The Sun. — London, England, 1834-07-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT 01 - ' THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, It will no doubt have been ;;os6tved that Lord Grey yesterday, in the House of Lords, postponed all farther roceeding in two bills, of which his Lordship had pre viously shown a desire to accelerate the progress—viz., the Irish Coercion Bill, and the Bill for an Amendment of the Poor Laws. The circumstances under which these de lays were solicited by the Prime Minister, the tone of his application, and the occurrences of the preceding day in the House of Commons, together with two or three facts which were rather hinted at than formally explained or de veloped, all conspired to accredit a rumour, which gained more strength as the night dosed in, to the effect that Mi nisters had become at length so conscious of the difficulties which on every side heset them as to take the resolution of resigning. It win not be considered as a proof, we trust, of our insensibility to the magnitude of the crisis thus rather disclosed than created, if we abstain for one day from any further observations with regard to it. The thing has been long preparing,—it has latterly advanced at a giant's pace, and has, we think, become inevitable.—mimes. The Ministry of Lord Grey is in peril, and this day will put a period to its existence, or give it vigour to survive its difficulties. The significant proceedings in the House of Lords last night betrayed the embarrassed and dange rous state of the Administration. Lord Grey postponed the report of the Irish Coercion Bill till this evening. The Duke of Buckingham took advantage of the position, and represented the danger of twenty-four hours' delay. Lord Grey stated in reply, that his course was not " without sufficient reasons." His Lordship further intimated— " what those reasons were he could not now explain ; but in moving that the Bill be pat off he had full reasons for his conduct." The Duke of Cumberland made a charac teristic comment on this conjuncture, doubtless excited by hopeless expectations. Lord Grey subsequently post poned the order for the further consideration of the Poor Law Bill, stating that be did so " with the greatest reluctance," but that he should be able this day to an nounce when he should renew the order. In reply to some observations of Lord Malmesbury, Lord Grey afterwards mentioned, " that it was only this morning that he had found there was a necessity for putting off the considera tion of the Bill." The Lords immediately adjourned. All these eventful circumstances denote a temporary paralysis of the Government. Rumour was of course busy on the occasion ; and as Mr. Spring Rice was the only Cabinet Minister present in the Rouse of Commons, the reports were superabundant. But the " Irish Question" is the real stumbling-block. We stated on Monday that "the Protestant Church of Ireland is the bane of this country, and has de stroyed several administrations ; and that unless this unchris tian nuisance be abated, it would still continue its political ra vages." The prediction and verification have been nearly si multaneous. We believe the fact to be, that great difficulties are foreseen in relation to the renewal of the Coercion Bill, consequent on the peculiar circumstances attending the correspondence of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland with the Government. Lord Althorp may anticipate a difficulty of position in the House of Commons of no common nature. We do not believe that any actual dismemberment of the Cabinet has occurred ; but the King has probably been apprised of the Ministerial situation, and will this day meet his confidential ad\ isers. His Majesty's position is most critical. A false step on the part of Lord Grey or the King may 12ad to most disastrous consequences. Party considerations and personal calculations are of trifling mo ment compared with the pregnant consequences of the re signation or retirement of the Ministry. A deep responsibility attaches to the councils of this day. The Tories might succeed in temporarily seizing the reigns of power, and his Majesty might be so ill advised and infatuated as to allow them to make the desperate and ruinous experiment of attempting tl govern the British people and a reformed House of Com mons. The inevitable and fatal result of such a mad at tempt would soon be developed. Would they wildly ad venture on a dissolution of Parliament ? With all their hooting in favour of the Church, the Corporations, and the corn laws, could they succeed in obtaining a return of ONE-THIRD of a House of Commons representing Tory opi nions, or subservient to their insane designs of political misrule ? The very idea is preposterous, although Sir R. Peel may have screwed up his courage to the sticking place. Could they live a week with the present House of Com mons ? We defy—we dare them to the conflict. The result would be the certain and overwhelming gain of the popular party. A deluge of public opinion would soon utterly destroy all vestige of the Tory aristo cracy. Whatever may be the temporary apathy and sup pression of popular feeling, the democratic power created by the Reform Bill would burst out ; a Tory Cabinet would be stormed in a few months—the Crown itself would be in jeopardy, and the Peers would rue the day when they were tempted to overturn a Ministry which has stood between the aristocracy and the people. The Church would be swallowed up in the earthquake of po pular indignation. The Tories would pull down the pillars of the temple of the constitution, and bury themselves under the ruins ; but they will be arrested in their career. We hope and trust, however, that Ministers, in their decision this day, will weigh well their responsibility and duty on this critical occasion. Lord Althorp has never been suspected of any sinister love of office, or any willing sacrifice of opinions ; but he has a duty to perform to his country at this crisis. He is necessary to a Liberal Adminis tration in the present state of parties, from his personal station in the House of Commons. The Ministry may yet be strengthened, and assume a more decided and popular po licy. The King cannot throw himself into the abyss of Toryism. His Majesty has hitherto opposed the political designs of the aristocratic opposition. A mean surrender to their machinations may irretrievably compromise his dy nasty. We write advisedly. The course of the ocean tide could be as easily stayed as the progress of liberal prin ciples. A reversed opposition a reformed House of Commons, contending with a Tory Cabinet—an enlightened and insulted people—a powerful and intellectual opposition in the Peers—the many and fearful difficulties of the country—would soon smother Sir Robert Peel, the Duke of Wellington, and their new allies, Mr. Stanley and Sir James (Turn-coat) Graham. What a precious exhi bition would a Tory Ministry be, opposed by Lord Grey, the Lord Chancellor, and Lord Durham in the Upper House—by Lord Althorp and a phalanx of Re formers in the Commons. Would the Tories renew their alliance with the Russians, with the King of Holland, Don Carlos, and Don Miguel ? Would they again double the Na tional Debt to destroy the liberty in France and the West of. Europe ? The God of Freedom will " confound their politics and frustrate their knavish tricks." Europe has outgrown its feudal swadling clothes ; Great Britain is secure under the shield of the Reform Bills. The rumour last night in the best-informed circles was that Lord Al thorp had resigned, and that Lord Grey has communica ted to his Majesty the difficulty of the Cabinet. This day will, of course, reveal the exact situation of affairs. A Cabinet Council was held late last night.—Morning Chro nicle. Mr. Hume voted in the minority of the Marquis of Chandos. We have been among the consistent and steady friends of the Hon. Member, but we cannot too strongly express our disgust at such cross votes by such a man. Mr. Baring was a Liberal till he became a landowner ; and as he has always represented his breeches' pocket,_ the people were not surprised at his vacillation with regard to the corn laws, and many other questions. But as Mr. Hume has generally received credit for more honesty, and at all events for being more obstinate in his opinions, his conduct appears inexplicable. If opposition to the Ministry dictated his vote on Monday, it was a petty and unworthy party motive ; if his acres or his interest with the farmers of Middlesex explain it, we equally condemn his strange course. We regret to make these severe remarks, but the strong expressions of surprise and condemnation occasioned by his coalition with Lord Chandos, and its evil example, leave us no alternative. Was it currency—low rents—or anti-ministerial caballing which influenced Mr. Hume ?—because, though he voted one way he spoke another. The conflicting cheers of the Tories and the old friends of the Hon. Member must have seared his conscience. We have too much respect for Mr. Hume to allow this " mistake" to pass unobserved. He is the last man entitled to trifle with public opinion. this West India votes and speeches, though forgiven, are still remembered by many.—Morning Chronicle. "111nyrumours were afloat in the course of yesterday, a nticipating a change of Administration. The circum stances which render such an event probable are not few. We need scarcely add that there are some which render it desirable. But at present we have only to deal with the probability. There is a prima facie presumption in favour of all such rumours ever since the Premier himself acknow hedged in so many words that his Ad m i n i strat i on ex i ste d only by the tolerance of the House of Lords, who could crush it at any moment they felt the inclination. This presumption has been strengthened by recent events, and the assemblage of all the Cabinet Ministers at the resi dence of Earl Grey, in Downing-street, at nine o'clock last night, as announced in the article of the Court Newsman, would seem to favour the conjecture that some chan ge i s at hand, or at a ll even t s th a t some crisis has arrived con neeted with th e f a t e • o f th e Administration. Another circumstance, whi c h po i n t s t o th e same conclusion, in a manner still more direct, is the course adopted by Earl Grey, in postponing, not only the Coercion Bill, but the pet measure of his Administration, the Poor Law Bill, and the significant remark of the Noble Lord, that he would not postpone either without a n a d equate cause . When to these we subjoin the position of the Irish Government, the retirement of Mr. Littleton, the predicament of the Marquis of Wellesley, and, though last not least, the pal pable weakness of the general Government, as notified in the largz-, minority upon the motion of th e M arqu i s o f considsred, it is impos chandos....when all these thing, are silk to deny that they reflect a strong light upon those speculations which argue the dissolution of the Grey Cabinet to be at hand. One of the current stories yester day was, that Earl Grey had tendered.his resignation, in consequence of the permission accorded by his Majesty to the Duke of Richmond with respect to the disclosure of what had taken place in the Cabinet. Without pretending to have any access to State secrets, which the independence of our course would be more likely to frustrate than encou rage, we strongly incline to credit this account. At all events, it is evident that something is brewing. The Go vernment has made a full stop in the progress of its most important measures, and it remains to be seen whether the "sufficient causes" spoken of by Earl Grey are not causes which affect the sufficiency and even the existence of his Administration. But it is useless to prosecute the inquiry any further, when the fact must so soon be discovered. — Morning Herald. We believe we may to-day take upon ourselves to an nounce the final dissolution of the Government of Earl Grey. We do not pretend to be in possession of the secrets of the Cabinet, or informed of the precise and im mediate cause of this event ; but we refer our readers to what passed in the House of Lords, and to the postpone ment of the several Government measures by Earl Grey, for the grounds of our belief of what we have stated, and to the fact that no Member of the Government, with the exception of Mr. Spring Rice (and he not until a late period of the evening), made his appearance last night in the House of Commons. These circumstances would in ordinary cases be conclusive of the event we have an nounced—and to these circumstances was added, last night, the almost unusually-expressed belief upon the part of the supporters of the Government in the House of Commons that it was not a partial but a total dissolution which ha 1 taken place—that this dissolution had, in point of fact, occurred on Monday night, although it was not decisive until after the sitting of the Cabinet at twelve o'clock yesterday ; but that the resignations of Ministers had at last been sent in, and were now in the hands of the King. We give these statements as they reached us. We have already said that we are not in the secrets of the Ca binet. What, then, has occasioned the breaking up of this Administration—the weakest, the wickedest, the worst that England ever saw ? Was it any premeditated and con centrated exertion upon the part of their political opponents to drive them from office ? Was it any successful exhibi tion of Parliamentary tactics or of political intrigue—was it the faithlessness of their friends, or the fickleness of their supporters ? It was neither—it was none of these causes. It was their own internal dissensions. The Opposition, led by Sir Robert Peel, was what that Opposition has ever been, moderate and merciful—not seeking an occasion to destroy but an opportunity to amend—not looking to acces sion to office, but to public good. We would recal the atten tion of our readers and of the country, to the whole course adopted by the Conservative party in the House of Com mons, since the commencement of the present session of Parliament, in proof of this assertion. We would recal to their minds the thousand opportunities which have pre sented themselves to that party for crippling the power or for destroying the existence of their adversaries, of which they have not availed themselves. We would impress upon their memory the many occasions when defeat, sure and speedy defeat, awaited the Government, but for the support of that party, and the shield thrown over them by its high-minded leader. But this recapitulation would be useless, for the truth of it is impressed upon the mind of every man cognizant of the proceedings of the Legislature. We say that it is to their own internal dissensions that the Government of Earl Grey owes its dissolution. Those dis sensions have long existed ; but since the resignation of Sir James Graham and Mr. Stanley they have been un ceasing, and the downfal of the Administration was cer tain from the hour that the republicanism and imbecility of Lord John Russell were preferred to the monarchical predilections and capacity of Mr. Stanley—from the hour that the straightforward manliness of Sir James Graham was supplied by the tricks and chicanery of Mr. Edward Ellice. Since that time the Government has been carried on either by the slimy intrigues of Mr. Ellice or by the more audacious impositions of Mr. Littleton—the degree of opposition to be exhibited in the House of Commons was regulated either at the office of the one, or at the din ner-table of the other ; the flagrant lie or the subtile equi vocation were the only means used for managing a division, or for silencing an opponent. We had warm words of the townie in the House, and cordial shakings of the hand in the lobby ; the Government was a living lie—the system a perfected deceit. But indeed the events of the last few days could not by possibility have led to any other termination than the present one. During this period Ministers have been plunging deeper and deeper in the mire, at every move. The black, the indelible disgrace brought upon the less dishonest part of the Go vernment by Mr. Littleton ; the flat contradiction given to the statements of that Right Hon. Gentleman by Earl Grey in the House of Lords on Saturday, and the more compassionate but not less complete abandonment of him exhibited in the speech of Lord Althorp on Monday ; the open and undisguised disgust of all the respectable and the decent among the supporters of the Government at the course pursued with reference to the Coercion Bill ; finally, the long-dormant sense of self-respect, roused at last by the speech of Sir R. Peel on Monday night, in the breast of the universal House ;—each and all of these circum stances made it impossible that the Government of the country could continue to be administered by Earl Grey and his colleagues.—Morning Post. In the House of Lords, last night, considerable surprise was occasioned by the postponement of proceedings on the Coercion Bill, and the Poor Laws Amendment Bill. Earl Grey deemed it necessary to put off the consideration of those important measures until this day. The Duke of Buckingham expressed a desire to hear from the Noble Earl some explanation on this unexpected postponement of measures which, he had said, could admit of no delay. Earl Grey declined giving any answer to the request of the Noble Duke, but intimated that although he was not then prepared to forward the Bills, he was strongly impressed with the necessity for passing both of them without loss of time. The Duke of Buckingham was satisfied with that assurance from the Noble Earl, and the subject dropped. A variety of rumours were in circulation in the course of the evening. The most prominent was the resignation of the Noble Premier and of Lord Althorp, who, in the course of yesterday. were said to have had an interview with his Majesty. This, however, is not the fact. Neither of the Noble Personages in question had an interview with his Majesty. It is not true that Lord Grey went to Windsor yesterday; and although we have reason to believe that he, as well as Lord Althorp, have tendered their resignations, yet we have every reason to believe not only that they will not be accepted, but that the most beneficial results will flow from the firm tone and determined attitude which they have assumed. It is high time, in fact, that the Tories should be taught the exact position which they hold in the country, and that the House of Lords should know that it is not their duty to thwart in every instance the decisions of the House of Commons. The one must yield to the pre vailing spirit of the age, and cease to ally itself with its bit terest enemies, in order to thwart the King's Government ; and the other must bear itself more meekly, or be content to receive an admixture of fresh blood into its veins. The ne cessity in both cases has long been apparent, and if Lord Grey, as we have reason to believe, has at length made a determined stand, the country will have reason to congra tulate itself upon the decision. His Majesty will be in town this day to hold a levee ; and we are further informed that he has made an appointment to dine with the Marquis of Lansdowne at Richmond. The inference is that there is to be a change of Ministry, and that the Noble Marquis is to be Premier ; but such a result is beyond the bounds of probability. Who are to be his colleagues ? Who is to be his Chancellor of the Exchequer ? Will Lord Brougham retain office after Lords Grey and Althorp have resigned ? Will Mr. Spring Rice, or Poulett Thom son, or Mr. Abercromby, or any other liberal member of the Government continue to- act with him ? We shall see. The causes of the suspension of public business in both Houses, and the absence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer from the Commons, have been, as we have already observed, variously stated. By some they are accounted for on the ground of differences in the Cabinet respecting the Irish Coercion Bill—by others on the weariness of office which is felt both by Lords Grey and Althorp--but neither of these, if we are rightly informed, are the true reasons. The ground of complaint touches a higher quarter—but of this more to-morrow.—Morning Advertiser. From the speech of Sir R. Peel last night, it has been imagined by some parties that the Hon. Baronet expects to be the head of a new Ministry. He talked of the next session, or of a new Parliament ; but what could the Tories gain by a dissolution ? Could they secure the return of even one hundred members on whose votes they could rely? Assuredly not. Could they carry on the Government with the House of Commons as at present constituted ? Let them try it. If Lords Grey and Althorp have really re signed, or done what is tantamount to a resignation, under particular circumstances—then it becomes the duty of the House of Commons to see who are to be their successors. The new Member for Finsbury will, we dare say, do his duty upon the occasion, and we doubt not that he will be ably supported. The only question, under the circum stances alluded to, is, whether we shall have a Whig and a reforming Government, or whether we shall submit to the domination of those who never had any sympathy with the people—who hate the power which has been put into their hands by the Reform Bill, and who would rule them, not by the law of reason, but by the law of force—and who can hesitate between the two ?—Morning Advertiser. Southampton races commence on the 2d instant, and Goodwood on the ..49th. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, -JULY 9, 1834. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, July 8. The LORD CHANCELLOR delivered judgment in an appeal which he had been hearing, and on the question having been put and agreed to, he desired Mr. Courtenay to make the minute of it in the very same form that had been done in Solarte v. Palmer—he had spoken to the Judges upon the matter, and found that it was quite correct; indeed, as a Court of Record, it could not be done in any other way. Public business was commenced at Five o'clock. Petitions in favour of the Church were presented by the Earls of Malmesbury and Haddington, Lords Bexley, Skel mersdale, and Winchilsea. The Earl of MALME SBURY presented petitions against the Poor Laws Amendment Bill, from the parishes of St. Mary, Whitechapel, and St Martin-in. the-Fields. The Earl of ABERDEEN said a commission had been appointed last session to inquire into the Courts of Scotland. The Commissioners had made a Report which had been laid upon the table of the other House so long ago as May last—he supposed there could be no ob jection to its being laid before their Lordships. He was happy in being able to bear testimony to the manner in which the duty had been performed, the inquiry had been made in the true spirit of fairness. Lord MELBOURNE said it was only by mistake that the report had not been laid on the table—it should be done forth with. The Noble Earl also presented petitions to the same effect, from the females of Queensborough ; and from the Master, Wardens, and Guild of Merchants of the city of Dublin. Also a petition from the Dissenters of Dublin, against the Poor Law Amendment Bill, which the Noble Earl moved to have read at length, as it contained sentiments well worthy of the attention of their Lordships. The petition was being read by the clerk when Earl GREY rose and said he thought the petition could not be received, as it referred to words spoken in that House. The Earl of WINCHIL SE A said, he would stand up for the right. of his fellow-countrymen to animadvert upon senti ments spoken in that House, after they had become the pro perty of the public. He considered that the petitioners were perfectly right, and that the petition could not be rejected. The LORD CHANCELLOR saidhe should not discharge his duty to their Lordships if he did not dissent entirely from the doctrine of the Noble Earl, for whom he was sure nobody entertained greater respect than he did for his candour and frank disposition on all occasions ; but he believed that the Noble Earl was the only ones in that House who did not know that it was a breach of privilege of their Lordships' House to make known even the sentiments of what passed; therefore no oue, legally and strictly speak ing, could become possessed of any thing that passed in the House except by the votes of Parliament. This was only acting on the doctrine which he had laid down last night in presenting , a petition from Mr. John Lawless, when he stated he thought it could not be received on account of its referring to something that had transpired in the House. The Earl of WINCHIL SE A thought that if that were the case, the principle should be acted on generally. The Bishop of EXETER thought, the petition could not be rejected upon the ground of its referring to sentiments that had been uttered in that House, because, although a distinguished member of it had claimed them as his, yet he apprehended he would not claim them as peculiarly his own.—( Hear.) It was probable that other distinguished persons might have uttered such sentiments in ano ther place, although he himself had no doubt that they alluded to what had taken place in their Lordships' House. He thought it must be rejected on another ground, namely the charging certain members of the Imperial Parliament with perjury in discharging their duties in Parliament. After some observations from Earl GREY, the petition was withdrawn. it would preclude the possibility of any Honourable Member introducing new matter during the present session, for the Bills brought in by the Government, delayed as they had been, would occupy the rest of the session. It would be much better to let the present system go on. He had known occasions when Government had assisted in getting the House counted out, and when the Secretary of the Treasury stood at the door of the House to prevent Members entering. It would be encouraging the Ministers to postpone measures to the last few weeks of the session, and on that ground he would rather the House should sit for two months longer than give up this privilege. He objected to the motion, which, if carried, would be productive of great evil. Mr. O'CONNELL said if he stood alone he would divide the House upon the question. There was a curious coinci dence between this motion and the hurrying through of a Bill for taking away the liberties of Ireland. But it was all by accident. The motion and the accurately delivered speech were purely accidental. A few years ago motions took precedence of orders. Now orders had almost excluded motions, and it was intended entirely to exclude them by this motion. The House had been taunted with being counted out ; why the whipper-in of the Govern ment took his station at the door on every such occasion, and kept back Hon. Members ! He was sure the Noble Lord would not succeed. Mr. BUCKINGHAM said the House had been counted out when important motions were to be made, in order to evade a discussion upon them. He said he should oppose this motion, and withdraw his own on the subject of duelling. Mr. POULETT THOMSON denied that the House was counted out for any such object as that mentioned by the Hon. Member for Sheffield.—( Hear.) The delay of public business, and the waste of time arose entirely from the bringing forward motions just in the manner suggested by the Hon. Member for Middlesex. . . Mr. TENNYSON said it was the undoubted and ancient right and privilege of a Member of that House to bring for ward any motion at any day he thought fit, without reference to orders or order days, and he would consent to no motion or arrangement that would affect that right. If this motion should be carried, he should take an early opportunity of asserting his right. Sir JOHN WROTTE SLE Y considered the question not one of much general import, except as it related to the point of time, and for his own part he should vote for it. Mr. ROBIN SON considered the question one of great importance. If the House could come to an understanding to abandon all the notices of motions for the present session, in his opinion it would be a very good arrangement. There never was any thing in such a state of confusion as the pre sent proceedings of the House, and he should certainly vote against the Noble Lord's motion. Sir R. PEEL was in favour of the motion, but still thought any hon. gentleman ought to be at liberty to bring forward a pressing motion whenever he should find it necessary so to do. The number of notices put down every day was immense : that day there were not less than twenty-six ; two of which, how ever, the Hon. Member for Shef f ield had abandoned—indeed he had been sure that this would be the case, for though the Hon. Member had told him last night that he intended to per severe in them, he had been confident that they would be dropped ; and sure enough they were ; and he found, as he had expected, that he might place more confidence in the Hon. Gentleman's prudence and discretion than in his pro mises.—( A laugh.) Mr. SPRING RICE said he was glad the Noble Lord had brought forward this motion, as whatever its immediate result, the discussion on it would, no doubt, produce much good. Mr. BA RING said he was rather in an awkward position on this matter, for, however it might be received, he should feel it his duty, when the Noble Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the order of the day for bringing forward the Budget, to make a motion or amendment on that order of the day. The motion he intended to make was for the production of cer tain :papers relative to the mode in which the finances of the country were managed.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had expressed his intention to oppose their production, and of course the Noble Lord would be provided with some good reasons for making such opposition. The Noble Lord having, in giving notice of his intention to bring forward the Budget, failed in naming any specific day, he (Mr. Baring) had of course been precluded from naming the day for bring ing forward his motion thereupon. He should, however, now intimate, that on Friday next he should give notice of his intention to move for the production of these papers as an amendment on the order of the day for bringing forward the Budget. Lord MORPETH said he found that there was nothing so difficult to collect as the sense of the House—( A laugh)—and it seemed particularly difficult on this occasion. Almost every one seemed to admit the justice of his statement, yet he could not understand whether they would agree to his mo tion. His only motive had been to consult the public conve nience—( Hear, hear)—and, as his end had, perhaps, in some measure been attained, by the discussion which had taken place, he should, therefore, if the House pleased, not object to withdraw his motion till that day week ; so that if, at that period, it should be found that the House made no better pro gress than it did now, it might be competent in him to renew his motion ; and in that case, he hoped the House would agree to it. As to a hint which had been thrown out, that in bring ing forward this motion he was acting in an " accidental com bination"—( A laugh)—with Ministers, it would be a sufficient answer to say, that he had given notice of the motion so far back as the 4th June..—( Hear, hear, and loud cries of " Divide," " Withdraw.") If the House preferred it, he would alter his motion to this effect, " That for the rest of the session, orders of the day should have precedence of notices of motions, on every day except Tuesday." Sir T. FREMANTLE said that this would be an invidious and unjust distinction, as there were quite as many notices put down for Thursdays as for Tuesdays. Lord MORPETH then said that as his altered motion was not approved of, he should postpone the original motion to Tuesday ; and this arrangement was acceded to. DIVISIONS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. WARD having brought up the report of the Commit tee on the Division of the House, moved that the further con sideration of the report should take place next session. He contended that some alteration of the existing system was im peratively called for, and he hoped the House would adopt the plan which the Committee recommended. Mr. H AWE S seconded the motion. Mr. HUME considered the question of very great import ance. Lists had been made out for a considerable period; but hitherto, for want of some authorized system, it had been done very partially and incorrectly. They had been prepared with a great deal of trouble, and had occasioned much loss of time to those Alembers who had undertaken the task of fur nishing them.—( Hear, hear.) He himself had for many years taken as much trouble to make out lists as any Member in the House.._( Hear, hear.) Indeed, it was only within the last twelve months that, having been anxious to get other Members to attend to the matter, he had given to it comparatively less attention. He hoped t'iat no man who came to this House was afraid of it being known how he voted.—( Hear.) Every member ought to be prepared to defend that vote, be it in ac cordance with or against the views of his constituents. He believed that the effect of publishing the divisions would be to cause a fuller attendance of members, though the limited at tendance, deficient as were the present accommodations of the House, was rather in favour of those who were the more hard-working members, and who regularly discharged their duties there. They ought, however, to have regard to what was the intention of the Reform Act, which unquestionably was, that every member should be at his post. His opinion was, that till a new House of Commons was built, it would be im possible that divisions could be taken in the manner that was most desirable. Several plans had been submitted to the Committee, and:only one of them met with unanimous ap probation ; but it was impossible to carry it into effect for want of more room. According to this plan, two addi tional rooms were necessary, in order that one party might go out at one door, and another party at the other door ; it was proposed that as the Members went out they should be counted, thus both sides could be counted at the same moment, and the time of the House would not be lost as at present. The want of the requisite accommodation induced the Committee to re commend the plan now before the House. He thought that in ordinary divisions it would answer very well ; but when they had such divisions as they had the other night, when between 300 and 400 divided, tho Members of necessity would be sit ting so close, that the tellers, unless they had very good eyes, would not be able to distinguish one from the other. Sir R. PEEL said he was against the plan altogether.— (Hear, hear.) He would leave every man who gave his vote according to his conscience to state to his constituents, if he pleased, what his vote was on any particular occasion. As to the liability of being called on by his constituents, to inform them as to such vote, if the principle of the motion now before the House was a good • one there ought to be a division on every question on which there was not a perfect unanimity of opinion. He thought- that the tendency of the proposed plan would be to insure divisions to that extent. Thus, if 200 took one view of a question, and only 10 the other view, there were to be a division and a publication of the list, that the constituents of the ten virtuous patriots might know how they voted on the particular motion. He thought that most erroneous inferences would frequently be drawn from records of the names unaccompanied by explanation. What could the constituents understand from the mere statement of the motion according to the forms of the House ? For example they would some times find it recorded thus : —That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the question ; the " ayes" voted in this way, and the " noes" in the other way.--( A laugh.) It would be necessary for Members to explain the grounds on which they gave their votes. It did not appear to him that they were in a situation to adopt any of the plans submitted to the Com mittee. The first was, that the names of all the Members should be called over ; this the Committee objected to on account of the loss of time that would be occasioned. The second was, that Members should inscribe their names in a book on entering the House ; this also the Committee rejected as inconvenient. The third wax, that the Members should go one side into one lobby, and the other side into another lobby ; but to carry this plan into execution, extra room would be necessary. The fourth plan was that now under the considera tion of the House ; and it appeared the Hon. Gentleman who made the motion had himself no great confidence in his pro position. The two tellers mutt be acquainted with every Mem ber in the House ; this was one great difficulty to be over come. Then were the tellers to be appointed now, at the latter end of the session ? If so, they would have a comfort able office during the recess. Mr. WARD said he did not propose to try the experiment till next session. Sir R. PEEL—Then he would put it to the House whether ouestion had not better be postponed altogether. Why thb. •ti e y be called on to pledge their su c ce ssors ?—(" Sue should t- 'if:4h.) He meant the succeeding session. cessors ^red the House would not be induced to Mr. GEJ T F ns., I, e Hon. G entleman. It was unjust to negative the motion . of 1.4, ESTABLISHED CHURCH. Petitions were presented in favour of the Established Church by Earl FARNHAM, the Duke of WELLINGTON, and the Duke of GLOUCESTER. CHIMNEY-SWEEPERS BILL. The Duke of SUTHERLAND brought up the report of the Committee on the Bill. SLAVE TRADE. Earl GREY laid papers on the table respecting the Slave Trade.—Ordered to be printed. IRISH COERCION BILL. On the order of the day being read for the receiving of the Report on this Bill, Earl GREY hoped the House would allow him to defer the receiving of the report till to-morrow, when he moved that the Lords should be summoned. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said, that although the motion of the Noble Earl might be considered as a matter of course, yet as he considered it in this instance a most extra ordinary step on the part of the Noble Earl, he could not allow it to pass without some observations. (Hear, hear.) The day was just arriving when the Act now in existence would expire ; the necessity of the measure had been strongly pressed upon the House by the Noble Earl, who stated that it was essential to the safety and peace of Ireland, and yet after all he had stated, he came down to the House and asked to delay a measure for twenty-four hours, on the passing of which, according to his own state ment, was balanced the peace of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He thought the request so extraordinary that some explana tion ought to be given why it was made. Earl GREY said that if their Lordships were called upon to risk, even by the delay of twenty-four hours, the safety of Ireland, there might be some reason for the observations of the Noble Duke ; but he was quite sure so short a delay in the further progress of a Bill which had only two stages to pass through, could have no such effect, and that being the case, he should persevere in his request that their Lordships would delay the receiving of the report till to-morrow. He had sufficient reasons to ask their Lordships for that indulgence ; but he desired that be might not now be asked to state what those reasons were. The Duke of CUMBERLAND—AIthough he had no doubt that the Noble Earl had sufficient reasons for the course he had adopted, he still thought the Noble Duke was justified in the course he had adopted. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM thought it extraordinary that the Noble Earl should advocate the great necessity of the measure yesterday, and come down and ask for the postpone- ment to-day.—( Hear : ) POOR. LA - W AMENDMENT BILL. On the order of the day for the second reading of the Bill being read, Earl GREY said that it was with great reluctance that he felt it also necessary to move for the cancelling of the order for the second reading of the Bill. He would put it off till a further opportunity. He would name the day to-morrow. The Earl of MALME SBURY said he was put in a diffi cult situation by the course pursued by the Noble Earl.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) He had come down prepared to submit his resolution to the house, but he was so circumstanced that he did not know whether, on a future occasion, he would be able to do so. He would determine, in the in terval, whether he would do so or not. Earl GREY would indeed regret any circumstance that would postpone the passing of i the bill until another ses sion, for he considered that t was one of very great importance. He could assure the Noble Earl that it was not out of any want of courtesy that he had not given him notice, for he had only learned it himself that morning. The Bills on the table were advanced a stage, but amidst such confusion from the Noble Lords leaving the House, that we could not hear the names.—The House then adjourned. ROUSE OF COMMONS, July 8. The SPEAKER resumed the Chair at 25 minutes past five. Mr. GROTE presented a petition signed by 423 brewers and licensed retailers of beer in the metropolis, against the Beer Act Amendment Bill. Sir R. FERGUSON presented a petition from a place in the county of Fife, in favour of the Established Church.. Sir G. GREY presented petitions from Devonport, Stoke Chapel, and other places, against the admission of Dissenters to the Universities. Mr. HUME presented petitions from Stoke-upon-Trent and Canterbury against the Beer Bill. Mr. DIVETT presented a petition from the Protestant Dissenters of Chudleigh, in Devon, praying for a redress of grievances. Mr. BAINES presented petitions from the Protestant Dis senters of Leeds for the better observance of the Sabbath. • Mr. SANDFORD presented a petition from a place in Somerset, against the admission of Dissenters to parochial burying grounds. Mr. ROBINSON gave notice that next session he would move for a Committee to inquire into the state of the taxation of the country.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Hon. Member then moved for a return of the number of British vessels that had passed through the Sound in the years 1831, 1832, and 1833. NEWSPAPER STAMPS—IRELAND. Mr. O'CONNELL moved for a return of the number of stamps issued to newspapers in Ireland from the sth of April to the sth of July last. STATE OF IRELAND. The Hon. and Learned Member then gave notice, that on Monday next he should move for a Committee of the whole House, to take into consideration the state of Ireland relative to the re-enactment of the Coercion Bill. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. _ _ _ Lord MORPETH, in rising to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice, said that he flattered himself that his reason for bringing it forward would be intelligible enough without much assistance from him, and he would not there fore waste much time in bringing a motion, the object of which was to save the time of the House. It was his fixed deter mination to press the motion to a division, unless weightier argu ments than he was aware of, would be brought forward. He would now state briefly the grounds upon which he submitted his motion. Formerly the whole conduct of the business of the House was divided between two parties, who after a certain period of warfare, had then a stated period of truce and armistice. The House was now upon a different footing, for there were not only more parties but stragglers (he did not use the word offensively), who were not amenable to any party banner.-4 Hear.) The consequence was, that the list of notices had increased both in number and variety, not re presenting as formerly the views of two parties, but of a variety of individuals. Would they not be justified in adopting some regulations for future sessions ? His object at present, how ever, only concerned this session. He found that a full week had been lost to the business of the House in consequence of the House having been counted out six times since the commenCe ment of the session. There were on the order book those nights motions of the utmost importance, and it was to avoid this that his motion was shaped. He concluded by moving that for the remainder of the session orders of the day should take pre cedence of motions. Ur. HUME said that if this motion - were adopted, the people of England to say, that when the votes were laid before them they would not have intelligence enough to un derstand on what principle their representatives had acted. The Reform Bill having passed, the people should be placed in the best possible situation as regarded their means of ob taining accounts of information as to the votes of their repre sentatives, in order that they might be able to form a proper estimate of the claims of the candidates who. might offer them selves. As to the principle of the motion, he was strongly in its favour ; but as regarded the means by which it was pro posed to carry that principle into effect, he spoke with consi derable diffidence, because the experiment had yet to be made. Mr. Secretary RICE said the House had decided that this was a fit subject for the inquiry of a Committee—that there was still the question before them as to the means by which the object was to be effected. He would, in the first instance, ask whether, by the course pursued at present, their constituents (lid not obtain a competent knowledge of the votes of Members of that House.—(No, no.) In all important questions the divisions were published, and they were generally accurate. When they were not so, he knew that Members were put to the trouble of writing letters to correct them, and he could easily understand why they should be desirous of relieving themselves from the performance of this task ; but, on the other hand, if they adopted either of the plans proposed to re medy the evil, he feared that the sacrifice of time on the part of the House would be considerable. _ _ Mr. KENNEDY thought the thanks of the country emi nently due to the Hon. Member for St. Albans, for his zeal in bringing this subject before the House, and trusted he would persevere and bring it to a happy conclusion.—_( Hear, hear.) Whoever had seen the facility with which names were taken in such large assemblies as the Halls of Lincoln's Inn and the Middle Temple, could have no doubt of the practicability of the recommendation of the Committee. He trusted the House would agree to the measure, and carry it into effect, as he considered it only next in importance to triennial Parlia ments.—( Hear.) Mr. C. WYNN opposed the motion. He thought that the effect of having authorised divisions would be to increase the number of the divisions. There were no constituencies who had not ample means at present of knowing how their repre sentatives voted. Vv Sir M. W. RIDLEY thought that the proposed plan would lead to great inconvenience and loss of time. The House then divided on the motion— Ayes • 76 Noes Majority in favour of the motion —44 Loud cheers followed the announcement of the numbers. On our return to the gallery, we found Mr. EWART ar guing the propriety of carrying the plan into immediate effect. Mr. WARD said he had no objection to this, if the clerks were but appointed, and submitted a resolution to the effect, " That the plans proposed by the Committee be acted on be fore the close of the present session, and the clerks appointed as soon as possible." The question being put— Sir ROBERT PE EL wished to know why they did not proceed with the plan at once. As the principle had been affirmed by that House, why not proceed at once to put it in practice. It was not his intention to throw impediments in the way of a measure which the House had resolved upon, but, as it had been resolved upon, why not proceed at once to give the proposition a fair trial. If the proposition for callinff Hon. Members by name required stronger light , it would be important for this reason to make the trial. Then it would be well to ascertain whether the plan of sending the supposed minority to the lobby, as was now the practice, or deciding from separate sides of the House, would be the most conve nient. In his opinion it would be better to try the plan with out making permanent employment for clerks, and ascertain whether the divisions could not be better taken by Members of that House, more conversant with the forms. This latter mode of taking the divisions by Members, seemed to him the best mode of giving- the proposition a fair trial. Mr. WARD felt obliged by the suggestion of the Right Hon. Baronet, and acknowledged the difficulty of procuring persons to give a fair trial to the plan. Sir ROBERT PEEL still insisted that some immediate and decided steps should be taken to put the plan into execu tion, and suggested to the Hon. Member the propriety of taking two or three days to consider how it could receive a trial before they burdened themselves with the expense of per manent officers for the purpose. Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL thought that a strong objection lay against the plan, because of the time it would consume, and the dissatisfaction such a consequence would create out of doors. The experiment was, in his opinion, not worth the waste of time it would occasion. Mr. CUTL AR FE RGU SSON denied that the public would be dissatisfied with the plan. It would, on the con trary, give great satisfaction to the public to have the votes correctly given, which was not the case now, as he could in stance in his own experience, though he was not in the habit of addressing the newspapers on the subject. Mr. CLAY was of opinion that it was of as much impor tance to the public to have an exact account of the votes, as to have exact reports of speeches. Mr. SANDFORD inquired how the divisions were to be published ? Mr. WARD—In the Votes. Mr. HUME volunteered to make the experiment to-mor row, to find another teller, and name every man in the House. —( Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL was glad that they had proceeded so far in the course of common sense. In next session he hoped they would sit in the day time, and break .up at eight o'clock in the evening, by which means overmuch speaking would be avoided, and more business got through. The motion was then agreed to. ROYAL MARRIAGE ACT. Colonel WILLIAMS moved for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the 12th Geo. 111., c. 11, called the Royal Marriage Act, for the purpose of restoring to the members of the Royal Family their just and natural rights, and to afford a prospect that the Government of England will in time be under an influence entirely English. The Hon. Member described the Act as one of peculiar hardship on the members of the Royal Family, nor did he see any reason why England should not furnish as good mates for those illustrious persons as Germany. Mr. BUCKINGHAM seconded the motion. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL hoped that the Hon. Gentleman would withdraw it. The Royal Marriage Act did not prevent the marriage with an English subject ; it only rendered the assent of his Majesty requisite. Mr. O'CONNELL said that such, however, had been the effect of the Bill, and such was its intention. It was doubtful whether the Act was so expressed, however, as people imagined. A very serious question might arise on it, and it was doubtful whether it extended to marriages out of England. After a few words from Mr. POTTER and Mr. S. RICE, Colonel WILLIAMS withdrew his motion. Mr. BARNARD moved for certain returns relative to the Greenwich Court of Requests. Mr. LYNCH obtained leave to bring in a Bill to repeal so much of Act 19 Geo. 11., c. 13, as annuls and makes void all marriages celebrated by any Popish priest between Protestant and Protestant, or between Protestant and Catholic. Mr. SANDFORD begged leave to bring in a Bill to amend the General Turnpike Act. The Customs Bill was, on the motion of Mr. Labouchere, read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday next. The order of the day for going into Committee on the Tithes Ireland Bill was postponed till to-morrow. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT BILL. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL moved the order of the the day for the second reading of this bill. Mr. S. LE FEVRE suggested that the Highway Bill should precede. Mr. O'CONNELL hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would not give way. In his opinion, the Bill was the most important and salutary alteration in the law which had been introduced. It cleared away from our system of jurisprudence the greatest reproach which ever was on it—indiscriminate cruelty on the victim of misfortune.—( Hear. ) The order of the day was then read, and the Bill was read a second time, without discussion or opposition, and was or dered to be committed on Friday next. HIGHWAYS BILL. On the motion of Mr. S. LE FE VRE, the House went into Committee on the Highways Bill. The remaining clauses of the Bill were gone through, and several amendments introduced. The House having resumed, Mr. LYNCH brought up the report, which was ordered to be taken into further considera tion on Monday, and the Bill, as amended, was ordered to be printed. Mr. F. BARING presented papers relative to the Slave Trade.—Ordered to lie on the table. WAGGONS ON SPRINGS. Mr. F. BARING brought in a Bill to alter and amend the 3d of George IV., for the regulation of turnpike roads, so far as related to weights carried by waggons on springs. Read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday next. Adjourned at half-past nine o'clock. A barber's apprentice, in the neighbourhood of the Mint, becoming jealous of a young sempstress to whom he was paying his addresses, induced her on Wednesday to accompany him to the Bois de Boulogne. On coming to that part of the wood called Le Fond des Princes he placed a pistol to her head and killed her. He then reloaded his pistol and at tempted to shoot himself, but only succeeded in breaking his lower jawbone. He was arrested, and is in prison.—French Paper. THE THAIS PACKET.—It is well known to our readers that this vessel has not been heard of for some months, and the conclusion arrived at is that she is lost. If this wanted confirmation, it is possible that the following may in a great measure suffice :—On the sth of April a strange boat was dis covered by the officer of the preventive station in Roundstone Bay, on the coast of Galway, Ireland, high and dry on some rocks a short distance from the land. They immediately rowed to her, and on examination thought she was a foreign-built boat, being, as they reported, " sealed outside with diagonal planking," but on opening_ a piece of the pai n t er w hi c h was attached to the boat, the king's mark was discovered ; and on further search being made, additional proof was found of her identity as belonging to his Majesty. This they reported to their officer, and by him to the Board of Admiralty, who immediately wrote to this yard, where the Thais was fitted out, to ascertain the nature of the boats which were supplied to the Thais when she was fitting here, when it was found that a 21-foot boat was issued to her of Mr. John's, the master boat-builder's, new construction —namely, double diagonal planking. This being so stated, the Board ordered the boat to be sent round for the purpose of being fully identified, and which the Jupiter landed this week at the dock-yard, when it was identified by Mr. Johns.—Plymouth Journal. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JULY 8. ROBINSON V. SAY. Mr. PLATT stated that the plaintiff was a poor man vrho had been in the service of the defendant, a tanner and magistrate in the town of Bedford. The action was for slanderous words injurious to the plaintiff's character. The words charged the plaintiff with robbing him of one shilling. It was the duty of the plaintiff to keep the tan-book, and the defendant, suspecting he was minus a shilling in the account, uttered the words which became the subject of action. Sir J. SCARLETT, on the part of the defendant, contended ;hat there was no proof of malice. _ The jury found a verdict for the plaintiff—Damages 250/. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, JULY 6. PURCELD V. STEPHENS AND MOAT. This was an action for libel against the defendants, the printers and proprietors of the Christian Advocate. The plaintiff was a medical practitioner at Stockbridge, in Hampshire, and the alleged libel charged him with cruelty to a child and impropriety of conduct. It was con tained in a letter purporting to be from a lady in the neigh bourhood, descriptive of the efficacy of Morrison's pills, in which she described the treatment pursued towards a poor child named Rae, whose parents reside at Broughton, by the plaintiff. The defence was that there had been no malicious inten tion on the part of the defendant. The jury found a verdict for the plaintiff—Damages 500/. ARCHES' COURT, JULY 8. (Before Sir JOHN NICHOLL.) lIELHUISH V. FACY. This was a case of appeal against the judgment given by the Judge of the Consistorial Court of Exeter in a cause respecting the subtraction of tithe, promoted by the Rev. Thomas Melhuish, of the parish of Ashwater, in the Diocese of Exeter. Mr. Alexander Martin Facy, the Respondent, had in this case not paid tithe on his property from 1830 to Sep tember, 1832, and this case was brought forward for such tithes by Mr. Melhuish in the Court below. In plea it was stated by Mr. Facy that he was under a composition agreed to for that tithe, and it was further stated that at a meeting of the parishioners a new composition for tithes at 2s. 6d. in the pound was agreed to with the consent of the Rector. In the Court below it was urged tha tthe compo sition was a bar to the suit brought by the Rector for the subtraction of tithe in kind. The Cour tbelow had decided that Mr. Facy should be dismissed from the suit, and that the Rev. Mr. Melhuish should pay part of the costs. An appeal from this decision was made to this Court by the latter gentleman. On the part of the respondent Dr. LUSHINGTON said it was plain that if a composition or any kind of parish agree ment between the respondent and the promoter for the tithe took place, such could not be void unless another composi• tion was made, or a notice to take tithe in kind was given. Dr. ADDAMS, on the part of the appellant, said the real question was whether any composition existed between the appellant and respondent which would bar the rector of the parish from maintaining a suit for the subtraction of tithe in kind. He contended that there was no such agree ment in existence that would bar the action of the Re Mr. Melhuish for tithe in kind. Judgment was then given by Sir JOHN NICHOLL. 11 should pronounce for the appeal, reverse the decision passed, and pronounce that the tithes were due to the Rector, leaving the amount of tithe to be considered by the Registrar. He should leave both parties to pay their own costs in the Court below ; but as the Rector was compelled to make the appeal here he should give the costs of the appeal, and he hoped this would have the effect of putting an end to further litigation. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, JULY 8. A " TRADER" IN MISFORTUNES.—Robert Smith, a car penter and Venetian blindmaker, late of Bridge House place, Newington-causeway, was opposed by Mr. Coors on the part of Messrs. Wright and Collick ; he was sup - ported by Mr. WOODROFFE. This case presented a somewhat extraordinary appear- • ance, the insolvent having been twice declared a bankrupt, and the present being his fourth application for relief under the Insolvent Debtors' Act. In 1812 he first figured as a bankrupt, when his debts amounted to about 1,8001., and , he did not know that his creditors had received any dividend. InlBl6 his second bankruptcy happened, and he did not obtain his certificate until four years afterwards ; be did not know that his then creditors received any " benefit" under the commission. In 1821 he made his first appear ante before the Commissioners under the Insolvent Debtors • , Act for relief. He " forgot "he said, the amount of his debts on that occasion, or whether his creditors had re ceived a dividend. He was discharged. In 1825 he again • figured as an insolvent debtor. His second application was opposed, and the Court dismissed his petition; he, however, soon afterwards went out of custody. In 1827 he made his third appearance in this Court for its assistance, and was discharged ; his debts then amounted to between 8001. and 9001., and his creditors had received no " benefit" under that insolvency. The present was consequently his "fourth" appearance. His debts amounted in the aggregate to 674/., of which he had received no consideration for 144/., having " accommodated" other persons with his name. _ _ . The Learned CHIEF COMMISSIONER said the insolvent had thought proper in his present petition to omit both his bankruptcies and one of his insolvencies. He therefore put it to the learned counsel (Mr. Woodroffe) whether he could resist the dismissal of the order for hearing, as it was highly necessary for creditors to know the career of this man? Mr. WOODROFFE thought he could not. The Learned CHIEF COMMISSIONER dismissed the order for hearing, observing he ought to know how many times this trader in bankruptcy and insolvency had been relieved from his difficulties. The order for hearing was dismissed accordingly. The insolvent was remanded to prison. OLD BAILEY SESSIONS-Jury 8. Isaac Thomas Welshman was indicted for wilful and cor rupt perjury. The present indictment originated out of a case of bank ruptcy. Early in 1831 the prisoner became much embar• rassed, and a commission of bankruptcy was issued against him on the 17th of November, 1831. That commission continued, and on March 5, 1834, the prisoner committed the wilful and corrupt perjury imputed to him in his evi dence before the Commissioners of Bankrupts. He then swore that after the 17th of November, 1831, between the first and second meeting to inquire into the bankrupt's ef fects, that Smith, the bankrupt, drew two bills on him, the one for 1981. 18s. 6d., and the other for 3001 He swore that this was after the commission had been issued, and that those bills were drawn at the Cock Tavern, Bishopsgate► and that they were both drawn at the same time. This was the perjury complained of. Several lengthened discussions occurred between the 0r posite counsel on legal technicalities. The Jury returned a verdict of Not Guilty. Fine salmon was selling at Nottingham market, 00 Thursday, at 6d. per lb.! Of course there was abuadaue of it, and the fish was quite fresh and silvery. BIRTHS. On the 6th inst., at Highbury, Mrs. W. L. Hanley, of s daughter. On the sth inst., at the Manor House, Westbourne-green, th e lady of Fred. Downes Panter, Esq., of a son. On the 2d inst., at Bounds Park, Kent, he lady of the Rev. Sir Charles Hardinge, Bart., of a son. On the 4th inst., at Sullington Rectory, Sussex, the wife of the Rev. George Palmer, of a daughter. On the sth inst., at Highlands, East Bergholt, the lady of Chee• Tyrell Oakes, Esq., of a son. MARRIED. On the 3d inst., the Rev. Frederick Heberden, of Stone, Kent' to Eleanor St. Bathe, eldest daughter of the Rev. Edward Allen' of Wilmington, in the same county. On the 24th , ult., at Great Neston, Sir John Reid, Bart. !. ~of Bara, to Janet, daughter of Hugh Matthie, Esq., of New HO' Cheshire. On the Ist inst., at Midhurst, Sussex, Mr. Guy, of Robert' street, Adclphi, surgeon, to Caroline, eldest daughter of the 1 10 Mr. James Monk. On the 3d inst., at All Souls, Marylebone, Captain Howise* Madras army, of Holmfoot, Lanark, to Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Frederick C. Lewis, Esq., of Charlotte-street, Portland-place . On the 2d inst., at Twickenham Church, Sir Robert SW' Bart., of Bushy-park, county of Dublin, to Miss Amelia SpVtee r ' Esq., M.D., formerly of Bristol. On the 3d inst., at St. Mary-le-Bow Church, Mr. Thoto o Deverell, of Aylesbury, to Sarah, youngest daughter of the late gr . Robert Drake, of Baldwin's-gardens. On the 3d inst., at St. Margaret's, Westminster, James He ly ming Whitehouse, Esq., of Ipsley-court, Warwickshire, to Great' daughter of the late William Smith, Esq. , of Brompton - P er house, Kensington Gore. DIED. On the Ist inst., at Eastbourne, in his 70th year, Thos. Pr es " ton, Esq., of Nottingham-place. On the 4th inst., ni her 30th year, Anne, wife of Mr. Ric"'" W. Johnson, wine -merchant, of Gloucester. On the 6th inst., at his residence, Craven-hill, Bayswa ter Major-General Pilkington, Inspector-General of Fortificatil and Colonel Commandant of the corps of Royal Engineers, a4 ed g ly On the 7th inst., Regi n ald, the infant son of Colonel and , Susan Lygon. On the 7th inst., in Woodstock-street, Bond-street, Lieutenant' General Sir William Aylett, K.M. T., aged 73. bt On the 21st ult., ten days after his arrival at Rome, the Hon. James Everard Lord Arundel of Wardour, in his 48th Y a o On th (20th ult. , at Woodview , in the county of Dublin, 1"- Jane, the wife of Isaac Barre Phipps, Esq., of Berbice London : Printed au and Published by MURD 0 YOUNG , tr. n Ogee, n. 112, lOttaisd. T' The, Lft„ Vitik p Uter, °l'duaz I , l s de V 4 1 1 ,4 1 p lst-1 , 11AN 4 "are el :1 11113 011 11 1 &e e l' ?, a r o or ti e. Jake' s VAlt R. .4y, Jul ., amouTntin,) I'ubtured 600, at i ct re e , 45 VALC:ti Gti,tf,able FItE „ on , Ittee r p des meet s in _teld . 0' Stied Witte" SING gether eligibl y i n the' Muter VAL