—(Cheers.) The fact was that the people had been too long delayed by the boroughmongering faction—(Cheers) —and that Parliament had been had after Parliament, and year after year had passed away, sanctioning such corruptions; that the period had at length arrived when forbearance was a virtue.—(Cheers.) The people had been now told by the Crown that the period had arrived when it was no longer possible to delay Reform.—(Cheers.) He would ask all present if they were not satisfied that an effective and an efficient measure of Reform would soon he the.law of the land. The rejection of the Reform Bill had tilled the country with the deepest regret and surprise.—(Cheers.) Regret not only for the country, but for the individuals who had rejected the Bill.— (Cheers.) A majority of 41 in the House of Lords bad paid no attention whatever to the interests and wishes of the people, and they could therefore not expect that the people would pay any attention to them. Out of that 41, 21 Spiritual Lords, who ought to be the last to uphold a system of fraud, corruption, and per jury—(Loud cries of " Bravo !" and " That's a good 'un !")—had voted in favour of it.—(Cheers.) In the course of the discussions in the House of Lords, that Right Reverend Bench had been told by one of their own body that they possessed influence which they had no right to retain, and which it was inconsistent with the principles of the law of the land to attempt to retain.—(Loud cheers.) He believed this to be almost a solitary instance in which the Bench of Bishops had voted against the existing Government. Whoever happened to be the Minister of the country had always calculated upon these Right Rev. Prelates as the court cards of the pack.—(Loud cheers.) In former times, as the meeting would probably remember, there was a Bishop a little un ruly, and Queen Elizabeth sat down and with her own hand wrote a letter to the Prelate, which was in the fol lowing terms : " Paoun PRELATB,—I understand you are backward in com. plying with your calling; but I would have you to know that I, who made you, can unmake you, and if you don't immedi ately fulfil your engagement, by G— I will unfrock you. " Your's as you demean yourself, " ELI Z A BETH." (Loud and continu, d laughter, and cries of "That's the way to do it.") He (Sir G. Chetwynd) considered that a letter like that would have a material effect upon the Bishops of the present day.—(Loud cheers.) The reso lution which he had the honour to propose was— " That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, ex pressing our unqualified reliance on the wisdom and paternal in terest of his Majesty in the happiness and rights of the people; and humbly pray ng his Majesty to use all those great preroga tives invested in him by the Constitution for the good of the na tion, to ensure the immediate success of the great measure of Reform ; and that the address now read be adopted by the meet ing, and that his Majesty's Secretary of State be requested topre sent it." The following is the address : TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,—We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Nobility Gentry, Clergy, Freeholders, and Inhabitant Householders in the County of Warwick, assembled at a public meeting convened by the High Sheriff, desire most respectfully to approach your Ma jesty at this important crisis, to express our sincere, ardent, and devoted attachment to your Royal person, and our unshaken resolution to support your Majesty's present Government by every constitutional means in our power. We deeply lament the refusal of the House of Lords to sanction the Bill for a Reform of the Commons House of Par liament, upon which the hopes and expectations of the nation were intensely fixed. . We beg to express our unfeigned gratitude to your Majesty for continuing your confidence in an Administration distin guished by its enlightened zeal to promote the public welfare, and to secure the constitutional rights and liberties of your people. . . _ - We place implicit confidence in your Majesty's determined exercise of all those royal prerogatives invested in your Ma jesty by the constitution, for the maintenance of your Royal authority, and the preservation of the liberties of the subject, as to your Majesty may now or hereafter seem wise and neces sary in such critical and eventful times ; and we implore your Majesty, as the protector of the rights of your subjects, to give such aid and sanction to the counsel of your Ministers as may enable them to carry into speedy effect the great measure of Parliamentary Refurin—a measure calculated to produce and ensure the peace, happiness, and prosperity of your Majesty's dominions. ..... we entreat your Majesty to give a favourable reception to this our humble petition, expressing, as it does, the sentiments await of anwith immensed ee panxiety, i majority an xic of y ,u o t u r withu Majesty's rskh f a ai faithful subjects, confidence,Bubject attainment of this great object of their wishes. May your Majesty, in thus aiding the hopes and prayers of your devoted and faithful subjects, cause them ever to regard you as the Father of your Country, and may you long live the Patriot King of a grateful and happy people. He (Sir George Chetwynd) could not anticipate any ob jections whatever to the address. Ministers were highly deserving the confidence of his Majesty ; he agreed with them in their measure of Reform, and their principles of economy, with which they had set out, especially in those taxes which pressed heavily on society, and in the reduction of their own salaries. But at the same time he could not help lamenting when they had gone so far to curtail their own income, they had not at the same time squeezed a little out of the pension list, in which he could not see the name of one who had rendered any services to his country.—(Loud cheers.) He trusted that a Reformed Parliament would put a complete end to all such abominable sinecures. He was thankful to Government for the repeal of the same laws. He was quite astonished at the labour of Lord B ro ugham, who, although he had not sat twelve months on the Woolsack, had done more than all his pre decessors combined to make that Court what it ought to be, a Court of Equity..—(Loud (glee .) In conclusion he called upon the people of Englandoas their friend, and as the friend of Reform, not to give way to disappointment. He would tell them that the Bill must and should pass. He would exhort them in the words of Lord Brougham not to break the King's peace, and they might be assured ere long of obtaining all that they wished for.—(Loud cheers.) Reform would be a blessing to the country, and, so far from injuring its insti tutions, it would redouble their splendour, and hand down the name of England with honour to future ages. The Hon. T. C. CLIFFORD seconded the resolution. When last he had the honour of addressing himself to the freeholders of that important county, it was for the pur pose of moving a vote of thanks to Esrl Grey and hi s Majesty's Ministers, for having introduced into Parliament one of the most competent measures of Reform that could by possibility have been introduced. He did so un der every conviction that a question which emanated from a patriotic King, and which was introd uce d i nto the House of Parliament by an intelligent Ministry, would long ere this have received the fiat of law —(Loud cheers.) The tree of Reform, however, had for a time been nipped by the antumnal blast, .but he tru s t e d t h at i t w ould shoot forth with renewed vigour in the spring. He declared his entire concurrence in the present system of Reform, which he had no doubt would have the best effects throughout the country. He thought the present system of election was the means of creating rui nous expense, and the system of borough nomination, he maintained, was no part of the British Constitution— was no part of that Constitution that was established in the time of Alfred, or that which was wrested by the Ba runs of Runnymede from the tyrant John. Be trusted that his present Majesty would lung live to wear that tiara which be so much adorned, in which was one of the proudest gems of which England could boast,—(Cheers.) And when it pleased a more than earthly power to take him to himself he would unite his voice to his country in hoping— ". That o'er his grave might ever waive The patriot banner—Freedom." —(f remendom cheering. ) Mr. JAMES CRUM?, in an able spee'2li, refuted the cry of a reaction having taken plac'e. Sir E. E. WmiiikoT, Bart. moved the presentation of the following addresi to Earl Grey : TO THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL GREY. THE ADDRESS OF THE NOBILITY, GENTRY, CLERGY, FREEHOLDERS, AND INHABITANT , HOUSEHOLDERS OF THE COUNTY OF WAR WICK, IN COUNTY MEETING ASSEMBLED, ON THE BTH NOVEMBER, 1831. We, the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, Freeholders, and In habitant Householders of the County of Warwick, offer our grateful thanks to your Lordship and his Majesty's Ministers, for your patriotism and firmness in support of the great measure of Parliamentary Reform, and for your continuance in his Ma jesty's Councils after the rejection by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of the Bill for the amendment of the representation in England am( Wales. That your Lordship's distinCt and solemn public pledges to reintroduce into the Legislature measures of equal efficiency in restoring to the people their just rights in the Commons House of Parliament, have maintained general order and tranquillity in the country, and acquired for your Lordship and his Majesty's Government the confidence and support of a united people. That we have witnessed with increasing apprehension the rejection of the English Bill of Reform by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, without the deliberation of a Committee, by which act the House of Lords has endangered all the institu tions of Church and State, and hazarded the peace and pros perity of the nation. . . . • That the imputed reaction of public opinion is a gross mis. representation ; that the people are determined to support your Lordship's administration against the prejudices and interested machinations of the opponents of Reform, and we implore your Lordship, thus upheld by the nation, to place confidence in its resolute support of your Lordship's enlightened and patriotic measures. That we observe with sleep regret the active opposition to his Majesty's Councils and Government of persons holding official situations ; and we respectfully implore your Lordship to termi nate the disgraceful exclusion of men of liberal opinions from civil distinctions, and to recommend the constitutional exercise of all those Royal prerogatives that may be now or hereafter essential to the success of the Reform Bill—energy and deter mination being essential to the maintenance and success of your Lordship's Administration. After what had bcen said, he had very little to offer to:the meeting, but there were two points which he wished to mention. One relating to the Bill ,itself, and the other to the conduct of the Reformers. With respect to the Bill itself, the point which lie intended to advert to had not been noticed to-day. The argument against Schedule A, which destroyed all nomination boroughs, was that it prevented men of talent getting in the House of Commons. Without stopping to argue that men of talents were better than plain and honest country gentlemen, he would maintain that the Bill had increased the possibility of men of talents getting into the House, for this reason that a greater number of Members were given to the counties and to the towns, consequently, instead of going through a narrow dirty by-tray into the House of Commons, which was generally done, they would go through a broad, plain, open path, the door to the by-way having been stoi ped: up.— (Loud cheers.) The other point to which he had referred was one which every Reformer should have at heart, being as the House was at present constituted, taxed by the Anti-Reformer, who had set his face against Reform..—(Cheers.) He would assert that the measures taken at the beginning of the late reign, for the purpose of taxing the country without its being properly represented, had involved it in a parijdal war, which ended in separating this country from her colonies. —(Cheers.) The Catholic emancipation had been granted from fear, and not from affection. The flood-gates of Reform were now open, and it was for the Anti-Re ormer to say whether that stream should go through the land peaceable or not, cheering all around it, and making the people happy.—(Loud and long-continued cheering.) It was for him to say, whether by the machinations of Anti-Reformers, it should be turned into a dreadful torrent, carrying on its waves a broken ves sel, shorn of all its m fists.--(Loud cheering.) It was for the purpose of bringing that vessel safe into the haven of security, that he had risen to propose the present address to Earl Grey, requesting him to still sit at the helm to guide the vessel from the rocks and quicksands on which it might founder but for his able guidance. On the Hon. Baro net's sitting down, three rounds of applause were given by the immense multitude. Mr. GREGORY, in an able speech, seconded the resolu tion. He thought that the petition which had been presented by this great county to the House of Lords ought to have been treated with respect, and not to have been cast aside as if it had come from the miners of Mexico.—(Loud cheers.) 199 indi viduals had usurped the power of England—the power of the King, the people, the House of Commons, and the Go vernment, and had rejected a Bill which was calculated to bring together all classes of society, which was met by the people of England with rapture and joy, and who bad come forward, forgetting and forgiving years of misrule and op pression, and offering the hand of friendship to the Aris tocracy, who had refused it with scorn.—(Loud cheers.) Who, lie would ask, were those Lords ? Not the real Aristocracy of England—not those whose names filled the pages of history with glory and honour—not those who had wrested from the hand of the tyrant John the rights and charters of the liberties of England, hut it was those men who had been created on the dunghill of cor ruption, who had dared to oppose the wishes of a patriotic King, his Ministers, and the people. He (Mr. Gregory) in expressing his abhorrence of such an Aristocracy could not but admire the master-band which had selected them. They had been created for the purposes of opposition, and most admirably did they answer the end for which they were designed.—(Loud cheers.) With respect to the Lords Spiritual, those who were supposed to be the followers of the Apostles, deserved a little attention of the present meeting.— (Cries of " No, they don't, no they don't," " Down with them.") He did not mean to deny that every man had a right to exercise his opinion, and the acts of the Bishops in voting against the Reform Bill proved clearly a combination, and it was necessary, therefore, for the people to combine against them.— (Loud cheering.) They had, indeed, proved themselves with a vengeance to be the meek and humble followers of that religion which taught them to live in charity with all men.—(Loud cheering.) In the arguments used by them against the Bill, they expressed the greatest con tempt for the people of England.--(Cheers.) Arguments of a similar nature had also been used by those who had but lately sprung from the people themselves. The gill had three greatobjects in view—disfranchisement—enfranchise ment, and the 101. franchise. The two first were great points indeed, but lie considered the last as essentially necessary to the interests of the country. In favour of that argu ment, he would read an extract from the work of Nicho las Machiavel, the President of the republic of Florence. " The demands of a free people are seldom pernicious to liberty, because they arise either from being oppressed, or from a suspicion of being about to be oppressed. Even if these opinions should be false, and there is the remedy of open discussion, let any honest man point out to them how they are dee, ived, and the people, although they may be ignorant, can feel the truth, and easily give way when they are told it by a man worthy of belief. As for prudence and firmness, a people is more prudent, more firm, and of better judgment than an Oligarchy (Prince). It is not without reason that the voice of a people is assimilated to that of God ; because, as if by some hidden virtue, it foresees its own good and ev il. A s f or j u d g i ng o f affairs, it is very seldom seen, when a people hears two orators who speak on different sides, and are of equal worth, that it does not adopt th e b es t o pi n i on , an d th a t it i s no t c a pable of appreciating the truth that it hears. A people is also seen in its election of Magistrates to make a far better choice than an Oligarchy (a Prince). Never will you persuade a people that it is right to raise to dignity a man of in famous and corrupt habits, to which it is easy, and by a hundred ways, to persuade an Oligarchy (a Prince). The cruelties of the multitude are exercised against those they fear will usurp the public rights. The cruelties of an Oligarchy are exercised against those they fear will invade their private privileges. But the opinion against the people arises, because every one speaks it of the people without fear. Oligarchs (Prince), when in power, must always be spoken of with a thousand fears and a thousand respects.—(Cheers.) He would also read an extract from the Prime Minister of an absolute King, who flourished 100 years after Machiavel. He stated, that " Whatever notions uaay be formed of the levity and inconsiderateness of those whom we are pleased to turn the vulgar, I have always found, that though they may fix upon some particular aims, and follow them not only with rashness, but with rapture, yet these aims are always to a certain degree gener al : and directed to some common interest; but that any private one's ends, such as proceed from the anger or wishes of a particular man, or of a small number, are never long or much regarded. I will venture to say farther, that of general interests the give the most cert a i n j u d gmen t. voice of the people will Allowing this principle, I considered the seditious party (similar to our oligarchs and borou4nongers) as formid able, only on account of the mischievous influence that it might have in the provinces by mis-representations of the King and his Government." It was urged against the es' tension of the 101. franchise, that the people were ignorant' if they were so, he would ask, was it net a scandal t‘ those men who had ruled the country for half a ce nt end who had done all they could to keep the people ig°'' rant, and who threw it in their teeth that they *ere and were not deserving of the rights which the r'' intended to hive them.—(Loud and continued chee r : ing.) He really was at a loss to imagine why t u : great county of Warwick, which had alwaye conducted';o :wife peaceably; should not be allowed . to Kaye the pre meeting without having soldiers I,laze:l aC 'cliettino's quell disturbance.—(Cheers.) He trusted the MernlYe 0 ; of the county would make some motion in the Hou' e Commons that they might know who put that disgrs c upon them.—(Loud cheers.) The Rev. A. G. Wane, D.D. in moving the follovM resii!ution That this meeting implores the Right Rev. Prelates to ctT,i sider maturely whether their future votes in support of a King, the Ministry, and the People, on the re.introductiollo the Reform Bill, would nut conduce to the interests of re ligi .and the Established Church ;" S iid, when I put my name to the requisition for this Ine e Let t' ing, I hoped we should have to congratulate each et 'd upon the peaceable conduct of all the people of Eng la 4 tinder the sore disappointment at the rejection of the Pi, form Bill ; but, although our hearts are agoni‘eed cretth.tii row and dismay, by the d,strtareion of property and hn' o life at Bristol, we must at the same time deny that 0 fault is justly chargeable to the Reformers. "If evil 0 0 needs come, woe be to them by whom it comes," --it 'co the denial of justice by tl e Lord., and above all by Bishops, that furnished the combustibles of di sc onten t tie orderly, and the opportunity of mischief to the disflet derly, and Sir Charles Wetherell fired the train.,' conduct of our political Quixote was more 'nisei: 6o° l ; o o than that of the Knight of the Rueful Countenancer ' e to o e when the keepers advised him not to provoke the lin° I f I fir, retired o ith honour ; but Sir Charles, misehiev e l `o, intent upon " a re-action," raised the riot, and was ' 4 , 10 41 compelled to sneak away in disguise and disgrace ; „ t it not been for the noble exertions of the P o litical Unt n ' h e Bristol, the western capital of England would, throug ht , f dly and temerity of Sir Charles Wetherell, have nor be !„, o a heap of ruins The best weapons we can use to a h a a more glorious and bloodless victory over the oligarebt..,,', fiction, are those of frequent meetings, sound ar re ments, urged in a firm, uncompromising, legal, And ro t stitutional mintier, not suffering the despicable ar t ,' Iv of the late Reformers about '° re-action" and ue l e sions"—to goad our reason from her seat. L et io rf tell the Bishops in a voice of thunder that they crucified their Christian flocks between two sets of 11 , e v it vz. the boroughmongers who have robbed us, and 'bell rabble friends who wish to do so. Yes, gentlemen, % e v e we lament that discontent or disloyalty should any be written in blood, or lighted by fire, let us, by o ur Pe 0f able conduct, put to silence the foolish talking tl MM Tories, by rallying round the King and his Alin': ee and enabl e them to wrest from the griping hand borough tyrants the long lost rights of an oppre s sedt l :6, stilted, and degrad e d p e opl e . L e t us p u t th e u tmost t ht dense in Ministers, and implore them to tranquilltreftht country by t_king steps for the immediate passing 0 /1 0 Bill with schedule A and B, and the 101. suffrage, lc , al' alone can prevent a national convulsion. I will Ju st j of vert to a scandalous assertion, r e p or t e d to have been 'Ol by Lord Valletort at a meeting in Cornwall, " T ° , : t s eft , Reformers wish to set the lower classes against the "'" and that attempts have been made at BirmingbaT v ' other places to spread abroad fallacies and dele ° Now, having the honour to b e a m em b e r o f the Bi llll ,3 j etn him Union, I inquired of several gentlemen in L e '" ce rft who frequent the mercantile parts of London a nd the Lo o' end of town, what opinion was entertained by t he ii a pd dopers of the Birmingham meeting at Newhall 11 "" A elft of the petition; they said it was considered to he , t ee, wisely, and judiciously drawn up, and the result '1;00 meeting tranquillized the minds of the Londoner' viet than any other circumstance—the opinions of th e fed' doners being very much influenced by the sound p ea c c thr M views of the Birmingham people. So much then e frg alleged Birminehain fallacies and delusions--as to tn . e he rl* f 'toners wishing to set the lower classes against the 1,11).dt and, although I ant called by the John Bull, a 13 ', e a s':' double democrat, I fling bick the reproach with inn I VI tiun, as best suiting the Tories, who would set all he„talt men by the ears, in order that the boroughmongers rdel plunder us with impunity. I say, the industrious I , a; are not hostile to the higher classes; but they are hOr.Poibit 1 ; 1 a t th l e arb t u er e ., l6 : l: and properly so, to the close system of sin, of sivern pensioners, placemen, noble and ignoble paupers, to tfohceto tyrantss s that o d i e t v h o e u fruit chica of l f industry aetion t upon them too heavy to lie borne, and who will not "' ° e at` a finger to assist them. While the productive classes r e ' l :, e r 4 the person and property of every mau,th e y a b om i n ate tl' e tom of the cerruptionists. lam happy to say that ° l b , county of Warwick there is an honourable rivalry, 0 11; among the farmers and among the landlords, W l ' s 'o oo lol most benefit the labouring classes ; but the greatest to lice, was in the Cambridgeshire farmers and freeholder' , o l ols;, f ing that they were not to be gulled by the Tory is adFi ) skins and fallacy," that the Bill is hostile to th e did ,ts interests, by their actually driving away the Tory c am tb backed as he was by the purse of Lord Hardwickeerrork influence of the Duke of Rutland, and the clerical e .;. e er r ; it tionists of the University of Cambridge. Still, h t ' " d ee d, ti e industrious classes may continue to grind at theoeeem of labour till they are blin_l, and the ,agricultural , °°oolSet cial, and manufacturing interests will be oppressed, re fee e the industrious classes obtain their just share in the Ott, sentation by means of the Reform Bill. Gentle n lV political p ar t o f th e su bj ect o f R e f orm h as lier° 6 l o olle discussed here, and so learnedly treated by Mr' bel* e Parkes at Birmingham, and here I am proud , Birmingham is the scene of hi s , Parkes's g l ' i f se, t sly that this town of Warwick claims him a , "'esti' t for he is a native of this city,—that I shall $ from going over the political ground, and ca °6 los il remarks to the ecclesiastical part of the su bjecte'ded t new question of politi c al prelacy. While we e°'i r es ° t the conduct of the Ili-hops, we ought to give the t e er,ll praise to the Bishops of Norwich and Chichester , t ar t" 1 on the brink of the grave, sent up his vote in sulkalill t our new Magna Charta of civil liberty ; and the 01 0 , Milton's Alidiel among the revolting an rd.. stood Among the — faithless faithful only he, His loyalty he kept, his zeal, Though single." p a, e These two Bishops appeared to have the same the same courage to declare them, as the late Dean re who was the advocate of thorough Reform in tb e a zge t sentation, of a cheap Government, and of meant , t ° Y sll 6 the Government from ever b e ing profligate in the ir loo o diture. Ile would have advocated just such a P il ig 111 Reform Bill. Gentlemen, the Bill (if passed) V b rAi to a Reform in th e a b uses o f t h e Ch urc h as well or t o sr the State—such as a Bishop having 30,0001. per sn u° 'lfi rel a respectable clergyman, with a w if e an d s ix c l, '", l l,sr having between 301. and 40/, per annun''. l , l ll l about twopence-halfp e nny a day eac h indivll oir subsist on ; such as a respectable clergYal lei in poverty, an d a Bi s h op l eav i ng belriu, csri% 100,000/, for his own f am ily. S uc h shirts a ' f • f 6 ,` the best writer and f r i en d o f th e Church ° laud to say, " The Church of Christ is wo rse ' l °, l if: of thieves ; it is the very dwelling,-place of fo ul ,o',; who have climbed up into the seats of Epise ° , ll io barter." I think we shall not be at a loss to fin d I , 1 0 our day one instance, at least, of a man who hat, tered" his principles more than on c e to obtain ti le r I , g l Episcopacy. Such was the fault of the trib e :0 0 viz.:—pride of life —covetousness--more secular than to spiritual affairs; and here iv' 6 1;r1 have much difficulty in finding parallel case& rd Bishops will say that they sit i n P ar li a ment to g u- , cro l temporal interests of the Church. This is n ° ,l lle and such faithful guardians they are that they Re e l ) e ° dint share of the g oo d t hi ngs f or t h emse l ves and tbeiitle nexions. Such abuses as we may infer from the ,/e " Prelacy." It dy signifies t th he em er se t i r v e e m s, e ohfuthuirsniltir4 (erring every bo else to perverted by th e Bi s h ops i n pre f err i ng th e rnselve! : e r body else —struggling after " translations" to ric or shoprics. Well might Hroker say the " blernis b fe;! ro f I' Church is the i nsat i a bl e pant i ng a f ter sp i r itual ed' ou without c are or consc i ence f or t h e pu blic g 10 Bishop Jew e l, " 0, w h at wou ld a pro phet s'l s iieg who build h ouses , an d l eave t h e H ouse o f God for'cbti! Such abuses as we may infer do exist from tb e i.is isr ° prayer fo r " Bi s h ops an d C urates ." It is an ' l , O tb teviinony how much these Prelates have outgrl y s°, primitiv e s l en d erness . Th e Bi s h ops we re origin'. c oi l of parochial Ministers, having their assistants r? , l to to do the parish d u ty ; but, le,t th e y should pi ck y ear t of corn th a t f e ll f rom th e Bish o p' s a bundant sb e o , 4 lsP i stepped a troop of soldiers, like what you se' oil , overawe your proceedings—a sort of lumber t! oaf cause they are of no use amongst us. No ; but It e i ctor'''' a troop of Deans, Prebends, Pluralists, and 0 0 '1 take the great and small tithes, and left the nt iell t . , Clergy or Curates little besides the prayers. a Reformed Parliament will reform these a buses ,f o ri• oj nopolies. A Reformed Parli a m e nt will also tithe system, cud will probably consider that if o• f, rif the land who, after a life of labour, gin t, r • °1:1 b emoluments for a seat of toil, with on l y to ile I per annum ; that surely a Bishop, w h° olg h o il little, and never gives up any thing he can keel 7l lo ,o be satisfied with the same income, and not to have and