The Sun. — London, England, 1834-07-24 00:00:00

AY•) tig ;e that 41 ;ral °rat stmt ajt be wa s enzie but it the ing t Ee vas for I the order ELI" case' „ e t to t, ' Of h asa : o % tee, ill t' 'IC. f o r , that ' ln v( ght opP° - its husbo t o e°lll e 0 in he r ° g pe ari : ar have 17, b a nd 19° ,1, ' the esn re a d li s rri% s. of sucys ri u s r l r ietoit . 00 0, 0 tw [so a atif rody Or , ? , of for 50 0 : 0 , the P re. o ) instrue • bad. "e of t h e Peittte, uc t 0° ,4 . costs rg r c l rri lo o 11 n'Jt a e t . It is „„ LadY e , w it hoot 11c on 1) ad, Kii's r ( 35 of to in" VI pa ssed at the _Lic o S 134.0' 1 : o n i ci • d u i L the 11°11' d h I, ol is ft-' ‘ , ° t ow, ao";ij Ding or vould 1 0 0 ar what hat cout se i the L not, st 9 LJ on del's f t 0 of I le- f 1-loas e gthat We% •!d muc h ° to . a nswers a t thought', be IC woll l %, . iere i ce a ssista it o f equenc e ,,, o t time W vould be res seerAecl er Wa- Wo ll l d •cler. ,e,54 ......... ....... , ....... • • ......... ......... ....... ....... i 4 1 %. ....... • 0 01_, ...... ......... .......... t _ r „•,; .......... • ent. •-• 1 06!ti ........ ..... n; •••• • .............. 15t: ibl I i •- ...... PORTSMOUTH, JULY 23. • .'be North Star, 25, Captain Vernon Harcourt, went oat of harbour to-day. She will proceed, about the end of the next week, to the South American' station, taking as passengers Hamilton Hamilton, Esq., Chargé d'Affaires to B uenos Ayres, and Mr. Scarlett, (a son of Sir James Scarlett) as Attache to the Embassy at Rio de Janeiro. At six this evening the Queen of Spain, as the Tories contend she is, returned to her residence in this town, accompanied by her sister the Princess of Beira, and her three children the Infantes of Spain, in two travelling car riages. She was received by a colour guard of honour with a band, which, as she wishes to live in private, was soon dismissed. Dinner had been previously prepared at the Georg e Inn for fifteen, and soon after her arrival, was put on the table of her residence. • The Lit/worth yacht is hourly expected, with despatches from the north coast of Spain. • The Duchess of St. Alban's passed over to the Isle of Wight yesterday, for a summer, residence at Lord Spencer's house at Ryde. As it is anticipated that her Grace will make Rydo very gay, she was received at her landing by a salut e of nineteen nuns. - The Childers, 10 guns, Hon. Commander Keppell, will proceed to the Mediterranean station early next week. • 'The Samarang, 28 guns, Captain Paget, is hourly ex pected, with a cargo of silver from Peru and Chili. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. LEE RACES. T iw:se races commenced yesterday, and in spite of a most unwise 7 b positio n ra i sed by certain parties, who seem to have no other lc'et than the entire abolition of all popular amusements, went off with the most complete success. During the whole of the after noon Deptford, Greenwich, Lewisham, &c., were in a state of ex riernent, whil e th e course, which is formed out of two large fields jng immedi a t e l y between' Blackheath and Lee, was crowded till etween seven and eight o'clock. The weather was favourable, the arrangements,. liberal and judicious, and the sport excellent. The tollowin are the 1 • The Leez Cup, value 50 sovs. Heats, twice round and a distance. 111 r. G. Dockeray's Trickery 2 2 1 1 Mr. Bacon's Bouncing Betty 4 1 2 2 Mr. Taverner's Figurante 1 3 3 dr Mr. Turner's Donzelli 3 4 dr Four heats, ut won cleverly last. Plate of 501. f or g hor ood ses not t b at horough-bred. Heats, twice round and a distance. Mr. Sellinge's Mad Moll 1 4 1 Alr. Balchin's Duchess 3 1 3 Arr. Dockeray's Brunswicker Mr. Molineux's Botheram 4 3 dr it'ad Hule's Louisa and Mr. Tunberlake's Chance was distanced. tdAtoll b o lt e d in the second heat, but came into the course again _ ra il in ; it was objected, however, that she did not save her d s and the race is in abeyance. he afternoon's amusements terminated with pony racing, which sport capital diversio n . Th e li s t f or thi s d a y promises plenty of CHELMSFORD RACES, July 23. The Hunters' Stakes of 100 sovs. Heats, two miles. S ir J. Tyrrell's b. c. by Reveller, 5 yrs Alr. Willis's Guildford, aged Mr. Hankin's Glove Cutter The Cup Stakes of 10 sovs. each. Three miles. 9 subs. r . Ai G. Edwards's Dirce, 4 yrs Th..1,1r. Dare named c. by Cyd nus , 3 y rs 2 . town Plate of 501. Heats, from the distance post once round. Mr. G. Edwards's Dirce, 4 yrs 1 1 Alr. 11 Iathew's Mimosa, 3 yrs 2 2 Mr. Hazell's Ploughboy, 5 yrs The SOUTHAMPTON RACES, July 23. lhe Southampton Stakes of 20 sovs. each, and 50 added. Mr. Holmes ns. Shylock 1 Alr. Gardner's Ome n Mr. Webber's Adelaide 3 t A Maiden Pl ate of 501. was won by Mr. French ' s W arrener , eatn ig Mr. Hewitt's Skyrocket and Mr. Webber's Adelaide. Isabel The Members' Plate was won in two heats by Mr. W. Day's beatin g Blenheim, aril the Twatty colt. . he Hunter s ' St a k es were won b y M r. A s hl ey ' s T a ll y h o , beat ng 11r. Chamberlayne's Rambler, and two others. DOUBLE SCULL MATCH. ot A so y erY Pretty M a t c h t oo k p l ace yes t er d ay at Putney for the purse pLieeveteigns given by the Ladie s a n d G en tl emen i n habitants of that each • It was amongst twe l ve watermen o f P utney, two pa i rs in h e , b oat, and i n t wo h eats , t h e f our fi rst b oats row i ng f or th e gr and fot• After refre s hi ng th emse l ves a t A v i s ' s , th e Ei g ht Bells, the Twing were placed for the grand heat ~ • Phelp s • Cobb *********** 1 Green. W. Maddox 1 Yellow .. _ 6. .............. James Cobb p50n......... 1 . The Cohb ............ j Red. J. Wolnscroft ink. W. Cobb } P rvnioeeddfiasetaize contested was from Putney Bridge, round a boat the cedars, up the south shore, round a boat off the rouh-Chancellor's mansion, and return to Putney Bridge, twice ab d The start was very good, and the double pairs were all roun r : a s r e e t d s c p . o e r et t : o iy or att t e h n r d e e e d :ninutes, when Pink drew ahead and first - I y e e r ll :3% . Wa T 5 lll3 Position they maintained, winning by a few lengths sv'eend, Green third, and Red fourth. The match was CRICKIG. • The G reat Match between ele ven Players and eleven gentlemen q_ first-rate skill, w h ich commences next Monday at Lord's, pos s,eeris an unusual d egree of interest in the Cricketing world. The Ztlemen players will consist of cricketers of well-known ability, sa nd they w ill be pitted against an e l even w h ose equal , we are bold Y , is not to be found in the world. The players are Pilch, Marsden, Cobbett, Lillywhite, Mills, Wenman (two), Box, Lana v•aY, and W e ll s; four of whom are Brighton men. Gentlemen— 'N„ynaston, Kingseote, Harem, Jenner, Felix, Mynn, Norman, f ar nther, Snow, - Trulwell, and Wi ngame . Th e bowlers are 1..i1- I w hite and Cobbett on the players' side ; and for the Gentlemen, Au. and Harenc. Betting is in favour of the players. PEDESTRIANISM. on Tuesday evening, after a very heavy fall of rain, Coates, the estrian, accomplished an extraordinary feat in Brown's grounds Il righto'n. He commenced by picking up fifty stones placed one di s Yard apart in a straight line, and put each singly . into a basket (the Le Tice being nearly two miles) ; this he milers i eleven minutes w heeled walked a mile in ten minutes, ran a n seven minutes, Itzie,led a barrow one mile in eight minutes, walked backwards half le in six minutes and a half, drew a one-horse gig half a mile in N . 4 8 (1 11 t nlinutes, ran a pair of ecach-wheels half a mile in five minutes , o ver a half, hopped 100 yards in half a minute, and, lastly, jumped s.whoietwoenty common hurdles five yards apart in one minute, the ' s ated ,!"PYing fifty-seven minutes and a half. The match was .`" be for 251., and Coates was liberally backed. He had r,eetily recovered from the fatigue he had undergone when he Z e n to bet 10/. to Si. that he completed a similar task the same % el' g withi n the hour. There was a very considerable concourse 11 0 , orvest has already commenced in the neigh . bou f r; t:lft,:rusiicifcr oi N e. m t a o V H in er m al a d n . y other places the corn is ripe o lighout the whole of Avondale parish the . cro . ps pr:%erY description are luxuriant. Potatoes, in particutar , 11 ` 4 ' e an abundant harvest.—Edinburgh Evening Courant. weather, which was for some weeks warm a . nd . 141e;langed suddenly on Friday to cold, with the wind 11 , the Yast, and throughout Saturday we had incessant and 1 4. 3 v4 r 'in, with a violent gale from the north-east ; the ther aleter at .54 and 58. We seldom remember a more severe 14 1 : n1 in the month of July. The sea at Leith was very ~,,v 37. n • The Aberdeen steam-boat, which sailed on Saturday was forced by the gale to take shelter in Largo Bay. burgh Evening Courant. it, p . '4l/ 2t i ANGLER IN WALES—This work, the pro -to, 4 .8 "/ Captai n M e d w i n , aut h or of The Conversations of 14-,ishiYr°n, contains a series-ofinteresting descriptions of i t t h , n g in the l a k es an d mounta i ns , streams an d r i vers , o f Much that is perfectly new to the lover of in o ,„ et gentle a rt " i s elicited in these volumes ; which abound, worl d ' er, in incidental sketches of sports in other parts of the S helley a rtieularly India, and in personal anecdotes pf Byron, 11. Davy, Mr. T. Moore, Sir John Cain Hub ' W HITE SPARROW.—We have never but on one Id one Oc casion witnessed a white spa rrow , and that was a dU t e whit e but we this week had the pleasure of witnessing a 0110 , in the possession of Alexander Young,, Esq., ivi tt s It appears he had observed its parents feeding it along last, when others, and succeeded in securing it, on Monday tan l , " . .en it went to roost in the evening. It is now quite .1°41: abutppears very lively. There is something so hand ' ke el); this little bird, that we hope he will succeed in kll, -13 it alive ; for, assuredly, it is a great curiosity, and verth preservin Elgin Courier. Aea • • . g* --- !k. pe triage r i gged with sails, yesterday made its first `k started from the Military School with a south -44( it' the '' it ' d it crossed over the bridge of Jena, and continued 14 4 g nay `t with the same wind, and was stopped on the ce " 144i S XV. What is the most remarkable in this expe- N vent i s , th • •emeci the la„ it experienced a gale of wind, and that it ku, ear bridg e of Louis XV. with a wind almost a-head. • )18.14..1.1age returned to the Rue du Mont Blanc, amidst the of the spectators. Constitutionnel. ) L AIT - a i lav UNION.—The Irish coalv,..hi ,ai 'on an dithin the last few weeks formed themselves into a tp i ; /.01.::!t. content with obtaining an advance of a farthing to imephovseri the coal-ships they have been endea i*e,l w h o the most harsh and absurd terms on the '-.uPloy them, which the latter are determined to ahal t "'le regulation they have endeavoured to enforce annical—that btr. again, no man who gives offence to the Union ac e o „, and that no fresh hands shall be in ,LLO the trade thus monopoly lin, es e -i, t . endeavouring to secure a tol,lo fe d , :_ i x on ew o c f a la i li e o j u o r, ur w na h l i . le so many Englishmen are At *1 t At,, eove ksticiary Court, Edinburgh, onriday (11 ' `‘lo s, an Isishivoman was sentenced to transportation llite:lrteen Years, i;: , r having' taken the clothes from a child I,° t he night old, in April last,and left her nearly naked exposed mi klltt e : i k i t air- On the Judge addressing her in the usual - v%;iien about to Pass u se d iit e ence,she said—" . Lord, I • un In 'sbeha v d Was , h d e myself.. If that man (pointing to her • t a called y witnesses, they would have proved t he ti Ina Indeaend'swhaordeoinne t ; he ' Cowkate all that day, King ► an ,k-) Connell." The sentence of the Court was then I th •I 1 tllO PallVl removed, • 13, -e ven was muttering and threatening • and / t r ance of 14? King and O'Connell, both the HIS MAJESTY'S LEVEE. His Majesty arrive:l in town, attended by Sir Herbert Taylor, soon aft--r one o'clock yesterday afternoon from Windsor Castle. The Duchess of Gloucester received his Majesty on his arrival at St. James's. At two o'clock the King held a levee. In the entree circle Mr. Hughes, Charge d'Affa'res of the United States in Sweden, and Captain Mordecai o! the United States army, were presented to his Majesty by Mr. Vail, the United States Charge d'Affaires. Armeice Bin Hallman was presented to the King by Viscount Melbourne Captain J. D. Boswall, R.N., presented to his Majesty a Trea tise on Naval Evolutions. ➢lr. E. J. Stanley was presented by Viscount Duncannon, on his appointment to office. Tlie entree levee was attended by—His Serene Highness Prince Hohenlohe; the French Ambassador ; the Neapolitan, Prussian, Danish, Portuguese, Brazilian, Greek, and Spanish Ministers ; the Austrian, United States, Russian and Swedish Charges d'Affaires ; the Counsellor of the Hanoverian Legation, the Archbishop of Can terbury, the Lord Privy Seal, the First Lord of the Treasury, the Secretaries of State for the Home and Foreign Departments, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the First Lord of the Admiralty, the Secretary at War, the Lord Chamberlain, the Lord Steward, the Groom of the Stole, the Master of the Horse, the Commander of the Forces, the Master-General of the Ordnance, the Captain of his Majesty's Honourable Corps of Gentlemen at Arms, the Vice- Chamberlain ; Viscount Combermere, Gold Stick in Waiting ; the Deputy Great Chamberlain : Sir E. C. Disbrowe, G.C.H., En voy Extraordinary, and Minister Plenipotentiary to the King of Sweden ; the Master of the Ceremonies, the Master of the Robes, the Clerk Marshal : Colonel Sir J. Reynett, Groom of the Bed chamber ; Colonel Bowater, Equerry in Waiting; Lieutenant- Colonel Sir F. Smith, Gentleman Usher in Waiting, &c. Lord Elphinstone and Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Rowley were the Lord and Groom in Waiting. At the General Levee were the Moderator of the General Assem bly of the Church of Scotland, and the following . -- - Duke of Buccleuch—Marquis of Thomond. EAuLs—Grey, Mulgrave, Beverley, Digby. Viscount Dungarvan. Loans—Byron, lleytesbury, SkelmersAale, Ernest Bruce, Rolle, Teynham. RIGHT HONOURABLE-Sir W. Rae, Bart., Sir G. Ouseley, Bart. Sias 7 yatrick Walker, Stephen Love Hammick. Rev. Dr. Black—Dr. Straclan. REV. MESSIEURS—J. Marshall, J. Macfarlane, A. Monro, A. Stewart, M.D., P. Clason. _ _ _ MEssinußs—iflowley, E, J. Stanley, A. ()swan, Scott, Admiral Stuart GENERALS-Sir F. Maleaster, Barton, Sir H. Campbell, Hard wicke, Sir G. Elder. Captain J. D. Boswall, R.N. COLONELS—II. Bowdler, Smelt, C. 8., Moore, Muir, Sir Geo. Whitmore, E. Elphinstone, Holt. Commander B. W. Walker. MAJORS—C. Dixon, Fancourt, M.P., Cole. Lieutenant J. G. Dick, R.N. Captain Murray. LIEUTENANTS—Munro, Alfred Scott. Cornet Henry Selby Lowndes. The following presented Addresses and Petitions to the King : The Archbishop ofCanterbury--FromLeamington, Newcastle- under- Lyme, Tullagh (Ireland), Archdeacon and Clergy, of the Arch deaconry of Wilts, and Clergy of the Deaneries of Welshfoot, in the Diocese of St. Asaph, expressive of gratitude for his Ma jesty's determination to support the Established Church. The Duke of Buccleuch—From the inhabitants of Street, Meare, and Buticigh, in the county of Somerset, thanking his Majesty for his gracious declaration, and praying for protection to the Established Church. The Marquis of Thomond—From the Provost and Corporation of Bandon-bridge, and other inhabitants of that town and its vici nity, thanking nis Majesty for his most gracious speech to the Archbishops and Bishops, and determination to uphold the Esta blished Church. Lord Byron—From the parishes of Radborne and Mugginton, in the county of Derby, thanking his Majesty for his most gracious declaration to the Bishops in favour of the _Established Church. Lord Ernest Bruce, M.P.—From the clergy and inhabitants of Marlborough and Preshute, in the county of Wilts, humbly thanking his Majesty for his gracious declaration to the Bishops in support of the Established Church, and to declare their devoted attachment to the same. Lord Heytesbury—From the inhabitants of Warminster and its vicinity, expressing their attachment to his Majesty's person and government, praying his Majesty to continue hls support of tho union between Church and State, and deprecating any alienation of the property of the Church. Lord Skelmersdale.—From the inhabitants of Horton, in the county of Stafford, and its neighbourhood, beseeching his Ma jesty to withhold his Royal sanction from any measure tending to affect either the integrity of the Church Establishment or the rights and privileges of the Universities ; also an address from the inhabitants of Wigan and its neighbourhood, expressing their gratitude to his Majesty for his gracious declaration to the Prelates of the Church of England in support of the Establish ment, and to assure his Majesty of their efforts to support him in defence of it, signed by 1,823 persons. A similar address from the inhabitants of Walton-le-Dale, Lancashire. Major Fancourt, M.P. From Bishop's Powton, Devonshire, thanking his Majesty for his gracious declaration in favour of the Established Church. An address was presented by Lord Rolle from Arlington, in the county of Devon ; also one from Ballymaccarrett, in Ireland, for the Earl of Eldon ; and two from places in Leicestershire, for Earl Delawarr. The following were presented to the King Sir Stephen Love Hammick, on being created a Baronet, by Earl Grey. Sir Patrick Walker, Usher of the White Rod and of the Royal Archers (King's Body Guard for Scotland), on return from abroad, by his Grace the Duke of Argyll. Mr. Howley, Assistant-Barrister for the King's County, by the Right Hon. T. Spring Rice. Dr. Strachan, inspector of Hospitals, on return from India, by Sir James M'Gregor. Cornet Henry Selby Lowndes, 15th Hussars, on his appointment, by the Duke of Buckingham and Chandcs. Mr. Alexander Oswald, by the Duke of Hamilton. Rev. Dr. Black (Glasgow), by the Moderator of the Church of Scotland. Rev. Alexander Monro, Scotch National Church, Manchester, by the Moderator of the Church of Scotland. Rev. Patrick Clason (Edinburgh), by the Moderator of the Church of Scotland. Rev. James Macfarlane (Edinburgh), Rev. A. Stewart, M.D. (Erskine), and the Rev. James Marshall (Edinburgh), by tili. Moderator of the Church of Scotland. Major-General Sir Frederick Mulcaster, as Inspector-General of Fortifications, by Sir James Kempt. Colonel Smelt, C. 8., A D.C., on his return from Jamaica, by the Earl of Muigrave: Lieut.-Colonel H. Bowdler, on his return from India, by General Lord Hill. Lieut.- Colonel Moore, by Lord Hill. Lieut.-Col Mair, on arrival from Gibraltar, by Sir Herbert Taylor. Captain Murray, on his appointment to the 60th Rifle Corps, by Lieut.-Colonel Bunbury. Colonel Sir George Whitmore, K.C.H., on going abroad. Commander B. Walker, on his promotion, by Lord Auckland. Major Charles Dixon, on return froto the West Indies, by Major- General Sir F. Mulcaster. Lieut. J. G. Dick, R.N., on being appointed to his Majesty's ship North Star, by Rear-Admiral Sir T. M. Hardy, Bart., G.C.B. His Majesty gave audiences to Viscount Melbourne, Lord Auck land, Viscount Palmerston, the Right Hon. E. Ellice, the Marquis of Cholmondeley, Lord Hill, Lord Byron, Viscount Combermers, Lord Foley, and Sir John Woolmore. The King went last evening to Richmond to honour the Mar quis of Lansdowne with his company at dinner. His Majesty left St. James's Palace shortly before' seven o'clock, for the residence of the Noble Marquis ' attended by Sir He r bert Taylor. The Duchess of Kent, the Princess Victoria, and the Princess Hohenlohe, drove in the Parks yesterday. Mr. E. J. Stanley transacted business yesterday at the Home Office as Under-Secretary of State for that department, in the room of Viscount Howick. Sir E. C. Disbrowe (Minister to the Court of Stockholm) tran sacted business at the Foreign Office on Tuesday. , The Duke of Gloucester visited Ihulord's Panorama of New York yesterday. SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Scvcn o'clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER entered the House at a quarter past five, and there being only thirty-four Members present, the House ad journed till to-morrow morning. HOUSE OF LORDS. Mr. Preston, from the East India House, brought up certain,papers. ESTABLISHED CHURCH. Petitions in favour of the Established Church were pre sented by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Duke of Well ington, the Marquis of Salisbury, and the Bishop of Exeter. COERCION BILL, The Marquis of WE STME ATH, in rising to move that certain papers which had been moved for relative to the Coercion Bill should lie on the table, stated, that al. though he did not consider them of public importance, yet, as tending to show the jesuitical fraud and falsehood that actuated some persons in Ireland, for the purpose of mislead ing the public, they were a very valuable addition to those pa pers which had already been laid on the table with respect to the Coercion Bill. The Earl of STRADBROKE would take that opportu nity of adverting to a statement that had been made in another place by the Honourable Member for Dublin with respect to himself. He had been represented by that Honourable Member as a harsh and unfeeling landlord. Against that imputation he now rose, for the purpose of defending himself.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It was true that that Honourable Member had since recalled his statements, but nevertheless he felt himself called upon to explain his conduct to the House. He had ever followed the steps of his revered father, who, for more than half a century had conducted the business of his own county with much honour to himself and advantage to the whole country. As a landlord, he was kind, generous, and just, and it therefore could not be supposed that he, who had followed his footsteps, could be worthy of the imputation that had been cast upon hi m. A s a l an dl or d, h e had done all that lay in his power for his tenantry, and however he might be blamed for the course he had pursued, he was sure that he could not be so with justice. Viscount CLIFDEN corroborated the whole of the state ment made by the Noble Lord ( Stra.dbroke.) He also com plained of the system of subletting in Ireland, by which so many beggars were let into possession of land who were not in any sense of the word tenants to the original landholder. The Marquis of WE STME AT H attributed all the evils that had befallen Ireland, and likewise the present system of calumniation, to the influence of the ragamuffin part of the press in that country, which was allowed to go forth to poison the minds of the people. The Earl of LIMERICK bore testimony to the honourable character of the late Lord Stradbroko. The present was a regillar system to run down the . present possessors of land in that country ; in order to set up a mushroom interest in its place. The system was not new, for it had been begun by the agitators, 'Era against the parsons of the Church, who were called by the name of tyrant, and every thing also that was calculated. to raise a cry against them. The Earl of WINC HE LSE A, seeing the Noble Marquis at the head of the Government in his place, begged leave to give notice that to-morrow he would ask him one or two questions, in order to give him an oppor tunity of explaining his views with regard to the for eign policy of the country. In the present state of these affairs the Parliament ought not to be allowed to separate without some satisfaction on that head being given. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS, Mr. TOOKE, and others, brought up a Message from the Commons, stating that they would not insist upon the amend ments made in the Old Bailey Jurisdiction Bill. ESTABLISHED CHURCH. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented petitions in favour of the Established Church from Glastonbury, Barkley, and several other places in Somersetshire, in favour of the Esta blished Church. The Noble DUKE also presented a petition against the Poor Laws' Amendment Bill. IRISH TITHE BILL. The Bishop of EXETER presented a petition from Devon port, in favour of the Established Church. The Reverend Prelate stated that lie understood the Bill relating xo Tithes in Ireland was likely to be brought into that House as the very last measure that would come before their Lordships. He was quite sure nothing unfair was intended by this delay ; but at the same time he was equally sure it would operate most unfairly upon many of those Members of that House who felt most anxiously upon the subject. The whole of the bench of which he was an unworthy Member, felt it was a subject in which the interests of true religion were more deeply involved than perhaps any other that had ever been brought before their Lordships.—( Hear, hear.) Feeling, that they would also feel it to be their duty to stay there as far as possible with whatever inconvenience to themselves, or their dioceses, even if it should be protracted to the latest period of the session. They had been sitting there almost without having had any thing to do, since the commencement of the session, and he feared that they would have brought all the business of the session to a close before that bill would be brought before them, The LORD CHANCELLOR assured the Right Rev. Prelate that he had done his Noble Friend injustice in sup posing that he wished to put off the Bill. His Noble Friend had no intention of inconveniencing either the Most Reverend and Right Reverend Bench or any other part of that House. The great cause of the delay had been the urgent pressure of other business, particularly the Coercion Bill, which would expire in a few days. He had no doubt that the Irish Tithe Bill would be brought to such a stage as would enable its being passed in a few days. He trusted that this information would satisfy the Right Rev. Prelate. The Bishop of EXETER thanked the Noble Lord for the information which he had just given him. Lord KENYON presented a petition from Armagh in sup port of the Established Church. The LORD CHANCELLOR, in presenting a petition from Preston in favour of the Poor Laws Amenement Bill, said he could not help taking that opportunity of reverting to a most marked and astounding misrepresentation which had gone forth with respect to the address delivered by him on his moving the second reading of that Bill. That such misrepresenta tions should be made (joined with invective and ribaldry,which he did not much regard), was not at all surprising where a difference of opinion existed on public questions.—( Hear.) But he did not like to be made the subject of unmeasured abuse for things which he had never stated. The feelings of the public were strong upon this subject of charity, and in support of every hospital, and other charitable institution, and if it were possible to mix up those who patronised the Poor Laws Bill with a hatred of charities, and a dislike to charitable institu tions, and a hard-hearted, and, he would say, a short-sighted denial of charity to those who were suffering under distress, disease, or so forth, it would be difficult to meet such a charge. Now, it happened to be utterly and entirely the reverse. It was said that he had avowed ; that he, his Lordship, had thrown off the mask, that he had avowed a dis like of all charities for the aged, the sick, and the infirm ; and that he would be satisfied with nothing but a man's breaking his leg; and that till a man met with such an accident, he, his Lordship, would shut his heart against relieving him—that a fever, or other such grievous calamity would not open his compassion, till there was actually a case for the surgeon. Thus the most unmerited abuse wax, passed upon his hardness of heart. He had endeavoured to guard against such misconstruction ; he had stated this that where there was a provision for persons—for able-bodied persons—where there was a known provision, whether in the form of alms or a pro portion of tithes, or monastic doles, that were bestowed at the gates of convents in former times, or provisions in hospitals or infirmaries, it had always tended to create mischief, that those who knew that such provision existed, would draw upon it.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He then said that he would consider the principle of charities. He said just in proportion as charities prevented idleness they were valuable ; but he made no objection to hospitals for in curable diseases and fevers, nor even to dispensaries, for he said that he would not stretch the rigour of the principle until it cracked. He also said so in reference to hospitals for the aged, alms-houses, and schools. Now it so happened that he could not be mistaken in what he had said, because he had got by heart the statement which he delivered to the House, and which he would now read again from a letter which he published in the year 1818, addressed to Sir Samuel Romilly. It was exactly the same as he delivered in the hearing of their Lordships with the exception of two qualifications, which he added in mitigation of the principle for which he contended. The Noble Lord then read the extracts from:the pamphlet to which he alluded, as contained in page 31, which he de clared to be a duplicate of his speech. This stated the prin ciple which he had gone upon, and also the exceptions which he had then as well as now in his mind. In speaking- of hos pitals, he said, as he had said before, that he was against carrying the rule too rigorously. He would not have taken notice of the very silly, foolish, and grossly misrepresented statement, had • he not been informed by a quarter in which he had every confidence, that there was an attempt making to get up a popular cry, that he and others were against all hospitals and charities in general. Any thing more unfounded could not be, the existence of the only - hospi tal he was or ever had been against, was that hospital which was admitted by the Legislature, and all parties, both here and in Ireland who • had ever turned attention to the subject, to be nothing short of a public nuisance.--( Hear, hear.) He had given practical proofs, although not to the extent to which he wished he had been able to go in the subscriptions to hospitals and charities that he had given ; and indeed the very last thing he subscribed to was an hospital. POOR LAW AMENDMENT BILL. - On the motion for reading the order of the day for the House going into Commitlee on the Bill, Lord KENYON stated that when the House arrived at the 55th clause, he should move its omission, considering it a most cruel clause. Lord TE YNHAM objected to the House proceeding with the Bill during the present session, as he saw no necessity whatever for it ; and being quite confident that in the measure passed at the present moment, Parliament would have to meet, in a very short period, to make alterations in it. (LEFT SPEAKING.) IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, July 23. A conference with the Commons upon the amendments made in the Old Bailey Bill having been appointed, and it being announced that the managers upon the part of the Commons were in waiting, the Noble and Learned Lord trusted the House would allow him to finish his few observa tions after the return of the managers. HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 23. Mr. D. W. HARVEY'S CASE.-BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. Mr. O'CONNE LL said, that having had the honour of being appointed Chairman of the Inns of Court Committee, the duty devolved on him, in consequence of evidence that had been given before it, that if not satisfactorily explained, involved one of the greatest breaches of privilege ever brought before that House. He felt it his duty to state the circumstances to the House. He did so solely in his capacity of Chairman of that Committee, and he felt that he would not have discharged his duty if he did not call the attention of all the Members of the House to the case. The Report was in the bands of Hon. Members, and the facts, as deposed before the Committee were, that the Secretary of the Treasury had been written to by a Gentleman for a sum of money to support the election of one of two Members for a vacancy that occurred in the borough of Colchester. A controversy arose as to whether that sum was intended for one or both of the Members, but there was no controversy that the money had been paid by the Secretary to the Treasury, and it also appear.ed that that money amounted to a sum of five hundred pounds, which had been actually paid and sent down to be empended for procuring the return of a Member for the borough. Whether it was sent to one or both was utterly immaterial. Upon the question it was left beyond a doubt upon the minds of the Committee, and upon the evidence reported, that the Secretary of the Treasury, as from the Treasury, had re mitted 500/. to support a candidate who was looking for an election to a seat in that House.—( Hear, hear.) It would be a most unnecessary trespassing on time to call for Mr. Speaker's authority, or to look for any precedents with a view to ascertain whether this was or was not a gross breach of privilege. It would surely not be contended it was not. If ever there was a period, thank God, that period had gone by, when any body in that House would be found even to palliate such a practice. He admitted that a statement had been made to the House explanatory of the cir cumstance, and a statement from a very respectable quarter. Still though that statement came from a very respectable indivi dual, it was still purely, but the statement of an individual, without the means having been afforded of examination, or cross examination, or seeing any records that might have explained that statement away, and shown that the Right Hon. Gentle man was under a mistake in what he had stated. Taking it for granted that the statement of the Secretary at War, then the Secretary to the Treasury was true, no doubt the fact was capable of being sustained by evidence before any Committee whatever, because if it came not from the Treasury, but from a private subscription,' nothing could be more easy than to demon strate that it actually came out of such a fund, because it was impossible that any individual could receive money from a sub scription fund, without those having the control of that fund being able at once to show to anybady, who had THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, JULY 24, 1834. 0 1 ,1,0, bscribed to the fund the mann er i n w hi c h the whole or any •of that fund had been applied. Th e House was entitled - aii investigation into the circumstances, for the purpose of satisfying itself there was no mistake on this important question, and that it might be clearly shown the money had not come out of the Treasury. After all, it was to be recollected that it was a very suspicious circumstance, to say the least of it, that the management of such a fund should be m the hands of a Secretary of the Treasury. It could not fail to be observed, that the facility with which such a fund might be mixed with the Treasury funds, in a coun try like this, where there was always a sum set apart for such service, was calculated and ought to excite suspicion ; therefore there was an abundant ground for inquiring in this case. He did not apprehend an unfavourable result from the inquiry. The conviction on his own mind was, that that result would bear out the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but the public would not and ought not to be satisfied unless a full and fair investigation took place. If true, there could be no difficulty in proving it, and if the allegations were correct—and he would say that he believed the statement of the Right Honourable Gentleman on a for mer evening, but the fact might have been concealed from him —then it was necessary for the character of the House, and of the individual Member concerned, that his motion should be complied with that a Committee should be granted, and that the facts should appear distinctly before the House. He could not avoid saying, that upon the evidence there was more than cause for suspicion. There was no longer a direct domination of the Aristocracy—the nomination system had been done away with, and the power of property, as unjustly bearing upon the election of Members of Parliament had been done away with, the majority of the representative, therefore, was returned by the people themselves under the Reform Bill. But the freedom of election was much more likely to be ruined by the canker worm of corruption, bribery by means of money, and the pro curing votes by purchase, thus adding to bribery the crime of perjury. This would make the House anxious to sift enquiry—( Hear)—and he trusted it would not be said of the reformed House of Commons, or the reformed Government, that they had stood in the way of the fullest investigation. He had the honour to move that the report of the Select Com mittee of the Inns of Court should be referred to a Select Committee of Prvileges. Mr. F. O'C 0 NNO R seconded the motion. Lord J. RUSSELL said he had not at all been prepared for the part which the Hon. and Learned Member had taken on the present occasion. He must say that he could not per., ccive that there existed any ground to demand the interference of a Committee of Privileges in this case. Undoubtedly, it would be a great breach of the privilege of the House for the Government to make use of the public money for electioneer ing purposes. But surely it could not be pretended that any individual who happened to hold the office of Secretary of the Treasury, had not, in his individual character, the same rights which any other gentleman in that House claimed, to lend his support in the shape of money, or in any other way, to any candidate for election he might think proper. The Right Hon. Member (now Secretary at War) had very satisfactorily shown by letters written at the time of the occurrence in ques tion, that the monty which had been supplied to the candidates at the Colchester election had been supplied by private sub scription for that specific object ; and though the money so collected passed through the hands of his Right Hon. Friend, he had no control whatever over its destination. It did not appear from these facts that there could be any ground for bringing a charge of nomination against the Government. The Hon. and Learned Member who had brought forward the pre sent motion, perhaps, knew of many purer cases of nomination which had happened within his own knowledge.—( Laughter. ) He really thought there were no grounds for the inquiry moved for by the Hon. and Learned Member. Mr. TENNYSON agreed with the Noble Lord who had just sat down, that there was no sufficient pretence for the ap pointment of a Committee of Privileges on this case. From the facts of the case, as they appeared in the Report which the Hon. and Learned Member had laid before the House, it certainly appeared that the money in question had been sup plied through the hands of the Hon. Secretary-at-War at the time he was one of the Secretaries of the Treasury, but there was no evidence whatever to show that the money had been taken out of the public purse, whilst, on the other hand, it had since been distinctly stated that it had been purposely raised for that object by the subscriptions of private individuals. Mr. HUME said it was because he believed the statement which had been made by the Hon. Secretary-at-War, that he rose for the impose of urging the Noble Lord who had op posed the present motion to withdraw that opposition, and agree to the Committee. He would merely read three of the questions, and the replies to them, which appeared in the evi dence which bad been laid before the House in this case. The replies of Lord 'Western went distinctly to show that the mo ney had been applied for to Mr. Ellice at the Treasury, and in pursuance of that application had been sent from the Trea sury, wherever it might previously have come from. He re collected that, on a former occasion, the Hon. Member for Ipswich stood up and challenged any individual in the House who had ever filled the office of Secretary to the Treasury to show that he had not been concerned in transactions like the pre sent on the part of Government. Now he (Mr. H.) did not be lieve that such proceedings were attributable to Government. There was only one source from which money could be sup plied for such purposes unknown to the public, namely, the secret service money, but that was generally distributed amongst low parties for other and miscellaneous services.— ( Hear, hear.) However, as the case now stood before the public, he sincerely trusted that the House would not allow any public man to remain subject to the allegation which had been brought against him of having advanced money under circumstances like the present. He trusted that upon those considerations the Noble Lord would withdraw his opposition. Lord J. RUSSELL begged briefly to explain the grounds upon which he had felt called upon to oppose the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. He was quite pre pared to admit that if the only accounts before the House re lative to this matter were the evidence before the Committee on the Inns of Court, the case would be in a very different po sition to what it now had really assumed. The ground upon which be opposed the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin for a Committee of Inquiry was, that the statement which had been made by the Hon. Secretary at War in ex planation of his conduct in this transaction had been corrobo rated by letters actually written between the parties at the time of the occurrence. These documents he thought amply sufficient to satisfy the House upon the merits of the case. Colonel EVANS supported the motion. Instead of the direct opposition which the Members on the Ministerial bench seemed inclined to give it, he thought that at least they should propose by way of amendment some measure of less formality in accordance with the objects of the Hon. and Learned Mover. Mr. C. BULLER said, he would meet the suggestion of the Hon. and Gallant Member by proposing an amendment to the motion before the House. He could not help observing that the present motion came with a particularly bad grace from the Hon. and Learned Member, who, with other Hon. Members in that House, were so much beholden for their po litical position to the Hon. Member the Secretary at War and his colleagues in office.—( Hear, and loud laughter.) The people of England would always feel grateful to that Hon. Gentleman for his exertions in their cause.—( Renewed laugh ter.) And he sincerely hoped that the House would not al low a shadow to be cast over the reputation of individuals to whom the country was so deeply indebted.—( Hear, hear.) When Scipio Africanus was gravely accused with having raised an unjust tribute, which gave offence to the Roman people, instead of defending himself against the various charges with which he was assailed, he simply reminded the assembled mul titudes that that very day was the anniversary of his great vic tory over Hannibal and the Carthagenians, and then called upon them to follow him to the temple and return thanks to the gods for the triumph of their arms. This they did, and prayed at the same time that all their future commanders might be like him. Now he ( Mr. Buller) did not know whether the House would be inclined to follow the Right Hon. Secre tary at War to the temple and return thanks for their signal victory over the boroughmongers. —( Loud laughter.) But this he did say, that he hoped for the future they would always have Secretaries to the Treasury equal to that Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear, hear, hear, and laughter.) This was not his amendment, however.—(Renewed laughter. The amendment which he had to propose was to the following effect : " That the House, having heard the statement which had been made by the Hon. Member for Coventry, relative to the trans actions referred to in the evidence of the first Report of the Select Committee on the Inns of Court, considers that ex planation satisfactory, and will proceed no further in the matter." Mr. WYNN said that the House should deal with one Member precisely as they would be prepared to deal with another like circumstances. It was pretended that it would be derogatory to the character of the Hon. Member for Coventry to make any further inquiry in the matter after the explanation which he had given to the House. Now if this feeling were to be allowed to guide the House in the present case, it would become a precedent, and how would it oblige them to act upon any future occasion of the kind ?—( Hear, hear.) Suppose any future Secretary of She Treasury were to be implicated in a charge of such a nature, and were to stand up in his place in the House and simply deny the charge. The House, what ever the circumstances of the case, would be bound to accept that denial as sufficient, for if they were to attempt to institute any further inquiry in the matter, the then Treasury Secretary might very properly say to them, " I call upon you to make no inquiry into the truth of what I have told you, for if you do you will not be giving my word the same credit which you gave to that of Mr. Ellice in I 834."—( Hear, hear.) The evidence they had already received upon this case was very unsatisfactory. Lord Western evidently knew very little about the matter. He merely knew that application had been made to the Secretary of the Treasury for money, and that the money came from the Treasury. Now here was, in his opinion, sufficient prima facie grounds for inquiry. He was prepared to give the Hon. Secretary full credit for veracity ; but surely the mere assurance of an individual in answer to a charge of an unconstitutional offence, which the present was, could not be deemed sufficient to satisfy the forms and dignity of that House-4 Hear, hear.) He would merely read to the House the resolutions of the year 1779, which declared it to be highly improper for any servant of the Crown to make use of his authority to interfere with the freedom of election of the people of England.—( Hear, hear, hear.) In the year 1803 a letter was written by a Member of Government, dated from the Treasury, to a gentleman in Hampshire, a Mr. Fre mantle, the object of which was to carry an election, and on the simple fact of the date of the letter from the Treasury a charge was founded that the influence of Government was used, for electioneerincr purposes. He (Mr. Wynn) thought it highly reprehensible that a Member of Government, and, above a'l, the Secretary of the Treasury, should have inter fered on such an occasion, and in such a way. It was impos sible that the public could separate the circumstance of the payment being made by the Semtary of the Treasury from the conviction that it was not made for the objects of Govern ment and from the public money.— ( Hear, bear.) The Secre- tary of the Treasury was the most improper person in the world to make such a payment ; for he was the only officer to whom the secret service money was entrusted, and who was not responsible to Parliament for the mode of its application. He might expend it in such a manner as he liked, and was not liable to be called to account for the nature of such expendi ture. Not so the Secretary:of State for Foreign Affairs, or the Home Secretary, for they both had certain objects and limits distinctly prescribed to them for the appropriation of the sums entrusted to their disposal, such as the payment of agents, the procuring, of intelligence, and the preventing of conspiracies against the interests of the State. But the Secretary of the Treasury was perfectly irresponsible and free, and was this the person selected to be made the dis tributor of a subscription fund? What Ihe would ask, was it right or useful that such contributions should be placed in the hands of the Executive Government of the country ?—( Hear, hear.) Some person should have a control over that fund, and, if the Secretary of the Treasury were the person selected, he would not hesitate to say that that Secretary, having ac cepted that office of comptroller of the money, compromised his duty, and produced the general conviction that the public money was squandered for improper and factious purposes. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that money was given for ten or twelve other elections, so that it appeared that a regular system was practised of carrying elections, which by the Whig doctrine ought to be free, by money paid from the Treasury Office. Oh, but it was answered that it was for the purpose of carrying Reform. But was that a good purpose? They all saw that one of the first fruits of Reform was in that House to maintain that black was white ;. that was the amountiof the statements made in the affair of the Russian-Dutch Loan.— ( Hear.) What would be likely to be the result of elections carried by means of those subscriptions which were placed at the disposal of the Treasury ? It could not be pretended that it would be to secure the election of independent men ; for there was a strong obligation imposed on the members so elected to vote for the Government, not merely to carry Reform, but to support all the other measures.--( Hear.) Well, but he heard it stated that the money was merely to pay the travelling expenses of the voters. Now it was his opinion, and Commit tees of the House often declared, that it was illegal to give voters money, no matter how the thing might be disguised under the name of travelling expenses or treating. The con duct of the Right Hon. Gentleman was unquestionably a vio lation of his duty, and a breach of the privileges of the House, and as such he thought it one peculiarly calling for the atten tion and cognizance of Parliament. The fact of a Member of Government, especially such a Member as the Secretary of the Treasury, paying in his office at the Treasury a sum of money to defray the election expenses of a supporter of that Government could admit of only one interpretation in the public opinion and was one. that could not be overlooked by Parliament. In the practice of former Parliaments such con duct would be pronounced a breach of privilege, and would be dealt with accordingly ; but he heard now a new doctrine broached, that of confidence in the Government, and under that plea of confidence the House was to be called on to over- look this matter. He had every respect for the character and integrity of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but, as a matter of public duty, the House should investigate this case.—( The concluding remarks of the Hon. Member were indistinctly heard in the Gallery. ) _ _ Mr. RICE would not say that the present question should be decided on the ground of confidence in the Government. It stood sufficiently clear to be decided on its own merits. He claimed no more confidence for the Government than the inte grity of his Right Hon. Friend and the satisfactory nature of his defence required. He would just state to the House how the case stood. Lord Western stated a fact which his Right Hon. Friend did not deny, but, on the contrary, admitted. But then his Right Hon. Friend stated other facts in explana tion of the former. Lord Western stated facts in which he was not interested. His Right Hon. Friend stated facts in which he was interested. It was then contended that the disinterested statement of Lord Western should be cre dited, while the interested statement of his Right Hon. Friend should be disregarded—(" Hear," from both sides of the House.) If the Hon. Member was right, the testimony of his Right Hon. Friend should be excluded as being interested, while that of Lord Western alone should be received. Now his Right Hon. Friend did not dispute the facts of Lord Wes tern ; he confirmed and explained them. Was he then not to be allowed the privilege of speaking in his own defence ? Ac cording- to the doctrine of the Hon. Member he was not. But the practice and usages of Parliament always went on a differ ent principle, for they invariably admitted the evidence or ex planation of an accused person. If a Committee of Privileges were appointed would not, he would ask, the evidence of Right Hon. Friend be received ? • Mr. WYNN said his statement would be heard. Mr. RICE—WeII, his statement would be heard. But would not his statement be taken as evidence for or against him, for it would be mockery to suppose that he would be al lowed to make a statement if no value were attached to it as evidence ?—( Cheers from the ministerial benches.) It would be the grossest injustice to exclude the testimony of interested parties, who alone frequently could afford any explanation. There was no contradiction between the statements of Lord Western and his Right Hon. Friend. Lord Western said that he applied at the Treasury to the Secretary of the Trea sury for a sum of money to meet the expenses of the Colchester election, and got it. His Right Hon. Friend confirmed this, but said that the fund was a private one, in the disposal of which he was consulted. Mr. WYNN—The application was made to him as an offi cer of the Government. Mr. RICE—If the Hon. Gentleman traced the fact to the answer of Lord Western, he would be right in his inference ; but it appeared he traced it to the mode in which the question was put. Both would warrant different conclusions. There was not the remotest proof that the influence of the Govern ment or the public money were used on the present occasion (for that was the great point to be considered) more than on the occasion before alluded to. He (Mr. Rice) complained, and had a right to complain, of the unfair mode in which the Von. Member dealt with the question. He complained of the Hon. Member's drawing inferences that were not warranted by the premises, and founding his argument on these inferences. The transaction took place in 1831. The letters referring to it were produced, they were published in all the papers ; these letters he seemed not to have seen, and he founded his arguments, not on public documents, but on total ignorance of them.—( Cheers from the. Ministerial side.) So conscious was his friend of the innocent nature of the transaction that he did not keep a copy of those letters, but was in debted for their production to an adverse party. There were large subscriptions raised at that time by different parties ; the opponents of Government notoriously raised subscriptions. Was it then reprehensible that the friends of Government should subscribe ? The fact • was pub lished in all the public papers. But it seemed the Hon. Member was ignorant of the fact ; so that he was igno rant not only of what was published in 1831, but of what was published at the present day. The people of Manchester, Birmingham, and other places then boldly came forward and contributed to carry on the fight of Reform. If Gentlemen then would not say that it was wrong to subscribe at that time, it could not be wrong to pay the subscription.—( Hear, hear.) Though some Hon. Mem bers of that House might support the views of the Hon. Mem ber, yet he was sure that the great majority of the people would not, because the object of the subscription was just and constitutional. It was stated by his Right Hon. Friend that there were two subscription funds, that he had no control over them, but was only consulted, and used his influence in their application. His Right Hon. Friend stated that the sum al luded to was not drawn from the public purse. When the letters that were published, attesting this fact, did not come from his Right Hon. Friend, but from the adverse party, and which the Hon. Member might have seen if he liked, it was some evidence that the statement was to be relied on, and that his Right Hon. Friend was perfectly justified. There was then not only the solemn declaration of his Right Hon. Friend, but strong contempoianeotil evidence to prove his innocence.--( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. S. Ride) should vote for the amendment. Mr. WYNN did not think that the House should proceed against any Member without hearing him. But a letter read by an Hon. Member he (Mr. W.) did not conceive could be received as part of a speech, nor could it be received as a de fence, if not laid on the table. Mr. Canning, when he read a letter in that House, was told he could not justify his Govern ment by it if it were not laid as a document on the table. As the charge was on record, so should the letter be on record. When Mr. Wyndham Quin was accused.—(Loud cries of " Spoke.") Mr. H. L. BULWE R said the present was a most insig nificant case. The explanation made before the Committee on the statement made before the House should be received. The call for the Committee was made, not because the Right Hon. Gentleman was guilty, but hecause he was innocent, and to enable him to proclaim what was already evident.--( Hear, hear.) It was like bringing a man before a Justice of the Peace, and the Justice should tell him, " You are clearly in nocent, but then you must go to gaol and stand your trial.— ( Hear, and a laugh.) It was most disgraceful thus to drag before a public tribunal a Member of such high character in that House and through the co untry. Mr. A. BARING said that Parliament should not allow itself to be diverted from its duty by any special pleading or rhetoric on the opposite side. It should look to such conduct as that of the Right Hon. Secretary, not with con fid ence , as was claimed for it, but with vigilance and jealousy. The Right Hon. Gentleman had the secret service money in his hand, and could dispose of it without responsibility or check. He gave a sum of money to meet the election expenses of an avowed supporter of the Government; and though he said that sum was drawn from a private fund, yet what could pre vent the inference to be drawn,that it was not a sum given by Government for the purpose of promoting the interested views of Government ? The fact of an application of a sum of money by the Secretary of the Treasury for securing the return of a friend to Government was proved by Lord Western, and was ad mitted by the Secretary himself. The gravamen of the whole charge rested on the admission of the Right Hon. Gentleman, for by his own showing he was 'guilty of a gross breach of privi lege, and the House would be grossly neglecting its duty if it overlooked it. In what situation would the House be placed if it followed the advice of Hon. Gentlemen friends to Go vernment, and rested satisfied with the explanation of the Right Hon. Secretary? He (Mr. Baring) was astonished that Ministers should so far trifle with the privileges of Par liament, and Whig Ministers too, as to advise such a course.— (Cheers.) How did the facts stand ? Supposing the state ment of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War to be perfectly and strictly true, the affair at present was in this position :—A Secretary of the Treasury, an officer connected with the Government in a peculiar way, for there were two Secretaries of the Treasury, the one having to attend to mat ters properly belonging to the finances of the Fountry,and the other having to do the jobbing, in fact the dirty work of the andG Governm e nt.—(Laughter, e i t r nwma was nt notorious.. Hear." ) Laughhe e r, m an ad d e " not t Such lva a s p t p h l e ic l a a b c l t e , remark as only to the present Government,but to all Governments whic had hitherto been, and he feared would be until human nature was altered, notwithstanding all the reforms which had been, and could be, introduced by his Noble Friend (Lord Althorp). Well, the person holding that office, upon the statement of the Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Ellice), was selected to work the elections throughout the country, through the medium of a subscription raised out of private funds. But the Noble Lord (Western) whose evidence had led to the special Report from the Committee, distinctly stated that he had not applied to the Right Honourable Gentle man because of any private intimacy which was subsisting between them, but because he was Secretary to the Trea sury, and it was to the Secretary of the Treasury as such that the application was made. It was to the Treasury the letter was sent, and did the Treasury answer it ? Yes.—( Hear.) The money was so furnished. Then would that House do its duty if it expressed itself content to leave the report without further notice? Assuredly not. What was the explanation of the Right Hon. Gentleman to the statement ? He said he did send the 500/. to Colchester and to a dozen other places. He managed a private subscription, and lie had so used it. And upon that statement his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Rice) asked if the House could entertain the thought of further pro ceeding. The House could not, consistently with the main tenance of its character, pass by such a matter without full investigation ; and when he saw his Noble Friend (Lord Althorp), in whose integrity and nice sense of honour he had the most perfect reliance, countenancing a different course, he could not but express his astonishment at the monstrous lengths to which public men might be driven by the violence of party feelings.—( Cheering.) The question was not merely whether or not the public money had been used—that suppo sition the statement of the Secretary at War had in his mind set at rest—but here was a Secretary of the Treasury, an officer of the Crown, and whose interference with elections had been declared a high breach of the privileges of that House, receiving and answering applications for money to carry on elections at the Treasury.---( Hear.) And when the case was brought forward the explanation was, that he had sent money to a dozen other places for a similar purpose. Some Hon. Members had treated the motion before the House as if it had come from his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Wynn) ; but it came from the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, who could not perhaps be accused of enmity to the present Go. vernment, and still less to the Secretary at War—( A laugh)—and who had doubtless brought it forward because he felt that a matter of so much importance, and affecting so deeply the privileges of that House and the character of Go vernment, could not be passed over without strict and full in quiry. One word as to precedent. It had been said that the transactions occurred at a particular period, when men's minds were strongly interested. That surely was no ground for pass ing it by without investigation ; and he entreated the House 'o be slow by its proceeding to establish a precedent which might be quoted for dangerous and destructive purposes. In justifi cation of the transaction it had been urged that similar funds were raised by the opponents of the conduct pursued by the party with whom the Right Hon. Gentleman acted. He did not understand that any one objected, or could object, to pri vate subscriptions for the purpose of carrying on, legally, elec tions. They had heard, for instance, of a fund at the Crown and Anchor Tavern ; and to that he did not know that any objection could be taken. It had also been stated that there was a fund of the same description collected in Charles-street. All that he could say upon that point was, that, although he had been in the habit of meeting many gentlemen in that place, he had never been applied to to contribute to any such subscription, and upon his honour he knew of no such sub scription.—( Cries of " Hear," and "Oh !") Such was the fact ; but whether there had been such a fund or not was a matter of no consequence, and had nothing whatever to do with the question before the House. To one other point only he would allude, and that but for a moment. An Hon. Member (Mr. Peter) in his great indignation at interference in elections, had had on the books ever since the commence ment of the Session a notice of motion for an address to the Crown, to pray the Crown to remove the Earl of Warwick from the office of Lord Lieutenant of a county, because it had been proved before a Committee of that House, that the No ble Lord had been guilty of lending his brother a sum of mo ney which had been used for electioneering purposes.— ( Laughter and " Hear.") Such was the height of the indig nation of the Hon. Gentleman that time could hot allay it— that the universally-admitted amiable character, retired ha bits, and freedom from strong political bias in the Earl of Warwick, could not induce him to abandon his notice, for how ever much longer the motion might be postponed.—( Hear. ) Then he would suggest, if his Noble Friend (Lord Althorp) still resisted inquiry in this case of the Secretary of the Trea sury, that the Hon. Member should extend his protective care of the privileges of that House, and, while he provided for the reprobation of a Lord Lieutenant of a county for lending money to a brother, he should at least address the Crown also in de precation of a Secretary of the Treasury working in the Trea sury a dozen elections.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) Lord ALTHORP said - that the speech of his Honourable Friend who had just sat down was a speech not so much for inquiry as for a censure on the conduct of his Right Hon. Friend.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord referred to the case of Mr. Fremantle, and contended that it had been distinctly laid down that a person holding the office of Secretary to the Trea sury had a right as an individual to exert his influence in any election, although he had not a right to exert his influence as a public officer. In that case it was contended that the com plaint was against Mr. Fremantle as Secretary of the Trea sury, and not as an individual. In support of that view the Noble Lord quoted from the speech of Mr. Canning, and expressed his belief that his Hon. Friend (Mr. Baring) had voted against the inquiry. -4 A laugh.) He recollected that at the time that question was argued, some Hon. Members con tended that allowance ought to be made for Mr. Fremantle, because he had been appointed Secretary to the Treasury only Just previous to a general election, and that, therefore, his duties were peculiarly arduous. Mr. Rose, however, held a very different opinion, and said he knew not of any difference. ( A laugh.) The case was this :—His Right Hon. Friend had the management of a private subscription, to be devoted to legal elective purposes, and he had so applied it. But that view of the question did not rest merely on the assertion of his Right Hon. Friend, for its accuracy was amply proved by the letters furnished to his . Right Hon. Friend by the courtesy of the Honourable Member for Colchester. To a private subscription there could surely be no objection, at least he was quite certain the Hon. Member for Middlesex could have none, for he remembered that at his first election for that county his constitutional feelings against spending any of his own money on elections rendered a subscription from his friends necessary.—( Loud laughter.) The question then was whether his Right Hon. Friend was to be censured by a vote of that House because he had managed a private subscription, the authority being delegated to him by the subscribers. Such being the case, he could not, notwithstanding the appeal of his Hon. Friend, but resist the motion.—( Hear.) _ _ _ _ Mr. G. F. YOUNG felt it his duty to support the motion. He should do so not from at all doubting the statement of the Secretary at War, in-whose integrity he had the most perfect confidence, but because he thought the people had a right to be convinced as well as the House, and that inquiry would lead to a conclusion triumphant to the character of the Right Hon. Gentleman. A Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Rice) had said there was no precedent for calling for an inquiry when a. Member had pledged his word and honour to a statement;. but he was prepared to show that that was a mistake. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman (the Member for Tipperary) had pledged his honour on a late occasion, and a Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had contended that that very fact made inquiry necessary, and a Committee was appointed. He con tended that the honour of the Covernment required investiga tion, and therefore he should support the motion. Mr. C. FERGUSON said he believed that was the first time in which a Committee had been required in a case in which both parties admitted that they heard the truth. He contended that before any Committee could be necessary, it would be right to show that the money was given for illegal purposes. Mr. O'DWYER at some length opposed the motioit of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. Mr. SINCLAIR said he was so perfectly satisfied with the explanation of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War, that he should vote against the motion for further inquiry. Mr. ESTCOURT would intrude on the House only for a very few minutes.—( Question.) lie very rarely troubled the House, and he trusted never abused its indulgence.—( Hear. ) He was not one of those who had had the advantage of fully hearing the explanation of the Secretary at War. It was said that explanation had been perfectly satisfactory ; but when it was made the charge was not formally before the House.— ( Yes, and Hear.) It was true the report had been brought up, and he believed the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had presented it had expressed his intention to move that it should be printed • but before that was done the Right Hon. Gentleman had thought proper to make his explanations. Now by that proceeding those who happened not to be in the House were surely not to be precluded from inquiry ?—( Con fusion, and cries of " Divide.") Some Hon. Members seemed extremely anxious to divide, and perhaps they had some good reasons for such conduct-4 Hear, hear.) Lord Western had been asked a question as to whether he wrote to Mr. Ellice for the money, and his answer was no.—( Hear, hear.) If Hon. Members would hear a little further, they would find they had not cheered in the right place.—( Hear.) The answer was to the effect that he wrote for the money for the purpose of car rying on the election of Mr. Mayhew, that he wrote to the Secretary of the Treasury, and that the money was paid from the Treasury. The Hon. Member alluded to the speech of Lord Castlereagh in the case of Mr. Fremantle, and observed that that Noble Lord had supported full inquiry. He had little or no acquaintance with the Right Hon. Gentleman ; but he must say that if inquiry was refused, that Right Hon. Gentle man would not stand cleared of the charge. 4 Cries of "Divide. ") Mr. RUTHVEN opposed the motion for inquiry. If any Hon. Member would state on his honour that he believed he could prove that the Right Hon. Gentleman had abused his office in electioneering while Secretary to the Treasury, he would vote for a Committee. Colonel EVANS had supported the motion, but would now support the amendment. He recommended to the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin to withdraw his motion. of duty u dt o uat lys sucho as as aChairman thing. . 1h ia( He hat h Mr. O'CONNEL L said be wished he could adopt the ad vice just given him , and withdraw his motion.--(Hear.) He could, however, spokete notconimee m merelyitt u m rm b an erof of t House bound report, but n t o consider the e matter. appeared t o hi m t o i nvo l ve a p l a i n b re ach of privilege. The Committee appointed to investigate t he case of the on. M em b er f or Colchester had no authority p a o k n i n i t a h the nsre, to demand a copy of the correspondence of Lord Western. If they had they would have insisted on its production. The an swers of the Secretary correspondence did not at War to that satisfy him of the innocence of that Right Hon. Gentleman, nor did he believe they would satisfy the public. Certain do cuments which were calculated to throw light on the matter were admitted to exist, and without their production he did I 1 i