The Sun. — London, England, 1831-08-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, AUGUST 23. The House met to-day at Four o'clock, when the House of Commons was summoned to lo ar the Royal as sent given to the several Bills which have been passed since the King was At the House. _ . The assent was given by commission, the Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Marquis of Lansdowne. The Lord Lieutenants' (Leland) Bill, the Exchequer Bills Bill, and thirty-seven other Bills then received the Royal assent, and the House adjourned during pleasure. At Five o'clock the House resumed, when the Arbi tration and Interpleader Bills were read a third time, and the other Bills on the table were forwarded a stage. The Earl of ESSEX presented a petition from F4l mouth, praying for a revision of the Criminal Code. The Marquis of WESTMEATH postponed the second reading of the Bill for the prevention of fires of land in Ireland till Thu,silay. Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition from Ha lifax, praying for a legislative enactment to regulate the hours that children should work in manufacturies. The Sub-letting Acts Amendment Bill was read a se cond time, and ordered to be committed on Thursday. Lord KENYON moved that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the Lunatics' Bill. This Bill bad been under the consideration of a Committee up stairs, where several amendments upon the old Act had been suggested. As the gentlemen composing the late commis sion, to which the management of the lunatics hail been confided, and which had performed its duties in a most ef ficient mariner, could not longer continue in that commis sion, and at the same time properly discharge the other duties of their situation, both of a public and private nature, the Committee proposed to introduce into the commission certain individuals, whose avocations would not call them from the discharge of the duties of that office. The Committee also proposed that the appointment of the commission, instead of being placed in the hands of the Home Secretary, should be transferred to the Lord Chan cellor ; and suggested the propriety of appointing medical gentlemen members of the commission. The House then resolved itself into a Committee on the Bill. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said a few words, which were imperfectly heard. We understood him to suggest the propriety of excluding surgeons from the corn. The Duke of CUMBERLAND said, that if any provi sion of the nature proposed by the Noble Marquis was made, it would exclude surgeons of the army, who had ex perience in all sorts of disorders, and who were well ac quainted with the proper treatment of mental maladies. The LORD CI•IANCELLOR concurred in opinion with the illustrious Duke, that there was hardly any class of prac titioners better acquainted with the nature of the diseases of the mind than surgeons in the army; and he thought that it would be exceedingly unwise to preclude that branch of the profession from becoming members of the commis sion. He thought that one of the great improvements in the Bill was the making more intimate the connexion be tween the Great Seal and the commission. He certainly was of opinion, on general principles, that it was better to leave lunatics, as well as minors, to the care of their own relations ; but as great objections existed to the manner in which private mad-houses had been hitherto managed, and as some controul over them was considered necessary, l.e should not oppose the Bill, because he thought it would effect its object in a very unobjectionable manner. One great advantage of the commission being composed of professional gentlemen was, that they were the least likely of all persons to divulge the names of any parties which should unfortu• ;lately become the objects of their care. After a few words from the Earl of ELDON, which were not hetrd, the Bill went through the Committee, and was ordered to be reported to-morrow. Lord KENYON moved that the Agricultural Labourers' Employment Bill should be read a second time, with the understanding that it should be discussed on the motion that it be committed. The Duke of RICHMOND assented to this arrange ment. He gave notice that he should object to that part of the Bill which proposed to form new parishes. Lord ORFORD also objected to that clause of the Bill which went to make new parishes. He also noticed an other part of the Bill, establishing a principle which the House had decided against in the course of the present Session,—namely, the fixing of a money rate of tithes. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be considered by a G , mmittee up stairs on Friday next. Lord TEYNHAM moved the second reading of the Overseers of the Poor Bill. Ile aud that a change in the system of the poor laws was absolutely necessary ; and he thought that the present Bill, by amending the mode of nominating the overseers of the poor, would be the means of producing much benefit. The Duke of RICHMOND had eo mary objections to this Bill that he hoped the Noble Lord wou!d be induced to withdraw it. He could not assent to the Noble Lord's proposed mode of electing overseers by lot. The Bill pro posed that in case of dispute between two parishes, at hi tration might be resorted to, and it excluded from being arbitrators all solicitors and attorneys, the persons who were hest qualified to decide on the intricate laws relating to sett!oment. The Noble Duke pointed out several other obketionable enactments, and stated hie opinion that the Bil had been too hastily got tip. Lord TEYNHAM, in consequence of the observations of the Noble Duke, begged leave to withdraw the Bill. Lord BELHAVEN presented a petition from the Earl of Mar, relating to the election of Scotch representative Peers. The Noble Lord gave notice of his intention to bring this subject under the notice of the House on Toes d iy next. FRAUDS ON CREDITORS BILL. Lord WYNFORD moved the third reading of this Bill. Lord PLUNKETT moved as an amendment that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. Lord WYNFORD thought that the Noble Lord was too late with his amendment. He reminded the Noble Lord that this was an adjourned debate, and he conceived that the Noble Lord ought to have proposed his amend ment before. Earl GREY said that an amendment could be proposed at any period of the debate. Lord WYNFORD had delayed the Bill till this time to give Noble Lords an opportunity of stating their objec tions to it; but he now found no grounds were stated to the House why it should be rejected. It was said that this was an extension of the bankrupt law. So it was M some degree, but not beyond what, in his opinion, was necessary. The question was, whether they could carry judgments obtained in courts of law into effect without such a law. They could in no other way prevent the profligate and the fraudulent debtor from evading the pay ment of his debts. If It were to have the effect of add ing to imprisonment, he would never have brought it forward ; but the fact was, it would diminish imprison ment, and the only parties who would be affected by it were those who had the means of paying, but who refused to pay their debts. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, but we un derstand that the Bill was negatived without a division, The Marquis of WESTMEATH wished to correct a misunderstanding of what fell from him yesterday, on the subject of the names real by a Noble Marquis (Lon donderry) whom he did not now see in his place. Re had understood the Noble Marquis to give the names of the Irish Members who had waited on Earl Grey respecting the Irish yeomanry, as those of Catholic Members, and he (the Marquis of Westmeath) had stated that two of them, Sir J. Doyle and Mr. Dawson (of Louth) were not Catholics; but he had been represented, in a Morn.. ing Paper, as having said that these Members were not connected with the Catholic interest in Ireland. He had made no such observation. If be had made any oh: erva tion at all on the subject, it wou:d have been the very re verse. The Earl of ELDON said, if the Noble Marquis took notice in that House of all that appeared in newspzpers, lie would have nothing else to do. THE BUSINESS OF THE HOUR& The LORD CHANCELLOR, adverting to the Order of the Day for further consideration of the report of the; Bankruptcy Court Bill, which stood for Friday next, ob served that when he had fired it for that day, he had cal culated that by the evening sittings he should have been able to have got through the business of his Court by that day, but he found that he had miscalea,Ated as to its a mount. He would now, tiserefitre, postpone it till Friday week. He had now to apologize to their Lordships for his ab , ence front their sittings, in consequence of, theusvening sittings in his Court, but those wings, lee Iff/ped their Lordships would adroit, were for a purpose of great public convenience. He had now a confident hop e t h at in another week lie should have got through the whole of th e business in his Court. It might be convenient to their Lordships l and to the public to know, that after that he would then Attend in the House from day to day until he had disposed .' of the arrears of the appeals, and he hoped that in a fo r t night he should be able to get through them all. Their Lordships then would have no appeals before them, except such as bad been entered within the last three months ; but if any of these should be ripe for decision whenhelntsd disposed of the others, he would be happy to give his a '- toistance 144 - flispOiing of those also, so that by the rod of (I't` t 7 ;4'W -- - 4. ‘ 3. ' •i\ ' ,Vl2. ( C.) :he Session—if if it should ever have an end—(A laugh ) —the whole of the appeals would be disposed of. The Earl of ELDON had no doubt that his Noble and Learned Friend was most usefully employing his time in his Court, but at the same time he must state, that accord ng to the standing orders of their Lordships' House, the pa ramount duty of the Lord Chancellor was to be in his place in that House during their Lordships' sittings, and not to be employad elsewhere ; and there were many precedents where permission to attend elsewhere during the sittings of that House were refused. He had no doubt whatever that his Noble and Learned Friend was most usefully employed elsewhere, but he had no power to dispense with the stand ing orders which required his attendance during the sit tings here. With respect to the Bankruptcy C,out t Bill, he hoped that his Noble and Learned Friend would consent to postpone it till some period after the time of adjourn ment for the Coronation. fle made this request as a matter of personal convenience to himself, for in waiting for this Bill he was unable to take that change of air which bail been declared necessary for his health, but at the same time he was ready to attend on any day which his Noble Friend might fix for bringing on the Bill. The LORD CHANCELLOR hoped his Noble and Learned Friend would do him the justice to believe that no man was more ready than he was to adopt any arrange nent which might tend to his (Lord Eldon's) personal convenience. lie would therefore put off the Bill to Friday fortnight, or to any other day which might be more convenient to his Noble and Learned Friend. His Noble Friend had mentioned till after the adjournment for the Coronation, but he (the Lord Chancellor) understood that there would be no motion for an adjournment, beyond an adjournment over the day of the Coronation itself. As to what had been said by his Noble and Learned Friend of the attendance of the Lord Chancellor during the sit tings of the House, he fully admitted that such attendance was a paramount duty, and it was for this reason he had mentioned the urgency of the case which required his at tendance elsewhere, in order that their Lordships might indulge him by dispensing with the standing order which required his attendance. He repeated, however, his con fident hope that the business of his Court would detain him only a few days more, and he should then be wholly at their Lordships' disposal. Lord WYNFORDasked his Noble and Learned Friend whether be should have any objeetiou to defer the order of the day to the Tuesday after the time he had named ? The LORD CHANCELLOR had none whatever. The order of the day was then fixed for that day three weeks. The Warden of the Fleet prison, and the Governor of Whitecrotis-street prison, appeared at the bar with returns of the number of persons d etained in execution for debt in those prisons respectively.—They were ordered to lie on the table. Adjourned at Half-past Six. HOUSE OF COMMONS, AUO UST 23. Shortly after Three o'clock the SPEAKER took his seat. Colonel EVANS gave notice that on Monday, Septem ber 5, he would move an Address to his Majesty for copies of correspondence between this country and Poland, and this country and Russia, relative to the differences between Poland and Russia. FEES ON SHIPS UNDER QUARANTINE. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON rose to present a petition from the ship-owners of the port of London, relative to the fees charged upon vessels upon being released from qua rantine. Those fees amounted to no less than 51. 148. 6d. upon each vessel upon being released from quarantine, whether she had been under quarantine one day or for the pet iod of six weeks. The Hon. Alderman conceived this to be a roost grievous and unjust impost upon the shipping interest, already overburthened with duties. The ship-owner sustained a very heavy loss in the deten tion of his ship under quarantine, but of that he did not complain, because it was for the good of the community; but he complained, that in addition to such detention, together with the support of the crew, and the loss occa sioned by the vessel being prevented going on her voyage, the owner was obliged to pay 5/. 14s. 6d. before his vessel could be released. His Majesty's Go vernment ought to take immediate steps not only to abolish this unjust fee, but to refund those already paid In France, Denmark, and Sweden, to which vessels from the Baltic and other places arrived, no such fee was de manded by the quarantine departments. The Hon. Member for Middlesex had already moved for the amount of the fees paid in respect of vessels being released from quarantine, and he (Mr. Alderman Thompson) intended to move for the manner iu which those fees were appro priated, and to follow that up by moving a resolution to abolish the fees.—(Hear.) Mr. Alderman COPELAND supported the prayer of the petition, and thought that some steps should be imme diately adopted to relieve the ship-owners, who were already suffering from accumulated burthens. He did not complain of the laws of quarantine, which were made for the purpose of protecting the public against the con. tagion of disease, hut he complained that vessels so de tained, and for public benefit, should be subject to such a fee as that now complained of. On the motion that the petition do lie on the table, Mr. HUME said, that in order to show this most oppres sive tax in its proper light he would read a letter from a gentleman from Dundee upon this subject. He had al ready presented three petitions from Scotland, and he had one from Montrose to present, all complaining of this quarantine fee. The letter to which he alluded stated that a vessel had arrived at Dundee from Hamburg, and was ordered to petform quarantine; her whole freight only amounted to 161. 11 s. 2d.and yet she had to pay to the qua rantine department 5/.141.61 being one-third of the whole freight. These fees were paid into the public Exchequer, and it was in the power of his Majesty's Government, it they wished to do justice, to remit those fees, and snake them payable by the Public, for it was a case in which the public were deeply interested. He (Mr. Hume) was sorry that none of his Majesty's Ministers were present; he had presented three petitions—he had presented three memorials to the Treasury, and he had spoken to the head of every department upon this subject, but had not been able to obtain any satisfactory answer. Mr. ROBINSON considered the detention of the ships a sufficient hardship upon the owners, without throwing upon them the expense of the quarantine establishment. The petition was ordered to be printed. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON then moved for an ac count showing how the quarantine fee of 5/. 148. 6d. was appropriated, to whom paid, and for what purpose.— Ordered. The Hos. MEMBER next gave notice that he would, on Thursday next, move a resolution declaring the inex pediency of demanding this quarantine fee. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON then presented a petition front Mr. John Williams, of Cornhill, stationer, complain iug of the Government Stationery-office, and praying for its abolition. The Hon. Alderman stated (as he had told the petitiof7,,r) that he could not concur in the prayer of the petition, as Liz believed the present mode of con ducting the business of that establishment was highly sa tisfactory. Mr. HUME would not be against receiving the peti tion, but he declared that the mode pursued by the present Ministry, in respect to the supply of stationery to the Government offices, would have the effect of saving the iissmtry 20,000/. a-year, and still have a more bene ficial effect tic the paper trade than formerly. Mr. BAINBRIDGW, presented a petition from the poorer class of voters in the tourr; of Taunton, praying for a continuance to themselves and their dzs:...eodants of the elective fwanohise. Mr. WYSE pr;:se,nted two petitions from Galway, re lative to the Galway frai.chise ; a petition complaining of the mismanagement of the filo& aigropriated te charit abiii oducatima in Ireland ; also a petition from Dublin, complainiN' Of the drawback on the malt duty, and a peti tion from Tipperary relating to the education of the Irish poor.—Ordered to lie on th; 41!)le. THE REV. ROBERT TI!,//,OR. Mr. O'Ctisr,i,,YEJ.,L presented a petition numerously signed front Nottiagi.cp, complaining of the prosecution instituted, against the Rev. Mr. Taylor, for what the peti• tionets *ited were religious opinions. They prayed the House to addr.;r4,. his Majesty to release Mr. Tayih.. from his confinement, and tc repeal the laws upon which these proseentions were founded. This petition, Mr. O'Con nel said, ceuinced hint of the of prosecutions of this kind, for thy (Tamed the objects of ti.etn, instead of being subjects for ridica , :e., ,t 9 be regarded as martyrs. Ha trusted his Majesty's Goveramant Mould restore this person to hia former insignificance, by turning him out of gaol. Mr. HOME was .. - ,p2psed to the punishment of perso,ic who, like Mr. Tayior, invited discussion in a private room, and there delivered theii . opipions. He was of opinion that ti - Aeke ghould be an entire freedom of speech and discussion. If such meetings took place in the open air, or were a Willi: nuisance, then and then only would he consent to the parties being prosecuted. On the motion that the petition be prin te.l, Ur. -O'CONNELL repeated his former objections to! such significant Pr‘ec;ettis9orinB' a a n n d d a d m es i i s g c l i t .e a a te n d t. Mr. Taylor as an in when he was interrupted by a was proceedin g N i l ii‘ l e ' k HE ß. L d o . llDS The Hon. Member of FROM MESSUAsh9erEo d at h The Deputy liar, and mum - lona! the House to attend iPnPetahre'Houset otf* Lords, to hear the Royal Assent given by Commission to several Bills. The Speaker, attended by a number of Members, left the House to proceed to the Lords. On their return the Speaker read a list of Bills to !which the Royal Assent had been given. The subject of Mr. ,O'Connell's petition was then resumed. On the motion that the petition do lie upon the table, Mr. HUNT could not but express his regret that the Hon. and Learned Member for Kerry had, in presenting a petition in Taylor's favour, denominated that unfortunate individual a " miscreant." He (Mr. Hunt) had never beard a sentence delivered by Taylor, nor had he ever read a page of his writings—he did not at all care for his opinions, but the language of the Hon. and Learned Member for K-rry reminded him of this—" oi,, there is a mad dog ! Oh, poor dog, he is mad ! Knock his brains out! "—The petition was ordered to be printed. The HoN. MEMBER then presented a petition from the trustees of thirty Roman C itholie orphan schools in Ire land, praying that in the public grants for the education of the poor in that country they might participate. Also two petitions from two places in Donegal and Cork, pray ing that Catholics as well as Protestants might be ad. mitted to the benefit of grants made for public education, which were ordered to be printed. The Hon. and Learned Member then presented a petition against the grant to the Kildare-street Society, signed by four Archbishops, and twenty of the other Roman Catholic Bishops of the various dioceses in different parts of Ireland. The petitioners considered the grant inconsistent with the provisions of the Relief Bill, partial and unjust in principle, that it was perverted to the purpose of proselytism, and engendered a system of misrepresentation, falsehood, and strife. They therefore prayed that that Honourable House might so regulate the grants for education in Le land, as to make them available for all without religious distinctions. Mr. LEFROY had been for a long time a member of the Kildare-street Society, and knowing how the system of education was then conducted, lie could not allow that opportunity to pass without adverting to the charge that had been made against it. The Society had been charged with proselytism. He would not answer that by an appeal to his own testimony, nor by a reference to that of twenty-four Catholic Prelates; but he would refer to the better testimony of the witnesses examined upon oath before the Commissioners appointed by that House to examine into the manner in which the Society had been con ducted. The effect, however, of their evidence was that, although the Society bad been repeatedly accused of proselytism, they saw no reason whatever for be lieving that there was any foundation for such charges. After a few words from Mr. SHELL and Mr. O'Cox- NELL the petition was ordered to be printed. Mr. O'CONNELL presented two petitions from the parishes of St. James and St. Mary, Dublin, praying for the repeal of the Legislative Union. The HoN. MEMBER also gave notice that on the House going into a Committee on the Irish Reform Bill, he should move for a call of the House. Lord KILLEEN, in presenting a petition, the purport of which we could not catch, asked when it was the inten tion of Government to go into the Irish Estimates ? Mr. S. RICE observed that it was his intention on Friday next to move the Charitable Estimates for Ireland. Mr. K. DOUGLAS presented a petition from Kirkcud bright, praying that that place might be removed from the district in which it at present stood, and be placed in the Galloway district. The Hon. Member gave notice that when the Scotch Reform Bill was taken into consideration he should move the House in accordance with the prayer of the petition. Mr. CAMPBELL brought up the amendment of the Law of Inheritance Bill ; a Bill for the amendment of the law respecting dowers; a Bill for the limitation of actions and suits relating to real property: also a Bill for amending of the law relating to tenants by courtesy in England ; all of which were respectively read a first time, and or dered for a second reading on the 30th of August. GREAT GRIMSBY. On the motion of Sir G. CLERK, the Town-clerk of Great Grimsby was called to the Bar of the House, and was questioned by the SPEAKER to the following effect : You are Town-clerk of the borough of Great Grimsby?-1 am. This HousP, Sir, has been informed that at the termina tion of the election for Great Grim•by, the indenture was entrusted to your hands for the purpose of handing it to the Mayor ?—lt was. When did you receive it, and what did you do with it ?—I received it on Wednesday evening, at seven o'clock, as soon as the election was over ; but from the multiplicity of business that had accumulated during the period I was in London, in consequence of a severe family affliction, I forgot to de iver it in proper time, and have to ask the indulgent interference of the House; I can assuie the House that I have not done any thing wilfully and intentionally to delay the forwarding of the indenture ; and I can appeal with confidence to the Ho nourable Members for Great Grimsby whether my conduct at the election was not such as entirely to do away with any supposition of that sort. On the Sunday after the election, on looking into my papers, I found the indenture and counterpart, which I sent to my clerk, with directions to forward it immediately _to the High Sheriff of Lincoln, together with a letter I had written. On the Monday morning I was called up by my clerk, stating that be had, gteat difficulty in finding a person to go with it, but that he had ultimately suc ceeded. When did the Under Sheriff receive it ? I believe on Monday. Did the Under Sheriff give any receipt for it ?—He returned me for answer he could n o t send back the counter part as the High Sheriff was from home. You know from the state of his answer when he did receive it ?—He received it on the Monday. How long have you been Town-clerk ?—Since 1824. You have been Town-clerk, then, at former elections ?—Yes. What course did the returning officer then pursue with the indenture? How has the indenturebeen forwarded to the Under Sheriff on former occasions?—Th e election before last took place on a INlonday, and on the Thursday following I forwarded the inden- ture. That was at a general election?—Yes. What has the course in general been when vacancies have taken place at a general election 2-4 have never known an instance of that kind. By Sir GEORGE CLERK—Had the solicitor fur the sitting Member any conversation with you relative to the return of the indenture ?—I had no conversation with any party whatever about it. Did Mr. Acton make any inquiry when the return was despatched from Grimsby ? Mr. Acton never made any inquiry from me to that effect. To the best of my recollection the only inquiry he ever made was when I came up to tender my vote. Was the messenger that was despatched with the return on horseback, foot, or what was informed by my clerk he started on foot, but would be in time to overtake the mail. What time were the Members chaired after the election ?—I did not see them chaired, but I think, from the best of my recollection, it was about eight o'clock in the evening. What was the reason they were cima'red at so late an hour. Was any reason assigned ?—None whatever. Some said that they had better be chaired in the morning, and many called out let us chair them to-night. No reason whatever was given for it. Was a hand-bill pasted about, stating that the Members would not return back to the electors in conse quence of their anxiety to be in London ?—I do not know. What time does the mail leave Great Grimsby for Lincoln ?—At half-past eight o'clock. I directed any clerk to transmit the return to London on Sunday evening at eight o'clock, and the reason it was not delivered on the Monday morning was, that the mail from Grimsby to London was only a horse mail. Did you read the precept from the Sheriff?—l did. Did you read the words " That the Mayor was desired 1 1 to make the retnrn immediately after the election has concluded ?" Cannot be sure that it was immediately, but I believe it was forthwith. Did it not occur to you that it was your duty to make the return foithwitia did not give the subject suffi cient consideration. To further questions the Town-clerk answered :—At the last election I voted for the sitting Mem bers ; w hen I tendered my vote I was questioned, and said that I acted gratuitously as agent for one of the Mem bers. I have been examined as a witness by one of the Committee, but I had no interest in delaying the return of the writ. It was entirely through inadvertence. On the evening cf the election there war: no conversation respect ing the sending off tip: retort} cn the following morning. I did not give it consideration, om.- I would have sent it off inuntliately by my own servant. On the Sunday, when I went to look at my bag, I found the indenture of the return and the counterpart. I thought I had given directions for their being despatched. The Witness" was then ordered to withdraw. On the motion of >iir p. CLERK, Mr. J. Acton was called stated that imme diately after the election he saw time return to the writ signed by the Mayor, and asked the Town clerk if every thing was completed. Ile replied yes, an ,l that it should be sent the following morning. There was great confusion at the time in the ;.al;.—The witness was then ordered to withdraW. Sir G. CLERK stated that that it now appeared there was considerable confusion, and that it was extraoldi n.ry that a person who acted as agent fur one of the Members, giving his service gratuitously, and holding the situation of Town-clerk, should have neg lected fin• so many days to make the return. The law, however, knew In other person flow the returning officer. who was responsible for all the delay. It appeared the Mayor had entrusted the return to the Town-clerk, in accordance with the usual practice, and it was probable that the neglect arose solely from the hurry and confusion of business in the Town-clerk's office. Under these circumstances the Honourable Baronet was disposed to proceed no further in the matter, hoping that the notice already taken of the neglect would be deemed a sufficient caution. Lord ALTHORP concurred in the view taken by the Hon. Baronet, and hoped this would operate as a caution to returning officers to attend to their duties personally. On the motion of Sir G. CLERK, the order fur the fur ther attendance of the Mayor and Town•clerk was dis charded. Mr. ROBINSON postponed his motion respecting Newfoundland to Tuesday, Sept. IS. DUBLIN CITY ELECTION COMMITTEE. Mr. IL GORDON having risen to bring forward hi, motion to propose resolutions founded on the city of Dub lin Election Committe,, Mr. DENISON begged the Hon. ➢lember would cot press his motion on the consideration of the House that night. It might be a subject of importance, but could not he compared in point of public interest and import ance with the all-absorbing question of Parliamentary Reform ; they should endeavour to economize their time ; the time of that House was the property of the public, and should not be consumed upon subjects of minor importance, to the exclusion of others of deep interest to the country. The House should recollect that yesterday several motions of importance were deferred ; these were postponed while a question of greater importance to the country and to the whole world was pending ; the ques tion of finance last night occlsioned the postponement of the Sugar-refining Act,—a question of considerable im portance to those concerned in the sugar trade, besides other measures. He hoped i❑ consequence the Hon. Member would not press his motion, and thereby occupy the attention of the House with that measure to the ex clusion of other important matter. Mr. GORDON said he could not conceive any measure of greater importance than one which had reference to the privileges of that House.—(Loud cheers.) He thought he had already postponed it too long. He could not con sent to defer it any longer, and in making that declaration he felt it necessary to say, that he considered it a duty which he owed to those with whom he had communicated on the subject, to bring the question forward without any further delay. Ile should therefore bring it on, not withstanding the urgency of the question which was to be brought under consideration that night. He felt the delicacy of the position in which he was placed in ad. verting to the circumstances of this case : it was always a matter of peat difficulty to deal with a question of de linquency. In the observations, however, which he should consider it his duty to address to the House upon the subject, he would must anxiously avoid stating any thing which would not be fully borne out by the evidence which had been given before the Committee ; and he felt that course the more necessary on this occasion, as the question must, in some measure, assume a judicial cha racter. The charges which he should prefer against the p trties in this case lie would divide into two classes ; one of bribery and corruption, the other of undue influence. Before, however, he should bring forward the principal characters who had performed in this election drama, he thought it but right to say that the parties con cerned were greatly ben,fitted by the very able and ingenious advocacy of Mr. Serjeant O'Loghlen, when they were examined before the Committee ; for he (the Learned Set jeant) contrived to puzzle the witnesses so completely, between committee-rooms and tally-rooms (the locality of which it was very difficult to discover), that it would he an ingenious person who could discover who were most bewildered—the Committee or the wit nesses Mr. Hudson appeared to be the chief agent in the distribution of bribes. Mr. Jones also had some share in these transactions ; it did not appear, however, that he gave more than 20/. The great purse•bearers did not appear—they were not known. He hoped, how ever, that we should have no more bribery when the great measure of Reform should be carried. He would next call their attention to the receivers of the bribes; they were divided into two classes—the freemen and the freeholders. Between tl.ese classes there had always existed consi derable jealousy ; but both parties were equally open to the so't persuasion of the election principles. In referring to these parties lie would give the precedence to the free men. To induce these voters to come to the poll, dif ferent persons were appointed to canvass the seven' guilds : among these a person of the name of Gallagher was very active ; it appeared he was clerk to the corpora tion of joiners ; this man was introduced to a Counsellor Iludson, to whom he showed a list of persons whom he stated he could influence. He exhibited a list of these persons, and was paid for that list. Previous to corn. tnencing his canvass among the freemen it was thought ad visable that he should himself vote, and he slid accordingly vote for Perrin and Harty on the Monday following. In these transactions Mr. Hudson appeared to be the purse holder. Gallagher met a man of the name of Brice, wham he induced to vote, and paid him 4/. or 5/. On another occasion he gave 71. to a person named Edwards, to vote for the Reform candidates. This man was at work at the Phoenix Park, but being a voter, he was brought to Dublin. Before, however, lie would consent to go to the hustings, be required to be attended by an escort, anti refused to be brought to the hustings by any other person than Mr. Plunkett, the son of the Lord Chancellor of Ire- land. The reason he assigned was, that if he met Mr. Alder man Perrin, he would not be accountable for any other man he should vote. Mr. Perrin was one of the Com mittee of the other candidates, and a terror to the rats; but under the protection of Mr. Plunkett, this man was shielded from violence. The next person who received money from this man was Kurtland. There was also an other fieeman, one Chartman; he should like to see that man, who, though he was in London, was never brought before the Committee. Then there was Robinson, who was applied to in order to induce him to vote for the Reform candidate ; but Robinson was a man of high principle, and he declared stoutly that he would not sell his con science, not even for 51. His principles, however, did not stand the test. Kurtland, who was the agent employed to catch this voter, possessed a very insinuating and win ning manner of bringing freemen to his way of think ing : he holds up his hand and shows its contents; the attraction was too great for Robinson, he loses his public virtue, and becomes a Reformer.—(A laugh.) Many men besides Robinson changed sides, and became Reformers, now that the measure had become fashionable. Mr. O'Connell also appeared upon the stage. He would not say much of the Hon. and Learned Member. It appeared, however, that he was equally divided between the parties—be was with one party at one time, and with the other at another; in fact, he was looked upon by some as a spy. Having said so much of the freemen, he would next draw their attention to the freeholders. The House would recollect, that when the Bill for the emanci pation of the Catholics had passe], it was accompanied by another, by which the 40s. freeholders were disfran chised ; that did not, however, extend to cities : it was thought adviseable, on that occasion, to retain that class of vote's in towns as a counterpoise to the influence of the corporations. He should not assert any thing with refer-. ence to these men which would not be found in the evi dence. Of these voters John Grantham voted out of a piece of land which he represented not to be larger than the room in which he gave his evidence ; be held this land for about live or six years, and was to receive 21. ss. per annum for this land, which was paid him in one sum at the election, being the rent for five years, this he denomi nated having the hold in his hand. Mr. Berwick, Mr. Grattan's agent, was his tenant ; he received 101., and re turned 71. 15s. ; theme were several other voters of the same description, whose preference for the different candi dates was decided by their readiness to pay their rent. By reference to the evidence of Hicks, who was employed by Mm. Perrin to canvass the voters from Cold-blow-lane, to eighty or ninety of these men he gave 2/. each by the di rections of Mr. Hudson. Mr. Perrin and the Lord Mayor had been guilty of bribery by their agents : it was not his intention to propose any criminatory resolution respecting them. They had done wrong, and had already paid the penalty of their transgression. Ile had done with time first part of the question ; but this he would say, that he never contemplated such instances of bribery with any other feeling than that of disgust. He had been for twenty years a Member of that House, and had always opposed every species of jobbing. That system was, however, shortly to b e put an end to. Th e Noble Lord decl are d that he wo uld not govern the country by patronags, god had given suggested (when t h e in e time best proof of his sincerity by introducing the Reform Bill. It had been insinuated that he would impede the progress of that measure by bringing forward this mea sure ; but he was well convinced that the that te Billya land wrious ould elvat?fh trivialtlmem toin importance c i e f night after night) they shou:d sug:i_:r a case of such egre gious bribery and corruption to pass unnotiee(i. He was disposed to accelerate the progress of that measure ; but that feeling should not prevent him from endeavouring to enable those who enjoyed the elective franchise at present front exercising their privileges without being prejudiced by corrupt practices. Bribery was an evil of the greatest magnitude ; it was twice cursed,—it curseth him that gives, and him that takes.-._(A laugh.) Money got in that way never came to any good ; it was no profit whatever to those who received it. Ile was proud to say 'that Cricklade had reformed itself from its corrupt prac tices, and held out an excellent example , and he was well assured that if they had formed an arrondissement round other boroughs, as they had round that, it would have been attended with the m , st salutary effects. Cold blow-lane consisted of two acres, and on these two acres there were no less than 252 voters. Before he proceeded to the next part of his subject, he would read to the House the resolution which he proposed to submit re lative to the part of the case which lie bad now gone through. He should submit a resolution to this effect, " That it appears, in evidence before the Select Com mittee appointed to try and determine the merits of the petition of James Scarlett, David McCleary, and others, severally complaining of an undue election and return for the city of Dublin, that a practice of creating fictitious freeholds has been carried on to a great extent in the city and county of Dublin; that such prac tice has been supported, particularly at the late election by pe. jury ; that such practice is against the purity of elec tion, and a direct infraction of the law ; aro: that it is the duty of the law officers of the Crown to take immediwe measures for the punishment of those who have partici pated in such illegal practice." He now came to the other part of his subject, which regarded the undue influence that had been exercised at the late election for the city of Dublin. He must first, however, request that the clerk would read the resolutions to which the House had come on the 10th of November, 1779, and on the 10th of No vember, 1807.—[The clerk then read resolutions against any Minister or servant of the Crown using the power of his office in elections.] He confessed that he thought this part of the subject—the undue influence—the less impor tant of the tmo ; for there was no moral guilt in it, and he did not think it near so injurious to the purity of election as bribery, to which, however, all must admit that moral as well as legal guilt did attach. He considered, there fore, the bribery part of the case to be of paramount im portance. With regard to the undue influence, the Com mittee found themselves placed in rather an awkward po sition. The Committee were sworn to report upon the matter of the position, and the petition not only complained of undue influence, but the leading Counsel scarcely spoke of any thing else in his opening speech, having no notion, it was clear, that the bribery case would come out so strong. Under these circumstances, the Committee felt that they had no option, and that they must report with regard to the undue influence. The difficulty which the Committee felt resulted from the fact, that no Committee appointed under the Grenville Act had ever before reported respecting undue influence. The principal actors in the exercise of this undue influence were Captain Hart and Baron Twyll. He should confine his observations to these two gentlemen, beciuse he dis carded altogether the case of John Bassegiu, the Sergeant of die Battle-axe Guard and chief orator of the Guild of Barbers. It was quite clear that some persons had put a quiz upon this person. Captain Hart was acting Comp troller of the Household of the Lord Lieutenant. It might, indeed, be said, as he believed was true, that Capt. Hart was not appointed to that office until June, while the acts complained of took place before. It was known, however, that Capt tin Hart was to be Comptroller, and that gentleman, therefore, had quite as much influence as if be had really been appointed. He made this observa tion on account of what had been said of that unhappy re solution of the Committee—that certain individuals hold ing official situations in Ireland, or "considered to be connected with Irish Government," did, at the last elec tion for the city of Dublin, use undue influence. When that resolution was read, every body said, " Can anything be more vague than this? Considered to be connected with the Irish Government ! Did ever any Committee report so before?" If, however, Hon. Members would take the trouble to read the evidence, they would find that the Committee were perfectly justified in so wording their report. He ought also to add, that the Committee felt some doubt as to whether Baron Twyll was a person holding an official situation. Baron Twyll, however, was paid by the public. He would now proceed to call the attention of the House to the conduct of these two prin cipals in the exercise of the undue influence complained of. Captain Bart, it appeared, had applied to the trades men of the Castle, and if Captain Hart had confined his solicitations to this class of persons, he (Mr. Gordon) must say that he should be very unwilling to bring Capt. Hart's conduct before the House. A person in the situation of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland must necessarily have a certain degree of influence over the tradesmen he employed. He believed it was well known that in the city of London the circumstance of a person filling the office of the Lord Mayor at the time of an election would command him as many as 1,000 votes. He must, however, say, that at the late election in Dublin, this influence was exercised in the most clumsy way passible. Captain Hart proceeded to Mr. Long, who was a most important witness before the Committee. Mr. Long's evidence was this :—" Captain Hart said he came to me on the subject of the election : he wished to speak to me respecting it. I asked him what he had to say ? lie said that he had been directed to come to me by the Lord Lieutenant, and that hie Excellency had directed him to request my vote for the Reform candidates at the election. I asked, if I was to understand that lie came to me officially, and he said yes : I said I was sorry I could not comply with the request, inasmuch as I was very much interested for a particular friend of mine, who was one of the candidates, Mr. Shaw : he said that he was sorry that I was not able to do as required, inasmuch as, if I did not, he had to be the bearer of a disagreeable message, and he would rather be the bearer of an agreeable than a disagreeable one ; he said that he was ordered to tell me that if I did not vote as he required, I should be discontinued coach maker to his Excellency. I said I was sorry for it. asked him if I was to understand that I was thenceforward to be discontinued? He said yes, I was, and he took his departure, first having stated that it was not to me alone he was to go, but to go to all the tradespeople ; and he shaved me a list, which I did not read. He said it was a list of the tradespeople he was to go to, according to orders." Mr. Long further said, " I was dismissed from the time of Captain Hart's interview; that was previous to my voting." After this, Mr. Long was sent for by Sir John Byng, who appeared to have acted, as every body who knew Sir John Byng would have expected him to act, with great propriety. Sir John Byng appeared in the character of a peacemaker, declared his conviction that Captain Hart had mistaken his instructions, and said that he would speak to the Lord-Lieutenant upon the subject. " I was grateful," said Mr. Long, " and asked to be allowed to call again the following day. Sir John said he had seen Lord Anglesea on the subject ; he was glad to' tell me that Captain Hart had exceeded his instructions, and he said Lord Anglesea, fearing he might have been misunderstood in the directions he gave, took the precau tion of making a memorandum of the orders he had issued at the time of giving those orders; and he said, to show you that these orders were exceeded, he has given me a memorandum to show you,' and he handed me a paper. I read that paper twice." Now, he was sure that the Lord-Lieutenant had given this paper with the most proper views, and nothing could be more open and candid than such mode of proceeding. Sir John Byng said, on being asked before the Committee, " Can you say if there was any threat in it (the paper) ?" "As safely as a man can say, I think certainly not, for it was given me fur another purpose it was given to me to do away with any idea of a threat. That I can speak to as his intention of giving it me, and of my showing it to whomsoever I did. Whether I showed it to any other person than Mr. Long, Ido not know." In another part of his evidence, Sir John Byng said, " If there had been any thing like a threat in it, I would not have taken the paper." Now as this paper was lost, they could only proceed upon such evidence as they had been able to procure with regard to the contents of it. The difference that existed with re gard to it was the difference between the word " requests" and the word " expects ;" it being disputed whether the words of it were " Lord Anglesea requests," or " Lord Anglesea expects, that the several persons employed by him will vote," &c. But then Mr. Long said further, in his evidence, "In consequence of what occurred subse quently with Sir John Byng, I went to Captain Hart the next day, and said to him, ' I understand you have mis taken your hist; uctiont, and that I am not dismissed ?' lie said his recollection of his instructions was exactly as he communicated, end he lir,d received np orders to-reinstate " Have you ever been re-instated ?" " No, never. He said, he was positive he had communicated to me the orders lie had received." Henry Kempston, the glover, gave similar evidence to that of Mr. Long, with regard to the interference of Captain Hart. He would say no more about the tradesmen, but pass on to the transaction of Baron Twyll, and the two Police Magistrates. The story of Mr. Tyndul, one of these Magistrates, must, he thought, have made a deep impreasion upon all who had read it. Mr. Tyndal's evidence was this Baron Twyll said to me that lie sent to me to speak to me on the subject of the city of Dublin election ; that it was expected that gentle men holding official situations under Government should vote for the Reform candidates. I said to Baron Twyll that it was my anxious desire to obey any wishes or commands of the Government, but that I would beg to state to him the very embarrassing' situation in which I was placed with respect to the Dublin election. I stated to him that I had bee❑ recently elected to the situation I held by the Corpo ration of Dublin ; that they had given a very decided opi nion upon the subject of the election. I stated to him that Mr. Shaw, the Recorder, was a candidate, that he was my relative, arid the dearest friend I ha I ; that Sir Robert Shaw, the Recorder's father, was my early friend ; that I had served the offi ce o f Sh er iff w ith bhp t; b I had brought me forward in the Corporation, and!r it ii sisting rite in the situation I th en h e ll ; th a t my 'a 01 was to have remained neuter at this election, not ti 9 o l voted at all, and th a t I wou ld respect f u ll y re quot y lay a statem e nt o f m y case b e f ore hi s E xce ll e ncy ti' e rio Lieutenant, and I hoped I should be permitted to neuter, and not vote at all on the election. B o ° said he could not m ak e th a t a ppli cat i on , f or if MY 1,6 were acceded to, gentlemen similarly circumstanc e °, expect the same indulgence to be afforded to them• , he must say he thou g ht thi s a very h ar d an d a ver), case Alderman Studdart ed h , taken 3 thevtet'l) ei:liniaveellit t tertail r eerttl a e t: v °l4yein e at } I °op itpf:c.ll:f( T wvi resolutio bet stated, a greed to he hourn.n dealt _ appeared to have la fe l ahoy the tone than Mr. Tyndal, and to have observed, tha t , Whose f ra t been appointed by the Corporation and not by the ! A i th en , re 'h€ ment ; but to this it was answered—" Yes, but y - l o 1 , precis e two gentlemen had declared, if they had not been ti ii kr o t paid by the Government."—(Hear, and a laugh.) fore . : ne l O h tl e te r r ese? , vote otherwise, they should have voted for the M O , O l t h e fe STA form candidates. He thought it right, however, t i.il th e . a i tangs that neither of these gentlemen believed the Lord a t h e ' e ll'aect Hint would put into force those threats which werefa Hon. ousider to them ; but still they voted under the influence 0 0 a oio ,Gentle threats, one of them declaring, although he did 00 f. h e a g . i ntot tl have the threats would be executed, yet he was t cs ' d a to run the risk ; and the other, expressing the lik e t a h e h e _, a(l e opt lief, said, however, that lie did not like to make tbea of p:i.aeted riment.—(Hear, and laughter.) For his own P i a a r a lim e "leo to ta ke ! i it Lai ,4ed app was quite sure that the Lord Lieutenant would n ci i ; ta an f "• stat executed the threats that were held out, a ° , a t his c o whirl these gentlemen were worked upon only by 60' 4 t h ey ° h ot_ tnent apprehensions of what was most improbable syst e . But still they voted in consequence of those tbraits'e p rocee n d aiater the influence upon the election, therefore, was ti l - r 0 Hon. a!`' although a false impression had made that infloee at th e ca . r iend cessful. The last case to which he should call thei o , th at li la to th tion of the House was that of the eoal-meterfa Lo a ta tt l e ' Roo two former cases, Baron Twyll had communicated P ro , tv h i 4 ,and i other persons, or personally : but in this case he 's k ept _,ne hat letter to Mr. Oultman, from the Castle, requestings, th is s 'i l ear an Mr. Oultnnan would call upon him at the Castle. ai lith e jest this was important, because, iir the case of Mr. Fre i :a, C oos • tle s Isom o m clear ti d i eistin privatectirm La u d se bee o n f darnawonffitemiatlvpeeerrisaonl:tatner o d t a l o aro t i.id lv be hi f c o li r, d 8 1. la 'Stara, written from the official residence. The latter Wa s a dered as an official communication ; the former rni l a the „„ --s ' a l t° l -11 , intended as a private one. It appeared that the cool-°: g etbe a r aJect in were considerably affected by the Bill which the P i of the diatin e Government had introduced respecting coals. Tr i at nepa rat " fla id( lost much in consequence of that Bill, and they " 5 d tha t ht e and it into their heads that they were to have compennots!ai tio ns ts Hun. :a e a , wai . that loss. But there was also a certain duty wh' ° 11 been the province of the coal-meters to collect- . 4 4 i e t o t d i : r ee Lli re collected it under warrants from the Custom-hell:a) Islet ad' i wer e was necessary that he should mention this, in 0 '; t, oiiy oft fields the House might understand the- evidence. Wel l ' h olil mai ns • rju hlii time of the election the coal-meters of Dublin were 0, 0 et ch ' ti ned b ) meetings on the subject of their expected comae l ' ita a Osca r) : and it was under these circumstances that Mr. C/ u tia a the c ins; and who was inspector of the Dublin coal inetage, ha d ail ?ania i t) ", interview with Baron Twyll, and, at hie intervie sS i aba Jet to a toe Baron Twyll, the latter was represented as having t° ,,, , J" related was that they could have no hope of compensation if t",;', Ina i t at . " " not support the Government. " I mentioned,' la' did his ' l e i r o e pr i,ent intende Oultman, " that the meters did not wish to oPP ° l O O'. proposed . verrinient, as they were seeking compensation for , a ot, tlO O Whi for t situation, and the injury they might sustain. He ° , sl at t he fo rtt ch a tv ' if they opposed Government they could not eqe,. ° J aa Were i r ," l Government would grant them a favour. I said, I . 0 , ?tie k ,i; , n ° conceive it a favour, but they were more likely fa t r an' o ' e. od en ,"„ r " e a of justice. He repeated again that they could not -of holders i stor y that Government should support them unless th e i a i ported Government." The second interview bey" ,I l), :i n s a , h n er ( G i t ::::r e r rzl ' l Baron Twyll and Mr. Oultman took place in c onirg o r of the letter of the former. At that interview, Jr. 1 : 41 y-shil l ' . wh ' man sail that Baron Twyll said to him, " You will t i 'kn. r ii In s 1 lect, Mr. Oultman on the former meeting I held 4 '7,i t i'N tehi el e i t tu t threat to you." Now he thought this bad ; he a a i cii ntinet h ea , oo { like the expression of Baron Twyll, and he corileo r " titioa, he ", he thought it looked suspicious. However, th e a ~S l eave l to br a4 °l of the negotiation was, that a vast majority of t a e t a ! i ' a ine i n t h e n g, meters voted against the Government. Shortly I Y f ' n g at e „. ''' 1a i Vajesty• - their having so voted, the warrants under whic h o t t . r eahola, - 2' l° ' had collected the duty of which he had before sr, that poiilt uf Or were withdrawn. The witness Oultman clearly ia l d ia 'alde r , ac • „ a " 11;:gaer°:(litio the c , to convey by his evidence that these warrants Were '',‘ arid h e s ' il A r la l ul drawn in consequence of the votes which tb e . 0 ' s t ß'itist th e I meters had given. This appeared in the oplo o fo 1 , 5 11 t p oint e tb ril warrants from them. He, however, had no hesitati t il sV! 1.4.. 6 ,, , the coal-meters to be the cause of the withdrawa l , ~ t e reren ce to a t ev en i do. dotted resolution saying that he believed this opinion to be wholly ten et eke t ° a no,, and that it would be quite untrue to say that the 0 1 3 0 1 were withdrawn for any such reason. He was V it a( t was n o -t Go th e e 'oat that the warrants had been withdrawn because the la "rse i mp ment had thought, and very properly thought, thaiii collection ought to be made by the Custom-house , a°o' Withth the -" ' by irresponsible persons like these coal-meters. Re e d h at they Ire", posed that he had now stated enough to justify the 0' c 4d , hter p:: (1 1 tion which lie was about to propose. As this, how' a` i r iekla t ;," e n a new case,—the first case in which an Committee undera, l t lat eod b r i',„ COO Grenville Act had reported respecting undue influe";al ' l e 'et, and 4 - g fi lng should wish to add a few observations to the stater ° , io r iartlatittee , r, litlitletltill,tlit i had made. I Here the Hon. Member went into an aelkait the case of Lloyd, Bishop of Worcester, and Sir Job° e l° i: to 4 -t e'd f a n ' o o n th o e u i Y h i t eliti " of . th ington, in which case the House of Commons had ea r l o a resolution condemnatory of the interference of the jt il li al o p S r i a r y J i o n h g n t 's ha e t lec h t e i i on m ; a a je r s e t s y ol , u , t o io u n id fo b r e an pl a e d a d se r d ess t :o d t i i s c o e 1 ," )0 .1t not of Bishop from the office of Almoner to her Majes t ra t ii . " One in whir sotti Ra attended , prayer of which address was complied with, notwita'al t a, 4 ,! e ,a l though ing a remonstrance of the Lords; and a resolution traa q'to respect to statt.ojrneyii-eGehriaedraal alluded d ld t p o ro t s h ec is ut c e a a se lr. b L ec l a o u y s d e , then!, 0 a f.aaernment wi first in which the House of Commons had acted, a lt i } 7't with the it had passed many bold and blustering resolutioan , j ae a lt 6 4 %ii, r system, undue interference in elections. The House ha t a a S , t ai t n sa too, he tr very strong measures in that case, and so they " s ilaa r 5 41 7 Called upor in other cases. He would not, however, trouble th a s ii hr, t ta t nation with the details of those other cases, although he h e '‘,/ o ar l 'e that tt in his hared. In looking over those cases, he had e l I i b' en the that the gentlemen in opposition invariably prenn e O r ' i t guilty ( a decision upon them, while the Government and i° rid ' or a nd the rents as constantly attempted to get rid of them bY,:ri•S l , l a to below), wind. On the part of Government, either the Pa r (ti pr e l l question was moved, or a postponement for three i ea' I c e ; ' rav e to ta i months attempted. In fact, all the difficulty in t!t' e a ight a n ed 84 01 as th had resulted from the House not pursuing a livid, 13tr tee the s r a t ° the eo forward, arid honest course. He did not know Warilo'o,ted' toerefore,u the resolutions which the clerk had read were wi se : a ug ht op a for it 8 1, 0 proper resolutions; but he was quite sure that they - fl e k e y'se th at so art te ti either to be acted upon, or erased from the journals' 10 0 o of t ot f ort had begun by stating that he should propose no ren ° lit t[ a iest n alaaa , 1 4 ,, which was not borne out by evidence. He thoua j v: j f th en la nded p ro House would agree with him that the evidence d i d a/ 11 00, °Ppo a i g . , I , out the fact that Captain Hart and Baron Twyll bad' 4 5 ti Friend at, improper influence at the late election for the ro e; th al , ° . 4 lit a la a Dublin. The only other resolution he should Y oi r Ao ae he aer would he one to that effect. It mattered not to b i , l e Si i ' hs ti i -- t a ttill, Y Z to the House, whether that influence was or was Inf , his eti o no w cised by order of the Lord Lieutenant, for in ei t ", e e r, an l o a c e so mo the influence that had been exercised came within ° pe r' . A v e 4e hiev. ti , i ` o lieus of the resolution of the House. It was the ie oir S o t i t lea l tY a ttolu s i oa of office which Captain Hart and Baron Twyll ba f ost 'la to . ' u pon al cised. He should therefore merely propose a re'd, 1j °l l!),„ 4 °eli ge „, stating that such influence had been unduly exerci se hi ; a.) hi s lties-. wii trusted that nothing had fallen from him in wha t t o a s e , had t h e atated to the Ilouse which savoured of disrespee t eo pt Noble Lord who filled the office of Lord Li pf e 11 1 4 ( 1 i ,:e ar, ace() Ireland. He, in common with the world, had the r y ° l .j i l)4 t: ,°°, that foundest admiration of Lord Anglesea's mill ti i a°, iltre o '' P'aced, lents, and lie fully approved of the policy .° la h is aeo c e of an Anglesea's administration in Ireland. Let hi ° e Q uiltof ( sag red`{ dr / P old t t not be so far misunderstood as to be r artai e ll co to , he gi ve to mean, when he complained of the ju te ; l' , Vi'h. I nR up of this Government in the Dublin electia / 1 0 0'; :\Vh i a t ! is y our other Governments had not exercised similar iesai t, a'ae fro loterest 1 He believed that other Governments had eXer ° ! t eal; ' r oi s a 1 101 ,7 1 it?" same influence, and a very lamentable fact '.'rat` et?'' ',it?" a for it ts as in vain to complain of juries and rn i " 0, e 14 ,4 t a a"td t o in Ireland being influenced by important motive s ' o rl e iot 4 11 ) , a n ndal e , , such an example was set them in the highes t (1 0 - erc .,ol . (Ch n Your fr What would be the use of the Reform Bill if the b , f i d il lei ally ers and ia of such influence were to be tolerated? Th e ° ,,a °,, tr At oee lvith the and sensible course was fur the House to act ara iti O li a ' 1 , 1 ltho tai 4 ren rao resolution of 1772, or to erase it from tlaeir i'gr7tar ad, ta ' t ' l led 7 that ing that there nest he the exercise of such influx bale ad' j tet °l . lgh o v 'vas that therefore they would not deceive the P ° 4o oo io as ees la ri v arious i longer by pretending that the influence was oh:1 6 , ca s 01 ) 1 ti ns to a sin g, be nay criminal. They made a law which disqualilli,e4:lo44,,, pe n ai iio P h ara te ft and excise-officers from voting at elections; a a o f tia th e ler a to,, ltad a should like to know, were the higher dependent! ? il'iatait4isli r „ can vernments allowed to retain the elective tranel''' e g° i a • bu t ''oaerri Hoy ri 4 0, t sl at t should be glad to see a Bill introduced into that wer ej p li ght fi rst at taw qualifying all pew!, who held office, and 1% 1 ° 1,a... A V a t A 'Pt. to be movable at pleasure, from voting at electio.ae J aara o ti o " s lr. 4‘. which should put Secretaries of State and E7aLi s iot }ro i l, : hi s a r eso lltS a upon the same footing in this respe. t. He (ill dig' of s r ha t !iot a utioe, how the Government would meet these resolutio gent,thlittlit, ; `tal t i ae Proboaly they would, like their predecessors, t u r)a. t b ° s o: ol a t , la as , to : his p i f them by a side-wind ; but he hoped he slio , o rsi au ti ' o c!te re ' s hat ai n e Y as pi support of the House to the very moderate re 11°, 0 01 414,,p e -- -, which he was about to propose. He entreated r t i a viieg r f,)_ k i r e ttas of there to agree to that resolution for the sake of the P a tl e, alria i • 1-11 1 solaa the House, for the sake of the purity of electloaltdial atti tai °Ve rt rt (da the sake of proving to the. paorast and lirmibleic to Y di a rt ai :a a oti 'rEtent in the country that they' would not 'llllo' arty s frothed titi v 'y a t i v , her vent him, by intimidation or other illegal Inel i D ic i i freeara'ttai,i.ary Alai s t free exercise of the most glorious privilege wi ', ea 4 1 t Li a r s :illy i t w dossessed. He would not detain the House far e : , T P resolution which he had now to propose wire this