The Sun. — London, England, 1834-07-29 00:00:00

es in wbic h t nan was no e girls welo ras sorrY continual ablislonevts rural Popi most age' otintr A 3educes, an life g iven ion than be ' Ri g ht Re'v' I s it stoo d' 4 a nd c° l " - oncea al li4 s and no months ab were ta k r a nd out r elief- -3 reinaleawb°, usinesa, 'tna,ui ile they" t• eir 1 0 up to the passion of l ust . Gracious Godl would any man say !hat he would soone r - see hi s d aug ht er i n a h ouse o f ill-f ame t han his son ? Every maw knew that men might—single men, butourse, for married men were always chaste—( Laughter)— it every b o d y k new that single men could commit acts with 1 punity which if a woman were to do but one-twentieth part ter fam e wou l d be blasted for ever. Woman lived upon her La :n • Virtue w as her best and fairest dowry. Deprive her of and wh a t was s h e i n t h e est i mat i on of the wor ld ? A being from whom virtue shrunk with abhorrence ; a creature or, whom the laws of society had set a mark, a burning brand !Pon he r f orehead, that no, future act of her life could ever 'lope to efface. The law of society took the same view of her frailty as the law of th e la n d. If a woman once lost r virtue, that jewel above all price, adieu for ever to all her _ ° Pes in thi s li fe. She at once became an outcast, shunned !L a ud abh orred by all. This was a severe sentence, but still a J wil st e one ; and he would say that, if the time should ever come f emale virtue would be at a discount, the bonds of society l'calld at once be rent asunder, and the fairest object in creation would becom e foul and loathsome • to the eye. Chastity in Z on ian was the first characteristic by which civilized society as di stinguished f rom an unc i v ili ze d state . B e f ore woman " ' lid be deprived o f h er c h ast i ty s h e must b e th e a ssenting il,any unless in extreme cases of violence. She might resist, bad she thep leased, against the flatte and promises of man. Se shepower to do so if she leased to exert it. But would exercise th at power if, inp yielding, she could make the 0 7 1 Pay f or t h e consequence of her indiscretion ?—( Hear. ) wo man what w as t h e principle of this Bill ? Was it not to make t he vi r t uous, because it was her interest to be so ? Under biaertee_reex,sisting be law it was t h e i nterest o f women t o comm it a i n . 'en of chastity, but und er th e p resen t Bill it would the t of women to resist the attacks of men ; and every t_w; divine and human, sanctioned the principle. If we went e°el( to fir s t pr i nc i ples and referred to the law of nature, be -71. men were e concubitu prohibiti deo, and while they were ,rto concubitu permissi, the profanation of chastity was I : o ° ,, w edi for then there were no laws in being against incon iel bl a man or woman, and therefore the want of virtue • female sex was not looked upon as a crime. But as eelv:llzation advanced the laws of society were formed, and vir f In woman was considered so indispensable that any breach (1 1, virtue rendered the woman an outcast. The Noble and b t , ea rtled Lord then referred to the perjury committed both 0 ' I nell and women under the existing law. Was it not the com mon way, the daily practice, for men to prevail upon t - wcallen they seduced to swear the fruits of their illicit in- SeoUrse to a richer man ? One of the most disgusting scenes plac e *.ect in Courts' of Justice were those which daily took who came bef ore M agistrates at Petty Sessions, where a woman eame to swear a child had the power of selecting any -.a n , te lta ,"e Pleased upon whom to place the burden of its main- With" o ce • The grsissest perjuries were committed on her part th 'IX any check, because she knew that herself only and ay e rtia n she was connected with were in the secret. The ster o erged fraud and perjury of the most revolting character. He had little more to trouble their Lordships ex jpt that he wished to say one word with regard to the parish of il i a l e eh anli to which allusion had been made. The Rev. Mr. time alley, the clergyman of the parish, a most excellent and amthi s te ln all, had written a letter stating, that in consequence of e 11 1 acted upon in that parish, the poor rates had been re ed from 3,0001 . t o 1,2001. a y ear , an d un d er th e head of th'rdy the redu c ti on h a d b een f rom 300/. a y ear t o 12/. But fact to which he wished to draw the attention of their tOradsiliPs Wascale'the this that R lt ev. ahou Gentlemangh in thus reducing the rates 0 lo w a s at first e ncountered 4thas• ealtioivnining Zea,tobloquy, yet so satisfied were the parishioners with his t s ubsequently , that they requested that the advowson should be reserved for him to purchase. Now e ti ° no fact showed in the strongest point of view the high which the parishioners viewed the conduct of the . • Gentleman. He would now ask their Lordships how it 1, 7 that the rates had been reduced from 3,000/. a year to sen °°L only, and how the charge for bastardy had been les ed from 300/. to 12/. ? Why, it was by acting upon the 1.61'116131es of this Bill. Oh, but it would be said that if pa es.eould make such reductions in their own expenses with at • this Bill, where would be the use of it ? But then he t nall that such instances afforded the best possible proof why cf; o l3 , ri nelples o f th e Bill s h ou ld not b e genera ll y carr i e d i n t o au ml " ; for it w as i n va i n to say t h at w i t h out t h e Bill suc h ex forth e e would be ge nera lly f o ll ow ed. Th e dim lights held ,„ re "Y ee these parish es cou ld no t be ex pected t o co ntinue unless th ent - lls of th ose men w h o h a d s hi e ld e d th em an d fanned th r a nt ° a dame were aided by the assistance of the law, and t a e : - .ore it was that h e ca ll e d u p on th em t o p ass th o se clauses, , vhi la ile action their adoption and instalment by that authority the la wgivers alon e c ou ld gi v e, and place every parish in eth_e°lltitry on th e same f oo ti ng as C o k e h am and the other i U lace s to which he had referred.--( Hear. ) eor ia i d Bishop of EXETER, in re ply, mus t r epeat that he sh ,er ed the part of the measure now under their Lord foule-„ewlsideration to be pregnant with the rankest and Po or " n tillstice. What did this Bill contemplate doing? A due e P t lnall was got with child, and after the child was pro sue would be compelled to labour for its support as long Ul ia• t e as able ; b ut if s h e u l t i mate l y came upon t h e p ar i s h, 11 , 4 te w W as to become of her, according to this Bill ? Why, she Nu e of be L e ousigned to the poorhouse. What was then to be this h u „,,' "er ? She could have no hope of ever marrying, for Ula n v i" ,o alle la w put that out of the question altogether. No s ° ouli' d marry a woman so circumstanced, because his doing th erefor " entail upon him the maintenance of her bastard ; and, lfe rno to such a woman the workhouse would be as the Who"i Dante, over the gate of which was this inscription, hee aro e nters here leaves hope behind." The woman who l east the inmate of a poorhouse would be lost to hope for at he sixteen years, that being the age at which the child would m bo und to ma i ntain itself. But could it be supposed that, Il g all time, she w ou ld be disposed to lead a chaste and tbeulate life ? He thought not. The probabilities were th at 811 ,e would b ecome common, and then the result would b e chil d t ue workh ouse would have a success i on of ill eg i t i mate so k r all every y ear . H e wou ld not d we ll l onger on a su bj e ct tha t 11 1 ,1, but h e at th e same ti me b egge d it t o be understood th, s did n o t c h arge t h e i n j ust i ce o f t h e measure upon eitherfotv e ar u a Y Whom it was proposed, or those who had brought it tive g `; He believed they were actuated by the best mo- Md but still, being convinced that it was an act of the foulest h ot hgravossest injustice ever thought of, he felt that he would . of th e done his duty, if he had not moved for the omission 11 1 ,,, C D ' a .USe..---( Hear, hear.) had st , - "lshoP of LONDON, in explanation, said, what he lightdell has , that, as the law of God was silent, it was only Pr of' , that Legture should put some check to vice and RI O Y of this kind. -"e Lordshi s then divided, when there appeared— Contents P l4 Nol l - Content s 13 Th„ House, Majority for the clause —l ouse, after some conversation across the table, which th at n t '? i l heard in the gallery, resumed ; and it was understood Wick Committee should be proceeded with after the War- Their to, (this day). Lordships adjourned at a quarter-past twelve o'clock. , HO USE OF COMMONS, July 28. (Continued from our First Edition of yesterday.) a p CUSTOMS BILL. te . I nOMS ON moved that in clauses the 2d and 12th 4111(ii jeclaration should be substituted instead of oath, and the The 4 1°11 ,°f a general clause in lieu thereof.—Agreed to. ak r ,,, T , l ning clauses, with a few trifling amendments, were The r f -e " to, with the 'schedules of duties. ~ajn‘-liAlitmAN reported progress, and asked leave to sit It b ei ng three o'clock, the House adjourned. tv e. he St't AKE rt resumeFdltreECOhaTrLatOtCwiCentSylmTinTultNesGp.ast likik Message from the Lords announced that their Lordships tt4l eed to the Quare Impedit Actions' Bill and other bills. , Mr. i ll , VOTE BY BALLOT. ,'°ve f o ";t, °TE gave . notice . that_ . early next Session he_ s . houl o d . k'ot es leave to bring in a Bill to authorise the taking I li e 4 elections for Members of the Imperial Parliament by kp t.-- , - --( Cries of " Hear, hear.") i ' l h - :LYALL presented a petition from the parish of tHitaiodo -14":141hil 'nPport "of the Established . Church ; also fer a en p e e e with the spiritualent Hill, Derby, deprecating any inter concerns of the Church. h t ord A T IRISH TITHE BILL. 'clse -. THORP moved the Order off the ee whole Day foHroutt oil Sir r,esolving itself into a Committee o Kish Tithe Bill. the NIPBERT PEEL addressed observations to lotild Nob BERT Lord across the table, the a purport ost 11° 11" he • hthe order of the day was p ,oed t „ ~,ar, After which tiNivt", yr, ednesday next. 11. ,kr 71481 TY ADMISSION (DISSENTERS) B f IL t L he . '''rd 0 ,„, 1 , W. WOOD moved the order of the day or . . r "'lag of the University Admission (Dissenters) Bill kr. iit, AFFAIRS OF- INDIA. subject Portunity'-oRfRIE.S said that he would otuhled House take t t o he a present . ver y .callin g the attention o . 1,,,0„ great importance. The subject upon which he had ,:tiltyesnelloleLpiltiiace was as to th e conduct pursued by his Ma 'leutt It was a sub °vernment with reference to the claims of the he t w , 4 Bankers upon the King of Oude. f it required corisidering the important a v w al ar u e e ely nation. The Honse was Avo l .„„_got a reformed Parliament, which, _ among g t e hat 'they h . acl trati,7"ents, had promised that the system of I s e tilllrnaarbitrary exercise of other ad. m i. a -- Ilsteatier justice in India should be altogether amended. 4 k i °t: this, they lived in that country, on the one s t i o d r e y , peremi those k ran ia 4 „ (l ' and on the other P in ow an er inv a a u r t ia li b u l r e ity res a is u t d ance too strong eo llvieti ls ; which could only be justified !) a ( 0 H f e a t r h . e ) Q oat to „ 1 1 ef the injustice and 4 % " 11 " they had been called ponimtporeolibreieyyt.L. the e had taken pl eupo u n this subject between e 13°' Control and the Direc a t c ors of the East India Compa d ny s : 'telt ti?ard of Control desired the . Company to prepare a e 2ode toir,ee.ting the. Government in India to compel the King of b'lai o r rty certain claims made against him, on behalf of t.fla4sttlrld'iaaleruLta bankers. . To . this letter the Directors of the , o.se t e easesinyty replied, in vegeneral terms, stating 1," qu,,_es'ida been previously upon, pe a ro nd iei t .o h o a s t . th A e 'm.,"? of re-considering it would be most .. n i_t 91oR 0 , 'ed correspondence ensued, the Board of Control' s . s 0 1) Navinog the despatch issued by the Company, and sending lastl,direetors a draft of the despatch which they desired to have al l a st The Directors still declined forwarding the despatch, Mai n , 4ted various reasons for so doing. Thus matters re. ptet cl till S h 4.% u po4 th giber,eptem 1833. He had endeavoured to im ,o us e ~u l_ , e t whole of the circumst?.nces._ Th , e , 1 'lle I nd . 4 ask what was the subject of all this ? was ", 0f as ?..,...,Iri...poli?y? Was it the . better Government of m oiti ..esti.ir, ear.) It Was in fact the se If ent u nous job of forty years' standing. If it bad not been an Indian subject, he believed every Member of the House would have read the papers that had been so long on the table. The papers had not been read, and therefore he had to ask the House to bear with him until he stated them.—( Hear.) He deprecated the inter ference of Government with the private affairs of any indi viduals under such circumstances, and he had understood that treaties had been entered into to prevent any interference on the part of the British Government with the affairs of the King of Oude. At a meeting of the Court of Directors held on the 15th of January, 1834, the Chairman, adverting to the Bengal draft relative to the affairs of the King of Oude, called their special attention to the subject; and the Court resolved that the interference on the part of the Directors re quired by the Board of Control was unjust in principle, and unconstitutional under the relations existing between this country and India. At a subsequent meeting of the sth of February a letter was received by the Chairman, signed by six Directors, to the effect that they could not affix their signa tures to the order required by the Board of Control', as they conceived it unjust and prejudicial to our interests in India. Now, when six Directors entered their solemn protest against the conduct of the Board, it was strong evidence that they conceived 'that conduct arbitrary, unjust, and injurious. On the 3lst of January a rule was moved for and granted in the Court of King's Bench, making it compulsory on the Direc tors to execute the orders of the Board of Control. The Act of Parliament gave the Board a power to issue their orders to their servants, and the Directors were forced to do as the Board ordered. But so strong was the feeling of the injustice and impolicy of the order on the minds of a number of the Board, that the original recusants, together with two others, the Chairman and Deputy Chairman, who joined them, declared they would endure anything before they signed such an order. On the 19th of February a letter was read from the Chairman, Mr. J. Loch, in which he ex pressed his dissent from the Hon. Gentlemen referred to, not on the merits of the question, but because, as he said, though regretting and disapproving of the course pursued by the Board, yet he felt obliged to submit to it for the present, at the same time he felt that the Court should resort to all legal and constitutional means to maintain its own privileges, and prove that the Board was not justified in issuing such an order. In case the Court failed then he thought it their duty to submit. In this declaration five others joined him ; all these were of opinion that the order was unjust, and that they should resort to legal redress. The motion was made in the Court of King's Bench, and the rule for a mandamus granted, though all the justice of the case and all the arguments were against it. Well, then, without sound of drum or bl-ast of trumpet, the proceed ings were withdrawn, and the Attorney-General retired with out alleging any the slightest reason. There the transaction rested. Soon after the decision he (Mr. Herries) asked in that House two questions—first, whether Government aban doned the proceedings, and, if they abandoned them, whether they intended to resort to other means to enforce the claim through the Government of India? He was answered that the proceedings in the King's Bench were utterly abandoned, and to the other question any answer was refused. This was the reason for his bringing forward the present motion. It would be to sacrifice our domestic affairs to suffer so important a branch of our political existence to be thus abandoned. The interference of Government was not to uphold an inland po licy, or insure a better administration of our Indian affairs,but to secure the settlement of an old usurious job of forty years' standing. The House should recollect that in India the prac tice to which the interference of the Board of Control had reference—that of borrowing money on the credit of the reve nues of the native Princes, was one that met with general reprobation, and was prohibited by law. The present occur rence took place, after the sgriit of Reform was applied to our India affairs and the prohibition issued by Parliament. Before this transaction two Treaties were entered into with the King of Oude. By one a part of his territories was transferred to the British power, and by the other the payment of all his debts was secured ; but that Treaty was afterwards abandoned, and another was made respecting the protection of his State, an d binding the Government not to interfere in his private affairs. That was in 1798. Several other Treaties were sub sequently entered into, making the King of Oude independent of the British Government in his private affairs. After the Treaty of 1798 the Nabob or King of Oude became involved in embarrassments, and asked for the interference of the British Resident in India. Now the House should bear in mind that the application came from the King himself, and that neither the Government nor the Company originally volunteered. The act then was not of that character as would justify the Board of Controul. The debt which he incurred to the' pre sent claimants was at thirty-six per cent. interest ; the rest of the debts referred to, as incurred by other Princes, were at eighteen per cent. Now the other parties took this money ; but the creditors of the Nabob of Oude stood out for the thirty. six per cent. The consequence was that those claims were still standing out, though on repeated application to the East India Company and to the Government, they were invariably refused. But in the year 1814 the Noble Lord lately at the head of affairs in India wrote a letter, not in his capacity of Governor of India, but as a private individual, stating it as his opinion that there was some foundation for those claims ; but he (Mr. Herries) was persuaded that if the Noble Lord thought of the matter deeply while he was in India, and could have access to the facts of the case, he would think differently.' There was something so irregular in that part of the pro ceeding altogether, that the conduct of the Government was seriously to be lamented. The Marquis of Hastings had de clared in the most emphatic manner that that which the Board of Control had done could not possibly be done without injus tice or without occasioning resistance. The Marquis of Hast ings had declared that the agent of the claimants should urge as strongly as might be their pretensions, but he most ex pressly laid it down that there could be no direct interference by the British Government. Such was the fact, and yet, cu rious enough, a paragraph in that very letter was alluded to in the order of the Board of Control. Allusion too was made in the despatch to a letter from Mr. Thornton. It was true that Mr. Thornton was at the time, in 1822, Chairman of the Court of Directors ; but it was also true that the majority of that Court decided against the claims, and that in the record of the minutes of the Court no such letter as that attributed to Mr. Thornton appeared. The subject had been again and again discussed and most minutely examined by the Board of Control, by the Court of Directors, and by the Government in India, all of which authorities had uniformly decided against any interference until the present extraordinary proceedings. Mr. Canning, in 1822, had strongly expressed his opinion against any interference, and condemned even the ccmmence ment of any proceedings like those since instituted, and which had then been partially begun.—( In support of that representation the Right Honourable Gentleman quoted from the despatches in 1822 by Mr. Canning.) Even the Board of Control at present laid it down in strong terms, that interference in the domestic affairs of the native Princes of India was to be avoided ; but the Board might and ought to have said that not only was it to be avoided as a matter of policy, but that it was strictly forbidden by solemn treaty. (The Right Hon. Gentleman then adverted to the despatch of the present Board of Control which had caused him to bring the subject before the House, but he did so in a tone of voice which rendered it impossible to follow him.) That despatch, if followed out, must lead to compulsion or intimidation to enforce the claims. Now, the Court of Directors put the question as to the precise meaning of the despatch, and the only answer was, " Execute our orders." And what was the sum claimed ? The original sum was 158,0001., upon which compound interest of 30 or 36 per cent. was to be paid for forty years. Such was the way in which the amount must be computed under the letter of the Marquis of Wellesley. One ingenious arithmetician had calculated the sum at 1,300,000,000/. He was aware that the Board of Controul did not countenance that calculation ; but its orders were exceedingly obscure, and the levy by its au thority would perhaps be some 2,000,000/. or 3,000,000/. , and from whom was such a sum to be drawn in violation of solemn treaties? Why, from the already overpressed, misgoverned, plundered Rayots of Oude. —( Hear, hear.) From their sweat and blood it must be forced.—('Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman then adverted to the deplorable con dition of Oude, and pointed out that the Government of Great Britain had already pressed hard upon that territory. After adverting to a dispatch from Lord W. Bentinck, in which the lamentable condition of Oude was strongly pic tured, the Right Hon. Gentleman contended that the conduct of the Board of Controul was in defiance of everything but despotic power. It was opposed to general policy and to special policy, to general law and to particular law ; it was in defiance of reason, of policy, and of justice. If the Board of Controul, if his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. C. Grant), had any arguments to offer in opposition to the views of the Court of Directors, why were they not offered? Why was the naked reply given of " Execute our orders ?" Mr. C. GRANT said there was one, and but one, material principle involved in the case which the Right Hon. Gentle man had just introduced to the House. That principle was, whether the subjects of his Majesty residing in India, without reference to any distinction of rank, colour, birth, or place of birth, were entitled to and had a right to expect equal pro tection from the Government of Great Britain. Before pro ceeding to explain how the principle to which he referred was involved in the question, he wished to exculpate himself from a charge which his Right Hon. Friend had insinuated rather than urged against him. He had accused him (Mr. Grant) of bringing the case before the Board of Controul upon partial and interested motives; but he put it to the House whether his Right Hon. Friend had not himself exempted him from his own charge when he subsequently stated the case to be an old usurious job. The case certainly was an ancient case, having now lasted for forty years ; but he did not know whether the House was prepared to say that a claim of justice was barred by lapse of time. It was not, however, through his efforts that the matter had been interfered with by the Board of Controul ; indeed, so far from such being the fact, he felt sure that, had he wished to have suppressed the case, it would have been out of his power to do so. It had been handed down to the present Board of Controul by its predecessors, and, such being the case, it was wholly impossible for them to evade the consideration of it. It had been said that the Duke of Wellington's Government decided the case, but he was ignorant of any such decision having taken place ; and, if it had occurred, he thought it improbable that he should not have been made aware of it. The history of the transaction it was not necessary for him to state in detail to the House. The claim rested on a bond given by the native Prince of Oude to a firm of bankers and merchants, being native subjects of the King of England, residing at Benares, in order to secure the payment of a sum of eleven lacs of rupees, being about 111,000/. of English currency. Some difficulty having occurred in the affairs of' the King of Oude, that Prince determined some time in the year 1796 upon entering into a compromise with his creditors. These creditors consisted of three different classes of indi viduals : the first was composed of Europeans, the second of natives subjects of the King of England, and the third of natives subjects of the King of Oude. To the Euro pean creditors and to the native creditors different terms THE SUN,-:.LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 29, 18;34. of composition were proposed. The Europeans at once accepted these terms, as also did the native creditors who were the subjects of the King of Oude. The native creditors,' how ever, who were subjects of the King of England demurred to the terms offered them, claiming, as he thought they were entitled to claim, to be treated on the same terms as the European creditors. The consequence of this refusal was that up to that day these parties had not succeeded in recover ing any part of their claim. Such was the mere outline of the case, and the question it left to be decided was, whether the native subjects of Great Britain were to be considered in a different light from the European subjects. Upon that point he would state what was the declared opinion of several of the most competent authorities upon such matters to whom the case of the claimants had been referred for inquiry. —(The Right Hon. Gentleman here read several extracts from despatches transmitted to the Board of Controul from Lord Teignmouth, Lord Hastings, and the Marquis Wellesley, all of whom were favourable to the claims of the native bankers. The Right Hon. Gentleman also read the legal opinions upon cases submitted to them of Lord Brougham, Lord Plunket, Lord Lyndhurst, and Sir Charles Wetherell, each of whom gave it as his opinion that the claim of Mr. Prendergast was so strong as to justify the exercise of any authority which could legally and constitutionally be exercised which was likely to secure its being liquidated.) A letter from General Martin, an individual so reputable in the service of the Nabob that he was afterwards admitted into the British service, had stated that officer's opinion that the debts were subject to the most severe scrutiny. When Mr. Cherry went into the Nabob's territory he knew that the success of his mis sion depended on his getting the revenue into a solvent con dition, and upon this principle was it that he entered upon th e subject of these debts, and proposed their being examined. He had come to a conclusion that they were Government debts, not due to an individual. He meant that the East India Company were not responsible for them. Great argu ments had been urged upon the non-interference system which had been introduced into India by Lord Cornwalli3, and fol lowed up by his successors ; but did Hon. Members know what the term " interference system" meant ? When Lord Cornwallis first went to India, no doubt with instructions to discontinue the system of the Company's interfering with native Princes, the first thing he did was to direct the Nabob of Oude to receive a British army into his pay and territories ; then to expel all foreigners from his service who had not a license of residence from the Company ; and, lastly, to oblige his neigh bours to do the same. Now interference, as it was called, in point of fact meant that there had not been any measure pursuedin Oude in which the British Government was not a party. When a subsequent war had broken out, and the merchants and traders would not advance money to pay the army, Mr. Cherry had himself raised the money upon his own responsibility as the British functionary. He (Mr. Grant) contended that the bonds were not to be vitiated by the amount of interest. That interest was in fact below the market aver age, and by the law at present observed by the Company's Courts it was enacted that debts should bear interest in all cases according to the amount stated in the bonds. Was it just that because a State happened to be weak it should there fore be permitted to commit a wrong upon our subjects with impunity? It would be nothing short of robbery on those poor people, who advanced their money on the faith of our Govern ment, if we did not see that justice was done them in this transaction. Sir R. PEEL said that the arguments of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down were by no means suffi cient to bear out his vindication of the course he had adopted in suing out a writ of mandamus from the Court of King's Bench to compel the East India Company to enforce these claims upon the unfortunate Prince of whom they were de manded. The question was within a very narrow compass, and to make it intelligible to those Members of the House who did not perhaps wish to hear much of the intricacies of the case, or of those strange Eastern names to which English ears were not much accustomed, he should give a very plain state ment of the transaction, so as to put it on a footing intelligible to all. This debt, as well as many others of the same nature, was contracted so long as forty years ago, bearing an interest of 36 per cent. Since then several Governors of India had made application for a settlement of these claims, and had endea voured by their amicable interference, to procure an arrange ment satisfactory to the parties, but none of them ever thought of proceeding to any other course than that of a friendly in trference. He considered it a very harsh measure, and by no means a just one, to call for the interference of the Court of King's Bench to compel the company to select this one debt, and enforce its payment, out of a large number of debts of a similar character. Was the Government prepared, and did it feel itself at liberty, to vindicate the claim of every_ British subject who happened to lend his money to a foreign indepen dent State without the Government of the country, or its agents, having in any way become responsible for or guaranteeing the repayment of that loan ? This was precisely the footing on which the question stood. If such were the views on which the Government was acting in the matter, it was clearly con founding transactions of debt with which we had nothing to do with those other wrongs which alone in an international sense could call for the interference of our Government to protect British subjects. In cases of simple debt contracted by an in dependent State with a British subject, he contended the Go vernment of this country had nothing whatever to do ; but, above all, it could not be justified in attempting to interfere by force. If the Right Hon. Gentleman was prepared on the part of the Government to avow this right of interference, with what delight would not the holders of Spanish bonds and of the bonds of the Cacique of Poyais hear of the avowal. (Laughter.) Suppose any British subject were now to en gage in a loan transaction with any of the new States of South America, could it be said that the Government of this coun try was bound to see that the terms of that loan were satisfied? Certainly not. Yet this would be precisely a similar case. Did not the enormous amount of interest that was to be paid upon this loan by the King of Oude show that the lender did not consider that he was to have the guarantee of the British Government or the aid of British bayonets to sustain his claim for repayment. Instead of demanding thirty-six per cent. would he not have been satisfied with sonic reasonable and moderate rate of interest, if he knew or imagined that Eng land was to be his security, and not merely the King of Oude ? Was it right, then, he would ask, for the Government to inter fere in a purely private transaction ? And what would be the consequence of this interference ? Why, that other partia l s would make similar claims upon our interference ; and hofv could we refuse them if we interfered on the present occa sion? The Right Honourable Gentleman had disclaim e d any intention of interfering with force or intimidation : but what other construction than that he entertained such inten tion could be put on his communications with the Board of Directors, and the instructions which they were required to send to their agents and officers in India? He looked upon this question as widely distinct from the claim which a British subject would have on the protection of his own Government against a positive wrong done .to him by an independent State. The Right Hon. Gentleman had re ferred to various authorities to sustain his view of the case ; but, in his ( Sir R. Peel's) opinion, those authorities rather made for than against the Right Hon. Gentleman. Neither Lord Wellesley, nor any other Governor, ever attempted to enforce those claims. The authority of Mr. Wynn, when at the head of the Board of Controul, was decidedly against them • and Mr. Canning was equally opposed to them. If the Right Hon. Gentleman would say that he disclaimed all idea of enforcing those claims by any act or threat of intimi dation, then he ( Sir R. Peel) would at once sit down. If the matter was now closed, and the Board of Directors understood that nothing was to be done, as the Right Hon. Gentleman had said, without the consent of Parliament, he ( Sir R. Peel) would be content with that understanding. This was the sole purpose for which his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Herries) had brought the subject before the House, and not.with any view to perpetuate any difference that might exist between the Right Hon. Gentleman and the Board of Directors.—( Hear, hear.) He was willing to leave the matter to be decided by public opinion, after it had remained unsettled for forty years without any Government interference. It was clear that the Right Hon. Gentleman took a very different view of it from that which the Company held. He admitted that if the claim had been sanctioned, or in any manner guaranteed, by Mr. Cherry, it would materially alter the case, but there was no thing in Mr. Cherry's correspondence that could support such an opinion. He hoped the King of Oude would have the spirit and judgment to follow the example of the Company. and resist a compliance with what he as well as they must feel to be a wrong. It would not do to attempt to enforce this claim upon the King of Oude, unless we could carry convic tion of its justice home to the breast of every native Prince in India, or otherwise we would run the risk of shaking to its foundation our whole Indian Empire. Unless we could do this our motives would be misconstrued. If we were deter mined to violate all Treaties, and in defiance of them to de throne the King of Oude, let us at least not begin by forcing from him a large sum of money.—( Cheers.) If we were to usurp and assume to ourselves the Government of the territory of Oude, let us take care that we did not show an interested motive for doing so, and let us be the more cautious in this because we happened to have the power and authority in our hands.—( Cheers. ) Mr. HUME doubted very much if the Right Hon. Baronet who was so desirous that others should understand the subject, really understood it himself. The Right Hon. Baronet had asked why this one claim only was selected ? The reason was, which the Right Hon. Gentleman did not seem to know, that this was the only claim that remained unsatisfi e d. Could any thing be clearer than that the Nabod of Oude admitted the justice of this claim when he offered a compromise ? But the agent for the suffering parties refused to take less than they had a right to claim ; and this refusal he considered as an additional proof that their claim was well grounded,, and their conviction that the transaction was a real and just one. The subject was then dropped. UNIVERSITIES ADMISSION BILL. Mr. HUME moved the third reading of this Bill. Mr. THOMAS GLADSTONE rose to oppose it. It would be useless to pass the Bill, for it would of necessity be inoperative. If he were asked why he opposed a Bill which, if passed, would be inoperative, his answer was, that he ob jected to its principle, the admission of which was equally de structive, whether it effected the object of its promoters or not. Further, they were bound to respect corporate rights as long as the intentions of their, founders were fulfilled ; and no one could deny that the Universities did fulfil the intentions of their founders.—( Hear, hear.) But to give Dissenters a sta tutable right to admission into those institutions would be in compatible with their objects as seminaries of the Established Church. If they sent a Dissenter to the Universities with a legalized right, they must destroy this system to please him, or they must insult and degrade him to maintain the system.— ( Cheers.) The members of the University of Oxford were almost to a man opposed to this Bill. Its heads had put forth a document upon this subject, which he supposed the lion. Member for South Lancashire (Mr. G. W. Wood) had seen. That body, consisting of nearly a hundred persons, distin guished by their moral worth, their learning, and 'their loyalty, only contained two •dissentients to the declaration he held in his hand.—( Hear.) Upon what did the Hon. Gentleman ground his opinion of the practicability of reconciling the ad mission of Dissenters, with the maintenance of the present sys tem of instruction pursued in the Universities ? Was it upon the opposition of these gentlemen ? Let him not flatter himself with finding adherents of the Ministry on the one side ready to carry the Bill into effect, as well as opponents on the other ready to oppose it. It was true that Ministers might find a minority in their favour at Oxford, but even that minority was not in favour of this Hear.) The important body to which he had referred stated, in the de claration he held in his hand, that they considered religion as the foundation of all instruction, and that they would not be parties to any system of instruction which did not rest upon that foundation. When they spoke of religion, they said they meant the doctrines revealed by the Bible and maintained by the Church of Christ in its best and purest times, and they could not consent that those doctrines should be ex plained or have any sense put upon them which was not in accordance with the recognised tenets of the Established Church.—( Hear.) He knew not what meaning the Ho'n. Gentleman put upon this declaration; but, for his own part, the construction he put upon it was, that the principles upon which the Universities proceeded was opposed to the bill— the parties to this declaration were determined to maintain those principles, and that the entire body of the instructors of this University would, abdicate their functions if this bill were passed.—( A laugh and cheers.) That was his opinion, and he should be glad to hear those who sneered at it put any other rational interpretation upon this document. In con clusion he would say, that as it was observed of the ancient Romans that they " made a solitude and called it peace," so the Hon. Gentleman, by this bill, with a mockery not the less in effect, would inaugurate his reign of religious peace by an act of tyranny.—( Cheers.) Mr. V. SMITH supported the Bill, as one calculated to take away a reproach from the Establishment, and be felt as a compliment to the Dissenters, whose only desire was to ex ercise their vigorous intellects in the promotion of science and li erature. Mr. BA INE S said that he should claim the attention of the House to a few observations, and he was the more disposed to do this, as he had not declared his sentiments on the Bill in any of its former stages. The Hon. Gentleman (the Member for Newark) had said that this Bill, in its present form, would not benefit the Dissenters. It would, however, do one thing —it' would remove the religious test at the Universities ; and if that was effected, a step in advance would be made towards their admission to those national seats of learning. The ob ject of this Bill was to allow persons of all religious denomina tions„ who had the means within their power, to enjoy the benefit of an University education. This he thought must be admitted to be a just claim, whether considered as to the original foundation of the Universities, or as to the present state of society. The original statutes admitted all, and ex cluded none ; and it appeared by the earliest records of Oxford, t'iatasearlyas the University yearl23 thelHenr st Henry 111. issued and an ordinance admitting to that scholars of the University of Paris, who had been driven from that University by persecution. The statutes of those early times showed that there were then no tests, nor did any exist at Oxford, in either the time of the Lollards or of Wickliff. In the University of Cambridge, as early as the reign of Edward 1., that Monarch had been called to arbitrate upon the point to what part of the country, and to what classes of the people, the benefits of this University should extend ; and his decision was, " that they should extend to all" who repaired thither for instruction. This showed the intention of the founders of the Colleges ; and in that state they remained till the period of the Reformation, at which time, ps appeared from a document that he held in hi:hand, there were 13 colleges at Oxford, which were increased by three pending the Reforma tion, making 16 out of the 19 colleges at that University • while at the University of Cambridge there were 12 out of the 16 colleges before the time of Henry VIII., and two others were erected before the order of James 1., directing that tests should be imposed on the taking of degrees in that University. The term University had in it an argument for the general use of these seats of learning, which were meant to be universal, both as to the subjects taught, and the persons to whom they were communicated. In this sense the term was understood and applied in other countries, and it was an extraordinary fact, deserving of attention, that the Universities of Oxford and of Cam bridge were the only Universities that were closed to a large proportion of the upper classes of the people in any country in Europe. This the Dissenters of England felt as a grievous indignity, and they thought it unjust that Englishmen should attempt to degrade Englishmen by excluding them from the best sources of literature and science. This exclusion was jus tified on the ground that the colleges were ecclesiastical cor porations—that they were schools of theology--and that the morning and evening services of religion were indispensable to the colleges. As to the first of these points, Sir William Blackstone said expressly that they were not ecclesiastical but lay corporations ; and Professor Pusey, the present Regius Hebrew Professor at Oxford; had declared that one fortnight was all the time that it was necessary for a divinity student to give to theology during the time he was at college ; while Professor Thirlwall, speaking of the University of Cambridge, says that there are there neither theological col leges, theological tutors, nor theological students ; and of the morning and evening services the Professor says that to an immense majority of the congregations they are no religious services at all, and to the remainder the least impressive that, can be conceived. And yet the arguments that had been insisted upon so much for excluding Dissenters from the Universities were, that their admission would derange the 'theological studies, and impair the devotion of the daily morning and evening services. But it was said that by giving instruction to young men of various religious opinions, heterodoxy was promoted ; and the colleges of Daventry, Manchester, York, Hackney, and Lady Hewley's charity were quoted as proof of this, though they had no affinity to the case. Nor had the experiment been tried in the London University. e ß v u e t r a w n h e i e x h p etrhi that e n h l e t ar ad ne d b e a e e n tried de x ee a ll t e t a h t e divine, college theat H Rev.ome r t D o n r. , i f t e h r , e p i r g e h s t i y d ed, years, w whichere there h w a a d s b a h e e e l n i s a h e d religious t t w e s e t imposed t years e ago, collegeor without iits any stud p e r e ej t u s . di ee l; h e as p h e e t e a rl s s authorized agaia s t th to e say, ad mission of Dissenters to the Universities had been relied upon, but how stood the fact ? There were, according to the last published votes in Parliament, 418 petitions against the ad mission of Dissenters, containing 40,881 signatures ; and 1,103 petitions, containing 344,000 signatures for the Dissenters' claims, of which admission to the Universities was one. He had said that the Dissenters, if admitted to the Univer sity, would claim equal privileges with the members of the Established Church, and to that declaration he adhered. They sought no superiority, and they thought that they ought not to be subject to any inferiority. As to the Bill of his Hon. Friend the Member for South Lancashire, he should give that Bill his most cordial support. It would abolish the tests, and by showing the disposition of the Legislature would, he hoped, prevent any measure, either in the colleges or in the Universities of Oxford or of Cambridge, that might contra vene the liberality of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. HUGHES HUGHES could not accede to the mea sure, and felt the Bill would prove so inoperative as to destroy any reasonable expectations they might indulge in. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving that the Bill be read a third time this day six months. Mr. GOUL B URN contended that the admission of the Dissenters to the Universities would be destructive of the present system of education pursued at those institutions. It h a d b e en said that the measure would be but complimentary to the Dissenters ; but he would not consent, for the purpose of complimenting the Dissenters, to deny to the Universities the propriety of training up their inmates in a religious system, for he felt satisfied that if the forms were abandoned, the re ligion would be abandoned also. Why, the established law of the land said that a Catholic should not legislate for the Church of England ; that he should have no voice in its re gulations or offices ; but this Bill permitted a Catholic to take a degree in the Universities, or, in other words, to have power and authority and influence, in the very teeth of the statute he referred to. This appeared to him to be a most monstrous and uncalled for innovation.--( Question, divide. ) It was, in fact, overturning the established usages of the Uni versities, and putting men in power over them whose principles were directly opposed to them. Let them look to the grammar schools.—( Uproar and great laughter.) The founders of these schools directed that those who conducted them should have graduated at these Universities which were close allies and supporters of the established religion—( Question)—and now they were about to say that the test which was required by these benevolent founders—which was, in fact, the condi tion of the legacy —should be done away with. The object of the founders was to give an education of a certain religious character; the object of the Bill then before them was to give" an education of every religious character. The Right Hon. Gentleman made some further observations, which were com pletely drowned in the noise and confusion which prevailed. Lord PALMERSTON rose amidst most discordant sounds. The Noble Lord said the argument of the last Right Hon. speaker was founded on this,—that it was incompatible with the religious principles which formed the ground-work of the Universities,, that persons differing from those principles should be empowered to partake of the advantages they offered. That was his argument ; and he should cut it from under him with one simple remark—( Coughing,scraping of feet, and expectoration.) How did the Right Hon. Gentleman reconcile his argument with the practice ?—( Uproar.) Dis senters could have the benefits of education at Cambridge as completely now, as they could under the provisions of the Bill which they were then discussing. It seemed to him (Lord Palmerston) that the argument answered itself. But it was said the measure before them was subversive of the true inte rests of the State.—( Coughing, and vehement cries of " bah!" " divide, divide !") He denied that it was so, and would declare his honest opinion that it would tend to strengthen and perpetuate those great interests. He really could not see on what grounds those who consented to the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, and the emancipa tion of the Catholics, opposed this act of substantial justice.— ( Great uproar and yelling.) But it was argued by gentlemen who disapproved of this Bill, that it would be ineffectual for its purpose—why, then, oppose it so vehemently ? This was, to say the least, most inconsistent. He never would believe that the authorities of the Universities, high-minded and ho nourable as he knew them to be, would enact bye-laws which would have the effect of defeating the expressed intentions of the Legislature.—( Question, question 1) Sir R. INGLIS essayed to address the House, but for many seconds his words were completely drowned in the noise. We can characterize the scene by no other epithets than those ap plied to humbler assemblages when equally unruly—" a re gular row." We think that the Right Hon. Baronet declared that whatever might be thought of the authorities of the Uni versities, they would be found to act from conscientious mo tives, and on lofty principles. He could very well believe that a Whig would prefer place to principle.--(Cheers and confusion) ; that he would betray the latter at any sacrifice, to secure the former; but not so with the men to whom he (Sir R.) alluded. Mr. G. W. WOOD rose to reply. [The laughing, jeer ing, shouting, and coughing were such as we never before witnessed.] The Hon. Gentleman said it had been declared that the Bill in its present stage was essentially different from what it was when he had the honour to introduce it to the House. [At this moment two Hon. Members, " o'er all the ills of life victorious," suddenly entered from the smoking room into the Opposition gallery, and stretching themselves at full length on the seats, secure from the observation of the Speaker, commenced a row of the most discreditable charac ter,] 'this he denied—(" I say, can't you crow," laughter and uproar.) The provisions had not been altered.—[ Hear him how he reads"—Mr. Wood occasionally glanced at a me morandum in his hand]—the enactments were in every respect unaltered.—( Loud cheering, followed by bu rs t s o f l aug h ter .) The question was—(" Rea it—read it 1" and great uproar) —the question—("just so, read it")—the question was—(great cheering and laughter)—whether—{" that's the question")__ whether the Universities should be open to all, or be for ever under the control of mere monopolists—(" Where's the man what crows?" laughter and loud cries of " order" from the Speaker.) Public opinion—(" Oh, dear," and great uproar, during which the Speaker, evidently excited, was loudly call ing for order, and turning his glass in every direction to note the delinquent members)—public opinion was decidedly in fa vour of this Bill.—(The scene here was indescribable. ) The SPEAKER rose, and with much indignation in his tone and manlier, said, " I really think that some one among those who are calling out in this strange and unparliamentary manner, would better satisfy the Hon. Members with whom he is acting, by moving at once that the debate be adjourned, than by taking a course of opposition which is so greatly at variance witlithe established usages of the House.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. G. W. WOOD resumed :—He was a constant and un flinching attendant in that House, and never took the liberty of wasting the time of Hon. Members ; few men, indeed, spoke less than he did. And now he would not have occupied the attention of the House at all, but for a call which hail been made upon him to explain certain clauses. Indeed, Hon. Mem bers had actually complained because he did not more fully go into the merits of the Bill—( Hear, hear)—and had challenged him to do so. He was but performing his duty.—( Hear, hear.) But to resume. The Bill thoroughly opened the Universities to the Dissenters, but then it abstained from interference with the constitution of any college—(" Question," "divide." "bah, bah.") It left the colleges unfettered and uncontrolled; they might modify existing rules or not just as appeared best to their own body or authorities. The row here recommenced, and hindered us from following the Hon. Gentleman, who argued that much good would result from the youth of different religions associating together, by which intolerance would be checked, charity promoted, and society strengthened and improved. The House then divided, when there appeared — For the third reading 164 Against it Majority The Bill was then read a third time and passed. TRADING COMPANIES BILL. -89 The House then went into Committee on this Bill. On the motion of Mr. TO OKE the purposes of the Bill were extended to literary and charitable institutions. The Bill then went through the Committee, and the report was ordered to be received this day. The Four Courts Dublin Bill Was read a third time and passed. The Arms Importation Bill went through a Committee, and the report ordered to be received this day. The Weights and Measures Bill was read a third time and passed. The Cinque Ports' Pilot Bill was read a second time. The Bill was ordered to be committed on Wednesday. The Court of Chancery (Ireland) Bill then passed through the Committee, and the report was ordered to be brought up on Wednesday. The House then proceeded to the other Orders of the Day, when, after having disposed of two or three of them, Mr. Ruthven moved that the House be counted, and there not being 40 Members present, it adjourned at three o'clock. PARLIA LIST Who voted for the Adam, Admiral Aglionby, H. A. Althorp, Viscount Att wood, T. Bainbridge, E. T. Baines, E. B rham, J. Baring, F. I'. Barnett, C. J. Barron, H. W. • Beauclerk, Major Berkeley, C. F. Bernal, R. Bewes, T. Biddul, h, R. Blake, M. J. Blamire, W. Briggs, R. Brocklehurst, J. Brotherton, J. Brougham, W. Buckingham, J. S. Bulteel, J. C. Burton, H. Byng, George Calvert, Nicholson Campbell, Sir J. Carter, J. B. • Chapman, M. L. Chichester, J. P. B. Childers, J. W. (lay, W. Clements, Lord Clive, E. B. Codrington, Sir E. Cokes, T. H. Crompton, J. Dalmeny, Lord Davies, Colonel Denison, W. J. Dillwyn, L. W. Divett, E. Duncombe, T. Dundas, J. W. D. Ebrington, Viscount , Captain G. Etwall, R. Evans, G. Ewart, W. Ewing, 3. Fenton, .1. Fergusson, Sir Ron. Fellowes, Hon. N. Fielden, J. Fleming, Admiral Fox, Colonel MENTARY DIVISIONS. OF THE MAJO Third Reading of the French, F. Gasket!, D. Gillon, W. D. Gordon, R. Grey, Colonel Grey, Sir G. Gronow, Captain Halt; B. Handley, B. Harland, W. Hawes, B. Hawkins, J. H. Hay, Colonel L. Hill, Lord H. Howard, R. Howard, P. H. Hudson, T. Hurst, R. H. Hutt, W. Kennedy, J. Labouchere, H. Lambton, H. Langdale, Hon. C. Langston, J. H. Leonard, Sir T. B. Lennard, T. B. Littleton, F. J. Lumley, Viscount Lushington, Dr. Lynch, A. H. Mackenzie, J. A. S. MLeod, R. Manamara, W. Maitland, T. Marjoribanks, S. Methuen, P. Morpeth, Viscount Moreton, A. H. Mostyn, E. 'Mullins, F. W.: Murray, J. A. O'Connell, D. O'Connell, Morgan O'Connell, John O'Dwyer, A. C. O'Reilly, W. Oliphant, L. Oswald, J. Palmerston, Viscount Pease, Joseph Pelham, C. A. W. Pepys, Sir C. Peter, W. Philips, M. Phillipps, C. M. I RITY Universfties' Bill. Pinney, W. Potter, R. •Poulter, J. S. Price, Sir R. Prii.gle, R. Pryme, G. Pryse, P. Rice, T. S. Richards, J. Ricer, T. Rlofe, R. M. Rooper, J. B. Russell, Lord J. Ruthven, E. Ruthven, E. S. Scholefield, J &rope, P. Scale, Colonel Shawe, lt. N. Stanley, H. T. Stanley, Stawell, Colonel Steuart, It. Stewart, P. M. Sullivan, R. Talbot, .1. Tancred, H. W. Tennyson, C. Thicknesse, H. Thomson, C. P. Todd, J. R. Tooke, W. Torrens, Colonel Tower, C. T. Troubridge, Sir E. Turner, W. Waddy, C. Walker, C. A. Wallace, R. Warburton, H. Wason, R. Waterpark, Lord Wedgwood, J. \\ halley, Sir S. Wigney, 1. N. Wilks, J. Williams, W. A. Williams, Colonel Winnington, H. J. Wood, C. Y2lverton, Hon. W Young, G. F. TELLRES. Wood, G. W. Smith, R. Vernon RITY Manners, Lord R. Marryatt, J. Maitland, 'F. Meynell, H. Neale, Sir H. Nichol!, J. Norreys, Lord Penruddock, J H. Perceval, Colonel Phillips, C. M. Reid, Sir J. R. Ross, Charles Ross Sanderson, R. Sandor., Viscount Sanford, E. A. Scarlett, Sir James S haw, F. Sheppard, T. Sinclair, G. Somerset, Lord G. Stormont, Viscount Trevor, Hon. G. R. Villiers, Viscount Wall, B. Young, J. LIST Arbuthnot, Hon. H. Archdall, General Attwood, M. Bankes, W. Baring, A. Baring, H. B. Blackstone, W. S. Bolling ' W. Bruce, Lord E. Brudenell, Lord Buller, J. W. Campbell, Sir H. Chandos, Marquis of Colborne, R. Cole, Hon. A. Corry, H. L. Daly, J. Dare, R. W. FL Darlington, Earl of Dugdale, W. S. Duncombe, W. Estcourt, T. G. B. Finch, G. Gladstone, T. Gladstone, W. E. Gordon, Hon. W. LIST Of 47 ( Tellers incluc tion, that Orders of Arbuthnot, Hon. H. Baring, H. B. Barnard, E. G. Bernal, IL Blake, Sir F, Blake, M. Bruce, Lord E. Callaghan, D. Clay, W. Duncombe, T. Evans, Colonel )ancourt, C. S. J. Grattan, H. Gronow, Captain Harclinge, Sir H. Hughes, H. OF THE MIN , Goulburn, H. Greene, T. 0. GI imston, Lord Hanmer, H. Harcourt, G. G. Hayes, Sir E. Ilenniker, Lord Herbert, Hon. S. Ilerries, J. C. Hotham, Lord Hughes, H. Inglis, Sir It. H. lrton, S. Jertnyn, Earl Jones, Captain Kerrison, Sir E. Knatchbull, Sir E. Langston, J. H. Lefroy, Dr. T. Lefroy, A. Lemon, Sir C. Lincoln, Lord Lowther4Viscount Lowther, C. H. Lyall, G. OF THE MINORITY led), who voted against Lord Morpeth's mo le Day should take precedence of Motions. Jones, T. Perceval, Colon I Kennedy, J. Perrin, Sergeant Langdale, Hon. C. Potter, R. Lincoln, Earl of Roche, W. Nagle, Sir R. Ruthven, E. Oswald, R. A. Scholefield, J. O'Connell, D. Sullivan, R. O'Connell, M. Tancred, H. W. O'Connell, .1. Walker, - C. A O'Connor Don Wallace; It O'Connor, Feargus Wilke, J. O'Dwyer, C. A. Young, G, F. O'Grady, S. O'Reilly, W. Palmer, R. Parrott, J. TELLERS. Hume, Joseph Shell, R. L LIST OF THE MINORITY Of 36 (Tellers included), who voted against the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in the Irish Disturbance Bills A ttwood, T. Nagle, Sir R Roche, W. Barry, G. S. O'Connell, 1). Ro e , .1, Beauclerk, Major O'Connell, Maurice Ruthven, E. S. Blake, M. O'Connell, M. Ruthven, E. Callaghan, D. O'Connell, J. Shell, R. L. Gillon, W. D. O'Connor Don Sullivan, R. Gratt .n, H. O'Connor, Fl Vigors, N. A. G:onow, Captain O'Dwyer A. \Vaddy, C. Grote, G. O'Reill, W. Walker, C. A. Kennedy, J. Pease, Joseph Wallace, T.: Lynch, A. H. Perrin, L. Warburton. H. Mullina, W. F. Potter, R. Williams, Col. DREADFUL ACCIDENT.—On Saturday noon, a shocking accident happened to Mr. Salmon, of the firm of Cunningham and Salmon, printers, Crown-court, Fleet-street. Mr. Salmon was in the act of removing a large Stanhope printing-press, weighing upwards of a ton and a half, from the position in which it was placed in the press-room, when it was over-balanced, and fell upon the left leg of Mr. Salmon, crushing it nearly flat. Mr. Ray, surgeon, of Salisbury square, was immediately called in ; he was at first of opinion that amputation would be necessary to the preservation of the sufferer's life, as the leg was broken in t wo pl aces , an d t h e bone protruded through the skin. Mr. Salmon was removed on a shutter to his private residence in Gough -square, Where, on a closer examination by three surgeons, it was ascertained that the limb could be saved. Much time was unavoidably lost in providing the necessary apparatus for setting, but at the close of seven hours from the time when the accident hap pened, the operation was successfully performed, and we were happy to hear, at a late hour last night, that Mr. Salmon was doing well, and that little or no doubt was entertained of his recovery. He bore the severe operation of setting, which lasted two hours, with much firmness, and, indeed, throughout the whole of the great suffering which must have attended such an accident, Mr. Salmon displayed the highest fortitude, patience, and calmness. CHESHIRE ASSIZES.—These assizes commence on Saturday next, the 2d of August. The calendar at present contains the names of 46 offenders, many of them for crimes of a very heinous nature. There are 3 for murder; 2 for bicramy ' • 6 for burglary ; 3 for cuttin g an d ma i m i ng ca ttle ; 2 for horse stealing (ono of them only thirteen years of age) ; 7 for house breaking; 1 for highway-robbery; I for man slaughter ; 7 for rape ; 2 (on bail) for administering unlawful oaths ; and 11 for various other offences. COURT CIRCULAR. The Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, accompanied by several clergymen of that Church, and also by Mr. Patrick Stewart, Mr. Oswald, and other Members of the House of Commons, and Mr. Scott, had an interview yesterday afternoon with Viscounts Melbourne and Althorp, at the Treasury. Sir John Hobhouse returned to town yesterday morning, from Nottingham. • Sir John had an interview with Vis:ount Althorp. Earl Grey, accompanied by Lady Georgina Grey, ieturnod to town yesterday from a visit to the Duke of Her ford at Wo burn Abbey. On the 23d instant, Chevalier Pandolfelli, from Naples, was presented to the King by the Neapolitan Minister, Count Ludolf.. THE VICTORIA THEATRE. FAREWELL BENEFIT TO MR. S. KNOIVL,ES. Mr. Sheridan Knowles took a benefit at this Theatre last night, being his last appearance in this country previous to his departure for America. Long before the performances were commenced every part of the house was densely crowded, and though Mr. Abbott in anticipation of a full house, and to afford every accommodation to the public, had enlarged the Pit, by re moving the musicians to a part of the stage, yet was there not room to admit three-fourths of those who crowded every avenue to the house. The reception of Mr. Knowles was worthy of the audience, and must have sunk deep into the heart of the talented dramatist. The first piece was Virginius, which was followed by Kill or Cure, and the whole concluded with William. Tell, in which Mr. Knowles appeared as the Swiss redeemer and founder of the Helvetic Republic. Mr. Macready, Mr. Liston, and Mrs. Orger contributed their talents to the amusements of the evening, but so great was the desire to fix in the memory a picture of the talented individual who had contributed so largely to the lite rature of his country, and who, through a life varied with many severe personal trials, had preserved the fine feelings and un sullied reputation of his earliest years, that every person—. every thing was forgotten but Sheridan Knowles. Before the commencement of William Tell, _Mr. Knowles came in front of the stage, and addressed the audience, thanking them for the many proofs of their kindness which he had received, and stating the reason by which he was induced to take a tempo rary leave of his friends in this country. He expressed his liveliest gratitude to the inhabitants of the several provincial towns in which he had sojourned, and that in every part of the kingdom the public had received him, not as an actor, but as a friend whom they were d e li g ht e d t o we l come and to ho nour. He also spoke warmly and feelingly of the kindness shown him by Mr. Macready and Mr. Liston at a time when his name was less familiar to the public ear. The au dience heard him with the most fixed attention, and, at the close, the cheers which followed were absolutely overpowering. We can well believe that Mr. Knowles felt it as one of the most painfully proud moments of his life. Great praise is due to Mr. Abbott for his exertions on this occasion, as well as for his constant endeavours to meet the wishes of the public. His Theatre deserves to be supported. POST OFFICE ARRANGEMENTS. We are happy to announce that important improvements have been resolved on in this department, with reference to this district of country. The London mail for nearly a week past, has arrived an hour earlier than formerly. This will enable us in future to publish our first edition about 11 o'clock, and to adopt other desirable improvements in the transmission of the Chronicle ; but having only heard of the new arrange ments this forenoon, we are not prepared to intimate anything further as to our future plan of operation. The Postmaster here has politely favoured us with a sight of the instructions he has received, which are to the following effect : The Edinburgh bag will, on and after the Ist of August, be dispatched at seven, A M. by a ride to Orange-lane, to meet the curricle, and by this ride a penny-post bag will also be made up for Leitholm, and a bye-letter bag to Dunse. This ride will return at a quarter past nine with bags front Morpeth and Coldstream, and a ride will be dispatched to Jedburgh, which will go on to Hawick without stop. At forty-five minutes past twelve, noon, a ride will be dispatched to meet the curricle with bags for Morpeth and Coldstream. This ride returning at half-past two, P. M. will bring bags from Edinburgh, Dunse, and Leitholm. The ride which leaves. Hawick at half-past nine, A. M., on the arrival of the mail from Carlisle, will come on without stopping, arriving in Kelso at . half-past twelve, noon. There will thus be direct communi cation between Kelso and every one of the neighbouring towns. As soon as the bags from Morpeth are received here, a direct bag will be made up for Morpeth ; and all English letters now forwarded to Coldstream, will, by this bag, be sent to Morpeth.—Kelso Chronicle. ACCELERATION OF THE MAIL.-We are happy to learn that a plan is in agitation for accelerating the Mail 'from London to Edinburgh, which will be of the most essential consequence to Dundee. By the proposed arrangement, the London Mail, instead of reaching Edinburgh between one and two o'clock p.m.;will arrive at half-past ten a.m. ; and it is intended, in continuation, that a curricle-mail shall be despatched imme diately through Fife by Dundee and Arbroath to Montrose, carrying letters for Kirkcaldy, Cupar-Fife, Dundee, Arbroath,. and Montrose. Our merchants would thus receive their letters between three and four o'clock, afternoon, instead of the fa lowing morning. It is not intended in the meantime that the curricle-mail should proceed to Aberdeen, because that city would not be benefitted by a midnight arrival. We understand that the Members for Edinburgh and Leith and the county of Edinburgh, are to use all their influence to promote the scheme ; and we trust that the public bodies of Dundee will join in soliciting our excellent representative, Sir Henry Parnell, also to lend his aid, which, from the warm interest he takes in all matters connected with the town, we doubt not he will most cheerfully give. It will be seen that our Town- Council have already moved in the matter. The Chamber of Commerce and other public bodies should immediately bestir themselves. —Dundee Chronicle. THE ARMY. (From the Limerick Chronicle.) Monday last a General Courtmartial, composed of the fol lowing officers, assembled at the New Barracks :—.Lieut.- Colonel Clark, 7th Dragoon Guards, President ; Major Kell, 37th ; Major Lamont, 91st ; Captains Costley, 37th ; Crom bie, 60th; Ducat, Thornhill, and Fraser, 91st; Lieutenants Derinzy, Royal Artillery; M`Murdo, 91st; Ensigns Cahill and M`Leod, 91st regiment. The only prisoner for trial was private M‘Gonnell, 91st regiment, for mutinous conduct on parade in this garrison. He was found guilty, and the Court dissolved this day, after forwarding the proceedings for ap proval by the King. Sentence not known until officially pro mulgated from the Horse Guards. The Scots Fusileer Guards leave Dublin for London next month, to be replaced by the Grenadier Guards, 3d battalion. Sunday last the Orestes transport sailed from Cork with the first division (three companies) of the 30th regiment, for Bermuda. The Marquis of Huntley transport has embarked at Cork the grand division of the 30th regiment for Bermuda. The 91st regiment, in this garrison, march every Sabbath to Divine service without music--they are chiefly Presbyterians. Head-quarters of the 60th Rifles, second battalion, from Mullingar, arrive at Kilkenny to-morrow. Head-quarters of the 90th Light Infantry left Kilkenny this morning for Naas. It is reported that the 81st at Birr replace the 14th regi ment in Athlone, if the latter move to Dublin. The head-quarters of the 50th regiment embarked on the Bth inst.; for New South Wales. The embarkation of the 47th, 59th, and 68th regiments for the Mediterranean is very prudently countermanded, in conse quence of the intelligence that cholera rages at Gibraltar. Sir James Kempt, attended by Colonel Leith Hay, M. P., and other officers of the Ordnance, are expected in Dublin early next month on their meditated tour of inspection, pre. paratory to bringing into effect considerable alterations in their department. . . _ _ The 27th regiment, head-quarters at Mullingar, have de tached the following :—Killuean, under Major Maclean ; Tul lamore, Major Thorpe ; Castletowndelvin, Captain Amsinek. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. VESSELS ENTERED INWARDS AT THE CUSTOM -ROUSE, JULY2B. —Anna Wilhelmina, from Gothenburg ; Apperance, Schroe der, Gothenburg ; Columbine, Corbin, Hamburg ; Emma, Mitchell, Guernsey; Nova Sophia, Nees, Sannesund ; Mary and Helen, Geming, Kiel ; Leopold 1., Appleton, Ostend ; Hannibal, Springer, Memel ; Europa, Kock, Sivartourik ; William Bryan, Remur, Hobart Tow n ; L a Bellona, Lavelle, Gravelines ; Catherine, Hogan, Hamburg ; Cloud, Shepherd, Dominica ; Mary Ann, Smit, Cape of Good Hope ; Sara, Pratt, Emden ; Carl Frederick, Prins, Hamburg ; Vrow Jal ker, , Emden ; Woodford, Sanderson, Miramichi ; Samuel Robertson, Griswold, New York ; Harmonie, Swine* sund ; Caroline, —, Rostock ; Militant, Cousens, Jamaica ; Minerva, —, Rostock. ENTERED OUTWARDS POlt LOADING, JULY 28. Wm. Joliffe, Downie, for Hamburg ; Sir E. Banks, Nor wood, Rotterdam ; Devey, Gibbs, Trinidad ; Black Nymph, from Africa. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGOES, JULY 28. Guardian, Lees, for Sydney, New South Wales ; Commerce, Mason, Hamburg ; Earl Bathurst, Early, Rotterdam ; Arno, Scales, Cadiz; Britannia, Fox, Ostend; Minx, Porritt, Malaga; Ruby, Farrant, Naples and Messina ; St. Pierre, Potter, Ostend. CLEARED OUTWARDS IN BALLAST, JULY 28. Friends, Goodridge, for Gyon ; Friends, Manning, Harlin gen ; Bernard, Wells, Quebec ; Hoffnung, Schade, Baltic ; Anna Pauline, Krap, Denmark ; Cyres, Spratley, South Seas. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The Emma, from Quebec to Newport, the 4th instant, in lat. 46. long. 50. by the Esther, arrived at Liverpool ; the Sir E. Paget, for India, the 10th inst., in lat. 41. long. 14. ; the Fanny and Jane, Swansea to Corfu, the 13th instant, in lat. 45. long. 10. ; the Medusa, Jersey to Rio Janeiro, the same day, by the Intrepid, arrived at Liverpool. THE ANGLER IN WALES, OR DAYS AND NIGHTS n d r a •e y r , sa b t y io m ns r. OF A SPORTSMAN. -This work , from the pen of Captain Mod onfenLt l o e r y d , N B e y:o ß n u , " r li i n n g Mod win, autho is r p o u f b;sh T e h d e th C i o s vtonis.StBr7e.t, and may be had of all booksellers. It is accompa nied by seventeen engravings by Landseer. They are as fol lows :—Pennibout Inn—Boat -house at Tal-y-Lyn—Scene on the Ithon—Two Views on the Wye—Bengalen Pool—Entrance to Machynleth—River Dovey—Weir on the Divlas—Bengalen Pool by Moonlight —Valley of the Towyn—Pont-y-Garth Cockney Fishing—Tal-y-Llyn by Moonlight--Parson's—Aberdovey. Bridge