The Sun. — London, England, 1831-09-24 00:00:00

to be 'l e : Rich r i g' had to tbe f ity ,t G ,sg wit b a. • patent7a, trio" of tWgli re which sf_st: uis pit gratuiteo Wer e they , i sion. ther • 11004. Thiell 04 0 b b : e lute P g it WOO been Teller the 11 1 Jle e Id II"' d s pirit , a° 0)0 3 1' 4 ' 11 : often eve" the Ig ° ' ffieei if Ihef obv er ! 3 er i ,pportuni alteration la, 'd that col' ,r, however' tem _r .!), had not Pe f great deal o very p ate c l i sposa. , ) Ala t, aw aried it, tb: the lea s "°- his first a division, some amend' o rdered tha t th oday, wi Ad, iesday.--,- R 23 ' le inhabitants to return re 'also a pew ire c 0 Id not f advertinf " by an ° b , J 1 wh ich / i e /131 I• be had r 1)3( , or e of a n ee, ore aeiowlY re ,; o o ,v hat tit to the Pi; i at in l'i'f it) if n Louis b e 0 i to the °l B ° d Ised car t the fained ta a '. oo l e observP OC C°' NI ensiled, foc • of ab "e nc e ,,te iitietice of P ri g. 1 Stormont' jr. Smith, node Ision some ' O O I kept his til do p , e heads of P t he the report ° N et laving the o ° o l , narked with 0 0 ;heriff with g 1 1,3 inefficiency was null and. toy it was the °'for institution of °' lt •• vas not. f e minutes 0 , (off ° Auld be laid to go ," f 1 , 1 1 be was i n t Y )roceed ings at tijr ,f them f l u ! 1 1 lection wou'rovf delay or imQ 6 , the House i c lio t T wa, printeo, h 3 the CommitteetioV up, move the l" conduct of th ere' glily u'.d be eve' so o' 'embroke, that ~0 0 nt Sheriff, '"alit o pct forth )I'' ,tion being, o ie oirr ye it his heartYoll the House to .de le Members t °) 10 , e feelings no ent proceeding' f $ he judgment ,1010# beriff as man)" Lure, On the ' .nter into the 1 I over again a 1 be la'd 13,1°11 # Y that after wb a, 0 1 ; tie , ' ° his .nten t i roe , that it be pr' hO, oils from A s Di)i fe ration in the tition from Duloll I Lion from the lJni'::' to take into CO nsitle,(v v s to be representos/ thought the clailli e if England and Irelo. intended, by t he If i : Jniveriities a rej``, ded the e t ecommen n o the attention the House, and also to that of the Lordt Advocate. Mr. DUNDAS concurred most cordially in the prayer ° f the petition. Sir "I. RAE supported the prayer of the pe tition ; tbserving that he had on. of a similar nature to present from the most ancient University in Scotland—that of Sr. And re w,. The LORD ADVOCATE said that no man was more livou .. ti .sposeu to listen to the suggestions of the p eti i,'"uers thin he was, and the subject of their a pp lication had been T t under h the consideration of his Maje st y 's Go e time had neatly al riv I • • el when the reasons favour of the petition, and the difficulties which might be u rged on the subject, would be stated. ` I ' • • WARBURTON considered the best criterion to g o by. in de c idi ng whether the Scotc h Universities should or rn " ,t uu ld not h ave representat i ves , was to see in what En ' n 4 "r th e U n i versity representa ti ves hail been elected in ou! land and Scotland. Had they been elected in conse ce of their great talent and learning, or for party pur ti:iear,strForok:i himself, be could not but think the n'Pre'en theies g en erally sent from these places, were more noted for v marked politics, tlnin their learning and c i d ' s n ~ ee • He sh ou ld, th ere f o re, eive the measure his de °l'Do,ition when it came before the House. to t ir GEORGE WARRENDER thought it wo uld be of 'se,,desirable to obtain represe ntatives for the Universities -r, KENNEDY thought the present discussion mis feet should be prepare• l to enter fully into the sub jnen it came before the House. pr,as.'seird J. WALSH intended to move, if the Scotch Bill a second reading, that it be an instruction to the '4,f,"ms,m,otiitteuedt.o provide representatives' for the University vlAfter a few words from Mr. CAMPBELL and Sir R. p r i„ ; ',, in f avour o f gran ting the Scotch Universities the , wh, ";ege of returning Members to the House, the petition on the table, and ordered to be printed. Sir Jo tuive u RAE presented a similar petition from t he rs ltY of St. Andrew's.—Ordered to be printed. of thr. LAME brought up the returns of t h e p o p ulation - muted s everal cou n ti es of Scotlan d , which were ordered t o Sir next "e It. VYVYAN gave notice, that on Mo nda y ould put a question to the Noble Secretary offi et P°l.el gn Affairs relative to the continuance of French s.ra inthe se rv i ce o f Belgium. t i , t . PRICE brought up the minutes of evide nce tio n - ''efore the Committee upon the Pembrokeshire elec which were ordered to be printed. MEmuER, whose name we could not learn, te nd _ e that due notice would be given when it was in d to move fur a new writ for Pembrokeshire. SCOTCH REFORM BILL. th,,, t , ll 'lf-past Fi ve o ' c l o ck the LORD ADVOCATE moved tr ; u rder o f the Day for the secon d rea di n g of the Bill for e 4` l ieg the Representation of Scotland. the t rO OULBURN begged to ask the No b le Lord oppo sho T e , ueo it s vas hi s i ntent i on that the Irish Reform Bill be brought forward ? bu t r d ALTHORP s aid, at present it stood for Mon da y' , ar i d e would wish to consult the convenience of the Irish er _ c oth er Memb ers , as to w hether the Scotch Bill should 'tiot be from day to d a y successively, or whether it wou ld in i ts convenient if the Irish Bill (f were taken alt ernate stag wes ith the Scotch Bill.lear, hear.) h e „ tv4i dd end eavour to co ll ec t th e opinions of Hon. Mem eea-ieu°_Pon the subject, with a view of consulting their con- T e c e as much as possible. i ief 'ne ord er of the day was then rea d, th a t the Scotch rhos Bill be read a sec ond time. e r t e LORD ADVOCATE s aid, that he rose, in the f ur ' r4 of the order, to prapose to the House that the Bill see findingaln the representation of Scotland be read a of ° la d ime; and certainly, when he looked to the state "t representation now, and to what had been its state Whi ch the Union, and to the nature and extent of the change t "'eh this measure introduced into it, he should not have t iered it an arduous task, but for the greatness of the eu i r e f.tr to induce any man of common sense to give his al assent to it. At the sametiirieitvnas not t p t ins e s r i e b i l e Wit ,to know that indications of dissatisfaction, 4 the details, but also with the principles of the meay 'Ore, and to vv, `4 symptoms of tendency to discourage any attempt ap peared a great change in that representation, had . ap- Hu in the speeches of several Hon. Members in that /, User and also in the notices inserted in the order book. Would _therefore he necessary for him to trouble the p44ouse with a few words before he came to the formal that this which lie intended to conclude —namely , Thataen e defects House be now read a second time. He believed whttation use and the country had long been aware of which had long prevailed in the repre of Scotland. Bqt from the opportunities gentlemen itch he hail recently enjoyed of conversion with several li no knew who knew not the state of that representa i„:" he wa s l e d to b e li eve th a t, up to this time, an "Perfect idea was entertained of the almost incredible ' e ltent of its defects and enormities. They appeared • Qt °4I Y indefensible, but also incredible ; for no man I°llld credit that aey could have existed so long in the rglihourhood of such a country as England, forming the British they did, an integral part of the Constitution of . • soritieli Legislature. He was led' to believe that this i tr i4 e P o e b r s re e e r t . idea was entertained, in certain quarters, from vation which surprise ad heard d . rop from . a R . ight lio n p withoutp, but with some indigt!a eta,' in th e course of his eloquent speech on the English the sel The Right Hon. Baronet, in speaking of p re "elieh Reform Bill, had stamped the system of re if:hetation in Scotland with the greatest reprobation. te r „ I referred to the Scotch system in a lump, as a sys pe,;°! valuable as affecting the representation of the the gs I n Scotland, but as a system valuable on account of a -. " m "lttte absence of all popular elements, and useful is L l a : fl ee to the dernocratical changes introduced by the th e ' s ' 44l Reform Bill. He bad represented the system of 1 -ent eh representation as a part of the close system ; If ' '' . classed it with the nomination boroughs, and the T ' ei a ' le e of the Peerage, which was now to be ale lielie* fer en - :`,''s certainly true in sonic points; but as it was dif eb," in others, it afforded but an imperfect picture of the i.eentation of Scotland. The Scotch system was not ief Pre sentation of the influence of the Crown, or of the ari a u t etl ee of the Peerage, or of the influence of the high If 's -°44 7 , or of the influence of the landed proprietary'. se o l t `Yits the representation of any thing, it was the repre hi h ati o .. 2 "t a small and insignificant oligarchy, not of r eoh or station,—not of individuals connected with The the landed interest or the aristocracy of the country. l aw t i whsle of th e con stituency for the 30 counties of Scot litt according to the present roll of voters, t i ed ' More than 3,000 persons. But born that number a th a `,.on was to be made on account of the notorious fact, 111;, 6 ° 0 or 600 of those voters were counted twice over, diffc e °4 9, l lence of their holding a franchise in three or four f ,t)t'ierlt counties. So that the whole representation . of t la st , a ndr though it had increased very much within the ,5 ( 1`,.? Years, did not embrace a constituency of more than kersons,—a constituency trifling , indeed , in p oint numberste and below the average of the constituency of ,°, ll ' ll Counties. Nor was this counterbalanced by the ej; e gii constituency in Scotland. The whole number ot sh e -'°" for the Scotch burghs, who, by the by, wereth t, e , 14gietratr s annually elected by themselves, amounted 20 -I° l ' averaging for the 66 boroughs . of Scotland, about the r e- retors each. The whole constituency of Scotland, th n ef ere, was not so much as 5,000 1 proiably not more itu 4 ;„ : 4,50 0. lie did not know whether it was possible in. co ''ne that an elective system, conducted by such an re se:siderable number of insignificant persons, could rep ,. ll of a t the interests, the intelligence, the wishes and the whi n e t c°4ll nunity. When he looked at the qualification hi s entitled these electors to vote, he could not conceal_ p res :rPriee at the satisfaction which had been w aa : (1 for this system ; for although the . qualeficati of th u lltosed to be derived from titles given by . oes . I s fr o , e i ,lanel, it might be, and indeed was, disjoined joi n , tu e Property of the land more frequently than it was "uteri with it. It depended upon individuals holding a prrettiority over lands of which other parties were the pro bele °rs illusory rent of a penny Scotch per quarter of ti g , Paid as a rent to the superior. In short, the holders exee, e superiorities exercised the elective franchise to the on se ts" of those who, as owners of the land, ought to t i it . A very valuable paper had recently been laid eou 'e table of the House, containing a list, for all the r o e d tie e of Scotland, of the number of freeholders en tie: ' and of the proprietors who had the real superiori half; a rid from that list it appeared that more than one th e I ° ' c the Scot c h vo t ers for counties had no property in l oo k arl ds for which they voted. Having had occasion to eb atv r eeently at that paper, he bad made an alphabetical to e a et of the returns for two or three counties, in order nur e ,"tr y hew enormous the disproportion was between the couri. er of voters and the real landed proprietors. In the hit ° 1 Argyle, which in 1821 contained 97,000 inha riot less the whole number of voters was 113, of whom th e than 81 were not proprietors of the lands for which 9 0, Y 0 vOttd, thus leaving only 31 land.owners out of the f or t °Ohatinconsiinhabitants of Argyle to elect the r e presentatives it county. The next in tis etical st derable in extent,countand contained alphab only 14,000 i or vo l ; 00 0 inh a bit an t s —it was the co un t y of Bute. All the et : l s in that county were 21 ; and it was ludicrous to sha t Count 20 out of those 21 bad no poperty whatever ill `lat C ollilty...(Great cries of 44 hear."r) So that in that county there was only a single voter connected with it by property, who, like a sovereign, was uneontroulled within it. At one electio❑ for that county, within the memory of man, when the day of election came, only one person qualified to vote attended, and that person was the sheriff. He read the writ to the meeting as sheriff. Then he con stituted the meeting. Then, having constituted the meet ing, he called over the names on the roll. Then he an. swered to the names himself Then he put the vote for a preses to the meeting ; then he elected himself passes; then he read over the minutes of the I ist meeting ; the, he moved that they be confirmed ; then he confirmed them himself ; then, last of all, he put the representation to the vote, and, being himself the whole meeting, made an unanimous return.—(Great laughter.) This farce was a specimen of those farces called county election., which were played very frequently in Scotland, for the sheriff was often the only real proprietor in the county. But to return to his abstract. In C tidiness the population was :30,000, the number of freeholders 42. Out of that num ber 36 had no property in the lands of which they held the superiority', and only six of them were quali fied by p :sse.sion both of the land and of the su periority over it. In the county of Dumbarton the pin fliation was 25,000. The enrolled voters were 71. Of this number 52 hal no property in their qualleations. The county of Inverness had a population of 90,000. AL the enrolled voters were SS ; of these 88, 50 had no property in the county. He would not fatigue the House by going thr,aign the whole alp abet, but wcadd stop where Ire was, at the letter I. He would only state, that from this paper it was clear that more than one-half of the Individuals who decided the county elections in Scotland had no property whatever in land. H.• contended at some length that this system was more injurious to the landed proprietors and resident gentry of Scotland, whose in terests were swamped by the votes of those who had no landed property whatever. The number, too, of these superiorities had much increased of late years, as they had repeatedly been made subjects of sale and barter. It was notorious that they had often fallen into the hands of spe culating attorneys, who thought that it was a good mode of investing a few hundred pounds ; for they knew that they could secure by them the honest gain of being em ployed in the prolessional service of those candidates to whom they gave their votes. He had already said that there was no popular election in Scotlard, and that all the sixty-six burghs of that country could not furnish more than one thousand four hundred persons qualified to vote. These were the Magistrates and officers of the burghs, and that majority of them which controuled the rest succeeded one another by a mutual and reciprocal selection of each other. In Glasgow, with a popu'ation of two hundred thousand of as intelligent and independent men as could be found in the empire, the whole representation and power of delegating an individual to Parliament was confined to thirty. thr, e persons, or rather to any seventeen of them, who, by banding together, could controul and coerce the remainder of their colleagues. Even when the body had made its selection, it had to share its right of election with three or four other boroughs, which, though far inferior in wealth and intelligence, still had a voice potential in Glasgow in the election. In Edinburgh, the Member was chosen by the same number of indivi duals as at Glasgow, and thus it was that the whole of that intelligent and virtuous community was unrepre sented. He would not go through the details relative to the town of Aberdeen, which delegated to twenty or twenty one of its municipal officers, the power:of choosing a Member to represent it, and then had only a fourth or fifth share, with some other insignificant places, in making the return. He had not exaggerated when he had stated that this sys tem, on all the principles of common sense, and with a view to legislation, was not only in all its parts vicious and indefensible, but also so vicious and indefensible that it would be matter of surprise and even of incredulity to any person to whom it was described on light authority. He had no doubt, however, that he should be told that night that Scotland, under the fostering care of this system, had ar rived at its present station in wealth, industry, and repu tation. But if there were any truth in that argument, no answer could be made to one of those alternatives — either that popular representation was of no value, or that —(The other alternative we were unable to hear; indeed there were, throughout the whole of this speech, many sentences of which we could not take a note, from being unable to interpret the strong broad Scotch accent in which the Lord Advocate spoke.) He was prepared to contend that the influence of the present representative system in Scotland had not only not been beneficial, but that it had even been pernicious to the interests of that country. He was prepared to contend that in all stages of its history the defects of its representative system had been exemplified and felt in the distressed condition of its people. He would pass over the feudal period, when chiefs marshalled their clans against each other, and admitted no law save that of the swot d, and when there was scarcely a dawn of that intelligence and industry which was so necessary to the existence of a free Government. From the time of the union of the two Crowns down to the time of the union of the two kingdoms, the condition of Scotland formed a lamentable picture, which was a source of shame and humiliation to every true Scoteliman. Her servile Parliaments, her venal statesmen, her pliant and corrupt tribunals, her extreme rigour in repressing disorders, spoke volumes to the historical student. Scotland, considering her small extent, had praduced more than her share of emi nent inert and of warlike patriots. Scholars and warriors she had in abundance ; but she had no Parliamentary heroes,—no champions of the people,—no noble leaders in the popular cause in that arena into which the people themselves were forbid to enter. At the last stage of her separate existence there might have been a Belhaven and a Fletcher of Saltoun ; hut no such char acters appeared during that great outbreak of English liberty in the 17th century, which, though it threw down the throne and de luged the land with a popular flood, carried along with it a fertilizing power which gave vegetation and life to those seeds from which succeeding ages had reaped a vast harvest of Ireedom and happiness. Though Scotland partook of that impulse, she partook of the worst part of it ; and in the exertions of her public men of that day you saw nothing but a gloomy fanaticism and a stern unbending devotion to religion. It was lamentable, and yet instructive, to find that the people whose religious educa tion had been provided by the state, did fly to arms when their religion was attacked, though they submitted pa tiently to the grossest political oppression. The only re sistance wade was made by the stern and fanatical Cove nanters in defence of their cunventicles on the hills ; and when their apathy about political oppression, and their re sistance to ecclesiastical tyranny, were contrasted together, no one could fail to see how necessary political instruction was, and how much it was then wanted in Scotland. At last came the union of the two kingdoms,—a bargain harshly and ungenerously made by the stronger party, and assented to by, the weaker, not, he believed, front the most honourable motives,—a bargain by which a neigh bouring nation, pretending to treat on terms of equality, had the lace to propose to another, that in order that one room might be able to contain the delegates of each nation, the whole of the diminution in the number of representa tives should lie on one side, and that to procure a fair ad justment, England should continue to return her 513 Members as before, and that Scotland should cut down her 156 to 45. He could not, however, quarrel with the Union. It deserved, indeed, the epithets which be had applied to it. No doubt the representation of Scotland sunk when it was absorbed into that of Great Britain ; but it was absorbed into a noble element—it was trans planted into a favourable and auspicious soil. Though the separate voice of Scotland could not be heard so loudly as before in defence of Scotch interests, the rights and in. terests of Seotchmeu were placed in the charge of Eng. lish Legislators ; bound to consider the wants and wishes of tire United Kingdom. Had the appointment of the 45 Members been made at the pleasure of the Crown itself, he thought it highly probable that the same talent, the same respectability, and the same personal influence might have been found amongst the Scotch le presentatives : but in that case, as in the present, there would have been no responsibility to popular opinion, no parliamentary im p ersonation of the people, pr o p er ly so called.—(Cheers.) Whatever concessions might be made be granted as a bo on, and offered jnst in the an by the represe ntatives to their supposed constituen ts would, necessarilyin which a virtuous d e s po t might confer benefits same way on his subjects.—(Cheers.) But who would say t h at these constituen ts had any chains to such a c t s o f conde scension,—who would p retend that they had any right to have their wishe s consulted on any political subject what soccer, or that thei r g ratitude could be looked u p on in an y other light than as the mere incense which they might offerretporaesesi7letrivioersi ?—(Hear,onfatsurceotlands i ne hear.) L oo ki ng to the ethe Unio n , he way quite willing to ac knowled g e that they were for the most part honourable, intelligent , a nd uptight me n , b ut i t could not be denied that they had uniformly acted with the Court party instead of siding with the p eop l e _ (Hear, hear.) Now the grand evil which this 13n1 had been introduced to remedy was, not the indifference o r too great independence of the Members themselves, but the alienation that subsisted between the people of Seotlanu and those who were ostensibly sent into that House to re_ present them.—(Cheers.) For fifty years after the Union the great body of the Scotch people were unquestionably indifferent to the rights and privileges of freemen, but during the last fifty years public spirit and national intelligence had been growing up apace in the laud, and assuming au attitude and position which rendered a total abolition of the ►nanifold abuses in the rept esentative sys tem absolutely i n dispensable.—(Hear, hear.) To the progress of that inte►ligence , and the growth of that spirit. this measure, he (lid not hesit ite to affirm, was entirely to be ascribed.—(Cheers.) Public opinion had waxed powerful, it was true, but apart from, and in despite of, the influence of constituted a uthorities.—(Hear, hear.) It was fostered by no placeinan, it had not found favour with officials ; but few could disbelieve that the spirit of Reform extensively pervade , ' all classes of society. H e was, indeed, surprised to hear one representative from Scotland lately discrediting that assertion, knowing, as be did, that the passion for this mighty measure was even stronger in his country tha❑ it could be said to be in any other part of the British empire.—(Hear, hear.) If the people hungered and thirsted after the aliments of tile Constitution, in a land that abounded with the partially pure stre.mis of political freedom, how much more earnest must be their yearnings who dwelt in vales that were p relied by the arid and malignant influence of corrup 'ion.—(Hear, hear.) Even so it was with Scotland c minpared with the comparatively well-represented inha oit,,uts of this more favoured country ; and, therefore, from the 2,000,000 of Scotch►nen there had actually proceeded more petitions in support of the Reform Bill, than from the 13,000,000 of Englishmen.— (Cheers.) In Scotland a separate and independent cur rent of political power, that did not emanate from the people, subsisted, without wafting into the Legislature the opinions and wishes of the intelligent population ; and therefore, since no such assertion to the same extent could he predicated of England, Reform was even more neces sary for the Scotia than for their fellow subjects south of the Tweed. With this conviction firmly impressed upon his mind, he entertained no doubt whatever that the con y lsion which might ensue from its denial, would be even more fatal in the great towns of Scotland, than amongst the political societies of Manchester and Birmingham.— (Cheers ) He testified to this with the more confidence, oecause he spoke not without adequate knowledge of time subject. Having said thus much he should proceed very briefly to explain what better system it was proposed to substitute for that which it was intended to remove. And het e he would observe, let the wisdom of the measure be criticised how it might, that it appeared impossible under such circumstances for any men in their senses to make a change which should not be at least somewhat for the better. The general principle, he trusted, would be ad mitted to be a boon, not only to Scotland, but to the em pire at large ; and since the present system was evil in all its details, there could be no doubt that, with a view to effectual improvement, it would be better at once to take it down altogether.—(Cheers.) They would accordingly rescind the whole principle, and leave no rag or shred, no jot or tittle, of the antiquated system remaining.— (Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) And pray why should parchment voters, to the number of 113 out of a population of 100,000, of whom two-thirds had abso lutely no property whatever, be suffered to interpose be tween the intelligent community, and those just rights which the Constitution had designed for them?—(Cheers.) Wily should Magistrates elect and re-elect each other any longer,—why should they be permitted to share among t h emse l ves the privileges which were the legitimate pro perty of all, —why should they be suffered to stand for one hour, nay for one moment,—between the wealth, the in telligence, the public spirit of the country, and the Legisla ture in which they were entitled to have a voice? Why, he asked again, should 33, or 21, or 17 or 11 Magistrates exclude the public at large from the exercise of those just prerogatives which constitutionally appertained to them ? No; such a state of things he trusted would be allowed to continue no longer. The Legislature would step in and tell those who so usurped that which did not belong to them, that they should not interfere; for they had no right or pretence for such interference. Some modifications of particular details might be introduced in the Com mittee, if it appeared expedient to make any minor alterations in its provisions, but Government would resist any changes which could at at all affect the ps incip tl features of the measure. 'The ownership of real property to the amount of 101. a year, or the occu pancy of a house to the value of 101. per annum, would give a right of voting under the Bill. Then the constituency of all the great manufacturing towns of course would be considerably enlarged; that of Glasgow alone would amount to 8,000 or 9,000, while all others would receive an increase in proportion. Edinburgh also would be al lowed two Members, while Aberdeen, Dundee, Paisley, and Greenock, all flourishing and important towns, with a population of more than 30,000 inhabitants, would be given one each. Ministers, it would be perceived, only intended to apply a remedy to extreme caqes, and sought to rectify such existing abuses as were of a magnitude that every unbiassed mind must acknowledge amounted to ac tual deformity. They only desired to strike off the un ‘vholesOme excrescences which encumbered our institutions and retarded their growth. They would not allow an in dividual to come in the place of actual representation; to t they did not mean to deprive any one of his just and constitutional rights. There was to be an addition to the total number of representatives ; but this would be effected without causing the slightest hardship to the existing constituency : and the amount of that addition, though nosininallv but five, was in effect 50. At a fitter opportunity he should enter into details ; and therefore hoped that Hon. Memliers opposite would abstain from criticizing the provisions of the Bill at that st ige, unless they intended to vote against the principle. The Learned Lord concluded by moving the second reading of the Bill amid general cheers. Mr. C. DOUGLAS said he should oppose the second reading altogether, and would, accordingly, move that it he re of a second time this day six months. There was a strong feeling in favour of Reform throughout Scotland generally ; but while he made the admission he begged leave to add that, if it was so, great exertions had been made to produce it.—(Hear, hear.) This measure, in his opinion, went much farther than the occasion required, and he should, consequently, oppose it. He desired, at the same time, to see the country voters brought into more immediArs connection with the land, but he could not help viewing this Bill as an att ick on the agricultural interest of Scotland, inasmuch as it would confer undue advan tages on the manufacturers. He also objected to the junction of the counties in the mode proposed, and in stanced Dumbartonshire in particular, as badly treated in the projected arrangements. While he said this, he begged to add that be disproved, as much as any man, of the Els. tem of self-election, and also was an advocate fir the ex tension of the franchise to large towns. Mr. RAMSAY seconded the motion, calling the Bill revolutionary, &c., but he, too, had no obj•ction to the extension of the franchise to the large and manufacturing towns. Mr. GILLON bore testimony to the nd popula r mended the ity of the Reform Bill throughout Scotland, a co m conduct of the town councils generally during rho. late elections, while he censured the self•electiona in Royal burghs under the law as it now stood. If the borough re presentaticu of Scotland w is bad, that of the counties was till worse. In proof of this, he m t igh mention an in stiurce of a Scotch Member who, by his own confession, had never been present at etlebate, or absent at a division —had never voted according to his conscience but once, and that once was in error.—(Laughter.) - Sir G. WARRENDER said in March last be bad de nounced this measure; but he was never ashamed to own himself wrong when he saw reason to alter his opinions, and he would now give in his cordial adhesion to Reform. --(Cheers.) He had formerly stated that the people of Scotland were indifferent to Reform, but in making that statement lie was certainly incorrect, for their subsequent demonstrations had convinced him of the contrary. Ile now abandoned rights which he found he could no longer retain—(Laughter)—but lie consented to relinquish them for sake of the peace and tranquillity of the country.— ( Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman went on to explain that he was responsible to no one for his opinions, that lie was perfectly independent, and that he had always embraced the broad principles of Reform. He should follow the ad vice of the the Learned Lord, and confine himself to gene' rals, without entering into the details of the Bill. When the details came be'ore the Committee, however, lie should state sonic objections. He was averse to disfranchisement of all sorts. He could not consent to that marriage of sonic districts and counties to which the Learned Lord had referred, because the parties on all hands forbade the banns. There were various enactments, however, which he ap proved ; in particular that by which the eldest sons of Peers of Scotland who were now precluded were admitted into the House. To other parts of the Bill he could not consent ; yet it was capable of being so remodelled and improved in the Committee as to recommend itself to those who might object to it in its present state. He, therefore, should give his assent to the second reading of the Bill, reserving his objections till it was in Committee. lie iiad heard nothing with greater pleasure from the Learned Lord than that the accession of numbers to the representation of Scotland was not to be limited to five. If his Majesty's Government would consent to add a further accession of five more Members, be was sure nothing would tend so much to increase the popularity of the measure in Scotland. Mr. KEITH DOUGLAS said, that when it was con sidered that it was a pe uliar question, peculiar in itself, and peculiar as it affected Scotland, it would be inexpe dient to vote against the second reading of the Bill, unless it was intended to oppose all accession to the representa tion of Scotland. In one remark of the Learned Lord he could not concur, namely, that there had been a great se- p 'salon of feeling betve een the higher and lower classes hat influence sufficiently great already. He believed that in Scotland. He believed there was no such separation. the influence of the Crown and the Aristocracy were ne- On the contents, it wis a sort of complaint that there toss cessary for the conduct of public affairs, and he was of opi peculiar mutual kindness subsistin g between his countr y - nion that that influence would be better exercised and felt :ne n. (B ear , hear.) This, therefore, was not one of in th a t Howe than elsewhere. Utter] these grounds lo those reasons on which the change of representation could should oppose the second reading of the Bill. tie founded. The circumstances of Scotland, its vast im- The LORD ADVOCATE explained. provement during the last fifty or sixty years, in compa Sir J. MACKINTOSH thought it totally unnecessary iron with England, and with other of our distant pus- to attempt to strengthen the arguments which bad been session, showed that the state ref its representation was used in favour of the Bill. He should not go into an} no bar to the intellect of the country; yet a growing feel- details, but only say a few words upon general principles ; irtg had extended itself before this Biil had come before the and first, he would say, that he thought it very mortifying country, t hat a dditional representation s h ou ld b e giv e n to to the Scotch to be told that their country ought to be the great towns. He could nut concur, however, in the kept in a state of aristocratic dependence, in order to curb observation of the Learned Lord, that this measure was a the English democracy. The Hon. B ironet (Sir G. great boon to Scotland, C om paring- t hi s Bill w ith that Clerk) had said that no people could be so safely trusted whi c h h a d just passed the House, he thought it was not a w;th popular privileges as the Scotch, and yet lie hid great boon ; and u nless the L ear ned L or d consente d to add argued against trusting them with any. He wis sorry greatly to the nutnter of Members, it would not give sa- that no English Member had taken a part in the debate, misfaetion to Scotland. If the Bill was to pass, it must for was there any Englishman in the world who would undergo serious alteration in some o f its details, or it would say that a Government was free where there was not the ri.:hts.slightest degr e e of popular election? and yet in Scotland not r tghieeesetermanSdcortelaadreilngli,eritetatiiriter nrinteqbuina,li himself t(ltnaisttportninvg, nil such principle bad ever existed. In Eng land the lan (if the Bill as it stood , guage always was, the restoration of freedom and popular Mr. ROBERT FERGUSON (of D', sea) denied that rights ; but in Scotland such rights had never existed.— in questions relating to Scotland, there had been no want lie attributed the great improvement of Scotland to the of numbers. The Hon. Baronet had declared lie was the Union. The system of representation in Scotland exhi most independent man in that House—(" No," from Sir bite(' a double deformity ; it was difficult to find one class G. Werr e ntier)—brit Scotland ties er had the means of re- et Members that had any connection with property, or turning independent men. He had always wished for the any 'nough Members who had any connection with the moment when she might have the power, and that too- people. The whole system was a mass of evil unchecked merit had now arrived.—(Hear.) The cunning Corn- :Ind' unmitigated. It was a system of patronage, and missi oners , a t the Union, knew what they vere about, and mehilst England owed her superiority to her stitteeles for triad,. th e Scotch representation a tool of the Government; popular institutions, a rejection of the present Bill would and t h e c o nssepience was, they degraded the political cha- be tantamount to a declaration that Scotland was not ratter of Scotland. They had long heard from the worthy of any popular institutions whatever. mouths of England of Scotch jobs.—( Heir.) The sys. Sir R. PEEL explained. He had not said that the tem would now be changed, and Scotch corporations system of repr •sentation in Scotland ought to be continued would cease to interfere with the welfare of Scotland.— as a check to democrat's innovations in England : he had (Hear.) He agreed with the lion. Member for Dum- only said that the changes in Scotland ought to be strictly tries—(Mr. K. Douglas)—that there was a great feeling in relation to those in England. of regard on the part of the inferior classes of Scotland to Sir J. MACKINTOSH explained. wards the superior; but the Learred Lord hail spoken Mr. S. WORTLEY considered the representative onry of the feelings of throe who were excluded from the system of Scotland essentially bad, and thought that the right of representation. The higher orders would always c! ange of that system was rendered more itnpera ice by retain their influence on the lower by kindness; the repel lent system would never succeed.—(Hear.) He should time alterations to be introduced into the representation of England. Though he did not like the Bill, he would not only say, that the people of the three kingdoms had often shaken hands in hospitality—they would now do so in oppose it in the present stage, but would rese rve the strong objections which he felt to it until it reached the politic it independence. Committee. Colonel LINDSAY said, that he knew the semi- Sir G. MURRAY said, that his objections against the meats of his constituents, and must pay the price of principles of this Bill were so strong as to induce him to vote against the second readiest of it. If the principles of voting c n o f nt y ra e r l y oun to , tntheitmer.e realile h a a b d us a e l s wa e y x s iat h e e d ten ; a a n nd ad i - t the Enelish Reform Bill, when carried into execution, the Lean d Lord mid show him Cult the condition of were likely to be productive of danger in England, the the poor would be bettered by this Bill, he would become extension of them to Scotland was likely to be productive a recruit. But he was convinced it would not. The oh of still greater danger in that country. He looked upon j ct of Government was to make the people happy, and this Bill as an abandonment of all the institutions of the the corollary of this axiom was, that if the people were country, which he had been accustomed to revere, happy the Government must lie good. Now he would , end as an overthrow of all the ancient principles et ask a stranger who travelled in Scotland, and who saw its representation. He objected to the manner in those whom Providence had blessed with wealth seending which the constituency of Scotland were formed under it amongst their countrymen—(Hear, bear)—the tenantry this Bill. A great recommendation of the present sys contented and grateful—the people generally moral and rem of representation in Scotland was, that the religions—he would ask such stranger whether he could voters were perfectly independent. They were neatly all deny that to be a happy and most flourishing country ? of such a rank in life as not to be under the controul This was a sufficient answer to the theorists. The Bilk , of any oligarchy, and not liable to he corrupted by any gave a greater power to the manufacturing interest tnan unjust influence. If this Bill introduced into the consti ought to be given ; for the farms in Scotland were large, tuent body the tenantry of great, and powerful, and opu and would qualify few voters, and the farmers would con lent families, it would throw a vast and formidable power s-quently lie completely out-voted by the others. It was into the bands of the landlords of Scotland. He denied unconstitutional in this Bill to put the power given by it that there had been any urgent demand for Reform in into the hands of Sheriffs of counties in Scotland. He Scotland before this Bill was introduced into Parliament, maintained that there was not a fair proportion ofMembers but admitted that since that event there had been great i iIL proposed to be given by this Bill to Scotland, and he would citement among the population. He insisted that con further maintain that the articles of Union were violated cession was not the way to allay that excitement. No by the proportion of representatives which this Bill fixed thing was more dangerous than the propagation of the for Scotland. Borrowing tie argument which had been doctrine that this was the cause of the Kin g and the already employed by Mr.Croker. in the discussions on time people against tie Aristocracy, as it tended to excite English Bill, in reference to England, the Hon. Member, angry passions, and to stir up hatred and ill-will in quar while lie admitted that there was a cry at present from tern where none had existed previously. The Noble and Scotland for Reform, proceeded to state that the demand Learned Lord had declared that it was his intention not for Reform was but of yesterday, that from the yew 1820 to modify, but abolish, the old representative system of to the year 1828 there had been few, very few, petitions in Scotland. A similar determination had influenced the favour of Reform presented from Scotland ; that there were Statesmen of France at the commencement of the revo none in the }ears 1828, 1829, and 1830 ; and that in the lotion, and he need not describe the fatal consequences year 1831 (reckoning from the commencement of the Ses which had followed from acting upon that determination. sion in October, 1830), 179 petitions had been presented Under the old system Scotland had advanced surely and from Scotland praying for Reform. What was the in steadily in prosperity, and though gentlemen might state ference, he inquired, to be drawn from that fact ? The that it bad so advanced in spite of the defects in its re plain and obvious inference was, that the people of Scot presentative system, that was too paradoxical an assertion land were happy and contented with the existing state of for him to assent to. There might be blemishes in that things until the present plan of Reform had been brought system, but would they be cured by this rash, violent, forward by the Noble Lord, for which they called aloud , and sudden experiment? He thought not. The sup as they were led to believe that it would be a panacea for porters of this Bill saw advantages accruing from it which all their grievances. He was not at all surprised at that, he sesee aorry to say that lac :lei not. If he could perceive for whenever you promised his countrymen any th i ng , them, he might consent to make the eiteratiotis proposed they were sure to ask for it. Whenever any promise was by this Bill; but as he did not perceive them, he cons.; not held out to them, no matter how fallacious the antieip nion prevail upon himself to put all the blessings which the might be, there was no people in the world who would so country enjoyed at present into jeopardy, in order to meet soon ask for it ; in fact, it was in their nature to do so. the wishes of the Noble Lords and the Right Hon. Gen --(A lett. h.) "I' he Hon. Member concluded by reitera tlemen opposite. It had been said, that if this Bill passed, tine his determination to oppose the Bill. we should have no more expensive and unnecessary wars ; Mr. C. GRANT maintained that the people of Scot but this was assuming a fact which he could not adutie— land were most anxious and desirous for a Reform in the that democracies were not pm-one to war. Now he con •tate of the representation in that country. It had been tended on the experience both of ancient and of modern candidly and truly admitted by the Hon. Member opposite times, that democracies always had an eager and passionate (Mr. K. Douglas), that there bad prevailed in Scotland, desire for scar. Which was the war party in France ? for a long period, a growing disposition in favour of some Thedemocratic party ; and as a proof of the anxiety of change in the Scottish system of representation. That the French people to engage in war, he would merely say, feeling was not confined to those individuals in that country that a Minister, who bad resigned his power from a con who were also friendly to the course of Parliamentary' Re viction of his inability to keep it, had been enabled to re form in England, but it extended itself to the enemies of sums it by the mere annunciation of the fact, that the that cause, who had been al ne restrained from proposing French army was on its march into Belgium. He believed a change in the Scotch system, lest it might lead to a Re- that if this country were mede more democratic than it form of the representative system in England. He would was at present, it would, instead of diminishing its expences, conte n d that the people of Scotland should be no longer excluded front the rights and privileges of Englishmen, as be plunged into expences far greater than any which we had hitherto incurred. The Hon. Member for Kirkaldy they were at present, in gross and manifest violation of the had said that it was not an addition to time 'loather of first principles of the Constitution ; and he would maintain Members, but a change in the manner of electing them, that u p o n the same principle that emancipation had been that was wonted in Scotland ; but he denied that such was grant e d to the Catholics of Ireland, a Reform in their re the case, for Scotland was entitled to an increase of Mem presentation should be given to the people of Scotland. hers, and if this Bill were to become the law, let her at That princidpeleprwivaes,,, t o h f at th 7 p jn o a r t tio r n ig o h f ts ou an r d fel p lo r t i v vi s le u g b e j a ec n ts f all events have her fair share. When English boroughs, should be with a population of 2,000 or 4,000 inhabitants, had one Englishmen ; and it was impossible to say that the Eng or two Members, why should Scotch counties, with a po lish Constitution at present existed in Scotland—in a pulation of 100,000, have only one? He concluded by country in which there was literally no representation. . repeating his determination to vote against the second The Hon. Mem ber o pp osite g ranted the activit y , the tor reading 'of the Bill. toe, the intelligence, resources com a me . rcial prosperity, and the growing w ealth and urce..of Scotland—ke granted all Lerd ALT lIORP saw no necessity at present for die cuss.ing the general principle of Reform ; for the question that ( the people of Scotland should be ex those things on the part of his countrymen, the people of Scotland—and what was his conclusion from such pre- the principle of Reform for England n h o i tc . Was, whether enici,ui,sndleyitfurtoiNm:lll.Y...til.: blessings and advantages of the Br itishmg been agreed to, t h e House should stop there and He (Mr. Grant) would t hey would not dare to refuse this measure not extend it to Scotland. It would be impossible, after Hear, hear.) the able and uncontradicted speech of the Noble and Learned Lord, to pass over that country. The Right that they would not have the heart to refuse Hon Gentleman opposite had said that he . would agree to the removal blemish in the of some such a just concession to the united demand of the people t t e m l i s t , i t nn an t , l i i_at s only one blemish, which spread over the whole sur of that country. The effect of this measure %ovoid be to knit together more closely . the various classes of society in 7ac a e, and that must be taken away. It had also been said that the call for Reform had only arisen in Scotland alter Scotland, and to cement permanently and substantially this Bill was brought in ; but the contrary was the fact, those bonds by w hich they were all united. The Le g i- and every Scottish gentleman with whom he had con stature bad but to g rant this boon to Scott Ind, cordiall y , and the r esu lt wou ld b e , that versed, agreed in the opinion that the desire for Reform generously, and gra ciousl y , had been long growing up throughout that country. It th e y would rivet time ties of connexion between the people had also been urged, that because Scotland prospered, no of Scotland and the people of England, and establish a change was necessary in its representation; but that obser vation had been answered by that country having had its co untries (Cheer s -) perpetuity of friendshi p and good feeling between the two laws made, and its institutions modified, by a Parliament, Sir G. CLERK acknowledged that he for one felt of which a laree portion was elected by the people. some curiosity to hear the arguments by which the Right ,m' rite wish for au addition to the number of Scotch lion. Gentleman would support a measure like this , again s t Me erawas inconsistent with the fear expressed w hi c h he had himself so often voted.—(llear, hear, from - a' . i t h a t the Right Ho n . G en tl eman was a bl e to adduce in ' the Opposition.) The only argument, it now appeared Y of the increase of democratic influence, for it was said that this Bill increased the power of the people, and f a vour of this measure was, that the people of Scotland de et more Members returned by them were desired. The mended such a change, and therefore that it was not safe sale tw.titntuvtasdimpos quence and interest of the smell resilient proprietors of to withhold it. The one great evil which he anticipated Right lion. Gentleman had truly f '1 that it • !Utile to destroy the influenc t e ‘ o yas pr7 t e e r e y vide i nt thatetsitteriamye from this Bill was, that it would destroy the whole rouse- tog property itself ; but destruction, of property . was the tic of the people of Scotland. Time Scotland. He knew how difficult it would be to persuade honourable character; quisition, rather than discontent . of the s e from not having an adequate reure- English gentlemen that the representation of Scotland was l' r e :et P ical evil, and it was to remedy that evil good.—(Hear and a laugh.) Yes, but this difficulty con cutnstance that it happened to be so different from the sittathist Bill l s s a v P iis introduced. The case of Scotland rested sister', not in the fact that it was not good, but in the cir- thatupon different different grounds from that of other parts of the English system. As to the feeling which prevailed in empire, and a t• urab Scotland in favour of Reform, it was no wonder that such who were unfavourable to Reform generally, avo s o ts •r as so strong, that it had rendered even thse a feeling should exist after the pains which had been taken to excite it, and the encouragement which had been given Mr. HUNT complained of the speech of the Lord Ad to the erroneous notion that ali distress was attributable to vocate as being too radical. a defect in the state of the representation. lie denied, how- Mr. CRESSET PELHAM strongl y . a Reform in Scotland. . opposed the mo ever, that there was any foundation fin . the assertion of the tinn• Strong manifestations of dissatisfaction were put Lord Advocate, that thre was a want of community of forth in the course of the Hon. Gentleman's speech,. and favour "The o fßi llbe Ministers cni feeling between the higher and lower cla sses in Scotland. If on its conclusion the gallery was clearedfor a division, he thought itpossibl e to make any modification in this Bill, when there appeared— be.For the second reading mnitted—ollllsMon :2o9 would not oppose the second reading ; but as the Lord Against it Advocate had told them plainly that he meant to over throw the whole of the existing system in Scotland, he could see no use in reserving his opposition for the Corn- " mattes. it ~ , , ~ its luny manatee, the • propriety of assimilating day next, Sir C. FORBES rose, and spoke vehemently • t against the laws of England and Scotland I •possible , but as al as the measure. the peculiar division of r.MC. FERGUSSON de f ended the effects of the sameofrepresentation to b. as ' ' ' On the mol'tiloanimtiltlYattn the opinions which he eine system • light bad expressed in an earlier hour o f th e d e b a t e . different in th e t wo countries as was different from Mr. BRUCE dark. To assi m il ate t h e representat i on o f S co tl an d to that gave notice that he would on Monday s ystem which the Reform Bill had enacted for England, nest move, in the Committee on the Bill, that an addi would he to destroy the landed and agricultural intere st of tional Member s h ou ld h e g i ven to I nverness . Scotland. He would c an didly a dmit that his great objet- The Bill was then ordered to he committed on Monday. tion to the Ministerial plan of Reform was, that it would The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, increase the democratic influence in that House. He thought and at a Quarter past Tivo the House adjourned. LAUNCH OF THE THUNDEREII. (Omitted yesterdayfor want of room.) The southern side of the metropolis, on the line to Woolwich, presented on Thursday a scene of unusual anima i.in and interest. The announcement that the launch of Abe Thunderer, 84 gun ship, would take place at Wool wich in the curse of the day, and that their Majesties in tended to honour the ceremony with their presence, drew together thousands from every part of the metropolis, all bending their course, on foot, on horseback, and in every mentionable kind of vehicle, to the scene of the intended spectacle. From an early hour of the day, the road from W e stminster-bridge to the Kent-road, and from thence to Deptford, was thickly thronged with spectators anxious to view the Royal party as they passed ; and we do not et-: agcerate when we state, that long before their Majesties s-t out from the Palace there was sc.ircely an unoccupied part of the whole line by which they were to proceed. At Greenwich, the crowd was immense, and from thence to Woolwich the road was to thronged that it was difficult to get through. The dock-yard at Wo'dwich W 39 the great scene of attraction. Within the entrance a large body of marines were stationed to receive their Majesties. At the further end of the yard and next the water side, a party of the artillery, under arms, lined the way from the Royal Pavilion to the Royal Sovereign yacht, which was moored in the new basic!. The Pavilion and stands for the reception of their Ma ie,ties and suite and the nobility and geotty who were expected to he present, were erected alongside the dry dock in which the Thunderer wan built, and were fittec# up with great taet.e and elegance,—the posts and scaffol4 : , in g s which supported them were tastefully covered with a variety of naval flags and ensign., of which also a handsome awning was formed covering the passage from the head of the dry dock to the seats which the Royal party was to occupy. It was announced that their Majesties would arrive at the Dock-yard at about a quarter past one o'clock, and in a very few momenta after that time the hoisting of the Royal standard on the flag staff in the yard announced their presence. Their Majesties were escorted into the yard by two troops of lancets, who we believe had ac companied them from town. Amongst the members of the Royal Family present we noticed ti,?ir Royal High nesses the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester, Pr;nce George of Cambridge, and, we believe, of Cumberl.tra. The Royal party was received with presented a rms by the mili tary force, the band playing " God save the King." 'l,be appearance of the dock-yard and the river at this moment, presented one of the gayest and most animating scenes that could well be imagined. The whole of the space through which the launch was to pass from the slips was lined, in multiple tiers, with boats of every kind, tilled with company of every description. Outside these were stationed several Government vessels, tastefully decorated with the flags of all nations. Among these—the R oya l yacht the William and Mary, and the Mayicienne, a rave frigate (a splendid specimen of her class), with yards manned, were moat conspicuous ; beyond these were three or four steam-vessels, the decks of which presented the curious spectacle of huge pyramids of human beings, ferf in the manner in which the passeneers stationed them selves on the seats, fore and aft, and the paddle-boxes in the centre, they had that appearance from the shore. Be- yond these again were some of the hulks, also crowded with spectators, who, from the height of the vess,`ht in the water, could see over those before them. This gay and diversified scene on the water, connected with the brilliant appearance of the crowds assembled tin the shore, —.the hills over the dock-yard,—in the dock-yard itself, and the stands near the launch, (to which the splendid dresses of the ladies, and the no less showy uniforms of the naval and military officers, greatly contributed), afforded one of the most imposing spectacles which has '.en witnessed in the neighbourhood of the metropolis far a long time. His Majesty, immediately on his arrival, proceeded to examine the launch as she was placed on the slips. After this, and when all the preparations were concluded, her Majesty the Queen was graciously pleased to perform the ceremony of christening the ship, by casting off the bottle of wine and bre,ilcing it on her bows. (We hall no op portunity of witnessing this part of the ceremony, but We take it on the authority of those who were present.) Their Majesties then took their seats, and the signal being given, the dogs (as they are termed) which held the launch were struck off, and the Thunderer moved majee , tically into her proper element, amidst the hums of one of the most numerous and brilliant assemblages which wit nessed a launch since the early part of the reign of Geo. 111. The vessel which was thus auspiciously ushered into naval existence, as one of the wooden walls of old England, is a fine specimen of her class, a second rate. She is built on Sir Robert Seppings' plan of the round stern, but has also many other recent improvements in her construc tion. She is 120 feet in length i❑ her keel, 50 feet in the beam, and 22 feet depth in the hold. She registers 2,380 tons, but we presume, from her build, that she would carry some hundred tons more. On leaving the slips the launch moved along amidst an immense fleet of small craft, but without the slightest ac cident, though to use a sailor's phrase, it was with re spect to many of them " more by good luck than good guidance" that they got "out of harm's way." It was intended that the Pluto steam-vessel should take the launch in tow, and bring her into the new basin. This, however, was rendered unnecessary, for she had not got more than half a cable's length from the slips, when she took the tide, and as if she knew her way, made so near the eirrance of the basin, that without requiring the aid of the steamer, she was warped into it by a hawser from the pier. Soon after the launch, their Majesties and suite went from the Royal stand along the water-side, first to view the model frigate. This most beautiful specimen of British meal architecture was built, we understood, by desire of his late Majesty, and intended as a present to the King of Prussia. It is built wholly of Spanish mahogany, and would carry (as far as we could judge, seeing it only on land) about 13 tons. The beauty and symmetry of its construction make it a perfect curiosity in its way, which would well repay (if nothing else were to be seen) a visit from London to Woolwich. From the inspection of this little miniature frigate, the Royal party proceeded on board the Royal Sovereign yacht to witness the entrance of the Thunderer into the new basin. This basin is a splendid addition:to the dock-yard, and was opened yes terday for the first time for the admission of vessels. It is capable of receiving 12 line-of-battle ships. The Thun derer was, as we have already mentioned, warped into this basin, and passed alongside the Royal Sovereign, from which a fine view was afforded of her majestic ap pearance. After the vessel was moored, the Royal party sat down to a cold collation on board the Royal Sovereign, of which several of the distingished naval officers present also partook. Their Majesties remained on board until nearly half-past four o'clock, when they took their dep ir ture for London. They were loudly c.ieereti by the crowds which lined the way, in one uninterrupted chain from Woolwich to Deptford. We cannot conclude this brief account of the day's proceedings, witluatt noticing the manner in which the public were received by the several officers on duty in the dock-yards. His Majesty is natu rally fond of naval spectacles, and we believe that on these occasions his desire is that his subjects should equally par ticipate in them, as far as circumstances may permit. In the arrangements of yesterday, his Majesty's wishes in this respect were most fully complied with, fur more polite and gentlemanly attention we have seldom had an opportunity of witnessing on public occasions, than was shown to the visiters by the several officers on duty, more particularly the naval officers. This courtesy on the part of those in authority was met as it deserved, for in no instance that we had an opportunity of observing, was any attempt made to infringe upon the regulations for the admission of the public. The regulatiohs, as far as the arltnis,ion of parties with tickets, were at first enforced but when these parties were accommodated, no refusal of admission was made to any parties who appeared likely to conduct them selves with propriety. THE LORD MAYOR AND SIR PETER LAultitc.—On Thursday a meeting of the friend. of Sir PETER LAURIE was held at the London Tavern, to take into consideration the steps necessary to be adopted for the purpose of securing the Worthy Alderman's election on the approaching Michaelmas-day, as Chief Magistrate for the next year; THROWER. HERRING, Esq. in the chair. Several resolutions were adopted, pledging tke meeting, in case of any attempt being made to set aside the worthy Alderman next in rotation on Michaelmas-day, to resist such attempt, and to use their utmost exertions to ensure the electio❑ of Sir PETER LAURIE, the next Alderman in rotation, to fill the civic chair on this occasion. Sir PETER LAURIE then stood upon the table amidst loud cheers. He really thought, when he beard at Brighton of the in tention of the Loan MAYOR to try a re-election, that it would take was all a joke; but upon coming to town he found rv‘as no joke at all.—(Laughter.) He had rerivded red to t L o ol c ik on s . t the matter from first to last if his , end ; but he did not expect that aannt7 i i t : Fu e n tes c ' h jr ßeformer place. He then avowed himself a. , Sir SAMUEL on ly voted for tor c3AMUEL , ninster, but that he a ß n: ) l k d ti e t c t la r re a d nd th A a i t r h . e l l ,, t , al i n s o t iot had actually given . t o o vote for Mr. BROUGHAM. in order to be qua" — resolutions were unanimously Hear,(hear. ) 411 the. • 280/. r a freehold at Westmoreland and the meeting separated, agreed to, I