The Sun. — London, England, 1861-02-25 00:00:00

YAL ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT-GARDEN. -2 . 4) Under the Management of Mi Soless Louisa Pyne and Mr. W. Harrison , THIS EVENING, LE DOMINO NOIR. Miss Louisa Pyrie, Miss Thirlwall, Miss Leffler ; Messrs. H. Halzh, H . Corri, A. St. Albyn, and Horncastle. To conclnde with a Divertissement. Conductor—Mr. Alfred Mellon. Commence at Seven. T HEATRE -ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lesne, Mr. J. B. Baokstone. THIS EVENING, the performances will commAnee with the Comedy of THE BABES IN THE WOOD. Messrs. E. Villiers, Buckstone, W. Farren, Mrs. Wilkins, and Miss F. Stirling. Atter which, a new Pantomime, QUEEN LADYBIRD AND TIER CHILDREN. The Pantomimists by the un rivalled Leoterm, Herr Cole, and Fanny Wright. Commence at 7. ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.- Lessee and Manager, Mr. A. Harris. TIIIS EVENING, the Farce of A.S.S. To be followed by DON C.ESAR DE BAZAN. Don Caesar, Mr. Fechter. Supported by Messrs. Basil Potter, F. Matthews, J. G. Shore, Miss M. Harris, Jliss C. Leelereq and Mrs. Weston. At ter which, a new Christmas comical pantomime, entitled ROBINSON CRITSOF ; or, Harlequin Friday, and the Kim , : of the Caribbe Islands : in which Monsieur Espinosa and Mdlle. Marie Dumilatre, of the principal cantinental theatres ap,:ear. Clown, Mr. A. F. Forrest. Tlf EATRE - ROYAL LYCEUM. So:e Lessee and Directress, Madame CELESTE. TIT IS EVC.NING the new drama, THE HOUSE ON THE BIZIDGE OF NOTR Li: DAME. Principal characters by Mr. G. Vining, Johnstone, Mr. Villiers, Mr. Clifford, Mr. ,Tohn Bongo, Mr. Forrester, Mr. Morris ; Miss M.Ternan, Miss K. Saville, Miss L. Thompson, and Madame Celeste. After which, the Lyceum Christmas Comic Extravaganza, CRYSTABELLE; or, The Rose without a Thorn, showimr, THE VISION OF A ROSE. ITS FADING AT EVE, AND THE MAY-BLOOM OF THE WILD BRIAR. To conclude with a new Divertissement. Miss Annie and Miss Marie Collinson, &c. A DELPHI, NEW THEATRE-ROYAL. Sale Proprietor and Manager, Mr. BenJ. Webster. THIS" EVENING, AN UGLY CUSTOMER. Messrs. J. L. Toole, C. Selby, and Warde ; Miss K. Kelly, and Miss E. Thorne. After which, THE COLLEEN DAWN. D. Boucicault, D. Fisher, Billington, Falconer, S_tephenson, C. J. Smith, Romer. ?t'T!'S Ames Robertson, Miss Woolgar, Mrs. Billing,ton and firs. Chatterley. , To conclude with a new Burlesque Extravaganza, entitled BLUE BEARD FROM A NEW POINT OF HUE. Messrs. J. L. Toole, P. Bedford, C. J. Smith; Miss Woolgar, K. Kelly, Laidlaw, and 1,. Thorne. Doors open at half past 6—Commence at 7. Box-office open from 10 till 5. No charge for booking. Private boxes, £2 2s. ; Family Boxes, £l. Orchestra Stalls, ss. ; Balcony, 4s. ; Front Circle Stalls, Is.; Pit Stalls, 2e.; Pit, Is. 6d. ; Amphitheatre, Is ; Gallen , ' 6d. Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith. STLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.- Proprietor and Manager, Mr. WM. BATTY. Immense success of " Turpin's Ride to York." _ . . . . First appearance of Mons. Hillier, the Greatest Equestrian of the day, who has just arrived from Lisbon. THIS EVENING, will be reproduced TURPIN'S RIDE TO YORK, ArlD THE DEATH OF BLACK BESS, in which the Brothers Edwin will appear with their celebrated Steed Black Bess. To be succeeded by Scenes in the Arena, supported by talented Parisian and British Artistes. Concluding with Batty's Prize Equestian Comit*Panto mime, for Good Little Boys and Girls, by T. L. Greenwood, entitled HARLEQUIN AND THE WONDERFUL HORSE ; or, Percinet and Groclosa, the Ugly Duchess and the Greedy King, produced with Gorgeous Scenery, by Mr. Cuthbert, new Costumes and Appointments, and introducing in the comic scenes Batty's Prize Equestrian Harlequinade, and the celebrated Old Bob Ridley. Box-office open daily from 11 till 4 Stage Manager—Mr. W. WEST. Director of the Arena—Mr. Pearson. Commence at 7. CANTERBURY -HALL CONCERTS!!! A Grand Selection from Verdi's Opera, IL CORSARO, consisting of the following Morceaux : Preludio. 41 Coro Scena ed Aria. "Tutto parca Sorridere" Coro di Odalische. " Oh qual perenner Cavatina "Vola talor dal Carcere" Coro ed inno Scena ed Aria. Terzetto Finale "Vol tacete io non" will be performed EVERY EVENING, in the original key and Italian language—in addition to the usual attractions. Mr. F. JONGTIMANS, Musical Director. Also, in preparation, Selections from Verdi's New Operas, `, Un Ballo in Maschera," "Simon Boccanegra ;" and Flo tow's celebrated Opera of "Stradella." HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE, THIS DAY.—Morning, 2h. Om.—Afternoon, 2h. 18m. To-MORRO W, -Morning, 2h. 42m.—Afternoon, 3b. sm. THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, FEB. 24, 1561. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADB. 48 —highest since noon yesterday. 41—lowest this morning and during the night. 43 —this day at noon. BAROMETER-29.Q3; rising rapidly in the midst of rain. Wpm—North-Easterly ; fresh, and rainy for the last 24 hours, FEB. 25. THERMOMETER, TN THE SHADE. 44 —highest since noon yesterday. 39—lowest this morning and during the night. 12—this day at noon. BAROMETER-30.20. WIND—N.N.-East ; light, with dull weather, but dry. • (Op s )i 4•4 ' ? 2 '174" - 412 THE SUN. LONDON, MONDAY, FEB. 25, 1861. ~~-_.._ Every mail shows that the Secession is more and more likely to become a permanent fact. The pro visional organisation of the six or seven States which have seceded is' now complete. They have organised their Congress and elected a Presi dent and Vice-President--the former bearing the name so much heard of since Secession began, though hardly known to us before, of JEFFERSON Div's. He is described as a " fire eater"—a man prepared to run all hazards; the Vice-President, Mr. A. H. STEVENS, is represented as being a man of - more intelligence and moderation, though, of course, a thorough Secessionist; the instinct of self-preservation probably pointed him out as a kind of governor to the steam-engine. A smash or an explosion being likely enough at the high pres sure maintained by the President. The grave fact is, however, now on record that a large portion of the States are as much at variance with another part of them as their forefathers were with ours, or rather with our Government, when the first colonial Con gress assembled. And, for aught that yet appears, the results seem likely to be as permanent. The worst is, the Border States, whose interest, to impartial observers, obviously seems to be to make terms with the wealthier and more powerful North, are evidently preparing to throw them selves, with sentimental self-sacrifice, into the Southern confederation. The Peace Convention convened by Virginia at Washington has not, in deed, yet published its programme, but it is under stood to be such as the North cannot, with self respect, accept; besides, it already has begun to be laughed at for its pains. Missouri, Kentucky Vir ginia, and Maryland, the four principal Border States, have indeed numerous slaves—not far from a million—but then the whole white population is treble that number, being nearly three millions. Ob viously if these States could make a fair bargain with the North for the emancipation of their slaves, and enter into the confederacy of the Free States, they might not only be a part of a great and strong nation, but would soon rise, as the free States have done, through the mightier energies of free labour; at present Tennessee, a State near the seceding States, seems more disposed to union than these Border States. How the latter could even keep their slaves at all if the Northern Confederation should adopt the British principle, that their soil frees the slave who steps on it, we do not know. It is one of the weapons which the North can wield with great effect if it chooses, and probably will do so if the separation becomes irreversible, and only the feelings of exasperation remain. All eyes are now turned to the new PRESIDENT. The object ofJEFFERSON )Avis and the hot Seceders has been to anticipate his advent to power. So far they plainly know their man, that they have en deavoured to complete their workunderßuenANAN. It can be no longer doubted that there was really a conspiracy in his Cabinet to leave the Federal Governmen t powerless in the South. The perfectly undefended state of the Southern forts and arsenals, except the very small garrison now in Fort*S um . ter, coupled with the resignation of General CASS, while the betrayal policy was upheld, and the resignation of the defaulter, Secretary FLOYD, after the vacillating PRESIDENT was driven by the North to change his policy—show that there was at Washington a regular plot to place the South militarily in a position to secede. Had Generals CASS, WOOL, and SCOTT, been allowed to act, or their advice taken, we should prObably at this moment have heard nothing but talk of secession. Now the question arises what can Mr. LINCOLN do ? Is he prepared for blood• shed ? Will . it be of any use to put down the Secession by force ? Could a permanent and advantageous union spring from coercion ? Part of the North expects much from Mr. LINCOLN'S energy and determination, the other part, the city merchants chiefly, hope most from his moderation. Mr. LINCOLN, however, keeps his own counsels, and is content to be " everywhere received with enthu- siasm." What, however, will the New Slavery Confede ration be ? Expecting, as we now must, that we shall have a territorially large Union of Slave States, we can but ask what will become of it. Will the three million and a half of whites perma nently keep down the two million and a half of blacks ? Especially, seeing that in many of the States the slaves are a majority, and that in the plantation districts of all the Slave States, they are so—can revolts, risings, and mas sacres by the slaves be prevented ? Should war occur between the North and the South, can the fact be hindered from reaching the ears of the slaves that the war is really one against slavery ? Fearful, indeed, must be the consequences then. Again, what chance could the Slave States have in a war with the North, if, with perfectly empty exchequers, they had to maintain a large army to keep down their slaves, and another to face the Nortlierns ? The issue would seem to be hardly doubtful. Suppose, however, that secession were aecepted by the North without a bloody struggle, what would be the future of such a confederation as would then be witnessed ? It would be, we be lieve, one unexampled in the history of the world. We in Europe can point to confederations and unions to resist tyranny. The American one itself began in resistance to the tyranny of our English Govern ment of the day, resistance to laws which the great Earl of CHATHAM declared he himself would not submit to—but a confederation to establish a despotism—to be, too, of the most inhuman and re volting kind, is, we believe, a thing unheard of, The New Slave State Confederation will be the first in all history to found a com munity expressly to sustain as a sacred principle not liberty but bondage ; nor indeed an ordinary llindage, but a bondage in which, in the language of one of their judges, " the coloured man has no rights which the white man is bound to respect !" Can a nation constitut ing itself for such a satanically selfish purpose live ? Slavery has been a circumstance in other communities ; they have inherited it, or conquest has brought slaves to their hands —it has always, even then, been a great injury to national vigour—but what can be the duration, what the prospects of States, professedly Christian States too, which base their union on the necessity of nurturing and of extend ing at all hazards this infernal crime. Without being prophets we cannot believe that such an outrage on the knowledge and morality and religion of the 19th century, as to found a State on the basis of kidnapping, of buying and selling human beings like cattle, of lashing them to their work like mules, and denying them the rights of marriage and of,parents, can survive many years. It will now become a serious question what relations ought civilised States to hold with such far worse than barbarians. A Chinese Mandarin must, in some important respects, be regarded as a more civilised being than a Southern Slave State Governor. He does not, at least, disgrace his descent from a free and civilised country, and con travene the maxims of the book assumed to be the inspired creed of the civilised world. It will require serious consideration whether we can apply to this confederation of worse than pirate States, the maxim of recognising always a de facto Government. Sir JAMES BROOKE did not recog nise the de facto authorities of the Dyaks. Just at this moment, 93 if to show the villany of slavery in regard to the unfortunate negroes, we have some important facts authenticated beyond dispute in reference to the working of emancipation in the West India Islands. A gentleman sent over for the express purpose of making a truthful inquiry, and who did not like Mr. ANTHONY TROLLOPE, skim over the Islands, but spent a twelvemonth in them, in Jamaica chiefly—told us a few days ago, at Willis's Rooms, some striking facts. He made his own independ ent calculations, but they accorded remarkably with those made in quite another mode by authorities in the Island. It turns out that these lazy niggers, whom nothing could in duce to work, who would lounge in the shade and live on yams without even care for clothing, have accumulated of tangible property not less than X 2,500,000 since emancipa tion ! The annual produce of their labour was worth not less than the same sum. Instead of being squatters on land they had been purchasers of land, builders of comfortable cottages, and even purchasers of sugar mills, for the canes which they are growing in considerable quantities on their small holdings. Of course there are idlers there in plenty as well as elsewhere where the climate does not stimulate to industry, but the verdict of this intelligent witness is that, as regards the coloured population, emancipation has been an unmixed blessing —that whatever evils there are amongst them are the remains of slavery, not the results of emancipation, and that the tendency of the latter has been only to promote religion, morality, education, and abov e a ll industry. The land is becoming one of industrious peasant proprietors earning comfortable livelihoods, and able to bring up their children to follow their own example. It is to keep their coloured fellowmen from such a state of things as this that the Southern States of America are banding together. May they be ruined in the wicked attempt ! Upwards of £70,000,000 England is now expend ing annually in the cause of Peace. It was seventy odd million last year, It will be seventy-two or three this. And seeing this—the question is begin ning to be agitated, among the more captious observers, whether, really and truly, after all, war might not prove in the end to be positively, in a merely pecuniary point of view, more economical, Here is England, year after year, k ee pi n g up an enormous war establishment—spending £30,000,000 within the twelvemonth upon her military find maritime forces—building steel-cased line-of-battle ships—casting Wurrwonnt and ARMSTRONG guns that more than rcalhe poor Captain lirAnNmes long s -Lug:lied at day-dreams—rapidly perfecting the discipline of a National Guard, from 150,000 to 200,000 strong, in the goodly shape of corps after corps of Rifle Volunteers ! Here is England effect ing all this perseveringly, and fist transforming herself from a nation of shopkeepers into a nation of soldiers —all notoriously in a succession of years THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY .Ev ENING, FEBRUARY 25, 1861. of Peace, and as the consequence of that inestimable friendship for which we have to thank our Impe rial Ally, our dear ally, NAPOLEON 111 ! We might even say our extremely dear ally : remember ing, as we have all of us, only too much reason to do, that we value his friendship somehow or other—[it is an almost ludicrous calculation this, but it is, nevertheless, unhappily as events are proving, only too fright fully true)—that we actually set down the value of his friendship annually at rather a high figure—at a figure so very high that it necessitates now in every year of Peace the squandering of £30,000,000 upon our war establishments, and the setting forth in exorably upon the national balance-sheet the appalling sum of £70,000,000 as the minimum of our expenditure ! As another only too notorious illustration of the perilous predicament in which we have thus contrived at last to place our selves —it is well known how egregiously, under the alluring guidance of our experiment ing Chancellor of the Exchequer, we have blundered into the absurd system of em ploying year after year, during a time of Peace, what is, par excellence, designated The WAR TAX —that is to say, of course, THE INCOME TAX— a tax that Common Sense tells us we ought in reason to have sedulously kept as our Financial Reserve for warlike emergencies ! Instead of doing which, we are all this while striving more and more earnestly to exhaust the advantages derivable from this source of revenue : insomuch so that we are habitually adding, at Mr. GLAD STONE'S pernicious adviee, one or two pennies per cent. per annum under this tax , upon incomes —and, for every penny additional of Income Tax, remember there is a supplimentary annual £1,000,000 rung out of the earnings of this hardworking and overtaxed population ! In this way JOHN BULL is realising more and more vividly as time advances the significance of SPEAK SPERE'S phrase—" dropping the heart's blood for drachmas!" If onlypoor JOHN would at length come to recognise the advisability—in the instance of the Income-tax—of looking aficr the pence, he would soon see how effectually the pounds, nay the mil lions of pounds, would then look after themselves ! In 1860—just as a stop-gap—a slovenly way (it may be objected, and certainly with some show of reason, too), a slovenly way enough, of regulating the finances of this great empire—in 1860 just as a stop gap, just for the time being, just as the merest temporary makeshift—for one year more we were to have the Income Tax ! That was Mr. GLADSTONE'S clumsy device—for contriving (for one year more) to tide over difficulties. Well—and we had the Income Tax : an Income Tax that time, that is for 1860, of tenpence in the - pound. And—every penny of Income Tax being, as we have remarked, equivalent to an annual total of £l,ooo,ooo—we had as the result of a 10d. Income Tax in 1860 a round sum of £10,000,000 sterling, ten millions through the WAR TAX raised for the purposes of revenue in a year of Peace, in one of those costly new fashioned years of Peace, with which we have to thank our very dear Imperial Ally across the Channel for making us acquainted ! Now this kind of system, we believe in our consciences, may be persisted in just a trifle too long for the nation's calm endurance. War has often cost us less than we are now spending year after year in the interests of peace, under the guidance—there of our Imperial Ally, here of Mr. GLADSTONE, our boasted model Chancellor of the Exchequer ! In regard to which latter personage, by the way, it must certainly occur to one sometimes that his boasted financial skill is surely a little overrated. In the old-fashioned times of Sir ROBERT PEEL, when budget after budget somehow secured to the country a surplus, and not as now invariably a deficit, one might then boast with some show of reason about the financial capabilities of the great administrator who, even as First Lord of the Treasury, managed thus mag nificently to assume to himself the responsibilities, without at the same time arrogating to himself the 1 1 title, of her MAJESTY'S Chancellor of the Exchequer. Instead of this, now, in the instance of our much talked of and sonorously glorified model Financier, Mr. GLADSTONE, we have year after year to deal with the difficulty of a deficit in lieu of having to loiter over the delightful contemplation of an annual surplus, no matter how small—and we have the additional mortification year after year of behold ing this miserable difficulty of a perpetually re curring deficit dealt with by our model Chan cellor of the Exchequer How, in the name of Fortune, or rather of Misfortune, How ? Why, by the clumsy, blundering, dunder headed device of clapping another penny or so upon the Income Tax, and thus raising, as the case may chance to require, an odd million or two additional ! Why, the veriest blockhead in finance could do the thing quite as cleverly as that ! Poor, honest, dull-witted, light-whiskered JOE GARGERY, taken from his forge, dressed in his uncomfortable Sunday's best, and installed, much to his bewilderment, in the offices of 6, Old Palace Yard, would do quite as well in that way, as a Paragon Financier, as a model Chancellor of the Exchequer. As to our other friend, our Imperial friend, across the water—looking at the expensive and warlike character of the peace we are now annu ally enjoying under the auspices of his friendship, we cannot in reason be regarded as very captuous, under the circumstances, if we acknowledge that we are beginning to cast a wilful retro spective glance at the old entente cordiale between France and England under King Louis PHILIPPE an alliance that had at any rate the advantage of Not costing us £10,000,000 of yearly Income Tax, £30,000,000 for our War Establishments, and up wards of £70,000,000 for our annual Expenditure. THE " ESSAYS AYD REVIEWS." The following address, which has been signed by the Deans of Carlisle, Lincoln, Ripon, St. Asaph, and Banger; Dr. Pusey, Regius Professor of Hebrew at Oxford, Arch deacons Denison, Macdonald, Moore, Utterton, and Clive ; Bishop Trower, Chancellor Bird, and a large number of other clergymen holding important positions in the Church, will be presented to the Archbishop of Canterbury in the course of a few days : " May it please your Grace,—We the undersigned clergy of the United Church of England and Ireland, respectfully request your grace's attention to certain opinions contained in a volume of essays and reviews recently published, the tendency of which, as it appears to us, is to annihilate the authority of the Bible as the inspired 'Word of God—to reject all miracles (not excepting those of our blessed Lord) as incapable of proof and repugnant to rea,n, and, in one instance at least, to undermine faith i n G o d as t h e C reator. These opinions have been promulgated, with one excep tion, by clergymen of our Church, holding positions of great trust, and possessing opportunities favourable in no ordinary degree for the diffusion of error. 'We there fore earnestly entreat your grace to take counsel with the other members of the Episcopate, and to devise such mea sures as may, with God's blessing, banish and drive away' from our Church all such erroneous and strange doctrines.' The opinions, against which we protest as being repugnant to the natural meaning of our formularies, and inconsistent with the teaching of the Church of E ng l an d , are expressed in the accompanying extracts from the essays to which we fc —We have the honour to be your grace' s obedient servants."rer. A long string of extracts from the essays and reviews will accompany the memorial. " ESSAYS AND REVIEWS."—Dr. Jelf has just given notice that it is his intention to move the suspension of the standing orders in Convocation on Tuesday next, in order that he may move an address to his grace the presi dent and their lordships the bishops in reference to a volume recently published, entitled "Essays and Reviews," THE SUSPENSION OF THE ACT OF 1844, :THE NATURAL REMEDY FOR THE MONETARY PRESSURE. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sup,—The probable, if not certain, effect on the Money market of the suspension of the Act of 1814 would be the reduction of the Bank rate of discount from 8 to 3 per cent. Before the passing of this Act the directors of the Bank of England were at liberty to issue any amount of bank notes they thought prudent, consistently with their obliga tion to pay them in gold on demand. We find from the evidence of J. Horsley Palmer, Esq., who had twice been governor, and above 40 years a director, of the Bank of England, that he considered it prudent to issue £21,000,000 of notes against bullion in the coffers of the Bank to the amount of £5,000,000. He was asked by the committee (970) " What amount of bank-notes do you conceive that £5,000,000 of bullion in the Bank would secure ?" and answered, "Any amount that we have hitherto known, which I think has not exceeded £21,000,000." This would be in the proportion of rather more than 4 to 1. We find from the official returns that in the monetary pressures of 1837 and 1839 the proportions were, in 1837, notes, £18,232,680 ; bullion, £1,089,600 ; proportion, 44 to 1. In 1839, notes, £17,827,930 ; bullion, £2,404,540 ; proportion, 7/ to 1. Whilst under the Act of 1844 they were, on the 13th of February, 1861, notes, £25,226,005 ; bullion, £11,571,332; proportion, 2i to 1. We need not avail ourselves of the full force of these facts to prove our case, but will assume, what none can dispute, that a pro portion of 3 to one is perfectly safe, being that on which the new system of currency in India is based, and Royal charters for banks of issue in the colonies are granted. On applying this proportion to our monetary system, we arrive at the following results : Amount of bullion held by the Bank of Eng land on the 13th of February, 1861, in round numbers Notes issued in the proportion of 3 to 1 of bullion . , £34,500,000 Notes issued by the Bank of England on the 13th of February, 1861 .. £25,000,000 Giving a reserve of Increase to the reserve from the issue of notes being £34,500,000, instead of £25,000,000 Giving a Bank reserve of £15,856,172 We thus see that the direct effect of the Act of 1844 on the Bank of England has been to reduce the amount of its reserve (which governs the rate of discount) from nearly £16,000,000 to £6,000,000. But this is not the full extent of the effect, as the Act, by limiting the issue of country bank-notes, and preventing an increase responding to the wants:of trade, has caused, in consequence of the vast expansion of commerce, Bank of England notes to the amount of £4,000,000 (as shown by tables prepared by Mr. Newmarsh, under the saaction of Mr. Hubbard when Governor of the Bank) to be absorbed and abstracted from the bank of reserve. Still further, the Act of 1845, which is the principle of the Act of 1844 applied to Scotland and Ireland, limited the issues in those parts of the United Kingdom, and required gold to be deposited for any notes beyond the fixed issue. The present amount of gold thus deposited and withdrawn from the money market is £2,632,674, which otherwise might have been purchased by the Bank of England, and therewith have increased the reserve to double the sum, had the Directors been allowed, as before the Act of 1844, to issue three or more notes to the value of one deposited in gold. Finally, finding that, since the Act of 1844, the Bank rate of discount has been 3 per cent., with a reserve of only £8,000,000, we are warranted in the conclusion that were the Directors released from its shackles, and left to their own discretion, they would, with a Bank Reserve of near £16,000,000, reduce the rate of discount from 8 to 3 per cent.--I am, sir, your obddient servant, - HAMER STANSFELD. liighfield, Windermere, Feb. 23, 1861. Tiff LIVING OF DEDDINGTON. The humble memorial of the undersigned, Jas. Brogden, clerk, M.A., vicar of Deddington, in the diocese and county of Oxford. The undersigned begs leave respectfully to state the fol lowing particulars relating to the parish of Deddington : The parish of Deddington numbered at the last census a population of upwards of 2,000 souls. The area of the parish, exclusive of the houses, A. R. r. the roads, and the stone-pits, consists of 4,127 2 4 Of this the church prOperty belonging to the dean and canons of Windsor, and the dean and canons of Christ Church, Oxford, ex tends over upwards of The lay property, the principal landed pro prietors of which are Mr. Cartwright and Sir George Dashwood, over The college property, over The real annual value of the parish is not less than The benefice (a vicarage with a glebe house) in the patronage of the dean and canons of Windsor, does not in value exceed per annum 145 0 0 This can scarcely be called a real value, when the charges incident on the incumbency, and the expenses necessarily attendant on collecting are considered. The whole of the land allotted in lieu of tithes, great and small, except three acres allotted to the vicar, belongs to the patrons of the vicarage, the dean and canons of Windsor. The Vicar's income from all sources is as follows : In lieu of tithes on a certain farm belonging £s. d. to the Dean and Canons of Windsor .. 45 0 0 Ditto on another farm as above stated 2O 0 0 From Queen Anne's Bounty „ the Ecclesiastical Commissioners l4 11 4 „ three acres of glebe 8 10 0 „ Easter Dues ~ Surplus Fees „ Dr. Chamberlain's Benefaction £157 18 4 Deduct Income Tax at 10d. in the £ ; also parochial rates and other parochial charges, and there remains a net income per annum not exceeding £l4s 0 0 There is no person resid:nt in the parish possessing a freehold estate therein amounting to 250 acres. The population consists chiefly of labouring poor, dwell ing the town of Deddington and in the two hamlets of fleropton and Clifton, each nearly equi-distant from Ded dington, in opposite directions, at least one mile and a half, in the latter of which hamlet (Clifton) a church has been recently erected and consecrated, without an endowment. The real annual value of tho church property in this parish is not less than £5,000. A large proportion, much of it land allotted in lieu of tithes, of this £5,000 per annum, Church property, belongs to the Dean and Canons of Windsor, and by the 3d and 4th Victoria, cap. 113, it is enacted that the number of these canons (then twelve) shall gradually be reduced to four. The profits of these suspended canonries, as they occur, a re to bo paid to, and their estates vested in, the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for the purposes of the Act, which purposes are chiefly " to make additional pro vision for the cure of souls in parishes where such provision is most required." " Provided always, that in making any such additional provision out of any tithes or other lands or other heredita ments allotted or assigned in lieu of tithes, so vested or to be vested in the said Commissioners, or out of the rents and profits thereof, due consideration shall be had of the wants and circumstances of the places in which such tithes now arise or have heretofore arisen." It is respectfully submitted that not only according to the general purposes of the said Act, but particularly according to the terms of the said proviso, "the wants and circumstances" of the parish of Deddington are entitled to " special consideration," because there are very few bene fices, so poorly endowed, for the cure of souls, which con tain, within their limits, so large an amount of church pro perty, available, as in this case, for the purposes of the Act aforesaid. And therefore the undersigned, in this humble memo rial, makes application for an unconditional grant, out of the common fund, under the control of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, towards making better provision for the cure of souls in the parish of Deddington aforesaid. JAMES BROGDEN, M.A., Vicarage, Deddington, Oxon, Vicar of Deddington, 30th January, 1861. To the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England. We believe it is the intention of Prince Louis of Hesse to pay a visit to our Court during its sojourn at Osborne in the ensuing month. His Grand-Ducal High ness is expected to arrive very shortly, and will accompany her Majesty and the Royal Family back to town, where his presence will doubtless have a considerable influence on the eclat of the opening season.—Court Circular. VISCOUNTESS PALMERSTON'S ASSEMBLY.—His Royal highness the Duke of Cambridge honoured Viscount and Viscountess Palmerston by his company at dinner on Saturday evening, at their mansion in Piccadilly. A dis • tingaished:cirele had been invited to meet the Royal Duke at the banquet. will b The advice s f rom P ar i s an d C ons t an ti nop l e eon tinue_to express con fid ence that all M . Mi res ' engagements provid e d f or. It is pos s ible, however, that th e sharihold crs i n hi s Caisse may suffer. A Cabinet Council was held on Saturday at the official rEsidence of the First Lord of the Treasury in Downing-street. The Ministers present were—Viscount Palmerston, the Lord Chancellor, Earl Granville, the Duke of Argyll, Sir G. C. Lewis, Lord John Russell, the Duke of Newcastle, Lord llcrbert, Sir Charles Wood, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Duke of Somerset, Lord Stanley of Alderley, Sir George Grey, the Right Hon, C. P. Villiers, and the Right Hon, Edward Cardwell, LArl EST NEWS. (REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.) NAPLES, FEB. 24, 10 A.M. Admiral Mundy has received orders to proceed to Malta with the English squadron. He will leave tomorrow evening. A deputation from the inhabitants of Gaeta is expected at Naples to offer homage to Prince Carignan. ROME, FEB. 22. The official Giornale di Roma declares that the Pontifical Government declines the responsibility of the present crisis which the pamphlet of M. de La Guerronniere throws upon it, and adds that that pamphlet is written with the same duplicity as the former French pamphlets on the Roman question. The article concludes thus :—" The allocution delivered by his Holiness in January, 1860, and the allocutions of a more recent date, and also the despatch dated Feb. 29, 1860, addressed by Cardinal Antonelli to the Papal Nuncio at Paris, Mgr. Sac coni, have sufficiently proved with whom lies the responsibility of the late deplorable events." CALCUTTA & CHINA MAILS. The Vectis with the above mails arrived at Mar seilles at 11 p.m. yesterday. The mails left for London at midnight by special train. The Indus with the heavy portion of the mails may be expected at Southampton about the sth of March. The Simla brought the mails to Suez, arriving on the 14th inst. (three days early). FRANCE. BOURSE, Feb. 23.—The market has not been very animated as far as business is concerned, but prices have been well maintained. For the Ac count, Threes opened at 68f 10c, and are now at 68f 20c. Railway Market firm. The following are the last quotations :- 4i per per Cents 9B — I Do, end month 3 per Cents Do. end month 6B 15 Bank Shares 2875 —; Credit Mobilier 668 75 ' Do. Account 665 Credit Foncier Belgian 4f 99 Piedmontese Fives 76 Roman Austrian Spanish Threes 47 50 Home Debt .. 47 25 RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans Northern New ditto 892 50 .. 892 50 Lyons and Mediterranean 933 75 .. 935 Geneva 375 .. 377 50 Southern 525 .. 527 50 Western Eastern Sardinian 382 50 .. 382 50 Austrian Lowbard 477 50 .. 477 50 POLAND. The Debats has the following : " The condition of Poland is beginning to occupy the attention of the public and of the press in Ger many. A Vienna journal tias spoken of &conven tion which Austria, Prussia, and Russia are said to have made to concert measures together in case of an insurrection in Poland or Hungary. A tele graphic communication from Vienna informs us that the Vienna Gazette is authorized to contradict the statement. The Vienna Gazette, however, admits that the actual state of affairs in Poland has been recently the subject of communications between the Cabinets of Berlin, Vienna, and St. Peters. burg ; it even admits that should disturbances take place on Polish territory under the domination of either of those Powers, it is probable they would take measures in common to suppress them. But, as regards Hungary, the Vienna Gazette declares that no communications - have taken place , between the above-named Powers." MESSINA. A Messina letter says :—" The text of the 'capi tulation of Gaeta contains a clause implying that the citadel of Messina shall be surrendered to the Sardinian military authorities in Sicily, and that the garrison of Gaeta shall remain prisoners of war till such surrender shall have been effected. It was therefore to be supposed that General Fergolalwould at last yield, and would feel that there was no longer any reason for prolonging the arrangement which left the flag of Francis 11. on the forts. After the capitulation of Gaeta, General Cialdini informed the Sicilian authorities of the fact, and his despatch was published at Messina on the 14th inst. The population immediately crowded the streets, manifesting their joy and enthusiasm by huzzas and rejoicings, especially about the piazza of the cathedral, where General Chiabrera, the commander-in-chief of the Italian army at Messina, resides. Loud cries were raised for General Chiabrera to appear, and he was asked what were his intentions with regard to the Bour bonists in the citadel. He had already sent a flag of truce to Fergola with an order to surrender, couched in the following terms If your resistance has hitherto been tolerated, henceforth it would constitute a crime. In the name of his Majesty Victor Emmanuel, King of Italy, and of the Italian nation, I hereby call upon you, General, to surren der.' General Fergola merely sent a verbal answer to the effect that ' he did not think himself autho rised to give up the fortress, which he regarded as altogether independent of the fall of Gaeta, and that he would resist to the last extremity.' On receiving this message from the messenger whom he had sent, General Chiabrera came out on the balcony and simply said to the people, 'They will not surrender.' The crowd instantly raised frantic cries of Force them ! force them ! death to the foreigners ! Italy for ever !' " THE STADE DUES. Negotiations continue for the purchase of the Stade dues, which, when capitalised, will, it is estimated, be worth 3,100,000 thalers. It is pro posed that two-thirds of this sum shall be paid by Hamburg and England, and that the remaining third of 1,033,333 thalers shall be divided among the other States interested in the suppression of the dues. With some of those States, that arrange ment may present, if not difficulties, at least embarrassing consequences. The Journal de Frank fort contains the following remarks on the subject : " The Hanoverian Government is at this moment in an awkward position. The list of the States among which the third million for the redemption of the State dues is to be divided—a list drawn up by Hanover herself—mentions separately Sar dinia, Tuscany, and the Two Sicilies. Of course, Sardinia, if called upon, will not refuse to pay the quotas allotted to Tuscany and the Two Sicilies; but, by accepting such payment, Hanover incurs the risk of indirectly recognising the revolutionary annexations in Italy. The legitimist principles of the Hanoverian Government are thus in opposition to the advantages which its Treasury may claim in a financial point of view. Many people are very curious to see how the Hanoverian Government will get out of the dilemma." INCOME TAX. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Six,—Your noble and unwearied advocacy of the prin ciples of justice and equity in your spirited indignation of that monstrous "legal robbery" of the numberless class, whose name is legion, out of whose hard worked hands and heads is extorted an extortionate Income Tax, deserves, and has, the warmest thanks of the patient sufferers ; and your remarks in your leader of the 20th so singularly harmonise with my own cogitations on the subject, wherein you say "it was the glimmering, at last, of the first auspicious break in those dull clouds which have so long covered the whole political (I may say social) welkin under the influ ence of that unlucky and most malignant magician of Finance, our present Chancellor of the Exchequer." And truly do you say that last night's division will carry an exquisite sense of satisfaction, and a thrill of hope and joy, through all the ranks and masses of the community exist ing upon precarious incomes, inasmuch as a majority in the House of Commons have at last denounced the cruelty and injustice of that grinding tax which is a premium on roguery, and that there is a consolatory prospect of preca rious incomes being taxed in future upon some more equit able principle. Hoping, as you have kindly done before, you will favour me with a corner in your enlightened paper.—l am, sir, yours truly, A SMALL TRADESMAN. Boston, July 23. • On Tuesday last the Royal Academicians agreed to an increase in the number of visitors from eight to twelve—so as to insure closer attention and additional variety in the instruction given. The meeting then ad lourued for a week. AMERICA. QUEENSTOWN, FEB, 23. The following is a fuller summary of the news by the Arabia, which left New York on the 13th inst., and arrived here this evening : On the 9th inst. the Senate passed the Naval Appropriation bill, and discharged the Conference committee on the Deficiency bill, they being unable to agree upon the amendments. The Indian Ap propriation bill was discussed, and a large number of memorials on the crisis were presented. In the House of Representatives Mr. John Cochrane offered a resolution directing the Secretary of the Treasury to inform the House whether any information had been received by the department relative to the recent alleged seizure of Now York vessels at the port of Savannah, and if seized, by whom and by what authority. An amendment ex tending the inquiry so as to include the facts rela tive to the seizure of arms in New York was accepted —the remainder of the session was devoted to de bate on the crisis. A vote on the report of the Committee of 33 would be taken on the 14th inst. In the Senate on the 11th inst. Mr. Green, of Missouri, offered a resolution which was laid over, asking the President to communicate any corres pondence which may have occurred relative to the extradition of the fugitive slave Anderson. Another conference committee on the Deficiency Bill was appointed. A petition for a territorial Government in Nevada was presented. The Naval Appropriation was then taken up, and occupied attention during the remainder of the day. The appropriations for the Pensacola naval yard were struck out. Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, offered an amendment providing for the building of seven steam sloops of war. Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, opposed it, as it looked too much like an intention to coerce seceding States. It was advocated by Messrs. Grimes of lowa, Fessenden of Maine, and King of New York. The debate was not closed. In the House of Representatives a preamble and resolution were offered by Mr. Craig, of North Caro lina, and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relation, instructing the President to recognise the existence of a Southern Confederacy, and to receive, in their official capacity, such Commissioners as may be sent by the Government of that Confede racy to - Washington. A resolution, offered by Mr. M'Clernand, of Illinois, was adopted, calling upon the President for information relative to the seizure of the Mint and Customhouse at New Orleans. Mr. Ferry, of Connecticut, offered a resolution, which was objected to by Mr, Winslow of North Carolina, instructing the Judiciary Committee to inquire into the expediency of amending the Con stitution, so as to make it impossible for any State to secede without the consent of all the States. Mr. Sickles, of New York, offered a resolution, which was adopted, recommending the celebration of the anniversary of the birth of Washington, the 22d of February, as a national holiday. Mr. Palmer, of New York, introduced two reso lutions—the first declaring that neither the Federal Government nor the people of the Northern States have a purpose or constitutional right to interfere with slavery in any State of the Union ; and the other asserting ; hat the-nuraher-of people in the North not subscribing - to the sentiments of the first were too insignificant in number to be worthy of notice. These resolutions excited a very lively debate. The first one finally passed by a vote of 106 to 4 not a quorum. Further debate and explanations ensued, and it was finally passed-116 to 4. A reconsideration was carried, and, after still further debate, It Sherman, of Ohio, offered a substitute declaring that neither Congress nor the Legislature of non-slaveholding States have the right to legislate upon the subject of slavery in the slaveholding States. This was passed unanimously. Mr.. Palmer's second - resolution was not consi dered, it being superseded by that of Mr. Sherman. Mr. Sickles offered a resolution, calling upon the Secretary of the Treasury, for information relative to interference with the enforcement of the revenue laws in the seceded States. It was amended on the motion of Mr. Burnett, of Kentucky, by adding an inquiry relative to the concentration of troops at Washington, and passed. The New York _Herald of the 13th says:— The President had received intelligence from Charleston stating that Governor Pickens has re ferred the question of Fort Sumter—it having now become a national question—to the Government of the Southern Confederacy at ' Montgomery, and that no movement would be made looking to an attack until action had been taken by the Southern Republic. But on the heels of this intelligence in formation has been received to the effect that the republic had decided at once to invest Forts Pickens and Sumter. The latter intelligence was received by Secession Senators. Every effect possible is making here by the secessionists to prevent an attack on Fort Sumter. Secretary Dix, on receiving letters of resignation from revenue officers, refused to accept their resignation, but addressed them letters dismissing them from the service. Captain Morrison, of the revenue cutter Lewis Cass, had also sent in his resignation, and acknowledged that he had surren dered his vessel to the State authorities of Alabama. Secretary Dix immediately issued an order direct ing that his name be struck from the rolls of the service for violating his official oath and his duty to Government. The Kentucky Legislature, without doing any thing of a national character, had adjourned to the 20th March, to await and consider the action of the Peace Commissioners at Washington. Mr. Jefferson Davis, the President of the South ern Confederacy, arrived at Jackson, Miss., on the evening of the 11th instant, on his way to Mont gomery. He was received with grand military and civic honours. The news of the election of a President and Vice-President for the Southern Confederacy had caused great rejoicing at New Orleans. A salute of one hundred guns was fired. The Convention at New Orleans had unani mously adopted a new flag for Louisiana. It consists of a yellow star in a red field, with thirteen stripes, alternate blue, white, and red, emblematic of the origin of the State—France, Spain, and America. It was hoisted in the Convention amid cheers and plaudits of approval. The ordinance making it a penal offence for pilots at Belize to bring over the bar any United States war vessel has passed. A resolution was passed inviting Messrs. Slidell and Benjamin to seats upon the floor of the Convention. The Texas Convention had passed an ordinance favouring the formation of a Southern Confederacy, and elected seven delegates to the Southern Con gress. On the 11th inst. the Governor of Virginia transmitted to the Legislature a communication from George Robertson to the seceding States, dated Montgomery, Feb. 3. He says the Governor of Georgia accepts the mediation of Virginia, and gives authentic assurance that Georgia would abstain during the period contemplated from all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms between that State and the gene ral Government. The Commissioner believed that the Governor of Alabama would give a favourable answer, and that South Carolina would conform her course to the action or recom mendation of the Southern Confederation. The .IVew York Berald, of 13th inst., says :—The seizure on the 22d ult. of 28 cases containing 950 muskets, from on board the steamship Monticello, for Savannah, and consigned to a citizen of that State, has assumed an importance—probably greater than was anticipated by its authors, for we learned by telegraph ou the 9th instant that the Government of Georgia had taken retaliatory meal sures by the seizure of five vessels in the ports of Savannah, belonging to citizens of New York. The vessels seized were the barques Adjuster and D; ' Colden Murray, the brigs W. R. Bibby and Golden Lead, and the schooner Julia A. Hallock. They were released by the Governor of Georgia on the 9th, immediately on receiving a despatch from New York of the surrender of the muskets seized by the police. Mr. Lincoln had arrived at Tndianopolis, and delivered the folowing speech from the balcony of the Bates House to an assemblage of at least 20,000 people:— " Fellow - citizens of the State of Indiana,—l am here to thank you much for this magnificent wel come, and still morefor the very generous support given by your State to that political cause which, I think, is the true and just cause of the whole country and the whole world. Solomon says, 'There is a time to keep silence ;' and when men wrangle by the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. The words " coercion" and " inva sion" are much used in these days, and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure if we can that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries but from the men theniselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words. What then is " coercion ?" What is " invasion ?'' Would the march ing of an army into South Carolina without the consent of her people, and with hostile intent towards them, be invasion ? I certainly think it would be coercion also if the South Caro linians were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from places - where they were habitually violated, would any or all these things bq " invasion" or " coercion ? " Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that such things as these on the part of the United States would be coercion or invasion of a State ? If so, their idea of means to preserve the object of this great affection would 'seem to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view the Union as a family relation would be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of " free love" arrangement to be maintained on passional attraction. By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State ? I speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution—for that by the bond we all recognise —that position, however, a state cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that primary right of a State to rule all which is less than itself. If a State and a county in a given case should be equal in extent of terri tory and equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the county ? Would an exchange of names be an exchange of rights ? Upon principle, on what rightful prinCiple may a State, being no more than one - fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a proportionably larger subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country with its people by merely calling it a State ? Fellow-citizens, lam not asserting anything. lam merely asking questions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell." THE ANDERSON EXTRADITION CASE. THE CONFLICT OF JURISDICTIONS. (Frointhe Toronto _Leader of Feb. 8.) On the very day that the writ of habeas corpus issued by the English Court of Queen's Bench arrived in this city, a similar writ was issued by the Court of Common Pleas here. The question was which writ should be served first. There was a strong disposition among all concerned here to forestall the English writ, and thus supersede the English court. This has been done. Two advan tages, it was foreseen, would arise from this course ; a direct conflict of jurisdictions would be pre vented, and the English judges would see that their interference was impracticable; that the juris diction they attempted to usurp in this country was already being exercised by our own tribunals. The precedent will serve to enlighten them as to the degree of judicial independence enjoyed by this country ; and the failure to execute their writ sent across the Atlantic will be a good reason why they , should never again attempt to exercise a jurisdic tion which they have now the best evidence our own courts have superseded. In any case the Eng lish writ could not have been executed; for no officer of this Government would have dared to obey an authority of which he knows nothing from which he has not derived his appointment and does not receive his pay—without reference to the proper quarter for instructions ; and no Govern ment would have ventured to advise the consumma tion of a threatened invasion of the independence of our judiciary. All the consequences of a refusal of obedience to this writ have been prevented by the timely intervention of one of our own courts. We have no idea that they would have been serious. England would have yielded a point which ought never to have beecn raised, and renounced for ever all pretensions to exercise a jurisdiction which has never been attempted to be exercised since Canada has been in possession of the forms of representa tive government. For a long time—from 1791 to 1841—these forms were lifeless—the mere skeleton of a constitutional system without vitality—and yet luring the whole time that that abnormal and exceptional state of things lasted, no similar attempt was made to encroach on the independence of the judicial branch of our Government. The attempted encroachment did not take place till we had for 20 years been in the undisturbed possession of local free government, and 70 years in the possession of constitutional machinery. We have no sort of doubt that the action taken by the Anti• Slavery Society, in England, was prompted from this quarter. Who the prompters were nobody is willing to confess. Probably they were not prepared for the storm of indignation which has been raised as the result of their action:; and fancied that the end would be held to justify the means. However this may be, they are en trenching themselves behind a secrecy they do not think it prudent to reveal. It is desirable that these skulking invaders of Canadian franchises should come out of their hiding-places, and con fess themselves ; for till this is done we shall never know properly how to apportion the blame. ,Our indignation cannot rest on Mr. Edwin James, whose connection with the affair was merely professional; and the English judges felt that they had no escape from the musty precedents to which their attention was directed. They were placed in a most embarrassing position. Chief Justice Cockburn foresaw that their writ might be treated with contempt; and it is evident from his remarks that he was strongly impressed with the extreme impolicy of the movement. But the reluctant bench was tied down, it thought, by precedents; and there was nothing for it but to order the writ to issue. The real blame of the transaction rests on those who placed the English judges in this position ; and whom the extreme impolicy of the movement was insufficient to re strain. Who are they ? This is one of the ques tions of the day ; and there is a general anxiety, not unmingled with curiosity, to get the answer. Under the writ issued by the Court of Common Pleas, the case will come up for argument on Friday. What the decision of that court may be is an eventuality on which we shall not speculate. VACIIER'S PARLIAMENTARY COMPANION. Under date " February, 1861," we have here in the shape of the prettiest little pocket volumette, price sixpence, the thirtieth annual issue of Mr. Vacher's " Parliamentary Companion." Consider ing the price, the exquisiteness of the type, the ex cellence of the paper, and the abundance of the information herein compacted together—it seems ludicrously exacting to say that anything whatever appears to us to be yet " awanting" in " Vacher's Companion." One deficiency alone there is, however, that we have anywhere been able to discover in this welcome little pocket cicerone to the Lords and Commons. It is happily an omis sion that may be very easily rectified in the very next issue of the publication. It is the absence of any guide whatever (even in the way of a mere initial letter L for Liberal or C for Conserva tive) the absence of any guide w hatever to the poli tical opinions of the popular representatives. Otherwise the companion is all that could be wiched—certainly, far more than could reasonably have been looked for, even in these days, for six pence. • VIM THREE ALLEGED CHILD MURDERS AT PADDING- To.N.—lnformation was received on Saturday of three ad ditional eases of suspected child murders, to be added to the long list of these heinous crimes so lately perpetrated in the parish of P a ddington—indeed, to such an extent, that at the present time the parochial authorities have the matter under their serious consideration. The first case is that of a female child, found within the enclosure of Sutherland -gardens by a man named Miles; the second that of a female child, found wrapped in a bundle after the usual manner within the enclosure of Upper Hyde Park-gardens ; and the third is a more serious case, inas much as a very fine male child, whose death Dr. Beale, of Paddington. green, has decided to be caused by drowning, has been discovered, wrapped up in clothes, and concealed in a bedroom at Craven-hill-gardens. The cook in the establishment has confessed herself to be the mother, and has:been subsequently taken into custody bylnspect or Steer, of the I) division of police , on char ges of suspect e d mur d er and concealment of birth. An inquest will be held upon the body as soon as the mother has sufficiently recovered from her confinement to be present during the proceeding. The two other bodies also await an inquest,