The Sun. — London, England, 1827-05-24 00:00:00

a miserable junta, or, as it was called in derision, a " rump ;" but if this meeting was to be taken for the rump, the meeting might conceive of what magnitude the body was.—(Hear, and laughter.)— The amendment had been handed to him, a most unusual course at a meeting.—(Hear, hear.) He could not put it to the meeting, because it was rank nonsense ;—(Hear, hear)—and if such amendments were allowed, there was an end to all regularity in public meetings. The object of this amendment, or more properly all that it conveyed was, that he (Sir F. Burdett.) sat at the back of Mr. Canning. Of this fact there could be no doubt, and he thought there had been great public benefit derived from that act. That act, he believed, would finally advance the great object of refoam. By doing so, he had endea voured to exclude the worst part of the worst Admi nistration (Hear.) This Administration sat like an incubus on the country, and prevented any attempt at public improvement. And wherefore did he (Sir Francis) sit at the back of Mr. Canning ? Because an Administration with more talent, and with less bigotted prejudices now sought to keep out that worst of Administrations—those unclean birds who had only just glutted their prey, and would be happy to have returned again, and have fixed their talons in the vitals of the country. God forbid that any thing he now said should be considered an answer to what had fallen from persons that night. He was ready to give an explanation of his conduct to the humblest man in that assembly who was honest and independent; but if he was expected to answer attacks from the quarter from which attacks came this night, their confidence was not worth hay ing. —(Hear, hear, and hisses.)—He was yet to learn that boasting was a virtue, but he now repeated what he had always asserted, that he was ever ready to support the cause of the people, and would never shrink from supporting any measures that would lead to the advance ment of public liberty. Those brighter spirits had shaken off their grosser parts, and he supported them.—(Hear, hear.)—What he had done was only to drive from power as far as he was able " Those baneful unclean birds, " Those lazy owls, who, perched near fortune's top, - " Sit only watchful with their heavy wings, " To cuff down new-fledged virtues." He should be ever ready to support the liberties of the country, and to shake that well-coMpacted system of corruption which had received a fatal blow by the overweening confidence in their own power of those who were connected with that system. Upon ail questions of practi cal advancement he was the same.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to Parliamentary reform, he would say that when he appeared in Parliainent 30 years ago, he strongly felt the necessity of that measure. If, then, he pursued that course so early in his public life, and in times of no common danger, if he had fought under the banners of public liberty when it was not such child's play as it was at present,—why should he now be suspected of an intention to give up those great principles by which he had so long been guided ? For 20 years he had had the honour of representing the electors of Westminster, and during that time he had never uttered a word with respect to his own conduct. It was not now merely a question of Parliamentary Reform, but liberal prin cipies, foreign and domestic, were effected by the late change. As 'those principles gained ground, they must feel that they were advancing greatly to wards the attainment of Parliamentary reform. It wag owing to a long chain of causes connected to gether, one leading on and linking itself to ano ther, that they could hope to attain that end ; and every liberal principle, be it what it might, commercial, civil, or religious, all advance to one and the same end; and the time, he hoped, would soon come, when the rest of the electors of England would be as enlightened as those of Westminster, and glory in pursuing the same march of independence. —As to reform, he would ask could Mr. Can ning be a Minister" if he declared for Reform ? and if he made such a declaration could he hope to have the support of the boroughmongers, whom he always would and should designate the bane of the Country.---(Cheers.)—Nevertheless, he considered the appointment of Mr. Canning as a boon to the country.—(Hear, hear, hear.)---His (Sir Francis Burdett's) principles he would maintain, whether lee should slip into a Peerage or not; for, by main- Seining them, he would secure more than he could gel, byby any Peerage, namely the confidence and affection of his country.—(Loud cheering.)— It was ti 7 the public of England setting forth good principles, and promulgating sound doctrines through the country it was this alone that could give them any hope of obtftining that which is the foundation of liberty in all cdientries.—(Cheers.)—Then he contended that he never' did, arid he never would abandon such principles.—(Cobbett—" Do you only believe ?")—Some might think that recent events, instead of advancing, retarded the progress of re form; but he should for himself say, that any act Jie should ever do, or any step he should ever take, would not, he thought, have any other direction but the ultimate view of obtaining reforrn.—(Cobbett— " Do you only think ?")—He would at all times be actuated by a feeling of what was proper. They had seen many great- and able public men who had been induced to change particular opinions, there fore he had addressed them temperately, because he was sure he could not please them by vaunting; and he did so likewise with a view to the weak ness of humanity, to which they were all liable, Still, however, when they saw him deserting the cause of his country, whether connected with reform or with any other question, it would be time enough for ti'iem to desert him. He could not believe, as he was confident he did not feel, that he had shrunk from his dirty in acting as he had done, or had exer cised any other than a , correct judgment. He had taken the line vs,hich he had done on this occasion, because decision of esinduct was absolutely necessary. It was not a question ti; Nether they should have re form or not : it was absurd to put it in that way. He never should abandon his principles, but he ex pected that when he deserted the cause of the people, they would desert him—(Hear).—The ques tion was, whether the enlightened part of the Admi nistration should be supported against that which had weighed heavy, and was an affliction to the couory.--(Hear, hear, hear.)—The fact was, that a portiem of the late Administration, and even their children, began to consider office as a kind of here ditary right. Lord Liverpool was said to have had an hereditary aptitude for office—(laughter)—and all the seceders, end even their children, had the same hereditary .. apei e side. He had endeavoured to support the party , opposed to those sece ders, and it was the unexpented support which Mr. Canning had received, that enabled him to undo the manoeuvres of the other party. He (Sir Francis Burdett) was no Particular advo sate for the Catholics, but he was an advo cate for all men's civil and religious rights. Upon: this principle he conceived that no m an should be excluded from any situation in the state, because of his religious opinions. In the pre sent instance, if we had not a Minister who we knew was aZele to carry the question of Eman cipation—at least we knew that we had a Mi nister that was not adverse to it.---(Cries of hear) —for his own part he should never refuse to lend himself to any thing that eves for the gocd of the public. Though in times of danger and of political animosity, men might oppose each other with severity, still he thought that there was nothing dishonourable in subduing those feelings, and mergin g them in grace considerations con nected with the public interests. Until the con trary could be shown, he should be perfectly sa tisfied with the course he had taken. He con ceived that no blame could attach to those who thus allowed public principle to swallow up every feeling o f a peleat e orper sonal hear.) On these nature.—(Hear, principles he • therefore claimed the conf idence had Acted • he 'Westminster, b e i n dence of the electors of had never fou n d LP during convinced that they years, to refuse his e se ens lg Al"Pefic4k.of t thing wenty !WWII' o f any which seemed likely to . ad rune tke public good. He had pursued an upright, straightforward course, such . as they were fully capable of estimating and appreciating. He should here conclude, as he did not think it necessary to introduce any other topics which might present themselves under the present situation of the country and the world at large. He should content himself with thanking them for the honour which had been conferred on him, and he assured them that he should at all times be happy to give his constituents the most unreserved explanation of any part of his public conduct.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. HUNT then proceeded to address the meet inv. He was pleased to hear the candid observa tions which had fallen from their Chairman (Sir F. Burdett.) He himself had, in fact ever advocated his principles to a certain extent, and he now coin cided in that part of there which rejoiced at the removal of those Ministers, whose removal Sir Francis rejoiced at, and he believed nine tenths of the people of England rejoiced at the same.—(Hear, hear.)—lf, however, upon any ques tion,, any persons or assemblage of persons differed, the only way to decide was to hear the question on both sides, and, as Englishmen, to give each party a fair opportunity of stating their reasons for so differing. He (Mr. H.) had known the electors of Westminster a long time : he had always been on good terms with them, and he hoped always to remain so. He had taken a part in the first election of their present Representative, and had been invited to attend their meetings for 11 years. From this intimacy he believed that he could depend on them for a fair hearing, if he should differ with any of them in opinion, if he were to deport himself as a gentleman and a man.— (Cheers.)—With respect to Sir F. Burdett, he would not, unless goaded in the extreme, suffer an abrupt observation to escape him, however, he might differ from him in opinion. Some might thank him for having gone over to the side of Mr. Canning, when the latterwas one of the most decided enemies of Re , form. On such an occasion as that to which he had alluded it was right for any man to differ from a body if he thought that their representative had compro mised his own dignity and his duty to them. He was 'sorry that what Sir F. Burdett now said rela tive' to Mr. Canning, he had not said to his teeth in another place.—(Great disapprobation.) Wh was it that Sir Francis Burdett was now sup port!ng ? Who, but the eloquent, the invariable, and powerful opponent of every measure favourable to the libeOes of the subject, which was agitated in the Hotise of Common's for the last thirty years ? (Cries of " No, no," and " Catholic Question, and' great uproar.")—He (Mr. Hunt) would appeal to the Stewards of this Meeting, who witnessed his conduct, - whether he had interrupted any one, and if, after they should hear him, they would all ap prove of Sir' Francis Burdett's conduct up to this time.—(Cries of " All, all," and hisses.)—After order was restored, Mr. Hunt proceeded to observe that; it had been said that if time was given to Mr.' Canning, he would bring about some of those good things which the people so earnestly desired. —(Hissings.)—By all means, continued he, give him time; but before we pledge ourselves to sup port the man who has all his life been our opponent. — (Cries of " No, no.")—The King we are told, en- deaVoured to make an Administration without Mr.C. an Administration unfavourable to the Catholic Qu6stion, but did not succeed. Could Mr. Canning forni an Administration which could last - for even one week, if he had not been joined by Sir F. B. and his party?—(Uproar.)—Did they believe that that part of the late Administration could form a Govern ment that would last for one week without Mr. Carining ? Nor could Mr. Canning now carry on an 'Administration without Sir F. Burdett. He believed Sir Francis Burdett and his party could ma* what terms they pleased with Mr.. Canning befdre they joined him. They could have com pelled him to have promised his support to Parlia mentary Reform, if they had pleased. All he had to say about Sir F. Burdett was, that when Mr. Canning had the other day, in the House of CoMmons, declared his hostility to Parliamentary RefOrra, Sir Francis ought to have risen, and stre nuously opposed the Honourable Gentleman. Mr. Brougham and Lord John Russell took upon them to say, that the country had been so well govern ed for the last few years, that the , people did :not want a Parliamentary Reform ; but here was'that answered by the three or fonr thousand inhabitants of Westminster, who met the other day.= (Great confusion.)— Sir Francis joining Mr.' Canning, was mere stuf—(Hissing.)—He begged the meeting to recollect that they were not now to drink the health of the Honoura ble 'Baronet as the mere Chairman of a public Meeting, but to recollect that a great public ques tion' was involved in the result of the Meeting.— (Confusion.) —Let them decide as they pleased re garding Sir Francis's conduct, be begged to thank them for the opportunity he had had of declaring his sentiments, and whatever might be the case, his consolation would be under an Impression of having dont his duty. Mr. Hunt then proceeded to say, that they were not then drinking the health of Sir Francis Burdett as the c'eair of a festive and convi vial meeting : if they had been so doing, the toast would have been drank not merely without opposi tion, but even by acclamation. They were celebrat ing under that toast the triumph of a great public question, on the merits of which the present Meet ing could alone decide. What he had said might not, perhaps, meet with their approbation ; bat it was the genuine sentiments of his heart, and was, therefore, entitled to their serious consideration.— (Hear.) Lord War. RUSSELL then ascended the table, he con gratulated the good feeling and unanimity which had been restored, principally through the judicious and prudent conduct of their respected Chaieman.— The object of meetings of this nature was to cele brate humourously and convivially the good cause in which they all concurred, the cause of public liberty. For that purpose, and not for angry and acrimonious discussion . and debate they were now assembled.— (Applause and hisses.)—God forbid that he should preclude any ',assemblage of English men from the most scrutinizing inquiry into the conduct and measures of all public men.—(Ap s plause.)—But there were proper times and seasons for this. Let them, in Heaven's name, convene a meeting of the electors or of the people at large who were not electors, and these before the assembled people ; let public men be called upon to answer any charges fairly brought against them, and he was sure there was no one who felt more respect for the people, or would bow to what in one of their toasts was most properly called the only legitimate source of all government, than the gentleman whose health he intended to propose.—(Applause.)—Hc per ceived that their feelings went before him— that they anticipated a toast, which if they admired consistency of principle and integrity of purpose, they must hail with the most enthusiastic applause. He was happy in bearing testimony to the services of the gentleman in question, in promoting the cause which they all admired. He assured the meeting that his conduct was no less remarkable for his assiduity and diligence than for its sincerity.—(Hear, hear, and applause.) — He should therefore propose " the health of John Cam Hobhouse, Esq., their other faithful and able representative, and the steady supporter of Parlia mentary reform."—(Cheers.) As soon as the applause and partial disapprobation which follesved this toast had in some measure sub sided, Mr. Hoblionse ascended the table, and had scarcely presented himself to the Meeting when Mr. Cobbett appeared upon another table, and was seen to - gesticulate most violently, but not 50 l ou dly as to overcome the tremendous hisses which assailed him. Mr. H. continued to await with calmness and patience the subsiding of the storm ; but there being no probability of the speedy restoration of tranquillity, Mr. Hobliouse gave way to Sir Francis Burdett, who deprecated in the strongest terms any interruption, no matter who - the speaker was. He generally found that less time was lost by giving way than by a per tenacious opposition. He should, however, take the sense of the meeting as to who should be heard. Here the most conflicting calls were made for Mr. Hobhouse and Cobbett —those for the latter made up in violence, what they wanted in number. A very desperate rush was made towar..lo Mr. Cob bett, and several gentlemen attempted to turn him out by force. Their attempt was, however, frustra ted by the phalanx of retainers whom Cobbett called around him. Intrenched im the midst of them, he appeared to enjoy the storm which he had excited, and giggled most outrageously at the blows which were showered upon his friends to the right and left of him. The glasses were swept off the table with an appalling crash ; and several chairs were broken by the blows given and received on them during the temporary scuffle. During its continu nnce, which lasted for a quarter of an hour, all eyes were turned on the Bone-grubber. The gentlemen at the cross-tables left their seats, mounted the table, and viewed from it the struggle which was taking place between the stewards and the Cobbettites.— Mr. Hobhouse, at this period, walked from the centre of the table to that eud of it which was nearest Cobbett, and addressed that " fi ne animal" on the impropriety of his conduct. We were told that he took a wand from one of the stewards with the intention of inflicting a blow upon Cobbett, but that Cobbett, wishing to avoid so public an insult, told Mr. H., whilst the blow was hanging over him, that his op position to him was not of a personal but of a political character. Mr. Hobhouse told him in the most contemptuous terms that language affords, that he held him unworthy of any gentleman's chastisement, and that nothing would induce him to look upon such a miscreant as he was, in the light of a politi cal opponent. Cobbett replied in terms with which we shall not sully our columns, but which will not be out of character in the pages of, his next week's Register. He succeeded, however, in retaining his seat, amidst the cheers of his partisans and the cla mour of his antagonists. The only moment during which he appeared disturbed, was when a gentleman advised the stewards not to pollute. themselves by touching him, but to send forthwith for a constable to take him into custody for a breach of the peace. Mr. HOBHOU§E again attempted to address the meeting, but was prevented by the obstinate clamour of a few voices in one corner of the room. Sir F. BURDETT then came forward, and said that he wished to know whether the meeting were inclined to hear Mr. Hobhouse or not ?—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WooLER called upon every elector of West minster then present, who had a head on his shoul ders, and reason in his head, to exert his endeavours to prevent this Meeting from being turned into a mere bear-garden. After declaring his reluctance to address the present Meeting, and his reasons for feeling it, he stated that in his opinion the great error of the present Meeting, and that which had led to all its disgusting and disgraceful scenes, was the unfortunate circumstance that the individual who tilled the Chair was the individual attacked, and that his duty as Chairman prevented his performing his duty to Sir Francis Burdett. He contended that the opposition of Cobbett to Sir Francis Burdett's health, before he had entered into an explanation of his conduct, was mean, cowardly, and disgraceful. He maintained that it was most unfair to condemn Mr. Hobhouse, and that the wish to do so pro ceeded from the basest motives.—(Cheers.) Mr. HOBROUSE then spoke, amidst considerable confusion, which prevents us from giving a detailed report of his speech. He should really have been happy to have heard the charge which that person (pointing to Cobbett) had to bring against him. He was not conscious of having deserved any charge, nor had he heard from any respectable individual that any charge was intended to be brought against him by the electors of Westminster. It was well known that it was possible for two or three dis orderly individuals to disturb the quiet of as many hundred peaceable persons : and the prime mover of these disturbances well knew, that as the electors of Westminster scorned to interfere as they might, against him, he might still disturb them with impu nity. He appealed, however, to the . meeting wile= ther, having done his duty in eight Sessions of Par liament, he deserved to he robbed of the confidence of his constituents by the trickery of an individual with whom he could have no controversy, since no honest man could have a controversy with Cob bett.—(Cheers.)—lf any honest individual had a charge to bring against him, let him make it publicly, and he would answer it. After some further obser vations, imperfectly heard, he concluded with de claring his readiness to serve his constituents with the same fidelity as he had hitherto done.--(Cheers.) The next toast was, " Lord Nugent, and the elec tors ofAylesbury." Lord NUGENT began by contrasting the manly conduct of Hunt, which he said was worthy Of sn English gentleman, with the disgraceful behaviour of Cobbett, in his attack on Sir F. Burdett, which he said must make his conscience smart to the latest hour of his existence. If his (Lord Nugent's) cha racter had been attacked from the same quarter, he should have congratulated himself to the skies that he was the person impeached, and not the degraded impeacher. The Noble Lord then justified his own motive for joining the Government, because it had turned out a party whose object was to stifle public opinion, to shackle the press, to waste the public money, to oppcse reform, and indeed every - other species of rational amelioration. He knew that Mr. Canning was an enemy of reform ; but had he (Lord Nugent) ever shrunk from telling Mr. Can hing to his teeth, that to reform, to civil and reli gious liberty, he was, heart and soul, attached ? and whenever he abandoned those principles, he prayed to God that he might forfeit the attachment of all those friends whose esteem he valued. One word with regard to his constituents. The last time that he had addressed them was just before the general election. He had then told them, that if he had the "means, he had not the inclination, to obtain his seat by bribery and corruption ; he had likewise told his constituents that he would neither pay nor canvass for a single vote. Their answer was, that if he would pledge himself to support reform and the cause of civil and religious liberty, they would return him free of expence. On that condition he stood for ward and was elected ; on his return, they pre sented him with the receipted bills of his election expences, which amounted to 321. some odd shillings and sixpence. —(Great cheering.) Mr. WELLS proposed the health of Earl Grey, the steady and consistent friend of reform. Sir F. BURDETT said he had no objection to the toast, but it was not usual to give the health of gentlemen who were not present. The next toast was—" Lord Ebrington and the Reformers of Devonshire." Lord EBRINGTOS said, that it he were asked whether the present Administration was altogether such as he could have wished to have seen in power, he should be 'obliged to answer that it was not. But what option was there left to himself and his friends ? It was either to support a Government which he believed in the main to be anxious to give effect to liberal principles, and which had cer tainly already advanced them in some degree, or to assist in maintaining in power a party which had been well called by a Noble Friend of his, Toryism in its most hideous deformity.—(Cheers.)--They had been asked whether they still stood by the cause of reform and of civil and religious liberty. He would declare for his own part, that his opinions had undergone no change; and that if he had con ceived that he `should advance that cause by remain ing on that side of the House where ha had usually sat, he would still have remained there. But if he could not gain all he wished, was he therefore to be precluded from accepting all that he could? Such v.-ere the grounds on which he acted : such were the principles on which he would give a trial to the present Administration. The trial might succeed, or it might not : if it succeeded, something would be gained ; indeed something had been gained al ready, by showing to the public that the Tory fac tion which had so long fastened, like an incubus, on the bosom of the country, was not omnipotent either in Court faVoto. or in public opinion.—(Cheers But should the trial fail—should he find that i the next Session of Parliament nothing was gained for the cause of civil and religious liberty by the sup port which was now given to the Government on the most honourable and disinterested principles, he should return—disappointed, certainly, in his ex pectations, but with a clear conscience that he had done his duty to his country and himself—to that course of direct and manly opposition in which he had persisted for the last twenty years. The next toast was, " Lord John Russell, and thanks to him for his efforts in the cause of reform." Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in returning thanks, said, that it was a perversion of terms to say that any man who supported the present against the late Administration, which had been for so many years the curse of the country, had abandoned the cause of Parliamentary Reform. He had always considered that there was no security for good government without Parliamentary Reform ; but whenever he had brought forward that question, he had always stated that reform not being carried, did not pre vent the existence of a good Minister, but that it left the House of Commons equally ready to support a good or bad Minister. He therefore was quite consistent in saying that the existence of a good Ministry would be advantageous to the country, even though it were adverse to the cause of reform. With regard to the old Ministry, they resembled an old French gentleman with whom he had formerly been in habits of intimacy. He was a staunch ad vocate of the old regime, and when he was asked whether he would have it re-established in its for mer condition, he declared, " Yes, I am for the old monarchy with all its abuses." Such were exactly the sentiments of the expelled Members of the late Administration. They were attached to the 0-.ises of the Monarchy, and to nothing else; and there fore it was that be was glad to see their fall, which if it was not productive of entire good, would still be productive of considerable advantage to the country.—(Cheers.) The next toast was, " Mr. P. - Thomson and the Reformers of Dover." Mr. P. Trteitstiitrifitrned thanks. He said that : " To gild refined geld; to paint the lily, " To throw a perfume on the violet," was admitted on all_ hands to be a work of supere rogation. Now it appeared ..to him that to throw stink-pots on the individual who had caused the disturbance of that evening, was equally a work of supererogation ; for lower than that person was at present, it was impossible for him to fall.—(Hear.) However, as there might be some individuals weak enough to attend to the flow of nonsense which issued weekly from his pen, he rejoiced that the proceedings of that day would go before the public, and so tend to destroy the little weight which was still left to him.—(Cheers.) Sir. F. BL'RDETT said, that there was one obser nation which had fallen from Mr. Hunt to which he wished to give an answer. Mr. Hunt had said that he should like to have heard him (Sir F. Burdett) utter the same sentiments in the House of Commons before Mr. Canning, as he had that night uttered in that room. If Mr. Hunt had been present in the House on the occasion to which he had referred, he would have found that he did make there the very same declarations which he had made to the meet ing that evening. He mentioned this circumstance that Mr. Hunt might not suppose that he had ever shrunk from the avowal of his principles. The toast with which he concluded was—" The liberty of the Press?' TEN o' CLocr.—A THIRD EDITION of the SUN NEWSPAPER Teas hero handed to Sir Francis * contain ing upwards of FOUR COLUMNS of the SPEECHES. This circumstance produced an extraordinary sensation in the room—all wondering at the despatch used in so short,a period-020:Y TWO HOURS having elapsed since the com mencement of speaking, till - the Paper was put into the Chairman's. hand--. 4 Gentleman present, observing that it was an extraordinary illustration of " the Liberty of the Press." Mr. WooLER being loudly called for, came for ward to addreas.the-Meeting. lie said that had h e been in the situation of their Hon.. Chairman, he should in all probability have given his support to the administration of Mr. Canning. He looked upon Mr. Canning as something in the situation of an eel which had escaped from a reservoir : when it once got into the current, it was obliged to go, not where its will directed, but wheresoever the current took it. He looked upon the old Administration as an upas-tree, which had long blighted and blasted all the energies of the country ; and he had no doubt that now it had got rid of that noxious influence, it would soon be restored to its .pristine health and vivacity.--(Cheers.) Sir F. Burdett then left the Chair, amid the cheers of the company. Another Chairman was immediately appointed; and when we left the room, three speakers were simultaneously on their legs. During several of the latter speeches, Cobbett's appearance was ludicrously singular. He had wrap ped round his head a white pocket handkerchief, which, as hii face was much flushed, gave him the look of a drunken old woman, enveloped in her nightcap. His gesticulations were as extraordinary as his looks; and the curves, which his arms kept describing in the air, were so eccentric, that no ma thematician could define them. Once or twice he got upon the table, bellowing, like a mad bull, the words " Oh ! oh ! oh ! oh !" beginning in a low key, and gradually rising to a very high key on the fourth " oh. He once or twice shook his fist with great indignation at the cross table, but dropped it immediately, as if he was afraid that such a gesture might promote attack. The general motion of his hands resembled that of a sawyer busily engaged in a saw-pit. He seemed to be perfectly impressed with the idea that the first, second, and third points of eloquence consist of action ; for, during the whole of last night's discussion, he was never quiescent for a single moment. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, MAY 23. Sir J. LEACH, as Deputy Speaker, took his seat on the Woolsack, at Five o'Clock. The Duke of AIONTROSE presented a petition from the Synod of Glasgow and Ayr against Catholic Eman cipation. Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from the owners and occupiers of land in the county of Kent, against the proposed attentions in the Corn Laws. The Noble Lord presented a petition from an individual in the same county against the importation of foreign wool. The Noble Lord, in moving that the petition be laid on the table, said that the profits of the wool-grower were considerably reduced, if not wholly extinguished, as the value of the wool had fallen 50 per cent., and it was well known that many persons had three years growth on hand. The peti tioners also prayed that in the event of the proposed Bill for the introduction of Foreign Corn passing into a law, their Lordships would also make a law permitting all farmers to vacate their leases, and to compel their landlords to give them an adequate remuneration for such permanent im provements as they may have made upon their premises. The Earl of MALMESBURY presented a petition from Ralph Gadesby, an agriculturist in the county of York. The petitioner purchased some years since, under an enclo sure act, nine acres of land, by the produce of which he since supported himself, his wife, and six children; he now feels that he will become a material sufferer by the proposed law—that he would be deprived of the means of support, and be obliged to depend on casual assistance, or on the labour of his hands for sub sistence. The Noble Lord had some difficulty in moving that the petition be read, as it mentioned two of their Lordships by name. He had also another difficulty which applied to himself personally, as the petitioner had accompanied the Petition with a request that he (Lord Malmsbury) should read the whole of it in an audible voice to the House.—(A laugh.)--Vnder these circumstances, perhaps, the Noble Lord would consult the interests of the petitioner by calling on the clerk. The petition was then read, and from its great simplicity, and the extraordinary demands contained therein, created considerable merri ment. He prayed that they would not rob him of his all, which, though it was small, would, he was sure, be protected equally with the all of any great landlord or nobleman. He hoped that their Lordships would send some person down to him to see how Ithe matter stood, He prayed that God might bless their Lordships, and declared that he would wish very much to be a tenant to the Earl of Harewood, who lived near him, - because his Lordship was a good landlord, and bad better land than the petitioner ; and lastly he prayedthat their Lordships would stand up for him, as the Members of the other House had given the Agriculturists up, although in their hearts they favoured them. If their Lordships did not do this, the petitioner was, in fact, a ruined man. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, he never saw a petition which was more northy of their Lordships' attention, or more respectfully worded. Although it did allude by name to some Mcmbers of their Lordships' House, yet that allusion was not connected with anything that occur red in Parliament. Earl MALAIESBURY was glad was glad that the pe tition had been presented, as it clearly showed that other persons besides the landlords would be sufferers. It was evident that the little agriculturists would first go. Lord GAGE presented a similar petition from the hun dred of Lin&ld, in Sussex. The petitions were laid on the table. The Fraudulent Bankruptcies of Scotland Bill was read a third time and passed. Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL and others brought up several Bills from the Commons. GAME LAWS. The Marquis of SALISBURY, in moving that a Bill for legalizing the sale of game under certain restrictions be read a first time, said that the Bill did not profess to remedy the theoretical defects of the present system. He thought it well worthy the consideration of their Lordships, whe ther some trifling alterations might not be introduced which, without interfering with the principles of the Game Laws, would prevent the rapid increase of poaching. The beat measure he thought would be to give an extensive power of selling game. He proposed to give the power of selling game to such persons as were now qualified to kill it, upon taking out a licence from the Commissioner of Taxes. There were many persons now who could em ploy qualified persons to kill game, although they were not author iced to kill it themse: , :_s. To these he also proposed to give the power of killing and selling game. He wished to encourage the owners of large tracts of land to raise game, by giving them the power of selling it. The proposed measure to be in operation for three years; at the expiration of which further measures might be adopted. Lords CAERNARVON and LIMERICK supported the principle of the Bill, which was read a first time. The House then adjourned to Friday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, WEDNESDAY, MAY SS. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. Mr. J. W. CROXER being returned for the Dublin Uni. varsity took the oaths and his seat. Mr. EGERTON presented several petitions from Pro. teetant Dissenters, praying for the repeal of the Corpora. tion and Test Acts. Mr. Alderman WOOD presented a similar petition from Woodbridge, Suffolk; and Mr. SYKES, a similar petition from Hull. Col. SIBTHORPE presented a petition from the prinsi pal tradesmen of Lincoln, in favour of the Bill for the Recovery of Small Debts. Mr. SEYMOUR presented petitions from Salisbury, praying that a duty might be put on Foreign Weol. Lord BELFAST presented a petition from Belfast, pray ing the House to put a stop to the Burning of Hindoo Widows. Mr. A. CAMPBELL presented a petition from the Synod of Ayr, against any further concessions to the Ro man Catholics. Mt. J. WOOD presented a petition from the Dissenters of Stockport, for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. Lord MILTON presented a similar petition from the inhabitants of Pocklington in the county of York, and also from Ripon. Mr. THOMPSON presented a petition from Kinlock, praying that no further concessions should be made to the Roman Catholics. Lord G. CAVENDISH presented a petition from Bel par, Derbyshire, praying the House to put an end to the Burning of Widows in the East Indies. Mr. C. GRANT brought in a Bill for regulating the averages of Corn, which was read a first time, and or dered to be read a second time on Friday next. Mr. VESEY FITZGERALD presented a Petition from the inhabitants of the County of Clare, praying the House to consider the propriety of changing the mode by which money was levied under Grand Jury Presentments in Ireland. After some conversation, in which Mr. Morris Fitz gerald, the new Secretary for Ireland, and several other Members took a part, the - petition WAIS ordered to be printed. SMALL DEBTS BILL. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL moved for leave to bring in a Bill for preventing arrests on mesne process, where the debt is under twenty pounds. The Learned Member observed, that a temporary Aet was passed inlBll, to the same effect, but the sum was limited to 151. That Act, however, had been, through inadvertency, allowed to expire in 1824, since which the law stood on the same footing'as before that Act was passed. In that Act, how ever; debts secured by bills or promissory notes, were exempted from the operation of the law, but in the present bill every kind of debt in whatever way secured was on the frame footing. Another alteration in the present Bill was that the principality of Wales and the counties Palatine of England were to be subject to the law, whereas, they were exempted by the Act of 1811. He concluded by moving for leave to bring in his Bill. Lord ALTHORP approved most cordially of the pro -posed Bill, and-only doubted whether the sum was carried quite far enough. He strongly condemned the present de lusive and expensive practice of recovering small debts, which cost so much money as to amount to a denial of justice, and indeed to make one almost wish that debts under 10/. should be reckoned debts of honour, and their pay ment left to the breast of the debtor. Mr. PEEL was anxious to state, that he had fulfilled his pledge of directing his best attention to this subject, in which the Noble Lord (Althorp) had been so long engaged with so much credit to himself and advantage to the coun try. It had become absolutely necessary to raise the sum for arrest ; for really the inordinate incidental expenses for arresting persons for small sums, had made the legal power of recovery almost a mere mockery. He had placed the Noble Lord's Bill, as he had promised he should do, in the hands of two eminent gentlemen, with a desire that they would examine closely into all its details, and make the necessary inquiries as to the probable effect of its operation, while engaged on the circuits. These gentlemen had com plied with. his desire, and prepared a Bill accordingly, which he should have introduced while in office, had he not been so much engaged upon the general subject of the criminal law. Possibly that Bill would still be introduced, were not the Session too far advanced to admit of its being fully attended to. Mr. HEATHCOTE wished to know whether any mea sure 'was in contemplation for the abolition of those unjust fees which were at present payable upon acquittals in the Sessions Court. In a recent instance, he knew a most respectable farmer who had to pay 265. for an acquittal upon a most unfounded charge of assault. He hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman, though out of office, would pursue the 'same excellent principles for ameliorating the law, which had gained him so much credit while he was a Member of the Government.—(Hear,) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, that the question put by the Hon. Member who had spoken last was very well deserving of consideration, but it related to a topic which was unconnected with the question then before them. He was afraid to give an opinion upon his Noble Friend's proposal, that small debts should be made debts of honour.—(A laugh.)—lf it were possible to devise any plan or expedient to induce creditors to distinguish between those who ought to he trusted and those who ought not, it would be a very beneficial alteration in the present system, which often, in the heedlessness of giving credit, even tually involved the creditor in as much ruin as it certainly did the debtor.—(Hear.)—Besides this effect of the too easy disposition of tradesmen, there was another—namely, that those who did 'regularly and honestly pay, were un justly taxed some 101. or 15/. or 201. per cent., perhaps, for those who did not.—(Hear, hear.)--He saw no possi ble mode of arranging a process for the recovery of small debts which was not likely to be attended with a most in jurious expence. There was an evil in the cheap process of the Court of Requests ; for there, where the tradesman had ready means of getting at the person of the creditor, the poor family who were obliged to get a weekly or monthly credit, were always obliged to stick to the same tradesman's shop, which was often found very inconve nient. It had often struck him, that if there were more difficulties in the way of obtaining this small credit, the 'poor tradesman would be found less at the public-house spending, perhaps, half his wages, because he knew that his family could trust to the credit of the butcher'S or ba ker's shop, for subsistence during the ensuing week. The subject, he admitted, was entitled to much consideration. Mr. PEEL remarked, that the remedy was simple in the case of those scandalous fees - upon acquittal,—namely, to abolish them at once—(Hear, hear) ;—for he was quite sure not a word could he said in their favour. Their ex istence was one of the greatest blots upon the administra tion of justice, and led to the crying evil of an innocent man's petitioning to be found guilty, and fined le., rather than his acquittal, to whiCh•he was justly entitled, with the addition of these scandalous and oppressive fees. The only question was, to ascertain ont of what fund the of ficers should be requited, who were at present remunerated out of there acquittal fees. He bad applied for the parts" clear accounts, and he believed that abundant information would be found respecting them in the Secretary of States office. After a few words from Mr. CRESSETT PELHAM, the. SOLICITOR-GENERAL obtained leave to bring in his Bill. CRIMINAL LAW. Mr.,PEEL was anxious to fix a day for the further stages of his Petty Larceny and other Bills for the ame lioration of Criminal Law. He was very anxious that they should be carried forward during the present session• It would Lc recollected that they had been now more than two years under consideration ; and under such circum stances it was, he thought, natural that he should be soli citous about them, lest he should forget in their more protracted discussion, the principles upon which they pro ceeded. He was not anxious about any particular day, 9° that a final and convenient one were named—suppose Fri day, the Bth of June.—(Several voices cried out to take a week earlier, and named Friday the Ist of June.) Mr. HERRIES hoped that Friday, the Ist of June, would not be named, as the Budget, which at present stood for Wednesday, would probably, to suit the convenience of many Hon. Members, be finally fixed for Friday. Mr. PEEL said, that he was only anxious for an earl,' day because the Lord Chancellor and Lord Chief-Justice of the Court of King's Bench had kindly promised to take charge of the Bills in the House of Lords, and it was very desirable, as these Bills would repeal several statutes, that the subject should be settled in the present Session. Dr. LUSHINGTON said it was possible, though be could not speak with certainty as to the fact, that an Hon. Friend who had a notice of motion for Thursday, the Slat May, would not be able, through illness which had for the present removed him to the country, to attend on that day. This was just a chance for the'llight Hon. Gentle man, if he meant to fix his motion, subject to the con tingency. Mr. PEEL said that he would, then, take this chance for Thursday, the 31st May, upon the understanding that if not, he should have precedence on the Bth June. REGISTRATION OF FREEHOLDERS. Lord ALTHORP, 'pursuant to motion, asked leave to bring in a Bill for the registration of freeholders in Eng land and Wales. Th e N o bl e L or d sa id, t h at h e did not mean to call upon the House to discu ss th e me asur e until next session. After a few observations from Mr. H. GURNEY, LOrd LOWTHER, Mr. W. Wnrradonsi and Lord MILTON, love was given to bring in the Bill. LAND-TAX ASSESSMENT. Mr. GEORGE BANICES, in rising to propose the in troduction of a measure having for its object the exemption of the Roman Catholics from a double assessment of the Land-Tax, hoped that he should meet, not only with the support, but the assistance of the House. It could not he unknown to those whom he had now the honour to ad dress, that many Roman Catholics at this day were doubly charged with Land-Tax, and by virtue of the same law by . which they were originally so assessed, Protestants who had succeeded to their estates were obliged to pay the same tax as the Catholics from whom they inherited. The act by which Roman Catholics were doubly charged with land tax was passed in the 4th year of the reign of William 111., and continued in force, by the enactment of annual , bills, until the 33d of the late King. The Bill of Wil liam, which was passed at a time when this country was at war with some of the European Powers, enacted that Roman Catholics should in future pay a double land-taxes that was to say, that Roman Catholics should pay Ba. where persons of other persuasions should pay only 4s. These annual Acts of Parliament were continued until the year 1794, when the S3d of the late King professed t ° relieve the Roman Catholics from the effects of the former law, by affording them an opportunity of ridding that selves of the double tax already referred to, by the pro duction of certain certificates. From the year 1794 to 1798 the opportunity thus offered to the Catholics w as open to them : but in the last -mentioned year a clause was added to the Bill, declaring, that after the S e ptero - 1 ber following, Catholics, who had not taken advantage ot the law up to that time, would in future be excluded from its benefits. The Honourable Member obserted, that through negligence and other causes several Re' man - Catholics failed to take advantage of the sh°Y e law within the given time ; the consequence of whic" , was, that they were now subjected to the hardship_ of paying double land-tax, An action, arising out of the state of the existing law, had lately been tried' but the Judge declared that the law afforded / 30 benefit to the plaintiff, and that the legislature only could grant him relief. The object of the present Bill was to give the Roman Catholics that relief. It might seem strange that he (Mr. Bankes), who uniformly Or posed the Catholic claims, should bring in any measure tending to relieve that class of individuals. As long, boy(' ever, as he had the honour to hold a seat in that House, he should, without any reference to party feelings, adopt that course which lie conceived was due to justice. He had been applied to on this subject by several Roman Catholic Peers, and other distinguished persons, to bring in s ome measure of relief, and he conceived that the present Bill would fully accomplish that object. The Hon. Gentle man concluded by moving for leave to bring in the Bill. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL rose merely to say that he should offer no objection to the measure proposed by th e Hon. Gentleman, but he would not pledge himself to giv e it his future support. Mr. HERRIES was happy to find that the Hon. Ge 2 ". tleman (Mr. Bankes) had taken up this subject, because it would relieve the Treasury of proposing a similar Bill, his Noble Friend, lately removed from that House (Lord Gode rich) having given notice to that effect. The Bill pro; posed by the Hon. Gentleman had his (Mr. Herries'i fullest concurrence ; and, if introduced, should be assisted by him in its various stages. After a few words from Mr. N. CALVERT and Mr. lltiasx, leave was given to bring in the Bill. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, so d the House adjourned at a quarter past Seven o'Clock. OF TITIRTY-MFVEN WN MUTTER OF TILE Wli THE PROPRIETY OF 5 TEES OF BANKRUPT( Birch, J. Borradaile, R. Bright, H. Buck, L. W. Clive, E. Denison, W. J. Dawson, A., Drake, T. Fergusson, Sir R. Fane, John Forbes, Sir C. Forbes, John Grattan, Henry Guise, Sir W. ITY A. OF CHANCERY TORusseII,c TAILOR o :LI N. FOR Law A A 1,, )unT T c n d Tufton, Hon. 1 1 . Wood, J. Wood, Ald Webb, Ed. Warburton, 11- Winn, Hon. 4 - 7 - Wilks, J. Wells, J. T OF THE MINOR , 0 VOTED WITH MR. M. SOLE HOUSE CO TAKE SEPARATING THE JURIST CY, FROM THE HIGH co , Hume, Joseph Hobhouse, J. C. Halse, J. Hay, Adam Lonibe, E. Lumley, J. S. Maxwell, John MalJerly, J. Osborne, Lord F. Rancliffe, Lord Rickford, W. Palmer, C. Fyshe Ponsenby, Hon. G. Poneonby, Hon. F. TELLERS. Howick, Lord T.9-lor, M. A. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS' HOUSE OF COMMONS. woricEs OF MOTIONS FOR THIS DAY. 1. Mr. Edward Davenport—Select Committee to inqun' into the causes of the severe distress which has of the Commercial and Industrious classes o f the Community during the last and present years. 2. Mr. Moore—Bill to give validity to the service of pr . ° - cess to compel appearance issuing out of the superior Courts of Justice in any one of the parts of the Unitea Kingdom on persons in any of the other parts of the United Kingdom. 3. Mr. Moore—Bill for the protection of purchasers for valuable consideration in Ireland against judgme nt not recovered within twenty years. 4. Mr. Moore—Bill to regulate the buying and selling of Hay and Straw within the city, liberties, and v,cl - of Dublin. 5. Mr. Henry Grattan—To move for Returns from th e Commissioners of the Paving Board, Dublin ; from the Commissioners of Wide Streets, Dubli n ' also, from the Courts of King's Bench, Common P/ 08 ' and Exchequer, in Ireland. C. Mr. Moore—To bring under the consideration of the House the Petition of the Mechanical OPer ati :: Classes of the City, libertie s , a nd v i c i n ity of pubo (presented I 2th April), and praying the establish" ment of a Loan Fund, 7. Mr. Herries—Bill for carrying into effect the Tr e3tl with Sweden relative to the Slave Trade. ORDERS OF THE DAY FOR THIS DAY -1 . mall Debts Bill—Second reading-. 2. Sale of Game Bill—Second reading. n. Election Expenses Bill—Third reading. 4. Benefices Resignation Indemnity Bill—Committce• 5. Land Tax Commissioners Names Bill—Committee 6. Land Revenue (Ireland) Bill—Committee. 7. Parochial Settlements (Scotland) Bill—Further Corki deration of Report. 8. Insolvent Debtors (Ireland) Bill—Third reading 9. Roads and Bridges (Ireland) Bill—Third reading. 10. General Turnpike Act Amendment Bill—Report. 11. Foundlings (Ireland) Bill—Committee. 12. Malt Acts .Committee thereupon.