The Sun. — London, England, 1827-10-03 00:00:00

BUENOS A SVECINCT EXTCVIIIION OF THE CONDUCT OF CITIZEN -DON MANUEL JOSE GARCIA, AS MIND3TER DI.ENIPO TENTIARY OF THE REPUBLIC, FOR NEGOCIATING FEACE litTlytEN IT AND 1112 MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF '9IS.AZIL. Extraordinary and difficult must be the situation of a Plenipotentiary who finds himself obliged to defend his official conduct in public, and to proclaim in the streets the reasons which ought to be delibe - - rated upon only in the Cabinet. But such is the situation in which lam at present placed. lam bound to reason coolly in a moment of enthusiasm, and I cannot in my defence avail myself of all the resources which reason might offer me,, because, even in this extreme case, I owe to my country a silence uhich is necessary in several important points, I however, willingly resign myself to this sacrifice, in the full confidence that my countrymen will reeol lea the maxim of one of the most illustrious orators of our Congress—" that to deliberate and resolve in political affairs, it is necessary to have the heart in the head." Two charges are made against me : the first, " the having acted contrary to the tenour of my in • structions ;" the second, " the having signed a con vention not only ignominious, but injurious to thy essential rights of the nation." These are the two points to which my defence shall he,directed. It has been considered as indisputable that a Minister Plenipotentiary cannot at any time or under any circumstances depart from the text of his instruc tions, whatever be the evils which he may avoid, or . the benefits he may hope to attain. It is added, that such is conduct is unexampled in the history of dipl , Jmacy. These propositions are taken fur granted P.'s principles by my accusers, and form a dogma with the multitude. The whole, however, is founded in error. There are cases in which a nego tiator may ref►se that which his instructions have directed him to concede ; in which he may grant what he is imperatively oriltred to refuse ; and may consent to modifications which he is not expressly authorized to make. The cases are not new in history. Among many - .vhich I might adduce, I shall select two. The first oc'Surred to Mutiny, Bishop of Ellie, .who was sr.eat by Louis XI., King of France, to ne gotiate truce with Edward IV., King of England. I V lletiny concluded the truce, but departed from two :express articles of his instructions. Louis XI. being highly displeased e-ith his conduct, put him on his trial before the Parliament. Martiny defended him self by saying that what the King had verbally re vommended to him was to obtain peace with Eng land ; that without departing from the two points specified in his instructions, it was impossible to ob tain it, and that he these rather to expose himself to the disgrace of having his conduct reproached for giving the King the time necessary to recover him self, than to lose without resource the object of his mission. The Parliament acquitted Martiuy. The second case is that of the Spanish Plenipo tentiary, Count de Aranda, who, finding that the peace, which .was negociating in the year 1782, be tween Sp ;',n, France, and England, depended solely upon •.e'le restoration of Gibraltar, which was made s a 4 :ose qua non by his Catholic Majesty, took upon nimself to declare, in the name of his Sovereign, that he renounced Gibraltar, ,and accepted in its stead, the Floridas horn France, notwithstanding that this was in contradiction to the most impera tiVe and absolute instructions. Count de Aranda thus exposed himself to the disfavour of his Court ; but by this transaction he merited to rank among the men who have rendered themselves most illustrious in the career of diplomacy. Other cases 'of the • same kind may be seen, Wiquefort, book ii. sec. 5. . Unquestionably such cases must be allowed to be extraordinary. A Minister Plenipotentiary can never so compromise himself without being tho roughly informed of the ideas of his Government — of the state of its political system—of the positiun and the interests of the country which he represents. Farther, a Plenipotentiary cannot depart from the letter of his instructions to agree to any thing which . inay compromise the essential rights of the nation: It is alone for the purpose of saving those rights that he may depart from the letter of his instructions —for in such case their letter must be held to be contrary to their spirit, and to the essential object of the negociation ; for it must here be recollected that the first duty of a Government is to sacrifice every thing to the national existence, and never to sacrifice that existence to any thing, however grand, • noble, or glorious it may appear to be. Let us now apply this doctrine : The essential object of the mission of the Plenipo tentiary to the Court of Brazil was peace, or the immediate cessation of hostilities. The pen refuses to sketch the picture of the Republic at that time. It is sufficient to say, that it was such that the Go vernment believed it to be threatened with disso lution, if peace were not immediately made. I was ' sent to treat upon a basis which was rejected by the Emperor 4 , f Brazil; but it was necessary that peace should be promptly negociated. I shall not stop to detail the reasons which ren dered this proceeding urgent. They may be consi dered as included in the propositions confided to me by the President of the Republic arid his Ministry, at the time of my departure :—" Peace is the only starting point on both sides. If the war continue, anarchy is inevitable; if we cannot obtain peace, we must resign ourselves to vassalage. Since the Re public has agreed that the Banda Oriental should he separated, and form an independent state, the war • has no longer any object. I strongly felt the immense confidence which was placed in me, by intrusting me with the negociation of peace under such circumstances, and at the same time could not conceal from myself the tremendous darsgers in which the situation of men and things placed me. Nevertheless, I yielded to my destiny, and departed, full of the idea that peace would be an essential benefit to the Republic for repairing its losses, and for its existence. On my arrival at the Court of Brazil, I found that the difficulties which were previously of a most serious nature had vastly increased. Three days anterior to my arrival, the Emperor of Brazil had solemnly declared before the assembled Chambers his determination not to lay down his arms until the Republic should recognise the province of Monte- Video as an integral part of the empire. The pro babilities on which the Government supposed that . he would treat upon the basis of the independence of the Banda Oriental, had thus completely disap peared. Whatever might be the intentions of the Emperor respecting the fate of that province, he wished to be able to execute them of his own spon taneous will ; but to appear to be obliged to do this by the Republic, was what he had resolved to resist to the last extremity—a resolution in the support of . which he had shown more obstinacy since the reverses of his arms, the honour of which he wished to re cover at all hazards. To be listened to, then, it was absolutely necessary to adopt another course. Nor bad I the resource of temporizing, because of the danger which delay presented in the situation of the Republic, end because the Emperor, rushing with Zeal into the war, would not suffer the recurrence of uncertainties which might neutralize the mea sures he wished to carry into effect. In such a state - of things, there remained nothing for the negotiator to do but to take leave or to Ile ' [sociate. If he did the first, the pri nci p al oh eeee of his mission was defeated, and he might . elmnpromise the national existence. If lie did nego "Lts, it followed of course that he must depart from the letter of his instructions, and put to hazard his tranquillity d see d persona l reputation. This consi _ er,tion was not to b e di sregar d e d when a grand national int erest was at state. Th e so le question to be considered PM, whether the conditions specified b y the Governvnent in his instructions was of such a nature, that being once altered, that great national •. interest w ou ld a l so b e compromised. Because, if merely an inferior interest was q t uestions , e itWits clear that such m i g ht b e ' sacrificedin o the securing of the great object, the essential r i g h t o f t h e c St rin ate g , which is its existence. The question then was re- Shiced to the common and ordinary case in which governments desist from their pretensiong in ex change, I do not say for saving their compromised existence, but for enjoying the natural advantageS of peace. Let us now exarriino this important ques tion, The Einperoi of Brazil is not willing to be obliged to yield any one of the rights of sovereignty which he pretends to have acquired, and justly to possess, in consequence of the union, which he calls spontaneous, of the inhabitants of Monte Video, and of the sacrifices made in consequence thereof by the Empire, to fulfil on its part the compact entered into with the said inhabitants. The Go vernment of the Republic, denying the legitimacy of this title, on account of the non-existence of the alleged voluntary union, and resting its claiiteon the right which its ancient possession, constantly sus tained by the blood and the fortune of the-citizens of the Republic, not less by the free and spontaneous; will, without any kind Of coercion real or apparent, of the inhabitletS of the province, agreed to cede its, fights, but on the condition that the said province should be established into an independent State, se parate from Brazil and the Republic ; consequently the province of Monte Video might cease to form an integral part of the nation \tithed injury to, the nation's essential o rightS ; or, what is the same thitt► the Mpiibuc might renounce its right of so vereignty over the Banda Oriental without compro mising its existence by such renunciation. It may, however, be said, that even though the Republic might exist perfectly well without the Oriental province, it would nevertheless have its existence eminently threatened if that province were occupied by a foreign power different from its present inhabitants, and then the condition specified in the instructions would have reference to an essential right ; but such is not the fact, nor did the Government of the Re public consider the subject in such a light. This is demonstrable, because the Government had resolved to make, not a partial renunciation, but a complete and absolute cession of its sovereignty, without re serving to itself any eventual right—without impos ing any kind of condition on a new State, which was to be erected in the Oriental province. That State was to have of course full and absolute liberty to enter into what stipulations it might think proper with neighbouring States, or with any other, to adopt the system of policy best suited to its inte rest; to avail itself without any obstacle of the ad vantages of its situation and territory ; and without any obligation of paying any attention to the preju dices or disadvantages which might arise therefrom to the prosperity or security of the Republic. The Government, in thus ceding its rights, neither bad, nor could have had, any other object in view than that of extricating itself from the difficulty of a ruinous war, by the honourable expedient of yielding to is third party the sovereignty disputed by arms. Secondly, because the Government was to make this cession, notwithstanding it was fully aware of the almost insuperable 'difficulties which op posed the formation of an independent State in the Oriental Provinces, of the troubles which it would produce, of the pretensions to which it would pro bably give birth in other provinces, and of the re sults which such a state of things might have for the future. The reasons which the Government has for taking this view of the subject are the same as those which have been published to demonstrate the impossibility and danger of governing the provinces federally, besides other more powerful reasons, which it is not here necessary to explain. It may then he deduced, from the whole of what has been said, that the renunciation of the rights of sove reignty of the Republic over the Banda Oriental, even without the conditions specified in the text of the instructions, would not compromise the essen tial rights of the nation, and that the Republic might make this renunciation, always supposing that by such a proceeding the national existence, which at that time was compromised, might he saved. — Having well weighed all these reasons, the Plenipo tentiary conceived that he was in a situation which authorised him to negociate, modifying on his own responsibility the only article of his instructions which was directly opposed to the object of his mis sion ; and he resolved so to do, considering that he might thus secure the Republic a benefit which was urgently necessary, without the fear of compromis ing it by any obligation; and since, according to the law of nations; obligation by treaties is the result only of the act of ratification. It now remains to be examined whether the pre liminary convention, which, in consequence of the above resolution, was concluded by the Plenipoten tiary at the Court of Brazil, departed greatly from his instructions ; whether positive advantages were acquired by it, or whether it sacrificed essential rights and wounded the national honour. On carefully analyzing articles 1 and 2 of the Convention, it appears in the first place, that though by the tenour of the instructions given to the Pleni potentiary, the Republic was prepared to renounce unconditionally all its rights to the province of Monte Video, without any reserve, yet by the preli minary convention, it renounced " only condi- tionaliy the rights which it might claim. This re nunciation or desistance made by the Republic of the rights which it might lay claim to,.did not prejudice those natural and political rights which the Oriental province possesses and defends. The Emperor of Brazil has essentially modified his pretensions, which are these—the solemn recognition of his right of ' 1 possession of perfect sovereignty over the province of Monte Video, a right which he holds to be ac quired by the spontaneous union of the inhabitants of that country to the empire, and in virtue of which the Republic cannot take part or interfere in its affairs without committing a manifest aggression. This right, of which the Emperor of Brazil supposes himself in possession, is now connected with condi tions especially onerous to the empire,and favourable to the natural and political rights of the inhabitants of Monte Video, by giving to the Republic a new right, founded on the right of its own preservation, to interfere and set up claims respecting the mode of existence of the Oriental province. If, con formably to the tenour of the instructions, the Banda Oriental had been constituted a separate and inde pendent state, it might have stipulated its union with the empire, under whatever conditions ap peared to it proper : or if the Emperor were to have again military occupation of the province under cir cumstances similar to those which gave a fa vourable colour to the first occupation, the Re public would have no right to interfere, be cause, having renounced, unconditionally, all right, the new sovereign state erected in the Banda Oriental • might dispose of itself with the same independence as the Republic was to have disposed of it. By the preliminary convention, the Republic does not obtain all that it proposed to obtain on taking up arms ; but it does not lay them down without securing to the province of Monte- Video all the benefits possible for it to obtain ; and if, in doing this, the Republic has even compromised its existence, no one would deny that it had acted honourably in its engagements, since it had arrived at that boundary beyond which no Government can, without temerity, pass. By article 3, the public engages to withdraw its army from the Oriental pro vince, and reduce it to the peace establishment. The judge who in to decide upon the peace establishment is not the Emperor of Brazil, but the Government of the Republic ; neither does the article prevent arming in case of impending war with sone other Power. It is a mere stipulation of form among na tions which has never been considered ignominious; and whatever explanations might still have been thought necessary, might easily have been intro duced into the definitive treaty. By article 4, the Republic is obliged to maintain the island of Martin Garcia in :tofu quo—that is, as it always has been, destroying the temporary fortifications erected in consequence of the war. This is precisely what the Government would do in the case of peace, and to engage to do it now is no way injurious. Stipula tions of this nature, and many much more serious, are quite common in treaties and conventions, without ever being . called dishonourable. By article 5, the Republic is obliged to pay the . value of the prizes proved to have been taken by acts of piracy. This article is honourable to the Government, and is consistent with the principles which it has proclaimed respecting hostilities by privateers. —The obligettien, Iniweveie Would amount to almost nothing, because we have reasti to believe that the crime of piracy is very rare among our cruisers; and if any happen, it is but just that the sureties which the Government requires from the oWwets should be, answerable. Therefore, article 6 has for its object the adltidleation mid „rendering more equitable the execution of the preceding article. Article 7 requires no particular observation. Art. 8, without containing any thing offensive to the na tional dignity, presents very considerable advantages. It guarantees the free navigation of the river, with out imposing on the Republic the expenses which it would be necessary to enter into from the moment of the conciusioii of petite for the obtaining of this object, and which would be very burdensome during the first years. In cases of war, especially in those which would most probably occur during the first fifteen years, the Republic would be able to elude the effects of the most direct and vigorous hostility which an enemy is capable of making. By Art. 9, the blockade was to be raised in 24 hours after the ratification, and hostilities arrainse the subjects of the empire might be prosecuted ' at sea for eighty days more. The Republic was thus immediately relieved from the most serious injury which the enemy could inflict upon it, and yet it would not be obliged to restore the prizes which, during so long a period, might be taken. Art. 10 stipulates the term within which the convention was to be ratified, and the place of exchange,—both stipulations calculated to enable the Republic to enjoy as speedily as possible the effects of a peace supposed to be necessary. It results from this analysis-Ist. That the preli minary convention contains no article by which the essential rights of the nations are compromised. 2d. That it presents important advantages. 3d. That if the Republic does not obtain the whole object of the war, as little does the empire preserve all the rights which it claimed and exercised before the war. Conventions and treaties far more onerous have been concluded by nations most jealous of their glory, when they have considered them calculated to pre vent danger to their national existence, to obtain great benefits, or to gain a more advantageous posi tion. That a treaty is only a dvantageous or disad vantageous according to the circumstances under which it is ratified, and the respective situations of those who contract it, is a received doctrine among all nations, and is supported by common sense. To do the best that is possible, is essentially the duty of every Minister, and he is responsible for what he doe.. The preliminary convention has been par tially judged. All those points have been fastened upon which were calculated to stir up national ani mosity, and every one censures the Minister for hav ing acceded to them ; but few have inquired what were the circumstances under which that Minister was sent to negociate, and this is precisely the point which ought to be taken into consideration. I will - put the case hypothetically. Suppose our disasters to have been such that only one or two province s of the Republic could support the burden of the war; that the other provinces could not or would not as sist them ; that from some powerful motive, whatever it might be, instead of aiding they opposed them; if the treasury and resources were entirely exhaust ed, credit utterly ruined, the national authori ties disobeyed, accused, and insulted, and the army participating in these disorders, and wast ing itself even by its victories, without any hope of improvement; if for these reasons a peace or a truce were indispensably necessary to save the country from the last degree of degradation ; if in such an extremity a citizen sufficiently patriotic to take upon himself the dangerous task of nego tiating a peace which could not be glorious, should present the preliminary convention, would it be just to reject it as inadmissible, disgraceful, anti subver sive of the essential interests of the nation ? Would it be fair to criminate the negotiator, who, fully understanding his country'S interests, should con clude a peace under such circumstances, risking only his personal reputation, and in no way compromising the Government ? But let it be further supposed that during the absence of the Plenipotentiary, de cisive victories, powerful allies, and abundant re sources had been obtained; that the most cordial union among the provinces of the Republic, the most exalted enthusiasm in the inhabitants, and un limited confidence in the national authorities and the chiefs of the army, should have entirely changed the situation of the republic—in such a case, should the preliminary convention be accepted ? Perhaps not. The Government would see whether such a conven tion, which had been advantageous in the disas trous situation of the country, would be disadvantageous in its bettered condition. — It might be rejected, not as being odious, de grading, and destructive of the honour and exis tence of the nation, but as disadvantageous, consi dering the circumstances of the Republic.. The ci tizens, unmindful of their past misfortunes, and thinking only of their present prosperity, might censure the plenipotentiary, and be deaf to the argu ments in his defence ; but they would scarcely carry their injustice so far as to impute to him the worst of crimes. The Plenipotentiary charged to negotiate the peace with Brazil, under circumstances perhaps the most critical that the Republic ever presented, con ceived that he could not satisfy the confidence re posed in him by the Government, nor fulfil the ex pectations of the country, if he did not hazard even his personal reputation in negotiating the cessation of hostilities, and signing a convention that might be of the utmost importance to the welfare of the na tion, and which did not impose any obligation on the Government till after its ratification. I repeat once more that the Government was placed under no engagement. A treaty of peace, a preliminary convention, signed by Plenipotentiaries, does not bind the respective Governments for whom it is ne gociated, until after it has been attentively examined and formally ratified. The engagements entered into by the negotiators are to be regarded as merely conditional promises until after the act of ratification. Besides, a preliminary convention, even, after being solemnly ratified, is still a provisional treaty. Its principal object is to obtain a cessation of hostilities, and to fix bases for a definitive treaty. If this do not take place, the convention or preliminary treaty falls to the ground. Unhappily, with regard to the present convention, the fundamental question has not been examined, without the examination of which it is impossible to judge properly of transac tions of this nature. There is only one case in which the Republic ought to take no counsel but of its courage, and in which no treaty or convention is admissible ; and that is, when the essential rights of the nation are attacked. As, for example; if a power ful neighbour should attempt to subdue and subju gate the Republic. With the exception of such cases, it belongs to the discretion of Governments to decide. They are bound to sacrifice every thing to the existence of the nation. To preserve the Republic, to avoid greater evils by knowing how to make war and negociate in time, is the first duty of those who govern. On their judgment depends the yielding something opportunely for the re-establish ment of affairs, and for saving the Republic from confusion and disorder, which even victories might only serve to augment, and hold out to an artful enemy greater probabilities of consummating the ruin of the Republic, and profiting by its spoils. Here might be added some important reflections 'on the true military - and political position ix which the Oriental Province would be placed in the case of the preliminary convention being adopted, and on the manlier in which that convention was con cluded, even supposing that it has been properly rejected; but, whatever advantage my cause might derive from entering into the discussion, I prefer at present to pay the tribute of a respectful silence to the decision of the national a uthorities. The time will come when impartial judges will be able, with a complete knowledge of the case, to pronounce on my conduct, and characterise it justly. Meanwhile it suffices for me to have proved-1. That lam not criminal for the act of having negociated . the preliminary convention under a departure from the letter of my instructions, for similar transactions have obtained eulogy instead of vituperation.- 2. That the convention which I signed contains nothing which compromises the essential rights of the The nepublie appeao bp* to he relieved from the serious difficulties which vieighed upon it at the time of my departure for the Court of Brazil and, among the advantages begun to be enjoyed, the most important doubtless is, the power of accurately fathotiiitig the depth of the abyss on which it stood. When that shall be correctly known by the people, they will be in a condition rightly to judge which deserves best their esteem or indulgence—the citi zen who, in such a crisis, sacrifices his reputation, and perhaps his existence, to his country, or he who, at all risks, would render his country only the in strument of his fame. MANUEL JOSE GARCIA. Buenos Apes, July 6. cipal basis of order and happiness ; the ridiculous I reports spread abroad that the garrison wish to esta blish the patrol system, already abolished, to burn houses and convents, to proscribe and vex indivi duals; have no other. object than to spread trouble and disorder, by indisposing the people t o wards the troops. But fear northing; the origin of these views is known; the perfidious hypocrites, depriv- eel of all virtue, who in s p ire these alarms with guilty dissimulation, are marked. Live in peace; you will . rather be witnesses of their just punishment than of the disunion of the troops and these honourable inha bitants. I cattanswer for the sentiments of this generous garrison; its wishes aspire to defend the august person aid sovereignty of our legitimate Monarch Ferdi nand VII. whom God preserve ; also to exact the obedienee due to the laws teed authorities, and to )reserve public order, with the mod.eration and dis tipline, which, above all things, foto( the chief fea tures in the character of these d,‘,...fenders of the throne; such is their duty, and they. vrill, in con junction with me, and the other author:t ies, this day, there is not an event of the least . the ends they have in view. You know Oa, to attain import -4p andriroc ts i a. will an of on i rt n i tdnhiuveei Continue, future ree‘rveihf) therefore, r ecat stilld strengthened e ny t otltpart assespreserve r fvutt,ti l o h n e, "same spirit of union, and testify by your conduct your fidelity to his Majesty. This your provisional governor expects from the purity of your zeal. (Signed) JOSEPH DE TORRES." The rebel chiefs have announced to the inhabi tants of all the villages of the coast, that they are masters of the district of Gerona ; and they are for bidden, wider pain of death, to furnish provisions to the isles of Medas, fortified positions at the entrance of the gulf of Rosen. (rItiVATX CORILESPOISDENCE.) FRANKFORT, SEPT. 25.—Letters from Berlin say, that in case of war breaking out in the East, a body of Prussian troops of o bservation will assemble near the extreme frontier of the Grand Duchy of Posen, and that it will be conVosed of the fifth corps, where the divisions occupy i.!lat Duchy, and a part ,of Silesia, and of a division ef the third corps, ;which will march for that purpose ,from Frankfort Iron the Oder. • MEXICAN PAPERS. VERA CRUZ, JULY 29.—1 t is important for 5 . " to know that Ferdinand VII. has named his brother Fr&ncisco de Paula, the son of Godoy (late Prince of Peace), King of Mexico. In consequence Of this, he sent Count Ofalia to the Courts of Paris and London, to communicate this resolution, informing them that the new Monarch would proceed thither, supported by an army to open the ports to him; and pave the way to the throne. General Morales, who was on the " Costa firma," has been sent to recruit troops in the Canaries for this expedition, and, with the paric m idie o naety other the 14ehi Cabinetsch ofe disposal S Eo p uf a r no Ferdinand,i have a C v Clergy geye shipsh Isf informed i r .n e la e fre e ely notes; pe n m qi p i i p o p rt e a d : , : e d i t ) o d p everypreparation rati oContinentn sa r eofi m iaca a k d o li e n if gi n o for t tuo h s a , t ats p hs t ie t s r t po t s t e le of the election of this new Monarch by diplomatic i new Baratarian Majesty at the rlavannah, a place so inde pendence and liberty of which place was frustrated by the Negretes in 1825, wherfit would have. cost Mexico only an attempt. Thus the Baptist Arenas appeared only as the forerunner of the appearance of the Sovereign Paula, and although his decapitation was fortunately anti cipated, it is no temerity to presume that be has disseminated through this vast territory some apostles, who, if they commit no actual damage and havoc, may at least prove' troublesome. For my part, I repeat with the Roman orator.—Pereant amid, duns una irrinuci intercidant—(Perish our friends, provided our foes fall at the same time); for thus amongst the good, bad men would fall like wise, whom it would otherwise be difficult to dis- Cover. The United States decreed, during the last war, that every individual of that nation, old citizens excepted, should remove 100 leagues into the inte rior, under pain of expulsion and sequestration. — Why do we not adopt the same course with the Goths, that are suffered to remain from motives of pity ? This is a bad sort of American pity. , Were I a Deputy, I should propose it. JULY 27.—Letters from Tehueacan mention that at half past one in the morning of the 12th ult., a terrible shock of an earthquake was felt at that place, the vibrations of which were appallingly vio lent. Nature seemed to have lost the harmony of its elements, and the globe appeared to be on the point of destruction. The rumbling of the noise was truly terrific, and the shocks dreadful. Happy are the people who are not exposed to such convulsions of nature ! This trepidation has caused a variety of dangers. The walls of many private houses tumbled down, as well as those of the parish church and of the convent Del Carmen. The sacristy of the hospital of San Juan de Dios was rent, as well as the middle aisle of the small Church of Calvary, situate in the vicinity. The coach-house of a private dwelling was also levelled, but did little damage. OAJACA, JULY 13.—At 33 minutes after one o'clock this morning, we were visited with a slight earthquake, which, however, occasioned no damage; and at half-past 11 at noon, it was repeated, but proved harmless. VERA CRUZ, JULY 26.—Within this few days past, the only topic of conversation has been the presence of the Spanish squadron, under the com mand of Laborde, who arrived on the 16th before this port, when a hermaphrodite brig, belonging to that squadron, entered the bay under a flag of truce. What ! two frigates of the largest class, and a brig, coming for the exchange of prisoners ! We know and curse you already, a thousand and thbusand times, ye imbecile instruments of the infernal Ferdinand ; we not only penetrate your execrable designs, but also fully anticipate the mischief you are capable of committing. No, fellow-citizens, it is impossible that the arrival of these vessels up on our coast has originated in the false and ridicu lous p retence of fetching the worthy vassals of h is Catholic Majest y ; their views are far different, a nd if their wretched impotency were not notorious , I would swear tha t they have uo other object in view than the v il e at tempt of capturing our beautiful corvette the Tepayec, who thinks herself in safety, on account of her having come under the flag of the United States of North America. This, I consider, would be no impediment to their despoiling us of a vessel that will prove a source of terror to the dancing-masters whom we see in Spanish naval uniforms ; they would afterwards give satisfaction to our northern brethren for the insult, by supplications that can only proceed from degraded Spain, resting their de fence on the notoriety of this vessel having been built for our service by officers of our navy, Sze., whilst in the interim we should be deprived of her, until they pay to the United States treble her value, after a year or two the squabble between the Court of Washington and Madrid would last. I conclude, by taking leave of Ferdinand and his satellites, and pray the Supreme ArchiteCt of Nature to curse them for a thousand generations— that Heaven may oppress them—and that the in fernal furies may afflict them per scrcula sreculerum ! Amen, Amen. F. P. TAMARIZ. THE SUPREME GOVERNMENT OF THE FREE AND SOVEREIGN STATE OF VERA CRUZ. By the copies which I have the honour to enclose to you, you will perceive that existing circumstances require now my presence at Vera Cruz, since some of the enemy's ships have arrived in sight of that port, which call my attention to the coast. lam far from believing them capable of disturbing the inhabitants of the frontiers ; but, should they have the audacity to do se, I shall have the pleasure of convincing them that the Mexicans, after knowing how to obtain the independence and liberty of their country, will know how to preserve and defend it, and to bury their enemies en the very line at which they may dare to invade the territory of freedom. Please to submit this to the. Hon. Congress, that it may issue perempt o ry orders for putting the Na- FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Gazette de France, Oct. 1.) PAltts, SEPT. 30.—1 t is on the Ist October that the treaty of reciprocity between France and the United States is to be in force. ,According to the treaty, the merchandize of the growth of the two countries will be admitted, on payment of the same duties, whether the importation is made by French or American ships. Count Capo d'lstria has just arrived at Paris. We find the following article in the Aruremberg Journal, under the head of " Frontiers of Poland :" " It is said that the coronation of the Emperor Nichol►►s, as King of Poland, will take place at Warsaw, in October next. " The conclusion of a treaty of peace with the Persians is again spoken of. The concentration of the Russian troops on the left bank of the Araxes is considered as an indication of it. It is added, that several corps, which were on their march to join the army of the Caucasus, have received orders to halt." The same Papers mention that a Persian officer of high rank, named Sare Beg, had passed through Frankfort, who was to go to London on a diplo- matic mission. Letters from Prussia mention the death of Prince Ferdinand Radziwill, at Ruhborg, near Posen, on the Bth of this month. The Prince of Paterno died on the 28th of Au gust, at Catania, in Sicily, at the age of ninety years. He was one of the richest land-owners . in Italy. His revenue, according to 'the general opi nion, amounted to 100,000 ounces, (about 1,100,000 francs.) His fortune will be divided between four sons and twelve grandsons, who survive him. The Bulletin of the Laws, No. 186, published yesterday, contains an ordinance of the King, dated the 23d September, which prescribes the publication of the Convention, and of the additional Articles concern ing the reciprocal establishment of Frenchmen in Switzerland and Swiss in France, concluded between his Most Christian Majesty, and the Cantons and States of the Helvetic Confederation whose names follow, via. Zurich, Berne, Lucerne, Friburg, So leure, Bale, Schaffhausen, St. Gall, the Grisons, Argovia, Thurgovia, Tessin, Vaud, Valais, Neuf chatel, and Geneva. (From the Constitutionnel.) (EXTRACT FROM A PRIVATE LETTER.) CONSTANTINOPLE, SEPT. s.—The Ottoman Porte persists in its determination of rejecting all in terference in favour of the Greeks, as stipulated for by the treaty of the 6th July last, between Russia, England, and France. This result was to have been expected. That is the occasion of the holy and in nocent joy of the Oriental Spectator, which , in its Smyrnianjargon, sublimely argues upon politics, and occasionally exhausts itself in Creolian lazzis, to draw pictures of anarchy and piracy, for which they are never in wont of subjects. As to the Austrian Observer, satisfied with seeing the commerce of ,the Levant at present occupying ten or twelve hundred merchant vessels under the Imperial flag, it votes for the eternity of the Mahmyiedan Empire. It re joices when it sees that the commercial operations of France are reduced to about thirty Smyrna traders, and that the English and Dutch are doing nothing of any worth; no doubt it would be well content to let things remain on their present foot ing. In the mean while, the interference may be looked upon as not having taken place, if we may jtidge by the tranquillity of the legations charged to follow up its results. The Sultan has declared that he rejects their interference, and yet, far froM pack ing up their baggage, the Ambassadors of England, France, and Russia, remain quiet in their houses. — It is thought one among them has influenced them in this conduct, when the interest a certain person age has in the equipment and arming of the Otto man army is remembered. There is a report on this subject of a considerable supply of arms being destined to be transported to Asia Minor, and even into Persia. Nothing goes on but the enrolment of foreigners, of engineers, of artillery, medical and other officers, and even of artisans and manufac turers. “•• Russia, who has long wished to seem blind, nn-1, derstands all these movements ; but who knows if, to supply the deficit of her finances, necessity will not drive her beyond the line she has chalked out for herself, and induce her to coin money, by means of her cannon and lead, a year hence, to take into her own hands the government of the Sultan's do mains, of his cuseom-houses, his Capsali mines, and Macedonian cottons ? Who knows if she will not then call into independence all of the Sclavonic race professing the orthodox religion, in order to chase the Turks beyond the Bosphorus, provisionally send ing the Sultan and the Mufti to plant their taberna cles at Iconium ? The Turkish Government asserts that the fleet o Meinnet Ali Pacha has arrived in the Morca with s,ooo.troope, which are landed, and that the Seras kier has received orders to attack Hydra. It seems certain, that all this was understoxi long be fore-hand, according to the words now become the aphorism of a Statesman—" Hasten to exterminate the Greeks, in order that the question of their emancipation be not again agitated. You have hung the Patriarchs, and exterminated the popula tion of Chio, without reproach. Strike—success justifies all things; the Greeks once killed, none will care about their fate." Six thousand men are to march from Adrianople, and 4,000 from Larissa, to join the army of Ibrahim Pacha. The Ottoman fleet will be stationed off Mytilene; a hundred Egyptian transports will be employed in yictualling the Turkish troops in the Peloponessys, and the masked expeditions are calculated and organized, in order to steer clear of all obstacles. The Russian squadron which is stationed in the Archipelago will see these manoeuvres; it will be imposed upon,,and, by God's help will return as it came. Such is the conversation at Pere, mid the true state of Turkish policy, which will not be changed u nless another attitude be taken. (PRIVATE CORIMPONDENCE.) BARCELONA, SEPT. 20.—General Don Joseph De Torres, the new Governor of Tarragona, has just published the following Proclamation " Inhabitants of Tarragona—His Excellency the Count de Coupigny, Governor of this fortress, has been called by his Excellency the Captain-General of this Principality near his person ; and in conse quence of that measure, I have been provisionally charged with the political and military government of this place and the district dependent on it. I receive with distrust, inspired any a knowledge of my own weakness, a charge of such high import ance; but the honour conferred upon me inspires the duty of sacrificing myself for your welfare. The unhappy state of the Principality—the fatal ideas suggested to you by the vile artizans of discord, who, from private motives, endeavour to lead you to guilt, and contempt of the laws and sovereign autho rity, and to compromise your tranquillity, that prin- tional Militia under arms, and to exercise them daily, that they may be employ€ :d the moment thei are wanted._ God a nd the Law ! ' (Signed) . 111IGU EL BARRAGAN. Jalapa, July 19, 1827. r To the Secretaries of the lion. CA mgress. , ofJalapa, No. 1,03 i. IJBLIC. (From the Supplement to the Orient NOTICE TO THE I An official account having b arrival of four of the enemy's sir' Cruz, and that one of them is u I proceed this very day to tha necessary dispositions, and to tions personally. The force of tbe4'e v essels is not capable, if they intended to attack our coasts, , and should not on ' that account produce ti; 4' , least -ci 'range in the mind of the Mexicans , whose ently rsi asm the enemy 15 : well aware of, as well as pf tl iei r determination to defend their liberty. 1 That I deem it my duty t* am luaint my. fellow' 1 citizens with the object of to 1 • °Yage, as I shall liketv ise do of the measures the : ' Supreme eras menu may order, hating b ee n apps ised thereof by ao extraordinary messenger. I assn= e them that they may .rely upon the measures th ey have taken to chasa se the enemy upon the ver 7 spot, w h en he should dare an -attempt. Ile Will ..receive a warning , a nd ex perience the patriotic entint slasn:t wherewith tahcetr::::ehxei.clraanlsidakenitoyw., how to deft 'sad their clearest r i g h ts, by burying the enemies of t, I le nation in the ~ va, July 16. eer► received of the ipt in sight of Veil nder a flag of truce , t place, to make the observe their opera' MIGUEL 131. IRRAGAN. ( From El Noticioco of Vera Cru, in TY 2-'7. . de Ofalia (Den Narciso da Heret2ial i , 5 `aris, where he has many conferences 47: ; tu troor- ;:b oof y o e ti: a t i a l ; Ambassador and the French Alinister o He will sh , lt l t d ly o p b j e o c c t ee : d in to the Lo fi n r d s o t n. p SPAIN. no o tt u t nt r has a two the Russia and English t the evacttatioi lof the Peninsula by both the French `mops; secondly, to solicit assistance Id the security of an absolute neu from France, a, lac l e l , is to m o i b ss t i at I of Great Britain, in the. expedi' trality on the pat 'ending agamst Mexico, and of tion which Spain not only projects but has actually determined upon s which General Larig Is is already appointed common der. However, the i ',resent situation of the Pettily sula does, nevertheless, . not admit of any such' expe dition being made. `l. "be apprehension which the ...Constitution of Portuga I ;inspires in Spain, and the di g ,:ontent which prevai. hi among the officers an and the repugnant 7L, of the latter to embark; and, suffic ientwhich, it sibility the want cT. money, and the impos e ining it from t . France, are snore dial' ns for resci m ling these measure'', r e e ,, ,a ):;;lCA., be concealer, 1, occasion these higlv sounding plans of eMeditioll k to be confined to fe merly possessed i il main upon Impel': ant; likawh, e his Highnesii DO, to g o w ith ( )ut his throne ; situ Francisco de Paola' self to recover the Spain must be satisfit'd that she . cannot flatter her' her ancient colonies. .,--- ern p,.re she for. COURSE Of ZXCHA Amsterdam C.F. 12 31 Ditto, at sight W 01 Rotterdam 217. 12 4 Antwerp l2 4 Hamburgh 2% U. 36 10 Alton 2% U. 36 11 Paris ' 3 days' sight Ditto 2 U. 25 60 Bordeaux. 25 60 Berlin - • • Frankfort on Maine, Ex.M.152 Petersburgh, ebbe 3 Us. 10 0 Vienna, effective fl , 2 M. 10 6 1.1 ieste do • • In (3 Madrid 35% • ! S:X Cadiz Sevilleßßarcelonai Gibraltar Ib°a .. . . :::::::::::::::::: : 4 45 15_ _ . . !,- ------' •iIiDAY. 4110 „, teee.eg : , Z ...ll: lr r E . ST .. a .. ~ 4 25 .46 Venice '""""' - Malta Naples .... . Palermo s•—•.. ' Lisbon .,..~ Oporto ....,.., Rio Janeiro ~..... ~, 45 B a hi a ....... .... , Buenos Ayres .... ..... .!,..., 13; Dublin, 21 days' sighs"... Iyit Cork BULLION, Pan OZ. 4, Portugal Gold, coin... 0 0' g , -- Foreign Gold, in bars 3'17 „"' New 1)oubloons 0 0 17 :- New DollaYs ' •0 4 gt Alleer, bars, standard 0 5 0! ... „._ •riz.fig*et'-ji.,04 '''---_--- --- 4' re, ',•-k.r, 19 fok LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING. OCTOBER 1827' The Paris Papers of Sunday, with the Gazette de France, dated Monday morning, reached u s last night. The Constitutionnel publishes s " private letter from Constantinople, dated the 5 0 September, which speaks of the rej ection by the SULTAN of all proposals respecting the Greel o ' as a fact beyond all question. The A mbetssadO of the Allied Powers, however, remained, and° presume, will remain, unless the Porte comnO some act of hostility towards their Government o9 or of personal insult towards themselves. P r the mean time every possible exertion was making by the SULTAN to be prepared for the w orst . The enrolment of foreigners, engineers, artillery men, medical and other officers, was going °'' with activity,--the arrival of the Egyptian fle a was known, and it was said that the 5,090 .001 0 which it conveyed were landed in the Mord' and that the SERASKIER had received orders attack Hydra. Six thousand men had bee' ordered to march from Adrianople, and 4,0 men from Larissa, to join the army of IBRAO I I . P AC KA, and an Ottoman fleet was to be sta tione c t . off Mytilene. Such are the reports mentioile in this letter, and probably are not . fa r from the truth, for it is evident that the SULTAN has 11° intention to abandon his course without imposillf upon the Allies the necessity of committing t first act of hostility. A letter from Berlin states, that if hostili actually take place in the East, a Prussian MO of Observation will be formed at the extretel frontier of the Grand Duchy of Posen. Ib i. bi may be necessary for the ul timate securit y of .. Prussian territory, but it will not prevent li d gigantic neighbour from seizing the long-wl s l id opportunity to get possession of part of ill Turkish dominions. The accounts from Spain only c ontid to furnish daily additional proofs of 'the. er tent to which the insurrection is spreading, d, the consequence as well as numbers of the per o ; who in various parts of the country h ave she a determination to unite with the Rebels. 1* i i progress of FERDINA ND, on his Quixotic ' f is probably he will pedition, is still k e p t a secret. His MA.O6, his unpopularity in ell w passi;3'e of through, and will possibly 61 town on his arrival at his destinatio n th at hi s . ej ternptible conduct at Madrid, has in bis C , long since dispelled the charm which It usually possesses in distant provinces. Extr f of these Papers are given in another colun .1 The affairs of Turkey still necessarily e ll d a large' portion the public interest, an ion ofd int) information, to the absence of infoiaiion, til t. e 13 . 1 i tiplication of reports increases. Any fact 4 bears on the subject is eagerly caught or; both pub" inferences drawn frot nd to-day mentioned September, officers in absence, h regiments port, aerivl that the athfices frog announcing position to negociationE rumours to London, ment also Corfu from as their con to be hmned and to a Cab] confirmed tli to the team nature of patches, hoN and it is pi only to the deed, pretty additional tii tQ decide on 'not be surpr flays, origin Highness, m time for the will at once the receipt Ttirkish Ca t/pon as the given, the n known, in jout►.iey fiot it, was a sitoi nay, therefl anxious susp Specting the Possibly, ban Since wri. the dispabzik from thr, Io Lin et Com llll Prmance, at', supposed vessel has .the &•gyptiai l Aich was s( til t date, or it cannot be the fleet on R hodes, or . Major CI t imed at Ale: tote of the it itied) with 411)4 Y of the Brazil am " being agai a gainst each "h iS part, h with the avol ° derdal ; an People of Bt in their powl a mongst thei The new 1 Officers of S_ emoluments, scribed large expeuces of independenc and honour such eircur still the Bri Ayres had PONSONB Y, standing tli, him, prayi❑ sonal ender of negoeiati Whether N attempt was but we fear be successfi excited betiN be difficult determined possession the navigatil object, and 1 useless to h 4 lations betty' We have an expositll which he ha ings in new) ratified. By the arr We have bee from Lisbon, thing import STUBBs Nd GEN T and ii and sham • ult., and we Their Roy: 11 )uch entllu The 'nog ''ices is, ti