The Sun. — London, England, 1831-09-30 00:00:00

This part of the night's proceedings will give the greatest pain to those who are most desirous that the dignity and character of the House should be supported.—Morning Herald. The support and sanction which the Casimir Perier system of policy has received in the Chamber of Deputies might be considered, as the French and English Ministerial journals would make us believe, a strong proof of the stability of the present French Administration, if the Chamber of Deputies really represented the sentiments and enjoyed the confi dence of the country. But w hoever would ascer tain the feelings and the opinions of France, upon any great question of foreign or domestic policy, must not seek for them in the decisions of the majority of a legislative assembly elected under a system which renders it impossible that it should repre sent the nation. If it be necessary to the pros perity of England that she should have a House of Commons chosen not to perform the commands of the few, but to express the sentiments and con sult for the interests of the many, it is still more ne cessary for the welfare of France that her Chamber of Deputies should be really elected by the people, whom only, in virtue of a political fiction, they are now supposed to represent. Under the present limitations of the elective franchise, the number of electors in France—a country having a popul a ti on of upwards of 32 millions, is considerably fewer than those who are entitled in England—a country pos sessing something better than twenty millions, to return Members to an unreformed House of Com mons. Here is the key to the decisions of the Chamber of Deputies in the recent debates on the juste-milieu policy of Casimir Perier. It is worth observing that some of our journals, which affect not merely a violent but a furious zeal in the cause of Reform in our Parliament, because the English Par liament, as at present constituted, does not and cannot represent the opinions and interests of the whole nation, appeal to the decisions of the Chamber of Deputies at Paris, as conclusive of questions that deeply agitate the feelings of all France. We know that when those very journals sup ported the Duke of Wellington's Administra tion as vehemently as they now support a Whig Administration, and when the Duke's Mi nistry carried their measures in the unreformed rouse of Commons with sweeping majorities, that very Administration was rapidly sinking in public opinion, and losing the only true source of the strength of any Government—the confidence of the country. It is true that the Duke of Wellington was at last beaten by the vote of an unreformed Parliament, but not until the feeling of the country became so strong and universal against his Admi nistration that even the " omnipotence" of Parlia ment thought it unsafe any longer to resist it. Casimir Perier is not a better Statesman than the Duke of Wellington. He has not the splendid fame which gave even the political ascendancy of the latter, for a time, a charm in the eyes of the nation—his policy has been more feeble, temporising, and dishonest than that of the Duke--yet the latter, supported as he long was by Parliamentary ma orities, was overthrown by the force of public opi nion. Greater, indeed, must that man be than Casimir Perier, who can long withstand that mighty power.—illoening Herald. The Anti-Reformers are utterly ashamed of the state of the representation of Scotland. They have, therefore, deemed it prudent to throw Scotland fairly overboard. The Lord Chancellor drew from Lord Wharucliffe the confession that Scotland was too bad, and he rallied his Lordship on his admission to some purpose. A number of important petitions were last night presented by his Lordship. The first on the list was that of Edinburgh, signed by exactly the whole of the adult popul , tion, the proportion of males between sixteen and sixty in any given popu lation being exactly the prepertion of the Edinburgh population signing the petition. His Lordship, who knows the Scotch well, observed, that the change which had taken place in Edinburgh was no ;natter of surprise to him. " During the last 20 years the subject had been repeatedly discussed, and if i nch considered r. and thi , could not fail to have its effect on the sound, solid, and thinking people of Scotland, who were less liable to be led away by any sudden impale—less liable to be the prey of fac tion—less Fable to be tools and dupes in the hands of designing men, than any other people on the }ace of the earth. It was quite natural that they, after the fullest and most mature deliberation, should give their earnest and most decided support to the measures of Government for Effecting the great and important object of Reform in the Parlia mentary representation.—(Hear, hear.)" His Lord ship might, with at least equal truth, have added, that the Scotch are the most obstinate of any people on the face of the earth ; for we should sup pose it about one of the most difficult of all projects to drive Scotchmen fr om an y p urpose which they have once determined to carry. They do not lightly move; but when once they are in motion, it is no easy matter to stop them. Aware of this feature of their character, and aware that they are united to a man in support of the Reform Bill, the Anti-Re formers connected with Scotland have changed their tactics with regard to them, with a view, no doubt, to detach them from the cause. The new policy was first indicated by Lord Wharncliffe, who is of Scotch deseent,and well acquainted with the country. " He was ready (he said) to confess, that although the English Reform Bill should be rejected, he would still be not unwilling to adopt some measure of Reform, in regard to the representation of Scotland. --(Hear, from the Ministerial benches.) He would join in that cheer, far he was ready to admit that the state of the Scotch representation did constitute a case for Ileform.—(Hear.) If he voted for the rejection of the English Reform Bill, he was not therefore to be pointed at as one whoheld the opinion that the state of the r epresentation of Scotland required no Reform, and he pro tested against any such conclusion being drawn from his vote." 'Flue meaning of this is, good people of Scotland, do not be in . the least agitated if you should hear that the English Reform Bill is thrown out, for we shall give you a separate Re form. Our object is, that the Reform shall not put an end to the corrupt expenditure, and if we can only prevent Reform in England, we may be in duced to concede it to you, because, with the re presentation in Englauci unreformed, your votes cannot prevent the continuance of the corrupt expen diture, and therefore we can afford to be liberal to you. Does his Lordship think the Scotch such fools as to be gulled by such a paltry device? 0 no, the Scotch know that without a Reform in Eng land, their Reform would avail them but little, The Lord Chancellor observed, that the admission to him was most refreshing, that Scotland was too bad to be defended, even by the Anti-Reformers, and then rallied his Lordship unmercifully on the distinction drawn between Scotland and Old Sarum and Gatton. " If the old system in Scotland tves to come tumbling down, why should Old Saturn and Gatton continue to send Members to Parlia ment ?" Lard Melville admitted now what he never admitted before, that " it would be desirable to put an end to those votes that were unconnected with property." Aye, good my Lord, but w h o made it desirable ? W a s this desire the result of intimidation ?—illorning Chronicle. While the enemies of our revered institutions are bringing up their artillery, and preparing for a ruth less assault on the last strong hold of the Constitu tion, a shell has expk.s.ded in their own arsenal, bid ding fair, unless we deceive ourselves, to give a dif ferent aspect to the combat, A p am phl e t, entitled Whig Fraud and Engl i sh Foll y , i s now selling ra in which the ceetbor, pidly in the streets of Condor,, whoever lie may be, like d a .n goesel sportsman, and strait up to his gone, !in . et di . rect and ch.:oges l t ‘li e niste e - r n s th ei gross unequivocal terms the scve covin and perfidy towards was brought home to the door of any man, we fearlessiy assert that the author has succeede d in fi xing i t on Lord Grey's Government . . We have Always seen . that the scheme of the Whig Bil l way to r° l , ) alike the Tories and the people, throwing a Omar! share of the plunder to the trading classes by way of pro- , tecting the Whig Grandees in the secure possession of the remainder. Thus, for instance, schedule A and schedule B on the one hand, and the rights of free men and scot and lot voters on the other, are equally sacrificed to secure Lord - Milton* in the impregnable possession of Peterborough and Malton, of one seat at least for mutilated Northamptonshire, be sides vast indirect influence in Barnsley, Ro therm, Wakefield, and other new boroughs in the West Riding, and vast direct influence in the representation of the West Riding itself. We must confess, however, that we had no idea of the extent to which these pseudo-patriots had ventured to plunder the people until we read this pamphlet. The first charge.the author advances is that the system of registration, which he, when the clause was under consideration, clearly sheaved would effect no saving of expense, is a mere juggle, introduced for the purpose of indirectly exacting such a length of occupation as will practically dis franchise three-fourths of the lower classes of ten pound voters. By the common law every man paying scot and lot was entitled to vote, without reference to the length of time he had been in occupation. The 2Gth Geo. 111. required six months' residence to prevent occasionality ; and now it appears by the trickery of this system of registration, the six months is to be converted into a period varying between 21 and 32 months; on a mean, therefore, 261 months ! By similar reasoning the author shows that the receipt of parish relief operates, by aid of the same juggle, as a disability for a period varying between 21 and 32 months ; on a mean, therefore, as be fore, 261 months. The slightest reflection must satisfy instantly every practical man that the joint operation of these two principles will prevent the poorer class of 101. occupiers from giving above one or two votes in the course of their lives. But the most amusing trick that has been played the people by these well-intentioned Ministers re mains to be noticed. 'While John Cam Hobliouse and Westminster's Glory were exhibiting their antics in Covent-garden Market to their scot and lot constituency, some crafty lawyer, of course not Sir Thomas Delman, managed to smuggle a clause into the Bill which tears up by the roots the scot and lot franchise, together with the whole genus of inhabitants, potwallopers, &c., in spite of the solemn contract into which Ministers had entered to pre serve these rights to those who at present enjoy them. Such are the exposures in which this little work abounds; all of them, as the author says with some triumph, furnished by one single clause in the Bill; and such is the concoction of folly and fraud which has been sent up by a majority of 109 votes for the passive approval of the Lords ; and this is the House of Commons that represents the intelligence, and has at heart the interests of the people, beyond any House of Commons that ever assembled within the walls of St. Stephen's. We have now performed our duty in commenting on this work, and it is, therefore, our privilege to advert to the duty which devolves on others. A few pounds will suffice to circulate this pamphlet from one end of the country to the other. Let not a moment be lost. By to-night's mail let packages of 100 copies each go out to every Union in England. Their sword we are assured glitters over the head of the hereditary Aristocracy of the realm; before the stroke descends let them be told in the language of truth on whom its edge will ultimately alight. Let the artiians of Edinburgh, Glasgow, Newcastle, Manchester, Birmingham, Norwich, and the other proud sources of tire nation's wealth, if they are .bout to resist the Constitutional authority of the Lords, know at least in what cause they are about to unfurl the banners of rebellion. We " know their generous natures," and fear them not if their minds are disabused. Before we conclude, Vi e owe our tribute to the author of this work. 'Whoever he may be, however much we may differ perhaps from his general views, we are ready to give him the praise of having done his country good service. His succour is well-timed ; he has thrown himself into the thick of the fight at the moment when courage alone is wanting to turn the balance of vic tory. 'Whoever, therefore, he may be, though we may be travelling different roads, from our souls we wish him " God speed." His Wrapons are the weapons of truth : by truth we are ready to stand or fall. It is not by truth that we have been endan gered, but by the covin and perfidy which he has so ably exposed.—/Iforning Post. This Nobleman, by the way, if the Bill is thrown out (as it most assuredly will be), has, if we are rightly informed, intimated his intention of playing off some of his fantastic, out-of-date Whig tricks. We wait with cu riosity to see in what terms of hallowed invocation the great boroughmouger of the new system will call upon the nation to accelerate the coming of his kingdom. SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took his seat at Half-past Three o'clock. Lord INGESTRIE presented a petition from Mr. John Sisson, of the city of Dublin, setting forth the evils which at present afflict Ireland, and praying for the appointment of a Board of unpaid Commissioners, to examine and re port upon the state of that country. After a few observations from Mr. LEADER and Mr. RUTIIVEN, the petition was ordered to lie on the table. On the motion of Mr. HOL7kIES, a new writ was ordered for the borough of Dorchester, in the room of Lord Ashley, who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. Sir J. NEWPORT presented a petition from an inha bitant rate-payer of the parish of St. George in the county of Dublin, complaining of the conduct of the Trustees of that Church, and stating, that without any previous notice he had been recently proceeded against for no less than 22 years arrears of church building rate, of the existence of which he previously knew nothing. The Hon. Baronet went into a statement of the expense of this church, which cost nearly 100,0001., being five times the amount of the original estimate, and contended that the Trustees should be compelled to account for the appropriation of so large a sum of money. Mr. O'CONNELL assured the House that this case was one of the grossest exaction, and he entreated his Majesty's Government to institute au inquiry, so that if the facts stated were borne out, the law officers of the Crown might be instructed to tile an injunction against the Trustees, to prevent the prosecution of their claims upon the rate-payers until all the accounts were produced. Mr. CRAMPTON uromised that the law officers of the Irish Government we I give the subject their most atten tive con:iideration.—(Hear.) The petitiGu was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. VESTRIES' BILL. Sir J. HOBHOUSE moved the order of the day for the House resolving itself into a Committee on the Bill for the regulation and appointment of Vestries. Mr. HUME begged to be allowed this opportunity to preseot a petition from the parish of St. Pancras, in sup port cf this hill, end praying the House to pass it with out delay.—Ordered to be upon the table. Colonel LINDSAY, previous to the Speaker's leaving the chair, begged to advert to a statement made by the li o n / Member for Middlesex (Mr. Hume) on a former night, en the presentation of a petition upon this subject. That Hon. 'Member, he understood, had been made to .;ay, that he had as well as others refused to pay the rates levied by the Selret Vestry. With respect to the statement that the rates had been levied illegally, that was not the case, the rates had been due at Christmas last, and the parties had been legally summoned for thFin, but the collector not wishing to put the law in force with held the warrants until lately , whe n the y were i s sued, and the goods of several were seized, but the sole of them was prevented by the assemblage of great numbers of persons. He (Colonel Lindsay) had applied to the collector toknow if it: were true that the Hon. Member for Middlesex had refused to pa u t the rates, and he learnt that it was not. It Id,bowerer ,0 0 lorttletrl: refused to pay the t refused,had and looking to r him a,, anexample, rates likewise. lie therefore took this occasion on the part of the Select Vestry to give y t l h a e ,p li pte : e n .- . l: s le c i e nb i e n r oradnnenprortu nity of correcting that rnis-statement. He belonged to ( i r . t t . h s . ollett tire Select Vestry of Mat wine of the sub. but be did ' the appointment, be accepted might endeavour, if possible, to remedy jects complained of. The Select Vestry were anxious that all future Vestries should be elected by the rate-payers, and therefore they did not in that respect oppose the pre sent Bill, introduced by the Hon. Member for Westmin ster. In all other respects they conceived they were justi fied in opposing the measure, because they conceived it was inapplicable to the metropolitan parishes. In that he (Colonel Lindsay) perfectly agreed with them. Mr. HUME said it was true that in the report of what he had stated on the occasion alluded to by the Hon. and Gallant Colonel there was a little mistake. He did not say he hail refused to pay the rates. He had seen the collector, who called upon him to represent the state in which the parish was, and the prospect of a breach of the peace being committed, and he in consequence wrote to the Secretary of State for the Home Department upon the subject. He certainly had stated that he concurred in the prayer of the petitioners, who stated they would not pay rates levied by an irresponsible body, and appropriated illegally. The Hon. and Gallant Member did not deny that the goods of many of the rate payers had been distrained, and that no broker had been found to sell them by auction. The state of rancour and dissatisfaction in that parish was at its ut most height. He strongly complained, not of individuals, but of the vestry system, and he hoped that good order and peace would be speedily restored in the parish. H e had one of the resolutions agreed to unanimously, which declared that one and all at a public meeting would not pay a single rate. The parish of Marylebone was not singular in this respect, the parish of Islington was simi larly situated, and indeed there was scarcely a parish in London which was not almost in a state of civil war. Mr. HUNT wished to ask a question at the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whether any inquiry had been made, or proceedings adopted, relative to a pau per of the name of Somers, who, on a late occasion, when brought before Mr. Walker at Lambeth-street, had been sent to the House of Correction to hard labour, and had died, according to the verdict of the Jury, from starvation. Mr. LAMB stated that the inquiries he had made sa tisfied his own mind, that although the individual referred to had died from starvation, it was not in consequence of the refusal of assistance by any parish officer. On the motion of Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE, the House went into Committee on the Select Vestries Bill. Mr. PROTHEROE suggested a verbal amendment, which was acceded to. Lord ALTHORP moved as an amendment, that in place of a simple majority, two-thirds of the parish should be had in its favour, before the introduction of this change, was to be considered obligatory. Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE stated, that it would be most difficult to gain such a majority as two-thirds in any pa rish upon almost any subject, and he therefore hoped that the amendment would not be pressed. A simple majority, he submitted, was all that should be required. He had been recommended by some to make the Bill imperative upon every parish, but thinking that impracticable, he wished every facility to he afforded to its general adoption. Mr. J. CAMPBELL considered the Select Vestry sys tem fruitful in jobbing, and detestible in itself. Continual encroachments and complaints were produced by it, and the sooner a complete and final end was put to it the better. Lord ALTHORP said, no man could object more strongly than he did, to the disgraceful system of the close Vestries. It was certainly, therefore, in his view desirable that a system much less objectionable should be adopted ; in some cases, however, it appeared that close Vestries did actually work well, and where an extensive alteration in the entire parochial system was proposed, it would be well, he thought, if the approbation of a great may , rity of the parish were obtained previous to its in troduction. This was the principle on which his amend mea t proceeded. Mr. HUME hoped the Noble Lord would not persevere in his amendment. It would be extremely difficult to get the majority of two-thirds in any parish to vote in favour of any change, s,) completely were the parishioners under the controul of the Select Vestry. Mr. PROTHEROE deemed the Select Vestry system so abominable and, so contrary to the principles of all good government, that he would have the Bill intro duced into every parish upon a bare majority. Mr. HUNT took the same view. Lord ALTHORP did not wish to press his amendment against the general sense of Hon. Members. Mr. ESTCOURT expressed his desire that the Noble Lord would persevere in his amendment. Mr. BYNG thought the most straightforward and honest way was to allow all the rate-payers to have a vote, although he' staitainly considered th it to demand two thirds of .majority was not too much. Mr. LAMB was decidedly of opinion that his Noble Friend's amendment ought to be adopted. Lord ALTHORP was quite satisfied that there ought at least to be a decided majority of the parishes in favour of the change before it was introduced. Sir J. C. 110BHOUSE explained. The Bill did not propose to alter the constitution of parishes so much as was supposed, although the original Bill did. The change would only be partial at first, but progres sive. Even when it was introduced the former Ves try would still remain in office, at least they would only go out by thirds every succeeding year, so that it would be four years, even where the Bill was adopted before it would come into full operation. The main object proposed by the Bill was, that each parish should have the power of choosing those who were to rate them. Mr. FERGUSON recommended the imperative adop tion of the measure. Sir C. WETHERELL objected to the Bill, as allowing persons who paid only a rate of a few shillings the same power and the same privileges as those who paid as many pounds. It could not be said that that wa s equalizing the interests of the inhabitants of a parish. In many parishes it was not the practice to put into the rate the very inferior tenant', but this Bill would give 100 voters of ss. a-head each, the same power and interest as 100 persons paying as many pounds. Mr. HUNT was in favour of the Bill, but he was con vinced the good order would not be restored in any parish until Mr. Sturges Bourne's Act was wholly repealed.._. (Cries of " Question.") Mr. CAMPBELL had heard it laid down by Lord Tenterdon over and over again, that by the common law of the land every rate-payer should be entitled to vote in parish affairs. Sir C. FORBES spoke against the Bill. Sir R. V Y VAN disapproved of the Select Vestry sys tem, but though to a certain extent an Anti-Reformer, he should not oppose this Bill, which gave to the rate-payer the power of voting for the election of vestrymen. After a few words from Colonel LINASAY, the gallery was cleared for a division. We understood that during the time the doors were closed, another amendment was made that the majority i n the parish should be three-fifths, instead of two-third,. The House then divided, when there appeared— For a majority of two-thirds 37 Fur that of three-fifths 62 Majority —25 On our re-admission into the gallery, several clauses were put and agreed to. Sir R. VYVYAN rose to move as an amendment to one of the clauses, that no person should possess more Iliad six votes, which was a similar number to that pro posed by Mr. S. Bourne's Act. Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE stated that that was the great evil which was now so generally complained of. Ilv con sidered that property would be sufficiently protected by persons having one vote each, and strongly- objected to those accumulated votes. Mr. STRICKLAND rose, and was left speaking. HOUSE OF LORDS. The Loin) CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sick Ten Minutes before Five o'clock. Mr. CRAMPTON, Mr. O'FARRELL, Mr. FRANCIS BA RING, and others from the Commons, brought up the Public Works (Ireland) Bill, the Irish Embankment Bill, the Marquis of Bute's Estate Bill, the Common Law Officers' Fees Bill, the Charity Commissioners' Bill, and a Private Bill. The eighth report of the Commithioners of the Holy head Roads Bill was also brought up. Lord PLUNKETT presented a petition from a parish in Galway, in favour of the Galway Franchise Bill. Lord POLTIMORE presented a petition from a parish in Devon in favour of the Reform Bill. Lord ROLLE presented a petition from Exeter agains the Reform Bill. • Lord CLIFDEN presented a petition from a Diocese in Ireland, praying for a full computation of tithes in that country, and complaining of the extreme hardships they were subject to under the present system. The Marquis of WESTAIEATII thought the compo sition of tithes in Ireland should he made compulsory. The Earl of WICKLOW supported the prayer of the petition, observing that in that part of the country where the petition came from there was a regular organized sy , tem to repel the payment of tithes, and unless Government interfered, it was his firm belief there would soon be a re jection of payment of every species of tax. Lord CARPYRIIV was afraid any longer to oppose the composition of tithes being made compulsory. Ile aueed With the Noble Earl who had just spoken on the necessity of interference on the pert of the Government, in that district from which the petition came. Lord MORLEY presented a petition from Plymoth, praying their Lordships to piss the Reform Bill as speedily as possible.—(Hear.) It was his conviction if their Lordships adopted the principles of the great measure, it would be the means of securing that peace and contentment in the country which was so much desired, and would act as a great stimulus to the disorderly to be come industrious and useful members of society. The Duke of SUSSEX presented a petition from the county of Middlesex, requesting their Lordships to pass the Reform Bill. In presenting the petition his Royal High ness observed that, in consequence of the informality in the petition (it being signed only by the two Sheriffs) he could present it only as the petition of those individuals, yet he could assure their Lordships that it was agreed to at a most numerous meeting, and where but one opinion ex isted on this great measure. His Royal Highness would not, at the present moment, enter into the merits of this great question that was so soon to come before their Lordships on Monday next, as he considered there would be a much more fitting occasion for doing so, and he bad laid it down as a rule that noting irritating should fall from him either one side of the subject or the other. His only wish was the interest of his country ; his Royal Highness then presented petitions to a similar effect from Ludlow, Ross, Cripplegate Wi.hin and Without, Boston Vintry Ward, Bridgwater, Banbury, Epworth, Redruth, Haverton, and Gosford. On the motion of Lord TENTERDEN, the order of the day for bringing up the report on the Prescription Bill was discharged, and the report was ordered to be brought up on Friday next. The Earl of CAM PERDOWN, in presenting a number of petitions from Scotland on the subject of Reform, said, in the discussion of the question last night a distinction was attempted to be drawn between Reform in England and in Scotland.— But the people of Scotland knew no such distruction, for the they were well aware that if the Bill on their Lordship's table were thrown out there would be no Reform for them.—(Hear.) And the whole of the petitions he had to present were in favour of that measure brought forward by his Majesty's Ministers. He was sure their Lordships would pass the Bill, as by it the privileges of the aristocracy would he secured, and placed on a firm and sure foundation. The Noble Lord then presented petitions in favour of Reform—Three from Dundee, one front Haddington, one from Dunbar, one for Inverkeithing, one from Musselburgh, two from Ar broath, five from Montrose, one from Auckterareler, and five others from places in Scotland, the names of which we could not learn. _ _ Lord KINNAIRD presented a petition in favour of Re. form from nine Corporations of the borough of Dundee; and other three from places in Scotland, the names of which were inaudible at the bar. _ _ Lord MELBOURNE presented petitions in favour of Reform from Shipton, Mullet, Melton, Mowbray and other places (LEFT SITTING.) THE LONDON GAZETTE OF THIS EVENING. ST. JAMES'S-PALACE, SEPT. S, 1831. This day had audience of his Majesty— The Prince de Talleyrand, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from the King of the French. The Baron de Cetto, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni potentiary from the King of Bavaria. And Monsieur de Gersdorff; Minister Resident from the King of Saxony, to deliver letters from their respective Sovereigns. To which they were severally introduced by Lord Viscount Palmerston, his Majesty's Principal Secretary for Foreign Affltirs, and conducted by Sir Robert Chester, Knt. Master of the Cere monies. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, SEP. 13. The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knight hood upon Major-General Lewis Grant, Governor of the Island of Trinidad, Knight Commander of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, SEP. 2S. The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knight hood upon Richard Armstrong, Esq. Colonel in the Army, Lieut.-Colonel of the 26th (or Cameronian) Regiment of Foot, Companion of the Most Honourable Military Order of the Bath, and Knight of the Royal Portuguese Military Order of the Tower and Sword. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, SEPT. 48. The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knight hood upon Major-General George Pownoll Adams, Knight Com mander of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, SEPT. '2.3. The Lord Chamberlain has appointed Thomas Colley Grattan, Esq., one of the Gentlemen of his Majesty's Most Hon. Privy Chamber in Ordinary.—(Substituted for the notice which ap peared in the Gazette of Tuesday last.) DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. ALEXANDER JOHN CRANSTOUN 'WRIGHT and WIL LIAM HENRY BUCK M A STER, New London-street, (',itched Friars, wine-merchants. JAMES TUDOR LUMAS and IREDERICK COOKE, Dover-street, Piccadilly, tailors. JOZE ANTONIO GONCALVESD'OLIVEIRA and FRAN CISCO GOMES D'OLIVEI RA, Old Jewry, merchants. BANKRUPTS. ...... _ HENRY MENDELSON, Manchester, jeweller, to surrender Oct. 14, 15, and Nov. 11, at eleven, at the Star Inn, Manchester. Appleby and Charnock, Roymond-buildins, Gray's Inn, Lon don ; Barker, Manchester. WILLIAM DEAN, Abbey-mills, Durham, worsted spinner, Oct. 13, at ten, 21,• and Nov. 11, at ona, at the Waterloo Hotel, Durham. Stone, Castle-street, Holborn, London ; Ward and Story, Durham. GEORGE WHITE, North-wharf.road,Paddington, victualler, Oct. 7. 18, at eleven, and Nov. 11, at twelve, at the Court of Com missioners. Glynes, America-square, London. ROBERT MERCER, CA ARLES ELY, and BENJAMIN 'PREACHER, Swansea, Glamorganshire, coal-owners, Oct. 4, 14, and Nov. 11, at nine, at the Court of Commissioners. Messrs. Oliverson and Co., Frederick's-place, Old Jury. i~kWILLIAM HALD, THOMAS SPENCER HALL, and WILLIAM JOHN HALL, Crosby-square, Lower Thames street, packers, October 4, at eleven, 18, and Nov. 11, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. Brown and Marten, Commercial Chambers, Mincing-lane. WILLIAM LUDDINGTON, stoke Newington-road, Horn sey, Middlesex, coal-merchant, October 7, 14, and Nov. 11, at one, at the Court of Commissioners. Evans, Gray's-inn-sqnare. WILLIAM SMITH and MICHAEL LEWIS, Tunstall, Staf_ fordshire, earthenware.manufacturers, Oct. 7, at two, 14, at one, and Nov. 11, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners. Smith, Charter-house-square:London. HENRY BROWN, Liverpool, silk-mercer, Oct. 7, at one, 14, and Nov. 11, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners. Turner, Basin, -lane, Cheapside, London. JOSEPH ELDER, Oxford-street, horse-dealer, Oct. 7, at two, 14, at three, and Nov. 11, at one, at the Court of Commis sioners. Norton, Jewin-street. THOMAS WATKINSON, Earl-street, Seven-dials, publi can, Oct. 7, 11, and Nov. 11, at eleven, at the Court ofi Com missioners. 'l'ilson, Son, and Squance, Coleman-street. ELECTION OF LORD MAYOR. CLOSE OF THE SECOND DAY'S POLL, Lord Mayor Sir Peter Laurie 1,130 Alderman Thorpe days a subject of general conve rsation has been an overture The National has the followi n g :— " For some made to the KING, by Don PEDRO, for negotiating a marriage between the Duke DE NEMOURS aid the young Queen Donna Malta. It is added that Louts PHILIP, in a letter replete with paternal affection and the kindest sentiments towards the Ex-Emperor and his daughter, de clined the proposition made to him." Extract of a private letter, dated Padang, May 5 :—" The Dutch affairs in Sumatra are in a dreadful ,state. The natives are rising in rebellion, and attacking them in every quarter. Natal, Tappanuly, and Ayerburgia have been successively burnt. No small vessel dare go to the northward for fear of being taken; and if we had not lately had a reinforcement of troops, Padang would not be very safe at present." The Journal de Paris has the following " The Qiwtidienne of yesterday announces ' that the plate which was at St. Cloud at the time of the revolution of July, after having been saved from pillage by the care of some servants of the l'alace, has been conveyed to the King's seat at Neuilly.' This plate was not the property of CHARLES X., for NAPOLEON made it an heir-loom of the Crown, and consequently it forms a part of the effects belonging to the Civil List. It was not pillaged, as the above paper calumniously says ; and if any portion has been taken from the rest, it is that which was carried off by CHARLES X. upon his departure for Cherbourg. What remains of this plate is intrusted to the charge of the pro visional managers of the old Civil List." CRIME IN TIIEMETROPOLIS.—During the last ten years, many valuaVe reports on the state of crime in the metropolis have been made by Commi tt ee s of the House of Commons, and much interesting information has thus been obtained. In the last report it is stated that th e re are houses in London where boys are taught how to pick pockets, and other knavish ar ts ; an d that a slang lan guage is used by the thieves and pickpockets, and i s k nown to every reader of a newspaper , as it has almost bec ome nece ssary to learn this vulgar tongue, in order to rea d t h e public reports that are alm ost dail y p u blished. Schools f o r t e aching thieves, and the use of slang language, are not. however, devices of modern times. It is on record that i n 1585, the 'Magistracy devoted great attention to the discovery and suppression of houses frequented by thieves, and that the RECORDER. complained to the Loan TIL E s uRFR, with others of the Bench, of having discovered sixteen of these houses in London and Westminster, an d two in Southwark. In one of these, an aleh ouse , at Smart's-quay, Billingsgate, kei t by a person of th e name f W O TTON, " a gentleman born, and once a m erc h ant o f good credit, but fallen by time into decay," the art o f cut ting purses and picking pockets was t night scieutinvally, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HO USE OF COMMONS, SEPTEMBER 29. The SPEAKER took his seat at Half. past Three o'clock. THE ROYAL DUBLIN SOCIETY. Mr. CRAMPTON presented i petition from the Royal Dublin Society, on the subject Of the annual Parliamentary grant, which had this session been reduced from 7,0001. to 5,5001. The Society was one of great public utility in Ireland, having been established by Royal charter, ever since 1745, for the encouragement of agriculture, manufactures, and the useful arts. From its earliest formation it had been the especial favourite with, and under the particular care and protection of, the Irish Parliament, and it had continued to be cherished by the Imperial Parliament. The annual Parliamentary grants load never been less than 7,0001. until the present year, when the officers of the society heard, with great sorrow and surprise, that his Majesty's Government had determined to reduce it to 5,500/. ; those feelings were increased by the fact of the arrangements which had been made, and expenses for the year incurred, upon the belief that the grant would not be reduced. The petitioners complained of the state ments that had been made to induce the Government to take such a step—one of which was that they were an exclusive body, and were biassed in favour of Protestants, to the exclusion of Catholics. They denied having ever been actuated by any such feelings, and stated that out of 764 applications for admission only four had been rejected in the space of ten years ; and that to prevent an undue preference in the selection of officers, they were always elected by ballot. They also declared, that so far from political opinions operating in their proceed ings, they excluded all political discussion, and that for thirty years their principal librarian and corrector of the Press was a Roman Catholic clergyman. The lion. and Learned Member was sorry that his Hon. Friend the Secretary of the Treasury was not in his place, but he hoped that his Majesty's Ministers would take the case of the petitioners into consideration, with a view of rendering justice to the Society, and through it to Ireland. Mr. LEADER concurred in the prayer of the petition ers, and regretted that while the British Museum, and other institutions for similar objects, received large annual grants, the Royal Dublin Society, which had subsisted on a small grant of 60001. or 70001. a year, should be de prived of even a portion of it. Mr. LEFROY considered that his Majesty's Govern ment should have made inquiry into the benefits derived from this institution before they took upon themselves to reduce the grant ; he hoped, however, they would yet consent to retrace their steps. Colonel CHAPMAN said his Majesty's Government bad acted wisely in reducing the grant; he denied that the Society was productive of so many benefits as had been stated, or that it was so useful. In proof of his as sertion, he would ask what benefit had been conferred upon the public by the department of mineralogy in the Society ? He believed they had had a good collection of minerals for several years, but up to the present time they load never been classed.—(Hear, from Mr. Hume.) Mr. RUTHVEN supported the prayer of the petition. If the Society had not, as had been stated, been produc tive of all the benefits which it was capable of doing, his Majesty's Government should have corrected the mode of conducting it, and not have sought to extinguish it loy re ducing the annual grant. Lord INGESTRIE was of opinion that the Society had been most serviceable to Ireland, and he concurred in the prayer of the petition. Sir R. BATESON was of opinion that the grant should not have been reduced, and in proof of the benefits resulting from the Society, at least in the science of sculpture, he mentioned two eminent men now in London who had been instructed in it, one of whom was Mr. Shea. He hoped his Majesty's Government would not follow the paltry, pitiful, cold-blooded, hard-hearted doctrines of those political economists who would propose such a paltry reduction in the grant to an institution for the en couragement of the fine arts. Mr. HUAIE was surprised at the turn this debate had taken. All that had been done was not done hastily, nor on the principles of cold-blooded, pitiful, political economy. It should be recollected that the reduction was made in pursuance of a recommendation of a Committee of this House, whose Chairman was Lord Leveson Gower.— (Hear, hear.) Before that Committee evidence was given, from which the House might judge of the importance of the lectures given to the Society from the fact, that although the admission was only a shilling, a whole course of lectures load produced but seven pounds.—(Hear, hear.) What bad been privately subscribed to the Society? For when a Society ask Parliament for a grant out of the public funds, they should be prepared to state what they intended to give towards it themselves. lie held in his hand a statement, from which it appeared that for the last thirty years the donations had only been 19,000/. 2 being on the average of about 600/. a year ; while, in the same period, there hail been paid to it no less than "46,3411, making an average of 8,0001. a year. The House was bound in furtherance of a system—not of paltry cold-hearted economy, but—of the wise distribution of the public money, to adopt those changes which the Par liamentary Committee had recommende. After a few words from Mr. H. GRATTAN, Mr. HUNT, and Mr. M. O'CONNELL, the petition was read. Mr. CRAMPTON, in moving that it be printed, briefly explained. The ballot had not, he said, been re • sot ted to from any principle of political exclusion, but in compliance with the ter ins, as we understood, of the charter of the institution. After a few observations from Colonel CHAPMAN and Sir R. BATESON, the petition was ordered to be printed. Mr. S. WORTLEY rose to bring forward his motion regarding the reduction of the salary of the President of the Board of Controul. He complained that Ministers had adopted too hastily the recommendation contained in the report of a Committee appointed by that House at the commencement of last Session. The Committee had . taken evidence as to the duties performed in the other of . flees of which they proposed to reduce the salaries; but as ' to the extent of duties performed by the President of the Board of Controul they had taken no evidence, but had reduced the salary from 5,000/. to 3,500/. a year, without t. assigning any reason at all for that reduction. He then • entered into a history of the Board of Controul, from its institution in 1784 down to thepre;enttime. Up to the year 1810, the salary of the President of that Board had been only 2,0001. a year; but in that year it was raised to 5,000/. a year, on account of the great increase of busi ness which he had to perform, in consequence of the in creased acquisitions of territory by the East India Com pany. Was there, he would ask, in the increase of ter ritory which had taken place since that time, any thing which would justify the reduction which had been recently, made in the salary of this officer? The Committee ap pointed to inquire into the salaries of public officers had recommended that the salaries of the Secretaries of State should be reduced one-sixth, whilst at the same time they recommended that the salary of the President of the Board of Controul should be reduced to the extent of 7001. be yond that proportion, although the duties of this office were quite as important as those which were performed by the Secretaries of State. Under these circumstances, he felt it his duty to move a resolution declaratory of the in expediency of reducing the salary of the President of the Board of Controul below 5,000/. per annum. The Hon. Member concluded with moving a resolution to the effect which he had stated. Mr. C. GRANT said that he would not enter into any diseuasion on the present occasion, not from any want of respect to the Hon. Member who had just addressed the House, but because he considered the question as already settled. When Government referred the question of the salaries of public officers to the consideration of a Com mittee, they resolved to abide by the decision of the Committee, unless it appeared that flagrant injustice would result from their doing so. He had no right to assume that the Committee had decided on the question of the salary of the President of the Board'of Controul without due investigation. When they decided that the salary ought to be reduced, he acquiesced in the decision without urging a single objection. He considered it his duty to pursue the same line of conduct still. The whole question of the Indian Government must shortly come under the consideration of Parliament, and that would be a fitting time for agitating the question, if it should then be con. sidered necessary. Air. 11 UT EINTEN was of opinion that the principle of economy ought to be applied to the Indian Government as well as to that of this country. He believed that the duties of the office in question would be as efficiently per formed for 3,5001. as for 5,0001. Sir G. WARRENDER thought that some reduction ought to be made in the salary of the President of the Board of Controul, but was of opinion that the Committee had recommended too extensive a reduction. Mr. C. FERGUSON could see no reason why the salary of the President of the Board of Coutroul should be reduced in a greater proportion than that of any other public officer. He considered the office as important as any in the State, and that it ought to be filled permanently by a great statesman. The interests of India suffered great injury from the office becoming vacant on every change of Ministry. Mr. ROBINSON said, that if he thought the effi&ency or dignity of the office would be impaire I by the reduc tion of salary, he would vote for the moti3n, but he could nut for a moment believe that this would be the case. Mr. HUME said, that the Hon. Member who-brought forward the motion had adverted to the Indian arrO f - ; he revenue, as a ground for augmenting the salary ° President of the Board of Controul. Upon tbe,_ . „ 9 v er principle the salary of the Chancellor of the Elcu ri w iel ought to be exceedingly augmented. If large sar:o• could command great talents, he would not objec t to to ing them ; but all his experience tended to convinceto that this was not the cage. He thought the C oo l ' had drawn a fair line, and he would not quarrel wi t ' ,1 Ile condemned the frequent changes in this office 0 m ee t injurious, because it was impossible any hunts° t a o could enable a man to obtain a thorough knowledg e °E business during the time he was employed. go t Mr. IRVING said that, in his opinion, the g Officers of State, instead of being too highly paid' 117 t remunerated on too contracted a scale. He thought lof the Committee had gone too far in the recommenda tion o f reductions ; and if the power to propose an increase, j, salaries had been given to them, he would have Pc; ready, in certain instances, to have voted for additional munertion. Mr. a T. P. COURTENAY said he had been for si% tee lo : long and weary years attached to the office which woe bt subject of the present motion; and, therefore, he 60, that he was competent to state his opinion with referee ll to it. He had marked, with astonishment—he 1'! almost say with indignation—the conduct adopte d 11 ; Majesty's Ministers on this question. Ministers thernsel, had caused the appointment of the Committee which P posed these reductions; and yet not one of them, e0r0; his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. C. Giant), had got u P r f say one word in support of them. He agreed in e ! e e , thing which his Hon. Friend the Member for Booi r , (Mr. S. Wortley) had said as to the difficult and art duties which the President of the Board of Controul ht to perform—duties which were equal to those that de volved upon any Minister of State. Lord ALTHORP said the Hon. Gentleman who 11) lust sat down had made it a cause of complaint that ; it Minister had delivered his sentiments on this question• could assure the lion. Member that he had not intended le t it pass without expressing his opinion ; b u t he tv r t anxious, in the first instance, to hear the sentiments' other gentlemen. When the Committee was formed inquire into the amount of salaries, for the purpose of wire, during them, it was deemed expedient, instead of oP s __ . , mencing with the inferior offices, to begin with mon of the superior ones—not from any impression e"; his mind that those offices were overpaid, but bear d that the public seemed to believe that they were. He i t not think that the persons holding office were them e!, proper to decide on the subject of salaries, and therefore lb had been referred to a Committee of that Hons.. lbe ltil the Committee had recommended certain reductions_sw, it was fair to say that the Government was responsibly tee their adoption. If the recommendations of the Co appeared to be unfavourable to the public service, al; the Committee might be blamed for making such recSair mendations, still the Government must come in fur t hat, share of censure in acceding to them. He admit ted, ps official salaries should not be so low as to exclude pel h of small property from taking situations connected %Id the Government of the country. Such a system o'er take away from different classes of society a strog o , couragement to attain o ffice, and it would throw tb e , r ge vernment entirely into the hands of persons who bad `acte• private fortunes. This, he conceived, would be WI ~h 1 trimental to th e p u bli c serv i ce . At the same time b ec- 0 , . not acquiesce in the doctrine, that salaries should be 0 stituted as to induce individuals to make the acquireni; of office a profession. There were many reasons qui te t o dependent of emoluments which induced individu als take office. Gentlemen frequently felt themselve s b 0 e l; not only without any desire on their part, but absolub-ite against their will,—acting under a strong sense et I'LL' duty,—to take offi c e. —(Hear, hear.) He did not, P°lol ever, think (in reference to the observation which be heard, that the pursuit of office ought to be made a 81sefe ,i i i of profession)—he did n ot think that it was likely tbatiiie, man would thus rear his son with a view to pub lic ita t Ministers frequently c h a n ge: when they did, urn" ; sf% be vacated ; and therefore it was impossible, unarta—in, the tenure was, that the amount of salary could induc e dividuals to enter into th e public service in high situatiuter It had been said th a t this office should be filled by a si tu ates' it man of the first class. That he admitted. Bu t t h ,7 0 0 L was argued, that he should not be suddenly removed 'l,O office. This was an inconsistency ; for it was quite : that an individual, coming in with a particular adou3l-r tration, could not remain in office when that adrdloistir,, don went out and gave place to men of different princiP;:f The labour attached to the office he allowed to be Ye g th s great, but if they could, for 3,5001. a year, obtain I office the services of an individual of first-rate talent. j ' a c p o o n rst te irt n ii d ce e . d reFe tb oo a nß t imß th eEn ey dsa w r,ti. o oa u ns boolffnotophteilblcoieonjuuist,tniilfijatettieeltiiTne n(saolitieatigyr.re)plr; to avail themselves of that talent. He should therefore sur. posed, even taking into consideration the trifling Patr °° lo d attached to the situation, was inadequate, when theylo„r to the duties to b e p er f orme d w h en compared with on great offices in the State. The Hon. Baronet complain); that the affairs of India were too much neglected in 01 House ; and he expressed a wish that the good old ell't?1,0 would again be resorted to, of having an annual 101 4 budget brought before them. Economy in India had ropg spoken of. The Company had begun there at the end. They were screwing down the poor civil and sri' oe tary officers in order to enable their revenues to fue' t enormous debts which some Governors-General had ec°,4 tracted. The European and the native army were b° disgusted at the petty reductions that bad been ma de. o f Mr. A. SANDFORD supported the recommenda ti° the Committee. p pot necSesirsaty N i n E o W r d P e r O R t o T se a c r u g argued that he p l r a o r i f e e r s a p l e a r r f ie ,r s r r o r e - efi,f o! official duties. The East India budget was brought b tp ward by the Earl of C.rlisle, then Lord Morpetli) the salary of President of the Board of Controul was less than it was at present ; but from the time tbs s ,,o salary was increased in ISO 7, no Indian budget had e laid before th e H o u se . H e ne v e r w o uld consent that ' pursuit of office for emolument should be turned rot profession. Mr. S. WORTLEY replied. The resolutions were then negatived withont a dill ° GRAND JURY LAWS.—(IRELAND.) Mr. STANLEY rose, pursuant to notice, to 11 1 °Y, e ut leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Grand Jury Ls" , :,,io Ireland. It was not, he said, his intention to do ' the present Session than to submit the measure to the sideration of those who were most interested in a sr,sti alteration of the existing system. The subject %%Its i e s l he confessed, with respect to which he had little pr5 . ..4 experience or knowledge, but he had the advantage of 9 1%1 , ing in the presence of those who were possessed of "i o i For a long period of time, year after year, this qo' i , had been pres se d o n the Hous e , hut n o specific 11 1 e 35 1;1 so far as he knew, had ever been laid on their table. bd Right Hou. Member for Tamworth—(Sir R. Peel)lild stated, that when h e h e ld t h e o ffi ce w hi c h was nose "di , by him—(Mr. Stanley)—this was a subject th 3 i t c;o , manded his most serious consideration. In 1818, 1825, and 1827, Committees had been appointed C O c ir r sider of various matters connected with the state df po t land. They had called the attention of the Govero;,. to the state of the Grand Jury Laws ; and the last C.°jos mittee observed, that there was no difference of 0 1 ) ! 4 te il respecting the defects of the present system, and P °)° , o o out the necessity of placing the civil and criminal of the Grand Julies of Ireland on a better foundl by By certain returns which had been recently furnis W ; t he found that the sums of money levied by, and placed atD $ disposal of, the Grand Juries, was enormous. Wi t 'der given time the sum levied amounted to 750,00 01 ; ; 0 019 170,000/. of whieh the Grand Juries had no c ent ' v e and for the expenditure of which they we re se responsible. But, making every deduction, tekiDg ari ls from the sum l e vi e d a ll that they had no power o ver 0 0, there remained quite enough within their immediat e re tlse to create temptation and to excite suspicion as t° ,o l wanner in wh ch it was disposed of. In consi der lo t the Grand Juries of Ireland, let gentlemen take care of to suppose that those bodies had any resemblance CO, Grand Juri e s of England. The duties of Irish 0:101 Juries were not confined to criminal proceedings; otiei formed a very small and inconsiderable part of the a f f e ct' which devolved upon them. They had to carry into e t bt to regulate, and to controul, without responsibilityt3v) whole internal taxation of the country.—(Hear , be v / They levied taxes which they did not themselves P 9 ljet' (Hear, hear.) They fixed what work was to be Tl , O Ol / taken—the persons by whom it was to be undertake r,) and the expense which should be incurred.—(Hear ,D b o ti itY All this was concluded in secret and without respol' i. el ' t tp t —(Hear, hear.) And would it be believed, ° li ve whole of these extensive duties were to be perforlr'e s 701" nosily in three or four days ?—(Hear, bear.) it ej3 iy t` ? possible that they could do their duties satisfactobri 0 1 4 the country; it was impossible for the country to heest,, that they were adequate to such a task.—(Hea r ' „ w hie r On looking to a return, from six counties, of the °::.‘iattif of presentments and bills of indictment, civil and Piwyclici with which the Grand Juries had to deal during " e rsV tie found that they a mounted to 5,369; and the breed number of days appropriated to their decision was n d t o tour; so th a t it a pp eare d th a t 344 presentraen ts th a , sat' dietinents were carried through on each day• citrai./. Was it prop er , w h en th e lives and properties of instl oA were in jeopardy, that busiuess should be so,,arrle, ? N, Sys CI a . i I a: Ln