The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-21 00:00:00

Lis property which was required of him. It was Al this effect " The affair which occupies Monsieur, begun without my knowledge and somewhat lightly by Madame de Feucheres, and of which she has taken on herself to urge the conclusion upon me, is to me infinitely painful. You may have already remarked it ; besides the lacerating reminiscenses which it recalls, and to which I cannot yet accustom my sad thoughts, there are other motives which do not permit me to engage in it at this moment. I may be charged with weakness in this respect; but it is on you I count to excuse and to get excused this weakness, very par donable at my age and in my sad condition. My affection for you, Monsieur, and yours is sufficiently well known to you ; it ought then to assure you of the disposition in which I am, and of which I here desire to give you a public and certain proof. I now appeal to your ganerosity and to the delicacy of your feelings, that I may not be harrassed and teased as I hate been for some time, to conclude an affair which is connected with other arrange ments, and which besides I do not wish to conclude except with all that mature and grave reflection which it requires. 1 reckon, then, on your friendship for me, 1 repeat, to obtain from Madame de Feucheres, that she may let me be quiet on this matter. It rests with you to prevent a broil betwixt her and me ; or at least a coolness which would embitter the remainder of my days. Receive, Monsieur, with your accustomed kindness, the expres sion of the constant and sincere friendship which I have ever entertained towards you." The Duke de Bourbon spoke of a proof " public and cetto'n" as of a determination fixed—settled,—while the project of adoption, or universal letatee, so earnestly so licited by Madame de Feucheres was left by him to future contingencies. One can easily comprehend that the owner of such a princely fortune might leave a " proof public and certain" of his affection other than that of his name and his whole inheritance. This distinction appears to have escaped the Duke of Orleans, as may be judged from the answer of his Highness : . Neuilly, August 20, 1829. 4 ' I am greatly grieved, Monsieur, that the intentions full of friendship and kindness which you were pleased to evince to wards me in a conversation, the recollection of which is so dear to me, should have become a cause of distress and annoyance to you. I am sincerely grateful for that of which you are pleased to re.assure me inthis respect in the letter which I have just re ceived from you, and you have every reason . to reckon that in this, as in every thing else, I should conform to your wishes, and do whatever may best prove the sincerity of my attachment and affection for you personally. I should regret extremely that your kind intentions towards my children should be the cause of any embarrassment to you, whatever may have been their nature ; and I should above all be anxious to remove every thing which might tend to renew your too well founded griefs, or to wound feelings already so much lacerated. I shall pro ceed immediately to Madame de Feucheres, to comply with your wish in communicating with her, and you may rest as sured, in showing to her, as is my duty, how sensible I and mine are of the efforts she has made to obtain from you that . proof, public and certain, of your kindness,' of which you were good enough to re-assure me, I shall testify to her how much we are grieved to be the cause of fresh uneasiness to you, or of dis turbing your domestic quiet. Your letter, Monsieur, imposes on one the duty of requiring of her to wait for that which your heart and your affections shall dictate, in respect of those who are of the same blood with yourself, and I shall execute this duty to the full extent; too happy, if you shall perceive in it a fresh proof of the sentiments I entertain towards you, and of my entire confi dence in those you hare evinced towards me, and of the lively and sincere atfection I have ever held for you." It is perfectly clear from this letter, that in the cnnver sectors); alluded to in the first lines, this same " proof public and certain" could not possibly be confounded with the plan of Msalatne de Feucheres. It should also be remarked, that, willing to recall the substance of the letter of the Duke of Bourbon. the Duke of Orleans concerns himself only with the " too well-founded sorrows" which were not to be renewed ; but Ise omits these express terms— " Besides those painful reminiscences which it recalls (the affair commenced so lightly by Madame de Feucheres without his knowledge), I confess that other reasons do not permit me to engage in it at this moment. Harassed and teased as I have been for some timeto terminate an affair connected with other arrange ments, which I am unwilling to conclude without that deliberate and mature reflection which it requires." One thing the Duke of Orleans says which does him honour, and which I may state as a summary of all the doctrine which I shall hereafter invoke ;—" Your letter, Monsieur, imposes upon me the duty of requiring her to wait for that which your heart and your affections shall dictate in respect of those who are of the same blood with yourself, and I shall execute this duty to the full extent." This is, in fact, what ought to have been waited for, but what was not waited for. I hasten to acknowledge, and I do so with pleasure, that the Duke of Orleans ex presses a generous resolution s —that of acting against his own private interest and that of his children,—that of calming the ardent and persecuting spirit of Madame de Feticheress,,----s resolution which was without doubt very agreeable to the Prince, which, without doubt, confirmed }dm in the idea of the public and certain testimony of affection, but which left him in the same resolution rela tive to the project of adoption. 2-, This pion? se of interposing with Madame Feucheres for the tranquillity of the Duke of Bourbon, the Duke of Orleans, religiously fulfilled. Two hours had scarcely 't-lapsed after the receipt of the letter, when the Prince ar - met? at the Palais Bourbon, at Madame de Fencheures'. I " There, in the presence of a witness whom this lady called , :he employed :he most pressing entreaties with Maclaine de : Frucheree not to trouble the Duke of Bourbon upon the _subject of the will. Madame de Feucheres, proud and successful, premised nothing, and it was easy to foresee that this. new step would not have a favourable result, In .: tact. the next morning the Duke de Bourbon sent for ' M. de Survei, and said to him, with tears in his eyes— .l Well! the Duke of Orleans has not been able to obtain any thing tireself. I had last night a terrible scene. I must finis: .., for the state in which I have been for some time is nc/. •. exist. For the rest, here is the reply which site Duke of Orleans made to me, with which I am well satisfied." It was in the midst of these eireurnatances, and in order to get rid of scenes continually renewing, which, as he states, made& hell of Isis abode, that the Prince engaged in the snaking of the will which was imposed upon him.— The will, nevertheless, was not signed nor executed when Madame de Feucheres, perceiving the necessity of carrying by another scene what she considered with reason as the conclusion of this important affair, upbraided, on the evening of the '29th August, the slowness of the Prince, and created a scone which surpassed by its violence all those which had preceded it. The plaintiffs allege and put in plea that Madame tie Feucheres, alarmed herself at the state of exasperation into which the unfortunate old man had fallen, called a witness, who found the Prince much excited, Isis eyes in flamed, and in a greater state of agitation than he had ever been seen. " Yes, Madam," said lie, " it is a fright ful, an atrocious thing, thus to put a knife to my breast to snake me do an act for which you know I have tin much repugnance." " Well, Madam," added he with still more rage, " plunge the knife immediately—plunge it." It was at the close of this scene that the signature to the will which was not yet made was promised next day. It is alleged that the draught of the instrument was c ‘ er tied, all prepared, to the Prince, who only transcribed it; that the transcription and the signature did not take place till the day following the scene le:ate& This will rea lize a project distinct from the universal bequest, and from the augmentations of the particular bequest. I refer to the establishment of Ecouen. We shall read this will, in which, with the exception of the intunlation of Ecouen for a benevolent establishment in favour of children, grand-children, or the descendants of all efti• cera or soldiers of the army of Conde and of La Vendee, and other bequests, we find is it nothing more tban the sacrifice of the sentiments of the Prince, and a nega tive given by his will to all the labours of his life. Here the Advocate read the will, in which Henri-Eugene-Letoia d'Orleans, Due d'Aumale, is Fumed universal legatee ; and in failure of him, the youngest of the children of Orleans, and which bequeaths to Madam Sophie Dawes, Baroness de Feucheres—lst, 2,000,000 f. in money; 2d, the estate of St. Lets; Sd, that of Boissy ; 4th, the Forest d'Enghien and Montmorency, and all their dependencies ; and the land and chateau of Morfuntaine; ,6th, the cottage occu pied by this lady in the Palais Bourbon, with the whole of the furniture. The repugnance of the Prince, nnntinued the Advocate, to make his will, which we have heard, 5(7a 3 so great, and so often manifested by him, that M. de Surval was convinced that this will would never be completed. The Prince had been heard to say, " Tell Uadarne de Feu cheres, that if she will leave me slope upon this matter, I'll give her one of my finest estates,—the duchy of Guise," It has been remarked that as soon as the Piince was en gaged in this affair, there was an end of his tranquillity, and that the will imposed upon him, under pain of seeing It ceaseless repetition of th e most frightfol scenes, was the torment of his life. Let it be said now that Amicable rela tions existed between the houses of Orleans and r essi de,— let the fact be cited that the Duke of Bourbon becazne the godfather of the Duke D'Autnale in 1829e,—that the two collateral branches, which were not without certain claims, certain rights, with respect to Else elder branch, coneericd amongst themselves with regard to all which concerned etiquette,—that the Duke of Bourbon in his correspond sure .manifested tokens of regard and affectime fur the House of Orleans,—there still remains this fact pleaded, that the Prince said that he never would accede the terms of politeness and relationship towards the House of Or leans ; and that the will was subscribed, not by himself, but to purchase, at the price of it, rest for his old days. What characterises this too serious affair, and which caucot periops, be found in any other with the same degree of intensity', is the state of enthralment under which the tes tator was kept, the incessant agency which impelled him along, and which made him daily add something to the weight of his chains. The will was signed, its existestese was known by those who were interested in it, and it was so clear, that thanks were addressed by Queen Amelia to the person who was about to create so considerab:e pp eat ae to one of her children. It was necessary to reply. The letter, which I have not, appears to be dated on the 2d of September. The reply was dated the 3d. Ithd arn , the Feucheres it was, who presided at this reply, to which glee exerted herself to give all _the character of a species of ratification. Undoubtedly, the question is not here to as crtain whether, whets the testator was still ist the state of dominion and controul in which he executed his will, a ratification obtained from him would hare more force and authority than the will itself. But it is not necessary now to discuss—we must read. " September 3, 18:19. " Manamr,—l experience real satisfaction at the kind things which you say to me on account of the disposition which I have made In favour of your childen. My heart and my friendship for all your family have dictated them, and I shall be most anxi ous to repeat them to you when I have the pleasure of seeing you Madame de Feucheres requests me to express to you how sensible she is of your new kindness. It is true she has imported into this affair a warmth which has made me overcome the difficultie► which I encountered in bringing it to so prompt a termination . I can assure, Madam, that she merits your interest by the noble and distinguished sentiments which characterise her. It is al ways with eagerness that I renew, Madam, the assurance of the affectionate attachment and sincere friendship which I have al ways entertain for you." It was in the presence of Madame de Feucheres that this letter was written. It was with her concurrence. The paper bears the impress of the influence which she exercised. One phrase should have said, " she merits your interest by the distinguished sentiments which cha racterise her." Madame de Feucheres, for whom the word " distinguished" was not sufficient, added the word " noble." The Prince understood that it was necessary to join the two adjectives by the particle, and the sentiments of Madame de Feucheres which were only " distinguished" in the Prince's edition, became, thanks to Madame de Feucheres, " noble and distinguished" at the same time. In a cruse in which the question arises whether the Prince was not in his will the blind and passive instrument of the wishes of Madame de Feucheres, behold, in order to establish his freedoin from controul, the paper now produced. The same reflections apply to the answer of the 4th Sep tember, to Mademoiselle d'Orleans, who, naturally enough, had written to the Prince a letter of thanks. There is but little felicity and ease in this letter, which likewise discovers the traces of the presence of Madame de Feu cheres, and of her assistance : MADEIMISELLR,-1 am extremely sensible of the kind things you say to me on the subject of the disposition which I have made in favour of your dear little godson. No one appreciates better than I do, the amiable qualities which he discovers, and which I doubt not will make his parents happy. If Ido not pro long the conversation farther with you, Mademoiselle, it is be. Cause it recalls to me ideas which are very afflicting to my lace rated mind. I confine myself, therefore, in this letter, to repeat ing to you, Mademoiselle, the assurance of the affectionate at tachment and sincere friendship which I shall ever entertain for you. Madame de Feucheres is very grateful for the interest which you express towards her, and charges me to convey tofou her respectful acknowledgements." Let •s finish the picture. We must see to what excess Madame de Feucheres sometimes went, and with what terrors her victim was penetrated. We must cite a fact posterior by a year to the making of the will, but which reflects a horrible light upon the past. On the 11th of August, 1830, fourteen days before the death of the Prince, Obry de Chantilly, his godson, and to whom his Highness was much attached, having been sent to St. Leu, found Monseigneur, from eight to ten o'clock in the morning, in the corridor before his apartment, in his drawers, without shoes or stockings, and with very marked agitation in his countenance. Taking the liberty to ask the cause, the Prince said to him that Madame de Feucheres was a wicked woman, for she had struck him. " See," said Monseigneur, (showing him his left eye, front whence the blood flowed, and his body on which the marks of nails appeared), see the condition in which she has placed me." These words, " Madame de Feucheres is a wicked woman," were several times in the Prince's tnoutb, who, probably repenting of the confidence which he was placing in his godson, desired him not to repeat any thing he had heard. The Prince, not willing to make the same acknowledgtnent to Manoury, his valet-de chambre, stated to the latter when he entered his chamber at three-quarters past eight, " Look here," showing his eye, " I struck myself against a night-table." Manoury having taken the liberty to remark that the table was not so high as the bed, the Prince made no answer. Half an hour after, Monseigneur said to Manoury, " You will know it Madame de Feucheres breakfasts at table, and you will tell me." Manoury returned some time after, and informed him that Madame de Feucheres had desired breakfast in her apartment for two persons, and that she would im mediately after leave Paris. At about half-past eleven Manoury came for the breakfast things. Monseigneur breakfasted in his bed-chamber. A small table was in his ante chamber, and underneath it was a carpet of cloth to preserve the ordinary carpet. In placing the cloth carpet Manoury saw a letter, which came under the door of the private staircase. He took it, and entering the chamber, said, " Monseigneur, here is a letter which came under the door of the staircase." The Prince took it hastily, and appeared extremely disturbed. The breakfast being over, the Prince said to Manoury, " Well, you did not believe the story of the night• table—you were right. I was tear killing myself." Upon this the Prince related to Manoury, that after a short altercation with Madame de Feucheres, on attending her to the door of the staircase, his foot failed him at the first step ; that he fell on his left side, that he had struck his bead and wounded his eye. This account ppeared as improbable as the first, for in either case the exterior contour of the eye would not have remained unhurt, as was the case. There WAS no appearance either on the nose or in the upper part of the orbit of the eye, or on the cheek, of the slightest contusion ; insomuch, that the state in which the eye appeared could only be explained by a blow directed straight, The fall was not doubtful, Manoury having had to rub with strong waters very con- siderable brui.es. These facts could leave no doubt re specting the violence offered by Madame de Feucheres to the person of the Prince on the morning of the 11th of August. A person who well knew Madame de Feucheres—Ge neral Baron de Feucheres—wrote to the Prince, that he had reason to distrust Madame de Feucheres ; that she was capable of the greatest excesses ; and, in truth, the Prince in his latter years never appeared happy but when he was alone at Chantilly. There the expression of gaiety appeared in all his features, but whenever Madame de Feucherea arrived he became morose and taciturn. One of the most positive proofs of the oppression under which the Duke of Bourbon groaned, appears clearly in the efforts which he made to withdraw himstlf from it, and particularly in the mystery in which he was desirous of enveloping his preparations for that purpose. There were three projects,—a flight in July—a journey in the waters of Bourbonne, which probably would have carried the Prince further—a return to Chantilly, which was at first fixed for the 81st of August, was then accelerated, and was to have taken place on the morning of the 27th of August. From the end of July the Prince, who not merely had a project of withdrawing himself from the theatre of events, had remitted a million of francs in bank notes, by the Baron de Surval, whom he bad required to keep the secret carefully from Madame de Feucheres. In the middle of August the Baron de Surval wished to give this up to the Prince, who refused, because he considered the million as remaining at his disposal. The Baron ale S,urval, to whom the Prince bad intrusted the care of his diamonds, in telling him never to say to Madame de Feu cheres that be held this deposit, received the same direc tion when on the 29th of July M. de Surval carried him the 1,000,000 francs necessary for the journey, which even from the sum itself, would have been only a third expatriation. The Prince said positively to lg. de Surval, in speaking of Madame de Feucheres, 4$ Sh. 74)1 suspect you have brought me money. You will tell her ycn have only brought me 60,000 francs." This change in the amount clearly shows that the Prince did not wish Madame de Feucheres should discover the true ob ject of his departure. When the Prince remitted to M. de a million on the 15th of August, he said to Lim, " Keep it apart, without putting it in the money chest, so that it be always at my disposal, and put it with the diamonds.' Zl. de Surval pointed out to the Prince, that since the million was intrusted to him, it was necessary ; at least, that the acknowle4gtint which the Prince bad given should be returned. The Prince replied, " No ; I consider this million as being always in my handa, since you hold it at my disposal, AM since I place it in your ha,;.ris now merely to get rid of it temporarily." Thus the projezt o f the departure was determined no. What woe the ,cause y If the Prince, who had been a wit ness of the Aust revpl4tion, could have feared fur a mo ment the return of anarchy, Fri-assured by the course which affairs took, he would 9ot It?..ve waisted in a pro ject, of which pulicy migbt have been the pretext, but of which it was not the principal cause, as tine of the vyt. Posey Obstrves, " It is certain that ha the latter time the Prince had manifested an intention of getting rid of the yoke of I,lladarne 4e reucheres, and that that was the mo tive which induced him to w;thdraw himself. The Prince told Manoury that he wail to wepare the necessaries for the journey with all possible secrecy. ,9 Elie is cunning will endeavour to pump you : take pp.!, not to let her ali,;;zover my projects." Manoury was to prop cure a passport, .1 - ; :t1 to take a chaise and to go to Nloiaselle s , where the i'rinc.te was to meet him. " If YOU do uot come," said the Prine,s to Manoury, " I shall know what hest will mean." The ?r;nce had some c4 . 2 v e i r " ti was with 4.4 a Choulet, relative to his &Tor ture. t' these conversations, which occurred between the events in July and the death of the Prince, it was positively stated that ha intended to quit Prance. M. de 14171k!atilet and Manoury w ere th e tiny ones in the secret. the 14:4 -;ejt of quitting France is connected with the Rey sen timents the Primes manifested towards Madame .4g Feucheres. At W ,rre.llllrked by every one that the Pringe during the latter per i icd of his lif e , bore with im patience the yoke. Madame de . ?Kiehergs, who had revived at that poct domination 'to iiiiti;re that the i of prince should come dOwie 49 her residence every denier t~ ,ones the letters which were addressed to him, had for some day, ,ceased this practice. Thw, pa the evening before his &sib, the Prince gaiPe Manoury letters to carry' to Madame de Feucheres, which proves that he did not open them in her house. In the latter period the Prince ' did not come down according to his former practice to Madame de Feucheres before dinner. During the eight last days the Prince was accustomed to enter alone into the apartments at the dinner hour contrary to his former practice. During the last 15 days, when Madame de Feucheres desired admission to the Prince, be evinced considerable impatience. " What does this woman want with me ?" he said, and he appeared absorbed and almost trembling. The project of flying far from Madame de Feucheres having failed, he was compelled to resign him self to Chantilly. The terror of the Prince, however, was always increasing. On the 22d of August, four days before the catastrophe, the Prince intimated to Manoury a wish that he should sleep at the dour of his chamber, and it was only on the remark of Manoury, that it would appear strange to the other valets de chambre ; that the Prince, observing he was right, gave up the project, which remains no le's a proof of the terrors by which he was beset. _ . These projects of flight, these terrors, this desire to emancipate himself from a condition of servitude are at once proofs of the existence of that servitude itself, and proofs also that the will would not have survived, for any leneth of time, the emancipation of the testator. Madame de:Feucheres herself was of this opinion. The events had made her very fearful respecting the execution of the will ; and so she tormented the Prince to convert into gifts the testamentary dispositions he had made in her favour. " The Prince, for the sake of peace," says a witness, " consented, as be always did ; but M. de Surval, alarmed at the enormity of the rights which such gifts would have carried with them, proposed to sell St. Leu to Madame Adelaide, sister of the King. who had some inclination to the purchase. The negociation for this sale was actually commenced." M. Hennequin them applied himself to the discussion of the three principal points of the case ; first, that the will of the Duke de Bourbon was not the expression of his free will and desire ; second, that there had been instigation ; and third, that there had been circumvention practised upon him. In developing the first of these propositions, the advo cate read other letters, which we give verbatim below. The first was written_by the Duke d'Orleans, in 1827, at a time when the proceedings for bringing about the will were already commenced. It runs thus : .‘ Neuilly, 13th July, 18:r7. " It is so long, Sir, since I had the pleasure - of seeing you, that I should doubly regret not having paid you a visit before undertaking the journey which I am about to make to Auvergne, where my sister is gone to wait for our arrival. I depart on Wednesday next, the 20th of this month ; and, as I know you do not sport on Sunday, I propose to come and see you on that day with my eldest son, whom I have for a long time been impatient to present to you. If, however, we should cause you the slightest inconvenience by this visit, I only beg of you that you will tell me so frankly and then I will defer it ; but if I hear nothing from you to the contrary, it will be a real satisfaction to us to call upon you at St. Leu, and to renew to you by word of mouth the expression of all those sentiments which I entertain towards you, and that of my unalterable attachment." The following is the answer which the Duke d'Orleane received from the Prince de Bourbon : "This Thursday, —, 1827. I have received your letter, Sir, only this day at Paris, where I have been for some days past. To-morrow and Saturday lam engaged to sport in your estates at Brie, but shall positively be at St. Leu the whole of Sunday and am" These, continued the advocate, concluded this letter, which, from its laconicism, could only be considered as a mere acknowledgment of the other's letter, and would not have authorized the Duke d'Orleans to repair to St. Leu ; hut Madame de Feucheres, who was much mere polite, and who, moreover, well understood Chit this reply was neither more nor less then a clear invitation, and a friendly one to boot, added her hand to it, and restrained the course of the monosyllables which were about to precipi tate themselves rudely into the ordinary formal conclu sion—"and am, &c."—(A laugh)—Madame de Feu cheres added, after the words " and am,"—" charmed, as you will readily imagine, to receive you, as well as the Duke de Chartres, there, either to breakfast or to dinner, or both, if agreeable to you." Coming afterwards to the circumstance of the baptism of the Duke d'Aumale, the Advocate read the following letter of the Duke d'Orleans, in answer to an invitation addressed, on this occasion, by the Duke de Bourbon to the Orleans family June 12, 182'2, Nine o'clock in the Evening. " You are, Sir, a thousand time, too good and too amiable, and I am unable to express to you how much we are sensible of your attention. We shall take advantage, with the greatest pleasure, of that which you are so good as to propose to us, and we accept the dinner which you are so good as to offer to us, and which will suit us the better also, inasmuch as then our Princesses will sleep to—morrow at Compieghe till late in the morning; and at noon we shall put ourselves in motion to go by Sculls to Chantilly—our party being 12 in number,—so that we shall arrive at about four o'clock. We shall then be most happy to place ourselves entirely at your disposal. I expect here to night my two eldest sons, and I have also with me my two daughters. I hope that that will not importune you too much, and my wife and my sister join with me in expressing how much we shall enjoy to-morrow taking advantage of your amiable offers. Permit me to add thereto the expression of my tender, very lively, and very sincere friendship for you." The Advocate then applied himself to an explanation of the motives of the invitation and of the answer. The invitation, he said, appeared to him to be very simple, and called for by the circumstance. The Prince had just been entertained at the Palais Royal on the occasion of the baptism ; it was natural that a polished and delicate spirit should hasten to make a due return, and that, too, in the most gracious manner. The invitation was a proof of the politeness of the Prince, but it proved nothing more. M. Hennequin, after going through the several other circumstances of the case, came to that point which is to be considered after the conversation which the Duke de Bourbon had with one of his officers, and in which the latter discovered that the Duke's thoughts were not di rected towards a Prince of the Orleans' family. " We, state," said the advocate, " that one day, sub sequently to the birth of the Duke de Bordeaux, the Prince, while walking in the Champs-Elysees, met one of his officers who had accompanied him to the opera on the night of the assassination of the Duke de I3erri ; that that catastrophe having become the subject of conversation between them, the Princesaid—" The Duke de Berri was blunt (brusque), but he was very good; never did he do harm to any one. I loved him much. He had been my son's companion in arms." After a few imminent,' silence, he resumed. " Well ! since his children are orphans, I will be a father to them : they shall be my heirs." Reverting to the first point, and after having rebutted the objections which he anticipated might be urged against his argument, M. Hennequin dwelt upon this conclusion —namely, that Madame de Feucheres had, unceasingly and without relaxation, besieged, tormented, and perse cuted, the Duke de Bourbon, in order to force and to pa ralyze his wishes ; but that at the same time it results from the letters of the Duke d'Orleans to the Duke de Bourbon, that steps, besettings—of which the latter was the subject—had all been taken, and practised, and con. summated. Thus, said the advocate, I prove that the will VIM not freely made, and, consequently, that it was not the expression of the will and desire of the Prince. M. Hennequin then addressed himself to the facts of in stigation and circumvention, which he discussed sepa rately, and related a conversation of the Prince with M. Hostein, his dentist—a conversation in which the Duke de Bourbon, after having addressed himself confidentially on the subject of the moral feelings which the violence and angry flights of Madame de Feucheres caused him, continued thus :—" Lave you sometimes seen, my dear doctor, a fly near the web of a spider ? However slightly the fly may touch it, that instant does the voracious insect rush out and entangle the fly in his net. Well, such is my position." M. Hennequin continued to read several allegations of matters of fact, which consisted chiefly of the violent scenes with which Madame de Feucheres visited the Prince, in order to bring him by force to make a will, which was the sole means pf recovering peace, tranquillity—th e on ly wa y of paying his ransom, and recovering his liberty. M, Ifennequin discus se d th ese a ll egat i ons separa t e ly, i and nsisted strongly upon that circumstance which he called " the scene of the huife"—a scene in which the Prince exclaimed, in the delirium of his despair, " You put the knife to my throat !—.this knife—plunge it into me then, Madam !" When the advocate announced that he cause to the alle gation wlqch made the Prince say, in the pr ese nce of wit news, that hp had been beaten by the Baroness de Feucheres, that it was to her violence, to her blows, and to her nails, that the traces of wonnila and the blood which they saw on his face, were to be attributed ; M. Lavaux interrupted him, and declared the allegation to be false, repeating the same declaration throughout the argu ment sf M. Hennequin in support of it. The latter ob served that th, tcath or falsehood of the allegation was a matter to be decided ky the court. M. Lavaux threatened an action for defamation, which N. Itenne(pin coolly ob servtd would come, perhaps, rather too late. " W shall see ; " said M. L avaux . " Y ou a r e right, answered AL Henneeni;:, "we shall see." * M. Hennequin con cluded with an eloyuent appeal to the Court. 'The farther hearing of the ate was adjourned for a Le 10110101 represents M. 'Hennepin as baying beers inter rupted jay 11. L . , vatoc in the reading of another allegatAn also, which Was to t!!e etirect that a person in the ei-nPIoY of the Duke de Bourbon overheard' the . ki'laiOrig g9nversatlory between Ma, dame de Feucheres and her nephew the )3aron 'de plasSaii, the 10th or 15th of November, Itr27. N. de Plessan ;.4ed Pi? Prince would soon make his will. Madame de Fetich - eyes an swered that there had been some talk about it the night before, a. 13 that the will would soon be made. M. de Flassan—'. But he 11,4)11iVe a Erg while yet." . Madame . de Feucheres" Bah! he will not hold' lon 71 . I only push him with my finger, there is fi, an end of him. t so y ii tie done (etouffe)." week, when M. Dupin, the younger, will appear for the Duke d'Aumale, and M. Lavattr, for the Baroness de Feucheres. FRENCH PAPERS. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, DEc. 17. After some preliminary business, M. Casimir Perier de livered a royal communication on the affairs of Lyons. The President of the Council ascended the tribune amidst profound silence. Gentlemen (said he), in the sitting of the 24th of last November, I had the honour to make a communication to the Chamber, by command of the King and under the advice of his Council, respecting the lamentable events of which the city of Lyons has just been the theatre. A candid recital of the facts, such as they were announced to us by a Chief of Administration, in the absence of direct reports from the Prefect and from the Military Commandant—the exposition of the measures taken—and the determination displayed ipk the Ministry of overcoming all the difficulties with the exis laws—elicited from this Chamber a testimony of its con flolence and concurrence, which gave us new strength, and at the same time imposes on us additional obligations finally to complete the exposition which the Chamber re ceived with so much kind feeling. Such is the object of the communication which we have the honour to make to day ; it is, moreover, to render you an account of your own work ; for the happy accord of the authorities of the State, so frankly manifested by the address of the Chamber to the King, powerfully contributed to excite the generous efforts of the army and of loyal citizens for the re-establish ment of order, and to the intimidation of those be pas lions which might have sought to give effect to these ele ments of disturbance. We are, therefore, in some measure, to discharge a debt in performing a duty ; and it is thus that we propose to render a homage worthy of it to our revolution, which has no result more true—no guarantee more solid—than the harmony of the constitutional powers ; because in that alone resides the force of institutions and of Government. The first communication already made to the Chamber ended with the departure of the Prince Royal and the Marshal Minister of War. It is from that date that I am about to resume the new explanation. After a few more preliminary observations, M. Perier proceeded : that which is alone incumbent on you is, to investigate and to discover the real causes of the disorders, and also to judge of the measurer taken by the authorities. The rest is the province of justice and of clemency, and you will not, gen tlemen, I am sure, regret our reserve on that delicate point. Among the number of the more immediate causes (and apart from the general causes the consideration of which we defer to another occasion) is the adoption which had just taken place, without the concurrence of Government. of a tariff of prices for the manufacture of silks—a tariff on which the local authorities appeared in the eyes of the workmen to impress a compulsory characlfr. Having recapitulated some parts of his former statement relative to the exasperation caused by this tariff among the weavers, and the sudden explosion that followed, the Pre sident of the Council passed on to the arrival of the Duke of Orleans and Marshal Soul , , on the morning of the 27th of November, at Macon, where they first established a communication with General Roguet. On the 28th the head-quarters were transferred to Trevoux, where a con centration of the troops was effected, and the combination of measures to establish fully the authority of the law, and to avoid a fresh effusion of blood. For that purpose the Prince and the Marshal, impressed with the views of the Council at which they had assisted before their departure from Paris, had to decide a grand question. They had to choose between a sudden entry into Lyons at the risk of the chances of an obstinate resistance, or a blind re-action, and the prudent precaution of a prolonged stay before its gates, in order to give the passions time to subside, and reason to assume the ascendancy, and submission to ma nifest itself. This latter alternative, which they preferred, has been completely justified by the result. Indeed, the very circumstances of the case pointed out this course. On all sides the population flocked round him, solicit ing the Marshal to regulate and authorize the mobili zation of the National Guards—a thing that took place successively, and at proper occasion, by virtue of Royal ordinances. Already that part of the inhabi tants of Lyons which suffered itself to be so cruelly led astray, embarrassed by its unfortunate success, had no other desire but that of returning under the protection of the law ; but a just sentiment of prudence and of dignity, above all things, required that there should be a disarming before the troops entered the city. It was also necessary to be assured that no rash engagement had been made in the name of the Government, and further, to have it well known (in order to avoid even the appearance of a surprise) that no such engagement could be sanctioned ; that sub mission without reserve was insisted on ; and that Lyons should receive unconditionally a liberator. It was, more over, necessary that considerable display of forces should banish all apprehension of collision by crushing every idea of resistance. It was necessary, in fine, to inquire into the real situation of all the municipal authorities, in order to appreciate their reports, their conduct, and their in fluence. The stay of the Prince and the Maratha' was use fully employed in satisfying themselves upon all the essen tial points. Proclamations, firm and encouraging, which promised nothing but justice—an imposing review, at which the Royal rewards and the severities of the law were dispensed with eclat, with discernment—Deputies received with benevolence, with dignity—language grave and conciliatory, used with as much sagacity as prudence —the dissolution of the National Guard pronounced —the formal order for disarming signified to all, and executed with vigilance— the concentration of the troops, and the re-incorporation of the military who had been dispersed. Such were the preliminaries to the entry of the Prince into Lyons at the head of 26,000 men, an entry which excited the most sincere acclimation', those of gra titude—for every individual in that city besought in diffe rent ways the termination of a state of things intolerabl to all, and the prolongation of which was already a chas tisement to those who had brought it on.—(Sensation. Immediately after his entry into Lyons, the Marshal Mi nister of War proceeded to send back the National Guard (mobiles) who had given proof of a zeal so patriotic. H took measures fur opening toe career of arms to the work men out of employment. All the expenses which th tnovement of troops and of the National Guards (mobiles had occasioned were arranged. An active surveillane t was exercised over every part of the foreign population o. the city of Lyons. The distribution of the livrets d'ouvriers was put upon a better footing, and one calcu lated to prevent any infractions. A new Prefect was in stalled ad interim. The Bth of December was fixed on for the completion of the disarming, which had already proceeded in so satisfactory a manner that the number of guns deposited, up to the moment of which I speak, ex ceeds that distributed to the National Guards ie 1811 and 1830. The measures of surveillance s. ere increased. Charitable funds were provided for the temporary relief of the necessitous workmen. The Moister ordered some military works that were indispensable, and settled the garrison of Lyons. The superabundant troops were sent back to their respective cantonments, after a review, in which the Prince delivered to some regiments their colours and standards, and to some of the military who dis tinguished themselves at Lyons the rewards which their King had granted to them. These rewards, gentlemen, were well deserved, for courage in crises of this description is glorious in proportion to the danger ; and it shows all the patriotism of a citizen united to the bravery of the soldier. The army gave in this affair a grand example, an useful lesson. Honour to it for having proved that, if a perjured Government could uot find French swords to sustain the violation of the laws, a national Government can call on it for defending the In stitutions of the country against whatever it may be.— (Movement —general adhesion—bravo.) A part of the National Guards of Lyons also understood this duty. It f u lfilled it with an admirable devotion, which will ever honour them in the eyes of the friends of liberty ; for it understood that the mission of armed citizens was to de fend the law as they would their colours, as they would their country. Another portion of this National Guard, we regret to say it, but we are bound to tell you the whole truth—another portion of that Guard was wanting in its duty to the law, to the country, and even to itself. This will also be a lesson, by which we are happy already to foresee that they will profit when such honourable ranks will be re-opened to them—a lesson of which they must be rendered the more sensible by the spectacle of patriotic s l e pb r pe liberty thath ee d interestswith atit i t h v ities ah 0 4 14 prevent any collisions l what ;zeal by whipii the moveable battali ons o f l'leere, la Drome, l'Ain, Saone-et-Lo;r, hastened t o th e ca ll of the law. In fine, after having satisfied, by then,prgljeoinery me as ures , all that necessity and the occasion required , the Mi4iSter of War issued an order which suppressed ( so far as t he administration was concerned) the tariff and all th e acts th a t attached to it. So far was this order from exciting a nt the (I;o:content which som e peo ple affected to apprehend from it, thee ii. wae received with sentime nts sufficiently indicative that the sound poet of also POPPlat i °n of Lyotia f true e in private transactions—affairs tha t shoul d always be left to t v h et i the Government the respective p arties, with this sole re- declined a spirit t h o e f w righti sdo n o l f in enti 4ery ° on su bversive of pliblic gaoler? These prineipl o a have se eured eie empi re a t Lyons, gentlemen. It was necessary that they should do so com pletely, for the example of that singular administrative in terference in the private relations between the workmen and those Who employ than mild only produce number. less embarrassments. It was our duty to seize the oppor tunity, which was not opened to us in time bef4c the con cluslibta of the tariff, to re-establish sound doctrines in thi. respect, and thus prevent the possible abuse of a bad pre cedent. It was now essential to the well-understood in terests of the manufacturers, and it was the duty of all, as well as of the Government, to devise means to mitigate misfortune, and prevent conflicts. It was in this situa tion, gentlemen, that the Prince Royal and the Minister of War left Lyons. Affairs then resumed their natural course, and the Government its direct relations. Many documents were laid before them, and several accusations, to which they will pay every attention ; hut they would much rather remedy evils than accuse individuals. He had passed over dreadful scenes and detestable crimes, because they would be brought under the regular cognizance of justice ; and he would only remark to people who pretended to the honour of bring free, that liberty was the despotism of the law.— (Good ! very good.) That the peril of the three days at Paris was consecrated by the law, which it avenged, whilst that of the two days at Lyons was branded by the revolt against the laws which it violated.—(Profound sensation, Very good, very good.') The pretended imitators of the rat jots of July hail written their notifications in characters of blood on the walls of Lyons, but even these would not be lost to liberty if every one comprehended the lesson there traced. But the more we believe that these disorders were unconnected with politics, the more necessary it is to ob serve the purely social circumstances which led to the crisis. It affords to us all, gentlemen, the opportunity for stu dying the causes, general and accidental no doubt, of a decline in industrious pursuits, which, with loyal men could not become an offensive weapon against Government, for you are well convinced, gentlemen, that Government has as ardent a desire and wish as any person, whoever he may be, to afford assistance, as far as it is in its power, to the suffering people. You do not believe that the way to remedy individual misfortune is to take advantage of it, to shake the confidence reposed in the Government, and to keep up endless anxieties which, in their turn, produce new misfortunes. Then, gentlemen, you will excuse us upon an occssion so important and so rife with lessons of all kinds, for mak ing a few reflections upon the state of things which it re veals, or which it supposes. It is not a digression, for it is, indeed, the basis of the question, the social question which has just confounded itself with that of the industry of Lyons. Let us fearlessly examine into every thing. Let us reply to thoughts as well as words, to secret insi nuations as well as to public accusations.--(General marks of attention.) Is it then true, that the distress complained of, and which manifested itself in several branches of the social organiz ition, had its origin in the revolution of July, and that to the revolution may be exclusively imputed the mis fortune or the evil ? Is it true, also, that if it be not the revolution itself, the Government can at least be accused, and that it has neglected to have recourse to the means of reparation and prevention which were at its disposal ? It is also true, that the present imposts, their uew re gime, and the maintenance of the financial system, upon which the credit of France reposes, have aggravated the crisis, the effects of which have been so lamentably deve loped ? Is it true in short, that the whole system of the present Ministry, external and internal—is it true, that our policy has caused or kept up these anxieties, these mis fortunes, these disorders ? It has been said so ; and these observation form an analysis of a great many speeches and writings. But, gentlemen, let us examine, without re .erve, these charges which we have just repeated, without evasion. But, first let us remove from our revolution, and the Government founded by it, these unjust charges. We will then occupy ourselves with the Administration and its system.—(Redoubled attention.) There has been suffering ; a state of embarrassment has existed. We ad mit it, but we make these reserve@ against the exaggera tion of complaints, which, with the present means of publicity, are made the more striking, inasmuch as they have more organs and more echoes. We admit these facts, but on looking round we have a confident prospect of future prosperity; the present also is ameliorating daily, and certain remedies are applied to temporary suffering. We admit it ; but at the same time we repel the asser tions of men who make of this commercial crisis a means of attack upon the Government, without perceiving, I am inclined to hope, that they unfortunately second the hosti lity of those who prove themselves so anxious to make use of it as a weapon to assail our revolution itself. The lan guage of the systematic adversaries of our new liberties ought, however, to enlighten their defenders as to the danger of those hasty reproaches which are laid hold of with avidity against another cause than that of the Mi nistry. There is no better symptom of a fault than the joy •f an enemy; and the enemies of the revolution of July are lavish of cautions of this kind, and do not fear to reproach it with evils which it has brought to light but not created. Let us be just. It is not policy only which would dic tate another language to the partisans of the new order of things. Truth is here in accordance with prudence.— Let us recal to mind, gentlemen, what we all predicted and announced, what we knew, what we all said a long time before the revolution of July, and at the period when the commercial crisis took place in England, in 1825. It was predicted that this crisis would make the round of the Continent. We even heard a Minister who ought to have spoken flatteringly of an appearance of prosperity, reproach speculators with making too great efforts, and following the example of Lord Liverpool, accuse the spirit of industry of a giddiness which exposed it to lamentable mistakes. Without speaking of other kinds of speculations and en terprises, let us not forget that at that period it was de monstrated that the supply of manufactured goods had ex ceeded the demand in an alarmin; manner. 704, .Cll happened,. :tat if ti. • went on with their lai.2 , ,ur,nitpported t the manufacturas, the latter had II 6 enigelVis sa id t o hi m lone laid out upon .e h ot f than the products . ..An, a, :they wseo ~ced the produce what .e tale lower oorwt *l " , ! , Log It was this state - pi Ons 6.1,,,te :entry le .3 star. priecd with r.,v01ut;hu......2 rend', bra of which the prita... cip!e, however leg , tiro* f .lirught aboot the consequeneiv inseparable from 031 -f' ties that of inikirq zqdtet scarce-, sucpeutliig e.F -i; and intemipting:latatur --result. to Wh anE caleulat;ezmalswo?euc'e both conaibutek And the':neeenity of baiancing SO MOW/ affairs, manufactutre, and enterprises, fiut of nrialcb, ea• isted after 1825, !except l.y the aid of ctitlouts-Ta.ut teem:la:ovation -P.:43. are - -.4latine: celled for by slam.. " `batien a feat of . wat t ; • "f 1830, every one `atatnces to the_jtriV, Al% /eye A - leavint,a,;,44t . ail to mind itsinenar.rt - -- by the 4;41 off Qesurd thearilki,„ be by acts of ) ariolente Off airs, essay., &rt ns reaterauer aim & opoc the aro,bito;is .4gis and of et'cnte, and the atte:;:pts that there could be no revolution in the cevattreitnt un less it resulted iron a revolution the rits*te fortune of every citizen. Let us clze conf-lies how titc cenunvcial r,risie of 1830, and the c -- .0;-ai crial caused by et.';versive writings, irritated a communistl suit: indsstrioue crisis of ancient date, bet which broke out nad-Italy. If w e do thin, gentlemen, au far from discouragif opinions and in tervst----so far from accusing the prvac,4 of the said I4t.cy of the pat, and interdicting roe hope o:a better future, we ! , ha'; r ather be aeton:abe.! that the evil was not of greater extent, and that the elements of security and the means of reparation already present themselves from all parts to the wisdom of the power of the state. Then, gentlemen, so far from throwing upon our revolution, upon our Government, the blame of a temporary distress, we shall see by the liberties re-established by the one, an d the confidence inspired by the other, the elements of amelioration which have saved our country alike from the guilty efforts of those who only saw in our revolution dip signal for civil war, or from those who wished to impose upon our Government the necessity of a foreign war. I have been the advocate of the institutions of July, and I am now about to become security for the Adminis tration and its system—that is to say fur you, gentlemen, as well as for us.—(Tlarks of attention, hear, hear.) "Did the Administration, during the existence of public distress, neglect the means placed at its disposal to remedy evils, give new animation to industry, re-establish circula tion by consumption ? It is not in this enlightened Chantl f er that the prejudi ' e of ardent times ran prevail, that it is the province of the Government to interfere with tke private affairs of every individual, and to contribute to the welfare of individuals by other means than those adopted for the general good. Let our opponents then explain themselves, What measures advantageous to in dustry or to commerce have been demanded of us which w e have not granted, unless where it was wished to make a local interest prevail against the general interest of the whole country? As to assistance ? have we pot created alnioft fictitious labour to give temporary e mployment to idle hands Maee arp not partial acts ?. bpt has no; tie same opirii animated the plane of legrelation upon which we have asked for your votes and advice? Consult the present order of your deliberations : at what period was a greater !limber of positive laws favour of the itnpert In t interests of society ? All tial questions of political economy have entered projects. Is it from us that political disquisition speculative projects have emanated ?—projeeta our eyes have nothing in common with the . labour any more than universal suffrage with the the days of the workmen. Corn laws, transit, roads, and public works, excitement of private we have sought to attend to all these, and as to we have only psid attention to those connected improvement of our institutions, formerly dicta charter,: and the reform of our penal laws, civilization itself. We have, above all things, if the problem of external peace was the portant to solve, its solution depended most upon the re-establishment of internal tranquillity. words internal tranquillity, I do not only mean quillity of our roads and our streets, but the peaceable organization of our new institutions, the tions of which are too powerful to require to be I may allude also to that guarantee given to every that the revolution of July might be sanctioned other State, whatever be its regime, and that the of our Government was compatible with any tence anterior and different. I may, in short, maintenance of the vast and skilful combinations, trative and financial, left to us by our first rev which the empire and the restoration owed their and which the second revolution could neither nor overturn, without destroying the means of s success, which were not wanting even during the years of the fallen dynasty. Let us not be afraid to declare, nor fear to act declaration, that there would only be disorder and the new regime in the destruction, or even the the springs of that powerful administrati►e which Europe envied us, which she admired and and the initiative of which still remains in the part of her provinces as the only trace of our The moral wants of the people have been talked so. In what respect have we opposed them ? institutions, elections, municipalities, and natif have testified the most imperious wants. P of moral wants, has been consolidated with formidable precautions, which satisfied the another want no less imperious. Internal tra necessary to all the rest, to the progress of insti. well as the developement of industry, is spite of the sinister predictions with respect to dee and the South, where we see no more el civil war than do we perceive upon the Rhine the of foreign war, and this without being obliged to course to the law. of exception, which we were advised to adopt. I approach the question in appearance the moe one, that of the imposts ; but who upon this be replied to? Is it these men, who seei amount of a budget, in which they confound expenses, that they have provoked themselves, ordinary expenses which have been reduced, ask to come to a conclusion for the purposes of fon ? Is it those more attentive minds who ta, count of circumstances and examine them before to a conclusion ? But the latter know well that expenses, some of them ordinary, resulting from affairs of which we were long aware, and others dinary, but which have been also voted by the ' to cover extraordinary demands, and, above all, demands of national independence—they know, ference to these resources, that it is not the jam we have asked. returne ;kc In fine, gentlemen, from what source has th, ment taken the 225,000,000 f. of the budget of 1831 ? It has sold the forests of the made a loan. This sale of the public domains has advantage of rendering them available for the private industry, and this loan, you will sees altered the state of credit. As to an impost under the preceding Ministry, it is also well . it was not an increase of direct taxatias, but an or a tran'position, since it did nothing more th under a direct form the value of a digrevement in an important part of the indirect taxes. gentlemen, what good faith acknowled, wi , ception of the thirty additional centimes, which expires on the 31st of December, no of imposts, no new impost, has pressed upon payer. Some persons speak without ceasing of of 1,400,000,000, or of 1,500,000,000 f. Th . gentlemen, is a pure invention; it expresses tual expences, but the receipts voted by a and with a view to events which have not occu. parth terest r. TI titw tI I The real amount of the budget of 1831 is 1,1 of which 225,000,00E1 are appropriated to expencts. The amount of the budget of 1532 and extraordinary, it 1,097,000,000. By tlemen, these two sums to the amount required dinary expences alone, they would amount, 1 946,000,000, and the other to 955,000,000, an, these two amounts is much less than the differen. voted in the last years of the restoration. The idea must therefore be renounced of findil hypothesis of an increase of imposts, the caur tress which has momentarily deranged the pr well-arranged calculations of the Administratio Ask them for an account, above all, of th, coveries which have crowded the history of mai the last half-century, and of which the double been at once to increase the operative populatf simplify the agents of production, to multiply p. to augment all kinds of competitions. There are four points of view more motives to serve to crisis even more serious than that which we through. It is the wisdom of legislation to . and to accommodate institutions to them ; but object it must rest with the foresight of Gt. secure to these meditations, and to the dere' the measures to which they may give birth, the of an honourable and durable peace, because in is to be found all the resources, and abundant remedy the evils complained of. This view of the subject naturally leads me, to the re-examination of the political system 01 ministration, as the cause more or less int said, of the evils which are pointed out. The of this system is peace; this, gentlemen, you you have acknowledged it; and, certainly, it the Government, powerfully seconded by you everything that was most efficacious for the of the condition of the labouring classes, al., selves above all to the consolidation of that peace the only pledge of the confidence of capitalist., guarantee of the return of these commercial whi c h the fear alone of war had interrupted. It is with reference to these considerations that h- permitted to declare that either with relation terests of the State, or to those of the labour peace is the best economy that can be resort arming the amendment to the budget.—(Loud It was on coming into power our first thr object of all our efforts. We have succeeded future, a future only nearly approaching, w gentlemen, that it has been the chief encour industry, the most certain aid to commerce, abundant resource to the labourer. .as goo( of tha But, to defend peace, to have the conscienc e patriotically, resisting on all sides patriotic passion a consistency which you have appreciated and We have measured the lists, gentlemen ; we that we shall enter them ; and it is for that we moned you. France would not wish for pei unison with independence and honour—she wo. or accept it, but at that price. That is what " 1 \ . 0 ~thc , Nitu lQ l l , o l-)Uke 0! ported our courage in the endeavour to maintain 4; se ‘ i,t 4 L4 k the hoc if you yourselves recollect the obstacles, the m eng l4 'ildr the sinister presages, by which we were so long g g ' t , Jr ( !t t ein t i e ar c? i t e lt , you may, perhaps, be of opinion that a much gr eet pee' i'Vihdersien gree of courage was required to sustain such illi•Wit: el gium t ekt tlng, ti policy than to make war. "' the 191 This courage of resistance we have opposed to 1 1 o'cr gencies which required, in the interior, eiceptiOo" by • t Zr 3 P a '' ' . i n sures, similar to those which would be required 00 10, 4 4 t e eser a va t t general war without, persuaded like you, ge ntleto e° o ' p tv,:hould the consequence of a r a pid movemen t of events, i r° r ed' first danger of which the p eo pl e oug ht t o be Pr e ' t Il e ti c t o - - , and kio _thos e is the opening out of new ways whenever they t ft i'i tat ~'!!ot" its precipitated. e oM This is the whole dour systems and the whole of Jo e . t i,g t Al 414,tersigne( gentlemen, for you have adopted, and several ti , o e ' ~ ,,fli t keb b , sal e n n e l a , ' l a y wb° ing to thi fumed it, and we have henceforth the confidence of ei g l o ot ing the country in satisfying your wishes, 14+.4ect, t o th( legally and sincerely express theirs. „ psis !'at the e This system has for its object, in consequence, t v 4 ,1 1 10 t h 414 1 ,? 41 feat% port at home a soirit of order and of muderatigil " c ite' tty ;. tends tq trar i quilfie language ce 4 . o l' ~14 4 ) , 1 4 , the ba Y si tious, which applies itself to the preservation of the ! i n i l , e thi.!?der hi: rests of those individuals who are mistak e n in their 51 , e 0 0,( , ,k4F 1 S - lir I; t inspiring t4ein with moderate expectations, ykti t ,4 4 the e Y N their efforts with frankness and firmness, distancingetp'tt,,,,tl,l be( ,ttoto i le ,7,7l o, y thl them all ambition, and teaching them that free g°1404 o ments do not take upon themselves the task of e re ei ti o t • !,,hto,,,, h ev-a g e fortunes, and only second private industry by p rot , labour and property, which also mutually F,cata4.e and L i '' •,‘, • ' 't !'e "iele s ot4eF be I J ( -GriiNnrar! s,astly, gF . l4 l eMtl, constant impossibility of t , pre ',Liati c f e is enc e and of the general interest 'which Masters the illeelipo ('4, hav e n d tensions of private interests; such is our system, o tb i s e tiTh i state. ' becomp common to all, gentlemen, i 4 " Consequence 0 ,0 , 4rttl e cli th e explauations with which yo u h ave show n vourolv ee how' partial laws pr a iv) 5 te7. 0.1:41:4.i. ecota:red,le,,veitoor‘inoenotinfittva,'hnerigieirsgenn, itmlncsonotesiirr r ? All the z lee tt: l l a liv ana b l a t v i, l flem e si n totb t v e hee r af e .ot, d rtehw i n ecoi t g o lcohom ' iil Y , 0 u have ,pons luisitions and tli t es , , the work, rtpw:the interest!, d " estinot be ch, r iai i etn v he a st4i t tbt e wee in :t d atire ti c:, i ti " , ,. gentlemen is n yo,m d edeen a ieit s cedtmta to mestewandse t it l! : : :::t .. c - tet " l:yio i t s eini te eh r tb es e4.e t hedre s G oc ite i ht : things, eh. , te atthidteiwsLtaryesossoiuesrt, a the most t4 Porar • d' t 0 , _ ) ll l r 'quality. BY ': rn ment, or to r tei e t ai mb on ee n , :, d n t s h t e rt b bo yf eci a stron g t ri „ 4 „ , ..tr a tt e . .'li x °*a pe ha r tw ie i n hi c c e l a , as e t t o o ev b e e ry off o e I,i t eh h ao a tr t ito t ,n h is e :e p ai r l i c iff s,o o;l..,twt e ottill i al o citulel d wit a guiebso s ie t oeh r d y itat o ecma f ibtizi any political e t ?, ,by-other, an ist revolutios! lki e4,4lll;:tici,s‘ l ,4l444 e :. e ,u: --o ft:ri:,.:r:ct.s::le:.;: f rici:eiandebde,: a irtt,dparft.st:eojeinar: p tanrrsieih ro rig,tois,:ei:triii I their prosper l k r this point of neither repod i A7 disorder, a .ns of streogthLl sorrowful wing the fourth kiona that tb 0. ~ it to act upos k ' 1 , ite to prevent )rder and rills a the relasatie S bare returns ative system, , their &tithe :ftaokl i n r s ed in an th cl e c g ° r P F 4 4 ,,, r rol ° at t W e ec atip i t t l eto l io inc 6 n e Fhit o iwa f r T eg tai lk u ed r co o n t..... qu be l lid national d l ion of the ins Peace, the and and the lav with the sw. * 4, in the soli 1 e national deo 411 , gentlemen lel tranquillity'', , ss it is our t, the firstf bhntpauoeh i oist n elia m ttacouk t hn i egne t i,n2 u ioeteco t ie i bc o ntouib O .t7:;ll.o 6 o , 6o, o o:st:iizetzh r otte:: laitiec i evmwggsedx r ane e locee,f,.. - rr,oio. e eonuewf s in t ttk a ihaeots b kast fl l nne i pedos s ,sti h ttectolirsobbrlopi e e leeo;o4o,o,,,l;edriartroiii:loi. Izivi, I.;lo,,,ll,eir,,io.(:\,it,,il4.._lt.::sttli,ze,t4itleiol°t4tlailtti;ort:soitil,ttxttzetsl;,,,;,ll.!.l,,,..dner:,p.S.:o,:teadtorieAtt4tll,,,,,euirf::epiyyosali.entndoniutlltahe:ailiechetidtAtieocftonerhvg:ye.hceaotreccfnpeohrt,oeisoigl,,ebveioofilenenorrtr t ad espect to Ls ',f )' 1 extraordini h h h more elemen t 4 of this an ;hive the ele for the sup bliged to ha:: 4 40 e were incesss il i t 7sits obtains the most del i ~ this subject . " o l the V and extraordisi It tiil 4 ES , SIRRsA. FRANC. :,) ,d etbvezieyei o nndt t ahisee h ldel e t,ih r e;tc s anbthg e es s aw: ? to r tro / re joipi_gei o rt:i,s,4,ttli ci th i: r know, wit b h Otit, te renC l e us t Pll„ I.:1, t .4,,Earn,,luaen itc t ra h at e tni i i.s r c, b th e e i e m xt p r o a s o t rai ,i ~itlit v. thve?rnotoi, ue,ro i r h f wd e jani rn ti t logh h lu: ? e opseehfop S unu u ° ,artpo,h t b ilr bb e rij: ; o: 7 :4o. , ,,e, N ' per,, t ,l, l' !,..ta a :rw t toeyr!: a rs o hcod t iA: l3 ,mntw i tth n fi.:eee g rr i )f. This so le ' e ' la e , Of the Nei presses no t tbe . • , t t i,, a r r t ia their w e _ a n" 4,_ nd . s . cot a wi se pr ca 4 , ; . , . writing aen o ai t yftiuu. oc :niirsretee7 ; :id u 2t2u r r,f,ao r co e :oo: :: rd : d)oo,:,./ ~,,,,at;izbbtiuitatalrnirpee,tiledorrielefgeecuuiyttuiivis3 , i3L i O r O dt r O si , fft i a to n ru t e d h i I. e e t of finding i 0 j the cause 01 , $ ) Se,%ll',Pospet=ewtho r h o e off p tro r h o ta v eg i d kr e ei 1 1 ,0 I : 101 ~ , , t, :ll,k,Nt, ~1 tt n d:::en t tidt.;:e rr : nr:l h ici l uigw c ier t s i i,tedih t 1 ,, double ege c :d le : I th: r lix tl . l l ey h a ' iopulation, ;$101,:i0,040 ' l ,: l e l:4ll ll, ; ' o l , l d .htiroc e trglieo o anif f tgksa,oh r e.e n t.h;w a .eetels t str. i cni, cl i, [tiply produc e :o4 1 / 4 : r iv e i t d: c h e d ex f i lr t t , T e h r e v r e e t a o r e e s i p ' l ot Hs / n dut' P°n ch we have i f e : j, t ki . : it lo u,ti j h t g eheavr : • ;pi e :: o i : , h ,,,,;,,,,,,.,, ,1: i;h : ,, in t t ‘ h s e l i e t r c ! i i iii, t o r at debbGeuvotae vtepeiebvree observe sfic . ee c e 6e Is , P i eh n t e he k re in cl adant resour N i4 t ,tzpect to t 1 „ at m ;k 4 , l 4 th .fc h ateg , l sl d eo tae, tu s eTam pii,pnedioyf f ifirc e nei li tegh ; l e,ut, e .ii ttliiii fi , :, ~,:, , w.!I 1fL04.70 e st ,01 hnanfri ()awry": ielugui : I s b l a ' t y y th : ep y i e ol a u ctu is , e e l t l v,i r a i o u ' br e lb: jt ot i e ° : ool o ; , 14, ! ti: r itihrb_y_ovi W ana h n i o c tyt h ia: a ftc : italiste--- 11 1 ‘ , 0 4 , „ . .04 , .en ' tll ef i aiercial exe"" ~ ;,1 1 4 :° ,1 ,. anterior ipted. ~,/ N N._th e &he d ps ec al3eir d mirnnel p 'elgV l Ce a : 4 °,°ro n t s cUiU'rU d j °e''rwr o ne,kai n e dnig u l ' A lt gtel s ,onhtl t w l l cetP l eihn7l-e'e: ti j.'''°il:°lll'lt ''l'.‘\trel‘til't't4l:l:.l\;7ll:''''''''''!'S4'‘'t4l%l4;ll:t4-::::::1!';';e1..,4i'17f-..oe°'daik:e:L'i:liale.i'tcl';:tv''Ihimtin°r•cheog°alhireaaf:rfdaletanuegil:Ilihtfttb:;11-nelellaric -(Loud aPPIs the k a1t 4 1790 or 1 8 a 13 test thaugh S d lb e dou bt 0 , t,4;e 4rd. Hol !n; we o s k i t 1 confeuel lilt we hav e , ili p,tni t ,is, mor bul' , o Ctif c ''s, the for peace t gl ~,,,,beo _ Y a Partial —she will ( . 1° of' 'i ,4 / 1 ""' Part o ',AIL nn nth, I 6 what hs s , soi