The Sun. — London, England, 1834-10-03 00:00:00

of MIDDLESEX. ,rc's t r— r tbe part evido . 'ere s vi si b.o l9l: t a was 'l,o' on, annelecy r--ant h mere wh'c e felt 1t t e d pour tr t y er sto o b "e gias e r 'fi "° orrnan — „As . r 1 n vi,horo 11 ,0 jut et roe or ti 011 tcl g: s on k•—• ( 1° r r i o /ai r o i b , as t 0 1 ' ‘ ,lO, • c" tit Passe az er e 4 e ye.- deu' ) 1 woro-an ° ~c s D us t 014 '6 .fact deli° n , to thi , 2 :t of 0,,, a 'to a ind • e 11 ' ee )13131°,5 as r the Poita; ilia vile - o te' po l .s /. orti?o s P, o rle r o i c ro `'. ( j e Pr such brie f to e the $t 3 a n io .st i l le r r j self b °l o 'el e ft bi t eo cha oc t i o le bou" IS 01•) reez es ' .155, for ci Arr ive , B i s ll o l3 ' he sP A the Ar r 1 • veu le d 1,0 So • - A r we.° 01' s / P 4t, le e frO 0. the ke it, ot, 1313 c tea' .eic, el lo , 1 St• jo n d 01 a ; aolatr 001) ,, ; •et ... ' , cow , i• LiverP°° th° a il rO. pOS' rilt Cadet i An cal oic r . , _ a r I 0, ° C OO , ' lloW a t ; b1.1.1 , st, s a ge, La p Frle • 11(18CP $re Ilt P e a, F e rail ia° 13e1' i tvierP; 0 6° 149 11 ' e e bec eye, • Park, 0' )110 it f ke °. t'eg' dent e ' TT.owl3' s,l`f B r ,, 1‘,10,0106, T. l ' CO A , Cur Cant • ACI . No - re den , 13° r 3 ° l ' lls ' (11i °' ie CAr (.11•90'' „ ua , ( o l d y ug es' sto' 41 •2",,00 5 c c o , s itor, in don a 0 cor ie ' 2 7 . „ of ,eard ore the r ° ° c/ minut e ' l3 %i cb cement, EGISTIIATION OF VOTERS FOR THE CITY OF LONDON. -(THIS DAY.) ~:; 1 12 ,.! morning M essrs. T AMLYN and THomPsorl, the C o ''lng Barristers for the City of London, held their first theli (!t Guildh a ll. M r. Tamlyn undertoook the revision t, sts of "so of the pari s hes iver Companies, and Mr. Thompson (Before M r . T AMLYN .) Ine of an individual in the list of the Livery of the bei ng Company Was requested to be struck out, he dead. beftl2. TAULYN said he must have evidence of that fact 4„re he could presume to strike out the name. 4e ,, 111 .. !clerk said he was ready to be sworn to the correct 7,rt his statement. _l,lveiti_tiyTsaalttist.f.vaemtothought that evidence would not be suf e,Uompany's borYok.s. The best way would be to produce th ilro th dli e clerk said he was sworn to secrecy, and could not settle? the books. On a former occasion the point was A Without reference to the books. de l some consideration, Mr. TAMLYN adjourned his T 'n In b eading :veen of the list of the Company brewers, Mr. for m L 2 . i " discovered that there was a departure from the elein the schedule of the Reform Act, and told the b e that it was very desirable the forms of the Act should ,eotoplied 9erit 'l said he would take care in future. . th e lAMLYN observed that there was some difficulty in stieeresent case. The proper form should be, " A List of th e ilthe Freemen of the City of London as belong to preen of the Company of ---." Now in the list th e ; n ted to him it was called, " A List of the Livery of g°rBhiPful Company of Brewers." r e Cler k said all liverymen were necessarily freemen. In T : u LYN, with that explanation, admitted the list.. f avour t hrough the parishes, Mr. THOMSON decided in c e n ara r ° l several voters claiming in right of occupancy of or dwelling vaults without any counting-house, warehouse, house adjoining. REGISTRATION of VOTES for the COUNTY ing Barristers, Messrs. COVENTRY and KEENE, ) 4(tryi e c on te e nth sitti ngs thi s morning at the Court House, T hose• CITY or WESTMINSTER. lqicidi inhabitants who claim to vote for the County of tended in right of property situated in Westminster at eovent 'ug morning from the various parishes of St. Paul, ,`xarden ; St. George's, Hanover-square ; St. Mar tetcolake-rields ; St. Mary-le-Strand ; and St. Marga elk„:' estminster, for the purpose of supporting their the and the Vestry clerks overseers, and other officers the R , olllla sev er .. 4 Parishes were also in attendance to state th e a u pon which they objected to the insertion of several ale et n ames in the list. When the lists for the before dise,:ned Parishes were called for by Mr. Keene, it was ble °f er e(' that so far as regarded them the High Consta lists t We stminster, Mr. Lee, had neglected to forward the 1 '414%e clerk of the peace as required by the Act of °vet s e nt, after th ey h a d b een delivered to him by the n 'Re lice o verseers stated that they had severally forwarded t 0 d o : 4 ,0f their parishe Ito Mr. Lee, as they were required that _ , nut th ey — en Would had c o pi es o f th em with them, which they ould be used on that occasion. hats'that said h e cou ld not act upon or recog nize any tll kt Were transmitted to him in any other way than ik en l a° „ lilted out by the Act. He regretted very much the but C e nience t o w hi ch the gentlemen present h a d b een pu t, f ar° 47 co uld not h e lp it. H owever , i n or d er to obviate as he w 1,111 in his power the diffi c ulty that had been created, `loaht7l". sit again upon Monday, by which time he had no tjle p he lists would be forwarded to him by the Clerk of 1.,,,. e ace in the proper manner. p0i 4 7: 1 Parties present gave vent to their anger and disap the gr „ en t in no measured terms, and complained loudly of I tiley ti C r tof duty on the part of Mr. Lee, by which u arrist;' b een put to so much trouble. They thanked the for his politeness, and left the room. f°rniZ l Y,Of the overseers and other officers said they had per the•tueir duty in attending on that occasion, and forward nzttlpiitr lists to the High Constable ; and having in all things not with wh a t t h e A ct requ i re d o f th em , th e y would orderaint be ° nl4k dragged from their respective businesses, in t att end e 11 1 3 for the neglect of another. They would T h e nd on Mond quoted 40thy• d clause s of the Reform Act was frequently Ace ? , 1 : 14 tog the day, and was impressed upon the various t And a the revising barrister. It is as follows : t e 7„, presen t *t "acted, That on the 29th day of August, in rY Parish „a n . ,(l every succeeding year, the overseers o a Taue out l u • township shall deliver the list of voters so the ou„,, aforesaid , together with a written statement of Persons objected to by the overseers and by th e 6. -e i rsons, to the high constable or high constables of to wts n.nred, or other lik e district in which such parish or eerist n t P is situate ; and such high constable or high geth a "„ lea shall forthwith deliver all such lists, to- e CI, e l ; with such statements as aforesaid to th 'o,h o r of the Peace of the County residing in parts, 1 11 11 1, sh all forthwith make out an abstract of the by 2 of persons objected to by the overseers, and the Zer persons in each parish and township, and transmit aft me to the Barrister or Barristers appointed as herein 13a— mentioned, to revise such lists, in order that the said rri, L oki . ter or Barristers may fix proper times and places lists. for T i i s n g his or their Courts for the revision of the said 76th clause further says that if any sheriff, return tliali'uleer, barrist er , overs ee r , or other person whatsoever, ket wilfully contravene or disobey the provisions of this su ed r any of them, he shall for such offence be liable to be cord on action of ebt in any of hi Majesy's C at Westminst d er, for the penal s sum of t 500/.ourts o Co i-TRT OF BANKRUPTCY-(THIS DAY.) 4z (Before M r . C omm i ss i oner M ERRIVALE .) 1 1 .1.11 E MATTER OP WILLIAM PARKER, A BANKRUPT. io,,3Li" onY• c ba n k rupt in this case underwent his last examination L . appeared the bankrupt was an attorney, carry that t_TI It Profession at Horncastle, and maintained himself tt a , " mtuation with great respectability and credit, that he ka.Ul t .PP° l nted Treasurer to the British and Foreign 1 )e h:77 Bible Society in that place. In that character 4,7_ 1 received severa l sums o f money , an d th e ques tion was erFere prove for that debt. tho altutTiri, of the firm of Brown, Martin and Co., : 51i ble -PPeal : e d as the Solicitor of the British Foreign + —s°e ietY, stated that it was of some importance ho u itSociety to k now b y w h om t h e proo f o f th e debt t ;try "e„ 'flute ; w h e th er it s h ou ld be made by the Secre t 4 the Society, Mr. Horncastle, by the Secretary of ttittrireet Society here, or by the Society itself. The In allYde:lleas a voluntary one, and was not constituted by kl• Mop"lnlissioner M E RRIVALE thought the better course would be to allow the bankrupt, in his character of Stli nfr er 'to prove aga i ns t his own estate, upon the under -40 le La „ at , the dividends should be paid to the treasurer 'll, %lid be appointed. 'ankrupt signified his assent to this arrangement, 3 titti on ug that it was his intention, as a point of feeling and l '' l titia: lt t ° Pay the whole amount due to the Society, not 'Log his bankruptcy. LOW STREET.-(THIS DAY.) j, 1 40 ) , TRADES' UNION INTIMIDATION. :" 14.1 )e b .ll33l allace, John Biggs, and James Rogers, three }, 4 .d ,Nt'7,ll,Nl bo o kbi n d ers , were c h ar ged before Sir F. ROE ndE with assaulting George Taylor, also a book -4tlOri and Causing him, by intimidation, to lose his si- IA Th e ' ; .4. o.; (3l Plaina n t deposed that he was authorized by Mr. 011,`' b ookbinder, of Noel-street, St.. James's,. to go d aft er ;:.shop and work. Yesterday morning he did o so, and there an hour, he went to breakfast. n him s ., ; , lt t half -13 t eight o'clock, Wallace went upto a ll h a o s n ot Zoiissare rascal and a vagabond, and if it would kick you out of a 4:1111)dwIlieb you something,disgrace." Biggs then came up and said he le rti er e e(l , ,. at his impudence in intruding_ himself into respect `so 31. "r nParly—he would not work with such a villain `uone b y he left the shop. They would not . leave him vut created a disturbance in the shop, which brough d t H e , seeing how things were going and At E r,'" 'ssed with work, discharged Tayloras the least evil. 148 ;t a nn iri e d , r time he was in Berwick-street, where Wallace t c olzipi ain -ul with several others. He left them, went up rt .'gue -41 t and spit in his face, again calling him villain, c: 4 8.11 ' r ascal. Rogers was there laughing Ile • and inciting • worked°lllY reason for such usage was, that he at one time Wax °r a Mr. Addy, whose men had struck ; for that . gad "Pelled from the Bookbinders' Benefit Society, and 111re.v;150t any peace from them since. 1 11 1, 4 ' oirp. 'Jolt was called, and said he engaged Taylor, but f ii7 vv elis ) ; t 7 r e b" a t u o ce di i s o ch th a e rg s e h h o im again immediately, because o andhe found that if he did not, li c i T iel .lnse all his other p 'men. th at he wit t ,".. am hiwho had told Taylor when discharging him, I, as sorry an honest and sober workman could not - "Y hi s r i rea u in pe , was now very unwilling to say 4 Pri tna 8 " against the prisoner, and was several times severely "ded sir F. R oE. bathe Nis denied having used any violence to Taylor, The N i s s uch a man as they could not work with. lat Bentene„, inisTa ATEs convi c t e d W a ll ace an d Biggs, and k r the form er to two months' hard labour, and the tlis char;: ci n e month of the same punishment. Rogers was MAGAZINES.-(CONTINUED.) BLACKW - 0 OD' S. (CONCLUDED FIZOM THE SUN OF FIESTEILDAY. " Foreign Affairs."—As might be expected this paper is only another vehicle for the conveying of those Tory principles, of which the Magazine has ever been the uncompromising advocate. It is ably written,—as ably indeed, as the defence of a bad cause 'could be,— but it brings with it no conviction, except to those whose political bigotry will believe anything and every thing that favours Toryism. The very basis on which the whole argument is founded, is a maxim, which, if not fallacious, at least requires to have been proved—" the great bulk of mankind," says the writer, are totally incapable, even in the most enlightened age, of appreciating or comprehending what is for the ulti mate interests of society." We doubt this much ; but waving this question for the present, we would ask what it is that makes the few so much wiser on these points than the many ?—we presume we shall be answered in one word—education. If such be the case, what a cogent reason is here brought forward for the general instruc tion of the people—that very doctrine which, of all others, has met with a most sturdy opposition from the Tories. It would be a strange contradiction to deny education to the multitude, and then tell them that the want of it unfits them for judging their own affairs. After the overthrow of Napoleon, as the writer affirms,— " The cause of liberty had gained immensely by the result of the triumph of property over spoliation ; and freedom, di vested of its most dangerous ally, innovation, was rapidly and generally taking root in its only secure soil, diffused property." If this " diffusion" is meant to be applied to Eng land, it is an egregious error, for nothing can be more - - notorious than that within the last fifty years property has been gradually accumulating into a very few hands, and this is one of the leading causes of the present distress. If it be intended for France, the application fails yet more strikingly ; it was the Revo lution, the overthrow of the Bourbons, and not their return, that caused property to be diffused. We perfectly coincide with the writer in the peril to be apprehended from Russia to the civilized world, and have taken more than one occasion to enlarge upon it; but when he advises a coalition between England and Germany, in the cause of freedom, and says, " in Germany alone the foundations of real freedom are to found," we must confess ourselves lost in amazement at an assertion so utterly at variance with all acknow ledged facts. If however the foundations of real freedom do exist in that country, they must lie buried so deeply beneath the earth as to be perfectly useless in the building up of any Constitution. Still less are we inclined to concede the evils he imagines from the existing relations between France and England. His reasoning on this subject is not a little curious ; one moment he tells us that the French Government is a democracy and therefore not to be trusted, but before we can well reply to this assertion he turns round and declares-- " That it is neither more nor less than that of imperial Rome, with an obsequious senate to register the decrees of the Sovereign, and take away from his government the odium of the most unpopular measures, a praetorian guard to overawe the capital, and innumerable offices in the disposal of govern ment, to secure the acquiescence of the departmental electors ? Are they aware that this monarch, the people's choice, ele vated to the throne amidst the shouts of the Barricades, rules more despotically than any sovereign in Europe." Both dogmas can hardly be true ; a democracy can not well be a regal depotism. A little further on, and the whole mystery of Tory politics is betrayed in a few unlucky lines, which, we trust, will not be forgotten in a hurry : " And what have been the deeds of these our new and re doubtable allies which have entitled them to the confidence of mankind, and enabled them to supply the place of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, in combating one day for the liberties of Europe ?" Against whom, pray, were they to combat ? who was to threaten the liberties of all the leading nations of Europe ? Why, the people ; and that there might be no mistake on this point, he assures us, mirabile dictu ! that democracy is the greatest enemy of free dom. This is about as true, as his assertion that " England, for a hundred and twenty years, had exhi bited to the world the rare combination of unlimited personal liberty, with perfect security to property." What 1 in all that time has the Habeas Corpus Act never been suspended? Have no subjects been impri soned, without any assigned cause, to soothe the ter rors or satisfy the vengeance of a Minister, and again dismissed without being being brought to trial? Was there no period within these one hundred and twenty years, when it was a right perilous thing to speak truth of the Sovereign or of his Government ? And property safe too I—Yes, the property of the rich man was safe no doubt, but how have the hard earnings of the poor man been secured ? Has not the money been juggled out of his pockets by Corn Laws, and Malt Laws, and laws of all kinds, and may not as much spoliation,—since spoliation is the word, — be effected by an army of tax-gatherers, such as spread their locust numbers over England, as by a herd of sansculottes, however ragged they might happen to be ? The one indeed does not attempt to knock you down, but it is only because he meets with no opposi tion. It would be a work of supererogation were he to use a club, when he can order a bevy of policemen to the door, cart away the goods, and, if then not satisfied, consign the possessor of " unlimited liberty" to the county gaol. In every quarter the foolish cries resound of " property is sacred,"—" every man has a right to do what he pleases with his own." Be it so ; let property be sacred ; but let this provision extend to the hard-gotten earnings of the poor, as well as to the lordly possessions of the rich. Do not by taxes on malt, taxes on hops, on bread, on soap, on can dles, conjure the money out of the labourer's pocket, while not a twig is to be cut, nor a bird shot, in the domains of the wealthy landlord. It is .of no use telling the people that they are robbed by law, while the same law protects their plun derers—there is no particular satisfaction in being killed secundum artem. Wise as the multitude have now grown, they see nothing sacred or divine in law ; they know that it is no more than a wooden idol, made by the hands of man—not a divinity—and they refuse to worship the Baal any longer. They are aware that law ought to be the expression of the will of the ma jority in all societies, whereas it is now neither more nor less than the arbitrary mandate of a miserable fraction. We are told that wealth alone should go vern, that property should ever predominate over num bers, as if wealth were a virtue and poverty a crime ; in other words, they who have acquired wealth—no matter how—.have acquired with it the knowledge to direct, and the disposition to use, that knowledge wisely. No doubt the ignorance of the people is ab solutely essential to the existence of such a state of things, but it is the grossest injustice for any man to wish for it, and, what is yet mote to the purpose, let their wishes be as they may, the March of Intellect will go on, the feudal system must crumble to pieces under its footsteps, and a new form of society be built up from its shattered fragments. With the baseness and contradiction peculiar to themselves, the defenders of the aristocratic Jugghernaut have dared to tell us that knowledge is not virtue ; but if this be the case, if knowledge be so utterly without effect upon .human morals, on what ground is it that the rich and noble base their superior claims above the multitude ?—is it in their conventional manners, their wearing a better made coat, or in the greater approximation to the ac : complishments of an opera dancer ? 's Magazine." To come back again to " Blackwood THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1834. The writer of the political diatribe in question having expended no small share of abuse on France, whose great crime is the day of the barricades, now rebukes this country for having assisted in partitioning the do minions of the King of the Netherlands. What a perverse way of stating things is this ? The allied Monarchs of Europe chose, no leave asked of the Bel gians, to manufacture a King of their own under that portentous title, and set him over a people who pro fessed another faith, and spoke another language ; the natural consequence was that they revolted. As to Portugal, this country did not—as the writer affirms she did—place an usurper upon _ the throne, nor was Don Miguel either a legitimate sovereign or the choice of the people. Even had he been the last, which we repeat he never was, such a fact would little avail a Tory partizan, who but a few pages before had declared that— " The great bulk of mankind are totally incapable, even in the most enlightened age, of appreciating or comprehending what is for the ultimate interests of society ; but perfectly of understanding what promises, in the first instance at least, to gratify their desires•" It would be hardly worth while to follow the writer through all his ingenious fallacies in regard to Spain and Russia. The same objections have been repeated over and over again, and we must not allow the acknow ledged ability with which they are here treated, to tempt us into a renewal of the discussion. The " Austrian Government of Italy," is an attempt to prove, in defiance of all acknowledged records, that Italy is, or ought to be, extremely happy under the yoke of Austria. Not contented with this paradox, though it is quite enough for a single paper, the writer goes yet a step further, and. insists upon, the right of the Emperor to govern Lombardy, and his other Italian provinces, as he and Metternich may settle between them. Of all political puzzles the title to dominion is ;he least capable of a satisfactory explanation. But the question is no less important than difficult ; and, at he same time, is one in the discussion of which all party feelings should be laid aside. It is hardly neces- sary to remind our readers that the empires of Europe - - - were constructed out of various smaller nations, which, n many cases spoke different languages, were governed by different laws, and were yet further divided by the opposition of their manners and customs. All these unions were effected either by conquest, by political trickeries, or by the intermarriages of the ruling princes, but chiefly by the former. If we once allow that this was just at the time, it follows, as a natural conse quence, that the same thing is equally just at present, and the right of conquest is a good and inalienable right, to the utter overthrow of all moral obligations. Russia then is justified in helping herself to Poland, Prussia would do no wrong in seizing Hanover, and France, if she could manage it, would do well to follow Napoleon's advice, and convert England into a depen dency, like the island of Oleron. If we deny this good old Robin Hood law, we fall into another dilemma, and justify any province in revolting from the kingdom of which it was originally constrained to be come a part. But thus it ever is when we apply ab stract reasoning to the practical affairs of life ; an argu ment that seems perfectly sound and undeniable on paper, or in the senate, will often turn out in practice an utter fallacy. Even one of the firmest rules of right to all appearance, and which for want of a better is universally admited as the general basis of ail good go vernment, is in fact a wrong—we mean the will of the majority of any class, or classes, in reference to the whole body, or to each other—for what is this but the rule of power, the predominance of strength over weak ness ? And yet, if we abandon this rule, how can the affairs of any State be conducted ? Some party must preponderate either by wealth, or by numbers, or by some adventitious force, but still in all these forms We shall give the remainder of the Magazines to-morrow. TO CUTHBERT RIPPON, ESQ. M. P. lurks the same principle, and one which, by abstract reasoning, gives as much right to the majority of na tions over any single nation, as it does to a majority of any State to dictate to its minority. Would we then throw off' every restraint, and leave all government to individual will ?—far from it—this would be only an other form of the same thing. We are anxious but for the truth, and would fain pull down error, though it is not always possible to prognosticate with certainty on what may be the prospect when the rubbish is removed. " A Glance at the Noctes of Athenmus" is one of Christopher's choice morsels. It begins—no uncom mon thing with the old gentleman—with a magnifice n t eulogy upon himself ; but Kit is so whimsical in hi s conceits, there is so much first-rate talent to support his egotism, the earnest looks so much like joke, an d the joke so much like earnest, that we should no more think of quarrelling with the old fellow's vanity than we should with Falstaff's abominable lying, or his monstrous quantity of sack to the one poor halfpenny worth of bread. The object of the article is fully told in the title, and for the execution we shall take only a single specimen, for more is not needed. It is part of a letter from Hippolochus to Lynceus : " Supper was then served up in a silver dish, the rim of which was inlayed with gold ; it was sufficiently capacious to contain a roasted pig of great size. This animal was turned on its back, with the belly open, which was filled with all kinds of delicacies ; such as roasted larks, harelets, wheat-ears, the yolks of eggs, and, besides these, oysters and cockles. To each guest were presented the hog, and the dish on which it was served up. We no sooner began to drink, than a kid stewed in rich sauce was handed to each, with a golden spoon. " Caranus, perceiving that we were quite fatigued with such a profusion of dainties, ordered that small boxes and bread baskets, curiously worked, as it were, with threads or fibres of ivory, should be given to each. Flattered with so many in stances of generosity, we at once began to celebrate the new married couple, with the accompaniment of the crotalum, in gratitude for the many favours we had received. Another crown was now presented to each, with two pots of unguents, one of gold, the other of silver, of the same weight as the former ones. " For a time we continued in a state of silent tranquillity, which was interrupted by the sudden entrance of a troop of those who came to celebrate at Athens the xvi - vs (the third day of the festival Av&Eo -- -rr, tac,) then the Ithyphalli and the Skleropectre, with certain female jugglers dancing with swords, and blowing fire out of their mouths, all naked. After we had been sufficiently entertained with these recreations, we began to drink deep of the best and most powerful wines ; such as the Thasian, the Mendean, and that of Lesbos, which were handed round in large golden goblets. " After drinking thus plentifully, a dish made of glass, of about two cubits diameter, fixed in a basket of silver of filagree work, was served to each, filled with all sorts of fried fish heaped together, and the finest Cappadocian bread in a silver basket. We took a small quantity, and gave the rest to the slaves in waiting. Having washed our hands, fresh crowns were brought, with chaplets or leaves of gold, double the weight of the former, and two other boxes of unguents. " After a short pause, Proteas started from his couch, and called for a golden goblet, which, having filled with Thasian wine, sprinkling some water on the ground, he drank off, ex claiming, That he who swallowed the greatest quantity, would have the best reason to be satisfied.'—' Well, then,' said Caranus, ' as you have given the example, acc ept the goblet as your reward ; and whoever follows it shall have the same prize.' He had no sooner said this, than nine perso ns rose at once, each seized a goblet, and strove which should first drink it off. One of the guests not being able to take such a quantity, reclined on his couch, lamenting that he was the only one who could not obtain the reward. Caranus ob serving this, immediately presented him with an empty goblet. " After this, a complete chorus of one hundred men en tered, singing an Epithalamium. A set of dancers followed, some disguised as Nymphs, others as Naiads. The drinking still continued, till the day being far spent, the evening com menced. The whole apartment, which had been divided by a white curtain, was thrown open, the torches, moved by secret springs, came forward, and shed a most brilliant splendour over the saloon. We now discovered various figures of Cupids, Dignas, Pans, Mercuries, and other imaginary personages , holding silver lamps. Whilst we were admiring the ingenuity of the artist, wild boars, truly Erymathean, were served up in square dishes, ornamented with borders of gold, they were transfixed with silver javelins. It was really wonderful, that, though we were quite fatigued with feasting, and overcome with wine, yet, every time we were surprised by some new exhibition, we rose upon our legs with as much firmness and agility as if we hsd been perfectly sober. The slaves now gathered up the fragments in their baskets, and the trumpet gave the signal that the supper was concluded. This, as you know, is the custom with the Maceddnians when they give a great entertainment." The review of " COleridge's Poetical . wQrks,"..—if it be not a sin to call it by so inglorious a name-Xis a noble tribute to the memory of departed genius. Surely it must have been written by Wilson, for who but a poet, and he amongst the highest ranks, would thus have felt and described Christabel ? " Christabel resembles no other poem, except inasmuch as it is a poem. Here was a new species of poetry, and the spe cimen was felt to be perfect. It was as if some bright con summate flower had been added to the families of the field — discovered growing by itself—with its own peculiar balm, and its own peculiar bloom—mournful as moonlight—delicate as the dawn—yet strong as day—and in its silken folds, by its own beauty, preserved unwithered in all weathers. Or may we liken the music of Christabel to that of some new instru ment, constructed on a dream of the harps, on which in for gotten ages the old harpers played —ere all those castles were in ruins—and when the logs now lying black in the mosses were green trees rejoicing in the sky ? True, at least, it is, that in the hanging gardens of poetry—lmagination—the head gardener—declares there is but one Christabel. " What means the poem ? Coleridge himself could not have answered that question—for it is a mystery. What is the meaning of any mood of Superstition ? Who shall explain Fear ? One flutter shall make you dumb as frost. If ghosts come from graves—or fiends from regions deeper than all graves—or if heaven lets visit earth its saints and angels—and such has ever been the creed of Imagination—you must not hope—nay, you will not desire—that such intercommunion as may then befall shall bear any but a strange, wild, sad resem blance to that of life with life—when both are yet mortal—and the voices of both have as yet sounded but on this side of the boundary between time and eternity." Hear him, too, when he defends the " Rhyme of an Auncient Mariner" against the literary Pharisees, whose sober judgment pretended to be mightily shocked at the absurdity of a dead Albatross produc- ing so fearful a catastrophe—the dunces ! " We remember the time when there was an outcry among the common critics, What ! all for shooting a bird We an swered them then as now—but now they are all dead and buried, and blinder and deeper even than when alive—that no one who will submit himself to the magic that is around him, and suffer his senses and his imagination to be blended toge ther, and exalted by the melody of the charmed words, and the splendour of the unnatural apparitions, with which the mysterious scene is opened, will experience any revulsion towards the very centre and spirit of this haunted dream—' I shot the Albatross.' All the subsequent miseries of the crew, we then said, are represented as having been the consequence of this violation of the charities of sentiment ; and these are the same miseries that were spoken of by the said critics, as being causeless and unmerited. There is—we now repeat, without the risk of wanting the sympathies of one single human being —man, woman, or child—the very essence of tenderness in the sorrowful delight with which the Auncient Mariner dwells upon the image of the pious bird of good omen, as it Every day for food or play, Came to the Mariner's hobo !' and the convulsive shudder with which he narrates the treach erous issue, bespeaks to us no more than the pangs that seem to have followed justly on that inhospitable crime. It seems as if the very spirit of the universe had been stunned by his wanton cruelty, as if earth, sea, and sky had all become dead and stagnant in the extinction of the moving breath of love and gentleness." But the unusual length of our notice warns us to de sist. We have said enough to call the particular atten tion of our readers to this number, and to attempt more would hardly be compatible with our limits. SlR,—Agreeing with you in the propriety of an inter change of opinion between Constituencies and Representa tives, we, Electors of Gateshead, feel called upon to address you, in consequence of your letter to your Constituents, under date of the 30th ultimo—the more especially as you have declared that to the electors only your letter is ad dressed, and that their judgment alone you have resolved to regard. _ _ When you first appeared amongst us, as a candidate for those suffrages which the Reform Bill had authorised us to exercise, you explained the leading tenets of your Political Creed —you gave an outline of that conduct which you pledged yourself to pursue—you avowed your determination to grapple with abuses, and to unite only with those who zealously and indefatigably might labour for their extirpa tion. We concurred in the sentiments you expressed—we confided in your honesty—we elected you our representa tive. We sent you to Parliament as an independent Legis lator ; for, as the independence of a representative can never, by any ingenuity of knavery, be proved to signify the deceiving of the electing body, it can only consist in that free agency which chooses means, time, and place, for the most effective enforcement of the views of the represented, as well as for the most effective resist ance of opposition to them, whether proceeding from the hollow hypocrisy of friends, or the less dangerous, avowed hostility of foes. Your conduct, in Parliament, has proved the sincerity of your professions. Thanks to a free press, and to its dis regard of a corrupt remnant of what is called Parliamentary privilege, the people are enabled to examine the conduct of their Representatives, instead of being obliged to take upon trust whatever account of it such Representatives might, at times, be pleased to promulgate. We are, therefore, well acquainted with the votes you have given—with the measures you have supported and resisted—with the men with or against whom you have used our delegated authority. We thank you for the constancy of your Parliamentary attendance—for the consistency of your political conduct— and for the services which you have been ever ready to render to the constituency you represent. The splendid contrast which you present to those political swindlers, who have apostatized from the principles by the profession of which they secured their seats—who, with Reform on their lips, appear to have possessed great store of Toryism in their hearts—amply compensates to us for minor differ ences, upon questions discussed during the past Sessions, which, naturally enough, have existed between your opinions and our own. E m ancipated—placed within the pale of the Constitu tion by the Reform Bill, we feel, in common with the vast majority of our countrymen, grateful to the illustrious indi vidual under whose auspices that Bill was passed into a law. We cannot forget that, during a period of nearly half a century—a period, perhaps, the most critical and eventful in the history of any country—during which cor ruption sat proudly enthroned upon the prostrate liberties of the people, and reform was audaciously declared, by the voice of power, to be but a synonym of revolution, and a mas k for treason—we cannot, we say, forget that Earl Grey shrunk not, then, from the advocacy of liberal opi nions, enforcing them upon the reasonable and reflecting, defending them, and the professors of them, from the taunts and sneers, perchance the vengeance, of an exasperated oligarchy, freely and zealously contributing the influence of his name and character to the people's service—much less can we forget his introducing, defending, and perfecting, that great measure, with which his name will be as impe rishably connected as his memory will be deservedly re vered. We, therefore, fully agree with you that " no man could have carried the Reform Bill with such quiet suc cess as Earl Grey ;" and we believe that your opposition to many of the measures of his Administration, did not pro ceed from any deficiency in the feeling towards the late Premier which we have attempted to describe, but from sentiments sympathizing with those lately expressed by the patriotic Earl of Durham, when he declared that he saw with regret and impatience " every hour that passed over the existence of unreformed recognized abuses." We read with pleasure your alusion to Lord Durham ; and we unite, most cordially, in your anticipations of na tional benefit from his future exertions in the service of his country. When we call to mind his conduct in the lower House of Parliament, as a Representative of this county— his intrepidity in meeting, on all occasions, the enemies n Reform—his zealous and powerful support of its friends— his high and unsullied honour, public and private—we per ceive the strongest guarantee for that patriotic policy which alone can regulate the government and direct the energies of a free people. We, too, like Lord Durham, " object to the com promising principle—to the clipping, the paring, and the mutilation which must inevitably follow every attempt to conciliate enemies who are not to be gained ;" and although we grant to Earl Grey the glory—and a great glory it is—of having, by the Re form Bill, extended and secured the liberties of the empire, more than any statesman of modern days—and though we have felt disposed to grant to his administration every in dulgence which gratitude could suggest, or reason require —giving it credit for the best intentions, in endeavouring to soften down an enmity which it could not control—and at tempting (vain effort !) to appease Oligarchical obstinacy by sacrificing portions of popular demands—we fear that, in many cases, the palliative principle was carried to an im politic, if not a dangerous extent ; and we feel, all feel, that the time is now arrived, when a Ministry must cease from temporizing with the enemies of improvement—when the odium of resistance must attach to the resisting, not the peace-making body,—and when, if necessary, the seldom exercised, though not less valid, nor less efficacious, severi ties of the Constitution, must be resorted to, rather that endanger the tranquillity of the empire and the stability its institutions. We, therefore, unite with you in warning the prese nt Admini s t ra ti on o f the danger of indulging in mere altera tive or trimming propositions. We trust that its great aim will be to let the people have " the substance, not the shadow of Reform"--by putting in practice its professions, and by pursuing-, with vigorous steps, those salutary amend ments which have been delayed, even to the trial of public patience. We feel pride in declaring that we were amongst the first tifidlrmest: assertors of public right, in that great struggle between the Boro►ighmongers and the people which ended in Thai. triumph 'Of the latter. We prayed for—we de- manded—we obtained the Reform Bill. And we did so upon certain grounds. We stated the grievances under which we laboured, and pointed out the remedies it would afford us. But we concealed nothing. We disdained to encourage aspirations of spoliations under the louder cry for justice. We played a fair game with our adversaries. We challenged them to the fight : but it was a fight for freedom —not for the plunder of the foe. Hence, we never joined with those persons who, however sincerely, then demanded the confiscation of ecclesiastical and funded property, much %t ot 00- 3 ol)-- -- - 6 1 ti. 4. ':<",,"" - • -‘,,?,-,v ( 0 ve --::_::::; ; ,•):1( ~.4.4'. VI \i.t .- k<:•:•:',,: ; „ i .,,-, - \'\',..,. ;,:, --. , ,T- - --ki= -- • SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. THE LONDON GAZETTE THIS EVENING. At the Court at St. James's, the Ipt day of October, 1834, PRESENT, fess can we unite with men who then concealed, but now - - avow, such monstrous propositions. We then demanded, as we now demand, the Reform of the Church—the equaliza tion of ecclesiastical labour, and a proportionate equalization of ecclesiastical wealth—the abolition of its numerous sine- cures—the expulsion of its drones—the residence of its clergy—a substantial, zealous, and pure, instead of a money loving, lazy, lip-service of God. We desire not the deirada tion of the dignitaries of the Church ; but we would free them from all connexion with State affairs, confine them to their clerical duties, and, by withdrawing them from the temptations of Courts and Parliaments, afford them greater opportunity of raising themselves in the estimation and establishing themselves in the affections of the people. We have never hesitated to declare that, as the property of the Church was bequeathed by our ancestors to their posterity, upon the legislative guardians of our lives, pro perties, and liberties, not upon the ephemeral tenants of the property, devolves the execution of the sacred trust. We regard the education and intelligence of the community as the basis upon which religion, to be useful, must be founded ; and while we insist upon the constitutional control of Par liament over the revenues of the Church, we consider its first duty to be, to establish a more equal distribution of those revenues, and by, above all things, taking care that the ability of the hearer to understand shall keep pace with that of the preacher to expound—in short, by fostering that greatest of all blessings, the education of the people—with out which religion must ever become a disgusting monopoly —a field of fraud, fanaticism and hypocrisy—a mockery of God, and a robbery of man. Of your exertions, therefore, in Parliament, to pro cure the dismissal of the Bishops from the House of Lords, we highly approve ; and we totally reject the principle of exacting from any individual in the State a contribution towards the maintenance of a church, to the doctrines of which he cannot conscientiously assent. _ . Having declared our sentiments on the subject of the revenues of the church, we no less explicitly express our determination to resist any spoliation of the fundholder. In the creation of the National Debt, we see everything to lament—everything to abhor ; but we will never assist in replacing, by a robery of the innocent, that of which we have been deprived by the guilty. Against such iniquitous policy we most strongly protest. Once admit its principle and the confidences of society would be destroyed—the reign of brute force restored—and mankind sunk lower than the very darkest depths from which, by the civiliza tion of ages, it has been raised. We do not despair of seeing the country prosper under a vigorous and economical Administration. The abuses still unremedied—the public money still mal-appropriated—a more equal taxation of every species of property, a revival and increase of trade, under a fostering Government, and the consequent im provement of the finances, still afford ample grounds for anticipations of national independence ; but God forbid that we, who have struggled against the rapacity of a faction, from the yoke of which we are but just emancipated, should seek to change characters with our late oppressors, and wear the tattered ensigns of tyranny of which they have been disrobed. The refusal of the House of Commons to admit the in troduction of a Bill for shortening the duration of Parlia ments, was, in our opinion, nothing less than an act of apostacy from the principles of Reform. The Septennial Act having been passed under circumstances of glaring legislative dishonesty, and by an unreformed and corrupt house, over which the people had no control, we certainly did expect that the Reformed House would have taken the earliest opportunity of restoring to the statute book the Act which had been so infamously expunged. On this point, we have to allude to a proposition so glaringly absurd, that we are at a loss to know whether it owes its origin to friend or foe. It has been suggested and insisted upon, by cer tain professors of Reform, that the Members of the House of Commons ought to vacate their seats, at the close of each Session, as a sort of test of the confidence of their consti . tuents. Such monstrous folly scarcely deserves exposure. But suppose all the liberal Members of the House (the only expected candidates for political martyrdom) entrapped by this insane advice and their seats vacated, would not the devices, the wealth, the intimidation of Toryism, be all set in motion, on such a golden opportunity of strengthening its forces? The people's enemies, by possi bility, might gain something ; but the people, by no possi bility, could gain any thing. How often, at elections, have we seen the Tories triumph, more by the bad policy, want of energy, or disunion, of their antagonists, than by their own numerical strength ! What madness, then, for the sake of a display of self-devotion as useless as affected, to run the risk of strengthening that party which Reformers, of every grade, have been so long labourincr to oppose ! We think with you, that the reform of one House ne cessarily requires the reform of the other, in order to pre serve an unity of purpose and a similarity of sprit, between the legislative bodies. To one great reform of the House of Lords, of which you have pledged yourself to be the continued advocate, we have already alluded ; and we hope to see it,,ere long, in beneficial operation—for we utterly r epudiate' the doctrine, which some persons advance, of allowing the Bishops to remain in the House of Lords, in order, by rendering the defects of that House more ob vious, eventually to draw down upon it the contempt, if not the vengeance, of the people. We detest the principle of tolerating evil that supposed good may ensue. We de mand justice—immediate and complete—we have no feel ings of revenge to gratify—we would freely forgive injury to our fathers, rather than not avert it from our posterity. The obstinacy of the Peers is indeed lamentable. We should be glad were they to take warning by the signs of the times, and to recollect that they have hitherto had to deal with lenient Administrations, which have indulged their impolitic exclusiveness, and given too much way to their irresponsible privileges. But every future Administration, to be lasting,—to be to lerated,—must act more and more in unison with the peo ple. The Lords must not suppose that the removal of grievances, civil or religious, can be now resisted with safety ; for should measures of Reform be much longer de nied admission into their House, they may be assured that the purse-strings of the State, which have been too long and too liberally relaxed, will be drawn tighter and tighter, by more jealous guardians of the public wealth, and the co ronetted worshippers of Mammon, perchance, on awaking from their stupor, find themselves without a God. The Poor Laws' Bill, as might be expected from so ex tensive a change, created a great sensation. It alarmed the timid and the less informed—enraged the enemies of the Administration—petrified parochial plunderers, and afforded ample scope for prophecies of evil. But, though we regret the apparent harshness of certain clauses, and see room for much amendment in others,—which amendments and seve rities we trust in Parliament readily to correct and soften, should it be found necessary to do so,—we still feel bound to say we consider that the evils which existed were more to be dreaded than the remedies enacted. It ap pears upon evidence of unimpeachable veracity, that the Poor Laws, either of themselves, or in their maladmi nistration, had demoralized the really indigent—pau perized a large portion of the peasantry, and threatened, in the end, to destroy all feeling—all desire of indepen dence amongst the labourers of the country. That our laws, as well as common justice, require a maintenance of the poor, we readily admit, and are prepared to enforce ; but the maintenance, or rather semi-maintenance, of the lazy and the profligate—the placing of vagabonds, by ill-timed aids, on a par with the industrious peasant—the ekeing out of wages with parochial funds—the bounty to beggars—the system, in short, which has disgraced the country, and nearly ruined many of the southern districts, is as directly at variance with the spirit of our law, as it must be detrimental to the advancement of national indus try, virtue, and independence. The really poor—the indi gent—have a maintenance provided by the Bill ; and as many communities have successfully, and without impeach ment of their humanity, acted upon its principle ; every inducement is afforded for the trial of the experiment. We yield to no set of men in a desire to alleviate the distress of our fellow creatures : we would rather that any defect in the law should " lean to mercy's side ;" but we feel that the evils of the late system had become aggravated to a degree no longer to be endured, and that the measure recom mended by a most able and respectable Commission of In quiry, was well deserving the trial which is about to be made. Should it, on that trial, be found injurious or defec , tive, we assure you that any exertions of your's, in your place in Parliament, to remedy such defects, shall ever meet with our warmest concurrence and approbation. Having now stated our sincere opinions, upon such topics as appeared to us of importance, we subscribe ourselves, Gateshead, 29th Sept. 1834. Sir, your faithful servants. The capital witnessed yesterday a strange spectacle, which had not occurred before since 1820. It may be remem bered that at that period, at the time of the formation of the National Militia companies of young volunteers were orga nised, the eldest of whom was not more than twelve years of age ; at Barcelona a complete regiment was formed, and this juvenile militia did duty in several parts of the town ; they even relieved the regular militia, who were obliged to leave the city in pursuit of rebels. Yesterday, Sunday, a troop of these children, marching in good order, with music and drums, defiled through several streets of the capital. —.Madrid Ga zett ~ _ SECOND ELATTON. The King's most excellent /Majesty in Council. This day the Right Honourable Sir Charles Chriptopher Pepys, Knt., was, by his Majesty's command, sworn of his Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, and took his place at the Board accord-' in gly. His Majesty having been pleased to appoint Captain Henry Prescott, R.N., Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Island of Newfoundland and its dependencies, he this day took the usual oath appointed to be taken by the governors of his Majesty's plan tations. FOREIGN OFFICE, OCT. 3. It has been notified by the Spanish 'Charge d'Affaires at this Court to his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State of State for Foreign Affairs, that by a Decree of her Majesty the Queen Re gent of Spain, dated Sept. 16, 1834, the coast of the North of Spain, from Cape Finisterre to the Bidassoa, is declared in a state of blockade ; and all vessels acting in contravention of that Decree will be subject to the penalties established by the general maritime law in such cases. WAR OFFICE, OCT. 3. 10th Regiment of Light Dragoons —Brevet Major E. Moles worth, from the half-pay of the Cape Corps of Cavalry, to be Cap tain, without purchase, vice Wood, deceased, Oct. 3. Ist Regiment of Foot—Staff-Assistant-Surgeon, vice Miller, appointed on the Staff, Oct. 3. 14th Foot—Capt. R. W. Alyddleton, from the 71st Foot, to be Captain, vice Gore, appointed to the 71st Regiment of Foot, Oct. 3. 69th Foot—Staff-Assistant-Surgeon H. Fishe, M.D., to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Coghlan, appointed to the 86th Regiment of Foot, Oct. 3. 71st Foot—Captain W. J. P. Gore, from the 14th Regiment, to be Captain, vice Myddleton, appointed to the 14th Foot, Oct. 3. 74th Foot—Captain T. Mannin to be Major, by purchase, vice Mac Queen, who retires; Lieutenant Hon. T. O'Grady to be Cap tain, by purchase, vice Mannin • Ensign P. W. L. Hawker to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice O'Grady ; J. Miller, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Hawker, Oct. 3. 75th Foot—Lieut. F. A. Goulden, from the 93d Regiment, to Lieutenant, vice Halliday who exchanges, Oct. 3. 82d Foot—Lieut. H. B. H. Rogers, to be Adjutant, vice Had. win, who resigns the Adjutancy only, Oct. 3. 93d Eoot—Lieut. W. R. Halliday, from the 75th Regiment, to be Lieutenant, vice Goulden, who exchanges, Oct. 3. HOSPITAL STAFF. Assistant-Surgeon J. Millar, M.D., from the Ist Regiment of Foot to be Assistant-Surgeon to the Forces, vice Fisher, appointed to the 69th Regiment of Foot, Oct. 3. BREVET. Major William Wylde, of the Royal Artillery, to have the local rank of Lieutenant-Colonel while employed on a special service in Spain, Oct. 3. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, SEPT. 30. Royal Regiment of Artillery.. First Lieutenant R. G. S. Smith to be Second Captain, vice Baynes retired on half-pay, Sept. 25. Second Lieutenant F. D. Cleaveland to be First Lieutenant, vice Smith, Sept. 25. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. FREDERICK PERN JERVIS, upholsterer, Rathbone-place. WILLIAM STARLING, hatter, Bishopsgate-street Without. BANKRUPTCY ENLARGED. GEORGE BICCERDIKE, victualler, Huddersfield, Nov. 1, at eleven, at the Pack Horse Inn, Hudder sfield. BANKRUPTS. JOHN BARROW and ROBERT WILLIS VIZER, mer chants, Basinghall-street, to surrender Oct. 24, at one, and Nov. 14, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stephens, Doughty-street ; Clark, official assignee, St. Swithin's-lane, Lombard-street. HENRY BONSOR, silk-manufacturer, Steuart-street, Spi talfields, Oct. 14, at one, and Nov. 14, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Turner, Basing-lane, Bread-street ; Johnson, Ba singhall-street, official assignee. RICHARD PARKER, harness-maker, Rupert-street, Hay market, Oct. 10, at two, and Nov. 14, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Rogers, Manchester-buildings, Westminster.; Gold smid, Basinghall-street, official assignee. THOMAS HINGSTON, cabinet-maker, North-street, Bris tol, Oct. 15, and Nov. 14, at eleven, at the Commercial Rooms, Bristol. Stevens, Gray's Inn-square, London; Habberfield, Bristol. WILLIAM AUSTEN GROOCOCK, merchant, Billinda- Villa, Kentish Town, Oct. 11, at eleven, and Nov. 14, at two, at Court of Bankruptcy. Gibson, Basinghall-street, official assignee; Whitelock, Aldermanbury. THOMAS NICHOLLS, linen-draper, Lowther Arcade, St. Martin's in the Fields, Oct. 10 , at one, and Nov. 14, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. HENRY GEORGE, bookseller, Bathwick, SomersetshirE . ., Oct. 10, at two, and Nov. 14, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy, Bovines and Gamlen, Furnival's Inn. • JOHN DAVIDSON and JOHN DAVIS, calico-printers,. Wandsworth, Oct. 10, at twelve, and Nov. 14, at eleven, at 'the - Court of Bankruptcy. Fawcett, Jewin-street ; Green, Ki9g's Arm-yard, Official Assigness. WILLIAM HORTON and ALFRED HORTON, button manufacturers, Sheffield, Oct. 18 and Nov. 14, at eleven, at the Town Hall, Sheffield. Bigg, Southampton-buildings, London ; Bramley, Sheffield. WILLIAM POOLE, boot-maker, Nottingham, Oct. 11 and 14, at eleven, at Wilson's Hotel, Nottingham. Bowley, Nottingham; Johnson and Weatherall, Temple, London. ROBERT MORRIS, dealer, Carnarvon, Oct. 13 and Nov. 14, at eleven, at the Goat Inn, Carna.rven. Clarke, Norfolk-street, Strand ; Home, Denbigh. JOHN GRIFFITH, wool-broker, Cateaton-street Oct. 13, at eleven, Nov. 14, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Lake and Curris, Basinghall-street ; Graham, official assignee, Copthall buildings. MONNERY MOORE, oilman, Bishopsgate-street, City, Oct. 15, and Nov. 14, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Kirk man and Rutherford, Cannon-street ; Lackington, Official Assignee, Basinghall-street. JOHN MILLETT, market-gardener, Oct. 8, at two, and Nov. 14, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Rice, Verulam-build \hugs, Gray's-inn-square ; Clark, St. Smither's-lane, Lombard stYeet, official assignee. S. BENTLEY, C. DEAR, and J. J. M. RICHARDSON, Warehousemen, Cheapside, Oct. 11, at eleven, and Nov. 14, at Twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Ashurst, New Bridge-street, Blackfriars ; Goldsmid, Basinghall-street, official assignee. COURT CIRCULAR. M. de Moraes Sarmento, the Portuguese Minister, tran sacted business, yesterday, at the Foreign Office. The Lord Chancellor left town, yesterday for Brighton. His Lordship dined with Lord Holland, on Wednesday even ing, at Holland House, Kensington. The First Lord of the Admiralty, and Mr. Burge, the agent for Jamaica, had interviews yesterday with Mr. Secretary Wee, at the Colonial Office. The Marquis of Lansdowne left Lansdowne House, yester day for Brussels. The Marchioness of Lansdowne, and Lady Louisa Fitzmaurice, accompanied his Lordship. Captain Prescott, R.N. (the Governor of Newfoundland), left town yesterday for Clifton. The West India Mail was yesterday ordered to be detained till this evening. Despatches from the Governor of Trinidad, dated the 15th of August, were yesterday received at the Colonial Office. Viscount Althorp has arrived at Althorp Park, Northamp tonshire. FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE. ARRIVALS. Captain W. Ramsden and Lady Ramsden, at Marshall Thompson's Hotel, Cavendish-square; R.C. Haselfoot, Esq., and Mrs. Haselfoot, at ditto; J. Bonar, Esq., at ditto; J. F. Schroser, Esq., at ditto;; J. A. Slack, Esq., at ditto ; Sir D. Keating, at Copp's Royal Hotel, Leamington Spa ; Hon. Mr. and Mrs. Leeson, at ditto ; Lady and Miss Bayley, at ditto; Captain Edgecombe, at ditto; Captain Gordon, at ditto; Earl O'Neill, at ditto; Sir Arthur Chichester, at ditto ; Mr. Lytton Bulwer, M. P., at ditto ; General Ander son, at ditto ; Sir George and Lady Beaumont, at ditto. DEPARTURES. Sir James Campbell, K. C. 8., Lady Campbell, and family, from Marshall Thompson's Hotel, Cavendish-square; James Kerr, Esq., and Mrs. Kerr, from ditto ; Sir Edmund Filmer, Lady Filmer, and family, from ditto ; Mrs. Turnor and family, from ditto; Mrs. Fappillon, from ditto; Hon. Peter Middle ton, from ditto ; Rev. C. Twisleton, from ditto. We regret to announce the death of that most ex cellent and exemplary Prelate, the Right Rev. Dr. Grey, Lord Bishop of Bristol—Morning Paper. DINNER TO THE EARL OF DURHAM.—NO an swer has as yet been received from the Earl of Durham to the invitation to dinner at Glasgow. His Lordship was under stood to be at Brechin Castle, but it appears he was at Tay mouth, and consequently the letter may not have yet reached him. On Sabbath night his Lordship was to be at Dunkeld. Glasgow Courier. The Earl of Wicklow and Lady Amelia Howard arrived in Dublin on Sunday from England, and have since left for Shelton Abbey, county Wicklow. Count and Countess de Salis have arrived at Slane Castle. The tenantry of Lord Bagot gave his Lordship a grand dinner at Market Bromley, yesterday se'nnight. We have authority to state that no claim upon Mr. Raikes, the late Governor, exists on the part of the Bank of England, nor did he ever avail himself of a single opportunity to receive pecuniary accommodation or sssistance from that corporation. A meeting of the Court of Directors of the Bank of England was held in the Bank parlour this afternoon (Thurs.: day), for the purpose, among other matters, of taking the measures that have become necessary in consequence of the disqualification, and consequ ent resigi?ation, of Mr. Richard Mee Raikes, the late Governor. It is understood that Mr. Pattison, the Deputy . Governor, has accepted the seat, and that a notice will be issued to-morrow for the election of a Deputy Governor. An opinion has been expressed that some inquiry should be instituted by the Court of Directors into the state of affairs which led to the failure above noticed ; but, on the other hand , it is conceived that this would be going beyond the line of d ut y im p osed upon the Court of Directors, as they il r with certain transactions immediately concerned, iin whichbut we the arco uld have no co ntrol over the p riv ate transactions of the firm in question. There have been reports circulated, connecting s tate that these rumours entirely without foundation. — Morning Advertiser. are e affairs enabled of the to thisßa nkfaeu e r e more ' ; 1!f!