The Sun. — London, England, 1856-07-01 00:00:00

`j •11. 0 P it. i. ss , ink rbY l' , b leb eill i 5 11° 1 D CO!: 1A V bre_!l gt per: bor l i afi 29°; 9 0 , LATEST NE WS 1 • TURKEY. CONS VAN PINOPLE, JUNE 19. The railway proj-ct from Smyrna to Aidin is at a stand-still. Before the Ramazau everything seemed to be concluded, and every clause of the ttrmau;being.granted, an engineer, who was• sent out, went to the spot •and made a survey. But now new difficulties have arisen, specially about the privilege ',to be conceded to the company to work the coals mines found near the line, paying only a royalty of 10 per cent. Lord Gough, on his return from the Crimea, was introduced to the Sultan by the Ambassador on Monday last, and left, with General Barnard, the day before yesterday, in the Banshee Redschid Paella left, as he intended, on Monday last for Egypt. The day- before he left 1,500 per sons came to take leave .of The Scots Greys, one squadrott of the 11th Has- Bars, and 25 horses of , the King's Dragoon Guards, embarked to-day on board the Orinoco, and will leave at 2 a. m. to-morrow.' - They were to have left to-day at 6 p.m., but the Sea of Marmora and the Dardanelles are so full of ships that it was thought advisable not to start before daylight. There are only the King's Dragoon Guards remaining of all the cavalry at Scutari ; the German Legion at Ku lulee, the infantry depot, and some artillery. There was some disturbance among the Polish Legion at Tchekmedji, owing, it is said, to an un willingness of the soldiers to enter into Turkish service. Generals Storks aad Zamoysi went down and settled the affair. I could not get the par ticulars. This morning the 41st and 49th arrived here. Several of the men-of-war sent out to fetch troops have arrived, among them the Colossus, Jar Les Watt, and the Exmouth. The James Watt has broken her machinery, and will have to be towed home. FRANCE. Our letters from Paris bad not arrived when our Attornoon Edition went to press. RUSSIA. The last accounts from Russia describe the in undations to be inconsiderable. Prince Menschikoff, who has been staying for some time in St. Petersburg, whither he was sum moned from his summer residence near Moscow by the Grand Duke Constantine, is expected to leave there shortly by steamer for Germany ; but what the object of the journey is cannot be explained anywhere. ITALY. TURIN, June 27.—The affairs of Parma continue so veiled in mist, in consequence of the fear which people have there of con signing their thoughts for transmission to the Post-offic e , that all that can be asserted with safety at thi s hour is that the embarrassment is unabated since our last accounts. The state of brigandage has now become so in tolerable in the Romagna that certain communes have determined on petitioning the Roman Go vernment on the subject, but accompanying their Petitions with a declaration that nul-ss the civil Power is employed for the protection or their lives a nd Property they will not pay the Government to?res, Two most important lines of railway communica tion are said to have been determined on this last week. The first is for the junction of the Loin bard with the Piedmontese Railways at the Bridge of Buffalora, over the Ticino, near Novara. Toe Novara and Turin Railway Company have already made an agreement with the contractors for their line, Messrs. Brassey and Co., for its continuation to the frontier. The other is fur a railway through what is called the Lucmagno pass, iu the Canton of Ticino, so as to join the Lakes of Con stance and Maggiore by rail, and in fact connect southern Germany with Genoa by steam communi cation. The precise terms on which the latter , arrangement has been based are not quite deter mined on, I understand, but it is said the Credit Mobilier of Turin, supported by Messrs. Roths child of P ar i s , will be the Concessionaries. The immediate danger of a Concordat between Rome and Tuscany seems to have passed away. AUSTRIA. VIENNA, June 27th.—The reports, of the damage done by the violent hail storms began to come in from the provinces. The quantity of wheat de stroyed in the circle of Saaz, which is one of the most fruitful districts in the province of Bohemia, is said-to be enormous.- The-capital of the Galli (Awl Railway Company has been raised from 36,000,00 M. to 40,000,000f1. The subscription has been made thus :—The nobles have taken 16,000,0001 fer themselves and the province of Gallicia ; the Credit Bank has 5,000,0001 ; the Northern Railroad, 5,001,00+►f1. ; the house of Rothschild, 3,500,0001 ; Baron Maurice von Haber, 3,000,0001; the bankers Sina, and Arustein and Mkeles, 2,000,00011. The rem - Ander will be divided between the other great banking firms. Prince Glrtschakoff, who has been a great deal with Count Buol lately, will probably leave, via Stettin, for St. Petersburg, on Monday, the 30th inst. During the night of the 14th many persons (about 60) were arrested at Florence. It is believed that some plot against the life of the Minister Balclasseroni has been discovered. The report that the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of AUsti ia will meet in the course of the next month is again in circulation, but nothing positive is known ou the subject. MARKET' NEWS.—(This Day. 11AY MARKETS. SMITE IPIELD.--Old meadow bay, 31 lOs to 51 153; new do., 31 0 to 4/ 0; clover hay, 4/ is to 61 158; and straw, 118 s to 11 134 per Ina I. A moderate demand. CUMBERLAND. —Om meadow 64,, 31 83 to Si 15s; new do. 31 sto 41 44; clovo bay, 4! lis to 6. 124 ; and straw, • 1/ 8s to ii 14,4 pdr ioa 1. Trade steady. WarrEcEtipm. —Old meadow h,y, 3154 to 51 15s ; new do., 310 s to 41 Os ; clover hay, 41 15* to 61 15s ; and straw, 11 84 to 11 138 per lea Trade rather dull. COLONIAL. TEL—The market is without any material change, the advices by the last overland mail not having affected the market to any extent. Several large parcels offered for Public competition have been withdrawn. Common con. gone Bid. to ad. per lb. SUGAR.--S•ane small parcels of colonial have been taken -for exportatiOn, but for the home trade little business has ' - been done. Prices, however, still rule very firm. In the • refined market but few buyers are to be found, although - , lower rates have been refused by holders. • ' Comm.—Native C e yl on h as b een i n b e tt er d eman d , at 51s. to F2s. 61. for clean tle.ariptions, and Plantation also meta good sale at fully previous rates. ". ' • RICE.—The market has been rather quiet. A few sales :• of Arracan has taken place at 15s per cwt., but generally ''' business has been 'very dull. The stocks on hand have - considerably , increased. ••• • • RUM.--The market is extremely inactive, and the quo -tattoos given are quite nominal. - TALLOW has been in more s.,eady demand, and P.Y.C. on-She spot has advanced to 48s 9d to 475, and last three • •': mouths 47s 6d per cwt. LLOYD'S SHIPPING.—(This Day.) LONDON, July I.—Wind this day at noon, N.E. light breeze, and fine clear weather. PORTSM•UTH, June 30.—Wind N.E.- Arrived—Bar ham, from. London, and sailed for Madras and Calcutta; H.M.S. St. Jean d' Acre, Crimea, laaky ; Good Hope (s.s. tpt.), Constantinople and Malta; Kbersonese (s.s. tpt.), Cock. Sailed—Jura (s.s. tpt.) and Candia (s.s. tpt ), Woolwich; Simla (s.s. tpt.), Southampton ; Mauritius (s.s. tpt.) Plymouth. PLYMOUTH, June 29.—Arrived -- Jane Elise, from Sz lonica. SAled—Catii.irine, for Quebec. RAMSGATE, June 30.—Wind E.S.E.—Arrived—Rame bier, from Loudon, for Rio Janeiro, had bt en in collision off Fair Light with the Washiulton (s.), and carried away bowsprit. cutwater, &c., but does not make water. CLYDE, June 30 . — Arrived—Euphrasia, from St. John's, N. 8.; Dante, NewfOundland. Sailed.—Morning Star, for Rio Janeiro. Sw xxszA, June 30.—Wind S.W.—A rr i ve d R e . derick Dim, from Cuba. Hum, June 30. —Wind N.E..—Arrived—Ooean Sprite, from Monte Video. (PER ELICOPItiu TE.LEGIUPH.‘ LIVERPOOL, Tuesday Morning. Wind N.W. Arrived—tits, screw steamer from Santander ; Speed well, Dieppe ; City of New York. New York. Sailed—John J. Boyd, for. New York; St 3r, Brussels ; Industry, Bombay. DUBLIN, Jane 3U. Wind W. Arrived—Teuesco, from St. Stephen's. QUEENSTOWN, June 30. Wind S.W. Arrived—Koh-i-noor, from Matanz•is Helmuth Mentz Gdatz ; Alex4nder, Prince Edward's GRAVESEND, Morr.sy, 10.12 a.m. Wind N.E. ; tide, throe hours flood ; fine' Arrived, Juno 30.—Alice, from Guernsey ; Wilhelmine, Neuetadt ; Geurc;iana, Salyrupt ; Geraldine, Guernsey ; 1.0M84, Weil..s ; Provilence. Dun , :irk; Johanna Christina., Frellehorg ; Queen of Sh , b Tub ,go ; Mary. Guernsey; bu hrinony. Riga ; Chri,tianil Eva, !AP ; Othello, Riga,; Zwti Zusters, Helsiugborg; Vivid, Harlingen •, Alison, Drain. &lied, J u l y 1. —Euterpriz), for Barbadoes ; Invincible, Hong Kong, EAL TuesthaY, 0.37 a.m. E.N.E , tnnderabl. aci d hke . . Passed, - eatidia. (5.,.), 213 tiausport, Fold Jura, (s s.), I t traumport, f o,n tiel.kinva, from Woolwich. ba iled.—Deslauttus, for Ba‘hurst ; Challeuger, Loudon. 11[tE1A1, PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—r(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his beat on the woolsack It 5 (Ali ck. ROYAL COMMISSION. The Royal asseot was given by commission to the fol io wiog bills :—Exciss ; Insurance on Lives (Abatement of Income Tax) ; Continuance of West I 'ilia Leans ' • Transfer of Works (Ireland) ; Facto ries ; S:erdinian Loan ; Rotherham and Bromley moor-Road; Glasgow Paving ; Wolverhampton Water ; Blackburn Roads; Colne Valley and Halstead Rail way ; Wandsworth and Putney Gas ; Honiton and Sidmouth Road ; West Ham Gas ; North British Rail way ; Penrith and Cockermouth Road ; Carmarthen and Cardigan Railway ; Ds,eping Fen Deainage ; Stock port anl Warrington Road ; and Elgin and Lossie month Harbour. The Royal Cirnmissioners were the Lord Cbancell-r, Lord Monteagle, and he Marqui ,, of Flreadalbane. AFF-AIRS OF ITALY. Lord LYNDHURST called the attention of the house an.d the Gevertiment to the affairs of Italy. and asked the noble earl at the head of the Foreign. Depart meet whether he was prepared to lay en the table the correspondence which had taken place between the prin cipal European Governments in respect to the affairs of Italy. As far as regarded Naples, he feared the corres pondence had ended in no very satiefactory result. He was induced to come to that opinion by what had passed recently in that part of Europe.' He found that the most dreadful restrictions were kept up-- that eve❑ priests and other members of religion were exposed to great persecution, and even threatened with the inflic tion of the lash if they did not consent to give evidence in certain political trials. It appeared to him that this system of persecution was but a duplicate of proceedings that had taken place in the trial of Paerio t of which the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstone) had given so graphic a descrip tion. It appeared to him that the whole of the Govern ment of Naples was in the bands of her police agents, spies,,and informers, and that the situation of affairs in that part of Italy was truly deplorable. He wished then to know whether the noble earl was prepared to lay on the table copies of the communications which had taken place between her Majesty's Government and the Nea. politan Government, or the other European Govern ments, in respect to the affairs of Italy The Earl of CLARENDON said he wag not then prepared to lay upon the table the correspondence which had taken place between her Majesty's Govern ment and the European governments - in respect to the affairs of Italy. The correspondence was net yet concluded. No answer had as yet been received to the despatch which had been communicated by her Majesty's Government in conjunction with that of the French Emperor to the Neapolitan Government. It appeared that at the time the despatch had arrived the King of Naples was absent from his city. He, how ever, returned in a few days, and he had reason to believe that that answer would be received very soon. Until that reply had been received, the noble and learned lord would uuderstand that it would be altogether premature to lay the correspondence upon the table of the house. In re pest to the correspondence that had taken place hetween her Majesty's Government and the other Euro pean Governments in regard to the affairs of Itay, it VMS true her Majesty's Government had off-red opinions and advice to those governments whose armies occupied a porti of the Papal States. (Rear, he .r.) But he did not think that the cause which they tai at heart would be at all served by the production of the corres pondence. He believed that the only result of so doing would be to check that friendly and contilential tone of oorresp mdence that was now going on. The noble and learned lord might, however, accept the answer that everything would be done by her Majesty's Go vernment to bring about the desired result in Italy. He believed the.. he might add that both. France and Austria had declared their willingness. to withdraw their troops from the Papal States as soon as certain condi dons were aurre I to. Lord LYNDHURST asked whether it was possible beture the termination of the session that the correspon dence weu.d be produced T The E►rl ..f CLARENDON could not say ; but the noble and learned lord would have plenty of opportuni ties of repeating his question. THE OATH OF ABJURATION BILL. The Earl of Derby said it was not bi,4 intention, in consequerce of the course taken by the noble and learned lord at that late period of the session, of proceeding fir ther with his bill. After some conversation the order of the day was read and discbstrized, THE E xsr INDIA. COMPANY'S SUBSCRIPTION .TO TELE FRENCH INUNDATION FUND. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE asked whether the sum of 5001. lately subscribed by the,chairman of direc tors of the Estt India Company in aid of the . fund for the sufferers by inundations in France gail Leen supplied by proprietors of East India Stock, or had been taken from the.public revenues of her Majesty's posseesions in In iia ; and, in the latter case, whether subscriptions, grants, or gratuities not exceeding 6001., taken from Indian revenues, were subject to the control of Parlia ment or of her Majesty's Government, or were limited by any fixed r,gu!aqou ? His lordship, while approving warmly of the object to which the East India Company bad devoted the money, denied their right to approprate that or any other sum out of the revenues of India. Her Majesty had subscribed to the Inundation Fund, but it was out of her own private resources, and it was open to the directors of the East India- Company to do the same, but they had no more right to dispose of the revenues of Indi a than any of their lordships. - f T bdcrll t or i eeitticttDereoidvul ‘ed toi , to t, f ei b: tAe;aißrn, fiction :hc L hatd L ot, fo s a a ttsh i h d eae t yl h ar a tet t ei t r, h i c e n vote of theof moneyha part f of his noble been matter course, friend's question, he believed that there was no ateitraei rile retericting the East India Company from voting steail .nnis array for c'iaritable purp The Rug of ELLENBOROUGH said that this grant could not be legal, as the court of directors had had no !seal control over the revenues of India since the year 1833. By the act passed in that year the company sold all their territorial rights for an annuity, and. had ever since been nothing but trustees for the Government. The noble earl alio complained of the amount expendeci •)3t the c.brnpany in dinners and grand tnitertainmen a. Which had no parallel in the • Government departments. Even when the Government sought to inaugurate the late war by a grand dinner at the Reform Club to a reform g admiral-;-(opposition cheers)—they di f not venture to put the atninnt in the eitimatee. bhoul , l they give 3 imilxr dinner to Sir E. Codrington on his return, it could not take place at the pubic expense. The Bankruptcy (Scotland) Bill was read a third time and passed. The Joint-stock Companies Bill was, after a short conversation, read a third time and passed. The third reading of the Annuities Redemption Bill was postponed. The Lidustrial and Provident; Societies Bill, the Sea nueti's Savinos Bank-. Bill, an d the Survey of Great Bri , 'sin B.il were real a third time. Their loidehips then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER t,ok the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lord's amendments to the EAstern Union Rail way ; Lon eon, Tilbury, and Southeild Railway (Eaten- Ai , in and B, anche.) ; Middlesiirough linorovement ; Torainham Water ; and Yarmouth arid Haddiscoe Rail way Bills were considered and agreed to. The Norl Western Railway Bill was real a third time a‘Al passed. The Bo,ton, Sleaford, and Midland Counties Railway Amendment Bill was read a second time. THE PEACE FIREWORKS. Mr. M. CHAMBERS moved for a return, in detail, of the total amount of the expenses incurred in the Royal Arsenal at Woolwich, in the propitiation of the fire works for the celebration of the pea,:e, incluAing the cost of materials, workmen's wages, and all experiments connected therewith.—Ordered. THE AUSTRALIAN MAIL CONTRACT. Mr. HAMILTON asked the Secretary of the Trea sury whether he had any objection to lay on the table of the house a copy of all tenders, and of all correspond ence relating thereto, for the Australian postal service? Mr. WILSON said it was not usual to lay ou the table tenders that had been made to the Government, and not accepted. If the house gave a good reason for their production, and the parties making them had no objection to such a proceeding, he would graat the papers asked for, but not otherwise. NATIONAL GALLERY SITE BILL. In reply to Mr. SPOONER, Lord PALMERSTON said for the present session it was not intended to ask the house to proceed farther with this bill. (Loud cries of "Haar, hear".) It was, thereto' e, his intention to move that ttie order be now read and discharged. The order was accordingly read and discharged. AFFAIRS OF GREECE. Mr. JAS. MACGRE 30 R asked whether the Govern ment were prepared to communicate to the house the correspondence respecting the relations between this country and Greece, which had taken place subiequently to that already laid before Parliament extending to May, 1854? Lord PALMERSTON said be did not precisely un lerstand the question. There bad been no particular question between this country and Greece. There had been various acts of brigandage, but he had no corres pondence to lay before the house. THE FORTRESSES OF ISMAIL AND KILIA. C 'I. DUNNE begged to a-k wuetber any intormation had been received oh this point ? Lord PALMERSTON said no positive information bad been received, but the Rus.istis, be supposed, thon2lV' themselves at iiberty to destroy the fortresses. He should have thought that it would scarcely have been worrh while for the Russians to destroy Oa which the Turkish G9verniuent would of course reconstruct ta ben they got possession of those places. RETIRING BISHOPS. Mr. GREGSON asked the Yrs , . Lord of the Trea' sure whether it was in the contemplation of Governmerit to propose any plan for the retirement of bishops On pension* -irnthir to the arrauweinents for colonia , bis h"P% Lord Chancellor, and Ministers of Sta'e? Lori P : LMERSTON said it was not his intentbm to propose sucii a measure, but the Bishops of Lowlor , and D had, turcmgh ill health, placed thei , resigivition in his lands. With regard t.► those two partictvar bishoprics he did intend to Lring in a bill for that purpose.__ PURCHASE IN THE ARMY. Major REED aaktd the Undnr•ttcre.ary fs,r War is through- both houses of Parliament, net because it was considered in or out of the house an irrieiceptionableil -amur,, 'but -because- the Legislature, having_;en trusted to the Government the responsibility-of the war, they could not refuse any measure which the Govern ment considered necessary for protecting the interests of the country. But the bill did not pass through either house without explanations being asked for and given. The DulOe of Newcastle, being asked in what country they meant to enlist, said no answer could be given on that subject till the G-overnments of other countries had been consulted. He believed that the Duke of New castle had no idea of introducing the system of enlist ment into any country without the consent of the Go vernment of that country. 'The next question was, how to put the bill into'operatioo consistently with the neu trality laws. A letter was written to Sir Gaipard Le Merchant, in which it was suggested whether persons, subjects of the United States, being willing to enlist, might be brought to Nova Scotia. The first step that Mr. Crampton took in this matter was a discreet one, and he was strongly inclined to think that if Mr. Cramp ton had had a wise and discreet chief over him it was extremely probable he would never have got into the trouble he did. He wrote to Lord Clarendon an answer to the despatch, in which he said- In order that no misconception or mistake should arise in regard to this matter, which is justly regarded by her. Majesty's Government us one of primary importance, and which is indeed an indispensable condition to success in the objects they desire to effect, I have caused the legal opinion in regard to the bearing of the Neutrality Love of the United States in this matter, of which I have the honour to enclose a copy, to be drawn np by an eminent American lawyer, in the soundness of whose views—both professional and political---I place the firmest reliance. He thought Mr. Crampton placed a just reliance on the eminent lawyer alluded to - he beiieved that wiser, more pregnant, and more sound advice was never re ceived from any man. Why there was not a single diffi culty, danger, or disaster which subsequently occurred which was not pointed out. In his report, he said, speaking of the Neutrality Act— By the 2d section of this act, a person enlisting himself within theUuited States, for foreign service, ispunisbable; and the person who enlists him is also punishable. This is the case of a complete enlistment within the United States ; both parties to which contract are offenders. But it was apparent that if the statute stopped here, nothing would be easier than to evade its provisions. Good faith required that it should, if possible, be made to reach and prevent the mischief against which it' was directed. Ac cordingly it is made equally an offence "to hire or retain" any person to go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the United States, " with intent to be enlisted." The offender in this case is the party hiring or retaining, whether the party so hired nr retainol actually go abroad and - be en listed or not. The proof thereof would .ordinarily be found at hand, i! found at all, and might be drawn from the other party to the contract, who could interpose no objec tion on the score of eriminatin, p e himself, since, as to him, there is no offence except by eulirmeat within the United States, which the supposed case excludes. The danger of volunteer witnesses among such people would also be very great. Trio opinion of this American lawyer concluded with the following gmerouS and sagacious summary of the whole matitr : When we consider the necessity of something like an in spection, the unavoi table coincidence of numbers of emi grants, the malice of rejected applicants, the inducements to treachery, the natural vigilatice of a certain portion of the community in such a matter, and through them the action of the press and of the police, I think the least to be appreheuded is a prosecution, wh .tever its result ' • arid iu that event the coune c ti of any offi c i a l p arson , how ever indirect or Natty traced, would more than counter balance the advantages proposed. Was it not itionsi roes for the Government after that to upbraid the anttionties of the United States for taking the very ciurse which the Government was warned by their own la ‘yer it vv , .uid be their duty to take under the circumstances ? Ciuld anything be more extraordi vary than f r them to raise an el borate quarrel with the United mates in respect to an interpretation of the, law which was wit only 'contrary to the opinion of the United Stites authorities, but absolutely in direct oppo baion to their own lawyer's advice? It appeared to him that such an opinion ought at (men to have been decisive, no:, only as regards the proceedings e..uh s«qtleutly taken by Mr. Crampton, but decisive also a , regards the issue afterwards raised by Lord Clarendon. At ad events, it ought to have suggested the consi:iera- Lion, nay the duty, of further inquiry ; but what was the resoarien which this advice produced in the mini of Mr. Crampton, and which he communica:ed to the authorities at Canada and the Foreign Secretary at home ? The resolution A2/11 thus conveyed to Sir Gas pard Le Marchant Washington, March 11, 1855. A copy of the instructions addressed to your Excellency by the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department has already been forwarded to me by the Earl of Clarendon, accompanied by an instruction from his •lordship to myself to use my best endeavours to give effect to the wishes of her Majesty's Government, and with that view to communicate with your Excellency for the purpose of obtaining your co-operation in regard to such measures as may be adopted with safety ; and with a scrupulous re spect to the provisions of the law of the United States, Thus, though not empowered by her Majesty's Government to raise or embody iu the United States troops for her. M ajesty's service - for this would be obviously impracticable in view of the existing laws of this country—l feel fully authorised to use such means as may be within my power, and are legal, to meet the views of her .:dajosty'a Govern ment. The just anxiety which is felt by liar Majesty's Go vernment to avoid the possibility of any cause of complaint on the psrt of the Gr'overnmeut of the ;United States has induced- me to give this part of the subject my best con sideration ; anti with a view of avoiding the possibility, ~t any misconception or mistake, I have caused the legal ',pi nion, of which I have the honour _to enclose a copy, to be drawn up by an able Ainericatlawyer, stating the bearing of the neutrality laws of the United States upon the mat ter. I have furnished your agent with a copy of this opi nion for his information and guidance, and I have directed him to coil due his operations, in the first instance, to mak lug inquiries as to the desire which may exist among the iun:abi :sots of the eastern cities of the United States to ante' her Atsjesty's service, to inform such persons of the dispo. sitiou of lux Majesty's Government, to accept such propei qualified candidates as arty offer themselves, to make then acquainted with the terms upon which the enlist ments will be made, and with the plsces within the British dominions to which they may repair for the purpose' of being enrolled, carefully abstaining, however, from enter ing into any agreement with such persons, or from doing anything which• might be construed into "retaining or hiring" any individual to emigrate for the purpose of en listing in the British service. Auy advance of money by her Majesty's agents or others in the United States would constitute au infraction of the Neutrality Law. Tt is appeared to be a dogged determination on the part of Mr. Crampton to take his own coarse ; and yet Lord Clarendon, with the former legal opinion, wrote au en tire approval of the proceeditige which Mr. Crampton had taken in the following terms:--- Foreign-cffice, April 12, 1855. Sir,—l entirely approve of your proceedings as reported in your despatch of the 12th ult., with respect to the pro posed enlistment in the Queen's service of foreigners and British subjects in the United States. The instructions which I addressed to you upon this subject, and those which were sent to the Governor of Nova Scotia, were founded upon the reports from various quarters that reached her Majesty's Government, of the desire felt by many BrLisli subjects as well as Germans in the United States, to eater the Queen's service, for the purpose of ttking plot in the war in the East; but the law of the United States with regard to enlistment, however conduct ed, is not only very just, but very stringent, according to the report which is iuclosed • in your despatch, and her Majesty's Government would on no account run any risk of iufiiugiug this law of use United States.—l am, &c., CLARENDON: ' It was clear that •this approval covered the whole •pro ceedings ausequently taken by Mr. Cratnptou ; it amounted to a r approval of his resolution to proceed with the enlistment, notwithstanding the advice he had just received. It was an approval of his instruction to the government authorities iu Canada to comrnunicato to all whom it might concern iu the-United States the terms on which her Majesty was prepared to receive re tamits ; n was. an approval of Mr. Cratupton's interpre tation of the law, that au advance of money would ne cessarily constitute an offence. But mark what fol lowed. At the very moment in which Lrrd Clarendon was answerng Mr. Crampton's despatch, the noble lord was in receipt of another despatch from Mr. Crampton, in which be raid— Washington, March 26, 1855. I have the honour to inclose au extract from a letter which I have received from Mr. Consul Barclay at New York, informing the that the person whose name is at the foot of the printed handbill therein inclosed had stated to him that the handbill had been issued by authority, that is, I presume, by the authority of her Majesty's Government. As the person who signed the handbilt, Angus llrDonald, , is totally unkuown to me, and is certainly not acting under the authoi ity ur under the suggestion of this legation, or. as far as I ton aware, under that of any other agent of her Majesty's G..vernment ; and as, moreover, the act of issu ing a printed notice of this sort might be taken to cou stitute on infraction of the neutrality laws of the United States, I la we lest no time in instructing Mr. Barclay to tfisa,vow alr. M`Danald's proceeding, and to read to Mat the letter of which I have the honour to enclose a copy. Perceiving that the subject of a supposed enlistment at, New York of troops for the British army has been coun mettie•t upon in the newspapers, I thought it right to state to Mr. Marcy the true state of the case and the steps I had taken in the matter. I accordingly read to hint My above mentioned letter to Mr. Barclay. Mr. Marcy observed that he had never doubted that no sort of countenance would be given by bet alatasty'a Government to persons who should use their name in any attempt to violate the neu trality laws. He added, however, that the proceeding in question had been brought under his notice, and that orders had already been given to the district attorney of the United states to institute legal proceedings against Angus 111.'bonald or any other pet sons whoshoula be found to have reoffered themselves liable to penaltiea of the act of Congress regarding the enlistment of citizens or resi dents iu the United States for the service of a foreign power. The bandbid referred to was as follows: " Highly important to the Uuemployed!—The British Government having concluded to form a foreign legion in Nova Scotia, and to raise several regiments for duty in the plovinces, offer a bounty of 61., or $0 dollars, together with the pay of 8 dollars a month, rations, good clothing, and warm quarters, to every effective man fit for military duty, from t 9 to 0 years of age; to join which are in vited English, Irish, Scotch, and Germans. The subscriber (with the view of assisting those who have not the means of paying their passage) hereby gives notice that he has opened a passageitfiee, No. :i6, Pearl-street (near Broad), where he proposes to engage passages by good vessels to Halifax, leaving-twice or three hues a week, for the sum of five dollars; or, procur‘ through-tickets by railroad, leaving every morning (6undays excepted), and arriving at St. John's, near Montreal, that evening, which passage money must paid him or his agent, by the parties, to gether with the small sava of Si - cents additional for com missions, on arriving at their destination in the province. It is Loped that those effective men who are now suffering and in distress, will avail themselves of this rare opportu nity of bettering their condition before it is too late.— ANGUS biI`DONALD. ” Well, to Vile eandbill Mr, Crampton wrote an inge nious disavowal, in which he said it had not beewitien d LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUL! 1, 1856. - _ he could give the howl° and the country any informa tion respecting the coostui-siTi appointed to invire into the operation of the system of purchase in the army? Mr. PEEL said be could only inform the house that the commission hail not yot fioi , hed its labours. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. In reply to a qoe , tion frmii Sir J. GRAHAM, Lori. PALMERSTON said he proposed to take the second rending of the Appellate Jurisdiction Bill on Monday and the Testamentary Jurisdiction Bill on ThurQday. CORRUPT PR tCTICES PREVENTION BILL. Sir F. KELLY a-ke.l when the Corrupt Practices Prevention Bill would be read a second time ? Lard PALMERSTON said he was unable then to answer the question. He would give the house due notice when the a‘oond reading would take place. ROYAL CO M MISSION. Mr. Pulmao, the Deputy Usher of the Mack Rod, summoned the Speaker and the members of the house to the House of Loris, to he:tr the Royal Assent given by entnmis..i to certain L •pis' report. OUR RELATIONS WITH AMERICA. On the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. GORE, who had a motion on the paper relative to our American relations, and Mr. BROWN, rase together. Mr. BROWN called upon the hon. member for Mayo to withdraw his motion. There was a strong feeling throughout the country that our American differences should be left its the hands of the Government and the American Minister in this country to settle, and if the house abstained from discussion on the matter it would be amicably accompli-led. (Hear.) Mr. CHEETIIABI and Mr. J. EWA.RT concurred in the appeal of the hon. member. Mr. SPOONER also coincided in the appeal. (Hear.) He implored the house to give up all party considera tions on this question, and complete the silence they had hitherto maintained till they learned from the Minis ter of the Crown the result of the negotiations now going on. He deprecated any discussion now on the state of our American relations, for no possible good could re sult from it. Mr, MOORE said the opinions of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down must necessarily have great weight with him, but particularly on the subject of ex citing between classes, sects, and people. (De risive cheers.) With isgatd to the hon. gentlemen op posite, he certainly listened to their opinions with great respect, but at the same tane they could not think that they had answered the observations he hal made on Fri day evening. The hon. member for North Warwickshire talked of this as a party question. He (Mr. Moore) thought it ought to be jalged by the house apart from all party considerations, and in a purely judicial spirit. It was a question of right or wrong that bad arisen be tween the governments of two great countries, which had been s> I, in his opinion, on the basis of present dissatisfaction and future dangar as regards the feelintss and the opinions of the people of this country, because it had been left ,to be settled by the wrong-doers themselves, and on the principle of saving their own characters, or at least their own positions, at the ex pense of the national nonour, which it was their duty to guard. In so far as such a que.stiuu, if entertained by the house, must to- c.:ssari:y :Went her Maj ,•ty'e Go vernment, so far it might be terined—if hon. gtntlemen liked the term —a party question. In hiS opinion there were no circumstances the house ought to watch with more vigilant and anxious attention than our relations with that country whose people hal sprueg from the same soil, spoke the same language. amid were governed by the same free institutions as ourselves. Teens was no thing England ought to cherish more than to be loved and honoured by those communities which were rapidly multiplyirg themselves, peopling the ePrtti, filling the earth with cities and the sea with fleets, and carrying with them the energy, enterprise, and unconquerable will and self-reliance of the great people from which they sprung. Although we had lost the political government of America, and would probably lose the po'itical ~ , overnment of other colonies, we ought never to relax our right to their reve rence as the head of their rase, as the fou s Lain of their civi lisation, as the standard of what a tree nation ought to he. Whatever might be the faults of the American peo ple, he did not think we were entitled to throw the first stone. He believed them to be a sagacious people, and that in the heart of every American there was a feeling of love and adtnirati m ter the old country. Depend upon it that in ail our dealings with the people of Arne- ica wa should have no chancy: except by compelling ieir respect, and as regarded our political and diploma- tie r.,lations their respest rested on no basis hut truth, plain dealing, and open speaking. He believed that a well•founde d►strust of our character for truth and ho- 'lour stouti be, and especially so far as regarded our re lations with the United States, the greatest. tni-fortune that oluld befall the people of this country. It was be cause in his opinion the G,•vernment of this country had justly forfeited the respect and confidence of the United States, that he thought it was the duty of this house declare that in the conduct which had led to teat result the peeple of England had had no act er part woatever. Toe issues that arose on this subject were not to be unquestioned. They had been fairly cud properly stated liv Lord Clarendon himself in one of his despatches. ‘• Toe real queeti 'ere at issue," said Lord Clarendon, "between her M.-:jaAy's Goverument and that of the United Stites are, whether the British G ivernment ordered or weitemplaied soy violation of the neutrality !awe of the United States ; and scomidly, whether, it Cm British G,,vertiment dal not .reer ut contemplate any such vi' , w 1011, those laws were nevertheless violated by p rsons acting on the anteority or approbation of the Brtti-h G4verntuent." Oa thmte two points ire j lined tome with, her M: j , sty's G .verninent. He and. rt.aik t* make it clear that ta..4 io tur ,:ity laws of the United S:atss were groteny and dd:herately villated by persons acting with trio approbation and cou , ..ent of her Majesty's Giver:lop-tit ; and, secondly, that her Majesty's Govern.- :tient did contemplate the violation of those laws. He was aware that the American Government had iu their last devateh offered wi'h clutemptcous courtesy to .separate, these two prop:notions. The distinc . iou drawo by the Arner;cari Government was based ou the assumed disavowal of :11r. Crampton's ants by our government, and, secondly and 1110 less, on the distinct specific assurance of Lord Ciarendou that Mr. Crampton was above all ether things enjoined to nave no conceal ment with the Government et ;he United States. Now, with regard to the first of these assumptions, he cared lel to consider whether her Majesty's Government had or had not in their last despatch thought proper to as seit it. It could he clearly shown that from first to last Mr. Crampton only performed the duty that was inti mated to him by L rid Clarendon, that he on y acted upon the interpretation of the law which was given to hint by Lord Clarendon, and that from first to last his conduct was approved and (Wended by Lord Clarendon. From ark, to last Lord Clarendon deprecated all violation of the Anicri.an law, and so did Mr. Crampton ; but it was -rue also that Lord Clarendon insisted on an intercireta in of the la which was not the true interpretation. It it should turn out that Lord Clarendon's construction of the law was an incorrect one, then for that mishi t-I pretation Lord Clarendon was responsible. He would rsfer the house to parr 21 of the blue-book, in which Lord Clarendon expressly stated that Mr. Cramp ton was erj , -ined above ell things to have no conceal ment froru the government of the United States. Now, that was a clear 'awl specific allegation, winch Mr. Marcy on the part of the United States Government, had used with Effect : His reasons for withholding from me the details of the enlistment system—the most important part of it for this government —are not satisfactory. If Mr. Crampton be lieved that whet he was doing, or intended to do, in the way of recruiting was right, he could have ,had no reluc tance to communicate it to me, for his instructions required hie, to make that disclosure. Acting in due frankness, and with a proper regard for the dictates of international comity, Mr. CiAtiaptoir should, it would seem, have dis closed to me all the measures intended to be pursued within the United States by the agents of his government, including himself, in execution of the act of Parliament for raising the Foreign Legion. Nay, he was expressly commanded by his Government to practise no concealment with the American Goverment on the subject. If he had obeyed these orders, all misunderstanding between the two Governments would have been prevented. Was this allegation true ? ;de believed there was no foun dation for it, sad thit there vas no such instruction given to Mr. Crampton. This despatch of Lord Claren don's was illustrative of an imaginative memory of what he did, and a nmscientious sense of what be ought to have ehjoined and what Mr. Crampton ought to have clone. IT called on the Government to show that there was not the -lightest ground for this statement of Lord Claretidon'e. He would show, on the other hand, ; that so tar from there being no conceallient on the part of the British authori:ies in America; that there conduct 1: was al concealment, dis.ivi - iw.ng every one that was timid on', aiding and abetting every one who was working in secret ; that Mr. Crampton was not in structed at all not to'conceal, but that he was aided st.id abetted in a line of conduct which concealment was the keystone and afforded ths only hopes of success. It was necessary to show that this questi - n of the neu trality of the United States and the strict enforcement ,if their law f , r this purpose was in the view of her Ma jesty's G,.verninetit. Early in April, 1854, in the begin nii,g of the war, Mr. Crampton wrote to Mr. Marcy to this effect : "The allied Governments nmfidently trust th , t the Governments oh countries which may remain neu t r al during the war will exert their autht,rity and en . t...rce on their subjects the necessity of observing the strictest neutrality, and also that the citiz-p.s of the Unit-'d States shalt rigorously abstain from taking part in armaments of this nature, or in any other manner ep posite to the duties of strict neutrality. To this reasonable iiemaud the American G ,, vernment returned this pithy ,inswer : "The law of this country imposes severe restric i ions not only upon its own citizens, but ikon a 1 .per :.ors who may be re‘ident in the United Stao,es, against , qu i p pi ng privateers, receiving commi•sions, or enlisting !lien therein fur the purpose ..f taking part in any foreign ear. It is not apprenended that there will be any at :empt vio'ate the law, but should the just expecte ef the President be iisregarded he will not fail in duty to use ail the power with which he is invested , prevent any such partinpation in the contest in ,hich Cie principal powers of Europe are now engaged." f le itit-rpretation he put upon this was that the Anne- G-ivereineet wa- , to prevent any armament what ver their territhry against the interests of Eng nut, on the other hand, under a quibble of the ~,w, to carry on' all our desires to enlist men, This as a prop 8 , . unje,it and so mon.trhui-i, that he , e ii,,veri the c melon sense of every man in this country ,ould prOneuiice a t aiiist it. Well, so the matter stood iil the end of the y' ar t when we rook it into our heal to Italic stew views, The .Foreigu Enlistment Bill passed f• ! with the authority of her Mojesty'sMovernment ; but he it - had - tiotheen done with the authority of Sir G."-Le Merchant, under his own directions. Ac re-et:dingle Lord Clarentlon, he - had never given any-io structions of the kind, but what pessible object could Mr, Crampton have had in communicating these facts to the Foreign Secretary ? At first sight it did not appear, but on a moment's reflection the house would perceive that it enabled him to rush off to the United States Fo reign Secretary, and throw the communication into his face as a declaration of her Majesty's Government. Mr. Marcy expressed himself satisfied then with regard to the acts of Angus M'Donald, just as he now declared him self to be satisfied with the recent explanations of her Majesty's Government Let him, however, now call at tention to the fact that at the very time Mr. Cramp ton went to the Foreign Secretary of the United States the Government were countenancing the issu ing under the authority of the Royal arms of another proclamation, containing all that was in M‘Donald's notification, nay, going a great deal more in advance of it ; and yet, stupendously inconsist ent as it might appear, Lord Clarendon declared this document to be legal while the other was not. There could be no doubt that Mr. Marcy accepted the commu nication made to him at thistiine by Mr. Crampton as a complete disavowal on the 'part of her Majesty's Govern ment of all participation in the enlistment movement. Well, Mr. Crampton having settled this difficulty pro ceeded in hot haste to Cacada to organise an extensive system of enlistment, and under his authority emissaries of all kinds were employed for working out the scheme, who were furnished by himself with ciphers for carrying on a correspondence relatiie to it. They had this on the authority of Mr. Strobel, one of the agents employed, a person of doubtful reputation, certainly ; but Mr. Cramp ton admits having furnished the agents with memoranda and ciphers for their guidance in carrying nut his instruc tions. It would be scarcely a figure of speech to nay that at the very moment Mr. Crampton was drawing up these memoranda and constructing his mysterious cipher in Canada, Mr. Lumley, his secretary, - was explaining the reason of hie absence from NVashingtou to Mr. Marcy. The absence of Mr. Crampton had become a source of uneasiness to the United States Government, and Mr. Marcy applied, to Mr. Lumley. for some expla nation on the sukeect. What passed at the interview Mr. Lumley communicated to Lord Clarendon in the following terms : Washington, May 7, 1855. At an interview which I had with Mr. Marcy, I told him that he had judged rightly in supposing that Mr. Crampton's visit to Canada had reference to the enlist ment question. I stated that from the first moment this question was mooted, Mr. Crampton had shown the greatest anxiety that it should in no way lead to vio- rations of the lawn of the United States,. thai he believed everything that could be dune might be effected legally, and that he was determined, as far as ley in his pearer, to prevent anything like infraction or evasion of the neutrality laws of this country. Unfortunately the very stringent ea. ture of the provisions of these laws was not generally under stood, and several persons had on their own esponsibility acted at variance with them, and it, was for the purpose of fully explaining the bearings of the law, and of pteventing much infractions, that Mr.Cranipton had undertaken his journey to the British provinces. I then told Mr. Marcy that as I thought it would interest him to see your lordship's last instructions on the subject I.had brought them with me, and I said that I was certain a perusal et this paper would convince him of two things : tirst, that the - view which had been taken, and the opinions which had been ex pressed .by Mr. Cranepton on this subject, were 'precisely such as Mr. Marcy might have expected from his knowledge of Mr. Cramptou ; and secondly. th tt those . opitaioari had been resp 'tided toby her Majesty's Government in the same frank and honourable manner. I then re-el to Me. Marcy a copy of your lordship's depatch of the 12th eh; Mr. Mercy appeared much pleased with this counimeication, and said that As the question was one which had engaged the atten. ' tion of the United States GovernMent, he should he very glad to be able to show this despatch, to . the Cabinet. I talii Mr. Marcy that I had no instructious to leave it with him, but I would take upon myself to do so if he would con sider it in the light of a private memorandum. Mr. Itacy said he would note it as such, and that if at any time Mr. Crampton wished he might recall it ; " the question," Mr. Marcy added, " will no doubt come before Congress, an.r I should be glad if this despatch could be found among the papers cailed for." I am aware that in leaving this despatch with Mr. Marcy I have transgressed the regulations ..f her Majesty's service, for which I must throw yoursef on your lordship's indulgeece. but Mr. Crampton was anxious thak, the United States Government should not for a Influent suppose that a project fur enlisting troops for her Majesty's service within the Uuited States had ever been (*uteri'. plated. After reading the despatch himself Mr. Marcy said he had no doubt that the course pursued, by Mr. Cramptou was the proper one; he was, indeed, convinced of this from having seen Me. Crampton's instructions to her Ma jesty's consuls when the question of recruiting iu the United States first arose. Lord Clarendon replied t ) that despatch,' ap,:rnving of what Mr. Lumley had done, and yet he must have known that the explanation given was evasive and shuffling. It needed no lawyer to make out the meaning it intended to convey ; it was simply to deCeive, for at the very .itne it was given Mr. Crampton was undoubtedly engaged in mak ing arrangements in Canada to defeat the enlistment law of the United States. Ile had often hoard the him. mem ber for North Warwickshire talk of the mental reserva tions—of the suppressia re ri and the vuve.,tio falsi, sanc tioned and advocated in the musty volumes olsota ) ancient ktoman Catholic divine but he asked him whether he was prepared, either by act or speech, or both, to couute- Hance this perversion of the English language, whose purity and simplicity were not calculated to encourage a spit it of mental..reservatien, or the conduct Of a British minister who so twisted au explanation as to display more suppressio vest or suggestio falsi thou would have taxed the iii , e,turty or the conscience of an Escobar. Now, in the month of May these enlistment proceedings in the United Statei werej is it cially shown to be illegal, and yet during the whole of Slay, -June, and uly Mr. Crampton allowed these proceediugs to be taken, and so far Mr- Ciesuiptou alone was held re sponsible. Iu the mouth, howeVer of September, the trial was made kuowu, and the complicity of Lord Clereudou with Mr. Crampton's arrangeineutamust then have become fully apparent. The noble lord must then have been fully .ware of Mr. Cranaptou's having employed German elni;- series of all kinds of cuarieders ; of his having tarnished hem with meinurauda for their gui ;epee, :me of hi, lieviug invented a cipuer for carrying on their cerres peritonea. Well, now, 'lid Lord Clareedun ever hypothe tically express the smeilest disapproval of any one of these proceedings ? He did not.. The answer of the Anami eau Government to these iusolaut charges was before the world, and it was as complete as it was unexception able in its tone and temper. Lord Clarendon said that the American judges, the American courts, and the 'American Government, supported as they were by the epinion of their own legal advisers, were all wrong ; end the noble lord offered to furnish them with a correct eonstruction of their own law. The noble lord's argument was most peculiar. He retie that no infringement of the American law could take place unless there was a valid contract to enlist ; bet then he said that, in oreer to con stitute a valid contract, the party must be attested, and the attesdetion could net t dre place anywhere except upon English territory. The noble lord, not satisfied with de .ending the conduct of his Government, went ou, without the smallest reason, deliberately to advance claims on the part of the Crown that were of a most dangerous charac ter. In a letter to Mr. Marcy he said that her Majesty had a right to recall to her service any of her own sub• jects who were capable of bearing arms. (Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Moore) would only like to see any Government attempt to put a claim like that in force iu case hestilities arose between this country and Americe. Such a claim involved questions upeu which the Americans felt strongly, and he should like to 840 au)* English Govern ment. hang a person found on boerd an A werican ship on tee plea that he was an English subject. He (the hon. ,ilember) would now take leave of Lord Clerendou's cur respoudeace ; but he must be allowed to make some re marks upon the conduct of her Majesty's Government in impugning the testieroey and befouling the character of their own officers. (Hear.) They had audaciously and un necessarily proclaimed to the wised that men in the Bri tish service who had been confidentially employed by Bri tish agents abroad had characters so abominably flagitious that they were not to be believed upon their oath. Mr. Strobel was a captain in the British service; he was asked to dine with Sir Gasper d Le Merchant, and he was called " Dear Mr. Strobel" till he was called to bear wit ness against Mr. Crampton. Then a compatriot was cited to prove that Strobel was a Russian spy. Presently, how ever, this new witness was found swearing against Mr. Crampton harder than Strobel himself, and then it was discovered that his character was also bad. (A laugh.) Such a procedure he (Mr. Moore) could not help regarding as most discreditable not only to the Government who put forth such a plea, but to the nation. Lord Clarendon might have known from experience the results that would be cer tain to follow the employment of such means. Not long ago there was a journal in Dublin called the World. It was for some months the organ of the I ish Government, and the character both of the paper and of its conductors was known from the first to everybody. As soon as the connection became inconvenient Lord Clarendon found out that the editor was a most doubtful person, and the noble lord went into a court of justice in order to depose to the fact. The conduct of Lord Clarendon bore a strik:ug resemblance ki that of the late Mr. Palmer. Palmer also impeached the character of the witnesses, and he also found fault with the Attorney-General. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—No, no. (Laughter.) Mr. MOORE—Palmer also favoured the world with his own peculiar notions of jurisprudence. He Was charged with murdering the deceased with strychnine, and he con tended that as he did not use that drug he was not guilty. The answer of the Government was illogical, but conclu sive—they hanged him. And in like manner the Ameri can Government were treated with equally coe ° ent argu ments ; but they dismissed Mr. Crampton. He (Mr. fvloere) thought that they had no other course to pur 7 sue. Their neutrality had been grossly violated ; their centidenCe had been ehaken ; they had been imposed on by false 'assurances ; they had been subrounded by a systematic conspiracy to defeat ;he laws of their colic ry ; their c.,mplaints had been met by reeriminationg, by insolent criticisms on their courts •of anjudicature, and by special p'eadiug _which, was insulting alike to their authority and to their intelligence - . The English people could take no just excep ion to the course whirl, Lue American Government had witched, or to the tow, and temper in whicl it had vindicated its honour. But in the meantime how had her Majes'ys Government vindicated theirs ? To the heaped-up accumulation of disgrace they had added yet an —they had nothing to say but that they liked it. The noble lord began by observing : Her Majesty's Government are gratified at learning that the assurances contained in my note to you of April 30, that no intention existed on the pmrtof herMajasty'sGoverumeni. to violate the laws, compromise the neutrality, or disregard the sovereignty of the United States, have been unreserv edly accepted by the President, and that all cause of diffe rence with respect to the question of enlistment has cease,. to exist between the Governments of Great Britain and of the United States." Now it was not the fact that the President had accepiett the assurances of h-r M ,j-.sty's Government utiresery udly. The case was as it one man were to strike anothe and then deny that he had cone so ; and if the injure(' party were to reply, " My dear sir, I am perfectly sati— fied with your statement, but, as I am certain that you( hand (lid ,trike me, I shag take the Ilherty of choppin g it off." The answer of her Majesty's Government wa , as it the other man was to say la r etunr that, althougi( the offending hard had an:foubtedly been struck off, he was glad to find that tie person who had so mutilated him had no complaint against him personally. Lord -Clarftminn went on-to cleeiptre " lithe Government of a foreign cau n try were capriciously _And_without any apparent belief that it had good gronndfor (loins. so to breskoffits diPlornatierelationa withthe Minister accredited to it by her Majesty, her Majesty's confidential servants, answerable for maintaining the honour and dig nity of he Crown, could not hesitate as to advising her 'Majesty equally to break off all diplomatic intercourse with the Minister of such Government accredited to her court. But in the present case her Majesty's Government are bound to accept the formal and repeated declarations of the President of his belief that these officers of her Ma jesty have _violated the laws of the Union, and are, on that account, unacceptable organs of communication with the Government , and authorities of the United States; and her • Majesty's Government cannot deny. to the Government of the United States a right similar to that which, in a pa rallel case, they would . claim forthemselyes,—the right, namely, of forming their own judgment as to the bearing of the law's of the Union upon transactions which have taken place within the Union, In other words, the Government had received a gross ' offence from the United &ates, accompanied by serious imputations upon them. AR that offence was PO acc.on- parried, they were content ;but had it been offered by itself, then the spirit of the British Lion would indeed have been roused. (Hear, hear.) The n Ibis lord can eluded as follows : I have, therefore, the honour to inform you that, how. ever deeply her Majesty's Government regret a proceeding on the part of the President of the United States which cannot but be considered as of an unfriendly character, they have not deemed it their duty ou that account to ad vise her Majesty to command me to suspend my diploma tic intercouse with you ; and I have to assure you that the high personal esteem which is felt for you by all the mem bers of her Majesty's Government will render it most agreeable to myself to have the honour of entering into communication , with you upon all matters connected with the mutual relations of our two countries. You will be certain of meeting, on the part of her Majesty's Govern ment, the most friendly feelings towards the United States, and the most anxious desire so to arrange all questions of difference as to reconcile the just rights and real interests of the two countries with the maintenance of those ami cable relations, the pre s ervation of which is of such great importance to both. Well, he (Mr. Moore) thought be could fini another parallel to this case in the life of Lord tharendoo. On one occasion a gentleman in confidential intercourse with the noble lord wrote to him a letter in which he declared that a certain right hon. baronet was a " deli berate liar ;" whereupon the noble lord's private secre tary wrote back acknowledging the receipt of a commu nication containing those effeasive words, and demand ing a retractatian, adding. " if you will write me a line NJ that effect you shall receive a hundred pounds." (Laughter, and some sensation.) Her Majesty's Govern- went certainly did not send Mr. Dallas a hundred pounds, but thq sent him what Sir John Falstaff de clared to be " worth a ruillion"—tbey sent him their Live. (. laugh.) Tue quthtion the house had to decide was a very simple one. Lard Clarendon had been en gaged in a petty intrigue in America ; he had been found out, as he always was; he bad persisted in his schemes, and he had disgraced nut merely his own character, hoc, his country. 'The house had to decide whether he had iieen right or wrong—whether or not they would ap prove Of his conduct iu these proceedings, and adopt his chastisement as their own. That was the issue they bad to try, and let them remember that in the verdict they would protioukce, they viould judge n t Lord Carew - ion only, but themselves. (C:ieers.) The hon. gentleman ..ioncluded l,y . 0 •ving " rnat the c induct of her M+s ,,y's Gr:ivereine‘it, in the . differences that have ari,en o e ;weeu thetu_atid the G. - ivertoneui, of.the United States, thestue-tiou of . en.t,ttueot, ha; not d them to 'tile approbation of this house." At,jr a Itttle delay, Mr. MAGUIRE seconded the me tion. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he thought the hon. tnembeifor Mayo would have exercised a sounder discre tion had he yielded to the appeals which had been mane to hi u t postpone for tile present the iliecussiou of this question. (Hear.) The significant delay wh:ch had elapsed oefore the mutton hiel fulled a seconder oast, iu some de gree, have shaken his confidence iu the expediency of the course which belted taken. It was but on Friday last that the First Minic.er of the Crown had iutimated that, i n his °pillion, this question could not be discussed consistently with a due' regard to the public interest, and it had alway.t , been usual, even in timed when party feeling ran highest, t.: treat such a statement,, made at a period of public °mei - iency, with prOper consideration. The him. member fei Inverness-shire (Air. Baillie), who might be said to-have vested interest iu this question, since he had given notice at an early period of the session of his iuteutien to call the attention of the house to it, uctlng in coucert with those among whom he sat, had thought it proper and necessary to postpone his motion ; but the hon. member for Mayo, uninfluenced by the appeals made to him by members re presenting couetituencies of all other.. meet interested iu the maintenance of a good understandiug with the United States, had declined to follow that example. The hen. member for Mayo told the house that it; was to treat this, question judicially, but had the hon. member hiuiseli treated it judicially? (Hear.) It was impossible nut to see that the hon. member was animated by some feeling el' personal ad.iniosity towards Lord Clarendon. ( !leer.) Lair. Moore —" Nu, no."J Certainly he had never hear,' ;.‘ speech which led so strongly to such a oonelusiee. (Hear.) Was it j adiel el, was it just, was it even cow men fairness, to drag into this debate allusion to a amnia :s -lims newspaper—(near)—to refer to some obscure trail,- actions the input t and history of which not a single mem ber of the house was acquasiuted with ? ( deer, hear. ) Was it arguing the question judicially, was it even iu gone taste, to compare Lord Clarendon to the inalefector who a few days ago had paid the penalty of his crimes on the scaffold ? lie never remembered to have seen a notice of motion se frequently altered as this hail been. The hon. member for Inverness-shire had modified the terms of his motive from time to tunes and the hon. member fur May • nazi twice altered his motion. As it stood now it was cart duly e trioA strangely worded motion. It did not ask the house to express its disapprobation of the conduct of the Government, but merely to declare that her Ma jesty's Ministers were not entitled to the approbatiOn of the house. That, ha believed, was a new form of moving a vote of censure ; but as the hon. member moult it for a vote of censure, as such it must be taken. Let it not not be forgotten, however, that the responsibility for this dieciussiou rusted with the hon. gentleman. He had risen thus soon in the debate because it appeared to him that this question involved legal principles and considera tions which it was most essential should be fixed as early as poesi'ele, and to which. the hon. gentleman did not seem to have given the attention which they deserved. The British Government was chergedavith having by itself or its agents, infringed, first, international law; and, secondly, the municipal law of the Uuited States. Me joined issue With those who made this charge upon both those points; but it was necessary to see, first, what was the interna tional law upon the subject, and, secondly, what was the municipal law. The international law on this subject had been left very vague and uncertain by most publicists who had written upon it. Vattel laid it down that by the law and polity of nations no state could recruit its forces from the subjects of another without the consent of the latter. He would not for a single moment question that proposi tion. He doubted whether the authorityof Vattel would be sufficient to sustain a proposition of any great importance. Although generally received as an authority upon these subjects, yet where he could not ground himselt upon the ()plaice, of the jurists he was neither profound nor precise. 1 (Hear, hear.) Nevertheless, he would take the proposition which he had quoted as it was laid down by this author. He admitted that one State could not enlist the sub jects off another to serve iu its army and navy without the acquiescence of the State of which they were the sub jects. . But then he must go back to another proposition, which was, that that assent or acquiescence might not only he expressed by treaty, but might be implied; as for in stance, by a State permitting its subjects to enlist into the forces of another country ; because if a State gave to its subjects permission to enter the service of a foreign Govern ment, such permission necessarily carried with it by impli cation a permission to foreign Governments to avail them selves of the services of the persons to whom this permission was extended. That being established, it was necessary to see what the municipal law of the United States prohibited and what it permitted the subjects of the Union to do, In thet law you might find the measure and extent to which the Union enforced or relaxed its rights of Sovereignty over its subjects. The municipal law of America upon this 'subject differed moat essentially from our own. The law of Great Britain claimed and enforced the most complete, absolute, and uncpialified authorityoverits subjects. (Hear, hear.) It not only prohibited them from enlisting, or others from enlisting them upon its own territories, but it prohibited them from enlisting beyond the territories of the united kingdom ; it prohibited them from serving iu the military or naval forces of any other Sovereign or people, without the express consent of the Sovereign. Therefore, if a British subject were to enlist beyond the territories of Great Britain, he would be liable to the penalties of the law ; and Great Britain would have reason to complain of any State which should propose to its suejects to violate the municipallaw which was binding upon them. How stood the case with regard to America ? Was the law of that country equally stringent? Certainly not. The American law said to its citizens, "You shall not enlist withiu the territenies of the United States." It said to ether persons, " You shall not enlist citizens of the United States within thv territories of those States, neither shall you contract with them to go beyond the precincts of the States there to en fiat ;" but it did not prohibit American subjects, when be yond the boundaries of the United States, from enlisting in the service of any foreigu State or potentate, nor did it - prohibit them from serving such foreign S; ate or pow:, tate. This was a most material and important (distinction, ofavhich the hon'. gentleman had entirely lust sight. (Mr. Moore made a gestuie of denial.) The him. gentleman sig nified he had not, but so far as he (the Attorney-General) bad heard,' he appeared to have done se. If he had not lost sight of it, he had certainly forgotten it in his speech. ilia distinction undoebtedly existed, aid he (the Attor ney-General) could nut suppose that it was the result of accident. Perhaps the American law was-so limited that, While the neutrality of the American territory and the re- sponsibility of its Government should remain intact, • that tendency which the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire had the other evening very happily characterised as a tendency to expansion, and which he i u presented as not only the natural but the legitimate policy of America, might remain unchecked. It might be that it Nati intended to leave the citizens of Awe' ieti, who were not quite so patient of control and restraint as the subjects of our own country—(hear)—free to expand and to give vent to that energy of character which particulaily dis tinguished them ; but that the American law pelinoted he citizens of the Uuion, ao long as they did not enlist within its territories, to serve foreign Powers was 1111- ,I.,ubted and unquestioned. (Hear.) We had a grave in itance and illustration of tlia iu what was p a ssing at the ,resent moment. Not only did the law of America permit its citizaus to engagi in the service of a foreign State en ;aged in hostiaties with another which was not at war with America, but it allowed them to euli , t and take aims in support of a faction in a civil war. The existing Govern ' ,neat de facto of Nicaragua had been established with the aid of the arms of American citizens, who, without the sanction of their Government, except sa far as it might ne implied from the e xisting state of the law, and from what that Goverument had done since, had established a Government in that country, and at this moment main tained it. So far was the American Government flom seeking to punisn those citizens —so far was it from com plaining that the State or the Government of Nicaragua, • ^ f ~. ..i • icsr • by engaging their arms, had violated the sovereign right* of America & that it had actually recognised the government which had been established and subsisted entirely ,by the assistance of American subjects. That being the state of - the law, he. would bri.ey state the facts to which it was to be applied. A fact wieh ought never to be lost sight of was, that it was never intended in this scheme of recruit. ing to enlist American subjects properly so called. At the time when the Foreign' Enlistment Act was passed there were in the United States large bodies of persons who were anxious for military service. They were of two classes —British subjects who had emigrated to America, and who being disappointed in their expectations, were anxious to return to their own country, and avastnumberof political refugees whom the revolutionary movements of 1848, and, above all, the counter-revolutionary movements had'driven into exile, together with other foreigners who had served in the Schleswig Holstein army, and who, on the disband ment of that army, had found refuge in America.' With regard to the first class of persons, it was quite clear that, if they desired to enter the British service, so long as we did not violate the law of America, no man could say that we had not a perfect right to enlist them. The law of England was that no British subject could throw off the alleg iance whi c h he owed to the Gov ernmen t o f England, Hear.) His country or his allegiance he could not put off. A principal maxim of law was "Nemo pang exuere patriam." A man might expatriate himself, he might change his atmosphere, he might stand ou another soil, and look at another heaven, but he would not put off his allegiance. Therefore if you had, as was the case at this time, offers from British subjects who had not found in America the house which they had expected, who had not put off that attachment to their native land, which he be lieved a British born man could no more put off than the law would allow him to put off his allegiance, and who when they heard that the oil country was at war and needed the services of .her sons naturally felt an incline von to enter int, her army, you could, without violation of the municipal law of the United States, take them into your service, and there could be no consideration, moral, social, or political, which could interfere with your doing so. The other body of men, the refugees, were not Ame rican subjects, in the proper souse of the term. They had taken refuge in America, but did not desire to remain there. They had fallen upon a period when there was great distress iu that country. At the conclusion of the year 1854 trade was in a state of universal stagnation, em ployment was scarce, wages were low, and provisions dear. These men could not find employment ; they had been used to the army and preferred military service to any ether otis cupation. They, therefore, proposed—and proposed in considerable numbers—to take service in the army of this country. The whole question was this :—Could we, con sistently with the laws c f the United States, take those persons into our service? If we violated the laws of the United States we were rissponsi'ole ; but, considering that the laws of the Union allow persons who owe allegiance to it to take foreign service beyond its boundaries, he said that there was nothing iu the law of nations which prohi bited us from receivirg those persons into our service. We were not bound to carry the obligations of American citizens one whit beyond that which their own laws im -posed. We were entitled to take that as the measure of extent to which the American Government desired to carry its sovereign rights. We had a right to look at the muni cipal law, and if it did not forbid the enlistment we were justified in proceeding with it. But then it was said that ee lieu violated the law by enhsting men for the service of Great Biitsin upon American soil. He thought he could show that this had never been done by. those for whom the British Government were responsi ble. He begged to call the' attention of the house to the original instructions sent out by her Majesty's Govern. merit. These instructions were sent out on the 16th Feb., 1855, while Mr. Sydu e y H er b er t was a t th e C olon ial-o ffi ce, and were to be fouud in the following despatch from Mr. S. Herbert to Sir Gaspard le Merchant, Governor of Nova Scotia : " I transmit to you a cony of the Foreign Enlistment Act, which has been passed in Parliament in the present session ; and, Li e.tno..tot: with it, axe autaiousto call your immediate attention to the following subject :—Her Majesty's Govern m.:nt have received communications from the British Minister at Washington, and also fruni some of the Consuls in Ameri can cities, whi.du lead them to suppose that a considerable number of German and other European foreigners, now resi dent in the United Spates, are ready and disposed to enlist under the provisioas of this act. lu particular, it has been stated that th-re are, scattered in different parts of the Union, men who have seeu service with the Sc ,, leswig-Holstein army, and who h we, therefore, the advantage of a certain 4m.nint of military training, anti who would willingly take up arms again under the British standard, But supposing these state ments to be well foundAl, the men in question could not be enlisted for Britisii service on American soil with due respect to the laws of the United States as a neutral Power; and considering how uncertain it is whether pasties who might has offer themselves wont turn out lit for enlistment, it is se,reeiy practicable .to invite them over to this country with the enanee of rejection. Under these circumstances, it has occurred to her .4.ijesty's Goverume.:t that it taiig,.t be pos ,iole for wen who should represent themselves to the consuls Jr other British authorities in the United States, as willing to serve, to procee.l to Halifax, if a depot, of which public notice would be giv e n . i n Nova Scotia, could be established iu that city, under your inspection, 'for the reception 'of re cruits for a forei4u legion, where they might be examined, and if found fit for service, enlisted, and either sent to this cmintry or formed ou the spot lutes battalion. It is also stated that a large number or poisons in the United States who are British suojects would be willing to take service in the Ltritisli army if au opportunity were afforded them of enlist ing it would be necessary to keep the latter class of recruits if such should offer thee:selves) quite distinct from foreigners sud they might perhaps be willing to enlist into existin g re gin:touts of the line." l'ocse were the tint instructions ,eat out to the United itates, and wihuut troubling th'e house with the- various lespatches f rum the Col.nlial-otiice and the Foreign-office, ~e would assert that in every one of these despatches the mist 'listiuct and emphatic instruciions were to be found official persons in the Ut.iLd States to take the utmost and caution not to infi inge the municipal la .e of that ,ouutry. What was i.he view of tile Americansu,ion their ::wu law ant their own riguts? Tue h n. gentieman had the questiou as it the fact of a depA. having been tornied at dalifix.for the reception of recruits had never 11 , ::eu brought to tile kuo wle ige Mr. Marcy. Now, he did think that the hon.gentleman, actinginajudicialcharacter. ..aght to have stated the whole case. There was the posi tive sta..ement of Mr. Cramp:run in two despatches that he had communicated distinctly and clearly to Mr. Marcy the fact that a depot been ostablished in Nova Scotia for i'peeifing recruits tram the United States, nor had this fact vee been denieo by Mr. 11,,,rey or any one else. Iu his de. :instal dated Feb. 22, to Lurd Clarendon, Mr Crampton I told him (Mr, Marcy) that I utterly opposed and discoun tenanced any violation of the neutrality law. I also told him that numerous applications were made to me by persons here wishing to join the British army, and that my answer had been, that I could not enlist them here, and that if they wanted to become British soldiers they must go to British territory to be enlisted. He made no sort of objection to this, and entered into no discussion as to its being incon sisttnt with international law, ou the contrary, he said that anybody might go who chose,—" that half the United States migut go if they chose," were, I think, his very words ; and he repeated the same thing to Mr. Lumley during my absence. I certainly, never dreaming then, as I do not believe now, that any violati on o f international law was involved, so long as the municipal law was observed, did not enter into any discussion of such a question with him. He did not show the least inclination to enter on the subject of the recruitment at all; and I thought that, I understood his motive to• be the natural one, that having, on the one hand, shown a determination to sustain the law, and, on the other, a disposition to leave every citizen or resident of the United States free to exercise their undoubted right, or not, as they chose, he did not wish to seem to take part, either one way or the other, in either recommending or discouraging them from doing so in favour of either of the belligerents. That statement was borne out by Mr. Lumley, who re. pelted the same thing to Mr. Marcy, while Mr. Crampton was absent in Canada. The hon. member had spoken of Mr. Crampton and Mr. Lumley as two mean, dishonourable, and miserable culprits, to whos3 statements not one tittle of credence attached. He did not believe that this was a fair view of the conduct and character of these gentlemen ; and when he found both these gentlemen asserting that they had distinctly brought to the attention of Mr. Marcy the fact that the Briti,h Government had established a depot at Halifax for receiving men for enlistment. [Mr. Gladstone—Where does Mr. Crampton state that Y] That was in page 172, but Mr. Crampton stated the same thing in his despatch dated March 3, 1856, where he said : I told Mr. Marcy on the 22a of March that numerous applications had been made to me by persona in this country who wished to join the British army, and that my answer had been, that I could not enlist them here, or hire or re tain them here, without 'violating the law, and that, con sequently, they must go into British territory, there to be enlisted. Mr. Marcy made no objection to this, but re marked that any person might go who chose,' and then reiterated the expression he had just before used, of his intention strictly to enforce the Neutrality Law. To this I, on my part, had no objection to make ; on the con trary, the view it disclosed entirely agreed with that I had myself submitted to Mr. Marcy on showing him a letter I had written to Mr. Barclay disapproving of the proceedings of a Mr. Angus M'Donald, because I thought that those pro ceedings would or might be taken to constitute a violation of the act of 1818. It was clear that, unless, Mr. Crampton had sofar forgotten his honour and truth as to fabricate that , statement, Mr. Marcy, on the 22d of March, 18:15, was made fully aware of the mode iu which the British Government were carry ing out the BuliAwent Act. Well, that being the state of things, upon what ground did the American Government make their complaint against the British Government for h.s.ving'infringed their laws? They did not deny any where that the state of the American law was as it had been represented—viz., that, although no one .could be enlisted on the scil4 the United States, there was nothing to pveveut the American citizen from going to another country to enlist there. No one denied this ;:but the American Government said the British Government had violated their " sovereign rights" by attempting to enlist their subjects ist all. The answer of the British Govern- went was, thA they were no., infringing or violating the sovereign rights of the Unitrd States if they availed I h remelves of the pmeission which the law of the United States gave. There was nothing in that law which pre vented an American citizen from going to another country for the purpose of serving a foreign State. If that were permitted to the United States' subject, who was thus re leased from Iris obligation to give an unqualified and entire allegiance to his country, it could not be matter of cout pbtiut against the British Government that they were wil ling to accept the services which the subjects of the United St4tes' Government were willing to render. (Rear.) This doctrine of sovereign rights could nut certainly apply where the British Government had to do exclusively with British subjects, over whom they had rights which had the force of lacy ; and it would apply to persons who were States, lY and not of America, the subjectsofother who were only tem p o rarily in America, and did not make it their permanent place of abode—who had not taken rout in the soil, and only made it their temporary place of asylum, with the inten tion of returning to Europo. If this permission to go to the territory of another Power to enlist were allowed to American citizens, a fortiori it must be allowed to the quasi subjects of other States and to British subjects ; and, therefore, the British Government were entitled to take persons and enlist them. But it was said the British Go vernment were not content with enlisting them beyond the bountaties of the United States, but that they violated the law by enlisting, or rather engaging them to enlist, in that terri'ory. Upon what testimony did that rest? It was denirel in the most emphatic and indignant terms by Mr. Crampton and the consuls. What was the evidence upon, which the American Government persisted in saying that,. although'Alr. Crampton denied his complicity, he was 'a— lb dyed in these transactions? It rested upon the evident& given on the trial of Hertz. Was that evidence worthy to be belieJettwae it evidence to which the house would at-• tech the slightest importance, confronted as it was by the positive statement of Mr. Crampton and the consuls, on, their words of honour, that it was a tissue of falsehood andt„ misrepresentation? The trial was a very remarkable 0314114 x; ~~~ •