The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-14 00:00:00

use made of them. We never witnessed a more alarming sight than the multitude presented, burning we may say with ferocity, on the vast area which they filled. Though several waggons broke down frorn the great pressure upon them, no person was, we believe, hurt. At the conclusion` of the meeting a vote of thanks to the Chair man for his impartial and patriot conduct was carried by accla mation ; and Mr. Brooks and Mr. Denison were carried off the ground in triumph upon the shoulders of the people, when they peaceably dispersed. We were told that during the meeting two companies of the 60th Rifle corps were stationed in the Police yard, and the Ntl► regiment of Hussars were in readiness at the barracks, provided any disturbance should have taken place ; but we are happy to say, that there was no necessity for the interference either of the military or the police during the proceedings. Mr. J. 13Arewer.i. moved that the proceedings of the meeting be advertised in all the Manchester Newspapers, and in the London Papers which were specified at the last Manchester meeting, which was unanimously carried. Mr. Bakewell also took occasion to allude to the Pro prietors and Editor of The Sun Newspaper, the town of Manchester being much indebted to them for the spirited manner in which they had forwa Toed, by express, the division in the Lords on the momentary sollett of the Reform Bill, which he stated was not the first time they had signalised themselves and their Paper by forwarding intelligence with despatch both to the inhabitan's of that great commercial town, and also to other towns of similar importance in his Majesty's dominions. The compliment to the exertions of the nditor of The Sun Newspaper, was received with Cheers. Mr. Bakewell concluded his speech by alluding to the Constitution in its present corrupt state. The boroughmongers had spoteiti of the beauty of its edifice. He had nothing to bay against its beauty in its original formation t hot it was now so loaded with corruption and abnee's, that it was difficult to say what its fabric was ; for his part he would sooner that the Constitution was entirely swept away, than con tinue to pay rates for the support of an idle, a profligate, and an insolent Aristocracy.—(Cheers.) LIVERPOOL. The news of the loss of the Reform lill was received it'n Liverpool and Manchester, by The Sun express, at midnight on Saturday. It treated a universal feeling of impulse mingled with indignation. Immediate prepara tions were made for telling together a general meeting of the inhabitants to consider the best measures to be adopted in this alarming emergency. A preliminary meeting was held for this purpose at the Clarendon-rooms, on Monday, and notwithstanding the shortness of the notice the at. tendance was most numerous, and there were present gen tlemen of the first influence and respectability in the town. Several strong resolutions were adopted, and it was unanimously agreed that a public meeting should be held on Wednesday, in the open air, in Clayton-square. On Wednesday, accordingly, at the time appointed, the people began to assemble its Clayton-square, a large open area, capable of containing from 15 ,000 to 20,000 per sons. It was about two-thirds filled, and there were, on the most moderate computation, 10,000 individuals pre ent. A little after twelve o'clock the gentlemen com posing the Committee appeared on the balcony of the Bul Inn, and there Viscount Molyneux was called to the Chair, amid the most enthusiastic cheeriag. His LORDSHIP, on taking the Chair, observed that though he felt much gratified by the flattering reception he had met with, yet it was with feelings of grief and sorrow • that there should have been any occasion for his services on each an occasion. —(Hear, hear.) When last they met in that place to petition the House of Lords to pass the Re form Bill, they were cheered by hopes that the boon which they all asked would soon be obtained, that that act of justice would be done to the country which had now been refused ; their hopes, their petitions, and their advice had, however, been rejected and despised by the wickedness and folly of a portion of the House of Peers. —(Cheers.)—Perhaps some of these 199 Peers who had rejected that advice, and despised and spurned these pe titions, had good though mistaken motives, and their con duct might havebeen influenced by the conscientious feel ing that they were doing their duty to their country ; but he would take it for granted—for it could not be de nied, that the greatest part of them had done what they had done from personal, factious, and party motives— (Loud cheering)—from self.interest—(Cheers)—and from the hope of seeing themselves in the place of Government. —(Tremendous cheering.) If any one doubted this, let him look to the concluding speech of the head of that foe tion—the Duke of Wellington.--(Great cheering.) That speech was the lamest, the most contemptible, the poorest apology for a speech that had ever been spoken.--(Loud cheers.) It was a speech commencing in fallacy, conti nued in fallacy, and ending with fallacy, and every one might see through the object of the remark with which it concluded.—(Cheers.) His Grace the Duke of Welling ton bad asserted that when he made his famous declare tton against Reform, he made it as a Minister of the Crown—(Laughter and cheers)—and that it was, as a Minister of the Crown that he was determined to support the existing institutions of the country, and what could he mean by that, but that as a man he did not think this was the bet course to be adopted—though as a Minister he thought it most expedient ?—(Applause.) What dif ference ought there to be between a Minister of the Crown and an honest man? What distinction could be drawn between the duty of a Minister and that of an honest man? Had they not now an honest man as Minister of the Crown ? —(Yes, yes, and tremendous cheering.) Another remark made by his Grace was, that the popular excitement on the subject had not been created by his famous declaration against all Reform, bat by the French Revolution.— (Laughter). Was that the reason ?—did the people of England look to their neighbours in France to tell them what they ought to do—what they wanted—or what they had a right to expect ?—(" No, no," and much cheering.) They all desired that the Bill might pass, and he had no doubt that it would pass before long; but as it was refuted for the present, they were now asssem bled to consider the best and most oonstitutional measures to be adopted at the present crisis—what weapons to lay hold of for the purpose of attacking the faction, which had for the present prevented the attainments of their just rights. They might have re course to violence, and subdue their enemies by the re bellious force of insurrection ; but what good would that do ?.--(" None, none," and much applause.) Every thinking man must be convinced from the example of the countries around him, that outrage and violence never contributed to the happiness, peace, and true welfare of a nation.—(Much applause.) That course they would not adopt, though, were they to have recourse to it, they might annihilate the borough faction—they might destroy them as the foot of the elephant crushed the noxious lizard, or as a sledge hammer falling on that contemptible insect would cause its annihilation.—(Cheers.) But they would not adopt that course—(Applause)—they had nothing to do but to stand firmly by e,ch other; to stand by the King, the House of Commons, and the Ministers, and they must soon succeed, without any violence or breach of the peace.—(Loud cheers.) It was his firm belief that the object of the majority in the House of Lords, and particularly of their leaders, wa., not to do their duty by the country, but to get themselves again into power; and he now asked them whether they would like to have those men as Ministers ?—(Deafening cries of " No, no," and much cheering.) If they wished to know the difference between the present Ministers and the wen who wished to get into office, they should refer to the speeches on both sides during the last week, and they would soon find the distinction between the sentiments of the one party and the other. Let them read the speeches of the sincere and honest party—of Earl Grey, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Radnor, and, above all, that most pow erful and distinguished example of eloquence and true pa triotism, the speech of the Lord Chancellor—(Mbeli cbeering)—and then say whether they would be willing that these men should retire from office—or ready to put themselves into the hands of those men who, within a very short period, had declared that they saw no grounds for any change in the Constitution of the:country—(Cheer ing)—those men who had the effrontery to tell them that they were delightfully rotten—delightfully diseased ; but at the same time declared that all was for the best—that they had no remedy to give —that they were perfect to they were, and so they should remain. --(Much laughter and cheering.) He was not now going into the abstract principles of the Reform Bill, for they all, no doubt, had schedules A and B at their finger ends ; but if they wet., not already fully conversant with the subject, he again referred them to the speeches of the supporters in the House of Lords. They ought to get those speeches by heart : they ought to teach them to their children ; and above all, they ought to remember this remarkable passage in the speech. of Lord Brougham;--" The people were for the Bill ; the people for whom the Aristocracy and the Crown had been constituted. —for whom the laws had been enacted and the Government contrived—by whom t h e Government was stipported, whom it was b oun d to serve, and without whom it could• not exist a moment." He had only further to say that a series of resolutions and addresses, to his Majesty and Earl Grey, would be proposed for their consideration ; and he hoped they would be unanimously agreed to. In conclusion he would again earnestly intreat them to stand by them selves—to stand by their King, the House o f Commons, and their country, and their cause must speedily triumph. --(Loud and long continued cheering.) Mr. RUSHTON, on moving the first resolution, said that he never, on any former occasion, felt so deeply the im portance attached to proceedings of popular assemblies. In addition to all those motives which interest the mind on such occasions, it could not be disg'uis'ed that the he for.nttrs bad another important and terlotia duty imposed -upon them—that of stistaining with fortitude and tran quillity the disaVipoilatMent of their hopes by the rejection of their prlyett by the House of Lords. The Noble iLord who had already so ably addressed then% !td anitnad vetted with great strength and t‘.'str.ze on the conduct of the Duke of Wellintio'n. lie (Mr. Rushton) felt that the conduct of ether Noble Lords also called for animadver sion, and particularly the conduct of the Law Lords.— (Hear.) He felt difficulty in speaking in any language ap proaching to severity of the conduct of a Noble Lord whose years and rank would under other circumstances entitle him to forbearance if net respect. Iltit at tilt preseilt crisis he was firmly persuaded that the dbty Which every man owed to his conntry sh'oul'd &n 'uer all reluctance with regard to individuals. Lord tldon had met the complaint* of the people with an assertion that the Reform which they t'equired was an invasion of the rights Of property. He had recognized as a legal prorett'i a right the exercise of which by the Peers of nn g land would subject those Peers to punishment for a penal offence.—(Loud cheers.) This totd'ila, however, of the great enemy of Reform edbld excite no surprise in the minds of those who had attentively regarded the political career of the Noble Lord. He commenced his lifs as Attorney-Gene ral by an attempt to enforce the doctrine of con structive treason at the expence of the lives of the Re formers', Ni that day, and the last act of his life formed an appropriate conclusion of a career so commenced by denying the people a just share in the representation, and by cloaking the injustice of that denial, tinder an assertion that it was legal to hold a property in the representation of the people of England in the Commons House of Parlia ment.—(Cheersl Another law Lord had opposed the Bill in a long and eloquent epeech ; the character of that speech, so far as it went to support the principles of the Noble Lord, (if indeed those convenient habits of thinking which the Noble Lord seemed to change with so much facility could be called principles;) but the speech was marked by a spirit which called for reproba tion—a spirit which shewed that the Noble Lord was actuated as much by personal desire as by public principle. What else could have induced the Noble Lord to seize the opportunity Offered by that discussion, to taunt the Ministers with the de. fects of their measures on other subjects not then before the House ; what, but an anxious desire to embarrass the just claims of the people, by a reference to subjects upon which some of the people and the Government might differ—but which were not then to be discussed—what but a desire not to meet the great question fairly could have induced Lord Lyndhurst to take this course. He, however, did not despair of Lord Lyndhurst—he did not fear in a short time to have a complete refutation of Lord Lyndhurst's speech from the Noble Lord himself.—(Laughter and cheers.) The meeting would remem ber when the Catholic question was discussed in the Commons, shortly before the sudden conversion of his Majesty's Ministers into emancipators ; the meeting would well remember with what determined zeal Sir John Copley opposed the fair claims of our countrymen to religious freedom. They would also well remember how, in a very few short months after the election of Sir J. Copley to the Woolsack, with what fervid eloquence and with what irresistible reason the same man supported for the Catholics. I (said Mr. Rushton) am not without hopes that in a very few, very few months, Lord Lyndhurst may in some degree atone for his late conduct, by again becoming as he is so well able to become, the refuter of his own sophistry and the vigorous advocate of Reform in the Lords. Mr. Rushton then proceeded to say, that though no man would more deeply deplore the use of any language which could create an improper excitement, it yet became the the duty of that meeting fearlessly to examine the cause of the defeat of the just wishes of the King, and the ardent hopes of the people. He had no hesitation in asserting that the defeat of the Reform Bill was caused solely by the Bishops and the boroughmongers.—(Loud cheers.) Yes, said Mr. Rushton, 20 Bishops have voted against the Bill, only two in its favour. Had theßishops done their duty to God, to the country, or to the King ? —(Cries of" No.") Had they imitated the manners of their great master ? He who came to relieve the afflicted and succour the opposed—he who attested by his death the truth of the sublime lesson which he came to teach, he whose blood shed in the great cause of freedom and justice gave to mankind the noblest lesson on record of the triumph of truth—had the Bishops imitated his example in refusing the fair demands of the people to a just Government ? (Cheers.) The case stood thus—the people had been long oppressed ; a grievous system of taxation ground them to the dust, the plunder of the privileged orders had reduced them to misery—from the depths they had cried on the Bishops to practice the precepts of their religion, and to relieve them. The Bishops had coldly and cruelly refused, and the people of England would not fail to re collect at whose hands they received a disdainful rejection of their claims.—(Much cheering.) After some further obser vations upon the state of the country, and after having ex pressed his opinions that the cause was sure to triumph if the people continued to act with the same temper, wisdom, and firmness, by which they had hitherto been distinguished, he concluded by moving the first of a series of resolutions. Mr. W. RUTSON, in seconding the first resolution, said, I do not appear before you with the vain expectation that any thing I can say will add fresh lustre to the gracious intentions of our beloved Sovereign ; but I am desirous to show you, by my ex ample, a readiness to do all in my power to contribute to the success of this most important measure. This readiness I hold to be the paramount duty of every lover of his country. A pause must necessarily ensue before this great question can again be entertained by the Legislature ; this pause will be to the nation a period of intense—l had almost said fearful— anxiety ; but why should we doubt, whilst we are led on by our patriot King ? Why should we despair, whilst we are supported by a vast majority of the wealth, intelligence, and population of this great country ? On the nation at large now depends the triumph of this healing measure, and every one, however humble, by giving his assistance to its accomplish ment, is a benefactor to his country. Let our communication be in that tone of confidence, the best harbinger of success. Let us say the Bill WILL pass The Bill MUST pass ! But above all, let us be unanimous ! By unity of thought and action alone can we expect to obtain the object of our wishes. do not, I entreat you, by an attempt to approach a fancied perfection in detail endanger the loss of the principle of the Bill. To our unanimity let us add patience and that forbearance under injuries, which is the true nobility of courage. Our opponents have most industriously reported that the people are indifferent to the cause of Reform; but I say indifference to the boon so nobly offered by our be loved King would be akin to ingratitude; and let us not, I beseech you, my fellow -townsmen, enable the wholesale dealers in corruption, who are willing to hide their greater deformity by exaggerating our petty delinquencies. Let us not, I say, give them cause to charge the people of Liver pool with this worst of vices, ingratitude. If the Bill were necessary before, it is doubly so now ; if we before desired it with anxiety, let us sow seek it with enthusiasm, and let our cry be for the King, Lord Grey, and the Bill. The resolution was then put from the chair, and carried al most unanimously, only one single hand being held up against it in the immense assemblage. The result was hailed with en thusiastic and long continued cheering. Mr. THOS. THORNELY, (the candidate for the borough,) then came forward to Move the next resolution and was re ceived with deafening cheers. He said there was not one in dividual in that immense assemblage, who felt more poignant grief than he did when he found that the House of Peers, by a majority of 41, had rejected the glorious Bill of Reform, intro duced by his Majesty's Ministers, and supported by the King and the nation ; but when he looked back a few months, for a single year, and when ha considered the prodigious advance which had now been made towards carrying the measure of Reform, lie felt that they now stood upon a proud eminence indeed, and that they now had Reform almost within their grasp.—(Loud cheers.) His most gracious Majesty was the glorious advocate of Reform— an immense majority of the House of Commons were friendly to Reform—and be found that on 11Ionday even ing last a majority of 131 Members decided in favour of Ministers, and agreed to a vote expressive of their confidence in the administration, and their adherence to the Reform Bill. But be had still stronger grounds of reliance than on the King and his Ministers—the people, for Reform was now fixed in the bosoms of almost every man, woman, and child in the kingdom,—and thus based, the success of the great cause of Reform was sure and certain. Mr. JAMES BIIANCICEIL seconded the resolution, which was carried in the same unanimous and enthusiastic man ner as the preceding one. As Chairman of the Commit tee, Mr. Brancker disclaimed all knowledge of a some what intemperate placard posted on the walls of the town, in which the petty majority of 41 is represented as being opposed to the wishes of twenty-two millions of the people. Captain CorAluirr proposed the address to his Ma jesty. He was very happy to see so many thousands of his fellow-townsmen, though be was most unhappy, and that ruch an occasion should have called them together. The petitions of , the people had been set at naught and despised by a portion of the House of Lords, and they therefore implored his Majesty to adopt such measures -as might be necessary in order to secure justice to the people. The Gallant Captain then read an address to his Majesty, of which the following is a copy. It was received with most enthusiastic cheering : " TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTT. " We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the in habitants of the town of Liverpool, in public meeting assem. bled at this most important crisis, respectfully approach your Majesty, with an expression of a sincere and ardent respect for your Majesty's person, and with the most unqualified approba tion of those principles, which have influenced your Majesty's Ministers in their recent efforts to obtain, and in your Majesty's sanction and approval, a Reform in the representation of the people the Commons House of Parliament. , re and . so have he ar d, w i t h the deepest sorrow and regret, that the Bill fo r securing the me necessary the h to of the tranquil_ peopalseu has been rejected by th e L ords Spiritual anodnoTuermoportale Cr o lity and welfare of thein p w a liament assembled, We humbly, and most earnestly implore your Majesty, in this great elhergency, to rely with unshaken confidence on the Councils df Earl Grey and his colleagues, and we implore your Majesty td OierciSe at once and eflbctually the high powers with Which the Constitutibn haS invested your Majesty, and by your immediate creation of patriotic PeCrs or the idOPiiiiti of slrelt other Constitutional meaAirei, as the AlgenCy requires, to make secure prVVisiOn fOr the Passing of this all-important Bill; irieas i dre Which will, if possible, augment the love of your Majesty's faithful and devoted subjects, and send down the memory of your Majesty's wisdom, firmness, and justice, to the gratitude and respect of the latest posterity." • (To be signed by the Chairman on behalf of the meeting.) Capt. COLQUITT then continued his observations. From the debates in the House of Lords, he tbillid that most of the members of the late AdifilnistrtitiOn Were ready to grant to the people seme species df Reform ; that was a great step to be sure, blit they dirt nbt want some Reform,—what they Wanted was " the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill."--,(Enthusi a.stic cheering.) Why did they want it ? Because it would give them the Constitution, the whole Constitution, and nothing but the Constitution—a full, fair, and free representation of the people..=-(tiodd cheers.) What confidence could be placed in men, who, when in office had refused to transfer the elective franchise of East Retford to Birmingham, and who had unce remoniously turned out the late lamented Huskisson, for daring to vote for that measure against their will.—(" None, none," and much cheering.) In his youth, he (Capt. Colquitt) had not given much consideration to the subject, and he had not been a Reformer, but lie did not hesitate to say, that the fa n-lOUS declaration of his Grace the Duke of Wellington against all Reform had made him a Reformer.—(Cheers.) When the Noble Duke had declared that there should be no Re form, and that none was necessary—great as had been his victories, he (Captain Colquitt) did not think his Grace worthy of the name of Englishman.—(Loud cheers ) The gallant Captain then avowed himself a member of the Church of England, but spoke in strong terms of indigna tion of the conduct of the Bishops, and said that by voting against the Reform Bill, they had acted in direct opposi tion to the wishes and sentiments of his most gra cious Majesty, who was at the head of the Church.-- The Bill had been opposed as it extinguished chartered rights ; but he contended that it extinguished chartered wrongs.—(Applause.) It was calculated to destroy that kind of back-stairs influence which stood behind the throne and was greater than the throne itself—and they peti tioned his Majesty to adopt the measures best calculated to put 'that influence hors de combat altogether. Here some individual in the crowd occasioned some disturbance, and the Noble Chairman caused much laugh ter, by saying "Just allow me to ask one question—ls that a pickpocket or a boroughmonger that you have amongst you there?" Capt. COLQUITT, in concluding his speech, observed that he had on a late occasion expressed as opinion that the ship " Corruption" was dismasted, and a hope that the Lords would fire broadsides into her, and that his Majesty would fire the last shot and sink ber.—(Laughter and cheers). Their Lordships were however endeavouring to repair the old ship, but he hoped that as fast as they got up the masts the House of Commons would get them down again, and that his Majesty would not throw away the last shot in the locker until he used it to send the ship to the bottom.—(Much laughter and cheering). Mr. CHARLES Caomrrow said that he bad been called upon unexpectedly to move this resolution, but that he rejoiced in the opportunity of adding his voice, however humble, to that of the millions who were now execrating the unjust and monstrous decision of which the meeting was met to complain.—(Cheers.) There never was any instance in the history of England where one branch of the Legislature had dared to oppose itself so directly to the other two—backed as they were by the decided wishes of the whole people of England.—(Hear, hear.) The ques tion for the meeting, however, was what was the course for the people to take to remedy the decision of the Peers. —There was only one course which was legal, constitu tional, and peaceable—that course was the one recom mended in the resolution—to address our beloved Sove reign, and request him to create Peers.—(Loud cheers.) This was legal, for who could gainsay that it was the un doubted prerogative of the Crown, constitutional—for it was to preserve the Constitution, and at the instance of the whole nation—for it seemed the only way of preserving peace and preventing the occurrence of disturbances. The course recommended by the resolution was also bene ficial to the real aristocracy of the country, who were sup porters of the Bill. The majority consisted, in a great measure, of Peers created by Mr. Pitt, for Par liamentary services, of Bishops, and of the Law Lords, who had so properly been commented upon. Could they compare those Lords with the real Peerage of the country, with such names as the Stanleys, Russells, and Casendishes, who were found supporting the Bill ? (Cheers.) The King and his Ministers were sincere in wishing to pass this great measure ; it could only be passed by the creation of Peers, and the object of the pre sent resolution was to show them that the people desired it, and would support their King and his Ministers in the measure.—(Much applause.) Mr. WALLACE CURRIE, in coming forward to move the fourth resolution, said that although ho felt alarmed at a mo ment of such immense consequence as the present, to occupy the meeting with anything relating to an individual; yet, as what he was going to say arose out of the subject which then assembled them, he trusted he might say a few words relating to himself. A very short time ago he (Mr. C.) had in address ing them from the place where he stood, expressed himself in strong and unmeasured terms of the few individuals who had in quarters where their statements were intended to produce effect,--declared that the people of this country had changed as to the Bill—that the country was absolutely now adverse to it. Of these persons professing to know peculiarly the senti ments of the people, and of these alone, he (Mr. Currie) spoke. This he begged most distinctly and solemnly to declare. He could hardly have thought it possible that even party feeling could have misrepresented his meaning—but he found that he was immediately charged with having applied his strong ex pressions to the whole of the anti-reformers in a body—to have differed from him on the great political question of Reform. To have done so would, however, have been the act of a mad man. He (Mr. Currie) numbered amongst the nearest of his connections, and some of his most intimate friends— amongst those with whom he was in habits of daily social in tercourse,—men who were opposed to the Reform Bill —and to have loaded them with abuse, would have shown a want of feeling, as well as of sense, of which he hoped he was incapable. No, he respected the right of private judgment, while he always thought and acted for himself he willingly conceded that right to others, and never abused any one for difference of opinion. Mr. CURRIE hoped that if there were any present who felt themselves offended, they would accept this explanation, which he was the more anxious to give, as he learned at this Particular moment, for reasons he need not mention, the most unwarrantable representations had been made of what he said. Mr. CURRIE then said, that after the admirable speech of the Noble Chairman, which they would not soon forget, which Lord Molyneux had never equalled before, and which gave ample hopes for the future, he had no intention of detaining the meeting, but he had a few words to say as to the Peers, and first he begged to express his heartfelt gratitude to the Duke of Wellington for his memorable declaration against Reform— that declaration he considered really as a " God-send," with out which they might have waited many a long day, as they had waited many a year for the great object of their hopes. Some Noble l'eers had asserted that, because for two years pre vious to the Duke of Wellington's " God-send," there had been few petitions for Reform, the country was really indifferent as to Reform—that the excitement was artificial—temporary got up, and would soon subside. What was the reason of this ap parent indifference deduced from the absence of petitions ? Be cause, after so many attempts, the people saw that it was useless to petition until the measure was introduced by the Government under the sanction of the King. They felt that till so introduced, it would be but a waste of time to apply again to the House of Commons. Mr. Currie too had a word to say as to Dr. Lyndhurst. That Learned Lord was reported to have said, that with all that had been urged against the " Boroughmongering Lords, there were only six Peers who directly nominated the House of Com mons !" Where was Lord Lyndhurst's acuteness or knowledge of facts? By a statement in yesterday's Times there appeared to be 27 Peers who directly re turn 75 or 76 Members to that House. Another Noble Lord is reported to have expressed his indignation at the unjustifiable exercise of the Royal Prerogative which the Ministers advised in the creation of Peers, some of whom (they were not more than seven sr eight Mr. Currie be lieved) had voted in the House of Commons for the Bill, and came to vote in its favour in the House of Lords. But had these noble: objectors forgotten that the 27 Peers had had their own 75 Members voting against the Bill, in the Commons, and were themselves, 27 in number, going to vote against the Bill ? The objection came with a bad grace from such a quarter. Mr. Currie then concluded by entirely agree ing with the Noble Chairman as to the absolute necessity of the people abstaining from every indication of outrage or insubor dination. It was the only thing that could injure the cause of Reform. They were so strong and united that they could well afford to be quiet. Mr. JORDAN, in seconding the resolution, said that be hoped the Duke of Wellington and the bit-by-bit Re formers would be overcast and laid on their backs.-- (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Jordan concluded a few ob servations by recommending the freemen of Liverpool to elect Mr. Wallace Currie as their Mayor. Mr. H. BOOTH hoped that such meetings as the pre• sent would produce a salutary influence on those for whose eflification it was intended.---(Loud and continued cheers.) The efforts of the people, during the last twenty-five years, might have convinced any reasonable set of men that they set a high value on a full and free representation; but the Lords were dull of apprehension, and meetings must still be held till they were convinced that the people were determined to have that Reform to which they were justly entitled. Mr. Booth concluded by moving that Lord 3folyneux, James Brancker, Esq., and William Ruston, Esq. should be appointed a deputation to present the address. Colonel WILLIAMS—It is a singular feature of the pre. sent conflict of opinions regardine:the Constitution, that Learned Lords should so differ—Wynford, and Lyndhurst, and Eldbn asserting thit. the Reform Bill will overthrow iE, ?chile BroUgham, under whose wig lurks, I believe, know ledge to outweigh them all, says it will restore it. " Who shall decide when doctors disagree." This arbitration, I think, belongs to the people—to the existing generation—and I think also that the Bill, when it was sent to the Lords, should have been accompanied by such a declaration—" That every genera tion is competent to regulate its own affairs, without referring to indefinite, or obsolete, or disputed rules. And that which a nation wills ought to prevail—and must prevail" If this maxim had been propounded to the Lords, it might have awakened an inquiry as to whether those privileges on which they make their stand, and which they can only possess—which could have no other origin or intention than the good of the community, should be permitted to remain when they were brought to bear against that community. It might also have roused the " frocked Barons" to a sense of the jeopardy in which they stand as to the usefulness to the present generation of their worldly privileges. Let them, and let us reflect upon their origin and pretensions ; they presume to be the successors of the Apostles—but they seem to prefer the Bi shop of Rome to Peter the fisher of men, as their prototype. In their commissions they are forbidden, when they are " sent upon the march, to take a scrip, or money in their purse, or shoes, or a second coat"—and yet these apostles of ours have contrived to pick up on that march various worldly goods, and finally to have got into thrones, and palaces, and princely re venues. We are called upon to acknowledge Baron Canter bury, and Baron Ebor, and Baron London, what would that rock on which their Church was founded have said if he had been called Baron Peter. Gentlemen the great fea ture of the Constitution is the representation, or manage ment of our affairs by deputy ; they knew nothing of politics, and this we have, not from the wisdom of our ancestors, for it is too remote for any such connexion. When those hordes of savages who came from God knows where, and overran like a cloud of locusts the nations of Europe, they brought with them this right, and practised this right. Every nation that had been over-run by those barbarians experienced it. But was it the result of wisdom? No, it was instinct, it was founded on self.preservation—it was the impulse of personal safety which pervades all animal life, that led them to adopt this precaution against power; we derived it at second-hand from the Saxons, and have struggled hard for the little we have of it remaining ; and shall we suffer two hundred men to intercept what is now fairly held out to us ? And under what circumstances ? The frocked Barons colleagued with the " Proxies" to defeat us. And what are the proxies ? The votes of men, perhaps in foreign countries, clearly absent men, who presume, amongst other privileges, to have the faculty of deciding, without hear ing, the reasoning to which all other men, on every other occa. sion, willingly submit. But this is one of the privileges of hereditary wisdom. Let us not, however, forego the great oc casion now offered to assert the rights of the generation to which we belong. Earl Grey has manfully come forward as our leader, and I shall propose an address to encourage him to persevere. Mr. GEORGE ROBINSON seconded the address proposed by Col. Williams. It was then put and carried unanimously. Mr. JAMES AIKIN in proposing the next resolution, said, that he felt it as a degradation to bend the kisee at the footstool of the Lords, for those rights which the people were so fully en titled ; but what were the feelings of himself and of the people at large when that just claim was rejected ? He felt stunned, not by the strength of the blow, but by the unprecedented insult which had been offered to the people, coining as it did from the hand of ingratitude ; for the British House of Lords owed more to the people than any body of Aristocrats in all Europe. He would not give utterance to his feelings of indignation, as he might run the risk of -- (Mr. Aikin's voice was here drowned amid the most deafening cries of " Go on," " Speak out," from all parts of the meeting.) Mr. Aikin did not obey this call, but concluded by moving the resolution for the appointment of a Permanent Committee. Mr. JOHN EwAaT (brother of the Member for Liver pool) seconded the motion, which was then put and carried. Mr. W. RATHBONE add he must call in question the the discretion of the Chairman, when he asked whether the people had caught a pickpocket or a boroughmonger— for it would puzzle even his Lordship's ingenuity to find out the difference !—(Great laughter.) The resolu tion he had to move was an important one; it was for providing the sinews of war for a Committee which must be a permanent one, for it must continue to act till the Bill be carried.—(Cheers.) Mr. Rathhene then alluded in terms of strong satire to the sneers of Lord Dudley and Ward at the population of the manufacturing districts, a great part of whom knew more of the rights of man and common sense, although they might not be able to read the ideas of Horace with so much fluency. He also alluded in a happy manner to the mistake of Lord Wharn • cliffe respecting the state of political feeling in Bond-street ; and asked whether the meeting would have the present Ministry, or one which was so ignorant of the wants and wishes of the people, and of the state of public feeling, as Lord Wharncliffe and his party? . . Mr. T. BLACKBUILNE seconded the resolution in a very good speech. Mr: EDWARD ROSCOE (son of the late WILLIAM Roscoe, Esq.) moved the publication of the resolu tions. A person in the crowd had made the inquiry, if the Bill would give them cheap bread and plenty of employment. He could not say that it would all at once produce these effects ; but it would prevent this country from interfering any more for the support of foreign tyrant., in their endeavours to crush the liberties of the world.— (Tremendous cheering.) It would also lessen taxation, and thus, in time, render bread cheaper. He cautioned the meeting against the adoption of any other than con stitutional proceedings, and expressed a hope that other means might be found for carrying the Bill than the creation of new Peers, for in God's name there were enough of them al ready.—(Laughter and cheers.) He again begged the people to be firm, but moderate at the present crisis, as no other means could promote the object they all had in view. If it were only to prosper by violence and bloodshed, he for one would have nothing to do with it, as such remedies would produce recollec tions so bitter that they would never be forgotten. Mr. HODGSON' seconded the resolution. Mr. JOHN TAYLOR, in reference to Mr. Roscoe's obser vations, contended that the Bill would give cheap bread and plenty of employment. He expressed his hope that the King would exercise his prerogative by creating new Peers, as with out this there would be a convulsion which he would be sorry to name. Lieutenant MORRISON then moved the resolution, which reflected on the conduct of the Bishops. This resolution was not among those which had previously been agreed on by the gentlemen who had convened the meeting; but it was received so warmly by the whole crowd, that after being seconded by Dr. Collins, the Noble Chairman felt himself under the necessity of putting it, and it was carried with the loudest acclamations. The Rev. W. SnErmatto, after some forcible observa tions, delivered with all that humour for which the Rev. Gentleman is so remarkable, moved a vote of thanks to Lord Molyneux for his conduct in the Chair, which was carried by acclamation. His Lordship then proposed that before separating, the meeting should evince their loyalty by giving three cheers such as the town of Liver pool had never heard before. His Lordship's suggestion was immediately complied with, and three times three were given with a degree of energy and enthusiasm which it is impossible should ever be surpassed. The meeting then quietly separated. It was about ►hree o'clock when the proceedings were concluded. In the course of the meeting some little interruption was caused by a Huntite or two. One of these bad got upon the box of a backney•coach, but the coachman being a right loyal subject, silenced his oratory by driving off with him. During the whole of the meeting some little inconve nience was caused to the speakers as well as the bearers, by the incessant ringing of the bells of St. Peter's church, to welcome the arrival of the Bishop of Chester, who had come to confirm and to consecrate. COUNTY OF YORK. A meeting of the great county of York took place yes- terday in the Castle-yard, pursuant to requisition. At twelve o'clock an immense number of people crowded to wards the Castle-yard, with banners and music. The following are some of the devices on the banners : A Patriot King appeals to his People. Royal Army—God save the King. Reform and Retrenchment. Brougham and Reform. England expects every man to do his duty. Reorm. The King and the Constitution. Long live our patriot King William IV. W e win, persevere, and conquer. The Cause of Liberty and Independence. Brougham, the Friend of the People. God save the King, and Reform victorious. Freeholders united for Reform. Freeholders who vote unanimous for the Bill, the King, and Constitution. The greatest harmony prevailed in the meeting, and but one feeling seemed to pervade all classes. Amongst the noblemen and gentlemen present on the hustings we observed Lords llorpeth and Milton, the Hon. Sir E. Va vasour, Sir W. B. Cooke, Bart. Sir W. M. Milne, Bart. Sir F. L. Wood, But. F. H. Fawkes, Esq. Mar maduke Wyvil, Esq., the Hon. Rev. H. Herbert, Sir G. Cayley, Bart. G. Strickland, Esq. M.P. M. Stocks and M. Stocks, jun. Esqrs. B. Stocks, Esq. W. Dur s l e y, Esq. Seymour,W. C. Ho rner , E sq . G. Esq.H. Esq. W. All en , E sq . E. ek, Esq. Emq. B. 13 Ho rner, irbee k, Baines, Esq. E. Baines, jun. Esq. Rev. R. W. Hamil ton, Rev. T. Monson, S. Claph. M Rev. H. Chaloner, R. Briggs, Esq. J. Hodgson, Esq. J. E : Esq, Dr. T. cooke l : o E u N t q b . Major G .1. 01 Hthae l , liley, j un . , G. Bro wn , E sq. surgeon, Jas. Brown, Esq. B. Clay, Esq. M. Mit ton, Esq. H. Milnes, Esq. W. Jolliffe, Esq. J. Bowen, Esq. Rev. Geo. Lea, Wm. Hargrave, Esq. J. Dawson, Esq. E. S. Cayley, Esq. J. Henderson, Esq. Greenwood, &it'. George Swann, Esq. G. Champey, Esq. W. Laycock, Esq. .1. W. Tottie, Esq. G. Wades, Esq. T. Smith, Esq. T. Barstow, Etq. J. Watson, Esq. G. Crofts, Esq. W. R. Crompton, Esq. T. Mason, Esq. Rev. IL Ellis, R. Bent ley, Esq., and numerous other gentlemen. Lord MILTON then came forward and said, as you have now testified your loyalty by joining in the national hymn to our gracious Sovereign, the most patriotic Monarch, with the exception of him who bore his name, that ever sat on the throne of England, and him I do not except as being more so, for I place them both on the sime level ; the patriotic conduct of the one enabled your ancestors to expel from this country a tyrant race of Kings by whom they had been oppressed, and the present patriotic William is doing his utmost to enable you to replace the rotten parts of the Constitution by branches more conge nial to the parent tree. The first part of our business is to elect a Chairman, in consequence of the absence, as 1 understand unavoidable, of that high officer ycu have been accustomed to meet on occasions similar to the present. I shall suggest to you the propriety of electing a gentleman of great experience and undoubted patriotism. Therefor, I propose that Sir Francis Lindley Wood do take the chair.—,(Great cheering.) J. C. RAMSDEN, Esq. (one of the Members for the county), briefly seconded the nomination, which was car ried enthusiastically. The CHAIRMAN then presented himself amidst lond cheers, and said—delighted as I am to see amongst us our late most excellent Member, Lord Milton, there is no con sideration connected with this meeting that does not confer on me the highest satisfaction, and I venture to say, upon you also, unless it be the appointment of so iecornpetent a person to fulfil the duties of Chairman.—(Cries of " No, no, no.") I have been a reformer for 40 years, and never have I repented the course I took in early life, anti never will I desert the sacred cause in which I embarked in the enthusiasm of youth, and which has been confirmed in my most mature years. Now it must give delight to every British heart to hear assembled thousands saying, as you have done, " God bless the King of England."—(Loud cheers.) I am sure there is no individual here but is desirous that the proceedings of this important meeting should be signalized for temperance, prudence, and moderation.—(Cheers.) It any agitator or well. meaning, but inconsiderate indivi dual, should make a proposition, as was lately done at the meeting of 150,000 persons at Birmingham, to pledge the meeting to any act that was unlawful or illegal, I am sure that the good sense of Yorkshiremen will prevent them from being so far led away as to nullify the effect which the petitions emanating from this meeting, would other wise have with the two Houses of Legislature and the King. You will perceive, that in striking a blow at the majority of Peers, that have resisted the wishes of the people in IS3I, you may at the same time destroy the influence of the minority who in 1832 may, as on many former occa sions, prove themselves the ft lends of the Monarch, the people, and the Constitution.—(Gr. at cheering.) Let, then, your motto he temperance, prudence, justice, and fm titude, and you will maintain that high character which you, as Yorkshiremen, enjoy, and send your petition with tenfold force, to the two branches of the Legislature, and the foot of the throne.—(Loud cheering.) _ _ F. H. FAWKES, Esq. ' then advanced — in front of the hus tings, and was received with cheers. After the applause had subsided, Mr. Fawkes said—Solved as is now, Gentlemen, that momentous question, which has been hanging for months on the trembling lips of every man in the country,—" What will the Lords do ?"—and solved as it has been in a manner, which must inflict the deepest regret upon every man who has a heart less hard than stone—we are met here to-day, not to consider what the House of Lords has refused to do for us, but to decide what we shall do for ourselves—(Loud applause)—and often, Gentlemen, as in the pages of our country's history, we may find that the people have been obliged, in order to maintain their liberties inviolate, boldly to withstand the encroachments of illegal power. I know of no period, even in the most event ful annals of our ancestors, that has more loudly called for the courageous and constitutional interference of the people in the defence of their liberties, than does the present moment. (Applause.) Often, too, as have the claims to a full, free, and fair representation in Parliament, been the loadstone that has attracted to the Castle-yard of your county—never will I ven ture to say—has the banner of Reform (the only means of a restoration to this right) been unfurled within these walls at a time when the gathering to this justly popular standard, has been more imperatively than it is now the duty of all those who consider civil liberty their most invaluable birthright, and those privileges which their ancestors won for them worth their efforts to maintain.—(Applause.) It is but too true, that the paralyzing effects of corruption have long reduced to a state of torpor, those laws which were enacted for the protection of these privileges. But are they obliterated from our statutes.— (Cries of " no, no".) Or still worse, from our memories ? Or, has (as it has been maliciously insinuated by our opponents) corruption so eaten into the core of our better feelings—or habits of servility so coiled themselves round our better nature, that Englishmen in these degenerate days are incapable of making the trifling sacrifices of time and ease that are re quired of them to free them from the toils of the borough_ mongers, and become again as free as the Constitution intended they should always have been.—(Tremendous applause.) Confuted is the odious calumny, and it is with rapture I see my countrymen prepared to rouse these laws again into action—to assert their constitutional independence, and so pre pared, that to stimulate you to a renewal of exertion, to impress you with the necessity of perseverance, and to inspire you with a due confidence in power, which (if calmly and legally directed) must prove irresistible, need, I feel assured, from no part of my duty to-day.—(Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, had this assertion been supported by an overwhelming ma jority of that House—had there not been on the contrary, a remarkable discrepancy of opinion on this very point, and among a body of men bound together as would be seen by so great a similitude of interests—we might have paid some attention or deference to the assumption of the 199 wise men. But had such been the probable resell of their acquiescence in this measure? Think you not, gentlemen, that the voice of nature wou!d have cried from the graves of the Howards, the Russells, the Cavendishes, and the Stanleys, calling upon them not to abandon honours and titles which had illustrated the brightest pages of our history ; but unsullied as they had received them, to band them down undiminished in lustre to their descendants—and not only undiminished in lustre will they and: that truly noble minority that noble galaxy, in the House of Lords bequeath their coronets to their sons—but from their generous and disin terested conduct on this occasion—emblazoned with the two brightest jewels a coronet can contain—the admiration of the age, and the veneration of posterity. Had we ever had, Gentlemen, any good ground for supposition that the exalted station in life of our Noble opponents had raised them to an eminence of more than hutm.n vir tue—far removed from all the temptations to injustice that avarice or ambition sometimes seduce men in an humbler sphere of action—and far above the clouds of prejudice, which are liable to obscure the vision of less exalted beings—could we never have been able to trace their public conduct to any spring less pure than a disin terested love of country, and never had a clue to swpect that motives of a baser stamp could sway their judgmenta— -1 had foreborne using invidious comments. But though, Gentlemen, these Lords have, in the delusion that they are all-powerflil in the State, arrogated to themselves the Divine Right of saying to the advancing tide of wealth, intelligence, and liberality—" Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther;" there is happily one gentleman in the State pre-eminent over these very eminent Statesmen, and one, who, if he does arrogate to himself any attribute of Divine power—it is only that Heavenly one of dispensing mercy to a wronged and suffering people. In that excellent personage let us turn our hopes to a patriot King; who has already sanctioned this measure of relief with his approbation ; let us address our peti tion, let us implore him to look with pity on the disappointed expectations of the nation—and praying that he will exercise every constitutional power that is vested in his crown to redress our wrongs, and to restore to us the tran quil enjoyment of our undoubted rights. Let us also pray to him to repose the same confidence he has hitherto done in his Ministry, which, abandoning the selfish views of all preceding Administrations, has won the confidence, the admiration, and the affections of his subjects. Let us also implore him to uphold the vote of the Com mons, whom he specially and graciously summoned, to assure him of the feelings of the nation on this particular subject, and whom the people painfully struggled against the united efforts of intimidation and cor ruption to return as their representatives; and who Lave so faithfully and so manfully (and with a zeal and per- severance that awake our interminable gratitude) executed the high trust reposed in them. And, gentlemen, on the word of a Premier never yet broken—in the watchful and paternal care of a King who, ever since his accession to the Throne, has in hia every act proved how deeply and warmly he has at heart the welfare of his subjects, we may place the the most implicit confidence, and rely upon his noble, generous, and undaunted character, that there is now no longer any power behind the throne, which can be greater than the throne itself. The Hon. Gentleman then concluded a forcible and eloquent speech, by moving the following address to the King " TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY, We, the undersigned Nobility, Clergy, Gentry, Freeholders, and other Inhabitants of the County of York, beg leave to ap proach your Majesty with the most lively sense of your Majesty', paternal solicitude for the welfare of your subjects, and graciously desire to grant them the enjoyment of a sound, constitutional, and ameliorated system of Representation. We arc grateful to your Majesty for having made a timely appeal to the opinions of the Electors of the Kingdom, conceining the important measure of Reform, which had been submitted to Parliament by your Majesty's Ministers, an appeal which was enthusiastically an swered by a great and overwhelming majority of the Electors supported by the wishes, and animated by the general voice di the Nation. We have seen iv all satisfaction the adoption by a large majority of the Commons' House of Parliament, of a Bill for the Reform of the Representation, rounded upon the prin ciple of extinguishing the Nomination Boroughs, diminishing the Expense of Elections, extending the Franchise to important places hitherto t .or9resented, and a greater number of indivi duals, and establishing a lust balance between the Agricultural and Commercial Interests; but we have heard with the deepest disappointment and regret, which is only qualified by our con& deuce s t i:l a t h re e s I 1 Lords rtrhniti.fclot 1 poral, have deferred the second reading . 0 A tO en te Ve 'liii months, with the avowed purpose of avowing . it in-, 1 consideration of its details, and of utterly rejecting° _ 0 , i when, by the usage of Parliament, its principle al . n_e,,,,,, ; icliiticlsiobmle advisers, that th o e f discussion. We look with affection and veneration._ tf.; 0 6 and Constitution of our country, and we are we . ll_f.7befli a temporarary excitement of popular feeling Ina) °T,.yl , tageously repressed by the prudence of the hea7olo. the Legisl itu re. But we beg leave to aPPrt e t w e are o i r with the most firm and deliberate assurance, t __ of by an unalterable desire for a Reform of the House of r yoUr I%fles..ti 7d119,0 upon the principles which form the basis andevOle e .. 7 e ii itlj a mended by the Ministers .of the Crown, I wo ' ixted eproi deepest concern, that the just }Met of An ,ini r n • d . I, mice majority Majesty's subjects are baffled Id altherefolt b , , small of privileged individuals. Vie be PleagdPi ) and most respectfully entreat your Majesty to raciaes,,4, I plete the patriotic work which has been so I n o tti4 0 1 menced, by continuing your present Minis ,i.. ,,, en t i d , the disagreement between the Houses a P r i _t7j.cil e ° / 'Y otherwise be accommodated, by a constitutional e.,, ,t, i $ t Majesty's prerogative, as shall seem fitting to f,.. 0 ' 0 ;11! i ensure a just and unprejudiced consideration of the i , Bill, and a concurrence of the three bfanCheg PL' i .'; i a in giving to your Majesty's loyal subjects an e74oh ban . already recommended to, and approved by. the House of Commons upon - the principlyeso:tt:s._y.4 ; ing the motion, said—Gentlemen, a very fe , whe retr e i t elapsed since I addressed you in this Castle-ya rd, ._..., to tw i , I assembled at the request of our Gracious Sovereig.4.l, 1 The Hon. and Rev. H. HERBERT, of Spoffo w b oo l o n ot, . I the choice of our representatives, and the perfec.,7ooo.., I pressed upon our countenances, showed the deci 4 7_,„ittP', i l of this country on the great measure of ParliaraeatsPi; 04 nre:fhotioros' great It That was our day of triumphal anticipation, 0 . 1 4 0 1,1 , 0 t of disappointment; but it will not be a permanct.lo,ol, e fore, it is not a grivous disappointment; for 10 ; oil upper branch of the Legislature may be, fr° ll ' t t „ re st 0 / 1 0 t i o , o f r their t alteration,constitution, it never e a r d h o a p s t l a , t a i pypemneedas ui country, that they have for any great length march of common sense, and the prevailing : ~ i c nation. If the people of this country hare th e ..,„. to v I I as I am confident they will have, to adhere stearabewarose object with calmness, with temper, and ° lnt° ti hold it to be as certain, as any event w ; h 2 ci n ' ot N . di' o 4 1 sight can anticipate, that the period ~ he ir if ii o - when they will obtain the full gratificationoet; jo lfter , You have the strength of an united and der o o bid ; pervading every extremity of the kingdoto 1( 00 0 1 ,0 , House of Commons, of which a great tn s P r ,it t itiot ill N wending the imperfections of its presen t °D i : t aivat lr ie ' upon this occasion acted nobly and honourah' o boleoi I constituents ; you have advisers to the Cron lb oi na tt, I cerity has undergone the test of experienee):oß OrOr A t good faith, upon whose talents, and uPon,_ W h o e tad fs „O 1 you can rely ; and you have a Monarch w" ° " ti con a r4 with a warm heart and stout deterniinallo j o 4 l i the dearest interests of his subjects, and r vi r b :Sead_ fi n er ° l" 1 that he knows how to use his prerogative In' - o f c" - v o s I of the kingdom. Nor is it p a small Matte r w fach 1 0 t tulation, that the great principles ° , n ,, the 11 0 11 1 ' t :mud have made such an inroad In,' tivo .„ illi I of our antagonists, that I believe ont il i o rili i " t " a Peers were found in the whole of the fet al "oped ieli filb I division, who contended that no Reform w it n - o olt le ill (Applause). One even amongst our fl l t t . cor - ,ls' t eloquent anti forcible reasoning, :Trate ° ' re - o f rod . the great principles upon which the Ine s t u , o ll lll ,ooit i S ' jesty'ik Ministers was founded, though or ( cdto g G. :fee Billr e eat ecy a l; : e :oc r tfabfa,hie p i ralcg l nstae r ia,: t a:: .e, o eeirp f uetsraa t i h tiaiadt e i,:eali i l ot r neencifftd(o. L erirayls o :Rs r which their prejudiced understandings coal ° a bei rpo t l complete and unqualified rejection. --( ll°l. ye ' o it Of 151 ~ 'assert that the nation had no real pren" t o t"' - 0 1 4 wed:mdroethgusip,irimPoeidanursdeoigauobslshdavetuleturire.cenß,,f)livvenshbnifulit°9ertt[felitefed:cotecsoefitisraojwitlietl;l:oll...:illi 01 : 0: ,‘ ; t . ti complete and satisfactory adjustment. 'rh ea D er, . ti tirely forgot, or rather did not choose to relne lli frat u . ',f v nation at that time did not wish for a Reforta ° adio s ' i li a —(Applause.) The effects of the adnain i ' r a ati C P I v, tors; . wi i, o eah r s, : i ern ; er e i naa t ods : on : d • Pitt had filled the country with loan fob beP „ 0. 0 .4 c j ti auszheaercsotyuus middlealm actually y e fattening :att.gi ne, eoi,fir:isi fef aen i ; n t oamut c iuro o sn r t r . :: e l ivi i w ee i ri : r 0: eot fi tiled! 4 1 ; i : t; m. of f ur y chh o t you fb : a v rr h bt o h. m e i omu a am stomach addressing konfowa th. obtained in n s y part of the kingdom. T be ri t hall , , ti more desire at that time for Russell's purge , 0 , for - to r 01 same person comet to the full use and strength 0 3 .,: 1 tee o li i 4 1 body, to the free enjoyment of his animal spirita,lo 00 y , I that he throws the gruel in the face of any P e" ,,oo os l,los ‘' t ... offer it to him for his dinner.—(Laughter and Pr ? 4" ' l, ea o p- w is there no change in the sign of the present tinl og . 1 there been year after year, daily and hourly, a o „, t of er il ,° ,l good and cheap government ? Has not the ditill , '"" t olV d pi' ', ',' among the middle and lower orders, increased th, e . a tit,.o s t ] ligence throughout the kingdom, in proportion 01 0 0 0 7 .14 one compared with what it was at that time? Ge poce nk to g;it a' weak a t h k a a ' s a l n a v t d o t n s h i ficuskil e i v i l o :t II #0 : 1 p-': #: 1 0, gradual Reform which is offered to us by thes e Statesmen is a spoonful of gruel to the intellige_sLrofli,CA,l v, this country, who have a stomach for the roast W"' g en . and I advise you with all the courtesy, with a n th he e ' t : and all the moderation with which such an acts an - ot ill it -, to fling it into the faces of those who offer it as t he ot ' N the only practicable, the only wholesome Reform , 0 0 6 (t granted to the people of this island. You ha v , - ,:osi like u ou m se y s o e f lf, L l o o r o d k s ed , into a w n it d h y i , n iu ter m es u t st tvhee seenlate d t : 00b 6 ; t00 011 011 1 ." a t4l ' • I said jocularly in allusion to the Bill about — ; , t ot, I only say that the measure introduced by Di' n her the tI o u n s ly a omfosgtraptaiflyaitntgabloeudrishva;hitte,affobrttilted to f 7 01 0 1, 11t eru, Si a stpvtcateuhnsge: some m and The ing i r n Ne s:; : g eb o nl e r t a aL t ioonfrgdßsoeauf,orhnr Reform admitted :ittehuyat i tg o nriv:ltoeit mint r / ; la t: 11 must have a pudding, but they said o fere • t} , th a t Pi shamefully ill seasoned ; and when theY A f i alt i , i if they objected to mustard, if they 1 ° SO i, l i t i se our pepper, what sauce they would like,", t 10011 ti enly answer they condescended to give, seit" °.- t ;- it. , st our sauce; without examining our 6 100 . ) I:,, prying into the beautiful steak which' et vi- IV ' i /Ad s to kick our pudding into the street.--v-ois i tl, l knew that it was unnecessary to argue 0 .; itii," ," against the efficiency of gradual Reform; b u 'dlrd: ,-`, They say that the rotten boroughs are to show the absurdity of the arguments don t 0 - arri ti thing s l'iri heat s . 0 0 i V e we trust not touch them unless we find I " r apt cOr ( d i open day, and publicly convict them of experience x r t p h e i r e i r m b c o e d yo of past constituents. years ~, ,o that we may then transfer the franchlee:iattolii 1 1 thgsriaanjetstmy'oreinthhaisn tlVic‘dmoimb,eschaalllledjuutpolgen e to xP e s; o s:::: t ' ; a s t om th e e w pest such a conviction of one borough in ten / tr it $ ' ti to say 20 I should be nearer the truth. Taki° th e It result would be, that our posterity would ha ve .0 of getting rid of one hundred and sixty all o t °L e° L i l , in one thousand and six hundred re' - ' view ea yea mi pc e a is not the true state of the case, fora , eThoor t , di multiplied the offenders would become and less easily detected, and also as their nn" . o t a Of duced, the chance of detecting a deliorineou ar smaller number would be diminished in th, e ,.,ser i t ( I tion ; therefore the real result might probs u n t i lt, . I ' t would not lie disposed of in less than 4,0 00 r 0 1 1 7 ), ` t.3 period than we have a right expect the g r ° a si ef ' I) to 0 e 010 1 , 1 du-e • . , arid perhaps notwithstanding t„ e i a Str!;o : lit gradual system of Reform, Gatton and ` - " A " - . Or:t6 I be found lifting up their venerable be s " - 03 e ,00 i 4 41 wrecks of tune, and awaiting the &stat e 0 , 1 :0 0 A , a l , day.—(Cheering.) I for one, and all of P to idi or e of are much too short-lived animals to wish e el' b r i „ n a ~d ,' t3 l our posterity forty years hence. We w", ---I boats - 0 0 16 , fit—an actual advantage for ourselves ana„ c alit iO .. il Ire form, which will cure effectually the eo s , o ple , # O , O it desirous of obtaining it: and if the r o ts I , s , d r le i suffer their secret enemies to urge th e° of L ij orli Ci, indiscretion, to menace, to viruleneed (117 1 , t o to the expression of fierce resentment !.., . ~;: tit tat would latii‘tnh-s6l;:p 1:01 ; ment, we shall assuredly get what we t 3,o '' o bliV oi sl iP e i It t thought almost needless to state to an a ss ` t bs, h e . sons of your good sense and understanding' to ' ' /.‘ e rool e I secret enemies, who are infinitely more dang 0 , 01 0,1 ti e , those who are arrayed in the ranks of f or lie' 0 r i 1,. ' They are perhaps the loudest to clan:iota . t be Cg o tes ll / I.' they do not wish that you should ever o btaiV e 'dise, i f , f t derive their importance and livelihoods fro! tilt 00/ t bleb 0 he the people; they are like the storm.birdss - the!:' oPr f i n on the first appearance of a squall, finding - , e ,) no " it!? to their nourishment in the t e mpest._(App . . a o - 1, 00 v . / to push you on to the brink of the rebellion, . may (h o d i : tic, the incitement of public spoliation, that they , tha t l ie / Pb alarm the wealthier classes of the comlnu nitY b ieh c i p ;ijil e ft, del remove further from you the just boon °n D 1 . quiring; that they may involve the nation , ..., un . 'ye a" u tt confusion, from which they hope to den t he , Itti, advantage, at the expense of the hapPhl e ' s j o -0 qo f and perhaps even the existence of the ki 8 . i s lb' I entreat the most influential amongst you , ert y o 0 14 5 towns from which you have assembled, to e_l t 1,01 t ilt to allay all the irritation of disappointinen;eo ob, t .V !IN tor ir t be as men hopeless and desperate, but as c at) . , I a o re p 9, 1 lb the justice and streng'h of their cost*, 'le ) (I ore' bele r , dis ,l triumph at no distant period-- . .- 3 o ur ri p i o, tt , ' fitting at this crisis that we should addres a se a; , h vereign, as my honourable friend has j ust pro r P h l pre it Al he has an interest at heart—the exercise o• 6 but ' ' l le] r to be can complete the kind work he has beg t 133 _ 0 0 ;t i not become us to approach him with the lang or joi j , y o , Cation, but to trust that he will dome in° a Off ,i f Cap nest for our real interests at his own au 0 0 . / 0, 0 1 rio t Let us therefore, with full confidence rely o P oe d O rg ot co o cious Sovereign—upon that King who /til ts 0 1 lid; Nei not in metaphor only, but by substantial e .. 1 0. ~0 kindness, to be in reality the father of his Pe c r, • Ifee . taped already an ample reward in the genet" aill