The Sun. — London, England, 1856-05-20 00:00:00

and annually , to apply it to the extinction of the debt. 111 All other contrivances of financiers—all pretended sinking n 1 funds, however ingeniously formed or concealed under specious phrases, will be found in practice delusive and sh disappointing. (Heer, hear.) When we intrust to sub- of ordinate bodies the power of raising money upon the secu rity of taxes we impose an obligation of creating an annual sinking fund which is devoted to the extinction of a por- sh tion of the principal of the debt. In every case where a 5, county or a borough, a board 9f guardians, or any of the at various municipal bodies with which England is covered, tb receives from Parliament the power of effecting a loan, it In is always accompanied with a condition which requires ce that an annual sinking fund shall be set apart for the ex- 01 tinction of the loan. I believe there is not a single instance ti in which the power of borrowing thus conferred by Parlia- 01 ment upon any public body is not accompanied by a condi- Si tion of that sort. Parliament recognises the wisdom and policy of that principle as applied to all public bodies except itself. ce Uafortanately, it has hitherto been remiss in applying that E mode of extinguishing debt to the largest of all debts—viz., the debt which the nation has itself incurred. The loan h which will presently be submitted to the committee has h been effected in Consols, without any resort to terminable s annuities. Perpetual annuities have been found by expo- U rience to be that form of borrowing which is at once most c advantageous to the borrower and to the lender. It is con venient to the borrower because he never can be called upon for the principal of the loan ; his creditor is a mortgagee 8 who never can foreclose ; while it is also convenient to the I lender, because it is an advantage to him not to be com - a pelleZto receive his money before he wants it. At the a same time le can go into the market whenever ho chooses, t and by selling his perpetual annuities realise his capital. f The position of the public creditor reminds me of the de- t scription applied to the keeper of a celebrated club at a i time when. gambling in clubs was more common than hap- s pily it is now— " Who, nursed in clubs, disdains a vulgar trade, 1 Exults in trust, and blushes to be paid." (A. laugh.). Such are the feelings of the public creditor. I He wishes not to be compelled to receive the capital which he has advanced to the Government ; and it is an advan tage to tfie Government, on the other hand, not to be c forced, before it can effect the operation upon favourable I terms to repay the sum so advanced... But it is an entire 1 mistake to suppose that because the annuity is perpetual, therefore the debt must be permanent: The Government t has the same facility of paying off the creditor who has ad vsnced his money in perpetual annuities as it has been the I case of the creditor who has advanced in terminable an nuitier. .It is true that in effecting a 'loan in terminable I annuitiee the Government compels itself to repay annually a portion of the principal ; but in entejectime itself to that necessity, it makes worse terms on behalf of the public than it would do if the loan were effected in perpetual annuities. Sir, there seems to lee an impression iu seine qUarters that atethis period of transition from war to peace we ought to enter upon a revision of our whole system of taxation. (Hear, hear.) It is ssi.l that the present moment affords a favourable opportunity for a complete review of our whole fiscal system, and tba; we are imperatively called upon to, undertake it. Before we adopt 04 view, let us consider what great exortiona have of late years been made in the revision of our taxation. In 1 t 2 Sir Robert Peel subjeCted the whole of our tariff to a complete review. In 1816 a large part of it again came under the consideration of Parliament, and in 1853 the whole of our Crptome' duties underwent revision. By these successive revisions all prohibitive, protective, and excessive duties have been swept away, and the only dre i ea as far as I know which can now be pointed out as being of the nature of protective duties are those on foreign spirits and on hops. The Customs duty ou foreign spirits is, no doubt, somewhat higher than the duty upon British and colonial spirits. The duty on foreign spirits is 15s. per gallon ; while on colonial spirits the ditty is Bs. 2d., and on British spirits Sc. However high apparently may be the duty on foreign spirits, it has never been considered liable to serious objection on the ground of being a protec tive duty. :With regard to hops, it is tree the Customs' duty is o more than double the Excise duty, and in ordinary years amounts nearly to a prohibition upon the introduc tion of foreign hops. The entire revenue derived from starfit received very close attention when my right hon. friend at Ur,* I,e.A.ci of the Admiralty (S r C. Wood) held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, and that branch of revenue is now in a satisfactory state. The whole subject of bills and receipts was dealt with in 1853 by the right hen. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford, and the neveapaper stamp duty was repealed last session. The window tax was repealed in 1851, at a lose to the revenue of 1,170,000 1 . The asseevet taxes were revised is 1853—r ates were reduced and exemptions abolished, which resulted in remission of 290,000 h a-year. With regard to the land tax the rates aro irrevocably fixed, and there is no opportunity for revision. As to the income tax, we lately had a de bate in this house, in which a plan was proposed for com muting it into it property' tax—a plan which I trust will never receive the sanction of this house. With regard to the excise, the whole revenue from that source has been, of latoyeai s, constantly under the consideration of Parliament. The duty on bricks was repeated in 1850, being a remission of 456,0001. The duty on soap was repealed in 1853, being a remission of 1,129,0001. In the same year the hackney carriage and post-horse duties were reduced, and in 1853 a reduction was male in the stage-carriage duties. The Post-office loses the character of a branch of reve nue, inasmuch as the whole net revenue of the Post-office, after the expenses of the inland Post-office are defrayed, is only a little more than sufficient to cover the expense of foreign mails. It seems to me, the great obstacle to the im provement of our system of taxation is owing not to any want of care on the part of Parliament, nor to any want of frequent revisions and suggestions elaborately carried out by successive Governments, but to the'necessity under which we are unfortunately placed of raising a large reve nue to meet the expenditn.re of the country. As long as that necessity exists I fear it will be impossible for us to avoid imposing some taxes and maintaining others at cer tain rates, which we should be willing, if wo had the op tion, to alter. At the present moment, after the large ex penses of the last fcw years, it may be interesting to the committee to hear how the public expenditure of this coun try stands in relation to that of other countries. With re gard to the proportion which the debt bears to other branches of expenditure, and the similar expenditure in some foreign countries, I have prepared a table which, I think, places the matter in the clearest light 'Sc; ;o Tzi A 1 .4 8 g Year. A a Total. t,' 7, 13 0 g o. E e; m • Cr 71' " .f, S a.d .£ s. d. 1852-3 27,918,027 10,198,416 11,102.887 55,219.330 1 19 4 9 19 5 1853-4 27 790,262 16,437,769 11,566,500 55,844,531 1 19 6 0 19 10 1854-5 27,464,533 3-i,121,706 12,214,4 1 8 70.200 647 2 9 4 1 9 9 1855-6 28.112.824 61,661 287 13.270,73 ~ 93.044,746'3 5 0 2 5 4 Nov, if we compare this expenditure with that of France we shall, I think, be inclined to the conclusion that the expenditure of England, if we exclude the debt, is not un reasonably large : FRANCE. , c ci ~.„ . 0 •••;„ g_ t 8 = .^.- Public: ..:' g C...-4 Rate ;„,i; .11 Total. per 15 T. ". Year. Debt. "a z 7.1 ~ 2, Head. ... - ,..t ' 2 g X 2, c: ~. IS 4 4 .S' mg A r 74 ::-.' 1.4 x.l 'P-. £ • £ £ £ e s. d. l .£ s.d. 1852 15,954,983 16460289 24,954,791 57370043 112 0,1 3 1 1853 14.975,380 16721704 25,783523 57480807 112 113 10 1854 16,710,005 30920654 27,376,923175007582 2 1111 12 7 1855 16,734,818 176200007 , €i 2 111 12 7 80903005 24,991,354673461.2 t 17 7 1 5 3 .I. will only trouble the committee with one other comps r!son—nam ely, that of Prussia.. I take that to be an eco nomical Government, in which the expenditure is kept within the smallest limits : PRUSSIA. ,:s 4 it' _ 1. 4 ?5t...... ; .. 0 „ 4 . "a g Rate ~;.-... Year. p i l , t e b b l t le . b, 73 0 .1,*•8 Total. per 1:: 'i t i g g, 73 l'. Head. '-„ 7 6 - .1 1., ~'- 4 - ; , 4 .. QP. , £ £ £ £ £ s. d. £ s.d. 1855 1,792,985 4,333,634 10,569,687 16,696,236 119 3017 3 Thcise comparisons will, I thick, make the committee in cline _to the conclusion that, if we leave out of our consi- ~.., O . 0.; 0 0 _ ~ =.:-.1 Rate 1" ' Public -" ~ :••• . CA Total. per 1; . . Year. Debt. % , :t :-". ' - ":1 ~ 2, .t-'• X 2, c ~. .1 Head. :-5, 7 5 M 4 4 A r 74 'A A 5' 4 -- ---- -- £ . £ £ x cs. d. '.£ s.d. 1852 15,954,983 16460289 24,954,791 57370043 112 0,1 3 1 1853 14.975,380 16721704 25,783523 57480807 112 113 10 1854 16,710,005 30920654 27,376,9231 { 11 12 75007582 2 1 11 1 12 7 1855 16,734,818 176200001 2 1 1 7 8090300 24 ' 991 ' 354;67346172 ,1 17 7 1 8 3 Thcise comparisons will, 4. thick, make the committee in cline to the conclusion that, if we leave out of our consi deration the great annual charge occasioned by the public debt of this country, the portion of public expenditure within the control of Parliament is reduced within reason able and moderate limits. There is no doubt that the large amount of revenue which it is neeeasary to raise in order to meet that great expenditure compels na not unfrequently to maintain duties at higher rates than we should other wise desire to do. For example, the duty on tobacco is maintained at a rate which is exorbitant when compared with the price of the aiticlo. (Hear.) It is the constant cause of smuggling, and necessitates the maintenance of a large coastguard to protect that branch of revenue. (Hear.) There is another article upon which it would be desirable, upon international grounds, if the exigencies of the reve nue would permi*, to make some diminution. I mean the article of wine. Olean ) For the purpose of increasing oar commercial relation with France and other States of the continent, it would be undoubtedly advantageous if, con sistently with the demands of the revenue, it were in our power to r e d uce th e d u ti es on w i ne ; but, looking to the great amount of our revenue which is derived from beer and spirits, and remembering that if the dutyon wine, which is already a moderate duty, were much reduced it would in terfere with the consumption of other fermented liquors, I think the revenue would suffer more than the demands of the public service would permit. There is another duty which is no doubt inconveniently high, but which, in the present stet.) of the revenue, Ido not seeto how alter. I mean the duty on fire insueauees. That revenue of about 1,30),0001:, 1 ,100,0001. I h ‘s been in existence since 1782. It has s t ood at its present rates:nee the peace, and although it is open to many objections—al though it represses the prndentiai moti ves of insurers, and although it is a duty which, upon many account', it would be desirable to reduce, I do not see how, in tbo present state of the revenue, it would be possible for her Iltjesty's Government to propose it as a subject of mitigation. have now laid before the committee a statement of the esti mated revenue and expenditure for the ensuing year, and I have added such remarks as it appeared to me my duty to submit for the information of Parliament. It has been my object to give full information upon all matters which it i s material Parliament should know in the present state of public affairs. All reserve and concealment would 133 misplaced on occasions of this sort. The time bas long gone by when the public are not to be trusted with a know ledge of their own affairs, and it is of the utmost import ance that the finencial state of'the coun t ry , res ti n g as it does on a perfectly secure basis—founded upon the increas ing trade of the country and the untiring energy and indus try of the people—should bo known not only to the popu lation of England, but throughout the whole world. I have made this statement, relying upon the fairness of the bowie in forming a plan which I have submitted to it—a plan which doe, not involve any departure from the exist.' ing principles o f our financial system, and which i s i n t en d ed merely to supply the deficiencies of the year by the re sources which I have laid before the committee. In pre paring this plan her Majesty's Goveinment have been most anxious to arranee snob a system as would be suited to the exigencies of affairs, and I rely with confidence on receiv ing the support of the house when it has examined in all its details the plan which I have now had the honour of submitting to it. The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving the follewingreeolutione - • towardaraising the Supply granted tuber Majesty; thq Sum of 5;000,000e. be rai se db y annuities.. e , That every contributor to the said sum of 5,0 :10,0001. shall, for everyloo/. contributed and paid, be entitled to the priaclpal snrn of 1071.105. 7 , 1. in annuities after the rate of 31.pereenturn, to commence from the .sth day of Jan.. 1856, and to be added to and made one joint-stock with the existing - - consolidated N. -per centaur-- annuities,- and to be payable and transferable at the Bank of England at the same twee and jA the same manner and subject to the like redemption as tho said consolidated 3/. per centum an- nuities. " That the said annuities, so to be payable as aforesaid, shall be charged upon and paid out of the consolidated fund of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. " That every contributor shall, on the 22d day of May, , 1656, make a deposit of 101. per cent. on such sum as he or she shall choose to subscribe towards raising the said sum of 5,000,0001., with the chief cashier or cashiers of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England as a security for making the subsequent payments on or before the days or times hereinafter mentioneddthat istto say :—Payment of 201. per cent. on or before the 12. th of June, 1866; 201. per cent, on or before the 28th of June, 1856 ; 201. per cent. on or before the 24th of July, 1856 ; 101. per cent, on or before the 28th of August, 1856 ; and 201. per cent. on or before the 18th of September, 1856. " That all the moneys so to be received by the said cashier or cashiers of the said Governor and Company of the Bank of England shall - be - paid into the account of the receipt of Her Majesty's Exchequer at the Bank of England, to be applied from time to time to such services for Great Britain and Ire land as have been or shall be voted by this house, or to such services as are now charged on the consolidated fund of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or shall be charged thereon by any act that may be passed hereafter." Mr. ALCOCK regretted that the right hon. gentleman had not made up his mind to reduce the duty on fire in surances to Is. That duty was a tax upon prudence, and in direct contravention to the principle of free trade, while at the same time it pressed unequally on the rich companies and poor companies. The right hon. gentleman had stated that such a reduction would cause a loss to the revenue of from 600,0001. to 700,0001., and no doubt it might do so in the first year, but he did not believe that such would be its ultimate effect. In France, where there was no duty, seven-eighths of the population insured, while in England only one-third did so, and if the duty in this country were lowered a larger numberof persons would insure, and there would be no loss to the revenue, while at the same time prudence and precaution would be spread among the people. As to thelincome tax he never wished to see it done away with, because it afforded the opportutity of removing the other taxes; bat, at the same time both that tax and the property tax might be readjusted with advantage. If the property tax were placed on a fair footing there would be no necessity for a malt tax or for a duty on tobacco, and thero would bs much less smuggling and adulteration. He did not wish to take up the time of the house, but he would repeat that he regretted that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not determined upon reducing the duty ou fire inbu auce Mr. HAD FIELD proposed to submit to the committee, .at a proper time, a proposal for the reduction of the duty on tire insurances; from 3s. to is per cent.; and he did still hope that the right hon. gentleman would yield on this point. He was confident that a great increase of insurances would f 'flow such a reduction. Mr. W. WILLIAMS said the financial statement just submitted was a winding-up of the war, and he saw no alternative but to place the same confidence in the Govern dent on this point as had been placed in them with regard to the expenditure fur carrying on the war. As respected the resolution, it was of no use to find fault with it now. He had expressed a decided opinion re garding the two former loans, as well as the funding of Exehequer-bills —namely, thAt it would have' been much more prudent and economical if the amount of those loans had been added, not to the Three par Cent. Consols, but to the new stock introduced by the right hoe. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford (Ir. Gladstone). However, 5,000,000% was too small an amount of itself to deal with in that way ; but if the whole amount of _ _ 36,000,0001. had been raised in these new stocks it would have been infinitely better than its addition to the Three per Cents. He wished to ask the right hot. gentleman whether it was intended to lay on the table a now estimate for the army and the various military departments, and the navy, stating the items upon which reductions from the proposed war expenditure were to be made ? Mr. E. BALL asked whether he was to hope that it was intended to remit the additional duty of 5 per cent. upon malt? He was quite sure the public would recognise the propriety of seteh a measure. (Hear.) The statement of the right hon. gentleman on the subject confirmed his impression that in proportion as you augmented the duty on malt, in that proportion you diminished the consump tion. (Hear.) If the duty were reduced to 2s par bushel, or 16s. per quarter, he believed the gross revenue would eqUal that which would now be derived from this source. Mr. VANCE, on the part of thelrish distillers, remon strated with the right hon. gentleman on his proposal to retain the present increased of duty on Irish spirits. Ho warned the right hon. gentleman that if he persisted in that system the number of gallons brought to charge nest year in Ireland would be much reduced, and that iu consequence of the low price of agricultural produce—par ticularly of malt—great inducements would be given to illicit distillation. The present amount of duty was 200 per cent. upon the raw material, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer was acting very unwisely, even as a ques tion of revenue, is retaining so high 'a duty. Mr. GIBSON did not like one part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech, in which he seemed to discredit, as it were, the idea of revising our financial system. Look ing back to what had lately been done, the right hon. gen tleman left the committee to infer that we had arrived at a perfect mode of raising the public reveano, that every thing worked remarkably well, and that the existing sys tem of taxation must be submitted to without any change. To those opinions he (Hr. Gibson) demurred. He had never asked for the repeal of a tax upon the ground that the money could be spared, but on the ground that the le j ury produced by such tax to trade and industry was far greater than the benefit which it yielded to the revenue. That was a question of fiscal policy which it was the duty of the Government to consider. The fire insurance duty was undoubtedly one which ought not only to be reduced but altoeether abolished, and he bed been glad to find that the noble member for Lynn (Lord Stanley), in a very able speech he had. delivered in the country, when shadowing forth the policy ho would pursue, bad mentioned that tax as one which ho would be prepared to repeal. He (Mr. Gibso - o) had repeatedly brought before the house the qu.es tiou of the duty on paper, and his motion had been sup ported. not only by many hon. members, but he believed by nearly every gentleman who had tilled the oilice of Chan cellor of the Exchequer, and who was not in that office when the motion was brought forward. The right hon. member for Buckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli) voted, he be lieved, on one occasion for the repeal of the paper duty. The right hon. member for Oxford University (Mr. Glad stone), when he lately visited Manchester, took occasion himself to attack the paper duties in a manner which made his (Hr. Gibson's) constituents all the more earnest in urg ing him to press the question upon the attention of the Government. He regarded the paper duty as a disgrace to the financial system of this country, and, u n les s tat tax was repealed, it was impossible to attain those results which they had in view when they repealed the newspaper stamp duty and the duty upon advertisements. He was for taking the excieeman's hand from the press altogether. He wished to see a free and untaxed press, and that they could not have so long as the duty upon paper was main tained. It had been said the repeal of the newspaper stamp had proved a failure, but he would take leave to say that that was a great mistake. He knew of his own know ledge that there were at least a hundred penny and three half-penny papers in circulation in this kingdom, which were not in a dying state. They were frequently told that penny newspapers had departed this life, but the great difficulty with which the conductors of such publications had to contend was the duty on paper. He knew, for in stance, one small publication —a penny newspaper—which paid the Government 3,0001. a year as a tax upon paper. What a tremendous obstacle that was in the way of cheap literature ! Thus, 3,0001. a-year deducted from the funds of a penny publication must deprive the managers of the opportunity of producing good as well as cheap literature. He concluded that the maintenance of the duty on paper was utterly inconsistent with the desire which had been frequently expressed in Parliament for the diffusion of knowledge emoteg all classes of the people. He therefore gave notice to the Government that, whether there was a deficiency or a surplus of revenue, he should feel it his duty on a fitting occasion to ask that house to repeal the duty on paper. Be would urge that proposition mainly upon moral and educational grounds, although he could make a very strong case upon commercial and industrial grounds. A reduction of expenditure was an essential preliminary to an extensive revision of our financial system, and he hoped the expenditure for the defences of the country would bo reduced to the amount at which it stood before the war commenced, if, indeed, it could not be reduced below that amount. Increased expenditure had been re quired on particular emergencies, but the practice had been to reduce such expenditure as soon as the necessity for it passed away, and he hoped that no longer expenditure would be incurred for the defences of the country than wasrequired to maintain a proper and effective peace establishment. He could not lend any countenance to the doctrine that before the commencement of the late war the country was help less and defenceless in consequence of the Government not having been supplied with sufficient funds; for that house had always supplied the Government with any funds they required for the defences of the realm. If the state of our armaments afforded any cause for just complaint, it must have been owing to the mismanagementand misapplication of the fonds which Parliament had placed at the disposal of the Government. He hoped, at no distant period, to have the opportunity of supporting large reductions in the public expenditure, and he trusted that the trade and in dustry of the country would be relieved from some of those oppressive Excise duties which had so pernicious au effect upon the moral and material interests of the great body of the labouring classes. Mr. INGE,AM said he was quite prepared to go into the question of the paper duty; but as the right hon. member for Manchester had intimated that be would call the at tention of the house to that subject on a future occasion, he (Mr. Ingram) would defer the observations he wished to make until tie right hon. gentleman brought forward his motion. He regarded the paper duty as a most obnoxious tax, and he thought the statements he would be able to adduce would • satisfy the house that it ought to be abo lished. Mr. DISRAELI—The right hon. gentleman the Chan cellor of the Exchequer has stated that he has been in com munication with an eminent capitalist in this country, and I am sure it must be gratifying to the house and to the country to receive from the highest authority upon finan cial topics an assurance that the resources of the empire aro not diminished by the great struggle in which it has re cently been engaged, and that, whatever emergency or exi gency may arise, we may always appeal to them with full confidence that they will suffice to vindicate the honour of the country. I will not touch upon those points connected with particular taxes to which the Canceller of the Bache- .goer has referred. Opportunities will no doubt be afforded for expressing our opinions upon such questions ; but it does not seem to me that there is, at the present moment, any very immediate Prospect of a Chancellor of the Exchequer introducing into this house a proposition for the reduction of any existing, tax, and I will leave the Chancellor of the Exchequer to settle with his habitual supporters of liberal opinions those doctrines of financial finality which he has promulgated with 80 -much authority, and which will no doubt be regarded with great attention by th 3 country. I will, however, take this opportunity of most seriously expressing my hope that when th e e x c it emen t of the war which has just terminate,' has passed away, the Government will give their best attention to measures of wise, but ar, the same time most rigid economy. (Rear.) That is expected by the country, and I am convinced that that is the)3nly spirit of legislation in which we can con firm the wise principles of finance upon which our system is now generally established, and that will enable us to prepare those resources fur the future which, whenever an emergency arises, • lso take this o will enable us to show the same p ower we hav e recen tl y di sp l a y e d. I will a ppor tunity of stating my belief that it would be most unwise on the part of the country to allow itself to he misled by what I cannot but regard as a most superficial r.nd ill founded opinion, and to suppose that it can gearti itself against the repetition of many—l will admit mortifying— incidents which occurred at the commencement of the war, by habitually supporting a much larger military establish ment. (Hear.) I feel persuaded that if we suppose we can, protect; owning from the repetition of eire4t4 which THE SUN, LOIIDON., TUESDAY EVE Net, MAY 20, 1856. we all regret, and which occurred at the commencement of the late war, by maintaining a larger army, and sup porting in every department of our military system more extensive establishments, we shall probably find, when a crisis arrives and a struggle is again to be entered upon, a repetition of the same mischances and disappointments which prevailed before, with the consciousness that in the interval we had expended those resources which, having been accumulated by the wise system of economy that has generally prevailed of late years, have enabled us to meat our difficulties with so much comparative ease, and have also enabled the Minister of Finance this evening to make a report of our financial position which must be most satisfactory to the country. We all hope and expect that we may profit by what has passed, and that we may learn what are the weak points of our system, and take care to be better prepared in those particulars when a future danger may arise. But we ought to take this opportunity of impressing upon the country that there is a great difference between an effective and an expensive army— (hear)—that we' may have a military system which is perfect, and which at the same time is founded on a wise economy • that the military establish ment which we sanction should be a model rather than a force, adequate to any great occasion which may hereafter arise. These are the true principles, and it we can vindi cate them we shall have piofited by our late experience, and we shall be following a course which will maintain the strength and honour of this country without endangering those elements of real power which are derived from the labour and industry of the people. In looking over the proposed reductions of the original estimates prepared by the Government I saw with some distrust the large reduc tion proposed in the original estimate for the militia. 'That certainly is a branch of our defences which I hope this house will never permit to fall again into a state of ineffi ciency. The constitution of that national force should be maintained largely and liberally. I limit myself to the constitution, because I cannot suppose that we should keep on foot a largo force of embodied militia as at pre sent ; but if the constitution of that force is largely and liberally maintained, we may appeal to it, when occasion requires, as a source of strength which will place this i'iuntry in that position which it is entitled to occupy in any great European question which may arise. The com e •cc ought to impress upon the Government that it ex pects they will take advantage of the recess which is ap pro .ching to effect great reductions in the expenditure of the country, not with the intention of obtaiuing a tempo rary popularity, for I know well that redactions effected in that spirit are generally pernicious, but effected on a distinct principle—on a principle consistent with the maintenance of the power of this country, and of the posi tion welch it ought to occupy in the politics of the world. Thera is another point on which I desire to touch for a moment, and it arises out of the conven tion with Sardinia to which the right, honourable gentle man particul erly referred. I collected from him that the impression of the Government—l may say their convic tion—watts that, according to the letter of that treaty, we were not hound to furnish a second million to Sardinia. Upon a question of so great importance, involving not only the interpretation of a treaty, but also considerations of high policy, I would not presume to give a hasty opinion, nor do I think that the Government would expect the com mittee at once to give an opinion which may commit it upon the subject ; but I am quite sure that I do not mis represent the feelings of the douse of Commons when I s ty tha, to all treaties it is always prepared to give a largo and liberal construction. (Hear.) Bat, when we are asked to exercise towards Sardinia, under these cireurnstences, a liberality which, from what I can gather, the Government is not prepared to recommend that we should exercise to wards our own troops ; when, acting in the spirit and not in the letter of the treaty, we are asked to advance to Sar dinia a considerable sum of money, we have a right to ask, in our turr, that the Government should put fairly, clear ly, and frankly before us some view of the relations which subsist between this country and the King of Sardinia. I confess myself that nothing that I recollect ever appeared to me so perplexing and so perilous as the position which this country has assumed and the relations which it is now forming in regard to that very kingdom. If I look to the protocols of the conferences of Paris which have been laid on the table, I find expressions of sympathy with suffering Italy which really exceed the usual caution of diplomatic language. The Sovereign of Sardinia is encouraged appa rently in every way by the English Government to fulfil the high mission to which his subjects believe him to be called. He is preparing, and he is encouraged to effect, what he deems to be the liberation of Italy. We have authoritative evidence of the feelings of the Sardinian Go vernment and of the policy of the Sardinian. Ministers in the very irapertantdocumente which have been promulgated, and certainly if we were to judge from the protocols of Paris and from the documents of the Sardinian Ministers we should come to the 'conclusion that there was a perfect understanding between the English Ministry and the Sar dinian Government, and that, in fact, not only was the liberation of Italy an adopted policy, but that the means of effecting it had been agreed upon, and that England was to occupy a great position in the undertaking. But how are we to reconcile such langua g e and such diplom itic documents with the publication of that tripartite treaty, if not secretly at least unexpectedly concluded, which ap parently not only fashions but consolidates a policy op posed and adverse to that which Sardinia has adopted, which she is encouraged to prosecute, and which, accord ing to the documents of her emi nen t Ministers, she is at this 1111 oaent actively prosecuting? (Hear.) The language of the Sardinian Ministers is that the presence and 'the rule of Austria in Italy are insufferable—l give no opinion of my own upon these points on the present occasion; that the occupation of Italian provinces by Austria is the prin cipal and the prime source of the degradation, the mis government, and the misery of Italy ; that those are evils which it is the mission and policy of Sardinia to termi nate; and that Sardinia looks, and has reason to look, for the co-operation of England in her efforts to this end. If this be the case, how can we explain that subterranean policy which at the same time signs the protocols of the congress of Paris, delete the King of Sardinia on the back, ant signs a treaty which, we now understand, appeared unexpectedly, and which, if it has any point at all, has this point—that the government of Europe is to he carried on for the future by France, Austria, and England, and that the security for the tranquillity of the world depends upon this tripartite alliance? (Hear.) I am not saying one word against that tripartite alliance—l am not saying that the alliance of France, Austria, and England may not be a wise policy. I know that it has been sanctioned and adopted, on some of the greatest occasions of history, by men second to no living statesmen. I know well that Lord Castlereagh, Prince Metternich, and M. de Talleyrand, de vised and, I believe, accomplished such an alliance at a mo ment of great difficulty at the Congress of Vienna. lam not now saying anything against that policy, but at a future time it must form a subject of discussion. The present state of affairs and the foreign policy which this country is now pursuing are not only legitimate subjects of discussion, but our constituents would justly blame us if we went back to them without having fully and completely discussed them. Ido not wish to ,enter into these questions to-night, but when I am asked to sanction a treaty which demands from the people a large portion of their treasure to be contributed to a foreign Power I have a right to ask for some explanation of the mysterious circumstances which apparently at this moment affect our relations with that Power. I give no opinion as to the foreign policy which it may be wise for this country to pursue. Au alliance with Franco and Austria may be wise and politic, but it is neither wise nor politic to enter into an alliance of that kind which, if it means anything, means a guarantee of the consolidation and the perpetuity of the Austrian empire, and of course of her Italian dominions—no mean portion of her empire —and, at the same time, to enter into relations with the King of Sardinia which stimulate him to a policy utterly opposed to the Austrian and Imperial policy, utterly opposed to the retention of those Italian provinces by Austria, and utterly inconsistent with the policy which has produced the tripartite treaty. For the interest of the country and for the sake of our national reputation it is in the highest degree desirable that there should be a satisfactory expla nation of the strange inconsistency between the protocols of Paris and the tripartite treaty. How is it conceivable that England should at one and the same time engage to rescue Italy from the grasp of Austrian dominion, and conclude a treaty which in effect guarantees the integrity of the Austrian empire and declares that the destinies of Europe shall henceforward be governed by England, France, and Austria? (Hear.) I want to prevent a re petition on the part of the British Government of the scenes that were enacted is 1818. I hare never met with any gentleman of any nation who, whatever his political opinions might be—whether he was a Conservative or a Liberal in England, or an aristocrat or democrat in some other country—whether he was a devoted advocate of monarchical despotism or a frantic follower of Red Repub licanism—did not hold the opinion that our conduct in 1848 was not only most disgraceful to ourselves, but most injurious to Italy. (Hear.) If for the rake of exciting the unreflecting applause of a mob, and in order to obtain for the existing Government the reputation of being de voted to those vague en titi es called " liberal opinions"— (cheers) —we are again to be in the position of stimulating Italian liberalism, while at the same time we rivet the fetters of Austrian despotism, I foresee for this nation consequences most fatal to her just and legitimate influ ence, and to that high character which, notwithstanding the mistakes we sometimes commit, and despite our party conflicts, it is our happiness to think that our country has hitherto maintained, the'o will, no doubt, be ample op portunity to discuss this question in all its bearings when the Chancellor of the Exe.equer shall hereafter ask us for a vote—(hear)—but it appeared to me impossible that the observations of the right hon. gentleman on the subject of Sardinia should in the meantime ba allowed to pass wholly without notice. Ido sincerely hope that.profiting by the bitter experience of 1818 and by the recollection of Lord Minto's mission and of tuose scenes of popular tumult which, excited by English influence, were deserted by English power —a desertion remembered to this day on the continent with anguish anti indignation, notwithstanding the intervening war i n w hi c h th troops of Sardinia took so gallant a part—l say ',sir, that Ido devoutly hope that, bearing all these things in mind, the House of Commons will refuse to be made the cat's-paw of any Government for the sanctioning of that pseudo-liberalism which, while it affects sympathy with oppressed lands, strengthens the hands of their oppress o rs. Sh ou ld the house unhappily neglect this lesson, they will pursue a policy better calcu lated than any that I can imagine to impair their own authority and to bring dishonour on the reputation of England. (Hear.) I trust, therefore, that we shall be most scrupulous in exacting from the Government a pre cise, frank, and definite account of the relations between this country and Sardinia, that we may understand whether we have played our cards so badly at the late game of diplomacy that we are at the same time pledged to sup port Austrian authority and Sardinian regeneration. This is a question which is recurring to many minds in this country. It has touched the heart of England, and be as sured it is watched with anxious attention throughout Eu rope. I feel a deep interest in the future of Italy, and sure I am that there is no honest man in this empire who does not look forward with delight to the day when that im memorial land to which we all owe so much shall take her proper place among the nations, and be again one of the leading communities of the world. (Cheers.) But I, for one, base my hope of that consummation on my faith in the genius of the people and the resources of the country. Time, the great reformer, will save Italy, but if Um) e can be anything that will throw her back in her career—:any thing that will baffle her advancing destinies—it will be the intrienes of politicians who are not Italians, and who, for the sake of getting an impulse and support which other wise they might not command, trifle with the fate of a great people, pander to the lusts of secret societies, pretend to sympathy they do not feel, and for the love of popular applause and a momentarysuccess, compromise the destiny of a great anti gifted nation. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON—We have heard a great deal of that eloquence which the right hon: gentleman is capable vif summoning at any moment to his commande-eloquence expressing a world of virtuous indignation, which would be well deserving of the attention and commendation of the house, were it not that, unfortunately, it is wenting in one essential—that of having the sli"htest foundation in fact. (Laughter.) The right hon. gentleman has talked of mysteries" where WWI and attached to Rome, finding at her own doors—one might almost venture to say in every parish—some portion of her subjects upon whom little reliance can berplaced...At the same time I ven ture respectfully to express the opinion that if 3ardiaia carries the same enlightened spirit into her foreign policy which has governed her domestic policy she will renounce and forswear schemes of aggressiou. She has need of a lofty self-denial and self-command, but a disinterested part is that which in the end will best serve her interest. Her duty is, as stated by the noble lord at the head of the Go vernment, to exhibit a right example to Italy, and in the moral force of that example and the consequences flowing from it she is certain to find the reward of all her efforts and struggles. (Cheers.) I am sure it is the unanimous feeling of the people that we should discharge in an un grudging spirit of liberality, and something more, not only our written obligations to Sardinia, but also those more general obligations which are to be found beyond the limits of the treaty we have concluded with her. 1 hope the Chancellor of the Exchequer will show—l have no doubt he will, but I express the hope in a distinct form, because I did not understand that portion of his speech se clearly as the est—that whatever advance he may propose to make to Sardinia is to be bona fide for the purpo-e of liquidating the pecuniary obligations which - are due to her far her Crimean operations; and I am sure that, as far as the question of money is concerned, nothing will induce the House of Commons to stay its hand, provided my right hon. - friend conforms to the principle which I have thus ventured to indicate. (Hoer.) And now, following the example of the last speaker. I feel it to be my duty to re fer to those statements which I heard with sincere setis , faction proceeding from the right hon. gentleman the mein• her for Buckinghamshire with respect to the priuciph upon which Our military expenditure is to be conducts .. (Cheers.) To whatever it may be owing, we cannot be blind to the fact that there is a vague impression abroa that the parsimony of tire Sousa of Commons has been the cause of the evils and disasters we have recently incurred. There is no man who, after the light which time has thrown upon these matters, will deny that we hove incurred evil which might have been avoided ; but I hope there at many men bode in• this house and out of it who will de mur to the conclusion that a legitimate connexion can be traced between those evils and 'an undue economy on th part of the House of Commons (Hear.) - Let us look t. the examphss that are immediately before us. If it is eco• 'tenses that has produced those evils, what aro we to sad to the case mentioned by the Chancellor of the Exchequer —the case of Prussia ? Whatever we may think of th policy of Prussia, or of the errors which she may recently have committed, we must regard her as a considerable nit litary Power, with a well-organised and disciplined army. and yet the Chancellor of the Exchequer tells us that the whole of the military expenditure of Prussia, her nave force being comparatively insignificant, does not amount to more than 4,900,000/. a-year. I do not suppose that an English army can be maintained as economically as a Prus sian army ; there are many reasons why it should not let so ; but when we hear language held with respect to th proceedings of various Administrations and of this house as if the national purse had been closed and our establish meats reduced to the lowest scale, it should be recollecte.. that 13,000,0001., 14,000,0001., 15,0)0,000h, and eve'. 16,000,000/. a-year have been ungrudgingly voted for thi house for many purposes. (Hear.) But if we want ti dissipate the delusion that an effective army u-nally means an expensive army, let us take a much stronger case the! Prussia—the case of Sardinia. The Sartliniau army ii every point—in . equiPment, in organisation, in discipline as well as in courage—has won the admiration of all ac quainted with it ; and.yet Sardinia is a small country, lie) army is numerically much less than the British army ha' ever been and it is maintained at a cost which might wel make the lips of the most rigid economist in this houst i water, but which one would be almost afraid to me itio for fear of frightening the English people into the notio, that we were going to ;educe our expenditure to the same level. (Hear, hear, and a lau e le.) One word upon a sub ject whichjhas been-frequently referred to in this debett . Gentlemen speaking from various parts of the house, upo' the score of the fact that we have returned from state of war to a state of peace, seem to be contemplat ing a reduction of taxation, and we have even had in timations that positive proposals of that kind are to le male. Yet I think it is undeniable that, as far a, experditure is concerned,' the year now before is is not a year of pence at all. 1 do not us• those words merely in a general sense, but in a sense very specific, because if you compare the expenditure of 1856-7, a it has to-night been estimated by the - Chancellor of the Ex chequer, with the expenditure of 1851-5, which was through out a year of war, you will find that the former greatly ex ceeds the latter. Tho expenditure of 1854-5 was somewhere. about 68,000,0001., but the statement which the Chancellor of the Exchequer has made to-night shows that the expendi• ture of 1855-6 is not 68,000,0001„ but is to amount t( 77,000,0001. With respect )o the provision he has made, the hon member for Sheffield -mpliinents him upon its lavis' amount, and t.reatens to aim a blow at a great branch of re venue, which will cost a million of money, and he says the Chancellor of the Exchequer has provided for it three time: over in his surplus of revenue over expenditure. I conies the provision with reference to the expenditure as it stands on paper seems to me somewhat narrow. If it be sufficient, it is qu:te plain it will not be more than sufficient ; for while the expenditure is 77,0- 0,00 , .:/., tee revenue amounts a 67, - 00,0 01. Then there is 1,5 0,0001., which may be takes; from his balances, and still there is between 8,000,0001 an , ' 9,000,0001. deficiency. TL:ere may be 2,1;00,000/, for a vote of credit, and that reduces it to between 6,000,0001. our 7,000,0001., but nearer 7,000,000/. than 6,000,0001. The Chancellor of the Exchequer proposes to provide 5,000,'0 i. by the loan for which he has just made arrangements, and he proposes to borrow 2,000,0001., if necessary, upon Exchequer bonds or Exchequer-bills. Supposing he gets his 2 000,000/. on Exchequer-bonds or Exchequer-bills, I do not think the figures, when they come to be balanced, will show more th :u a surplus of 160,0001., and such a surplus upon a sum or 77,000,0001. is sailing very near the wind indeed I, for one, shall be delighted, when the proper opportunity arises, to see the hoe, member for Sheffield succeed in tak ing away a million of money from the revenue of the coun try ; but in the present state of our finances I hope the Chancellor of the Exchequer will hold very firm and ' decided language to prevent incursions on the funds at hiS command ; and I trust, whatever may be our differences of opinion, we shall not set the pestilent example of abolishing ' taxes and- supplying their place by borrowed money. lob served in the early part of this debate that, for the moment, hon. gentlemen seemed to forget the inevitable relation be tween the expenditure and the taxation of the country, It is now the disposition of the House of Commons to force increased expenditure upon the Government. From every quarter we hear suggestions that this ought to be done and , that ought to bo done—that there should be no parsimony here and no niggardly proceedings there—until the House of Commons has become a power on.the whole rather favourable to increased expenditure than to economy. I must confess that I should have been glad to see greater reductions than those which have been announced. If I look at the army estimates, I am sorry to find the vote which the House of Commons passed, rather as a war measure than upon any distinct examination of its merits, for 870,0001. for works, which is a peace vote rather than a war vote— I am sorry to find that vote is not likely to undergo more effective scrutiny or be subject to any sensible reduction. I confess that I likewise view with some disappointment the amended navy estimates. A sum of 16,800,0001: is very large ; I will not say it is alarming, but it is a very disagreeable figure to see for naval expenditure in the first year of peace. I perceive a considerable part is for transport service -6, 00,0001. But still a sum of nearly 11,000,000/. remains for the naval esta blishments of the country for the first year of peace ; and, considering that our n .val establishments are not like those of the army—considering that the navy can be recalled and its excess got rid of with far greater facility than the army, the whole strength of which is in the Crimea, and to bring hone which will require many, many months, I should have been very glad if the right honourable gentleman had pro posed to us a more moderate amount, and I am sorry the house has not seemed disphsed to take hint to task upon the subject of those estimates. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") If the house were disposes to do that, whether right or wrong in particulars, it would be going the right way to work, (Hear, hear.) But, instead of that, there seems to be a dis position to stimulate increased expenditure, while, by ques tions, motions, and divisions, every e ff or t isdirectel to stint ing the means of meeting that expenditure, although those means are already quite enough, if not perhaps too much, re duced. I trust the Chancellor of the Exchequer will hold firm and decided language upon this subject, and make it un derstood that it is the intention of the Government to main tain taxes until the time comes (no man longs for it more than I do) when the Government will be in a position to pro pose those remaining reforms which I quite agree are yet to be accomplished in our system of taxation. I long for the arrival of that time, but until that 'time does come I trust the Government will be firm in its language, and. I am confi dent, if the Chancellor of the Exchequer will hold language which is intelligible, he will find that the House of Commons will never refuse to support him in maintaining the public ' revenue. (Cheers ) Mr. MALINS did not rise for the purpose of complaining of any of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's propo-itions, but he thought the countrysweuld be disappointed at learning that it would have still to bear the infliction of the income tax till the sth of April 1858. (Hear.) He admitted that the act of Parliament gave the Government this power, but it was an accidental error in the act, and he doubted whether the Go vernment ought to avail themselves of it. By the strict let ter of the law the Government were not bound to give Sar dinia another million, yet they were going to do so. He did not mean to say that the conduct of Sardinia did not fully entitle her to this money, but what he wanted to show was that in the ease of Sardinia the Government did not take ad vantage of the strict letter of the act of Parliament. He con curred in the principle of 'taxation laid down by tho right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Gladstone), and though he ob jected to the-insurance duty as an oppressive and impolitic tax, he would not vote for a proposition which would strike off 800,000/, from the revenue, which was barely sufficient to meet the demands of the country. He regretted that some general agreement was not come to at the Conference of Paris, by which a reduction could be effected in the armaments of the military establishments of all countries. (Hear.) Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said the committee were now aware of the cost of the war, namely 12,506,000/.; that was to say, 65,744,600/. was raised by taxes, and 254 millions by bor rowing. The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Ex• chequer shook his head, but he (Sir H. Willoughby) believed he was near the right figure. He thought the house had come to the conclusion that 774 millions would be required for the expenditure of the foregoing year ou very light grounds. Ho could not but come to the conclusion himself that 77i millions was too much for the public expenditure, bearing in mind that had been concluded at the begin ning of the financial. year. Ho objected to the system of raising money by bonds as one that would lead to confusion in the financial accounts. With regard to the loan to Sardinia, he wished to know whether it was a bona fide loan or not, He believed, for his own part, that it was a gift and not a loan, and that, in the circumstances of the Sardinian exche quer, they could not expect one farthing of the money back. They had increased the capital debt of the country, during two years of war, more than it had been diminished during 40 years of peace. He disapproved of the system of resorting to loans as highly mischievous, and thought that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer ought to have appropriated some revenue for the payment of the interest and loans effected. It was not wise to borrow money and then leave posterity to pay it as they could. - Mr. J. G PHILLEVIORE considered the tax on insurances as-most mischievous, but tinder the present circumstances ho was not prepared to vote with the hon. member for Sheffield. He trusted ne attempt-would be made to keep up a great military establishment, but that a most rigid and unsparing economy would be exercised in regard to the army. He did not look on our maritime establishments with the same eye. The navy- was a constitutional force,. from which no danger could be apprehended, and it was the best protection for the Country. . . . Mr. - HENLEY wished to know whether the sum of 5,000,0001. in Exchequer-bills, which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated to be held by the Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, included the savings banks investment I • . very simple treaties meanings which any man who takes the trouble of reading them for once in his whole life will perceive at a glance are utterly inapplicable to them. (Laughter.) The right hon. gentlemam has chosen to go back to the year 1848, making assertions with respect to the conduct of the Government at that period which I hesitate not to say are not only totally unfounded, bat wholly devoid of even the semblance of truth, and which imply charges whioh are totally untrue. (Laughter.) As regards our relations with Sardinia, and those allu sions to them in the protocols of Paris which the right hon. gentleman desires to have explained, all I have to say is that there is no mystery in them. They are known to everybody, and are manifest on the face of the protocols, as well as on that of the treaty we have concluded with Sardinia. They are the relations of perfect confidence, of cordial friendship, and of intimate alliance—(hear)—but as to our having engaged with Sardinia in any secret project for revolutionising Italy and. overthrowing tke govern ments that exist in other parts of that country, there is not the slightest ground for such a supposition, nor the shadow of a pretext to justify such a charge. (Hear.) It is not to be denied that Sardinia has a mission to fulfil, a destiny to accomplish—the great mission, the high destiny of holding out to all the other States of Italy a bright ex ample of liberal institutions and a constitutional govern meat—(hear)—and most sincerely do I hope that she will succeed in that noble enterprise, and that the day is not distant when all the Italian nations will give proof of their capacity to govern themselves in a manner to insure the maintenance of order and liberty and to command the ap proval of Europe. Such as I have described them are our relations with Sardinia, and there is nothing in the proto cols that implies anything different from what I have stated. Nothing has passed between Sardinia and England which is not known to the world, and which does not do honour to both countries. No doubt, when a country like Sardinia nobly joins an alliance such as that subsisting between France and England, and gallantly launches into a war to which tho'se allies are committed, there are considerations of honour - and friendship which make it understood that, if Sardinia should ever be menaced by an unfriendly Power she will have a fair claim on England and France to pro tect her from insult and injury ; but it is far from the thoughts of the Sardinian Government, and it never en tered into the contemplation of France and England, that that honourable alliance, founded on good faith and for noble objects, should be the means of enabling Sar dinia to set forth upon a crusade of aggression against any other State. The right honourable gentleman talks of the " tripartite treaty" as of an instrument that contemplates en its execution that the three contract ing parties shall govern all Europe and guarantee all the possessions of Austria. I am really surprised that he should hizard assertions of that kind with regard to a document which any man who reads it must perceive t , be suscep tible of no such interpretation. The treaty does not imply that the three Powers in question shall take upon them selves any authority or interference in the - general affairs of Europe, nor does it say one word about guaranteeing the territories of the contracting parties. (Hear.) It has only one object, the same that Austria proposed at Vienna in the spring of last year, namely, that there should be an undertaking between England, Franco, and Austria to pro vide for the due execution of a common treaty having for its object the securing of the integrity of the Turkish empire. I am utterly at a loss to understand where in that treaty the right hon. gentleman finds anything to warrant the im pression that it is a treaty erecting those three powers into the orbitals of the destinies of Europe, or binding England and France to any guarantee of the territorial possessions of Austria. There is nothing, therefore, inconsistent in the provisions of that treaty with the protocols of Paris,Or with any diplomatic engagements or intercourse which may have taken place between the British Government and the Go vernment of Sardinia. The right hon. gentleman has, I think, fully j ustifiel what passed in the conferences of Paris in regarn to the unfortunate condition in which many parts of Italy now are. He did not, perhaps, go to the extent of expressing censure ; but, by the anticipations which he ex pressed of a better destiny for the future, he very signifi cantly showed what be thought of the present state of that country. We may or may'hot agree with Count Cavour as to the extent to which the military occupation of States by foreign troops may affect the happiness, welfare, prosperity, or greed order of those States ; but I have no hesitation in saying that I think those occupations are misfortunes, and that they should cease as soon as possible. They began under very different circumstances, which might or might not havej notified them at the time; butthoSe circumstances have long ceased to exist, and I an ready to admit that, in my opinion, the time has come when those occupations ought to be put an end to. But with regard to any en gagement for that purpose, there -is nothing but what is public to all the world on the face of those protocols. These matters were openly discussed at the conferences of Paris in the presence of the Austrian Minister, there was no con cealment, no mystery about them, the opinions which were entertained were expressed without the slightest reserve and withperfect good faith on the part of all who were con cerned in the discussions. As to what passed in 1648, those transactions have often been the suej set of debate in this house and elsewhere, and those who assert that the Go vernment of this country were not actuated by perfect good faith in the course which they took must assert it in com plete ignorance of what passed. The part which we took was perfectly fair and open. Lord Minto went to Italy for the avowed purpose of tendering advice to those Govern meats which might be willing to receive it with respect to improvements in their administration. At that time there was an insurrection in Sicily, and at the request of the King of Naples we endeavoured to mediate between him and the Sicilians. We had brought that mediation nearly to a point. The question was - not what institutions they should have, because the King of Naples was willing to give them institutions almost similar to those which teey had before possessed—but the question was, whether the Crown of Sicily was to be united with that of Naples on his head. That would have been settled in a manner satisfactory to the Sicilians and consistent with the unity of the empire, when the French Revolution occurred. The news of that revolution kindled a fresh flame among the SiciliauP, and they refused to have the King of Naples as their Sovereign. . Earl Mints, then acting according to the instructions of the Government, and to the spirit of the mediation which ; we had proposed said that he could no longer carry on coin ' muoicatious with those who refused to remain subjects of the King of Naples, after offers had been made to them which ought to have satisfied them in regard to their in stitutions. There was no abandonment of any party that we bad undertaken to support. We gave them our good offices up to the point of their continuing to be subjects of the King of Naples ; but when excited and encouraged by events in France, they declared that they would no longer consent on any terms to have the Crown of Sicily united with the Crown of Naples, we said that good faith to that Sovereign with whom we were in alliance, and with whose consent our diplomatic agent had entered on mediation, prevented our carrying on that mediation any further. Earl Miate therefore retired, and the parties were left to deal with each other as they pleased. There was nothing then in that transaction with which this country need be dissatisfied. We gave every assistance to put an end to the quarrel which had broken out between the people of Sicily and the Neapolitan Government ; and our failure was not owing to any want of effort or goodwill on our parts, but to events which took place in another part of Europe which proved fatal to an arrangement which was otherwise in a fair way of being satisfactorily settled. (Hear, hear.) Sir F. T. BARING supposed that he must be: labouring under some grave delusion, for he had thought that they were called upon to consider some financial resolution, but somehow, instead of talking about the Three per Cents., the right hon. gentleman opposite had led them into a dis cussion about a tripartite treaty. Recalling the attention of the committee, however, to the subject of the budget, he (Sir F. Baring) thought that the Chancellor of the Exche quer had taken a wise course in not pledging himself with regard to his future policy. At present it was difficult to ascertain what our war expenditure had actually been; nor was it easy yet to see what estimates would be required for the future. His right hon. friend would find himself beset in all quarters by gentlemen who had hobbies of their own with regard to particular taxes, but he trusted that his right hon. friend would stand firm, and that he would abandon no revenue -until he could submit to Parliament a statement as to what the future peace establishments of the country were to be, and as to the mode in which ha proposed to provide for those establishments. (Hear, hear.) It was no very easy thing to define what a per fect tax was. Since 1816 we had been constantly revising our system of taxation; and yet in all his financial expe rience he had never been able to meet with a perfect tax; but he begged to remind his right hon. friend and the committee, that there were certain taxes which had been imposed purely as war taxes under the promise that they should be removed within a certain time after the conclu sion of peace ; and that it would be impossible for the Government to fulfil their promises with respect to those taxes if they were induced to part with other sources of revenue with respect to which no such promises had been given. (Hear.) He concurred with the right hon, gentle. man the member for Buckinghamshire in hoping that, be tween the present time and the setae period next year, the Government would take seriously into their consideration the establishments of the country with the view of re dicing them. (Hear, hear.) He believed that economy and efficiency not only could, but generally did go toge ther, and that lavish expenditure was frequently produc tive of great evils. (Haar.) He did not think that we should have been better prepared for the late contest if we had spent double the sums upon the army and navy. (Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, he trusted that next year the Chancellor of the Exchequer would be able to tell the country that- the Government had, while still retaining the establishments iu an efficient state, reduced them to a,peace level. If that should not be the case, he felt convinced that the people would sail upon the house to reduce the expenditure, and return to those ld prac tices of economy which had not been so fashionable during the last years as they formerly were. (Hear, hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE—AIthough I may regret that we have been led to trespass to so considerable an extent upon questions of foreign policy on an evening devoted to finan cial concerns, yet it is not to be denied that the pro posal made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer with respect to Sardinia—a proposal the grounds of which were not fully developed—has tended, to a certain degree, to carry us into that field. , For my right hon. friend has proposed to the committee, with regard to Sardinia, that we should enter into an arrangement which is not comprehended within the treaty we have concluded with that Power, and upon the grounds of which we ought to be fully informed. (Hear, hoar.) Recollecting the Manner in which the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire, notwithstanding his objections to the system of subsidies and guarintees in general, received, in common with those who sit, beside him, the proposal of last year to make a loan to Sardinia, I am sure we are not to regard his speech to-night as indicating any change of feeling on his or their part with respect to the policy of that measure. (Opposition cheers.) I take the liberty of saying so much, because, even at the hazard of following the example, if such it he, of discussing what is beside the question, I crnnot say how much importance I attach to maintaining abroad the conviction that if there is a subject of foreign policy upon which the House of Commons, if not absolutely unanimous; yet approaches to'bunanimity, it is in the feeling of respect and regard which we entertain towards the Sardinian Government and people, and in our sense of the duty of lending them every support that the moral influence of England can give. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire alluded to certain indications which he finds in one of the protocols of the conferences at Paris - of an aggiesiive policy on the' part of . Sardinia. I venture to say that, even if Serdinia did entertain such schemes of aggression—and although we might, upon being assured that such was the fact, regret that she harboured such feelings—yet, considering her po sition, we could. scarcely wonder at it. We must consider ' the extreme difficulty which is experienced by a very small country that has one neighbour—awl •Ictiireß rno.o.than • one—of whom stlo has cause to he a fie;id, end onl v • I,:v .Lastrrauffes. It war; sa,cl-ia.,!l her polhical position c o mplicated by foreign- policy io its -of tee c- entry a more temporary oraarg•eney - r: ordinary sense, but is likewise troubled in the rectification offices were aliowed'to retain the duty for a lens time ; and of her ecclesiadieal laws on account of her relations with ; if the duty was reduced at owe, the pressing necessity for iiis -: 7 _011 to rrA,,iitai tat money would have passed away before the reyenuo would son making the insurance, he being a British subject, and feel the effects of the reduction, against whom they could enforce it. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose to answer - Sir F. KELLY had great difficulty in seeing how the Go several questions that had been put to him in the course of vernment were to derive means of knowing what insurances the discussion. The sum of 5,000,0001. Exchequer Bills in might be effected abroad. the hands of the Commissioners for the Reduction of the Na. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought the tional Debt did include the investment ou account of the say- clause of importance in one respect ; but as to the essence of ings banks. The hon. and learned member for Wallingford the bill he considered it was comained in the third clause. bad referred to the provisions of the act imposing the income ' Mr. WILKINSON hoped the committee would not enter tax. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had not attempted tarn the clause, which, in his opinion, would prove inope to argue as to the equity or justice of the provision, but had i ratite. simply taken the act as it stood, and if they looked to the Mr. BAXTER looked upon the clause as calculated to en previsions of it they would see that the conclusion of a treaty courage a system of espionage in this country which was of peace referred to the exchange of the ratifications. He had quite foreign to the habits and inclinations of the British not entered at all into the question of the financial arr imp- people. ments for the following year; they would come better before A conversation ensued, in whict, Mr. Hankey, the Solicitor tne house when they hail had experience of the expenditure • General, Sir F. Kelly, Lord Stanley, Mr. Hadfield, the Attor of the coming year. With regard to the malt tax, it was only nu-General, and Mr. Ewalt, took part, as to what the et the addition of five per cent. cl.ded for the war that expired feet of the clause would be in relat ou to the non payment of in July next ; the tax remained as before. The hon member the duty to the Crown, and how it was to be ascer for Evesham (Sir H. Willoughby) stated that his (the Chan- tained that the persons effecting such policies were become cellor of the Exchequer's) estimate of 77,500, :13011. for the ex- debtors to the Crown, and which, it was intimated by the penditure of the coming year was excessive. but such was not Attorney-General, a machinery would be provided by the bill he ease, as might be found by adding the amount of the esti- to inee, such cases Much, no d'oub, would depend upon the mates on the table to the charge for the debt. With regard honout and faith of those insuring. to the Sardinian loan, it was true, a 4 stated by the hon. gen- Sir F. KELLY would assume that the object in view was a tleman the member for the University of Oxford, that'ho had proper object, but how was the duty to be paid ? There not submitted a complete view of the grounds on which the should be some machinery devises under which persons liable Government asked the house to consent to the payment of to pay this duty should be able to pay it. the second million ; but it would be necessary to propose a The SOLICITOR-GENERAL admitted that it was the duty 1)ill to give effect to the stipa.ati .ne of the treaty. and when of the Government to effect this object, and it should have it was int, oduced the subject could be fully considered; but their consideration. he was Satisfied the house Would consider that the nation was bound in honour t pay the 'mone . T. The expense acta dly incurred by the SArdiuian Government'bad exceeded the un of two millions, and they had made application to her \fajesty',4 Government fur additional assistance ; but her lij-Lsty's Government did not, under the circumstances, feel tnemselves warranted in assentiu , r to the proposal. Some •cference had been made to the subject of a revsiou of te,xa- Lion, but what he intended to say was, that the mere fact of a change from war to peace was to be followed by a general 'avision of taxation. The house should recollect that within ;he last few years every branch of taxation had undergone a systematic review. '- Mr. WILLIA.MS said the right hon. Chancellor of the Ex 3hequer had not answered his question as to when details of lie reduction in the estimates would be laid on the table. Sir C. WOOL) said that nine•tenths of the votes in the •aval estimates had been taken in full. There were only two •rotes in which there was -a reduction—in the number of men I.nd the vote for the •transport service. Ho would make a itatement ou moving the balance of the votes which would ;ive every information Mr. WALPOLE asked whether it was intended to separate the votes for the ordnance service from those more properly ielonging to the army ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCLIEQUER said that it was :utended, in the Appropriation Bill, to divide the military estimates into two portions, analogou4 to the old distinction between the army and ordnance votes. Full opportunity for iscussing the whole army estimates would be given when Aue votes were taken for the balance. The resolutions proposed by the Chancellor of the Exche inor 3vcre then agreed to: On the question being then put, that clause 2 stand part of the bill, the committee divided, when there appeared— For the clause • Against it On clause 3, Majority -89 Mr HENLEY said that the first lino of the clause was rather obscure, and he proposed to insert the wards, " amd agent," to make it more intelligible. - The SOLICITOR-GENERAL thought the amendment un necessary, and After some discussion, it was withdrawn, and the clause was agreed to. The remaining clauses were agreed to. Mr. HADFIELD proposed a clause reducing the present rate of duty to a shilling in a hundred pounds by the year. He believed that in consequence of the present enormous duty, one-half the property in London and one-third in the country was uninsured. He apprehended that the removal of this duty altogether would not be bad policy. The CHANCELLOR. of the EXCHEQUER said, whenever the time should arrive for taking into consideration the abo lition of existing "taxes, the propo . sal of the hon, member should be taken into consideration. FIRE INSURANCES BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill. Mr. BAXTER said he had several objections to the bill in is amended form. It had its origin in the circumstance of 'oreign insurance companies having opened offices in London tied seriously affected the insurance duty. The Chancellor-of ;he Exchequer was naturally anxious to apply a remedy to .his state of things ; but ho doubted whether the proposed •emedy would be efficacious. The bill would only be an advertisement for foreign insurance companies. It might ;hut up one or two offices in Loudon, but the necessary con 4equence would be to increase the number of insurances effected abroad. This could only be prevented in one way, iy reducing the present exorbitant duty, which was so ex :essive that it defeated its own object of raising revenue. At ,resent, only one-sixth of the insurable property of this eantry was insured. It was only in 1820 that the business if. fire insurance had been taken up in France ; and at this aoment upwards of sixteen millions worth of property was "'mired there, double the amount that was insured in this ;ountry. The duty on marine insurance in this country was it one time excessive ; and the result was that a great part of le business went abroad ; but the Government seeing this, .00k the alarm, and reduced the duty. At p: esent, the duty in fire insurances was 200 per cent. ; but on life insurances t was at a much lower rate, aud there was even a bonus on ife insurance in the Income Tax Act. The provisions of the ,ill before the house could only be enforced by opening every otter that passed through the Post-office. • It was a mere Chbling at the difficulty, and trifling with a great question. -'Hear, hear.) ,He hoped that the right hon gentleman, with niat philosophical accuracy for which he was distinguished, vould take a proper view of the subject, and remit this duty. dear, hear.) Mr. WILKINSON said he would not be one to urge the Yiaucellor of the Exchequer to remit any duties at the pre sent moment; but this wee a case in which the revenue :vould inevitably be lost if something were not done to enable ~ aglish offices to compete. with those abroad. He hope the -.gilt hon. gentleman would give sin assurance that this .could be the first tax to be repealed. (Hear.) HA.DFIELD said the principles of free-trade were leaking great progress ou the continent ; and this bill went ,o prove to our neighbours that we were most selfish and determined to maiutain a monopoly where our own trade vas concerned. At this moment, when most important emstious ,were being agitated on the continent, this lithe iltry bill was likely to stop the movement in favour of free -trade. The duty of 200 percent. was most exorbita et ; and tie believed that the drawback allowed, amounting to 65,00: issisted sonic small offices to pay their expenses. , Sir S. BIGNOLD hoped the Government would persevere .vith this bill, whose object-fie considered to be, not to shut up two or three foreign agencies in London, but to place the Eng lish aud foreign offices on the same footing. The revenue de rived 1,3000,0001. from this tax, and in return the Govern .nent might to do something in favour of the English compa nies, which supported the fire brigades, and afforded other ad vantages to the public. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer could afford to give up two-thirds of the duty, the companies would gladly accept the boon, bat they did not press for it. Mr. GLYN supported the bill, on the ground that the foreign offices were carrying on a contraband trade, and com peting unfairly with English companies. He was surprised that gentlemen connected with insurance offices should oppose this bill, which was meant more for their protection than for that of the revenue. (Hear.) Considering that this tax yielded 1,300,000/2a year, which was more easily collected, perhaps, than any other, he thought the Government would be blame able for giving it up in the present state of the revenue. The total amount of insurable property in this country was 3,250 millions, of which about one-third was insured. When the duty on agricultural policies was reduced, it was not imme diately followed by a large increase in the insurances on that class of property ; the amount had only increased from fifty- I two millions in IP4I to sixty-seven millions in 1856. The in ferenee was that such reduction as was now proposed in the duty on fire insurances would not lead to anything like such an increase as was anticipated. When they spoke of the amount of insurances abroad, it should be borne iu mind that both in France and Holland the " average clause" was inserted in every policy. (Hear.) Should the Chancellor of the Exche quer be much pressed on this question, he might give relief by reducing the duty to Is. or ls. 6d. on policies containing the average clause ; and in this way the competition of the French offices might best be met. This system of the absence of the average clause operated detrimentally in another way. The greatest amount of losses arose from small fires, which might be obviated, but which the parties had no desire to obviate, because they got full payment for the loss. If they had the average clause losses in that way would not arise. Lord STANLEY said he thought this tax not only the most inexpedient, but, to use a stronger word, the most im moral tax that could be conceived. But, still at this particu lar moment he quite concurred in the general feeliug of the house that they should not disturb the financial arrangements. Ho believed, however, that the bill would be inoperative un less larger powers were given than those it now contained. Under the bill every person who acted as an anent for a fo reign office, unless he took out a lice - e was liable to penal: ties. But an nines might advertise, and the business miget and would be - transacted by correspondence ; there was no thing to - come before the public of which it was - possible Go vernment could take cognisance. He should therefore reluc tantly vote against going into committee on the bill. Mr. TITE seid lie held a foreign policy in his hand, dated the 7th of May', which contained the ave:wee clause, and there was also anothe;' condition, that if the parties could not ee a.ree as to the total value the matter must he erni tt d to the French courts ir their decisice:e He did not mean to insinu ; ate that justice would not be done in the It Deli cour t s as well as in those of England, but still x:../Jere was the exp ense and inconvenience of having proceedin gs in a foreign c our t. Fir this reason lie thought that into , ference was not neces sary, but still he found that them was a large amoCht of Eng lish insurances effected with foreign offices, and there: should be some protection for the British offices till the Government could consider the whole subject.' The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the bill proposed to remove the unfair competition now existing be tween British and foreign companies, and against which com petition the preseut state of the law provided no remedy The foreign offices weie under no duty, while' the British were The bill, however, was objected to ou the ground that it would not effect the object in view, and that objection lead been urged even by those who professed their anxiety to remedy the evil complained of. Tho bill h.d been drawn up by able mem, and submitted to and approved of by the law iifficers of the Crown. It also received the sanction of men engaged in and well ac quainted with the business if insurance offices. He thought it would answer the purpose for which it was introduced, au , i felt himself responsible for its int eduction, If it should prove a failure, a more stringent measure might be intro duced ; but ho did not think it right that hon. gentlemen who thought the object it proposed a proper one, should satisfy themselves by simply objecting that it could not carry out that object. • Their duty was manifestly to go into com mittee, and then endeavour to improve it Those gentlemen who were in favour of a reduction of the duty said, " We will mot allow you to amend the law unless you make a bargain with us to diminish the duty." He could not, however, con sent to sacrifice - 300,000/. per annum at the very time when he was asking the house to sanction a loan of 5,000;001. He was also of opinion that any attempt to force by leeis'ation such a provision as the average clause, would not meet either the acceptance of the house or the country. He hoped the house would agree to the motion, that the Speaker do now leave the chair. Sir F. KELLY said the right hon. gentleman had not dis tinetly informed the house whether the duty was imposed for the protection of insurance offices or the revenue, but for whatever purpose the bill was brought forward, in his (sir F. Kelly's) opinion, it was a total failure. It came back to the question whether they were to continuo a protective duty ou foreign policies. If they were to say that every or• who put his name up to take foreign insurances was bound to take out a licence, that was quite understandable. But that was not the purpose of the bill for it said that " every one who took a proposal for an insurance" was to take out a licence, and that, unless he did so, he was to be fined 1001. a day for every day he neglected to do so. He contended that this was a violation of all propriety and justice. It was an effort to impose a tax which it would be impossible to carry out. Ho suggested that the better course would be to leave these foreign agents to act in accordance with principles which influenced man and man in the ordinary transaction of business. • Mr' G REGSON said that the only object of this bill was to make foreign offices pay the. duty now paid by English offices.. The clause was then negatived without a division, and the house resumed. JOINT STOCK COMPANIES BILL. On the motion that the Speaker should leave the chair, Mr. SPOONER objected to going into committee at that late hour. Mr. LOWE hoped they would allow him to proceed with .the bill. Mr. HENLEY and Mr. MALINs objected to going into com mittee, and the commitiee was postponed till Friday. POOR-LAW AMErsTDIIENT BILL. On the motion that this bill should be read a second time, Mr. HENL t , IIY objected to the second reading at present, as there were some important principles involved in it. Sir G PECHELL and Lord J. MANNERS also objected. Mr. BOUVERIE said the objections to certain clauses were objections to be considered in committee. Mr. HENLEY said be was sorry to be compelled to move that the debate should be now adjourned. Lord J. MANNERS said there was no expectation on the part of hon. members that the second reading would be pro ceeded with that night. Mr. BOUVERIE consented hot to press the second read ing, and it was adjourned till Friday. Transfer of Works (Ireland) Bill, and Court of Exchequer (Scotland) Bill, were each read a second time. Mr. ALCOCK reminded hon. gentlemen who supported this bill that it, would be a premium upon habits of i:nprovi donee. lie would vote against the bill. Mr. VANSITTART moved that the bill be committed that day six months. The house divided, when the numbers were — For the motion For the amendment Majority —l4l The house then went into committee. Clause 1 ;vas agreed to. On clause 2 being proposed, Mr. BAXTER -id that the bill aNnecl rt a s stern of , 71 . 1 • • _ •:7.111. ,tion was cn „az,, - . f ,, j , • ERA', sairi bii ,. ifici'dy wont: to impose a duty on foreign offices similar to that paid by Eng. Lash offices, The object wad - to impose thil duty on the per. GENERAL WILLIAMS, The report on the message from her Majesty, for granting a pension to this gallant ofileer, was brought up and agreed. to. The Juvenile Convict Prison (Ireland) hill was read athird time. The Industrial and Provident Societies Bill went through committee. The Procedure and Evidence Bill was read a second time. The Judicial Procedure, &c. (Scotland), Bill was read a second time. The Registration of Voters (Scotland) Bill was read a second time. On the order of the day for the consideration of the Dis. centers' Marriages Bill, Mr. GLADSTONE complained that it was brought forward on a former occasion without due notice being given to the house, and the members t f the Universities in particular. After a short discussion, the bill was postponed for the pur pose of being re-committed this day. The Church-rates Abolition Bill was postponed to Juno 2. The Juvenile Offenders (Ireland) Bill went through corn. mittee. Mr. R PHILLIMORE moved the appointment of a select committee -on the Tithe Commutation Rent-charge Bill, namely :—Mr. R. Phillimore, Lord A. Heivey, Sir W. Heath cote, Mr. Walpole, Mr. Bouverie, the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, Sir J. Trollope, Mr. Lowe, Mr. Hiudley, Sir J. Pak• ington, Mr. Henley, Mr. Cheetham, Mr. Headlam ' the Mar quis of Chandos, and Mr. Napier.—Moti e n agree d to. At this stage of the proceedings " a count" took place, and 40 members not being present, the house adjourned at twenty minutes to oue o'clock. CO '.l/11.37 Mari. ets. CHELMSFORD-51AT 16. The sale for wheat was very dull, with a reduction of from is to 2s per qr. Spring corn ruled firm, at last week's prices. Dan peas is dearer. Wheat, white, old, per s. s. s. 8. qr.so 76 Oats, per qr 22 28 new.... 50 74 Peas, Partridge 38 40 old 49 8 White 40 47 new.... 48 67 . Boiling 4l 48 Barley 30 38 Dun 38 31 Chevalier 33 42 I Beans, Tisk 35 37 Grinding 2B 36 Harrow ticks 3Y 39 Malt 71 75 Mazagan 34 36 Chevalier 73 77 Ditto, new... 33 34 red, COLCHESTER- MAY 17. The supply of wheat was not large ; the best samples realised last week's prices, other sorts is per qr. cheaper. Barley, beans, and peas same as last week. Prices to -day were as follow :—Wbeat, white, 68s to 765; red, 64s to 68s; barley, —s to Os ; cats, —s to Os ; b eat E , Mazagan, 36s to 38s ; middle and small 403 to 445; pees, white, 40s to 42s ; grey, 40s to 425. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, &c, in the port of London, from the following pl the 11th to the 17th May, both inclusive. ~ received )rts, from 44 g 4 Colchester l7O 205' Harwich 253 240 Leigh Malden 1651 74 62 (224 620 KIRKCALDY—MAY 17. • We had fair supplies of wheat and oats, but small of barley. Wheat sold quickly at last week's rates; oats a slow sale, at rather less money; barley same as last n tar ket day. Wheat. Barley. I Oats. I First 72s Od 43s 01 30s Od Second 7os Od 40s Odl 9s Od Third s9s Od I 1 35s Od 25s Od Bean; Os Os Os COAL MARKET.—MAT 19. Prioes of Coal per to r.t tha. -lose of the market. e. d. Wallsen d, &c. ~ Middle W. Hartley l6 (, a. 4. Byass's West Hartley .. 16 i Taswell 19 . .‘ Davison's West Hartley 16 t , ettoo l9. 0 Ha.stii,,,, , 's Hartley ,16 i .'ensher 17 3 t IToward'a West Hartley .I.lssell's Hatton 1 8 9 Netherton 16 C leugh Hall ... 18 6 Walker Primrose .........14 '-ielloo 18 6 Tangoed. +4 , ~: ven wood ... .... l6 6 Qosforth l4 3 W co dh ouse C105e..... .......17 3 Riddell ,16 c Carr's Merthyr .. 2l 0— ' ' Braddyll lB !Erns at market... 42 I sold LOCAL SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, MAY 19 STOCK gIECHANGE.—The market opened quietly to•dt and, subsquently, on the announcement that the Gover rn• ment terms had been accepted for the new loan, improv ed, find closed at the best point of the day. Midlands, 77 7' 7h a —London and North Western, 102 1i 2t Ditto, 1- 1-5 shares, A p —North Eastern, Berwick, Ex I •een. sion No. 1 and 2, 55 A d. —Lancashire and Yorkshire, 904 —Great Western of Canada, 26a a—South Eastern, 2a. The steeple and the small church cf Defserega, on. •the coast of Genoa, fell down afe • days back, burying be neath its ruins the old canon attached to it, 80 years of age, and his servant. !El VII BIRTHS. OP A SON. On the 18th inst., at 13, Sussex-square, Hyde-park„ the wife of Charles Butler, Esq. On the 17th inst., at Stoke Bishop, the wife of Li mt.- Colonel Munro, 39th Regiment. OIP A DAUGHTER. On the 17th inst., at 81, Eaton place, the wife of L Colonel A. Lowry Cole, C. 8., 17th Regiment. On the 18th inst., at 15, Eastcheap, the wife of i Mr. Julius Lowenthal. MARRIED. Oa the 17th inst., at Tunbridge Wells, the Rev. A. I. Ross, Brighton, to Katherine Susan, second daugbrter of the late Rev. Jchn Sterling. -- On the 15th inst., at H(;'ly Trinity Church, Brone pton. George Henry Lake Wise, Esq., R.N., to Constanc4 the third daughter of Charles B. Roe, Esq., of Bromptou.. DIED, On the 18th inst., in Eaton-square, Ann, wife of Ei'vrd. Devitt, Esq., M.P. On the 18th inst., in the Wandsworth-road, Mr. Jra mes Wilshire, aged 62. On the 19th inst., at 9, Cooper's-row, Mr. Ralph Rossi, aged 66. On the 17th inst., at Leamington, Sir Frederick Gusta vus Fowke, Bart., cf Lowesby Hall, Leicestershire, a,ged 74. On the 17th inst., at Walhampton, Leamington, Hants, the Rev. Sir George Burrard, Bart, aged 81. Oa the 17th inst., at Shepherd's-bush, Win. Webster, Es - q., late Captain 16th Lancers, aged 59. On the 16th inst., the Rev. Robert Cream, rector of Rotherfield, Susvx, aged 79. On the 17th inst., at Ashby-road, Islington, Mr. Hew/ Brent, aged 83. ..-. Lamas' 2,7111 - t-eti and Put:di:loci by blI/R . :•f.) YOUNG , • No, 112, '0 A 4.ncl, 2.lte Nn.,•112 kitruno, in Ilia Precinct of the Savoy s in the conutir ° f Aliddions, Tuesby, Ma y 20,186%4 Tat Co „,, INDIA ( til,rAl, GEC Eleven O'ClOC} yriet ors of ;1,4 kleneral Octors of th late Cover ( 5 ,0001.), Mitt. sz -clo e.k, and TO-N 1( 33 . area, ARGYLL --)Zoar 11. rou s !ley TO -NT( 'attZ, c e fiver- Ave Xl.l kks s '!, ti ttainn ti ll . ICA a lly) . 4, c oven k l ir ' 4l ti itc„! e Daration s pi 411,1,1isea kP su 17 .111 N, 't• ° A L Ny tt ,-SLA.Nr e t ,' 3 40 and t!ti ktty 4l , i rhit w a i h htnl a Late (Si ?All' t .. lli , hr k r EA for g; ittne!e' • 12 fe,t !trit ted h_ b krm AX‘trA 'l2spiversit of Al a 3. COn or Ind oel L a nd, (1,, g xt, at lo a te An t or u P to sa: Ntln p 4 3lv- ( Vold ra Ppers a ttersc ,e, , of admi 'ltte . " ° Rtlea h A c44, RxA, TI ' ceti 4e'tie • of IN' sy ( :': e NE R rloo .144! 1 e !ecer 4 : x ter I ,:T:anc, ki l t %it ? 1):r 0e P 'l r P,t 111P(1,vered 11 11/T 2 ~to,?.;' ((iiertera p" c riP - Dr 4 4lf traia,' Firat P g oen 11 kH 4 B .d 1 • 9 2 2 2 8 + Q 'OT ANI poe foil ow dottittliZt.,ee the T, 1E B, k:11 I 13, 5 , 1 11 c lixibi l