The Sun. — London, England, 1831-09-17 00:00:00

',PIM OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, There are no people in the world more disposed ( 10 respect whatever assumes the shape of law than the.peo . plilif Erifitand, , and therefore we are sure nothing but the grosteSt departure from the essen kipl principles of justiCe and equity, could have led e inhabitants - of_ the populous parish of Maryle bone to refuse to pay the rates which oppression, in the shape of a self-elected vestry, has persisted in imposing on them. The truth is, the people throughout the metropolis and its neighbourhood (and indeed we may say most populous places) have had their patience exhausted by incessant demands on their purse, not for legitimate expenditure on ob jects necessary to the welfare and order of the re spective parishes, but for the expenditure for all mariner of jobs, among the most common of which is the jobbing in new churches. In the different self-elected vestries there are several honourable and respectable names, but these names are mere blinds. Thus, for instance, the Judges are among the select vestry of St. Giles and St. George, Bloomsbury; though we dare to say no Judge ever attended a vestry meeting. One or two thick-and-thin men generally do all the work, and they have the most powerful mceives for attending to business, merely, the distributing the money in jobs among their own friends and connections. The distress oc casioned by taxes to Government is bad enough ; but men would bear this as an inevitable evil. They lose, however, all patience when they see the beds taken from under poor men, struggling to keep their heads above water, to pay heavy tradesmen's bills for furnishing new churches and other unnecessary branches of local taxation. Local taxation by irre sponsible individuals, who have had interest enough to carry, by the most corrupt means, Bills through Parliament, is the great curse of this country. The manner in which this curse creeps on was well illus trated by a Correspondent, in giving an account of the new District Church in the parish of Islington. The people within the district set apart for the new church, are entirely at the mercy of a "select vestry, appointed, defaelo, by the vicar and his church warden ; for, of course, . the Bishop of London, the Lord Chancellor, and the Commissioners can know nothing of the parishioners themselves, and therefore the vicar and his churchwarden de termine the whole. The people of Marylebone have, it appears, fairly lost patience; and when we consider the daring disregard of all decency manifested. in that parish, we cannot blame them An attempt was made yesterday to force a sale at Marlborough-street ; but - the respectable auctioneer, on understanding the nature of the business, deter mined to have nothing to do with it. An appeal was made to the honour of the Hebrew nation, and they determined to keep aloof. We have no doubt that public opinion, now that it has been directed in this powerful manner against the organized op pression to which the people of Marylebone are sub ject, will deter all men from touching a piece of goods belonging to an inhabitant of Marylebone taken under distress for Select Vestry rates ; and it will be deemed as disgraceful to invade a man's pro perty under such circumstances as to he caught in an unnatural offence. The conduct of the inhabi. tants of Marylebone will, we trust, be a warning to those who wish to set the public feeling at defiance not to draw the bow too tight. When those in power disregard justice, those subject to power are but too apt to forget obedience. Why will the self-elected Vestry of Marylebone compel the whole community to cry out shame on their proceedings ? Let them resign their usurped power, and allow those who pay to have some controul - over the expenditure, and all will yet be right. We promise them that they will find they have much mistaken the charac ter of the people of England, if they think they wiil tamely submit to be plundered for ever as they nave been plundered for years past.—Morn. Cbron. lo another column will be found a copy of a re quisition to the Lord Mayor, which has already re ceived many signatures, calling on his Lordship to permit his nomination for re-election to the Civic Chair on Michaelmas-day next. From what we learn, the requisition cannot fail to be signed by two or three thousand of the Livery; in the course of a week. The able and active exertions of his Lordship in the cause of Reform have determined his fellow-citizens of the Livery (to whom, in other respects, his conduct in office has given great satin faction) to mark in this manner the deep interest e .ey take in the measure to which England will owe i,s regeneration. It becomes Englishmen at a crisis I ke the present to take every opportunity of identi. f ing themselves with the question, which has such a formidable opposition to encounter from quarters interested in the perpetuation of corruption. The Livery of London will do both themseivez and the Lord Mayor high honour, by the re-election of his Lordship.—Morning Chronicle. When the House was in a Committee last night on the Public Works' (Ireland) Bill, Mr. Goulburri had the modesty to wish the Government to be guided in their nomination of men to conduct the public business by his (disinterested, of course) re commendation. " The improvements," be said, " promised by the Government were neither more nor less than the turning-out one set of Commis stoners to make way for another. He thought that the claens of a man like )11.. Payne, whose abilities were acknowledged, and who had been thirty-three years a servant of the public, should not be passed over." Mr. Rice and Mr. Stanley defended the Irish Government, and contended that the appoint ments, as respected tire activity and intelligence of Th e p ar tire, were highly creditable. But Mr. George Dawson returned to the tender subject of " die placing individuals, one of whom had been thirty. three years and the other sixteen in their situation." Mr. Hume stated, what is but too true, that the Government have displaced far tee few individuals; and it would be well if they could as easily justify themselves for retaining in office, or naming to office, persons politically opposed to them, as for displacing them. Mr. Hume was foolishly interrupted by some Member exclaiming, " That s in the Morning Chronicle !" as if writers iii Newspapers did not naturally occupy themselves with matters of general interest ; and as if a Member of Parliament were bound to exhibit the frivolous fastidiousness of ab staining from topics, because the Preea bad already adverted to them ; or the weakness of appearing to reject what he thought sensible, because his own views happened to concur with those of another. There are times when parties in a country appear to acknowledge many principles in common, and to have no great difference of opinion as to the tries sures to be pursued. But there are other times when men are toto cal() opposed to each other. After the war of 1194 was entered on, to put doon revolu tionary opinions on the Continent, and to resist all Reform at home, a most tremendous system of pro ecription was set on foot in this country. The word then was given from on high, not only to exclude from offices of all kinds men suspected of liberal opinions, but to combine against and injure them in their private business. Poor Burns, who never attained higher proßlotior. under Government than being an Exciseman, with difficul t y retained his office, information of his liberal sent merits having been given to the Board of Ex cise, who authorised a superior officer to inquire into his conduct. The poet, in his private corn. mon-place hook, observes, " Whatever might he my sentiments of republics, ancient or modern, as to Britain I ever abjured the idea. A Constitution, which in its original principles, experience has proved to be every way fitted for our happiness, it would be insanity to abandon for an untried, vi sionary theory." In vain lie wrote loyal ballads, summoning his fellow-countrymen to arm to repel threatened invasion. He was told by his superior e (in &lice) that if he wished to eat the bread of Government, his busines s was " to act, and not to think." Longafter thisperiod the proscription agams men who had even allowed an unguarded expression to eicape them continued in force. The justification offered for these harsh measures was, that the exi gency demanded diem, and that it was necessary tiosertiment should be ter ved by none who did not share their views. We are far from justifying the tyrannical measures of the Pitt Administration; but we say, that at this momen t, p ar ti es are as muc h op posed to each other as parties can be ; that the one wishes no less than to destroy boroughwortgering, and to rescue the people from the twigs of the oli garchy, by whom they have been oppressed and pillaged in the most scandalous manner; the others wish to perpetuate the corruption ; and, if they were to suc ceed in their object, they would trample on Mini sters and their supporters, and let loose on a de. voted country instruments filled with the fullest hatred of those who wished to restore to the people their rights. At such a time he who is not with us is against us, and Government cannot dispense with the energy derived from the devolving of their powers into hands devoted to the good cause. No man can make bricks without straw—no man can cut blocks with razors—no man can be heartily served by the enemy of his cause. In Cobbeti's Register of this day there are some curious observa tions on the subject to which we are alluding : " SURE DESTRUCTION OF THE PRESENT MINISTRY. " This sure destruction will come from the very cause which greatly tended to produce the destruction of the Whig Ministry in the year 1807 ; namely, by keeping in office, and by keeping, as Lord Lieutenants and Magis trates, the very same persons that had been in office, and that had ruled the counties, under the bitter opponents of the Whigs. I remember well a conversation with Mr. Wind ham on this vet y subject, just after the new Ministry was formed ; and I have mentioned this conversation in print, though I do not now exactly recollect where, long since that time. Nor perceiving that the new Ministers meant to make any changes in the subaltern offices, or in the county powers, I told Mr. Windham, that the Ministry would not last many months. I remember that I put it to him as a criterion Do you intend to turn Freeling out of the Post-office, and to put one of your own parti zans in his stea4?' I-did not select Freeling as being more objectionable than any other ; except that he had monstrous power, having the selecting of Post-masters all over the kingdom, who were handy men in every town in every considerable village, and who corresponded with Win upon all matters. At one time I knew that they had instructions to make observations with regard to men's politics, and to communicate the result of thew. I, there fore, chose Freeling as a criterion. His answer was, that it could not be expected that Lord Grenville, who had been in office along with Pitt, would consent to turn out the partizans of Pitt, they being as much his partizans as the partizans of Pitt. ' Oh, said I, that is it, is it? then you do not remain in power but a very short time.' " There was, in this case, some apology for not dis placing the partisans of the predecessors ; because Lord Grenville was, in fact, the master of the whole Ministry, and it was nothing but a mongrel thing in grafting Qv- Whigs upon the Pittites. At that same time, a very well known and most faithful adherent of Fox begged me to go to Mr. Fox to urge upon him the necessity of clearing out the offices. I dial so, but his answer, though his manner was very obliging, amounted to an acknowledg ment of the impossibility of doing the thing, without at all differing with me in opinion as to the justice or the po licy of it, which I could urge with the more force because I had already declared that I would in no shape or manner or under any colour, have any thing for myself. When found this to be the state of the case, I regarded the Mi nistry as doomed to fall after a very short life. " But there is no apology now. There is no account. ing for the present conduct of Lord Grey and his friends, upon any other ground than that of supposing them men wholly destitute of tnorat courage, or of political foresight. Uio this subject I perceive an article in the Morning Chronicle, of the 14th instant, most ably written, and ,ontaining arguments which, if they be unavailing with Lord Grey, will serve as grounds of his hitter repentance when he shall be turned out of office, as he will be, if he •urn a deaf ear to this call, and that, too, without one single mark of public regret. It is, in justice, amount ing to an abomination, that the half-life partizans of Lord Grey should have, with justice, to make these complaints; hut, the complaints do not stop with them ; the complaints ire general; it is the people that complain oa this score: rhey see a change in the Alinistry : they see a change at Whitehall, or at least they hear of it; but they see nn change in the counties and in the towns: they feel themselves under the same domination under which they have been writhing for half a century; and this would have called forth most loud and hitter complaints long before now, had not the Reform Bill inspired them with hope. If the ,me band is to press upon them that has been pressing upon them for half a century, of what use to them is the change in the Ministry? That which takes place up at • Lunnun' they only hear of : that which does not take place in their several vicinages they feel the want of. Whether Lord Grey will see the only course of safety that he has is more than I can say ; but if he mean not soon to retire from the Ministry without one sigh of regret being uttered for his rejection, let him still retain all the subal terns in place, and leave the counties and the towns in those hands in which they now are. If he mean to keep his place, and to enjsy the fair fruits of this beginning of his power, he must make clear work ; and this is my un alterable opinion." With respect to Ireland, it would appear that the Orange party suppose the power of Ministers doe; not extend to the removing even of a porter. Every man in office considers himself there to have a vested interest, not to he shaken by Ministers, and which places him beyond their influence. A precious Go vernment that must be which every police officer can brave with impunity. Let us hear the Dublin Eve ning Post : " The Irish public, as well as the Irish Government, .hou!d fed obliged to tic Editor of the Morning Chro nicle for the manly remonstrance which he has urged on the subject of Irish patronage. Ireland, it is needless to remark, is much more anomalously circumstanced in re izard to pastier than Scotland. The Whigs and the Tories of Scotland are, po doubt, sufficiently bitter enemies; and if we take Blackwood:4 .IJagazinc, as we suppose we . - ould be juetitied in doing, as au evidence of tie temper of the latter, there appears to be no lack of uncharitable ❑ess, malice, rind vituperation in what we might call the Iligh Church party, if we did not recollect that the Scotch is the Low and Cheap .Church. But in Scotland this warfare is confined to the press. It wears, too, however violent the phrase, the air of discussion and argument. It is a contest; apparently about principles. The parties du not come, except 00 tare and distant occasions, into ani mal collision. Few of them are vested with an executive, and nor-re of them with a dominating power. It is, in short, a struggle of parties in Scotland, and not the con tention of a faction, as in Ireland, against a population. Hence, then, there is less mischief in bestowing a place upon a Tory in Scotland, than clothing an Orangeman in Ireland with authority. The Tory Writer to the Signet, though an rr4worthy and ungrateful appointment we readily admit, may be preferred to office without doing much injury to the prf , lic, although the circumstance of his ap pointment stray be more injurious to the Administration than a similar appointment in Ireland. Such an appoint ment, at the preseat juncture in this country, would prove dike mischievous to the country and to the Government. For in Ireland, official persons do tuA consider themselves merely as officers, but as politicians. Every day furnishes a proof of this assertion. Lord Farnham's steward, Cap tain Graham, bepame, in his capacity of yeoman, a par tisan, and sixteen innocent persons were slain accordingly. "the police of Castlepollard considero themselves as poli deal characters, and proved their independence by spilling the blood of men and women in the streets like water. The Sub-Sheriffs, it is uotor:ous, look upon themselves as politicians ; and when party trials, as those of Castle pollard and Newtownbat ry are called, pack the panels as a matter of count. It is, therefore, of the utmost mo ment, that persons unstaiti2d in character and clear from factious imputations should be chosen for justiciary and and executive functions in Ireland. If possible (and it is very hard, we admit) they should possess the confidenee of the Irish people. But though it be difficult to win their confidence to the immediate functionaries with whom they coma in contact, yet the thing has happened. " The soldiers of the King are popular—the officers of the army are regarded as the protectors of the people, and in spite of all the efforts which were made by the Ultras of both parties, the Lieutenant of the King is beloved. Nay, there we instances in which the police themselves are tar front being unpopular s and we know an instance of a police Magistrate, Major Yokes, of Limerick, who was the immediate instrument of bringing more men to punish ment than any oth4: individual in Ireland, and yet he is extremely popular among the lower orders in the county of Limerick, and on the borders of Clare and Tipperary'. " It cannot be denied, however, that the reverse of this is the case generally ; and as the police and yeomanry, constables and captains, have hitherto escaped with impu nity, roust not affect wonder at the consequences. And 'the his rouestt;ons t o b f e a c s ( e i, i w iL e r hn i t ive aiexecutived discretionary hen they choose not only to execute the law, but to in d when, (miiiar fo i s o h e o i f r own epr e srseisopoo,n the i thlaw ey rake, e t t i t oo !, e a o r t to their own hands. " Now a few judicious example,, a few necessary d e9 titutions'.—as the French called th em , wou ld work won-- drys in the way of tranquillizing - Ireland. The Police Magistrates of Dublin (many of them) furnished, on a late occasion, an opportunity to Ministers for the use of the pruning knife, in the application of which they would be seconded by the support even of the leader of their political antagonists. Sir Robert Peel. It was as odious to the people as it was insulting- to the Government to witness the Sti pendiary Magistrates voting for the - enemies of the Admi nistration, and banding together with a view of returning men whose avowed and honestly declared object it was to achieve the meal of the Marquis of Anglesea from the Lieutenancy of Ireland. The example given on this occa sion to the Orangeists of Ireland, and which was given with impunity, would prove, we have not the least doubt, highly detrimental, but for the hint given in the House of Com mons by Sir Robert Peel. But surely the Government should not depend upon the reluctant aid of an enemy. It had the power in its own hands ; and though we can ap preciate the magnanimity which declined to exercise that power, we must yet be permitted to lament its consequences. Why should Major Wilson, for example, be allowed to assist at the uproarious festival celebrating the triumph of Lord Grey's enemies—join in all the toasts and denuncia tions, and receive, through the hands of that Ministry, his pay for services which there are five humlr — ed si i l n en l tl r y ela at n :l l quite as capable of rend e ring as h e i s ?—No--these thi ngs must be changed. Th e c h ange i s com ing slowly—but itis coming." We wish riot to embarrass the Government, and, in truth, our remarks are not calculated to embarrass them. A crisis is approaching for which Ministers must prove themselves equal. No man can serve two masters—God and the Devil ; and every Anti- Reformer must hate the Ministry of Earl Grey, and wish to destroy it with all his heart and soul,— Morning Chronicle. When the sophist argued that there was no such thing as motion, his antagonist only replied by walk ing about the room, and pointing to others who walked. Such now may be our course. We have only to point to the busy and ardent movements of the people in city and country, as a reply to those who asserted that there was no interest felt for the success of the Bill. To-day a requisition, yet more numerously signed than the last, will be presented to the Lord Mayor for the meeting of the merchants arid bankers, and Wednesday probably may be the day fixed. Gentlemen out on spotting parties, if within a practicable distance, are ready and anxious to a. tend. There will be no lack of auditors and speakers, even at this time of the year, in the middle of the month of September. Look also at Kent : the county is up. From Kent the lightning will flash over the northern counties, and one universal shock will electrify the whole nation. There are Tory Peers in Kent : with whom do they hold intercourse, or in what holes anti corners do they lie hid, or where are their eyes, their ears, that they cannot discern the signs of the tempest ? We knew the people of England, and did well predict that our appeal would rouse them. The proposed dinner by the Members of the House of Commons to Lord Althorp and Lord John Russell is, perhaps, a still more striking proof of the earnest feeling of the Reformers. The subscribers to the invitation " are anxious to mark their approbation of the conduct of these Noble Lords during the arduous duty in which they have been engaged in cal rying the Reform Bill through the House." Up wards of three hundred Members of the 'House of Commons have already signed the invitation. So splendid will be the introduction of that Bill to the Upper House, through which, in spite of all tnisre presentations, we now begin to hail its happy pas sage. On this_ point we will now venture a ew mare specific remarks. If we see a traveller hastening on thoughtlessly by a road of which he suspects not the issue, and we humanely announce to him that there is a precipice in his way, what sort of biped must he be to turn upon us with some such apOstrophe as this,—" Do you want to frighten me, you saucy fellow ? Do you suppose I'll be stopped by intimidation?" Thus it fares with disinterested and honest . political ad visers. They state facts, and express opinions; and if they predict that from a certain course of policy danger will ensue to those who adopt it, their facts are not rebutted, their opinions not canvassed, but they are charged unceremoniously with a wish to intimidate by inspiring those to whom they addrss themselves with base and pusillanimous fears. One word upon that most foolish and childish slander, viz., that it is the purpose of the Times to " bully the House of Lords." Now, what are our means of intimidation ? Wherewith can we bully a Member of Parliament ? By words? But if the words contain no wisdom, what possible effect can they produce beyond that of heaping contempt upon the party who employs them ? We have endea voured, it is true, to convince Noble Peers that they ought to support the Reform Bill; and we have pursued that important object by two seta ral methods :-1. We have reasoned on the merits of the Bill itself. 2. We have stated broadly and un equivocally, that the English nation was so satisfied of those merits, and so eager to see the Bill passed into a law,—so wedded to it, and impassioned on the subject of it,—as to render a public convulsion, growing out of the most deadly indignation, an almost certain consequence of an overthrow of that national measure. But the only fair or honest ques tion for any Member of Parliament to ask would be " Are such representations of the public feeling correct or otherwise ?" Even if incorrect in the opinion of some, the second question for a candid mind to ask would be—" Are such views of what may follow from the failure of the Bill, those which disinterested men may conscientiously entertain, supposing them even to be biassed by strong preju dices in favour of Reform ?" If our judgment be wrong, provided it be our judgment, •we are bound, as honest journalists, to declare it; and he will perform a public service who proves its fallacy by evidence or reason. But if, in the actual state of the country there be really matter of alarm for the Peers, in case of their throwing out Reform— or if, according to the best estimate that we can frame of the predominant spirit of Englishmen at this moment, there be ground for apprehending risk, as the consequence of rejecting it—is that fault ours, we ask? When the Catholic Bill was in constant agitation, and when, besides the palpable justice of the case, arguments drawn from expe diency were had recourse to as additional grounds for introducing it, what was the strongest, and most decisive of such arguments ? Nothing less than that Ireland would never rest until she carrir d it, and that a civil war would be the all but immediate consequence of refusing. We were met by the same miserable attack upon our motives as we now are—" What, will you bully us ?" was echoed through every Orange drawing-room in both islands ; and meannesses, weaknesses, stu pidity, and so forth, filled the war-whoop of the " Church in danger" faction, even to that hour when the Duke of Wellington took up the argument ' on the " necessity of avoiding civil war," as one main inducement to his wise and equitable measure, The Duke of Wellington afraid yes, afraid, but n ot frightened,—fearing nought for himself, but for his country every thing, and admitting only, by his straightforward and invincible logic, that the main tenance of the public peace is an object worth ar,y, however extensive, sacrifice of theoretical opinion. If the Tory-lord outcry mean any thing, it is this — that, no matter what may be the risks or calamities likely to result from a given line of policy, those who argue against its adoption must abstain reli giously from every reference to those disastrous re sults,' whether affecting individuals or classes, lest they may be accused of trying to intimidate their opponents ! Why, if such be the rule of contro versy, what a pretty thing a Parliamentary discus sion will become from this time forward ! It follows, of course, that the strongest arguments are those which must be most scrupulously abandoned, and that the blindest and most ignorant blockheads are those whose errors must be held in the most holy reverence I It follows, moreover, that for fear the House of Lords should be open to any sounder or more respectable influence than that exercised over it by the borough -conservative school, their Lordships are to be left in darkness as to the real state of England, and facts as conspicuous as the mid-day sun are to be kept out of sight for con- science sake, lest the infusion of same little know ledge into their Lordships' minds might by possibi lity have the effect of deterring them front the grossest violation of their duties! But away with all such miserable, despicable drivelling, as this of the Tories and their Press. The country must be exhibited in her genuine colours. The merits of the question cannot be separated from a faithful repre sentation of the facts which bear upon it. Those facts (and not the mere words expressing them) con stitute the obvious, the prominent reality of the danger, and therefore contain within them the essen tial principle of intimidation. If, then, some Peer, jealous of his own fame, and of the independence of his order, requires a victim to the privileges of their illustrious House, let him call to the bar, not the editor of this or that newspaper,—not the mere minister of a mighty power, let him summon her at whose nod the Press must live cr perish—Truth herself, in her own dread person. She is the public enemy of Toryism, and its rightful prey. She, Truth, is, in this case, the libeller,—she, the only " bully."—Times. It is impossible that our readers can have passed over without something even more than admiration, the noble and decisive address of the Bavarians to their King, on behalf of the illustrious Poles. Such an appeal, at such a time, fills the mind not with sympathy alone, but with matter for profound re flection. If this be the spirit which prevails upon the Continent—and the Bavarians assure us that it is—and the act of soliciting their King on such a subject, would prove it if their words did not— , Russia may indeed bid adieu to her dominion over Poland, and P. ussia had best renounce at once her schemes of treacherous assistance to the Autocrat, We regard this document, coming from Rhenish Bavaria, as a warning to the Court of Berlin how it shall behave towards the Rhenish provinces of Prussia. If the Bavarians of the Rhine demand openly from their Sovereign a direct alliance with Poland, will the Rhenish Prussians permit their King to be her open enemy ? Things are fast ri pening to their consummation.— Times. We had scarcely written this paragraph, when we received the following communication, which, with great pain, we lay before our readers:— " Official intelligence was received at Berlin en the 11th instant of the capitulation of the city of Warsaw on the 7th, at six p.m., after two days bloody fighting in the neighbourhood. during which the Russians carried by assault all the intrencliments which had bee❑ raised to protect the city. " The Polish army, followed by the Diet and the Diem. bets of the Government, retired through Praga on the night of the 7th ; and early on the Bth the Russian army entered, maintaining perfect order. Persons and pro perty were respected ; but the other terms of the capitu lation were not known. " The Poles were retiring upon Modlin and Plock, where it was supposed they would make an effort to main tsin themselves." All, however, is not lost : the city is taken ; but Polish courage, Polish revenge, and the un quenchable hatred of the Poles to their barbarous conquerors, remain as powerful as ever : the Poles may—they will, we doubt not yet rally : " Una salus victia nullam sperare salutem."— Times.) The practice of tormenting Ministers with ques tions upon every rumour and surmise which occurs on the subject of our foreign relations, if not ori ginatieg in the mere spirit of faction (which we would fain hope is not the case), must, at any rate, he the result of an extraordinary degree of igno rance, or of indifference to the true interests of the country. We are ourselves naturally friends to publicity; but we are not quite prepared for that mode of carrying on public business which would place the Court Newsman as a permanent attendant on every meeting of the Cabinet Council; which might just as well be tile case if the appetite of cer tain persons for knowing every thing is to be in dulged. And there is one point, especially, which ought not to be lost sight of upon the subject, which is this—that in most of these instances the mischief is done as effectually by the questions be ing asked as if the most secret deliberations of the Government were laid open to public view. The very refusal to give an answer carries with it an evil little short of what disclosure would produce; for either silence is taken to imply a , sent, or it is twisted by the ingenuity of the questioner and his adherents into various meanings, most of them op posite to the truth, and often in their eff e ct most injurious to the pending negociations, as well as to the character and good understanding of the country :with foreign Cour ts.—Morning Herald. i War has been described to be the natural state of man. It certainly has been the actual state of nations time out of mind. Knowledge, however, and its handmaid, experience, have wrought a great change in the opinion of the world upon this sub ject ; and in no part of the world has that change been more apparent than in England herself, though she came out of the long-protracted struggle of Europe (to use an expression of Bonaparte) covered with glory. But England came out of the struggle covered with something else besides glory. She came out of it covered with a load of debt; and as peace is the settling day, when the accounts of victory must be wound up, she could no longer shut her eyes to the consequences which glared be fore her in the starving countenances of a large portion of an industrious population plunged by taxation, the work of war and the legacy of military fame, into the depth of distress. England has, there fore, but too good reason to know that war is an ex pensive and ruinous game; that its effects are to be estimated, not by the mere consideration of pounds, shillings, and pence, but by the prospect of a mass of misery which defies all human calcu lation. Still, however, there art cases in which a pacific policy—the only true wisdom of nations— ought not to be carried too far. Few Governments, in the present state of Europe, can be expected to sympathise much with the heroes of Warsaw, but the people of all countries are iii their favour; and it must be acknowledged that the people of other countries have done more to express that feeling than our own. The Address of the inhabitants of Rhenish Bavaria to their King, which our readers will find i n another column, furnishes the most re cent instance of this. The document is a model of manly and generous eloquence ; it furnishes a strik ing contrast to the technical jargon of manifestoes and protocols. Whatever effect it may produce in other respects, it will operate as a warning to the tyrant whose acts it denounces. 'What a spirit his proceedings have created in Europe 1 and, if it be true that our Ministry and that of France have as sumed the tone which became them in their nego ciations, it will come in aid of their remonstrances with a power which must be taught to fear, before it can feel. If the Autocrat be nor wholly insen sible to the signs of the times, he will recognise in this burst of popular indignation and defiance, a symptom more awful and alarming than any noti fications announced in diplomatic form. He will recognise in it the spontaneous voice of nature roused ut the violation of her laws, and breaking through every restraint which Kings and Govern ments would impose upon it, to vindicate its own cause and character, in the language of unsophisti cated reproof. We cannot think that infatuatio n itself will prove insensible to the lesson implied in such a feeling. Though friends of peace ourselves, and wishing for its preservation at any sacrifice save that of character, we confess it would have pleased us more if our own population had manifested some of the ardour which the Bavarians have so spiritedly shown. It may be that we have more confidence in our Government than some of the Continental people have in theirs. If so, we hope that at the proper time it will appear such confidence was not m isplaced. We have no doubt but they are anx i ous fortlieP Poles, and expect, and will require to be sa tisfied that every thing has been done on the part of this country to avert the fate with which they are threatened. Time alone can show how far that c ourse has been pursued or neglected; but Ito M ; - sister, as we can conceive, can have so far mistaken the national bias upon this great question as to ex pect that he will find the anxiety to avJid even War itself a satisfactory excuse for the omission of any step which might be necessary to rescue a brave people from extermination.—/Wor a i ng Herald. The recent trials at the Old Bailey Sessions of James Robinson, for robbing his employers, Messrs. East and Co., of goods to a great amount, were strikingly illustrative of the working of our criminal laws, and furnish a practical commentary upon Lord Brougham's lecture to a Jurymen on the nature and obligation of the Jurors' oath. The prisoner was first tried on an indictment charging him with having stolen goods to the value of 1,000/. The evidence went to show that, if he stole goods to any amount of the property of his employers, he stole to the value of, at least, several hundred pounds. It was proved, indeed, that property of the value of 3001., which he had feloniously abstracted from the pre mises of Messrs. East, were found in the possession of one individual, to whom be had sold it ; and more of the property, estimated at 200/., was discovered in a room in the prisoner's own oc cupation. Thus it was evident that, if he stole any of the goods laid in the indictment, he stole to the value of 5001. The Jury found him guilty of stealing under .51.! On a second indict ment, where the goods were laid at the value of 251., the Jury again found him guilty of stealing under .5/. There were three or four other indict ments against the same person, each of which charged him with a capital offence ; but the prose cutors, admonished, we presume, by the result of the former trials, offered no evidence in support of the capital charge, but allowed the prisoner, in each instance, to have a verdict of conviction re corded against him on his own confessional plea of having stolen property under 5/. These verdicts are accounted for by a reference to the state of the law, which demands that the ye of man shall be sacrificed for stealing in a dwelling-house to the amount of 5/. Before Sir Robert Peel's revision of the Cri minal Code the punishment of death was inflicted for stealing to the amount of 40s. in the dwelling house. This offence was first made capital by a statute passed in the twelfih year of Queen Anne. in the year 1811 Sir Samuel Romilly carried a Bill through the House of Commons to repeal this san guinary statute, and to restore, with some modifica tions, the milder punishment of the ancient common law ; but his efforts were defeated by the House of Lords, who threw out the Bill. Sir Robert Peel, whose narrow capacity never could embrace a prin ciple in legislation, thought it a wonderful conces sion to public opir:ion to raise the legal price of human life from 40s. to 51 ; so that, for the sum of I,oool.—the value stated in the first indictment against Robinson—if every Si. of that sum were' stolen by a different person, the lives of no less than 200 human beings m;ght be taken according to law! and that, too, according to Sir Robert Peel's " amended and ameliorated" law ! If the law of Queen Anne had still remained in force, we presume the Juries that tried Robinson would, instead of finding him guilty of stealing under the value of .51., have limited the sum to 395., as was a common practice at the Old Bailey while that law re mained on the Statute-book; nay, so far was this carried, that, in one instance, a woman having been convicted, on the clearest evidence, of having stolen a Bank of England note for 101., the Jury found the note to be only of the value of 395., the Jury con sidering that their oat h did nut bind them to become the blind and ruthless instruments of the extermi flitting barbarism of the law. It is fresh in the re collection of the puldic that under the present Ad ministration a marl was executed for stealing in the dwelling-house above the value of 5/. The Jury who tried Robinson no doubt expected that a sim►- lar fate awaited him, and therefore, did not leave the delinquent's life to the " tender mercies" of the Recorder and the Secretary for the Home Depart ment. Notwithstanding the lecture of Lord Brougham, such laws can never be thoroughly exe cuted, unless we can always have, to use the avoids of Lord Byron, " twelve butchers for a Jury, and a Jeffries for a Judge !"—Aforning Herald. Mr. Bankes has not yet declsred himself, but the freeholders of Dorsetshire we hope are in readiness to vindicate their own real interests and those of the country at large by supporting the Constitutional candidate. Let them remember that a free trade in Corn will, beyond a doubt, be one of the first mea sures of a reformed Parliament; it is avowedly looked forward to by the Radicals as the first fruit of Reform, and how will it then fare with the farmers of England ? Will the farmers of Dorsetshire con sent to aid the Radicals, the main supporters of the Bill, in annihilating the agricultural interest ? If not, let them at once declare their resolution to that effect, and return as their representative the candi date who is opposed to this most mischievous scheme of innovation.-3foraing Post. That a happy re-action in regard to the revolu tionary Bill is in a rapid state of progress through out the country, we have more than mice stated, and it is the knowledge of this fact, so gratifying to the friends of the Constitution, that has enraged almost to madness the furious advocates of revolu• tion. Hitherto we have had opportunity of speak ing only as to the felicitous state of re-action in the public mind. But we have now the gratification to find that the same rational and constitutional feeling has extended itself to a respectable portion of the public Press, which has supported the Reform Bill in almost all its stages in the House of Commons. Concurring in our sentiments upon the vital import ance of the deliberate character of the House of Lords being duly acknowledged, and preserved from the intimidation and outrage with which it is now daily menaced by certain journalists, a Morning Con temporary, who has hitherto been one of the most strenuous advocates in favour of the Bill, thus ra tionally and becomingly speaks in his last publics- ion : " We do not presume to anticipate the decision of the House of Lords on the Reform Bill, but, whatever that decision may be, we think it only fair and proper that their Lordships be allowed the exercise of the right of free discussion, which the people justly claim for themselves on public questions, and without which the Upper Howe of the Legislature could have no pretension to the character of a deliberate assembly.—Some of our contemporaries, denying that freedom of opinion to others which they would think it very hurl to be deprived of, have already commenced a war of intimidation on the House of Lords. They have used threats of the most violent nature—threats which are as impolitic as they are indecent.' They who threaten revolution seem to commence it by thus chaining up that department of the Legislature from all deliberation. If the House of Ltd& only exists in the Constitution to register the Bills passed by the Com mons, it ought n o t t o presume to discuss them ; but, if it have higher functions to perform, the more important the measure to which the House of Commons agrees, the more necessary it is th at t h e Upper House should be free to give it the most calm and dispassionate consideration. If the measure were perfection itself the acquiescence of the House of Lords, if it does agree to it, ought not to have the ap pearance of being forced rather than given. * At present that portion of the Press which loves rather to domineer than to reason actually treats the House of Lords as a hostile body, and demands that that august Assembly shall surrender at discretion, and submit to march captive at the chariot -wheels of their arrogant authority, before it can possibly be known whether the majority of that House are favourable or adverse to the Reform Bill. One Jour nal goes so far as to say that the House of Lords will be at o p p e o e p n e w a o r t E w i i i t g h l a ntldi , if t i t h i y , t r C e o : t r o t ini , ) r n , s j , c a t n t t i b e t h whole B e l;or what it adds, is precisely the same thing—meddle with any one of its more important provisions. It is the same Jour nal th a t sa id, not very long s i nce, i n commenting upon the changes made in the Bill in the House of Commoias, that the country had reason to blush for the Bill and its authors !"......11/orning Post. We are rather surprised that any man in London (much less the LORD CHANCELLOR) should write a pamphlet, entitled " What will the Lords do ?"--for the answer is so easy, even to those not much i n i t i ate d into th e my s t er i es o f the Society fur the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. The Lords will du precisely what the KING wishes them to do. We trust there can be no question "Wh it will the King do ?" If there be, the sooner it is solved the better ; for if his MAJESTY hesitate to create as many new Peers as will form a majority for the Bill, now is the time for Ministers to resign,— G lasg ow Chronicle. COURT CIRCULAR. The Duke and Duchess of CUMBERLAND/ a ett , Barou LANSING EN, Mi s s Cooraa, and the Rev. t the Princess AucusTA, and a select party, di l3 ,. their MAJESTIE S o n Th urs d a y even i ng , a t the St. James's. The Prince FREDERI CK of Hohenlohe, attended bd Baron DE BROCK ELBE RC, Chamberlain to the tv i PausslA, paid his r es p ects to h er M AJESTY yestcr‘ e his arrival in town. The Prince afterwards vi'li Duchess of CUMBERLAND. %, 11 The KING, attended by the Earl of At,8E.30001 Lord FREDERICK FITZC LA RE NCE, took an airingr' afternoon in a carriage and four to H a mpton.court. f 11 , 1 - MAJESTY, accomp an i e d b y t h e Duchess itl WEImAR and the Princess LOUISA, took an airing open harouche and four yesterday afternoon. 1:0 ; The Lords of his Majesty's Most Honourabl!" Council had a meeting yesterday morning at the 8 7. 1 / office, to hear an appeal from Sir JOHN TrromA l Ll RIDGE against his removal from the office of Red Prince of Wales's Island, Singapore, and Malacca, ~,f instance of the East India Company, on the ground;l cipally, of his refusal to go the Circuit, in consequ a dispute between Mr. FULL ERTON, the Governot4 Colony, and Sir JOHN, as to certain expenses of the t The Lords present were—the Lord Chancellor, th e President, th e L or d Chi e f J ust i ce o f E nglan d, the Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, the dent of the Board of Controul for the Affairs of Indimy Earl of CARLISLE, the Duke of RicleatoNo, ands;; WYNN. Mr. GREVILLE attended as Clerk of the ca Mr. Serjeant SPA NKIE was heard on the part o f tbe f Indi t Cotnpiny, and Dr. LUSHINGTON on the part . 1 0 JOHN CLARIDGE. Th e i r L or d s hi ps postpo ned r judgment to a future day. The Austrian Ambassador and the Belgian 3 - 1 transacted business yesterday at the Foreign-office. 6 Earl GREY left town yestet day fur his seat at East S Viscount A LTHORP left town yesterday for liortbs tonshire. Sir FREDERICK ADAM had an interview yesterday ViSCOUDt GODERICH, at the Colonial-office. GERMAN PAPERS. CRACOW, SEPT. 3.—The Courier of this city con w yl no direct news from Warsaw, as the co m municatin P ) hems l twecn Warsaw and Cr acow i s i n t ercepte d, an d hen a long time sinc e w e h ave even rece i ve d t h e Polish tif; n ils front the capital. On th e o th er h an d, the Couri e f ;1, t) many reports, d er i ve d p ar tl y f rom pr i vate l etters , a go P from th e s t atemen t s o f trave ll ers w h o h ave arr i v ed 0 the authenticity of which there is the more room W a° ,l as they are partly at variance with each other, and eq u so with the authentic accounts already made it tg) t h through other channels. Among these accounts t i te ,,,fyi fellowing, th a t accor di ng to merc h ants ' l etters f ro m B r the reserve under Count Toistoi had been defeated hi Poles, and the military chest t ken ; another re port I 4 that Gen era l Krukowiecki, after he was placed at th eP t v of the Government, had immediately given orders to it Commander-in-Chief Prodzynski, to attack field" o e steal Paskewitach, on the while line, and in , 0 4 quence of thi s comman d t h e R uss i ans h a d been nb't'ilte to retreat. In contradiction to this news, which Courier g ive i n i ts yester d ay ' s number, solo af 6e° :: e o at the same time that the Russian army was alreacil t ie (fifty) miles from Warsaw, the same paper gives id": 0 from a p r i vate l etter, t h e news O f an attack made h!,,r Grenadiers of Schachoffskoi, in the fortifications of 11 saw, near W o l a , announce d to h ave taken place on t he e' i; of Au gus t, i n w hi ch the Russians were repulsed wit h gre loss by th e P o l es , an d that it was hoped in Craco w tbi t•e communications with Warsaw would soon be ' ll again. Th e Courier affirms that it has r e c e ived thro n g a private channel the Warsaw Journal, Polack Suintel i of the 17th o f A ugust, from which the account o f murders in th a t cap i ta l i s ta k en i n these words Jankowski, Honig, Bukitwski, Feutsch, Fansh ° " o i and Madame Bazanow had been put to death, that several spies hail been taken and hanged ou t the city." Th e C our i er then affirms that the RU'S r l themselves make no secret of the total defeat of Ge 3 g e- 0 0 Golownin, and add s th at a c i t i zen w h o h a d arr i ve d ' r de , Kielce had positively announced that that General W 3 41 1, heated, and that the Poles had already occupied Lun t o Colonel KO,S, wh o WAS before affirmed to have fough t it way from Satnogitia to the Duna, is now said to b il d returned with a gr ea t num b er o f i nsurgents from LithOat'is to Warsaw. Wi t h respect to General Rozys ki t Courier of to-day says, that according to a geli er m . spread report he had t iken Radom, the Duke of Wo rtx i a burg, who com man d e d t h ere, h aving retreated on ketit informed in time of the approach of the Poles. nn t i t ,, , same Journal co n t a i ne d yester d ay an or d er of the 1: dated an late as the 25th August, trout Ostrowic o o ( dressed by G enera l R ozys ki, as C omman d er- i n- Cbiec i the forces in the p rov i nce o f C racow , S an d om i e ry Kalisch, to all superior and other officers, of the folios(' tenor : " It having been signified to me that many 016c le without auth or ity f rom t h e N a ti ona l G overnment a nd ` 0 Commander-in Chief, have collected at different small detachments, under the pretext of acting as parts; and remain in ac ti ve , even to t h e i n j ury o f t h e i r own a nti c , the rear, I have resolved to summon all officers, w ithout e , ception, wh o p ossess suc h corps to appear w i t h t h e i r cork within three days at Kielce, there to present themselves er Col. Obrechowicz, from whom they will receive ford t orders. Any officer who does n o t o b e y th e peed „ order shall be cons id er( d as a tra i tor to his count":. and as such arrested and delivered up to the military' tr ue ' bunals, and punished with death, and his name shal l for ever branded by being published iu the journals s l traitor. At the same time, therefore, that I enjoin r civil and m ili tary aut h or i t i es strict l y to execute th i s (d e ; I declare th a t h e s h a ll b e li a bl e to t h e same punishni!oo who shall know of such a corps, and not give informs ° of it to the civil authority, General Weissenhof, in Kielce' The late vene ra bl e C ountess o f MoRNINGVoIIi was the most ag e d o f t h e P eeresses, having, at the a ge 20, walked a t th e C oronat i on of K i ng GEORGE HI. s ° Queen CHARLOTTE. On Friday morning the Rev. Mr. WiLso? l ' of Harrington, in Northamptonshire, went out to enl g o l i the sports of the field. Having discovered a covey 0 partridges i n an a dj o i n i ng meadow, from which h e separated by a quickset hedge, and being a keen spor es man, he d e t erm i ne d to pass over it. This he effect' leaving hi s gun i n a s i tuat i on for h i m to recover w h e n the opposite side, but, in the act of drawing it throng the trigger became entangled with some twigs and im ril e e diately w e nt o ff, di sc h arg i ng the contents into the lung' of the R e v. G ent l eman, and, as is supposed, c lased one stattaneems death. Th e b o d y was discovered by moans and lamentations of his faithful dog, who was 6 ', 11° by the side of hi s lif e l ess an d unfortunate master bewai' ll3 , 7 his loss. By his lamentable demise the va'tt Ode living Harrington (in the gift of the Countess of DrsART) comes vacant. The following passage from Sir WILLIP i f TEstrr.E's Memoirs may b e use f u lly reca ll e d to the re" ; lection, not of our P a t rio t K ING , w h o nee d s no in onit ° besides his own good sense and constitutional but of those misguided and bigotted men who obstinat e : i oppose themselves to the nation's wishes :—" Sir Wit Ll"' TEMPLE had a long conversation with CHARLES the S e r j cond before he went to H o 'l an d, i n w hi c h h e recom men'l t the KING to adopt a diff erent po li cy , on t h e groun d t",, as his measures were against the bent of the p e ople, th e y could not succeed,'—th a t even if he could inainta;n army without the assistance of Parliament, still, if it I I composed of Engli s h, they would never serve ends wh lr , the people hat e d an d f eare d ; an d fi nally, he us . d thew words to him I never knew but one Frenchman who understood E ng l an d we ll , wh i c h was GOURVILLE. I was at Brussels in the fiat Dutch war, and he heard the Parliament was weiry of it, he said the KING had n othil to do but to make the peace; that he had been long eno" in Engl an d, seen enoug h of our Court, people, and Parr went, to con c l u d e t h at a Ki ng o f E ng l an d w h o will ie. the man o f hi s peop l e i s t h e greatest Ki ng i n the w ork" but if l ie w ill h e somet hi ng more, b y G—d he i s no thins at all.' The KING, as is well known, said with ernotio!: Then I will be the man of my people ; ' but lie broke word in that, as in every thing else." CAPTAIN BEECH ~.lIEY's VOYAGE TO . 1 1 PACIFIC. — The third Edition of thi s va l ua bl e work W I , kr ready f o r p u bli ca tion on M on d ay next . We lon° of no officer that ever sailed," s lys Blackwood, .2110 a; zinc, " w h o ha s displ a y e d greater f acu l t i es o f o b se rvat , n, Ilan Captain BEECHEY. Wherever he touches, wbatee! lie de.crihes—all that can interest, or arouse, or benefit, 15 ( se zed at once, nor does any one possess a greater pow er presenting a complete picture to the reader. His ob' e vations on what he see s are re pl ete w ith t h at choice rar gift, good sense. A f ran k an d gent l eman l y sp i r it, 8 2 d ; 1 , kind heart, give a sunshiny tone to the whole comP° 6 .; lion, and a strung feeling of reverence for true religion seen wherever circumstances call for the expression of ° P i, opinions on the subject." We might add that the nri e roan beautiful en grav i ngs b y F INDEN , f rom d raw ings Ina on the spot, impart a further charm to the narrative. H. 1/00 At, g b Colonel '‘ f ` i rtri atr eet, kideration vi ew of Jesty wow th e table,