The Sun. — London, England, 1831-04-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We observed a day or two ago, on the subject of Reform, that the public zeal must not coo!—that unanimity mast prevail—and, above all, that there must be perseverance until the Bill be carried ; and we believe that there is no sincere friend of Reform who will not unite with us in pressing the recom mendation. Thanks, however, to the genuine— " the irresistible"—spirit in favour of Reform, as Lord Wharncliffe has termed it, the advice was even in prog'ees of being carried into effect at the moment that we ventured to give it ! The people are not satisfied with having met, petitioned, and driven their open enemies out of the field—neither ought they—for in ten days these meetings, petitions, and vicqtries, would be forgotten, or an attempt made to bury them in oblivion by . the enemies of Reform —l•4lf ! They knew that perseverance will, in the end, conquer all things, even as the constant drop ping of " water wears the stones;" and they are now busily engaged in concerting measures for oust ing every Member who did not vote for the second reading of the Bill, or who shall give his vote against it, t ever it should be discussed in Committee! This is the right way of going to work, and of settling the question both surely and exp-ditiously; and we have so many proofs before us of the energetic pre valenee of this spirit, that we doubt not of its ex tending i!self over every county, city, borough, and town in the kingdom. At the Reform meeting in Cornwall, on Wednesday week, it was resolved by the Reformers to return a gentleman pledged to the support of the Bill, in the place of Sir R. Vy vyan. who was complimented by S;r C. Wetherell in a late debato, as "having kept up the character of a Member of that House by differing with his con stituents !"—a subscription has been entered into at Nottingham, to return a Reformer free of expense, in the place of Admiral Sotheron—a similar example bad been previously set by Manchester and Bir mingham,—"and in a word, turn to what quarter we may, we find the same spirit prevalent,—the same resolutions adopted,— the same wise and patriotic policy pursued. Mr. R. K. Douglas, who, we learn, has just set out on a journey of conciliation to his constituents in Dumfries, could tell a story on this subject worth any twenty that we could mention in England; while, if we are to credit the news which have reached us from Ire'and, not only does the same unanimity pre%a.l, hut there does not exist a doubt that a diso!ution of Parliament would greatly increase the number of Reforming Members. The Bill has there given the greatest satisfaction, as it deserved, and as it has given every where else; and when we look et the energy, the unanimity, and the deter mined spirit which is manifested in every county, city, town, anti borough, in favour of it, we are tempted, as every one must be, to inquire where is the opposition, but in the Lords and Commons— arnotg the pensioners and sineeurists—the rotten borough representatives, and their nominees ? Nor let it be forgotten that Scotland—calumniated Scot land—for it was said that her people desired not Reform— has given the most unequivocal signals of joy on account of the second reading of the Reform Bill. From the Forth to the Clyde there have 'Pee rejo'cint.ls and illuminations, and from the rderi to Ultima 'I hie, the joyful sounds and sights will be re-echoed. Nay, we will venture to add, that in the event of the ultimate defeat of the Bill, the clay mere would once more bid farewell to the scabbard, and find its edge as keen as when the battle raged for national honour and national inde pendence!—Morning Advertiser. It would appear, from Ministers having adopted the plan of lending sums of money to force employ ment in Ireland, without making the least allusion to any ulterior measure of permanent relief, they have no intention at present of proposing any sta tuteble Prevision for the poor of that country. As long as the poor are left to the precut ious relief of oceasional grants from Parliament and casual charity, they must continue to be subject to the periodical visitations of famine and misery, and be under the necessity of making appeals to English bounty, while their absentee landlords are living luxuriously in foreign lane.s, and squandoriug atnong strangers the revenues ilia., if judiciously expended at home, would give employment to their starving country men, raise the value of their property, diffuse com fort and content in the neighbourhood of their es tates, arrest the progress of disaffection and turbu lence, and enrich and adorn the country by intro ducing the blessings of moral and social improve ment. The most popular and powerful argument in Ireland in favour of a repeal of the Legislative Union is the absenteeism of its nobility and gentry. That absenteeism not only impoverishes the land, but is the cause of delivering up the people at all times to the unprincipled guider:re of selfish agitators, who, to serve their own objects of vulgar and sordid ambition, call up the worst pas•ions of the too-suspeptible populace, when danger apprJaches, desert and betray the infatuated beings whom they have excited against the laws, end stimulated into crime. We do not say that Government can obviate these evils by directly compelling absentees to reside upon their estates; but they can male,- it less convenient to them to reside in ether countries, by passing a law to tax their property for the support of the poor; such a tax would not only be a politic, but a most equitable tax, inasmuch as, by living abroad, they at present avoid paying their share of contributions to the sup- 1 port of the State by which their property is pro teeted. We do not advocate the introduction of the Engli-in system of poor laws into Ireland, be cause it is full of great defects, which ignorant and complicated legislation has produced, but we do ad votrate the introduction of the beneficent prin ciple recognised and enforced by the 43d of Elizabeth,—a Statute which, we think, we do riot overrate when rte call it the Magna Charla of the poor. The whole of the Acts which establish the present absurd doctrine of settlements seem to have been framed fur the especial purpose of giving overseers and others an excuse for wasting as much of the funds of charity as possible in perpetual litigation. We would not have those Statutes introduced into Ireland. On the contrary, we would have them expunged from the Sta tute-book a , home, and the poor lawsrestored to their original simplicity. When we Fay that the occa eional grants of Government will not prevent the nee ,- sity of appeals to English charity, by the pe riodical visitations of extreme distress, we have but to refer to what has taken place for several years back ; for, shift:nigh .500,0001. has been advanced, since the year 1822, in Government loans, the dis tress of Ireland has increased instead of being dimi nished during that time, and at the present moment is more extensively destructive than ever. We fear, too, that these loans are liable to be turned into a source of jobbing, and titan, like the Grand Jury Cess, they are as likely to be made available to pri vate adtautage as to public benefit. They are, be sides, bail in principle, as all shifts anti expedients are when national evils call for permanent and com prehensive remedies.—Morning Herald. In the second number of the Quarterly Journal of Education, published under the superintendence of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Know letlee, there is tin excellent artlele under the title of " Reasons for establishing a Public System of Ele• mentary Instruction in England." The object of the writer is the education of the lower classes; but be close s it with a promise to reaume the subject in an early number ; " and shall then show, that de ficient and bad as the education of the lower classes most certainly is, it is still superior, relatively to their condition, to that of the higher classes—to those from among whom our senators, Judges, and -Magistrates are chosen." The recent outrages in the South and East of England have evinced a sta te of ignorance on the part of the labouring popu lation, of the circutnstances on which their welfare depends, highly discreditable to their superiors. When the present Ref o r m q u e s tion is settled, it is to be hoped that no time will be lost in takin g into t oneideration the most essential of all subjects----the en li g ht fe ntis the poor. The prejudice, against education are fist disappearing; and as it seems that the place of proper instructors is too Often supplied by instructors of a very different de scription, little opposition will now be made to a measure so e , .sential to the welfare of society. It is well observed by the writer of this article, that in no country has education been so much neglected as in England, while in no country is education so in-cessary. " The state of society in England (he remarks) is, in many respects, peculiar, or rather, we should say, with out a prallel, either in ancient or modern times. Owing to the extraordinary extension of manufactures and coin- . . . . merce amongst us, and to the mode in which landed pro perty is occupied, a very large proportion of our people is dependent for support on the wages of labour, and i•, con sequently, exposed to all the vicissitudes that necessarily result from so precarious a condition. Changes of policy or fashion, abroad or at home, may, at any time, deprive thousands upon thousands of our labouring population of their accustomed means of subsistence; while any serious deficiency in the harvest is sure to inflict the severest pri vations on the whole class. The situation of the labourers of all other countries is widely different ; manufactures and commerce have made, comparatively, little progress amongst them ; the greater number of their inhabitants are attached to the soil, and depend upon it for support, so that the proportion of those liable to be thrown out of employment is comparatively small." To give to the poor the ability to read and write, is not to educate them ; but this truth is too often lost sight of. Resdinz merely places knowledge within their reach. Now, with respect to the knocs ledge to be communicated to the poor, we know that tlie;r daily toil will never allow it to be extensive. One science, however, ought to he communicated to poor as well as rich—the science which unfolds the circumstances on which the welfare of society depends. 'We are all interested that sound ideas should be prevalent on this important subject. " The poor," observers the writer of the article, " are reither fools nor knaves ; they investigate all plain prac— tical questions with quite as much sagacity and penetra tion as those that are rich ; And were they made aware of the circumstances which really determine their condition, they would, generally speaking, be disinclined to do any thing that might tend to render it worse Without security there can be neither riches nor lization, and however far a country may have advanced, if she do not, at all haz trds, maintain that security of pro perty, she will speedily relapse into primeval barbarism anti ignorance. But what is, of all others, the most effec tual means of providing for this security ? Will it be best promoted by multiplying Penal Statutes? by maintaining large bodies of military and police ? or by making one half the population responsible for the other ? We confi dently answer—No : not that we mean to say, or to in sinuate, that punishments, troops, police, &c. are not in dispensable ; but they are not enough. The foundations of real security are beyond and above the law. Outrage and attack may . and ought to be put down by prompt and adequate punishment ; hut no severity of punish. ment, provided the circumstances in which the out- rages originated be not changed, will hinder them from breaking out anew. And hence, if we would have perfect security, as perfect at Wet as can be ob tained, we must show the people that it is for their ad vantage that it should be preserved inviolate; we must prove to them—and luckily the proof is very easy—that whatever has any tendency to shake the s.curity of pro perty, is even snore ruinous to those who depend upon wages for subsistence than to their employers. Make a labourer aware that the introduction of - machinery is highly beneficial to his order—that, in fact, it has more than quintupled the demand for labour, and added prodi giously to the comforts and conveniences of every class ; and though he were the veriest elodpole that ever existed, machinery will cease to be the object of his attack. Men often traduce and calumniate their benefactors, but they invariably do so in ignorance, and because they believe them to be their enemies. Undeceive them upon this ix int, and their ingratitude is immediately changed into eratitude and esteem ; so is it with attacks on property. The Luddites and the peasantry believe that machinery is hostile to them—that it deprives them of employment, and drives them to the workhouse, and they therefore destroy it; nor can anything, under such circumstances, be more natural." It has been more than once remarked, that the opposition of the High Church clergy and the bo roughmongers (who are one and the same) to the education of the labouring classes had its founda tion in a wish to keep them ignorant of the evils which society suffers from the irresponsible power of the oligarchy. Nov that we are about to obtain a representation returned by electors whose interests are the same with those of the community, one great cat se of the opposition to a suitable establish tnent for education will be removed. In a clever article in the Westminster Review, just published, some severe strictures are passed on the conduct of the Society under whose superintendence the "Jour- nal of Education" is published, with reference to .the works hitherto produced by them. We may see from.the tone of the article on educalion, that the Society now feel themselves sufficiently strong to be able to grapple with the difficulties to which the reviewer alludes, in the following passage:— " He (i.e. the celebrated person known to be the au thor of the Preliminary Treatise) unfortunately had linked himself with a parry ; he panted lifter place and power at their hands, and for unworthy ambition Le nullified his efforts for the education of the people. Those efforts had, 'as is usual in such cases, been met with a vile and inte rested clanour, by the Clergy and Aristocracy. Before this priestly, aristoci atic cry, this man of real benevolence quailed with fear ; wishing, nevertheless, still to pursue his well-intended purpose, he hoped to instinct the people on matte's wherein the self-interests of those wlio raised the yell against instruction would be little, if at all, con cerned. The command was given to promulgate treatises on the abstruse points of physical science ; and thus, as it is ever with this trembling race of trimming politicians, he offended all parties, and benetitted none. The saga cious tribe who acted according to his will, received their cue, and were ready to give answers to all who remon strated. To the faction of Priests, they were ready to point out, that the matters they propounded were of pure science, unconnected with any interests, and involving no liberal consequences fatal to their unhallowed extortions. The blind was too flimsy to deceive the practical, selfish sagacity of tlsese men. They have opposed, and still con tinue to oppose, every endeavour on the part of the So ciety to disseminate knowledge. To those who had at heart the proper instruction of the people, and who pressed the Committee to face the difficulties, and boldly to come forward with the sort of knowledge really r..quired, the answer was, wait ; the time will soon come when we may hazard this knowledge ; we as well as you are really desirous of imparting it ; but you know the prejudices and interests arrayed against us ; you are too impatient— in good time all will be forthcoming.'" The good time has come; and we perceive in this Journal of Education an earnest of labours of vital importance to the country. We heartily agree with the writer of time article on Education, that " it is imperative upon Government to take measures for having the public provided with redly useful in struction. We look upon the education of the poor as absolutely essential to the safety of the country. ignorance in the mass of the peop'e, and the exist ence of really free institutions, are altogether incom patible; such discordant elements has e invariably produced ei•her anarchy or despotism—either the tyranny of the rabble, or of some individual who has made their ignorance the instrument of his own e!evation. The poor have immense influence ; and it is not more fur their owa sakes than for those of others, that they should be made aware of the cir cumstances whirl!' fix their condition, and of the tact, that their own welfare is identified with the maintenance of security and good order. Those who are ignorant are not the less ready to act—the less dogmatical in their opinions, or the less violent in their resolutions; and hence the vital importance of sound instruction." We hope to see the day when a knowledge of the principles of Government, of ethics, and of the circumstances which deter mine the physical well-being of the people, shall be communicated to all the people. Those who are conscious of intending fairly towards the people can never wish that the people should not he able to kno . .v their benefactors from their enemies. An enemy of education must either be a very weak or a very evil-intentioned man, who does not wish to be known for what he is.--iforning Chronicle. Th ere is no speech Which has been delivered upon the Reform question, either in or out of Par- When this passage was written, the noble person here spoken of had not been long in office ; since then his etthrts de serve unmingled admiration, and fully redeem all former errors. We h at ., A ll owe d the paragraph . to remain, in order to mark our former itnd 9Ur preent feelior ""vi v, 11oloyi;14. Liatoent, which goes so decidedly to the point, or which contains in a small compass what maybe called the pith and marrow of the subject,•than that which was addressed by Mr. Campbell (the son-in -jaw of Sir James Scarlett) to the populace of Monmouth. In proof of which we extract from it the following pertinent remarks : " He denied that the measure was revolutionary, and contended that it was a restoration of the old Constitution of England. That Constitution consisted of King,'Lords, and Commons, and the Commons were supposed to be the representatives of the people. But the people had long been deprived of their rights, and the House of Commons was filled with the nominees of Peers, and persons who gained admission to it by the grossest corruption. The consequence was, that the House had entirely lost the pub lic confidence; and even if its Members so returned were enlightened and upright, it could not advantageously legislate f;.t. the country. By the great measure of Reform which had been brought forward, the throne would be raeved f. om a pressure which had often embarrassed, and would ultimately hive end ingered it ; the Peers would be de- prived of an unconstitutional power which was ever liable to abuse; and the people would recover what was their bir►hright—the choice of the representatives who were to make the laws which they were bound to obey. He was not afraid of any collision between the dif. ferent orders of the State ; on the contrary, he thought it would have a very wholesome influence upon the Nobi lity if, instead of engaging a mercenary force to defend them in the House of Commons, they were thrown upon their own resources, and were obliged to trust for their meservation to the exercise of their constitutional privi leges, and the exertion of their own energy. Occasional differences had taken place between the two Houses in the best of times, and had been attended with very salutary consequences. The King's patriotic support of the Bill showed that be was not afraid of his prerogative being impaired by it ; and it was hailed by the unaniinous and enthusiastic applause of the people." Yet it is a measure thus truly and eloquently de scribed which some persons artfully attempt to im pugn as ruinous and revolutionary. The opponents of Reform may be classed under two heads —the interested and the timid—the Generalship of the former consisting in operating with effect upon the fears of the hitter. Though we have no actual fears as to the resul., we do not think it is prudent to un dervalue either the numbers or the strength of these opponents, especially those of the former and much the larger class. It should be remembere.l that the- bornughmongers have what is termed " nine points of the law" in their favour—they have,pos session—and a possession which has been to them so dear and so valuable, that no possible effort, short of physical force, will be left untried to retain so fruitful a patrimony. We do not overrate their influence when we say that they have for ages governed the country—that the three estates of the kingdom, its revenues and its patronage, have been under their controul; and they have helped them selves, their connections, and dependents, with no sparing hand. Do not let the country then imagine that the opposition of these people to Reform, or that their numbers, can be insignificant. That the'r efforts will be unavailing, if met by the firm and unanimous voice of the real public•, we do not at all doubt ; but the danger consists in the people at large relying too much on the justice of their cause, and leaving the enemy time to sap and undermine the measure. It is the duty of every honest man in every grade of society to record his sentiments on the occasion. In fact, the whole country should, if possible, be classed and polled on the occasion, that no shadow of doubt or pretence may remain for the enemies of the measure to raise the slightest ques tion as to who or what they themselvts, or who and what they are to whom they are opposed. It is only by a strong, firm, and temperate display of their stiength, and a determination to stand by the King and his Ministrrs on this important occasion, that the country can hope effectually to overcome the wiles of their opponents,aand safely place the bark of the Constitution in that harbour from which it has been, by the base arts of the bcroughmongers, so long cut adrift.—Morning Herald. The Duke of Wellington, in his speech against Reform, had the merit of scattering no small per plexity amongst his party, by a rather strange re ference to the principles of the revolution. His Grace asked, in his usual manly straightforward way, how, if this measure of Reform should pass, the Government could be conducted " on the principles established by the revolution ?" It is curious, and indeed lamentable, that the revolution should present itself to Englishmen living in the 19th cen tury, under colours so very different from those which distinguished and adorned it in the eyes of their ancestors of the year 1688. The constitu tional statesmen, through whom that great event was planned and accomplished, were unanimous in considering it as a necessary defence for the people of England against the machinations of a dishonest Court and its partisan., on behalf of religious into lerance, and for the support and extension of a sys tem of arbitrary power. The revolution of the 17th century was, to the end of that century and durieg three-fourths of the 18th, held to be a compact be tween King and people, whereby, on one side, that which has since obtained the name of the " monarchical principle" was abjured, so far as concerned the British monarchy, and, on the other, the rights of civil and religious liberty, then were consecrated. Looking, to tire substance arid real meaning of the revolu tiare—that it contemplated in all their bearings the best attainable securities for freedom of conscience, and for the guardianship of property and person in favour of the entire people,—does it not seem a more than common stretch of perverseness in modern po liticians, so to construe, or pretend to construe, that noble monument of public spirit and wisdom, as to make it, on two of the most important occasions which have occurred in English history since the crowning William, a screen for intolerance and for political usurpation ; and all this in the name of the Constitution itself, as established at the revolution ? Could the statesmen of 1688 have listened with pa tience to the Ex-Chancellor Lord Eldon, invoking their sacred names, and appealing to the " revolu tion," for the sake of treading down liberty of CJII• science in the year 1830 ? Vet was there no other argument attempted by that learned Lord, or others his confederates, in their repeated, stubborn, unmi tigated denunciations of each succe-eive measure brought in for the relief of the Catholics. In the same way we have heard the Duke of Welling ton deprecate this present plan for the overthrow of a corrupt monopoly of temporal power, by an apostrophe to the revolution of 1688. He who rests upon matters of detail which were but inci dents of that mighty work,—the all-but nnnecessa y compromises in a pressing crisis,—and seeks to array them against the spirit of liberty, which was its vital principle and essence, knoWs as much about the political history of England as would his High ness tire Ex-Dey of Algiers. if close boroughs were left untouched by those to whom we owe the revolution of 1688, it was because they legislated only against the master grievance of that e poch. The grand evil of the times before the revolution was the direct power of the Crown, which, if wielded by a King of arbitrary dispositions, would be intolerable. The exercise of such powrrs, and his pertinacity in maintaining them, cost Charles I. his kingdom. Charles 11. was tolerated through a rememberance of the calamities of civil war and of legal Reform. Faction grew up in the absence of that domineering power, the mainspring of which was broken with the downfall of the Stuarts. A borough representation, not responsible to the people, constituted at once the most efficient force of faction, and the readiest market for Ministerial bribery. Corruption then succeeded to force, and formed a machinery of misgovernment which was too strong for any effort of the public will to destroy it; until latterly that the people have become, even the poorest among them, as keen-sighted to detect and appreciate political abuses, as were the higher orders half a century ago. This general intelligence of 20,000,000 of men, modified and directed by the Press of the United Kingdom into an engine of universal and altogether irresistible co-operation— althorigh, we repeat, it has cost above a hundred years to produce it,—is the real extinguisher of the system of rotten boroughs. But it is quite ludicrous to talk of the borough system as if it had escaped the indignation of the educated classes of society until within the fewlast ream Fielding winds up the Itistoty- of his villain kW, by representing him as having saved money enough to bargain with an honest attorney for the representation of a neighbouring borough. The satire of Fielding was never launched in vain : no man knew better what chord to touch, when he canvassed for public sympathy, with either his ridicule or his resentments. If we cast our eye to another quarter, and search for the recorded sentiments of the most celebrated statesmen of the 18th century on this question of con upt votes, we shall find perhaps that they esti mated somewhat differently from the Duke el Wel brigton, the effect and value of his Grace's avowed t•ystetn of governing a Parliament of vassals• " Shall we be told" (the writer is only Lord Bo - lingbroke)—" shall we be told," says that profound and most experienced statesman, " that Parliament. will 'tot pursue the national interest, unless the Mem bers are.bought into it by the Crown ? Something like this, I have heard, has been advanced"—(it is the precise doctrine of the Tories; but wh a t i s Lord Bolingbroke's comment ?)—" and nothing more im pudent nor more silly could be advanced." The passage is one out of an extract of some length which we subjoin from " Lord Bolingbroke's Dis sertation upon the State of Parties," every word of which deserves to be read and meditated, as like wise some other tentences of the same illustrious author, from his " Remarks on the History of Eng land arid his Patriot King." Now Lord Boling broke was a Tory ! ! but not such a Tory as some of those who now maintain the inviolability of boroughs. " The design of the revolution being not only to save us from the immediate attempts on our religion and liberty, made by King James, but to save us from all other attempts which had been made, or might be made, of the same tendenCy ; to renew and strengthen our Con stitution ; to establish the peace, honour, and happiness of these nations upon lasting foundations, and to procure a settlement of the religion, and of the liberties and proper ties of the subjects upon so sure a foundation, that there might he no danger of the nation's relapsing into the like miseries at any time hereafter.' (See the Prince of Orange's declaration.) This being, I say, the avowed design of the revolution, and the nation having engaged in it on a con fidence that all this would be effectually performed, the de sign of the revolution was not accomplished, the benefit of it was not s•cured to us, the just expectations of the na tion cou!cl not be answered, unless the freedom of elections, and the frequency, integrity, and independence of Parlia ments were sufficiently provided for. These are the essen tials of British liberty. Defects in other parts of the Con st.tution can never be fatal if these are preserved entire. But defects in these will destroy the Constitution, though every other part of it should be so preserved. However it happened, the truth and notoriety of the fact oblige us to say that these important conditions, without which liberty cm never be secure, were almost wholly neglected at the revolution. * * ar Shall we be told that Parliaments will not pursue the national interest, un less the Members are bought into it by the Crown Something like this, I have heard, has been advanced ; and nothing more impudent nor more silly could be ad vanced. A Court that is truly in the interest of the nation will have, nay, must have, a concurrence of Parliament, as it would be easy if it was needful to show. Time and trouble, indeed, may be sometimes n attired to lead independent men to judge for themselves, and comply, be cause they are convinced ; whereas neither the one nor the other are wanting to determine such as hold to a court by a corrupt dependency on it ; for they are soon disciplined and ready to perform the whole exercise of Parliamentary mercenaries at the beat of drum. Some inconveniences may likewise arise, for that which I have just mentioned does not deserve the name, from the inde pendence of Parliaments. Ministers, for instance, may be called to account by the passion, by the prejudice, if you will, of such assemblies, oftener than perhaps they deserve to be; or their errors may be censured, or their faults punished, in a greater degree, and with more rigour, not only than true political justice requires, which should always be tempered with mercy, but even than strict jus tice exacts. But as one of these is a fault, if it be a fault, on the best side, and as the other will certainly happen very seldom, it does not seem reasonable that a door shuu!d be opened to corruption and dependency in order to pre vent them. Nay, farther, this vigilance, and this severity of Parliament', which we here suppose, will not fail to have some very good effects, that are more than sufficient to counterbalance the supposed ill effects. Among the rest, they may render the rash, who are in power, more cautious, and the bold more modest. They may render fools less fond of power, and awe even knaves into honesty. It were better surely that able and good men should now and then Adler, nay, the good Mall who suffered would be himself of this opinion, than that the adulation and servi lity of Parliaments, which are the necessary consequences of corruption and dependency, should ever contribute to make the Court become, in any future age, a sanctuary for pickpockets, and a hospital for changelings."-.-Boling broke's Dissertation on the State of Parties. " The time-serving sycophants of a Court have no point amongst all the nauseous drudgery imposed on them, which they are obliged more to labour than that of repre senting all the effects of a spirit of liberty as so many effects of a spirit of faction. Examples might be found, even without searching long or looking far after them, when this has been done against the public sense of a whole nation, and sometimes in favour of a cabal neither nume rous nor considerable enough to be called a party. But still it will remain eternally true that the spirit of liberty and the spirit of faction are not only different, but re pugnant and incompatible; so that the life of either is the death of the other. * * We have seen and heard, in a nation hitherto free, such maxims avowed and pleaded for, as are inconsistent with all notions of liberty. Corruption bath btea defended, nay, recommended, as a proper, a necessary, and therefore a rea►onable expedient of Government, than which there is not perhaps any one pro position more repugnant to the common sense of mankind and to universal experience. Both of these demonstrate corruption to be the last deadly symptom of agoniting liberty. Both of them declare that a people abandoned to it are abandoned to a reprobate sense, and are lost to all hopes of political salvation. The dependence of the legis lative on the executive power bath been contended for by the same persons under the same direction, and yet nothing surely can be more evident than this—that in a Constitu tion like ours, the safety of the whole depends on the balance of the party, and the balance of the parts on their Mutual independency on one another."—Bolingbroke's Remarhs on the History of England. It will remain stern illy true, that groundless opposi tion in a well-grounded Monarchy, can never be strong or durable. Every King of Britain has means enough in his power to defeat and to calm opposition ; but e patriot King, above all others, may safely rest his cause on the in nocency of his administration, on the constitutional strength, of the Crown, and on the concurrence of his people, to whom he dares appeal, and by whom he will be supported. •` e " What, in truth, can be so lovely, what so venerable, as to contemplate a King on whom the eyes of a whole people are fixed, filled with admiration, and glowing with affectio n ? A King, in the temper of whose Government, like that of Nerva, things so seldom allied as empire and liberty are intimately mixed, co-exist together inseparably, and constitute one real essence ? Whit spectacle so rare, so nearly divine, as a King pos sessed of absolute power, neither usurped by fraud nor maintained by force, but the genuine effect of esteem, of co nfidence, and affection ? Of such a Prince, and of such a Prince alone, it may he said, with strict propriety and truth— the irregular despotism of a usurper. James 11. added religious to civil encroachment on the most cherished rights of his subjects. They got rid of him, and left almost untouched the composition of a Parliament which I,wl stood up more than once for the people, and which it is certain had not yet systematically sold itself to the Crown, or laid heavy burdens on the nation, to create a fund for the reward of its own vile and mercenary baseness. Again, it has cost a whole century or more to ripen and complete the system of corruption through close boroughs, to such extent and with such notoriety, " Volentes as to draw the attention of the whole people of Dig- " Per populos dat jura, viamque atrectat Olympo." land to its extravagance. Governing the Podia- Civil fury will have no place in this draught; or, if the ment by influence instead of by bare and unblush- monster is seen, he must be seen as Virgil describes him— ing power, Las grown up, we- acknowledge, since "Post ter Centum vinous ahenis gum nodis fremit horridus ore cruento." the revolution ; not, however, as the Duke of Wel- H e must h e seen subdued,' hound, chained, and deprived lington alleges, " according" to the principles of the entirely of power to do hurt. In this place concord will revolution, but in spire of its provisions, and in utter j a o 7e s a it r t , in h g ro i i i di e n v g er i y m ilees,n d prosperity on the happy land ; violation of tlit• true spirit and character of thhi content in every hearty... 4 people unoppressed, undisturbed, unalarmeti,—busy to improve their private property and the public stock ; fleets coffer ing the ocean, bringing home Wealth by the returns of in dustry, carrying- assistance or terror abroad by the direc tion of wisdom, and asserting triumphantly the right and the honour of Great, Britain, as far as waters can roll, and as winds can waft them. " Those who live to see such happy days, and to act in so glorious a scene, will perhaps call to mind with souse tenderness of sentiment, when he is no more, a man, who contributed his mite to carry on so good a work, and who desired life for nothing so much, as to see a King of Great Britain the most popular man in his country, and a pa triot King at the head of a united people."— Treatise on a Patriot Xing.—Times. The Constitutional party ought to take a lesson at this juncture from the enemies of the Constitu tion. On the part .of the latter we see subscrip tions set on foot, and societies instituted, for the purpose of securing the return of revolutionists to a new Parliament. Why should not the pa , riotic three hundred and one, who formed the glorious minority on the second reading of the revolutionary Bill, at once constitute themselves the nucleus of such an association as would spread terror and dis may among the ranks which are traitorously arrayed in hostility to these principles and that form of Go vernment under which England has been so pre-emi nently distinguished for true happiness and glory among the nations of the earth ? Can they doubt that they would instantly be joined by thousands and tens of thousands of sober-minded, intelligent, and virtuous Britons, who, like themselves, hate and fear revolu tion ? And if subscriptions ate to be the test of de votedness and zeal in the cause, which is that of the Crown—of the Aristocracy—of the Church—of the laws—of rank, station, and property of every description and class—can there be a doubt that in less than a week adequate means would be at their disposal ? The time, we believe, has now arrived for the conservative party to make a decided demon stration. The people already begin to view with feelings of disgust the iniquitous, selfish, ambitious motives, which the slight examination yet bestowed upon the details of the revolutionary Bill has laid bare. As the exposure proceeds of the mean and base trickeiy which pervades every part of the Bill, the sentiment of contempt and abhorrence towards th's revolutionary meaiure and its authors will rise still higher in every bosom in which there exists a spark of manly integrity or virtue. The right of representation is taken away altogether by this nefa rious Bill from boroughs having a population below 2,000, arid diminished by one half in those where the population is between two and four thousand. This is one of the pretended principles of the Bill. Now, in applying this principle, had it been intended to apply it honestly, it is obvious that the population of the parish in which the borough is situated, or the number of the people in the immediate neighbourhood, would have uni formly been taken into account, or uniformly ex cluded. This, however, did riot suit the Whigs. They have, therefore, now adopted one of these systems, and now the other, with constant reference to the predominance of Whig influence in all future elections. This unprincipled juggle has been prac tised not crdy iu respect to the places to be disfran chised, but to the same extent, that is in every case in which it was possible, in respect also to the places upon which the right of representation was to have been conferred. The counties and districts in which tab situated the estates of the great Whig landowners have invariably assigned to them a larger propoition of the representation than that to which their population or property, the two pre tended bases of the Bill, would fairly have entitled them. The counties and districts in which the great Tory landowners preponderate are inva riably deprived of their just share of the le presentation. The whole affair presents, in short, one grand scheme of trickeiy, and de lusion, the most contemptible and revolting. The motives to this revolutionary measure are now, we trust, sufficiently transparent. After this statement, much of which has been proved, and every particle of which will, before the Bill proceeds much further, be proved in detail, there cannot re main much doubt as to the motives of the revolu tionary llinistty. But like all former 'Whig Admi nistrations, they have egregiously blundered in the concoction of their scheme, and have contrived fairly to outwit themselves. They intended, we believe, to revolutionize no further than was just nectssat y to place in all future time the Throne and the Legi slature under the feet of a Whig cabal. But in order to have a chance of success in this their true project, it was necesary to delude and excite the Democracy by such a boon as might seem for the moment worth the acceptance of those leaders of the mob whose real and final' tim is the subversion of every lexisting institution. The Whigs knew the case to be one which did not whit of chaffering. They felt that they must at once offer terms to the mob leaders which the latter would be sure not to reject. They have done so, and have thus very considerably overshot their murk. The effect of their Bill, if it were possible that it could pass, would not be what they intended. They design to render their Sovereign, the whole Aristocracy, the House, of Commons, every class and order of the State, the perpetual slaves of a Whig cabal. The effect of their meastoe would inevitably be to prlduce a suc cession of struggles and convulsions, in which the Sovereign, the Aristocracy, the House of Commons, every class acid order of the State, arid first of all the Whig cabal itself, would fall under the abso lute dominion of the mob demagogues of the day. —.illurning Post. TIIE LATE SIR MANASSEH MASSEIt Lo ras.—This Baronet, whore decease has just taken place, was of Jewish extraction, and a native of Jamaica, where he was born in 1755. He assumed the name of Lorirs, and was created a Baronet during Mr. PITT'S premiership, in 1805, with remainder to his nephew, RALPH FRANCE, Esq., who succeeds Sir MAssait in his title and vast es tates in,the western counties. According to letters from Munich, the Bava rian army was to be put immediately on the war footing. All soldiers On furlough were recalled, and recruits were forthwith to be drawn for. It is said that the whole amount of force to be put in readiness is 100,000 men, including cavalry. No small curiosity has been excited as to the object of these preparations. In some letters it is said they are merely the consequence of the warlike atti tude which all the great Powers of the continent have assumed, as Bavaria is determined to observe an inde pendent neutrality, which she might not be able to main tain without the aid of a powerful army. In other letters it is affirmed that an alliance between her and Poland is likely to take place, and that the Bavarian Government is desirous of watching for an opportunity in order to de:lare in favour of the Pole.. This belief, however, is more likely to be derived from the notoriety of the liberal prin ciples professed by the present King of BAVARIA, than from any knowledge of his real intentions.— Times. 'I'JIE SPECULATION IN TALLOW.—The in jurious effects of the extensive speculative transactions which have for some time past been going on in Russian tallow are beginning to be felt by tho,e who entered into such business in favour of a fall in prices. Two failures have occurred in consequence of the late advance in prices, occasionA by the monopoly, by one or two great houses, of a large portion of the steek of tallow in the part of London—the parties who have failed not being able to ob tain tallow, which they had contracted to deliver, and not having sufficient means to pay the difference in point of the value of the article when the contract was made, and the present high quotation tallow hears, viz. from 475. 6d. to 475. 9d. per cwt. The stock of tallow in this country is large compared to that in the port of Lon don at the corresponding period of last year. The stock now is about 43,500 casks ; last year, at this period, it was only 24,500 casks. By the mercantile accounts re. ceived from St. Petersburg)), to the 16th of last month, it appears that great activity prevailed there in the tallow trade. Since last pest there hod been purchased 15,000 tP7d this4' an c d ou tl n ie u) t:tal quantity already bought for shipment as soon as the navigation opens, was 30,000 casks. The price of tallow at St. Petersburgh, on the 15th ult., was 101 rubles per pond. It was ex pected that the supply of tallow during the present year would he about 150,000 casks. The exchange upon Lon don was 10id. At the close of the last shipping season about 4,500 casks of tallow remained over. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. QUEEN. SQUARE. Mrs. Sarah :King, a dealer in potatoes and cab bages, of 6, Church-lane, Chelsea, was charged be fore Mr. GREGORIE with putting in fear of her life Mrs. Elizabeth Giles, the locum towns or house keeper of one Mr. Daniel Holkam, an established green-grocer of twenty-two years standing, No. 8, in the same lane. It is an old adage, " that two of . a trade can never agree ;" and it was fully exemplified in the present case. The parties advanced to the bar with fry in their eyes, and each appea•ed eager far the Mrs. King, it . appeared, had only opened her shop a few weeks ago in opposition to the complainant's master, which had caused considerable jealousy be tween the belligerent powers. Mrs. Giles now commenced her statement by first pronouncing an exordium on her own charac ter, and insinuating that her late departed lord and master had not treated her in a way which he ought to have done. In short, she was about to give a history of her connubial life from the moment she was married to the time her husband died, when she became the housekeeper of Mr. Daniel Hol kam. She was, however, cut short in her biogra phical sketch by the Magistrate, and desired to state her complaint. After another very lengthy speech, all that could be elicited was, that the defendant had come itro I her master's shop, abused her, and called her Dan; Holkrim's mis•ress. " But what else has she done to you ?" inquired Mr. GREGORIE. " Bless me !" replied Mrs. Giles, " why harn't she grociously insulted me. I charges her with a gracious suit, Sir. There was a lad came in for three pounds of the best kidney tatoes at the time, for we sells the very hest, as you must know ; but out he had to toddle, for I couldn't sarve him for her. Then in comes another for three pennorth of salad, and out he pops again." " Pray, Mrs. Giles, have you drank any thing',, this morning before you came here ?" inquired the Magistrate. Mrs. Giles—Nothing, your Worship, except a glass of a'e. Mr. GREGORIE recommended her, the next time that she had occasion to come to a police-office, to refrain from drinking ale at alt. " Besides all these things wot I've been a telling your Worship of," continued Mrs. Giles, " she swore she would mark me." Mr. GREGORIE—WeII, has she marked you ? " No, not yet," replied Mrs. Giles, " but I consider myself in danger—l am a marked woman, your Worship, and I wants justice against her." MIS. King now commenced her reply by stating that Mrs. Giles sent for her to the shop. " Merciful Powers !" exclaimed Mrs. Giles, " what a bouncer ! me send for you, indeed !" "And as soon es I got there," continued Mrs. King, " she called the an old trump !" " Oh, perjured woman, perjured woman !" ejacu lated Mrs. Giles ; "give me justice, your Worship, for I've got witnesses." Both parties now commenced together, and it was with some difficulty they could be stopped. One witness was examined on both sides, and each gave a different version of the story, and, after a very lengthy hearing, Mrs. King was ordered to find one security that she would keep the peace for six months, which satisfied neither party. The bail wits immediately procured, and Mrs. Giles declared that she would have further justice at another office. DANGEROUS NAVIGATION OF STEAM- BOATS. Olt Thursday evening an application was made to Captain Richbell, the sitting Magistrate at the Thames police-office, for a warrant against the mas ter of the Earl of Liverpool steam-vessel, which runs between London and Calais, for going beyond the legal speed of five miles per hour between Lon don-bridge and Limehouse-reach. It appeared from the sta.ements of George Cra dock and James Haynes, watermen of Globe-siair , , Rot herbithe, and William Thomas, in the employ of Messrs. Beech and Hibbert, coal•merchmits, Chel•ea, that about one o'clock that afternoon, the Easl of Liverpool steam-packet came up the river at the .rapid rate of upwards of eleven knots per hour, causing such a heavy swell that the craft and boats were tossed about as in a rough sea. Cradock and Haynes were in their wherries off the above stars as the steamer pa-sed, and the boat of the latter was turned complely over, arid fell upon him. .After receiving a good ducking, he with much difficulty ',crumbled out of the water, narrowly escaping being drowned. Cladoek's boat was also capsized by the heavy swell, and he was thrown out of it into the river, and tossed to and fro again,t the other boats, until quite exhausted. Some other watermen picked him up, and took him home; Haynes's whtrry was broken to pieces, and that belonging to Cradock was stove, and sustained considerable damage. A skiff belonging to Thomas, which he had recently borrowed, his own bring under repair, was turned bottom upwards, and so much injured, that it was rendered quite useless. Thomas also experienced some personal Injury. The watermen declared that the velocity of the steamer surpassed any thing they ever before witnessed, and had any boats been upon that part of the river at the time they must inevitably have been swamped, and the persons in them drowned. Their means of livelihood was now gone, in consequence of the in jury done to their boats. Captain RICHBELL mentioned that a few days since a large barge, laden with 12t) quarters of oats, was sunk near that office, in consequence of the rapid rate with which a steamer. passed it, and the swell caused thereby. The men in the barge were immersed in the stream, and narrowly escaped a watc►y grave. The boats belonging to that esta blishment had also been injured and tossed about by the illegal navigation of the steam-packets. The applicants not being able to prove that the master of the Earl of . Liverpool was a freeman of the \tiate►man's Company, the worthy Magistrate said he could only grant a warrant as for an assault on one of the watermen, who was nearly drowned, and this he could do on the sane principle of law by which the (Liver of a vehicle is answerable fur injuring another on the road, through careless or furicus driving. A warrant was then granted. HERNE BAY.—The Royal assent has just been given to au Act of Parliament by which a Company is formed for the erection of a pier at Herne Bay, ou the coast of Kent. According to a design furnished by Mr. TELFORD, the eminent :engineer, and Mr. Rttovss, the pier is to extend so far into the sea that steam-vessels will be able to embark and disembark passengers and goods at all times of the tide. The design also includes a parade or terraced walk of neatly a mile in length. Herne Bay is situated four miles on the London side of the Reculvers, and, of course, sixteen miles nearer the metropolis than Margate; the sea is pure and free from weeds ; its sands are dry and extensive ; the scenery immediately around it is more picturesque than any other on that coast, and it is within seven miles only of the ancient city of Canterbury. These are advantages which, should the proposed design he ever carried into effect, will go , neir to m a k e t h e Margate folks look blue " we guess. ItTIM On the Ist inst. in Burton-crescent, Mrs. B. Toinkins, of a daughter. On the 31st ult. at Hackney, Mrs. J. M. Morris, of a son. On the 31st ult. in Upper Berkeley-street, Portman -square, the lady of W. B. Creadoek, Esq., of a son. MARRIED. On the 31st ult. at St. Andrew's, Holborn, Mr. A. Beaumont, of Parkton.grove, Yorkshire, to Miss Cross, of Bartlett's buildings, Holborn. Captain Donald DIED. On the :„..itli ult. the wife of _lr. E. Wright, of West Drayton, Middlesex. a in ged Cu t r i( z i, oi s i- i : t t i r ,r ee ( t ) , t. the late On the :30th ult. in Cheapside, Mrs. E. Brand, aged 63.- the Right Hon. Lady Caro linem o ,AK ti t cu t n l z i x e ibe l : l o o l fg i e: ult. eilN.r. L : P .i a :, :k s H i iltoitiiseb,,aiDi banker, e n r g , w o a i l , l e , Friends. of the Society of , Earl Waldegnive and Lord Itadstcck, and aunt of the present Lords. 0 z \ \ t r i a l eidfielgsrtauvlet., • AND l'unusttEn My MURDO YOUNG, AT TWO 11•2, S 1 RAND, LONVQN. ID , 0, Denb requisiti, at the ( March, of thank exertion, slimed it of expre canfidem •entin g a of Parlia JOHI Jones, E Moved I) 1 • Re r!Preseni Itament, superiori Kingdo n Moved b 2. Ift( of Coma sentative of its AI of indivi tional in Moved b 3. Ito crept int that not mom lit here, eat Moved 4: R County 1 grew thi eulated 1 abolish t upon th( formidat the three impossib affairs of Moved 5. RI 'ion on indisput tion, as than 131 partially Moved I 6. 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