The Sun. — London, England, 1834-12-22 00:00:00

111 116. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. No preliminary step has yet been taken by the King terminate the first Reformed House of Commons, ' hat the dissolution may be said to be still undeter 4. Little doubt, however, is entertained as to 2*odominance of the 'Wellington spirit in the er - t inet," and we believe a dissolution may ine , Po nsidered certain. In fact, the first divi - V , f* , %*. ,has given a victory to the bold Duke , and reflecting Baronet. The Duke *-- . itioiVirid military councillors have been p ‘mgenf TM - 4 - itaroti aptament. Sir Robert Peel, sup. porteU T U T 4-,11, has deprecated this des perate : ma "Itiodie s 'ir*auT.. We believe the fact to lAftilstali s _ ;ra* - „deemq it impossible to drill the litesgnt :14 A43--xif, ',Commons into con formity wit 'Considers the time, gained by a new efef*i4 an object, for the sake of which much ongßt to be hazarded. Not so, how ever, the calculating Premier. Sir Robert Peel, not deceived by the wild expectations of his party, well knows that no human agency—no amount of bribery, treating, or intimidation—can possibly procure a House of Commons f under the Reform Act, " manageable" by a Tory Government. This has been discovered by some others of the new Ministry; and they are now partially awakening from their dreams. Moreover, Sir Robert Peel knows that he cannot justify a dissolu tion. The existence of a prerogative of the King to dissolve the Legislative Assemblies of the nation is denied by no one ; but few will assert that this is an irresponsible act of the Sovereign. The Constitution has set boundaries to all the Royal Prerogatives. In fact the capricious exercise of the privilege of Disso lution, vested in the British Monarch, was unknown in the ancient theory and practice of the Constitu tion. Parliaments wore Sessional in ancient times, and convened for specific purposes. As the progress of knowledge, and popular principles, ren dered them " inconvenient" instruments of Govern ment for despotic Kings, and ' evil Councillors, every act was resorted to for the purpose of extracting money from the people without the interven tion of Representative Assemblies. The Stuarts first made the experiment on a large scale of acting without Parliaments, calling and dismissing them at their plea sure ; and fatal indeed was the consequence of their surrender to bad advisers. In the celebrated speech of Mr. Pym, in 1640 (a masterly summary of the oppres sions of the nation), the intermission and arbitrary dis solution of Parliament was represented as a main griev ance of the people. This eminent patriot not only remonstrated against the eleven years interval of Parlia ments, but " lastly" denounced the greatest grievance to be, " that the Parliament was punished without being suffered to make its own defence. I call the Dis solution of the Parliament a punishment, end justly ; the breaking of a Parliament is death to a good sub ject." In the well-known Commons' Report of the Committee appointed to prepare the inducements for the conference with the Lords at that eventful period, the third point, on the invasion of the liberties and privileges of Parliaments, was emphatically stated in the accusation as a " sudden dissolving of Parlia ments, without redress of grievances." This confe rence was never held. Charles the First was unfor tunately influenced to dissolve his Parliament, to the deep regret of the more moderate part of the na tion. We cannot resist the citation of the words of Clarendon, notwithstanding the unsavoury nature of the parallel with present times. " There could not a greater damp have seized upon the spirits of the whole nation than this dissolution caused ; and men had much of the misery in view which shortly after fell out. It could never be hoped that more sober and dispas sionate men would ever meet together in that place, or fewer who brought ill purposes with them ; nor could any Man imagine what offence they had given which put the King upon that resolution." Clarendon ob serves that the countenances of the real Destructives denoted the most marvellous serenity—that they knew the agitation of a new election and a rank party Par liament would work their ends, and " that so many unbiassed men would never be elected again." In deed Charles I. speedily discerned his rashness ; he consulted the same day," says Clareudon, "or the next, whether he might by his Proclamation recall them to meet together again ;" the die, however, was cast, the dissolution was irrevocable. The succeeding Parliament passed the memorable Act for securing their own existence by preventing a dissoltion without their own consent. The civil war succeeded by the retirement of the King to the North. Charles the First lived to discover that the dissolved Parlia ment would have preserved his throne. In Philip's life of Archbishop Williams it is recorded that Lord Keeper Coventry had cautioned his Majesty, the year before, with his dying breath, " That his Majestywould take all distastes from the Parliament summoned against April with patience, and suffer it to sit without an un kind dissolution I " Mr. Croker is fond of historical analogies drawn from the sources of the Common wealth and the French Revolution. We ask, was there ever a political situation of our times more re mai-kably similar to this passage of the past ? What justifies ion can a Minister put forth for advising the Crown to (.!;ssolve the existing Parliament, and for abandoning the country to the risk of the triumph of one of two extreme paries ? Doubtless the objections of Sir Robert Penland Lord beeper Copley to this unwise and unseasonable use of tho Royal prerogative, are well founded. They must know that a more moderate' House of Commons never can be obtained under the Reform Acts, in the existing state of public opinion : they cannot beguile themselves with the false hope of a numerical majority of Tories ; they know that to be impossible : they elearly foresee that the opposition to their Administration will necessarily be of the most determined character : they well know that the dreaded collision between an elective and an hereditary assembly must necessarily be precipitated and aggravated by a dissolution of the present Parliament. Are the Tories then prepared to assume the responsibility of urging on the issue, whether the Peerg or the People shall govern this great and advancing na l 4 .;on ! Under such critical circumstances, therefore, Sir Robe'''. Peel doubtless prises upon the awful responsibility of a dissolution of i",:rhament wholly unjustifiable, and fraught with consequences involving more than it might be prudent to name. The new Premier, if lie have a will of his own, is bound to place before the eyes of his Sovereign those more eventful pages of our history which would disclose to the King, that a British monarch cannot always unadvisedly or safely dissolve a Parliament. —Morning Chronicle. We hear every day of fresh manifestations of sound, loyal, constitutional feeling, and of new exertions to secure to the sentiments of the moderate, rational, and well-disposed part of the community an effective and permanent ascendancy in the affairs of the State. An instance of this kind has recently come to our know ledge, which we particularly mention because we be lieve it will afford great satisfaction to many of our metropolitan readers. The treatment which the Radi cal faction in the city of London, when in the zenith of their power, (that is, when Sir John Key, Bart., was at the height of his popularity), inflicted upon a very respectable Magistrate, Sir Peter Laurie, is still fresh in the recollection of the public, who remember also that the Radical faction were soon afterwards sup plied with two strong reasons to be ashamed of their conduct—tile proved worthlessness of their idol, and the proved worth of the Magistrate towards whom, for sake of this idol and of the Ministers whose creature he was, they had acted with manifest unfairness and in justice. Sir Peter Laurie, as good and true men very generally do, fairly lived down the clamour, and put to shame, by his excellent conduct as a Magis trate, the factious arts which had achieved over him an apparent and temporary triumph. He quitted the civic chair, to which his accession had been violently opposed and unjustly retarded, amidst the universal plaudits of his fellow-citizens of every Glass and of every party. He had, then, his honourable reward. But another, and, perhaps, still more gratifying, re compense yet awaited him. The people of Scotland have not been inattentive observers of the meritorious and honourable career of their countryman, and a large body of the electors of the Haddington district of bo roughs have sent to Sir Peter Laurie a requisition to present himself as a candidate for the honour of repre sentin 9 a them in the H ouse o f C ommons . With this requisition Sir Peter has complied ; but as he is de tained its Lyndon Chia vizelit by the City elertiontb his THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1834. nephew, a gentleman at the bar, has gone to Scotland to canvass the district—a trust that could not, we un derstand, be committed to abler hands. His success is considered certain, and we heartily wish that the • event may realise this anticipation, for we are persuaded that Sir Peter Laurie, if elected, will make a most assiduous, intelligent, and independent Member of Parliament.—Morning Post. It is greatly to be regretted that the period of a gene ral election, which is evidently one which calls for the exercise of a coel and sober judgment, should be uni formly that when every engine of excitement is set to work, to alienate the mind from any thing like a state of calm deliberate wisdom. For this the Press is in no small degree to blame, led on, as it generally is, by the intemperate harangues which are delivered at the various public meetings which the occasion necessarily gives rise to. These meetings, too, for the most part, possess a characteristic but little creditable to the chief actors at them, who lay it down as a test of their love of freedom and impartiality, carefully to hear only one side, and to weigh down with every species of uproar and contempt any effort to break through so wise and salutary a canon. As mew advance in knowledge and in the enjoyment of political rights, it is greatly to be wished that the one should ilrir i =o, their fitness for the other ; and that the Reform Act:, instead of opening the door more widely to the demagogue and empty pre tender, should have thrown a degree of light upon them sufficient to warn each new constituency from delusion. The approaching election, we regret to perceive, is coming on with too much of the character we allude to. It will be our object, as far as in us lies, to calm this excitement and dispel this delusion. We regret that the class of persons from whom better things might be expected are among the first to deal in language not only at variance with reason and judg ment, but marked by a degree of intemperance and in decency which would disgrace the lowest orator of the lowest clubs. To the insane and inflammatory ravings of an Ecclesiastical Judge, as first in this intemperate career, we need not again refer ; but when we see such staid and respectable persons as bankers and merchants of London, essaying to rival each other in exhibitions scarcely less disgusting and unseemly, we naturally ask with what propriety lower and uneducated men can be blamed for giving a loose to similar intemperance, with such leaders setting them such examples ? And what is the result which the blindness brought about by this temporary fever produces, but to let the wolf into the fold—but to hand over to the mere unqualified pretender a trust which should only be confided to those whose claims should previously have undergone a calm but more searching scrutiny ? Need we, in corroboration of this, refer any man of the com monest observation to the numerous instances which occurred at the last general election, where persons by means of this kind of clamour and delusion, actually stole into a trust of which they were wholly unworthy and unfit ? And is there a stronger reason for dis solving the present Parliament, which weighs in most mens minds, than the necessity of getting rid of this class of incompetent pretenders from a place their pre sence pollutes ? But experience will indeed be thrown away, and knowledge will have been diffused in vain, if pretenders of the same class have again the assur ance to present themselves at the hustings, and are again accepted. Above all things do not let the elec. tors deceive themselves by tests or pledges. He who is most profuse in promises is not unfrequently the first to break them. Nor can prefligate morals and habits in private life, be other than unerring proofs of unfit ness for the trust now about to be reposed ; let the noisy clamourer be tried by this test, and how many are there who, rather than stand its searching investi gation, would sink into the insignificance from which they ought never to have emerged ?—Morning Herald. Expressions of feeling and opinion are hourly taking place, and on both sides of the great question which now agitates this country—viz. whether the welfare of the people of England is most deeply involved in the maintenance of certain political principles, or in aiding the return of certain individuals to power. The two meetings to which we have already alluded, one in Westminster, the other in the city, were characterised by a very different tone of sentiment. The two mem bers for 'Westminster, foremost among the recognised friends of the people, and one of them especially, Sir Francis Burdett, alike distinguished by his high posi tion among English gentlemen, and his long ,devotion to the cause of reform and the interests of constitu tional liberty, have declared their readiness to watch the measures of the new Administration, to resist them where they should be reprehensible, and to uphold them when they might advance the pro gress of good and wholesome government, bat as a body when acting on Tory principles, to op pose them. There is in this language a sound vein of independence, a zeal for the country, and a con tempt for party, which will, we anticipate, on the approaching trial, work powerfully on behalf of the present representatives for Westminster. The attempt of that conceited goose's rump, the Charing-cross pa triot, to impose a third candidate—some journeyman of his own—upon the choice of the electors, was met by the good sense of all present by a burst of uncon trollable ridicule. The intelligence, and property, and public spirit of Westminster may now, we think, be trusted, as on most former occasions they have de served to be. On the City meeting we have already stated, and with regret, that its proceedings were very far indeed from being presided over by " absolute wisdom." It was neither more nor less than an ad vertisement of the three members who had been chosen by the Whig and Radical interest of London on the last election, in favour of a renewal of their preten sions to that honour at the election now about to come on. The speeches made ought to be looked upon as a rehearsal for the hustings, and since in such ca... mob tastes and passions are, in the na tural course of things, almost invariably appealed to, perhaps the most charitable and g ood-natured construotion may be nearest to the true one—to wit, that the gentlemen meant not quite so much as they professed. But if this be an equitable mode of appreciating the burly burly speeches of those well-meaning personages, : - ^re is no such excuse for the resolutions to which they .1,,_ - - —.nt. The latt' were deliberate. The, .er gave their as... , • and what said the first of were ready cut and , ing the abrupt dis them ? Why, that " th e ' (and missal of Lord Melbourne's AdMinisLi-. then two or three other and equally just assump...2 lls are enumerated) " must be regarded as conclusive evi dence of the existence of a factious and revolutionary , design to subvert, either by direct or indirect means, the now established laws and constitution of the land, and is at once," &c. We need go no further. Now, we ask, can faction go beyond this ? Can any other instance of folly and self-contradiction equal it ? The " advising the abrupt dismissal," and so forth, and so forth, is the conclusive evidence of a conspiracy. But who advised it ? Unless Lord Melbourne himself besought the King to dismiss himself and his colleagues, who else could have " advised" it ? His Majesty had no other Ministry but Lord Mel bourne's at the time. There was none other respon sible for any public act of the Sovereign. In truth, there was no other official servant within reach of his Majesty on that occasion, and no fact in history ap pears better established than that the dismissal sprung out of the conversations which took place between his Majesty and Lord Melbourne,—that there was no concert with any person whatsoever,—no advice ten dered or received from any quarter. It is, we believe, altogether unquestionable that the Duke of Welling ton was taken as much by surprise when the news of this breaking up of the Cabinet reached him, as was any one of Lord Melbourne's colleagues when his Lordship announced it to them on his return from the King : nay, more, that if the Duke himself had been under the Palace roof at that moment, he would have been very apt to dissuade his Majesty from the prompt, and in some respects invidious, measure of dismissing the late Cabinet when he did, since there must have existed in his Grace's mind that same anticipation, which was so prevalent throughout society, that before the end of the second month of this ensu ing session the Melbourne Cabinet would almost inevitably fall to pieces from want of stamina in its composition, and want of tenacity in its purpoees—an event which being so brought about would have exo nerated both King and C onserva tives from the cen sures even of the Whigs themselves, and would have impressed all the ivor y Ow* a for months later) with the same conviction under which his Majesty acted a few months sooner—namely, that the Mel bourne Cabinet was not framed to endure the slightest shock from without, and possessed no element of life or stability within it. Then, if there was no advice, as there was confessedly no adviser, of -an act, which the Constitution puts at the sole and personal discre tion of the Sovereign, for which no Minister is or can be responsible—namely, an invitation from his Majesty to one of his subjects to form a Govern ment in lieu of one which no longer exists—what, let us ask, becomes of the famous conspiracy of which that impossible " advice" is " conclusive evi dence," and whose object is to " subvert the now esta blished laws and constitution of the land"--..in plain English, to repeal the Reorm Bill? The persons who set their hands to such a resolution must be egre gious gobemouches ?or something worse. However, they are not likely to carry things so trippingly and cavalierly as they reckon. There is a power in the city of London beyond and above these factious parti sans. An advertisement in this day's paper announces a meeting for to-morrow at the City of London Ta vern. It is expected to unite, we believe we may say, some thousands of the merchants, bankers, and ship owners of the metropolis, who are " desirous of ex pressing their assurance of loyalty and attachment to their Sovereign on the occasion of the late exercise of his Royal prerogative." We are told that the names affixed to the requisition will be published. The spirit and character of this proceeding a e obviously anti-Destructive ; but they are as certainly favourable to the cause of useful and high-principled reform as they are the prevention of anarchy. The merchants of London, as a body, are stanch and firm in their attachment to po pular rights. They know that the best safeguard of the permanence and longevity of our institutions is diligently to keep them in repair, to cleanse therm from impurities, to scrape off incrustations, to cut away dry rot, to hunt out vermin, to stop on every side the progress of natural decay, but to recollect the inestimable uses for which the ancient and noble edifice of our constitu tional Monarchy was erected, to maintain its true and just preportions, to repel every threatened assault upon its substance, and above all, to improve and 'profit by that deep-seated sympathy between laws, usages, and national characteristics, which forms the only imperish able cement of a State, but of which rude and unre flecting innovators cannot comprehend the value. This movement of the property and political feeling of London is well-timed, as it has been deliberative. The merchants, bankers, &e., on whose sense and spirit the fortunes of the country have so often hinged, would not stir before the Administration was com pleted, nor until it had declared the principles of its future policy. They find, as essential members of that policy,. a strict adherence to public faith with all nations, and its appropriate adjunct—peace with all. They find a willingness to be guided at home by the ascertained inclinations of the instructed classes throughout the kingdom, as well in the redress of real grievances, as in the opposition to rash, however plausible, schemes, and the rebuke of false pretences ; they further observe, that in the manifesto, for such it ought to be termed, of Sir R. Peel, which, as he him self informs the public, is agreed to by all his colleague* although the reverse has most indecently, we think, been assumed by certain desperate newspapers, that no one great section of the national interests will be pre ferred to another, and the public credit will be scrupulously protected and upheld. To these views of State policy the higher ranks of industrious English man inhabiting the metropolis—those by whom the in dustry of the mechanic and the labourer is mainly en couraged, and their families fed—now tome forward and announce their adhesion. It is not the per sons of the Cabinet—Sir Robert Peel, or even the Duke of Wellington—to whom the industrious aristocracy of London adhere; it is a just and prudent, and, in the best sense of the word, Conservative—that is, a defensive, system of na tional policy which they sapport, in proud de defiance of the mania for inevitable revolution, which appears to have afflicted some of their countrymen with a restless wandering after change, and rendered them inaccessible to the common remedy of reason. We have no doubt of the salutary influence of this great example upon the general mind of the people of England. There is one suggestion, however, to which we; would respectfully solicit the notice of the gentle men who have concurred in planning and calling for this meeting. It is, that they will not be satisfied with signing the requisition, useful as the publication of their names may prove hereafter, but that they will consider it a bounden duty to attend in person and maintain their sentiments by their voices and their votes. The trouble (is it not shocking that in such a case people should thirik of trouble ?) is surely not worth mention ing. It is but once and away. Those who absent them selves will be sorry to read in the journals of Wednes day morning, that the 1,000 names of the requisition were attested by such a scanty number of hands held up, and that the Ultra-Radicals, or the tail of the ousted Whigs, gaining the abandoned position, and occupying it in irresistible force, have carried counter resolutions in the spirit, not of loyalty and constitu tional reform, but of disrespect tr the Crown, and menace towards the relig;- other institutions of the coy' id be .an ill-judged proceeding on the t body to whom we now appeal, and :,.asure so salutary and patriotic will r to be de feated. If, indeed, the p. convoked the meeting for to-morrow dolence or negligence, suffer themselv. NI or out voted, they will not have rably in jured, the cause of wh;olt • iemselves forward as cha m e lons. Mai ave been crowding on our attention, bu , ye them for another day.—Times. We shall this day do our be: t pledge which, on last Friday, we gav, iers, that we should examine calmly, and I, ..most atten tion, but at the same time honeay and fearlessly, the Manifesto of Sir Robert Peel. This is a docu ment of more than ordinary importance, and it i 8 drawn up with more than ordinary art. Of impor tance, because it must be regarded as embodying the principles and views of the whole of the Tories—that is of the triumvirate, Wellington, Peel, and Lynd hurst, and of all the lesser things which form their train or tail. This is the right view of the Tory come which has broken in to disturb the harmony of the sys tem of I .2rish society—at least it is so said by those who are looked upon as the official organs of the party. It is a most artful document, inasmuch as it is in tended, and no doubt expected, to deceive the whole people of these three kingdoms, and even to cast dust in the eyes of mankind oil over the world, in order that, while they . are so affected, they may be wheedled out of their principles and their purses. We, therefore, at the outset, in the political sense, and in that sense only, raise the cry of " Stop thief !" having no doubt that all honest men throughout the empire will take up the response " Let the thief be stopped," and, heart and hand, make the deed thoroughly correspon , dent to the word. This same address of Sir Robert's is prettily written—smooth and flowing; as Theihn says of Ancient Pistol, so may we say of this modern blunderbuss, that he " speaks as prave ' or d s , as y ou shall see in a summer's day," but the people must, in the language of Gower, " learn to know such slanders of the age, or else they may be marvellous mistook." For our own part we know well, that "he is not the an that he would gladly make show to the world he is," as will appear from a very short analysis of his address ; indeed, on the slightest glance at the address itself, John Bull will say, " I smell a RAT, Sir Robert doth prevaricate." There are two major points, which are keys to the spirit of the whole address ; and to these we especially call the attention of our readers. First, and chiefly, as it brings the whole principles of the Tory party into full view, un changed even by all that has taken place in this coun try or in other countries, we have these words " If by abandoning altogether that great aid of Govern. ment—more powerful than either law or reason—de respect for ancient rights, avid the deference to prescriptive authority—if this be the spirit of the ltufprm Bill, I will not undertake to adopt it." Men of England I Electors of the United King, dom ! Freemen throughout the world ! mark these words ! Say ye if a more deadly poison to every thing liberal could be extracted out of the charnel house of all the bygone despotisms that ever polluted God's earth, and abused and injured his creatures ? Mark well these words ! commit them to memory, and let them be for ever upon your lips. You now see what Conservatism means : it is Ancient Rights and Prescriptive Authority against Law and REA SON I I This is the literal expression of the words, without any contortion, and it is borne out by the context in which they are placed. If, therefore, a can didate comes before you professing an adherence, even in the slightest degree, to that Cabinet which has thus declared itself openly and avowedly through its official head--if such a candidate come before you —and it behoves you to search every candidate well, and be sure that the corruption does not lurk within him unseen—put this question to him, " Are you for ancient rights and prescriptive authority, against reason and justice ?" If he answer, " No," then ask him whether he is not a creature of the party which has officially declared that such is their principle ? Bear in mind that whatever of freedom, of relief, of any other good—by what name soever it may be called—ye enjoy in any one respect, ye owe it to reason and justice ; and if you have to endure a state evil of any kind—be it what it may—that evil has arisen form, and forms a part of ancient right and prescriptive authority ! These two words, which are the gods of Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues, and on whose unholy and unseemly altars they are to sacrifice reason and justice, embody in them every species of corruption and abuse which is to be found within the four eras ; and while they are the creed of the Ministry, it is as vain for the people to hope for any one reform, as it would be to hope for ice in the African desert, or pine apples upon the rocks of Spitz bergen. Those " ancient rights" are, one and all of them, " modern wrongs"—that rubbish of the dark ages—that offal of the days of despots and desperadoes which the spirit of this age has outgrown, and which it is impossible for honest men to look upon with any feeling save that of utter detestation and abhorrence. The " prescriptive authority," again, which is the other idol, or joss, or whatever else it may be called, of the Honourable Baronet, means all the established abuses in Church, in Corporation, or in any thing else ; and for the conservation of each and all of these abuses, it is expressly declared that "reason and justice" are, upon all occasions, to be cast aside I After this, it matters but little what Sir Robert says upon indivi dual points. He says he will not—that is, imme diately—repeal the Reform Bill ; and that he con siders that Bill as " a - final and irrevocable settlement of a great constitutional question." If we did , not " know our man," we) , should ask wh a t, in th e name of wonder, this jargon can mean? But, knowing him, we know the import of this otherwise most unintel ligible language. It is simply this, that the Reform Bill shall be, in all time coming, a mere form ; and that the members sent into the Commons House by the people, shall be as much the slaves of the Minister as were the nominees of the proprietors of rotten boroughs. The Bill is not, in itself, the settlement of any great mea sure :itis a means for an end--..a powerful means certainly, but still only a means. In virtue of that Bill, the representatives of the people are sent to Parliament ; but they are sent there to be—not the servile tools of Sir Robert Peel, or of any other Minister, but to do their duty honestly by their con stituents—not to be the instruments of faction— far from it ; for the people of England know nothing of faction except what they may unfortunately observe in those at Court—but to watch over those interests of the greatest people upon earth, which no Ministry can know ; and which are, in great part, indeed in whole, in diametrical opposition to the whole policy of Sir Robert and his colleagues. We shall return to this subject to-morrow.—Morning Advertiser. VICE-CHANCERY COURT, DEC, 20. THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. BATEMAN. Sir C. WETHERELL, for Mr. Campbell observed it was obvious a great part of his client's case was already antici pated ; but on some points it stood on different grounds from that of the trustees. Suppose it made out that the number of the trustees may be increased and new powers given to them. Campbell is not affected with that. The only point of contact between them and him is whether they have made out such a case of misconduct as in this infor mation, and this stage of the information, will warrant an injunction against his preaching in the chapel. From the death of Wilks till this unfortunate dissension, he performed his duties in such a manner that there was the most inti mate feelings of cordiality between him and the congrega tion. Mr. Wilks, the Member for Boston, did not become a manager till a year after the confirmation of Campbell's title ; for whatever might be his legal footing, title he had, which a Court of Equity would not take from him. It had been the good fortune of these societies, by a domestic amicable go*ernment, in which the Court of Chancery had participated, that this was the first information concerning them. _ However, by a singu- lar coincidence his Majesty's late Attorney-General, Sir John Campbell, on the 21st of November last, during a sort of interregnum filed this information against his name sake, John Campbell, for an object not easily ascertained. By the plan that was sketched and pencilled, with its mar ginal notes, this quatuor decemvirate was to be made vi sitors, baying before no visitorial authority, and was to be endowed with a plenary authority of appointing and dis missing larger than belongs to any officer in the Church of England. Mr. Campbell did not like the plan, and he should have done injustice to himself, his successors, and the congregation if he had not resisted this glaring innova tion. His letter then, a conditional departure if future things are to be done, is considered a resignation. In a play lately acted in Latin, a man cries out " Peru interii," " I have died." The person who pronounces it has been dead ; this is the prmter-perfect tense. His grammar will make out the man is no longer in existence, he is no longer a living man, he is fitnetus naturei .—( Laughter.) It is scarcely necessary to remind his Honour of a very learned treatise in Dr. Clark's " Homer," upon " Is, and has, and shall be," where the learned writer lays down the rule, " Temporum in sermonis contextu rationent in universum tum constare cum inter se respondeant Tempera, non qua' iisdem forte nominibus sint a graninzaticis definita sed Tice apto conne.ru et apposite ad seribentis mentent expromendam coheereant." But no, said his learned friends, you must not look at the context or mind of the writer. Suppose a man writes in Edinburgh to his friend in London, " If you will not accept a bill for me on the Ist of January, I ton a bankrupt." " Bless me, what a bankrupt already ? You are a bankrupt ?" And no doubt a fiat might issue against him in analogy to the fiat issued ky the trustees against thir bankrupt minister.—(Laughter.) Then they have re moved him. It is denied they have the powers but it is sufficient to say the promoters of this information have not a vestige of right for such a procedure. As to the allegation of misconduct since the amotion, it were enough to say it has nothing to do with the present question, It cannot ex post facto justify an unjust amotion. That logic and and their grammar would come from the same parent stock of accuracy. But, for the sake of Campbell's personal cha racter, what is the allegation of misconduct ? He is charged with using the expression "liar," a very strong expression. But what led to this expression ? That he was charged with bringing into the chapel " Cornish fighting men and wrestlers" when he entered, accompanied by some officers of the chapel. And after all the studied insults put upon him, all the malversation he has practised is, that, in retalia tion, from his lips did fall the expressions alluded to. But is it to become the practice that they are to call in policemen and constables to their assistance in the chapel ? When Mr. Campbell walks up with some of th e l ea di ng mem b ers o f t h e congregation, pbe is he to be met with Sergeant Davis, letter F, No, 29, of the Moorfields division and his comrades (Laughter.) If a contest had taken place he strongly sus pected the introduction of these police ofßecrs would, in the eye of a Jury, have been a disturbance on the part of the trustees. The Learned Counsel concluded with hoping this rash attempt would not succeed, and that the parties would among themselves come to those terms of harmonious arrangement which the Court could not give. Mr. KINDERSLEY followed Sir Charles Wetherell, and criticised the construction of the information. Although it was past th e usua l ti me at w hi c h t h e C ourt rises, the VinEsCuastemzeit said he would finish the case that evening. Mr. Cmiro wished for a little delay, as he was unexpect.. edly called upon to reply, in consequence of Mr. Knight's illness, and the absence of Sir Edward Sugden, who had been with him originally. The VICE-CHANCELLOR was aware of the situation in which Mr. Ching was placed, but if the Learned Counsel would be ready to reply on Monday whenever his Honour assent e d cou ld return from th e Ki ng ' s B ench, where he was obliged to attend, might to standthat arrangement Mr. c His HONOUR hoped th e scenes w hi c h h a d ta k en p l ace on gement. former Sundays in int er ruption of public worship would the N G ease not lIP r9P€1444 on the VgM cla., and that !natters would be lot to rest as they were till the question was decided on Monday, as far 43 he had power. Indeed he would go so far as to make it a personal request to Mr. Campbell if he was in Court not to enter the Chapel on that day. Mr. KINDUSI,EY pledged himself that Mr. Campbell, who was in Court, and would assent to what be uttered would faithfully attend to his Honour's request. The Court rose at half-past four. ROLL'S COURT.-DEC. 20. MORTARA V. HALL. His Honour the MASTER of the ROLLS, in giving judg meat in this case, said I have looked at the notes of the Vice-Chancellor's judgment, which fully confirms the im pression I entertained that his Honour intended to lay down in direct terms under the circumstances of this case, in which an infant having a maintenance from his guardian, that any tradesman who trusted him could not claim upon the ground of the things supplied being necessaries. Of this there can be no doubt, but the only thing which throws doubt in the matter is the reference back to the Master. Now, I cannot see what probability there was of the trades man's being able to make out a better case. It was clear that the reference was bad if inconsistent with the course the Court adopts in other cases. The party claiming makes out a case to the satisfaction of the Master, and having done so, he went no further, being satisfied with the judgment in his favour. The Master found in favour of the .claim ; the Court comes to a conclusion against the claim ; but gives the party an opportunity of making out a better case. It is but fair, as the party was stopped in the course of his evidenoe by the judgment in his favour, which the superior tribunal sets aside, that he should be allowed to go into fur ther evidence. Petition dismissed with costs. COURT OF KING'S BENCH.—DEc. 20. (Sittings before Lord DENMAN and a Special Jury.) THE KING ON THE PROSECUTION OF DALTON V. JOHNSON. This was an information against the defendant, charging him with having exercised, without lawful right, the office of an alderman of the city of London. Sir JOHN CAMP➢ELL, in consequence of the pleadings throwing the affirmative of the chief issue upon the defend ant, stated the case to the Jury. The defendant now ex ercised the office of alderman of Portsoken Ward, and had done so since 1833, and the question was whether he was an usurper in the office, or whether he had been lawfully appointed. The present proceeding was in the nature of a quo warranto, and was instituted on the relation of Mr. Dalton, a freeman of the city of London. Lord DENMAN recapitulated the evidence, and the Jury retired from the Court to deliberate, and after being absent for nearly three quarters of an hour, returned with the fol lowing special verdict :—" The Jury are of opinion that the Court of Aldermen possessed both the power of rejection and nomination up to the year 1689, and the Learned Judge having ruled that the Act of the 11th George I. did not deprive them of that right, the verdict was for the defendant." COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, DEc.2O. USBORNE AND ANOTHER V. RUDING AND ANOTHER. -- - This was an action brought by the plaintiffs, cornfactors, in Mark-lane, against the defendants, who carry on the same business, to recover a sum of 2201., the damages sus tained by them in consequence of a cargo of Irish oats which the defendants had entered into a contract to receive being refused by them. Verdict for the Plaintiff—Damages 1841. 10s. I Id., de ducting the commission and the metage. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, DEC. 20. LIBEL-RICHMOND V. MARSHALL AND ANOTHER. This was an action to recover damages for an alleged libel, published in fait's Magazine, of and concerning the plaintiff. The work itself is printed in Edinburgh, but the defendants are the publishers of it in London. The plaintiff, who con ducted his case in person, addressed the Jury at very great length. He said that he felt himself placed in circumstances of considerable difficulty, in consequence of the length of time that had elapsed since the circumstances transpired to which the libel referred. The defendants had pleaded the first ge neral issue, and secondly a justification. In order to put the jury in possession of all the facts of the case it would be necessary for him to go over a general retrospect of his life during the last twenty-five years. After stating several circumstances of no material consequence the plaintiff said that in 1816 he received information that a conspiracy ex iited in Scotland to overturn the Government, and he was requested by Mr. Kirkman Finlay (in consequence of his having formerly assisted in getting up petitions to Parlia ment on behalf of the people) to ascertain the nature and extent of it. He consented, from anxiety to prevent a breach of the peace, and believing that he had sufficient in fluence with the people to enable him to do so. He named certain conditions on which he would consent to act in the business—that lie should be allowed to communicate freely with his friends in Edinburgh ; that he should be at li berty to take any steps he chose without any interference ; and that if he failed to induce the people to abandon their proceedings that any of them who might have been taken into custody in consequence of his information should not be punished, and that the most profound secrecy should be observed with respect to his proceedings. The latter con- dition, unfortunately, was not complied with, and several persons were prematurely apprehended and brought to trial, who were acquitted for want of sufficient evidence against them. The arrest of those persons led to a state ment that he (the plaintiff) knew of the existence of the con spiracy. The men were acquitted. Had they been con victed he should have laid the whole facts of the case before the country ; but was prevented by their acquittal from so doing, and which had caused him great misery. He was advised by his friends to quit the country, and they offered him the means of doing so ; but Mr. Jeffrey, the late Lord-Advocate, said that as he had been ruined by his exertions to keep the peace of the country, the Go vernment was bound to indemnify him. A representation was made to the Government, in consequence of which a sum of money was given to him (plaintiff). After some further observations he proceeded to read the alleged libels. He then complained that rules of evidence prevented him from laying many facts he could wish before the Court ; and said that, notwithstanding he was convinced that a Bri tish Jury would judge fairly of his case, he denied altogether the truth of the charges alleged against him. The Clerk of the Court having read the libels, Mr. Sergeant Tatsouaro rose to address the Jury for the defendant. He commenced by expressing his astonishment that the plaintiff had brought his action against the London publisher of Tait's Magazine instead of Mr. Tait himself, and the only reason could be that he would not venture to entrust the case to the decision of a Jury in ScotlaP:',. If the plaintiff were, as he had described Intusolf in the decla ration, " a person of good fame anr i a worthy subject, and unsuspected of miscondnet," &c., why had he not ventured to try this cause where all the facts of the case were well known ? He knew that Mr. Tait was the proprietor of the Magazine, and had even written to Mr. Tait upon the subject of the libel. Why, then, had he selected the Lon don publisher of the Magazine, except because he dare not venture to try the case in Scotland, where his exploits were too well known ? The plaintiff himself confessed that he was in 4 Situation which would lead persons to believe that he was a spy, as represented by the defend - ants. The ar ticle he now complained of was not the first that had been published on the subject. Above fifteen months before a work was published, entitled, " A History of the Spy Sys tem, and an Account of the Exploits of Richmond." The author of that work was a Peter Mackenzie, and the alleged libel was merely a review of that work, which had since, however, become a part of the history of the country. But, after allowing the statements in the original work to re main so long uncontradicted, was it not too much for the plaintiff to institute proceedings against the receiver, and, above all, to try the cause in a place where the real merits of it could not be fully and properly discussed ? But the best and most complete answer to the action brought by the plaintiff was a work published by himself in 1824, and re-published in 1826, entitled " A Narrative of the Con dition of the Manufacturing . Population, and the Proceed ings of the Government in Scotland, with reference to cer tain State Trials of persons accused of administering Un lawful Oaths, together with an account of the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and of the system of espionage adopted in Glasgow and the neighbourhood." In this week the plaintiff was the hero of his own tale. He entered into a full detail of his own exploits, and he (Mr. Sergeant Talfourd) would leave the Jury to judge after hearing ex tracts from that work, whether the defendants had pub lished any thing worse of the plaintiff than he had pre viously published of himself, when he found that he could not obtain that compensation for his services to which he thought he was entitled, and the withholding of which in duced him, to a certain extent, to unfold the secrets of the prison -house, becoming thereby the voluntary historian of his own exploits, and appealing to the public for their opi nion. The Jury would find, on comparing the alleged libel with the work of the plaintiff, that the defendant had only republished what the plaintiff had said of himself. The Learned Counsel proceeded to read several very long extracts from the plaintiff's work, commenting upon them as he proceeded. It gave a full history of the disturbances in Scotland in the year 1816, and in which the Philo tir de scribed the part he had taken in furnishing sums of money to the persons who were most actively en in the proceedings, and aver fllereby gaining gag their confidence, informing the geranment authorities of what took place at their various meetings. It also appeared that the plaintiff was himself subsequently indicted for the part he took on that ooP•iliOn, that ho left the country in consequence, and was outlawed, but the outlawry was subsequently reversed, and he again returned to Scotland. The Learned Counsel contended, after reading these extracts from the plaintiff's own work, that the defendants were perfectly justified in publishing the article of which he uow complained. The Qounssl laving concluded, was about to , call his witnesses, when he was interrupted by Mr. B itr PARKE, who observed that as the trial was nct likely terminate until long after midnight, it would perli 3 o. better to adjourn the Court at once. Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD acceded to the proposition''' farther proceedings were adjourned until Monday. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. UOUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WEE] Bean Wheat. i Barley. tints. l'er Qttart?r. ,t, x haul 1 9 n !48; 27 32 2.2 M.,rpeth 132 40 ;c6 29 16 Vettrith —; 4.3 —9; , h: -- 4.i I - 35 Winchester ,34 48 2.3 34 IS ' 7 .. P er Bushel. ; s.d g. 41. g. d Carmarthen ;5 6 60 3 6 4 O 1 4 2 Cte.vbridge.-- 6 0 0 0 4 0 0 ,I; 2 6 04, Newcastle (Start.) Bti 8 9 4 5 50: 3 0 3 4 Narthallerton ;70 93 36 4r, 33 40 :8 0 R 9 4 0 48: 3 0 :34 S..vrtnsea 6(i 69 32 34, 1 9 2 0 Warwick ---..1 8 0 9 0 3 0 46; 2 0 3' Per 11011. %tarnardeastle ;12 0 14 0 :hirhain ;liehmond II 4) 16 6 , tockton :10 0 12 0 S. to e. s. to s. s. s. 44 :25 80 86! 70 80 86 00f 86 9 Oj 50 60 49 5( 50 G 4 40 4F 40 32 3A 42 44 d 00 0 t 5l 6 50 s` , 5 6 6 ( 6 0 6 7 00 0 56 6Vj 8 fi 10 I 7S 00 86 y 0 80 8 C •Dec. 19 5 .,t" s. to 4:, tine to 47s fine a y.. .„, s. to 4435. fine "- .:_...... foreign, heti White,meld's —s. 40s. to 50: , —s. 475. to 51s. fine 54 Barley, Norfolk and Suff o lk ... .. 275. to 304. fine" - Lincolnshire Yorkshire \Vold - Foreign —s. to —s. fi n e ‘ Beans, Old „ New 353. to 3Ss. fine 'lt Oats, Potato !9s. to 223. fine F;',' Poland —s. 17s. to IQs . fine .'• Friezland and Small —s. 163. to l a s. fine °. dealing Shelling ` 2 : 1,, . to 263 U,l. per 1 0 1 . Malt 3Z... 395. tine 42a. per l ' ° ' flapesved C ft; '• - , — A s od 0 0 o d 0 0 od 0 0 ad 0 0 . 00 0 0 o d 00 od 0 0 . 0 0 0 0 o 0 e l o 0 0 1 0 0 WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.— Wheat, lied, Norfolk and Suflhik —s. 44 Lin. and Cam. Yorkshire 4th SCOTT ASSU mre 00E Pe. 1) WED which ! o tts to th t_,.3r will b i` t i t desiro t " l igfits of co"'"' Asst O N , 4 14 . 1 iAL 1i sththe "the Articl' President Edi,blargh, A Chant 4.44 the C in the lc (, h0 k r e the 30 lo t of I) } i i r:v l e Likbaild mg%• Ai m S shipke SCOTCH M SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beans MN ..", —... —....-...... 64 Aberdeen 4O to 51 24 to 20 19 to 22 —to -- :". 0 to 5l Berwick 26 29 18 21 15 18 IS 24 3 . = ..• Coldstream - / Cupar (hife - .., Dundee ....... - 1, Elgin Inverness Kelso ........ Kirkalcly Perth 1 , ,,": - . , - The siz, of the measure varies throughout the coUl___22:/Y. We had a tarp rather heavy. )INBURGI ;e supply of CORN MARKET. 11 kinds of Grain to, —Dee. 17. lay, and thi sale w6l First Second Third Wheat. Barley. Od. 33s I d. 4.5 0 30 0 39 0 i 4 0 !rage price of Wheat . Oats. 218 01 2 0 18 8 „ is. Pease. m"* -1 cd. at 2a. Od ;i 1 0 31 0 0 no 11 31 21 4a. Id. PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Beef, per lb. 4,1. to (i. 6.1. Fresh Butter, 0 4 0 7 Salt Ditto.— 0 8 Veal 6 0 9 Ditto, per ca t. —O6 0 ' Pork--..-- 0 4 0 6 I:ggs, per doz.__ 0 0 • Lamb, per qr. —ll 0 0 OatStrawAp:.),„— 8 fall iw, cwt....-36 0 •1",8 0 Wheat Ditto.-- 7 6 Qu.,rtern Loa! .:.. 0 6 0 ti Barley Ditto 6 Potatoes. 1741 h.- 0 4 0 0 Hay, per st., —.— 0 EDINBURGH MEA. There was a small supply of Os salea were rather heavy. , Jo t 6 8 6 7" 0 16, Per Sack of VBOlO. Imp. First Oatmeal ' £1 12 0 Second ditto 1 10 0 Barleymeal 1 4 0 Pe:oetyleal . 1 4 0 .`ot Barley—No. I, pet cwt. 108.-2 d, .L MARKET.—Dec. 15. ths atmcal at this day's market , a GLASGOW CORN No alteration tillseel Wheat, per 2401 h. s. d. a. British, old 220 to '25 Per Stone 91 141 b .. 1, 1 ",1' 1 8 First 4 / a tmeal . Second ditto . ti 11a0epnesil (• I I 6 Peaserneal lis , 125.-3 d, 14s —.4th, Itis.--i''f/ MARKET.--Dec. 17. din our Grain market. a Irish f. Oats, per 1 1 ' 5 ' ,111 3 0 British sr,,:,gttlii ß sdh e , ans, `2(1011 , ... j3 2116 , 01 Pease, Sc ottish 160 00 13 (1 5 01 Oar meal, per 1401., 34 0 Flour, per 29111; new ... ..... 18 0 2.72 0 Canada, free 25 0 28 O J I Irish Barley, per 320iti English — 0 —0 I Scottish 22 0 25 0 Irish (Calo Truro lielstone S - . Austell... 13ocimin Liskeard Launceston Came'fold Penzance CORNWALL MARKETS. :ulated at 24 gallons to the bushel.) Wheat. ! Barley. 9. d. to s. d. 9. d. to s d. 9. 9 0 17 9 0 11 0i 0 9 0 0 18 0— 0 11 01 ° P ; 0 20 11 0 1.- - n ° 9 - 0 19 0 0 11 0 10 e' 0 19 6 0 10 I 0 19 0 19 E 0 90— n ° tt 6 17 19 0 10 0 11 0 7 17 6 19 0— 0 1i 6 MEETINGS OF CREDITORS AT THE COU BASINGHALL-STREET, TO-MORROW (From the London Gazette.) g.'ll %V. J. Cooper, tailor, S ac k v i l e -street, Piccadilly ................... 11 E. Francis, baker, L ew i s h am, Kent .. ............................. . •'" ... 8 11 Carter, woollen-d raper, Oxford-street .................................... T Gowar, coach ma k er , Greeuwich ......................... Corpe, tavern keeper Lmehouse ............................ .................... .........13 T. Granger, victualler, Hemlock-court, Cz/rey.street .................. :; 1 GRivers ; upholsterer, Twickenham... ............................. J. Rivers, grocer, Highv;ych, Hertfordshire ........................... S 13 P. C Medwyn, enginee r , B roa d -wa ll , Stamford-strectl ...... . 1 1 T. Jones, horse-d, aler, Brighton .......................................... T. Dean, co.-keet,er. Asylum-buildings, W es tminster-ro.id . / I). Bowen, linen-draper, Swansea ................................ .. . ........ J. Glover, watchm leer, May's-buildings, St. Martio'g-lan e . FIRE ON BOARD THE REFORM) SCllOOOll' Wednesday night, shortly after nine o'clock, a fire bruit ° on board the Reform schooner, lying in the Surrey Cauniqo beyond Rotherhithe-street. The utmost consternation P i lot' for some tim e , man y persons cons id er i ng it was some 00seli shipping off Roth er hi t h e c h urc h , w h ere a great many 01 at present are lying together. Stagg, Williams, Gerara, three others, b e l ong i ng to t h e new L ondon Fire E s tabliab r io j, (who we re on duty in Rotherhith e - s t ree t), h astene d to tb i taking with th em t wo power f u l engines ; but, after c15° ,1 1 , tb j e ble exertion s , o f no ava il, t h ey were compelled to scudt'veri° ship, by w hi c h means t h e greater part of the cargo an" Coal' were saved. Th e s hi p b e l ongs to the Metropo li tan Ga 5 coif, pany, and at the time of the accident was loaded with beirg One of the firemen ( Williams) had a narrow escape' o ther' compelled to ju m p over b oar d , as the fire in the main bat‘rc where he was s t a ti one d w i t h hi s engine, p r evented a n J:stiO, means of escape . F ortunately no personal injury tuber tamed by any one pres en t, th oug h a cons id era ble n persons were o n the spot to render assistance. _...'"*-1? 13 MTH'S. On the 18th inst., at Brighton, the lady of Thomas 11°b;1'5° C 1 : Esq., of Bloomsbury -place, of b. son. Ors ` 4.. On the 20th inst., at No. 9 Finsbury-ciraa, f a d" lonides, of a daughter. On the 15th i ns t., t h e ' w i fe of Mr. Thoruas R. Clarke' Depai tment, East In , ?.'.a-house, of a son. MARRIED. t. • ueti' t be Or, the 20th inst., at St. M argaret ' s, Westmitater, P. rand, R.N., of Bath, to Carolina Julia, second daught er late Joseph Sanders, Esq., of Great Portland-street. col let On the 20th inst., at St. Mary's, Lambeth, the colleg e o i Pritchard, M.A., Cl a ph am Ri se, F ellow of St. J o hns fstle Cambridge, to Emily, fifth daughter of John Newton , South Lambeth. On the 17th inst., at St. Bartholomew, the Exchange, Tl' Matterson, Esq., of York, to Elizabeth, widow of the late „01‘, Whitehead, Esq., of St oc k we ll, S urrey. 14' 1 71 On the 11th inst., at 14, G reat Cumberland-street, a 0,,, c according to the rites of the Greek church, the Count tens de Palatiano. The English ceremo having been ie 'Lfiw ) e ny „ e Is t celebrated by special licence on the 14th July last, when o f tb e „.e, de Palatiano was married to Miss Hartley, only daught er Rev. Winchcombe Henry Howard Hartley, of Bucklebqionc io in the county o f B er k s , an d of Sodbury, in the county et s,,,.o.yhbf ter. The Greek ceremony was performed by the 11 ,"*. t es3e . „ d of Archimandrite, a tt ac h e d to t h e Greek Embassy, and ~./ n-r' l4:i" o f OE their Ex. Ex. M ons . S p. T r i coupi, Minister f‘ig o , Greece at this Court, and Count Jenison, Minister s,f"; ji tern 4 Bavaria. In the evening the Count gave a splfr.oli a 0 1 ment to a numerous assemblage of his friends. On the 20th inst., at St. Mary, Islington, I - PenrY ofi• Lothbury, solicitor, to Mary Ann Sophi a Thorol o rlg-P''':oo daughter of th e l a t e Frederick Thonawot4 et of On the 20th inst., at St. Giles's, Ctmberwell, 31r ; . claug h ' i of Camden-row, C am b erwell, to Elizabeth Anne, only John Neale, Esq., of Skeffington, Leicestershire. DIED. 160. ilii* Suddenly, at Notting-hill T. A. Phipp E f age d Ph' On the 15th inst., in Park-stree:,, Ca - m - d g en- s t g o . wn , John oelY o,rolin„e' t ter daughter E sOg.n'agthee o dl f Bs ll s l h. r . inst,,E d w aartd Paris,Dixc.n , in sur h g e e r on l , 6 o th f S Y t e o ar re ' -st —reet, L° ~,P ham -court-road. . Ill f i s Su O dd n en ti l y e , l a 9t f h ew in h st o . u , r E s m af r t n er a w , a t r h d e s, in h fa i n s infant mdaouthgehrt,er)of r f 5 1, 1 „ ,,.,r• a b Al Margaret g e n r at , riel a et g el Hutchins, 73. l; 10°' i i n n s s t ; , ag i e n d Devonshire- f street, lat Q e d T e h en on - 1 5 ,, (1 .1 .'tv c 1 ,1 : Esq., formerly corresponding secretary to the Hudson's pany. e. • On the 20th inst., Mr. James Plush, of Chance-I°,o, ~ .,„n l e On the 11th of August last, at Sholapoor in the Cl' dis '''' 23d year, Lieut. William Kirkpatrick, Of the ' Hon. Eaht -fi „ Car ili pany's orse Artillery, Bombay Establishment. / per., On the 19th inst. in his 30th year, the Rev. ' ' Claude Smith, third son of Sir John Wyldbore Smith, Bar t ' CO P. 0 , On the 6th inst., at Pisa, in the 19th year ofhis 1 e : 1 . 3 ,010 r ' of Neufville Clifton, Esq., son of C. C. Clifton, Esq.', e c o ck.Pu rP ' the county of Brecon, and grandson of the late Lady owlet Lansdowne-crescent,'Bath. 'n riot - On the 18th inst., at his residence, Donnington, — e 0 Ph Southby, Esq., aged 86. At his house, at Newington, Mr. Sloane, of dm IV° Of beef Sloane and Co., St. Martin's-lane. boat die On the 10th inst, by the upsetting of a sailir g- on late Willis e sg , Gravesend villia and. 'tile Nore, in his 22d year, Georr, fourt h 7.0 Mortlock, Esq., of Meldreth, Yo'.xshire. 10. pre 01 '. the 11th inst., at Exeter, in her K,ili yell', IS _ De' rill r.",:iict of the late John Rose Drewe, Ssq. , of the Grang,T,4l, ion On the 12th inst., of a locked j?,(v, resulting from a 91 ' 6 Cl' rief of the knee, Mr. Benjamin, jr,:,,, a Coate, Wilts. Bey , 0. On the 12th inst., at P,eekington Rectory, the uare , 3 lef. Pickwick, nephew of r ,:,. Pickwick, Esq., of Queen plug' On the 12th ins".,.; c o w, Esq., of Shept'in Mallet. of the r° P ,1 ()n the lr.,th inst Mr. Thomas Dyer, landlord for ~ in the Kent-road, London, J7o at Furntam, near Chard. tt, P.P;: r re,l 4 Lately at Boulogne, the Rev. John Short 110* . e., e, ,t, i _, f ir nrerly of Clare Hall, eambridge, rector of Rotkerticlythe 31 !' ,0 ,1 and of Ewhurst, Sussex ; the former is in the gift, . w the and Fellows of Clare Hall, and the latter in that of tp , ,i_ . tie! , Fellows of King's College. Mr. Hewett proceeded to .." of B.A. in 1803, M.A. 1806, D, D. 1824. . . Art) London,: Printed and Published by MURDO at The Sus Office, No. 112, Stolid'