The Sun. — London, England, 1834-11-28 00:00:00

uke o fCl° F e r l ;hot-Par;ds has Pbe n ing, but Mal i/ the el, an d .1 f oe• Ike r, O acco o: e7d e ur n b" too ting: h r h r ; , ea t at t r. G rab f the 'aster h eia iry e uke 0 oleo' Lard itb the Doke To l' i° 13,011111:1. 15' ) NOI. t bo Zia id.agoittoic, ter P er ° a t d Flo) :he 7 4t the e l lanc e ' fie l 'itY e Hoe' ar e itrtmeat 0 0 ener allP e biP‘ Hill' tou io 0 - Lieut' de' fl n clen 1 4 ' y l4O l ear i d th , ;obo ee • 4.;er .3e o the o rt3 P - 01 be n , a (r i e relie Se o u bli o eC 1 ,14 n pl-ea c , 1v ,ffi.l9 0 re' ! rick " Clii k too .40 -11. 1jeu tel• V: if Cal l; 15 DO e el ); the pi wee' • as l 4t h t - o°t -4 Te orl'"Th glaY 10 0 CO wrii, 'Or' , kel 13°°' 10" M a jor ficers. _3 ,o P leas N e vie7. s ol 10. one T roo p (his 01 THE ANNUALS. TH E NE 111 YEAR'S GIFT, AND JUVENILE SOUVENIR. Br Mns. A. A. Wirrs. 4 "don : Whittaker and Co. Ave Maria-lane, 1834. °Ur very contracte d li m it s com p e l us, much against full' i nclination, t o b e b r i e f in our notice of this delight little Annu a l. A mor e acceptable Christmas pre lent c annot possibly bc made to children, for whose - I se i t is chiefly intended. The stories are simply and written, with a quiet ease of manner, mien ;tiled to ma k e a deep i mpress i on on t h e yout hf u l m i n d. e Poetry too is good, though it is not equal to the 1)1 i °8 e , Which i s usua lly th e b es t p o rtion of all Annuals. G li . e of the engravings—that entitled the " Greek a excellent, and the remainder are of the usual tastes in point of merit. Mrs. Watts brings much and skill, and delicacy to tasks like this. LITERATURE. FRANCESCA CARRARA. 1,,,, 11 Y ?HP. .AUTIIOR OF ROMANCE AND REALITY, tS . C. i; e ° ne lc Richard Bentle:y, New Burlington-street. 1834. tit ever felt so distrustful of our own judgment in u ti '_g down to record our opinion of the merits of a , 24 4 ' of tast e , f ee ling, or fancy, as we do at this mo ment, We had hitherto only known Miss Landon an autho ress , f rom the perusal of her poetical con ribtiti°ns to the annuals—those beautiful fluttering 11 8 , by means of which the younger aspirants for 1 11 14 4ry fame first essay to discover how strongly the eof popular opinion stirs in their favour. Her pleased us—we admired their sweetness, sim- LY, and occasional touches of true tenderness and P natural feeling. This is the utmost we can say of th eir favour. Many of them belonged to a school Poetry w i t h w hi c h we d o no t reg ret having few II wh ill Pathies in common—the verse-making coteries t o °s e travels se ldom extend beyond the confines li f iTh ding the bills of mortality, and with whom human Ih e a nd human nature is a mere kitchen -garden which 4 Y h edge in with myrtles and cypresses , and plant t o re alternat e rows of vines, roses, and briars, with to re and the re an old tree and plenty of ivy creeping f u nd it. A s Mi ss L an d on 's poetry was not en ofree from what appeared to us faults of this etipti on , we h a d not t h e hi g h es t opinion either of 4 : a ctual merits or her capabilities ; and therefore we highe r to the perusal of the novel before us with )1 , u iOter expectation than that we should find it 4 : tt Y , rath er readable, and very full of overstrained lil i ti rnent. W e have been most agreeably—most de ,3lglztafully disappointed. Indeed, so great has been Rork of that we almost fear to speak of a A b t ' of which we are now obliged to think so favour 14i Y , lest regret for previous distrust, so unjustly enter rolled, sh ou ld l ea d us t o err on th e only side which p i ses self-justification. Whatever may be the N tli 4 e r's opinion of the drift of these volumes, it is im w4ll3le to rise from their perusal without being struck th o Miss Landon's originality of many of her ea uB hts, and the frequency, conciseness, and great t h : t it Y of her moral aphorisms. We confess that f 01 . 41 Y of her opinions surprised us by the forcible t y ,h 1 which they are put, and not a few startled us I t i i tu eir sing u l ar ity. She is evidently a young lady ah ° l has read much, and disciplined her mind to the th o s o Trie, the painful exercise, of grave severe tt ae u t g h t• We shall just quote a few sentences ex , e dat random to explain our meaning ;-- te k , t d? believe there is no existence so content as that whose %o il ! mimrossed by employment, and whose future is filled v , 4 strong hope, the truth of which is never proved." ) eY !s wonderful how some words ever were invented, for ; 4 484, Press what does not exist—confidence is among the 41 4 0t s e c . e , o , nfidence is what no human being ever really had 1! 1 8; I ,! ftll ere be one habit more than another, the dry-rot of all t l'he li„gh and generous in youth, it is the habit of ridicule. ter ready with the sneer, the eye ever on the watch k ost jlidicrous, must always dwell on the external and it 1 ' what is good and great ever lies below the surface." f tle cann o t love evergreens—they are the misanthropes of tio de 1. To them the spring brings no promise, the autumn lei de they are cut off from the sweetest of all ties with 'tkid a ' n " — sYrripathy. They have no hopes in common, but lloipz:.-h-...tveemry emblems of the fortunate and worldly :pferaleri t7.lrering p , er has been unsoftened by participating in existing alone in his unshared and sullen Pr an k tk perl ness and co n fidence belong to youth; and where ( 1 8, e.tlce come s too soon i t b r i ngs b u t h a lf knowledge. The ‘te et " of much ev il i n th e h e art should be learned at a k tp t ic triod, when we shall be aware also of much good . Th e Y wisdo m of the young is always of a harsh and bitter rnakin, no allowance, and forgiving nothing—ever Yto attribute the ill motive, and holding suspicion to be ,titration." ti e Generally speaking, we arc incredulous of the good for ~ilue of olir friends, and, even though loving them, under -4,4 u tnei r qual i t i es ; t h e success o f our greate st intimates wshy surprise." e ll—audacity, oddity, and flattery, are the three graces elake their way in modern society." Ztt wt ., ,mans letter is always the most unsatisfactory thing in Itktt -r td. There are none of those minute details which are 411,,, sola ce to feminine anxiety ; the mere fact of writing, 4 4 s eems sufficient to content a masculine conscience." itt i n e proof of a great man, is fitness for the circumstances " ho is placed." Itt u.s ! cann ot understand what we never experienced ; and A T (4 pain were it only to teach us sympathy." kti o - ;,° the sli g h t t hi ngs i n lif e a re the irrevocable. The ot which we calculate and decide never bring the im ontequences which we expected from them. It is Z4t:agttless the careless, the unmarked of the minute, ll their seal upon our fa' te— that are the final and the Ti thei r results." gtki a Perusal of this tale awakens no deep interest, ti ti ,:e characters of many of the personages intro ieq are very imperfectly drawn. Miss Landon is hot b eti t in this highest order of genius ; and we can %lli 14 regret that she attempted the delineation of k ila l 3 Maza r in and De Retz, and Anne of Austria. either her feelings nor her habits qualify her for 4,1 ihte - ing the almost immeasurable depths of political 110 * °" ; and as we already observed, she wants the a ' er hitting off character, or, as it were, turning ta lla khd n bei ng inside out, and so placing the heart 1144 ra in before us, that we become assured of the ilot which such an individual will take under every t3 t th r change of circumstances. There are also two el e passag es overflowing with mawkish sentiment 4 114 1 , unw o rthy of the fair authoress. One in parti htttohseetqletely disgusted us. It commences at the N e l l ; c )1 the fourth page of the third volume, and dr at to the seventh. In the name of reason, ; % ht h has happened to Miss Landon that )t , as all a °lid at once become so disgusted with with the vt ap p 444 SO weary of its enjoyments ? Or, if this to llnn r , to , • Oper question, pray what have her readers h ,l ' a vit h her grievances, whether real or affected ? of ve a lways heard her spoken of as a yo un g lad y , ka de health an d sp i r i ts , an d we know that the world • e qi a lt k indly t; by her, all things taken into account. "‘tl e 8 are, f or t h e mos t part, of the sterner sex, e alv v t Wi t h aYs acted towards her with politeness , if to i ki ndness. We confess, therefore, that these h ave Ns betray a s i c kli nes s of mind with which t;ilq sympathy. Real genius seldom so betrays erei,ell() tulonsness and occasional disappointment. nothing- of it in the pages of Cervantes, •'lttrq Smollett, an d Scott, no r in the tales of l t t k it; d g e wo rt h , an d Lady Morgan ; and yet we tat e d i I ° that all th ese authors were subject to as a l 3 Point ments i n lif e as Mi ss L an d on . we will not attempt to unravel the plot of this novel, telt have no wish to anticipate the gratification hel ot er Y Young read er w ill derive from its perusal. hlw ,gs entirely t o t h at c l ass o f nove l s o f w hich Mr. 1111 / 4 kl "3 is e le standard, an d i s formed on the same l with his his mo re success f u l wor k s . It takes in a Otiktutsit g e-- -so wid e as t o em b race th e Tiber and t 0c . .. We mark e d severa l pages for extracting, Vace i s $0 valuable at present that we bad some difficulty in making room for the following strik- ing passage : " On arriving at the palace of Fontainebleau, Monaldeschi was shown at once into the Queen's presence, who, with quick steps, was pacing the apartment, holding in her hand a packet of letters, which she had only just refolded. The Count dropped on his knee; when, hastily turning towards him, she bade him go to the galerie aux ceril. He obeyed, and there he found the Chevalier di Sentinelli, the chief captain of her guards. Sentinelli is a man who never changed feature of colour in his life ; and now, with the utmost coolness, he bade the unfortunate Count address himself to the priest in atten dance ; and,' added he, make your confession short, for my orders for your execution are immediate.' " Monaldeschi staggered against the wall, and remained for a few minutes in a state of almost insensibility, when the Che valier, drawing his sword, pointed to the Father, who stood nearly as pale and aghast as the man whose confession he was called upon so suddenly to receive. The prisoner sprung for wards, and throwing himself at the Confessor's feet, implored him piteously to hasten to Christina, and intercede for his life. At first, the Captain Sentinelli objected to Alantuony leaving the room with his penitent unshriven ; but respect for the holy man at last induced him to allow his proceeding on what he warned him would be a fruitless mission. " The priest found Christina in the same apartment, ap parently entirely occupied with a volume of Swedish history. You come,' said she, rising from her seat, to announce that my orders have been obeyed.' I come,' replied the Father, on a more fitting errand for the minister of our Sa viour; I come in his name to entreat your pity and pardon for yonder miserable offender. Please your Grace to think, that you may take life away, but cannot give it !" You will leave your penitent to die unconfessed,' was her only answer ; ' I would not destroy both soul and body ; but on your own heads be the sin, if yuu waste the time allowed to prepare for eter nity.' Lady, for your own soul's sake,' cried the agitated old man, be merciful ! remember, his blood will rise to the skies, and cry aloud for judgment, even at the last day !' Between me and Heaven be the reckoning,' exclaimed she, resuming her seat. For the love of our Lady, be pitiful ! Only see him ; you cannot order a fellow-creature from your own presence into eternity !' The Queen started from her chair. I have,' said she, white with anger, which yet af fected not her calm and measured words,—' I have laid down most of the possessions of my ancestor; but once a Queen always a Queen ; and treason shall not pass in my household unpunished, whileil retain but one faithful follower to avenge the cause of his Queen and of his mistress. Aye, by my own hand ;' continued she, in a louder tone, half drawing a sabre that lay on the table, and returning the glittering blade to the scabbard with a force that made it ring again,--' by my own hand should the traitor perish, rather than his daring treachery should go unpunished ! Now, will you back, and shrive the coward ? or must he die with his guilt on his bead ? Yon der clock wants five minutes of the hour,—when that hour strikes, it will sound the knell of a traitor—as it strikes, he dies !' The Father left the room, and found the Count in a state of stupefaction. In vain he adjured him to turn his thoughts to prayer ; in vain he offered to him the cross, and implored Lim to think on Him who died to save ; but the agony of his fear was too great for prayer. The clock struck, and Senti nelli drew his sword ; the noise roused Monaldeschi, who, springing up, rushed to the window, and endeavoured to throw himself out—it was fastened. Sentinelli followed, and tried to stab him. The first blow only resounded against the chain armour which he wore under his clothes ; but at the second the blood rushed in torrents from his side ; the third brought him to his knee, and then Sentinelli passed his sword through him. The miserable man dropped on the floor, which was died crimson with his struggles, for still he writhed ; when the executioner. pressing him down with his foot, extricated the blade ; and as he drew it forth, Monal deschi sunk back--dead ! " The corpse was immediately put into a coach, and buried in the church-yard with all possible speed ; and, but for the horror in men's minds, there would not be a trace left of the unfortunate, even if guilty, Monaldeschi. I hear, however, that one horrible trace does remain : the floor was so satu rated with the blood shed in his dying struggles, that no efforts can efface the stain ; in vain buckets upon buckets of water have been poured upon the place,—the crimson is there fresh and red as ever. " It was some time before any one broke the silence that fol lowed upon the gloomy narrative. " And what do his Grace and the Queen say ? for I believe you come from their presence,' asked Madame de Morcceur, at last. Why, the Queen proposed that it should be notified to Christina, that her presence was no longer desired in France ; but to this Louis objected. The power,' said he, of life and death is in the hands of the Sovereign. Christina is still Queen in her own household. It only behoves us, by some sign of coldness, to show that we resent the indignity of having our palace made a slaughter-house.' " Settled with his Majesty's usual sense of the Royal dig nity—wonderful in such a youth 1' said an officer of the house hold ; one of those elderly courtiers, whose whole life had been an adulation. But Francesco, unaccustomed from her childhood to the ideal reverence with which the Royal person and power were then regarded in France, could think o? the ex- Qtieen's act as a murder only, not as a judgment. Was it possible, then, that such an offence against the laws of humanity—a human being's life sacrificed with such vindictive cruelty—that this crime against nature and womanhood, was held as' light in the balance when weighed with a want of respect to one of the royal residences ! Well, custom is a surprising 'thing . ; and when we think how, from earliest infancy, we are sur rounded by false impressions, undue rights, privileges, and prejudices, we may well marvel that there is such a thing as truth in the world. That it should be concealed, is far less wonderful than that it should ever he discovered. After all, the great error in human judgment is not so much wilful per version, as that we judge according to situation, and always make that situation our own ; while the chances are, that we really have not one thought, feeling, or habit, in com mon with those on whom we yet think ourselves qualified to decide." _ _ _ We cannot close this notice without remarking that no writer of the present day seems to cnterLain sounder notions of liberty, and more creditable opinions of the mutual "relation which ought to exist between the sexes, than Miss Landon. 'We are glad to find a young lady of her good sense in most things exposing the absurd follies of the female emancipationists, and other noisy babblers, for the political equality of men and women in society. On this head her volumes merit great praise. DUTY ON HOPS. An account of the growth of the year 1834, distinguishing the districts, and the old from the new duty : Districts. Duty. ! District. Duty. Barnstaple Bath— 0 1 8 Northampton ... 21 16 4 Bedford Bristol l9 7 6 Plymouth Cambridge Canterbury 67,086 19 4' Rochester ...... 108,468 3 (i Chester Cornwall l3 3 10' Salop _ . _ STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION AND MOYIALJNTS IN THE METROPOLIS. CITY. COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. Concluded from our First Edition of yesterday, and which ap- peared in our Second Edition of last night : Mr. WILLIAMS (in continuation) asserted, without fear of con tradiction, that the attachment of the people was deeply rooted towards the present Monarch, and they should not forget that in the year 1786 no Monarch was ever held in higher estimation than the King of France, but while listening to the advice of bad Councillors and bad Ministers, the misfortunes which ensued five years afterwards were incurred by that mo narch. He was not come there to defend the acts of the Whig go vernment,but he felt the deepest gratitude to them for the Reform Bill. That unfortunate Government, by not making that Reform Bill a means to an end for removing all abuses of Church and State—by their truckling to their enemies the Tories—by not going as they promised, along with the people, and throwing themselves on the people, lost their confidence. It was one thing to find fault with the late Minitry, but it was quite ano ther thing to see Ministers who had been twice driven from the King's councils by the voice of the people, again come into power. Who, he would ask, were to fill the various offices in the new Ministry ? The very man who had been expelled so lately as being the deadly foe to all reform I The Worthy Alderman had quoted the observation of the Lord Mayor, re lative to there being no alarm ; but was there not ground for great alarm and mighty terror, when the loyal citizens of London were not permitted to deliberate on the affairs of their country ?—( Cheers, and Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") When he looked around and observed the machina tions of the dirty tools of that faction, he might infer from that what was to come. They all knew that in 1817 that faction, in order to put down Reform, brought forward the gagging bill and dungeon acts, by which they placed the foremost of the reformers in their dungeons ; and now the very first measure is the introduction of the gag to prevent the people of London from meeting and more fully declaring their senti ments. They might see from that,that there was alarm in the very camp of the Tories, and that they feared the expression of pub lic opinion. It had been said that the Duke of Wellington had fought many battles, but he fought the battles of the des pots of Europe, for the purpose of placing the Bourbons who had been expelled upon that throne from which they were again expelled by the people—and this at an addition of be tween five and six millions to the public debt of England. It behoved the Reformers, as one man, constitutionally and le gally to come forward and put down such a Government. The head of that Government on the 2d November, 183 C, made a declaration in the House of Lords, in reply to Earl Grey, that " he was not prepared to bring forward any mea sure of the description alluded to by the Noble Lord oppo site. On the contrary, so far was he from being prepared to bring forward such a measure, he must at once declare that so long as he had any station in the Government, he should always feel it his duty to resist such measures when proposed by others." He ( Mr. W.) would ask what they had to expect from the man who made such a declaration ? There were some who might have more faith in the Duke than himself, but he could expect no Reform from the man who had so expressed himself. It was well known that the faction was now brought into power, to try and regain that lost power and that strength which the Reform Bill had deprived them of. This was their last struggle, and if Englishmen did not meet them on their threshold, they would find their intriguing measures again at work to make alterations even in the Reform Bill, and every species of bribery and fraud will be resorted to for the purpose of obtaining that end.—(Loud cheering.) There could be scarcely any difference of opinion relative to the address which had been read, and which had his most hearty concurrence, because it said not one word of the late Ministry, or of any other individuals. It only implored of his Majesty to call none to his councils, but such as will carry on those measures of reform which the Reform Bill had laid the foundation of. He objected to the men about to come into power, because he knew that their measures would be opposed to the wants and wishes of the people.—( Cheers. ) Mr. S. DIXON said that nothing but imperative necessity would impel him, now advanced in years, to come forward ; but when matters of such vital importance were under discussion, he could not avoid giving expression to his sentiments. The conduct of the Duke of Wellington had been freely canvassed, and it had been asserted that no military man could be a good civil governor. They should recollect, however, that the Duke of Wellington conquered the greatest tyrant that Europe ever produced, and thereby preserved the peace of the world. If he had not done so, what position would they be in now? They should not that day have even had a Court of Common Council. ( Laughter, and " Hear.") These services ought not to be forgotten ; but it was strange that not one gentleman had come fot ward to defend the conduct of the late Administration. The members of that Administration could not trust one another; on the contrary, they should wait to see what conduct the Duke of Wellington would pursue. He trusted that he would not be like another nobleman, an itinerant mountebank, travel . . Derby Dorset Essex Exeter 92 4 ..f Sussex Gloucester Grantham Hants Hereford Isle of Wight ... 4 2 0 - Lincoln Old Duty at Id 12-2 G per lb New ditto id 8-20 Total £329,936 17 9 G. A. COTTRELL, Ist General Accountant. Excise-office, London, Nov. 27. COURT FOR THE RELIEF OF INSOLVENT DEBTORS. ling about the country from one end to the other, get ting drunk at public dinners and haranguing the mob. The Members of the Administration were as diametrically opposed to one another as light to darkness. It had been complained of that the Duke of Wellington had restored the Bourbons to France—but, he would ask, had the people of France more liberty now than they had then? He trusted that the Court would not countenance the present attempt to infringe on the privileges of the Sovereign—they were ready to admit that Lis Majesty possessed those privileges, but they would not give him an opportunity of exercising them. He would conclude by leaving the matter to the good sense of the meeting, and it would not be hard to foresee what the result would be. Mr. R. TAYLOR remarked that complaints had been made of interfering with the prerogatives of the King, but he would refer them to the various addresses of the citizens of London to his Majesty, and they would find they all referred to this subject.—( Hear, hear, hear.) There was no question on which the people of England generally felt so deeply interested as in the appointment of wise and zealous men to his councils. The worthy Alderman had complained that those who sanctioned the present address did not " honour the King." Surely honour to the throne must be founded on just views of his public and private conduct, and all who feel jealous of his Majesty's conduct, and who feel a deep interest in his honour and character, must be anxious to know the cause of the dismissal of the late Ministry. Was there a man among them who did not wish that the character and con duct of William the Fourth should merit his respect to his dying day ? Those who felt anxious upon this subject, must be anxious to know on what grounds his Ministers were so abruptly dismissed ? The LORD MAYOR rose to order. He conceived such an inquiry had nothing to do with the subject before the Court. They must suppose that his Majesty had good and proper mo tives for such conduct. Mr. TAYLOR resumed.—He agreed in these observations of the Lord Mayor, but he thought it strange that the reins of Government should be placed in the hands of a single man, and that the country should be told to wait until some body returns from abroad, before they could know what the Ministry should be, or who would compose it. Was this a state which did not justify alarm in the public mind ? An extract had been read from one of the Duke of 'Wellington's speeches. He (Mr. T.) would read another, which rather confirmed the opinion he entertained of him. The Duke had said that "tithes could be levied in Ireland if the military there would do their duty." This was a proof of what they had to expect from him. The Noble Duke had recently observed to a Member for one of the large Northern counties, that there was a way to compel the people to be quiet if they were not an. From the beginning of his career in India they might infer what his character was, for he had there hanged the commandants of forts, who held their commission from neu tral powers. The LORD MAYOR again rose to order. He could not suffer such personalities to be persevered in. Mr. TAYLOR said that more bitter personalities had been used on the other side. A Noble and Learned Lord had been charged with being an itinerant mountebank, and when he ( Mr. T.) saw a smile of assent on his Lordship's countenance when that noble and learned lord was accused of getting drunk—( Loud cheering, and cries of " Hear")— The LORD MAYOR again rose.—He would not suffer such an imputation to be cast on him. He should take care and not permit it to proceed, and he was sure he should be supported by the Court.—( Hear.) Mr. TAYLOR resumed—Would his Lordship deny that the words had been spoken? He would ask the Court to loolr at the conduct of the Duke of Wellington towards the Gallant Marshal Ney, who had been sacrificed in violation of a treaty to which the Duke of Wellington was a party 1—( Tremendous cheering.) Mr. COPE rose to order. Another MEMBER exclaimed, " There is no occasion for alarm."—( Cheering and uproar.) The LORD MAYOR rose.—He trusted that the good sense of the gentleman who was speaking, and a knowledge of what was due to his own character, would induce him to restrain him from proceeding in that manner. If the gentleman would not conduct himself in a proper way towards individuals high and illustrious in society, he (the Lord Mayor) must have recourse to the means which he constitutionally possessed of utting a. i end to the d:smssion.—( Much uproar.) Mr. TAYLOR resumed—lf his Lordship could tell him how he could discuss the subject without entering into the public character of the individual, he should do so. His Lordship should recollect that he had not spoken of the private character of the Duke of Wellington. Nor would he have presumed to make those personal allusions, if his Lordship had not by his silence countenanced the imputations which had been cast on the late Administration. If his Lordship could not bear to have the Duke's public character alluded to, he ( Mr. Taylor) would desist from it: The events which had lately happened in the House of Lords, relative to the Irish Church, was the point upon which the Ministry were over thrown. The late Ministry were determined to proceed and effect substantial Reform in both Church and State, but the Bishops came forward, and told the country that the Sovereign could not sanction the necessary Reform, without violating the Coronation Oath. They could not forget his Majesty's address to the Bishops on his birth day when they waited upon him. Some might say that he had no authority for alluding to this, but the Tories were so sa tisfied of its accuracy, they wished it printed in letters of gold. Besides, the report was a correct one, for he had it from one of the Bishops themselves. Here they might see that evil coun cillors were at work to induce his Majesty to put a stop to the career of Reform.—( Hear, hear.) They only waited for an opportunity to turn all the Ministers out of doors ; and it was absurd to suppose that the death of Earl Spencer could have occasioned such an event. He trusted that the i present attempt of the Tories would be attended with a glo- The matters of the Petitions and Schedules of the Prisoners herein after named (the same having been filed in the Court) are appointed to be heard at the Court-house, in Portugal street, Lincoln's Inn_ fields, on Monday, the Ist of December, 1834, at Nine o'clock in the Forenoon. Perry, H., Old Jewry, City, baker. Hennings, T. P., Windmill-street, Haymarket, coffee, chop, and eating-house-keeper. Kenneth, G., Waterloo-place ' Pall-mall, attorney's clerk. Ellis, W., Devonshire-street, Kennington-lane, Lambeth, journey- man w esmith. t • Roden, J. Shiffnal, Salop, fishmonger. Higgs, J., Old-street, St. Luke's, victualler. Brown, W., Arbour-square, Commercial-road, East, chcesemonger. Sparrow, W. J., Peckham, Surrey, printer. Acton, J. C., Mill-wall, Poplar, lighterman. Green, J., America-street, Bridge-road, Southwark, letter-carrier. Martin, W. 8., Leytonstone, Essex, carpenter. Sharpe, S., Old-street, St. Luke's, millwright. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL' M. DERBY. 'Nothing was done about either of the three favourites to enable us to quote the odds against them. Pucelle dropped another point, and, in one instance only, 17 to I was betted. Curtius, Darioletta, Bee-in-a-Bonnet, and two. or three outsiders were backed, but no c hange of any consequence arose. The last prices were as follow :- 16 to 1 agst Duke of Cleveland's Pucelle soli 17 to 1 eget Lord Exeter's Aurelius, Bre. to Augustus 18 to 1 agst Mr. Walker's Curtius (taken) 20 to 1 agst Duke of Rutland's Darioletta *oh (taken) 25 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Ibrahim 25 to 1 agst Sir M. Wood's lot (taken) 30 to 1 agst Duke of Cleveland's Bee-in-a-Bonnet (taken) 33 to 1 agst Mr. Robinson's Stockport 50 to 1 apt Lord Jersey': Mahomet (taken) 7,500 to 150 agst Duke of Richmond's Leopoldine colt (taken) (taken) 1 4 2 toto aagg,stt Lord Mr. 1 R' ds dal Exeter's ' lot OAKS. 4 to I on Mr. Greville's Preserve (taken) 10 to 1 agst Mr. Mills's Hester 10 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Eva 11 to I agst Lord Chesterfield's Her Majesty (Miss Garforth f.) (taken) 12 to 1 agst Mr. Mostyn's Queen of Trumps (taken) 600 to 100 apt lier Majesty and Queen of Trumps (taken) THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1834. rious re-action all over the country.--( Great cheering.) He did not stand there as the advocate of the late Ministry, but this he would assert, that the country would never be satisfied with a milk-and-water government. Mr. STACEY said it was truly absurd to expect any thing from a man, every act of whose life was an act of aggression against the people. They were told that the present address was an interference with the Royal prerogative, but the addresses that had already been forwarded were equally an interference. They had been told to " Honour the King," but he would ask who honoured him most, those who blindly submitted to whatever he might choose to do, or those who came forward and told him fearlessly and honestly not to take into his Councils those who would injure and oppress the country ?—( Cheers. ) He was confident that this question would be carried by such a majority as would convince the public that that Court was fully alive to the.interests of its fellow-citizens. It had been used as an argument in favour of the Duke of Wellington, that there was no alarm, for that the funds had kept up ; but the real reason why there was no alarm was because all Eng land knew that " every man would do his duty." Mr. JCPP had reserved his opinion until he came into that Court ; but when he found that the Resolutions were so re spectably worded, and came at once so closely to the point, he should give them his entire support. He contended that it was their right and prerogative to go before his Majesty and tender their opinion relative to the past and present Mitlistry. It was impossible to deny the many obligations they owed to the Whig Government, and if there was no other, the country was deeply indebted to them for the abolition of the Slave Trade.—( Cries of " Question.") Mr. TICKNER said he had been at the large public meeting, at the London Tavern, at which the Duke of Wellington and his measures were abused, and in that same room, a short time since, the very same speakers, including Mr. O'Connell him self, met to raise a subscription for a monument to the Duke of Wellington, for having emancipated the Irish Ro man Catholics, and repealed the Test and Corporation Acts. He mentioned this because it had been asserted that a bad tree could not bring forth good fruit. He would only refer to the exertions of the Noble Duke in detaining the funds for making the approaches to London-bridge. to show that he was anxious to promote the prosperity of the citizens of London. Mr. HEPPER begged to ask whether the speaker was not out of order ? The Loan MAYOR conceived that he was quite in order. M. TICKNRR continued—He pledged himself that the Duke of Wellington would bring forward measures of general utility. He did not know how the Administration would yet be formed—would it not be better for them to wait until it was formed, instead of spreading agitation all over the coun try ?—( Laughter, and cries of " No, no.") There was evi dently an attempt to intimidate his Majesty, in the present in stance—( No, no, no)—he trusted that that Court would not lend itself to agitating for party purposes. He concluded by moving, as an amendment, " That while this Court abstains from any proceedings which may tend to interfere with the King's unquestionable and constitutional prerogative to dis miss and appoint his responsible advisers, this Court cannot but express its firm conviction that whatever individuals the new Cabinet may be composed of, they will not deserve, nor can they, in the opinion of this Court, continue in power unless they proceed in good faith, and continue to reform all real abuses of Church and State." Mr. STACEY explained. Mr. GALLOWAY, after a few general observations, observed, that had his Majesty appointed a liberal ministry, he would pledge himself that there would not have been such an extra ordinary Court there that day. It was because he had called to his councils the unflinching foe of that excellent measure the Re form Bill—that was the reason why the people felt disappointed —that they had determined to come forward and exercise that moral power which, thanks to the Reform Bill and the Ministry which carried it—( Cheers)—they now possessed, in order to oust the Noble Duke from the false position which he had assumed, so that he could not add the weight of official character to defeat Reform and good measures. He at one time thought the Lord Mayor had acted unadvisedly in not calling the Common Council together at an earlier period ; he now did not blame him so much, because one of the effects of the delay had been to show the people of the metropolis the feeling which the country generally felt upon the occasion , and he congratulated his Lordship upon the foresight he had shown in being so tardy, for he would now be convinced that, if there were not alarm in the country, there was at least a determination not to let the fruits of Reform be eat up by the Noble Duke. When he ( Mr. Galloway) recollected the conduct of the Duke of Wellington—when he remembered that he had opposed all the good measures of the late Government— ( Cheers)--and supported all he had—when he remembered that he was a straight-forward, determined man—when he re collected all that, he asked, how was it possible but that the people generally must distrust those declarations which were now put forward for him ?—( Loud cheers.) He regretted that his worthy colleague (Mr. Tickner) had taken the part he bad done upon that occasion. By so doing he had offered his support to a man who would support anything that would be proposed to him, except a measure that bore reform on the face of it—to a man whose object was to prevent the people from acquiring any further power, if it was not to take from them that which they already possessed. He concluded by most heartily supporting the resolutions, which were dexterously, be cause cautiously, drawn up, which sheaved that while men were ardent in the cause of their country, they could act with caution and prudence in the assertion of their rights.—( Cheers. ) Mr. PEWTRESS congratulated the Lord Mayor and Court on the fact—the most gratifying fact—that no one who had addressed the Court that day had attempted or endeavoured to deny that there was a great necessity for reform. He anti cipated great future prosperity to the cause which he advocated from the fact, that all those who in former times had been called Tories and enemies of Reform, had that day declared that it was impossible to go on without a thorough reform of abuses.—( Cheers.) Every individual in these days, who supported the Duke, spoke of the necessity of reform—he hoped there was no delusion being practiced on them with reference to that matter,—( Hear, hear,)—and that every man would act on high moral principles and ac cording to the character that he professed to bear. He contended, that if the Duke, who had opposed Reform in all its branches, and in all its stages—who had expressed himself as the implacable foe of Reform upon conscientious grounds, should now come forward and attempt to carry Reform mea sures—he would blast all belief in consistency, and no man could put confidence in one who so sacrificed principle for the sake of office. Mr. TICKNER rose to order, and complained of any person ality being indulged in. Mr. PEWTRESS expressed his satisfaction that his observations had told on the honourable mover of the amendment and hoped it would be beneficial. He denied any wish to dictate to his Majesty, and concluded by giving his most most hearty support to the resolutions. After a few observations from Mr. Cawthorne which did not reach us— Mr. ASHURST rose to reply. In doing so he would confine himself to those observations which had fallen from the oppo nents of the resolutions that had not been answered by former speakers. From the age and standing of Mr. Dixon, his observa tions were entitled to the preference. It appeared from all that he had gathered, that he sided with the Duke, because, as— " He won the battle of Waterloo, Therefore he's fit to govern you I" Loud laughter.) In reply to the mover of the amend ment, he had merely to say that it appeared to him that Mr. Tickner supported the present Government, because the Duke had assisted in making a bridge for the City of London, and, therefore, he would make a good Minister. He ( Mr. Ashurst) concurred in all the praise lavished on the No ble Duke for that particular act, because he was really anxious to give the Devil his due.--( Roars of laughter.) The worthy Alderman who had addressed the Court had spoken in flatter ing terms of the press, and called on the Members to benefit by the good and sound advice it gave, in which the Lord Mayor seemed most heartily to concur. He ( Mr. A.) had not the slightest objection to those compliments, and he was sure the Lord Mayor would be glad to ascertain what were the feelings of the press at that moment.—( Hear, hear.) He then read a paragraph from the Times, in which his Lordship was called a short-sighted simpleton for refusing to call a Common Hall.—(Laughter.) A division was called for, whereupon the farce of excluding strangers was enforced, but by no means to the entertainment of the crowd who had been wedged in below the bar. The numbers of the division were— For the Amendment — Aldermen Commoners Tellers For the Original Motion— Aldermen .. Commoners Tellers . 52 2- 60 ..105 2-109 Majority in favour of the Original Motion 49 Mr. Goss, and Mr. DAVISON, moved the omission of cer tain parts, but the feeling of the Court being against them, they were withdrawn. An address, founded on the resolutions was then moved by Mr. Ashurst, on the reading of which the Court was cleared after much confusion. [During our absence, we understood, after some discussion, an address, an echo of the resolution, was agreed to without a division. The address to be presented by the whole Court, the Sheriff being ordered to wait on his Majesty to know when it would be his Royal pleasure to receive the address.] On the motion that the resolutions should be published in all the morning, evening, and weekly papers, several voices called out, " Not in the Times." Mr. DEPUT Y PRICE moved a vote of thanks to the late Lord Mayor for his able conduct while in the Mayoralty. Mr. JUPP seconded the motion. Mr. PRITCIIARD opposed the motion on the ground that the late Lord Mayor had usurped the power of that Court, which he was not warranted in doing, and had conducted himself un worthy of his high office, when requisitions calling public meetings had been sent to him. The hon. member, in con clusion, proposed an amendment—a vote of censure upon the conduct of the late Lord Mayor. Mr. WIRE said, in rising to second the motion of his Hon. Friend, he had feelings of a most painful nature, because he did not like to condemn the conduct of any man ; but in the discharge of his public duty, his private feelings gave way. If the vote of thanks were to be considered as a matter of high honour, were to be valued as proofs of a deserved approbation, were to be trans mitted to a man's posterity for the encouragement of his children, and as a stimulus to all public men to pursue with undeviating in tegrity the path of honour, then the Court ought to pause and examine carefully what were the grounds upon which they were sought and given—(cheers)—but if they were to be considered as mere matters of form, as little better than empty adulation, they became valueless in the eyes of public men, and only degraded those who passed them, and operated as a censure on those by whom they were received.—( Cheers.) He had attentively con sidered the speech of the honourable gentleman who had seconded the motion, but could not find anything in it to induce him ( Mr. Wire) to give that motion his support. The seconder had stated that the private conduct of the late Lord Mayor was excellent—that he was kind and liberal to the poor. He( Mr. W. ) was rejoiced to hear it, but that had nothing to do with the ques tion before the Court. The Hon. Seconder had urged as reasons why the Court should agree to his motion, that the late Lord Mayor had been elected Alderman and Lord Mayor without opposition, and had also filled the office of Sheriff with diligence and humanity. Admitting that to be true, it was beside the question. They were not met to discuss his conduct in either of these characters, but as Lord Mayor, and to his conduct while he filled that office, he (Mr. W.) should apply his argument. His friend the seconder had said that the late Lord Mayor had manfully stood up as the asserter and guardian of the chartered rights and privileges of the City of London. How had be done so ?—by giving to this Court —the representatives of their fellow citizens—the free, un fettered exercise of the right to meet and discuss matters af fecting their welfare and interest? No, for on occasions when subjects, deemed by this Court of vital importance, came be fore this Court, he either refused to allow such subjects to be discussed, or, by an arrogance of power and au thority, attempted to put down the free expression of opi nion.—( Great applause.) By his uncourteous demeanour to the Members of the Court as a Court—and by his refusal to call a Court upon the requisition of 82 of its members, to discuss the question of Corporation Reform ? He (Mr. W.) was at a loss to know how the late Lord Mayor had done any thing to support their chartered rights—he (Mr. W.) was of opinion that he had done everything to render those char tered rights unavailing and inefficient for all useful purposes to his fellow-citizens.—( Loud cheers.) If the Court were prepared to submit to such dictation, it would become the slave of a Lord Mayor, and the Members mere registers of its edicts.—( Cheering.) But lie ( Mr. W.) was not prepared to submit to it, and he stood there to assert his rights and the rights of his fellow-citizens to meet to discuss public affairs when they thought proper, apart from the private opinions of Lord Mayors, who only sat as President of the Court, and not as possessed of uncontrolled power over its proceedings. ( Hear, hear.) If they had, and exercised such power, it would be better for the Court to close its doors, and to return at once to their fellow-citizens, saying that they could not accomplish any good while there. But admitting, for argument, that the Lord Mayor had such power, it ought to be exercised in deference to public opinion. It ought to be considered as a trust held only for the public good, and when it was not so exercised, it led to abuse, and became an instrument in the hands of evil men to promote the worst of purposes. But he ( Mr. W.) had another complaint to make ; it was that the late Lord Mayor, who himself ought to have exercised the greatest care in preserving the standing orders of the Court, had himself been guilty of a violation of the 49th order. To gratify a private pique, or to carry into effect his own views of consistency, or, as he (Mr. W.) should say, obstinacy, the late Lord Mayor had not only refused to call a Court, but had actually put the important reports of the Committee of the whole Court at the bottom of the paper of the business. There were other observations he had to make upon the Magisterial conduct of the late Lord Mayor, but as they were not embraced in the proposed vote he should abstain. But he implored the Court to take a higher ground than had formerly been taken—to assume a moral tone and elevation which had been eloquently described by his Hon. Friend, and thus to stamp an imperishable value on their votes, which would at once be a guide and a stimulus to public men, and a warning to others not to follow evil examples. Mr. S. DIXON supported the vote of thanks. Several gentlemen rose to address the Court, but the f r of " question, question" resounding from all parts of the room, a show of hands was taken, which preponderated in a ratio o l more than six to one in favour of the amendment. Upon the Court dividing, the numbers were found to be For the Amendment Original motion 44 Majority —44 After some further observations on the conduct of the late Lord Mayor, the Court adjourned. REFUSAL TO CALL A COMMON HALL. Mr. E. WILSON was anxious to ask the Lord Mayor a ques tion. He had seen, on coming into the Hall, a placard, sta ting the refusal of the Lord Mayor to convene a Common Hall, and that the citizens would have an opportunity of meet ing, notwithstanding that refusal. He wished to know whether the Lord Mayor had so refused, and whether the citizens were to meet in the open air ? The Loan MAYOR (after consulting with the Town Clerk) said, there is no requisition before me, and I decline answer ing the question. Mr. WIRE said—But, my Lord Mayor, as a Member of this Court, I ask your Lordship whether the peace of this City is to be endangered and its trade impeded by the citizens meeting in the open air, when they could meet in the Hall ? The LORD MAYOR—There is no requisition before me. Mr. WIRE—I ask, as a Member of this Court, and I de mand it for my fellow freemen, their right to meet in their own Hall, built at their own expense, and dedicated by their ancestors to purposes of public business. The Loan MAYOR—I cannot entertain the question—there is no requisition ; when there is, I will give it my best con sideration. After some further formal business had been proceeded in— Mr. WIRE rose and moved that the use of the Guildhall be granted to the livery of the city, to hold a public meeting on the present state of public affairs. Mr. STEVENS seconded, and several members of the Court supported the motion. The LORD MAYOR desired the Swordbearer to take up the sword and mace, and was proceeding to break up the Court, refusing to put the question, when Alderman ATKINS interposed, and after a few observations, . . The LORD MAYOR said, Gentlemen, as long as I fill the office I hold, I will endeavour to support its dignity, but I will not put the question. Yet lam anxious to comply with the wishes of my fellow-citizens, and if they present to me a requisition, divested of all objectionable matter, I will call a Common Hall.—( Cheers and laughter.)—Adjourned. GREENWICH VESTRY MEETING. Last night, at seven o'clock, a very numerous and respect able Vestry Meeting of the parishioners of the parish of Green wich, pursuant to a requisition to the Churchwarden, was held in the vestry-room of the church, " for the purpose of enabling the parishioners to express their regret that his Majesty should have dismissed his late Ministers ;" Mr. Borrett, junior church warden, in the chair. After considerable discussion, and the negativing of an amendment, the following resolution was passed by an over whelming majority : " That this meeting deeply regret the dismissal of his Ma jesty's Ministers, men to whom the country is indebted for the Reform Bill; that their dismissal is likely to arrest the progress of that salutary reform which was going on in all branches of the State and Church, so much to the interest of the country at large." STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION IN THE COUNTRY. PUBLIC MEETING IN SALFORD. As we had announced, the inhabitants of the spirited and liberal borough of Salford determined to address his Majesty on the late change in the administration, and on the critical state into which that change immediately plunged the country. A requisition, signed by nearly two hundred of the most res pectable inhabitants and electors, was presented on Saturday to the Boroughreeve and Constables, requesting them to call a public meeting of the inhabitants. Notwithstanding the number and respectability of the names attached to the requi sity, and notwithstanding the vast importance of the event which produced it, the municipal authorities thought proper to deny the request. The refusal was intimated to the requisi tionists on Monday, and on receipt of this a requisition was immediately presented to the churchwardens and overseers, re questing those authorities to convene a public meeting. The request, as may be expected from those who hold office both from and for the people, was promptly granted, and the meeting appointed to be held in the Town Hall on Wednesday, at six o'clock in the evening. Before the appointed hour the room was almost filled, and it was soon thronged to excess. On the motion of Mr. Brotherton, M. P., seconded by Mr. Thomas Hopkins, JAMES GARNETT FROST, Esq., Churchwarden, was unanimously called to the Chair. _ _ . The CHAIRMAN, addressing the crowded assembly, said he was struck with one of the arguments urged in justification of the refusal, namely, that the boroughreeve and constables were anxious to avoid all interference with the just prerogative of the King. He held this good ; but on the other hand had the people no just prerogative? Had they no right to make known to the King their just wishes and complaints.—(Loud and continued cheers.) He held the doctrine good that we bad no right to interfere with the prerogative of the King, but he also held the doctrine equally good that the people in the consti tutional exercise of their prerogative had a right to lay before the Throne their opinions upon all questions affecting the liberties and feelings of the country.—( Hear, hear.) We are a free and liberal borough, said the Chairman, and we have here a free, large, and respectable meeting. JOSEPII BROTIIERTON, Esq., M. P., amidst great cheering stepped forward to move the first resolution. It is not to sup port any party views, Or any party men, that you are called together this evening. I consider you are met to determine whether henceforward you must be free men or slaves-- ( Cheers)—whether you wish to be governed by a selfish des potic oligarchy, or by laws founded upon the principles of jus tice, and to which you have given your consent--whether the government of this country is to be carried on by conciliation or by coercion. In short, whether we are to have peace, eco nomy, and refdtin; or whether we are to have extravagance, misgovernment, an 4 abuse.—( Loud cheers.) It has been very well remarked by our worthy and excellent Chairman, that it is the undiffltked right and prerogative of the King that he may choose his o*;/.u., servants. I agree to the fullest extent, but I would have those individuals and you to remember, that even the King has no prerogative but what he holds in trust for the benefit of his people—( Cheers.) By the great compact entered into between the King and the People, his Ma jesty is required sacredly to regard their contentment, happi ness, prosperity, and peace; and how, I ask, is the King to know what is for the benefit of his people, and what will con tribute to their happiness, unless he is first made acquainted with their sentiments and wishes ?--( Hear, hear.) It is sel dom that Kings hear the truth. It is therefore proper that addresses should be presented to his Majesty from you, con taining the truth._( Cheers.) We know that the Tories are connected with the abuses that exist both in church and cor poration, and therefore we may easily discover why they will struggle to the very last to support and maintain them. You cannot expect that Ellenborouih, Rosslp o and othco of ti greatest sinecurists in the kingdom, will come forward as cor rectors of abuses. It is impossible to expect conduct of this kind from such men—they are too selfish, too interested. Will they reduce the army ? Will they cut off unmerited pensions and dishonest sinecures? Will they do any thing to extend the suffrage ? Will they allow the vote by ballot Will they re= peal the septennial act ? Will they do any thing like these things ?—( Hear.) No, you cannot expect it from them. Therefore, gentlemen, I have no hesitation in declaring to you that I cannot myself place any confidence in them. Let me, in conclusion, remind you of the important maxim, °' Union is strength—disunion is weakness." Let us then unite ; let us give a pull, a long pull, and a pull altogether, and you will soon see the affairs of this great and mighty na tion administered by a liberal Ministry. I thank you for your kind attention, and I beg to move the first resolution. J. H. limmE, Esq., seconded the resolution. He, for one,, could not bear to hear expressions such as " Let us wait to see what the Duke will do." These phrases could not be mis taken. They were intended to strengthen the Duke in his grasp of office, and to delude the people out of those reforms springing from the Reform measure. Let the Reformers, however, be united. The resolution was carried with only four dissentients. Mr. T. HOPKIFS proposed the second resolution to the effect, that an humble address, founded. upon the sentiments declared in the resolution just passed be presented to his Majesty. The address was passed with scarcely any opposition. WORCESTER, Nor. 27, 1834. At this momentous crisis, and when all are looking forward to an immediate dissolution of Parliament, and eagerly en quiring, what will he the result, an honest and brief sum mary of the political statistics or prospects of every county in England would be very interesting :—From the county of Worcester, 12 Members are returned : at present it sends two Tories, Col. Lygon ( West Worcestershire). and Mr. Hawkes (Dudley); five Whigs, Messrs. Russel and Cookes (East Worcestershire), Sir T. Winnington (Bewdley), Mr. H. Foley (Droitwich), and Sir C. Cockerel ( Evesham) ; and &so five Liberals, Captain Winnington (West Worces tershire), Col. Davies and Mr. Robinson (the City), Mr. Hud son ( Evesham), and Mr. Godson ( Kidderminster). The changes of which there is the most distant probability of taking place, in the event of a general election, are few indeed. ' Colonel Lygon and Captain Winnington will both be returned without a contest for West Worcestershire ; in the Eastern Division a Tory, Mr. Packington, will oppose Messrs. Cookes and Russel, but it is very generally thought that the return of the two latter is certain. In the city there will be no change, Colonel Davies and Mr. Robinson having the full confidence of a very decided majority of the electors ; per haps, however, the ever active Tories, many of whom are sincere and sanguine enthusiasts, may attempt to get up an opposition, but it must signally fail. Neither in Evesham, Bewdley, Kidderminster, or Droitwich, will there be any change. Mr. Godson is no favourite with a powerful party at Kidderminster, many of whom are Liberals and Dissenters, but, under circumstances, they are too wise to divide the camp, and their personal feelings will for the time be put down. The electors of Droitwich have been addressed by a Tory, named Barnaby, and the circumstance is exciting no small degree of mirth. A large Lunatic Asylum stands within the precincts of the borough. Mr. Foley is highly personally po pular, and has already canvassed the electors ; the result leaves no doubt of his retaining his seat. Th e non-united Liberal part of the Constituency of Dudley, no doubt, will turn out Mr. Hawkes. There is one remarkable feature in the political statistics of the populous, wealthy, and decid edly liberal county of Worcester—viz., the whole of its pe riodical press being in the hands of the enemy. The two old established papers clearly lean to Toryism, and the editors and principal proprietors of both are known as rank Tories ; but the papers, no doubt for commercial purposes, have never been violent—sapping is all they ever ventured on. This has not pleased the Ultras, and next Reek the city is to be inflicted with one which promises to go all lengths. The Liberals, in self-defence, must start another ; and it may be confidently asserted, that never did a fairer prospect of establishing a paper offer itself—it could not fail to be a great commercial gain. PORTSMOUTH, No.. 27. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) A most satisfactory meeting of the friends of Messrs. Bonham Carter, and F. T. Baring, the late Secretary of the Treasury, was held last night ; at least 800 electors were present, when the members most satisfactorily ex plained their votes to their constituents, and all parties pre sent sinking the small differences into unanimity, passed re solutions of approbation of their conduct, of belief in their integrity, and of determination to support them in the event of a dissolution. Their return to Parliament to uphold the Liberal cause is certain. Notwithstanding this, fresh aspirants for Parliamentary honours pour in upon us hourly ; the Ma rines of this division assert that of right, and by might, they will have one member ; and, therefore, yesterday, put up Sir Richard Williams, K.C.8., a worthy old gentleman, but one who, thinking he had quite enough to do at home, de clines the honour in favour of his superior officer, General Sir James Cockburn, a man well known as having the happy knack of belonging to all parties, religiously, at all times, taking effectual good care of himself. The Dock yard, also, insists on a member, and have put up Captain. Seymour, the son of the late Commissioner Sir Michael Seymour. But the Garrison also insist on two members, and as a proof, the Field-Marshal of the Empire will, on Saturday, send down two myrmidons, with orders to take their seats for Portsmouth. In this extremity of our dis tress, with a divided choice of interest, we have yet one comforting rallying point, the Hon. Lionel Ashley, a half pay midshipman, and the son of Lord Shaftesbury, comes to our rescue ; he generously offers to take the responsi bility of our Parliamentary representation on any politics upon which he can be admitted. God save us YORK. TO THE REFORMERS OF YORKSHIRE. MY FRIENDS ,—An alarming crisis has arrived. A So vereign, who has allowed his people to believe that he gave his conscientious and willing sanction to the Reform Bill, has contumeliously and insultingly dismissed the Ministry with whom it originated, and who were carrying it into exe cution. He has done so without assigning any cause— without even affecting that he has any. But it is the King's prerogative, we arc told, to choose his own ad visers ! ! It is your prerogative to tell him, that in those advisers to whom he is now giving his confidence, you have NONE—that the man whom he has selected as his Minister is the man whom you have twice ejected from his office, because he had not one feeling in common with yourselves. It is your undoubted prerogative, too, to petition your Sove reign, that he will remove from his councils a man who is obnoxious to you ; and that he will consult those whose sen timents accord with your own. If the King's feelings are in unison with those of his people, he must, in the dismissal of his late advisers, have been influenced by one of two assertions. Either he has been told that you are no longer Reformers, and that you wish the progress of Reform to be stayed, and that, there fore, the Duke of Wellington, who avowed himself opposed to all Reform, and did oppose all Reform, is the very Mi nister of your choice : or, that his Grace is ready, " for the sake of Downing-street and Quarter-day," to retract every vote he gave, and every word he uttered, and to extend to you that large measure of Reform, which lie and his faction would not allow a genuine Reform Ministry to grant. Is the first assertion true or false ? And if false (as I know it is), will you allow it to remain uncontradicted? You will not ! Then from the Castle-yard of York contradict it yourselves, and in a manner worthy of yourselves, fully and unqualifiedly. If the second supposition be true, can you for one moment dream of permitting such an outra geous violation of all public honesty ? Will you trust a man to conduct the affairs of your country, the grossness of whose apostacy would disgust you and disgrace himself ? I ask you this, presuming that you believe that no such ad venture would occur, as we know occurred when the hawk was admitted into the dove-cot. Do not you be pigeons then or their's will assuredly be your fate, if you believe in professions which will be as easily abandoned as their extreme opposites have been. If any of you doubt this, such at least as were dissatisfied with the measure of Re form granted by Lords Grey and Melbourne, can scarcely hope to have their " bushel heaped up" now. But the game is in your own hands, and no man feels that it is so, more keenly than the Duke of Wellington. He has re ceived his Majesty's commands to form an administration. Why does he not do so? Why is the country without a government, except that, as Home Secretary, the Duke is himself at the head of the Police ; and he has his friend Lord Hill ready at the Horse Guards? Why is the Court of Chancery without a judge, or with one divided between it and the Exchequer ? Why is his Majesty without an Attorney or Solicitor-General ? Why are foreign despat ches unanswered ? Why has Ireland, in a state of rebel lion, no Lord Lieutenant ? Because Sir Robert Peel is in Italy, we are told, and " wont be home of three weeks !" Is this wont to be the method of the Duke of Wellington—the Military Dictator of the country ? No such thing, but his Grace thinks that in the course of " three weeks" he will hear what the country says of all this, that if, as he dreads, the coaches come up laden with petitions, in which he is not very favourably handled, he can then quietly inform his Sovereign that he can not manage the House of Commons, that it would be a waste of Conservative money, and probably a loss of Con servatiye seats, to hazard a general election ; and that, therefore, he begs his Majesty's gracious permission —to resign. Such, my friends, depend upon it, is the case. Let. then Sir Robert Peel, on his arrival from Italy, Ile greeted with petitions to the King, that his Majesty will be pleased to recall his late Ministry—with accounts of meetings in every county and town of the empire, expressive of our total want of confidence in any administration which can meet the just demands of the people only by a gross aban donment of every principle—an outrageous violation a every recorded opinion, which they ever entertained. In conclusion, I beseech you, let not the great county of York be the last in avowing her sentiments, but let a meeting for their expression, be immediately convened, and multitudi . notulv !!!.tencled. Believe me your faithful servant, i Walkmill, Cleveland Inn, Nov. 22, 1834. 'W. B. J.