The Sun. — London, England, 1831-06-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, We frau to invite the public attention to a decla ration against the Reform Bill, signed by certain parties in the county of Stafford, which has been advertised in the columns of some contemporary j Of the force and effect of such declara tions, we have had a pretty fair example in thos, two or three counties in which they had been got ten up before the recent dissolution. In all those instances, what followed ? Why this : that in spite of the flourishing display of titled, clerical, and other high-sounding names, their potency s vanished. either in the contests that ensued, or in the general accla mations amidst which the Members who had been their champions were, without contests, driven from the field, wherever they were indiscreet enough to offer to the public a renewal of their services.. S o much for the value of such declarations in general, when weighed against the public voice. A pro fessionil gentleman, thoroughly acquainted with county of Stafford, has called our attention to one or two circumstances connected with this declara tion, which we should think it unfair to withhold : not that we mean to be hard on its subscribers, for they have acted with becoming modesty and hu mility ; they merely desire to record their individual dissent from the resolutions in favour of the Reform B II passed at a county meeting held in Stafford in Marb last, and do not at all contest the fact that those resolutions spoke indisputably the gene ral sense of the county. We pass by the innocent artifice of Peers swelling the pomp of the list of " Declarators," by making their sons, who have neither property nor residence in the county, sign after them. We say nothing here of the lamentable folly of the good Bishop of the diocess mixing him self up so perfectly gratuitously in a party exhibition. Neither are we surprised to see the Clergy consti tute themselves the principal subscribers of such a documen.. It is only another of those proofs, which avert' day is furnishing, of the recklessness with which they separate themselves from every sound and good feeling which prevails among their coun trymen ; and of their blindness in accelerating the reforms they deprecate, by the suspicions and aver sions which theil• political stirrings arouse. We will not, however, abandon the hope that some of the more sagacious of their body in the House of Lords, may still rescue their order from the calamity their folly may bring on them, by a timely and resolute remonstrance with their brethren, and a spirited espousal of• popular rights, which, however, have quite strength enough, be it remembered, to assert themselves without their aid. We pass over also the signature of Sir Robert Peel, who, in truth, could not well refuse it, but who, we are inclined to think, would much rather have been quiet. But why is it, is:e would ask him, that from Tamworth —no unimportant parish in Staffordshire—there is no other signature than his own ? Why is it, that from Cheadle there is only one ? From Leek, a very large town, only four ? Why is it that from the Potteries, which contain 60,000 inhabitants, there are only seven, and those not the most influential? Why is it that from the parishes of Wolverhampton, Bilston, and Sedgley, which :contain 70,000, there is not one ? Why is it, that there is a total and entire absence of the names of every one of those eminent manufacturers who ;mound throughout this opulent and important county ? And why is it, that, from several places, the names of which are scarcely known to the inha bitants of the county, the signatures are most nu merous ? It is because the names of the tenantry of three of the principal subscribers have been most unscrupulously employed to swell the list. But tvliy not ? After all, they make as goodly a stiow to strangers at a distance as those of the most sub stantial parties. But, Gentlemen Declarators, this trickery is all in vain. With two or three re spectable exceptions, you know that the great land owners of the county are against you—the yeo manry are against you—the manufacturers are against you. You know that every parish of note has petitioned against you; that the county has pe titioned against you. This jog may, perhaps, in duce you to bestir yourselves, and try to pick up a few more signatures from the places we have men tioned, where, no doubt, some few, of even to lerable respectability, may be procured. But these gleanings are all lost labour. Your submission is inevitable. Six months hence you yourselves wili rejoice at the dissipation of your fears, and wonder at your own delusion.—Times. The Belgian question, which has so long agitated Eurol;°, is, we understand, upon the eve of being at last brought to a conclusion. The Belgians, whose love of independence does them great credit, by their perseverance, are likely once more to sever the link of the Holy Alliance, and we rejoice that the base attempts at partition and robbery which marked the first proceedings of the Conferences are about to be again and for ever frustrated. We shall hear no more of division of territories, nor men of liberty being teafficked with as slaves. Prince Leo pold, whom we believe to be a man of good sound sense, and who now proves himself to be possessed of a becoming firmness and manliness, watts only for the decision of the National Congress as to the price which they are willing to pay for Luxemburg —pounds, shilling, and pence—to declare his final intention with respect to the throne; for so far as regards Limburg, the other disputed territory, and the debt, lie will be King,coule qui coule, and have, no doubt, the countenance and support of Eng land arid France, and probably be unopposed by tire other parties to the Conference. That Holland for a short time will ride the high horse with regard to boundary is possible; but will the Germanic Confederation assist that King in recognising a nation that has sworn dreadful hatred to him ? We think not. We have no fear, shereforc, of Luxemburg being quickly settled ; with regard to Limburg, we also think . that the Prince will have little difficulty. Our private Brus sels correspondent yesterday in his communications, darkly hinted at an exchange, and we can explain that expression. The Conference, in settling the territory, took as their basis the year 1790, at which period Limburg and the left bank of the Scheldt belonged to Holland; now, fortunately for Belgium, at that identical period Prince Talleyrand was him self a party to a treaty, when it was stipulated that' Bergen-op-Zoom and several Marquisates should belong to Belgium ; therefore, if Limburg is Dutch, Bergen-Op-Zoom is Belgic; the Dutch cannot give up the latter fortress, and will readily make the ex change. The Dutch, as merely a matter of pounds, shillings, and pence, and Commissioners can settle it without the interference of the Five Powers. We sincerely trust the Belgian Minister will continue in the firm tone he hitherto held, and that the bravery and nationality of the Belgians will shortly receive the reward of their perseverance. All arrange ment, which thus saves Belgian honour, whilst it contrives to adhere to the main requisitions of the protocols, is a happy middle course, and we hope that it will prove as stable as it for the present looks unobjectionable.—Morning Herald. An Evening Paper (the courier) says, "the greatest evil inflicted on society by the oligarchy was the influence which it possessed over the Go vernment, and over the upper classes, in inducing the for mer to treat with indifference, and the latter with contempt, all persons connected with the pe riodical Press , in order that . t i heir . power roigh , t , be limited by their want f h nsit.eration in society. We do not understand" effect this object but thr owl the oligarchy could Press itself; and, if any eourtg.Titn,:ohfe t a li g e " P el r r es o s f lent te itself to its own degradation,p deserved to be de rided We deny that the class e g • lu p t ej e sians who constitute the oligarchy ever bad it o to bring the Press, or those connected withr power c ontempt. They might hate and fear independence of principle, and an honest freedom of opinion; they could not despise those qualities, or the p us _ sessors of them. In every station of society it is in a man's own power to make himself respectable;-- but the writer in the Courier greatly mistakes what constitutes respectability if he su pp oses that its "outward and visible sign" i 6 so acknowledgt d fit .le,:s for what he calls the " half-educated, fop- , ivilized, people of high life." Dr. Franklin, wt aspect, wanted in his day that test of respectability , ; he was a printer by trade, a patriot by principle, and the glorious sins of a free Press, struggling fo: the improvement and liberties of his countrymen against the oppressive statutes and menacing bayonets of the oligarchy of England, lay heavy on his name; hut his masculine virtue was strong enough to bear the burden, and, if the "vulgar great" of his day did not court his society, neither did he court theirs. He worked the great engine of opinion to their discom fiture. Their memories have perished, or have been preserved on the page of history only to be despised ; while his name is, and ever will be, associated with the imperishable recollections of the triumphs of knowledge and virtue over ignorance and opine.- sion. Swift, and Addison and Steele, and Johnson and Goldsmith, and many other writers of distin guished name, were contributors to the periodical Press in their day, and none of those persons eve, thought himself peculiarly honoured by being asked into the company of the " half-educated, fop-civi lized, people of high life." They certainly never would have regarded exclusion from such society as a grievance, or have thought themselves degraded by not being placed upon a level with such pet sons. Jr is true those were men of genius ; but it is not wart of genius, but want of integrity and worth in those who are connected with it, that can ever make the Press contemptible. If the Press ever become slavish to power and forgetful of principle, it tray be warmly patronized, but it cannot be respected, by those who make use of its services. The idolaters of mere power, rank, or wealth, may complain of not being held in very high consideration by the lofty personages whose smiles they propitiate by the in cense of servile adulation ; but they divest them selves of all the dignity which the manly sense of independence confers, and are treated accordingly. The purest Government which it is possible to esta blish in the world could not make the Press more respectable than it can make itself,—nor could the worst sink it in the estimation of the publie without its own co-operation. Venality —grossness of tas'e —traffic in private scandal—scurrility of language— a weathercock versatility of principle —may bring the Press into contempt ; but if conducted so as to instruct and improve mankind, and to realize the proper objects of a " great engine of moral power," it may despise the efforts of any oligarchy to degrade it. Their influence may be great, but there is no authority connected with prejudice or ignorance that can long resist the power of enlightened opinion.— Morning Herald. If our Government do really intend to do any thing on behalf of Poland, the sooner they put their intentions into effect the better. We do not blame them for not at once espousing the Polish cause— for not at once declaring themselves advocates of that heroic nation ; on the contrary, we think they did right to wait, and give an opportunity to the Poles of again shewing to the world that they were worthy to be free—that they were indeed sincere defenders of that great cause which had been con secrated by the blood of more than 200,000 of their countrymen. But surely they have now done more than enough to shew that they are not degenerate sons of heroic fathers. Their patriotism and bravery have equalled, if not excelled, those of their ances tors. Aheady does " Europe ring, from end to end, with the sound of their praises," and their glory is tepidly spreading on the wings of fame to the re motest corners of the world. Though almost every post brings accounts of new victories in their favour, yet still the odds against the Poles are fearful. Even al!owirg that in the end they are sure to be victo rious, as we believe they are, still why should so much blood be allowed to be shed ? why should so many brave men be allowed to be sacrificed on the sanguinary slier of despotism ? England and France, we are quite satisfied, might put an end to the mur derous contest without striking a blow. Let the RuLsians see they are prepared to strike, and the tyrant will immediately succumb. When we re collect the letter of Earl Grey to Kosciusko—when we recollect the speeches and writings of Lord Brougham in favour of the Poles—we cannot doubt for a moment of the sentiments of the two most able and influential men in the Cabinet. But why are not those sentiments allowed to have their pro , per weight in his Majesty's Councils ? Why do we not see, in the policy of the Government, preo's that the Members of the Government are friends to the Poles ? The British Cabinet has taken a part in the affairs of Belgium, and in our opinion a part that reflects no credit upon the national character. There is, therefore, no excuse for not interfering in behalf of the Poles on the ground of general policy. Surely the struggle between Poland and Russia is of more consequence than any that can take place between Belgium and Holland. " While we inter fere," says the Globe, " in such a dishonourable and unprofitable field as that of Belgian elections, it appears mean and miserable to be passive while the question whether there shall or shall not be a barrier against Russia is decided by arms. If any thing is to be apprehended from the disturbance of the balance of power in Europe, it is on the side of Russia." This is a correct view of the question, so far as its mere policy is concerned. But we would look at it in a higher point of view. We would urge our Government to do their duty on the ground of humanity, of patriotism—in one word, of morality. Let them recollect the sublime truth, that " He who allows oppression shares the crime." If ever language were peculiarly calculated to rouse the sympathies of the human heart—calcu lated to subdue those miserable feelings which make a man prefer self, and forget his fellow man— it is that which has been put forth from time to time in the proclamations of the Porsh Chieftains. And truly it has had its proper effect every where but in the Cabinets of Kings. There, alas ! it has not penetrated, or penetrated in vain. " God," says the Prince Czartoryski, " bath already wrought prodigies for us. God, and not the Emperor of Russia, will .he our Judge. lie will decide. lie will decide who bath committed perjury —who has been the victim of oppression—and who ought to obtain the victory. We have already fought with success in the name of the God of our fathers ; and we will fight till at length we accomplish the ends of justice. All the nations of Europe possessed of feeings of humanity tremble for our fate, and exult with joy at our successes. These only wait your general rising to hail you as members of the free and independent nations of Europe. Brethren and fellow-citizens!—when we shall have finished this terrible and unequal contest, we will invite the Powers of Europe to form themselves into a tribunal of justice ; we will appear before them covered with our blood, lay open the book of our annals, unrol the chart of Europe, and say—'Behold our cause and yours ! The injustice done to Poland is known to you.' " We envy not those who can read language like this, and possess the power, without the will, to aid the cause which it so eloquently ad vocates.—Morning Herald. The question, what will the House of Lords do on the subject of Reform, meets us in every quarter; it is the leading topic of conversation and of argument in every society and in every corner of the land. The answer to this question cannot surely be difficult or hazardous, at least in the estimation of those who believe with us, that the Peerage cf England, as u body, will do what it ought to do. There is, we have not the least doubt, a complete conviction in the minds of nine hundred and ninety nine men out of every thousand of those who are perpetually asking the question, that a large ma jority of the British Peerage are, upon principle, de cidedly averse to any violent change in the institu tions of the S:ate. If this be so the question would appear in this very large majority of instances to amount to nothing less than a direct insult to the House of Peers. The Howe of Lords are averse to Tly'Areat change in the institutions . of the country. the 1 - louse of ' 5,1 41 a change is threatened. What course then can man who edeotemsofrTitmupitand Lords pursue, the judgment of any believe their Lordships to be the ctempt, but to proclaim proper objects their aversion to violent change, to avow it distincly . . . . to their Sovereign and thei r country, on the very first c'ay of their deliberations ? It is not the duty of the House of Lords to pronounce a premature judgment upon any measure. It is not their duty to approve or to condemn, by anticipation, this, that, or the other Bill, which they may expect to be sent up to them from the other House of Parliament ; but it is pla;nly their duty, in the circumstances of the present day, if they are sincerely and conscien• tiously averse to any sweeping. and radical change of the Constitution of England, to put an end at once to the possibility of misapprehension or mis take as to their sentiments, by declaring, in their Address to the King at the commencement of the Session, that they hold any cl . iange of this descrip tion to be unnecessary, dangerous, and pernieicus. Let it, for argument's sake, be granted that a con siderable majority of the House of Common , backed by a consi derable numerical majority of the country, are in favour of a kind and degree of Reform, which the Lords, or a great majority of their number, believe to be pregnant with danger and calamity, what argument can any rational and honest man expect from this state of affairs but the strongest possible argument for a prompt and ener getic expression of the opinion of their Lordships In such circumstances—and they are the very circum stances assumed by all those, without a single excep tion, who recommend the House of Peers to be silent and passive upon the subject of Reform--is it not plain that silence and inactivity on their part would be a tacit confession of their consciousness that they have, as a body, lost all hold of the confidence and esteem of the country—that they are utterly power less to stem or to guide the torrent of public opinion —that there is no longer any hope of their wisdom or authority producing the least change in the senti ments of the misguided community—that already in effect they have ceased to be an influential and inde pendent estate of the realm—that their coronets are idle and worthless ornaments, which may fall any day from their brows without detriment to any other interest than that of their own vanity as individuals ? We think it impossible that the House of Lords can have formed so low an estimate of its own weight and authority in this country, and we are quite certain that whoever may have formed such an estimate of it is egregiously incorrect. Ventur ing then to assume that the House of Lords has still some influence upon the mind of the country, and by necessary consequence upon the votes of the popular branch of the Legislature, let us endeavour to compute what would be the probable effect of a frank and explicit declaration on the part of their Lordships, that they are utterly and un changeably averse to any great and sudden altera tion of the institutions of the country, upon the votes of the present House of Commons in refer ence to the Reform Bill of his Majesty's Ministers —to a Bill which, whatever difference of opinion may exist as to its necessity or its merits, is in tended, as every body admits—its friends quite as readily as its foes—to produce a great and sudden change in our national institutions. The most san guine of the supporters of the Ministry and the Bill have never ventured, we believe, to calculate upon a greater number of Members in its favour in the new Parliament than three hundred and ninety. But we will give them four hundred Members, a greater number than they have ever claimed, who shall be disposed to vote for the Bill, antecedent to any de claration against sudden and sweeping Reform by the House of Peers. We venture to assert, how ever, that such a declaration of the Upper House would have, and ought to have, some effect upon the votes in the Lower; because we are quite certain that a House of Commons upon which such a declaration could make no impression, would be, we do not say an imperfect, an inadequate representation, but no representation of the people of England, whatever. Then what proportion of the four hundred Members we have given to the Reform Ministry would probably correct their views, in order to assimilate more nearly to the declared sentiments of the House of Lords ? Is one man in five too large a proportion ? This would turn the majority against the Bill. May one man in six be allowed to change his in deference to the authority of the House of Peers, or in order to avert the danger of a collision between the two branches of the Legislature ? This would leave the House of Commons nearly equally divided. We cannot but think that the view of the subject we have thus ventured to present is worthy of the at tentive consideration of such Members of the Upper House of Parliament as are sensible of the danger to be apprehended from the revolutionary measure in contemplation, and have not yet fully made up their minds to any definite course of proceeding in order to defeat it.-11fortting Post. We yesterday received from Warsaw letters and papers to the 7th June. We have inserted, in atm tht r column, a very detailed account of the present state of things, from an intelligent correspondent. It will be seen from it that the Hungarians have mot contented - themselves with mere representations in . . behalf of the Poles, but have sent large supplies of irie, &c. to them, having themselves paid the duty. This supply the Austrian Government has allowed to reach its destination. The people of Prussia, too, sympathise keenly with the Poles : and our corre spondent names individuals of high station who have signalized themselves in their behalf. This is a most impottant point in extending the prospects of the Poles. The Russian army is now, thank God, in a state of great destitution and great demoral,za tion, and the difficulties with which it has to con tend are of a most formidable character. The in surrection has now attained consistency in an im mense extent of country, and Diebitsch has been compelled to detach a large portion of his already weakened and dispirited army to make head against the Lithuanians. To retain military possession of a country so large as Lithuania would alone require a large army ; and, fired as the inhabitants are by a desire to avenge the recent atrocities of the Russians, the latter can only hope to escape des'ruction by not dispersing themselves. The necessity of keeping open their communications and collecting supplies in a hostile country, will force them to disperse, and thus they will inevitably be cut up in detail. Thus we find already a bulletin of Skryznecki, dated the 2d of June, announcing an important advantage gained by Chrapowski, in Lithuania, which, we have no doubt, is only the forerunner of many more. The Warsaw Papers of the 4th June contain a very im portant communication from the General-in-Chief to the National Government, dated June I.—" The Field-Marshal (he says), tranquil in his retrench ments between the Kortrzvn and the Lwiviec, hardly learned our movements, when the Imperial Guards, driven even within the limits of that territory (Li thuania), pretended to be part of the Russian Em pire, opened a way for our first columns. General Chrapowski and Colonel Serakowski, who com manded them, have rejoiced our insurgent brethren —the one in the Government of Bialystock, the other in the Palatinate of Augustow—and, in con junction with them, have begun to operate on the communications of the enemy, and to seize the magazines which he had established in different places. Finally, the Field Marshal having arrived by forced marches, and with his numerous battalions in order to paralyse our operation, the bloody affair of Ostrolenka gave the corps commanded by General Gielgud the necessary time to convey efficacious aid to Lithuania ; for an officer from General Gielgud has this instant brought me a report, which informs me that this General advances in the direction which has been traced for him, without experiencing the slightest hindrance on the part of the enemy." The Poles have thus been more successful than they could even have anticipated in this grand object of organi sing Lithuania. The various armies de.ached by the General-in-Chief and the losses in battle, neces sarily weakened the main army ; but it is now as affective as ever, in consequence of the arrival of' the detachments which the General says arrive to him from all quarters, to fill up the void. Now that this gallant nation, by achievements unexampled in history, has so nobly made good its title to inde pendence, surely England and France will at length bestir themselves in the cause of justice and buma pity. The division of Poland s the great blot in modern history. The peaceable enjoyment of that great kingdom by the descendants of the great criminal, is a perpetual incentive to rapine, for it tends to beget a belief that there is no such a thing as retr . - bution in the order of the world, and that the greater and more flagrant the crime, the greater the security of the criminal. Let Europe purify herself from thi foul stain. Religion and morality in the mouths o' those who retain the spoil so criminally obtained are an insulting mockery, and no man who has any faith in a Divine Providence can drive from him the be lief that the sengeance of Heaven will not yet over take all who profit by the calamity of the Poles. For God's sake, then, let endeavours be made by the Governments who have not to reproach them selves with participation in the guilt of Poland's di vision, to wrest, that country from the barbarous spoiler. What is Belgium, that we should perplex ourselves with it, compared to this great affair of re storing Poland to its rank among nations ? If our rulers will busy themselves with Continental affairs, Poland demands their attention a hundred times more than the Belgic provinces. A province more or less to Prussia or France is, even with regard to the balance of power, a trifling matter, compared with the erection of a barrier between Russia and the West. Austria has even an interest in it; and we are sure that Prussia would gain by the interpo sition of a State from which she could be under no apprehension between her and Russia. But more over it is hardly a matter of choice with the French Government. The high spirited people of France are burning with indignation that the Poles should be abandoned. The manner in which the people throughout the Eastern provinces (the best and bravest of the French) have spoken to the King on this subject, must satisfy him that it will be dan gerous to leave the Poles much longer without some exertion in their behalf. The people of Germany are liberal and enlightened, and feel warmly for the Poles. It is impossible that a people who displayed so much sensibility'for the Greeks, should be indif ferent to what is passing in Poland. We take it then for granted, that the French and English Go vernments would experience no opposition in their generous endeavours to save Poland. Prussia is not independent of public opinion, and the de monstrations noticed in the letter of our correspon dent, sufficiently indicate the state of that opinion. The means of offence possessed by Russia against France or England, without the aid and instrumen tality of other Powers, amount to nothing. But with the sympathy of the people of Europe so strongly in their favour, no Government dare at pre sent to aid Russia in so unholy an object. - For the sake, then, of the Pules—for the sake of the future security of Europe, endangered by the impunity in the case of Poland, for the sake of the great cause of good government, which would be in no small ha zard in France, should arty calamity to the Poles stir up the people against their Government—let some exertion be made. This is not an ordinary case, and a departure from ordinary courses is called foe. In letters just published in the shape of a pamphlet, addressed to Lord Palmerston by Mon tague Gore, Esq., on the affairs of Poland, the writer, after alluding to the exertions of Lord Castle reagh at the Congress of Vienna, who declared it to be " the wish of England to see some independent Power established in Poland as a separation between the three great Empires of Europe ;" and to the decla ration of Prince Talleyrand, that " of all the ques tions to be discussed at the Congress, he considered the affairs of Poland as incomparably the most im portant to the interests of Europe ; if there be any chance that that nation, so worthy of regard for its antiquity, its valour, its misfortunes, and the services which it has formerly rendered to Europe, might be restored to complete independence." While the Courts of Austria and Prussia expressed themselves in similar terms; and the Prince Metternich de clared, that Austria would sacrifice some of her own territory, if by so doing the freedom of Poland could be ensure d—proceeds with. eloquence to ask, " Shall this contest be allowed to continue ? Shall this brave nation be allowed to be immolated at the shrine of Russian ambition—for we must not forget how unequal is the contest—and that, however brilliant are the present successes of Poland, she can hardly hope to succeed single-handed ? Shall future history say, that France, that England, admired in deed the valour, sympathized with the sufferings, but held out no succouring hand to Poland ? Shall it be said, that at the Congress of Vienna, the English Mi nister insisted on the maintenance of the national insti tutions of Poland; that he declared his master, the Prince Regent, insisted on their fulfilment; and yet, that when those ins. itu tions had been in every instance violated and disregarded, the British Government with folded arms witnessed the desolation of Poland ? No ! The high character of the Noble Earl at the head of the Government, his known attachment to liberty, and his recorded opinions in favour of Poland, forbid the idea! Nor can any doubt be en tertained that the English Ministers will give all the assistance to Poland which they can offer, consis tently with the regard they owe to the special inte rests of England." We are almost certain that the Governments of France and England will not on this occasion fail in what they owe to the world at large,and to their respective nations.—Morn.Chron. We have before us at this moment a pamphlet, the contents of which we are anxious to recommend, not only to those who take an interest in the present distressed condition of a portion of the people of Ireland, but also to those who have a more direct interest in the general and continued prosperity of the country. It is somewhat quaintly entitled, " Lish Residence, with suggestions for its partial adoption," and proceeds from the pen of Mr. Wal dron Hill. Of the plan which he proposes for a permanent amelioration of the condition of the country we can only partially approve; for the plan embraces a voluntary contribution (for cultivating the bogs of Ireland) from England of 300,0001, — from Scotland of 75,000/...—and from Ireland of 150,000/. Now, supposing that this money were contributed, without fee or hope of reward, what would be the result ? Famine would be at an end while the cultivation of the bogs lasted; but in the meantime a new population would spring up of the same cast and kind as that which now exists, and the famine would recur as soon as the morasses had been drained and cultivated, or the supply of la bour had exceeded the demand. Capital is greatly wanted in Ireland, and a gradual supply and pru dent employment of one-half of the sum proposed to be contributed, for the permanent relief of the country, would effect more in the hands of an honest squirearchy than the whole if left to the discretion and caprice of persons who either were not ac quainted with the state of Ireland, or who, being acquainted with it, had not sense and honesty ;o apply it as it ought to be applied. Before, in con sequence, any scheme of this kind can become po pular, and be adopted, we must have a gentry—a general Aristocracy—in Ireland—alive to the wants of the people—resident on their estates—anxious for their improvement, and as anxious that those en gaged in their improvement should be as moral as industrious in their condu c t. Thi s i s a s i ne qua non first requisite towards the improvement of Ire land, and without which we shall never recommend our countrymen to expend a single shilling, except ill t he shape of charity, towards the improvement of the country. The author of the pamphlet seems indeed to be as sensible as we are that no effectual or permanent progr ess can be ma d e towards the a melioration of the condition of Ireland, until the Aristocracy of the country has become resident • Ireland n d t e itt.oy ff hei, o tataa r t, n t wn s dnaia o lnotl t f ii homb: ieEae:stnuegan:sival,,tiaetrtinyi directs, iletrritaieec, circulation fur in one part of the pamphlet he observes-- in as fo : t T ha h .t at u t .n h h e a c p o p nl y b e i o n ue are struggling within their walls to promote every goo where . is the natural and proper influence of the lords ol where is that sort of influence great,l that is m t w t hu e e si i trst. ohbe property, operates i po d n ea;ca t akth.theind r persons, excellent?hepdrrogo throughout, g, i, . pro motes the good of a highly flourishing country' --and it er lung prosperous without it,—the personal influence of the land proprietors and other gentry of the realm? With every deference to those gentlemen, I say that the prominent evils of Ireland originate and continue in the absence of their persons, and the abstraction of their property from their native country; for I must repeat that no country can be long prosperous and support its national characn r of importance, independence, and happiness, without them and their protecting security for the general interests of every class of its population." • And in another he says— " What, as an instance of the Utah of these observa tions, can be more truly lamentable, than that the Irish peasantry, born vita the same natural right to expect not only the necessaries but the comparative comforts of life as those of other countries, are now in almost a state of star vation and destitution, driven to the very last resources of nature for subsistence, with every appearance of continuance, and most probably frequent occurrence ; and that there are, in different parts of Ireland, four millions and a half of acres of uncultivated morass and other land, a part of which, if duly prepared and in a state of proper cultivation, under the combined influence of the principals of the country, and animated by their presence; together with useful occupation amongst the peasantry, would nit only obviate such extreme cases of misery, so frequent amongst them, but most amply provide a sustenance, in addition to their present supplies, for their whole popula tion, including those now spread over the different parts of Europe, of whose number in England and other countries some idea may he formed, when it is computed that there are not less than from eighty to a hundred thousand in and about the metropolis of London, most of them seeking that avocation and employment for which they have no encouragement at home, whereby to obtain a support for themselves and families, and at the same time so prejudi cial to the interests of our own peasantry and artificers?" These observations by the author of the pamphlet furnish, we think, a complete justification of those which we have made; but, at the same time, we cannot quit the subject without, in the first place, paying a just tribute of approbation to the talent and good feeling displayed throughout the pamphlet, and, in the second, expressing our hope that the reckless impunity and shameless conduct of. Irish landlords will have no effect in slackening the. hand of charity, and retarding subscriptions in behalf of a famishing people. Let hunger be supplied, and let us next think of what into be done with those who have caused it.—Morning Advertiser. GRAND ENTERTAINMENT TO THEIR MAJESTIES AT POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM. (From a Correspondent.) Their Majesties, and the rest of the Royal Family, having graciously condescended to honour the Baro ness Howe and Sir Wathen Waller with their corn pany on Tuesday last, at their magnificent residence, Pope's Villa, Twickenham, so called, from the cir cumstance of the celebrated poet of that name having. occupied the site formerly, the most splendid prepa rations were made for the reception of the Royal Guest, and about 200 cards of invitation were issued among the Nobility and Gently to meet their Ma jesties, and witness a rowing match, with other aquatic amusements, on the Thames, and partake of an ambigu. At an early hour of the morning the preparations commenced. On the extensive lawn on ' the banks of the Thames a S plendid marquee was erected for their Majesties and the Royal Family.— The interior was beautifully decorated with festoons of artificial flowers on white drapery, the letters W. A., with a wreath in the centre, composed of the same sort of flowers, being placed in the rear of the chairs appropriated for the King and Queen, which were of an ancient description, with the Crown of England carved at the top of the backs of each. There were above a dozen ocher chairs on either side and in the rear of those of their Majesties, all of which were decorated with costly velvet. A new and vet) , rich Tuikey carpet was laid down in the Royal Tent for the first time, and at each end of the tent were placed two Gothic couches, hand somely lined with crimson velvet and rich Tour nay. It was ascended by three steps. The exte• riot was surrou nded with Union Jacks and standards of England, the whole having a good effect. On the left of the Royal tent a marq uee was erected, under which Mr. %V. Etherington, of Petersham, with a band of 17 musicians, took their stations. In a summer-house on the right, and level with the tent erected for their Majesties, a valuable silver cup was exposed to view, being the prise given by the Baroness Howe annually, to be rowed for by the apprentices of Twickenham, in com memoration of her late husband's (Earl Howe's) victory on the Ist of June, 1794, which was inscribed on it. On the reverse side was the following : " His Majesty William IV. entered the Navy, 1791." Numerous seats were placed in different parts of the lawn, and the refreshment rooms, under the superintendence of Mr. Plinkie, of Richmond, were laid out with the choicest delicacies and liqueurs. About three o'clock Bishop, Ruthven, Salmon, Ellis, Ledbetter, and Stevens, of the Bow-street Pu- lice, arrived at Sir W. Waller's, and shortly after took different stations in and outside the premises. Their Majesties were expected at four o'clock, but some time previous to that hour the river at the end of the lawn was crowded with boats of various descriptions, many containing very fashionable com pany, and on the towing path on the other side of the Thames a number of carriages and other vehicles were drawn up in a line. The spectators continued to increase every minute, and before the arrival of the King and Queen several thousand persons had assem bled, the day being a delightfully serene one, the sun shining over the heads of the motley assemblage with refulgent splendour. The company began to arrive about four o'clock, and were successively escorted on to the lawn by Sir W. Waller, where they promenaded, the band playing several fa vourite airs. The Duke and Duchess of Cumber land were the first of the Royal Family that arrived. The young Prince George of Cumberland, ac companied by Sir George Quentin, shortly fol lowed, and at a quarter to five an avant courier an nounced the approach of the Royal party. In the fiat carriage, drawn by four fine greys, were their Ma jesties, the Duke of Brunswick, and the Duchess of Saxe Weimar. Lady Ely, Madame d'Este, Ladv Sidney, and Mrs. Wilson, were in the second car. riage ; and Sir Andrew Barnard and Mr. Davis in the third. The Duke of Sussex, the Landgravine of f Hesse Homberg, Princ e C o b urg, E ar l H owe ( her ajesty's Chamberlain), and the Countess Howe, arrived about the same time. His Majesty, who was attired in a suit of black, first appeared on the lawn, followed byi his Royal Consort, loaning on the arm of Sir Wathen Waller. The band instantly ' struck up the National Anthem, and their Majesties took their seats under the royal tent amid the obei sances of the company, and the deafening cheers of the multitude assembled. At this period the Endeavour steamer, crowded with fashionable com pany, came in front of the lawn among the nume rous flotilla of boats, the steam-boat band playing " God save the King !" and the scene which pre sented itself at this period was truly gratifying as it was splendid and interesting. After the first ebul litions of feeling which their Majesties had excited in the hearts of their subjects had subsided, the company promenaded the grounds and the magni ficent suite of rooms. Among these present we notice, in addition to those above-named—Earl Mount-Edgetunbe, Lord Viscount Sidmouth and the Misses Addington, Sir W. and Lady Wheatley and the Misses Wheatley, Sir George and Lady Sey moor, Countess Dowager Poulett, Sir Henry Taun ton, Mrs. and Miss Bishop, Mr. and Miss Caroline Dawkins, Mr. and Mrs. Grenville Penn, Mr. and Mrs Kirkland, the Misses Byng, Colonel, Mrs., and Miss Badne, Mr. and Lady E. ttupton, Mrs. Boehm, Captain Woolmer, Master of the Trinity-house, and a long list of the nobility and gentry. Preparations were shortly made for the completion of a boat-race, which had been commenced on the Ist of June ; b u t the last heat,betweeit the two youths who had proved the best of their opponents,was reserved to be decided in the presence of their Majesties. The King's Waterman acted as umpire, and the signal being given they started. There being only two boats, and the leading one being so much in advance of the other, rendered the contest rather uninteresting. A young man, named Gillett, was declared the victor, who, with the test of the young men who had competed for the prize, were ordered to stand at the steps of the Royal tent. Sir Wathen 'Waller, after presets, ing the prize to their Majesties for inspection, fine it with twine, awl gave " The King," with t h rl times three. The toast was rapturously receive+ and the cheering lasted some minutes. The Cu was then given to the winner, and the youths 0 tired—Sir W. Waller presenting Francis, the secor i , man, with three sovereigns, and rewardin the re l , for their exertions. Her Majesty then walked root the lawn, accompanied by her Royal sister and mist with the company in the most affable rnanno . During the Queen's promenade she plucked soo, laurel and flowers, and appeared greatly d e li g ht s with the place. On her Majesty resuming her or she expressed a wish to go on the water, and 1, Majesty immediately signified the same to Capts Woolmer, who had the Trinity yacht with his mi at the end of the lawn, and ✓ preparations for 15 Majesty's reception on board were instantly mad Her Majesty, the Duke of Cumberland, the Dacha of Saxe Weimar, the Duke of Brunswick, Print George of Cumberland, and Lord Howe (her Af! jesty's Chamberlain), then went on board, C a ra Woolmer acting as steersman; but, owing to t ) vast number of boats, it was some time beta ( the Royal party could get under weigh. They prc ceeded down the river as far as the Duchess i Buccleugh's, and returned again without goil! ashore. His Majesty remained under the tent a the return of the Royal party, occasionally enteriol into conversation with those around him. The Kill shortly afterwards, walked through several of tie magnificent apartments in the interior. At a quarts to seven, the Royal party returned to the banquO ting-hall, where a sumptuous entertainment we l , given, on services of massive gold and silver. kl° Majesty entered with the Baroness Howe leanial on his arm, whom he condescendingly seated on 1 0 right, and the Landgravine of Hesse Homberg ' 0 his left. Her Majesty was escorted to her statioo opposite the King, by Sir W. Waller, and was suf' ported by the Duk e of S ussex on t h e r i g h t , an d t he Duke of Cumberland on the left. Covers well laid at his Majesty's table for about 24, and the side tables for 22 each. In th e lib rar y, covers were laid, for the rest of the company. At their Majesties table every thing was served up hot, and the enter tainment altogether was of a sumptuous and princel/, description. After the Royal party had partaken# coffee, they entered the grand sa l oon an d t h e s uite of apartments adjoining, where they continued pr! menading till near ten o'clock, when their Majestte l and the rest of the Royal Family departed for St' James's Palace. The majority of the compel remained for some time after the departure of theft Majesties; and the magnificence of the apartment combined with the costly articles o f ver t u conta ined therein, frequently called forth expressions of de' light and astonishment. The whole went off with the greatest eclat, and the company separated highly delighted with the entertainment and the polite at' tendons of Sir \Vathen Waller and his amiable lady' tae Baroness Howe. THE MARKETS. SOUTHALL MARK Ef—June 15. This day's supply of Beasts was limited, of small stock nio' derately good. The market was tolerably well attenthd both I) ,Y London and country buyers , but the trade w a s d u ll, at t h e fol• lowing prices per stone of Sib. to sink the °this : Beef 3s. 4d, to 4s. 4d f 4s. Od. to ss. eV' Mutton 3 4 4 4 P irk - 4 0 4 10 . _ Lamb .....•••••••••••••www. 4s. 4d. to ss. 4d. The foregoing quotations are Lamb from 4d. to Bd. per stone lower than on this day se'nnight ; prices of Beef, Mutton, Veal!, and Pork. stationary. A co ns id era bl e par t o f the supply lel" the market unsold. HAI LS HA M MARKET.—June 15. 3s. Bd. to 4s. 4d. 4s. Od. to 4s. 4 4 ' 4 0 4 6 I Pork ... . 0 0 0 0 Lamb 4s. 6d. to ss. Od. Supply of Beasts (mostly grass-fed), Lambs, and fat Calve , good; of store Sheep limited; trade very dull. ARUNDEL MARKET.—June 14. 3s. 4d. to 4s. 4d. 33. 10d. to 49. Mutton 3 '2 4 4 I Pork— U 0 0 0 lamb 4s. 4d. to ss. Od. A good supply, and a dull trade. CHICHESTER M ARK ET.—June 15. Beef .._ 3s. al. to 4s. 2d. as, 4d. to 4s. 4d, Mutton 3 4 4=4 I Pork.--- 0 0 0 0 Lamb Store Stock, which was in moderate supply, was in increase. demand, at considerably improved prices. Supply good, and trade dull. .RKET.—June 15. S. d.tos. d. Ideef 3::. 4 2 Mutton _ 'I 0 4 0 a. d. s. ti• Veal '3 8 5 ° Pork 3 8 4 0 4s. Od. to ss. Cd. LamL Suckling Calves from I4s. to 28 A limited supply, Quarter old Pigsl2s.to 188. earth td a sluggish trade. COUNTRY CORN MAR. TS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. Barley. I Oats. I BeanF.' Per Quarter. s. to S. s. s. to s. s. to s. Blandford 63 39 -- 29 _ 45 Ca ßrigg 55 24 34 3 8 37 24 38• Chard 60 73 30 32 22 24 40 42 Huntingdon 58 70 33 40 22 29 36 '42 Long Sutton--.. 60 70 2J 26 36 39 , Louth 60 66 30 32 20 24 33 40 56 68 28 30 24 30 36 40 Newark 164 71 29 3.3 24 30 40 4) Nottingham ,76 Sl 33 48 "4 31 42 44 . Peterborough 60 70 34 45 24 32 36 49 Plymouth 60 70 30 37 25 34 '3B Pontefract—..- — 69 43 0 .. 44 Sleaford j 65 70 36 38 22 28 41 43 Upppiugham 60 68 25 2 34 42 24 4 2 37 36 39 2 8542 66 71 LEEDS CORN MA RKET 60 .—June 14. Wheat, Norfolk and Suffolk, 60Ib. —.--- York. and Lincoln. 601 b. ssi. to 68s. 3 Barley, Norfolk and Stiff°lk Yorkshire and Lincolnshire - Grinding Beans Oats, Potatoe --Mealing, For. lid. to 14%d Eng. 14%c1. to 15,6,d. per st. Shelling 345. to 365. per load. Rapeseed, English, 161. to 241 Foreign, —l. to —l. per last. -•-• LIVERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE.—June 14. WHEAT, English, White, per 7011). Red Scotch, Welch, and Manx ------ Irish, White 8 2 8 6 -- Red 8 4 8 8 Foreign lO 0 10 6 OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 4 2 4 6 Irish Foreign 3 7 3 9 BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp, quarter 4O 0 46 0 -- Scotch and Irish, per 60Ibs -- Feeding 3 10 4 3 BEANS, English, per Imperial quarter 43 O 47 0 --- Irish, &c. Foreign PEASE, English, per Imperial quarter 42 0 44 0 --- Foreign FLOUR, English, per 2801 b. 4B 0 30 0 --- Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 240113 s 32 0 :35 0 . • INDIAN CORN, per 4401 b. RYE, per Imperial quarter 36 0 :18 0 • MALT, per Imperial quarter IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending June 13. Wheat. Oats. Barley flour. O a t me al. ' Qrs. Qrs. I Qrs. I I Foreign, Brls.lrish, &c. Scks.l Loads. 13,145 1,7:31 I 678 61,137 712 703 GROSS OUTRAGE ON FEMALE CHILDREN• —Wednesday, FORRESTER. and TYMMS, two city-officets, apprehended, in Oxford-street, WILLIAM BOTTERILL, Of Bawtry, who, it will be recollected, had absconded front that place on tieing charged with committing a gross outrage on two female children of the ages of three and seven years. BIRTHS. On the 15th inst. at Woodstock, the lady of H. Peyton, Esq., of a stillborn daughter. On the 16th inst. at Golder's Hill, Hampstead, Mrs. J. Robins, of a son. MARRIED. On the 16th inst. at Brixworth, Northamptonshire, (by the Rev. Vere Ishain, Rector of Lawport) Mr. Robert Hewitt, of Northampton, solicitor, to Anne, third daughter of the late Mr. Weston, of the former place. On the 14th inst. at Chalfont St. Giles, the Rev. T. P. Bridges, of Danbv, Essex, to Sophia Louisa, eldest daughter of the late Sir W. L. Young, Bart. of Stone Dean, Bucks. On the 15th in s t. at Stanford, 11Iajor G. Birch, of Clare, in the county of Hants, to I.yd , a Diana, eldest daughter of the late Rev. S. F. Dashwood, of Stanford hall, Nottinghamshire. At Trinity Church, Marylebone, C. B. Elliott, Req. of the Bengal Civil Service, to Emily Gertrude, daughter of the late J. Dougan, Esq. On the 16th inst. at St. Marylebone, W. Carr, Esq., of St. Pe tersburgli, to Ann, only daughter of C. Field, Esq., of Notting ham-place. On the 14th inst. at West Wickham, Kent, Mr. 11. Humby to Ann, only daughter of Mr. J. Alexander. On the 16th inst. at St. Mary's, Marylebone, H. E. Beville, Esq., M.A , Fellow of St. Peter's College, Cambrid ge, an d o f the sth Dragoon Guards, to Charlotte, eldest daughter of G. N. Thompson, Esq. of Chapel-street, Grosvenor-place. DIED. On the 14th inst in St. James's-street, Mr. George Hun*lacy,. ckanre,, ic a,thuiin. rist and publisher, aged 42, d eep l y regretted by all who On the 15th inst. at Dorset-place, Regent's-park, Mrs. B. Stevens, aged 81. On the 15th inst. at Clapham, Mr. C. Derrick, only son of the late C. Derrick, Esq. of th e N avy -office. On the 16th inst. J. D. Kelly, Esq. solicitor, of New Inn, in his 37th year. On the 15th inst. hi George-street, Hanover-square, Mr. S. Phillips, aged 58. On the 11th inst. at East Wickham, Kent, J. Jones, Esq., formerly Lieut.-Colonel in his Majesty's Ist Regiment of Foot Guards, aged 78. At the Maliarbulaishwar Hills, on the 15th January, his Es.- cellency Lieut—General Sir T. S. Beckwith, K.C.8., Governor and Commander.in-Chief of the Presidency of Bombay. n AND PlikA,l3lll7l) BY MURDO YOUNG, AT ititi :11,71,, 112, SiRAND, I,nNuoN. To he PAPE Districts. 'l' and now apps manta is shoo For furtbei Newspaper 0 This GLOM FIR P D W Al William Abbot Richard Alsag( Charles Raymo Thomas Baum Jonathan Birch Jonathan Chap Sir C. Cockerel Boyce Combo, John Fairlie, George Fraser, George Carr G The actual Sterling, the the public an extensive Loss The Comp Asturance an Company can Payment of L contingent lia any circumsta Security for t provided. The Rate of are ls. C Policies arc Iniurn amoun The Comp Mission fees f Pereons wl pear at either Twelve and 1 Officers in additional pt.( The Comp Whole term of holders them J May 27, 1 . I WTHEK INLE :ILO_ LOWS - - Lured by Tho Sheffield, for • &r.--Warrar T. L. and to the Merch and its vicin veived, and a since the intr with numero branch, whit proyal. The Pater tages over co liarity of prt rock staff or they produce they consutm Work. The: blast, (and s; durability), t fill blast into steel into a st CABINET M R. T Nob best-selected Enamd, at Leadenhall-s ably to Act and encourq bine to prods Members in at death. IN the menu an evil DIOX vortex of the Lows of exaction fot as well as 1 as to recoil whose time vessfully de debility, w profftr the has enervat which the without fin and be kin( , . . cmaUos. diligence, I may learn stitation. from Lues the quack, a certain re of a ccinnill to despair, which she Messrs. every (1,,y, parts of th ing minut e ♦ice and Al eine will observation No. *,,,* Jut of Life, a I The Syphi I 'Sex. Ma Porter, '72 . gow at mingham ; tenham ; Cambridge Leeds ; CI Platt and Haldon ar Dowding,;