The Sun. — London, England, 1831-01-13 00:00:00

,~, r 74,"k • r./re - 60 fifty , thousand inhabitants, are not allowed to return 'atty Members to Parliament. e".l4eti.e' mbers of the York city and county Reform • A- 7 4 - Ot4iion therefore proocHe, and most earnestly teconernend to their countrymen, to enter into a general union for the recovery of their rights, and for restoring their country to that peace and happi ness to which it is entitled ; for we are particularly anxious to impress on the public, that restoration and recovery of lost or perishing rights of the people, is the great object of the - Association. For this purpose, we propose to enroll the names of every adult male who feels ant interest in the good of his country. Union is a vast source of power, and if the people of England will, at the present crisis, show themselves united in the good cause, there can be no doubt whatever that we shall ob tain the object of our wishes. When those who are interested in retaining the present abuses resceive that we arc determined to gain our purpose, which determination we can best exhibit by a general union, they will then be compelled to relinquish that unjust and illegal power which has reduced the kingdom to its present prostrate condition. The plan which seems to us most efficient for protecting the lower classes of society in the free t exercise of their elective franchise, is, the adoring of the vote by ballot at all elections. This is our sheet-anchor, without which all plans of Reform will be little better than imposture, meant to deceive the people, who, we are convinced, cannot longer be deceived with impunity. We, therefore ) place the vote by ballot in the foremost of the list of popular safeguards, considering is. indeed of much more importance than any other plan of Reforin than has ever been suggested; and we wish it to be clearly understood, that we do not desire to see any person a member of the York and county Reform Association, who is adverse to the Vote by ballot. The extension of the elective franchise to the owners of property, whether freehold, copyhold, or leasehold, if not all rate-payers above ten pounds per annum, is, In our views, a just and necessary part of a fair scheme of Reform ; for it is quite evi dent, that to allow a 'Ws. freeholder to rote, and to deny the same privilege to copyholders or lease holders of a much larger amount, is a system both irrational and unjust, and is grounded on the uncouth and obsolete arrangement of feudal customs. We consider, also, that the duration of Parliaments for a less period than seven years, would be desirable for producing an efficient Reform, such as the interests of the people require. 'These, and all other measures conducive to the public good, it will be our duty constantly to urge by every means in our power. Those means will be considerable, when the Association has increased its members, and every one may perceive the power of such an Association, when it has once been fully or ganized and heartily joined by the people. We propose, also, to arrange some plan for dis continuing bribery, threats, and undue influence at elections ; and, so far as is practicable to amend ment in such as the case may seem to require, all these means of undue influence with the popular privilege. Our members are elected by ballot : the Com mittee or Council, as well as the officers, are chosen by ballot. We court the assistance and advice of every honest man, however low arid poor his condi tion of life. We act for the people, and by the people. Justice is our object, and the good of the community our guide. We have no secrets, and are most careful to act according to the laws of the land ; but having once raised the standard of Re form, we are determined not to desert it till we have gained our cause, or till it appears utterly hopeless. GEORGE STRICKLAND, Esq., was now called upon by the Chairman, and addressed the meeting at con siderable length. He remarked that any attempt to reform the aristocracy of the land, or the church either, would be found an arduous task—particularly the latter; for he himself had been that day labour tug incessantly, though he feared in vain, to screen the clergy from that disgrace which they yet seemed to be determinedto bring upon themselves.—(Cheers and laughter.) He then dwelt upon the necesssity of an immediate Reform in Parliament, and on the great superiority of election by ballot, over every other mode of election. The LORD MAYOR now entered the room, and was loudly cheered. Mr. R. M. BEVERLEY, in introducing Mr. Wood, the Member for Preston, wished to notice him as the coadjutor of Mr. Hunt, who had lately been elected for Preston. Mr. B. was glad of Mr. Hunt's election, and would certainly have given him a vote if he had had one, as a testimony of gratitude to one who is a person of great talents, and who has suffered much, and most unjustly for the cause of the people. JOIIN WOOD, Esq. (M.P. for Preston, and one of the City Council of York), then addressed the meeting in a long and very excellent speech, in which he ackaowledged himself, in the strictest sense of the word, a Radical Reformer.—( Cheers.) He was not only a Radical, but considered himself as the re presentative of Radicals; and as fur the vote by ballot he was one of its most decided advocates. — ( Mr. Wood sat down amidst thunders of applause.) The Hon. EDWARD PETRE was then called upon and was received with tremendous cheers. He re juiced that the cause of Reform was increasing its friends on every side ; and he could not but contrast the favourable views now entertained towards it, to the infamy with which it was formerly branded, when its friends were termed revolutionists, and were scouted as enemies to their country.—( Cheers.) lie approved of the vote by ballot.—(Loud and continued cheers.) Mr. WM. HARGROVE being next called forward, briefly addressed the meeting. It had been remarked that the ballot in America had not fully answered the expectations of its advocates. In reply to that, he should state that the ballot there gives them a Government that costs less than 400,0001. per an num, whilst the management of our Customs and Excise alone costs 2,601,6341. —(Applause.) This plain matter of fact was worth a thousand vain as sertions, grounded on the fears or the ignorance of the opponents of the ballot.—(Cheers.) He then pointed at the Tithe System, as one pregnant with ten thousand evils against both the clergy and the people.—(Cheers.) A vote of thanks to the Chairman was then moved by Mr. STRICKLAND, seconded by the LORD MAYOR, and carried unanimously. On the meeting being dissolved, a great number of freemen of the city, and freeholders of the county, were balloted in as members of the Association, and many other names have since been sent to the secre tary for admission. _ Madame VESTRIS is not the only instance in modern times of a lady being lessee and manager of a theatre. The late Mrs. BAKZA, mother-in-law of Dow- TON, the actor, was, for many; years, not only lessee and manager of the Tunbridge-Wells, Maidstone, Rochester, and Canterbury theatres, but this indefatigable female likewise received in person the admission money to the boxes, pit, and gallery, every night the theatres were open. —Kentish Gazette. MISS INVERARITY.---In the Tacky of yes terday, Mr. LEI,III HUNT says, "This fair singer's patro nymic has indeed raised a marvellous degree of astonish ment. The inhabitants of this busy metropolis seem to think that she has found out the longitude in appellation, and complain they have not time to pronounce it. Some wonder where it could have come from ; and others have recommended that it should' be cut short. The name, in deed, might be cut into ' little stars. This is Rarity, or Verarity, or Verari. Verari would have a pretty Italian sound. The lady, however, does well to keep her name as it is. She has given pleasure to those who hear it. She is not not the person to give np an old acquaintance, or her tones belie her ; and besides, the name is a very good name, and we suppose there are bonnie Scots who are proud of it on other accounts ; Inverarity ish thave e fl ange of a place nea r Dundee; so that there must been Inverarities of that ilk.' Fin illy, its length is a notion: people must utter many syllables when they say any thing at all ; and they might as well utter these as any others," LITERATtiRt. MOORE'S LIFE OF BYRON, VOL. Ili ----LONDON 183 h We have just concluded the second volume of these fascinating memoirs, which we have little hesitation in Assigning a foremost rank among biographical works. In point of minute developement of character we know no memoirs equal to them, for the author, instead of show ing oft' him elf at the expense of his hero, steps cut of the beaten track, and places himself in the back ground in order that the broad light of observotc.on may fall full and uninterrupted on r,:he subject of his biography. In other words, Lord Byron is everywhere allowed to tell his own story and develope his own character with out " let or hindrance" from Mr. Moore, who merely connects disjointed fragments, illustrates obscure facts and remarks, and enacts the part ,- ,,ommentator. Our conviction on clos ing these very delightful memoirs is, that Lord Byron has been a man " more sinned against than sinning." That he had numerous faults, we are willing to allow ; that he was " impiger, iracundus, biers, vinosus, amator," we also readily admit ; but that he was ever, even in the most indefensible portion of his life, the utterly depraved being for which the world gave, awl still gives, him credit, we altogether deny. With a little more hypocrisy, and a little less assump tion, he might have passed for as moral a man as any of his cotemporaries ; but his candour, and above all his enmity to cant, whether lite rary, political, or religious, ranged in the ranks of his enemies the majority of mankind, who dreaded his sarcasm, and resented his sincerity, as an indirect imputation on their own hypo crisy. The key to Lord Byron's infirmities may be found in his own terse and forcible descrip tion of Lara. From earliest youth up to the period of his death he was " lord of him self, that heritage of woe." In this respect, he bears a striking resemblance to Savage, wh o has also lamepted the same absence of any kind friend to train his early youth, in language of equal energy. Lord Byron, be it remembered, never knew the meaning of the word home. This little term, so full of pleasurable associations to the majority of our English youth ; so expres sive of tenderness, comfort, hope, and the long muster of social virtues, was to him a dead letter. He was thrown abroad on the world at a period of life when others are still in a state of pupillage, without parents, without connections, without prospects, and almost without hope. He stood on the threshold of society without encourage ment to enter its portals. A nobleman without fortune ; a man of education without the means of turning it to account; a senator without a friendly hand to cheer his progress ;—was it wonderful under these discouraging circum stances, that his mind should have been preju diced ; that the flow of his kindly feelings being checked at the very time when the stream was fullest, and should have been allowed to run freely, the channel should have become stagnant and covered with weeds of impure growth ? He must be ignorant of human nature who supposes that early disappointments ever wholly cease to throw their colouring over life ; after successes may indeed blunt and partially neutralize their ill effect, but the cloud will at times return, and the mind revert with acuteness to the recollection of its early disappointments ; medio de fonte leporum Surgit amari aliquid quod et ipsis floribus angat. Had Byron, the stern, disciplined, experienced man of the world, alone been unfortunate, the case would have been materially altered ; he could then have grappled with his wrongs, and estimated them at their proper value ; but it was Byron the boy—Byron the embryo poet — with all the sensitiveness, shyness, and enthusi asm of genius kindling within him and longing for its natural vent—this was the glorious being whose first and freshest feelings were checked and thrown back upon themselves, and whose first leap into the world was made, as it were, at random, and in the dark. In what a different fashion do the majority of our modern young aristocrats enter upon the business of life ! Trumpets and shawns herald their approach ; a thundering flourish of drums announces the advent of a new literary or political Mes siah. After giving birth to a dull poem at the University, and a still duller speech in the Senate, the noble candidate for notoriety takes at once a prominent station in society ; is " petted and dandled into a legislator ;" and if a Whig, is lauded in the Edinburgh, if a Tory, in the Quarterly Review. Byron, as we have shown, experienced none of this flattering en couragement. Though an aristocat, he was compelled to fight his own way to fame without a second to back him in the unequal struggle. His first literary attempts were treated with the most stinging ridicule ; his first introduction to the House of Lords accompanied by cir cumstances of peculiar mortification. We have mentioned these facts in order to account for that lurking distrust in every thing and every body, which notwithstanding the natural can dour of his disposition never wholly deserted Lord Byron, as well as for that deep, and but too often splenetic, melancholy, from which even in the gayest company he was never altogether free. We now come to the subject more imme diately before us. The present volume com mences with the arrival of Lord Byron in Swit zerland, in 1815, and concludes with his death at Missolonghi, in 1823. His memoirs during this period are chiefly carried on by means of his own letters, which like " Don Juan," are pathetic--satirical--sprightly —anecdotical-- critical—in short, " every thing by turns, and nothing long."—As faithful reflections of the heart of the writer, we know of no thing in any language equal to them. They show what the inner man was as well as the man of the world, in his egotism—his craving for notoriety—no matter of what nature it might be—his pride—his sensitiveness—and, above all, in that strange mixture of aristocratic and de_ mocratic principle which kept his judgment in a state of perpetual oscillation. As a letter writer we look on Lord Byron as the first in the language. In wit and sarcasm Lord Orford is a fool compared to him ; Johnson a pompous twaddler ; Gibbon a formal pedant. His ease is matchless—he is ever familiar, but never vulgar or common-place ; ardent as a conflagration when his pride or his passions are roused ; graphic as Hogarth in description of character ; as witty, but less artificial, than Congreve. His letters to Murray are perfect gems in their way. At one moment friendly and familiar ; at another polite and condescending ; now ironical ; now dull and business-like ; but in every instance original and characteristic. What can possibly be more di lightful than Byron's treaty with the bibliopole for a good price for " Sardanapalus ;'' his mock-heroic wrath at being put off with pounds where he had expected guineas ; his description to Moore of his Venetian mistress Mariana, the wife of a tradesman, or as his Lordship humourously designates him, a " Merchant of Venice ;" his reasons for studying the crabbed Armenian language, because his " mind wanted something craggy to break upon ;" his intention of writing an " Elegy on the recovery" of his enemy, Lady N— ; his anecdote of an Irishman's constancy to an Italian Marchesa, who by way of return " reinstated him in all the rights of . wr o ng ;" his details of the epidemic Venetian fever, "of which the physicians change the name annually, in order to despatch people the sooner ;" and, above all, his history of his fit of indigestion, brought on by eating cockles, which reduced soul and hod) to torpidity ?—" I tried to rouse them, yet could not—and this is ,he soul 1 I should believe that it was married to the body if they did not sympathise so much with each other. If the one rose and the other fell, it would be a sign that they longed for the natural state of divorce. As it is, they seem to draw together like post-horses." Of a far different character, but equally ori ginal, are Lord Byron's letters to Scott and Shelley. To the former he writes with the practised ease of a gentleman and a man of the world, desirous not to commit himself by saying too much ; and to the latter with a friendly but respectful deference, which shows the high sense he entertained of Shelley's intellect. Indeed nothing is more conspicuous throughout Lord Byron's correspondence, than the consummate sagacity with which he adapts himself to the prejudices and feelings of those whom he addresses. To Scott he is the polite yet somewhat staid gentleman ; to Shelley the scholar and the poet ; to Murray the man of business, the patron, the dandy, and even the buffoon ; to Moore, the friend, the wit, and " the hail-fellow well met." Of Byron's daily habits when abroad we have a minute and lengthened description. At Venice, where his dissipation was unbounded, and not always of the most poetic character, he was regular only in his irregularity ; but at Ra- venna, Pisa, and Genoa, we are informed that he rose between two and three o'clock ; break fasted off a slice of cold toast and a cup of green tea, without milk or sugar; rode out for health between four and five ; read till dinner-time, at six or seven ; received visits from his friends till night-fall ; and then closeted himself, with a glass of some sort of spirits beside him, in his study till four or five o'clock in the mornirg. His latter works all prove that this account is correct. They breathe a strange, excited spirit, are replete with midnight gloom—solemn re- flection—the wildness—the fever—and even the incoherency of intoxication. There is little or no repose or equability in them ; the transitions are from the broadest light to the deepest shadow ; from the splendor of Elysium to the raven gloom of Avernus.— No poet could have penned " Don Juan" by daylight, when the equable and the common place, derived from time and circumstance, usually predominate in the mind. The poem is alto- gether an incubus, a dream of the fancy, born of indigestion, fostered by fever, and brought to maturity by favouring midnight. With Byron's literary opinions his biogra pher has made us equally familiar. He professed to dislike Shakspeare,—this was a mere whim of the moment ;—thought our elder dramatists little short of barbarians,—there is some truth in this assertion, though we presume not to deny their possession of ill-regulated power ; —and idolized Pope as the first of English poets. Among modern writers, Scott was his favourite. In this opinion his Lordship is evidently sineere, for we find him quoting him on all occasions, as if our Scottish Shakspeare were always uppermost in his thoughts. Of Washington Irving, he says, " his works are my delight ;" of Keates, " his Hyperion is a fine monument ;" of Barry Cornwall, " his dra matic scenes possess fancy and feeling, though the lad has studied in a bad school ;" of Leigh Hunt, he is a man of integrity—of talent--but with no more knowledge of the world than a child ; of Rogers, he is the most faultless of living poets; of Crabbe he is a writer of strong masculine ability ; of Shelley, he is a man of first-rate intellect, whether as a poet—scholar—or metaphysician. But the Lake, and above all, the Cockney schools, were his Lordship's aver sion. He would not hear them mentioned. They were synonimous with absurdity, preten sion, and impudence. We return to Lord Byron's letters. These show him to have been the child of impulse on small, though the man of decision on great, occasions. The hero who volunteered his life for Italy, and gave it to Greece, could not enter a carriage or mount a horse without trembling, The philosopher, who moralized in " Childe Harold," was stung to the quick because his bookseller had neglected to send him over some Macassar oil for his hair; the decided critic on the works of others, was distrustful and unde cided on his own ; the misanthropist, who scorned the world, writhed under the sneers of the fool ; the aristocrat by birth and prejudice spent his life in advocating the cause of freedom and the people ; the generous enthusiast, who gave away thousands in charity, bought a saving box Ito fill with pence ! Strange contradictions ! But ,he records of genius arc full of such perplexing Lilconsistencies. We have little to add. Byron, as he really was, is now fbr the first time brought fully before the public, and the world must judge for itself. Our opinion has been already expressed. As a poet, we conceive him " to rival all but Shakspeare's name below ;" as a man, to have been full of kindly feelings, though early dis appointment had somewhat checked their expres sion ; ardent passions ; consummate shrewdness ; with an affectation of worldliness that he never wholly possessed. His libertinism has been wondrously exaggerated. The voluptuary has been made the themon, by that love of mystification of which he himself set the example, and which the world were not slow to follow. But granted that Lord Byron were a profligate ; granted that he were as bad (which we deny) as the majority of our young men of fashion, who possess little of vice but its grossness ; still, let it never be forgotten, that he offered up his life in the sacred cause of freedom ! The immortal poet to whom clerical bigotry denied a resting-place in Westminster Abbey, died on the classic shores of Greece, in the most glorious—the most holy—the most righteous of all causes. For this, at least, let him be honoured ; for this let him be forgiven, even though he wrote Don Juan ! Since writing the above, we have been fa voured with a sight of two numbers of the " Tatler," wherein Mr. Leigh Hunt accuses Mr. Moore of insincerity, by publishing some letters addressed to him by that poet in 1811. The letters in question certainly breathe a frank, cordial, and even au admiring spirit towards the Editor of the Examiner, of which the Editor of the Liberal has been considered unworthy. We profess not to reconcile the differences between Mr. Moore's opinion of Hunt in 1811 and his opinion of him in 1823. It forms no part of our task to enter into the dispute between the two combatants—and, when two poets fall together by the ears, God help the thoughtless wretch who ventures to decide between them • but this we will say, that Mr. Hunt's remarks bear evident traces of sincerity, and though we will never defend his conduct towards Lord Byron, we think, on the whole, he has been too harshly treated. BRUSSELS, JAN. 9. NATIONAL CONGRESS. —SITTING OF JAN. S. The Order of the Day was the discussion of the 2d Chapter of the 3d Head of the Project of the Constitution on the Head of the State. Art. 35 was adopted without discussion, in these terms: " The Constitutional Powers of the Chief of the State are hereditary in the direct, national, and legitimate descent of * * in the male line, as the order of primogeni ture, to the perpetual exclusion of females and their des cendants." Art. 36 is left in blank ; it it deigned to regulate the succession in the collateral line, or to declare the vacancy of the Throne, if the Chief of the State should have no male descendants. _ Art. 37 gave rise to a debate ; it is as follows : " A son of the Chief of the St.tte, marrying without the consent of the Chambers, loses the right of succeeding to the Constitutional powers of the latter." It was resolved to refer the article and the proposed amendments to the Central Section. Art. 3S. The Chief of the State in Belgium cannot be at the same the Chief of another State without the ascent of the two Chambers. Neither Chamber shall debate on this subject, unless two-thirds of the Members are present, and the resolution cannot be adopted unless two-thirds of the votes are in its favour. A debate arose on this article, which led to no discus sion, the attention of the Congress being drawn to another subject. M. Pumez disapproved of the latter part of the article, as he thought it would hinder the Congress from chusing the King of the French for King of Belgium. He spoke at great length of the advantages that Belgium would derive from a union with France. He was several times interrupted by the cries of " Question." He concluded, after many interruptions, by a penegyric on the Belgium clergy, the friends of all liberties. M. A. Rodenbach called on the Diplomatic Committee to publish a despatch which it had received relating to the choice of the State, and which was communicated to-day to the Central Session. After along debate it was resolved that the papers in question should he read. The first is a letter of M. Gen debien, of which the following is the substance:— " Having been informed that in the deliberations of the Sections on the motion of M. Rodenbach, Prince Otho of Bavaria had been spoken of as chief of the State, I have had a conference with General Sebastiani, and acquainted him with the possibility of this choice. I was answered that France would accede to all political combinations which had Prince Otho for their object, and that it would not object to an alliance, as had been proposed, with the Princess, the third daughter of the King of the French, hut that no final arrangement could now be made, as that Princess was ill. As for the future determination of the limits of Belgium, the conformity of manners, religion, language, and principles which reigns between the French and the Belgians, furnished sufficient reasons for sympathy always to secure to them the protection of France in all questions which shall affect their interests; that it will al ways maintain the line of our frontiers when the right is on our side ; that all France would soon rise en masse to defend our independence, and to support our rights if they were threatened." A second letter was read ; it is from M. Gendebien's Secretary, to the following tenor : " January 6, Eleven p. m. " Sra—M. Gendebien being indisposed, I answer to the communication made to him, dared the sth. The noble and firm language of the answer of the Diplomatic Committee to the Protocol of the 20th of December, made it lively impression on Count Sebastiani. The French Government understand that Venloo and Maestricht do not belong to Holland. They begin to be sensible here that Luxemburg belongs to Belgium and not to Germany: the bad faith of William is much blamed. If he had not consented to the free navigation of the Scheldt, he might have been compelled to do so. If the choice of the Chief of the State should be immediately considered, and if it should fall on Prince Otho, he will be immediately acknow ledged as King by France. There is no obstacle to the alli ance of this Prince with the daughter of the King of the French. The Minister assures me that a treaty of commerce would be concluded on terms most advan tageous for us. I asked him whether, in case there should be a movement in favour of France, the French Government would then consent to the union ? He an swered, No ; that this union might he desired by the French, but that it would be the signal for a general war ; that England would never consent to it. This war, said the Minister, would ruin our beautiful country. If a French Prince were placed upon the throne of Belgium, we should run the risk of losing all that we gained by the Revolution. Foreign Powers would look upon this with as much distrust as on the establishment of a republic. Let the members of the Congress make another choice. Prince Odin, I think, is the one who will suit you. I have reasons for believing that Russia will not refuse to acknowledge him. I think it right to inform you that the Ambassador of Russia his received his credentials to this Court, and there is some reason to hope that Nicholas will reply to the Poles otherwise than by the cannon. (Signed) " FJRMIN ROGIER." This communication gave rise to a great debate. M. Osy asks the Diplomatic Committee whether the Scheldt will he decidedly open, and whether the King of Holland has consented to its being opened? M. C. H. Lehon, as member of the Congress, replied, that he knew of no document containing this consent, and that probably M. Sebastiani was mistaken in stating the acceptance of this clause as a fact. M. Osy replied that M. Nothomh, $ Member of the Diplomatic Committee, had given the Issnrance that t he Scheldt would he open on the 20th. d in on the '2oth. forme. d r M. Eelflieeramnanooutbncaetd fhtehartiveLro Some Members:propose d to the Con g ress to declare the wrdo,Pilvsboenboypehoael armistice at an end if the Scheldt is not immediately opened, and to conquer by arms what cannot he obtained by treaties. They said that a time must be fixed, at the expiration of which hostilities shall recommence it . the Scheidt is not opened. After a warm debate, in which some members said that such a resolution would he equivalent to a declaration of ar, it was resolved to adjourn the discussion to the next diy.—Brussels Papers, Jan. 11. THE RUSSIAN MANIFESTO AGAINST POLAND. (From a Brussels Paper.) The following Manifesto has just been published : " We, Nicholas, by the Grace of God, Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russian, &c., to all our faithful subjects, greeting, ` of i , A ol an t e d r , ri l b y le hi c t h re i a s s u o l n has convulsed l ited toitussia. the ki hng to Evil-minded ltn men, whom the benefits of the Emperor Alexander, the magnanimous restorer of their country, had not disarmed, and who, under the protection of the Con stitution which he had granted them, enjoyed, the halts of his solicitude, plotted the overthrow of the order of things introduced by him, and marked the outset of their crimes, on the 17th (29th) November, by rebellion, bloodshed, and criminal attempts on the life of our beloved brother, the Cesarowitsch and Grand Duke Constantine Paulowitsch. Taking ad vantage of the darkness of the night, a furious multi• tude, instigated by them, attacked the Palace of the Cesaron itsch, while at the Jame time, by spreading in several quarters of the city false reports that the Russian troops were massacreing the peaceable citizens, in gaining the people, and filling the city with all the horrors of anarchy. The Ce sarowitsch then resolved to take tip a position in the environs of Warsaw with the Russian troops that he had with him, and the Polish troops that remained faithful to their duty, and not act offen sively, in order to avoid all occasion for the effusion of blood, to show clearly the absurdity and the fal sity of the reports that were spread, to give the au thorities of the city time and means, with the aid of the well-disposed citizens, to recall to their duty those who had been led astray, and to keep the evil minded in check; but this expectation was not ful filled. The Council of Administration could not succeed in restoring order, incessantly menaced by the rebels, who had formed illegal meetings, and who had changed its composition by removing the members named by us, and establishing others forced on it by the chief of the conspirators. There was nothing left for it to do but earnestly to entreat the Cesarowit•.ch to send back the Polish troops who had left Warsaw with him, in order to preserve public and private property from further pillage. Soon this Council was totally dissolved, and the whole power placed in the hands of a General. At the same time a report was spread of a similar insur rection in all the provinces of the kingdom of Poland. The same means were everywhere employed—seduc tion, menaces, falsehoods, the object of which was to subject the peaceable citizens to the power of some re bels. In these serious and deplorable circumstances, the Cesarowitsch thought it necessary to follow the advice of the Council of State, and he permitted the small number of Polish troops who had re mained faithful to return to Warsaw, in order, if possible, to protect persons and property. He him self with the Russian troops quitted the kingdom of Poland, and on the Ist (13th) of December arrived at the village of Wlodaw, in Volhynia. In this manner a crime which had long been meditated was consummated. After so many calamities, the Polish nation was enjoying peace and prosperity under the protection of our Government : again it precipitates itself into an abyss of revolt and misery, and troops of these credulous men, though struck with fear of approaching chastisement, dare to think of victory for some moments, and to propose con ditions to us, their legitimate master. " Russians, you know that we reject them with indignation. Your hearts, burning with zeal for the throne, comprehend what our's feels. At the first news of the treason your answer was a new oath of unalterable fidelity, and at this moment we see in the whole extent of our vast empire only one im pulse, in the hearts of all only one sentiment, the desire of sparing no effort for the honour of their Sovereign, the inviolability of the empire, and to sacrifice to it their riches, prosperity, and even their lives. We have contemplated with emotion this generous transport of the love of the people to our person and to the country, and we consider it as a sacred duty to answer to it by words of mode ration. " New sacrifices, new efforts, will not be neces sary. God, the defender of the legitimate cause, is with us, and powerful Russia is able in a single decisive battle to reduce to obedience those who have dared to disturb the peace. Our faithful troops, who have very recently distinguished themselves by numerous victories, are already assembling on the western frontiers of the empire. We are ready to punish the treason, but at the same time we will distinguish between the innocent and the guilty, and pardon the weak who, through inability to re sist, or through fear, followed the torrent of re bellion. " No, all the subjects of our kingdom of Poland, all the inhabitants of Warsaw, have not taken part in the conspiracy and its deplorable consequences. Several have shown, by dying gloriously, that they knew their duty ; others, as we have seen by the reports of the Grand Duke, were obliged to return with tears of despair to the places occupied by the rebels ; they form, with the victims of fraud and seduction, the greater part of the army, and of the kingdom of Poland. We addressed them in a pro clamation of the sth (17th) of this rnontb, already published, in which, expressing our just displeasure at the violation of faith, we gave orders to put an end to all usurpation of power, illicit arrangements, and to replace every thing on its former footing. By doing this, they may still repair the faults of their countrymen, and save the kingdom of Poland from the disastrous consequences of a criminal in fatuation. In pointing out this as the only means of safety, we make known to all our faithful sub jects this effect of our clemency ; they will see in it our resolution to maintain untouched the rights of the throne and to protect the country, as well as the equally firm resolution to excuse those who have been led astray. " Russians, the example of your Emperor will serve you as a guide. Justice arid no vengeance, unshaken firmness in the combat for the honour and welfare of the State, without hatred towards infa tuated adversaries, —love and r espect for those sub jects of our kingdom of Poland who have remai th !red faithful to the oath t aken to us, ---a prompt reconea tion with all those who return to their duty. You will fulfil our hopes as you have already done. Per severe in your peace and tranquillity, in firm reli ance upon God, the eternal benefactor of Russia, and in a Monarch who knows the greatness and the sacredness of his vocation, and will know how to maintain unimpaired the dignity of his empire, and the glory of his Russian name. " St. Petersbargh, 12 (24) December, in the sixth year of our reign. (Signed) " NICHOLAS." EXPRESS FROM PARIS. (From the Times.) We have received by express from Paris the illonileur and other Journals of Tuesday, and the Message,. des Chambres dated Wednesday. They contain the Proclamation of the Emperor of Russia of the 24th of December, and the news from Bel gium to the 9th of January, already received. (From the Messoger des Chambreg.) JAN. I —We have some curious information in our letters from Switzerland respecting the state of B isle, dated the sth, 6th, and 7th of January. The com munes of the Canton had risen against the capital, demand ing an equal share in the representation, and in the com position of the Councils : the city was in a state of siege, and it was feared that the peasants would attack it. The gates of the city were closed on the 7th, towards the even • ing of which day both parties appeared to be resolved to comb it with vigour. The National Guards of France had placed posts along the frontier, to prevent any violation of the French territory. ' In the evening of the 7th a Proclamation, drawn up in very moderate terms, was addressed by tLe citizens to the country people, from which a happy result was expeeted• DICAGUIGNAN (VA K), JAN. 3.—On the 29th of De cember there was an insurrection in the principality of Monaco. The tri-coloured flag was hoisted, but soon tranquillity was restored, and the Sardinian flag was again displayed. _ _ . (From the Constitutionnel.) PARIS, JAN. 10.—The Herminie frigate was to sail on the sth from Toulon for Brazil, having on board the Marchioness de Loule, sister to the Emperor of Brazil. The Avis 9 of Toulon announces that the Piedmon test retugees in the Hieres Islands have now been incor porated into the regiment of Hohenlohe, and that they railed on the 25th of December for the Morea. The Monileur sninntuce4 officially that Lord Stuart had presented to the King the letters of his Majesty the King of Gt eat Britain, recalling him from his past, and that im mediately afterwards Lord Granville had an audience to present his credentials as Ambassador Extraordinary from Great Britain to the Court of France. (From the Journal du Commerce.) It is said that preparations are making in the citadel to receive two of the Ministers who are prisoners at Ham. The misunderstanding between the Prince de Polignac and two of his colleagues is assigned as the reason for this measure. It is certain that M. de Virgile has received orders to quit the apartments which he has so long oc cupied, and that the moats of the citadel are going to be filled with water, but we believe that all this is for an other purpose. The Minister of War does not participate in the opti mism of his colleagues. He feels that war is inevitable• It is even said that he would wish France to take the in itiative. The citadel of Amiens will serve as a depot for provisions and ammunition, and it is probably thought necessary to secure it against a coup de main.—Sentinel `~'`-`._ tigers r ' • ler :27••• I Per, '''ce, • R,, t '' ..... ........ Per 6 .9 ' ' )er eut. -ent r4l Cen Ann t Ink • .-2.6 JJar un g Ann, t O Y 18io J an . I°, N 591 1 .. t at ; ?, 1864 AP ' 1 61 1870...'. 1 4 51 1 ,, C ., OF FOB rayi . : 4n Bundy nOrldg 01; 44 4 ;yref4 rt n .lid; itt, .N.i; nowt, ....... irrk........ ..... . e 11........ , ;;;4; ... ........ -ZS or i ~ijlem Ifll 7 i 3 ; .li cts o .o c k 3 re7 . C .. e' 3%, t , io' f ht .. Cent ..... , to' tr: d l 1 M , 41 ,It Pe :ite n t i.trial st ip : I,r , a , t eh. 4 per 11 4 FOR ! CRZSSTInI A G ;IA j .. , it t F R L4l N JA N itiestN JA! lc. coo: rith n. 3? r 0 Arazil Eluen o ; ** 1 Fra nde "- u ace .. u ernary.. - y~~~ TIIII RSDA' Th ethree , r it4.lol.lE Y a Warrant Picard. It appears that the Court of Peers is going to try, is their absence, those of the ex-Ministers who have not been taken, for the resolution of the Chamber of Deputies and the decree of the Court of Peers were notified on the 7th, at the instance of Baron Pasquier, to Baron d'Haussez, in the person of the Mayor of Neufchatel. In the Chamber of Deputies on the 10th the order of the day was the continuance of the debate on the project of law respecting the Courts of A.S3 . ZO, and the declaration s of the Jury. A discussion arose upon an amendment of M. de TracY that the sentence of death shall not be passed, unless the , 1 ., Jury is unanimous. This was supported by Lafayett e wae -L uvesr il o e ilftr it igeoia ll ytoi s l s t i li and other Members, but closed without a decision, after e ha,, some opposition from M. Renouard, the King's Commi ,- IS a strai n e: sioner, the President observing that there was not a gulf - ir i • e cient number of Members present. 41 ", a c z , Ppre (From the Constitutionnel.) art after MISSION ~ ) iiii,er MISSION OF M. DE MONTEMART.-INTERFFRENCF• ~y ttiL• PARIS, JAN. 10.-We are not in the confidence of the Inv I ' v illeis o G n o t v h c e rn s ti p i e e c n ia t, i but, like so 0 1l d t e h s e ig as o , a o t r e l d d, i o n ur th a e tte m nt o i n on fte i u s r fi: o 4 o n..4c n i t e f ii p t ro i c jet.: which M. de Montemart is to proceed to St. P e t ers burg her No doubt the affairs of Poland are to he the subject of or v i te beliiml gociation with Nich.das. M. :de Montemart has given 00 story /- or man a tight to question the fraskne•s of his character, 'l e COndi t • ' the sincerity of his political sentiments. lie has been re L er, . ' 0 43 1 ceived with favour at the Court of the Emperor, anti )06 1 t,ltim ate 1 fdlo wed his army, which marks him out as a fitting ilr'','' vll oies a l for a mission in which the rights of nations are interestel ea tl e rti Property, wrongly acquired, is often the most esteemed, a° in Cetl S l itll therefore we are not astonished at the anger of the:Empty : l r ti te, if h n Nicholas. France, by suffering the division of Poland' first .. , -II committed a fault, and was accessary to a crime. Is 0 t a l c "gnts 0 the time now arrived to efface the fault, and wash out thi' en ; .nt o t i crime? Our policy, our sympathies, our glories, our re' era to verses make it for us a sacred duty. As to inteee' in s ay, a • France and England are on this question united. linglo s f pb , Say, is interested in raising a barrier against the invasions e , e ttiene e t h Europe from the North, and then it is presumed that th e tnri ) t h English nation will join with us in assisting the brave 1 3 ° 44 ; at p ri , c P e a' The kingdom of Poland, as established in 1814, have, 0 , 1 , ' se nt it i.. Constitution and Government separate from that of Ru e ` her i• 1 h , 1 g It d ohs. The same Sovereign is at the head of both, but► r e I", two States are regulated by different laws, distinct instirltr: ap ards ti t tions, and are or ought to be independent of one anct i l ie Pears w ill : If the King of Poland appear at the head of a part of t 0 a c ony: . Polish nation to re-establish his power, it is a right el'r e o f r ear, Melfil bins by Treaties imposed by force; but if the Ernpec tir to ,_ V e etino t i All the Russias arrives at the head of all his cohorts, I "-and hrnt subdue again under his iron sceptre the countrymen ° Illav 8 Poniatowski and Kosciusko, what is that but the ante'/ , e ' YCt sae( ference of Russia in the affairs of Poland ? Here, then'_4l s Itlen ees ~, the principle of non-interference, adopted by France A n 1 1 a,. "' t‘ gentle England, violated in its essence. t to -'tins ‘, It is probable that the mission of M. de Montenlar 0 , no rest St. Petersburg!' is to enforce this irresistible argon'', if fortil and probably the French Government will be disposed' it ! "e S ti I 1 necessary, to support it by all the means in its povrer' ber s 1s i l eg' would be seconded by the whole nation, which rein"' 0 , ‘.. e lPossibi that the banks of the Vistula are peopled by braes gn h e 'ltim ut whom it loves to call brethren. The French AlinistrY 0 d ent di frequently proclaimed from the Tribune, that We 7 1 ° 0 ° 01 ti n ' ItB pr not interfere with other nations, but that we wont . ter _, Irisy , th. , suffer any foreign interference ; consequently the ,n de tlee e i r _ , at ference of Russia with the affairs of Poland would be A a s 'n by a Ste claration of war. authors illy' " g A prosecution has been instituted against the .icc e , tte un ani and editors of a work, entitled Society for the I I "' A, hav e tion of Pamphlets on the situation of the Goverttnle,o .._, to ex They are accused of exciting hatred, and endeavouring, 0 , 'irs 0 Wee overthrow the Government. Their object, they oxYLl i i r e fine file make good the Royal right, but does not Louis Ps' o v t eaci. e go deserve that right from France ? for they say his Goy a " them ment could not confer it on itself. ~. er°l4B, one (From the Gazette de France, dated yesterday' aoe eui , LATEST INTELLIGENCE , (I' L I g l iere low l i ' o h g e Ll'arsate Gazette of the 30th ult. contains Ibdeel°oi " The first division of infantry and the first brig a ~fger, Win I n foot artillery, who arrived at Warsaw on the 17th' ,el i, ~ Fran, a forced march, have left it again for the frontterLeaiti, lltliff et eli ee, Lithuania, under the command of General K.rowkoW,4)o f orw , The town of Lowicz, which has a National Guard . 0 : 0 01 , tat, and ? ce that I men, has chosen for its Commander M. Charles Sc i _r t 0 i l l tl formerly an officer in the Polish army. At Kalis h c i enne e d j t A r t i . ot ß ic oto c b ln o b w s h k a i : a be N en un f c o i r o m . formed, y un ac t o r oo t t h m e f P ro r m ess l ; r o gi t: i i t oo in the palatinate of Augustaro, we learn that the J`eitliel then tu frontiers are entirely closed, and no one Call pass ci t . oefil am P side. Those who go on business to Kane are e''''.: c iatit for -ranee and searched to ascertain whether they have any For , shove rnai o pt nt pipers. 0 f the e e o i s , a o n l e i sanitary y to drawn o c r oLd , o , n has b been us round bro k A o l n os Moscow, theco 4 ( 1;0 0 the m i l f r je S s P , i having diminished in virulence. 1 5 , etas (From the Munich Gazette.) pert ee ~h (1 t h at , The usual lectures were resumed on the 5 3 . 1 0 11 -01 tranquillity prevails in this capital. °W. p 1 (From the Hamburg Correspoudent.) ~, ill° A letter from Hanover of the Ist inst. annouc' the Assembly of the States is fixed for the Slst Jan. (From Galignani's Messenger.) gsfi4° all the branches of the administration. h s u.tofi p ,nrF e 2iti: r sti: j o 7nii te r foan.nf o ui.;sl f ye.o_t :Bolxltileo Austria p)nttieeheelturtinoi :net. ,ge h txp a ihit s jaE:6sc c foo.. o tr,r n otieh v etoli o e.o, i k eiiln e ,be disds)Fto.otilfspseecotgsaolp e,eti lu ptcoe,,, a , , ;it i0, ,5 0, 0: of re : ses on the Northern frontier, .11 hat ; i f sar , Dpotnt idlinghrn,ei i i er, e etL T ti h t .gfej t h oec f tma e E c irt , en:te r No E irnacei t st,n i ns h ti 0: 1 93f. 921. 95c. 93f. sc. 92f. 95c. 80c. 601. 75c• c ; 05 1 ; Threeper Cents. 61t. 30c• 1 5 „ 20 c, 30c. 20c. 30e. 50c. 61f. 25c. 15c. 10c. 1 5e i on e; Actions, 15001. 1495 f. 150 c. Exchange ° 3 ' Beat , are being etoo c er , 25f. 15c. • three months, 25f. bc.;r 6efc de Naples, 631. 621. 95e. 90c. 613 f. 62f. 9 "" ii as ll 1 Rente d'Espgne, 14i i i; Rents Perpetualle d'.6 F 46k 46. `l respite j tidg" in t tune for pits in w hich T he i n R Lwo headin g bet b ans Porte P russian ; b ee. t_ receive .i , , c h ray s mai e Nati on t e , Ili 144 ' i mP ti . t the F Niabl e __ l ° act o f th t:l3 COUhter; T h it hereby that Preside 11 w ould kth of tu t; _ - r et 4un r et i e l tki itf , . 14 it() 29 , ea t tn th e Pr t } : j i oop„ amernb l t he7 cu py th 1141 - :, 44 (iw i: vittorrn ---- --------- --- LIFE OF SIR HUMPHREY DAVY 13. 11° " PARIC—To mark their high opinion of thi s lit` skid," detaking, mos t iof the members of the Geological !of: we understand, giv en or d e rs for which ow e s it s or i g i n t o Dr. P A als of Penzance' ,tor'' a copy of the 13 ,4 P Cornwall was the native county of the illustrious ored and a subscription ha s be e n formed there for the r of erecting a splendid monument to his memory.