The Sun. — London, England, 1831-11-17 00:00:00

WRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS• Some time ago one would have thought that every mode of crime which the inventive depravity of hu man nature could suggest had been ascertained and defined. It was reserved for the nineteenth century —the " age of intellect," as it has been called—to bring to light a new crime ; a crime, at least, un heard of before, without example, and without a wame ! The dreadful discovery made in the capital of Scotland, which presented the spectacle of a den of villains preying as regularly upon the bodies of their fellow-creature as the tigers of the jungle upon the less powerful animals of the forest, revealed for the first time this mode of crime, for which our language had no name. A name was supplied only by adopting that of the principal perpetrator, and giving tt the inflections of a verb; and thus the verb " to Burke," like the verb " to assassinate," which had a scmewl'at similar origin, has become neutralized in our language ; both expressing distinct and peculiar sorts of murder. The revolting word " Burking" expresses what could not be otherwise expressed but in several words—namely the killing a human being for the purpose of selling the body to the surgeons. Though the existence of such a dreadful mode of supplying the surgical shambles has only come to the knowledge of the public so very recently, we suspect that the practice existed long before the detection. If we recollect right, it was sscertained that no less than seventeen persons had fallen by the hands of Burke and his associates before he was brought to justice. These were all disposed of, for the " interests of science," to persons of that profession, one of whom is always called on Coroners' inquests, and trials for homicide, to in forms the Court and Jury whether the person whose decease is the subject of inquiry died a natural or a violent death. How then did it happen that the scientific men to whom Burke and his accomplices sold the bodies of their victims had no suspicion of the foul means by which they had been deprived of life ? That the same mode of procuring human bo dies for the knife of the anatomist has long been practised in London we have great reason to believe. Among the number of persons continually advertised of late years, as missing from the streets of the me tropolis, it is highly probable that some of those who have never been heard of afterwards by their rela tions or friends suffered the fate which is believed to have befallen the Italian boy, though we by no means desire to prejudge the case of the men now in cus tody, and egainst whom, at present, there is no evi dence which goes further titan to fix them with sus picion. That the poor unfortunate boy was by foul means deprived cf life there appears to be no doubt ; but whether those with whom the body was found were the perpetrators, or whether the murder s' as committed with their knowledge or connivance, are questioee that cannot be solved without further evi dence than has been yet adduced. The more atro cious u crime is, the more necessary it becomes to guard the public against that precipitate judgment of the excited feelings which might lead to results, even in a Court of Justice, which reason and reflec tion NS culd afterwards have cause to regret. As to the case of the persons who lie under the suspicion of having " Busked" the woman Catherine Walsh, we wish to be undesotood as making the same observation. We are most anxious that guilt of this sort should not go unpunished, but we are just as anxious that eiery charge of guilt should have a fair trial The example of some of our con temporaries we do net think proper to imitate, who are apt, in the most serious cases of criminal accu sation, to decide first, and seek for evidence after wards. That the practice of " Burking" exists, and has long existed, in London, we believe. Nor is it wonderful that it should exist, when we consi der that the persons who supply surgeons and school:: of anatomy with "subjects" are the most hardened and depraved of the human race ; for none but per sons 10v{ to all sense of decency, all feeling, and all shame, would engage in an occupation which dooms them to haunt the charnel houses and church-yards, like vampires or goules, to despoil the last home of mankind, and rob the grave of its prey. When, therefore, we consider the characters and habits of those persons commonly called " resurrection-men," anti couple with that the negligence or apathy which but too generally exists in our hospitals and schools of Anatomy as to the way in which those providers for the " interests of science procure subjects, we should riot be very much surprised if it should here after appear that " Busking" had grown into a re gular practice in the trade—and that human beings Are prepared for the dissecting-knife, by some of those who undertake to supply the anatomical market, as regularly as cattle are slaughtered for the shambles. We should not be astonished if those circumstances should be taken advantage of by the " philosophers" who supported Mr. Warburton's late Bill, in the Press, and elsewhere, to thrust that forward again, or some such specimen of legislation, as a preventive to the horrid practic e of Burking." We opposed that Bill at the time in which it was under discus sion ; and we entertain the same opinion of it now whieh we did then. A law which devotes the bodies of the poor that die in hospitals, and are for a certain space of time unclaimed, to the surgical 'smile, will not do as long us the instinct, or feeling, or prejudice, or whatever it may he called, exists in the minds of mankind in general against a violation of the rights of sepulture, and a profanation of the religious reverence with which both savage and civilized nations regard the decencies of the grave. if the great and rich cherish those feelings or pre iudicee, which preserve as sacred relics the ashes of departed relatives and friends, they may be excused :n the poor and humble. If men of cultivated and enlightened understandings reeolt from the idea of allowing the mortal remains of their dearest con nections to be coesigned to the table of the dissect ng-room, the illiterate and the ignorant ought to escape the censure o f those " philosophers" who affect to be above the " vulgar prejudices" that oppose the instincts of humanity to the " interests of science." If those philosophers wish to in culcate their own doctrines by the most forcible means of teaching—namely, by example—why do tbey not make an offering of their own bodie on the altars of that science to whose service they pretend to be so much attached ? Such voluntary offerings of the bodies of those who advo cate a" free trade" in the merchandise of the grave would go a greater way to remove the " prejudices" wtdch they denounce than any other argument. It would also have, at least, as much effect in prevent ing the practice of " Bucking" as any A hospitals of the bodies of the poor. A writer in the juurnals,i during the time that the notorious Anatomy Bill see s under discussion iu the, House of Lords, ad.] dressed a letter t o Lord Calthor p e, by whom it had been introdaccd to that House, in wie;eli letter he proposed that a legal supply of subjects ehoold be procured, by making it compulsory that the bodies of the following classes et persons should be de.' livered up to the anatotnists All persons who suffer the extreme penalty of the law, not confining dissection in such cases to murders e ob ject to this, because we consider it a barbarous and unchristian prac tice to put h uman bein g s to death for any offence, unless it may be fer murder; and, expecting, as we do , that at a future tints the punish- Ment et - death will be abolished, we cannot consent that any new law should be passed which would re-' cognise the propriety of its infltctiort. 2. Persons who die in pdison under sentence of dealli.—The 1C350119 which we opposed to the former proposition apply to this. 3. Convicts under sentence of bans portation,who die either in prison, on board the hulks, 4c. As sentence of dissection after death cannot be passed upon a transported man, whether his term be seven years, fourteen, or for life, we object to a lass which would deprive his remains of sepulture, however penitent and contrite his subsequent conduct might he. 4. Persons found dead, who are not claimed by - J•e:otives or friends within 72 hours after an inq jec ues has been held. — To t his we do not see any q uest tion, except that the deceased ;night be a traveller and a strnger, whose friends, being at a great dis ;once, might not hear of his fate in time to make the ela;m, avid edit) that it might have a revolting effect upon the feelings of the people. 3. All persons who commit suicide.—W e think the re latives and friends of those who, ether through insanity or digress of mind, commit suicide, are suffi ciently agonized, without this additional wound being inflicted on their feelings; therefore we decidedly object to this suggestion also. The same writer also proposed that it might be allowable to the friends of the deceased to ransom thr body on the payment of a certain pie (say 250/.), to be appro priated towards defraying the expenses of a natio nal school of anatomy. By this proportion he acknow ledged the prevailing feeling on the minds of the rich against such a • disposition of the body, and admitted that it ought to be respected. lie there fore allowed the rich to redeem the body at a price which the poor could not pay—such a law would be partial and unjust-. We will tell this writer how a legitimate supply of subjects might be obtained in the most unexceptionable manner :—Let all surgeons and surgical students—let all physicians and apo thecaries, who are, of course, men above vulgar pre judices, set the example to the ignorant, by publicly devoting their own bodies to the " interests of science." —Morning Herald. - - -- - We have authority for contradicting in the most positive terms the rumour of Lord Grey's resigna tion. We are assured that the rumour is wholly false; that such a resignation has never been con templated ; that the Cabinet are firmly united, and most friendly in all their intercourse with oneanother. While, however, we give this unqualified contradic tion, we must own that we are not surprised that the extraordinary silence of Ministers on the subjects re specting which the people have so much reason for feeling an anxiety, should have given rise to rumours of changes and resignations. Ministers, we know, express the most confident assurance of their ability to carry the Bill ; their language is, if anything, more confident than ever ; but they cannot expect that the people, who do not possess the means of knowing on what their confidence is founded, should should share it with them. The people hear the same Anti-Reformers who rejected the former Bill threaten as loud as ever the rejection of the next. They hear of intrigues—they know that the powers of Government have, for half a century or more, been in the bands of the Tories—that their creatures are in all offices, and wield all the powers of the nation ;—they see Ministers more anxious to have the good opinion of these Tories than of the Reformers—and, under such circum stances, is it wonderful that they should feel alarm ? Do they ask too much when they wish to see some indications of the mode in which the Bill is to be carried ? We have heard, on good authority, of one great boroughmonger of the North having declared, not that he has changed his opinion respecting the Bill, but that it can no longer be resisted. Lord Wharncliffe, on the other hand, has been travel ling into the country in stage coaches, to obtain evidence of re-action, and he proclaims that he has everywhere found the strongest evidence of it. There is really no convincing some men. It would not surprise us if Lord Tankerville, who had such a narrow escape at Doncaster, and who was obliged to travel all night with the ladies of kis family in a coach greatly shattered and open to the rain, were not, after a few days' intermission, also to proclaim that the re-action had commenced. But these are the animals who have to decide the fate of Eng land. It would he absurd to calculate on what they may be disposed to do. But of one thing we are sure, that the people can safely place reliance only on themselves. Let them prepare, that if danger comes, they may nut be taken by surprise.—Morn ing Chronicle. The Mayor of Bristol has addressed a letter to the Editor of the Bristol Mercury, inclosing for publication two letters sent by the Magistrates on the 4th of November—one to the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and the other to the Commander-in Chief—with accompanying docu ments. After the interval of a fortnight, the Magistrates have deemed it time to lay the docu ments before the public. The statement of the Mayor and Magistrates does certainly place the transactions at Bristol in a new point of view. It has hitherto been understood that the riot at Bristol might have been suppressed in the beginning, if the officer in command of the troops had been autho rized to act by the Magistrates. It appears from the statement of the Mayor, that Colonel Brereton refused to act, and that the city of Bristol was literally without the means of making head againsi the mob. The history of the Bristol riot is preg nant with instruction. We may see from it, what we have all along been convinced of, the utter inefficiency of the present pollee of the kingdom, aided by the army, for the protection of persons and property in times of agitation. At Br's•ol, it is to be remarked, there was no surprise. The autho ties were aware of the public feeling against Sir Charles Wetherell, and wished, if possible, to post pone the gaol delivery. Charles having deter mined on making his appearance in Bristol, the Ma gistrates made a communication to the Home Secre tary, requesting that a military force might . be sent to assist and support the civil authorities in protect. ing the city, and preserving the public peace. Troops were accordingly placed at the disposal of the Magistrates, in case the civil force should be inadequate to preserve the peace ; and the Magi strates, at the same time, took the necessary mea sures for increasing the constabulary force. All that the civil authority of itself could do was done, and the Government supplied such a force as could be furnished, without endangering the tranquillity of other districts. The Riot Act was read about five o'clock on the Saturday afternoon, and the troop; were ordered to the scene of action—the Mansion house—which had been broken into, and was threatened with destruction. On the appearance of the troop, the people withdrew from the attack, but did not disperse. Colonel Brereton was or dered to clear the streets. The mob, however, still occupied the courts of the adjoining houses, and the corners of the squa;ess near the Mansion-house,in considerable numbers, throwinz stones at the win dows and at the 14i h Dragoons, two of whom were brought in wounded. Colonel Brereton came in from time to time to report to the Magistrates, saisi the people were in good humour, that their num ber wag lessening, and that he should disperse them by merely riding the troops about, while the Ma gistrates nought the number of the people was increasing rather than diminishing—that their con duct was tumultuous eend violent, and they wished them dispersed. Colonel Oressetors was asked if he had any authority which prevented hisaa from acting under the authority of the Magistrates ; and having answered that .`.is orders were to be under their direr- dons, the Magistrates then desired him to clear the streets. The people were driven from the squrtre without any cut or svcaind being infricteu. ?t u ould appear that Colonel Brereton refused to al.ove the peo ple ho had retreated across th e quay ere to had the Th chili; to be dislodged by the troo p s. been partial disturb an c es durin g the night, and by seven o'clock on the Sunday morning there were many hundreds assembled, Colonel Brereton called at ;he Mansion -house and ordered bottt elaa few soldiers who remained there. This was the signal for a fresh attac:a. The troops were recalled, and the people again withdrew,but retained possession of the cellars, and drank the lsc l uois. About half past te.i o'clock the soldiers returned to melt- c,uar ters, followed ic. the mob, which continued to pelt and insult them to their .v.Pryquarters, The Riot Act had been read three times by oo of the Aldermen, who remained on the spot and addressed t eed soot , and entreated them to setarn to their homes, and SOO4 afterwards the Alderman, iii a conversation with Colonel Brereton, rc9uested the troops might fire; but the Colonel said the troops would not and silo;d 2 not fi rs' ;it itioidd be of no acail ; and the mob would be so infuriated, that they might overcome the troops, and the city be given up to slaughter. The Colonel said it would be better to keep the mob in temper until the next morning, when a reinforce went of troops might be expected." About eleven o'closis the mob were proceeding in force to the City Bridewell, the ipseial constables had returned to their houses, a few of the citizens only answered the Mayor's request to come to the Guildhall, and those who did attend expressed their readiness to act if supported by the troops ; but, at the same time, declared their unwillingness to risk their lives, unless they could be so supported. "At this time Colonel Brereton applied to the Magistrates for their authority to send the two troops of the 14th Dragoons out of town, stating that the mob were so exasperated with them, in consequence of their having fired, that the life of every man of them would he sacrificed if they remained." The Magistrates re fused their authority. "He also stated that those troops, as well as the 3d Dragoon Guards, were har• rassed and fatigued,as well men as horses,and could not render any assistance, or take any duty for some time." The Magistrates held him to his responsibility; but he ordered the soldiers to quarters two or three miles out of the city. After Bri , lewell had been carried and set on fire, and the mob were proceeding to the gaol, Colonel Brereton was again peremptorily de sired to call out the troops, but he answered that he could not do it, as their lives would be sacrificed, without doing any good. Outrage followed outrage, till two complete sides of Queen-square, containing nearly forty houses, including the Mansion-house, the Custom-house, and the Excise-office, were fired, and during all this time the Magistrates say they were at their post, but were wholly without means of protection or defence, and the mob had complete possession of the city. About four o'clock on Sun day, one of the Magistrates went to the quarters of the 3d Dragoon Guards, stating, that unless assist ance was given, the whole of the square would be destroyed. The officer expressed his readiness to attend, but could only furnish twenty-four men. The officer, at the desire of the Magistrate, went to Colonel Brereton's lodgings, who, upon being called up, said it was no use to take out those jaded troops, they could do no good,—what good could they do against such a mob ? He at last consented to order out the troops, and in about ten minutes the troops charged a mob of about 600 or I 700 persons, in Princes -street, and on entering : IQueen -square, the mob, consisting of about 600 more, were just commencing an attack on the first two houses on the third side of the square. The troops formed in front of the two houses; the mob, however, did not disperse, but continued round the soldiers; but from the arrival of the troops in the square, no attempt was made to attack or set fire to any house. About six o'clock the mob had sepa rated into small parties of twenty or thirty in diffe rent parts of the square, arid the streets were ulti mately cleared. In the meantime, having sent to Gloucester and other places for assistance, and the two troops of the 14th having been brought into the city from their country quarters, and Major Beck with having arrived from Gloucester and taken the command of them, and received directions from the Magistrates to disperse the mob wherever they were found to be assembled in force, they were vigorously attacked. B . ii these measures, and the arrival of a 'considerable number of troops and yeomanry from dfcrent parts of Me country, the city was restored to a state of considerable peace and security." The point at issue between the Magistrates and Co lonel Brereton is, whether he had force suffi cient to quell the riots; and whether, supposing he had not sufficient force, he was justified in refusing to act when desired to do so by the Magistrates. As Colonel Brereton is about to be put upon his defence, these points will, no doubt, he fully argued. However, allowing even that the Colonel was not justified in refusing to act at all hazards, it does not appear that the troops under Major Beckwith would have been equal to the re storation of the town to a state of peace and secu rity, had not a considerable number of troops and yeomanry from different parts of the country arrived at the same time. But whether Colonel Brereton could or could not have quelled the mob by acting with vigour in the outset, is it to be borne that our cities shall be viewed in the light of problems, on which the troops placed at the disposal of Magi strates and the mob may try their relative stieugth? Here there was at all events no surprise. The sub ject of the entry of Sir Charles Wetherell into Bris tol had been the subject of anxious deliberation of the Magistracy and the Home Secretary before the event. Bristol might have been attacked without such note of preparation, and destroyed long before aid could have been sent to it. Dees not this show I that no allowance is made in the system of the po lice of this country for times of agitation ? Th e army, spread as it is over our colonies and the three kingdoms, is a mere mockery of force in times of general agitation. All that could be sent ro Thistol, without exposing other places, were detachments of two cavalry regiments. An expe prienced officer of the rank of Colonel deemed it destruction to the troops to attemp t to fire upon a mob. Does not this demonstr ate In th e c learest manner that the Special Constabu lar y Sys tem, with soldiers to aid them, is both inefficient and hazardous ? Does it not demonstrate that some mode should be fallen upon of organizing the able bodied householders of every town, the people who have the deepest interest in its prosperity, in such a manner as shall at all times enable them to afford prompt aid to the civil authority ? What can be more ludicrous than to see the Magistrates of a city like Bristol without means of crushing a contemp tible mob, and sending to the neighbouring counties for troops and yeomanry to preserve the lives and properties of the inhabitants from destruction ? We trust, then, we shall no longer hear of any twaddle about special constables, and the danger of arming citizens, lest it should be supposed to imply a doubt in the intentions of Government. There can be no danger in training and arming, under re-pectable Commanders appointed by the Crown, the house holders of a wan, any more than the householders of the country. Why should the inefficient means of special constables be resorted to, when the more efficient means of yeomanry infantry can be had. It is always well to show such a force as to prevent the probability of outrage. There can be no good reason for distrusting householders —men who, in the language of Lord Bacon, have, in their wives and children, given hostages to fortune.-3/Orliiug, Chronicle. There is not a shadow of truth in the An Reform rumour of yesterday, that Lord Grey was about to resign. That there are sundry Lords and Hon. Gentlemen—Ladies too, indeed Ladies of the Bedchamber—Howes in petticoats—who would re joice at the probability of such an occurrence, all England is well enough convinced ; but the stronger the adverse interest felt!on such a subject, the bet ter prepared ought intelligent men to be for sifting each and z.veu tale put forth from those quarters which are known to anticipa; - ,e a selfish profit by the resig nation of the Reform Ministry, and the more cau tious against yielding to such slanders (for they are no better) an indiscreet and unfounded confidence. t is false that Lord Grey, or Lord Grey's colleag u will resign ; a:e least, until they have fough t — lost, which God forbid—another battle for R eform. There are some admissions, which th e rynot eager advocates for the success of that great measure — and we ourselves aspire to be so regaided—sorn e admissions, which we and they are called upon to .Whe pe,asure is vast—is (in practic e ) new, —involves tlisb, nvertinpw of much real (however ill acquired, and worse exerc ised ) powe-,-,--4.ects a multitude of " vested" wrongs,—lays the axe directly to the root of many sacred perversions of public pritreVe,—exposes, in an immense variety of instances, the un;;atural, though long-suf fered, confusion of names with things, eirhi,eh l host of they do not signify ;—there are, then, such a timid ;tujge7eitts to be strengthened—of courtly max ims to be set aside, arael prejudices to be sof tened,— there is so much ridicule to be zo.-.3batted, and such a phentasm of " revolution" and other follies Lo 7 ,3 e dissipated,—and, finally, selfishness in a tretnendous diversity of forms has been zo deeply wounded and provoked, that two years ago there was hardly a man in England who would have had an imagination bold enough to conceive the triumphant growth and pitch to which Reform bas actually soared in ~thy council chamber, the legiglature, mid throughout the country. These were the difficulties which beset the qusation when Lord Grey first recommended it to the Royal favour, and when he received the gracious pledge of an upright Prince that he would support his ser vants in the toil of carrying it through Parliament. But these difficulties no longer exist. The breadth and grandeur of the scheme propounded, which 4 - split no differences," discarded all compromise, and made a frank choice between the friends of freedom and her foes,—these powerful characteristics of Lord John Russell's Bill, gained at once the whole flower of the nation. The fair dealers in constitu tional policy all acceded to it—the contrabandists and plunderers only stood out. His Majesty was a party to the Bill. It was submitted to him before he pronounced his Royal declaration that it should he brought before Parliament. His resolution to persist in a measure founded on the same 'principles was declared on proroguing the legislative body last month. There was no qualification in the Sovereign's tone or language, — as there is neither duplicity nor cowardice in his character. So, after the rejection of the second reading in the House of Lords, Lord Grey made in his place a solemn pro mise, that "all the means" vested in Government by the Constitution should be employed, if neces sary, to ensure the success of Reform ! These words are irrevocable arid decisive. Well, then, why are the people of England not yet quite without uneasiness ? The King's word has ever been invio late: Lord Grey's not less so. The public, there fore, are far from entertaining suspicions derogatory to the faith on which they have been encouraged to rely. But accidents are fearful disturbers of human calculations, and all delays are full of them. With out the slightest impeachment, of Lord Grey's in tegrity, the country is terror-stricken lest, through some mere casualty abroad or at home, producing a change of things or persons, and wholly tinpreme• ditated by Lord Grey, his Lordship might not have the same power of redeeming his engagements to the people of England, as great energy and expedi tion would secure to him. Again, the employment of those " constitutional means" for removing diffi culties in the way of the Bill, which was distinctly promised by the Prime Minister, and ,which must be supposed to have contemplated nothing else but a certain exercise of the Royal prerogative, given for no other purpose but that the Sovereign might amend, partially or extensively, the constitution of the House of Peers,—that employment of such means the benefit of which, by the way, looks beyond the mere business of any single session, might not be above, or exempt from, fhe reach of accident, unless it were resorted to diligently and in due sea son. Then the skill, the cunning, the tricks, the ever•varying and indefatigable devices of the Anti- Reform faction ! Do they form no fair topic of anxiety, or of importunate alarm ? To-morrow will bring forth a Gazette—the only regular Gazette day before the 22d. Let us hope, therefore, to find in that Gazette an announcement of the day on which Parliament meets " for the despatch of business ;" and let us hope confidently, that it will be an early day. Much, very much, depends on the alacrity for " business," conveyed by that official paper. The course of proceedings in the House of Commons, and the result of them, so far as that House is con cerned—which last we have been taught to look for before Christmas—may give the Peers an opportu nity for ascertaining the scantiness of their own real power ; and if evidence should appear that they do not mean to profit by self-examination, then, at least, we presume, there will be no " ignorant im patience" in demanding a creation of Peers.—Tinnes.' We described yesterday the efforts making in France by the Bourbon faction to convince the world that they have the numerical majority of the people on their side, and that in any appeal to the nation by universal suffrage they could calculate on a triumph of power. This assertion they illustrate and support by a great variety of facts, some of which are irrelevant and others exaggerated, but which deserve to be taken into the account in form ing an idea of the present situation of the French Government. It may perhaps be remembered, that tiering the discussions on the electoral law last spring, though a great variety of opinion prevailed as to the amount of the requisite qualification for electoral privileges, none of the Liberal Members of the Chamber proposed to reduce the census below 150 francs, or to abolish it altogether. This amount of direct taxation—consisting of imposts on land, houses, furniture, or trading licences—presupposes a considerable degree of ease, if not of affluence, though not a great fortune, among the large classes of landed proprietors, capitalists, merchants, manu facturers, or shop-keepers, who bear its burdens, or enjoy its privileges. Formerly, when the qualifica tion was 300 franc., a body of only abent 80,000 electors was formed out of a population of 30,000,000 —and the widest range which was contemplated to the number of voters under the new law was 200,000. No Member proposed to reduce the qua lification to a hundred francs except old Lafayette, who, full of American freedom and universal suffrage, desired to pursue his principles of liberty and equa. lity at home to all their consequences, and did not see that what suited well a new trans-Atlantic de mocracy might not exactly accommodate itself to an old European monarchy. When the venerable General proposed that a smaller census than 200 francs should be adopted, or that something like universal suffrage should be granted, all the Mem bers of the Liberal Club, to which he belonged, as sured him that if the common people were admitted to vote, he and his present colleagues would lose their elections. The obvious inference from this fact, or rather this apprehension is, that in the pro vince, the working or laborious classes, which con stitute the chief portion of the community, do not partake the sentiments of the suburbs of Paris, and if admitted to electoral rights, they might be acted upon by influences opposed in the present state of the representation, and the existing order of things. In the course of last session the Chamber of Dr.pti ties passed a law for regulating Municipal Admire strations,—a law which enables the inhabitants or communes on a low qualification to elect their own councils. In some placrs, the Councillors tiers elected are said to be Carlists,—and in others, the elections have been suspended by order of the Go vernment, from an apprehension that the majority of the Council would be hostile to the existing order. This is dwelt upon by the writers of Carlist pamph lets and journals as another evidence of the strength of their party, and of the wide diffusion of their opinions. It consequently appears to them to warrant the inference that a more extended suffrage or a general appeal to the nation would promote their cause. The elections of officers for the National Guard by the National Guards themselves may be regarded as nearly popular. It is ascertained that the persons enrolled in this defensive and civic force amount to about a million and a half. The advocates for universal suffrage, including the Royalists, point out this national militia as an electoral body ready made. At any rate it may be supposed that it speaks the national sentiment, diversified by local partialities, by variety of pursuits, and by peculiar attachments or influences, --better than a more limited and select body, taken chiefly from one class of society, and disaiegeished by one uniform =cruet of fortune. Now this force la said in many cases to select royalists for their officers, and it is an indisputable fact, that some Liberal De putiee who were returned by several electoral col leges at the some could not obtain the suf frages of their own comrades for a command in their own legion. This is relied upon by the Carlist writers, as another evidence that by a more ex tended ;:ijlit of voting their cause would rather prosper than suffer. sin tlae south and the west there has existed, for several civil dissension, --a rep u g nance to the r e s t raints of roontha peat, a state of fallen dynaaty eed the supporters of existing order, law, and a n hostility b etween t he p ar t is ans of the —which has sometimes bro:en out into acts of tumult, and is always menacing some public out rage or disturbance. In those departments the ig norance and superstition of the great body of the people is profotind, and in exact proportion is their disaffection to Louis Philip, and their tsudeney to disorder. In soma places, such as at Marseilles, and other towns in the south, the priests and reli gious orders are stronger than the liberal magic traces. Battles have accordingly taken place at religious processions, or even in consecrated edifices, in which vic-ory has declared for the disaffected fa• moles. Allow the curate, the friar, or the bishop, to direct the consciences of such a people in the disposal of their political trusts, —a result which would occur under a more general suffrage,—and it is easy to foresee what kind of Deputies would be sent to the Legislature. Such is another alleged proof that the Carlists might expect more from an appeal to the mass of the nation than to the exist ing electoral body, who are either, by their infidel principles, or their more cultivated understandings, above ecclesiastical influence, or monkish delusions. It is a striking fact, as connected with this view of the subject, that M. de Villele and the body of Royalist Deputies who fought under his banners before he became a Minister, always argued for a more general suffrage than was admitted by the 300 francs qualification, on the ground that an ex tension of suffrage would be favourable to the cause of the royal Es. But in order to realise their Uto pian schemes of legitimate government, and to re concile their theory of universal suffrage with a Bourbon monarchy, the Gazette de France and its partisans are obliged to forget that France has un dergone several revolutions and many changes of Government within the last 40 years,—that the provincial and even the parish land-mark has been effaced by the plough of political innovation,—that the powers of the State have been centralized, and cannot be immediately dispersed over their former surface,—that there are now no Parliaments, no rich hierarchy, and no directing noblesse,—and that therefore no elements exist for an assembly like that of the States-General (elected on their principles), at the commencement of the first revolution. In order to prevent confusion in taking their votes, and to obtain their universal opinion free from all popular impurities, they are obliged to make the parish or cointnane their unit, and to strain their representation through numerous degrees of election. The parishes (if we understand them right) would elect delegates to form an assembly of the canton, the cantons would elect Deputies for the arrondissement, and the arrondissements for the de partment, or (which they would prefer) the pro vince. Thus, as the curate and the little noblesse of the locality could influence the election of the parish delegates, it is supposed that the whole re presentation would retain a tinge of its religious and aristocratic origin. Such is a brief account of the present principles and visions of the most intelli gent portion of the Bourbon Press in France. Though they may not appear very practicable, they deserve to be known in this country as the creed of a party to which they have given a popularity lately increased by the pamphlet of M. de Chateau briand ; and they cannot be altogether overlooked in any estimate which we might otherwise be led to form of the stability and duration of the existing dynasty.—Times. The Brougham Gazette, under the instructions and aided by the pen (if internal evidence is of any value in tracing compre4tions to their author) of its Noble and Learned Master, is exposing the politics of the Ministerial faction with a clearness and per spicuity which, considering what these politics are, partake but little of discretion. The present policy of this crew of traitors seems to be to threaten, intimidate, and coerce the King; its design for the future, should its menaces prove, as they will prove, unsuccessful, to stigmatise, revile, and traduce him. From a long article in the Times of Tuesday, all tending to the same purpose, we extract, as a proof that we deal in no gratuitous assertions, the follow ing exquisite specimen of insolence, disloyalty, and cunning:— "It is dreadful, if the 'Ministers be not themselves discouraged—it is, we say, dreadful that the nation should be kept gratuitously in this mournful and distract ing doubt. Let then the Noble Lords bring matters to a point at once. Should the opposition to deceive mea sures rest with a great personage, let the merit of it be a merit (and if not, his Majesty wilt soon be made aware of it)—let the merit of a refusal to carry Reform through the House of Peers lie upon the proper shoulders. The Mi nistry owe this to their own honour as Patriots and Statesmen." It is impossible to read this passage, knowing the quarter whence it proceeds, without perceiving that it is now time for all honest men and loyal sub jects to rally round the Sovereign, and to protect him from the attacks meditated against his cha racter and dignity by his own immediate servant , . The King will not, it seems, permit the British Pei rage to be degraded by the Introduction into its ranks of all the scum of Whiggery, whom a despe rate and falling party would recommend to this elevation, not for the purpose of carrying the It -- form Bill, for this they know to be hopeless, not withstanding any creation upon which even the Whig Ministers would venture, but for the purpose of enfeebling the Monarchy, and embarrassing every future Administration for a long series of years. — His Majesty will not lend himself to the Whig pro ject of di-gracing the Peerage, and anticipating the strength and resources of the Monarchy, by letting at once into the House of Lords a flood of adven turers and revolutionists ; and for this refusal he to be punished, by being held up to popular indigna tion as the enemy of Reform, as the treacherous ail( inconsistent Monarch, who has deceived his Mini sters, and disappointed his people, as the sole ob stacle to the gratification of a wish which Ministers and their partisans have laboured diligently, and still labour, however, unsuccessfully, to inspire.— The present game of the Whig Ministers is one of which Earl Grey at least ought to know the danger. lie cannot have forgotten that once before he attempted to traduce the Sovereign, whom he had first endeavoured in vain to defraud and betray ; nor can it have escaped his recollection that the worthy device of casting blame from his own shoulders to those of his Royal Mater proved in that instance singularly unfortunate. Earl Grey, it is evident, is still the same man, as untaught by experience, bitter as Itt was, and durable as were the effects of his conduct in every mind but his own. Again is he surrounded by a congenial body of colleagues, and supported by a Press eminently worthy of him and of them. Why should we doubt that William the Fourth will dis play the same manly dignity and resolution, the same patriotic disregard of rabble censure, the same superiority to ministerial treachery which shone so conspicuously in the conduct of his Royal father ? That the people of England will now as then mani fest the loyal and devoted attachment which is due to their Sovereign, and the contempt and hatred of deception and ingratitude which are due to them selves, them• can be no doubt whatever. The King, whatever opinion he may entertain of the necessity of a Reform of the house of Commons, or whatever attachment he may have formed to the Whig Mi nistry and their selfish Bill, will not for the sake of either consent so to employ his prerogative as to destroy the independence, vitiate the character, abrogate the functions, and thus prepare the way for the speedy abolition of the hereditary branch of the Legislature. This at least we should, in any cir tamistances, have held it our duty to believe of our Sovereign until the contrary had been proved by events; but we cannot conceal the satisfaction with which we derive a confirmation of our faith from the rancour with which his Majesty is now assailed by the enemies of every established institution. We see plainly by the language we have quoted from the leading Ministerial Journal what course his Ma jesty's present advisers intend to pursue on their re tirement from alike. But we hope the friends of Earl Grey will counsel him that no Statesman in this COuntry can twice in his life find refuge under the plea, that in a high matter of state he and his Royal Master have misunderstood each other. The Miniver is responsible indeed to Parliament and the country that there shall be no such misunderstand ing, and in asserting or insinuating the existence of what he was bound to prevent ha would but seal, as the Noble 1;arl sealed ones before, hie own eon- disonation. Did Earl Grey throw tha, civil strife, his Reform Bill, into the peaceful community in the ignorant that he could persuade, or overrule, or existing Peerage to adopt it ? And it ranee and rashness may not justly be him, did he take for granted, or had he express or implied, that the Sovereign ; need, would create a Peerage more st views? Should Earl Grey, or anybed, half, venture to insinuate the forfeiture pledge, it is certain that the whole cow as incredulous now a; the Noble Earl ha fortune to find it on a former similar occx should it appear, on the other hand, the flexibility of the Sovereign in a rail grave importance to be a thing of cours acquit him of incorrigible folly arid pi arrogance ?---Morning Post. POPULATION OF SCOTL By the late census, the population on 2,365,700, being an increase since 1821 The following are the comparative details:- 1821. Shire of Aberdeen 155,387 Argyle 97,3:6 Ayr 127,299 Banff 43,561 Berwick 93,385 Bute 13,797 Caithness 31,238 Clackmannan 13,263 Dumbarton Dumfries Edinburgh 191,514 Elgin Fife 114,5!-.6 Forfar 113,430 Hacldington Inverness '0,157 Kincardine 29,118 Kinross 7,762 Kirkcudbrignt 38,903 Lanark 244,387 Linlithgow 22,685 Nairn Orkney and Shetland 53,124 Peebles 10,046 Perth 13:1,050 Renfrew 112,175 Ross and Cromarty 68,828 Roxburgh Selkirk . _._. Stifilng Sutherland 23,1840 Wigtown Total of Scotland 2,093,456 Wheat, OM ...... —s... Foreign —s..sos Oats, Poland —s 20s. Small or Feed —s. :20s. Foreign ...... --s. •2:'s. Barley, Norf. & Sut —s 40s. Foreign Beans Pease, White —s. 465. Tares --8 —s, Rapeseed, in Isond n0ne........... - -.'j CHELLENHAM 1 Per Bushel. a. d. to s. d. Wheat _ _ _ Barley 40 56 Mutton ............. Veal ...... ... Pork ... ............ •••,/ Laittb ........ to 3/. tss. Oats 4O 43 Beans l'ease 5 0 7 0 Ba Oa Fl 0, . I,d 1 "N......., ..()S; 6 "eft Total of Scotland 2,093,456 27 955 ' 44 a. '. 6ta t ." k al ' i BRUSSELS PAPERS. If . i t e A 1 0 ) 1 `: i 4 o e f iti BRUSSELS, Nov. 12.—Yesterday evening tbe o f i e ,, ,i. was not completed. It is said that proposals lis 'P's made to M. Felix de Merode. )7111, ) (le It is said that M. Nothomb will go as Minis ter / k ilet th• i I toi rn (In potentiary to the United States of America. ~ i i o , Y la ari, There being only twenty-four Members of t' Cli itigtirer i present yesterday no business could be done. Ir e 4 t ) 'e itY ber of Representatives was wholly engaged i n ,11 i qt -, th e report of the Committee of Petitions. Almost oil 1,, petitions are of a private and personal nett/11'011 Ilia Ala Chamber passed to the order of the day on s e . Lori Oie whole of them. The police has just seized at Ghent a bale oftgrli'tt4::" the letter to Prince Leopold, by M. d'Herb l ..„ s !s' ' ' ' '' . 4 4t: to ti kl iiti d i - author of the " Destinies of Europe." It is not V .Ibt , tl Y what pretext this seizure has been made. 0 11 1144 f ' °l ll , (tr TRIESTE, OCT. 26.—Authentic accounts 0 ti jel, ii,,,,h.lan -4 I n t instant have been received here from Corfu, ` 1 sel' nounce that the celebrated rebel Albanian chie f, 0 0 Ili ov . Pods, had arrived at the lazaretto there with s il , d , I llen t , i ' la it suite, composed chiefly of Albanians of distinct; r ~ . ,k s nd Lower Albania is now occupied by the Sultti°l - I ;;Tritlß e We have letters from Scutari to the 12th of ° 14wI lZrk t they contain, however, no important inforras u° o n o tit ing what is passing there; the citadel still hod torte, R ay, was said that the garrison was in want of ws ter ,:e'l Artillery the cisterns were beginning to fail in conseq ue t ' g At t e-ou ttt i4 dry weather. According to accounts from D I :: IVIZ t : ;11 1 0 0 , cholera in Turkey is advancing towards the vi of prlis,4 4 o Wi i broken out in Adrianople, Philippopoli, SW! ti l ~_ i x i . Acc., as well as in Bitoglia itself. In the !Attu 414 4'4, 4 th e ravages are extensive , especially among the ievrs' b _Y of j 4 ant ~ ita4 iv o Ins THE MARKETS. lit t" at t i __ COAL MARKET. --Nov. VI 0 . ,i t c... , e,., tni. 6d Walla End Gosforth"). t l k k o n , kdairi, .—.............--- %,,,,. • . Bell Robson and Co. DIU° Clarke and C0•'1 44 rop" .4 L ow m a i 0 ,„„___........ 6 Walls End Heaton...7J d Island .7 0 Walls End Hilda .---- 8eaument........................... - East Percy----...-..- t,'6 9 Walls End llotspurewt4 Felling Main------- 26 3 Walls End Newroar Jf4 MaSc; Ilebburn Main ---130 0 Ditto Northurnberl;, p i de ' , 6 finlywell 3l 0 Ditto Perkins and y , ^ ,, ri, . he) I Kenton West.* 31 0 Walls End Ridde o ", fr „.. I t h:alti • Killingworth *.... 31 6 Walls End Russel' .4,,_ I th 1: Peiaw ' Pontop Wind50r.......... 27 0 Lambton Prirris o ,,`„„..q`eritc' Of 1 i Shipcote 26 6 Walls End I.arn% t toP lil t i th e _ l'antiel.l Townley 2B 0 Walls End Stobar, t , e ,/? g et . par ; WOlington 3l 0 Walls End Adeis i "_,„,. , 4„' and Wylam 29 0 Walls End Teci , ":„/i 4t r1 1 444 , Walls End Bell &Co.- 31 9 Cavrpen .........---",„,/ , li ko ,, - Ditto Bell,Robson,&Co. 30 6 Walls End Elgir'''_,,,../.,''llti rl ' , ; Walls E.,d Brown's— 30 0 Ha1beath.......... - 7,/i Ily ~.- Ilat le , Ditto Burraton ---.... 31 0 Lochgelly Main --"',i - Cal ti irte e - Walls En i Callerton —29 0 Silkstone Field isnr o e/i 044 0 Walls End Carr and Co. '. 0 Sereemerston DIV dis th" Itt a , . sii,ip, at market, 103Slitpat,010, 58......t.n' i 1,1 4 r, vv , ---- l'is' 1 'II ' I COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING , ' 4 dp r , . 1 5 ____________-- Per Quarter. - Abingdon......-.. 62 81 131 43 22 'T / "*.se., Wheat. Barley. 1 . B . a t r o ley . .. I s. t° )a to ts etn I: 11 14 : N i 1 ,, ...A /P ,,e l Andover*.", qo ti - Birmingham......... 64 721 22 40 24 gl // 11 , t e Isriciport .............. 58 74 132 39 2 6 ~,3 / 44, e Cirencester —... 48 681 30 42 25 , t 1. aringd0n.......—... 54 88 136 40 026 0 / tin e IA , y Guildford a-- 48 74 23 3'2 26 0 / Cof i.. Henley...* 54 83 130 35 28 / o u , 111, - Hereford ---. 84 92 144 48 - 5 , Lic e of )- Highworth ......-... 62 80 132 42 2 6 9 0 /. I: 14 ' 1) ( 1 Maidenhead .......... 65 86 132 46 20 e , /. 1-,, til re 31onmouth---... 54 61 139 - - 0 .; / "is ta t 0 g Reading ......----. tl5 90 31 47 21 40 /i 11 4 , es 4 , 1- Salisbury--- 44 64 34 4'2 23 ''o /. te, short Southampton ........ .54 58 37 40 , e , / ~ 1 , , a is Stroud --a—. 64 78 34 38 22 or '''. / Ne'i o ,' 1 0V, Tewkesbury a...-. 65 74 40 4.1 30 0 / ~,. nett' aUxbridge ....—..... 48 74 32 34 2 4 50 / 11 4 itt i ' Et . id Wantage.---.. 58 80 30 43 2 1 0 / 4 1 ,i' 4 0 i_ Warminster ----a 42 69 3) 45 24 0j / til e •Qei r Windsor*. 59 - - - 21 9 ttr t 0,,, b- Worcester—....... 65 66 44 51 31 , , t e l ,-a 7 I, 4(1 rs HULL MARKET-Nov. 13. l'l 110)/ th i d Wheat, Old ...... ......... -s. 58s. 61's. Sew ..... ''') ~ROl, (11 Foreign -6:505. 54s ln bond..•,/ Arai En En - Oats, Poland -a. 20s. 225.......01d ......... 1 , / I t 'lst, , ~, Small or Feed -a. 20s. 21s. .................. ....„„.s, is i 4 I , u, ~ .t. Foreign ...... -s. 20s. 21s ................... ..: / 1., kki i ,1 e Barley, Norf. & Sut ....-8 40s. 425. Line. ,s, Wol ° „.. ,0, ? 04 Y h av , Foreign re Beans •••'',j klt 1 3Sa. 4 1 1. 425. Foreign .....••'• /+ •• • /+,5 . tdi c 1 le Pease, White s 465. .4.Ls. Grey ........... , / 1 4 v 1 4t I v : Tares -8 -s. -a. Foreign .. ..::A N ( <,..... 1 " ' Rapeseed, in bond none. Hay 3l. lOs to 3/. 1t .... . 2d. 1 9 i/ • ,r, 4 . ' 1 1 DUMFRIES MARKETS.—Nov. P i nt i t ori. s. d. s. d. ~/ Itail ,Nh 1 Wheat, Imp. Bush... 7 Oto 7 8 Butter, 160 z....":„.." ti„, os he ,.. Barley ......... ........... 3 9 4 0 Eggs, dozen ~r',..,C, ~liT, Oats Flour, 141 b. Oatmeal ,read' ' Potatoes, cwt. ...................................... f 1 kat; •it ________ get / re I h t tts DUTCH SQUADRON IN THE - g i 3 ' , q tb Y ( We have been favoured by a friend with h eiP t , Sc list of ships, in the Dutch squadron in the , N I . 00, t , 30th of October last, via.:— ) '.to . Ships. Guns. Men. Ships. . ~,, ~ i , Zeeuw ... 9O 730 Medusa .......... .... , a,, lts Eurydice 42 260 Echo, bng ........ . , 00 1 9 , le , the JaalCll 42 260 Meermin, tit„.,` - ' ~.' P, v71t,,, fro Diana Diana 46 300 Windhound ..'" of' 1 V ats ith h, Hippomenes Hornet ; t . Hornet 28 180 Surinam , ar - , ' o, - h Dolfin 28 180 steamer ..... .., at tl Nahalemia lBO Curacoa, ditto:: , „0 ; rl ,, Plki re Ileldin 2B 160 Zecuw, ditto.' AI, 'ta t i , Proserpina, bomb 22 1 , 20 0 , ilt • on 0 0 1 ° ' Besides various gun-boats of different size , Itap 41 htl 4 t l cipally long 42 and 3A-poundere. ~,..............." trii• , , • —........_____ __________----. - I 4 o f n t icy . 1, BIRTH.lady ~ `,„ L, tl the On the 13th inst. at Hertingfordbury, 1 . and Rev. R. Eden, of a son. lll sr !? ~, MARRIED. .1. 1 ,5 whi t , On the 15th inst. at St. Andrew's, Holborn, t ot' ,a" Britton, Surrey, to Jane Martha, second daug t 11„. 4 he o s forest, Esq ,of Bedford-row, Bloomsbury. T. Or o tr, " , te ts ' On the 15th inst. at leer, Bucks, the ItcV2'ipc btr, t , ram Rochester, to Mary Ann, eldest daughter of ,fl 4 ~ p ./ $ 8 4th -, Wavell, A.M. , ) 1f ;j O Lt, 1 ; 1:, On the 15th inst. at St. Mary, Aldermar.s..,o , c..., .., Mr. of Skinner.street, to Charlotte Marl, qi c , 1 r k , ' tlr . Mr. W. Row, jun., of Little St. Thomas Apo' ,1„1,...'' , 111 411 DIED. 11 11 ;0 1 1Ti .1 ' t S V I ' l ' On the 16th inst. aged 78, in Surrev.stree ; c ot, I sr t , had resided for upwards of 50 years, Mr. J. =" r Okr 4 nd of the late Rey. A. Waugh, D.O. N i t bid • On the.lsthinst. in the 77th yea: of In, . . ~.. a ge, .. 0 , 5, 1 , of Slade's_placc, Deptford. ~) t , \ 4 11, of ' ~ .1,- 1 ' Or. the 14th inst. Thomas Pittman, F.. 1. - ~,c,, , 4 ra. Milton, Gravesend, a 77. bis rf 5h,Y (In On the 3d of July, t i the Cocoa Islands, (n l , h feerii -, lt, -Y cutta, Commodore Sir John Haves in the 0 "i o r s titit .W . having served the Hon. East Inaia'CompanY p4 I :IAA 'ibg years. Nesv.el fi# 1 br'') T 4 I vi . an On the 12th of October, at St. John s, - r ,t, 14 e Terrington, Fag., his Majesty's Store ßeelw /*ill tt,„ colony. ..___--- z 3t kr 4 a ______- ~111 'Vitt' t. -..' .O, • r i( m. PRINTZO gai a Fursustier , Iff HUED PO" ‘4)S 1,01 4 lr, S F 174 OVFICII, 112, STBAN 9 , v ‘ 4 l PI, .f; ) , 000 40, 1 11 516, 6, 954 • I 9 4 9° 20 10, )4•2, 8 :0 15 5,7 14,7 0 1 45, 6, 8 1 72,'" 25:00 t!i t"e ket Ontuu :J 4 ' 4 4 Aorta, `` PIAc e r 114 P er , 4tkal i °11 ( :Z:` at Iliad! boson] o'' presnni Ptr VICGCT r coerce R 2 if this ige, im puted —ll Mai 4 SuA any p Tender in OS' ?ply r I • , o n ' suited to .811 RE iy in b$ ~,TY's eof a :32:e C.de untry Il e ,. leiz • ana casdiotrih.e pn, town . ath had Kia t t ` trick-r 4 that be Akt N 'ergus tatter . w ag ewry . 110 t'lto ge, `A' t ,alwauth )restitnrj ~TieetZek :g Y ' nviQh and .AND' f C ert • th r ," al Scotlal: d fu Meat olit t 1 of 279r1 the : t t of Or w ..)ove 1:)e hieh 183 LA 177,iav, arid 101,40, 104,_ . 1 .0,0 " efiklo s ; 54,002., ,torek 14,1‘, rop et " oat a• 14,1, p. Jecty) 31;2°) sadcr 73, 9 ° l3 , Od }at ea f2l,'", -eliv, 3t,!„,,v tpo dust b tv,Ovv, p e 139,n1 t end_. be