The Sun. — London, England, 1831-07-07 00:00:00

PRICES OF THE STOCK S Calk Stock per Cent Red :3 per Cent Cons. per Cent. 89% Ditto Red 8 , )% 1 4 !New 314 per Cent -.99% 3 per Cent Ann. 1726 - 4 per Cent. 19212 ..... link Long APR 1;0 ex pi re Jan 5, lEtio. Oct. 10, 1859 Jan, 5, 1880 Apill — Jaa. 5, 1670 ..... .... DAY AT ONZ O'CLOCK. New 5 per Cent. India Stock ..............» shut Ditto Bonds 3 pm. South Sea Stock pia 'PISCES OF !OAFISH FUNDS Austrian Bonds —; razilian Bands —, . 2, tiesioa Ayres Bonds. ... , Chilian Bonds .... ...... Colombian Bonds .., IMto, 1824 ..., — Osnish ... — Greek Bonds — Ditto, 1825 ............ Guatimala. — Mexican Bonds — ssittp 182' +„gli New Ditto - 3 per ('ent. Ann. 1751 .... Ex. Bilk, £1,000...14 13 15 MI Ditto 50P...14 13 15 pm iDitto Small 14 i* 151 m, . ' Ditto Commercia. b —Prn Ditto Add — rm. Bank for Acc ount — Puts for Account ...... Akins. for July 20 THIS DAT Ar Ott recLocx. il...esecltt4T , — 'ttlititatt Bonds IPcrtuguese Bonds 'Prussian. (3M iDitto. New ....... ........... Russian — ; Spanish, lit I l5 --- :WI — French Rentes, sp. c. Vt 50 . .....-- Exchange ...... V. 5 30 c. 3 per cent s4r. --- Exchange GENERAL AVERAGE PRICE OF BRITISH CORN Tor the Week end e d July 1. , issi, made up from the lietnm: of the Inspectors in the ditttrent Cities and Towns in England and Wales, per Imperial Quarter. Wheat---. 665. 7d.1 Oats 265. Rd.! 41s. 2.A. Barley 335. 10d.1 Rye --... 395. Pease...--- 40s. 7d IMPERIAL AGGREGATE AVERAGES OF THR SIX WEEKS PRECEDING. Wheat—MA. 10d [Oats ..--. 265. 11d.1 8ean5...4.405. 4d . Barley 35s 6d.1 Rye .....-- 395. 3:1.1 Peare-.... 40s. Id DUTIES ON FOREIGN cOills. Wheat— Rd. I Oats 71. Reans--- 9s. &l. Batley__ - 75. 10,1.1 Rye —.—.. od.l Pease— Is. pd. li r► c *lnt. LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 7, 1831. The adjourned debate on the Reform Bill was re sumed last night. Sir C. WETHERELL, "as is hi., •wont," figured among the wounehest opponents of Government, and repeated,_for at least the tenth time, the old stale arguments of the Corporation robbery and the democratic tendency of the ter pound franchise. Sir R. PEEL also made an exh'- bition on the occasion, tliough of a different na ture to that furnished by the Ex-ultra ATTORNEY - - GENERAL. Sir CHARLES was gamesome, desultory. and amusing; Sir ROBERT, prosy, formal, and long-winded. Sir CHARLES was open, manly, and incorrigible; Sir ROBERT, suppliant, plausib'e, and jesuitical. Sir CHARLES spoke of his feelings, Sir ROBERT of his conscience. Sir CHARLES roared out, Sir ROBERT whispered," Wolf." Sir CHARLES was wrathful, Sir ROBERT pathetic. S;r CHARLES praised the wisdom of our ancestors, ROBERT hinted at his own. Finally, Sir CHARLES spoke like a pedant, Sir ROBERT like a Methodist parson; the one in the dialect of the schools, the other in the cant of the Tabernacle. Of the Right Hon. Baronet's style of argument we cannot say much. Like a horse in a mill, he went round and round his subject, in the same dull, formal spirit that he has been in the habit of doing for years past, whenever the question of Reform has been brought before the House. As for freshness or animation of manner or matter, he did not evince a particle. In fact, he had all the appearance of a man placed in a false position, who was arguing, and felt that he was so, against conviction. What could possibly be tamer than his long rigmarole about quotations, except his allusion to the present state of France ? In his reply to Mr. Macau- LEY'S able contrast between the civilization of the people, and the barbarism of their Go vernment, the Right Hon. Baronet—who had for . six years presided over the Home Depart ment, as with suitable grandiloquence he reminded the House—was still more unlucky—will more at sea. He instanced, forsooth, as a proof tl'at the Government moved side by side with the people its the march of intelligence and liberality; the fact that it had repealed the Test Acts and emane pated the Catholics! And so indeed it did. But when, under what circumstances ? Not surely until the oleventh hour, and even then, not from conviction but from necessity! The WELLINGTON admi nistration was shamed, not reasoned into, libe rality. Fear, not intelligence, enlightened it, It turned its coat, just time enough to pre vent its being stripped off its back. And these rare, reluctant concessions Sir H. PEEL adduces as a triumphant refutation of Mr. MacauLaY's assertion that the people were more enlightened than their ritler..! The Right Hon. Baronet grounded his oppo sition to Reform chiefly on the plea that he was " unwilling.to open a door, which he did not see the prospect of being able to shut again." We wonder this plea did net occur to hint before he consented to emancipate the Catholics; for most assuredly by that act he opened the door so widely, that he had no rational prosoect of being able to shut it again, until the giant Reform bad marched up to the very altar of the Constitu tion. Thus, then, the argument which has de cided the Right Honourable Baronet against the present measure, is the very same which should have decided him against emancipation. If he refuse to open the door of the Constitution now, from fear of consequences, he should have refused to open it then, for the very same reason. The debate was closed at the unusual liour'of four o'clock this day, by a majority in favour of the second reading of the Reform Bill, of 136. The electors of Southwark will be much grati fied by a perusal of the speech—who-e only fault was its brevity—of ther young and intelligent Member, Mr. Wm. BROUGHA3I. This gentleman, by his candid declaration of opinion , , presents a striking contrast to the hollow, flimsy, trimming diatribes of his predece-sor, Sir R. WasoN. The Belgian question seems beset with difficul ties. The party opposed to Prince I..EoPoLD have acquired additional strength, each day, during the discussion, and it will not surprise us, from the tem per developed in the Congress, to find the Prince's party in a minority, or rather• the preliminary condi tions, on the acceptance of which he agrees to ascend the throne, rejected. • The Lishon Gazettes from 13th to 18th June are filled with extracts from English and French Papers. • The Gazelle of the 15th announces the &ppointment of Duke DE LAFOES to the post of Military Governor of the Province of Oporto. The ship news continues to notice the French ►nen of war as in sight. On the 13th the Portuguese mail arrived in 45 days from Maranham and on the 17th the Portugue,e galley, Santa Pita, in 50 days, from Pernambuco, with the mail. The following Proclamation was issued at Brus sels by the REGENT, on the sth of July, at four o'clock in the afternoon:— Belgians !—The Sovereign Congress is going t o pro nounce upon the preliminaries of the treaty of peace be.. ttveen Belgium and Holland. " Whatever may be the decision of this Assembly, it will solely represent the nation, and will alone possess the right of giving laws to the country. " It is of the Sovereign Congress that I hold my powers, and I have only received them in order that the laws may be executed. I will not fail in my duty; I will not vio late my oath. lam irrevocably decided to fulfil my duties wftli honour, and I appeal to the honour of the Belgian ratio') and to their pattiotiam, who will not depart (rim b --• ity cue rilecces En cny ant civil war, which would draw on our fine country the severest disasters. If this should happen, I should not hesitate to fulfil the most sacred of my duties, to maintain order and the in violability of persons and property. I reckon on the effect of the fidelity of the CiVio Guard and the friendship of ill Food eititens. If tha Congress should adopt the pre liminaries of theifreatrof peace, I regard it as an absolute duty to remain at - My post, which the cnntdence of the representative's of the tteon have confided in me, until the arrival. of the king in this city, which cannot he but 4 &Set period, according to the promise he has made me. • " SURLET DE CHOKIER, Regent. " Brussels, July 5." Extract of a private letter io one of the first com mercial houses iti thn city, tilted July 5 :-- " I thittk it important to forward 'you the Regent's Proclamation. No doubt the eighteen articles will be ac cepted. M. Leheati, Minister for Foreign Affairs, spoke in Congress two hours to-day, and his speech was of the most tloquent description, even his enemies shed tears. He offered his resignation When finished, but it was not accepted. The majority last night in favour of the ac ceptance of the articles was upwards of forty. You may rely on it, as this wa's ascertained at a meeting of the sup port:Ts of the measure." The French Papers of Tuesday have been re ceived, but they contain no fo:eign news. The ge neral impression in Paiis was that the hereditary Peerage would certainly be abrogated. The fol lowing arc extracts relative to the Duchess DE BERRI'S plans : (From the Messager des Chambres dated Tuesday.) FORBACH, JUNE 30.—Travellers cOtnitig film Germany con firm the news, that artillery , anti ammunition from Creutanach are expected at CbMehl/. At Sarrelouis there is a general report of the Mare h tr tWo corps of the Prussian army, which are going frm' the banks of the Rhine, and from Aix-la-Chapelle towards ti* ftontiers of Belgium. It is also said that a division of ca valry in on its march from Posen to Treves. "PARIS, JULY 4 —The Ami de la Charte, published at Nantes, contains the following article A letter from Fonte nai, received. at Nantesby the post this morning, says— '. I can tell you for, certain that two persons were yes terday (Friday) arrested at Lucon, viz., a M. Briqueviile, formerly 'postmaster, and the first clerk of the same eflite. The order for this arrest came from Bordeaux, where seine letters were intercepted, which seriously implicated those tw•ogentlemen. The affair seems to be of importance, and to be connected with the South and with llolyrood. The greatest celerity was employed in executing this measure, which is deemed of the highest importance. These two gentlemen are se n tto Bordeaux.' " 31. Le non the Belgian minister, left Paris yesterday, after having had conferences with MeSsrs. Sebastiani and Belliard..He is probably gone to Brussels to vote, as a member of the Con gress, in the important debate of which we have already given the commencement. " The march of troops to the Alps and the frontiers of Bel gium, which was for a moment suspended by a telegraphic des patch, has recommenced. General Simmer, who was at Riom on account of his election, has received orders to repair with all haste to the army, to take command of a division." FRF.NCTI FuNt;, PARTS, Juts 4.-Five per Cents., 85E 50c. 85f. 85f. 20c. 85f. 8:X. 20c. 85f. 85f. 20c. 40c. 10c. 20c. Plc. 15c. 10c. 15c. 50c. 85f. 60c. 50c. 4.'c. 50c. s;ic. 70c. 86E 85E 80c. 86f. 86f. 15c. 86f. ; Loan of 1831, 85f. 84f. 80c. 85f. 85f. 20c. 75c. 86E ; Four per Cents., 73E ; Three per Cents., 56f. 50c. 30c. 56f. 55c. 55c. 56f. 55f. SOc. 56E 25c. 20c. 56f. 55f. 90c. 80c. 90c. 56f. !..'6f. 20c. 50c. 80c. 65c. 80c. 57f. ; Bank Actions, 1 ,5.35 f. ; Rente de Naples. 65f. 64f. 75c. 65E 65f. SOc. 06f. 66E 30c. ; Rente d'Espagne, 121. ; Royal Spanish Loan, 62; 62 6P4 62; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 45 45% 45 45% 14 45 45% 46 4614 4 ; Exchange on London, one month, paper, 25f. 10e. ; money, 251. 10c. ; three months, paper, 24f. 95c. ; money, 24f. 95c. -Cour: Authenlique. FRF.NCI4 FUNDS, PARTS, JULY 5.-Five per Cents., 86f. 86f. 25c. 15c. 10c. Rif. 85f. 90c. 80c. 70c. 60c. 70e. B'sc. 70c. 65c. 70c. 80c. 90e. 86f. 85E 90e. 80c. 90c. 80c.; New Loan, 86f. 15c. 85f. fine. 75c. tifif 10c. 85f. 90c. ; Three per Cents., 56f 80c. 95c. 57E 56f. 80c. 70c. 40c. 56f. 56f. 15c. 25c. 20c. 25c. 40c. s^c. ; Ba.k Actions, 1,5.3011 1,520 f. ; Rente de Naples, 661. 10c. 65f. 90c. 60c. ; Royal Spanish Loan, 62 61% ; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 46 46 45 %',6 1!, 451 , 2 sp. Exchange on London, one month, paper, 25f. 10e. ; money, 2.5 f. i. e. ; three months, paper, 24f. 95e. ; money, 24f. 95e. The following are extracts from Dutch Papers:— BERLIN, JUNE 30.—Van Omphal, Colonel in the service of of Majesty the King of the Netherlands, has arrived here with despatches from the Hague.. We have no farther accounts from Poland, but a letter from Lvck, on the Polish frontiers, says that the corps of General Gielgud was completely surrounded, and that the Rus sians intended to drive ►t towards Prussia, or that important events were expected shortly to take place in that quarter. AMSTERDAM, JULY 4. Actual Debt, 23 per cent 37. to :381£ A tnort Svndic, 4% per cent. 61% to 62 Ditto, ditto, 3% per cent. LAW INTELLIGENCE-(THIS DAY.) ROLLS COURT. WELLESLEY v. LONG. Mr. PEMBERTOVlitate;itri;t this suit came now before the Court upon further directions by the defendant, the plaintiff not appearing. The bill had been filed by Mr. Wellesley against the Misses Long and Mr. Hutchinson, for the purpose of having de livered up to the plaintiff certain documents, trinkets, watches, &c., belonging to his wife, and also for an injunction to restrain them from obliterating or making away with any of the articles or writings in question. Mr. Long Wellesley, as It was well known, had married Miss Long, a lady of immense fortune. In the year IS'25 a separation took place between them, when the latter came over to England, and went to reside with her sisters, the Misses Long. Unfortunately, while residing with them, and before any reconciliation had taken place between Mrs. W. and her. husband, she was seized with an illness that terminated in her death. During that illness every care and attention was paid to her by her sisters, into whose possession, previous to her death, she delivered certain letters and papers relative to her affairs, with directions to de. stroy such as related to family concerns, and such as were imma terial to be preserved with reference to any future proceedings. After the death of Mrs. Wellesley, the Misses Long became possessed er(lyin f g n h t e h r ei vi r •e i a m r u i g e. apparel rv r e l c ilesieytrinkets,tooconsequence out a ini of stra- ion to his wife, and thought fit to make a demand upon Misses Long, requiring them to give up every thing they had belong ing to his wife. The Misses Lonx in consequence of the advice they received, refused to deliver them up on account of the circumstances of the family, and the litigation then going on relative to the custody of Mr. Wellesley's chil dren. The letters which had passed between Mrs. Welles ley and part •of her family, relative to the conduct of Mr. Wellesley were destroyed, and the other documents were sealed up and placed in the custody of Mr. Hutchinson. Under these circumstances Mr. Wellesley tiled the present bill, alleging that the Misses Long . had improperly possessed themselves of the wearing apparel, jewels, &c., of Mrs. Wellesley to a great amount, and various documents of great value, all of which ought to be delivered up to him. The Misses ing put in their answer, oftbring to give up every thing that was not necessary for the purpose of carrying on the unfortunate litigation, which had been commenced, as also setting forth a list of the trinkets that have come to their possession. This did not satisfy Mr. Wellesley, who answered by bill, stating that there were horse.clothes, harness, and such tnimpery, that had not been in cluded. On the matter coming before the Court, a reference was made to the Master, to inquire what documents and trinkets be longing to Mrs. Wellesley at her death had been posseSsed by the defendants, the Court declining to enter into the question of jurisdiction, until after the Master's report. Remade his report confirming the statements of the Misses Long, but the plaintiffdid not think fit to prescribe toa decree, which the defendant did for the purpose of getting these costs, and what therefore the Learned Counsel had now to ask of the Court was either, that there might be a decree upon delivering up the articles which the Master had found were in possession of the defendants, belonging Mrs. Wellesley, Mr. Wellesley paying the costs, or that the bill might be dismissed with costs. The MASTER of the ROLLS did not like to do any thing that would appear to admit that the Court had jurisdiction. He would dismiss the bill with costs. COURT OF KING'S BENCH. TRIAL OF MR. coßßErr. To-day having been fixed for the trial of Mr. Cobbett for having in one of his Registers published a libel, the tendency of which was charged to be to excite the labouring population of the country to acts of incendiarism, the Court was much crowded. Mr. Cobbett arrived about half-past nine o'clock, accompanied by h's two song, and a number of persons who had been drawn together by hand-bills stating the day of trial. On " his arrival he was cheered, and upon coming into Court, which became in stantly much crowded, he turnedround to the people and ex claimed, Ah !if truth prevails, we shall beat them." Lord TENTERDEN shortly afterwards came into Court, and a Special Jury were sworn. Lord Radnor and several other gen tlemen were seated oo the Bench. Mr. WI G HTM A N opened the pleadings. He said this was an indictment charging the defendant William Cobbett with having published a seditious libel, tending to excite the peasantry to re. sort to acts of vtolenee. The defendant head pleaded not guilty. The ATI ORNEY-GENERA L before he addressed the Jury upon the merits of the indictment begged to allude to the cir. cumstance of the defendant having by public notice attracted a crowd of persons to the Court, and that before his Lordship came into Court the defendant had addressed the persons, by sasing, " if truth prevails, we shall beat them." The Learned Attorney-General complained that such conduct was untie coming, and tending to divert the purposes of justice from their proper objects. He then alluded to the distressing situation of many parts of the country in December last, when outrages were constantly occurring, occasioned by the violence of the peasantry, who had doubtless been misled by other persons who had induced them to believe that such acts of outrage would obtain for them a mitigation of their distresses, and higher wages. The Attorney_ General descanted at some length on the tendency of writings such as the one now selected as the object of prosecution, particularly at such a period of outrage and violence a-4 unfor tunately prevailed when the present libel appeared, He then read the libel in question which appeared in the Register of the 11th of December, and left it for the Jury to determine whether the tendency of it was not such as was described in the indictment. A person was called who proved the purchase of the Register of the 11th of December last. The paragraphs were read ; they were preceded by a motto stating that the country people should not lie down and die by the way side, and was headed, " Rural War." They said the out rages that had been then committed had had the e&ct of reducing the tithes, which reduction came from the parsons like drops of blood ; they declared that England would never be at peace un less the reductions were still further continued ; that great good had been the result of the late violenees, that though the people might be told that breaking thrashing machines was an illegal act, they must bear in mind that one such machine deprived ten men of their bread • that they would never partake of the bread which these machines produced, for that instead of that they would be compelled to live on potatoes and salt; that the people would perceive they were getting bread by their acts, and that while they proceeded in them, and found the result to' be productive to them, it was ridiculous to desire the people to de sist ; the article stated that the peasantry had not committed any violent act against life or limb, nor had persons been burnt in their beds, which, if the people had been wickedly inclined, might have occurred. Mr. Cobbett then began his address to the Jury He descanted at considerable length on the bad taste which had prompted a prosecution of this description, selecting from among the nu merous libels which daily issued from the Press this, the mildest of thenvall. He was, he was convinced, a man marked for pro. secution by the "Whig Ministry. He read extracts from the Times, Chronicle, and Courier, to show that gross libels were per witted to pass unnoticed because they puffed the Governtnent, and so would hispassithe ere to iitithe Ministry also. He next referred lie h e t o saki he there attacks werem a e 654 licensed him in the House of Commons, posed libel was brought forward by M libeller*, where this sup it was finally agreed that the matter sho uld Ri c e of the Attorney-General. The learnerAltiYe"; wherele iii ttie hand read certain paragraphs. partial extracts, where ' if .ceded to read on, he would have perceived t,h7tfyke ~ •{~ 1 ~.. w:Th ttio,se [We o/ should not be committed : but that did not suit the object "of this prosecution ; he (Mr. Cobbett) would however read other parts, and the Jury:would decide after reading the whole whether he ever had a desire to instigate people to set fire to buildings, or He then went on, and contrasted the case of Cooke, who was executed for striking Bingham Baring, with th a t o f Goodman, who was sent out of the country only, at man who himself had acknowledged to Aye different cases of alsoh • and he said that had it nit been for the prosecution against him, Goodman Would never have been pardoned. So that the brightest and the highest attribute of his Majesty was prostituted to crush one of his most faithful subjects. Here there was a good deal of applause in the Court, when Lord TENTERDEN said, if it again occurred, he would order the Court to lie Cleared; He adverttd,te the bac of Cooke again, and sa id th at t h e At terneYstlederal should look for higher game than he was. For a more atrocious libel than the one he was about to read had never been ultered; it was !Token in the Hous e o f C ommons, and wasattributed in the public Papeks to the Learned Gentle man hirmillf. lie then read what he called the libel, which stated that he (Cook) was, and had been, a long time at' work for 15s. a week. Mr. Cobbett said he had evidente which would he brought before them soon to sheik- that he was a mere plough-boy, and had been for a long time out of work. He then described the funeral, and the feeling,: of the population in that part of the county oil the appearance of the libel in qiteitioh, and he stated that they had subscribed a penpy , each to see and get it taken out of the papers. He said thht he was convinced, an before long he would convince the Jury, that the whole of the three pretended confessions of Goodman were mere fabrications, made first by the hunting curate of Crowhurst, who was no doubt looking out for a Bishopric • then by the three Magistrates at Horsham, instigated by the Liberal Whig Government, for the purpose of crushing that which they had always in their mouths, but hated in their hearts—a free Press. It was stated, and circulated pretty generally, that he had run away ; from whom, said Mr. C. should I run away ?—from the Greys, the Broughams, the Lambs, or any of that crew. No, it would take much more than them ' all put together to frighten him. He then produced a declara tion signed by one hundiail and four persons, among which ' nature was the name of the very prosecutor of Goodman, audit , stated that they had all attended his lecture, that they had seen ' the pretended confession of Goodman, and that, unsolicited by him,theysent up thisdeclaration tosay that what he deliveredhad, in their opinion, a contrary tendency to the con struction attempted to be now put on his words. He said he had proof that Good man was not at his lecture, and what was stronger than all, he pro duced a genuine letter, written by Goodman to his brother while on board the transport, which, compared with these pre , tended confessions, bears no resemblance whatever. He went over the points of difference, and said that Providence in most cases overcame cunning —and in the letter there was not a word about his lecture, not vet of the curate of Crowhurst; Nit so very different was it, that he ascribed his then situation as the fruits of his own bad conduct, and conjured his brother to take warning and avoid such company as he had kept. In speaking of the indictment, he got very warm on the way in which he had been degraded by being sent before the Grand Jury at the Old Bailey amongst thieves, but it was part of the system pursued, for then people would say, ob, he is found guilty thesame as Carlile, and he must he as bad. The Attorney-General had taken credit to himself for not proceeding by ex officio thereby sneering at Sir James Scarlett, hut Sir James's conduct was manly and upright, he did not sty right, while the present pro ceeding by indictment was, as was to be expected from the pre sent Government, a sneaking Whig-like trick.=-CHere Earl Grey and Lord Durham entered the Court and sat on tho Bench.)_ Mr. Cobbett then complained of the garbled manner in whersh the passages were inserted in the indictment ; he was aware that such conduct did not proceed from the wig on the head of the learned Attorney-General, but from the Whig in his heart. to commit any other outrages. It could only be attributed to the low chicanery of the Whigs, in imputing such disgrace ful motives to him for writing his Register ' • he was satis fied the result of this trial, however, would do good ; it had already done good, for this immerse auditory now in Court had heard his declarations and opinions upon these outrages. Why did the Attorney-General leave out other passages ? Why, but to distort and garble his meaning. Why did the Attorney- General put in the indictmeat the paragraph condemn ing the tithe system, but because it was intended to attack the tithes themselves ; the Archbishop of Canterbury had brought in a Bill for the composition of tithes, and a Noble Lord had brought in another for the commutation of tithes; indeed, he had been told that the Liturgy was to !mattered. Mr. Cobbett next adverted to a petition, which he had caused to be presented to Parliament, and which, as it was included in the pamphlet, the Jury would be enabled to read, and then they would judge whether he ever had such an intention as it was intended to fix upon him. This petition was soliciting for some amelioration of the distress which prevailed among the labouring classes, a class than whom there was none more cruelly used. Look at their distresses, at their want of labour, at their low wages, and then, he asked, could it be a matter of wonder that they committed outrages, goaded to them by great and overwhelming distress'? He said it could not be wondered at, and he contended that even when convicted, the punishments should he leniently dealt out. At Binfield, in Sussex, a man had been transported under the Excise laws, leaving hehind him his wife and two daughters, who could not get employment because of the disgrace of the father, and they were obliged to go into the work house ; there was one of the overseers—a Sturges Bourne over seer—whose first act was to cut off the long hair from the heads of these poor young creatures, then put on them a disgraceful dress—a badge on their shoulders and then compelled them to go to the parish church on Sunday in that dress, or turn out to be thieves or prostitutes ; could the Jury wonder at persons com mitting crime in preference to enduring that disgrace ? Mr. C. went into a view of the poor laws, which was scandalously ad ministered by the appointment of improper overseers. For his part he would sooner leave his country for ever, than live in it with his tongue silent; he would speak out, aye, even in pre sence of the Greys, the Russells, and the Lambs. He next adverted to the Scriptures, and read some verses from Isaiah and applied them to the misrule of the present Ministry. WhoSe property was it that was destroyed by the outrages ? Why the farmers, and he asked, was it likely that he should incite them to destroy the property of the farmers when he stated in his publi cation, that it was not owing to the farmers that the labourers could not get work and good wages ; he told them that the die_ tress was caused by the tax-gatherer, who took from the farmer that which ought to go to the labourer. To show his intentions, he had in the same Register the circular of Lord Melbourne, which contained the only kind words ever used towards the labourers by the Whig Ministers ever since they forced them selves into office ' • he inserted that circular, and called the espe cial attention of the labourers to it, to endeavour to put a stop to the fires and other acts of outrage. The Jury should hear in mind, that they were to take the whole of the Register into.eon. sideration together, and if they found the whole tendency of it was not to excite people to acts of violence , they must return a verdict of Not Guilty. He then read one paragra which strongly reprobated the system of outrage that thenph prevailed, and calling on all persons to unite in put ting an end to that system, and in securing the perpetra tors of' it ; but the Counsel for the prosecution omitted to read that and similar sentences, because to read them would have had too much of fairness and candour for such a malignaht prosecution. Mr. Cobbett was proceeding when our reporter left. There were then on the Bench, Earl Grey, Lord Goderich, Lord Dur ham, th , . Marquis of 131andford, Lord Radnor, and other No blemen, and we understood the Lord Chancellor was also in at tendance : all of whom, it was understood, had been subpoenaed upon the trial. THE FUNDS -(THIS DAY.) CITY. TWELVE O'CLOCK. The very great majority last night in the House of Corn. mons in favour of Ministers, on the second reading of the Re form Bill, and which has so much pleased the public, has not had any effect on the funds. Consols, which left off yesterday at 83, opened this morning at the same price; but 80051 after it w as asertained that several expresses had arrived, when Consols re. ceded to 82z,44, at present they are 8274. • The news from Brussels, arrived this :appear to bee! rsa _ Js morning, a favourable nature, and it is expected that the majority in favour of Prince Leopold will be at least 40. In the Foreign Market nothing doing. HALF-PAST ONE, Letters arein town from Antwerp, stating that a number of arrests had taken place there of agents employed by the French party to cause disturbances. The Hague Journal of the sth July states, by private letters from Berlin, that official news had been received there that a part of the Russian army had passed the Vistula. They mention trom Germany that various disturbances are expected to take place in Hungary. Consols still continue heavy, owing to Money Stock coming to market. Money is also scarce ; but to-morrow a large amount of dividends will be paid to the public, and money will become more plentiful. Consols, which were in the early part of the morning at 83, are at present 82. X. Little or nothing doing in the froreign Market. THREE O'CLOCK Cormls, S2l:. FOUR 0 CLOCK.—CLOSING PRICES. Consols .... S 1 1 1 Ditto for Account S 4 Brazilian Bonds Buenos Ayres Chilian Ditto — Columbian, 1824 Danish Grvek, 1825 1825 3Bi Peruvian ...... • • Russian Spanish l5 PARLIAMENTARY -PAPER. WATERLOO BRIDGE NEW STREET. An ESTIMATE of the EXPENSE to be incurred under the WATERLOO BRIDGE NEW STREET BILL; distin guishing the Amounts to be borne by the Public and by Prig vate Patties. Estimated Value of Property to be purchased be. tween the Strand and Charles-street, Covent garden The like at the North end of Bow-street ll,OOO 0 0 £55,800 0 0 Contingencies, including Charges - of Architects and Purveyors, Law Costs, making good Carriage and Foot Pavements, Lamps, &c. estimated at 101. per cent. on the above amount 5,580 0 0 Total estimated Expense to be incurred £E11,30 0 0 Of which The estimated Value of Property which his Grace the Duke of Bedford proposes to give up to the Public, being part of the first-mentioned Pro perty, is 4,.;00 0 0 Esiimated Cost to the Public X56,880 0 0 Estimated Value of Property belonging to the Mar quis of Exeter, proposed to be acquired by ex change 12,0e0 0 0 ---- Estimated Amount proposed to be provided for by the Sale of Crown Property £44.880 0 0 DUNCANNON Commissioners for carry- W. D. ADAMS itig into execution the HENRY DAWKINS/ Act 7th Geo. IV. c. 7 7 . Office of Woods, &c. July 2, 1831. So great is the celebrity of DoLßy's Dic __ _ tionary of Cookery and Confectionary, of which one-third, or nearly two thousand, of the receipts have never before seen the light, that we understand at one of the late city banquets, peremptory directions were given that every dish in the dinner and the dessert, should he prepared from the receipts contained in that successful book. Nothing will now go down that is not ala DOLEr. As cook of the Thatched-house Tavern, the author has superintended the preparation of fears partaken of by the most dignified per sonages of the land, (his late MAJESTY included), an d it was from his exercise of the above office that the reputa tion of Dora' as a cuisinier first arose. The city 'of Moscnw is renowned for its hos pitality, as well as for the effectual use to which it is turned ; so much so, that a modern writer gives it as his deliberate opinion that more is ate , and drank in Moscow in one year dual in the whole - of • Italy in thrici the tint!, •• HOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 6. At Four o'clock the SPEAKER took his seat, the House being very full of Member*. REFORM BILL. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, at Half-past Five o'clock, moved that the discussion be resumed upon the motion for the second reading of the Reform Bill. Colonel SIBTHORPE was happy that he had moved the adjournment of the debate last night, because it gave bim the opportunity now of expressing his utter detestation of the measure, which went to the undermining of the Constitution of the country, and he felt hound to give his decided opposition to it. and big support to the amendment which had heea introduced by the Hon. Member for Sudbury. Lord WILLIAM LENNOX would not follow the 11011. Member for Lincoln through his fanciful images of vi sionary theories Tind incongruities, hut merely deprecate the system of making the House of Commons a foundling hospital for any Member's illegimate theories —(Hear, and laughter ) He would refrain from going over the ',ld beaten tract, nor would he gratify those opponents who thought no Member could be returned, or no speech be made upon the question of Reform, without introducing what they call the revolutionary and unconstitutional cry of the King and Reform—Magna Charta and the Rights of the People—Gatton—grinding the poor—and the purse proud oligarchy, and concluding with the cuckoo cry of " the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill.— (Hear ) He would rather content himself with briefly and dispassionately noticing two positions taken np by the friends of the present system. The first was the old haCk neyed doctrine that had ever been brought forward in sup port of every rotten cruse, viz.—that though the system was theoretically bad, yet that, practically, it had worked well. Now could it be said that a system worked well tinder which the petitions of the people had been treated with contempt, and that when they had called aloud for retrenchment and attention to their grievances. they were told that their distress was only partial.---(Hear, hear. ) Could it be said that a system worked well under whose operation the country found itself groanirig under an almost intolerable burden of taxation, and that the funds which had been wrung from the hard earnings of the productive classes had too often been lavished upon sinecurists, who, in indolence and sloth, had con sumed the bread that others had toiled for ? Lastly, could it be said that a system works well which notoriously places the representation of the people beyond their own controul, and introduces into the House. of Commons _nominees of certain titled and wealthy proptietors— (Hear)—men who, upon the principle of doing what they " like with their own," are fully as likely to exert their in fluence and votes to forward their own and their patrons' aggrandisement, as to benefit the people whom they are falsely said to represent. —(Cheers.) The system had been one altogether of patronage ; and as it had been carried on, was as outrageous to morality as p• rnicious to just go vernment. It gave a scandal to the House of Commons in the eyes of the peqle—it did more ; it undermined the . . . _ very principles of integrity in their hesrts and gave a fashion ta imposture arid deception. They heard of indi viduals bartering in thousands for seats i n Parliament, unblushingly selling the franchises of the people, and making vehement speeches against bribery and corruption. 'I hese were the things that vitiated the system ; that spread degeneracy, hypocrisy, and sordid fraud over the country; that took from it its energies of virtue, and sapped its foundations of patriotism and spirit.—(Near, hear.) The next position taken up by the Anti-Re formers was that the nomination boroughs are the only means of introducing into the House of Commons men of high talent. Now, he was free to admit that there had been, and were men of high talent thus introduced into the House, and if he required a modern illustration he would allude'to a brilliant speech made by a Noble Lord on the opposite side of the House (the Member for Wootton . Bassett); but these visitations were like angels' visits, few and far between. Nor was he prepared to admit that the good was at all commensurate with the evil ; nor that it av,is fair to argue that a good resulting from a bad cause justified the means by which it was obtained.--(Lnud cries of hear, hear.) Now, as to the consistency of the nomination patrons, be would instance his Hon. Friend the Menthe!' for Grimsby, late Member for Gatton. That Hon. Member had made an eloquent appeal in behalf of his cause, and had found himself in a minority of 2,999 at a county meeting, battling for Gatton as if it was fOr his heart's blood.---(Hear.) Would that his gallant spirit and talents had been employed in a better cause._(Hear.) And what was the result? Why, at the dissolution he. without warning, gets notice to quit, not because he did not do his duty to his patron, but because his patron, on the principle of doing what he liked " with his own," accommodated another friend of the family.—(Loud cries of " hear.") Now a gond deal had been said of county meetings being farces ; but could there be a more ridicu- Ins burlesque than a Gatton election, in which the patron, the candidates, the constituents—if constituents there be, and I believe an Hon. Mernb..r owned to eight, incluiing the cook and gardener —can all he packed and sent down by the Brighton Omnibus.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Was it not a mockery, a caricature upon representation, and calculated to throw ridicule upon the House of Com mons ? In conclusion, he could only look at the success the Reformers hail met with in the country—aye, even in Scot land, that beau ideal of a boroughtnonger's ima2ination— as the best proof that the measure was congenial to the sentiments of the people at large. in the words of an able writer in the New Monthly _Oragaziue—" As well might we expect, Canute-like, to arrest the progress of the ocean tide at the bidding of a maniac, as to stay the great current of public opinion. It was not a qneation of expediency—it was a contest of right against usurpation —the right of the middle clauses, the wealth, and the in telligence, and the mainstay of the British name, to have a voice in the election of those who are to impose their burthens, and who hold their purses and properties in their hands." He bad no confidence in the Anti-Reformers, still less in some who call themselves moderate, " bit by bit," " littte as needs be," Reformers. For it required all their ingenuity to point out the virtue of moderation when an evil was admitted on every side. If their houses were falling, were they satisfied with moderate repairs ? If on a bed of sickness, were they satisfied with moderite cures—" bit by bit," and " little as needs be," alleviation' of their sufferin2s ? No, their moderation was only ex tended toward the State, whose rottenness was their profit, but soon would there be an end to the system—a system which is, as it were, a political Bastile—the last and tot tering bulwark of the feudal boroughmongers.—(Cfreers.; Mr. KEITH DOUGLAS saw nothing of safety in the present measure; it was impossible for any man to foretel the consequences that might ensue from it. Si r F. LOPEZ was not to be considered as expressing anything like general dissent from its principle, if he ven tured to eb , erve that there was one great omission in fram ing the Bill. There had had been no provision made for the permanent admission into that House of the responsible Ministers of the Crown ; neither did he think that suf ficient provision had been made for the representation in that House of the agricultural interest—an interest that bore no inconsiderable portion of the burdens—an interest affecting a body of men, upon whose well-being so much of the prosperity and greatness of the country depended. He really thought that upon reflection, it would appear to every Hon. Member that a due weight and influence had not been given to the agricultural interest in that House. In making these observations, however, he trusted it won't not be thence inferred that he would isppose the whole measure, merely because some portion of its details might not accord with his views; for sure he was, that it had, now become the duty of every Hen. Member to waive his private opinions on minor matters for the sake of a great public object ; for a greater, a mere important a more vital question, as affecting the happiness of the United Empire, never came under the consideration of Parliament. With these feelings strongly influencing him, he was anxious that every class and order in the State should have their feelings and their just rights dilly consi dered, and that the measure, as a whole, should experience A full, fair, and free discussion. Mr. F. LEWIS could say for the public generally, as for his owu Constituency, that the . great body of that public was in favour of the question of Reform ; and he was perfectly willing to go as far with the views of hie constituents as he could consistently, and without surren dering his own judgment. As to Reform, there could b. no doubt that it must.be carried—it must be accomplished let who would obstruct it—not that he wolihk4struct of gainsay the measure of Reform, but le would not vote for that of which he did not heartily approve. Mr. J. CAMPBELL—In his opinion, the Bill of the pres ent Parliament was an improvement on, t h at of the last Parliament. In particular, the alteratio n o f t h e Priv) Council to a set of Parliamentary Commis s i oners, for the purpose of making out the boundaries of th e count i es that we re to have an increase of Members, met w i t h hi s warmesi considered approbation.nsdinuteednow the h Bill,e rAs the fara s carried mhoer anyefu oje could n r see„ the i mprovement,. could tbherctiiand th e more 14 onable it appeared o to him to be, and the more entirely - all difficulties an , ' doubts seemed to be removed. It appeared. to be generall) i greed, that the two great divisions of the Bill were, di e .; f ra nchisement and enfranchisement ; and it was a ga i nst th e first of these that the irgunienta of the opp onents of ti! measure h . ad been chiefly directed. One great questioti was, whether the right of boroughs to return Me'ushers wee property. It was said, that if a man's property was taken for a harbour, or a road, or a canal, compensation was rendered to him ; and that if a man's borough was taken from him, so compensation .ought also to be rendered. But he denied this, for he denied that !enough franchise was pro perty. It was a trust—a sacred. trust ; and he was prepared, as a lawyer, to contend that Parliament had a right to di.s. franchise the boroughs in schedule A without any conmensa t ion. Another consideration was the manner in which the election of small places had got into the hands of the bur gesses, and not of the inhabitants generally : according to his opinion, burgesses and householders anciently meant exactly the same thing ; and it was a comparatively modern usurpation to place the right in the burgesses alone, as that term was now understood ; and the usurp tion, therefore, would not he in restoring the householders to their former privileges, as it already existed in the fan tastical and imaginary rights of the burgesses. The teem ‘4 Corporation roblery" had, above all others, got into great repute with the Anti-Reformers ; but, he thought, with as little justice as many others shown to be nugatory, for it was a remarkable fact, that among all the boroughs set down in schedule A. there was scarcely one which haul a Corporation—(Hear, hear)—they consisted fer the most; part of miserable villages, which hail never so much as arrived at the (lignite' of a Corporation_(Hear, hear) — and so far from its being true that the prerogative of th e Crown would he injured by the progress of the Reform Bill, it would, on the contrary, he strengthened, for the 13i'l would be the means of taking away that controul and power which the proprietors of rotten boroughs had been in the habit of exercising, in defiance of the prerogative of the Throne. But it was said, in order rightly to balance the Members of the State, it teas fit that the Peers should have an indirect and understood influence in the House of Commons, through the medium of what might he called their fighting gladiators and condonieri. This, at utli events, was a doctrine unknown to Blackstone; and Ire worthd venture to say that it was one in opposition to the spit it of the Constitution. A further argument of the friends of the representation as it now existed was, that at present sufficient opportunities were afforded to the colonies and foreign possessions of England to obtain representatives in the House of Commons, mirk', opportunities would he Io t under the proposed alteration. Now it seemed to hint that the making use of this argument was at once an ad mission of the corrupt state of the boroughs, through which the representatives of the colonies got into Parliament ; for if those gentlemen were to he excluded under the new system, because, as it was said, they had no local connec tion with any of the places that were to send representa tive., the very same thing must be the case new, and con sequently the medium through which they obtained ingress to the House of Commons must be a sum of money /slid to the owners of the boroughs.—( Hear, bear.) In an swer to the objection, that in consequence of extending the right of suffrage, persons not fit to sit in that House would be returned, he thought he might safely appeal to experience on that head. Then fault, too had been found with the standard at which the rate to give the right of suffrage had been places! ; and the Hon. Member tOr New castle-under- Lyne had said—why wes a ten-pound stan dard fixed on, and not a nine-potted standard ; this ap peared to him a very weak argument; for had nine pounds been fixed on, it then might have been said, why not eight pounds ? and so on to flee lowest possible scale. The fact was, that a standard (unless they were to have universal suffrage) must be fixed somewhere ; and no a'- tempt had been made to show that the standard of ten pounds was intrinsically injudicious. Above all it was worthy of observation, that though many of the op ponents of tire Bill had declared themselves Re formers, no single plan of Rearm had been submitted by them to the consideration of the House. Yee, there was one—the plan of taking away the franchise from delinquent boroughs, and bestowing it elsewhere. Such a measure would be a mere mockery of Reform ; and, in the eye of the public, would be merely a consum mation of the disgrace already entailed on the Anti-Re formers. Besides which, he should like to know how the delinquency of these boroughs was to he proved ; for it was obvious that, the closer the borough, the more diffi culty there would be at gettingat the necessary proof; such places as Gatton and Sarum, where the whole representative power was held by one individual, being certain of abso lute escape; if, therefore, this plan were adopted, it would be a complete establishment of the doctrine that secresy was virtue, and that detection was the crime. —(Hear, hear.) But it was said that the public had been deluded on this subject; he did not believe it, for they had shown pretty plainly that they watched the whole details of the measure with a quick and observant eye. In proof of this, be need only call to the recollection of the House what had taken place on the insertion of the clause that was to confine the right of voting to those who paid their rents • half-yearly; the error was instantly deteeted--,the had principle of the clause was immediately in every body's mouth; and so far from eiving evidence of de lusion on the part of the people, it afforded pregnant proof that they were most alive to every progressive feature of tire measure. When it was said that this wee not the time for passing such a Bill, let them lock at Ireland, and see how much her interests had been injured by the delay in passing the Catholic Belie Bill; and when it was passed, it excluded one man from its advantages, greatly to the injury of the country. That Hon. and Learned Gentleman was no longer excluded from that House ; and he hoped he would continue to adorn it by his talents and merit; the advantages can celled to him by promoting the happiness of the country. When it was said that this was not a proper time to pans such a Bill, because the whole of Europe was in a state of agitation—that revolutions were in progress in France, in Belgium, and throughout the continent; lie must reply, that those circumstances made this the very time to make concessions, when they were demanded; so should we escape the storm that was raging all around. Colonel SIBTHORPE and Lord G. LENNOX entered into a mutual explanation, the terms of which were not heard in the gallery. Mr. WRANGHAM bee In by complimenting very highly the Hon. Member for Calne, whose speech of last night was rich in language and brilliant with thought, but it was also rich in venturous assertion and rich in the very cheap and easy commodity of political prophecy. He was not one of those who were ready to deny the propriety of all change, but he could not go to the length of the Bill. Those who assigned as a reason for the Bill that the system of Government was oppressive—that acts of tyranny were committed, assigned a reason which was the last that he should think of having recourse to. A great deal had last night been said about political power not being property, and many admonitions had been given to them not to lessen the stability of property by confounding it with political privilege. He certainly was not prepared to go the whole length of saying that political privilege, was property; but he thought that the question had b een treated in a very indefensible manner by the Hon. Gentle men, on the sober sale of the House. They said that they should be unwilling to endanger the security of property by confounding it with political, privileges; hut let them beware how they endangered political power by throwing political privileges on the table of the House, dealing with, them at their pleasure. By doing that they might affect all political power. What was the tenure, he should like 'o know, by which. the King held hie crown? What was itbut a trust,' and what was it but political power ? He did not mean to enter into a general question of Parlia• mentary Reform ; he would rather discos the particular Bill, and he would look rather at its mac! inert/ for con structing a new constituency, and not at its disfranchis ing enactments. He meant to speak of what it created rather than of what it destroyed. Of the nomina tion boroughs he would give no opinion; he would not defend them, nor would be say any thing against them.— He must object, then, to the principal enactment of the Bill, which went to establish a constituency of 101. house. holders—that such a constituency would be very unequal in towns and in the country. It was also giving the whole elective franchise into the hands of one class of men, or rather, it substituted individuals for classes, and left large bodies unrepresented. By the 'present system all classes in the country were represented, even to the day labourer, who, by means of potwallopers, had the pefai' lege of sending Members to Parliament. When he com plained of some classes not being represented, he begged that it might he understood that he was not a friend of universal suffrage; and one of his objections to the 10/. franchise was, that it would lead to universal suffrage.—,: Each class would seek to obtain the same privileges, te surmount the barrier that was now placed in its way. and that would in the end lead to universal suffrage. I was not to be expected either, that the power this Bib would place in the hands of the people, would not be used to obtain more power. They would, in fact, seek to gel universal suffrage. Something of this kind had happens: in France. The number of electors had been doubler: there, and it could hot be supposed that the people then t th o il re w n ° yi u n i; b w e o a t t I fi d n b a e l so co t te m nt e ed ot . of ß t u b t o w v h es en ti i o t o w;a h s e sa w id is t i ta d t rP t the House that the value of money on which the` franchise was measured was not permanent ; and hots' then could the qualification which depended on that te: permanent ? It was probable that a house of 51. fife ) ! Years ago would now be of the value of 101. ; and wire! hen would be the 101. houses fifty year s h ence? Ever! changes in the currency , he thought it we) likely that the progressive change i n the v a l ue of norne supposing no would make the iO/. be universal suffrage. But suppose thatet. change should again •• be made in the cestrency-s' suppose that distress should again cause complaints, was it not possible that again the anodyne recourse to of paper money ; and if paper money: were issued, that would extend the frenchise indefinitely. Peace might continue ; but who would answer for . it ? The Continent was not so tranquil as to insure it; and if the flame of war were lighted there, by what art were we to escape the cord] ag ration ? If war came, i t was -not likely that its hurthens could be borne, and that it could.beTcare ried on with a gold currency, and the fatal facilities of paper currency might again cause a Bank Restriction Act The consequence would i.e money would, fall 40 . 61.50 per cent. ; 101. might be only equal to 61. at present, and that would immediately introduce a universal suffrage of I inweliolders.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member here sud denly stopped, and apologised to the Hous e by saying that the indisposition under which he laboured would prevent him from proceeding, hut he hoped in the progress of the Bill to find other opportunities to expeess with greater accuracy and greater' force. the opinions which be enter tained on the subisct.—(Cheere.) Mr. 11. LYTTON BIJI.WER spoke to the following effect—l thank tie Hon. Gentlemen opposite, more par ticuler ly the lion. Gentleman who has just. sat down, fee giving us a new advantage—for placing us in a new posi tion—sos that that argument with which the Reformers were assailed in other days, is the very argument with which we teal mo-t appropriately assail the Anti-Reformers of ours. That nice distinction—those speculative differ ences—that want of unanimity in any plan or opinion, which was so numb the subject of Mr. Canning's con tempt and ridicule, have left us, to become the peculiar charaeteristics of our opponents. But that which is a proof of tl:eir real weakness, I our willing to acknowledge becomes in argument the past point of their streogth, far no sooner ace u-e answered a violent Anti Reformer of the Rood old school, than we are replied to by some epode:llan, " to megeroteet placing all his glory, Not quite a Whig, and yet not quite a Tore," who proffers us some pet little scheme of his own, of which we know nothing—of which he tells us nothing, but of which he-leaves tee to conjecture that the principal object will lie to prevent inopportune dissolution of Parliament. Bat 1 do not think I shall be doing injustice to the lion. Gentlemen opposite if I state that the same horror of change which animates those who object to its principle, and itny its necessity, is equally predominant in others, who are willing to allow a very small alteration indeed, in oidLr to prevent a more effectual one. I am not one of these inclined to suppose that such gentlemen as happen ditTer from me in this important and difficult subject are necessarily actuated by petty feelings or personal motives; on the contrary, history 'viii tell me that high.minded end honourable persons h oos, at various times, beea the mistaken but disinterestel advocates of existing abuses, lis ing down their lives and sacrificing their property in their support. But what Ido contend for is, that many Honourable Gentlemen would be taking a much more manly and straightl'orward path, if they declared themsebee, frankly and unflinchingly the opponents of Law measure of change, than thus to aa'ume the title of Reformers, for the purpose of defeating the cause of Reform. And indeed, Sir, if I were convinced, as these Hon. Gentlemen state themselves to be, that those parts which we are about to change in our Constitution bad been the objects of admiration to the wisest Legible ters—the subject of imitation to the most intelligent mo tions—then, indeed, I should be very unwilling ti compro. mist, er to tamper in any manner with change. But it is precisely that which the Hon. Gentlemen have so very quietly assum:d that I rake the liberty to dispute. I say that it is we who are the advocates of that Constitution which Mentesquieu praised and Delnlme described. It is the Hon. Gentlemen who are the advocates gf. ahe defects in this Constitution, which sonic indeed huve palliatial and excused, but which none have pretended to praise or at tempted to imitate. I say that those who have admired —those who have imitated our Constitution, have always considered it as we are note shout to make it—a mixed fin rn of Government, consisting of a King, entrusted wilt • the executive authority ; a House of Lords, exercising its functions from heteditary right; and .a House of Com mone chosen out of the body of the people. 1 know, Sir, that I ern alluding to Constitutions which have furnished a Noble Lord with warnings and examples ; but if any thing equalled my admiration for the spirited eloquence with which the Noble Lord spoke on these aubjects, it was my surprise at the ienorance, the willing ignorance I must believe, that he displayed upon them. Mistaking the ease of Sicily, mis-stating the case of Portugal. when the Noble Lord approached his favourite manor of France, he certainly justified hie toast of poaching there very un ceremonieusly. Any person, to have beard the Noble Lord speak, unacquainted with this portion of modern history, would have imagined that France, .duting the whole Constitutional monarchy of the Bourbons hall teen the scene of cotrinued decay and uninterrupted confusion. But let any one look at France et the time of the Resto ration—see its contending parties, its fallen commerce, its ruined credit, its gross political ignorance —and let him again look at it under the Ministry of Martignac, viewing its almost perfect union, the prosperity of its trade, the immensity of its resources, the increased and widely extending intelligence—let him also consider the disadvantages against which the free institutions of that country had to struggle in the absolute spirit of those who administered them, and I think he will 'ay that there never was a country under similar circum stances, which, in the same progress of titne, made the same progress in improvement that France did under that monstrous firm of Government against which the Noble Lord so bit terlyinveiglel.—(llear,hear.; The Hon. Gentleman, however, maintains that in all mixed Govern ments, sorb as its theory at least would preset ibe our own to Iw, the elective character would destroy the other two orders of the State, if separtied front them ; and they think they have proved this by a few modern exaMpl e w— Maglit not we quote ancient examples of a House of Com mons, constituted as this Howie now is, whiCh did destroy the other two orders in the State, and waged . a war, in which it was victorious (fits it was a popular war) against the Sovereign ? The feet is that the Hon; Gen tlemen assert a truism while they maintain an irr,:ta If there were one power in a State, representing the !iselings and the interests of the people, and there were others, it does not signify how many, which were merely the repre sentation of themselves, of their own interests amid their own privileges, there can he no doubt that that power which enlisted on its side all the sympathies of the com munity would be able, should they come into collision, to di stray the others, whether they should he two or twenty. But I have always considered the constitutional doctrine to be that the King and the House of Peers are the here ditary representatives of the people, as we are their re pre entatives chosen at certain periods. As all rept esent the , ante feelings and interests, so we are all supported by the same authority—the authority of public opinion ; and if this is the support of each, is it not necessary - for the safety of all, that there should he nue ,of ue at least who should be able to say what that public opinion is?—.(lleac, hear.) But to come from theory to feet. The Honourable Gentleman will ask whether we have not arrived at a great pitch of prosperity, and wh. the: it b wise fo alter that Constitution under-which that prosperity has been attained? Surely no- Hoe. Gentlemen can he led away by such sophistry as this ; surely they will see that a doctrine like this, which sup posts that if the whole be productive of advantage, no elteretion can be made in the details, would be in favour of any abuse now existing, of all those abuses that have been now abolished, and more {particularly in favour of those abuses which the Right Hon. Baronet gained so much credit for removing. The country grew up to pre eminence under its complex laws, its wretched police, its gross religious injustice. It increased in strength and power under the servile Parliaments of the tyrannical Tudors, and let the Hon. Gentleman remember, under the rule, equally arbitrary, of a Protector. But are dime salansities to which we have been subject—are those cir eumetaners which 'nay have been so many impediments to :'or prosperity, to he considered as the only causes of tor good fortune? Certainly it has so happened that our poets have itmnortalized our language—that our philoso phers have added new stores to the wisdom of the world, that our navies have spread their dominion, and our irmies signalized their valour on the Continent ; but does it follow as a matter of course that we owe all this to one linndred and sixty gentlemen whom Providence has from time to time beneficently sent to Parliament to represent m broken-down wall—a rotten park paling, or a hundred hunken potwolloppers ? Not that I mean to say that those Hon. Gentlemen were idle; on the contrary, while our men of science end letters advanced our national knowledge—while our armies and navies advanced our national glory—it is but justice to Had, that the one hundred and sixty gentlem en in question w ere a l mos t as actively employed in advancin,g our rational debt.— (Hear, hear.) But I area not anxious to exaggerate, when eu much can be adduced without it. 1 o ill take tl e argument as I find it in the Hon. Gentleman's hands, hello neticed di e t elthough theme .tray be imperfectio n s here, as in all oth er f orms of Government, still the House ef Commons, as a t prese n t const i tuted, has b een, to • use 'be cant phrase, a machine, that upon the whole.. has " woo lied well" f ur the benefit of the public. But let us underst oil what this " working well" means: if the Hon. Geo l• malt intone by such an expression, • th a t. the , House . Ustranoree has, to a certain degree, been a bar- - tier. *int. —that it 1 rights and dined to in this SI w ikth o .eing rk pe v ersoo w nn e r well," ev es was foun, would be a certain good Gott vernors as and we ha .tain degree Whether xi and insopa House of cannot hay really, tell the work I our eoloni, that it wo and certai when the of a cm (Fweitt•r for an Ohl and the rt to be ben , France, o stood, its lierntiousl Spain am tily adopt spoti,m :!re carps' ran that I he .aid to it kis be whom prtitent a few, to v think I c time Lake to the benches it-:—as an may he,. majority • the same - too audd sur!den a Governir Inalous C germ for for not h departure toral coil God's oa Gent!ern facility t tion, 0r anonutliQ which th would Di pitnent Venitn a Ward' az corotenel but if th reality t rctnenthi tu•.lay, row ; ar Maud he its enem But meats of histent i sudden lent en° to ensue Gi Or kix jrat of case 'ided in those w Were tat per ani Grntlen propert3 to Win arn aw nourabl they w are eo t people reproac eapeeid ments the Mil ber , diti exampt dete,Aoi If the ( t ion of vent legal I', do not to knot as i<tnct excuse • ti:ose • preery there sl pope . it. • rnits? fdlow- Stite " Awa . serve t ttct yo no t n d, red ~upprx; times do niit wish tl turrou DBITOM zeal of (Hear. • public - must 11 ' BMW 01 certain Heaves where we sin green attend , some we ea had wool failec or gi mucl Eafet,