The Sun. — London, England, 1856-04-11 00:00:00

0 31 so so 20 20 ai. Bt. 25 25 et. 20 30 18 100 20 20 26 SHARE MARKETS. (THIS DAY.) RAILWAYS. EiRWAYS. Closing Prices yesterday 27i 28 4i 4i "" • • 8i - 9 17i -- 180 154 - 16 12i - 13, 9-• 92 616_ - 62 16i - 17 ... ... ... 17k - 18, 10k -10 i 31 - 38 24 - 26 76 - 78 61 - 63 23 - 30 gg - 92 6i - .7 94 95 79 --- 81 123 125 104 706 641 65 58 69 70 -- 16 6 - 6 7 881 89 7f - 7i 103 104 1014 - 102 par 6 p l par - 95 - 96 ...d 28i 29 Id 74. 75 43 45 • Ow ..m. ii - 16 53 55 3} Std 31i 35a ••• ."'. 78i • - 79 a 5i 5i 3 3 gl 15 . 1 —l6 56 57. 88 92 6# - 6 6 - 64 10k - llb 28i -29 i 104 166 74 76 47 - 49 15 .5i 72} 73 70 72 4 2 14 id , ?5 37 ... -""" •• -'''.. 20 -- 21 5i - 6 6i -- 7i ...al - .. .P, !Paid . tmbg. Nottng. Boat. , ind w Eastn. Sanct 3Afast & Pallymena Wolverh fi dtour Va11ey..... iirk e and Lane sh. & Cheshire Junct )o. Chesh. ik Birk. £5O and £25 Cons Do., ....... -lyth & Tynsorigina £25 (issd. at 446 Bristol and Exeter Caledonian. warm. and Cardigan Chester di Holyhead. lork and Banden lOork, Black, &PAM Cornwall Do. A Do. B Crieff Junction Dublin&BelfastJutic, Dun. P. di Aber. Jnc. East Aug Kan Eastern Counties.... East. Union, A 0$) De., B. Bto.t Do., New East Kent East Lancashire Edinburgh& olasgo - A gdinb. and Peebles . Pain. Prth 4Drind., Forth & Clyde JunJ. Furness . Do. Extension Ghtsgovr& S. West. , Great N. of Scotlnd Great Northern Do., A. Stock Do., B. Stock `lt. Bth. &West. (Ire Treat Western Do. Stour Val, Rail One. Btk Irish South-Eastern Lancaster & Carlisle I Do., Thirds Do. New Thirds Lencwsh. andYerkiah Do. Wet. aiding Cu Liv.brioy. &Souttpt London & Blackwell Load. Bright & S.Cht. Lond. and N. Westn )o, Fifths Do.lol. C Do. Eighths ~ London andS. Westn. Do., 450. Do., £4O icindrry& Col oral nt Lndndrrr. & Ennisk Manch .Snef.& Li nolo Do., Man. & Lin. Un Metropolitan Midland Do. Birmng. & DerbT %did. G. West. (Ira, Do. Half Shares Newcastle & Carlisle Nwpt.Aberg. &Hrfil Newry & E nniskillen Newry Warrenpoin and Rostxevor Norfolk Northn.Connties Un North British , Nth Devon Rail. & Dock Stock Do., A Stock.— ..... no., B Stock ..... Do. B Guarantee N. E:astern—Berwic Do. do. Extension Dodo. G.N.E. lurch Do. Leeds ......... Do. York North London N. &S. Wstrn. , Haw - stead, and City Jn.. North Staffordshire.. North Western N. & S. Wostrn. Juno Nuneaton, Hinckley, and Leicester.. Ox, Worc.. & Woly Portsmouth 'Sc.ottish Central BeottishMidlanci... Shropshire Ut South Devon South Eastern South Wales S. YAW). t Riv. Dur • Do Staines o Wtk. &Welt Stockton & Dar li Stockton & Hartlep Taff Vale Do. Pref., No. 1.... ,Thames Ilay. D.& R Ulverstone dt Lanes Vale of Neath ; Waterfd. & Kilkenn• Waterford&Limeri ei .West Cornwall. ;West End of London l and Crystal Palace Do. A. ••••••• 0000000 Do. B .West London. IWimbledn & Croydon , Business done this day. 28 7i Antwerp&Rott rd Do. 5 p.c. Oblgs. con. in Sh. at par till '64 Ardennes Belgian East'. June Bezi ors to araiesPesm Bombay, Baroda, an _ _ 8i 9 tar 2 p 5 n 24 2 flenti3:l I ndia.Eicri 1 - lit, Do. Domorar& flitch Rhenish r. astern of France Do. Now pl , 04 - 2 1 4 12 -14 224 - 23 22 - 224 gad Indian, g. 5 p. Do. Extension.. D 0.4 no. do. do., '59, dr.. Goe'ong Melboulne guar. 5 per c nt.. Do., Lon. allot., do. ... -- •• • .... .... ... 16(1. 'll of Canada - A is 7'd 16- 174 Do. Do. Cert. of Deben. con. into Stk. till'6.' Do. Comp. 6 p. c. , do Gt. Central of France Gt. Indian Peninsul , Great Luxemborm. Constituted Shares Do. Obligations... Do. re-is. forftd. Sh. Gt. Western of Cana(' Shares Do. New 75 77 85 3 / 4 -86 i 6 - 6 3 / 4 t 21i -22 i 711 3# - 31 251 3 - &IF Do. 8d a., payable's7, with option till '55.. Do. do., '62, p. '56.. Do. do., '76, p. Do. do., '73, without 99 - 100 120 - 125 120 - 1.25 option Hamilton & Toronto' 'Do. 6 per cent. Lake Conet. & Bask Lierre and Turnhout I Lucca & Piet. 5 p. o.p Lynne end Goneva Lyons & Mediterran liadrap, guar. 41 p.c Do. New co., 5 p. e Do. 4i p. c. Eaten !feria Antonia Do. do. New Namur & Liege (49,1 107 109 25 26 d 117 122 VT^ 13 p 20 - 204 - 2 i •-• P Interest) . Do. (ex interest)...., Northern of France. D 0.201.8118. 7* - 6 41* -- 41 12 - 12, Do. 204 3 p. 0 Mr (fmy.B.6a Ams. She. orwegianTrunkPre Paris and Lyons Ditto Bonds Paris and Orleans Rome and Frascati Royal Danish Royalavredish Do. Obligations .... Ei --- 101 53i -53 i r$ 55 19~ - 20, &rabic slid Meow_ Do. 5i p. cent. Pret Sciudo, guar. 5 p:c = 14 is 2 Do. southern of France St. Andrew's •n•' Quebec (A)... West Flanders Do 5l rer c. Pref W. & N. W. of Franc West. of Switzerland Wiesbaden ... •.. „.•• ..,. pin 1•• .. 4i - ....... 5 4g i 36 ..- 37 6 :7. Zealand ionizeroci BANK& 40 41 Aflatrsia.i. 25 5 Bank of Egypt - 100 50 Bank of London 63 --• 65 40 all Itri. Col. Bk. San. C. . 60 all Nritish N. American ... 25 5 Chartd • Bank of Asia 20 4 Chrtd. Bnk. of India, Australia, & China - ..d 100 50 City - 66 100 25 Colonial •• 100 20 Commercial of Load 20 all Eng.Seot. &Ans.Cht. 16 -- 16 - 40 all Load. Mart. Bk. of Australia 20 5 Ditto New 3 2d 21 50 20 London and County _ 1(X 60 Lnd.&E.Bnkg.Corp, p a r 50 10 London Joint Stock. 100 10 London and Paris 3 2 d 1 0 0 20 Loud. &Westoillistin ••• 47 I 100 35 National Pro.of Eng 20 10 Do. New c• • eee , e• • 50 22i National of Ireland.. 20 all New South Wales.... 40 42 25 all Oriental Bank of Corporation 43 20 5 Ottoman Bank 10t , 60 Royal British ••• 25 all loath Australia 25 all Union. of Australia 7O - 72 .4 Do. New ' ••••••!... 7i "" 8 i 50 10 rrnion of London . . • • • l e 3o We Loin of.Loia. 100 100 61a. all all all all 100 all 100 100 100 100 all 100 54 24 100 all all 100 c 129 1.00 100 100 took 100 1 1 21} 15 all too 100 311 p to all 14 44 all 14 all 14 000 . 7 7NYS $1 x d 17i 17 t 10g g PREFERENCE SHARES. St. 100 Aberdeen lls - 122 ' -It. 100 no. N 0.2, 7pc. . 116 120 St. 1100 Do. Debentures ... 84 90 .15 \ al , BlythandTyn ,, 101,..1 so. pref. (issd. 4501 ... - ... Zit. 100 Bris. & Ez. 4p.c. St 93 95 20 1 Do. 4p. c. Shares - -- • - St. 1.) Caledonian £lO ... . 96 - 98 x d a ' Cho& &. fro. On. 51 pc 153 - 163 91 ' I Do. do. Pref. No. 2. ... - .... 'i f -. 1 Do. do. Prof. No. 2 ... - . 54 all Cork dtßandonslp.c ._.: --- .- ~ all I)uu.Prth ~,t Aber.J. 51 - 61 10 1 2 E. Anglian Cls. A Sh. •.• -- St. 100 Do. do. Cls. B 6p.... 105 - 110 St. 'lOO Do. do Cls. C7p. c. ... -• ... all 1?•as. go. Vy,s pe NG 1 g pm ,:. all Do. No. 2 ..... ~.... t - 3 Pm i 0 al Do. New 6p. a. t 4.1 124 - 14 121 1 :0 all rlnst Un., G. 6p. i.s ... - - 6 all 1.0. 5i.,10 ner ceW ... - .0 all '...0. 1. Del; , •ntr.Sl . n. all Do. do. 4 per cent.... - - 3t. 10f. , ast Lanca- LAb. et ... -- all .'kW. Vorl.. J. sth-1 ... -- 10 1 Edit'. & Gl. 5 p.c. sh. • - - •• • it 100 -A Prthatnitn.4l.).... 69 . 71 20 all Furness .• --- ••• St. 10., glas. &S.W. G. 5 p.c .- it. 100 treat Northn. sp. 0 116 - 118 St. 100 Do. sp. c. Redeem at 10 p. c. prem. 107 - 109 St. 100 /o. 41 p. e lO2 - 104 12J 73 De. sp. c. Scrip, Red at sp. c. pm._ . I e 10 al It.N. of Scot.l st Pre 9i - 10 St. 100 It. S. &W. (Ireland ) ... - 20 11 Do. 4per .3. Pzif. S ... - . 50 6 lt.W.(l l .tll.Exspc 6 - 6A St. 100 )o. con. red. 4i p.c. 94 - 96 St. 100 , 9. con. red. 4p. c. F 6 - SR It. Inc - 10. irred. 4p. C. . 88 - 90 St. 100 Do. sp. c. red. pref 98 - 100 10 all Do. tie. do. .._. - ... S all ' )0. Birm. Pref. .3h 0 all 00. Chester 8 p.e.P.S l6t - 171 10 all Do. do. sp.c. do 1 - 103 St t: “, Do. Birin. Gna. Stk 74 -76 i 6 all Do. Ches. G us. Sh.„ I 9 -20 13 all Do. do. do 9k - 103 10 al Do. do. do l4l - 154 I ' A ',an. &York. F. £2( k - 0 St. 100 )o. 6p. c. Stock - 138 St. 100 rJon.&Brigh.G.sp.e ... - «. Bt. ;100 )o. Pref., sp.c. St - St poi 1.3. New Glnar.6 P.C 135 - 140 1:16 -t. 100 Do. do. 5 per cent . ... - ... S'. 100 Con.&N. W., Coy. 6 'neeaton sp. et.. ... - ... St 100 !emit S.W. 7 per ct ... -- ...p .2 , all Lady. &Color. 3Sh ... - 12. ai L ody.&Ennis.3s l ... - ... St. 10 1.,5..& L.,New,lel .•• - •.. 6 4, )o £6 I - i t 23 s farypt .&Carl.4 pl 3 ... - ... 12.4 all .e. 43 percent..... ... - ,•• 12 1 IP >o ••• - .•.. it. L 0( ' id. Consol.6 p.e S 1 4. too N. , . Con. Br. Biz% 6pc 115 - 137 St. 100 Do. 43 p. c. Pref. -, 95 - 97 16. all Do. Prof. 41 per con ... - ... d 5 all Do. 5/. Pr.l. 4p. c. ... - ... St. 100 Ditto L.& H. Pref. S. .. - ... 10 an } New., Alm - . , dm., pr. sp. c. red. 5p c, pm. ••• .... ••• 10 al, Norfolk Deteotnr. ... - 3t. 100 Do• Prof. 5p.0. St cl, .... - ... St. 100 Do. 5 p.a. Est it. 100 D 9. 51 per ct. pref. , ... - ... it. 100 Do. Way. Val. sp. e . -- 3t. 100 North British lO3 -1.04 it. 1.00 N. E. Berw, 4 p.o P. 9 I. - 94' 92 17 7 Do. do. do t4 - 51 20 13 IDo Leeds 6 p01'.1.10. - - -- ... 1.24 9 Spa. do. Quarters ... ~ -- .5 10 ,Do. Vork l l.& 4 Pot. 1 - id '3O all North Staffordshir.. - St. 10.) ox, Wo 4: W 15/ I p 97 -- 99 9lf 9 10 93 ,Do R. Prof. 101. Sh. ... - ... 33 all Scot. Cent. ,New Pre ... - ... 15 all South Devon l'3 `-. 151 10 14 Do. fixed,4l per can' ... - .., .o.r all 3, - Eastern (Routh inn.) of £1 Os. Rd. 22 - 23 i St. 10i, Do. Il i pet cent 9B - 100 St. 100 Do. Fixed 43 pc sh 9l - 10 St. 100 , i Wales Gua. 4p, e ... - ... LO all De. .' O . 4 3 P. C-- , - - ••• 20 all 4 .. Vorksh.4p.e.Guar. ... - ... 25 a ll !r oc k .At Dar., sp. c• .., - • 25 15 Do. do. do. 1 - 2p 12i a ll ,tock. & Hartl. g. 6 p. c. till July 1,'66 ... - ~.. c 4A q•itertd.&Kilk.6pc 2 i -2,3 d MINES. ph 0 TV: .nglo Austria. Gold Anglo Californian kustra lian knstralian Cordillera tve Maria Baden (Gd.l of Blemar. Iron & Co* British Iron Brazil ianlmp. (issued at £5 pm.) Do. Cocaes Do. St. John Del Red Clarendon Cons. Min, Co. of Jamaica Care Copper Colonial Gold Copper Min. of Eng Do. Pref. 7i p. csent Copiapo Fortuna Genc.al Gt.NuggetVeinßeg Great Polgooth.... Gt Wheal Vor United Liberty x - - 2i 3 3._ 3i 24 - 26 - iP 65 - 68 A 38 26 27 18 id 14 -- 16 1 1i 1 - id Linares. Lusitanian Nlarignita ........ New Granada Nouveau Monde Pontgi.Sil. dt Le. Min Port Philip quartz Rock Rhymney Iron Do. New iantiaco de Cuba.. i 6 8 - 1 1 - 10 - 12 20 - 22 6 - 8 3 -- 3 3 / 4 2 3 / 4 - 3 Sort. dens. Min. Co.! -4onth Australian.. Do. Scrip Do. 10 per cent Pref Tam. S. St L. Min. Co fin Croft United Mexican .Faller West Mariposa Northing Mining of Australia 2 4-4. ti - 4} ... .... NO ~nh+.. I 64U 101 f 95 41 64 741 444 4 35 41 78i I 724 I 71 i 7 i 7 3i 40 5 St, 15 all all all all 12& I 14j i i all all all 12s, MISCELLARBOU/S. 25 19 Australian Agricult. 32 34 IC all Austradn. Royal Mail .. 11l all Berlin Water Works 61 74 SO 30 Brit. American Land •• 100 Canada l4O - 145 110 411 ten -.0 0 .;4 1 ,.e. Tal,&;uly 109 i 110 110 St. 100 Do. 6p. c. Feb & Aug 107 1 09 St. 100 Do.6p.c. Mar & Sept'lo6 103 5 ail ~ `rv9ta, Pwace. . 2B - 21 21 5 all Do. Preference. 5l - 51 4 411 Crystal Pal.of France 1 - 4 Onston Iron Oro 20 13 Eastern Steam 5 all En.4lAus Cop Sin Co 14 2 211 St. 100 ollectric Telegraph B9 90 - 1 all R)tetrio Teleg. &Ir ... ••1 5 a ll Gen. Iron Sc Collier ••• 15 14 Gen. Steam Navlgat,„ 18 all General Screw StAs.m l6l 151 4 all Lond. Gen. Omnibus 31 20 10 Magdalena St. Nav;g. 10 all Aediteran. Elec. Tel. 8 . 10 9 Wexican&S.Americn. 51 gi 6 1 all Nat. Pat. Steam Fuel 10 5 Netherlands Land.... 11 10 all Do. Do. 5 2 Do. 8 pcP iss atl d 1 in 2i 100 80 New B. &N. S. Land 18 22 1 all N. B. Australasian 4 20 15 Nrth.ofEurr• - nStease 13/ 1 all Oriental Gas l/ 11 1 2s. Do. "New Shares" it —iP pm 5 all Peel Rr. Ld. & Minrl. 21 —3/ 3 1 50 all Peninsular & Oriental 661 6 50 10 Do. New 100 60 Royal Mail Steam 1 all Scot. Austral. Invest. 11 -- I 1 Ditto New oe 25 all Anntb AustraLLand 37 •-•• 39 " ar. Submar. Tel. Scrip - 14 20 al; OH. Registered_ 15 5 Prust& 1001 2fle vas Dlemen's tend 16 -- 17 , 0 , \Tao 6p c JO.u&July '_ ^?~ I 3 gitiLvtAir. Redford and Blot Aley Buckghamsh. Clydesdale T . ' Col. Stour Vy. ' Sud. and Hal. E. Lin. e. 6 pc. E. tin. H. Sh, Glas. Barr. & Neils. Direct Do. New Glstr„d; Dn. Fr Hrtlpl. Dk. & Railway Hull & Selby Do. Shares. Do. 1 Shares. Lon.&Greenw Do. Preference Lon.,Til.,&S. Lowestoft gr. 4 per cent. Do. 6 per ct. Manch. l3atn and Matlock Middlesbro' & Redcar Mtdld.Bradfd Newmarket Bury E. G.spc N.& Est.sp.c. Do. 6 per et. Do. Fizeds pc Prost. & y: Do. 4 Shrs. A Roystn.& lilt. Shef.Roth an Gooleg. 5 p.c . Shrews. &H er S. Staffordsh Wear Valley gr 6 per cent Do WiltsPetorarst " 79- TIEP C.ostn. esis.e yestordv,y Lodatk Compare: London & ' N. West. L &N. W. Caledon E. I7n. & E.O Gt.Nrtrai E. Count Caldonian Do Gt. Westr, Yk. New. & Berw. Y. &NM. Do Do S. Euter Do Peto Co. Norfolk Do L.& N. W & Midi& itekton k Darlingt. En. Conn. E. Count. D 0... ' Do L. & N. W ' Do Ot Nora= Lancash & Yorksh. T. Braasey M. MClean Stockt. & Darlingt' Do IntWeatn. 95 -- 97 94 - 11 - 13 43 ... 5 i 64 = 106 12i - 1110 - 115 2a 21 92 - 94 ••• •• 134 - 138 3 ;d; 3L - 32~ THE SUN 2 LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL il, 1856. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY). The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE SCOTCH JUDGES. Lord CAMPBELL said that two of the Scotch judges —the Lord Justice General and the Lord Justice-Clerk —had been summoned to give evidence in a commit tee of their lordships' house now sitting upon the appellate jurisdiction of the House of Lords, and be wished to know where the oath was to be administered to those learned judges. The English judges were sworn on such occasions at the woolsack, but he was much afrAid, unless a special motion was made for the occasion, the Scotch judges would be sworn in Westminster-ball. He wished, therefore, to move that the Lord Justice- General and the Lord Justice-Clerk be sworn at trhe woolsack. Lord REDESDA LE said the Scotch judges were not lia')le to be called to that house as the English judges were, and he thought the oath should be administered in the usual manner. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the Scotch judges could be sworn at the woolsack without any no. lation of the forms of the house. The Earl of EGLINTON could see no difference between the English and Sootch judges, and, therefore, he thought they should be sworn in precisely the same way in which those learned judges were. Lord MONTEAGLE hoped that whatever rule was adopted, it would be made applicable to tie Irish judges. (Laughter.) The motion was agreed to. house to refuse its consent to the resolutions about to be proposed by the noble lord t'-e member for London. The house having resolved itself into a committee, Lord J. RUSSELL, having so folly addressed the house on a former occasion with reference to the subject, sim• ply moved the first resolution, viz : —" That, in the opinion of this house, it is expedient to extend, revise, and consolidate the minutes of the Committee of Privy Council on Education," Mr. HENLEY said his first itnpression was that these resolutions should have been taken in detail ; but on considering them he found it would be impossible to get over the first resolution satisfactorily. He wanted to know in what manner the merits of the Committee of the Privy Council on E lucation should be extended, &c., and that being so vague he thought the house would not consent to it. He should consider these reso'utions as a whole, and, therefore, instead of asking the house to negative the proposi:.ion, he should adopt the safer course, that the chairman do now leave the chair. This scheme was divided into six great branches, that of inspection, the formation of dis tricts, charitie4, religious teaching, and the mode of forcing masters to pay those whom they employed under a certain age. He objected to the general power of in spection these resolutions would give the inspectors, and he doubted if many of the schools would submit to it. He could consider nothing so inimical as this house to pledge itself to what they could not afterwards carry out. It was not to be expeeted that private property would submit to public inspection. The people of this country may be led, but they did not like to be driven—(hear, hear)—and the sending of 80 sub-inspec tors over the country would b e lik e ly in his opinion to frustrate the objects he had in view. If the object was to get information, might it not be obtained in a more extended manner by returns from the schools containing full details of what they taught, &c. They would thereby get that information earlier and better than by Government Inspection, because there were many who would not have it, and who shut their doors against it. The next point was the power to be given to the Privy Council behind the backs of parties, and on the report of the sub-inspectors to form districts. The inevitable result of the forma tion of districts would be in small parishes to break up the existing parochial school system and sever the clergymen from these schools. The present valy of bringing clergymen to the schools was to be found from Mr. Kennedy's report. Every one must, however, be impressed with the necessity of the religious element of these schools—(hear, hear) — and he congratulated the noble lord with having on this - occasion gone further in that direction than on any former occasion. To destroy that mu-t have a mischievous effect. The next point was the power to en large the power at present enjoyed by the Commissioners of Charitable Trusts to apply the funds now useless or injurious to the community to the education of the mid dling and poorer classes. He thought this subject should have been dealt with substantially, and not in these resolutions; The noble lor I, it should be recol- lected, was one of the commissioners, and what was done by them might come under the notice of this house. Had that resolution been introduced by any other person, he should have thought his object was to have obtained the quasi sanction of that hodse to some most important matters under their considera tidn. The hon. gentleman then referred to the Charity Commissioners' report that had recently been published, and analysed the manner in which the funds had been adini nistered bythem,and contended none of thesecharities were useless or injurious, and ought not to be diverted fram their original purpose. The next question was that of the mode proposed for the settlement of the religious differences existing on this important question, and which he wished had not been introduced for their con sideration then, and on so vaguely worded a resolution; It appeared to him (admitting they could not carry on education without religious instruction) that by this resolution they would be shutting out many children, and the system would be brought down to a secular one, which would be a great misfortune. The rating system, as proposed, was bad, because the powers for deciding that a district should be rated were to be vested in the Committee of the Privy Council, and it was equally objectionable to give the powers of imposing the rate to the quarter sessions. This branch of the scheme, he thought, would produce as much discord and ill-feeling as existed now in many districts with regard to Church rates, and from sectarian feelings. He now came to the pro position that the employers of labour should send chil dren employed by them under a certain age to school, and pay towards their education. These no doubt had been founded on the factory system, but the two cases were not strictly analogous. All the school inspectors complained of children being removed from school at a certain age, especially in 1854 and 1855, and Mr. Cooke's report bore extensively on that subject. In the years 1854 and 1855 high prices occurred, and he thought it was that pressure on the poor that had in duced many of them to remove their children from school to put them to remunerative laboir. The noble lord had read to them. "some extracts from Mr. Coske's re port, for the purpose of showing what the children ac quired in good schools up to 11 or 12 years of age. He (Hr. Henley) found Mr. Cooke proposed that, in addi tion to reading, writing, and arithmetic, the children should be taught the elementary knowledge of the Eng lish language, history, geography, physical science, and the principles of political economy. All that was to be acquired before the age of 12 years, so that what the children were to get after that was a puzzle to him. Now, the house sought to know what they were going to do on this point, but the noble lord had thrown nu light on this matter, except reading the extract from Mi. Cooke's report. The Rev. Canon Moseley, another in spector, differed in opinion from Mr. Cooke as to the kind of education the children should receive, and re commended the establishment of dame schools thr,.ugh out the cctuntry. As the character of the schools un proved, it was hoped, —he said, thit the children would be sent to school more numerously, and longer Dept there ; but that hope bad been disappointed, fir parents reasoned in this way—th the teaching was Si) good they could, in consequence, take the children from school much earlier. Mr. Moseley added, that there wa, a greater proportion of the people in this country who were growing up able to read and write than formerly. Another inspe;tor, Mr. Kennedy, said that the improve• mint which ha 1 taken place in the schools in Lancashire contrasted well with those abodes of filth called thena• tional schools some 20 years ago. He (Mr. Henley) had heard several persons of experience say that the youths educated at the national schools 10 years ago did not carry from them a disposition to continue the course of study into which they had been there initiated. He was asked the question whether the scholars in the higher classes retrograded in their attainments and intelligence. Mr. Kennedy went on to consider the question, which was a most important one; and he spoke in reference to the existing mode of teaching, and gave his opi nion upon it. lie said, " I confess that there is truth in the statement that those who leave our nati , nal schools deteriorate intellectually rather than improve; and I do not think that this is satisfactorily accounted for merely by the earlier ago at which they leave." Here the noble lord and Mr. Kennedy were decidedly at issue. Mr. Kennedy said that "we want, at least, three grades of schools—infant. secondary, and third. In the first, the children would be taught to read, write, and cipher, in the second, to read and write well, the compound rules of arithmetic, vulgar fractions, and to parse an English sentence perfectly." He added that they would gain these acquirements by about nine years of age ; and, with respect to the third schools, he said, " I would have regular lessons in four subjects only. In the morning th boys would learn a language and drawing." What language—whether Greek, Latin, French, or German— was not stated ; " and in the afternoon arithmetic, or mathematics, or music by notes." He (Mr. Henley) doubted whether it would be satisfactory to the inanu• facturing men of Lancashire—of which district Mr. Ken nedy was the school inspector—to be deprived of their chi'dren's earnings at a time when there was the greatest pinch to support the family, in order that they might learn arithmetic, drawing, mathematics, or music. He believed that there was no disinclination on the part of the working classes to send their children to school, but from their inability to lose the wages of those children. The inspector who looked over the eastern part of Eng land, said, in parishes with a population not exceeding 460 persons, a dame's school would be sufficient. He next came to the qUestion of recreation or amusement. What was the kind ,of recreation which Mr. Mitchell 1 1 suggested ? He (Mr. Henley) confessed that if he had not seen the suggestion he could hardly have believed it. This gentleman having gone on some trip of duty to France, became acquainted with the mode of recreation pursued in some educational institution there, and seemed to think it suitable to the people of this country. Ile said—" It seems to be that more weight might be given in teaching games, and providing amusement in the schools. Many inconveniences Might be prevented if there was a room provided well lighted and furnished"— -not ve.,:th books, but— " with , backgammon boards, chess, or draughts, or even billiards or bagatelle tables." He (Mr. Henley) con f esse d that, hen he looked at Mr. Cook's estimate of what chil dren might know up to 12 years of age, and when, he found that Mr. Kennedy was of opinion that the present mode of teacking was too professorial, he (Mr. Henley) thought that - the system might be compared to a fire engine charged with 'instruction which was brought,to play - upon the children. Some informatiGn might stick to them just as a - fire-engine might wash clean, but he thought that in both cases the p rocess could ba more effectually accomplished by gradual means. Mr. Ken nedy proposed to copfine the children to one or two dry things—mathematics to conciliate Cambridge, and lan guage to conciliate his Oxf srd friends. It appeared from the opinions of Mr. Cook and Mr._ Watkins that the reason why children did not go to school was, because their parents could not afford to lose the wages earned by those children. The amount of these wages had been differently estimated by different persons. The amount of wages earned by children between the ages of 12 and 15 had been estimated at 3,000,000/. per annum. Mr. Reltairs Stated that, in six counties, they amounted to 500,0001. a year. Mr. Cook said that he knew instances in which boys of that age earned as much as Bs. a week. If the plan of the noble lord were adopted, the inconve nience would be enormous to the employers of labour, who would be compelled to have recourse to adult la bour; and he (Mr. Henley) was afraid that the younger children would also be kept away from school, and thus they would run an imminent risk of having a larger num ber of that most neglected class of children neither at school nor at work. It was very well known, according to the census, that there were many hundred thousand children in this country who were neither at school nor at work. The noble lord's plan would not touch those children, although they were the very persons who most required looking after. If they thrust themselves in this way he was afraid that -they might create a great reac tionary feeling on the subject of education, which would be most unfortunate, as, at the present time, there was every disposition on the part of the population generally to value the blessings of instruction, The census COII - taincd much information respecting the time during which children attended school. Mr. Horace Mann, in his volume, concluded that children of the upper and middle classes remained at school fir about six years. If that wero so, and children went to school at fire years of age, and rein xined until 10 or 11, he asked what right ha l they to say that they would interfere with a strong band between the employer of laboar and the free exerche of parental discretion, and compel the children of the poor to be kept at school for a longer period than even the children of the upper and middle classes ? He hoped that in the observations which he had made he bad spoken with all deference of the noble lord (Lord J. Russell), for whose position and abilities he entertained the highest respect. But be could not sit down without calling the attention of the house, more than he had done, to that unfortunate clam of children who were neither at work nor at school. Neither the plan of his right hon. friend (Sir J. Pakington) nor the plan of the noble lord at all attempted to deal or grap pie with that question. He did not believe himself that it was possible to grapple with it by any legislative enactment. He believed its causes were so various, differing in almost every part of every large town, that it could only be remedied by piecemeal. He regretted that the Privy Council had never directed its attention to the subject. The house would recollect that on no occasion since the commencement of these grants had there been any grudging by Parliament of the means re quired by the Privy Council to aid education. He did not believe if the Privy Council tried to deal with this great evil in any way which they thought fit—to operate upon that class which one inspector described as " the Arab population of our cities "—that Parliament would begrudge the necessary means. He trusted that the Privy Council would endeavour to deal piecemeal with ' this subject, and he believed that Parliament would re. juice to find that the Privy Council could say whether, with respect to London, Manchester, or Leeds, where there were thousands of poor children neither at work nor at school, and engaged in all sorts of mischief—" We have tried this scheme—we have got hold of and rescued a number of these children ;" if such a declaration could be made, Parliament would thank the Privy Council. It was very probable that one plan might succeed in the north, and another in the south. One might have more of the religious element in it, and another less ; but if, by any means, the Privy Council could get hold of these children, he, for one, did not doubt that the house would give them its cordial support and sufficient means. If they attempted any wholesale plan they would fail. The task must be undertaken by zealous and earnest men, on a small scale. If it did not succeed, they would at least have the consolation of knowing that they bad endeavoured to meet 'a great necessity. No one could deny that it was a more important and higher duty to get bold of these children, abandoned practically and morally by their parents, than to force people to keep their children at school to the age of 15 years—it was a more important and higher duty than that of, by forcible means, endeavouring to improve the quality of education itself. As soon as these poor children were taught their duty towards God' nd man, they would seek and obtain employment. By this means a great number would be rescued--a great nucleus of our criminal population would be removed, and thus a great benefit would be conferred upon society at large. They must also never forget that instruetion was not education. (Hear.) He believed that the case of America, which had been quoted by the noble lord, was conclusive on this subject. The system commenced there with parties of every religious stamp and character, and home influence in that coun try was much stronger than in England. They could not pretend to say that the large class of the children of the working classes had any home influence, or that they could rely noon their parents, who had so hard a strug gle for an existence, to devote any time to their religious teaching. And there were thousands of persons in large towns to one minister of religion. The ministers of all persuasions were equally earnest, active, and zealous ; but, looking at their limited number, it was utterly im passible for them to supply the want of that which the schools could not give. If they adopted a great sweep. ing plan of this kind, depend upon it they would lose that which formed the security and stability of this coun try, viz., sound religious teaching, which bad been con sidered essential in all our educational institutions, from the universities down to the schools of the lowest grade. The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving that the ch.-di-man do now leave the chair. Mr. ADDERLEY thought the course adopted by the right lion. gentleman was not very courteous to the noble lord who had paid so much attention to the question. He could not sly he approved of all the resolutions proposed by the noble lord, hut he hoped at least that the first of them would be adopted. After much consideration, he had come to the conclusion that, in the religious and poli tical condition of England, a national system of rating for the purposes of education was impossible. He would, therefore, put it to the noble lord whether, for the sake of theoretical completeness, he would insist upon a scheme which he could not carry ; and whether it would not be better to improve and extend the present system, which, though theoretically imperfect, had the advantage of prac tical efficiency ? But he could not consent to evade the question, as the right hon. gentleman proposed, because that would give the country an idea that the House of Commons was indifferent to the question altogether. Mr. ELLICE agreed with Mr. Henley in deprecating the scheme of applying the charities of the country to the specific purposes of education, and referred to certain cha rities existing in Coventry as an illustration of the evils that would arise from such a system. He would vote for the first resolution of the,noble lord, because he did not wish it to go abroad that the house was indifferent to the cause of education, but he would not pledge himself to the others. He thought a compulsory system of education in this country was impossible, and therefore the duty of Parliament was to encourage as much as possible the vo lentary efforts which were now making in all directions. Mr. LIDDELL eulogised the existing system of Privy Council assistance, and did not think that in the present temper of the country it was possible for the ingenuity of statesmen to devise a better. Sever hon. members, among whom was Mr. Warren, here rose to address the house, but, in obedience to a gene ral cry of " New member," the others gave way. Mr. WARREN said the question which had been intrc duced by the noble lord was one of the most difficult to which the notice of Parliament could well be directed, and the grave mid statesmanlike spirit in which the noble lord had brought it forward was calculated to con ciliate the respect of the house as well as to produce a very deep impression upon the country. (Hear, bear.) The question of the propriety of establishing a compre hensive system of national education was beset with such deeply-seated, widely-spread, and closely-connected diffi culties, that any one might be pardoned for approaching it with great apprehension. ([sear.) If they viewed these difficulties from a little distance, they appeared threaten ing, but if they went close to them their ramifications seemed to be endless. Those were the best friends of the great cause of popular education who were the most deeply impressed with its difficulties after a patient survey of them, and those were its greatest enemies who, on the one hand, overlooked or undervalued them, or, on the other, conjured up difficulties which did not really exist, and, yielding too easily to the representation that they were insurmountable, gave up their harassing efforts—for harassing they were to an honest and energetic spirit— with a kind of feeling of despair. There wore other enemies of this great cause. They were men who with the best in tentione expected too much or too little from the State or from the public—men who were so wedded to their own opinions that they would rather see the ship founder than not be allowed themselves to grasp the helm. (Flear.) Lastly, there was a formidable class of enemies composed of those who were actuated by unavowed and illicit mo tives, and who unjustly imputed such motives to others. (Hear.) He should not presume to dwell upon the details of the noble lord's resolutions. If he might be pardoned for saying it, several observations made by preceding speakers induced him to think that they had fallen into the error of prematurely considering those details when the at tention of the house ought to be concentrated on the great question of education itself. lie should therefore confine himself to the question before thehouse, and make such ob servations of a general nature as appeared to him to come fairly within the scope of the principle of the resolutions proposed by the noble lord. Considering the failures of the many attempts that had been formerly made to legis late upon this most difficult subject, ho was induced to regard somewhat tenderly any efforts that were made to cure past miscarriages; and, on that ground, he thought that not only the noble lord but the right honourable gentleman below him (Mr. Henley) were entitled to the sympathy of the country. He could not, however, per suade himself, great as might be the difficulties which be set this subject, that they should be deliberately pro nounced by Parliament to be absolutely insurmountable. He could not persuade himself that there was something so exceptional in the character of this country, that its idiosyncracy was such that that which had been done else where—that that which was most practicable in a free State and in a despotic State, in a young State and in an old State, in a great State and in a small State, in a monar • 1 chiral State and in a republican State—could not be ac complished in this country. After the most dispassionate and honest consideration which he had been able to give to the arguments brought forward, differing as he did in opinion from many of his friends on this subject, he felt it his duty to express his sentiments frankly to the hous (Hear.) He believed that if any one calmly addressed himself to the exigencies of this question, he would come to the conclusion, sooner or later, as he himself had done, that the time had arrived forthe Legislature to assume a more resolute attitude and a more imperative tone on this subject than it had hitherto ventured to assume. (Hear.) Public, education had hitherto been conducted and carried on under the flag of the voluntary system. No one felt more profoundly grateful than himself to those who had exerted themselves on behalf of the voluntary system of ,education ; but he was thoroughly convinced that the task which they had undertaken had proved too great for their energies, and that it was not by private efforts that a nation could be educated. At the same time, men of all classes and of every shade of opinion were beginning to get disconcerted anddisgusted as they took a retrospective view of the vacillation which the Legislature had displayed on this subject.,. The voluntary system had done admirably wellin thiscountry. It would be ungenerous and presump tuous to question that fact. What he said was this—and in saying it he thought he was only echoing what was felt by the noble lord —let the friends of the voluntary system con tinue their disinterestedexertions ; let them meet the eforts of a Christian State in a friendly spirit. There was no wish or motive to supersede them, but rather a wish to strengthen their hands and to give them the benefit of co operation where they were not sufficiently strong. lordT That s a , t word " co-operation" contained the gist of the noble resolution. Neither the noble lord (Lord J. Rus sell), nor the right hon. baronet (Sir J. Pakington), nor any one who supported them in the great cause of education had for mo ment entertained the idea of acting against the friends of the voluntary system, er of superseding to them.make They r s ought only to supply their deficiencies and o lh h exertions tar y systemmore believed thatthe tresult . hethecehllfd accomplish friends their o f the v object more effectually by themselves, re. T slatu let themhe List n e ot g fee la lt u h r e e least disconcerted by the would not discourage them. (Cheers.) But he firmly believed by whatever name it might be called—whether they spoke of it as the voluntary system, or as the permis sive system— still it must perform a conspicuous part in ac complishing that which they had been so long seeking, but which they had hitherto sought in vain. The banquet had been prepared, and the fiat had gone forth—" Go ye into the highways and byways and compel them to come in." (Cheers.) He spoke not of a law of physical oompulsion ; he spoke of moral compulsion, which should come in aid of whatever legal compulsion might be Waged in the remoln- SECOND READINGS. On the motion of Lord RE DESDALE, the Knottingly Gas, the Lon ion Docks, the Colonial Bank, and Daw• son's Estate Bills were severally read a second time. ST. JAMES'S PARK. The Marquis of CL ANRICA RD E rose to move that a messege be sent to the House of Commons, requesting them to communicate to this house the report of the se lect committee upon St. James's-park ; and to ask if her Majesty's Government bad come to any decision upon the adoption of the recommendations contained in that report. The noble marquis then referred to the proposed alterations that were to take place, and expressed an objection to the removal of the York Column, which removal would materially affect the value of the houses in Carlton-house-terrace and other places in the neighbourhood. He then pro ceeded to pass a high eulogium on the late Duke of York, who for a period of 32 years had performed the most signal services to this country, and expressed an opinion that such a removal in effect would be treating his memory with the greatest disrespect. When public monuments were erected to perpetuate the memory of distinguished persons he did not think they ought to be moved about like lamp-posts. The alvantage to be gained by the pro posed alterations were infinitesimal, while the cost and inconvenience that they would occasion were enormous. He hoped that no such extravagant and ridiculous out lay would be made, and that the report would be re scinded. The Marquis of LA.NSDOWNE bad no objection to the motion of the noble marquis. No determination had been c •me to by her Mijesty's Government in re spect to the alteration suggested by a committee of the House of Commons. He concurred in the opinion that the proposed alterations, particularly that respecting the removal of the Duke of York's Column, were of too seri ous a character to be hastily acted upon, but would receive the serious consideration of the Government. The Earl of ABERDEEN concurred in the opinion of the noble marquis who had just sat down. He felt greatly pleased to hear that no positive determination had been made on the subject by the Government. The Earl of MALMESBURY concurred. It was said that the Belgravians were the authors of the pro ject, but of what use could an opening into Pall-mall at such a point be to persons residing in that district? The bulk of the people who enjoyed their visit to the parks would object to any plan that interfered with their pri vacy and enjoyment. The Duke of NEWCASTLE inquired whether the block of buildings between Downing-street and Parlia ment-vtreet was to he pulled down ? Lord PANMURE said such would be the case. The offices of the War Department would be erected on that site. Whether in Pall-mall or in Dowsing-street these offices must be close together. Earl GREY said the Government ought to endeavour to locate all ti e public offices between the Horse Guards and the Houses of Parliament. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE observed that a more beautiful site, and one better adapted for the work of a iudicious architect, could not be found than the precinct - circumt , cribed by the river, the Palace of Parliament, and the Horse Guards. THE CAVALRY AND ARTILLERY 'HORSES IN TURKEY AND THE CRIMEA. The Earl of MALNIESBURY inquired whether it was true that the English cavalry horses were not to be brought home, but sold on the spot ? If so, would not the Russians regard them as trophies ? Besides, bow could our cavalry be mounted again under 4wo years. The paltry saving of 100,0001. would not justify such a course. Lord PANMURE could see no difficulty in replacing the horses. To bring them home would entail a cost of 471. per horse, and if traw•port had to be sent out for the purpose not less than 67/. per head. He could re• cogrii,e ne advantage in bringing home too many, beside. the best horses would be studiously preserved. TEEATY WICH THE KING OF-OUDE. To a question from the Marquis of CLANRICARDE as to the treaty of 1837 with the Kin of Otyle, The Duke of 4.13,,GY1AL... said., that. treaty,. though signed by the Governor-General, wai disallowed by the Government at home. It was desirable to watt the return, of the late Governor-General, now on his way home. The Commons' amendments to the Trial of Offenders Bill having been then agreed to, Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.--(YESTERDAY,) The SPEAKER to , )k the chair at the usual hour. NEW MEMBER. Mr. R. P. NESBIT took the oaths and his seat for Chippenhatn. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Dundee Harbour Bill and the St. Ives and Wes t Cornwall Junction Railway Bill were road a third time and passed. . . Mr. SCOBELL presented two petitions against the Abjuration Bill. Mr. Ditiwyn, Mr. E. Bill, Mr. Horafall, and Mr. Hadfield presented petitions against State education. Mr. PHILLIMORE presented a petition from Lea minster against the compulsory education of young per sons. Mr. CRAWFORD presented five petitions in favour of the medical bill. Sir J. SHELLEY presented petitions, signed by up wards of 9,000 persons resident in the metropolis, in favour of opening the British Museum oa Sunday. Mr. DILL WYN gave notice that on the 17th inst. ho should move an address to her Majesty, praying that she would be pleased to direct that public executions might be abolished, and that for the future all executions of criminals might be performed within the walls of the prison. Colonel DUNNE begged to ask the Secretary for Ire land if it was intended during the present session of Parliament to introduce any measure regulating the salaries of clerks of petty sessions in Ireland. Mr. CIORSMAN said a bill with that object was in preparation, and would be shortly laid on the table of the houee. TRANSPORTS. Mr. LINDSAY moved for a return of ships engaged as regular transports, with the names (stating whether steam or sailing), from the Ist day of Jan., 1855, to the Ist day of April, 1856 ; the date of engagement, with a list of the ships in the service at the latter date, their register tonnage, rates of freight, and mulcts or deduc tions from the same, and why made ; in steam-ships, the horse power, the time occupied iu their passages, and, where information has been received, the quantity of coals or fuel consumed per hour. COMMISSIONS. Mr. LOCKE KING moved for a return of the num• ber of Commissions of Inquiry appointed "since the year 1830 ; distinguishing each , and, if expired, the date to the present tary Paper, No. t s h a e rn e e x f p o e r n m s e a o s f P e a a c r h l i , a & tn c e . n , 720, of Session 1850 . RUSSIAN TRADE. t p h e ereof, o e d o , inanthde Mr. J. EWART asked the First Lord of the Trea sury whether it would be practicable to endeavour, to make arrangements with the Russian . Government for the removal of vexatious restrictions imposed upon British Traders in Russia ; more particularly the regu lation of the Guilds as to the buying and re-selling of imports and export , . Lord PALMERSTON said he was quite aware that the internal regulations of Russia were very unfavourable to commerce, and that they bad given cause of com plaint to foreigner?. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Government would, however, take every opportunity of pressing for the establishment of a more liberal system of.-commeree in Russia, but at the present time when negotiations were g oin g on it w as not, be thought, moment to enter on the su bj ect . The ht rest assured that the s u b ject s h ould h th o e n. m m os e t m fi b tt er m .gi4 not escape the attention of Government. EDUCATION. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the hon. member for the West Riding of Yorkshire was unable to attend the house, from a domestic affliction, to proceed with his motion that " on the motion that Mr. Speaker do leave the chair, to go into committee on Lord J. Russell's re solutions on education, to move that, in the opinioa of this house, the erection and maintenance of schools for teaching the various forms of doctrinal religion, to be supported wholly or in part out of local rates, will not be deemed a just or satisfactory system of education by the people of this country." He (Lord J. Russell) proposed that the Speaker do leave the chair, for the house to go into committee on this question. • Mr. HADFIELD rose to present a petition from f t society embracing the supporters of the voluntary system of education, hut was stopped by The SPEAKER, who said the hon. member was out of order. He should have presented it before the mo tion was put. Lord J. RUSSELL said he would withdraw his mo tion, with the consent of the house, to allow the hon. member to present his petition. Leave, was accordingly given, and the motion was withdrawn. - Mr. HADFIELD, in a lengthened address, stated to.. the house tlie purport of the petition o and nailed on the •..lUle this Lay ~. _ ~` tions of the noble lord, and which ho believed had not gone too far. He confessed That the statistics of the noble lord, which vouched the amuracy of those quoted by the right hon. baronet (Sir J. Pakington) last session; startled him, and compelled him mentally to ex , laity, " Something must at length be done ;" for those statistics disclosed the frightful extent of the moral degradation of the pe.iple of this country. They showed that the land was totally uncultivated—not that the soil itsolf was sterile, but that it needed good moral husbandry, from which, if timely applied, they might gather a rich, plenteous, and virtuous harvest. (Cheers.) Was this state of things truly characteristic of the age ? Let them fix their eyes steadily upon these facts, and ask how it had come to pass that they should have existed so long, and what were the circumstances which were controlling and pressing ui,on them ? Let them look upon the children whom these re solutions regarded, and consider them in the benevolent spirit in which they had been framed. Let them look upon every individual child, who was an object of these resolu same mixture of independence and obedience to antb4)rity which made the greatness and independence of the Ame rican and British names. If the education of the A an e ii. can people had becoroe more and more secular, it li :id be. come so only because the American people had grmlivally separated the two elpra?nts of religious and secular edn c •tion. -- Fie did not think it possible for any man wInl) ap preciated the character of the A merican people to poiitt out 40) people amongst whom religious convictions were :more profound, or who acted more upon religious principle. (Hear.) But yet he did not mean to say that be thynght the American system was applicable to this coon try of ours. What was education but the bringing up, uo.ider thousand influences, of the individual child? It was impos sible for them to say that by any system they couloi pro duce a fixed and definite result ; they could only anproxi mat) to what they expected, and there would all rays be many counteracting causes. It was, therefore, that he thought there was a profound philosophical tru th in the resolutions of his noble friend the member for London tions, as being one of those immortal spirits of which th e and he believed his noble fri en d was perfectly right in on- State was but an aggregate, and whom the State had been deavouring to develop, in the fair and liberal man ner ex _ so guilty in neglecting; and then let it sink deep in the pressed in his resolutions, the education of the country. national conscience, so as to compel the Legislature, from He could not see that these resolutions rondo it imperative a sense of personal as well as national responsibility, to to impose any given rate at all upon the country-. It - was feel itself bound to establish an act by which it should it- only proposed that, under certain circumstances, if Om) in self become the guardians of those children. But when habitants of any particular district were themselve s so j og . the nation seemed at length to be awakened to something pressed that it was notoriously deficient in mown' ens/seli like a sense of its duties in this respect, it was to be told, gious knowle Igo, that they should be permitted to impose it seemed, that it could not stir a step in the direction of a rate upon themselves. It was surprising the monserrona reclaiming this moral waste, because if it did it would be deductions that had been made that evening from, th a t ruining and beating down the safeguards of civil and reli- simple fact. He should even think that the scheme pro. gious liberty. He asked the house to look at this grand pounded by the inhabitants of Manchester and Sanford argument, the stratum of so muck unreal opposition—of ought to have been accepted. (Hear, hear.) He believed much unsubstantial though showy opposition—to these it would have been an experiment coming out of the , very resolutions. Let the house consider into what a strange heart of a noble people, and he thought that, in pra dimes paradox it resolved itself. Our strength was the source of many difficulties would have disappeared. The noblo lord our weakness. We were so powerful that we were power- (Lord R. Cecil) had mentioned a school in which there is -ere less. But was it to go forth to the nations of the world a number of children of different religious denoneinat ions, that England, so great, could not educate its own children, and they were allowed to be taken away during the -time and that where power was the greatest the least could be of religious instruction ;he (Mr. Milnes) would as 6. the done? If this were so, it ought not to ha so. Let them not noble lord if he was aware that where that experimen i had in the 19th century—in these critical and remarkable times been tried on a very large scale, the effect bad been that, —stultify themselves by converting that noble thing where the religions services were short and reasonab I e as berty into licence, by submitting to an ignominious in the prayers of the service of the Church of Englant L, the tyranny that arrogated to itself the name of freedom. number of children withdrawn were infinitesimally s There could be no language more bitter, no rebuke more He would instance one case, that of the large sch so! at severe and grave, addressed to the Legislature than the Birmingham, on going over which the Bishop of ran very reasons which had been assigned for its abdi. cheater said to him, "Oh ! I wish those gentlemen - who eating its authority in this matter, since that talk so much about religious differences could see how authority was to be seen in constant action, limit- these difficulties disappear in practice." He (Mr. Mitees), ing and directing the exorcise of the rights of the therefore, wished they would be a little more mod , hit in subject in whatever course it pleased. The most con- their assumptions, and a little more doubtful as to their spicuous feature of modern legislation was its bold statistics. If the power of imposing rates should be at any interference session after session, and Parliament after Par- thee abused, there was a power in public opinion to cl teek liament, with those rights which were conceived to be pe- that abuse; Parliament might at any time interfere. , He culiarly transcendent—such as the right of personal liberty, should vote for the resolutions of his noble friend, as he. the right of private property, on which were imposed from believed them to be honest, just, and moderate. (Hear.) time to time restrictions so severe that they would not be Sir J. GRAHAM said-he believed he was sitting at the, tolerated in a low state of civilisation. What, he would feet of Gamaliel, and he was willing to take lessons or, ask, was the characteristic of the Encumbered Estates Act? humility, whether enforced by precept or example. ( & (Hear.) Since then there had been a dozen or twenty sta tutes which interfered with the liberty of the subject, and laugh.) He would be moderate in his conclusions fro in yet when a resolution was aimed at the extirpation of this any statistics he might use, and he had inquired carefu'ey moral evil, this cancerous disease, they were roughly tole , nto their accuracy; and, before he sat down, it would • - be he might say—with reference tea statement which he sup- his duty to comment on the experience of the hon. meirler posed had been put into the hands of other members as (Mr. Milnes) as to the benefits resulting from short reli well as into his own—they were acrimoniously told th a t the noble lord was interfering with the liberty of the sub- gious instructions, and to show that it was neither co 'lsis. jeet. Now, the speech in which the noble lord brought tent with the voluntary teaching of religious sects,, nor forward his resolutions required that he should be encoun- permanently-conducive to the religions or political int erests tered with the utmost respect. (Cheers.) The noble lord of the country. In the first place he must premise that did not appear to him, after all the consideration he could this could not possibly be regarded as a party qftestio n . give the matter, to contemplate any violation or the true liberty of the subject. (Hear.) He would not presume (Hear.) Now that peace was happily restored to the upon the indulgence which the house usually awarded tr- people of this country this was-the question in which a new member, to say many things that he intended to ex- they took a deeper interest than any other, and one on press —(cheeze;—but if the house would bear with him, he which a ruistake on the part of that house would be most wished to say a word or two upon a point upon which f scaut justice had been done to the noble lord. They must fatal to the interests of the p eo pl e; an d h e th oug h t they look at the resolutions of the noble lord as a whole, and as should best meet the wishes of their constituents in die. complementary to that which had been done by the friends cussing it without any patty considerations and with of voluntary education. The object of the resolutions wee moderation and calmness. (Hear.) He was glad her 31a expressed in the first resolution, that, seeing the want e' jesty s Government had not committed. itself to any definite education, it behoved the house to extend, revise, and con solidate the minutes of the Privy Council nu Education line as to those resolutions. He hoped they would ponder The noble lord had dealt with the question in a compre- well and deliberate seriously before they gave to those rase hensive spirit, and it would be for the house to consider lotions their official support. He could not agree with the what should be the extent and mode of action of the ma- hon. member for Midhnrst (Mr. Warren) in everything chinery. Where it was deficient let them add to it— which he had said, especially to the voluntary efforts of where its action was imperfect let them correct it, but let not the noble lord bo found fault with when he said the Dissenters, and he was surprised at the conclusion at that, although he gave every credit to the voluntary which that hon. gentleman had arrived, that in supporting system, there were great patches of ground which that sys- chose resolutions he should not be interfering with those tern could not reach, and when be called upon the Govern- voluntary efforts. (Hear, hear.) He also used an expres ment to exercise its authorityin reclaiming and cu tivating sion to show the extent to which ho was prepared to go in this moral waste. There was nothing more cheering to the support of the resolution of the noble lord for compelling great body of the public which had constituted then its :,he children to come in anti be educated, and he said, also, representatives and the focus of its will and aotiou than te that it was a moral compulsion. Now, the great objection see manifested in the discussion of this great question that which he (Sir J. Graham) took to the resolution was, that holy reverence for religion, without which education was a it proposed, not a compulsion of moral snesiou, but a legal mockery, a delusion, and a snare. It was necessary to re- one—(hear)—both on the employers of labour and on the spect that liberty which the subject ought not to cease to employed. Again, ho said, quoting, perhapanot correctly, enjoy, but let the house dosomething, let the State remern- - 1 a words of the hon. gentleman, how disgraceful it was her its duties, and that those duties included the educati on th a t En g l an d, w ith h er free institutions, could not educate of the people on religious principles. The greatest man who ter people. No whe (Sir J. Graham) was prepared to show had sat in that house for centuries, Edmund Burke, had :hat England, in consequence of having free inetitations, shown that the Church and the State in a Christian cow- .vas educating her people progressively; and his great objec munity were one and the same thing, being only contiguous ;ion to those resolut ens was that they were contrary to the parts of one and the same whole. Religion was thus seen to orinciples of liberty, and would most materiallyimpede the be within the province of the civil magistrate. The State course of those free institutions under which our people were bad duties which its subjects bad a right to expect the per- tagging so educated. The hon. and learned gentleman justified formance of, and where the State saw that no education he exceptive legislation contemplated in the resolutions on existed, and that none would ex i s t, it was no t on l y i t , t h e precedent wich Parliament had set in passing the act right but its bounden duty to interfere. With reference to for the sale of encumbered estates iu Ireland, but he alto the machinery for carrying the bill into effect, he regarded gether denied the application of that precetent, and he it with deep anxiety. He did not wish to add to the oh- denied that the people of England were arrived at that state stacks by which the noble lord was surrounded and °mbar- ,f things in reference to education which, prevailing in /wised, but lie asked him to reconsider that portion of hi,- Ireland in regard to landed property, justified the passing resolutions which referred to tee alienation of the pre- of the act referred to. The hon. and learned gentleman, petty of charities. (Cheers.) So deeply did he respect the however, said that he (Sir J. Graham) agreed with him spirit in which the noble lord had brought forward his race that these resolutions were to be taken as a whole. Now, lotions—so much did he appreciate the comprehensive eau- speaking of them as a whole, it was his opinion that, in tion with which the noble lord had dealt with the subject, stead of these resolutions producing that gradual develop• that he would not suggest a difficulty unnecessarily. But meut of progressiveeducation, so much desired by the hon. he asked the noble lord to reconsider that portion of his ,nember for Pontefract, ho lookcel upon them as a most resolutions, and see if he could not dexise some remedy headlong step in advance. He spoke with respect—with un which was less calculated to arouse feelings of the intensity reigned respect—of his noble friend the member for Lon of which the house had a sample the otter night. He was ion. He could not forget—history would remember what very grateful to the house for having listened to him thme had been his successful labours to improve legislation, and far. (Cheers.) After the powerful and argumentative to promote civil and religious liberty. He remembered speech of the right hon. gentleman the member for Oxford. that it was to the noble lord they owed the repeal of the shire (Mr. Henley), he rose with great hesitation from the Teat and Corporation Act. He remembered all he had done benches behind that right hon. gentleman. But he thought for the emancipation of the Roman Catholics. He also re he shouid ill discharge his duty as an independent mem- tnembered the labours of his noble friend in the introduc ber if he did not act upon his honest and conscientious Lien of the pon. law into England and afterwards into Ire conviction. (Hear.) Ho trusted that a que s ti on so im- land. He remembered also the constant support he had portant would not be determine,' by an arr a y o f u g h, given to the introduction of national education into Ire words. (Hear.) Let the noble lord go steadily on, anti land—a benefit not less than the greatest which the Legis he hoped he would realise that picturesque and feeling else lature had eon. erred on that county. But, above all, he queues on which the noble lord had adverted to the diffi- sad a satisfaction in seeing his noble friend yesterday, al culties that surrounded this question. He trusted the ,hough stripped of all official power, do battle in defence noble lord would not steer his bark against any of those sf the great principle that no difference of creed should sunken rocks which had wrecked so many noble vessels, operate as au exclusion from the fullest an-I fairest enjoy but that he would calmly stand by the helm, that he tent of those rights which were the property of every chi would set his sails and catch the favourable and cur- zen while liberty remained in this happy land. These were rent of public opinion. (Cheers.) Whatever hon. mem- some of the services which his noble friend had rendered hers might think of the voluntary system, he trusted that to the cause of liberty, and for them he felt deeply grate they would not be deterred by the word compulsory, but ful to hits, and he could never f o rget th e m, but yet he would recognise in the noble lord's resolutions a principl e must say ;hat he differed from some of the opinions of his not of snpercessiou of the voluntary principle, bet a sup- uoble friend on this subject, and he would preface what !element to its deficiencies. They might then use the len- tie had to say on this question with one observation. They gunge of Lord Coke—the master of lawyers, as he was were called on to discuss education in England, and that c die and say—" Blessed is he that lays the fist stone of the question of education in England Was to l u kept quite this building ; more blessed is ho that carries it on towards distinct from education in Scstland or in Ireland, bee muse, completion ; but most blessed is he that finishes it unhappily, in England they were divided into sects almost to the honour of God and the glory of His kingdom." innumerable, while in Seetla.nel nine-tenths of the popula (Loud cheers.) tion were united in owe creed, and that one circumstance Mr. E WART seed that the resoluti.ms of th e n o bl e l or d gave facilities for legislating ou e .l ucat i on w hi c h t h ey e ere altogether in want of iu Engl an d. Th en, w i t h respect t o did nut propose to de ml with charit a ble enslo Atments, but with educational institutions l e ft by our ances t ors f or th e Ireland, the circumstances wer e a l so a lt oget h er diff eren t . great, the over benefit of posterity. The nelele lord did n o t w i s h t o di ver t 'rho Roman Catho:ies constitutes! th e these endowments from their legitim a t e o bj ec t, b u t t o three of the pro whohning. majority of the population i n restore them to their original purpos e s. G rea t goo d h ad winces, while in the northern province they approached to been effected by the Commissi o ner s o f Ch ar it a bl e E n d ow - an equality in numbers with the Presbyt er i ans . But throughout the four provinces the members of the Esta ments. Parliament hat! last session missed an act to en- throughout Church seemed to be in a minority. It would be .ge their p twors, as that act had been attend e d by th e happiest results, since the commissioners h a d i nvest i ga t e d wrong for him to carry this point farther ; but he bogged it to be understood that in arguing this question they w e re 3,000 cases, in which applications for investie ' ation had arguing the question of educetieu Eegland alone. In been made by the trustees. It bad been said that our engineers and labourers in the m anu f ac t ur i ng di s t r i c t s the absence of all party con ideration on thi s question he ' received a kind of passive education in the discharge of trusted he would be allowed t o g i ve his opinion with all their daily duties, which rendered to a great extent any the freedom he would use if sitting upon a committee up other kind of education unnecessary. But one of the stairs, or if he were st the ceuncil table elsewhere. He, in the fist e objected to the f o rm of th e p resen t precu t 1- worst symptoms of modern society was the tendency of the division of labour and the use of machinery to render man ing as unusual in Parliament, and inexpedient tole e brought himself a machine, unless this tendency were counteracted into use. The course which they were invited to take was by education. Ho thought the system of paying for odu exactly the reverse of that in the case of a bill. It was a cation out of the resources of the State had arrived at a Proceeding which began with details and ended with the point when they must soon take a very decided course assertion of principles, and the jumble of both was such as with regard to it. He had always been a warm advocate to produce the greatest confusion, and involved great dan for establishing an educational rate, and he firmly believed ger. Now, in the case of a bill, they began with principles, to that consummation they must come at last. The sys- and when the house sanctioned those principles by the tem of paying for education out of the Exchequer was so second reading, they then went into the details in commit complicated that its own officers could not understand it. tee. He farther objected that son'th of those resolutions . It reminded him of the linos of Milton— were superfluous, and being superfluous, they were calcu " With centric and eccentric scribbled o'er - lated to excite suspicion, so th a t he could not see why they should be asked to conform in a manner by whi c h they Cycle and epicycle, orb in orb." would use all the advantage of past usage. Now, he He was in favour of uniting to the plan of an educational wished to say that he was far from negativing thenecessity rate the present system of centralisation, so as to combine for legislation bearing on education. lie was of opinion perfect freedom of action with perfect responsibility to Par- with the hon. member for Staffordshire (Mr. Adderley) liameut by means of a Minister of Education. He con- that the question of education, as blaring on prison curred with the noble lord in many of his resolutions. He discipline, and on the juvenile criminal population, was believed that every discussion advanced the object they one which had in view, and he would conclude by impr e s s i ng on th e came most properly within the scope of legis lation, and he thought the time was come when in the house the words of Milton—" The nation that neglects the case of children who were under proper parental con education of the people deserves to bo eternally benighted." trol the greatest power should be given for reformatory Lord R. CECIL thought that a local rate on behalf of purposes ; neither was ho prepared to say that the Cheri education would be neither just nor practicable. If local table Commissioners might not produce a bill with a just, rating were instituted it would inevitably dry up all the a nd equitable regardof c t h e ari P t r a o b P le eet t y rus , t a s n i l n w ea h s i e c s h w en h i e g r b e t . e e n 4 g P e P o li f " h t a i ns, or oth er causes, titre trusts had be. voluntary principle of the country. It might b o th oug ht vary change unreasonable that this should be so, but assur e dly th e y f r om must make up their minds for that result. It had been said Dome inapplicable ; but all that must be done with the that education was a national duty, but if that were so, it greatest caution. As his noble friend was a memberof that was a duty which ought to be discharged by the whole of com mission, he sho u ld g l adly receive any measure for that the nation. But who were those upon whom the rate purpose which Wight he recommended as the deliberate wool t fall? Why, only upon about one-half of the popula- opinion of that commission. He himself had had the honour tion of the country. The funded property cf persons would in former times of recommending legislative interference escape from the tax. Mining property would be excused with the education of paupers, by which the children were from contributing its fair share, as would also shipping, removed from the ordinary workhouses and provided, in a which principally supported many central school, with the means of obtaining a better educe enormous wealth o f L on d on would also b o excused from tion than they could get in them. With the permission of seaport towns. contributing to an e d uca ti ona l rate. m o re than one-half th e h ouse h e would now briefly review the resolutions, and of the property of the country would , as Proposed by the d o so as summar il y as h e cou l d. T h e f i rst was th a t , i n the resolutions, be excused from paying a gate. e considered opinion of this house, it was expedient to extend, revise, that, if the whole country would be benefited by national and consolidate the minutes of the Privy Council on Eder education, the whole of the nation ought to pay the rate. cation. He could not deny that it was expedient to revise With regard to the pro p o sition of the right hon.letronetthe and consolidate these minutes, seeing they now occupied member for Droitwich, that he would have a distinctive 20 volumes • but the important word in the resolution form of religion, but excuse those children whose p aren t s was the word ' "extend." We had now a Minister of Edn might object to it, he had a great objection. To allow each cation, who was a confidential servant of the Crown, and if set of ratepayers to select that form of religion which each that Minister was of opinion that any extension was necee eferred would, he believed, result in absolute infidelity. nary, it would be his duty to lay before the house the Name. The people would naturally suppose that the Legislature sure by which he proposed to effect that object, and to take did not believe more in oee form than another, and that the sense of the house on it in the usual and constitutional would lead to infidelity. In a report recently presented to manner, when they would have to suggest such alterations the house, it was stated that in a school in Wales the and amendments as they thought proper; but by this reso inspector found 5 members of the Church of England, 21 l o ti on p-awer mfould be given to What might be called a Se- Baptists, 37 Independents, 4 Methodists, 1 Reformer, 3 cond Alinsterof Education to extend any syetemhethought Unitarians, /3 Alortnotlites, and 13 children of no denomi- peeper, without the exercise of the controlling power of the nation at all. (Laughter.) The house would observe that Legislature. On the next iesolutionhe vvould r n e e a ta n d a d s a si w gn or e d d in this school th ere were children the religion of whose to wheedled fallenfromtheright hon.gentleman the member parouts were diametrically opposed to each other. He be- ten Oxfordshire, but he had not yet beard any so believed it was an unjust way, that of rating, of raising for the appointment of SO inspectors. If, however, it were funds, and it would lead to a compulsory education of the t neces sary to increase the number of inspectors, the Council people, and, above all, that it led to a tampering with their of Education had the potw,eartoo opoiy meanspsrolpseit,atidfortodociaolgl so.on -! religious b e li e f, an d en d e d w ith ren d er i ng th e c hild ren i n - t h e h ouse i n th e or di nary y t capable of any religious feeling at all. (Hear, hear.) The same observations applied to the third resolution with Mr. M, MILNES h o p e d th e y mi g ht be able to approach respect to the sub-inspectors of the schools of Wesleyans, this question in a spirit of a little more humility and a aed of other sects. With respect to the fourth resoluteon, little less confidence as to the character of the people whi c h gav e power to the Committee of Council to form amongst whom they lived. He did not think that, in school districts, it was a complete abolition of the pare looking into futurity, they could say what would be the chial system, and introduced a new boundary, distinct from effect of this or that application of the noble lord's measure, e ither that of the parish cr c f th e un i on. Th e f i fth reso or of any other measure. He owned his experience brought lotion was unnecessary, as it was at present the duty of him to the conclusion that induced him to believe they the sub-inspectors to make such reports. The sixth he must go on experimentally and without relevance to foreign should pars by, as it was that which had given rise to a countries. Foreign countries differed from us not only in t considerable part of this debate, and how it found its way their domestic manners, but also iu their political realm- into the resolutions was to him a wonder. The seventh brances and their political history. They must look, there- t stated that it was expedient that in any school district fore, to their great sister State, America ; for there only , where the means of education from various sources should exiated the same foundation of national character-irthat ka f9ttn4 d9acioa, watt docland tc,kti 60 by the P010441)45 • a so ul 12i et Bii, St. SO St. 6 5 20 10 FOR :GN. IPisid. all all all L,-0 !..