The Sun. — London, England, 1827-03-10 00:00:00

13011OUGH OP EVESHAM. (From the TVorcester Journal of Thursday.) On Thursday last, the Ist instant, a numerous and most re spectable body of the Freemen of the Borough of Evesham, and of the friends and supporters of Patrick Grant, Esq., the unsuc cessful Candidate in the late Election, met at the Northwick Arms, for the purpose of complimenting that Gentleman with a dinner, in pursuance of an invitation which had been forwarded to him some months since, but of which Mr. Grant bad as vet been un able to avail himself, in consequence of having met with a severe accident, by the explosion of a powder-flask while on a shooting excursion in the highlands of his native country, Scotland. Mr. Grant arrived from London about two o'clock, accom panied by his friend, Mr. Walter Merry, and his presence was bailed and ushered in by the ringing of bells—the floating of ban ners—the waving of handkerchiefs—the strains of a full band of music—the loud acclamations of his friends—and by every poi pile demonstration of joy. It was truly gratifying to U 9 to ob serve that, amidst all this general excitement, there was not even an approach to disturbance—there was not even an expression that tended, in the remotest degree, to betray the bickeriag snap pishness of party spirit ; but the most active and determined par tisans of his political opponents seemed to remember, and to feel with us, the mutual urbanity, the courtesy and gentlemanly de portment which distinguished the conduct of each and every of the candidates during the election, and silently respected and did honour to the man, even while they " fixed their cannon" against the politician : this is as it should be. • At four o'clock the party sat down to dinner, in number about a hundred. Sir William Rouse Boughton—That " Hero of In • dependence," that firm, staunch, and intrepid friend and adherent of the Blue Interest, had signified his intention to take the chair, but was unfortunately prevented attending, by an engagement which detained him in London; in consequence of the promotion of his brother-in-law, Mr. Sergeant Vaughan, to the Bench. Francis Holland, Esq., of Cropthorne, being unanimously called upon, consented.to occupy that situation. - Aftea.," The King," and the usual toasts had been given, which testified the undoubted and affectionate loyalty of all present, the Chairman, in a neat and appropriate speech, proposed the health of their guest, Patrick Grant, Esq., with three times three, which was received and drank with an applause almost deafening. Mr. Ge.auT spoke nearly as follows :—lt is with no ordinary feelings of pride and gratification that I rise to return my most sincere and hearty thanks for the kindness with which vou have received the toast given from the Chair, and also for the distin guished honour which you have conferred on me by meeting toge ther upon this occasion. It is true that we are not assembled to celebrate a political victory ; but, considering the circumstances under which I appeared amongst you at the late contest for this Borough, I do not look back to its result with those feelings of bitter mortification usually attendant on defeat, alleviated as it has ten by every circumstance of kindness on your part, and by pro mises of future support. I shall not, therefore, occupy your time by the expression of vain regrets as to the past, or by presump tuous anticipations of the future ; but, viewing myself still as a candidate for your favour on some future occasion, I shall briefly state one or two political opinions, with which you have a right to be acquainted, and from entering more fully upon which I was prevented by the hurry of the late occasion. If any of my opi nions should be at variance with those which you entertain, I shall deeply regret the circumstance ; but, much as I should value the honour of representing you in Parliament, I would not pur chase even that distinction at the expence of candour and sincerity, and should infinitely rather lose the vote than the esteem of any in dividual now present. —(Much cheering. )—lt will be in the recol lection of some of you that I declined upon the hustings to give any pledge as to my future conduct, if I should have the good fortune to he returned. This I must respectfully persist in doing ; but there is no inconsistency at the same time in stating what my present opinions arr. To say that these opinions never shall undergo a change would be indeed presumptuous, but I sincerely trout that the period selected will not be so evidently seasonable and expedient uto lay axe open to the charge of ineincerity. But whatever may lie the case with regard to those abstract and specu lative questions where even the wisest men differ, there is one sen timent in which I can anticipate no possibility of change, and which I feel convinced I shall retain to the latest- hour of my ex wtenco—l mean, Gentlemen, a deep, sincere, and ardent affection for our glorious Constitution in Church and State. Founded ou the immutably just principle of allowing to man every liberty het the liberty of injuring his neighbour ; asserting equally the eights of the peasant and of the prince, and requiring from all equal submission to its established laws, this excellent structure has long been the pride of Englishmen, arid the wonder and ad miration of the world.—(Cheers.) —That some defects should ap 'near in an edifice so old and venerable, is not to be wondered at; but they have bean justly compared to the wounds of a parent, which should be touched with the most anxious tenderness, and not with the fearless intrepidity of an inexperienced prac titioner. In contemplating the present condition of the British Empire, and speettlating- on its future policy—the chief difficulty which meets us, oeitainly is the Catholic 'Question, and the de plorable situation of Ir,eigyd where that religion is pre'essed, by so great a portion of the population under a Government exclu sively Protestant. For obvious reasons we cannot sever the po litical chain which attaches her to Britale, and century after cen tury she continues the SOUtd2 of anxiety and expenditure, instead of furnishing to the Empire those resources, and that Additional strength, which the fertility and extent of her soil must have pro duced, but for some blasting and ruinous policy. It is indeed an anomalous state of things, and nothing remains but a choice of evils. Much u I respect many individuals professing that faith, I cannot reconcile myself entirely to the idea of seeing Catholics holding the highest offices in the Executive, but conceiving that there is a vast difference between the Executive Government and the Representative branch of the Legislature, and being fully con• winced that the cordial co-operation of the Aristocracy is requisite to the good government of any country, and that such co-opera tion cannot he expected from the Aristocracy of Ireland whilst eubject to their present degrading disabilities, had 1 a vote in the matter, I should be for admitting Catholics to Parliament, ample security being given that their number newer would exceed a small proportion of the wools Honse. It humbly appears to me that this assurance might he obtained in a manner no ways invidious o-he Catholics, and upon the broad principle of making distioce lion b e tween Britain and Ireland, exited to the majority of the po pulation in each country—l mean by extending to Irish Members alone the privilege of declining to take the test oath. The greater part of the property ;f2 lie3and being in possession of Peoteatants, it is -.cell known that a vary mall number indeed of Catholics wield be returned out of the members for Ireland, and what could some twenty men do in an Amenably containing 600 or 700—even if they should forthwith vet-about the subversion of the Protest ant religion—the most improbable chnewea in the world. Thus, with a very trifling, and really limited conceealce, Ireland might be pacified, and even English Catholics would have the consola tion of thinking that they were net excluded by law from sitting for Irish Boroughs. It would be endless to go into all ques tions of public interest- With regard to the Corn Question, I shall only say that this very night it comes on in the House of Commons, and that it is likely to - be permanently settled long before I have an y opportunity of giving a vote on the subject; but though from early prejudice, a decided friend to agriculture, I am convinced that a steady moderate price is more to their advantage s , road ,that of the manufacturers, titan either extreme ; for they are mutually the best customers to each other, and the ruin of one class will involve that of the other. Of the civil jurisprudence, it is satisfactory to think that the nation is blessed with a Home Secretary, able and se szious to accommodate with- caution and discretion some of eta 'aiesolete regulations to the spirit of the present times. The s p ee d! And impartial administration of justice is of such hn portance to any community, that it can hardly occupy too much ' attention, or , be purchased at too great a price. Indeed, libe rality now begins to pervade every branch of the Executive, and the age of narrow-minded policy seems drawing to a close. - Un der the direction of that enlightened Statesman, who, to use his own language, " called the New World into existence," I trust that the country will soon recover the distress which has lately overtaken her, ami that the brightest petipkl of her history is still to come. I hope Awe shall live to see Pro testants and Catholics vying only in love to their common country, our poor laws, confined to their legitimate ob ject, the comfort and support of the aged, infirm, and blind —not of the young, the healthy, and the idle,—(cheers)-- and the liberal principles of free trade, uniting the differen' oations of Europe as it were into provinces of the seine empire, mutually bestowing and receiving the comforts and luxuries of life. —(Much cheering)—l shall not, Gentlemen, trespass longer on your patience, but I cannot vat down without repeating my warmest thanks for all the kindness which I have received from you. If it is ever my good fortune to attain the distinction of representing you in Parliament, I should hook for no greater re ward, after years devoted to your service and that of the country, than the continuance of the same cordiality and friendship with which lam now favoured. I bag to drink all your good healthy. Mr. Grant concluded amidst reiterated plaudits and cheerings, with proposing the health of the free and independent electors of the ancient and respectable Borough of Evesham, which was re plied to in a most impressive and animated address, by Mr. Wm. Henry Goore, who, if we might judge from the loud and conti nuous cries of "Hear, hear," echoed the sentiments of every indie vidual present. He dwelt with peculiar enerr,y And justice on the sterllngness of the cause wllich they had espoused, and avowed determination, in common with his brother freemen, to leave no stone unturned—no exertions untried, to obtain the desired suc cess. Mr. Goore then proposed the health of the independent freemen iu London who voted for Mr. Grant. The health of the Chairman was next given by Patrick Grant, Esq. Mr. Holland rose, and in a manly speech declared his in tention of furthering the interests of the Blue Cause by every en deavour on his part, and his firm conviction that, with so nume ruus a body of freemen as were then present, and judging, from the general feeling and spirit that were so universally expressed, it was impossible to fail in the accomplishment of the laudable end Mr. Grant had in view, viz. of representing the Borough in Par liament. _ . The healths of William Grant, Esq. and the Right Hon. Chas. Grant, Vice-President of the Board of Trade, brothers-in-law of Patrick Grant, Esq., were separately given, and respectively re plied to by William. Grant, Esq., in an appropriate speech, in which he stated that if he were not sensible of the good qualities which attached to his friend and relative, and of the stability of the cause in which he had embarked, he should be the last man in the world to lend his hand towards assisting him in his great object, and concluded by proposing the healths of the Absent Friends who had been prevented from honouring them with their company to dinner. The health of the Vice-President, Walter Merry, Esq., then followed, who, in a speech replete with spirit and eloquence, returned thanks for the honour conferred upon him, and concluded by proposing, in a glowing, amusing, and complimentary strain, " The Ladies of Evesham." The healths of several distinguished characters connected with the Borough, and of the most strenuous and devoted partisans of Mr. Grant, were, in the course of the evening, given, and, would our limits allow further comment, we should feel pleasure in stating their undisguised and open sentiments as to the system of independence which should be established in the Borough. Many excellent songs and glees increased the hilarity of the even ing; good humour and merriment prevailed throughout, and the company did not separate until a late hour. The dinner and wine did ample credit to Mr. Mayfield, of the Nortinviek Arms. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.-MARCH 9. CORN LAWS. Lord MIDDLETON presented a petition from York and its vicinity, praying their Lordships not to alter the Corn Laws. Similar petitions were presented by Lord Gwydyr, from a parish in Perthshire ; hJ .he Earl of Falmouth, nine petitions, from dif ferent places in fjevonshire and Cornwall ; by Lord Teynham, from Richmond, in Yorkshire, and from the Three Hundreds of Newport Pagnell, Bucks. Lord KING presented a petition, praying for an alteration of the Corn Laws, from the Overseers of the Poor, and Inhabitants of Stepney. His Lordship said, he had another petition to present from the Unemployed Workmen of Manchester, who, not having any food, prayed their Lordships to enable them to obtain it.— There was, however, something in the petition, which made him doubt the propriety of presenting it ; he, therefore, with- drew it. Lord TEYNHAM movedfor a return of all Sheep and Lambs' Wool imported into the ports of the United Kingdom since 1814. to the present time; and also, for an account of all the Woollen Goods exported to all parts of the world, distinguish- ing the countries to which they Were exported. Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from cer tain persons in the counties of Oxford and Bucks, complaining ol the introduction of the Imperial Quarter, and praying their Lord- ships to restore the Winchester Measure. Mr. Crafer, from the Treasury, presented an Account of al: British Produce and Manufactures exported to Russia and Prussia, from the year 1814 up to the present time. CATHOLICS. The LO RD CHANCELLOR presented petitions against the Catholics, from Sittingbourne, Melton and Hailing, Kent; from Dawlish, Devonshire; and from Allbrigton, Shrop shire. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented a similar petition from the Dean and Clergy of the Deanery of Canterbury. Similar petitions were presented by the Earl of ENNISKIL LEN, from a parish in Fermanagh ; by the Bishop of Exeter, from Grimstone, Devonshire ; and from the parish of St. Peter, in the City of Exeter, by the Bishop of Chichester; from the Dean and Chapter of Chichester, and from two congregations of Protestant Dissenters, in the County of Sussex ; and by Lord Vis count Lorton, from a Parish in Westmeath. ' The Earl of KINGSTON, in the absence of a Noble Friend of his, presented a petition in favour of the Catholics, from Donoughtnore, in the County of Cork ; and also two peti tions from parishes in the City of Cork. The Earl of CLARE presented a similar petition from a parish in the County of Dublin. , The Marquis of L ANSDOWN presented a great number of petitions from different parts of Ireland, all praying that the Catholics might be relieved from the disabilities under which they labour. One of these petitions was from the Queen's County and numerously signed ; the others were from different Parishes, chiefly iu the County of Galway, in the County of Cork, in the County of Derry, and in the Queen's County. After the Noble Marqms had finished presenting his petitions, he proceeded to address their Lordships on the subject of his motion relative to the Catholics, and spoke to the following effect. My Lords, although I rise for the purpose of only withdraw ing a notice for a motion, which must be c onsidered as r matter of form only, yet circumstances will, I trust, justify me both from what is due to my own feelings and honour, and from what is due to the feelings and honour of those Noble Plarmous whom I have consulted on the step I am about to take, in trespassing for a few moments on the indulgence, and asking the serious attention of yo,:r Lordships. At the time I gave notice of a motion, which stood for the 15th of March, it was my intention to call your Lordships' attention to the subject of the many petitions which I have now presented to your Lord ships, and of many petitions presented by other Noble Lords, all praying that the Catholics might be removed front the disabi lities under which they now labour. If lam induced, my Lords, to abandon that intention, I ant most anxious to state to your Lordships, that in doing so, my mind is perfectly unchanged as to she expediency and necessity of considering those disqualifi cations, with a view to remove them--nay more, my mind is per fectly unchanged as to the certainty that at no distant period your Lordships must concur in my views. With this conviction I Lave resolved, after the fullest consideration, not to allow any pre cipitate step on my part at this moment to give by any possibility greater effect to the disastrous disheartening conviction on the minas of the people of Ireland, that there is a majority in this as in the other House of Parliament, however small, which is deter rained to reject every motion for taking their interests into consi deration. I feel too deeply, my Lords, the probable effects of such a conviction, to be the means, by taking any hasty step, of adding to those effects. Whether, after moving for the discharge of the Order, I shall be induced to bring forward any measures on this subject, either in this or any subsequent Session of Par liament, I ain not, my Lords, at present bound to state.— Whether the petitioners will ever again come to your Lord ships' bar with their prayers, I cannot say ; for I have taken no part in their councils, and with the individuals I have no connection further than in receiving and presenting their pe titions. But I cannot, my Lords, dismiss the subject with out stating my conviction, whether the petitioners should again address your Lordships or not, that you must, in some shape or form, at no distant period, give it your undivided attention. In what shape, my Lords, and in what form, and under what possi ble circumstances, I cannot venture to predict, nor even give my self the pain to conjecture. In quitting this subject for the pre sent, I beseech your Lordships to consider well the condition in which you leave Ireland—a condition which is proved—not by the allegations of the friends of this measure, but by, the admission of its enemies— -,i:sar, hear)—admissions which, give me leave to say, tlsaagh Fits:. , 1 with different intentions, have increased in my mind the conviction, that the state of the country must be altered before Ireland can be a source of safety and security to the em pire—admissions which have strengthened my conviction the , more, a,s coming from Noble Lords who were the opponents of the proceeding. I was also% to suggest admissions also, which prove the existence in that country of a state of society so distract ed, that although alleged with very different views, it must call the serious attention of your Lordships to the subject. You must not flatter yourselves, my Lords, that you can, by any proceedings, either here or elsewhere, destroy or alter the feelings which are in existence, and which are bottomed on the principles of human na ture. It is impossible, my Lords, by any vote of yours, to put art end to those disturbed relations of society which arise manifestly and directly front the state of the existing laws--as directly as grass grows from the earth after the seed has been sown. You must not suppose, my Lords, that you can, by any vote of this description, check that increase of wealth which is accruing among the Catho lics of Ireland, and with which they will bear with less patience their exclusion front the gratifications and promotions enjoyed by the rest of their countrymen—it is not possible, my Lords, by any vote of yours, to teach rising ingenuity, knowledge, and talents, to forego all the honours they may claim, and resign every object of ambition—it is not possible to teach the grow ing population of Ireland to bear, without a murmur, the stamp of degradath,n placed on them by the existing laws, which mark them out as a caste degraded below their fellow-men—(Hear hear !)—These feelings now exist, and cannot be altered but by removing their cause. The hand of man was enabled, my Lords, by a miracle, to stop the course of the sun ; but it is not given into your Lordships' hands, without another miracle, to suspend or arrest those feelings which arise from the principles of hu man nature which the same God who made the sun, implanted into the minds of man—(Hear, hear.)—God knows, my Lords, under what circumstances Ireland may again come before you ; but I beseech you, my Lords, both individually and collectively, to ponder well the situation in which that country is left. Be cause, my Lords, I declare with all sincerity, as far as con cerns myself, that if I were so unfortunate as to be placed by any circumstances in assisting in the Councils of a State hostile to this and aiming at the interest, power, and prosperity of this country, the first prayer I should offer to fortune would be to give me Ireland as she is. —(Hear.)—Give me a great increasing population, with no other leaders than persona on the road to fame and fortune, cast, and forcibly cast, into a direction op posite to the course of the State ; a population, at the same time, completely under the influence of a Clergy, alienated from the State, rejected by it—(Hear.)—ndt only alienated, but openly denounced as the authors of mischief—branded as faithless, and insulted by their most solemn declarations, not being believed—in one word, my Lords, a people deprived of all conductors, between the high authority of the State, and the lowest member of the community, except such as are hostile to the State ; and of such conductors we are taught, by the expe rience of all nations, to regard as indispensible, by connecting the extremes to the harmony and preservation of the whole. I beseech your Lordships, then, deeply to consider in what condition you leave, or rather, I should say, abandon Ireland. I beseech you, my Lords, to recollect, that a time may unhappily come, when we shall be called on to array the resources and strength of this ,:intry against the power and resources of some other ; but let that other be what it may, you will array your resources against a country in which no corresponding disabilities exist— in which Catholic and Protestant, enjoying the same privileges, will contend for the same rights, while you will be obliged to place, in the front of your battle, men, who are conscious they are stigmatised in a way which, I repeat, no other society to lerates.--(Hear, hear.)—On all these consequences I conjure your Lordships to reflect. I could pursue the subject, but I will not suffer myself to he led away, nor will I indulge in those me lancholy anticipations the subject excites. I will bring myself to look with confidence for the result, be it what it may, for I can have no personal wishes—no personal regrets on this subject, which are not bound up with my wishes for the best interests of the prosperity of the country. The only wish I shall ex press is, that those persons who take on themselves the heavy responsibility of putting a negative on the hopes and desires of a whole people, may be enabled to suggest some measure (hear, hear), which shall restore the tranquillity which they admit is gone, and appease the disorders and distractions they have de scribed ; and the only regret I shall express is, that they have not hitherto stated by what measures they hope to effect such desirable objects. The Noble Marquess concluded by moving, that the Order for summoning their Lordships, on March 15, be i discharged. The LORD CHANCELLOR immediately put the question, which was carried nem. con. The Earl of WINCHELSEA then rose, and be gan by expressing his sincere regret that the Noble Marquess should have abandoned the. motion of which he gave notice, for he was satisfied that the more the subject was considered, the mere often it was discussed, the more perfect would become their Lord ships' conviction that it was impossible to give the Roman Catho lics those civil rights and political privileges they claimed ; that it was impossible to allow them to legislate for our Protestant Church and Protestant Establishment, without abandoning the Constitution and sacrificing all our political privileges. His re gret, however, was not, unaccompanied by other feelings. When be recollected the strong language used by the Noble Marquess, who said, that uninfluenced by what might be the decision of the other House, he was determined—(" Order, order," was now called from all parts of the House,)—and Earl BATHUR ST rose to inform the Noble Earl that he was quite out of order ; there was no question before their Lordships, though lie was satisfied that nothing but the Noble Earl being unacquainted with the rues of their Lordships had led to his mistake. Earl WINCHELSEA, after claiming the indul gence of their Lordships for trespassing on their rules, was again proceeding to address their Lordships, but was obliged to nit doivn by loud cries of " Order." Earl BATHURST laid a Report on their Lord ships' Table, but owing to the noise of their Lordships retiring, we were unable to gather the purport of a.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, NIAR.cx 9. Four new Members took the oaths and their seats. COVENTRY ELECTION. Sir J. \VROTTESLEV brought up the Report of the Committee appointed to examine the petitions against the due return of the sitting Members for the city of Coventry, at the late election. The report declared those Members (to the exclu . _ sion ,. of Messrs. P. Moore and E. Ellice) to be duly returned, but that there was nothing frivolous or vexatious in the petitions im peaching their return. The Committee further reported, that they bad come to several Resolution s which they desired to take the opinion of the House upon, which R eso l u tions were as follow : That it appears to this Committee, that at the late election for the county of the city of Coventry, very tumultuou s proceedings had taken place in the said city, and gross outrages were commit ted upon the persons of several of the electors. That the Mayor, Recorder, and Magistrates of the said county of the city of Coventry, were culpably negligent of their duty in preserving the peace, and that the conduct of James Ware, the Mayor, was more peculiarly unbecoming the dignity of his office. That it appears to this Committee, that riotous proceedings had taken place at many former elections for the county of the city of Coventry. That the Mayor, Recorder, and Aldermen, by Charter, have an exclusive jurisdiction within the city, and it is highly expe dient to provide better security for preserving the peace of the county and city thereof. That the House, therefore, be moved for leave to bring in a Bill to give the Magistrates of Warwickshire a concurrent juris diction as to their interference in preserving the peace of the said city ; and that The evidence taken before the Committee be laid before the House for its consideration. The Honourable Baronet believed such was the confidence which the House had in its Committees, that their reports were taken into consideration as a matter of course. This report, however, was one entitled to peculiar weight.—(Hear.)-- He should therefore move that the report be taken into consider ation on Friday, the 4th of May, and that it be printed.—Laid on the table. PENRYN ELECTION. Mr. L. KECK brought up-the report of the Com mittee appointed to inquire into the return of Win. Manning, Esq. far this borough, which report stated him to be duly elected, that gross bribery and corruption had prevailed at the election, - at that Mr. Manning was no party to it. It also stated that a witness named John Stanbury, whose evidence the Committee thought of importance, had been summoned, but had absconded in order to evade the summons. The Hon. Member moved that the Speaker do issue his warrant for the apprehension of Stanbury. The SPEAKER put the question, " that John Stanbury stand committed to the custody of the Sergeant at Arms ;" which was carried in the affirmative, and Mr. Speaker issued his warrant accordingly. Sir W. BURRELL expressed a hope that, under circumstances of such undenied corruption, the House would not stop with the commitment of this witness.--(Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL also added his prayer to that of the Lion. B a ronet. Mr. L. KECK d ec li n ed pledging himself to any particular course in the first instance. The Report was then laid upon the table. Mr. BYNG brought in a 13111 for the better Regu lation of the Watermen on the Thames, which was read a first and ordered to be read a second time. Mr. BROUGHAM presented a petition from John Burridge, late of the city of London, respecting the dry rot in ships.—Laid on the table. Mr. BROUGHAM presented a petition from the cot t o n -spinners of B e lf ast, aga i n st the duty 0 0 coals; also a pe tition from an individual named Guthrie, of Dublin, praying re• muneration fur certain improvements in gauging instruments ; also a petition from the Mayor an d Commona lty of Winchelsea against the duty on coals carried coastwise—All laid on the table. Sir J. NEWPORT gave notice that he would, on the 9.6 th of April, bring under the consideration of the House the Report from the Office of Register of Deeds in Ireland. COURT OF CHANCERY. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR renewed his motion for Thursday, the 10th of May, fur reviewing the statutes by which the jurisdiction in matters of bankruptcy is placed with the Great Seal.—(Hear.) Sir N. C. COLTHURST presented a petition from the city of Cork, praying the adoption of some system of Poor Laws for Ireland. The Hon. Member expressed his dissent from the petition, as he thought nothing would be so pernicious to Ireland. Mr. JAMES GRATTAN supported the petition. Mr. MONCK said this was an English as well as an Irish question. In the last year it cost the county of Berke 1,0001. for passing Irish vagrants between London and Bristol. The least the House had to do, was to call for the execution of the laws in favour of the poor of Ireland. Sir J. NEWPORT feared that, if a similar mea sure to that of England was introduced into Ireland, it would aug ment the disposition amongst some of the jobbers cf that country to live on ill-got gains. Mr. D AW SO N considered that nothing was wanted to complete the misery of Ireland but the introduction of the Poor Laws. _ The KNIGHT of KERRY denied that the sys tem of the Poor Laws was applicable to that country. Mr. HENRY GRATTAN said that nothing could exceed the poverty and misery of Dublin, and Ireland gene rally. This poverty cost this country 500,000/. in 1522, and from a medical report he held in his hand, it appeared that disease and misery had risen to such a height, that it was impossible the country could go on in its present condition. It was not a ques tion of distress, but of life and death. General GASCOYNE said the passing of Irish paupers was an enormous tax on Liverpool and Bristol. Sir H. PARNELL said that the withholding Ca tholic Emancipation is one of the causes of the evil you now com lain of. Colonel TRENCH said Catholic Emancipation would not produce tranquillity. The remedy was employment for the poor. Mr. J. MAXWELL said that Scotland was in like manner inundated with Irish, whom they could not relieve, and would not support. Mr. V. HOMRIGH said a few words which did not reach the gallery. Mr. J. GRAT'PAN said that any change must be an improvement. The petition was then ordered to be printed. Sir N. COLTHURST then presented four peti tions from Drogheda, against the introduction of the Poor Laws. Mr. KNOX presented a petition from Newry, against the duty on Coals carried coastwise. Mr. BROWNLOW said, that in addition to the other miseries of Ireland, there was a great dearth of fuel. And he took the liberty of calling the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the subject. After a few words from Sir J. NEWPORT, the petition was read and laid on the table. Colonel HOWARD presented a petition from Dumbartonshire, for protection to the British growers of corn.— Laid on the table. Similar petitions were presented by Mr. Bankes, from Devon shire ; and by Mr. Curteis, from Sussex.—Laid on the table. Mr. HUME presented eight petitions, praying for a free trade in corn, as in other commodities.—All of them were ordered to lie on the table. Mr. BROWNLOW presented a petition from Armagh, praying for protection to the flour trade in Ireland.—To be printed. MACHINERY. Mr. H. MAXWELL presented a petition from the operative sawyers employed in the timber yards on the banks of the Thames, praying that a duty might be imposed on machinery. Mr. HOBHOUSE said that the petitioners, some of whom were his constituents, requested him to swpport this petition. Mr. HUME called the attention of Hon. Members to this petition, as it came from an important class of labourers. The petition was then read, and laid on the table. Sir J. CAMPBELL presented a petition from a parish in Dumbarton, praying for assistance towards emigration. —l2eferrea to the Committee on Emigration. In consequence of a Message from the Lords, Samuel Scott, Esq., was permitted to attend their Lordships' Committee to be examined on the prices of corn in foreign ports. On the motion of Mr. MABERLY, accounts were ordered of the Amount of the Funded and Unfunded Debt, &c. &c. in the year 182 G. Mr. BANKES, sell., gave notice, that on the first day that the House would go into a Committee of Supply, he would move the Estimates for the British Museum. SHIPPING INTERESTS and RECIPROCITY DUTIES. Mr. BRIGHT, in presenting a petition from the owners of British vessels in the city of Bristol, praying fur pro , tection to the Shipping Interests, expressed a wish that the Right lion. Gentleman the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, would lay before the House, Copies of the Orders in Council re specting the Reciprocity Duties—the ports to which they were extended, and the times at which they were to commence. General GASCOYNE was understood to say, that he would take occasion to move for a Committee of Inquiry on the subject of British Shipping. Shippingtq uir!e Interests th e proposed Air c .\ o \ m r A m L i t tee we L Aere to E abse n kceod fine , 4xclusively. if to th tl e ie Mr. C. GRAN T said, that there was no ob j ection to produce the Ord ers in Council, as the y mi g ht be had from the General GASCOYNE said—Certainly. Gazette. —The petition was then read, and laid on the table. Mr. E. DAVENPORT postponed his motion to the 23d of May. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, it was ordered that the House, at its rising, do adjourn to Monday next. The third reading of the Mutiny Bill, after some conversation, was put off till Monday, on the understanding that it should be the first thing brought on. CORN TRADE ACTS. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, the House went into a Committee to consider these Acts. Mr. W. WHITMORE then rose, and said that he meant to propose some resolutions as an amendment to those which had been proposed by the Right Hon. Secretary (Mr. Can ning.) He hoped in doing so t hat th e House would 'excuse him, because of his connexion with that class of individuals whose in terests were more immediately involved in this question, and be cause he felt a deep and painful conviction that the 'measures pro posed by his Majesty's Government were not calculated to produce those beneficial effects which some Hon. Members had antici pated.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—ln rising to address the House on this occasion, he could not help reflecting, that they were called upon to consider measures of great importance to all classes of the King's subjects, and he would add of life or d e ath to d some : He implored the House therefore to proceed slowly an cmitiously, for he felt convinced that the country wo uld not be satisfied un less the subject should be fully examined, and o penly and patiently discussed. Under those circumstances, he hoped that the indivi dual who now addressed them, with feelings certainly not the most animating, might claim the favorr of at least a patient hear ing.—(Hear, hear.)—llnt if he claimed that favour for himself individually, bow much more ne cessary would it b e t o b estow a patient investigation on the subject itself.—(Hear, hear.)—With out further preface, he eh o uld at once pr ocee d to acqua i n t th e House with the views which he entertained on this subject, and his reasons for opposing the propositions of his Majesty's Govern ment. He objected to those resolutions on two grounds—first, , because he conceived that corn would be subject to greater fluc tuations price, under the new a rrangement than would be con sistent interest of the h ome grower ; an d, secondly, with of the be cause the facilities afforded to importation would raise the value of co rn in this cou ntr y , an d cause it to decline abroad, by which means a great proportion of our capital would be withdrawn, which would intend to increase the price of labour abroad, and depress it at home. The price of corn, the Hon. Member pro ceeded to show, must necessarily fluctuate on account of the dif ference of the seasons, and it was the importation of fo reign corn that alone could equalize and regulate the price.— The effect of fluctuations in the corn market were highly in jurious to the landed interest. The expellees of the farmer must always be regulated by the price at which he can sell his corn. l-lence the necessity of adopting some fixed standard to regulate the market. If a system of fluctuations were to continue for four or five years, it would be lamentable to contemplate the dis ' tress and misery to which the landed proprietors, and particularly the farmers, would be reduced; for nothing, he contended, was more injurious to the holders of land, than fluctuations k the price of corn. The sudden fall of price in the year 1818, occurred in consequence of the great importation that took place in that year. No less a quantity than 1,500,000 quarters of wheat were then imported, in consequence of the failure of the harvest here. But a considerable fall of price took place in 1821 and 1822, because the supply was greater in those years than had been for some time before. This, he contended, would occur again, if prohibition were resorted to, because if a larger quantity of corn was produced than was necessary for the consumption of the country, the price must of necessity fall. He was convinced that, if the farmers were once in possession of the real merits of the case, they would see the injurious tendency of a system of prohibition. He called upon the House to reflect, whether, if a principle were introduced, the effect of which would be to lower the capital of the country, that capital would remain at home. In the same proportion as the price of corn rose in England it would decline abroad. If there was a regular demand in the English market for foreign corn, the effect would be that it would bring 355. If there was no demand for foreign corn, the price would be 255. Suppose the price of corn was raised to 605., arising from the circumstance of their being no importation ; then corn would fall abroad, in Poland and elsewhere, to 255., so that there would be a difference of 355. between the price of corn at home and that for which it could be purchased abroad. Would not this, in the end, deprive the farmers and the lauded interest of the animus so necessary to their well-being. This system, the Hon. Gentleman observed, must be ruinous if it were followed in England. The effect would be that this country would soon be deprived of that capital from which her former power and-independence had flowed for so long a period. If Government adopted any plan by which these effects should be produced, he contended that his Ma jesty's Ministers could no.longer lay claim to that wise and libe ral system of practical economy, for which the country was willing to give them credit. Such a system would be totally at variance, not only with the interests of the country, but with common sense also ; and he owned that he could conceive no plan invented, not by the ingenuity, but by the malice of man, so destructive in its consequences as that system, the evils of which he had endeavoured to expose. The Hon. Gentleman then re ferred to the opinion of Adam Smith to illustrate and support the view which he had taken. The Hon. Member having read an extract from the Wealth of Nations, observed, here, then, was an attempt to raise the price of food, and ruin was the con sequence. Was not this, then, a practical instance of that mis chievous system, the evils of which he had endeavoured to ex plain, although he found he could never sufficiently expose them ? _(Hear, hear.)--If the holders of capital found that they could make 10 per cent. of it instead of three, they would soon send it to a better market. It N;as so in Holland ; and such would be the case here if the same system were pursued. It was easy to talk of suppressing this system by a remunerating price —but, until the nature of man was changed from what it was, it was useless to rely upon any such security. He hoped the House would consider the subject as one that vitally affected the inte rests of the country. The question reduced itself to this--either we were to keep our capital amongst ourselves, or suffer it to be drawn away from us, to enrich other countries. It was the idlest of all idle things, to think of raising an artificial free price in corn. It would be quite impossible to foresee all the consequences of the dangerous and fallacious principle to which he had adverted. Ile saw that great evils would arise, in the first instance, from the fluctuations in the price of corn, un der the new measure. The standard of 60s. he conceived was by no means a fixed one ; it would have a tendency to 655. in times of scarcity, and whenever the supply was above con sumption, that price would inevitably fall. No sooner was the duty of 20s. imposed on corn, than a falling duty com menced also. Suppose, then, that the markets should rise in consequence of the diminution of corn, foreign corn would then be introduced. If the price of corn was fixed at 605., then the duty would be 20s. ; but if the price was 705., then the duty would be only Is., thus the importer would gain 19s. in the duty, although he would lose 10s. in the price.-_ The fielder cf corn should not be subject to such a vacillating and uncertain system. He should be enabled to bring his sup, ply to market, and sell it at a fair price, without being liable to such ruinous fluctuations. The Hon. Gentleman then alluded to the system of averages proposed for asloptien. He objected to their being taken weekly, and he said that frauds would inevi tably occur if such a plan were adopted. If averages were struck weekly, there would be no possible means of discovering frauds, which might be practised to an enormous extent. Suppose, for instance, that there were 600,000 quarters of corn in bond. He implored the House to consider the temptation which would thus be afforded to designing persons who might conspire to keep up the price of corn to 108. beyond what it would otherwise bring, the consequence of which would be, that they might pocket with impunity 300,0001. Let it be once considered that such a eon,. spiracy could exist, and there was no doubt but such a fraud as that which he had described could easily be practised under a system of weekly averages, and then the .louse would see the ne cessity of interposing, to prevent the adoption of a measure so pregnant with mischief. He would now refer to the resolution proposed by the Right Honourable Gentleman, and those which he had moved by way of amendment, and he would show that his were not at all inconsistent with the principle which the Right Hon. Gentleman had laid down. He fully concurred in the opinion that a fixed duty would be desirable where it could be established ; but he doubted its applicability to the prices at which it was proposed to place it. The high prices at which it became fixed were those which corn rarely attained, and the low price at which it was again to be fixed, were those to which it seldom descended. To do away with any ground of clamour at either side, he would propose, that when corn rose to 50s. and under 51s. the duty should be 20s. instead of fixing that duty at 508. as was proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman. He would then have duty decreased 2s. for every Is. which the price rose above 50s. ; and increased 2s. for every ls. it descended below it ; and whenever the price rose to 555. and did not exceed 655., he would have a fixed duty of 10s. This, he thought, would go in a great degree:, to remedy the de fect in the resolutions of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and would prevent that great fluctuation of prices against which those reso lutions did not sufficiently guard. Supposing wheat to be at 555. with an import duty of 10e., he would be prepared to contend that at that price there could be no importation at all injurious to the British agriculturist. In proof of this position, he would re fer the Committee to the Returns of the amount of corn imports from the year 1775 to 1815, from which it would appear that in no one year with the price as low as 605., had the quantity of wheat imported exceeded 600,000 quarters. At higher prices no doubt the importation was greater, for instance in the years 1800 and 1801, which were years of great scarcity. With the exception of those years, (his reasons for omitting which would be evident), it would appear that from the year 1795 to the year 1805, (we believe) with the price at 635., the importation did not exceed 480,000 quarters. With the experience then of those - ears before him, he was fully justified in contending, that with corn at 555. and an import duty of 10s. there could 'not be any amount of foreign wheat imported which would be injurious to d 's p o bo r er ): anto a , nd .that the fears of those the British agriculturists ; that all the alarm existing on that t throwpart of I t t h h e e poora argument. g u a e n p ci t s , g wle r dh o o t h m bi d neil w iteov o e u ad l n d oe b : e iet f r o t u hae n n d edff N aec vh rt o n l oN ly s ; to il ui l m i out of cultivation, would turn out to be equally unfounded. This It was said, that if we imported even so small a quantity of foreign wheat as 600,000 quarters, it would displace so much British corn, and by that means materially lessen the value of the whole. This argument was founded on the assumption, that our own home stock was fully equal to all the demands of our market. Ile very much doubted that to be the case. True it was, that since 1820 we had a very slight addition to our home stock from foreign importation, except what was sonic short time back let out of bond, and the small quantity which we got from Canada. But then it should be remembered that we had up to that time a good stock on hand, which was generally equal to three months' consumption. Let time Committee consider what had taken place since 1820. From that year to the year 1823, the price continued to decline so much so, that almost all who had speculated in corn from autumn to spring, and from spring to autumn, lost very considerably. Those losses continued and were so heavy that at length all speculation ceased; and when it was announced to be the intention of Government to make an altera tion in the corn laws, no person who could get rid of it would hold corn ; and he believed it would be found that there never was a smaller quantity on hand than at the present moment. He should be told that this Was an old story, and that he had said the same thing in 1825 and 1826. He had said so ; and his opinion, which was still unaltered on the subject, was, he con tended, borne out by the facts. He now repeated what he had said in 1825 anti 1826, and maintained, that if, unfortunately, the same system of corn laws, or one approaching to it, were con tinued, we should find ourselves in difficulties from which we should find it very difficult to escape. He knew that his forebodings on this subject had been laughed at ; but im tl po tou rt g a h tio it ns w f a r s om fou c tu a i n c a o d n a - , con venient to laugh at them on a former occasio n, those who did so were since glad to avail themselves of, and h ailed a measure which added to the home stock, by and by taking some foreign corn out of bond : and but for that measure, we should have had occasion to open the ports. Then if what he said in 1825 and 1826 were true, it was equally so in 1827 ; for though the last harvest was in wheat a fair crop, it was in other kinds of corn much below an average crop. The wheat of the last harvest was in a dry state, and sooner fit tOr use than for several years, and we began our consumption of it much