The Sun. — London, England, 1861-12-03 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA. (From the Special Correspondent of the Times.) WASHINGT ON, Noy . 19. The news from Amelica by this mail will need no introduction to public notice—it is deeply and pain. fully interesting, and nothing that I can say is re quired to fix upon it every thought of the nation. Presuming that the intelligence has reached London (either by the West India mail or by the City of Washington, which left New York on Saturday) before the arrival of this letter, I shall at once pro ceed to a brief history of this extraordinary and un precedented occurrence, of which full details can be bad from the American papers, and from the pas- sengers of the Trent. If I use words such as "out rage" or "insult" in the remarks I shall have to make, they will be merely the expressions most suited to characterise such an unusual display of force towards an allied and friendly power, and are not intended to prejudge the issues which are raised in this country in reference to the absolute right of the United States to make that display and to use that force in accordance with international law. It appears that the United States' second class screw steamer San Jacinto, of 13 guns, Capt. Wilkes, on her way back from the coast of Africa to reinforce the blockading fleet, put into Havannah for coal, and while there Captain Wilkes heard that Mr. Slidell and Mr. Mason, the Commissioners from the Confederate States to France and Eng land, had engaged passages on board the Royal West India mail steamer Trent at Havannah, and would sail for England on the 7th inst. He imme diately resolved to seize upon them, and for that purpose lay out in the Bahama Channel, where he met the Trent on the Bth of November, and brought her to by firing round shot across her bows. This is believed to have occurred in Spanish waters. A boat loaded with marines was sent on hoard the Trent, under the command of Lieutenant Fairfax, who informed the captain that he had come to arrest Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell, his passen gers. Mr. Mason was on deck at the time, and Mr. Slidell came up from his cabin almost immediately. In one account it is said the captain refused to show his passenger list or give any information to Lieutenant Fairfax, and that the latter recognised Mo. Mason from previous acquaintance, and it is added that the latter appealed to the captain for protection, and asked if he would permit such an insult to his flag, to which appeal that gentleman made an inaudible reply. It may be inferred that he remonstrated against the seizure, as it is known he made a protest to Lieutenant Fairfax against the act before the latter left the ship with his prisoners. The gentlemen, on being informed of their danger, went below to their cabins, but Lieutenant Fairfax followed them, and declared he would remove them by force if necessary. Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell declared they would only yield to force, and the ma rines, who had gone below with the officer, then took them by the shoulders, which was a sufficient display of force for the purpose, and the prisoners then took leave of their families, who were induced by the express wish of husband and father, to pro ceed on their way to Europe in the Trent, after a scene which is described as inexpressibly affecting. Mr. Eustis, who was acting as secretary to Mr. Sli dell, and Mr. M'Farland, who was accompanying Mr. Mason in the same capacity, were also arrested and were transferred with their baggage and papers to the San Jacinto, where they drew up a formal protest against their arrest and delivered it to Cap tain Wilkes for his Government, The Trent then resumed her voyage, taking with her Mrs. Slidell, her daughters and sons, and Mrs. Eustis and her two children. The husband of the latter lady was member of Congress for Louisiana, and is an able and amiable man ; he is in delicate health, and was proceeding to Europe as much to enjoy quiet and procure medical treatment as to engage in politics. His wife is the only child, I believe, of Mr. Corco ran, the opulent banker of Washington. Of Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell and of their mission enough has been said already. They are now in Fort Warren, and the whole country rings with joy at the news that enemies so skilful, so energetic, so accomplished should by this unexpected stroke of daring be placed in the power of the United States when it scorned that their mission must inevitably have prospered. But they have ceased to be " rebels." Their forms expand in their dungeon. Instead of being the disloyal citizens of the rebellious provinces of the United States, which they were when they entered the British packet, they are the recognised " ambassadors of a belligerent and independent na tionality !" For this is the violence avenged, and thus, at the very moment of its commission, are the authors of the outrage hoisted by their own petard. Joy at the news, then astonishment, then a general inquiry, " What will England say ?" Then a few more began to think and count the cost of Slidell and Mason. Some said, " It's all right ; we'll make an apology, but we can't give up the prisoners." Others wondered what Lord Lyons would do or Mr. Seward would say. Others abused Englond in anticipation as a safe measure under all circumstances ; a few threatened terrible things—like a writer, an officer of the Congress, who this morning invites all the Monarchs of Europe generally to come on if they like and join the South, in the Jefferson Brick style. The streets buzzed with the talk, and the hotel roared with it, and the bar rooms were full of it. Among the crowd all was delight and excite ment. But the Cabinet Council which was held im mediately was not so radiant. Visits were ex changed among the foreign Ministers; they all called on Lord Lyons. The domestic Ministers, the Frer ch Princes, the Generals were also greatly moved, and some there were who did not conceal their dread of the consequence of an act so violent and so strange. There was a question continually arising, " What will the people say in England ? How will they take this, I wonder ?" But Sunday intervened, and time was given to the Government to take up a definite line, and to suggest to their organs some form of vindication. The consequence was that all the papers began to speak of it as the most natural and ordinary thing in the world to board a mail steamer and take " ambassadors" out of her. Then Slidell and Mason became at once " ambassadors" of a " belligerent Power" on board a neutral vessel ; or sometimes curiously enough, they were made " contraband of war." Wheaton was consulted ; there was a great rush after Vattel and our old friends Puffdndorf and Grotius ; but these honest gentlemen could not throw much light on the matter, as an act of that sort never entered into their heads. De Hautefeuille and Wheaton were in men's mouths and hands, and a very extra ordinary farrago of law and nonsense was the result, as may be seen by looking into most of the American papers which refer to the matter. The base of the argument in justification is to be found in an article of the National Intelli gence,. of Monday, and that article is founded on a misconception of c • ertain passages in Wheaton and ignorance or suppression of others, But there is this singular result from the reasoning —that, if it is good for anything, the United States acknowledges the belligerent character of the Confederate States, and has formally declared that Messrs. Slidell and Mason are ambassadors. " Rebels" out of the juris diction of the State against which they revolted are but political offenders, entitled to the protection of the neutral flag under which they sail as fully an d indisputably as they are entitled to the protection of the laws and of the flag of England or of the United States in one of their streets. It is singular enough, too, that the Americans above all people should be the first to offer such an outrage upon that principle, and to inflict such a wound on their own Constitu tion at the same time. If there were any nations in the world which could accept this new doctrine with advantage, it would be England and France, for they would have the undisputed police of the seas, and the United States would be estopped from any objection. But we are too old for these new teachings. Dr. Phillimore will be astonished to find that he is quoted as an authority to justify the act, inasmuch as he says "It is indeed competent to a belligerent to stop the ambassador of his enemy in his passage," and further observes the carriage of military persons in the employ of a belligerent or of official communications leads to the confiscation or a „ h • Wherefore and whereby, say th e Ame rican a rs let ful th D m Pe the E nglish nation be very thank- York, and e !"r_etlt was not sei ze d, t owe d t o N ew onn scated. I apprehend, however, that Dr. Phillimore may easily show he never meant anything of the kind, and that his remarks and dicta apply to cases whero neutral vessels acv_ espe- cially engaged in the employ of the bellig , rent, or are employed ad hoc so as to destroy their neu trality. Now, it will be observed that Wheaton (ed. 1866, p. 570) expressly states that mail vessels and vessels engaged in the postal service are exempted from the operation of the penal code which applies to other neutral vessels, and that, even admitting, with the United States, that Messrs. Slidell and Mason are " ambassadors " of the " Confederate States," though we have not recognised them yet, and that they are not political offenders, it is beyond all show of contradiction that they should have been perfectly inviolate on board the Royal Mail steamer Trent, and that they were and are entitled to the protec tion of the British flag. Although the United States refuses the right of search in times of peace, it claims it now. On what grounds ! "Because," says the Intelligencer, "it is a belligerent right." But the United States is not engaged in a war with a belligerent Power; it is engaged suppressing, as it asserts, a mere domestic rebellion. Thus the States are caught in their own net. They cannot, in the face of the world, blow hot and cold as they list. The second point of law stated in the organ of the Cabinet is settled by the very words of Wheaton, as well as by the practice of all civilised nations. The third lands Slidell and Mason as ambassadors of the Confederate States—now recognised and placed as a belligerent Power—in a prison. Wheaton, it will be observed,relies on the judgment of Sir W. Scott in the case of the Maria; but any one who remembers that case will see at once it had no relation, earthly or otherwise, to the present seizure. With the word " fraudulently" staring the writer in the face in reference to the carrying of daspatcheslby a neutral, and the plain context of the passage that the vessel was engaged for that purpose in a fraudulent way, it required no small amount of coolness or crassness to put it as a case in point in the desperate effort of the United States writer to turn the rebels Slidell and Mason into the ambassadors of the Confederation. It surpasses comprehension that in their blind anger the jour nalists should gravely maintain that in effect any neutral mail vessel sailing from one neutral port to another neutral port, which contains in its ordinary mail a despatch from a belligerent, can be seized and confiscated by the vessels of the other bellige rent. The carrying of despatches of an enemy re kident in a neutral country is no offence whatever by the neutral. and Sir W. Scott distinctly points out in that very judgment that it is not a legal trans port of persons or things belonging to a belligerent from one neutral port to another to which he alludes, but being " engaged in the transport service of the enemy, or in the conveyance of military persons in his employ, or the carrying of despatches ;" these are acts of hostility which subject the vessel to con fiscation. The New Pork Times is, if possible, still weak©r in its law and more unhappy in its argu- ments, when it kindly states that the Royal West India Mail Steam Packet Company ought to be very "grateful to the commander of the San Jacinto for his leniency in not bringing their vessel into a United States' port, where she might have been con demned and sold as a lawful prize for the flagrant breach of neutrality of which she has been guilty." It is equally well for us that we are allowed to fly our flag at all. The Sumter might afford some very curious commentaries on these doctrines if she were but to stop one of our ships and take Mr, Thurlow Weed or Mr. Everett out of her. Mr. Adams had better not venture to cross from Dover to Calais in the mail steamer if the Sumter be near, and Mr. Dudley Man must now take good head to his marine excursions if there be a United States steamer in the way. If we could afford to make such a precedent as this, the submission would be taken here as an evi dence of the right of the United States to do as it pleased in making international law, and we should be told to be very grateful that it was no worse. Heaven forbid that I or any one should say one word to increase the irritation and the difficulties which must arise out of this most untoward and unfortunate transaction. Let the case rest as it stands until we hear what view is taken of it in England. There will be scarcely any view but one adopted by foreign nations. Arbitration may save us from the horrors of a quasi civile belluna with the United States, but it is scarcely creditable for an ancient people to submit to such an adjustment of one of the privileges fer which they have spent so much of their best blood on the plains and oceans of the world. I will say more, and I say it with sorrow. In the present temper of the Ame rican people no concession can avert serious com plications very long, or the surrender of all the boasted privileges of the Civis Romanus. I append my diary, written before this news was known, and therefore containing matters of less importance, but brought up also to this date, and not destitute, per hape, of a little interest in a quieter time : TUESDAY, Nov. 12. Any man who expects that the acts of Great Bri , tain will not be misconstrued and her intentions misrepresented, either wilfully or maliciously, by a large portion of the people of the United States, who are under the influence of the press or of their passions and traditions, will be certainly disap pointed. But I should be sorry to think there was not—indeed, I know there is—a larger body still of the population of Anglo-Saxon origin and sympa thies who are desirous of maintaining friendly rela tions with the old country, and whose power is rarely felt till the moment of imminent danger of rupture arrives in consequence of the acts of the politicians or violent passions of the multitude. Great Britain should nevertheless look the fact in the face—it is to my mind incontrovertible that the most certain way of achieving distinction or success in politics in the United States is by directing popu lar animosity against the British Government and what, in their quaint ignorance of the country, they style the cotton aristocracy of England. Far be it from me to say a word to add to the national estrangement, which is the work of Americans, not our own, and which is in effect probably wider at the surface than it is beneath ; but in the interests of truth I feel compelled to state the convictions of my mind, that there are elements of danger to friendly relations in the state of feeling which has been aroused by the falsehoods and incessant outrages on decency of some organs of the press and by the leaders of the many-headed. Already success, such as it is, begins to turn men's minds to the future of this vast aggregation of men in arms, and there are hints that they may be employed to illuminate the close of their career by some brilliant campaign against a foreign enemy. Although there is a ten dency to braggadocio among the people, there is no use in closing our eyes to the existence of the spirit of which such mouthful threats and causeless menaces are the unmistakable manifestations. The papers contain the intelligence that Mr. Charles Green, one of the first merchants in Savannah, has been arrested on a charge of buying munitions of war for the Con federates during his recent visit to England. Mr. Green is an English subject long resident in Savan nah, and, as I was his guest during my stay in that city, I can testify to the moderation of his senti ments, as all who know him can testify to the worth and excellence of his private character. One of the most serious charges which can be adduced against this system of arbitrary arrests is that the friends of the accused cannot exert themselves to investi gate the accusations, and that without proof, per force, they must deny they are true when they affect the honour and character of men of the highest position.b been e n arrested, Mr a a his wif e o n reen,s h partner, Mr. Lowe, has also Etsirsb become h e e e cs n ocr no f o tee r awmna Hato: t d: da alinedh e r e in custody. This gentlem a n an, and I doubt very much if he h as eve citizen of the United State s or declared his inten tion of becoming one. The most recent letters from New Orleans state that great irritation prevails among the populace against British subjects, because her Majesty's Go vernment has not recognised the Confederate States or forced the blockade ; and it is urgently demanded that a man-of-war be sent to protect the lives and property of the subject s of the Crown. These ap prehensions may net be well founded, but it could not do any harm to let t he Union Jack be seen in the Mississippi laow and then. At this moment there are three British sailors lying in gaol in the city, for no offence except that they a re men of 7 .THE SIJN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, DECEII3I4_IR 3, 1861: colour. The white men of the vessel to which they belonged were liberated on the representations of Mr. Mure, but these men are still detained, although it is arranged, I believe, that they shall be liberated as soon as there is a man-of-war sent to take them away. The prettiest sight I have seen since I crossed the Atlantic was the torchlight procession got up by General Blenker and his Germans in honour of Major-General M'Clellan on his promotion to the command of the army. It was something like a Burschen procession, but it exceeded very much any displays of the kind in the number of torch bearers and the variety of colour and effect. The camp of the Blenker men—famous for lager beer and quaint pipes, also for perverted notions re specting the nzeum of Unionists and the Num of Secessionists—lies some miles across the Potomac, in the valleys and dells of the "old dominion," which is nearly as old as Canada, and is meeting with very rude treatment in its primitive antiquity. From it they came in a grand procession, with bands play ing and rough chorus singing, and filed over the Long•bridge in a dancing stream of fire—blue, green, red, yellow, orange, and dazzling white. The air was still, the night fine, and nothing could have been more successful than the fireworks in their way, or the impression produced by the stream crested with fire, which first glowed like a torrent of lava, then gradually broke its particles into a broad riband of nebulous flames, which, coming nearer, was resolved into balls of diverse-coloured light, and thus winding or thinned away into a narrow stripe of orange-like molten iron running through the black courses of the mould. The " Dutchmen" pursued their career by Pennsylvania avenue, past the State Department, and, turning in at the gates of the White House, treated the Presi dent to a sight of the demonstration intended for his benefit. WEDNESDAY. The first week I was in Washington I was intro duced to an amazing naval officer, who held only the rank of lieutenant, but who was capable of being anything in the service, and was big enough for half a dozen admirals. He was at the right ride of 40, and stood some 6 feet 3 or 4 in height, and weight about, at a moderate guess, 23 er 24 stone—big-bearded, large- headed, mellow-eyed, and strong voiced, with a fine bold front, and a pleasant expression of countenance—one who had ,ravelled, and had joked and drunk with Britishers in divers seas and ports over the world. I lost sight of him after a time, and he slipped away out of the world of daily acquaintances, and his memory took place in the ranks of those which belong to peo• ple we wish to meet again when we think of them. Last night we had news of a great victory in Ken tucky, won by General Nelson, who had killed 600 rebels, taken the Confederate Generals, and 1,000 prisoners of inferior rank, and destroyed the camp and their prospects in that part of the world. I was certainly surprised when I heard that the " General" who had done all this was no other than my friend the lieutenant in the United States navy. It appears that he was a strong Union man, and when Kentucky was in jeopardy he went down to his State to do his best to keep her straight. He enlisted men, he raised companies, and finally got up battalions, and at last became of such service and importance that the Government made him a Bri- gaaier- General ; and so my stout friend has won the spurs of glory—and may goodness save the Bellero phon on which he mounts—in the tented field, and afforded a proof of the readiness with which a genuine "salt" may be turned into a soldier at the call of duty. In very truth, he has done good work; for, if the journals do not depart somewhat from ac curacy, the Confederates are defeated in a place where defeat makes a gap in their line. This will cause serious inconvenience to their operations. Again, there is news that in East Tennessee Unionists or enemies of some sort are burning bridges and destroying telegraph wires, and giving tokens of an intention to cut off the communication be tween the Confederates and their friends. The cause of the Unionists is beginning to gain ground, and if the reaction comes now it will produce results of im mense consequence in Kentucky and Tennessee, which must react on Missouri and Virginia. In deed, the force in Kanawha under Rosencrans (for so, to our discomfort, he spslls his name), must now be within five or six days' march of the Federalists in Kentucky. Important as the operations at Beau fort may be, it does not appear that their present results can be as distressing to the enemy as these reverses and threatening combinations on their flank and in their midst. Little as I thought Lieutenant Nelson would turn out such a potent chief, still less was I prepared to foresee the day when Beaufort would be the great object of a flotilla and an expe dition, the largest ever fitted out in this New World. THURSDAY. The American journalists are insatiable in their desire to be insulted; they are ever ou the look-out for some pretence to shoat out that their flag has been affronted, or that England has been doing something or other not neutral; and it drives them to desperation to see that all our statesmen insist on being neutral, in spite of protection or annoy ance. So, though it has been satisfactorily ascer tained that the British Consul-General at navannah did not put on his uniform and present the Confe derate Commissioners to the Captain-General, " Lyons" is asked why he has not inquired if the fabrication be true—as if the British Minister were called on to investigate the falsehood of all the ridi culous ;myths which are concocted, Lord knows where, to astonish the groundhogs. We are told, too, that Lord J. Russell has not taken any steps to punish Mr. Keate for permitting the Sumter to coal in Port of Spain ; and then follows the usual mouthing about " the day of reckoning-up and re paying these small favours being near at hand," and an intimation that if Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward were not very forbearing, Lord Lyons and some other diplomatists would have received their passports long ago. There is a delusion that it is by the will of the people everything is done over here ; it is not so. The controlling power is held in the hands of cer tain party leaders, is moved by direct party in fluences and machinery which acts on the minds of the masses, and is moulded in caucuses, conventions, and small local associations. In their enormous vanity, the men who are always searching the dic tionary for big adjectives to describe the wonders and glories of the United States of North America, and of their institutions, forget that their republic has already never yet been exposed to any rude shock, such as similar organisations would have ex perienced in Europe, and that they have run their career without let or hindrance till suddenly brought up by the violence of their internal fac tions. With the capital blockaded by sea, with Missouri and Kentucky and Virginia in the hands of contending armies, and with North and South Carolina, Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee, still held by the troops which obey the Confederate Government at Richmond, there is something almost sublime in the way in which the papers call on the world to fall down and worship the rest of the late United States, because the occu- pation of Beaufort gives promise that the great resources in men and money of the Northern States and the enormous advantages they possess in this quarrel, lead to the conclusion that they must in the end overcome the popular resistance and subjugate the Southern States, which now hate them as the Polo hates the Russian, and will not love them the better for being beaten. The fables of Livy are not more mythical than the historiettes of the modern American writers, who recount the events of the only great wars in which the people of the United States were ever engaged, the struggle for independence and the war of 1814, in which England burnt the capital of the Republic as a sort of necessary and unpleasant in terlude in her great war with France. There are few Americans wbo do not believe that they met and braved conflicts,avedt the whole power of England in these u igno rant that in both these epwosaerlys we my s w t iefiree en dbgyagedin these writers in th e i mportant facts of the case, and righting our most formidable and proximate anta gonist, and that the struggles with America were really The d b iv u e l r k sio o n f stohfe thpeeenvaletioknnaolw nothingforce. of their defeats, and it would surprise nearly the whole of the United states to know that 'amoral Scott had ever been taken prisoner and held in captivity by English arms. They are sure that England was foiled in her attempt to assert supremacy by the arms of America alone. FRIDAY. Senator Simmons is going to do a little stroke of business which is characteristic ; he, and not Mr. Morrill, is the real author of the tariff. He in tends to sail with a little cargo of " notions" down South to exchange with loyal men for cotton. The expedition may dispel a delusion in the excellent gentleman's mind. Unless I am much mistaken, he will get little cotton and find few loyal men in the South, unless those who have gone there as United States' troops. The Go vernment will follow up their blow at Beaufort by sending on Burnside's corps,which is now at Anna polis, and which consists of 4,500 men. They are building iron-cased vessels at last, and then the animosity of the North to South Carolina, the nursing mother of secession, will be gratified by a very strenuous effort to capture, and, if necessary, to destroy Charleston. It is hoped that the iron- cased vessels will be able to run past Forts Moul trie and Sumter, and in that case tho city would be at their mercy. Nor would it be easy to board them, as an apparatus will be attached to them for throw ing hot water on surrounding objects. But a land _ . . march on Charleston would be full of difficulties, owing to the nature of the country, and Savannah is equally difficult of access. Both these cities are in danger. But will their capture give cotton to the United States' Government ? Certainly not ; the Confederates will destroy it. They will have a cot ton Moscow all over the States, and, as the slaves will run away or will refuse to work, it is obvious that next year's crop and supply will be most scanty and precarious as far as America is concerned. That a w holesome rigour can be developed by the authorities in case of need, take an instance at least which may recommend itself in emergencies to Go. vernments at home, or at all events make some of our great engineers thank their stars that they are not citizens of the linitcd States. The steam sloop Pensacola, which has been lying in the Potomac for some time, was provided with engines by Mr. Sickles, a famous mechanic in these parts, but, as after repeated trials, it was found that the vessel would not move, considerable indignation was excited at the Navy Department against that gentleman, who had received h large sum for engines on an improved principle. He made ex periments and promises equally futile and value less, and week after week passed and saw the Pensacola, when most needed, lying " idle as a painted ship upon a painted ocean." At last Mr. Sickles went on board to superintend his men, and having given some directions, he was about to return when the captain, a resolute sailor of the United States' type, quietly interposed and said, " Mr. Sickles, I'm sorry to say you can't leave the ship, sir. My orders are that you are not to be permitted to land till the engines aro in perfect order, and I intend to take you down past the batteries with me as soon as you say she is all right, in order t 3 prove the fact." Mr. Sickles is, I hear, working with great energy. SATURDAY AFTERNOON. It is strange that, having had so much to say about the relations between the United States and great Britain in this and preceding letters, the apprehension of some coming complication which has been present with me so long should just now be realised. I allude, of course, to the seizure of Mr. Slidell and Mr. Mason on board the Royal West India mail steamer Trent on November the Bth, which has, long before this will reach you, no doubt caused excitement and stronger sensations at the other side of the Atlantic. The news was scarcely credited at the English Legation at first, but the Ministers of France, Russia, and Prussia, who called on Lord Lyons, had all heard of the extraordinary circumstance. In this matter it re mains to be seen if the people of America or the Cabinet of Washington can best understand the in terests of the United States, and, above all, the respect due to a friendly Power—for most friendly we have bean in our strictest neutrality. An apology in words must be tested by an apology in acts, and it seems at first blush that the restitution of Messrs. Slidell and Mason, and the punishment of the cap tain of the San Jacinto—who will probably be a hero before this ink be dry—are the only evidences of a desire to make due reparation which can be accepted by the Queen and people of Great Britain for this insult. The word is rendered detestable by its frequent use, but here it is really the only ap plicable substantive. Almost simultaneously with this extraordinary seizure of Mr. Slidell and Mr. Mason on board the Trent at sea, or rather in Spanish waters, occurs an outrage which cannot be dealt with in any way except as an instance of flagrant disregard of all international law in the seizure of ex-Senator Gwin in, and his transmission by the armed force of the United States across, a neutral territory. It is plain that either all the principles of national life must be set aside for the convenience of the Northern States in their quarrel with their ex- Confederates, or that the former must learn the simple principles which constitute the conditions of that national life and of national honour. Is the world to bend the knee to the United States of North America ? Or, is the world to be forced to teach the United States of North America that it has established certain rules in matters of law and ethics before the United States were thought of, as determinate and as independent of the assent of any one nation as the precepts of Christianity ? Not many days ago I read one of the articles which turn the heads of the people here and make them politically mad, which, in as many words, said that the people of the United States, as a new people, were going to settle their own affairs in a now way, and that the capture of Port Beaufort would make the politicians of Europe understand what that new way was going to be. It is now incumbent on the old masters of the world to prove that they cannot permit any nation, old or new, to make in novations which strike at the root of all national identity. As an illustration of the very prepos terous mental disease which affects the minds of men here, I may mention that there were officers in Willard's Hotel, belonging to regiments of volun teers, who are now about to take up their winter quarters in front of the opposing enemy, which is almost beleaguering them outside their blockaded capital, who were loud in their declaration that they would throw off their uniforms if Mason and Slidell were given up. Perhaps it would be more becoming to these patriots to put them on their backs, to keep them there, and to let their enemies, wherever they be, see the front row of their but tons. There is but ono opinion among the repre sentatives of the foreign Powers in reference to this " outrage." Such is the mildest term used re specting it. France, Prussia, Russia, Spain, all are agreed in considering that the blow struck at England is not the accident of a contretemps; and the United States, if there was wisdom in her coun cillors, would really feel some doubts in reference to the policy she has adopted when she sees as she has done before, that there is no friend left to her in the world. Iu spite of her abject adulation of France and Russia, the Ministers of those em pires have acted as though they felt they had a duty to perform to law and civilisation which far exceeded the obligations imposed by petty jealousy, or the rivalry of opposed nationalities ; nor will it be astonishing to find that, while France on the one hand evinces a desire to join in any legitimate means of putting an end to a contest which causes her so much embarrassment, Spain will not be slow 10 avail herself of the force which her Mexican inter vention and recent prosperity may place at her disposal to vindicate the honour of her flag if it should turn out, as is supposed, that the San Jacinto committed her aggression on the neutral flag of Great Britain in Spanish waters. There can be no pretence, unless, indeed, a pre tence in its true sense, that the British Government has not exhibited the utmost desire to maintain friendly relation with the United States, and that it has not strained to the furthest the principle of neutrality in this quarrel. But hero is a question of principle, for which, if ever we have fought for anything at all, we have struggled even to the en dangering of actual and moral alliances with every people in the world openly outraged by a Govern went to which in the hour of its distress we had exhibited a consideration which can scarcely be justified by precedents in reference to revolution and Governments de facto in other parts of the globe where we had no interests at stake, and where our acceptance of the revolution was not at all con ducive to the British influence. Judges, lawyers, jurists,—Puffendorf, Grotius, Vattel, and Wheaton, —settle it as you may, there is no escape from this dilemma except in the humiliation, which may be honourable, though it be to the dust of the one ; or the disgrace, which cannot be ren dered tolerable, though it be gilded by apology and concession, of the other. Why not seize Mr. Yancey in his lodgings in London ? Why not let the detectives drag away Secessionists from Mor ley's or Radley's, in London and Liverpool ? Why not at once admit that the United States' Govern ment in this war against the Confederates shall be permitted to treat all the nations in the world as it pleases, and to call on all the peoples to stand by and applaud while, in the interests of its vaunted liberty, it outrages every guarantee which man kind in civilized countries, by the blood of many generations and the struggles of many years, have extorted from despotism and political hatred. Let the Caroline and the State of New York, let Kosta and the Cabinet of Washington, be remembered to show how Americans would act in such a case. NOVEMBER 18. The National Intelliyencer, which is a journal of respectability, entitled to consideration, contains an article to-day which has been furnished by the State Department, in reference to the seizure. It is fairly, ably, and temperately written, but, unfortunately, it is not applicable to the case at all. If the United States admitted that the States in revolt against it were a "belligerent" Power, and that Mr. Slidell and Mr. Mason were " ambassadors" from that Power in a neutral ship, the arguments of the writer might find some support in the language he quotes from Wheaton ; but the United States expressly deny that the Southern States are a belligerent Power, or that they have belligerent rights; nay, get very angry with us for admitting them as having belligerent rights to a certain extent; threatened us with war, and now treat Messrs. Slidell and Mason not as "ambassadors," but as rebels. But it is very doubtful, indeed, that Wheaton's words apply to the case of "ambassa dors" travelling as ordinary passengers in a ship belonging to a neutral Power engaged in the car riage of mails and passengers ; the context would rather imply that this portion of his remarks re ferred to the case of a belligerent Power hiring or employing a vessel to carry ambassadors or contra band of war. TUESDAY, Nov. 19. Up to this date Lord Lyons has received no com munication from the State Department in reference to the arrests of the " Confederate Ambassadors," as we must now call them. Indeed,the correspondence will probably be opened by communications from London, as Mr. Seward may not feel inclined to broach the subject. The agitation created by the event has not subsided,and I am satisfied that there is much secret apprehension of a serious breach with England in consequence of the seizure, not withstanding the assumption of perfect ease, founded on legality and right, which is made for external use. There is popular passion and ven geance to be gratified by the capturing and punish ment of Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell, and I believe the Government will retain them at all risks, be cause it dare not give them up, not being strong enough to do what is right in the face of popular sentiment. Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward—the mem bers of the Cabinet generally must feel a certain personal satisfaction in having these gentlemen in in custody, whom they can scarcely be induced to part with on easy terms. The national prejudices of the two empires will be appealed to and aroused by this act more forcibly than by anything which could have occurred short of the seizure having been effected by force on board of a British man-of-war. The mob here are at once rendered aggressive and insolent. They say the prisoners must not be given up. What the English people will say in the matter we do not know, and it would ill become any one by word or deed at this moment to intensify the passions which will no doubt be aroused angrily and furiously enough when the news reaches Eng land. I was much struck with the deep spirit of animosity displayed by some friends of mine, for whom I entertain a great respect, in speaking of the probable action of Great Britain :—" If we are forced now, in our hour of weakness, to give up Slidell and Mason, I trust to God that every man in America will make a solemn resolve to let England feel the force of our resentment and an undying revenge when next she is in volved in any difficulty." One of the gentlemen I allude to is a naval officer of high distinction, well known to all of us in England, and he, no doubt, spoke in the bitterness of knowing that the United States could not pretend to offer any resistance to the naval forces of Great Britain. He was moved probably rather by the importance of getting hold of the prisoners than by the mode in which they were taken, the latter being as now to him as it must be to every naval officer. The Prince de Joinville speaks of the transaction with the profoundest regret, and evidently regards it as inexcusable, and the Orloanist princes share the sentiments of their uncle. In the Cabinet there is division, it is said, of opinion in reference to the course to be pursued. The President, Mr. Blair, and Mr. Chase arc said to be in favour of giving the cap tives up. Mr. Seward and others are believed to resist this, and to sustain the capture. Major-Gen. M'Clellan is easier in his mind now that the law has been laid down to him, but regular officers of expe rience in the army and navy view the pleas in justi fication, and the cases in point, if any, with great suspicion. It is to them as if an officer who should seize M. Kossuth in his London villa by order of the Emperor of Austria were defended by a long legal argument to show that he was quite right, or as if any other violation of accepted principle were to be vindicated by lawbooks and the authority of prece. dents. "The only thing that could have settled this matter properly," said an eminent person to me yes. terday, " would have been the instant release of Messrs. Slidell and Mason, with an ample apology, and the dismissal of Captain Wilkes. But the Go vernment of the United States dared not do so." When I called at the State department yesterday I found Mr. Seward was detained in his house by a severe cold caught on la::s trip to Annapolis on Sa turday, which may account for his silence, though I believe the Secretary of State will not make a sign till he is addressed on the subject. Cap tain Wilkes is already the subject of biogra phies, and of demands for photographs and autographs. He acted without instructions—so it may be inferred from his words when he landed at Fortress Monroe, for he expressed apprehensions of being cashiered. In the camps, among the common soldiers, there is a feeling of pleasure, as I am as sured, at the seizure; but many of these men have been taught to believe that this campaign was but a training for a great war with England. The re view which is to take place to-morrow will not diminish the arrogance of the anti-British senti ment in the ranks. General M‘Do well has made his arrangements for the march and concentration of seven divisions of the army of the Potomac, which will be reviewed by the General, by the President and his Ministers, and by the diplomatic persons who feel inclined to go, as well as by a crowd of strangers and residents in the city, to whom passes will be freely distributed for the day. It is supposed upwards of 65,000 men and 200 guns will be on the ground near Baylcy's Cross-roads (marked on the maps near Arlington, and beyond Fort Corcoran), massed together in columns—a sight such as has never been seen in the United States of America before, and which it might do some of our English-America maniacs treat good to gaze upon. Whether Mr, Chase will regard it with particular pleasure is doubtful—he knows what it costs. There are at this moment 600,000 men in the service of the United States, who, if not soldiers in its beat sense, arc certainly drawing pay at the rate of nearly £6O per annum, with rations, clothing, &c., taking the pay at that of privates alone. There are upwards of 600 pieces of artil lery in the field, which costs something also. As to Generals, brigadiers, officers of rank, and the like, their powers of drawing pay are beyond the concep tion a us poor Europeans, and show how much more valuable or expensive a fighting American citizen is than your ordinary Old World warrior. " Make war as dear as possible," say some people, "and it will cease." But here it is rendered prodi giously expensive, and does not cease. There has been nothing of moment to chronicle lately. In Nis scuri there are the usual mysterious movements. Price has retreated from Hunter, and Hunter has retreated from Price ; and so matters will set tle down with the troops in winter quarters very quietly, the,Confederates taking up their residence in Arkansas and the Federalists remaining masters of the principal strategic posts in the ill-fated State which has been laid desolate by the contending guerillas. St.. Louis will be once more the head quarters of General Hunter, who has repudiated the agreement or treaty entered into by his prede cessor General Fremont with General Price. Ter quaterque in felix Fremont ! His officers dismissed, his reputation assailed, himself deposed, his treaties repudiated. And this is he who ran high for Pre sident! In Kentucky, it appears, that some one blew the sailor general's trumpet a little too loud and too long. The new Nelson has not quite equalled Samson or Leonides in the number of his slain, or in the force of his resistance to the enor mous masses of the enemy. Several ciphers must be struck off everything killed or wounded or miss ing or taken; and then there is scarcely a battle or a general at all. But what there certainly is in Kentucky just now is a large Confederate army under the best general in the Confederate army for this kind of war,—Sidney Johnston, who with 40,000 men is threatening an advance on Cincinnati or Louisville, and has forced the Federalists to break up their camp and retire by forced marches to Darville, the Tennessee troops in the United States service becoming mutinous and absolutely refusing to turn their hacks on their own frontier. SEIZURE OF THE CO'N'FEDERATES. OPINIONS OF TILE FRENCH PRESS. The Debats is gradually becoming less favourable in its opinion of the American incident, as it now declares that the San Jacinto hes neted illegally. Not that England has not, it declares, been guilty of infinitely graver offences, and without any con sideration for the feelings or interests of the parties whom she wronged : When England," says that journal, " subsidised the Continental coalition against France, and when Europe sold her in return the liberty of the seas, the English Government committed against the law of nations, to which it now appeals, many acts of violence compared with which the stopping and searching of the Trent by the San Jacinto, or even the seizure of Messrs. Mason and Slidell, might pass as mere peccadilloes. The Government of President Lincoln will of course exhume a host of these pre cedents in attempting to justify itself, and the Eng lish, well aware of their weak point, will not fail, as may be seen by the extracts we have given from their journals, to make the amende honorable, and to disavow the exaggerations which their courts of law endeavoured in bygone days to get accredited as principles of maritime law. It is right and praiseworthy, no doubt, to repent of one's evil deeds, but will that prevent people from reproaching the penitent with his past conduct ? On the other hand, it seems that the United States have little right to make this return to justice, or—to speak more ac curately—to injustice. France apart, there is no Government that has protested with so much perse verance and energy against the proceedings of the English navy and of the jurists of Great Britain touching the principles of an equitable and liberal maritime law for all nations. In 1812, even, the United States undertook, in defence of these prin ciples, a war which did them much honour, but which forbids them now to revive on their own ac count the evil practices which they then combated. The search of the Trent, even were it legal, which we think it cannot be, and were it not an act absolutely to be condemned, would still appear inexplicable on the part of a power so excessively jealous of the respect due to its flag. Who, since the peace, has shown more susceptibility on that point? Who has been on every occasion more litigious, more exacting, and more disagreeable with other Powers, when that question came under dis cussion ? Who preferred leaving facilities for the slave trade raffia than admit the right of searching their ships, even in the restricted limits of the Gulf of Guinea? Who refused the liberal principles of the Congress of Paris, while assuming the air of asking for still more ? Ana what did the United States ask ? Why, that henceforth every merchant man should be, even in time of war, declered inviolable and exempt from all the consequences of a state of war ?" The Debats then declares that, if consulted, it would advise the Government of Mr. Lincoln to accord at once the reparation demanded ; but, at the same time, it admits that it sees little probability of such a resolution being come to—first, because all the circumstances which are known lead to the belief that the search on board the Trent has been the result of a maturely deliberated plan ; and next, because the first act consequent on a reparation from the American Government would be to replace the Southern Commissioners on board an English vessel of war, which mode of proceeding it is doubtful that the American people would per mit. The Debats expresses the opinion that President Lincoln has not sufficient moral power to impose the will of his Government, supposing it to lean towards an arrangement, on the mass of the people, and that, therefore, in every case, the chances of his granting the very first condition of a reparation are but slight. Our contemporary then proceeds as follows ! " But if the American Government has often given proofs of haughtiness, it has also very often given proofs of good souse, which should not be wanting in the present case. It would be the height of folly to add the scourge of foreign war to that of civil war. Embarrassed finances, paralysed industry, ruined trade, a military marine at so low an ebb that, in order to enforce the blockade of the Southern coasts, it has been found necessary to arm merchant vessels, are not conditions to render a war with England desirable, even if it should be endeavoured to excite such a desire by the consideration that English capitalists are the principal creditors of the United States, and by the hope of conquering Canada, which is offered as a bait to rouse the cupidity of the multitude. In any case, such a result could never bo attained, but at the cost of infinite eacrifiees and sufferings, and above all at the expense of the moral law, which we have been always told is so powerful with the American democracy." The article of the Debats terminates with an ex hortation to the English Government to show moderation, and, in case the Cabinet of Washington should evince a willingness to give satisfaction, not to prove unreasonable in its demands. Several others of the Paris journals have long articles on the same subject, but the only one that seems to call for particular notice is the following from the Patric., which discusses the point—what ought to be the conduct of the French Cabinet at the critical conjuncture that has so unexpectedly surged up : " What will now be the attitude of France? In our opinion it will be difficult for her to remain in different in presence of a violation of international law which interests all maritime nations. We are inclined to believe that the Government of the Northern States will refuse to recognise the justice of the claims of England; and in that case we may anticipate that war will be declared, and that the recognition of the Southern States will be the first act of hostility by England. We have not hitherto concealed our opinion on the American conflict, but we had no right, whilst stating the reasons for that opinion, to anticipate what would be the resolutions of the Emperor's Government. At present, however, we think we may ven ture to say that we do not understand how the pretensions of the Cabinet of Washington can be defended. The different States of the Confe ration, as is known, enjoy an existence of their own; that is to say, are free and independent—have their separate and distinct legislatures, finances, and ad ministrations—possess, in a word, autonomy; and because some of them in the exercise of their liberty think fit to form themselves into a separate confe deration, the North is to assume that it had the right to bind them eternally to it. They could not separate from it, says the North ; but in that case what becomes of their liberty ? A centre to the Con federation was required, and Washington was chosen, not as the capital of a republic, calling itself the United States of America, but as a neutral ter ritory, sold as a centre in which the delegates of the different governments of the country could exer cise their common action as regards their common affairs. The political and commercial interests of North and South having become different, a division has naturally taken place, and the Government which on that account has changed the brothers of yesterday into the enemies of to-day has been ill inspired. It was not on the field of battle that an attempt should have been made to solve and unite such divergent matters. The blood shcd,the excesses of all kinds, and still mote the interests and will of the South, have sanctioned separation ; and no human power can now reconstitute what has been destroyed. It is time to stop a fratricidal war, which threatens to ruin the vital elements of the two countries, and thereby compromise the welfare of other nations. French commerce already suffers severely from this state of things; and if it is diffi cult for England to support the interruption of commercial relations with America, the situation of France is no better, and the injury she sustains is not less considerable. We are profoundly convinced that the war between the Northern and Southern States, if the two countries were left to themselves, would be interminable; and on the other hand, we cannot under any pretext remain disinterested spec tators of a conflict between North America and England. Evidently France is not called on to avenge the insults received by England ; but as the recognition of the South by that Power would lead to a definitive division of the United States, it can not be an isolated act, and would impose on France an equally decisive attitude in that question. The result would be that the two great maritime Powers of Europe might be led into a common action, and have the same political object. That being so, Pre sident Lincoln, in ordering an act of brutality, has perhaps given a proof of foresight, by preparing a separation which at the present moment ho can neither propose nor accept," COUNTRY MARKEIS. v-• COLCHESTER—Nov. 30. A fair supply of grain, which was taken off at about the same prices as last week. Wheat, white ..54s 68s Beans,Mazagan..36s 403 red 46s 64s middle & small.4os 44s Barley Oats • 24s 30s gray 383 423 CHELMSFO RD—Nov. 29. Notwithstanding American news, showing a prospect of war, wheats to-day did not maintain the rates of last week ; the best samples of which scarcely made recent quo tations, and middling descriptions is cheaper. Beans is lower. Spring corn of all kinds dull; p ices as before. Barley dropped from Is to 2s per qr. Wheat, old white 29s 63s reas, Partridge....37B 458 now 42s 69s White 39s 41s old red....22s 52s Boiling 4lB 47s new 54s 63s Dun 36s 40s Batley ..26s 378 Ditto new —s —s Chevalier 27s 29s Beans, Tick, old ..37s 438 Grinding 238 32s new..—s —s Malt.... 6ls 67s Harrow Ticks ..398 450 Chevalier 64s 69s new..—s —s Oats 23s 30s Mazagan ..35 370 COAL MARE (Prices of Coal per Ton at s. d. :ET—DEc.II2. the close of the market Byass's Bebside West Hartley ...15 9 Carway and Duffryn Malting 24 0 Do. Anthracite 21 6 Lambert's West Hart ley 15 3 Howard's West Hart ley l5 9 West Wylam l5 0 Davison's West Hart ley l5 9 Hastings Hartley ....15 6 'rantield Moor Butes..l4 6 North Pelton ....15 0 Craighead Steam 14 3 Ships at market, Walls End. S. d. .._ _. Hetton .. lB 6 Haswell lB 6 K elloe Cassop .. . l7 9 Whitworth l6 9 Russel's Holton 17 9 Tunstall Heugh Hall 17 6 South Kelloe . l7 9 Hunwiek . l5 9 Brtddyll's Hetton 17 9 Framwellgate l7 6 Tees South Hartlepool 17 3 Harton l6 9 ;, 76; sold, 49. FOREIGN MAIL PACKET .LIST. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Dec, 19. via Marseilles Dec. 13. Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Dec. 4. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Dec. 2. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton Dec. 2. via Marseilles Dec. 13. Falkland Islands Dec. 4. Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Dec. 2. via Marseilles Dec. 13. India (Bombay), via Southampton Dec. 11. --. via Marseilles Dec. 5. Lisbon Dec. 1. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Dec. 2. via Marseilles Dec. 5. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo . Dec. 1. U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Dec. 5. . . 'by U.S. packet by Canadian packet Dec. ---• W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe Dec. 10. Bahamas, via New York Dec. 19. Mexico Dec. 30. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, IDm 14. California,and British Columbia.. GENERAL SCOTT IN PARIS.—A numerously at tended meeting of American residents in Paris assembled fl few days ago, at the Hotel Westminster, to present their respects to General Scott on the occasion of his arrival in that city. His Excellency Mr. Dayton, tho United States' Minister, in addressing the General on behalf of his coun trymen in Paris, assured him of their respect for himself personally, and their high appreciation of the value of his long services to his country, referring particularly to the activity and energy displayed in his recent loyal defence of the capital, when threatened by the Confederates of the South ; and declaring that his countrymen would ever cherish in their hearts a grateful recollection of his name. He expressed their regret at the feeble state of his health, and their wishes for his speedy istoration, and trusted that on his return home he would find his country ouco more happy and united, and moro prosperous than ever. Gen. Scott who seemed much affected at the compliment paid him, replied in suitable terms, expressing his warm thanks, after which the gentlemen withdrew. A copy of verses,from the pen of Mr. Horner, was presented to the general, in honour of his arrival in Paris. The Hertford Mercury publishes a circular pro posing the erection of a school at Haileybury, not inferior to the schools of Eton, Harrow, Rugby, and Winchester, and where the sons of the clergy and gentry, of professional men, merchants, and traders may be educated under com petent professors at a moderate cost. Haileybury, it is said, may be purchased at about one-fourth of its original cost. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills. Forewarned, Forearmed.—During the late autumn and early winter months, these inestimable remedies will prove themselves the best preventative of disease. Much danger lies in neglecting even a common cold, many a month's agony is consequent on the overlooking rheumatic pains. Both may be eradicated by rubbing this inflammation quelling ointment upon the skin, and taking Holloway 'e Purifying Pills. The experience of 25 'years has incon testibly proved these home medicaments can never be wrongly used or applied without advantage. The pills and ointment mutually assist each other. They purify the blood, regulate the circulation, and exercise the most bene ficial influence over every external and internal organ. Unlike deleterious drugs, or mercurial preparations, Hol loway's medicaments are innocuous. BIRTHS. ALL AN.-011 the 29th ult., at Moss. park, Toronto, the wife of the Hon. G. W. Allan, of a daughter. DENISON.—On the 30th tilt., at 1, Great Cumberland-Bt., the lion. Mrs. Wm. Beckett Denison, of a son. HUNTLY.—On the 29th ult., the Marchioness of iiuntly, of twin daughters. INous.—On the 30th ult. at Forbes Castle, Aberdeenshire , the wife of Major-General Sir John Inglis, K.G.8., of a daughter. MARRIAGES. SiNCLAIII — HAYNES.—On the 30th ult., at St. George's, Hanover -square, J. Archibald Sinclair, Esq., of Brigh ton, to Laura S., only daughter of Robert Haynes, Esq. , of 25, Orchard-street, Portman-square, and of Barnes? Surrey. WILDER—IawEs. —On the 30th ult., at St. Margaret's Westminster, Frederick Wilder, Esq., of Purley Hs% Berks, ti Sarah Fox, daughter of Sir Benjamin Hawes, K.C.B. DEATHS. BussEr,r,.--Onthe 30thult., the Rev. Fred. Russell, vicar of Great Marlow, aged 41: BALDING.—On the 27th ult., suddenly, at Grove House, Wortham, Suffolk, Henry Balding, Esq., aged 68. CItoPLEY.—On the 29th ult., at Brompton, Edward Crop- ley, Esq,, late of Caleutta;aged 74. Tox —At Sturminster Newton, Dorsetshire, the Rev. T. 11. Lane Fox. OGLE.—On the 29th ult., at Withloam Court, near 13righ ton, Sussex, Sir Challoner Ogle, Bart., aged 18. PARNELL—On the Ist hist , at Upper Clapton, Hugh Parnell, Esq., aged 79. PROCTOR.—On the 30th ult., at The 1100, Great Gaddes den, _Li CAS, George Proctor, aged 72. WELLWOOD.—On the 30th ult., at Meadowbank House, Alexander Maconochie Wellwood, Esq., of Garvock a nd Mewlowbank, late one of the Senators of the College of Justice. LonnoN : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TUE SUN Office, No. 112,Strand , in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the C oun ty Waefitiay.DeceuiDer 3, MI, o f ALiddlebox, ~. ,~, i F ,'r F , E 5 '. 2 ~~ i N,. t ~ 1 1 ' 1 ,: r . Y . $;. ;t.