The Sun. — London, England, 1827-01-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We know not whether the speculations of the City de serve any notice in this place, but as there are those who are likely to be misled every where, we shall barely repeat and confute them. It is said that the Emperor of Brazil, when he assumed that title, resigned all pretensions to the Crown of Portugal. Where is the instrument of his re signation ? we ask. On the contrary, he has never ceased, froni the peried mentioned; interesting himself as much as before in the concerns of his European kingdom. It is true that be has offered a kind of conditional resignation to his daughter, and to Don Miguel if married to his daughter ; but only on the condition of acknowledging the Constitution. This acknowledgment of the Constitution is therefore a condition precedent of the resignation. As to Don Miguel, whatever may be his secret aspirations after a Crown to which he has no title, he has acknow ledged the present Constitution,and of course his brother's right to bestow it. And with respect to our having im posed the Constitution, it is notorious that Si; Charles Stuart, who brought it over in the mere 'character of a courier, was directed to quit Lisbon immediately, and im mediately did- quit it, lest his presence should be misinter preted : so that we are not only free from blame, but ought also to be free from suspicion, with respect to the impo sition of the Portuguese Constitution.—Times. We doubt whether the press has produced within the last 100 years any publication more thoroughly curious and original than a little pamphlet which was sent to us in the course of yesterday, and is entitled a " Manifesto ad dressed to the Spanish people—by a federation of pure Royalists (alias the Apostolical Junta)—on the state of the nation—and the necessity of raising to the throne his Serene Highness the Infante Don Carlos." Now this, we have been assured by the Spaniards, is an authentic and bona fide document. A proposition, enforce,d with the most plausible internal evidence of sincere, straight-forward gravity of purpose, comes from a body of" pure Royalists" —of undefiled legitimates of the very brightest -water—of ardent sticklers for the divine right of Kings—of enemies irreconcileable to the name of reform, and to the privilege of acting, speaking, or thinking, when claimed by the sub jects of any anointed sovereign but as he may vouchsafe to order them ;—here, we say, is a direct exhortation by the " pure Royalists" of Madrid, to dethrone the heaven born heir of the Spanish m onarchy, King Ferdinand VII., the legitimate, and hereditary, and reigning monarch of the realm, and to place his erown on the head of a younger brother (vid. title-page and pamphlet passinz.)— Then, what is the unhallowed maxim on which these Jacobins of the cowl and crucifix pretend to justify their open rebellion against the lawful sovereign of Spain ? Why the traitors have the wickedness to set at nought every dogma and doctrine of the Holy Alliance—they abjure by their practice, as a damnable heresy, that " Kings can do " no wrong," inasmuch as their whole manifesto is a string of the blackest charges against King Ferdinand. They de nounce the blessed monarchical principle itself, which punishes as a deadly crime any change in any state which does not proceed from the will of the reigning monarch, blasphemoUsly asserting the old heathen creed that "Salus populi suprema lex est." We protest that in reading over this frightful production of the " royalist " and ecclesiasti cal party in Spain, the room we sit in appears to turn round with us. Yet are there entertained strong grounds of suspicion that the purpose of the Apostolical Jacobins will be seriously attempted, and perhaps unresistingly exe cuted. It will then be seen with how much impartiality the Holy Alliance are disposed to act in vindication of their own recognized principles. Weknow that if Kings are ever so arbitrary, any movement by the people in self-defence, is avenged by the instantaneous march of armies, and the un ceasing flow of blood ; but that is where the provocation has consisted of too much tyranny, and where the resist ance has been made by the country at large, and on the side of freedom. It may be otherwise, when the of fence imputed to the Sovereign is that. of not being despo tic enough, and where the insurrection is not by people at large, but by a s mall band of courtiers, more barbarous and oppressive—it that be conceivable—than their victim. Thus Ferdinand VII, is actually accused by the insatiable demons who publish this placard against him, of not being sufficiently rigorous and cruel in putting down the friends of the Spanish Constitution! yes— they do not want a milder,, more humane, forgiving, and reasonable ruler, but one more unrelenting, bigotted, and bloody ! The holiness of such an object redeems in their own consciences the downright treason of their measures, and they manifestly rely upon the influence of the same motives, in bespeaking for the dethronement of Ferdinand, and- the usurpation of the more congenial Charles, the favour of the Allied Continental Courts, No principle, no consistency, it would seem, is worth main taining, where it acts as a r estraint upon tin;impulses of fac tions, but only when it serves their ends. The whole tenor of the manifesto to which we are now adverting, proves that Kings themselves, as well as creeds, are regarded but for their usefulness to the interests of their courtiers, whether ecclesiastical or civil. The downfall of the legi timate Ferdinand is decreed, because his natural weakness and abjectness of spirit unfit him to play, with the requi site obduracy, the part of an executioner upon sueh cul prits as the priesthood may find it politic to condemn ; and Charles is to be upheld in his usurpation, for the sake of the resemblance, which all the world who know him, recognize between his character and that of Philip 11., both being equally dark, superstitious, and iotolerant— stubborn, implacable, and cruel. It is thus (we may re mark in passing) that a mixture of political and religious hypocrisy sets on scenes far distant from that whence the Spanish manifesto proceeded. In Ireland the cry of Pro testant ascendancy, and of alarm for Church and State, is no less a watch-word of terror for the loaves and fishes, than this cry of the monks of Madrid for the " old laws of Spain is a real yell for the preservation of that immense church property which covers three-fourths of the king dom. Altogether, we are disposed to say, let the wretches have rope enough, and leave the eventual use of it to the rare of that Providence g , -- who shapes our ends, 4 . Rough hew them how we will." [lbid. The acco:lnts of savage conflicts which arise out of po litical or local feuds in Ireland, excite the horror of the English reader. He is astonished at what state of society, or what character of Government that is, which allows such ferocious practises to be of daily occurrence. He can scarcely believe there is a Government so imbecile as to suffer the laws .to be superseded by the vindictive process of confederate assassins and nocturnal incendiaries, or a people so infatuated as to make the shedding of blood at fairs an d other rustic meetings their favourite and familiar pasti me . These things, if they do not stagger his faith in newspaper statements, induce him to believe in the obdu rate barbarity o f that portion of the British empire which constitutes a great part of the inland. Nothing, in deed, can be more true or more unfortunate than the bar barism of which such acts of deadly revenge and mur derous conflict afford the melancholy evidence. But let the English reader peruse the account of the mid night broils—the bloody encounters—the ma imings, murdeis, I m prisonments, and executions, which the Game Laws produce in all parts of this country, and he will cease to lavish all his astonishment on the tales of local outrage it. Ireland. We have always raised our voice against those laws, as inhuman and barbarising—as not only at variance with the institutions of a free country, but tyrannical with out the excuse of an adequate object. The regulations of the Excise system are sufficiently despotic and oppressive, but their object is one of the greatest public moment — that of the raising of revenue to meet the expences of the State. The impressment of seamen is likewise ain Br great it !z - fringement of the p rinciple of personal liberty subjects; but that, too, when acted upon, has its excuse in the immediate necessities of the country. We do not sto? here to inquire whether less objectionable and equally et fective modes to suPPIY our revenues and man our fleets might n o t be instituted for both those expedients ; all we say is, that the magnitude and vast consequence of the interests which they involve make their deviation from the spirit of our Constitution supportable. But can any such argument be urged to palliate the violent principle and enormous injustice of the Game Laws? None whatever. The local outrages which for ages have disgraced Ireland, • have made the people of that country so familiar with the shedding of blood, that, as we have stet ed,•the destruction of life is often the favourite pastime at fairs and such places of amusement. But these are violations of the law, how ever tolerated by the weakness or wickedness of a Govern- . ment, or the timidity or supineness of Magistrates—they are. not sanctioned by the laws—they do not identify themselves with any branch of our criminal jurisprudence. The atrocities of the Game Laws—the vindictive passions which they feed and excite—the temptations to nightly plunder and violence—the incitements to lawless and des perate habits which it is their malignant genius to create and diffuse throughout the rural population►—all this evil, and its. debasing influence, have the name and sanction of legislative authority. And what is their origin and foundation.?—the sport and..pastime of one class of the community ! It is for. the sake of -a gratification, which consists in killing, at certain seasons, wild birds and other animals, that the morals and liberty and lives of men are 'held so lightly, and the most sacred principles of the Constitution violated. Every little Nimrod, who has not much more intellect than the fox or hare at whose tail he helloes for a 'whole day, is enabled by those laws to inflict more arbitrary. punishments on British subjects, and take more freedoms with personal liberty, than Magna Charts allowed to British Kings. Perhaps this cruel and degrading code was never so rigorously enforced as of late years; and never was there such a multitude of poachers, and such hardihood of habit in those persons, as at pre sent. Hence the continued conflicts that we da►ly read of between those persons and gamekeepers—so that, in fact, for the sake of keeping up a means of pastime for our country gentlemen, we have a sort of civil war, pro ducing the most lamentable acts of mutual butchery al ways going on between the armed servants of the land owners and the armed bands of rustics, whom the high price of game tempts to risk their lives to procure it.— There would be no Such value in game if those laws that make a monopoly of it did not exist—and the temptation to so much outrage would be removed. Besides the in jury to the morals of the people which those laws pro duce; the expence to the public is enormous—for the gaols in most of the counties are crowded with the victims of this system, who must be there supported until their trials, and many of than long afterwards, at the expellee of the country, while their wives and children are thrown on the parish, or thiven, through want, to the criminal acts that draw upon them the sword of justice. In the mean time, the farmer, whose corn feeds the game, dares not touch it—and he would be dragged to prison for kill ing a hare or bird that lives upon the labour of his hands; so that such creatures are, as far as he is concerned, not only unproductive but noxious vermin. Take them alto gether, the Game Laws are, both in their origin and prac tice, the most abhorrent to common reason, morality, and justice, of all the tyrannical inventions to which luxurious tvranny ever gave the name of law. It is impossible but the peasantry of England must become worse, instead of better, in every respect, until they are eradicated from the land.—Morning Herald. Monarchy is not more distinct from Republicanism than the character of the Speech which our gracious Sovereign addresses to Parliament, at the opening of the Session, is from that which the American President delivers to both Houses of Congress. The one is framed on the principle of saying as little as the present state of the empire can allow—the other on that of saying as much as the present and future prospects of the Republic will admit. The one avoids disputable ground with the most laconic caution— the other embraces, with equal facility, every considera- tion that may become a topic of discussion. - The one is stately and ceremonious—the other, familiar and explana tory. The King's Speech, like a birth-day ode, has more of composition than meaning—the. President's Message, like a political review, leaves nothing to the imagination. It is fresh in the memory of our readers, how much com plaint was made in the House of Commons, of the Speech of his Majesty on the opening of the new Parliament, on account of what it did not say ; 'but we think the objec tions to the Message of Mr. Adams will be on the ground of what it does say. For the most insatiable lover of de batable points could not desire, on such an occasion, a more copious and fruitful document. There are several matters which it treats upon that are deserving of particu lar notice; and it is curious enough that one of its leading topics should be, the acknowledgment, by Great Britain, of the independence of the South American Republics. Of course, the American President, when he penned this Message, could not be aware that it was the intention of Mr. Canning to tell the English Parliament that he had thrown those Republics into the scale of Politics, to out weigh the advantages which France obtained, or was sup posed likely to obtain, by the military occupation of Spain. The American President could not have foreseen that Mr. Canning intended to make use of the memorable sentence : " I called the new world into existence, to redress the balance of the old ;" and therefore he could not intend to contradict Mr. Canning on that point. Nevertheless, in adverting to that subject, he states some particulars that very much impugn the accuracy of this statement by our Secretary for Foreib Affairs, making one doubt whether it may not be a mere rhetorical flourish. If Mr. Adams speaks truth, he certainly deprives Mr. Canning of his revolutionary laurels, or, at all events, leaves them nothing of the freshness of original glory. He attributes to the liberal and enlightened disposition of the late Emperor Alexander the first inclination on the part of an European Power of the future acknowledgement of the independ ence of the South American Governments.—He states, that this indication on the part of the Emperor went so far as to make it evident that the European Cabinets must sooner or later take the step with respect to South Ame rica which England subsequently took. Thus was the po licy of Mr. Canning, in this instance, but an anticipation of the enlightened act of a Government which we deno ininate as barbarous, and thus was the Cabinet of Great Britain illuminated in this matter by the new doctrines of the Czar of Muscovy. Do we blame Mr: Canning for this ? Certainly not, It is better for a great nation to go before, than appear to copy the politics of States less advanced in civilization. But notwithstanding the eloquence of his speech, we are afraid that history will not give him tile credit of having. acted on a higher prin ciple in this case than that of having yielded to what he perceived must at length become an inevitable necessity. —The part of the American President's Message, in which he enters into a discussion of the topics of commer cial intercourse, now forming a subject of Cabinet debate between Great Britain and America, shows that our Go vernment can talk with as much narrow prejudice on the mercantile relations of different States as if they had never professed to advocate the principles of a free trade. Ame rica wants a free trade, or a comparatively free intercourse with our West India Colonies, on the ground of a recipro cal interchange of benefits. Our Cabinet refuses, on the ground that it would be too important a boon to confer on a _rival nation, We do not know what sort of free com merce it is by which a boon is conferred on one party and 110 advantage obtained by the other. Nations interchange their respective products because they find such inter, change to operate to their mutual benefit. If there were not this stimulus, which arises out of the variety of human wants, and the diversityof productions in different countries, there would be. no commerce at all. When we favour other countries by admitting their merchandise, we favour ourselves at the same time; for while we supply many of our own wants in this way, we export things which we can dispense with in return. Providence has so varied the nature of production in different parts of the earth, as to make commerce necessary for the copious supply of the conveniences as well as the luxuries of life; but unwise Legislatures, counteracting the wisdom of Providence, have been at all times too ready to shackle commerce with restrictions and monopolies that embarrass the selfish policy which they were intended to promote.—lbid. From the last advices from Oporto it appears evident that Government had' determined. _to keep together the whole of the. British force -Senilto the aid of Portugal; four vessels of war only having been despatched to the 'Douro, to proteet British property in case of. an emer gency. This argues a conffdence in the efforts of the natives in the vieinity of the Donro, the spot in Portugal on which we. have most property at stake, as well as a perfect knowledge of the advantageous position of the province of Entre Douro e Minho. This province, which may he called the Garden of Portugal, Demourier asserts, in time of war, is exposed only to slight desultory attacks on the frontiers, which, towards Galicia, are well covered by . the river Minho, and cut through by innumerable defi l es and impenetrable dells. On the east side it is separated from Tras-os-Montes by a double line—first, by the chain of the mountains of Geres, Santa Caterina, and Maram ; and, next, by the course of the river Tamega: The only two entrancesinto the province of Entre Douro e Minho, from Tras-os-Montes, are by the bridges of Amarante and Salmonde—the -one leading to Oporto and the other to Montalegre and. Chaves ; and these, it is now clear, are ef fectively guarded—the first by General Claudino, and the other by the Marquis de Angela, the Military Governor of Minho. It may therefore he a consolation to our country men to reflect, that their property and establishments in the wine country are perfectly safe, even if the infuriated Apostolicals should attempt to re-enter on the side of Galicia. Minho was tempting to them, on account of its riches; and they had made great -preparations among their agents to open their way into it. Thanks to the exertions of the military commanders, and the readiness with which they have been seconded by the inhabitants, all their attempts have been failed. Some of the English letters received yesterday from Oporto, by the way of Li verpool, speak in the highest terms of the patriotic enthu siasm displayed by the residents. The chief disposable force of regulars and militia having been sent up the country for the defence of the passes, the merchants and shopkeepers formed themselves into a corps of volun teers; and, in order to render their services more effi cient, went to the house of Captain Borges, of the 18th regiment, a gallint young officer, at the time ill in bed, who had distinguished himself in the campaigns during the last war. This brave youth, well known to most of our officers who served in Portugal, roused by the call of danger, instantly rose from the bed of illness on which he had been confined for some tirpe, and in a few days organized his little band of patriots, in such a manner as to revive the "hopes of the defenceless part of the inhabitants. Even if the upper lines of the Tamega had been forced, the Apostolicals could not have taken Oporto with such a force as they now appear to possess, so complete has been the preparations to repel them.-- We have sufficient concurring testimony already before us, to conclude that the military operations of the Apostolicals in the North have hitherto been confined to the province of Tras-os-Montes, in which they are shut in by the rivers Douro and Tamega. Foiled on the side of the latter, it remains to be. seen what plan they will next pursue, for they are lost if they remain inactive. Military movements at this season of the year, in - the-North of Portugal, are ex tremely difficult. The rains fall in such heavy torrents that the rivers are unfordable, both on account of the depth and rapidity of the streams. The Douro, for example, flows with such impetuosity to the sea, that vessels for many days are unable to enter the port, and this was the case on the arrival of the British men of war. To cross this river, consequently, it is necessary to have the command of a bridge, before Low4 - Beira can be attacked, even if the Marquis de Chaves had a sufficient force to make the at tempt. That this will be the direction of his next move ments seems in some measure anticipated by one of the latest letters from .oporto, which states, thae- General Claudino was expected there on his way to Vizeu, in Beira. We cannot ourselves understand the ne cessity of such a detour. If his assistance is required in that quarter, he would not make a retrograde move ment, having the upper passes of the Douro at his com mand. From Amarante, he would proeeed by Carvoeiro, situated at the mouth of the Tamega, near its junction with the Douro. Situated, however, as the Apostolicals are, they must now either retreat into Spain, or push towards the South, as the province of Tras-os-Montes can no longer afford them 'shelter. In one of the late wars, the Spaniards attacked it,and advanced 40 , 000 men to Chaves, Briganza, and Miranda, without magazines or provisions of any sort, when more than a fourth of the number soon died of sickness and want. This must-be the case with the Apostolicals, who certainly cannot be supposed to be better provided now than the Spaniards then were. If they penetrate into Beira, they have General Claudino on their left; General Azeredo, the Military Governor of the Province, in the front; and Count de Villa Flor, who, it now turns out, after driving the rebel Magessi across the Guadiana,. had advanced to Guards, on their left; besides the garrisons of Almeida and Pinhel, as well as the militia of the intervening districts. By this last ra pid movement of the Count de Villa Flor from Alentejo to Guarda, which place is situated at the head of the river Mondego and the foot of the Estrella mountains, the Go vernment seems to have combined a most judicious plan of operations—first for the defence of Lisbon ; and secondly as a means of co-operating with the other divisions ad vancing from the north. It remains, therefore, to be seen, whether the .Apostolicals will have courage to move to wards the south. We do not hesitate to say their position is extremely critical, more particularly if the desertions con tinue. The Silveiras, from the moment their cause begins to decline, are themselves in danger. They have ventured on 1 their present undertaking with men actuated only by the hopes of plunder, having no interest in the issue of the attempt. It was reported at Oporto, that Viscount Canelas, the uncle and adviser of the Marquess de Chaves, had been seized by his own partizans, after the defeat at Amarante. This is probable, it being the only means by which the persons implicated can. now make their peaee with the constituted authorities.. We are, therefore, confident in the opinion we have all along expressed, that the impression of the Apostolicals will be . confined to Tras-os-Montes, where it is very clear from the manner in which they are composed, the ravages will be very great. We have seen, in several of the letters from Oporto, instances of peaceable farmers murdered, in the pursuit of pillage. Yet all this is done in the name of Miguel I. We cannot, however, help ex pressing our apprehension, that the Lisbon Ministry is not yet formed to the satisfaction of the public. There have been some sudden changes, even attended with Mys tery ; and by the last adVices, we find that the Bishop of Vizen has been made Minister for the Home Depart ment, and delivered the Regent's Message at the close of the Session. We have at the same time had the satisfac tion to notice, that the House of Peers has acted in the most patriotic manner. The Chamber of Deputies passed a law for the arming of the national guards, which was rejected by the Upper House. The rejection was judi cious, as it certainly is not sUe to trust arms indiscrimi nately in the hands of the people at this moment. The Extraordinary Cortes having closed their sittings con formably to law, the Ordinary Cortes would open on the 2d instant with exactly the same Members. Before we close our remarks on the affairs of Portugal, we shall say a few words on the occupation of the forts at the entrance of the Tagus by the British marines, which, we notice by letters from Lisbon, has already excited some jealousy, and will no doubt serve as a handle to the alarmists. In the present situation of Portugal, this - can be considered in no other point of view than as a temporary precaution, adopted at the request of the Government, and necessary for the safety of the British fleet at anchor in the Tagus. Fort St, Julien and the Bugio command the entrance of the river. The former is on the left of the entrance. It stands high, cut out of and adapted to the irregular form of the rocks, and is almost impreviable. T he Bu gio is nearly in front, built on a mound of rock and sand, so as -to cross the - fire of the other. The British Admiral could not leave these two forts in his rear, in the present disorganized state of the Portuguese soldiery,--Morning Chronicle. . - The new law which the French Ministers have brought forward, for the punishment of persons engaged in carry. ing on the Slave Trade, is an unequivocal admission of the inefficiency of their past legislation for the accomplishment Of that purpose. Again and again haS England made re presentations to them on the subject; the most damning facts were pointed out; but assurances of zeal, and pro mises of future vigilance, were - the only remedies of the Mischief that could be obtained. For more than ten years has France been under a formal obligation to do her ut most to suppress the Slave Trade; and now she confesses that, in consequence of the defects in her legislation, the Slave Trade has, during this long period, been prosecuted to a great extent under the French flag, by French sub jects, and in French ships. By the former law of France, punishment was inflicted only on the owners and the captains of ships, proved to have been engaged in the Slave Trade. The alterations now proposed are two fold--first, to increase the severity of the penalties— secondly, to extend them to the officers, the crew, and the persons, who knowingly insure the voyage. The change, so far as it goes, is an improvement; but if the French Ministers are sincere in their desire to free their country from this stain, they must go much further. It is of little use to increase the degree Of punishment, and to bring a greater number within the reach of its lash, unless means are taken for facilitating the discovery, and promoting the conviction of offenders. The charge against France has always been, that the Laws, which were in force against the Slave Trade, were not executed —that they were violated with impunity—and 'in some cases, under such circumstances, that it .was difficult to avoid imputing connivance to the Local Authorities.— What assurance have we that the new law will be more vigilantly and conscientiously enforced than the old. When a party is eonvicted of the offence, the punishment will be more efficacious than it was formerly ; but the difficulty lies in procuring the conviction." The proof of the crime," says the Minister of Marine " could hardly he obtained, on account of the system of denial to which the crews o f s hips, against which proceedings were instituted were wont to adhere. Under.the temptation of pecunia ry recompense, they were accustomed to perjure themselves before the tribunals." If the crews would not co-operate in the conviction of offenders; when' they themselves had nothing to fear from the law, will they be more Willing witnessed now that they themselves - are liable to punish merit as participators in the crime ? The bribe &impu nity which is promised to them, if they - become informers, ' within fifteen days after the arrival of the ship in port, is 'not likely to have much influence over the debased and hardened minds, who alone can engage in this detestable traffic. The only means by which the Slave Trade can be effectually' checked, is, to expose ships concerned in it to an extreme probability of seizure ' w hile the crime is in - progress towards completion. This would be best effected by the exercise of a mutual right of search within certain limits ; and those Powers who refused to accede to such , a plan, are bo u nd a t l eas t to take every precaution against the abuse of their own flag. It is to little purpose ,for France to make laws against the Slave Trade, unless she will maintain, on those coasts where that traffic is carried on, cruisers so nume rous and so vigilant, as to take away from Slave Traders under, the French flag, all reasonable hope of escaping un detected and uncaptured. It is absurd to allow them to complete their crime, with scarcely - any risk of hindrance or prevention, in the vain hope, that they will be checked by the possibility •of detection and punishment, when they return to. Europe. Thenew law, defective as it is, shews at least a good disposition on the part of the French Mini sters; and_ for this 'disposition they deserve the more praise, as the Slave Trade is a subject which excites no general or public sentiment of abhorrence in France. Whatever steps the Government take towards the aboli tion of this traffic, they have the merit of leading, instead of following, the nation.—New Times. LAW INTELLIGENCE. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, J. 3. IMPORTANT TO ASSIGNEES OF INSOLVENTS' ESTATES. This morning, when an insolvent was declared entitled to the benefit of the Act, a creditor applied to the Court to be appointed assignee to his estate and effects. The CHIEF COMMISSIONER inquired whether he had ever been appointed assignee in any other case ?—Yes--When ? Four years ago. Have you returned an account quarterly, or at all ?—.No, Sir. Then you ought to have done so, and you cannot plead ignorance, because it is set out in the assignment which you have execute 3. • Applicant—l have received no assets. COURT—Then you ought to have stated that fact for the in formation of the Court, and the satisfaction of the insolvent's cre ditors. The Court will not grant your application, because, as you have neglected to perform the duties of one trust, you may do so in another. John Beesion, an extra clerk in the Custom-house, was op posed by Mr. Poupcx on behalf of Mr. Itsdstall. It appeared that the insolvent, as a stipernumerary clerk iu the Custom-house, was in the receipt of a yearly salary of 781., and about 10/. extra. His father formerly filled' a similar situation with himself, but he died a short time since, when the widow ad ministered to his will, and took possession of his effects. The op posing creditor's claim arose for expenses connected with the in terment of the insolvent's father, for the payment of which he in some way became guarantee. Mr. Por.Locs said, although no case for remand had been made out, lie hoped the Court would make an order as to part of the salary, pursuant to the power vested in them by a recent Art of Parliament. Mr. ‘HBATH did not oppose the application, but remarked that it was one of the common follies of the day for persons to in cur extravagant funeral debts, which their circumstances did not The Court ordered the insolvent to pay lb/. a y warrant. his salary towards the discharge of his debts , and upon this con dition he was declared entitled to his discha r g e. Richard Wells, a person of respectab le a pp earance, was op posed by Mr. HEATH, on behalf of Messr s. Walter and Son. . ear out of The original debt due by the insolvent was 161. 145., to re cover which they brought an action. At that time the insolvent was assisting Messrs. Smiths, who married his two sisters. The insolvent denied that he set up a defence to the action, f or he told the attorney that he had no defence to it. He admitted, however, that Messrs. Smiths acted in this respect with his privity. The plaintiffs attorney put in the proceedings in the action, by which it app eared that the opposing creditor had been put to Sta. expense, in c onse q uenee of the frivolous defence of the insolvent. 111 Mr. toHuhae'ren onpfiranyededwtilti within i j n uc t l h g e m vi en a t lls o th e fof theCourt.The CHIEF' COM MNER sentenced the insolv en t f or thi s MISS offence months. LAW SITTINGS. • Sittings appointed in Middlesex and London, before the Right Hon. Sir W. Draper Best, Knight, Lord Chief Justice Of his Majesty's Court of Common Pleas, at Westminster, in and after Hilary Term, 1827. IN TERM. MIDDLESEX. LONnON. Wednesday Wednesday Wednesday AFTER TFRM. Tuesday The Court will sit at one o'clock on January 246, 256, Slat, February Ist, and at half-past nine on each of the other days. SESSIONS APPO CLERKS [TED FOR 18,27. [WELL. Monday, January 8 Monday, February 1".? Monday, April 2 Tuesday, May 29 Monday, July 9 Monday, September 10 ?Monday, October 22 Monday, December 3. LON Wednesday, January 10 Wednesday, February 14. Wednesday, April 4 Wednesday, May 30 Wednesday, July 11 Wednesday, September 12 Wednesday, October 24 Wednesday, December 5. .ILEY. OLD B Thursday, January 11 Tburaday, February 15 Thursday, April 5 Thursday, May 31 Thursday, July 12 Thursday, September IS Thursday, October 25 Thursday, December 6 ARK. SOUTH Tuesday, January 9 Monday, April 2 Thursday, July 5 Monday, October 22. THE ARMY. Detachments belonging to the 3d, 6th, and 20th regiments of Infantry, embarked on the Ist inst. on board the Bridgewater, at Chatham, for Bombay. The sth Regiment of Foot now on its march from Weedoa Barracks, for Hull, has received orders to detach a Company to Bradford, and another to Halifax. NEW BAILEY, MANCHESTER, DEC. 30. James Evans, whose trial for the murder of Mr. Price roust he still in the recollection of our readers, was on Friday appre hended on a charge of felony, and this day brought up for exami- nation. The Court was crowded to excess, so great, indeed, that it was found impossible to proceed with the business in its re gular order. Therefore, before any summonses or warrants were granted, which generally takes place before the exami nation of prisoners, Evans was put to the bar. He looked thin ner than when we last saw him, and walked very lame when he mounted the step leading from the dock. Wm. Taylor, the young man who serves in Mottershead's shop, then detailed the particulars of his conduct and apprehension. Evans was then asked if he had any thing to say in his defence. He replied, that a (lay or two ago, he called at the Stamp Office, to know whether he could recover the stamp of a deed of assignment which he held, but which had never been executed. He was told that he could, but that it would cost him about three shil lings, as it would require an affidavit. Not having sufficient sil ver, be, on the night before he was apprehended, took two spoons to be pledged at Motterthead i s; and - obtained three shillings upon them. The next day he went about one o'clock to pledge a waist coat, in order to redeem the spoons. The box in which he stood being rather low, his hat . touched something at the top, and at last a basket fell upon the counter. The young - man then came into the shop, accused him of attempting to steal it, and refused to receive his waistcoat ; on which he went to another pawn broker's, near the police-office, where he obtained four shillings upon the waistcoat, and went back to Mottershead'a for his spoons ; when the young - man locked the door, then came into the shop, and abused- him as a thief and a scamp.—Then he certainly jumped over the counter, and tried to get hold of him. The witness said he never abused the prisoner, nor even spoke to him when he came *up stairs, after locking the door. Indeed the prisoner did not give him time, hut went over the counter as soon as he got thtough the door. Mr. Foster inquired whether it was possible that the basket might have fallen accidentally from the shelf, as the prisoner had dewribed ? The witness replied that it was not possible. The shelf was very broad, and the basket was placed quite at the back of it. Robert Derbyshire, jun. said he had carefully examined the place, and was quite satisfied that the basket could not have 'have fallen off, for there was a small ledge projecting from the shelf, which Would prevent it. Besides, he did not think that the priso ner's hat would reach the shelf. The prisoner here appealed to Taylor, whether he did uot skew him that his hat would touch the shelf? Taylor replied, that certainly when he took the basket film:lathe prisoner, the latter did rub the tip of his hat against th. shelf. to slew, as he said, how the basket had been knocked oil, but it was quite impossibl e that that could have been the case; for the shelf was quite fast in its place, and could not be moved by the prisoner's hat. The prisoner repeated, that the fall of the basket was quite ac cidental ; and, besides, there was another person in the shop as well as himself. Taylor replied, that the other person was a little boy, Namely as high as the counter ; and he, being in a different box, could not gee what was passing in the boa where the prisoner was. said, he bad inquired H tnih e seta s P h urc o ies Tdd deal. with, it as a case of of er' thfrgase, and he could i w ni :o a o m: sit e r t e t . o a o Fl n e°4 s f o t u e T o l a r t Y l h ß e i t n r b ta e c od o b d n t as hr c eu l e k u e c s i t i i :o rg n eu , than that tbe abject of ,the *loner vagrancy, and the prisoner must be committed, and. kept to bard labour, for three months, for attempting to commit a felony. There was a clapping of hands as soon as this sentence was pro nounced ; and as soon as Evans was removed from the bar, and taken below by the Police officers, he was repeatedly hissed by several persons ; but these indecent manifestation of dislike were speedily suppressed by the officers. We understand, that when taken below, and told that be -must be forthwith put upon the _tread he again burst into tears. and cried bitterly. He was, hoWever, put upon the mill, and re mained for about an hour; when it was ascertained that he could not any longer support the labour, in consequence of excessive lameness, and the surgeon directed him to be immediately removed to the hospital. We believe he has a swelling of a very serious nature in one of his knees. MEETINGS OF CREDITORS. JAN. .s. —(At the Court of LONDON DI ARY.---FR IDAY, Commissioners, Flasinghall-street.) Archer, W., Hertford , oilman-1I Barker, A., Pancras , apothecary-11 Chaffey, J., Bow - st reet, victualler-1 Cosies, W., Wisbce h, g rocer-1e Coates, J., Bermon dse y , tanner-12 Fisher, J., Cante rbur y . brazier -11 Hooper, H. , Bo g nor, g rocer-11 Jones and No rris, Bud g e row, 4: Naish, J. , B ristol, auction eer-1 Robertson, JKei ~ , tsh Tottenham, i surgeo n -11 Smith, T., Town, bookseller-12 MIDDLESEX HOSPITAL,-JAN. 2. MONTHLY RETURN OF PATIENTS, from Dec. Ito 111 In-Patients admitted by letters Ditto, Accidents 193 Out-Patients admitted by letters Ditto, Accidents --123 Total.. .351 In-Patients discharged Remaining in the Hospital :OAL MARKST.—Jau , I • s._d. s. d. Beausnost-- 28 Burdon 31 9 Charlotte 31 R Dean's Primrose 29 0 klghton 26 0 Heaton- 31, 0 Hebburn Main— 32 9 Holywell 29 9 Killlngworth 33 3 Liddell's Maim.-- 26 6 Ord's R.dhugb 26 0 Pelai 31 0 Percy 23 9 Poptop Simpson— 28 0 Tangeld M00r—.... 33 6 Ships at Market, To;ruley 30 26 0 Wyb.m 2B 3 WallsEndßewicks3l W. E. Burraton— 33 0 W. E. Green's.— 31 6 "W. E. Hi1da..,..... S 1 f W. E Hotspur 32 6 W. E. Newman% 33 W. F. Northumb. 33 3 W. E. Riddell's 35 0 W. E. Ituseen's 35 0 W. E Walker...—. 34 6 Tanfieki Trader 33 3 Lambton small-- 18 0 95-111ip• sold, 5134 4 1 - Walker small 16 a Primrose small 16 • Hotspur W. , partly re-allipt.-. XI • Hartley 91 6 Lonsdale's White- , L haven VS • IlainTO 0 Wails Eudlittlime Ski 6 W. E. Lambten...96 • Walls End Lyon. 3 • W. E. Springsvoll 99 • W. 15.11tewart's.... 26 0 Russell', Hetton's Walls 6 h I,N. BIRTH. On the IA inst., at Erbistock Hall, F. Lieut.-Col. Frederick Philips, of a daughti lintsbire, the Lady of MARRIED. On the 28th inst., at Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, HenrY Brown, of Brunswick-square, London, Esq., to,Ann, youngest daughter of the late James Horderu, Esq., of the Deanery, Wol verhampton. On the 3d inst., at St. Andrew's Church, Walter Wakeman, Esq., of Purshall-hall, in the County of Worcester, to Siby Phi ladelphia, eldest: daughter of James Pasmore, Esq., of Bedferel row, the parties hating been married on the preceding day ac' cording to the rites of the Roman Catholic Church. On' the 3d inst., at St. nulls, Deptford, by the Rev. WOW Ewbank, A.M., Henry Embank, Esq., of Forest -hill, to Lydi l4 , daughter of Jonathan Lucas, Esq., of Hatcham-grove, Surrey. DIED. On the 2d inst., at the house of his daughter, at SheppertoPP were he went to spend the Christmas holidays, Dr. J. M. Good , M.D., F.R.S., F.R.S.L., after a few days' illness. On the 13th ult., at Guernsey, the Rev. Peter Maingy, M.A.' aged 35, Minister of St. James's Church in that Island. On the 29th ult., at the York Hotel, Covent-garden, Pete: Firwin,Eeq., of Dedham, in th e C oun ty of Essex, in his 6.13 year. On the 30th ult., at Harpenden, Bert% Mr. Wm. Humphries , formerly of Balclock, aged 75. On the Ist inst., at Deptford, after a long illness, Mr. Job) , Marchant, aged 97. On the 31st ult., at Worcester, Decima, second daughter ° I the Rev. Edward Green, of Burford, Salop. Printed and PO)fibbed by M. YOUNG, at the Burr-OFFlcst No. I IV, STRAND,