The Sun. — London, England, 1834-05-02 00:00:00

Lif DUTCH and ST. PETERSBURGHTAPERS• SECOND CHAMBER of the STATES-GENERAL. THE HAGUE, APRIL 29.—The sitting commenced i v at half-past seven o'clock. There were .14 members present. A Royal resolution, dated yesterday, was read, by which his Excellency the Minister of the Interior was commissioned to close the Session of the States General on this day, in his Majesty's name. The two Chambers having joined together, Baron Roell, the President, took the chair at eleven o'clock. The resolution for closing the session was then read. A deputation of eight members, composed of mem bers of both chambers, was appointed.by the President to receive his Excellency the 'politer of the Interior. In a few minutes the Minister was introduced, and, having taken his seat in frozit of the throne, delivered the following speech : " Noble and Mighty Lords,—The examination and fixing the Budget of the State—the determination of the means of providing, with due regard to economy, for all the necessary expenses, and for confirming fallen credit—the continuation of the work of national legislation—the regulation of the usual levy of the militia—such are the important objects which have engaged your attention in the sitting which I am this day commissioned to close. " The result of your deliberation has afforded new proofs of the happy unanimity of sentiments between the Government and the representatives of the people, by which our country is so favourably distinguished. From the political communications that have been made to your Assembly, you have perceived that we have been again disappointed in the prospect of a final regulation of the affairs of Belgium. " The King, who suffers no opportunity to escape of giving proofs of his wish for a final arrangement, laments with you that it has not yet been effected. " It is encouraging, however, that the prospect of which I speak, has by no means vanished ; that there is, on the contrary, a well-grounded hope of seeing it realized, and that the noble nation which you re present has to make no new sacrifices, to look forward with firmness and just confidence in its Government for an equitable result. In the name of the King, I declare the present session of the States-General to be closed." His Excellency left the Hall, attended by . the De putation, and the Assembly broke up. Letters from Copenhagen say that very large pur chases of corn have been made in Denmark for the Russian Government, and that 150 merchantmen, freighted in Holland, were expected to convey the corn to Russia. In spite of these large purchases, the price of corn had not risen. DUTCH FUNDS—AmsTERDAm, APRIL D. Actual Debt, 234 per Cent. A mort Syndic, o.i per cent. 89% to 89% Ditto, ditto, per cent. Voluntary Loan, 1831, 6 per cent --•• to Loan of 14 Million, 1830, 5 per cent......„ 10034 to 101 Ditto, 1832-1833, 5 per Cent. Exchange on London 12 12 5-10 12 07 5-10 —Dutch Papers, April 30. ST. PE rERSBURGH, APRIL 14.—The ice on the Neva began to break up on Saturday, the 12th inst., and the Isaac's-bridge was removed. Yesterday ( Suday) the discharge of the cannon announced to the inhabitants the passage of the Governor, and the opening of the navigation. The Isaac's-bridge will be replaced to day.—St. Petersburgh Journal, April 15. PORTUGAL. DECREE. " Taking into consideration the report of the Mi nister of Finance, and having heard the Council of State, I think proper, in the name of the Queen, to decree what follows : " Art. I. All goods and merchandise, of whatever nature and origin they may be, and under whatever flag imported, are admitted into the custom-houses of Lisbon and Oporto, to be entered for home consump tion. " Sect. 1. We except from the disposition of the preceding article, live hogs, gunpowder, olive and turnip oil of foreign growth. " Sect. 2. The importation of grain will be regu lated by a special law, the present regulations remain ing in the meantime in force. " Sect. 3. Tobacco, snuff, and soap continue to remain subject to the laws and conditions of the con tract of the state. " Sect. 4. Wine, vinegar, brandy distilled of grapes, and all spirituous liquors, of any quality whatever, are only admitted in bottles of half a canada Lisbon mea sure, or in boxes of two dozen each. Rum is admit ted in casks of any size. " Art. 11. The goods and merchandise admitted for home consumption by the present decree, imported in a Portuguese bottom, and coming from the country where produced, or in a ship of such country, coming direct, pay 15 per cent., reckoned according to the value of the tariff : and in default thereof ad valorem. In a contrary case, they pay the duty established here, besides an additional moiety of this duty. " Sect. 1. Vinegars, wines, and grape brandy, as well as all other spirituous liquors, pay a duty of 300 reis for every bottle or flask. The decree of the 7th December, 1825, remains in full force with respect to rum, of whatever growth it may be. The goods com prised in this paragraph remain subject to the clauses of the preceding article, in as far as the same applies. " Art. 111. The dispositions of the decree of the 22d March last, Article 6, is extended to the goods entered for home consumption. " Art. IV. In order that the reduction of consump tion duties may not prejudice those who have entered goods for the duties hitherto established, the owners or consignees of such goods so entered within three months preceding the publication of the present de cree shall present the same in the custom-house there in existence, and, upon verification, will receive there a certificate for the majority of the duties thereof, which will be admitted for one moiety of the duties they may hereafter have to pay. However, if the goods or merchandise are of such a nature that they cannot be presented in the custom-house, they will be, in such case, verified in the stores where they are warehoused, on being previously manifested. " Art. V. The laws and resolutions granting to various articles of commerce a special favour remain in full force ; and all other dispositions contrary to the present decree are revoked. The Minister Secretary of State of the Department of Finance is to attend to the same, and issue the necessary orders for its exe cution. (Signed) " DON PEDRO, Duke of Braganza. " JOSE DA SILVA CARVALHO. " Palace of Necessidades, April 18, 1834. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, MAY 1. THE KING C. BYERS AND OTHERS. This was an indictment against Byers, the informer, and others, for a conspiracy to lay a false information against the prosecutor under the Stage Coach Act. On the trial the defendants were found guilty ; and this day they appeared on the floor of the Court to receive judgment. Mr. ADOLPHUS, sen., on the part of Byers, addressed their lordships, and moved an arrest of judgment, on the ground of an alleged error in the declaration. Several counts described the act under which the information was lq.id as bensg an act passed in the Ist and 2d of William IV., and he (Mr. Adolphus) contended that this was xusatifestly wrong, inasmuch as the act could not by pos sibility have been passed in any one day of those two years. Mr. FOLLETT, on behalf of the other defendants, moved for St, zew teiAl on the ground that sufficient notice had not been jyen to the defendants of the removal of the indict ment into tiiis coAirt by certiorari. Sir JAMES Sea ar,grr, in support of the prosecution, onswered both objections, First, he submitted that the alleged defect in the declaration would be remedied by leaving out the words to which Mr. Adolphus objected. They were superfluous, and after they had been passed over enough would resit in for the purposes of the declaration. As to the other objeetjon he should show that proper notice had been given. The COURT said the first objection was of more import ance than they had at first supposed, and, therefore, they thought it necessary to take time to consider. They would, therefore, decide ail the points on Mooday. THE KING S. A L ,DRIDGE. ThiS was in indictment for an assault, Mr. IturrcutusoN moved the judgment of the Court on the defendant, who had been found guilty. Mr. STEER read an affidavit on the part of the defen dant, stating his illness and inability to come up for judg ment. Mr. HUTCHINSON objected to the application to put off the judgment. He alleged that the object was delay. It was not made in bona fides. The CouuT held that the affidavit was not sufficient, and ordered the defendant to be called on his recognizance. The defendant did not answer, and the recognizance was estreated. THE KING U. SEAWARD. •t ie This was an indictment against the defend nt, a parish %.,‘ o ffi cer, for procuring unlawfully a marriage between two paupers. Sir J . :SCA R LETT niOved an arrest of judgment, on the ground that the declaration did not contain matter suffi cient 19 C9n§tiNty A cthaitial act 911 the part Of the &fen dant. There was no allegation of threats having be e used to force this marriage. The COURT, under all the circumstances, granted a rule to show cause. Yesterday a vestry meeting of the parishion ers of St. Anne, Soho, was held, to consider the ministerial measure relating to the poor laws. Mr. Miller moved the adoption of a petition to Parliament, praying for the postponement of the bill to next ses sion, in order to give an opportunity to the parish of fully considering the clauses of the act. Mr. Thomp son, Mr. Wright, and Mr. Crouch supported the mo tion, and trusted that the clauses vesting extraordinary pCti,f in the hands of a few individuals might not be passed.—The motion was agreed to. At the meeting of the Committee of Master Tailors on Wednesday, at the Thatched House Ta vern, several complaints were made to the chairman, by masters who had attended the general meeting on the previous day, at Willis's Rooms, but whose names were inadvertently omitted in the published statement of the proceedings, this circumstance having induced many of the customers to order in their accounts, and express their determination to discontinue their deal ings. The committee have, therefore, in justice to those individuals, directed a distinct statement of their names to be published in all the morning papers. We are glad to perceive that the public take such interest in the proceedings of the masters ; to whom we would suggest the propriety of also publishing the names of such masters (should there be any) who may yield to the unreasonable demands of the journeymen, after having pledged themselves to a contrary course. Yesterday a numerous vestry meeting of the parishioners of St. Pancras, was held at the Court house, Gordon-square, to receive the report of a com mittee appointed to consider the ministerial measure relating to the poor laws. Mr. Houghton took the chair. The report stated, that under certain modifi cations, the act would be attended with beneficial re sults. Extensive powers were certainly given to the Commissioats ; but then, a strong arm was required to bring about a reform, and check the alarming abuses of the poor laws. Objections were made to the plu rality of votes given to the owners of houses, and to minor parts of the bill. It was moved that a petition, founded on the report, should be presented to Parlia ment. Mr. Murphy moved an amendment, " That a petition be prepared, strongly disapproving of the ex tent of power given to the Commissioners—of the unconstitutional character of the Board—and of the plurality of votes—but approving of the other parts of the bill.—This amendment was carried by a large majority. The effects of the insurrection at Lyons have been felt at a great distance in Prance. At Calais and Boulogne the net manufactories have suffered severely. The goods sent to Lyons have remained unsold, and the bills drawn in consequence have not been accepted. The manufacturers, overloaded with goods, have ceased to employ their men, excepting only one for each machine, as necessary for keeping it in order. A German says, that Luther knew what he was about when he threw his ink-stand at Satan's head, for there is nothing the devil hates like ink. A serious mutiny, in which six persons were murdered, with a view of obtaining possession of the vessel, occurred on board the Ann, Captain Allen, bound from Macao to Singapore, in the night of the 21st November. It appears, from the Singapore Chronicle that the vessel left Macao on the 21st, but about four o'clock in the morning, it being very dark, and when most of the crew were asleep, the captain was awoke by hearing the chief officer crying out, " I am stabbed to the heart." He instantly jumped up, and was proceeding to discover the cause, when he was met by the officer and the carpenter's mate, who were both bleeding profusely, and followed by the gunner, a Manilla man, armed with a dagger, who aimed a blow at the captain, which, however, he warded by shutting the cabin-door. The wretch pro ceeded on his horrid work, and stabbed a passenger and two of the captain's servants. The alarm then became general, but such was the terror inspired by the gunner, that all the Lascars, instead of making an effort to secure him, fled up the rigging. In the mean time the captain reached the poop, and found that the vessel had been turned out of her course, with a fresh wind blowing, and that another Manilla man was at the helm, while the gunner was calling to his companions below to come up, as he had killed nearly all, and that they might soon get possession of the ship. The captain in vain endeavoured to rally the Lascars, and the only weapon he could procure was an oar, with which he struck a severe blow on the head of the gunner as he was ascending the poop. The crew then got more confidence and rallied, while the Manilla men became alarmed and deserted their leader, who heaped curses on their heads for their cowardice, and the captain again striking the man to the ground, and stunning him, they bound him as well as the rest of the men from Manilla, who were to be conveyed to Bombay for trial. Six persons, however, fell victims on the occasion,—the chief officer, the carpenter's mate, a passenger, and three Lascars ; besides eight others who were severely wounded. So many similar instances of insubordination on the part of the Manilla men had occurred on board different ships, that it was said at Singapore the insurance offices would in future refuse policies to vessels in which these men were employed. On Friday night, about ten o'clock, while a gentleman, who had been on business at Piershill Barracks, was returning through the Duke's Walk, at that part of it which lies almost opposite to the ruins of St. Anthony's Chapel, he observed two individuals standing listening to the cry of a child at a considera ble distance, seemingly upon the front of the hill. At first he conjectured that some profligate mother or servant had taken the child to that solitary place, and was perhaps neglecting it, and that whoever went across the field to ascertain the cause would only meet with a torrent of abuse from the wretches who were along with the infant. Two young lads, nevertheless, determined to go, and, crossing the ditch which di vides the park, they scrambled the best way they could in the dark towards the spot from whence the cries I proceeded. By this time they could distinctly hear these words, " Oh, help me, help me, mammy, or I'll fa' !" and coming close up, they perceived a fine little girl , about three years of age, lying in a state of nakdness, without a rag to cover it from the cold dew that was falling, and its hands and feet so tied with the strings of an old apron, that it was impossible it could make the slightest effort to save itself. The child was soon wrapped in the worsted shawl of a young woman, who came up at the time, and conveyed to the Canongate police-office. According to its own ac count, a female, who makes shoes, came up to it in the High-street, about seven o'clock, and promised her sweets if she would go with her, and having got the child to this spot, stripped and left her in the situ ation described. The child was found to be the daugh ter of a man named Richmond, living in the Flesh market Close, and a woman pointed out by her as the decoyer is now in custody.—Edinburgh Paper. A few days ago, a young thief belonging to the Island of Bute made his escape from an officer of justice in a very adroit and somewhat ludicrous man ner. It appears that the delinquent had committed some serious depredation in the town of Rothsay, for which he absconded, but was soon afterwards appre hended in this city by the Anderson police. Notice of the circumstance having been communicated to the authorities of that place, a messenger-at-arms was de spatched to receive and carry back the prisoner to Bute. On the arrival of this functionary, he accord ingly had the hands of the thief securely shackled, and took his passage down the river in a steamer. The prisoner, however, feeling rather uneasy about the wrists, entreated his keeper to free him from the weight of the irons, to which he acceded from feelings of humanity, deeming his person secure enough without them. Shortly after, while nearly opposite Dalmuir, the prisoner drew carelessly towards the side of the vessel, and, seizing an opportunity when his keeper was at a little distance, sprung upon the gunwale, and in a twinkling disappeared among the foam caused by the rotation of the paddles. The officer stood con founded, and looked earnestly into the river for the reappearance of his prisoner ; but, being a good diver, the latter kept below water till the steamer was a con siderable way off, when his head appeared above the surface, and he was seen swimming gallantly for the bank. He soon landed upon the " Dyke," which at that place divides the river, and, after flourishing his bonnet round his bead several times in triumph, again plunged into the water, and soon reached " terra firma," where he coolly shook the water from his drip ping habiliments, and, making another signal of tri umph with his bonnet, scampered off through the fields like a roe, long before the bewildered officer could command composure enough to plan, much less to carry into effect, a pursuit. The delinquent has not since been heard of ; and his custodier was com pelled to return to the Highlands with as favourable a version of the story as his wits could invent.-- Glas gow Argus, * IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, May 1. Lord MONTAGU presented petitions from parishes in Nottingham, in favour of the established church. OBSERN ANCE OF THE SABBATH. The Bishop of LINCOLN presented petitions for the better observance of the Lord's Day, from parishes in Leicester and Lincoln. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY, in presenting se veral petitions from Lambeth and other places, in favour of the observance of the Sabbath, stated that it might be considered useless after what had taken place in another house to present the petitions, but he did not despair that the subject would again in the course of the present session come before parliament. The abuse of the Sabbath was well known to all, and petitions from all parts of the country would continue to be presented to the legislature until something was done to remedy the evil. He trusted this session would not pass without some legislative enact ment being made upon the subject. Lord WYNFORD concurred with the observations of the most rev. prelate, having himself been disgusted by the manner in which trading was carried on upon Sundays. The Bishop of DURHAM presented petitions from King's Lynn, and other places, for the better observance of the Sabbath. . . The Bishop of EXETER presented similar petitions from Dartmouth, Devonport, and other places. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. H. HUGHES and others brought up the Smuggling Acts Amendment Bill, and several other bills. The Marquis of SALISBURY, seeing the Secretary of State for the Home Department in his place, wishedto call his attention to a great hardship. The clerks of the peace of the different counties, whenever any papers connected with their office were ordered by their lordships, were obliged at great trouble and expense to themselves to furnish those returns, receiving an order from the Secretary of State to do so, although there was no fund out of which to pay them for that trouble, and there being no power vested in the ,magistrates to order payment out of the county rates. He trusted the noble viscount would take the subject into serious consideration, and adopt some plan to remedy the hardship. Lord MELBOURNE considered the subject one well deserving of consideration. When he made the state ments he did the other night he thought that the expenses fell upon the county-rates, and perhaps the better course would be to legalise the payment out of those rates. He would take the subject into consideration. After some observations from the Duke of WELLING TON, the Duke of RICHMOND, and Lord WHARNCLIFFE, the subject dropped. Lord ELLENBOROUGH wished to ask one or two questions respecting the mandamus against the East In dia Company ; first, the grounds upon which the pro ceedings upon the mandamus were given up ; secondly, whether the information upon which they had been given up was received previous or subsequent to the Attorney- General being instructed to apply for it. The LORD CHANCELLOR said it was impossible for the questions to be answered at present. The proceedings were not yet finished, and it would not be consistent with the public duty of the President of the Board of Control, or his friends, then to enter upon his defence. It was easy to see that a general principle might be agreed upon, though, as the details were not ready, it was impossible for them to be laid before the public. He could assure the house, that as soon as it was possible, consistently with the public service, the papers connected with the case would be laid on the table in the form most convenient to them. He could state from his own knowledge that a fortnight to three weeks would be the utmost that would be required ; at the end of that time the information would certainly be furnished. If the noble baron persisted in bringing forward his motion on Monday, it would necessarily lead to some observations, to say the least of it, being made upon the conduct of a high officer, and that when his friends could not possibly be prepared to meet them. Now whether that would be treating him well or not, that he would leave to the noble baron him self. It was impossible that the defence, under present circumstances, could be more than general assertions, and could not be carried into details when it would be most complete. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said the answer of the noble and learned lord was not at all, to his mind, At distinct as the question. (Hear, hear.) There had been no answer to the plain question of whether the information, which led to the abandoning of the proceedings, was received before or after the Attorney-General had applied for the mandamus. He still thought it his duty to move for the papers connected with that proceeding on Monday, but he would withdraw his motion relative to the case of Mr. Prendergast. He moved that the Lords be summoned for Monday. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he would not then be drawn into the proceedings on the case. He had stated on his own responsibility that the hon. President of the Board of Control could not on Monday be ready to enter on his defence, nor could his friends defend him con sistently with what they owed to the public, and yet the noble baron was determined to force it on in spite of all ; he would leave that to himself. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said his conduct was be fore the house, and by them he would be judged. (Cheers. ) The question he had put had not been answered, and ne ver would. _ _ . The LORD CHANCELLOR—Then the noble baron is evidently well aware of that which he wishes the house to believe he is unacquainted with. (Cheers.) It will, therefore, be superfluous for me to give him any of that information which he does not require. (Laughter.) I Lord ELLENBOROUGH denied that he knew any 1 thing of the matter. Why he said that the question would never 1 be answered was, that he had twice put it and received none. Lord SUFFIELD presented a petition most numerously and respectably signed, from Bury, in Lancashire, com plaining of the evils occasioned by the existence of the beer-shops. Also one from the Baptist congregation in Little Wild-street, Lincoln's Inn-fields, praying that dissenters might be relieved from disabilities. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY withdrew the no- , tice he had given relative to Sir John Campbell, in conse quence of information he had received. The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented petitions from parishes in the county of Somerset, the county of Not tingham, and the county of York, against any alteration in the corn laws ' • also one from certain members of t h e uni versities of Oxford and Cambridge, resident at Aldborough, in the county of York, against granting degrees of those universities to Dissenters. The Earl of WINCHILSEA, in presenting a petition from certain undergraduates of the universities resident in the Eastern division of Kent, to the number of upwards of 100, said he rose in pursuance of the notice he had given of his intention to present it. It was agreed to without a single dissentient voice, and if it had been delayed for a few days longer, there was not a member of those universities in that county but would have signed it. Its prayer was, that their lordships would refuse to interfere with the present regulations of the uni versities, in granting degrees to dissenters. He regretted that, when the noble lord opposite (Earl Grey) pre sented a petition from Cambridge, in favour of the dis senters, he was unavoidably absent ; but he tendered 'his humble though sincere thanks to an illustrious duke, for the noble stand he had made in favour of the esta blished church, upon the occasion when he presented a pe tition against the claims of the dissenters. Since he had a seat in that house he had witnessed the passing of two of the greatest acts that ever took place since the revolution, and those were the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts and the granting of Catholic emancipation, and he had thought that those would satisfy the parties whom they were intended to benefit ; but he had ever since reason to believe that those concessions, so far from satisfying the parties, had only given occasion for further demands. In calling their lordships' attention to the claims which had been set forth by a certain body of Dissenters, he would humbly pray their indulgence while he submitted two points which, he conceived, required deep and serious attention :—First, could these claims be admitted without the removal of ;all those statutes which had been esta blished for the government of both the universities of Oxford and Cambridge • and, secondly, could these claims be admitted without the removal of all sound religious education in those long cherished and national institutions ? He did not wish to occupy their lordships' time, knowing how anxious they were to proceed to the business of the evening, but he would point out one statute which existed in both those universities which provided that every student, on his admission, should be placed under the charge of some honest vicar, who would not only watch over his intellec tual acquirements, but over his moral and religious con duct. The noble earl concluded by presenting the peti tion, which was read by the clerk, and ordered to lie on the table. HIS MAJESTY'S ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS ON THE REPEAL QUESTION. The LORD CHANCELLOR begged to acquaint their Lordships that the joint Address of both Houses of Parlia ment had been that day presented to his Majesty, and that his Majesty had been graciously pleased to make the fol lowing answer " It is with the greatest satisfaction that I receive this solemn and united expression of the determination of both my Houses of Parliament, to maintain unimpaired the le gislative union of Great Britain and Ireland, which I en tirely agree with you in considering as essential to the peace, integrity, and safety of the British Empire. " You may rely, therefore, on my discharging with fide ity and firmness the sacred duty which I owe to my sub jects, in exerting the powers with which the constitution has invested me for their protection, against attempts which, if successful, must inevitably produce a separation of my dominions, " In thus expressing my concurrence in the determina tion which you have so justly taken, I look back with satis faction to the salutary laws which, since the union have been passed for the advancement of the interests of Ireland, and I shall at all times be anxious to afford my best assistance in removing all just causes of complaint, and in sanctioning all well-considered measures of improvement." Earl GREY moved that both the address and the an swer be in the usual way printed.—Agreed to. LIVERPOOL FREEMEN'S DISFRANCHISE MENT 'BILL. The Earl of RADNOR then rose to move the second reading of the Liverpool Freemen's Disfranchisement Bill; and at the same time suggested that the same system should be adopted in regard to this bill which had been followed in the Warwick Borough Bill ; namely, that evidence be heard at the bar. The Earl of ELDON said, that if witnesses were to be examined merely for the purpose of adducing reasons for the passing this bill, they might as well have walked out of the house at once. He (Lord Eldon) had known the country long, and he could say, from his experience, that I the subjects of this country had the greatest reliance on the decision of this house of parliament ; and by its conduct both in its legislative and judicial capacity it had frequently been the means of saving the constitution, by the exercise of its privileges. If he were to express an opinion upon this bill—and he should not do so at any great length—he should beg the attention of their lordships to what the bill, which they were now called on to read a second time, was. It was this, that in 1834 it was found out (for he supposed that it had not, and could not be found out before, or there would have been a bill of the same kind sooner) —it was found out that some freemen of Liverpool, previous to the passing of the Reform Bill, had been corrupt, and be cause those few freemen had been corrupt, they were called on to disfranchise the whole of the freemen of Liverpool, innocent as well as guilty. (Hear.) If the intention of the bill was merely to disfranchise the freemen made since the Reform Bill, he could understand it ; but here they were called on to disfranchise all, the in nocent as well the guilty ; nay, more, they were called on to go further than he believed had ever been gone before, for the bill .be / fore them proposed to enact that all future freemen should be disfranchised. That such a bill had ever before been brought before parliament he did not be lieve. He was an old man, and it might perhaps be said, was too fond of the institutions of his country, but he re collected that Lord Mansfield, when Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench, said that all new laws on the sub ject of bribery were useless, because the common law was sufficient to overtake those guilty of that offence. Lord WHARNCLIFFE, instead of directly negativing the motion, would content himself with moving that the evidence to Ile adduced should be confined to a certain period of time. In his opinion, there never was a bill brought before their lordships in which such injustice was done as in that now before them. In 1830 an election took place at Liverpool, owing to the lamented death of 1 Mr. Huskisson, and he was free to own that it had been then proved that corruption did exist among the freemen. But that was previous to the Reform Bill, by which pre cisely the same remedy was applied to the corruption of Liverpool which was applied to other boroughs. They ought, therefore, not to ask to consider any corruption which might have existed previous to the Reform Bill. The reform increased the constituency of Liverpool fourfold. It increased it from 4,000 to 10,000 voters. He begged also to remind their lordships, that the first Reform Bill confirmed all the freemen in their rights for their then existing lives, but that afterwards a change was made, and not only those who then enjoyed the right, but all those who might acquire their freedom hereafter, either by birth or servitude, were also confirmed in their rights. Under the operation of the Reform Act, therefore, the rights of the freemen of Liverpool were confirmed to them, and it was a gross injustice that they should now be deprived of it for acts of corruption previous to the passing of that bill. In his opinion it required subsequent acts of cor ruption to incur a bill of pains and penalties. It was stated in the bill that the electors, subsequent to 1830 displayed less bribery and corruption in consequence of the suspension of the writ, which was stated to have had a most salutary effect ; and from that fact, which he did not dispute, it was argued the disfranchisement should take place. He (Lord W.) did not understand the fairness of such a conclusion. The noble baron next proceeded to read the report of the committee, and having come to that part which related to the corruption of freemen at the election of the mayor and bailiffs of the borough, said that he considered that that had not been a question for the committee of the Lower House to entertain. There was a municipal commission ap pointed, and before it such charges should have been investi gated. It had been out of the committee's province—they ought not to have approached it. But that was not the principal objection to the bill ; it would disfranchise the poor man—it would not approach the rich one. (Hear.) The briber would escape, but the bribed would suffer. He who had no temptation to err would rejoice in his impunity, while he who had every incitement would be deprived of that which he was solicited to sell. Would their lordships call that justice? The rich disfranchised freeman would fall back on his 101. qualification, whilst the poor man, who had no holding, and who was less criminal, would find all his rights forfeited. (Hear.) But the whole body of freemen had not been bribed—far from it, How stood the case ? In 1830Ve mitiaber .who had been ascertained to have received bribes was 1,800, the number unbribed 1,748, who„with those since registered, by birth or servi tude—namely, 196, would form a numerous body of men, who would be deprived of their inchoate rights for no fault of theirs. The bill purported to take away the franchise from 4,541 individuals, but the right of voting for members of Parliament would be reserved for those who had broken the law, but who would still escape by moving the franchise of property. His (Lord Wharncliffe's) feelings upon the Reform Bill were well known. He never doubted of its ill effects, and his fears had not been in a great measure unrealised. He at the p resent moment, however, only asked the legislature to let it stand as it was ; let them not take away rights which that bill had guaranteed. Let the inquiry then be confined to what had taken place since its passing, and if that were acceded to, no case could be made out against Liverpool. He (Lord Wharncliffe) would be the last man to stand up to screen the guilty, but, in God's name, let them not go back to other and ought-to-be-forgotten times. Much had been done to punish ; the Reform Bill had plentifully cut down ; let them respect what it had spared. Then as to the corruption since 1830. Scarcely 481. had been ex pended ; why, if they would disfranchise for such a sum being given away, he (Lord Wharncliffe) would undertake for 2001. to disfranchise any town in the kingdom. The noble lord then moved an amendment upon the origitial mo tion, that these words should be added, " that voting ac cording to the Act 2d William IV., c. 45, should be altered and extended, and that the examination of witnesses should not extend to acts done prior to the passing of that act." Earl RADNOR considered he had a right to complain of the course pursued by the noble lord (Wharncliffe). He had considered, up to that moment, that the noble lord would have opposed the second reading. He had spoken to him that day on the subject, but he had not con descended to reveal his intentions. He now came down to support the second reading, but that he would render the inquiry narrow and confined in its limits. A great portion of the noble lord's speech, too, was directed in vitupera tion of the House of Commons. Now he (Earl Radnor) considered they had nothing to do with the House of Com mons ; they had only to confine themselves to the bill then on their lordships' table. The noble lord must have been in error respecting the proceedings attendant upon the election of 1832. It had been stated that it would be a great hardship upon the noble lord (Sandon), the mem ber of the borough, if they proceeded under Lord Gren ville's Act ; they therefore went forward under an act passed some years previously, but that course was not sub sequently entirely agreed with. As to bribery, the noble lord had stated there had been little or none during the election of 1832. Why, one of the candidates on the first day gave up the contest, because his voters would not come to the poll unless they were paid. Had not that been bribery? He would object to the proposition of the noble lord. The Duke of RIVIDIOND said a great portion of the Liverpool freemen, it had been admitted, were bribed ; and the ',only difficulty there was to encounter was to consider who were the bribed parties. In 1830, acts of the grossest and most flagitious bribery had taken place ; corruption stalked about at noon day ; and the infamous scenes perpe trated could not be too much denounced. He would punish the briber as well as the bribed. He would call evi dence to the bar to prove the corruption of the rich as well as the poor, and he would rigorously (if not, indeed, more so) deal with one as well as the other. The bribed were not people of distinction. No, certainly not. He (the Duke of Richmond) could find some excuse for the poor man—for him borne down by poverty, perhaps with a large family, and who had not money to pay his rent, taking the wages of his corruption, when he found the gentleman whom he had looked up to for example and protection his tempter and his paymaster. Let every man be disfran chisedcorde d"inhothberiabnendalosrovf i a n s fa b my ribe . bribed, and let his name be re- Lord WYNFORD concurred in the propriety of every word which had fallen from the noble duke opposite. He would vote for inquiry, but then let the inquiry be general in its nature, and extensive in its details. He felt much regret that he could not vote with his noble friend at that side of the house for the carrying of the amendment which he had proposed. The Reform Bill his noble friend had strongly relied upon : now his opinions upon that bill were also well known : it might have done good, but he was sure it was never intended to act as a statute of limitation against corruption. He would not agree to such a reading of the bill. Evidence should be heard, and if the parties were guilty the heaviest punishment should be inflicted. He said on a former occasion, with reference to this very town of Liverpool, that the qualification ought to have been much higher than a ten.ponncl one : and in conclu sion, would' now only repeatwhat had been said by a mini ster of France on the occasion of introducing a bill for the extension of the elective franchise, that it was perfectly absurd to give votes to those who only wanted them in order to sell them. The Earl of WINCHILSEA should give his support to the proposition of the noble earl opposite (Earl Radnor), but would not, till he had heard the evidence, pledge him self to support the bill. The Alarquis of SALISBURY should move that the words " in the first instance" be inserted in the amend ment proposed by the noble lord near him (Wharncliffe). The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that among the many misdeeds charged upon the borough of Liverpool, some, he observed, were imputed to an occasion in which he felt some little personal interest—the year 1812. But he had not risen about that, but merely to observe, that they should see clearly what they were about—they should be careful of the difficulties they would have to encounter if they determined to go into all former elections without reference to later proceedings. The Reform Bill certainly appeared to him a species of remedy for the abuses existing up to the period of its passing; but if Parliament, in its wisdom, did not think it went far enough—that it had not eradicated, and would not eradicate—if their lordships were not contented to try the efficacy of what had already been accomplished, then of course it was competent to them to take other and more decided measures. On the other hand, there certainly was a difficulty in confining the whole inquiry to one election, because it might be said that they were obnoxious to representation—that they wished to withhold some part of the truth—to shut out the light. He must say, he should not do his duty to himself or to that house if he did not express the extraordi nary disgust which he felt at the gross abominations which had prevailed at elections in Liverpool (Hear), where, in 1832, two shops were fitted up purposely with machinery, a slit and tube in the wall, to which wretched individuals were taken by wretches more criminal than themselves, in order to barter their consciences, for 51., 101., or 201., or as the market rose, to 501., 601., 701., 80/., and in one instance to 120/., in order to sell those votes which they ought to have tendered purely, honour ably, and conscientiously. He had heard that such things had existed in 1812—he had heard so since, and justice to those who were not there to speak for themselves—Mr. Canning more especially—required him to say that that lamented gentleman knew as little of it as he did—that they had never paid even the value of a silver penny for any such purpose. Ale and beer, he had heard, had been delivered out by the friends of the different parties. He did not know it at that time. He little thought that tickets for a cask or a half cask of beer, as the case might be, were delivered out ; which tickets were afterwards ex changed for money ; thus constituting a currency—com mitting one offence to enable others to commit a still greater one. He hoped, however, that the Reform Bill, by enlarging the constituency, had done away with such misdeeds, and if it had this effect, he thought it hardly wise to go further, but this was of course in the wisdom of par liament. If it was efficient, in God's name let them rest upon it ; but if it was found that it was not efficient—that corruption still prevailed—that the Liverpool voters were still offending, notwithstanding the remedy which had been applied, then it would behove them to go into a far more searching inquiry. But now he thought it would be better to limit the inquiry according to the plan of the noble lord Wharncliffe, adding the words " in the first instance" as suggested. Lord WHARNCLIFFE was perfectly ready to consent to the insertion of the proposed words. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had no objection to the proposed course • but he must beg to say, that if, after hearing the evidence, it appeared proper to disfran chise the freemen, as freemen, he must also insist on the disfranchisement of those 500 freemen, who, by the Reform Bill, had become voters (Hear, hear), so that the consti tuency should not be tainted by a body of men who had been convicted of such gross practices. There was here a long desultory discussion as to prece dents for proceeding, in which Lord Durham, the Mar quis of Salisbury, the Duke of Cumberland, Lord Wyn ford, the Lord Chancellor, and the Earl of Haddington took part, but it was wholly barren of public importance. The amendment was then agreed to. On the motion of Lord WHARNCLIFFE, counsel were then called to the bar. Mr. Maule and others appeared in support of the bill; Mr. Harrison and others against it. The LORD CHANCELLOR informed them that they were empowered to call witnesses with reference to the Liverpool Disfranchisement Bill ; but that in the first in stance they were to confine themselves to the question of any treating, bribery, or corruption, which might have taken place at the last election. On Mr. Maule being asked by the Lord Chancellor when he would be prepared to proceed, the learned gentle man answered that he would be prepared to proceed on Wednesday. The LORD CHANCELLOR informed them that if their lordships should be ready to proceed on Wednesday, that day would be fixed, but that he would take care on or before Tuesday to let the learned gentleman know... ,Ay to WARWICK DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL. A short conversation took place between the Lord CHAN cELLon and his Royal Highness the Duke of CUMBER LAND, as to the time to-morrow at which the house would proceed with the Warwick Disfranchisement Bill. Even tu'ally it was arranged that they should begin at a quarter before four, proceed until a quarter past five, then, if any pressing business intervened, suspend the proceedings ; but under no circumstances sit later than ten o'clock. The several bills on the table were then forwarded in their respective stages, and at twenty minutes after nine o'clock the house adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 1. The SPEAKER, on taking the chair, read his Majesty's answer to the address of the Lords and Commons. The answer was a mere echo of the address. Mr. BAINES presented a petition from Branby, York shire, against church-rates, and the union between church and state ; and Others, from several congre4ations (Wes leyans and Baptists) in favour of dissenters claims, and also a petition from the owners of certain beer-shops, in Tewsbury, praying for an extension of the hours of keep ing open.—Tol on the table. Sir H. CAAIeBELL presented a petition from certain parochial schoolmasters,_ praying for an alter a ti on i n t h e laws affecting them.—To lie on the table. PORTUGAL to 101 f : ar Mr. md ROBlNSONaetciroene passed fromt hebEy n w pg i lo s i ns h t e tobi Maria s a : t s k ir 00 rr t i h ne e gpuo n ar o l ti b uz lord,rceei certain the tt vi ne Chancellor of the Exchequer if go vernment h ad received any a ing duties, and thereby depriving England of the advantages which it had enjoyed for many years ? Lord ALTHORP replied that he was not able to give the hon. member the information he required ; but if the hon. member would ask the question when foreign affairs were being discussed in that house, he would doubtless re ceive a satisfactory answer. Mr. ROBINSON said that he should feel it his duty to call the attention of the house to the subject to-morrow. THE SABBATH. Mr. H. FLEETWOOD gave notice that on Monday next he should introduce a bill for facilitating the better observance of the Sabbath !_(Cries of " Oh. oh ! oh !" GENERAL REGISTRY BILL. Mr. TOOKE brought up the General Registration of Deeds Bill, which was read a first and second time. Lord EBRINGTON wished to take that opportunity of asking the right hon. Secretary at War if any measure had been adopted in pursuance of a recommendation for an in crease of the pay of attached general officers. Mr. ELLICE replied, that at present it was not found advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, but it was expected something of the kind shortly would be adopted. Mr. H. GRATTAN presented a petition from an indi vidual named Henry Hatch, who was confined in Bath gaol. Colonel DAVIS presented a petition from the Wesleyan Methodists of Worcester. _ _ . Mr. BARRON gave notice that he would bring in a bill for abolishing imprisonment for debt in Ireland. Mr. O'CONNELL. asked when would the two clauses of the Stamp Act be repealed, which were to have been repealed two months ago. Lord ALTHORP said it was intended to repeal those clauses before now ; and they would be before long. Mr. LITTLETON gave notice that he would move, that on to-morrow evening the house resolve into a com mittee on the Irish Church Temporalities Bill. Mr. FINN asked whether the amount paid under the Compulsory Composition Act was made out? Mr. LITTLETON said that he had expected that the amount would have been returned before now, but it could not be long delayed. Mr. O'CONNELL asked whether the 147th clause was to be introduced into the Tithe Commutation Bill ? Mr. LITTLETON was inaudible in his reply. A BILL TO PREVENT MEMBERS ON TAKING OFFICE FROM VACATING THEIR SEATS. Sir R. HERON said, in introducing a bill to the above effect, te that house a i t wast any enh ; unnecessary gt i t he_ a should sufficient houldoc tocup stytahtee time of h that the principle of the bill he was bringing before their notice went to give the people that salutary check which was indispensable for them to have over the control of their representatives. It also tended to correct a system that embarrassed constituencies, and instead of augmenting the popular power, evaded it entirely, by allowing members to take refuge in second elections. Now, in a reformed Parliament, the che c k th a t a cons tituency should have over their representatives ought to be much • more en larged than in an unreformed Parliament. (Hear, hear. ) It was well known that ministers of the Crown were very seldom, or never, members for popular places. (Hear, hear.) Owing, however, to the recent changes in the elective franchise, ministers could never sit for popular places, as the nomination boroughs were swept away. (Cries of " No, no, no.") An administration having the confidence of the whole kingdom might be disorganised by the opposition of a single borough (Hear, hear), the opposition being, perhaps, produced by some local job, utterly uninteresting to the rest of the community. It was absolutely , necessary to find some remedy for this, and the remedy he proposed was to do away with the cus tqm vacating seats upon acceptance of office. Some gentlemen objected to this, but had no objection to a mi nister changing from one office to another still retaining his seat. The principle ought to be acted upon more fully. There was a notable instance of the want of this prac tice at present, in the house being deprived of one of the principal law officers of the Crown. (Hear, hear. p ) The public could not but be willing that the different members of Government should be at liberty to change office as often as might be convenient,, without being put to the hazard of losing their seats in that house, by having to go to a new election on every occasion when a change took place, (Hear,) The offices intended to carry with them e right of a seat in that house were not named in the bill, but they were these— Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Trea surer, Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, the Chancellor of Exchequer, Secretary of State, the Secretary at War, President of the Police Board. (Immetios laughter, which continued for some minutes. ) The lion.', gentleman begged pardon, but he wrote so badly m th ati at e h a e h m aLd k iffi e. cult H y e in m re e ad an i t ng to his Ly own hsnd, hence he had tl e:- President of the poard of kndia, the President and Viee-Presidetit the Board of Trade, the Secretary of the Admiralty. the Secretary of the India Board, the Master-General of the Board of Ordnance, the Clerk of the Ordnance, the Surveyor of the Ordnance, the Storekeeper General, the Paymaster General of the Forces, the Attorney-General ( Hear, hear) the Solicitor-General, the Chief Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Attorney-General of Ireland (Hear, and laughter), the Solicitor - G eneral of Ireland, the Lord Advocate of Scotland, and the Military Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief. There were two offices which were obviously not intended to be incleuded, viz., the stewards of the Chiltern Hundreds. The mntion of this office excited so much laughter, that we could not hear the other name. The only other thing to be adverted to, was the period at which the act was to be in operation. There would seem to be an obvious impropriety in members of that house legislating that they themselves should not vacate their seats on accepting office ; therefore the pro position was, that this alteration should take place after the next dissolution of Parliament. Mr. BULWER said there was a general objection, on the part of large agricultural and manufacturing districts, to be represented by ministers, and therefore lie should object to their retaining the right of voting on public questions unless they were representing some popular constituency. One great objection to the present law was, that it was calculated to give to the agricultural members an undue preponderance in the holding of offices, because the con stituencies of large towns wished to have all the services 0, their representatives to themselves, and were reluctant to see them in office. He thought it well for the house t° p ri r d es o e f n i t n sta an t o e th o e f r th sh e a l p a e w . to l e t x w is a t s, th i e n y de w e - d er , e n al o r t ea s:N y ving consider whether they were certain that by suffering the boroughs h o s f m th a e n g y n a es p ti h o ce n n , the ,. seeds of that very corruption which they had but just goT , a ques tion with many whether out of what the hon. member had called the legitimate influence of property in snial go the length of the hon. baronet ; but what he from the smouldering ashes of Gatton and Old Sarum. iixf not all. no l t ie h w e as rea n ft o e t r pr s e p p r ar ing ed uP The plan he had to propose would meet a part of the diff to s hould urge on their consideration was, whether it would n ot be well to have as an organ in that house one minister from each of the great departments who should not be liable to removal. He should propose that there should be th e home office, the foreign office, the war office,the admiralty, the colonial office, the India board, the board of trade, and Ireland; and, as it was expedient to have the law officer s of the crown sometimes present, there might be wisdoin, if not charity, in admitting the Solicitor or Attorney-Ge neral. He should leave the house to choose between his plan and that of the hon. baronet, and therefore moved a 9 an amendment a resolution declaring " that for the conve nience of the public service, and for the promotion of t he public good, it is desirable that one organ of each of the most influential public departments shall have ac eat I this house by virtue of his office, but without the vilege of voting unless returned by a public constituency . MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. beet „. il A message from the lords here interrupted the d - t The original question and amendment having p from the chair, Dr. LUSHINGTON rose to oppose the arnendrneest as well as the motion. The principle of the prop ,„ _ measure was so unpalatable, as to make it impossible {or any hon. member to make it acceptable, or worthy of Op t ; port, whatever modification or form it might be made assume. (Hear, hear. ) It interfered with the I n °- ~,t valuable privileges conferred on the people of this country by the British Constitution. Were such a measure to re- ' ceive the sanction of that house, the servants of Goveri!' ment would change their principles with every change 13 the administration, and thus belie the principles they °i tertained, or professed to entertain, when they obtaineas th?ir seats, and on the faith of their adhering to them , ts well as entertaining them at the time, their constituenie gave them their suffrages. (Hear.) To deprive the ass of the constitutional privilege they had so long po of having a voice in the choice of those intrustd re nor management of their interests, would be nothing nte,' the y less than to insult that Reformed Parliament wine': aect that had at last obtained. It would be saying, in e ' a y e lective the people of England were not fit to exercise that n them — franchise which had been recently conferred up t o e exercise that they were worse—indeed, more un fit o f old the electoral qualification, than the constitueng. the Sarum. (Hear, hear, hear.) It would be robbin g rf _ ar It people of this country of their best rights. (Il e ti !.., for would be to tell them, that they were not able to)u,,es.their themselves in those matters which appertaineftt ' the h° 11 " most valuable rights. (Hear.) The speech of the been member for Lincoln (Mr. L. sat wd se . in that hou worthy of any high Tory who bad ever t to th e (Laughter.) All the hon. member's attachametonm. He people seemed to have now vanished like a Phcalamity Ilati (Dr. L.) would ask what great evil —what e _ eh happened of late that could induce the house to atl p u t r ite a measure? Why it had certainly so happenea , a the eircuni man in that house could more Sincerely lament ed that au stance than he (Dr. L.) did—it had so happene d the Ad' ! hon. member was to have been appointed Lord „, he . the honour, because . . miralty, but was obliged to decline . if he accepted It , found he could not secure his re-election had found that he , and another hon. and learnedgentleman. oiicree to va cate it, in cow" could not regain his seat whvoifciiice.r, He regretted, be re." , sequence of his acceptance of misfortune had befallen the Attorney' plated, that such a mis General ; but would any honmember consent to sacrifice wsitli the nuity of feeling between hon. members and that house h m ou em se be fo r r O w l h r a . their c r on se Ito_ nthieeureieghtotsthofe t h h o e u p se e;ple H o e f ( E D ng r. lar . )two wished d at t e o a s n ee in a c e o so n to. v t e i ... , ents ; and he was perfectly certain that if the rep e .. t n t !A to and supported those principles which they to when candidates, they would find the electors filling, entitled give them that reception to which their deserts o f the lives of the people did their duty, and consistently at re l f li esseo 'l them. (Hear, hear.) The effect of the measuresea_ fie whatever individuals would best answer their purpose, without egar s s anyfrtheir fitne ever to the opinion the country entertained °f no greate r for office. In his (Dr. Lushington's) opinion of electors insult could be offered to the Independent The this country than the adoption of such e a fne ae o ccurr enee r l complained of was only partial, and of rare than the e . 1 the remedy would be a great deal worst ember to v°, l° ,_ itself. If he could get only one hon. In otion and tne with him, he would oppose both the, In wvioduulaidsbetoprocure ",..ht amendment. (Cheers.) ~..,,,,,it Of his u. , s ee Colonel DAVIES would vote for the amen o nld n°" a hon. friend the member for Lincoln. Ile „ r _ France the what possible evil could result from it. Ili se ats 10 Belgium the members of the government held „1- legislature ex officio. • and a nie " ( .- Mr. WARD would oppose both the motion. Bich at pity ment. He wished to see the link preserved sl/4ituents. sent connected hon. members with their CO'COfar got the government tdli,ovithsat, He did not see that France and Belgium had s° li d copy __,,. to go a start of us in legislation as that we oug"' from them.and said called for, rose iin meas. ga b changl te n h a d Lord ALTHORP being loudly f the greatest it that he considered the question one ° a. . _ ( Hear.), 4 portance both to the house and to the n er tr: propose d l , t t n i a ie had been objected to both the they would have the effect of makin!che objection mus t principles of the constitution. ition did not, he admit, arise from any against agreeing to either p 1 )( .' h r° siosn of that sort. (Hea i r• /.. There were two proposition sinher for Peterborough, w.,`„v, nal motion of the hon. tne with the existing regre, hon. member wished to do away office under the Cro o n at on accepting . tion, that a member,d the amen d ,' t e l o his seat , an must of necessity vacate who ishe" 'f Lincoln, V i , n la e thereon of the hon• member for der heCrou n s " °- r the acceptor of certain office It t id that these li, re at officio be entitled to a seat. It aPP re- ehnefore the house—the o r g !I, vSas sa tut on die ~ lie not sa.7 ioli• principles of the Constitution ;he could sitions, if agreed to, would be an infringeme ~, that , , thought so. The act which gave a constituen cy e , 5 o eer a of expressing their opinion on their representativo toot , ~ ta ve t r i y on val o u f ah offi le e p e ri u v n il d e e g r e tuhpeoCnrotwhen,pceoonofeer,er:ede; I: ,, o u otrotit h io : ),f i a one v ery they ought not to be deprived of, strong and peculiar circumstances ; but he din „ t on e i vi o,- i . e . that the deprivation would amount to . 0 1.. ) The ee „, constitutional principles. (Hear, bear, n o rt been first' gulation was adopted ,by Parliament f but was " 5 proposed that no person holding sm. , as it 'mice '• • oirc ein t same time hold a seat in the house, to y inc the sea 1. the appeal to the constituents that this arrangement would lead to or of _ .,d. oi promise in the reign of Queen Anne.asettietehsandouldraeset these by . tbk or expe dient ; ir .: ort ed was adopted as a sort of comproun se cree t had been.; c e r e the several occasions when the eqe, client inconvenli.,s eooi to, there were very few instances oi or t i i ; ( 1, 0 sulting to either the government, the M i en' • rds an inif.' ,, i by 01 f the Althorp) saw no tendency tow a 0 ., 0 5e1 „t ~1 stituency. In the proposition of the hot. .23,noenroetoitt.oeliatiej. constitution. But in the amendment pr a. r .. ,„ l e _ . , ear , , member for Coventry he did see an 0 7 0 1 5 i o n I t r e e on . constitution. That hon. member's P e r e l: ~,,,,e in_ l „, e d ",. to him calcitated to produce a cornplet,e",6o;, oD t l' ha t . oL, stitution. (Hear, hear, hear.) if % o ld °lion '''''' choose between the propositions , the over (l ie°• whether the inconvenience sustained by . __ at a n ;.,, _. ari a . people was sufficient to justify any a lteratt,;i: c pas ,: g t e , He thought not. (Hear, hear, hear. ) tier ac e e c P m itY c i i whereby for the future any mernbernauere ~,o, t..- _,.. 14 to 5 1 10 , the hon, member for Peterboroughh;ebsut the c l ue - s tifu e ' lt ° under the crown, without being n .tit „ e ets va ltia", s , taking the sentiments of his ' " a n der ef "e llhe ° ec( oc' acceptation, was depriving the I _.stenee not _ ae , , , le privilege. On the other hand, sity of such an appeal had on several, lf, irt j o i s tra w as a 5 ,1 the t ! n n. ' e casions, been an inconvenience to the n ii" in point, but this was a mistake. . t r .,, o f office 1 0 0 r 10 . , been re-elected after his accepta' w hi c h hat i , h e fit y ,e r i L as e a a n es i ku e err e e „ , .. , : hcn. member had instanced Sir Joh. _ 11 .10 % i rti ns o e b ' r h u3 e e , e x f, ,: thrown out on a subsequent occasion, ~„,.a r. ) . '- ster ,ce O f rence to his acceptation of office' Vl' his acceptation of office, and his abse h is /P o t 1 had been felt as an extreme inconvenience h u e J ai ,c1: 0 ,,,;, point, for fAorttothrnateyo-ffiGeeenreih•aald, ilionsttlouhbiste:da.enefrorii t:,,,1 je51,00 Government. (Hear, hear.) pur" fto Al inis t t ' ll' o' . the Reform Bill, it had been suggeste lotion to -bile iti. f. , would be well to introduce some regu . 0 so , iee eili been right to a hen _ it might or might not have b . woe t V circumstance) under which Ministers 1,,,, 11(1 Jeet be bei; ti ea int o t he Vert, I