The Sun. — London, England, 1834-01-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS The debate on the. address in the French Chamber has assumed a character of great in terest. It presents to us at once not words, but things. M. Bignon (and we mean no dispa ragement to M. de Broglie), the highest autho rity among French statesmen after M. do Talleyrand, on all questions of foreion policy, delivered a speech in the course of T u esd wherein he explained, with little or no reserve, the views of the commission of which he was spokesman, respecting the state of Poland, Turkey, Germany, and Italy, the barbarous and ignominious tyranny which, in open defiance of the treaties of 1815, had been inflicted on the first-mentioned country, and the baneful projects of spoliation and oppression with which all the others are threatened. It is needless to say that the aggressors aimed at throughout the whole fM. Bignon's speech are Russia, Austria, and, in what regards the freedom of the minor states of Germany, the Prussian Government, as a party to the Austrian schemes. Poland, nevertheless, and Turkey, constitute the prin cipal topics, upon each of which enough is said by M. Bignon, and explicitly adhered to by the Foreign Minister, M. de Broglie, to prove that France will no longer be trifled with by the Holy Alliance, and that in what she feels and speaks England frankly concurs with her. In adverting to Poland M. Bignon lays down broadly that principle, without the recognition and enforcement of which it would be foolish to make treaties, because it would be impossible to rely upon them—namely, that when one state has been a party with others to any compact, none of the others can pretend to the right of destroying or altering that compact without her consent. This proposition M. Bignon applied to the conduct manifested by the Czar of Russia towards the Polish nation, and to the injury as well as indignity of which it gave France a just title to complain. He further confirmed his own view of this proceeding by a reference to the manly speech of Lord Palmerston last session, when the English Foreign Secretary, in reply to Mr. Fergusson, declared that " the King's Ministers had done more than the motion called for, since not only had they refused to sanction the domination established in Poland by the Russian Government, but they had even frequently pro tested against the injustice of the meastireswllieh Russia had no right to take." M. Bignon re curred to a passage in the Moniteur, comment ing on an acrimonious article in the St. Peters burgh Gazette against: the British Government —a passage in which the Moniteur had an nounced, on the part of France, a determination to demand from Russia a full explanation of the manner in which the provisions of the above treaties had been observed, and to act as it might judge proper upon the receipt of such explana tions. It follows, then, according to M. Bignon, that the present state of Poland is nothing more than " a material fact," unsanctioned by law, and unrecognized by France or England. Can anything, then, let us ask, be more unsettled— any condition of things more precarious, than one which those two great Powers have not only refused to recognize, but to which they have recorded the strongest hostility, short of a direct appeal to arms? M. Bignon's sentiments with re gard to the species ofrule now exercised over Poland by the Czar of Muscovy are generous and reassur ing to every friend of law and international justice. He pronounces the actual say of Russia to be a rank usurpation, and affirms that until the day on which Poland shall break her chains, and on which " other nations shall emancipate them,"—. not until that day shall " right resume its empire." This is as it should be,—this is speaking out ; the open adhesion of M. do Broglie to this language is a pledge, in the face of God and man, that Poland shall not always be trampled on and degraded. In passing to the subject of Turkey, on which M. Bignon did not affect to conceal the distrust entertained of Russian ambition and dishonesty, he stated the remarkable fact of the Emperor Alexander having so long ago as the year 1808 urged Na poleon to agree to a transfer of Turkey to Rus sia, specifying Constantinople and the Darda nelles. Here is the grand no secret of Tartar policy let out in a manner the least questionable ; here is the proof, so honourable to that " mag nanimous" coxcomb and hypocrite Alexander, that he would have overturned what was left of the balance of Europe, and that its preservation was due—to whom, think you ?—to Napoleon Bonaparte, who felt the proposal of that solemn conservative Alexander to be so monstrous, so ruinous, so awfully preposterous and disgusting, that though bribed by the offer of all Spain, all Italy, the political dominion of Germany, and the full possession of Bosnia, Albania, the Greek Islands, and the Morea, had actually too much conscience and honour to listen to the lawless Autocrat. France or England needed not, perhaps, this evidence to the profligate rapacity of Russia ; but there stands the re cord, and see what light such a transaction throws on the fraudulent encroachments now in full activity before us. Russia has, by a treaty signed, under duress, constituted hersslf Protectress of the Turkish empire. What is protection ? It means supreme sovereignty, and nothing else. Protectors, from Cromwell downwards, have been kings. Napoleon, Pro tector of the Confederation of the Rhine, treated its nominal chiefs and princes as his vassals. The Protectorate of the lonian Islands was from the first confessedly and honestly their dominion. The Protectorate of Turkey is the sovereign away of Turkey. Let England and France, then, as M. Bignon counsels them, look danger in the face, and meet it as it approaches, not absurdly wait for it, and talk about it until it arrives. M. Bignon alludes significantly and forcibly to the designs of Austria against what remains of Italian independence, and to the joint conspiracy of Austria and Prussia against the constitutional liberties of the German States of secondary order. M. Bignon inti mates with sufficient clearness, that France will not permit this brave and virtuous people to be robbed of that which the peace of 1813 bestowed upon them, nor, we trust, will England. We notice but to ridicule a report io some of the papers, that Austria had signed a treaty guaran teeing the stability of the Turkish empire, but shutting out Mehemet Ali from the sovereignty should the present Ottoman race be extinct. The "Turkish empire does exist in name—no Power threatens it but one of those who are alleged to be contracting parties to the supposed treaty, which we suspect would be rather an awkward and embarrassing instrument to the Czar. Upon the whole, this exposition of M. Bignon and ad hesion of the Minister contains striking dis closures of the existing relations of Europe. They demonstrate that France is prepared for all contingencies, and, with England by her side, we suppose that the cause of liberty and justice has not much to fear from the two militaly despots of Germany, or from the all-grasping Autocrat of all the Russias.— Times. The foreign news yesterday is of much im portance. We allude to the proceedings in the Chamber of Deputies on Tuesday last, on the discussion of the address. M. Bignon, in com menting on paragraph 16 of the address, de claring that " France, as one of the parties to the great European contracts, cannot recognize in any Power the right of destroying or altering without h e r c onsent, that which had been created or fixed with her assent," observed, that " he did not hesitate to declare that it was prin cipally Poland the commission had in view when they penned this passage." M. Bignon then alluded to the language held by Lord Pal merston in the English Parliament, on the oc casion of the address of Mr. C. Fergusson, when the Noble Lord said, " We have done more than the motion asks for ; for not only have we refused to sanction the domination established in Poland by the Russian Govern ment, but we have even frequently protested against the measures which Russia had not the right to take ;" and he interred from the lan guage of the illonitear, in answer to the Gazette de Petersbargh, that the French Government thereby sufficiently indicated its opinion, that all the Governments which signed the stipulations of 1815 considered themselves as invested with the right of examining if these stipulations were constantly and strictly observed. After these declarations of the English and French Governments, it was obvious — that the present state of Poland bore no sanction of in ternational law, and was not recognized by either England or France, and that the occupation of Poland, as a Russian province, was in contempt of solemn treaties, and indefensible on any principle of European right. " The day (said M. Bignon, emphatically) that the Poles shall break their chains, or the day that other nations may emancipate them, on that day alone will it be that right shall resume its empire." What gives importance to the speech of M. Bignon with regard to Poland, is the evidence afforded by the answer of the Duke de Broglie, Minister for Foreign Affairs, that he expressed the senti ments of the Government. " We concur in everything that has been said by M. Bignon, and we feel grateful for the praise he has be stowed on several acts of our Administration. Amongst the ideas put forward in the course of his speech, there are some which we shall endeavour to realize, should occasion present itself." This declaration seems to have been received with loud approbation. But the con duct of Russia with respect to Poland is only part of a system of invasion of right, and M. Bignon alluded also to the conduct at present pursued by that Power with regard to Turkey. He related what passed between the Emperor Alexander and Napoleon in 1808, on the sub ject of Turkey (for the first time communicated), when Alexander proposed the partition of Turkey, and offered to Napoleon, Bosnia, Albania, and the Alorea, on condition of Russia obtaining Constantinople and the Straits of the Dardanelles. Though Napoleon vas then occupied with the war in Spain, he refused to accede to the scheme. " Gentlemen (added M. Bignon), I shall be well pleased that it were in the power of the Ministers to tell us that our fears are groundless—that with regard to Turkey, the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh is nothing more than a generous friend, a magnanimous pro tector—that in Germany, Austria and Prussia have no wish to increase their direct influence over the secondary states, or to encroach upon the rights of the people—that in Italy, Austria has no intention of perpetuat ing her domination defacto." He observed that Ministers could not give them the assurance he required. The importance of these declarations, made in the name of the Chamber of Deputies, and favourably received by the French Ministry, must be obvious to every one. We do not en tertain a doubt • that the proceedings in France, backed as they will be by what must take place in the British Parliament about to re-assemble, will be productive of the most beneficial effects. The Governments of France and England not only have with them the hearts of their own people, but they speak to the hearts of all the inhabitants of civilized Europe. This the Go vernments of Russia, Austria, and Prussia well know, and they will not rashly embark on a course in opposition to the two Powers which are confessedly at the head of European civilisa tion. The first movement of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, would be the watch-word for gene ral insurrection in Italy, Poland, and a large portion of Germany. Of this no Government is more aware than Austria ; and hence the at tempt which has been made, according to an article under the head Vienna, in the Allgemeine Zeitung (under the head German Papers), by the A ustrian Government to quiet the apprehensions of France and England with regard to Turkey, by a treaty, in which Austria, Prussia, and Russia shall guarantee the integrity of Turkey in all possible cases. . The proposition of further treaties, by Austria, Russia, &c., at the very time that the complaint of France and England is, that the treaty of 1815 has been violated in the case of Poland, is somewhat unseasonable. How did this great and flagrant departure from interna tional law in Europe begin ? By Russia ex tending her protection to Poland. The troubles of that country, then, but too much favoured the projects of Russia, as the distracted state of Turkey now does. There were treaties in abundance, if Poland could have been saved by treaties ; but the three robber Powers chose their time. In 1772 the first partition took place. England, at that time had her whole attention directed to her colonies ; and the Go vernment of France was then feeble, and without influence in Europe. The other par titions took place when France, occupied with her own revolution, was, as Burke said, blotted out of the map of Europe. But at present France and England are fully alive to the im portance of opposing the ambitious designs of Russia ; and the three Powers are too well aware of the ability of France and England, backed by the moral force of Europe, to give effect to their views, to dare to move in defiance of them. We are by no means, therefore, under any apprehension that peace will be interrupted. It has long been the policy of Russia to produce an impression throughout Europe that she is irresistible. But the Turkish campaign, and the miserable attempts in Poland, sufficiently prove that, for aggressive purposes, Russia is not a first-rate Power. The two other Powers are too much hampered to think of kindling a general war, in which they might be worse than they are now, but could not be better. Austria can hardly agree with Russia as to the division of Turkey ; and however anxious we may believe Austria to be to retain the Italians in subjection, she must know that that object is more depen dent on the good will of France than that of Russia. France and England are strong, be cause the peaceably disposed people of Europe must see that they can have no sinister objects in view. They wish nothing from Turkey, they have no claims to enforce on Italy, and, in claiming the performance of treaties for the oppressed Poles, they seek not to wrest anything from Russia or Prussia for themselves. They are strong, not only in themselves, but in the goodness of their cause. This the three other Powers are well aware of; and they will not provoke the hostility of France and England at a time when they are unable to encounter it. Russia must always be desirous of securing the passage into the Mediterranean. Whether it will be possible to raise up a stable power in Constantinople to oppose her, is a point involved in difficulty ; but she never can occupy Con stantinople if England and France prove true to European civilization and to themselves. — Morning Chronicle. The speech of M. Bignon in the French Chamber of Deputies, in explanation and de fence of the proposed address in reply to the speech from the Throne, has excited a degree of attention to be accounted for only by the position of the Speaker, and by the circum stance that the Foreign Minister of the juste milieu lent, or seemed to lend, it the weight of his official sanction, and to he accounted for, somewhat imperfectly, even by these extrinsic considerations. It has seldom been our lot to hear or read a speech more replete with verbiage and nonsense, or presenting evidence more dis tinct and conclusive that the Speaker was insin cere in much of what he said, and was only embol dened to say it by the conviction that he had an audience as insincere as himself. What can be imagined more ridiculous than a French statesman, or a statesman of any other country, referring to the debate on Poland in the British House of Commons, which Mr. Fergusson's motion produced ; and referring particularly to the empty speech of Lord Palmerston upon that occasion, after the debate and the speech - had fulfilled in England the single purpose for which they were got up—that of amusing for a day the coffee house and tap-room politicians of Great Britain, and had long been totally forgotten ? Who, at this moment, believes that either the debate of our wise and grave Senators, or the speech of our Foreign Secretary, were intended for any thing but display ? It was a mere phantasma goria ; and M. Bignon and the Foreign Minister of the juste milieu have presented to France, as the most solid of their materials, the shadow of a shade. Russia will understand this shallow favrarronade if France does not. It amounts, indeed, to a proof that the French Ministers resemble Lord Palmerston in their disposition to talk flimsy and flashy flippancies, and to do nothing. Lord Palmerston had refused to sanction and had protested against the conduct of Russia towards Poland ; but Poland is still what she was, without an effort having been made on her behalf. Russia still disposes of the fate of Poland, without regarding the flimsy and flashy flippancies of Lord Palmerston, any more than she will regard those of Bignon and the foreign Minister of France. The Govern ments of England and France are still polluted by the disgrace of having first instigated Poland to rebellion and then ignominiously deserted her. The debate on Mr. Fergusson's motion made England the laughing-stock of Europe ; and M. Bignon and the Foreign Minister of France have now generously determined that England shall not be laughed at alone. The Emperor of Russia can well afford to treat such Statesmen with contempt. He and his subjects know that their appeal to the treaties of 1815 for the settlement of Europe is merely ridiculous, after they have themselves can celled those treaties by their conduct towards the King of Holland. They know that the new position of the West of Europe has created new rights and new necessities of the North and the East. They know that all the Liberals of Western Europe, in and out of office,affectcd to consider the Polish struggle as a national war, and that, if it were a national war, former treaties were merged in the newly-acquired rights of the conqueror. But, what is of much greater practical import ance, they know that the liberal Statesmen of England and France are capable of urging a nation like Poland to its ruin, for the advance ment of their own schemes, but utterly incapable of any generous or disinterested effort for its preservation. Several of the most effective parts of M. l3lgnon's speech in relation to Russia would be still more effective had they been applied to France and Great Britain. Let us for instance parody a single passage :—" It then follows that, after the unrepealed Treaties of 1815, the present state of Belgium is nothing more than a material fact, bearing no sanctio❑ of international law, and not recognised by that Power which holds the solemn guarantees of all the principal European States. If Belgium be wrested from Holland it is so in contempt of Treaties of which the Cabinets of London and Paris are guarantees. The possession of Belgium as a French dependency enters not into the circle of European rights. The day that the Belgians shall break their chains, or the day that other nations shall emancipate them from their dependence upon France, on that day alone will it be that right shall resume its empire." From Poland M. Bignon passed to Turkey, and under this head he took occasion to reveal the secret of a proposal made to Napoleon in 1808, by the late Emperor Alexander, for the entire partition of the Turkish Empire, Constantinopl e and the Dardanelles being the share of the spoil which the Emperor contemplated as his own. Hence the French orator, under the sanction of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, inferred that Russia is systematically ambitious, encroaching, and rapacious. We complain not of the infer ence. It seems natural and just, and we will take it to be both, at least until Russia shall have been heard. But what was M. Bignon's object in noticing this fact and drawing this interence ? Was it to expose the systematic rapacity of Russia merely ? If so the French orator pursued his object with a very uncere monious disregard to the feelings of Lord Palmerston, of whose spirited talk against Russia he pretends to be so much enamoured. Lord Palmerston, and Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Holland, and some other members of Mr. Canning's Cabinet and 'of the present, will be inclined to wish that M. Bignon had been somewhat less eager in the pursuit of his imme diate object. Of the fact he states they ought not to have been wholly ignorant ; of the infe rence he adduces they ought not to have been wholly incapable ; at the moment when, for sake of a little transitory popularity with the lowest and most ignorant classes of the people, they entered into a league which bound Great Britain to assist Russia i❑ crippling the resources and annihilating the independent power of Turkey. The Liberals of France and England, who ap plauded with one joint acclaim the treaty of London, and rejoiced with such exuberant de light in the consequences it immediately pro duced, are welcome to share with Lord Palmer ston, Lord Lansdowne, Lord Holland, and the rest of our Whig Ministers who remain respon sible for that transaction, all the satisfaction which the disclosure and the inference of M. Bignon is so admirably calculated to afford them. -Morning Post. The Paris Rapers continue to report the pro ceedings in the Chamber of Deputies upon the address to the Throne. On Tuesday the earlier part of the sitting was taken up in discussing a number of amendments which had been pro posed by the Opposition ; some of which were merely vexatious, others impracticable, but the greater portion insignificant, and all unsuccess ful, when the Chamber proceeded to the great business of the day, the development of the vtews of Government in respect of its relations with foreign Powers. The subject was intro duced by M. Bignon, who is not an avowed supporter of the Ministers, but whose discourse upon this occasion, from the subsequent adop tion of it by the Ministers, assumed all the consequence of a semi-official communication. M. Bignon began by adverting to the affairs of Spain and Portugal, over which, however, he passed very rapidly, observing that nobody enter tsined serious misgivings upon these subjects, since, no doubt, " the Chamber would find its wishes Fulfilled by the expression of the solicitude which France felt for those two nations, to whose happiness she was attached by her interests and her sympathies." lie then pro ceeded to the more critical relations of France with other foreign Powers, and particularly with Russia, when his observations attracted all the attention of the Chamber. In reference to the policy which in his opinion ought to be pursued by France, in its relations with Russia, M. Big non laid down broadly three leading rules—first, that, as a contracting party to the " settlement" of Europe, as secured by the treaties of 1815, France ought not merely to withhold her assent, but to resent all departures from that arrange ment without being first consulted ; secondly, that some recent measures on the part of Russia, but particularly her conduct with respect to Po land and treaty with Turkey, was. an encroach ment upon the arrangement of 1815, and ought to be treated accordingly ; and lastly, that the interference understood to be meditated by the conference of Vienna in the internal affairs of the German States, and some threatened mea sure of the same kind on the part of Austria towards those of Italy, were of such a nature as it concerned the honour and interest of France to inquire into, and if necessary, at all risks, to frustrate. In illustration of these propositions, the Honourable Deputy said, " that looking at the protests of the English and French Go vernments against the usurpation of the Auto crat, the present state of Poland is nothing more than a material fact, bearing no sanction of. ' international law, and not recognised by either England or France. If Poland be subdued, oppressed, and crushed, it is in contempt of treaties, of which the Cabinets of London and Paris are guarantees. The possession of Poland as a Russian province enters not into the circle of European right. The day that the Poles shall break their chains, or the day that other . nations may emancipate them, on that day alone will it be that right shall resume its empire." And as indicative of the designs, long enter tained, however much modern diplomacy may endeavour to conceal them, by the grasping So vereigns of Russia upon Turkey, M. Bignon mentioned the following all important tact, which, he said, had never before been made public :—" In 1808, immediately before the interview at Erfurth, at that period, when the am bition of the two Emperors, Napoleon and Alex ander, was discussed between them, with the greatest frankness Alexander expressed the most inordinate eagerness for a partition of the whole Ottoman empire, while Napoleon's efforts were directed to prevent that partition. In order to tempt the French Emperor, the most enormous concessions were offered him. Spain and Italy were abandoned to him. The ascendancy he exercised over Germany was acknowledged as an acquired right ; he was allowed to appropriate to himself, if he wished it, Bosnia, Albania, and the Morea, and it was even proposed to aid him with troops for the purpose ; but, in return, Alexander required that in the lot of Russia should be included Constantinople and the Straits of the Dardanelles. But though, at the time the Emperor Napoleon was occupied with the war in Spain, and valuable as the alliance of Russia was to him at that crisis, he refused to accede to it under any conditions. The policy of Russia was in no respect different at the present day, from what it had been in 1808. Certainly,' continued M. Bignon, " it is not we who have been so outrageously oppressed by the treaties of 1815, that should desire the conti nuance of them ; but when we submit to all rigorous consequences—when, through a love of peace, perhaps a little too inordinate, we are willing to drain time cup of humiliation slowly and to the dregs—the least that remains for us to do is to require that those other Powers, en riched by our spoils, should confine themselves within the vast limits which they apportioned to themselves. When it cannot be denied that danger is imminently hovering over Turkey— when it exists, or may exist, for Italy and Ger many—would it not be the height of impru dence to shut our eyes ? It is right that the Government should be made acquainted with the opinion of the Chamber. The Government ma y always reckon upon the Chamber and upon the country; both will be always ready to offer, to the fullest extent of their power and energy, whatever aid may be required of them." This speech, from which we have thought better to give extracts, rather than any description of it, is reported to have been received with great applause within the Chamber, and out of doors to have produced a very considerable sensation. The Minister for Foreign Affairs (M. de Broglie) said a few words which were in entire approbation of the views of M. Bignon, and it is supposed that his expose had been previously arranged between them. In this reply there was one passage which has attracted particular notice, as seeming to s how that the Government had determined upon some positive measures, which was this— Amongst the ideas put forward in the course of the Hon. Deputy's speech, there are some which we shall endeavour to realize should occa ' sion present itself.—(Hear, hear; Very well.)" The Minister further declared that he held himself prepared to enter into further and fuller explanations of the foreign policy of the Go vernment, in case he should be provoked by any attacks upon their measures. There ap peared to be no doubt that the Ministerial confession would be in accordance with the views of M. Bignon, and unless the whole be a trick, and that all that has been said and threatened turns out, like some further demon strations, to be mere blustering, the tone and temper of the present councils of France with respect to Russia, are downright warlike. The Quolidienne, it should be observed, says that when all was over M. Broglie went to Pozzo di Borgo to make his peace, saying, that he had spoken to please the Chamber, but that no harm was really meant to Russia. The Chamber adjourned the discussion upon the address to the following day.—Morning Herald. CITY OF LONDON CORPORATION COMMISSION. I (Continu e d from The Sun of yesterday.) Mr. Alderman Venables examined—ln 1821 he was elected Alderman, and Lord Mayor in 1825; the Lord Mayor must be a Justice of the Peace, as lie presides over the City police and its safety ; the office is of greater importance than persons gene rally imagine ; lie attends at the Mansion-house daily; the City is divided by a line drawn due north from Southwark-bridge; the cases that hap. pen eastward of this line are beard before the Lord Mayor, at the Mansion-house; those that happen west of it are taken before the Alderman who sits at Guildhall. On an average he sits in the Justice room three hours a-day, and before he goes into Court, he is occupied about an hour a-day in his private private parlour in arbitrating between disputing parties. The disputes are not confined to any particular subject. He nominates to the Lord Chancellor two Aldermen to serve as Jus tices of the Peace—one for the county of Mid dlesex, and one for the county of Surrey ; lie is always at the head of the commission of Oyer and Terminer, and attends to open the Sessions; he dines with the Judges, arid presides at their table; he is also clerk of the markets, but the functions are exercised by the Committee of City Lands, of which he is Chairman; the Lord Mt;yor is Coro ner for London and Southwark, though he does not exercise the functions of the office; lie presides at the Courts of Common Council, Court of Alder men, at Common Halls, and Court of Hustings, and at the Court of Sessions for Southwark; half the Lord Mayor's time, independently of th- Mansion house, is occupied in presiding at the different city courts; lie is considered a Privy Councillor, and is summoned to attend at the accession of a new Mo narch; the Lord Mayor of York does not take precedence of the Lord Mayor of London ; his right of precedence in the city was questioned .by the Earl Marshal at the time of Lord Nelson's funeral ; Sir James Shaw, who was then Lord Mayor, refused to attend the funeral procession, un less be took precedence of all other persons; the question was referred to the King at Windsor, and an order, to which was fixed the sign manual, came up, giving him the precedence; he is ex-officio a Governor of Greenwich Hospital, and Is chief butler at the Coronation, when he receives a gold cup for his services in the capacity; he is ConQer vator of the Thames, and holds two courts yearly in Essex, Surrey, Kent, and Middlesex ; he is the head of the Lieutenancy of the city of London. The Lumber Troop does not belong to the corpora tion, it is merely an assemblage of tradesmen for election and convivial purposes; the Lord Mayor generally keeps on good terms with the principal persons of other corporate bodies, such as the heads of the East India Company and of the Bank of England. It is usually expected that he should en tertain in a suitable mariner distinguished foreigners ; between 80 and 91) years ago the Mansion-house was built; before that period the Lord Mayor sat in some Hall of one or other of the companies. Sir F. PALGRAVE said, that the Lord Mayor was represented in one of Hogarth's prints sitting in one of the Halls. Mr. Woodthorpe was again examined respecting the emoluments of the office of Lord Mayor, and he mentioned divers items for which the Lord Mayor had received commutation ; among other, for wines, 801. had been granted; for newspapers he received 311. 10,., and for stationary 321. 55.; on account of alienations he had received 800/., and for the sale of offices 1,0001, the whole amounting to 9,3351. 15s. By an order of Common Council of 1821, a deduction of 1,5001. was directed to take place, on account of the doing away with the sword bearers' table, at which, up to that period, the city officers claimed a right to dine upwards of one hun dred times a year. Mr. Alderman Yenables again examined—During his Mayoralty, the whole amount of his receipts were 8,027/. ; in the preceding year, he understood they were 8,0231.; the average expenses of Lord Mayors exceeded what they received by 4,0001.; be considered this surplus expense was caused by the hospitality they were in the habit of exercising; for the sake of the character of the country, this hospitality was kept up; the Lord Mayor is iiable to be fined for improper conduct in his office; the Lord Mayor for 1780, was find 10,0001. for his con duct during the riots that occurred at that period. At four o'clock the Inquiry was adjourned to to morrow (this) morning. 11ARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the" London New Price Current" of yesterday.) SUGAR.—The demand for West India Muscovades is very considerable for the. season of the year; the esti mated sales this week are 2,800 hhds. and trcs. ; the good and fine are rather higher and scarce, the lower qualities and pan Sugars dull and lower. The Refined Market is rather higher, and firm at the advance; the chief purchases are still confined to Crashed, of which extensive parcels have been taken off at 30s. 6d., and as the Market is not well supplied, the holders now ask 31s. for fine ; the purchases of inferior made from Foreign Sugar are at 295. 6d. This afternoon the Refined Sugars continue in demand for export to the Mediterranean, and the fine qualities, entitled to the bounty on double refined, being still scarce, are held more firmly, and offers of 30s. 6d. have to-day in many instances been refused, the Refiners demanding 315., and there are now scarcely any sellers under that price. Of the sorts refined from Foreign Sugar in bond for export, also same sales have been made, low and mid. 295. a 295. 6d., and fine at 30s. Misnames SUGAR.--The public sales are about 6,000 bags, the good and fine fully supported prices, good to fine yellow and low white 545. a 585., all other qua lities went off rather lower and very heavily, low to mid. yellow 51s. a 535., good and fine strong browns 50s. a 508. 6d., a considerable parcel consisted of very ord. sorts and in bad condition, and went at 375. a 478. EAST INDIA SUGAR.—The prices are nominal, and the purchases quite inconsiderable. The stock and imports of 1833 are very nearly the same as'the preceding year. FOREIGN SUGAR.—There are no sales to report. The import and stock of Havannah sugar are both less than the preceding sear. The import and stock of B razil are both considerably above the year preceding. COSTEE.—The first public sale of Coffee this year to o k place yesterday, 122 casks, 68 barrels, 364 bags British Plantation have been brought forw ard ; the Demerara being clean and good, mid. sold 88s. and 89a., which was Is. a Is. 6d. higher ; earthy sold at 855.; the Jamaica sold without briskness at former prices; good to fine ord. 85s. a 89s. The foreign and East India descriptions t.f Coffee are held with much firmness for higher prices ; there are buyers of St. Domingo at 595., and Ceylon at 575., but no sellers. This day's p u bli c sale '73 casks 9S bags British Plantation, nearly th e w h o l e was t a ken in, Demerara and Dominica at firmer prices. By private contract some Sumatra has been sold at 48s. T EA .--The declaration for March Sale, the last whic't the East India Company h ave to g i ve , is so large as to c ause a stagnation in the market. RUM, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.--The Governitinit contract declared for 75,000 gallons of Rum has occa sioned a further sm a ll r i se i n prices, and a still firtner market ; there ar now very few Leewards left in the im porters' hands, and 2s. Id. is the nearest quotation li:r Leeward proofs, 5 and 6 over have been sold at 2s. 211., and 9 over at 2s. 3d ; Jamaica are also held for hlg,er prices, 30 per cent., lair quality sold 2s. lod. a 1 The import of Rutn in 1833 is nearly 5,000 pun,. a:al hhds. more than the year preceding, yet the preseot stock is 2,700 puns. less than the former year. In Bia , .! - ; and Geneva there is little alteration ; of the latter there are sales, pale 2s. 3d. and 2s. 4d., which is 2d per ga . • r lower,—At a late hour this afternoon there are free buyers of proof Leewards at 2e. Id., and few sellers; the i purchases this week above 1,000 puns. 4 4 TA LIMA% —The continued small purchases of Tallow4i tend to raise the pi ices, and occasion a very firm market.' There are few large speculations going forward on account of several important questions at present agitated respect ing the late time bargains; several speculators have be come bankrupts, and the comnais,ioners will not allow the closing of the accounts by arrangement and settling differences; they insist upon the delivery, or rather, where the bankrupts have sold at 465. and 455., the estate is ' entitled to the difference of that price anti the market rate of 431. The quotation this afternoon on the spot 13e., 43.. 31, ani 435. 6d. This afternoon, by public sale, 93 casks 339 chins Cape Tallow 461. 61. a 13s. 31, all sold. COCHINEAL-There appears to be an increasing de mand for Cochineal; the boilers are demanding higher prices. SALTPETRE. -There have been few sales of Saltpetre by private contract ; the prices have been steadily main tained. This day's public sale, 800 bags, went off at previous prices, 91 refraction, not very good, sold at 32.., an:i 27 refraction 31s. The consumption continu.i steady aml very considerable. NITRATE OF Sona.--The stock here is from 250 to 300 tons; sales are reported at 265. 6d. in bond, being about former prices. Hors.—The II p Mark..t for a length of time has been in a state of great stagnation ; there is bow some revival in the request, and parcels cf good colour have been sold 3s. a ss. higher than the former currency. Mex.—This day's public sale 1,114 hags Bengal Rice, the good quality, Patna kind, was taken in 15s. and 15s. 61.; a few lots good Bengal sold at 14s. COCOA —Ther e has been a sale of Brazil Cocoa at 235. arid still higher prices are now asked. In British Planta tion descriptions no sales ar e reporte d . Fiturr.—There is very li tt l e d emand at present, and in prices there is no alteration to be noticed. By public sale this day 23 email brls. 43 cases Prunes 445. a 45*. ; 855 quarter chests, 848 small boxes, 380 cartons, 456 half ditto, 654 quarter ditto. Imperil French Plums 60s. a 1205., 400 boxes, 150 half ditto, 100 quarter ditto Muscatel Raisins, boxes 905., half ditto 955. The remainder of the sale consisted of extensive parcels of Figs, i f si i n n s a ' rk b e u t t p al t l ie w e. e . re i parcels t o d l a, N n . : g l-, e n d c , ia fo a n n n d in ß g. e n d o S c i r n i y te r r n i a on ßa o COTTON.—The quotations of Cotton are entirely nominal, there are no sales to report. INDlGo.—There is a considerable seller of Indigo on the market ; about 300 chests of Oude have been sold at 3s. 7.1. a 3s. Bd. per lb, which is rather lower, yet the market generally must be stated firm. Inspection of the Indigo valued at last sale's prices :-596 good to fine ship. pers 6s. 4d. a 7s. 6d. ; 903 mid, to good ditto ss. 10d. a Os. 3 d. ; 838 good consumers to mid, shippers ss. 41. a ss. 9.1 ; 538 very low to good consumers 4s. a Sc. 3d. Tonacco.—There are no sales of any extent reported ; the market continues firm. SrtcEs.-Nutmegp have again advanced 3d. a 6d. p,r lbs, the first quality 74. 3d. a 7s. 6d. Mid. quality Cassia steady at 76.. In other descriptions of Spices there is no ali ration. PRICE OF SUGAR. the Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed from the Returns made in the week ending the Oh day of Jan., 1534, is tl9s. 94d. per Hundred Weight, exclusive of the I,uties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the Importation thereof into Great Britain. Pa ICES OP HOPS.—Jan. 10. New Kent Pocxets (per cwt.) 5t Os. 6t, Os. to 71. Os. 81. Os to 71. Os. 01. 0:. to St. 103. 01. Os. to M. 01. Os. to 6!. 108. 91. Os. 8/. Os. 91 Os. 3/. 10s. East Kent, Choice New S •'sex Pockets Superfine Ditto Os. 0/. Os. to 61. tis. us. 01. Os. to 12/. 12s. )itto (seconds) -- 10/ Os. 01. Os. to 111. Os. The Hop Markat for a length of time has been in a state of great agitation ; there is now some revival in she request, and parce's of good colour have been sold 35. to 55. higher than the above currency. - PRICE OF OIL. .371. 63 • .1.1.0.11. Refined ......zas o : , ..7 10 12 12 5 10 (tape Oil, brown Linseed Oil Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, par thousand halve Cake, per ton 1 3 /110E OF 1 1 01AFOES,—Jan. 10. Shaw s Middling Marsh Champions Scotch Chats M...YM•00..ne....0 31. Os. to 34 Ws. per ton. V. Os. to 2/. ss. ditto. 11. Os. to 41. 10s. ditto. W. 10s. to 4/. Os. ditto. )l. Os. to 2/. Cs. ditto. WHI I'ECHAPEL HA k MARKEL—Jan. 9. Hay 755 . 0 d. to 954. Od. I Clover 75i (Id. to 955. Od. 24a. Od. to 289. 0 d. PRICES OF LEATHEIt. Per lb. d.tod. 1 Per lb. d. to d. Butts. Eng1i5h.............., 14 11.5 1 English Hone Hides.. 14 19 Ditto, Foreign.....—.. 13 `1 ; SFunsh Ditto —.......... 17 26 Dressing Htde5..........,,,, 11 15 Per dozen. ._ ._ , Ditto etnnrovv*...— Ditto, light • •••• Crop Hides, light 12 14 to 501 b. 13 16,1 U tin --.--- 14 183, 19.-1 16 Calf Skins.. SO to 44Itb. 14 21 Ditto 40 to 601 b. 17 23 Ditto 70 to 901 b. 20 23 Small Seals. Gnenland 16 18 Large 12 16 PRICE OF CANDLES. The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, is as follows: — Candles, per doz. 7s. Od. to 83.0 d. I Moulds, per dozen.—Us. 6d RICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of 81b. Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Melters),..—,.., 2a. I ld. PRICE OF TALLOV Town Tallow 48s. Od. Yellow Russia« 48s. Od. White —s. Od. Sonp Od. Melted 375. Od. Ditto Od. , SOAP, &c. per 1121 b. Yellow 625. Od. Mottled 70s. Od. White •••• 725. Od. Graves Good Dregs ss. Pd. COAL MAR .ET.—Jan, 10. Per Ton. s. d. 4.dair's nneNNOnnoWAWIMPII•I 15 9 Chester Main 14 6 East Percy 14 3 Hebburn Main 15 3 16 0 Kenton West 15 6 Ord's Itedhugh 14 Picton 01,,,,Nr 14 0 Pontop Windsor 15 0 I an field 15 6 Walls End Bewicke & Co. 17 9 Walls End Brown's...—. 16 0 W.E. Clarke and C 0—.... 11 6 %Vials End 16 9 Walls End Hilda 15 6 ‘Valis End Hotspur......, 15 6 Walls End Killingworth 16 9 Ships arrived since Per Ton. s. 6,, Walls End Newmarch..... 15 6 Ditto Northitinberland., 15 9 Walls End Perkins........ Id 0 Walls End Riddell's —,—. 17 6 Walls End Braddyll's...... 17 0 Walls End Hetton 19 0 Walls End Larnbton 19 9 Walls End Stewart's.... 19 0 Dixon's Butterknowl,..... 14 6 Walls End Adelaide 16 6 Walls End Butterknowl 16 6 Walls End Gordon...—. 17 0 W. E. Musgrave—.---- 15 6 Walls End fees 17 6 Hartley ......,,,M,...,.........,, 16 0 Newhall 24 last market.clay, 3. COUNFRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK; Wheat. Barley. I Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. Ashburn 50 56 32 34 19 24 :38 44 Basingstoke 46 55 26 20 18 21 33 40 Bath 46 54 24 28 20 21 33 40 Bridgewater .......... 50 60 22 26 20 25 32 31 48 56 23 32 16 20 34 38 Chesterfield ........ 44 54 28 36 17 25 44 48 Derby 49 52 33 35 20 24- 34 42 Doncaster 48 60 26 34 16 23 40 46 53 26 21 35 38 48 56 24 28 18 22 36 40 G10uce5ter............, 144 52 25 30 17 24 32 40 Hungerford 46 58 22 29 15 22 34 39 Leicester.— 53 34 24 42 Newbury.....—.... 37 56 23 29 17 30 32 40 uemsey 52 58 25 28 18 22 36 41 Shaftesbury 54 25 17 41 Shepton Mallet 44 52 24 30 20 26 3.5 4 Sherborne 5O 54 24 28 20 26 38 4 faunton 43 52 24 28 18 23 32 3 4 Yarmouth 4B 51 25 33 23 25 32 3 4 Yeovil 48 54 24 28 20 26 38 42 Per Bushel. s. d. s. d. s. d. 41 Shrewsbury 6 9 7 6 3 4 4 0 4 0 5 8 0 0 0 0 38 44 33 40 33 40 32 31 34 38 44 48 34 42 40 46 35 38 A 36 41 e' 32 49 34 :39 42. 4 32 40 36 4 41 35 41 3 8 4 32 34 32 34 38 42 8. d. 00 00 BIRTHS. On the Bth inst., at Eastlands, near Du Rev. J. Butt, of twin daughters. On the 6th inst., at Athurstone-house, Perthshire, the lady of J. Macnabb, Esq., of a son. of a son. At Verdun.sur.Me use, the lady of Captain Strachey, R.N., lw ich, the ladytof the MARRIED. O❑ the 9th inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square, Mr. L. Holme, of St. George's in the East, to Mrs. Bell, of Maddox. street. to Miss Jane Sch o fi e l d. On the 9th inst., the Hon. Charles Abbott , to Emily Frances, daughter of Lord George Stuart. T e r O r y n e t r h ,s e , I n s e t a i r n s H t . i , g a h t w Streatham ycom b ,, Edmund Crawford, E sq. , o f On the 27th November, a t Ancestern, Upper Canada, Francis Webster, Esq., of Hawt horndean, Grand River, District of of Niagara, La iNia tttoo,l‘'lary Lake, eldest daughter of E. 11. Ad ams , E sq. , Blenheim, Upper Canada. On the 9th inst., at St. Dunstan's, Stepney, R. C. Chrystie, Esq., of Surrey-square, to Jane, second daughter of Mr. John Watson, of Mile-end. On the 7th inst., at Sutton Coldfield, James Johnstone, M.D., of the Square, Birmingham, to Maria Mary Payne, eldest daughter of Joseph Webster, Esq., of Penns. DIED, On the 22d ult., at Cheshunt, Sarah, the wife of Thomas Smartt, late of Bishopsgate-strect, London, surgeon, aged 68. On the Bth inst., in his 13th year, John, eldest son of Mr. C. T. Phillips, of Kingston-upon-Thames. On the 6th inst., at the Vicarage-house, Great Chesterford, Essex, the residence of her son.in-law, the Hon. and Rev. R. F. King, in her 75th year, Alexie Ross. On the ;29th ult., at Brighton, Eleanor, widow of William Dawson, Esq., formerly of Wakefield, Yorkshire, aged 59. On the sth inst., in Liverpool, in his 40th year, James L9WC, jun., an eminent solicitor. On the 10th inst., Henrietta Helen, youngest child of the late Mrs. Hamilton Fulton, of Upper Stamford street. On the 10th inst., Octavius, youngest son of J. G. Perkins, of Vonbrugh-field, Blackheath, Esq., aged '2 years and a half. On the 10th inst., Mr. William Lancefield, of Camberwell, butcher, aged 50. — On the 2d inst., at Stratford, Essex, Mr. William Maddison, coal-merchant, aged -11. PRINTED AND rUBLII , IIED BY MURDO YOUN G, /I.T TIM SUN 01 , 1 , 10 E, 11; STRAND,.