The Sun. — London, England, 1831-01-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Finch Chamber of Deputies - vas on Thurs day the scene of new personal explanations, and beard egain.etaternents from the Prime Minister and the Minis for Foreign Alitirs, on the external re lations of France, and the principles of its foreign policy. Neither M, Lafitte nor General Sebas tiani, the 'Ministers alluded to, added much to their former disclosures. General Lamarque expressed regret that Belgium had been torn from France in 1814 by the Allies, and thati had not been re united to it at the 'ate revolution. Buonaparte, he said, chose rather to die at St. Helena than surren der the Belgic provinces. It was only the Count d'Artois who could agree to such a cession. He only could consent to abandon 12,000 pieces of ar tillery. The gallant orator then asked what was to be the limits of Belgium, and whether the citadel of Antwerp was to be exchanged for Venloo ? The Minister of Foreign Affairs replied, that the five Powers had acknowledged the independence of Bel gium, or its separation from Holland, without restric tion or condition, but that the question of the limits had not yet been settled. This question was now un der discussion, and he could not be expected to give explanations on a pending negociat ion. The regrets which General Lamarque had expressed were shared by all; but the losses which France had sus tained were the result of events, which, in changing the face of Europe, had subjected the states which compose it to mutual obligations. High considera tions ought to prevail over the national sentiment. Nothing would be easier than for France to enter into Belgium and to take possession of fortresses and a territory to which the national will invited her ; but such conduct would be the signal of a war, the consequences of which could not be foreseen.— The danger of kindling a general conflagration in Europe deserved the serious meditations of Go vernment. As to the difficulties about the naviga tion of the Scheldt, the Minister said he would confine himself to one observation—numely, that the free navigation of rivers was a principle which France had proclaimed, and which she would cause to be respected. M. Lafitte spoke nearly in the same terms respecting the relations of France to Belgium. Ilse real question, he said, was whether did France choose war or peace; and lie declared that if she wished to preserve peace with dignity, and to make her rights respected, Frenchmen ought not to awaken remembrances which are now far distant. Peace was necessary for France and for Europe.— After these very satisfactory explanations of the Executive, the Minister of the Interior mounted the tribune, and presented the new project of law on the elections so long expected and so clamorously demanded. Its provisions are much more liberal than the existing system, but we are not sure that they will satisfy all parties. No precise census is fixed as the qualification of an elector ; but all citizens who pay the most in direct taxes to the amount of double the number on the lists existing on the 16th of November last, are to be electois. The electoral age is reduced to 25 years. Besides the qualification from property, an honourable profession entitles to exercise electoral functions. Thus members of the Councils-General, members and correspondents of the Institute, members of learned societies recognized by law, doctors in the faculties of law, medicine, and the art., and other specified classes, are entitled to be electors, without any reference to the taxes which they pay, or the property which they possess. The qualification of eligibility is reduced to 500 francs. The law includes 68 articles, and enters into minute details, on the mode of preparing the electoral lists, and the regulation of the electoral colleges, which have little or no interest for foreigners. The electoral colleges of departments are abolished, and all the elections will take place in colleges of arron dissement. As there was no discussion in the Chamber, and as the Pupers are filled with debate, we have no indication, either from the Deputies or the Journals, of the opinion entertained in the Mini sterial project. It will certainly not satisfy the views of those radical reformers who desired a very ex tensive suffrage, and an entire abolition of the money qualification for being a Deputy. It will limit the whole electoral body of France to a number much below 200,000.—Times. We regret to observe that the labours of the Special Commission appointed to try the rioters at Winchester are not likely to have as bloodless a result as those of the tribunal that sat in judgment, about the same time, on the crimes of the authors of the treasonable massacres of Paris. The tumul tuous assembling of large bodies of the people, to raise, by compulsory means, the rate of wages—the riotous breaking of machines which supersede hu man labour, and other acts of popular disturbance, are, no doubt, serious and grace offences, not to be allowed to go unpunished, even when they have their origin, as in the present case, in severe and unexampled distress, without incurring the risk of the subversion of all law and order; but still it must be admitted that those offences are far inferior in danger and enormity to that crime which is properly called high treason, and which is a deliberate at tempt, not merely to get rid of some local grievance by a demonstration of force, but to overturn the Go vernment and Constitution of the State, by sacri ficing the life of the supreme Magistrate, or the liber ties of the people. The Ex-Ministers of France were convicted of high treason against the State, com mitted under circumstances the most revolting and atrocious that can be well conceived. They had all solemnly sworn to the observance of that Charter, which, from the moment of taking the oath, they con spired to destroy. They had all had experience of the calamities which despotism had brought upon their country, and the almost total ruin which lawless power had occasioned; and yet they prepared, by every means within their reach, to restore that ar bitary form of Government which produced, by its intolerable oppression, the revolution of 1789. They began their crime in perjury, and they ended it in massacre; and yet, in the midst of a triumphant and justly exasperated people, thousands of whom had lost their relatives and friends by the sabres and grape-shot which, under the orders of those re morseless conspirators, strewed the streets of Paris with carnage, their miserable lives were spared— justice accepted of a secondary punishment—the grave into which their victims fell was not opened t ) receive them—they were not hurried into the pre sence of their Creator with all the weight of unre pented blood upon their souls; the doom that with draws them from the execrations of the world gives therm the opportunity of endeavouring to make their e ice with Heaven before they appear at the tribunal where earthly judges, as well as those who havC trem bled at thtir bar, shall one day receive judgment. The sentence which spared the lives of those crimi nals was received with approbation in this country. The most ignorant of the populace of Paris, who expressed sonic strong dissatisfaction at the mercy extended to those men in their downfall, who had been so merciless in their power, were called vindictive and ferocious by persons who, only in the last Session of Parliament, concurred with the late Home Secretary and Lord Lyndhurst in calling for the judicial extermination of the man who defrauded another of a few pounds by the forgery of any negotiable security for money, If the populace of Paris thought that high treason could not be ex piated but by blood, they had learnt that doctrine from their rulers. Their Bourbon Princes had taught it them by established practice, and the Mi nisters and sages of the law never discovered that a lighter punishment was adequate to the offence until the treason was committed against the nation. Shall we, who approve of the sentence which spares the lives of the French Ex-Ministers, convicted of the greatest crime known to civil society, send rioters to tke scaf fold who have acted under delusion, ignorance, and dis tress,and who, however great their offences, have not, under the influence of revenge or excitement,sacrificed a single life ? We see it stated that seven men, who were the most active among the rioters in Hemp.. shire, are ordered for execution. None of these, except one, we believe, offered any serious personal violence. Why, then, take the lives of so many ? The very circumstances which made their offences most dangerous, and most necessary to be speedily suppressed, constituted their palliation—the general excitement and the distress which made disturbance contagious. Most of the members of the present Government, when in Opposition, admitted our criminal code to be vindictive and inhuman, by its multiplicity of capital punishments. We did not, expect such sanguinary examples would be afforded to the people in the outset of their Administration. We did believe they would not allow the French nation to leave us behind in the race of humanity and civilization. We hoped they would put down disturbance without sacrificing life, and prove that it is the privilege of Statesmen of superior intelli gence to make moderation a more effective auxiliary in the restoration of order than that destroying ven geance in which men of weaker understanding place all their trust. We thought they were aware that the reign of terror is short and passes away, but that judicious mercy, particularly in the case of crimes of sudden excitement, appeals to the reason and sub dues the heart. Great and noble would have been their triumph if they had restored the peace of so ciety and the authority of the laws without stain ing the holy festival of the God of Christianity with one drop of human blood !—Morning Herald. We take it for granted, from the nature of the relation between the Catholic Clergy in Ireland arm'. their flocks, that the former must share the ter".}gs of the latter on all questions of an agitatimr—.iature. When we perceived the universality of the feeling in Ireland in favour of a repeal of the Union, we as sumed that the Catholic Clergy would ere long place themselves at the head of the movement, be cause they belong to the people, and cannot be in different to whatever interests them. The result proves that we were in the right. Dr. Doyle was among the first of the dignified clergy who came for ward as an advocate of the repeal ; but, then, Dr. Doyle is the master-mind of the Catholic Church. However, the clergy in general no longer hesitate to follow his example, and thus we see them lending their aid to the collection of a tribute to Mr. O'Con nell. Thus, for instance, we find the following para graphs in the Irish Papers last received : " Letters from all parts of Ireland concur in assuring us that the O'Connell Tribute on the 9th will be worthy of the nation. A collection will be made at the Chapel of Sherries, on Sunday next, by the Rev. Mr. Murray ; it is expected that some gentlemen from Dublin will be there, and address the people upon this interesting subject."— Pilot. " O'CONNELL TRIBUTE, SUNDAT.—Most earnestly do we conjure every individual, whether of the clergy or laity of the county and city of Kilkenny, to exert themselves in such a manner as to place the sum total of their contribu butions in a respectable position on the general account of the receipts. It is most gratifying to us to be informeri that the Learned Catholic Bishop of this diocese and his Clergy are resolved to enter into the matter with warmth and energy ; and+ we a'so observe with equal gratification that Mr. P. Costello has made such arrangements, in the way of communicating with the county parishes, as must ensure a liberal contribution from each."—Killrenny Journal. The Scotsman of Wednesday last observes with reference to this momentous question : " When this project was started, we thought it so mis chievous that few honest men would engage in it ; and so impracticable that no man of 'sense would countenance it; but Ireland is a country sui peneris, and what would ruin a cause anywhere else, seems there only to promote and insure its success. Apparently the call for the repeal of the Union will soon be even more unanimous than that for Emancipation ; for, strange to tell, the agitation of this question seems about to accomplish one of the most surprising feats to be found, even in Irish history—a re conciliation of the inveterate factions of Orangemen and Cabolics ! _ " It is not many months since the repeal of the Union was first agitated, and, to our eyes, it then seemed to pro mise very unfavourably. It was opposed almost univer sally by the men of procerty, including those who were most decidedly liberal ; it was discountenanced (with a very few exceptions) by the Catholic Clergy, the guides and oracles of the people ; and it was advocated only by a fraction of the Press, while the Dublin Evening Post, which had long been in a great measure the organ of the Catholics, with the Northern Whig and other talented Papers, were against it. In spite of all these disadvantages it has been making progress silently and rapidly; and from the consequence it is daily acquiring, it seems very certain that the suffrages of all Ireland, a few noblemen and great proprietors excepted, will soon be united in its favour. When this happens, the Government will have but two alternatives—to yield to the universal voice of the people— or to stem the torrent by strong measures, which, consi dering the spirit that is abroad, and the effect of the lesson afforded by the exploits of the Parisians on men's minds, may involve the country in civil war." We confess that we have long had our apprehen sions on this question, front certain peculiarities in the social system of Ireland. That country could not have remained tranquil under such a system, if left to itself. The peculiarities to which we allude are—an immense pauper population, competing for land as a means of subsistence, and a sinecure Church establishment. Had Poor Laws been established in Ireland, even ten years ago, an end would have been put to the multiplication of paupers, and to the competition for land as a means of subsistence, and a class of respectable tenants would have gradually sprung up. The Sub-letting Act could only have been carried into execution, pari passu with a pro vision for the poor; for it is obvious that in the pre sent age it is impossible to throw numbers of human beings on the world without any provision for them. Again, a country may have an established Church, or may place all religions on an equal footing; but we have never heard any other reason assigned for an Established Church than that the religion esta blished was the religion of the majority. In War burton's famous Treatise, the alliance between Church and State is only justified when it is made with the largest of the religious societies; and hence the reason and equity, he said, " of the Episcopal Church's being the Established Church in England, and the Presbyterian the Established Church in Scotland." But if the alliance can only be justified when made with the largest of the religious societies, when made with a small minority the Clergy possessed of the greatest power and influence are necessarily placed in a state of hostility to the Go vernment which passes this slight on them. Under a prosperous condition► of the people, the question of religion might of itself be insufficient to disturb tranquillity; but with a diseased social system, reli gion is a formidable element. The wealth of a sine cure Church revolts the feeling of justice, the dis position to obtain a share of that wealth inflames avarice, and religion lends her aid to passions suffi ciently strong without it. The present Ministry are placed in a most embarrassing situation by the question which the proceeding: in Ireland now force on them. The higher ranks, that is, those who profess political power, must be hostile beyond mea sure to a repeal which would compel the great ab• sentee proprietors to sell their estates to escape the absentee tax. On the other hand, the motives which render the higher ranks hostile to repeal are precisely those calculated to strengthen the desire of the other classes for it. Again, were Ministers to propose measures for a vigorous and searching nature, calculated to grapple with the evil which preys on Ireland, with a view to conciliate the body of the people, we fear the great proprietors would prove refractory. We confess, under such circum stances, we do not see our way clearly, and we really anticipate no good from the present aspect of Irish affairs. It is quite a mistake, however, to suppose that Mr. O'Connell is the cause of the agi tation. The state of things in Ireland would raise up twenty O'Connells were he rernoved.-3forn ing Chronicle. We alluded briefly the other day to some of those remedial measures which it behoved the Government to adopt, in order to allay the spirit of discontent which is abroad throughout every part of the country, and to restore it to that state of prosperity of which there is now little more than the remembrance. These were, briefly, a reduction of all salaries be yond a certain amount—the abolition of all useless placj, sinecures, and unmerited pensions—a reduc tion of the number of the standing army, as soon as tranquillity shall have been re-established—and, finally, the introduction of an improved system of banking, or rather an assimilation of the English to the Scotch system, with permission to issue notes of any amount in value. The adoption of these measures, and more especially of the last, would con tribute greatly, in our opinion, to the prevalence of satisfaction throughout the country, and its gradual restoration to a state of comparative prosperity; but there are other measures calculated to aid the promotion of the same desirable end, and in which we confidently expect to find the pre sent Government more forward than any of its pre decessors to adopt; and these are, the abolition, first, of all taxes which yield but little to the re venue, and are collected at great expence ; and, secondly, the reduction of those whose decrease would not'only cause no diminution in the total amount paid into the treasury, but stimulate pro duction and consumption. These two classes of taxes comprehend, we believe, every tax, short of a total change from one object of taxation to an other, with which the Government could be fairly called upon to intermeddle, consistently with a due regard to public credit; but hoer much good might riot be effected by attention even to the simple pro cess which we recommend ! In the first class are comprehended the duty on printed cottons, which yields a mere trifle to the revenue—is collected at considerable expense, attempted to be evaded, and indeed often successfully evaded—and which cramps a branch of industry in which the country as yet remains without a rival— in the second, the " taxes on knowledge" stare every one in the face as iniquitous, burdensome, and impolitic. The paper on which we write—the ink and pens which we employ—the paper on which our readers are now perusing these observations — the type and the ink with which they are printed — all—all are, in some way or other, ground in the mortar of taxation; and when it is remembered in addition, that this paper carries with it a stamp amounting in direct payment to half the price for which the whole paper is sold—that on every ad vertisement which appears in its columns a tax of three shillings and sixpence is levied—that trou blesome forms had to be gone through originally before even the first number of it could see the light, and heavy securities be entered into—we say, when all these things have been taken into consideration, and it is further reflected, that we are blessed with a law of libel, which declares the publication of the truth to be the subject of fine and impri sonment, and that that law is so indefinite, that no one can with certainty ascertain when he is, or is ' riot, guilty of having written a libel,until an officious Attorney-General, or Jury, have decided on the fact—the wonder is, that newspapers should exist at all, or that any means should be left to the people of ascertaining what is passing around them, except pamphlets and books ! Here, indeed, the finger of taxation has been laid on, in a manner injurious to every object proposed to be attained by it, but the prevention of the diffusion of useful know ledge ; for there can be no doubt, that were those taxes only to be reduced which are levied directly on newspapers—the stamp, and the advertisement taxes—the Exchequer would be infinitely more bene fited than at present, the :production of every article employed in them, and, in consequence, the quan tity of employment to the working classes greatly increased. If our limits would permit us we could easily chew how these results would be pro duced—how the Exchequer would be benefitted— employment furnished to many who are now desti tute of it, and knowledge more generally diffused among all classes of the community ; but we feel that the whole matter is too self-evident to require such illustration, and that the members of the pre sent Government are too enlightened not to em brace the very first opportunity of showing that neither in this, or in any other matter, de two and two make four in political arithmetic. Let them try the converse of the proposition—and sorse of the members of the present Government ere pledged to such a course—and we venture to predict, that not only will the receipts of the Treasury increase, but the tranquilli+y, the employment, and the prosperity of the country, be greatly augmented.— Morning, Advertiser. THE YEAR ONE. (From the Examiner.) We have closed the year one of the People's Cause.— We have closed a year that has teemed with events of a grandeur and importance to mankind, unparalleled in the history of the world. We have closed a year in which Justice has wielded the sword of Victory, and Fortune lent her wheel to Truth. We have closed a year which has carried the mind of Europe forward an interval of ages beyond its antiquated trammels and thraldoms. We have closed a year which has dated the decrepitude of despotism, and the Herculean infancy of the democratic power; and must not our recollections swell with pride, and our expectations be full of cen- Elence ? The past indicates the future. Abroad we have the example of France, both for imitation and for warning. Her people have set before us the great lesson of virtue—her Government of error. The Representative Government, which rests on a narrow constituency, is like the Logan stones, which the finger of a child may move. Reverse the position—place the cone on its broad basis, and a giant cannot stir it. The existing error our neigh bours will redress; but the process is one that we wish could have been spared to their temper and virtue. If we draw too much, even on the wisdom of men, we are sure to come to the lees. France has not done enough for herself, hut she has done enough for the world, and her after-troubles will not affect the force of her example. The fault is as palpably marked as the passage of glory. The tyranny of one went down, and a hydra wriggled into usurpation. An oligarchy settled into power. The French Chamber of Deputies is now not much better than the British House of Commons. As this is the season of retrospects, before we quit allusion to France, we must ex press our satisfaction at the recollection that we have at all times, and under all circumstances, done justice t- :fie qualities of her estimable people 4, When all around, as with an air Of gloom and sorrow, preachY ' „pair," we, alone, contended for the sure-' ,, intelligence and un quenched spirit of the peon'_ of France; positions which engaged us in a shi controversy with the Morning Chronicle, which has since seen its error but not the occa sion for confessing it. We may be allowed here to revert to anticipations that have been in the most material points fulfilled. Eight months before the glorious three days of July we observed:— " If France for the second time achieves her liberty, it will be under circumstances the most favourable that the world has ever seen, to the construction of a wise form of Government. Hers will not now be the out-breaking of a slave, but the last deliver ance of a people who have been sufficiently near the possession of their just rights to be prepared for their exact occupation, and their temperate enjoyment. France has had her Revolution of Blood; her next will be the Revolution of Reason." For these views we lay claim to no extraordinary reach of political sagacity, but we do claim to freedom from the prevailing errors of the Press, which has a confidence for every thing, except the virtue that sleeps, but dies not in instructed nations ;* and here we would quote a❑ observation, of excellent philosophy and comfort, from Col. Napier's admirable History of the Peninsula War : It has been observed, by political economists, that where a gold and paper currency circulate together, if the paper be de preciated, it will drag down the gold with it, and deteriorate the whole mass ; but that after a time, the metal revolts from this unnatural state, and asserts its own intrinsic superiority. So a privileged class, corrupted by power and luxury, drags down the natural character; but there is a point, when the people, like the gold, no longer suffering such a degradation, will separate themselves with violence from the vices of their ef feminate rulers. Before that time arrives, a nation may appear to be sunk in hopeless lethargy, when it is really capable of great and noble exertions." Thus, too, it has been in this country, with regard to the reformation of the State. Six months ago, we were told that the people concerned themselves not about Par liamentary Reform, and that it was fruitless and idle to agitate the question. But now for the proof—Circum spice. For more than two years, we alone argued for the Ballot, and in vain called upon the self-styled Liberal Prints of London to aid us or correct us by the declaration of their opinions. The Ballot was not then the fashion; and they were silent. The Sun was, we believe, one of the first which declared for the essential of Reform, and before conviction had penetrated, like light, among all classes of people. The Press is now in throng coming to the opinions which we have solitarily maintained, through good and evil report ; persuaded of truth, and careless of all besides, except, indeed, the cheering consciousness of the inherent strength of our cause. the value of our ob jects, and the integrity of our motives. " Truth," says the admirable De Foe, " inspires nature; and, as in de fence of truth, no honest man can be a coward, so no man of sense can be bald when he is i❑ the wrong. He that • With the exception of the Examiner, the London Press was in raptures with the appointment of the Polignac Ministry. We opposed the delusion, merely on the presumption that figs were not to be expected of brambles; a truth which our san guine brethren are ever averse to admit. is honest must be brave ; and it is my opinion that a coward cannot be an honest man." We are not reverting to our part for the mere purpose of self-laudation, though that ungracious theme might be pardoned on an occasion of costly improvement, when Journalists are accustomed to be trumpet-tongued on their merits; but, as Reformers who have passed through every thorny path of discourage ment to success, we have some suggestions to offer which may be as cheering to our friends and allies, as corrective of the prejudices of our opponents. It cannot be denied, that for the last ten years, step after step has been wen by the liberal party, and not one inch of ground any where lost. We have experienced no defects—we have been stayed, indeed, but never thrust back ; and, despite of ob stinate opposition, object after object has been obtained. The Liberals struggled long for Catholic Emancipation. Catholic Emancipation was declared the destruction of reli gion, the deliverance of society to all the powers of evil, the unloosing of Anti-Christ and Satan. It was carried : and all the world perceived the Liberals had been right. Nearly the same history applies to the Test Laws. The alteration of the Commercial System was demanded; the economists were forthwith declared visionaries, and their doctrines were condemned, under the all-convincing description of " new fangled,"—one of the most potent phrases in the English language. With the success of the experiments came the late acknowledgment, that the economists were not such fools as the ignoramuses had thought them. Reformers complained of the abuses, defects, and vices of the laws. The law is perfection, was the first defence ; and the ob jectors were denounced as false preachers of discontent, the inveterate enemies of all the excellencies in our unrivalled institutions; and yet Law Reform is now the great busi ness of the day; and Judges claim, and merit praise, for their application to the purifying of the Augean stable. Thus again, after all, the reformers were right. Lastly, we come to the grand question. Who were they who have for years past denounced the corruption of the Lower House, called for its re-constitution, and insisted on the people's right to representation as the only security against the abuse of power ? Radicals, clamourers without cause, it was said ; men void of truth and justice, who slandered an institution as perfect as the wit of man could make it, and which, whatever theoretical flaws might be objected to by visionaries, worked excellently well in prac tice. Two years ago the Honourable House declared, upon a division, that there was no rotten representation. Less than two months ago a Minister fell because he of fered the same impudent outrage to truth. Now, the vast majority of society, Whig, Tory, and Moderates, ac knowledges the necessity of Parliamentary Reform. So again the Reformers, after all, were right. Two years back, when Sir Robert Peel ventured a clap-trap senti ment against the suggestion of the ballot rby Mr. War burton we believe), the collective wisdom received it with shouts of applause. Six months ago, Mr. Brougham spouted fallacies and nonsenses of all sorts against it at popular meetings, without provoking signs of displeasure or retort ; now the conviction of the country is for the Ballot. Men of all classes and deno minations, not interested in the foul influences, are converts to the necessity. So here again it will soon be seen that the Reformers were right after all. Where are they yet said to be wrong? Only, we reply, upon the ground where the battles are not yet fought out. They are said to be wrong, or wicked, or mischievous, for demanding the principle of universal suffrage; or that the franchise shall be co-extensive with the education and property of the country, and descending to the people as information is spreading among them. They are said to be wrong for objecting to an expensive Church Establishment, and for thinking that the wealth of the priesthood is not apostolic or conducive to religion. They are said to be wrong, or wicked, or mischievous, because they think it hard, unjust, and impolitic to maintain an aristocracy in luxury or affluent idleness, out of the taxes wrung from the toil-worn hands of the people. They are said to be wrong, or disloyal and seditious, for supposing that the dignity of the Crown can be maintained without extra vagant ostentation, and that the conduct of the Chief Ma gistrate is a better security for it than his cost. They are said to be wrong, or to betray an ignorant impatience of taxation, for contending that it is the duty of a Go ♦ernment to raise the moral character of the people by knowledge, and that it is barbarous impolicy to place out of their reach, by stamp duties, the information which would teach them prudence and conduct. They are said to be wrong for arguing that it is cheaper and better to direct men with books than to controul them with bay onets, and that letters are more explanatory missiles than bullets. Under these, and a very few other imputations of error, the Reformers may be cheered by reflection that such opposition has resisted, for a season, every measure (without any single exception) they have carried ; and in relation to those positions we have recited, as well as to those already won, it will be confessed, at no distant day, that, after all, the Radicals were right. We ask of our opponents to reflect on the many questions which the voice of society, and the- acts of the State, have determined in our favour ; and to consider whether it is not probable that we are as right in the doctrines which remain un settled, as in those now sanctioned and established? Have they not as much cause for self-distrust as the Reformers have for confidence? Against what combined forces of sinister interest, custom, and prejudice, have the Liberals made their impressions, and achieved their victories, by a vast power of truth alone ! To the conviction of society, and to not hing else, do we owe our proud successes. COVE TRY POLITICAL UNION DINNER Jai the Coventry Herald of Friday.) On 'I aesday last the subscribers and friends of the Union dined together at the George Inn, in Little Park-street. At two o'clock Mr. Edmonds, of Birmingham, entered, and was loudly cheered. He procer - to the end of the room, where the chair was him to preside in. Af 't was removed, the CHAIRMAN rose and si At great pleasure in meeting them for the pu use of celebrating the anniv :rsary of so im portant a Union ae that of the Political Union. The object of the Union was to promo':e the happiness of mankind, and enable them to procure the neces saries and comforts of life ; such being the sole ob ject of the Union, it was the duty of every indivi dual who laid to the feelings of humanity, to come forvi;ard anti support such societies. He then gave t'l e first toast, which was drank with three three, and gr ;rt applause:— " The People,—nlay their happiness be the Alpha and Omega of all ~r institutions,—of all our laws, political, civil, ecclesiastical,—of all orders of men, knightly, baronial, or regal; and when laws or ranks fail to accomplish this great end, may they be an nulled and extinguished for ever." Song, by Mr. Mead—Britons' right is Liberty. Toast----" Death or Liberty." Song, by Mr. T. Walker—Scots wha has wi' Wallace bled." The CHAIRMAN then rose to propose the next toast, which was, " The King,—may he yet proudly merge the splendour of royalty in the brighter and the more beneficial glory of the philosopher, the patriot, and the philanthropist." Mr. MEAD, the Vice-President, proposed that the King's health should be drank with three times three. The CHAIRMAN intended doing so. The whole company then rose and drank " The King" with three times three, accompanied with the most deafening shouts of applause. The CHAIRMAN again rose, and said they had drank two great powers in the State,—the people and the King; there was, however, a third power, and according to the present constitution of things, a greater power than the others, he meant the bo roughmongers.—(Laughter.) Yes, a greater power they possessed and exercised than the King or the people; comparatively speaking they were all power; by them and their minions were the people governed, and the country reduced to its present deplorable c ondition. To forget so great a power, would indeed be a forgetfulness; he should therefore give them, " The boroughmongers, may they be exalted, and speedily become immortal." Mr. MEAD, after the merriment excited by this toast had subsided, rose and said, that he supposed the plain meaning of the toast last given was," May the boroughmongers soon be hanged." Now to that h e (Mr. Mead) objected, as he considered hanging too good for them ; he should, as a more appropriate punishment, let them live a prey to the pangs o f a guilty conscience, which would haunt them with a horror equal to that which hypochondriacs suffer from the night-maro, or like that remorse suffered by the fabled owner of the " Bottle Imp;" he would not touch a hair of their heads; no, he would leave them to the justice of the righteous Judge of all flesh, who could not but do right. Men they were not; they wore the human form, but their hearts were those of monsters. Like the tyrant Bajazet, he would confine them for a month or two in an iron cage, and in the language of Macdufi', would havithetn painted on a pole, and shewn as all our rarer monsters are.— (Laughter.) Having said so much respecting bo roughmongers, there was another class to which lie should direct their attention ; he meant the Bishops of the Established Church. In his opinion, how ever honest the present Ministry might prove,— however ardent the efforts of the friends of Reform might be,—their objects could not be attained, so long as their Lordships, the Bishops, retained seats in the House of Peers. They always had, and they always would, oppose any Bill calculated to pro mote the liberties of the people; they bad proved the greatest curse under which this unhappy country suffered, sad verified the saying of the poet Cowper, ‘. When nations are to suffer for their sins, " 'Tis in the Church the leprosy begins." Their conduct had a most demoralizing influence on the people, inasmuch as their actions had the effect of bringing into contempt the religion which they professed to teach. There could not be a greater libel on the pure principles of Christianity, than that a Minister of the Gospel of Peace should be allowed to hold the sacred volume in one hand, and the scourge of the law in the other; Parson Magistrates and Legislating Prelates were not much longer to be borne with ; the march of intellect had done much, and would eventually put down the evil. The tithe system was now become so odious, its deformities so clearly seen, and its effects so grievously felt by the poor, that ere long it would cease to exist; the religion of the tithe-eaters would soon be seen, when tenths would be done away : the robed hypo crites, the sanctified Pharisee, would then appear ; it would then be seen, whether the Clergy who had climbed into the sheepfold over the wall of interest, would be content to hear the consequences of a voluntary contribution for their support. After speaking for a considerable time in the above strain, Mr. Mead sat down amid loud cheers. The CHAIRMAN then gave " His Majesty's Mini sters," and, in doing so, passed a high compliment on Earl Grey and his associates.—(Loud cheers.) Toast—" The people of France, Belgium, and Poland; and may Heaven prosper their noble and disinterested efforts and sacrifices is the cause of liberty and happiness." The next toast the CHAIRMAN had to propose WAS one which would require but little comment; it was " Vote by Ballot." All other changes would be of little avail, without the extension of that shield and grand bulwark against the power of elec tioneering corruptionists; it was the only means by which men could fairly express their real sentiments —they could then vote in silence, una wed, and un purchased. He then gave— " That essential ingredient of Parliamentary Re form, Vote by Ballot, the friend of peace, order, and independence, the enemy of the corruption, the bri bery, the perjury, and the inebriety of elections, the silent but efficacious assertor of general liberty." Mr. JAMES GRANT felt great pleasure in second ing the toast just given. Vote by Ballot was now generally desired by the country, and approved of by the most extensive and influential Union in England, he meant the Birmingham Union— (Hear) —that Union which could boast of having such a man as Mr. Thomas Attwood at its head.— Mr. Grant here entered into a short detail of his journey to Paris, and gave a warm description of the patriotistn and intienentlence of the people of France, concluding by giving " Ilicznas Attwood, Esq. and the. Birmingham Union."—(Cheers.) T,ast—" Henry Hunt, Esq., and the independent electors of Preston." The CHAIRMAN having giver: this toast, which he said lee was proud to free was so enthusiastically re ceived, proceeded to comment on the spirit of intie penuence manifested b: the people of Preston. When he reflected ors the revolutien of 1830 in Frarc?, and the means by which it was effected, he I was often reduced to wonder how an unarmed and defenre:ess multitude could be capable of opposing and finally upsetting ell the organization of a welt disc;plined and well-paid army; ;t was a subject, if cordered, which admitted of reflection ; and next to i a:though of a different character, was the achievement of the men of Prestorr-they bravely and bloodlessly conquered their old passions— (Cheers) —they set at defiance the temptation_ to bribery and corruption ; and they conquered, by a knowledge of their interest, the enemies of their country. Such was the revolution which he wished to see effected, and which he hoped would be effected in Coventry, and every other part of England, whenever an opportunity occurred. With the Mem bers for Coventry which they then had, he had no thing to do; they t hemselves ought to be the best judges of their merits ; the extent to which he would go would be, to impress upon them the ne cessity of consulting their own and their country's interests, when afforded an opportunity of exercising their franchise, —to look at the men, and not their pretensions—to bury all differences arising from past ill feeling, and honestly to return men of their own choice, and not of party.—(Cheers.) Toast—" Daniel O'Connell, and the people of Ireland," three times three. Song—Bonnets of Blue. Toast—" The Liberty of the Press."—(lm mense cheering.) Song, by Mr. Mead—The Blue Jacket King— This song, which was sung with considerable effect, and in reference to his Majesty, was loudly ap plauded. Toast—Nelson's last signal—" England expects every man to do his duty," Song, by Mr. Walker—The Wolf. Toast—" The health of General Lafayette."— (Great cheering.) Toast—" May the Cap of Liberty be the Canopy of the Earth : " _ _ Song--When Vulcan forged the bolts of Jove. The CHAIRMAN here rose and announced that he was unavoidably obliged to leave and return to Bir mingham. He then left the chair, and Mr. Robin son was called to it. The health of Mr. Edmonds was then drank with three times three. Mr. EDMONDS returned thanks, and retired. Toast—" May the Assessed Taxes be taken from the shoulders of the poor man, and placed on the fox-hunters." " The health of Mr. James Grant." Mr. GRANT returned thanks.—For the honour which they had conferred upon him he felt grateful; it should always be his pride to persevere in render ing his assistance to promote the great and glorious cause of Reform. From such a King as William the Fourth and his consort, the country had much to expect, and he hoped they would not be disap pointed. From the state of Europe the Reformers had received every encouragement; the glorious spirit of independence had been raised; in France the flame of liberty was kindled never more to be extinguished. After some further remarks, Mr. Grant sat down amidst much cheering. Mr. PERKINS and Mr. FLETCHER, in the course of the evening, both addressed the company on the necessity of Reform; after which Mr. Robinson left the chair, and the company retired at an early hour. Throughout the whole the most perfect or der and good feeling prevailed. There is a talk about its being the intention of Ministers to fund Exchequer Bills to the amount of 10 millions, or, as some say, 12 millions. We should imagine that, if the Government fund these securities at all, the amount will be far under the sum tuentioned ; but the whole story, though not altogether improbable, rests upon nu other foundation than rumour, and even that is princi pally prevalent among the speculators for a decline. If, however, Exchequer Bills are fended, the probability is that their place will he supplied by a new issue, and thus another addition will be made to our o verwhelming debt. Consols for the opening were done at 821, they than fell to 82I.—Morning Herald. A man named WM. CURTICE, carpenter, of Maywood, one evening lass week made his supper on a quarter of a pound of yellow soap, two mould candle, and a raw potatoe ! and has engaged, for a wager of is., to eat a shoemaker's leathron apron ! which display of his gastronomic powers is to be exhibited one day next week. —Nora Devon Journal. , 7 MEDIC INTF One of the most perfect specimens of a mummy will be gi ven ever exhibited in this country was opened to the public at No. 22, in the ilaymarke!, on Saturday, and where we believe it is to continue as au exhi bition. The high and sharp forehead, the outline of the head, with the conformation of the jaws, and P the process of the teeth, clearly show that this human r , being was not of any African race, whilst the nose i would almost as equally strongly indicate it to have t, been neither Roman nor Grecian. The whole form leads to a supposition of its being of one of the Asiatic races. • The figure is about five feet eight in length. The thorax is capacious, and though of course the viscera • and the contents of the vessels had been extracted, the abdominal muscles are perfect ; the right eye ap pears to have been allowed to remain in the head, ; and, what is singular, there seems to have been some extravasated blood left under the thumb-nail of the left hand. The figure is entirely stripped of its sereclothes, and whilst it presents nothing indelicate to the senses, it must inspire even the most dull with reflections upon the sad delusions—the nothing ness, as Lord Byron termed it—of our poor, and fragile, and transitory nature, compared to the stream of agee, and to the perpetual flux and reflux of theories and speculative opinions by which man inspires himself with hopes sad visions to allay the restless miseries and to prolong the fleeting happi ness of life. The notion of the resurrection of the body, or at least of the safety of the soul whilst the body was preserved, stimulated the Egyptians to a discovery of a method of embalming, which sets at defiance our infinite superiority of chymical science. In the mummy now exhibiting, the muscles ap pear like hard black leather. They are distinctly marked, and in one or two places where the epider mis and cuticle are rubbed of, what had been flesh now seems to be a sort of woolly shreds, or glossy yellowish fibres. The hair is of a reddish brown. The reticule of the cuticle, or outer skin, is coarse ; the teeth are remarkably well shaped and white; and there is apparently a gold substance upon several parts of the face and body. Whether this be a re flection from gelatinous matter, or the liquids imper fectly extracted in the process of embalming, and now indurated, or whether, as some have maintained, gold was used in embalming a regal corpse, it is now impossible to ascertain. The sight, however, is curious in every respect, though we suspect that from our increased intercourse with the north-eastern parts of Africa, mummies will soon become too numerous in this country to be valuable speculations as public shows. We observed in the room the following certificate :—" I am happy to bear my tes timony as to the reality and curiosity of the Egyp tian mummy, seen yesterday by Dr. Granville and myself. It is an extremely tine specimen of the wonderful art of the ancients, in the preservation of the human body from putrefaction and decay, " T. PETTIGREW. " Saville-row, December 28." THE EGYPTIAN MUMMY. University c HANOI 1 11 E ab II - Town, )1* size and el( Lpartments, a their Pupil ;very thing t s ebolar and ( A separate Princes-s 3 "'hopf= t e-s a I A- CHAI nd OTHEI r PON-TYN all, on Tues The Right It was 1 In the Mai( n lg.enTerhaa: t t i l , People i s nc P l aces with 1 tur n m ember lola, and w e lege;—that , i of inhabitant to the revenu Government elective franc On the moth 2. That t are mainly ti the country rate--unjust am! a most i a train of involve in di On the mo 3. That I faction, the change will' the prayers House of C( the House Thform, wo sentiments ( Oa the mot 4. That new enact!, the expense, contested the unboug and in this consideratio ballot, as a be advisabl On the mot COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. 5. That of Reform extension C 1 3oroughs, notoriously while, at t be given tc kingdom. MIRING LAST WENIC. Per Quarter. „ Morpeth Peorith Shediel I ,13cheeter Per Bushel, Wheat. Barley. s. to s. —rn I 65 in S. to Oats. I Beans. s. to 3, 8. to s. 5.1 • 37 69 57 68 a.:l. 70 F 0 10 C 11 6 70 9s 0 s 4 78 86 P 0 100 22 29 20 Z On the n .193 s. d. r. d. 45 54 58 60 23 21 24 s. et. r. d. 36 40 3 9 46 3 S ; 36 4 0 24 23 22 26 - 42 40 a. d. 6. Tha 5 5 5 Is uch Petit 1 ; 1 ' 7 C That.the 1 0 , t Es q. P., Me e i 6 o ley, Bart. 3 e castle, thi 3 6 I i 6 Matthew 0 tO It 9 9 port the 1 7. The WAKEFIELD CORN 1, -Dec. 31. There is a very short supply of all Grain fresh up to this da) 's On the market, the canals havng been closed by frost for the last f.r or six (lays. The ruck of every article nere is very trifling, and what few sales have been made to-day are at last week's prices. The buyers generally arc ant sufficiently needy to ha , ie recourse to land carriage, and prefer waiting till next week, when. if the li.esent thaw continues, it is likely the supplies will be beral. Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Sufßollc... l 34e. Pais. to 745. fine 76:. s'l , l Cnn- 44. '7••• Yorkshire 635. nos. to 7ue. • ----- White 675. 725. to 765. fine 71e. -- Foreign, Red 63a. 686. to 73a. fine 765„ White 65a. ills, to 735. fine 775. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk 36s. to 435. tine 44r. - Lincolnshire 34s. to 375. fine 3EO. - Yorkshire Wold 33s. to 366. fine 375. - Foreign -8. to -e. tine -e. Beans, New 33s. to 406. tine 4V4, Oats, Potato 274. to 30s. line 33r. - Poland 256. to 03a. fine 30e. - Friesland and Small -a. 255. to 275. fine - 'Venting l3d. to 15d. per Stone. Shelling 356. to 368. Odl. per Load. Malt ' 41s. 465. fine 48s. per Load. Rapeseed Corentry 11,At.wcz.ttle (Staff.) Northlllerton Stafford , _ R 6 4 69 62 46 50 4g 50 Swansea Wal wick Per RolL Rarnardeaatie Durham 16R 166 140 173 15 6 19 0 16 6 18 3 86 .06 90 106 R 6 96 90 110 60 :0 50 86 60 bx 58 64 rtich,nonu etac.kton That tl Right We the Chair buiiness The P, signature: Booksellr Tyne M Pilgrimo. tile darn: GESS a heat aokn of Ike oat hw reeoi seittions, lion.—l disappeii ached t - c 'their fir] aignatun JOIE mush-es •tis he pi given th Ware London, AP: Establis ,Sackvil •nay be tledicir ,BUT This mixture has so 1 fashion; : . ther ree DR. cellent Bowels fectiom and rec them. "IC of Affi tended pains c Lions; kind 1 BU' much &c. al ing th TO the ea e►er 1 Nervo eteric 13U 13E13 affecti Rze. a of the at 46. FC :o.ma f.:0 13 7 a pror, ) are i 2a. 9 131 mend &c. T( rient marl; to re to re Appe Bozo lent and 1 cerat SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. Barley Oats. I Beans. iGatmeol. 1 , Aberdeen 42 68 22 22 18 23 SI 33 Berwirk—..... 42 53 20 23 16 96 33 35 35 58 Coldstream 42 46 23 23 15 18 26 23 --- Cupar 50 72 28 32 21 24 36 38 Dundee...—. 50 70 29 50 23 26 35 Elgin 50 53 29 31 17 22 19 21 Inverness...-. 50 56 28 30 18 23 30 32 40 Kelso 36 46 21 23 17 20 24 33 Kirkaldy—.... 42 60 23 32 91 25 30 34 -- Perth 44 72 10 21 15 18 28 34 - - The size of the measure ♦aries throughout the country. EDINBURGH MEAL We had a middling supply of which met with a tolerably goo, Peasemeal sold is. higher on the else the same as yesterday. Per Sack of Itlolb. Imp. First Oatmeal £l 18 0 Second ditto 1 16 0 Barleymeal 1 10 0 Peas era sal 1 11 0 Pot Barley—Ne. 1, per cwt. 14i lIARKET.--Dea. 28. ' Oatmeal at this day's naarket, d demand at last week's prices. top, retail price of every thing Per Stone of 141 b. Imp. I First Oatmeal £0 1 Second ditto Barleyrneal 0 1 9 Peasemeal 16L-3d, 20s.—Peaul 248. EDINBURGH CORN MARKET—Dee. 29. We had a middling supply of all kinds of Grain to-day, which Wile. - is - - 9c. , the tr - end le. 6d. the ave- &old readily. .seat is up as. on the top, a.. on. on rage. Barley &t. up on the top, and ls. 7d. en the Pease and Beans 3.5. up on the top, and 2s. 2d. on the Oats same top as last week, but Vd. up on the average. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. First 7os Od I 385 Od 29s 4d 43s Od Second 60s Od 34s Od 156 Od 42s Od Third ae ay. average avarage• Beans. 4.% Od 4111 Od 59s 6d PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &c. Beef, per lb. Os. 3d. to 06.6 d. Fresh Butter, lb.s. 10k1. to Is. 04 1 . llfutton 0 3 0 6 Salt 010 011 Veal 0 6 0 9 Ditto, per cwt.9o 0 P 2 0 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per dos. 0 0 1 1 Lamb, per qr. 1 0 2 6 OatStraw(kpl.) 7 6 8 6 Tallow, cwt.... 35 0 37 0 Wheat Ditto... 7 6 8 6 Quartern Loaf 0 7 0 9 Barley Ditto 6 6 7 0 Potatoes, 1711 b. 0 5 0 0 Hay, per 010 1 GLASGOW CORN MARKET.—Dec. 20. All kinds of Grain in full demand, at fully the prices O f last week. Wheat, per 2401 b. s. d. s. d. Oats, per 264Ri. m. d. s. 4 6 British, old 330 to 35 0 Irish ~. ....... ......... 22 010 4 .14 mew Canada, free.. 32 0 34 1 Beans, per' Irish Barley, per 3201 b. Scottish English 3l 0 36 C Pease, Scottish ... Scottish 2B 0 30 0 Oatmeal, per 1401 b. Irish ai01b. 220 04 6 210 23 0 500 D 4 0 BIRTHS. On the 28th ult. the lady of W. Whitworth, Esq. of earl's Barton, Northamptonshire, of a daughter. On the Ist inst. at Chester -terrace, Regent's-park, 1110 ,4 J. S. Winstanley, of a son. On the Ist inst. Mrs. Thomas Browne, of Euston-place, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the Ist inst. at St. Pancras New Church, CaPt* Litchfield, Royal Navy, to Louisa, only daughter of the lite Henry Charles Litchfield, Esq. On the 29th ult. Rebecca Amelia, second daughter 01 11. N. Watson, Esq., of Charlton, sear Dover, a nd re', lict of the late Captain Allan Stewart of his MajestP 89th R.giment, to Hugh Orr, Esq., Assistant Surgeoli of the same. On the Ist inst. at St. James's Church, .Miss Cather . Lawrence to T. Mayhew, Esq., of Staple Ins. On the Ist inst. at St. James's Church, Mr. W. Har i vey, jun. to Miss Labella Chamber., second daughter 05 the late J. Chambers, Esq., of Jermyn-street. DIED. On the Ist inst. in Percy-street, Mrs. Newton, relict of the late V. Newton, of lrnhatn, Esq. On the Ist inst. at Dover-place, New Kent-row , ' Sarah, the beloved with of the Rev. Dr. Rippon, in O. 93d year of her age. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED By MURDO YOUNG, A% TM SUN °MC; 112, STRAND, LONDON, have _them