The Sun. — London, England, 1861-12-11 00:00:00

THE NEW EDUCATION MINUTE. DEPUTATION TO EARL GRANVILLE. Yesterday afternoon a deputation of managers, directors, and teachers of schools receiving the Go vernment grant throughout various parts of the coun try waited upon Earl Granville, President of the Council, and the Right Hon. Mr. Lowe, M.P., for , the purpose of representing the injurious effects of the recently issued Minute of Edueation. The deputation was composed of several hundreds of persons. The following among other places were represented :—Manchester, the Rev. J. Bardsley, Mr. T. C. Woodhouse, and Mr. H. Biekley ; Leeds, the Revs. B. Crosthwaite and E. Jackson and Mr. B. Gott ; Sheffield, the Revs. W. Wilkinson and E. S. Earnshaw ; Bradford, the Rev. J. L. Frost and Mr. W. Walker ; Hull, the Rev. J. Scott ; Nun eaton, the Rev. R. Savage ; Halifax, the Rev. C. Musgrave ; Doncaster, the Rev. T. King ; Preston, the Rev. T. Clarke ; Rotherham, the Rev. S. B. Poles; Bristol, the Revs. A. Rogers and H. G. Eland ; Bath, the Revs. C. Kemble and G. E. Tate ; Norwich, Archdeacon Hawkins ; Northampton, the Rev. S. Gedge ; Cambridge, the Rev. J. Scott ; Nottingham, the Revs. J. W. Brook (represent ing (28 schools) and J. Cooper ; Cheltenham, the Revs. E. Walker and C. H. Bromby and Colonel Hennell ; Brighton, the Revs. S. R. Drummond, H. M. Wagner, and T. Cook; Winchester, the Rev. Canon Jacob; Chi chester, the Rev. M. Parrington ; Weymouth, the Rev. D. Cottler ; St. Helen's, the Rev. Dr. Carr (re presenting 10 schools) ; Southampton, the Rev. W. Wilson (secretary of Rural Deanery) ; Belper, the Rev. R. Hey (secretary of Diocesan Board) ; S win ton, the Rev. J. Levett ; Cantley, the Rev. S. King; Tunbridge Wells, the Rev. E. Hoare ; Abingdon, the Rev. A. Putt ; Deal, the Rev. H. Dombrain ; Dorking, the Rev. W. B. Calvert; Bury St. Ed mund's, the .Rev. J. Gedge ; Lynn, the Revs. E. F. C. Hawkinson, J. Freeman, and W. W. Clarke ; Kirklington, the Rev. J. Prior; Hayfield, the Rev. W. J. Brock; Little Baddow, the Rev. W. B. Ady ; Brailsford, Mr. W. Cox ; Harbury, the Rev. W. Wight ; Charlton-Kings, the Rev. I. L. C. Gabb ; Claypole, the Rev. T. Woodman Wembley, the Rev. C. C. Layard ; Sandon, the Rev. Dr. Tucker; Warley, the Rev. Dr. Robinson ; Great Warley, the Rev. T. H. Bunbury ; Llandaff, the Rev. C. R. Knight (Rural Dean). The deputation having been introduced, Archdeacon SINCLAIR presented a memorial for the withdrawal of the revised Code, which stated that the deputation did not act in their in dividual capacity, but were not connected with the National Society, the Church of England Educa tion Society, the metropolitan training institutions, provincial training institutions, &c. The following is the memorial : "My Lord,—We desire, in the first place, to thank your lordship for this opportunity of address ing you on the important subject of education. Under the existing minutes of the Committee of Council on Education, your memorialists have co operated for many years with the Lords of the Privy Council. They have gladly contributed their personal effort and pecuniary aid to render those minutes effective, and have rejoiced at the success which has attended their operation. Your memo rialists are no advocates for any expenditure of public money on national education which shall not be found to produce a corresponding amount of pub lic good, and will gladly hail any improvements which may be suggested for distributing the grant on just principles, and rendering it more effective for the sound instruction of the labouring classes. We wish we could regard the Revised Code as cal culated to accomplish this important object; but, after patiently examining its provisions from every point of view, and having tested them as far as pos sible in their various localities, your memorialists are convinced that the Revised Code can in no sense prove an amendment of the existing minutes ; but are compelled to regard it as an abandonment of the system found so largely successful during the last 15 years, and as endangering the existence of many important elementary schools and the stability of the Training Colleges. We trust your Lordship will permit us to state a few of our principal ob• jections to the regulations of the Revised Code. "I. In the first place the Revised Code intro duces what we consider to be a false and dangerous principle in national education. It gives to secular a dangerous advantage over religious learning; for it encourages the former by bounties which afford a perpetual stimulus, while it protects the latter by penalties which cannot be expected to ope rate except in extreme eases. There is a natural tendency in teachers, against which every system of training and every plan of remuneration has to guard, to direct their efforts rather to the intellectual proficiency than to the moral improvement of their pupils. This tendency the provisions of the Revised Code are obviously calculated rather to foster than to check ; and, however the ill effect thence arising may be con trolled by the clergy and other religious ministers in their several schools, yet they will have to con tend with an additional difficulty, which will be especially felt in the private or adventure schools, the number of which will be largely increased un der the regulations of the Revised Code. We deprecate the separation, even in appearance, of secular from religions teaching, a distinction fraught with such injurious consequences, we cannot but regard it with the deepest anxiety. " 11. In the second place, we regard the regula tions of the Revised Code as unjustifiable in refer ence to the teachers. It cancels positive engage ments with upwards of 20,000 individuals. Lecturers in Training iColleges, schoolmasters and school mistresses, and pupil-teachers, were induced by promises of certain money payments and other advantages to qualify themselves for, and to enter upon, the work of elementary education. The Revised Code suddenly and entirely cancels these engagements, on the faith of which these teachers entered upon their work; and there by it inflicts a grievous and unexpected injury on a numerous class of deserving men and women ; it casts a public dishonour, in the estimation of a large body of the community, on the good faith of a most responsible department of her Majesty's Govern ment ; and it places school managers in a false posi tion, who have induced so many young men and women to choose the office of the teacher, by pre sentinc, to them on the credit of the Augmentation Broadsheet, prospective advantages of which they are to be deprived. This is the more remarkable, because the Committee of Council, by a recent alte ration in the Augmentation Broadsheet, appear by implication to acknowledge their engagements for the past to be of a definite character, inasmuch as their lordships have omitted the word • will' from the clause commencing ' their lordships will grant,' &e., thus depriving the document of that form of expression which impressed it with the character of a permanent . engagement, if not of a legal contract. " 111. Thirdly, we consider that the attempt to make the pecuniary aid afforded to schools depen dent upon a prescribed number of attendances on the part of the children, combined with a specified age and a standard of individual proficiency—with out regard to the local circumstances and pecuniary necessities of the schools, and to the difference in grades of the children by whom they are attended —will necessarily lead to consequences never con templated by the authors of the Revised Code. "It must, in the nature of things give an amount of aid to s c h oo l s of the hig her class in favoured dis tricts, wh ere t h e attend ance 6 is regular and pro longed, 'wholly disproportionate to that which it affords to schools, not less efficient, though produc ing less tangible res u lt s, i n poorer ' districts where the attendance is fluctuating and brie f. Thus the f o rmer will be unduly assisted, casesd,whi lethe latter will m be impoverished, and i n broug ht in to the th v erge of insolvency. And so far from hel ping hi t h er to unaided rural sch oo l s, the Revised g Code e will financially ruin many whose existence is de dependent upon the amount of Parliamentary aid they now receive. „ iv. Whil e wo highly approve the Principle of payment for results, we believe that under existing I m i nu tes this important p rinci p le is now, o r maybe a pplied ; whereas we consid er very satisfactorily the educational test proposed by the Revised Code to be exceedingly objectionable. It is unfair to school managers and teachers. On the day of exa mination 50 children, for instance, duly qualified may be presented to the inspector, while in the course of the year as many more may have been brought up to the required standard , who, from causes over which the School Committee and teacher can have no possible control, are not present. Thus it is evident that the master will not be paid ac cording to his work. Again, the fact of sums of money, varying from 20s. to 285., being payable in respect to individual scholars, will render the funds to a great extent dependent upon the good sense and right feeling of the parents in sending their children to school on the day of inspection. A power is thus placed in the hands of parents which may be very capriciously and wrongfully exercised, and may most injuriously affect both the discipline and moral standing of the school. " We further observe with equal surprise and re gret, the grievous discouragement the Revised Code will inflict ta ietupon the establishment and support of schools, The great majority of the children in an infant school can learn little or nothing under the proposed test. "But, while we refrain from expatiating on the above points and other matters of detail, we must urge as a principal objection that the test tends to exclude from school dull and irregular scholars and those whose home training is most defective (the very class of children for whose benefit the Parlia mentary grant should be made most available), for such scholars it will not pay to teach. . . And, while the proposed test will thus prejud i c ially affect the lowest grade of scholars, we greatly object to that provision of the Revised Code which excludes from Government aid (should they have once passed in Group IV)all children above 11 years of age,the very class whose prolonged attendance at school i has hitherto been considered of such high mport. ance, whereby the progress of national education will be impeded, and advancement in every branch of religious and secular learning most seriously checked. " V. The regulations of the revised code with re spect to pupil teachers are of such a character that the class must be greatly deteriorated, and compa ratively few (especially boys) will complete their term of pupilage under its provisions. The conse quences will be prejudicially felt first in the elemen tary school , and then in the training colleges. The pupil teachers will leave the schools just as they begin to be really serviceable ; and their deficiency in number and mediocrity of attainment will de prive the training colleges of the requisite supply of students, and subsequently the country of an ade quate supply of trained teachers for elementary schools. How, again, can it be expected that school managers will be willing to engage the services of pupil-teachers, and pre-pay their salaries, accord ing to the local rate of wages, on the mere chance of being reimbursed on such pupil-teachers passing a successful examination before her Majesty's In spectors at the end of the year ? . . • "It has, indeed, been urged by defenders of the Revised Code that no local contributions are raised to meet the cost of pupil-teachers. We reply, it would cause a most unnecessary complication of accounts to raise separate local contributions for all the different heads of public expenditure. Nor can this objection be allowed to have any weight so long as 20s. are raised locally to meet every 10s. of public grant, taking the grant to each school as a whole. This proportion is recognised as reasonable by the Revised Code itself, and deemed satisfactory by the school managers, who are content with and have never asked for more than one-third of public money to meet two-thirds of local contribution. " In conclusion, allow us, my Lord, to express our conviction that, in the discussions respecting educa tion during the last few months, justice has not been done to the Privy Council system. Many gen tlemen now actively engaged in the cause have no personal knowledge of the state of popular educa tion as it existed prior to 1846. They can scarcely realise the vast change which has taken place both in town and rural districts. They are not aware that trained and qualified teachers could not be obtained, even by those who were willing to pay high salaries. Nor could suitable candidates be found to resort to the few training colleges then existing, even when education was offered them free of all expense, Nothing short of the fostering hand of the State, in paying the stipends of pupil-teachers, and providing the cost of their training, together with the prospective advantage of an honourable cer tificate of merit, carrying a definite money-value, could ever have introduced into the ranks of our ele mentary teachers a body of men and women such as we believe are unequalled in any other country. However forgotten, these facts are undeniable; and, consequently, the charge against the Privy Council system, that it has unnecessarily ' petted the teachers' and protected them by bounties, is ground less. We further venture to assert, as the result of our observation and experience, that it is not easy to over-estimate the practical value of the teacher's augmentation, conditional, as it is, on a satisfactory report of his school. It acts alike as an encourage ment and a stimulus. The excellency of the system, and the striking success which has attended its ope rations, during the brief period of 9 years which have elapsed since the first band of teachers trained under its provisions entered upon their arduous work, have been fully acknowledged by the Royal Commissioners, on testimony the most varied and trustworthy. "In the reports of her Majesty's Inspectors for 1860 it is stated (and on their experience and testi mony the country is prepared to rely) that in schools examined reading is taught excellently well, or fairly, in 89 per cent., writing in 91 per cent., and arithmetic in 832 per cent., from which it is appa rent that the rudiments of secular learning have not been neglected ; and we submit that, if needful, the standard by which the above-mentioned results have been estimated may be gradually raised; and that time and patience are alone required to pro. duce results still more satisfactory and encouraging. " Under these circumstances, school managers and others interested in national education, who have raised 8 or 9 millions of money in giving effect to the existing Minutes of the Committee of Coun cil, and who have now above 1,000,000 scholars under their charge, expected some measure which might have improved and perfected, rather than impeded and imperilled, so great a work in the full career of its success. " On these grounds we deeply deplore the publi cation of the Revised Code. The almost unanimous verdicts of educationists is against it. Of whatever improvements the scheme of education according to existing minutes is susceptible, the Revised Code neither suggests such improvements nor assists to their attainment. We entreat that any future change in the administration of the educational grant may be confined within the limits of the minutes of 1846, 1853, and 1860, and be consistent with the principle of them • and that the structure of the present system of education may be main tained entire. The Revised Code, on the contrary, introduces changes so organic and fundamental that no modification of its regulations can give satisfac tion. We, therefore, earnestly implore your Lord ship to withdraw a document which has occasioned such wide-spread alarm, and thereby to restore that confidence and co-operation between the Educa• tionists of Great Britain and the Committee of Council which has hitherto so happily prevailed ; the interruption of which, for however short a period, we regard as a public calamity. " Signed on behalf of the Central London Com mittee appointed for the withdrawal of the Revised Code, " CHARLES R. ALFORD, M.A., } Honorary "REGINALD GUNNERY, M.A., Secretaries. " 11, Adam-street, Adelphi, Nov. 29." Earl GRANVILLE observed that from the number of persons composing the deputation, and the length of time the memorial and names had taken in read- 1 ing, it would be obviously inconvenient if every gentleman present were to deliver an address. He did not know what arrangement the committee had made in this respect, but was anxious as far as possible to fall in with their wishes. The Rev. R. GUNNERY (one of the honorary secretaries) said the deputation desired to submit their case entirely upon their memorial. Earl GRANVILLE—Then, I understand that you wish to hear at once what I have to say in answer, and that no gentleman present desires to add any thing to the statement of the memorial. The Rev. C. R. ALFORD said that some gentle men might wish to state their views as to what would be the operation of the Revised Code in the districts they represented. (Cries of No, no.) Archdeacon SINCLAIR said if further explanation were required they would be anxious to give it. Otherwise it would be advisable that one :or two only should state from their experience what would be the probable result. Earl GRANVILLE—I understand, then, it is your wish that no further observations should be made, but I hope it will be equally understood that Mr. Lowe and I would have been most ready to listen to anything you might have thought desirable to urge. We have been most desirous for information on the subject over since this question arose, and we are anxious for the fullest discussion. We have re ceived in our communications a large amount from each side, many approving the principle which the memorial condemns, and many complaining of it. I admit that in dealing with so large a measure as this we expected that certain blots would be hit. We are anxious to make such alterations in the details as may meet the wishes of the country, but the prayer of the memorial is if I understand it, that the Mi nu t e should be withdrawn, and I an; bound at once to say that I cannot give any satisfactory answer to the deputation on that point. I believe that the piineipleison .t e which is perfectly defensibl e , an d that the more by 1 is con sidered the more it will be approved the coun try. (Cries of No, no.) You are certainly a large majority against me, but I state what is Illy own o pinion. I would point out to the depu• ation that all are agreed upon one principle —a principle which I feel very strongly myself—namely, that it is desirable that State assistance should continue to be given in aid of voluntary effort for promoting education, and I think it is worthy of your atten tion, collectively and individually, to consider whe ther, after a Royal Commission has been appointed by one Government, and has reported to another Government, and that GoTernment has found rightly or wrongly, that although great results have un- I doubtedly arisen from the existing code, those re sults are not tantamount to the sum of money given for the purpose, and have in consequence proposed a system by which they consider those results may be augmented—l think it is worthy of your con sideration whether, under these circumstances, it is desirable that we should revert entirely to the old system of the Minute of 1846. I will not go into , details. In short, I abstain from making any pledge whatever as to the course which her Majesty's Go vernment may pursue upon this subject. There is only one point I would remark upon. In the pre sence of many gentlemen, the great majority of whom are clergymen, I hardly expected to see, not withstanding the violence of the denunciations we have heard as to the apprehended effect of the code, the same charge repeated of danger to the religious instruction of the people. Almost every great change has been subject to some charge of that sort. At one time the objection was lest we should inspect the religious instruction given in the schools, and I do not wonder that there is extreme jealousy on this point, for it shows that in the mind of the great majority of educationalists it is necessary that we should in one way or another combine religious with secular instruction—(hear)—but I cannot under stand, and I assure you I have given my best atten tion to the subject, how the new code can affect that question. The very first deputation I received here was a very interesting one of about a dozen or more clergymen labouring in schools in populous or poor districts of the metropolis. They unquestionably made out a strong case—a case unfortunately al most too strong for themselves—as to the pecuniary results of the new code upon their schools. One gen tleman adverted to the injury that it would do to the religious teaching, whereupon another clergy man got up and said he was sure every one present would agree with him when he said that he did not attach a feather's weight to the religious part of the subject, and he added that he should be ashamed of himself as a manager of schools—and the great ma jority of the clergy were, he believed, of the same opinion—if he thought this code would enable them or allow them to make the slightest alteration in the religious instruction given them in the schools. It is clear that as to teaching, reading and writing are with us as much a part of the religious as of , secular education. If you keep a child at school for a certain length of time, and do not teach him to read and write, the religious instruction you may give him would have but little effect upon that child when he left school. Ido not wish to argue the question, but I am anxious that so large and respectable a deputation should not for one moment suppose that the Committee of Privy Council enter tain in the slightest degree the notion that it was possible to diminish the efficacy of the religious teaching in schools. I do not think it would be pro per, before the meeting of Parliament, to enter into any discussion in defence of the new code, or to re fer to any alteration of detail which it may here after be thought desirable to make. I wish merely to correct some misapprehension whicla s appeared to have gone abroad as to our intentions and motives. Mr. LOWE understood the memorial to say that the new Minute altered the position of the whole body of the existing pupil teachers, If that was intended, that was an error. The Rev. R. GUNNERY—The prospects which they looked forward to on the faith of the broad sheet, and of which by the revised code they would be deprived. Mr. LOWE—There are, I believe, 8,000 teachers, male and female, and 15,000 or 16,000 pupil teachers. The Rev. R. GUNNERY—The memorial states that it cancels positive engagements with upwards of 20,000 pupil teachers. Mr. LOWE—Yes, but they are all included in the 20,000, and unless some statement has been made that I am not aware of to show that we cancel any engagement with pupil teachers, that is an error. Mr. MARTIN—The inducements held out to the pupil teachers were those advantages which they were to enjoy after passing through their pupilage and obtaining certificates of merit, and but for which they would not have become pupil teachers. Mr. LOWE-But I submit you cannot call that a positive engagement. Mr. MARTIN—The broadsheet contains a state ment that, after passing through the state of pupil age, persons shall go to the training college, and aft©r obtaining their certificates enter upon a new state of things, under which their Lordships grant, in aid of salary to every master and mistress, cer tain sums, according to the conditions set forth in a table annexed; and it is clearly inferred that, as long as the conditions are met by the parties, those grants will be continued, and those grants belonged to the teachers exclusively, and to the general funds of the school. On the faith of that I have appren ticed many teachers who have given up £5O or £lOO a year, believing that upon their complying with the required conditions their engagements would be permanent. Mr. LOWE—Do I understand you to say that whatever is on the broad-sheet is an engagement, so long as a single pupil teacher remains to take the benefit of it ? (Hear.) Mr. BAXTER observed that most of the teachers had sacrificed other opportunities upon the faith that their position as teachers, if once obtained, would be permanent. Was it likely that if it had been supposed that the Committee of Privy Council reserved to themselves the power of revoking the allowance at their pleasure, a single pupil-teacher would have accepted the offer ? He believed that the course now proposed would not advance the cause of education, but retard it. It would have been better to have adopted a lower standard of remuneration in the first instance, and have adhered to it, than to have fixed a higher one and receded from it, because such a course would destroy the confidence of the scholastic profession throughout the kingdom. Earl GRANVILLE could not agree that it would have been better to have worked with an inferior system upon that ground, nor did he think it could be held that a system dependent upon an annual Parliamentary yote could be regarded as permanent. But, whatever, the differences of opinion on the sub - ject, he was convinced that they all felt honestly and seriously desirous of promoting the education of the poor and of combining religious and secular instruction. That was the desire of the Government, and he had no doubt it was equally the wish of all present. The Government would make their full ex planation to Parliament, and Parliament alone, to whose verdict he was bound respectfully to bow, must ho the judges of the advantages of adopting a new code. Certainly, on the part of the Govern ment, he could give no hope that it would be with drawn until Parliament had had an opportunity of pronouncing an opinion upon it. Archdeacon SINCLAIR having thanked the noble earl for his courtesy, the deputation withdrew. lITHE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 11, 1861. MR. lIORSMAN, M.P., ON THE :AME RICAN QUESTION. STROUD, TUESDAY. This afternoon the Right Ron. E. Horsman, M.P., addressed his constituents in the Subscrip tion-room of this town. There was a very nume rous attendance, and the right hon. gentleman was well received. Mr. Fewster occupied the chair. Mr. HORSMAN addressed the meeting at consider able length. He commenced by saying —Gentle men, I thank you highly for the kind reception you have given me, and I can assure you that it is always a pleasure to me to find myself among my constituents at Stroud. It is an event to which I look with pleasing anticipation, and to which I look back with agreeable recollections, because, although there have been, and always will be, differences of opinion between me and some of my constituents, with whom I have been at political warfare since I appeared amongst you, the only effect of those diffe rences has been to give a livelier and gayer cha racter to our public meetings, so that people at a distance may consider my annual meeting with you as one of the gaieties of the winter season. (Laughter.) But I know that those differences are not of such a character as to interfere with the ge neral satisfactory state of our relations, or in the smallest degree . to endanger our permanent political connection. (Hear, and a laugh.) I now become before you at a period of unusual national solicitude, and on this occasion we shall have to consider the future more than the past. During the last session there were three principal matters which occupied the attention of Parliament —parliamentary reform, foreign policy, and finance. The question of finance I will dismiss with this single remark. Last year the repeal of the paper duty, which had been postponed in 1860, was again brought forward. I felt it my duty to repeat the objections which I had advanced in 1860. But Parliament took a different view ; the excise duty on paper was repealed, the question was settled, the controversy is over, and I have no wish to revive it. (Hear, hear.) The question of parliamentary reform was killed in 1860, and was buried in the silence of the Queen's speech in 1861. The nation, instead of indulging in a general mcurning,indulged in something that sounded like a general fit of mer riment ; and well it might, when it found that that great demand for Parliamentary reform—that na tional, overpowering, and irresistible demand, that had been in the mouths of every minister and states man—that had been the prominent topic of every Queen's speech, the cause of so many cabinet coun cils, the subject of so many hustings speeches, was by the unanimous testimony of his own champions and apostles, so far as regarded the constituencies, such a delusion—so far as regarded the representa tives such a gigantic sham, that out of the 650 of the deeply pledged members of the House of Com mons, only 46 could be found to enter even a formal and uemeaning protest against a minister that he stormed office upon a pledge of reform, abandoned reform, and yet retained office. (Hear, hear.) Lord John Russell was the only man whose sincerity was undoubted. He had been for years persevering in his endeavours to mar his own great work, and every measure which he had offered to the country had been less acceptable than the preceding one, and if his own career bad been cut short last year his biography would have been stained by its closing chapter. But he lived to redeem his error. The indifference of the public in 1860, and the in sincerity of Parliament, brought conviction even to his reluctant mind. Feeling that conviction he manfully expressed it. Bat he has had his reward. As long as he was coercing the nation by ill-digested measures of reform he was disliked and distrusted as a public man. He was now distrusted no longer. His popularity as a minister and a statesman is now re-established: The whole nation heard with de light of his elevation to the peerage, as a well merited recognition of distinguished and faithful services. (Cheers.) He is now instead of a weak ness the mainstay and ornament of the cabinet to to which heebelongs ; and that cabinet did unfortu nately relapse into devices of clap-trap when it sup ported Mr. Baines's bill, it paid a speedy penalty in the signal and ignominious defeat at which the nation rejoiced as an additional guarantee of the fate of further ministerial enterprises in that direction. And now, the nation, being satisfied that it will no longer be harassed by Lord John Russell's agitation for reform, has turned its atten tion to the contemplation of his really valuable services in the administration of foreign affairs, when events unforeseen, events of unusual difficul ty, demanding great sagacity, great courage, and great judgment in the minister, and imposing on him great responsibility, have opened to him a field which Europe already sees is more suited to his genius, and far more promising for his renown. (Hear, hear.) This brings me the second question —foreign policy—and it is fortunate both for the minister and the nation that the principles on which our foreign policy are to be conducted are now so unanimously held in England that no minister could either mistake or disregard them. The first principle of our foreign policy is that of non-inter vention—that is to say that all other states are to be left to the exclusive and absolute management of their own internal affairs. But when these are affairs not of internal but of international character, affecting the relation of states to one another, and each or all of them to England, then we hold it to be the duty of England not only to be a vigilant observer but an actor in whatever transactions may affect the general condition and peace of the world. During the last three years there have been three great contests going on in which the ministers of England have had to act—in Italy, Austria, and America. In Italy, when the war broke out, we laid down the principle that the Italians should be left to the management of their own affairs. In conformity with that principle we were the first power that recognised the independence of Italy, and if that independence is not recognised by the whole world, it is not the fault of England, but of France, that keeps an army in Rome, which has the effect of protecting the brigands of th e Pope, of fo menting insurrectionin Naples, of perpetuating intrigues at Turin, and keeping up that uncer tainty which clouds the future of Italy. Then there has been war between the Emperor of Austria and his Hungarian subjects. I attach the greatest im portance to Austria as one of the great powers of Europe, but I have lately come to a the conclusion that it depends very much on the manner in which Austria closes her contest in llungary, whether maintaining her among the great powers of Europe is practicable or desirable. The whole press of Europe is on the side of Hungary. No one can tell how long the present state of uncertainty may last, but I have no hesitation in expressing the opinion, which the friends of Austria ought to regard, that unless Austria does by some means or other conci liate her Hungarian subjects, the first shot fired in Europe may bring about such a state of circum stances that any man a few years hence looking at the map of Europe for the Empire of Austria may haply look in vain. (Hear, hear.) I now come to that other subject which is in every man's mind— what is felt in every man's heart—and which both in England and in Europe is occupying everybody's attention. One question is in everybody's mouth— is England at war with America ? It is impossible to exaggerate the interest we feel or the importance we attach to the answer to that question. Before ►his year is closed that answer will be received. This is a question of all others in which you are interested in knowing what are the views of your representatives—what is the line they are disposed to pursue, and what is the course which, in their opinion, the Government and the Parliament of the country should follow in the painful and unex pected difficulty in which we are now placed. (Hear, hear.) The question seems to me to be a very eim ple, although it is a very large one, and in order to a right understanding of it you mast look at the origin, the objects, and the probable results of the war between the Northern and the Southern States, in order that we may understand their relations to one another, and what are and ought to be Eng land's relations towards them. Having referred at length to the origin and objects of the struggle now raging in America, the hon. member expressed his conviction that the truth with regard to the latter was, as 'stated by Earl Russell—" that the North were fighting for empire and the South for inde- THE FRENCH ARMY IN ROME. The Constitutionnel punishes official returns to show at what an immense expense to the French Government the Pops has been maintained at Rome : In the year Francs. 1849 there were 19,158 troops, which cost 2,029,000 1850 .. 13,777 .. 7,822,000 18.51 .. 10,198 .. 5,423,000 185: .. 9,858 .. 5,291,000 1853 .. 8,784 • • 4,950,000 1851 .. 9,358 .. 5,962,000 1855 .. 6,910 .. 4,316,000 18.56 .. 5,423 .. 3,082,000 1857 .. 5,600 .. 2,916,000 1858 .. 5,628 .. 2,936,000 1859 .. 7,404 .. 3,787,000 1860 .. 7,000 .. 3,500,000 1861 .. 19,000 • . 9,480,000 61,524,000 128,125 The Constitutionnel adds : " It is evident that these figures do not represent the en tire expense, inasmuch as they do not include the cost of clothing, arms, and ammunition. It is known by tho Budget of the Minister that each soldier costs 1,000 f., and that 1,000 men cost 1,000,000 f. According to this calcula tion, the cost of ke e pi ng a F r e n ch army in Rome since 1849 amounts to 128,125,000 f. It is further to be remarked f p o r r o produce tyseea thetroct l a h e f l . a i r ru t a i gt e n i Te n g rh a c ife tt that the maintenance of this army has always been provided debt interest .f lt r o er n e i d os l tsv nt s 3 .h ios i y u c e i r :i. ofi n a o r t s w interest e m ns e e esuxsstttr extraordinary ay o b i n sr e t d h a pi 4e n d o a a o d: o drY c e oc d ; bu, c po t:o o n credits o t iof h e rn ei " T l2 h B e of Rome is 168,000,000 f. This sum represents, with a few hundred thousand francs, the difference which exists be tween the amount of the floating debt on the let of January, 1848, awl the ametint ell the Ist et JilltarY) 1861," pendence." After tracing the struggle from the commencement to the present time, he expressed his opinion that it was not a question of the resto ration of the Union. It was rather a question as to the terms of separation, as to the boundary to be established. That was a question for arbitration, that could be more easily carried out before more blood is shed and more exasperation caused than after a long, pernicious, and calamitous war. (Hear.) He next came to the affair of the Trent, and continued :—As to the character of that out rage I say nothing of it. It has been fully dis cussed. People have formed their own opinions, and we need not go into any of the circumstances of that transaction. This only we know, that in the first instance it created great astonishment and great indignation, which, however, in a most cre ditable manner was instantly crushed from the feel ing that the gravity of the occurrence compelled the people to be active, and with one voice they asked the question, What does the law officers of the crown say as to the law of the case? And so determined were the people of England not tobe incensed by the feeling or sentiment, even under the violation of what they considered the most sacred claim made by the English nation—that of giving an asylum to political refu gees—the point of all others on which the English nation has always been the most sensitive. So de termined were they not to set up any claim that could not be vindicated by law, that I believe if the law officers had stated it to be their opinion that the conduct of Capt. Wilks was in conformity with international law, and if that opinion had been en dorsed by the profession at large, the people would have acquiesced, I will not say without a murmur, but certainly without any outward signs of resist ance. (Hear.) Well, the law officers of the Crown have advised her Majesty that the act complained of is a breach of international law, and, according to some semi-official statements which have been pub lished, the Government have sent a despatch to Lord Lyons laying down the terms on which he is instructed to demand reparation from the Cabinet at Washington ; and I believe there are two charac teristics of that message which are generally accept able to Europe. The first is that the demand is said to have been made with great firmness ; and the second is, that it is said to be couched in terms the most conciliatory, so as to give the American Go vernment every possible opening to recede with honour, and not imposing upon them the slightest humiliation. (Hear, hear.) I believe that the pro ceedings of the Government have been approved of from one end of the kingdom to the other, and I believe it is the consciousness of the people that the right course has been pursued and steadily per sisted in that has produced the calm which pervades the whole community. (Hear.) After some remarks on the interest which the people of this country must naturally feel, and the injury which the manufacturers must suffer from the blockade, the hon. member went on to say—So far as our interests and sympathies are concerned they would go with the South. But when the war first broke out all our sympathies were ready to enlist them selves with the North, because we believed the cause of the North was that of emancipation ; and it was only when we found that they were ready to compound with slavery, to perpetuate slavery, to combine all the profits of slavery with all the advantages of professed abolition, that the reaction took place, and that the English public determined to observe that strict neutrality which to this moment has never been departed from. And now let me say, although I cannot deny that there are some causes of sympathy drawing us towards the South, that there is that gulf placed between us, between the English nation and any community that subsists by slavery, that makes it impossible that we can ally ourselves either by sympathy, community of feeling, or affection with any nation that exists upon that which I can call nothing else but a disgrace to mankind. And there is also this to be said, that even in the event of war, there is great danger of our alliance with the South, in asmuch as whether we wished it or not we could not help being occasionally participators in much of what we should disapprove, and that we might do something without intending it to strengthen an institution against which the heart of every Eng lishman revolts. (Hear.) I have said that we have observed neutrality; I believe that is understating the case. I know not any man worth the name of Englishman who would not make great sacrifices to help America, both North and South, out of their difficulty. (Hear.) One sympathy I have—the warmest and strongest—one partisanship I am ready to avow—it is a partisanship in which you will all be ready to engage—that in this cruel, pur poseless, and wicked war my sympathies go with the party that is most moderate, and the most ready for the conclusion of an early peace. (Cheers.) There is one plea the force of which we must all admit. It has been said "Remember the weak ness of America—see what a difficulty she is in. She has one arm tied up. Is the magnanimity and the generosity of England to press upon a power when she is comparatively powerless'" Now, if we look at the two countries, it is a remarkable fact that there never was a period when the North was so weak; there never was a period since the peace of 1815 when England was strong. But we must remember that the weakness of the North is not admitted ; on the contrary, they are ready to push at the South, dispose of England, and help themselves to Canada. (Laughter.) There is this also to be considered, that while concession may be right, we must take care that no concession is made that may give rise to mischievous misrepre sentations and misconstructions. We must look to some extent to what has taken place, We must remember that the abuse of England—the menacing of England, has not only been a habit but a profit able trade in America, The newspapers are sold by it, the members of Congress get their elections byit, the Secretaries of State are raised to office by it, the Presidents mount the highest steps in the ladder by it. It is the whole political capital on which men thrive—perpetually reviling and challenging Eng land. We have disregarded it as we could well afford to do, but in the interests of America itself—in the interests of Europe, there-must come a time when this must be checked. America has been treated by England like a great headstrong schoolboy, who has never travelled more than 10 miles from home, and who has been so petted and pampered that he has become a nuisance to the household around him. America has passed the age of pupilage. Her ma jority is attained. It is our duty, in the interests of America, as well as in the interests of Europe, to see that she is brought to her senses, and we must teach her that if she wishes to be respected that respect must be founded on her own regard for international obligations, her own respect for civilised law, and that she is not to be respected in proportion to her own menacing and bluster. (Cheers.) There is a general apprehension of war, and everybody is ask ing what is to be the upshot of these proceedings. I will tell you what I hope and believe will be the upshot. It is my ardent and sincere belief that there will be no war. I will give you the reasons for that belief. In the first place, it is not the interest of the Northern States to go to war. lam not saying any thing disrespectful of America or the Northern States when I say that interest is an ingredient which the American is too smart an individual to lose sight of in his warlike and peaceful arrange ments. What are they to do if they go to war ? At present they are occupied altogether in the South. But they say, "We are dealing with the South. We may lose territory there, but we shall compen sate ourselves by taking Canada." But what do the Canadians say to that ? They say they live in too great a proximity to the great republic, and have formed a very correct notion of the value of its con nection. They think the English monarchy is far more respectable; and there is another argument. If the Americans are unwise enough to show them selves over the frontiers of Canada, they may pro bably meet with rather a hot reception, and they will find some difference between a war with Canada and a war with the Southern States. After an en gagement with Canadian regiments, when the Northern heroes run away they will be followed over the frontier, and instead of the Stat es annexin g Canada, it may happen that Canada may annex a goodly portion of the States themselves. (Cheers.) Well, then, what are they to do by sea ? In the last war the American privateer was a very dangerous `element to be considered, and people say you will have the American privateers again. But where - ttre they to sail from ? The whole south seaboard of .the States, which were their great harbours of exit and refuge, will be closed against them. No Northern privateers can sail from these harbours, and if one enters it will be captured. The whole of the ports of the European Powers are closed against privateers, and there are only two or three harbours which the Americans have, which can be easily blockaded, so that any attempt at privateering would be checkmated. (Hear.) I believe, when it is not the interest of America to go to war with as, it may also be shown to them that it is con sistent with their character and honour to re main at peace. (Hear,) I believe that these two motives combined will make them ready to meet half way the judicious concessions asked by Eng land. Whether there is peace or war in America, I hold the disruption of the Union to be an accom plished fact. Only two questions then remain to be asked. First, what should be the effect of the divi sion of the Union on slavery. My belief is that it must be the death blow of slavery, because I hold it to be impossible that the slave and the free states can co-exist side by side unless the legislation of the one assists the institutions of the other. It is said the North will be weakened by losing one half of the Union. At the end of the last century it was said that if we allowed the American colonies to de part the glory of England was gone. But the colo nies broke away, and what was considered a great calamity to England has turned out its greatest blessing ; so it will be with the North. The North will be emancipated from the stain of slavery, but while they are connected with it they cannot be safe and prosperous. The separation will give strength to the Northern States. They will start up a new empire. The disasters of the present day having opened their eyes to the unsafe parts of the constitution, they will form a stronger Government when the law will be not the American law but the old English law; when the few will govern and the many obey, instead of every man governing and no man obeying. (Hear.) When they have reverted to principles of government more sound and rational you will then see a new empire start forth with a new future before it—with a higher intelligence, with a sounder morality, with a purer patriotism— and then if old England is fallen or decayed she may still live again in the blood and the sinews of a young Anglo-Saxon giant, who inherits her energies and perpetuates her language, her civili sation, and religion to nations and ages yet unborn. (Cheers.) I trust this is not too sanguine a pic ture I have drawn of the termination of this unhappy crisis. I t;ust that what is for the future of America will be seen by the statesmen of England, and that to England and all the world they will prove themselves worthy of a higher character and nobler future. But this we must feel, that if unhappily the reverse is to be the case, if war is to decide these painful and unhappy difficul ties, there never was a time when England was in such a condition as to make the results of that war both brief and certain. Commercially our position is sound. Financially it is so good, that while other nations are endeavouring to extricate themselves from the prospect of :bankruptcy, the only quarrel with the House of Commons is whether the Chan cellor of the Exchequer shall put on or take off ano ther million of taxes. Practically speaking, our. people are the most loyal on the face of the whole earth. If we go into the war there is not a man in England who will not regard the commencement of it with great reluctance and with great pain—there is not one who would not hail its termination with joy. All we can pray is, that if this war is to take place it may be as brief as possible—as bloodless as possible, and that while it may give safety to Eng land it may also be a blessing, from the lesson it teaches and the high inducements it holds out, to America herself. (Loud cheers.) Mr. STANTON moved a resolution thanking Mr. Horsman for attending, and for his readiness at all times to appear before his constituents and court in quiry into his conduct, and expressing its pleasure at hearing his opinions on the various topics of pub lic interest which he had touched upon. The resolution was agreed to and the proceedings terminated. FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST EVENING. WHITEHALL, DEC. 7. The Queen has been pleased to appoint William Mathew son Hindmarch, Esq., Barrister-at-law, to be her Majesty's Attorney-General of the county palatine of Durham, vacant by the resignation of Robert Ingham, Esq. WHITEHALL, DEC. 10. The Queen has been pleased to appoint the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor of the City of London; Major-General Sir Joshua Jebb, K.C.B. ' • John Thwaites, Esq., Chairman of the Metropolitan Board of Works; Capt. Douglas Galten, of the Royal Engineers ; Edward Burstal, Esq., Comman der in her Majesty's Navy, Secretary of the River Thames Conservancy Board ; Henry Arthur Hunt, Esq., Surveyor of her Majesty's Works and Public Buildings ; and John Robinson McClean, Esq., to be her Majesty's Commis sioners to examine into plans for Embanking the Surrey side of the River Thames within the metropolis. WHITEHALL, DEC. 7. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Archibald, Marquis of Ailsa, K.T., to be Lieutenant and Sheriff- Principal of the shire of Ayr, in the room of Archibald William Earl of Eglinton, deceased. DECEMBER 10. The Queen has been pleased to give and grant unto Colonel the Hon. St. George Gerald Foley, C. 8., her Ma jesty's Royal lioence and permission that he may accept and wear the Insignia of the Imperial Order cf the Legion of Honour of the Third Class, which his Majesty the Em peror of the French has been pleased to confer upon him as a mark of his Imperial Majesty's approbation of his dis tinguished services before the enemy during the late com bined British and French operations against China. DOWNING.STREET, DEC. 7. The Queen has been pleased to appoint William Douglas Hall Baillie, Daniel Pollen, John Charles Watts Russell, Andrew Hamilton Russell, and Henry Sowell, Esqs., to be members of the Legislative Council of the colony of New Zealand. BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED. Joel Peters, builder, Lee, Kent BANKRUPTS. Joseph Temple, grocer, Mortlake, Surrey Edgar Williams Yarrow, mercantile clerk, Islington Edward Gill, omnibus proprietor, Walthamstow Charles Utting, short hand writer, Camberwell Peter Ward, chemist, Red Lion-street, Holborn Charles Hunt, house decorator, Paddington Frederick William Evans, cab driver, New Kent-road George rhorogood, carpenter, Romford James Green, cab driver, Luard-street, Islington Alfred Warren, warehouseman's assistant, Deptford Wm. Stephen Chas. White Bassett, grocer, Sheerness Pierre Marins Rodigue, wine merchant, Little Tower-st. Joseph Mortimer, stone merchant, Hornsoy-street, Hol loway-road Oliver Cromwell Setchell, draper, Sidmouth-street, Gray's-inn-road Francis Deacon Wilson, accountant, Trafalgar-road, Old Kent-road John Watkins, engraver, Wellington-road West, Kentish Town William Fry, journeyman baker, Walworth Henry W. Porter, engraver, late of Chiswell-street Henry Bond, grocer, Fressingfield, Suffolk William Henry Graves, ironmonger, Northwold, Norfolk James Mathews, hoiser, Edward-terrace, Caledonian road William Collins, cabinet maker, Dean-street, Soho Emanuel Grondona, cook, Albany-street, Regent's-park Robert Steward Riley and James Edward Ginner, coal merchants, Upper East Smithfield John Barton, clerk, Bookham- street, Hoxton Worthy Samuel Portch, cheesomonger, Henry-street, Hampstead-road John Ellison, warehouseman, High-street, Poplar Walter Peake, dressing case maker, Newnham-street, Edgware-road Anthony Blanchard Pike, clerk, Greenwich John Armfield, clerk, Addington-road, Bow Thomas Campkin, draper, Victoria Dock-road Charles Weedon, job master, Marylebone John Tunbridge, baker, Blackfriars-road Samuel Godfrey, milliner, Well-street, City Edwin Green, teacher, Marsh Gibbon, Bucks Robert M'Kenzie, Cecil-street, Strand Wm. Duncan, eating-house keeper, Bloomsbury Peter Morrison, trader, Pall-mall East Joseph Lush, carman, Haymarket Thomas Moore, wheelwright, Goodman's-yard, Minories Robert K. Blunsom, commercial traveller, Thrapstone, Northampton Robert Morrisson, clerk, Upper Gloucester-street, Dor set-square George Reaney, cutler, Smith-street, Clerkenwell James Raby, builder, Ockenden-road Charles Chambers, builder, Heath-street, Hampstead John Jackson, coffeehouse-keeper, Hatton-garden Robert Rainey, livery stable-keeper, Birmingham Edward Wilson, stationer, Birmingham George Hadley, publican, Rowley Regis, Staffordshire Wm. Barron, nurseryman, Gellidowell, Glamorgan Freeman Cohen and Lewis Cohen, clothiers, Newcastle Henry Hudson, iron brazier, Birmingham John Cook, coach builder, Birmingham Thomas Collins, licensed victualler, Balsall -heath Henry John Williams ' commercial traveller, Bristol Thomas Dalton, hor se keeper, Bristol Andrew Hodder, carpenter, Bristol Edward Oldham, butcher, Blackley, Manchester Thomas Hancock, dyer, Newton Heath William Green, carrier, Hurst John Thomas, butcher, Bisove, Cornwall George Richardson, music seller, Brighton John Fraser, farmer, Pen-y-Park, Monmouthshire Andrew Dyer, surgeon, Corfe Castle, Dorsetshire John Jackman ,Newcombe, coach proprietor, Stoke, Devor shire William Van Trump, farmer, North Petherton, Solner setshire James Holmes Furneaux, Commander, 11,N., Stoke, Deyoualaire .....',...%*.v. Edward Busfield, clejh manufacturer, Leeds William Riley, tailor, •Todmorden, Yorkshire William Henry Grier, keeper, Hinderwell, Yorkshire Seth Gregory, Innkeeper,ley, Yorkshire John Martindale, draper, Chesterfield George Mason, grocer, Sheffieh2 Maria Cullen, schoolmistress, Beccles, Suffolk Richard Mills, beerhouse-keepsr, Sedgley Staffordshire John Prime, boat steerer, Westbromwich Staffordshire William Woodward, licensed victualler, Westbromwich, Staffordshire Thomas Harris, baker, Stafford William Burton, bookbinder, Tonbridge-wells Henry Knight, assistant paymaster, R.N., Portsmouth Daniel Thomas Spence, boatswain, R.N., Portsea Thomas Turrall, cattle dealer, Coventry David Cooper, baker, Ga:nsborough William Simpson,. greengrocer, Tunstall, Staffordshire Wm. Evans, sheep' dealer, Plas Captain, Flintshire Wm. Emery, carpenter, L'ath David Jones, farmer, Ooya:lt, Carmarthenshiro Morgan Prosser, publican,. IVothney, Carmarthenshiro Win. Davies, wheelwright, No.rthop, Flintshire John Usher, tailor, Manchee.er John Feltus, beerseller, Salford John Hemming, painter, Knowle, Warwickshire Wm. Hunt, bookseller, Norwich Samuel Holliday, coal agent, Laister Dyke, Yorkshire Thos. Bowen, Sam, Montgomeryshire William Higginbotham, ironstone dealer, Whittington Ann Oakes, shoe dealer, Sheffield Daniel Burton Waldegrave, jun., draper, Spilsby Frederick Smith Brown, merchant, Hull Edward Wheeler Lawrence, auctioneer, Liverpool Wiliam Hughes Yeoward, ship broker, Liverpoo Mark Bloom, furniture dealer, :nanchester Fleury Stirke, attorney, Manch a ster Frederick Sugden, machinist, 01c 1 ham John Postlethwaite, hooper, Ulvet stop William Collinson, draper, Black-hill, Durham Frederick G. Mastin, butcher, Holbt..ach John Chitty, farmer, Southampton Thomas Marsh, watchmaker, Southamp ton Jane Adams, baker, Southampton David Robinson, joiner, Lincoln Samuel Hardy, blacksmith, Dedsbury, LancOshire Richard Bury, finisher, Little Bolton, Laneasilire Joseph Rippon, engine driver, Boston SCOTCH BANKRUPTS. Robert Dale, baker, Dumbarton Joseph Steen, tailor, Glasgow Neil Cameron, flesher, Fort-William GOLD DIGGINGS IN NOVA SCOTIA.- Sherbrooke, Guysborough County, Nova Scotia, Oct. 28, 1861. The gold workings are situated about a mile and a half from the west bank of the St. Mary's River, opposite the village of Sherbrooke. The precious . metal was first discovered by a man named Nicker son, and about 40 applications for three-quarter acre lots have been made up to this time. From all I can see, this goldfield promises to be equal to any yet discovered. As a general rule the miners have not yet got fairly to work on the leads, but even the extremely rude means employed have amply remunerated some of them. On the claims laid out eight fine veins of quartz, all more or less gold-bearing, have been discovered. There are two of eight inches in thickness, one of about 15 inches, and the rest from four to six inches. The northerly lead has been the most worked, and seems so far to be the most productive. One man I know to have taken out at least 40 dols. worth in an afternoon by breaking it up with a small hammer. I saw him do it. One of the nuggets was worth at least 10 dole., and one or two worth 5 dols. each. The remaining quartz would, of course, pay well for crushing. On one of the claims the washing will average half a dollar to the pan of raw dirt, which will pay well. The only question to be answered in reference to these dig gings is, will they hold out according to promise P If we take the experience of other parts of the pro vince as a guide, there is every reason to believe they will. The Wine Harbour diggings are about 15 miles from here, and the accounts from these con tinue good, but I have no means of comparing their productiveness with those at Sherbrooke. There have been but few persons here from Halifax, and any who do come must make up their minds to be pretty well shaken up on the journey. You can get here either by the Guysborough coach or by sailing vessel to the mouth of the St. Mary's river, from which you can row up, about eight miles, to this village. I forgot to say that the general direction of the veins is 68 deg. west, corresponding to the strike of the enclosing strata, which is hard, slaty in struc ture, and considerably shattered, dipping about N. 22 deg. E., at a very high angle. The quartz is highly impregnated with metallic minerals, consist ing of bi-sulphurets of iron and copper, arsenical pyrites, and, 1 think, some silver. The fire has been through all the region in the neighbourhood of the diggings, and the ground is mostly open, rocky, barren, and somewhat swampy.—Montreal Ad vertiser. CO UN 2 RY MABEE 2 S. ►.- LEEDS—DEc. 10. The dull report from Mark-lane yesterday has caused us to have a very slow market. The small amount of busi • ness passing in wheat was at rather under last Tuesday's currencies. Barley rather lower, Oats and other articles as before. LIVERPOOL-DEC. 10. A fair attendance at our market to-day, but a slow sale was experienced for wheat at a decline of 2d to 3d per cental. Flour also difficult to quit. Oats and oatmeal ne glected, but at late rates. Beans receded fully 6d per qr. Peas held for previous quotations. Indian corn was much pressed for sale, and a decline of is to is 6d per qr must be quoted. LYNN—DEc. 10. There was a moderate quantity of wheat on offer to-day, and all kinds met an inactive sate at about late prices. The show of barley was pretty fair, with a moderate inquiry, and former prices were fully realised. Oats maintained their value. Beans scarce, at about late rates. Old white 64s to 66s 8ar1ey...... 34s t 0 .400 Itc d . . 6os to 62s I Oats .22s to 26 5 Beans .42s to 46s I Peas 48s to 54s MELTON MOWBRAY-DEC. 10. There was a limited show of wheat to-day, and with an inactive trade, prices same as last Tuesday. Barley in fair show, and moderate demand. Prices—white wheat, 550 Od to 64s Od; red, 52s Od to 60s per 36 stone; beam; firm, at 48s to 50s for old ; new sorts, 42s per 38 st. ; barley, 36s to 41s for malting, and 30s to 34s per qr. for grinding ; oats, 22s to 335 - A od per ,24 stone. NORWICH CATTLE. The show of store cattle to-day was both large and good, consisting of Scots, shorthorns, Devons, and Irish. Trade slow, and a small attendance of buyers. At the close fully one-fourth remained unsold. Fat beasts firm. Scots, 4s Od to 4s 6d ; shorthorns, 4s to 48;6d ; Irish, 3s 6d to 4s Od; Devons, 4s to 4s 6d (estimated weight when fat). Fat beasts a small show and sales firm, at 8s Od to 8s Gd per 141 b. Sheep—There was a good supply of sheep in the pens and a fair sale, Fat sheep, 8s Od to Os Gd per stone; prime, 9s 6d., and all sold. Pigs—A fair supply. Store pigs, 22s to 25s ; fat pork, Ss 0(1. to 8s Gd per stone. FOREIGN MAIL .PACKET LIST. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Dec, 19. via Marseilles Dec. 13. Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Jan. 4. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Jan. 1. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton Dec. 19. via Marseilles Dec. 13. Falkland Islands Jan. 4. Gibraltar, via Southampton Dec. 11. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Dec. 19. via Marseilles Dec. 13. India (Bombay), via Southampton Dec. 11. via Marseilles Dec. 20. Lisbon Dec. 11. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Dec. 11. via Marseilles Jan, 5. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet Dec. 11. by U.S. packet by Canadian packet Dcc. —. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe Dec. 10. Bahamas, via New York Dec. 19. Mexico ....Dec. 30. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, I Dec. 1 4 . California,and British Columbia.. BIRTHS. ANDERSON.—On the 6th inst., at Preston, Rutland, the wife of the Rev. R. G. Anderson, of a son. HANWELL.—On the 7th inst., at Charlton, the wife of Cap tain Hanwell, R.A., of a son. WAKE.—On the 7th inst., at Falmouth, the wife of Com mander B. A. Wake, R.N., of a daughter. WHITEREAD.—On the 7th inst., at St. Faith'srMaidstonst the wife of Arthur Whitehead, solicitor, of a son. MARRIAGES. DRIYMNIOND—TRAHERNE.—On the sth inst., at Bettwil Church, Glamorganshire, the Rev Morton Drummond, P.C. of Simonsbath, Devon, to Caroline, the youngest daughter of the late M. P. Traherne, Esq., of Coy tra hone, Glamorganshire. SNELLING—FILL.—On the 10th inst., at St. Paul's, NeW ington, John 011iver Snelling, youngest son of the late Clement Snelling, of Patching Pond, Sussex, to Caroline Hester Saker, only daughter of R. Fill, Esq., of Can terbury. DEATHS. CARSTAIRS.—On the Gth inst., at Richmond-green, Surrey Peter Carstairs, Esq., late of Madras, aged 59. DORNING.—On the 9th inst., suddenly, atEdge-hill, Liver pool, John Dorning, Esq. FLINT.—On the Bth_ inst., at Charlwood, Surrey, Joseph Flint, Esq., aged 72. NEVILLE.—On the 7th inst., at Paris, Henry Neville, Esq• of Wellingore, Lincolnshire, and Walcot, Northampton shire, aged 52. Po oLL.—On the Bth inst., at Merfield House, Road, Somer set, Henry Batten Pooll, Esq., J.P. for Somerset an Wilts, aged 85. WHEF LEON.—On the 6th inst., at Gloucester.terrace, Hyde-park, John Wheelton, Esq., aged 69. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, No. 112,Strand, in the Precinot of the Savoy, in the county of Midatiox, Weclgteeday, December 11, 1861.