The Sun. — London, England, 1856-05-20 00:00:00

and annually to apply it to the extinction of the debt. All ether contrivances of financiers-all pretended sinking funds, however ingeniously formed or concealed under specious phrases, will be found in practice delusive and disappointing. (Hear, hear.) When we intrust to sub ordinate bodies the power of raising money upon the seen ritypf taxes we impose an obligation of creating an annual sinking fund which is devoted to the extinction of a por tion of the principal of the debt. In every case where a county or a borough, a board of guardians, or any of the various municipal bodies with which England is covered, receives from Parli iment the power of effecting a loan, it is always accompanied with a condition , which requires that, an annual sinking fund shall be set ap..rt for the ex tinction of the loan. I believe there is not a single instance in which the power of borrowing thus conferred by Parlia ment upon any public body is not accompanied by a condi tion of that sort. Parlia men t recog uisee the wisdom and policy of that principle as applied to all public bodies except itself. Unfortunately, it has hitherto been remiss in applying that mode of extinguishing debt to the largest of all debts—viz., the debt which the nation has itself incurred. The loan which will presently be submitted to the committee has been effected in Consols, without any resort to terminable annuities. Perpetual annuities have been found by expe rience to be that form of borrowing which is at once most advantageous to the borrower and to the lender. It is con venient to the borrower because he never can be called upon for the principal of the loan ; his creditor is a mortgagee who never can foreclose . ; white it is aloo convenient to the lender ' because it is an advantage to him not to be corn pelledto receive his money before he wants it. At the same time he can go into the market whenever he chooses, and by selling his perpetual annuities realise his capital. The position of the public creditor reminds me of the de scription applied to the keeper of a, celebrated club at a time when gambling in clubs was more common than hap pily it is now— " Who, nursed in clubs, disdains a vulgar trade, Exults in trust, and blushes to be paid." (A. laugh.) Stich are the feelings of the public creditor. He wishes not to be compelled to receive the capital which he has advanced to the Government ; and it is an advan tage to the Government, on the other hind, not to he forced, before it can effect the operation upon favourable terms to repay the sum so advanced. Bat it is an entire mistake to suppose that because the annuity is perpetual, therefore the debt must b t perm anent.. The Government has the same facility of paying off the creditor who has ad vanged his money 41 perpetual annuities as it has been the ease, of the treditor who has advanced in terminable an nuities. It is true that in etrectine; a loan in terminable annuities the Government compete itselfto repsy anau.lly a portion of the principal ; but in subjeettue itself to that necessity, it makes worse terms en behalf of the public than it would. do if the loan were effected in perpetual annuities. Sir, there seems to he an imoression iu seine quarters; that at this period of transition from war to pence we onglot to enter upon a revision of our whole system of taxation. (Hear, bear.) •Itis s that the p. ceout moment affords a favourable opportunity for a complete review of our whole fiscal system, and thal we are imperatively called upon to undertake it. Before we adopt that view, let us consider what great exertions have of late years been made in the revision of our taxation. In 1 '42 Sir Robert Peel subjected the whole of .our tariff to a complete review. In 1316 a large part of it again came under the consideration of Parliament, and in 185:3 the whole of our Ceetoms' duties underwent revision. . By these successive revisions all prohibitive, protective, and excessive duties have been swept away, and the only duties as far as I know which can now be pointed out as being of the nature of protective duties are those on foreign spirits and on hors. The Customs duty ou foreign spirits is, no doubt, somewhat higher than the duty upon British and colonial spirits. The duty on forei g n spirits is 153. per gallon ; white on colonial spirits the duty is Sc. 2d., and on Brietish spirits Bs. However high apperentlyenay be the dotty on foreign spirits, it has never been considered liable io serious objection on the greeted of being a protec tive duty. With regard to hops, it is true the Customs' duty, in more than double the Excise duty, and in ordinary years amounts nearly to a prohibition upon the introduc tion OF foreign hops. The eutiro revenue derived from stanTa received very close attention when my right hon. friend at the head of the Admiralty (S r C. Wood) held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, and that branch of revoiine is now in a satisfactory state. The wb&e subject of bills and receipts was cheat t withinlBs3 by the right hon. gentlinna.n the member for the University of Oxford, and the newspaper stamp duty was repealed list session. The windo .v tax was repealed in 1851, at a loss to the revenue of 1,170,000/. The assessed taxes were revised in 1833—rates were reduced and exemptions abolished, which resulted in rerni!nion of 290,00 W. a-year. With regard to the land tax the r ittes are irrevocably fixed, and there is no opportunity for rt.;vision. As to the income tax, we lately hal a de bate 'hi this house, in which a plan was proposed for com muti se; it into a property tax—a plan which I trust will never; receive the sanction of this house. With regard to the e seise, the whole revenue from that source has been, of later Oars, constantly under the consideratioa of Parliament. The • duty on bricks was repealed in 1850, being a remission of 45 reooo/. The duty on soap was repealed in 1853, being a rerei:ission of 1,126,0001. In the same year the hackney carrheee and post-horse duties were reduced, and in 1855 a re.":, uction was male in the stage-carriage duties. The - ?ust-office loses the character of a branch of reve nue, inasmuch as the whole net revenue of the Post-office, after the reapenses of the inland Post-office aro defrayed, is only e. little more than sufficient to cover the expense of foreigeo mails. It seems to me, the great obstacle to the im prove patent of our system of taxation is owing not to any want of care on the part of Parliament, nor to any want of frtiquent revisions and sugg estions elaborately carried out by successive Government s, but to the necessity under which, we are unfoetuzately placed of raising a large reve nue t O meet the expenditure of the country. A. 4 long as that irecessity exists I fear it wilt be impossible for us to avoid imposhig some taxes and maintaining others at cer tain ates, which we should be willing, if we hat the op tion, to alter. At the present moment, after the large ex pense:4 of the last ! l bw years, it may be interesting to the committee to hear how the public expenditure of this coun try st ands in relation tothat of other countries. With re gard to the prop , rtion which the debt bears to other branches of expenditure. and the similar exnenditure in some foreign countries, I have prepared a table which, I placf:s the matter i a the clearest light : , - ..4 i ...-; 13, 2 cd . 0 0 .., a.' A >, . 0 . 6) 01 •.:4 - - Year. , ~., -, - Li 5. Total. b to 7A c$ 1 a 70 0 a s a g;,....4-..,,, ~--• 4 - . IA . 0.. *•••- --: k.l X; A = , X £ £ £ Z .. 1 i X s d 1852-3 '27.918.027 16.:98,4'6 11,102 887 55,219 310 1 19 4 9 19 5 1833-4 27 793,262 16,41 - .769 :1,566,50(1 55,844,531 1 19 .6 0 19 10 1834-5 27,864,533 3 +,l ).1,706 12,214,4 , 8 70 200,647 2 9 4 1 9 9 1855-6 T 28.112.824 61.6 , 11 287 11 270.73', 93.044,746 3 5 01 5 4 Now, if we compare this we shall, I think, ba incli expendit'ore of England, reasonably large : expenditure with that of France hied to the conclusion that the if we exclude the debt, is not un- 'RANCE. "i a 3 ;4 . yon .7, Rate 7 ›. al Pnblio r., ~ .9. g , "Ei . , Year. Total. per „ r az. ' Debt. . 0 0 a :e.. - 4 8, .t, Head. :;- 1 ; ,.1 Mit . 1 a El -;... A Ca ,•,,, ;ii ____.• _____. _________ .....____ ______.......... ____..... ____ • £ £ £ £ eg dXs.d. 1852 15,954,982 16400249 24,954,7911573700' , 3 112 0 1 3 1 1853 14 975,380 16 7 21704 25,783 720157440807 112 113 10 1854 16,710,005 30920658 27,376,923175007582 1 1111 12 7 1855 16,734,818 176700001 24 291, 3546734617 9 f i 1 11 1 3 j2 7 80r.Oqf 0 , I 1 7 1 3 .1. will only trouble tho committee with one other compa r:son—namely, that of Prussia. I take that to be an eco nomicf-2. Government, in which the expenditure is kept within, the smallest limits : PRUSSIA. . . Pg ::i 6 sow 0 4) ,_, , Rate it -.. l'zar Public r.,f, , .. - 6 -1 7..' Total. per t; u Debt, rs ,di •? 5 t 2 4a. Head. '•3z, Al nil, t A A I'. x Ada ....______ £ £ £ £ £ s. d. .6 p.(l. 18 55 1,792,955 4,333,634 10,569,687 16,696,236 rl9 3 1 17 3 --- Those comparisons will, I thick, mike the committ,. cline to the conclusion that, if we leave out of our collar deration the great annual charge occasioned by the public debt of this country, the portion of public expenditure within the control of Parliament is reduced within reason able and moderate limits. There is no doubt that the large amount of revenue which it is necessary to raise in order to meet that great expenditure compels us not unfrequently to maintain duties at higher rates than we should other wise desire to do. For example, the duty on tobacco is maintained at a rate which is exorbitant when co npared with the price of the article. (Hear.) It is the constant cause -of smuggling, and necessitates the maintenance of a large coastgnat d to protect that branch of revenue. (Hear.) There is another article upon which it weal be desirable, upon international grounds, if the exigencies of the reve nue would permit - , to make some diminution. I mean the article of wine. (dear ) For the purpose of increasing our commercial relation with France and other States of the centinent, it would be undonbtoilly advantageous if, con sistently with the demands of the revenue, it were in our power to reduce the duties on wine ; bat, looking. to the great amount of our revenue which is derived from beer and spirits, and remembering that if the duty on wino, which is alreadY's moderate duty, were much reduced it would iv terfere with the consumption of other fermented liquors e l think the revenue would suffer more than the demands of the public service weal which ttermit. Thus: is another duty is no doubt inconveniently high, but which, in the present stet s of th e revenue, Ido not see how to alter. I mean the dirty on fire insurances. That duty produces a revenue cf about 1,e0),00 31 or 1 ,400,000 Z. It has been . in existence since 1782. It h es stooci at its present rate since the peace, and altheugh it is open to many objectionre:-31- though it reeweseee the prudential motive s of insurers, and although it is a duty which, up n many accounts, it would be desirable to reduce, I It, not see holy in the pr esen t state of the revenue, it would be possible for her j M estY 'F4 Government to propose it as a subject of mitigation.ion. have now laid before the committee a statement of the esti mated revenue and expenditure for the ensuing year. anti I have added such rernarke as it appeared to inn my d ee , to subunit for the inf orma ti o n of Parliament. It hes bee'n my object to give full information upon all matters which it is material Parliament should know in the present state of public affairs. All reserve and concealment would be misplaced on occasions of this sort. The time has long public are not t o b e t r usted with a knew gone by.when the ledge of their own affairs, and it is of the utmost import ance that the financial state of the country, resting as it does on a perfectly seeure b , sis—founded upon the increas ing trade of the country and the untiring, energy and indus trypeople—should be known not only to the popu lation of the but thronghont the- whole world. I of England, have made this statement, relying upon the fairness of the house in forming a plan which I have submitted to it-3 plan which does not involve any departure from the exist ing principles of our financial system, and which is intended merely to supply the deficiencies of the year by the re Sources which I have laid before the committee. In pre paring this plan ler Majesty's Government have been most anxious to arrange such a system as would be snited to the exigencies of affairs, and I rely with confidence on receiv ing the support of the house when it has examined in all its details the plan which I have now had the honour of submitting to it. The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving the following resolutions : " That, towards raising the Supply granted to her Majesty, the sum of 5,000,0001. he raised by annuities. "That every contributo r to the said sum of 5,0 . '0,000/. shall, for every 1002. contributed and paid, be entitled to the principal sum of 1071. 10s. 7d. in annuities after the rate of 3/. per centum, to commence f rom t h e s th day of Jan., 1856, and to be added to and made ono joint-stock with the existing consolidated 31. per eentum annuities, and to be payable and transferable at the Bank of England at tile same tithes and in the same manner and subject to the , ,ee in like redemption as the said consolidated 3/. per cent= an- LA ties. " Thatikhe said annuities, so to be payable as aforesaid, shall be charged upon and paid out of the consolidated fund of the united kingdom of Great Britaiu and Ireland. " That every contributor shall, on the 22d day of May, 1856, make a deposit of 10/. per cent. on such sum as he or she shall choose to subscribe towards raising the said sum of 5,000,0001., with the chief cashier or cashiers of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England as a security for making the subsequent payments on or before the days or times hereinafter meutioned,ithat is to say ;—Payment of 201. per cent. on or before the lAtt of June, 1856 ; 201. per cent. on or before the 28th of June, 1856 ; 201. per cent. on or before the 24th of July, 1856 ; 101. per cent, on or before the 28th of August, 1856 ; and 201. per cent. on or before the 18th of September, 1856. That all the moneys so to be received by the said cashier or cashiers of the said Governor and Company of the Bank of England shall ba paid into the account of the receipt of Her , Majesty's Exchequer at the Bank of England, to be applied from time to time to such services for Great Britain and Ire- land as have been or shall be voted by this house, or to such services as are now charged en the cOnsolidatcd fund of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or shall be charged thereon by any act that may be passed hereafter." Mr. ALCOCK regretted that the right hon. gentleman had not made up his mind to reduce the duty on fire in surances to b. That duty was a tax upon prudence, and in direct contravention to the principle of free trade, while at the same time it pressed unequally on the rich companies and poor companies. The right hon. gentleman had stated that such &seduction would cause a loss to the revenue of from 600,0006. to 700,0006., and no doubt it might do so in the first year, but he did not believe that such would be its ultimate effect. In France, where there was no duty, seven-eighths of the population insured, while in England only one-third did so, and if the duty in this country were lowered a larger numberof persons would insure, and there would be no loss to the revenue, while at the same time prudence and precaution would be spread among the people. As to thelincome tax he never wished to see it done away with, because it afforded the opportutity of removing the other taxes; ba.• at the same time both that tax and the property tax might be readjusted with advantage. If the property tax were placed on a fair footing there would be no necessity for a malt tax or for a duty on tobacco, and trtere would be much less smuggling and adulteration. He did not wish to take up the time of the house, bat be would repeat that he regretted that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not determined upon reducing the duty on Ore iw.u. Mr. HAD 01e1LD proposed to submit to the committee, at a proper time, a proposal for the reduction of the duty on tire insurances, from- 3e. to is per cent.; and he did still hme that the right hon. gentleman weulcl yield on this point. Ho was confident that a great ineiease of insurances would f a reduction. I'dr. W. WILLIAMS said the financial statement just submitted was a winding-up of the wer, and he saw no alternative but to place the same confidence in the Govern neat on this point as had been placed in them with rsgerd to the expenditure for carrying on the war. As respecte 1 the resolution, it was of no use to find fault with it now. He had expressed a decided opinion re warding the two former loans, as well as the funding of Etelsequer-bills —namely, that it would have been much more prudent and economical if the amount of those loans had bee.' added, not to the Three per Cent. Consols, but to the new stock introduced by the right hoe. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford (Hr. Gladstone). However, 5,030,000/. was too swell an amount of itself to deal with in that way; but if the whole amount of 36,000,000/. had been raised in these new stocks it would have been infinitely better than its addition to the Three per Cents. He wished to ask the right hon. eeutlemau whether it was intended to lay on the table a new estimate for the army and the various military departments, and the navy, stating the items upon which reductions from the proposed war expenditure were to lee made? Mr. E. BILL asked whether he was to hope that it was intended to remit the additional duty of 5 per cent. upon wait ? He was quite awe the pu'olic would recognise the propriety of inch a measure. (Hear.) The statement of the right hon. gentleman on the subject confirmed his ',repression that in proportion as you augmented the duty on malt, in that proportion you diminished the consump tion. (Hear.) If the duty were reduced to 2s. per bushel, or 16s. per quarter, he believed the gross revenue would equal that which would now be derived from this source. Mr. VANCE, on the part of the Irish distillers, remon strated with the right hon. gentleman on his proposal to retain the present increased rate ofeduty on Irish spirits. He warned the right hon. gentleman that if he persisted in that system the number of gallons brought to charge next year in Ireland would be much reduced, and that in consequence of the low price of agricultural produce —par. ticulaely of malt—great inducements would be given to illicit distillation. The present amount of duty was 200 per cent. upon the raw material, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer was acting very unwisely, even as a ques tion of revenue, in retaining so high a duty. Mr. GIBSON did not like one part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech, in which he seemed to discredit, as it were, the idea of revising our financial system. Look ing back to what had lately been done, the right hon. gen tleman left the committee to infer that we had arrived at a perfect modesof raising the public revenue, that every thing worked remarkably well, and that the existing sys tem-of taxation must be submitted to without any change. To those opinions he (Hr. Gibson) demurred. He had never asked. for the repeal of a tax upon the ground that the money could be spared, but on the ground that the Le jury produced by sum tax to trade and industry was far greeter than the benefit which it yie..:tded to the revenue. That was a question of fiscal polier which it was the duty of the Government to consider s The fire insurance duty was undountedly one whist. ought not only to be reduced but altogether abolished, ' and he had been glad to find that the noble member Per Lynn (Lord Stanley), iu a very able speech he had de:dvered in the country, when shadowing forth the peodey he would pursue, had mentioned that tax as oue wh'.ch he would be prep,red to repeal. He (Ur. aibson) had repeat, ally brought beano the house the qu-- ti , ,u of the duty on paper, and his motion had been sup• ported not only by many hon. members, but he believed by nearly every gew le irvtu who had filled the office of Chan cellor of the Exchequer, and - Who was not in that office when the motion was brought forward. The right hon. member for Buckinghamshire (Hr. Disraeli) yote-t, he be lieved, ou one occasion for the repeal of the paper duty. The right hole member for Oxford University (Hr. Glad stoue), when he lately visited Manchester, took occasion himself to attack the paper duties in a manner which made his (11r. Gibson's) constituents all the mere earnest in urg ing bun to press the question upon the attention of the Government. He regarded the paper duty as a disgrace to the lineucial system of this country, and, unless that, tax was repealed, it was impossible to attain those results wuieh they had in view when they repaled the newspaper stamp duty and the duty upon advertisements. He was for taking the exciseman's hand from the press altogether. He wished to see a free and untaxed press, and that they could not have so long as the duty upon paper was main tained. It had been said the repeal of the newspaper stamp had proved a failure, but he would take leave to say that-that was a great mistake. He knew of his own know ledge that there wore at least a hundred penny and three half-penny papers in circulation in this kingdom, which were not in a dying state. They wore frequently told that penny newspapers had departed this life, but the great difficulty with which the conductors of such publications had to contend was the duty on paper. He knew, for in stance, one small publication—a penny newspaper—which paid the Government 3,0001. a year as a tax upon paper. What a tremendous obstacle that was in the way of cheap literature ! Thus, 3,0001. a-year deducted from the funds of a penny publication must deprive the managers of the opportunity of producing good as well as cheap literature. He concluded that the maintenance of the duty on paper was utterly inconsistent with the desire which had been frequently expressed in Parliament for the diffusion of knowledge among all classes of the people. He therefore gave notice to the Government that, whether there was a deficiency or a surplus of revenue, he should feel it his duty on a fitting occasion to ask that house to repeal the duty op paper. Er.e would urge that proposition mainly upon moral and educational grounds, although he could make a very strong case_ upon commercial and industrial grounds. A reduction of expenditure was an essential preliminary to an extensive revision of our financial system,-and ho hoped the expenditure for the defences of the country would be reduced to the amount at which it stood before the war commenced, if, indeed, it could not be reduced below that amount. Increased expenditure had been, re quired on particular emergencies, but the practice had been to reduce such expenditure as soon as the necessity for it passed away, and he hopedthat no longer expenditure would be incurred for the defences of the country than wasrequired to maintain a proper and effective peace establishment. He could not lend any countenance to the doctrine that before the commencement of the late war the country was help. less and defenceless in consequence of the Government not having been supplied with sufficient funds; for that house had always supplied the Government with any funds they required for the defences of the realm. If the state of our armaments afforded any cause for just complaint, it must have been owing to the miernanagementand misapplication of the funds which Parliament had placed at the disposal of the Ooveru:aent. He hoped, at no distant period, to have the opportunity of supporting large reductions in the public expenditure, and he trusted that the trade and in dustry of the country would be relieved from some of those oppressive Excise duties which had so pernicious an effect upon the moral and material interests of the great body of the labonring classes. Mr. ING le AM slid he was quite prepared to go into the quedien of the paper duty; but as the right hon. member for Manchester lied intimated that he would call the at tention of the house to that subject on a future occasion, he (Mr.. Ingram) would defer the observations he wished to matte until the right hone gentleman brought forward his motion. He regarded the paper duty as a most obnoxious tax, and he thought tiro statements he would be able to adduce would satisfy the house that is ought to be abo lished. Mr. DISRAELI—The right hon. gentleman the Chan cellor of the Exchequer has stated that ho has been in com munication with an eminent capitalist in this country, and I am sure it must be gratifying to the house and to the country to receive from the highest authority upon finan cial topics an assurance that the resources of the empire are not diminished by the great struggle in which it has re cently been engaged, and that, whatever emergency or exi gency may arise, we may always appeal to them with full confidence that they will suite to vindicate the honour of the country. I will not touch upon those points connected with particular taxes to which the Canceller of the Exche quer has referred. Opportunities will no doubt be afforded for expressing our opinions upon suck questions; but it does not seem to me that there is, at the present moment, any very immediate prospect of a Chancellor of the Exchequer introducing into this house a proposition for the reduction of any existing t ax , the Exchequer to settle' with th will h leaveis habitual the supporters o Chancellor of f liberal opinions th ose doctrines o f financial finality which b e has promulgated w i th so in will no doubt be regtrcled wiuthch gr a e l a it t ho a ri tt t e y n , ti a o n n d b w y h t " h cl e i country. I will, however, take tali:: opportunity of most seriously ,expressing my hope that, when the excitement of the war It hich has just terminated has passed away, the G ove rnment will give their bast; attention to measures of wise, but at the same time most rigid economy. (Hear.) That is expected by the country, and I am convinced that that is the only spirit of legislation in which we can con firm the wise principles of finance upon which our system is now generally established, and that will enable us to prepare those resources for the future which, whenever an emergency arises, will enable us to show the same power we have recently displayed. I will also take this oppor tunity of stating my belief that it would be most uneise on the part of the country to allow itself to be misled by what I cannot but regerd as a most superficial and founded opinion, and io suppose that it can guard itself spinet the repetition of many—l will admit mortifying— incidents which occurred at the commencement of the war, by habitually supporting a much larger military establish ment. (Hear.) I feel persuaded that if we suppose we can protect ourselves from the repetition of events which THE StiikC L DON 4 TUESDAY EVENING. MAY 1856. we all regret, and which occurred at the commencement of the late war, by maintaining a larger army, and sup porting in every department of our military system more extensive establishments, we shall probably find, when a crisis arrives and a struggle is again to be entered upon, a repetition of the same mischances and disappointments which prevailed before, with the consciousness that in the interval we had expended those resources which, having been accumulated by the wise system of economy that has generally prevailed of late years, have enabled us to meet our difficulties with so much comparative ease, and have also enabled ' the Minister of Finance this evening to make a report of our financial position which must be most satisfactory to the country. We all Lope and expect that we may profit by what has passed, and that we may learn what are the weak points of oar system, and take care to be better prepared in those pardeulars when a future danger may arise. But we ought to take this opportunity of impreseing upon the country that there is a great difference between au effective and an expensive army— (bear)—that we may have a military system which is perfect, and which at the same time is founded on a wise economy ; that the military establish. very simple treaties meanings which any man who takes the trouble of reading them for once in his whole life will perceive at a glance are utterly inapplicable to them. (Laughter.) The right hon. gentleman hag chosen to go back to the year 1348, making assertions with respect to ment which we sanction sliOuld be a model rather than a force, adequate to any great occasion which may hereafter arise. These are the true principles, and if we can vindi cate them we shall have profited by our late experience, and we shall be following a course :Which will maintain the strength and honour of this country without endangering those elements of real power which are derived from the labour and industry of the people. In looking over the proposed reductions of the original estimates prepared by the Government I saw with seine distrust the large reduc tion proposed in the original estimate for the militia. That certainly is a branch of our defences which I hope this house will never permit to fall trsi.' into a state of ineffi ciency. Tee constitution of that netio ial force should be maintained largely and liberally. I limit myself to the constitution, because I cannot suppose that we should keep on foot a large force of embodied militia at at pre sence bat if the constitution of that fo . ce is largely and liberally ineintained, we may appeal to it, when occasion requires, as is shires or strength which will place this may in that position which it is entitled to occupy in any great European question which m ty arise. The com et. ea , tight to impress upon the Government that it ex pects they will take intvautage of the recess which is ap pro.ching to effect great reductions in the expenditure of the cutlet , y, not with the intention of obtaining a tempo rary popularity, for I know wall that reductions effected in that spirit are generally pereicious, but effected on a distinct principle—on a principle consistent with the maiutenence of the power of this country, and of the posi tion which it ought to occupy in the politics of the world. There is another point on which I desire to touch for a moment, and it arises out of the conven tion with Sardiui t to which the right honourable gentle man p trticul trly referred. I collected from him that the impression of the Government—l may say their convic tion—was that, according to the letter of that treaty, we were not bound to furnish a second million to Sardinia. Upon a question of so great importance, involving not only the interpretation of a treaty, but also considerations of higlapoLcy, I would not procaine to give a hasty opinion, nor do I think that the Government would expect the com mittee at once to give an opinion which may commit it upon Ihe subject ; but I am quite sure that I do not mis repr enint the feelings of the House of -C meinons when I a ,y the , to all treaties it is always prepared to give a large and lateral construction. (Hear.) But when we are asked to exercise tow trds Serdinie, under these circumstances, a liberality which, from whet I can gather, the G tvernment is not prepared to reco:nrnend that we sheuld exercise to wards our own troops; when, acting in the spirit and not in the letter of the treaty, we are asked to advance to Sar dinia a considerable sum of enoney, we have a right to ask, in our tin e, that the Government should put fairly, dem ie. and frattely before us some view of the relations which subsist between this country and the King of Sardinia. I confess myself thee nothing that I recollect ever appeared to me so perplexing and so perilous as the position which this country has assumed. and the relations which it is now forming in regard to that vary kingdom. If I look to the • protocols of the conferences of Paris which hive been laid on toe table, I fi id expressioa.s of sympathy with suffering Italy which really exeeed the usual caution of diplomatic language. The Sovereign of Sardinia is encouraged appa rently in every way by the English Government to fulfil the high mission to which his subjects believe him to be called. He is preparing, and he is encouraged to effect, what ho deems to be the liberation of Italy. We have autheritative evidence of the feelings of the Sardinian Go vernment and of the policy of the Sardinian Ministers in the very imp Srtantdoe mneuts which have been promulgated, and certainly if we were tojudge from the protocels of Paris and from the documents of the Sertliuian Ministers we should come to the conclusion that there was a perfect 1111 ieretanding between the English Ministry and the Sar dinian Government, and that, in fact, not only was the liberation of Italy an adopted policy, but that the means of effecting it had been agreed upon, and that England was to occupy a great position in the undertaking. But how are we to reconcile such language and such diplomatic documents with the publication of that tripartite treaty, if not secretly at least unexpectedly concluded, which ap parently not only fashieus but consolidates a policy op posed and adverse to that which Sardinia has adopted, which she is encouraged to prosecute, and which, accord ing to the documents of her eminent Ministers, she is at this m >moat actively prosecutin g ? (Hear.) The language of the Serdieian Ministers is that the presence anti the rule of Austria in Italy are insufferable—l give no opinion of my own upon these points on th e present occasion ; that the occupation'of Italian provinces by Austria is the prin cipal and the prime source of the degradation, the mis government, and the misery of Italy ; that these are evils which it is the miesiou and policy of S trilinia to termi nate; and that Sardinia looks, and has reason to look, for the co-operation of England in her efforts to this end. If this be the case, how can we explain that subterranean policy which at the same time signs the protocols of the congress of Paris, 01..ps the King of Sardinia on the back, ant signs a treaty which, we now understand, appeared unexpectedly, and which, if it has any point at all, has this point —that the government of Europe is to be carried on for the future by France, Austria, and England, and that the security for the tranquillity of the world depends upon this tripartite alliance? (Hear.) I am not saying one word against that tripartite alliance—l am not saying that the alliance of Franco, Austria, and England may not be a wise policy. I know that it has been sanctioned and adopted, on some of the greatest occasions of history, by men second to no living statesmen. I know well that Lord Castlereagh, Prince Metternich, and M. de Talleyrand, de vised and, I believe, accomplished such an alliance at a mo ment of great difficulty at the Congress of Vienna. I am not now saying anything ag a i ns t that policy, but at a future time it must form a subject of discussion. The present state of affairs and the foreign policy which this country is now pursuing are not only legitimate subjects of discussion, but our constituents would justly blame us if we went back to them without having fully and completely discussed them. I do not wish to enter into these questions to-night, but when I am asked to sanction a treaty which demands from the people a large portion of their treasure to be contributed to a foreign Power I have a right to ask for some explanation of the mysterious circumstances which apparently at this moment affect our relations with that Power. I give no opinion as to the foreign policy which it .may be wise for this country to pursue. An alliance with France and Austria may be wise and politic, but it is neither wise nor politio to enter into an alliance of that kind which, if it means anything, means a guarantee of the consolidation and the perpetuity of the Austrian empire,' and of course of her Italian dowinions—no mean portion of her empire —and, at the same time, to enter into relations with the King of Sardinia which stimulate him to a policy utterly opposed to the Austrian and Imperial policy, utterly opposed to the retention of those Italian provinces by Austria, and utterly inconsistent with the policy which has produced the tripartite treaty. For the interest of the country and for the sake of our national reputation it is in the highest degree desirable that there should be a satisfactory expla nation of the strange inconsistency between the protocols of Paris and the tripartite treaty. How is it conceivable that England should at one and the same time engage to rescue Italy from the grasp of Austrian dominion, and conclude a treaty which in effect guarantees the integrity of the Austrian empire and declares that the destinies of Europe shall henceforward be governed by England, France, and Austria? (Hear.) I want to prevent a re petition on the part of the British Government of the scenes that were enacted in 1813. I have never met with any gentleman of any nation who, wh ttever his political opinions might be--whether he was a Conservative or a Liberal in England, or an aristocrat or detnocr it in some other country—whether he was a devoted advocate of monarchical despotism or a frantic follower of Red Repub licanism—did not hold the opinion that our conduct in 1848 was not only most disgraceful to ourselves but most injurious to It a ly. (H ear. ) If for the sake of exciting the nerefiecting applause of a mob, and in order to obtain for the existing Government the reputation of being de voted to those vague entities called "liberal opinions " (cheers) —we are again to be in the position of stimulating Italian liberalism, while at the same time we rivet the fetters. of Austrian despotism, I foresee for this nation consequences moat fatal to her just and legitimate influ ence, and to that high character which, notwithstanding the mistakes we sometimes commit, and despite our party conflicts, it is our heppinees - to think that oar country has hitherto maintained, then, will, no doubt, be ample op- pni tit oity to discuss thi+ question in all its bearings when the Chancellor of the Esc °quer shall hereafter ask us for a erote—(hear)--but it appeared to me impossible that the observations of the right hon. gentleman ou the subject of Sardinia should in the meantime be allowed to pass wholly without notice. I do sincerely hope that.proftting by the bitter experience of 1818 and by the recollection of Lord Minto's mission and of tease scenes of popular tumult which, excited by English influence, were deserted by English power —a desertion remembered to this day on the continent with anguish and indignation, notwithstanding the intervening warin which the troops of Sardinia took so gallant a part--I say ',lir, thet I do devoutly hope that, bearing all these things en allud e the House of Commons will refuse to be made the cat's-paw of nny Government for the sanctioning of that pseudo-liberalism which, while it affects sympathy with oppressed lands, strengthens the hands of their oppressors. Should the house unhappily neglect this lesson, they will pursue a policy better calcu lated than any that I can imagine to impair their own authority and to bring dishonour on the reputation of England. (Hoer.) I trust, therefore ' that w'e shall be most scrupulous in exacting fr om the Government a pre cise, frank, and definite account of the relations between :this country and Sardinia, that wo may understand whether we have played our cards so badly at the late game of diplomacy that we are at tee same time pledged to sup port Aestrian authority and Sardinian regeneration. This is a question which is recurring to many minds in this country. It has touched the heart of England, and be as sured it is watched with-auxions attention throughout Eu rope. I feel a deep interest in the future of Italy, and sure I am that there is no honest man in this empire who dods not look forward with delight , to the day when that im memorial land to which we all owe so much shall take her proper place among the nations, and be again one of the leading communities of the world. (Cheers.) But I, for one, base my hope of that conearnmetion on my faith in the genius of the people and the resources of the country. Time, the great reformer, will save Italy, but if there can be anything that will throw her back in her carear—sny thing that will baffle her advancing destinies—it will lee the iratrieuee of politicians who are not Italians, and who, for the sake of getting an impulse and support which other wise they might not command, trifle with the fate of a great people, pander to the lusts of secret societies, pretend to sympathy they do not feel, and for the love of popular applause and a inomentarysaccese, compromise the destiny of a great and gifted cation. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON—We have heard a great deal of that eloquence which the right hon. gentleman is capable of summoning at any moment to his command—eloquence expressing a world of virtuous indignation, which would be well deseiving of the attention and commendation of the house, were it nottbat, unfortunately, it is wanting in one essential —that of hevieg, the slightest foundation in fact. (Laughter.) The right hon. gentleman has talked of " mysteries" where none whatever mist, and attached to Rome, finding at her own doors—one might almost venture to say in every parish—some portion of her subjects upon whom li.tle reliance can be placed. At the same time I ven ture resp:xtfully to express the opinion that if Sardinia carries the same enlightened spirit into her foreign policy which has governed her domestic policy she will renounce • - - the conduct of the Government at that period which I ! and forswear schemes of aggression. She has need of a lofty hesitate not to say are not only totally unfounded, but self-denial and self-command, but a disinterested part is wholly devoid of even the semblance of truth, and which that which in the end will best serve her interest. Her duty is, as stated by the noble lord at the head of he Go vernment, to exhibit a right example to Italy, and in the As regards our relations with Sardinia, and those allu- moral force of that example and the consequeeces flowing sions to them in the protocols of Paris which the right from it she is certain to find the reward of all her efforts hon. gentleman desires to have explained, all I have to say and struggles. (Cheers.) lam sure it is the unanimous is that there is no mystery in them. They are known to feeling of the people that we should discharge in an un everybody, and are manifest on the Lice of the protocols, grudging spirit of liberality, and something more, not only as well as on that of the treaty we have concluded with our written obligations to Sardinia, but also those more Sardinia. They are the relations of perfect confidence, of general obligations which are to be found beyond the limits cordial friendship, and of iutimate alliance—(hear) —but as of the treaty we have c included with her I hope the to oar having engaged with Sardinia in any secret project Chancellor of the Exchequer will show—l have no doubt for revolutionising Italy and overthrowing the govern- he will, but I.express the hope in a distinct form, because money that exist in other parts of that country, there is I did not understand that portion of his speech a r clearly not the slightest groued for such a supposition, nor the as the est—that whatever advance he may propose to make shadow of a pietext to justify such a charge. (Hear.) It to Sardinia is to 1, , bona fide for the purpose of liqualeting is not to be denied that Sardinia has a mission to fulfil, a the pecuniary obligations which are due to her for her destiny to accomplish—the great mission, the high destiny Crimean operations; and I em sure that, as far as the of holding out to all the other States of Italy a bright ex- question of money is concerned, nothing will induce the ample of liberal institutions and a constitutional govern- House of Commons to stay hts hind, provided my right m tut , —(hear)--and most sincerely do I hope that she will hon. friend conforms to the primiale which I have them succeed ie that noble enterprise, and that the (lay is not ventured to indicate. (Hear) And now, following the: distant when all the Italian nations will give proof of their example of the last epeaker. I feel it to be my duty to re capacity to govern themselves in a manner to insure the fer to those statements which I heard with sincere setis• maintenance of order and liberty and to command the ap- faction proceeding from the right hon, gentleman the mem• proval of Europe. Such as I have described them are our her for Buckinghamshire with respect to the principle relations with Sardinia, and there is nothing in the proto- upon which our military expenditure is to be cominctem cola that implies anythingdifferentfrom what I have stated. (Cheers.) To whatever it may be owing, we cannot be Nothing has passed between Sardinia and .England which blind to the fact that there is avague impression abron. is not kown to the world, and which does not do honour that the par ittiouy of the Howe of Commons has been the to both countries. No doubt, when a country like Sardinia cause of the evils and (Huston we have recently incurree nobly joins an alliance such as that subsisting between There is no man who, after the light which time has thrown France and England, and gallantly launithe.s into a war to upon these 'netters, will deny that we live incurred evil' which those allies are committed, there are considerations which might have been avoided ; but I hope there am hf honour and friendship which make it understood that, many men both in this house and out of it who will de if Sardinia should ever be menaced by an unfriendly Power mur to the conclusion that a legitimate connexion can be she will have a fair claim on England and France to pro - traced between those evils and an undue economy on the test her from insult and injury ; but it is far from the part of the House of Commons. (Hear.) Let us look to thoughts of the Sardinian Government, and it never en- the examples that are immediately before ns. If it is coo tared into the contemplation of France and England, nomy that has produced those evils, what are we to say that that honourable aluance, founded on good faith and to the case mentioned by the Chancellor of the Exchequer for noble objects, should be the means of enabling Sar- —the case of Prussia? Whatever we may think of th dinia to set forth 'Upon a crusade of aggression against policy of Prussia, or of the errors which she may recentle any other State. The right honourable gentleman talks have committed, we must regard her as a considerable mi of the "tripartite treaty" as' of an instrument that litery Power, with a well-orgaeised and disciplined army, contemplates in its execution that. the three coots act- and yet the Chancellor of the Exchequer tells us that the ing parties shall govern all Europe and guarantee all the whole of the military expenditure of Prussia, her nava , possessions of Austria. lam really surprised that he should force being comparatively insignificant, does not amount hazard assertions of that kind with regard to a document to more than 4,90e,004. a-year. Ido not suppose that au which any man who reeds it must perceive be suscep- English army can be maintained as economically as a Pram tiole of no .such interpretation. The treaty does not imply Bien army ; there are many reasons why it should not be that the three Powers in question shall take upon them- so ; bat when we hear language hold with respect to th selves any authority or interference in the general affairs proceedings of various Administrations and of this house of Europe, nor does it say one word about guaranteeing as if the national purse had been closed and our establish the territories of the contracting parties. (Hear.) It has meats reduced io the lowest scale, it should be recollectee only one object, the same that Austria proposed at Vienna that 13.000,000/., 14,000,0001,, 15,030,000/ , and eve) iu the spring of last year, namely, that there should be an 16,000,0001. a-year have been ungrudgingly voted for thi , undertaking between England, France, and Austria topro- house for many purposes. (Hear.) But if we want to vide for the due execution of a common treaty having finite dissipate the delusion that an effective army u-ually means object the securing of the integrity of the Turkish empire. an expensive army, let us take a much stronger case that lam utterly at a loss to understand where in that treaty Prussia—the case of Sardinia. The Sardinian army ii the right hone gentleman finds anything to warrant the ium every point—in equipment, in organisation, in discipline pression that it is a treaty erecting those three powers into as well as in courage—has won the admiration of all ac the arbiters of the destinies of Europe, or binding England quaintel with it ; and yet Sardinia is a small country, bet and France to any guarantee of the territorial possessions army is numerically much less than the la itish army ha, of Austria. There is nothing, therefore, inconsistent iu the ever been, and it is maintained at a cost which might wel provisions of that treaty with the protocols of ha.ris,or with wake the lips of the most rigid economist in this housr any diplomatic engagements or intercom se wlach may have water, but which one would be almost afraid to meatio , taken place between the. British Government and the Go- for fear of frightening the English people into the notio verument of Sardinia. The right hon, gentleman has, I that we were going to reduce our expenditure to the sane think, filly justified what passed in the conferences of Paris level. (Hear, hear,' and a leueb.) One word upon a sub in regent to the unfortunate condition in which many parts jest whichihes been frequently referred to in this debate. of Italy now are. He 'lid not, perhaps, go to the extent of Gentlemen speaking from various parts of the house, upot expressing censure ; but, by the anticipations which he ex - the score of the fact that we• have returned from pressetlof a better destiny for the future, he very signita state of war to a state of peace, seam to be contemplate ceutly showed what he thought of the present state of that ing a reduction of taxation, and we have even had ie. country. We may or may not agree with Count Cavour as timations that positive proposals of that kind are to b to the extent to which the military occupation of states by ma le. Yet I think it is undeniable that, as far re foreign troops may affect the happiness, w e lfare, prosperity, expenditure is concerned, the year now before to or go-al order of those States; but I have no hesitation in is not a year of pe see at all. 1 do not us , saying that I think those occupations are misfortunes, and those words merely in a general sense, but in a sense vert that atey should cease as soon as possible. They began specific, because if you compare the expenditure of 1856-7, ae under very different circumstances, which might or might it has to night been estimated by the Chancellor of the Ex not havej created them at the time; butthom circumstances chequer, with the expenditure of 1851-5, which was through. hem) long ceased to exist, and lam reedy to admit that, out a year of war, you will find that the former greatly ex in my opinion, the time has come when those occupations needs the latter. The expenditure of 1834-5 was sornewheri ought to be put an end to. But with regard to any eu- about 68,000,000/( ' but the statement which the Chancellen geeement for that Purpose,. there is nothing but, what is of the Exchequer has made to-night shows that the expeuds. punlic, to all the world on the face of those protocols. These ture of 1855-6 is not 65,000,00e/M but is to amount to matters were openly discussed at the conferences of Pens 77,000,0001. With respect le the provision he has made, tic in the presence of the Austrian Minister, there was no con- hen member for Sheffield efeempliments him upon its laviie et:alumna no mystery about them, the opinions which were amount, and tereatens to 'aim a blow at a great branch of re entertained were expressed without the slightest reserve venue, which will cost a million of money, and he says the and with perfect good faith on the part of all who were con- Ceancellor of the Exchequer has provided for it three time , corned in the discussions. As to what passed in li4B, those over in his surplus of revenue over expenditure. I confer transmitioue have often been the subject of debate in this the provision with reamence to the expenditure as it stands on house and elsewhere, and those who assert that the Go- paper seems to me somewhat narrow. If it be sufficient, it is verument of this country were not actuated by perfect good qu to plain it will not be more than sufficient ; for while the faith in the course which they took must assert it in com- expenditure is 77,0e0,0Ja., the revenue amounts o plate ignorance of what paesea. The part which we took 67, - .00,0 tg. Then there is 1,5..0,0001., which may be taken was perfectly fair and open. Lord. Minto wont to Italy for from his balances, and still there is between 8,030,000/ ate: the avowed purpose of tendering advice to those Govern- 9,000,0001. deficiency. • Tetere may be 2,1)00,0001, for a vote meats which might be willing to receive it with respect to of credit, and that reduces it to between 6,000,0001. am improvetneuts in their administration. At that time there 7,e03,000/., but nearer 7,000,004. than 6,000,000/. Th was an insurrection in Sicily, and at the request of the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposes to provide 5,000, 0 King of Naples we endeavoured to mediate betvimen him by the loan for welch he has just made arrangements, and Ii and the Sicilians, We had brought that medtation nearly proposis to borrow 2,000-,0M., if necessary, upon Exchequer to a point. The question was not what institutions they bonds or Exceequembilis. Supposing ho gets his 2.01M0M should have, because the King of Naples was willing to give on Exchequer-bonds or Exchequer-bills, I do not think the them institutions almost similar to thus) which tieey lied figures, when they come to be balanced, will show more thee before possessed—but the question was, whether the Crown a surplus of 160,0001., and such a surplus upon a sum o of Sicily was to be united with that of Naples on his head. 77,000,0001 is sailing very near the wind indeed. I, for That would have been settled in a manner satisfactory to one, shall be delighted, when the proper opportunity the Sicilians and consistent with the unity of the empire, arises, to tee the hon, member for, Sheffield succeed in tak when the French Revolution occurred. The news of that ing away a million of money from the revenue of the coun revolution kindled a fresh flame among the Sicilians, and try ; but in the present state of. our finances I hope the they refusea to have the King of Naples as their Sovereign. Chancellor of the Exchequer will hold very firm and Earl Miato, then acting according to the instructions of decided language to prevent incursions on the funds at his the Government, and to the spirit of the mediation which command; and I trust, whatever may be our differences of we had proposed said that he could no longer carry on com- opinion, we shall not set the pestilent example of abolishing munications with tiara) who refused to remain subjects of taxes and supplying their place by borrowed money. loh the Kieg of Naples, after offers had been made to them served in the early part of this debate that, for the moment, ah ch ought to have satisfied them in regard to their in- hon. gentlemen seemed to forget the inevitable relation be stitutions. • There was no abandonment of any party that tween tee expenditure and the taxation Of the country. It we had undertaken to support. We gave theta our good is now the disposition of the House of Commons to force offices up to the pant of their continuing to be subjects of increased expenditure upon the Government. From every the King of Naples ; but when excited and encouraged by quarter we hear suggestions that this ought to be done and events in France, they declared that they would no longer that ought to be done—that there should be no parsimony consent on any terms to have the Crown of Sicily united here and no niggardly proceedings there—until the House of with the Crown of Naples, we said that good faith to that Commons has become a power on the whole rather favourable Sovereign with whom we were in alliauce, and with whose to increased expenditure than to economy. I must confess consent our diplomatic agent had entered on mediation, that I should have been glad to see greater reductions than prevented our carrying on that mediation any further, those which have been announced. If I look at the army Earl Mint) therefore retired, and the parties were left to estimates, I am sorry to find the vote which the House of deal with each other as 'they pleased. There was nothing Commons passed, rather as a war measure than upon any then in that transaction with which this country need be distinct examination of its merits, for 870,0001. for works, dissatisfied. We gave every assistance to put an end to the which is a peace vote rather than a war vote-- lam sorry to quarrel which had broken out between the people of Sicily find that vote is not likely to undergo more effective scrutiny and the Neapolitan Government ; anti our failure was not or be subject to any sensible reduction. I confess that I owing to any want of effort or goodwill on our parts, but likewise view with some disappointment the amended navy to events which took place in another- paht of Europe which estimates, A sum of 16,800,0001 is very large; I will not proved fatal to an arrangement which was otherwise in a say it is alarming, but it is a very disagreeable figure to see fair way of being satisfactorily settled. (Hear, hear.) • for naval expenditure in the first year of peace. I perceive Sir F. T. BARING supposed that he must be labouring a considerable part is for transport servicom-6, .00,0001. But under some grave delusion, for he had thought that they still a sum of nearly 11,000,0001. remains for the naval este were called upon to consider some financial resolution, but blishments of the country for the first year of peace; and, somehow, instead of talking about the Three per Centro, considering that our n vat establishments are not like those the right hon. gentleman opposite had led theta into a dis- of the army—considering that the navy can be recalled and cession about a tripartite treaty. Recalling the attention its excess got rid of with far greater facility than the army, of the committee, however, to the subject of the budget, he the whole strength of which is in the Crimea, and to bring (Sir F. Baring) thought that the Chancellor of the Exche- home which will require many, many menthe, I should have quer had taken a wise course in not pledging himself with been very glad if the right honourable gentleman had pro regard to his future policy. At present it was difficult to posed to us a more moderate amount, and I am sorry the as certain what oar war expenditure had actually been; nor house has not seemed disposed to take him to task upon witraie easy yet tease what estimates would be required the subject of those estimates. (Cries of "Hear, hear: ")If fori;hh future. His right boo. friend would find himself the h o u se were dis p osed to d o t h at , whether right or le ing beset in all qu ittMe by gentlemen who had hobbies of their in particulars, it would be going the right way to work, own with regard to par icular taxes, but he trusted that (Hear, hear.) But, instead of that, there seems to be a die his right hon. friend would stand firm, and that he would position to stimulate increased expenditure, while, by ques ' abandon no revenue until lee could submit to Parliament' tions, motions, and divisions, every effort is directed to stint a statement as 'to what the future peace establishments ing the means of meeting that expenditure, although those of the country were to be, and as to the mode in which means are already quite enough, if not perhaps too much, re ha proposed to provide for those establishments. (Hear, duced. I trust the Chancellor of the Exchequer will hold 'hear.) It was no very easy thing to define what a par- firm and decided language upon this subject, and make it un feet tax was. Since 1316 we had been constantly revising derstood that it is the intention of the Government to main our system of taxation, and yet in all his financial expe. taro taxes until the time comes (no man longs for it more thence he had,never been able to meet with a perfect tax; than I do) when the Government will be in a position to pro but he begged to remind his right hon. friend and the Pose those remaining reforMs which I quite agree aro yet to committee, that there were certain taxes which had been be accomplished iu our system of taxation. I long for the imposed purely as war taxes under the promise that they arrival of that time, but until that time does come I trust should be removed within a certain time after the concha. the Government will be firm in its language, and lam confi- Mon of peace ; and that it would be impossible for the dent, if the Ceancellor of the Exchequer will hold language Government to fulfil their promises with respect to those which is intelligible, he will find that the House of Commons taxes if they were induced to part with other sources of will never refuse to support him iu maintaining the public revenue with respect to which no such promises had been revenue. (Cheers ) given. (Hear.) He concurred with the right hon. gentle- Mr. MALINS did not rise for the purpose of complaining of man the member for Buckinghamshire in hoping that, be- any of the Chancellorof he Exchequer's propo Miens, but he tween the present time and the same period next year, the thought the country would be disappointed at learning that Government would take seriously into their consideration it would have still to bear the infliction of the income tax till the establishments of the country with the view of re-. the sth of April 1858 (Hear.) He admitted that the act of deicing • them. (Hear, hear.) He believed that economy Parliataeut gave the Government this power, but it was an and 'efficiency not only could, but generally did go toga- accidental error in the act, and he doubted whether the Go ther, and that lavish expenditure was frequently proauc- vertu:Rent ought to avail themselves of it. By the strict let tive of great evils. (Hear.) Ile did not think that we for of the law the Government were not bound to give Sar should have been better prepared for tiro I.4eeontsat if we diuia another million, yet they were going to do so. He did had spent_ double the sums upon the army and navy. not mean to say that the 'conduct of Sardinia did not fully.. (Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, he trusted that entitle her to this money, but what he wanted to show was next year the Chancellor of the Exchequer would be able that in the case of Sardinia tho Government did not take ad to tell the country that the Government had, while still vantage of the strict letter of the act of Parliament. He coil retaining the establishments in an efficient state, reduced curred in the principle of taxation laid down by the right them to a peace level. If that should not be the case, he hon. gentleman opposite (el.r. Gladstone), and though he ob felt convinced that the people would 'call upon the house jetted to the insurance duty as an oppressive and impolitic to reduce 'the expenditure, and return to those old prat- tax, he would not, vote for a proposition which would strike ticee of oconemy which had not been so fashionable during off 800,000/. from- the revenue, which was barely sufficient to the last years as they formerly were. (Hear, hear.) meet the demands of the country. He regretted that some Mr. GLADSTONE—AIthough I may regret that we general agreement was not come to at the Conference of Paris, have been led to trespass to so considerable an extent upon by which reduction could be effected in the armaments of the military establishments of all countries (Hear.) questions of foreign policy on an evening devoted to fivan- Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said the committee were now aware cial concerns, yet it is not to be denied that the pro- of the cost of the war, namely c2,50C,0001.; that was to say, posal made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer with 65,744,0001. was raised by taxes, and 251 millions by bor. respect to Sardinia—a proposal the grounds of which were rowing. The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Ex• not fully developed—has tended, to a certain degree, chequer shook his head, but he (Sir H. Willoughby) believed to carry us into that field. For my right hon, friend he was near the right figure. He thought the house had come to the cone'usion that 771 millions would be required has proposed to th e comm ittee, with regard to Sardinia for the expenditure of the foregoin g . year on very light that we should enter into an arrangement which is not grounds. He could not but come to the conclusion himself comprehended within the treaty we have concluded with that 77t millions was toe much for . the public expenditure, that Power, and upon the grounds of which we ought bearing in mind that peace had been concluded at the begin ning of the financial year, He objected to the system of to be fully informed, (Hear, hear.) Recollecting the raising money by bonds as one that would lead to confusion manner in which the right hon. gentleman the member for in the financial accounts. With regard to the loan to Sardinia, Buckinghamshire, notwithstanding his objections to the he wished to know whether it was a bona fide loan or not. system of subsidies and gaara.ntees in general, received, in He believed, for his own part, that it was a gift and not a common with them who sit beside him, the proposal of loan, and that, in the circumstances of the Sardinian exche quer' they could not expect one farthing of the money back. last year. to make a loan to Sardinia, lam sure we are not They had increased the capital debt of the country, eluting to regard his speech to-night as indicating any change of two years of war, more than it had been diminished during feeling on his or their part with respect to the policy of 40 years of peace. Ho disapproved of the system of resorting that measure. (Opposition cheers.) I take the liberty of to . loans as highly miscbievous, and thought that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer ought to have appropriated some saying so much, because, even at the hazard of following revenue for the payMent of the interest and loans effected. the example, if such it he, of discussing what is besele the It was not wise to borrow money and then leave posterity to question, I crnnot say how much importtnee I attach to pay it as they could. maintaining abroad the conviction that if there is a subject foreign policy upon which the House of Commons, it not Mr. J. G PHILLIMORE coneidered the tax on insurances as most miscbievous, but under the present circumstances he absolutely unanimous, yet approaches to unanimity, it is was not prepared to vote withthe hon. member for Sheffield. in the feeling of respect and regard which we entertain towards the Sardinian Government and people, and in our He trusted no attempt would -be made to keep up a great sense of the duty of lending them every support that the military establishment, but that a most rigid and unsparing moral influence of England can give. (Choate) The right economy would be e xercised in regard to the army. He did bon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire alluded not look on our maritime establishments with the same eye. The navy was a constitutional force, from which no danger to certain indications which be finds in one of the protocols be could apprehended, and it was the best protection for the of the conferen c e s a t P ar i s of an aggressive policy on the country. part of Sardinia. I venture to say that, even if Sardinia did entertain such schemes of aggression—and although we Mr. HENLEY wished to know whether the sum of might, upon being assured that such was the fact, regret 5,000,0001. in Exchequer-bills; which the Chancellor of the that she harboured s u c h feelings—yet, considering her p o - I Exchequer bad at led to be held by the Commimionem for sition, we could scarcely, wonder at it. We must consider the Reductien of the National Debt, included the savings the extreme difficulty w hich is experience.l by a very small banks investment country that has o n e ne i g hb o ur—and sonietiwes mole than Mr. VANSITToE,T exemeseml iris objection to maintaining one—of whom she has cause to be afraid, anal not on ly h as the tax on insurances. It was sacri , iciog the future interests her political position complicated by foreign policy in its of the c 'untry to b.cot a mere temporary emergency T e ordinary sense, but is likewise troubled in the rectification offices were allowed to retain the duty for a long time ; and of her ecclesieatieal laws on mount of her relations ' if the duty was reduced at once the pressingnecessity for • ' • money would have passed away before the revenue would sou making the insurance, he being a British subject, and • feel the effects of the reduction. against whom they could enforce it. .. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose to answer Sir F. KELLY had great difficulty i a seeing how the Go• several questions that had beau put to liirn in the course of vernment were to derive means of kno wing what insurances the discussion. The sum of 5,0i0,000/. Exchequer Bills in ' might be effected abroad. the hands of the Commissioners for the Reduction of the Na- The CHANCELLOR of the EXC 8 :EQUER thought the tional Debt did include the investment on account of the say- clause of importance in one respect ; 1 nit as to the essence of ings banks. The hon, and learned member for Wallingford i the bill he considered it was contained in the third clause. bad referred to the provisions of the act imposing the incense , Mr. WILKINSON hoped the come ittee would not enter tax. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had not attempted : thin the clause, which, in his opinion t, would prove inope to argue es to the equity or justice of he provision, but had • rative, simply taken the act as it stood, and if they looked to the Mr. BAXTER looked upon the cla• :Ise as calculated to an provisions of it they would see that the conclusion (4 a treaty courage a system of espionage in t' cis country which waa of peace referred to the exchange of the ratifications. He had quite foreign to the habits and inc linations of the British not entered at all into the question of the financial arr 'no- people. meats for tee following year ; they would come better before A conversation ensued, in which Mr. Hankey, the Solicitor , tee house when they had had experience of the expenditure ' General, Sir F. Kelly, Lord Stanley, Mr. Hadfield, the Attor of the coming year. With regard to the malt tax, it wits only ney-General, and Mr, Ewart, took part, as to what the ef the addition of five per cent. added fur the war that expired feet of the clause would be in relat , in to the non payment of in July next ; the tax remeined as before. Tile hon member . the duty to the Crown, end ho', v it was to be ascer -1 for Evesham (Sir H. Willoughby) stated that his (the Chen- tai sen that the persons effecting sac ea policies were become cellor of the Exchequer's) estimate of 77,5i10,e0 1 /. for the cx- - &liters to the Crown, and which, it was intimated by the penditure of the coining year was excessive, but such was not Attorney-Geueral, a machinery would be provided by the bill the ease, as might be . found by adding the amount of the esti- to men:. such eases. Much, no daub , v could depend upon the mates ou the table to the charge for the debt. With regard honour and faith of those insuring. to the Sardinian loan, it was true, ae stated by the hen. gen- i Sir F. KELLY would assume that th e object in view was a tlemen the member for the University of Oxford, that he had proper object, but how was the duty to he paid ? There not submitted a complete view of the grounds on which the should be some machinery devise I under which persons liable Government asked the house to consent to the payment of to pay this duty should be able to pay it. s the second million ; but it would be necessary to propose a i The SOLICITOR-GENERAL admitted 'that it was the duty' bill to give effect to the stipci ati .ns of the treaty and - .viien of the Government to effect this object, and it should have it was introduced the subject could he fully considered ; but their consideration. lee was satisfied the house veoale consider that the nation : On the question being then put, that cla use 2 stand part. of was bound in honour t., pay the money. The expense seta- i the bill, the committee dirided, when then, i appeared- - ally incurred bytne,Serdinian Government had. exceeded the i' For the clause sum of two millions, and they had made application to her I Against it . .I.ljesty'e Government for additional assistance ; but her I Majority elej .sty's Government did nut, under the circumstances, feel I On clause 3, themselves warranted in assentine to the proposal. Some ; Mr. HENLEY said that the first line of ' the clause was reference hail been made to the subject of a revision of taxa- , rather obscure, and ho proposed to insert t he words, " and ;eon, but what he intended to say was, that the mere fact of agent," to make it more intelligible. a change from war to peace was ti be followed by. a general ! The SOLICITOR-GENERAL thought the . amendment un cerision of taxation. ' The house should recollect that within i necessar y, an d . . the lase few years every branch of taxation had undergone a After some discussion, it was withdrawn, ant lthe clausewas systematic; review, agreed to. Mr. WILLL&MS said the right hon. Chancellor of the Ex- The remaining clauses were agreed to. chequer had not answered his question as to when details of Mr. HADFIELD proposed a clause reducing the present Lhe reduction in the estimates would be laid on the table. rate of duty to a shilling in a hundred pounds .by the year. Sir C. WOOD said that nine-tenths of the votes in the He believed that in consequence of the present en. trmous duty, eaval estimates had been taken in full. There were only two one-half the property in London and one-third in the country totes in which there was a reduction-in the number of men was uninsured. He apprehended that the rem Oval of this tied the vote for the' transport service. He would make a duty altogether would not be bad policy. statement on moving the balance of the votes which would The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, whenever Live every information. the time should arrive for taking into considerate 1 the abo- Mr. WALPOLE asked whether it was intended to separate lition of existing taxes, the proposal of the hon . member the votes fe- the ordnance service front those more properly should be taken into consideration. ,elonging to the army ? - . The clause was then negatived without a division, . and the • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that it was house resumed. intended, in the Appropriation Bill, to divide the military JOINT STOCK COMPANIES BILL. istimates into two portions, analogous to the old distinction On the motion that the Speaker should leave the e". hair, between the army and ordnance votes. Full opportunity.for Mr. SPOONER objected to going into committee ett that dscussing the whole army estimates would be given when late hour. • the votes were taken for the balance. Mr. LOWE hoped they would allow him to procee d with The resolutions proposed by the Chancellor of the Exche- the bill. per were then agreed to. Mr. HENLEY and Mr. baleen objected to going into , come FIRE INSURANCES BILL. mittee, and the commitiee was postponed till Friday. F On the motion for going into committee on this bill. POOR-LAW AMENDMENT BILL. • Mr. BAXTER said he had several objections to the bill in On the motion that this bill should be read a second time„ 1 is amended form. It had its origin in the circumstance of Mr. HENLEY objected to • the second reading at present„ foreign insurance companies having opened offices in London as there were some important principles involved in it. a and seriously affected the insurance duty. The Chancellor of Sir G PECHELL and Lord J. MANNERS also objeoted. i he Exchequer was naturally anxious to apply a remedy to Mr. BOUVERIE said the objections to certain clauses were,; , .his state of things; but ho doubted whether the proposed objections to he considered in committee ! eemedy would be efficacious. The bill would only be an Mr. HENLEY said he was sorry to be compelled to moved s advertisement for foreign insurance companies. It might that the debate should be now adjourned. shut up one or two offices in London, but the necessary con- Lord J. MANNERS said there was no expectation on the t sequence would be to increase the number of insurances part of hon. members that the second reading would be pro- • i. affected abroad. .This could only be prevented in one way, ceeded with that night. i sy reducing the present exorbitant duty, which was so ex- Mr. BOUVERIE consented not to press the second read , :essive that it defeated its own object of raising revenue. At ing, and it was adjourned till Friday. e iresent, only one-sixth of the insurable property of this Transfer of Works (Ireland) Bill, and Court of Exchequer ountry was insured. It was only in 1820 that the business (Scotland) Bill, were each read a second time. to ,f fire insurance had been taken up in France ; and at this - GENERAL WILLIAMS. n 'lenient upwards of sixteen millions worth of property was The report on the message from her Majesty, for granting i iesured there, d,uble the amount that was insured in this a peesion to this gallant officer, was brought up and agreed e country. The duty on marine insurance in this country was to. it one time excessive ; and the result* was that a great part of The Juvenile Convict Prison (Ireland) hill was read athird e etc business went abroad ; but the'Government seeing this, time. The Industrial and .Provident Societies Bill went through rt oak the alarm, and reduced the duty. At pesent, the duty am in fire insurances was 200 per cent. ; but on life insurances committee. .e. ,:, was at a much lower rate, and there was even a bonus on The Procedure and Evidence Bill was reed a second time. 11 • .fe iesurance in the Income Tax Act. The provisions of the The Judicial Procedure, ih,c. (Scotland), Bill was read a x .ill before the house could only be enforced by opening every second time, r( otter that passed through the Post-office. It was a lucre The Registration of Voters (Scotland) Bill was read a 01 ebbling at the difficulty, and trifling with a great question, second time. Ii :dear, hear.) He hoped that the right hon gentleman, with On the order of the day for the consideration of the Dis t( mat philosephicaluccuraey for which he was distinguished, Banters' Marriages Bill, ht vould take a proper view of the subject, and remit this duty. Mr. GLADSTONE complained that it was brought forward re :Hear, hear.) on a former occasion without due notice being given to the, .e Mr. WILKINSON* said he would net be ono to urge the house, and the members' 1 the Universities in particular. la eleaucellor of the Exchequer to remit any duties at the pre- After a short discussion, the bill was postponed for the pure ice ,ent moment; but this was a case in wh ch the revenue pose of being re-committed this slay. cc vould inevitably be lost if something were not done to enable The Church-rates Abolition Bill was postponed to Juno 2. on higlish offices to compete with those abroad. He hope I the The Juvenile Offenders (Ireland) Bill went through coin- Ati tight hon. gentleman would give -an assurances that this m itt" . he . could be the first tax to be repealed. (Hear.) Mr. R. PHILLIMORE moved the appointment of a select e Mr. HADFIELD said the principles of free-trade were committee on the Tithe Commutation Rent-charge Bill, ", en neking great progress on the continent ; and this bill went , namely :-Mr. R. Phillimore, Lord A. Hervey, Sir W. Heath - le: ii prove to our neighbours that we were most selfish and cote, Mr. Walpole, Mr. Bouverie, the Chancellor of the Es :- it, tetermiued to maintain a monopoly where our own trade chequer, Sr J. Trollope. Mr. Lowe, Mr Hiudley, Sir J. Pa) :- pc vas copeerne3. At this infonaut, when most important iugton, Mr. Henley, Mr. Cheetham, Mr. Headland the Mat :- li ineetious were being, agitated on the continent, this little qnis of Chanties, and Mr. Napier.-Motion agreed to. , sitry bill was likoly to stop the movement in favour of At this stage of the proceedings " a count" took place, an d In :ree-trade. The duty of 200 percent. was most exorbititet ; and 40 members nut being present, the house adjourned at twene I to le believed that the drawback allowed, amounting to 65,00 t., , minutes to one o'clock. 1. ssisted some small offices to pay their expenses. .....—.—,-,-. he Sir S. BIGNOLD hoped tee Government would persevere in vith this bill, whose object he considered to be, not te shut up County Markets. o two or three foreign agencies in London, but to place the Eng- , kir fish and foreign offices on the same footing. The revenue do - CHELMSFORD-MAY 16. ity rived 1,3000,000/. from this tax, and in return the Govern -4 '1 ik- ment ought to do something in favour of the English coinpa- The sale for wheat was very dull, with a reduction in- ides, which supported the fire brigades, and afforded other ad- from la to 2s per qr. Spring corn ruled firm, at la! 4 the vantages to the p week's prices. Dun peas is dearer. public. If .the Chancellor of the Exchequer , ,nd could afford to give up two-thirds of the duty, the companies Wheat, white, old, per s. a. . s. a . his would gladly accept the boon, but they did not press for it. , qr.so 76 1 Oats, per qr 22 1 1 of Mr. GLYN supported the bill, on the ground that the new.... 50 74 Peas, Partridge 38 4 ( ing foreign offices were carrying on a contraband trade, and corn- red, old 49 h 8 , White 40 4 I eb neting unfairly with English companies. He was surpri•ed new.... 48 67 Boiling 4l 4c. at, that gentlemen connected with insurance offices should oppose Barley 30 38 Dun 38 3 be- ens bill, wiiich was meant more for their protection than for Chevalier 33 42 Beans, Tick 35 a - i It that of the revenue. (Hear.) Considering that this tax yielded Grindin g .... 2B 36 I Harrow ticks 37 3l ' roe 1.300,C00/. a year, which was more easily collected, perhaps, Malt 71 75'1 Mazagan 34 31 i cry than any other, he thought the Government would be blame- Chevalier ..... ..... 73 77 I Ditto, new 33 24 I ,nd ible for givnig it up in the present state of the revenue. The ----e -my I total amount of insurable property in this country was 3 , 250 COLCHESTER- MAY 17. of millions, of which about one third was insured. When the The supply of wheat was not large ; the best samplfsi ble duty on agricultural policies was reduced, it wa.s not imme- realised last week's prices, other sorts is-per qr. cheape e • ess diately followed by a large. increase in the insurances on that Barley, beans, and peas same as last week. ran class of property ; the amount had only increased from fifty- Prices to-day were as follow :-Wheat, white, 68s to 76 i; my two millions in 1541 to sixty-seven millions in 1856. The in- red, 64s to 68s; barley, -s to Os ; oats, -s to Os ; be a r 0, th of ference was at such reduction as was now proposed in the Mazagaa, .36s to 33s ; middle and small, 40s to 445; pea No my .Inty on fire insurances would not lead to anything like such white, 40s to 42s ; grey, 40s to 421. ks, an increase as was anticipated. When they spoke of the - . to amount of insurances abroad, it should be borne in mind that Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, &a., received my both in France and Holland the "average clause" was inserted in the port of London, from the following ports, fr oz a t it I in every policy. (Hear.) Should the Chancellor of the Exche- the Ilth to the 17th May, both inclusive. hey quer be much pressed on this question, he might give relief - not by reducing the duty to is, or is. 6d. on policies containing . . see the average clause ; and in this way the competition of the ee t e he . h h g . ° ... - 3 6 4 g ive French offices might best be met. This system of the absence of 4 d But the average clause operated detrimentally in another way. The ~.. h 5 Oa es its- , greatest amount of losses arose-from small fires, which might ——_ ted, be obviated, but which the parties had no desire to obviate, Colchester l7O • - 205' -- - - - ose because they got full payment for the loss. If they had the Harwich 253 - :60 - - - 240 end average clause losses in that way would not ariee. Leigh - - - 11 - ny, Lord STANLEY said he thought this tax not only the Maldon 1651 74 - 62 1224 - 620 ing most inexpedient, but, to use a stronger word, the most im aye moral tax that could be conceived. Bu' still at this particu- KIRKCALDY-MAY 17. fro- lar moment lie quite concurred in the general foaling of the We had fair supplies of wheat and . oats, but small of the house that they should not disturb the financial arrangsments. barley. Wheat sold quickly at last weekhr rates ; oats a pon He believed, however, that the bill would be inoperative un- slow sale, at rather less money ; barley same as last mar- If less larger powers were given than those it now contained. ket day. 'ong i Under the bill every person who acte d as an aeeat for a fo- Wheat. I Barley. I Oats. I Beans. , i .k . reign office, unless he took out a I:ce in ~ was liable to penal First Vs 0(1 I 43s 01 30s Od 1 Os Od I b.- t 1 'Ns. But an office might advertise , and the business might S econ d Les- and N... ...... -ould be transacted by corresponden c e ; t here was no - Third 59s Od. _ifs (:d 1 25s Od I Os Od int thing to el'me before the public of which it was possible ,. Go- e . He should therefore reluc- Lose vernment cou i h el take eegui'ance. ' going into committee on the bill. OVA L MA t: KRT.-MAT 19. re- tautly vote aphis. ,' 7 - foreign volley in his hand, dated told Mr. TITS said Fie he. ' '' . - him of Coat per toe At the close of the Market. , utamed tt.e ave age clause, and un- the 7th of May, *high et. , that if the pieties . could ' not s. d, . Wallsend, itc. tin- there was ale m anotimr eofylitt...u, ~ or must he rentitt• , d to the Brtidle W. Hartley l6 '. a„ '. Lore i agree as to the total value tee prte, did not mean to insinu Byass's West Hartley .. 16 I laswell - 19 0 e ler rich courts as ire- I French (emits fer their decision. /le. Davison's West Hartley 16 ( lotion l9 0 tto ,' ate that justice would not be done in the Fleet ng's Hartley ngg inwaa. foreign court. the I well as in those of thereEnglaed„gbuptroseteileltiis the expense t{„ wert hs West Hartley tuasell's Ffetton 18 9 ust and incouvenieuees of hat+Netherton l6 . C dente} , Hall ... • ,. .18 6 ofi- For this reason he thought that into ference was " 1- ' li "es - Walker Primrose l4 . etelloe 18 6 age sary, , b 'lt still he found that there etas a large amount „nf Eng- tA/ ansend. he theenwood l6 6 ens lisn i surauces effected with' foreign offices, and there at. .° 111 '! Gosforth l4 3 ohoodhouse Close ...... _l7 3 Lek be some protection for the British offices till the Governote?" Riddell . 16 f' Carr's:Merthyr .. 21 0 could consider the whole subject, • , Braddyll . 18 gof The CHANCe.LLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the bill ships at market... 42 I Sold .... ...... .42 h e proposed t . remove the unfair competition now existing be- 1111.11•=11. .4=1•••••••••11.11 h a t tween British and foreign companies , and again st which com e till petition the present state of the law provided no remedy Tile LOCAL SHARE MARKETS. of foreign offices were under no duty, while the British were. The an bill, however, was pbjected to on the ground that it would a Llo- not effect time object in view; and that objectioultad been urged LIVERPOOL, MAT 10, let- even by those who pro' essed their anxiety to remotely this evil STOCK Exens.r7oE.-The market opened quietly today, lift- complained of, The bill li s(1 been drawn up by able men, and and, subsequently, on the announcement that the Govern-, did submitted to and approved of by the law effieers of the Crown. , ment terms had been accepted for the new loan, improved. my . . It also received the sanction of men engaged in and well ac , sal closed at the best point of the day. Midlands, 77 7 sac -with with theimeinotte a iusurearhe offices. .He thought e „ ,_ ad- it would answer the purpose for which it was introduced, and . ta . 4. 1 .-L-London and North Western, 102 le 2i i-- - - ou. felt himself responsible for its int eduction. If it should Ditto, 1-e shares, e p -North Ristetn; Berwick, Eaten ght prove a failure, a more stringent measure might be intro- s_i2n No. 1 and 2,55 k d.-LaneashireYorkshire, 90i Great Western of Canada, 266 i-South Eastern, 21i. ob- (limed ; but he did not think it right that lion. gentlemen itic who thought the object it proposed a proper one, should ----- eke satisfy th emse l ves by s i m ply objecting that it could not carry The steeple and the small chu-ch of De; serega, on the Ito 1 out that object. Thee: duty. was manifestly to go into com - coast of Gennajell down a fee" days back, burying be tine I mittee, and then endeavour to improve it Those gentlemen neatb its ruins the old oanon attached to it, 80 years of cis, who were in favour of a reduction of the duty said, "Wo will age, and his servant, ; of not allow you to amend the law unless yo u make a bar g ain with us to diminish the duty." He could not, however, con- -,........-......... rare , sent t- sacrifice 300,040/. per annum at the ver y time when say, ' he was asking the house to sanction a loa n of 5,000,00 cl.He BI RTHS. tor_ wit; also of opinion that any attempt to force b y logis'ation • Or a SON. such a provision as the average clause, would not meet either Ex- on the 18th inst., at 13, Sussex-square, Hyde-park, the the aeceptance of the house or the country. He hoped the ved wife of Charles Butler, Esq. had house would agree to the motion, that the Speaker do now On the 17th inst., at Stoke Bishop, the wife of Lieut. - red leave the chair Colonel Munro, 39th Regiment. Sir F KELLY said the right hon. gentleman had not dis ght OP A DAUGHTIS. self , tinetly informed the house whether the duty was imposed for ire I the protection of insurance offices or the revenue, but for On the 17th inst., at 81, Eaton . place , the wife of Lieu t.- h e '. whateier purpose the bill was brought forward, in his (Sir F. Colonel A. Lowry Cole, C. 8., 1 - 7th Regiment. . o f . Kelly's) opinion, it was a total failure. It came back to the On the 18th inst., at 15, Eastcheap, the wife of Dfr. Lion question whether - they were to continuo a protective duty on Julius Lowenth al . i • foreign policies. If they were to say that every ore who put MARRIED, am, • ,„t, , his name up to take foreign insurances was bound to take out „ - t -- ; a licence, that was quite understandable. But that was not 'On the 17th inste, at Tunbridge Wells, the Rev. A. 1 . : 1 ,..„ -- the purpose of the bill f o r it sa id th a t ~ every one who took Ross, Brighton, to Katherine Susan, second daughter 0 1 e - ii . - ! a proposal for an insurance" was to take out a licence, and the late Rev. Jchn Sterling. ; that, unless he did. so, he was to be fined 100/. a day for On the 15 th inst. , at Holy Trinity Church, Brampton, ,ing every day he neglected to do so, He contended that this Georg e Henr y Lake Wise, Esq., R.N., to Constance, t he ing was a violation of all propriety and justice. It was an effort third daughter of Charles B. Roe, Esq., of Bromptou. to impose it tax which it would be impossible to carry out. an- DIED. Ho suggested that the better course' would be to leave these mie tech foreign agents to act in accordance with principles which On tho 18th inst., in Eaton-square, Ann, wife of Baird' rto influenced . man and man in the ordinary transaction of Devitt, Esq., M.P. business i . On the leth inst., in the Wandsworth-road, Mr. Jame s Mr. GREOSON said that the only object of this bill was e s armed fit. Willehire, dC 9 to make foreignoffices pay, the duty sow paid by Englishßosa' , _,a heOn the 1911 inst ~, , offices. ~ at 9, Cooper's-row, Mr. Ralph . . _ acted 111. Mr. ALCOCK reminded hon. gentlemen who supported this bill that it would be a premium upon habits of Luprovi deuce. Cie would vote against the bill. Mr. VANSITTAItT moved that the bill be committed that day six months. • • • The house divided, when the numbers were— For the motion For the amendment ..... 31 • Drojerity —l4l The house then went into committee. Clause I was azreecl to. On clause 2 being proposed, Mr. BAXTER !sdirl timt the bill aimed r,t s. stem of OSI) ,11Z.,7, , VII C;;Z. .tiuL• Si di; i Mr. R. PHILLIMORE moved the appointment of a select committee on ths: Tithe Commutation Rent-charge Bill, ", namely :—Mr. R. Phillimore, Lord A. Hervey, Sir W. Heath - cote, Mr. Walpole, Mr. Bonverie, the Chancellor of the Es :- chequer, Sr J. Trollope. Mr. Lowe, Mr Hindley, Sir J. Pal :- iugton, Mr. Henley, Mr. Cheetham, Mr. Headlam, the Mal :- (pis of Chandos, and Mr. Napier.—Motion agreed to. At this stage of the proceedings " a count" took place, an d 40 members not being present, the house adjourned attwent minutes to one o'clock. Altor f trola . The A.TTUalsii::,Y-GENE 1111 :. sida the bil' merely meant to impose 4. duty ou foreign offices similar to that paid by Eng. 4 5 1 1 owes, The object .W4ls to impose, fig: duty ou the ror7 /RD—MAY 16. lry dull, with a reduction 4 lg corn ruled firm, at la, ,13104131% a. a . per qr 22 1 8 Partridge 38 4 0 White 40 4 T Boiling 4l 4 % Dun 38 3 a r 3" ; 3!6 The supply of wheat was not large ; the best samplfo realised last week's prices, other serts Is per qr. cheape t • Barley, beans, and peas same as last week. Prices to-day were as follow :—Wheat, white, 683 to 76 i; red, 64s to 68s; barley, —s to Os ; oats, —s to Os ; be at i s Hazagan; 36s to 339 ; middle and small 40s to 445; pea No white, 40s to 42s ; grey, 40s to 421. , receives arts, from B. 4 • laswell 19 0 ietton l9 0 denslier 17 3 tussell's Ffetton 18 9 lend. Hail.. • is 6 helloe 18 6 F.venvvond l6 6 Aroodhouse Close ...... l7 3 Carr's :Merthyr .. 21 0 On tho 18th inst., in Eaton-square, Ann, wife of Edyrd• Devitt, On the 1-th ingt., in the Wandsworth-road, Mr. James Wilshire, aged 62. On the 19th inst., at 9, Cooper's-row, Mr. Ralph Roan , aged C 6. On the 17th inst., at Leamington, Sir Frederick Gaeta; vns Fuwke, Bart., of Lowest)) , Hall, Leicestershire , e g e " 74. On the 17th inst., at Walhampton, Leamington, }lento, the Rev. Sir George Burrard, Bart, aged 83. On the 17th inst., at Shepherd's-bush, Win. Webster, Esq., late Captain 16th Lancers, aged 69. of On the 16th inst., the Rev. 'Robert Greara, rector Rotherfield, Suss?x, aged 79. On the 17th iust., at Ashby-roatl, Islington, Ur. DAD Brent, aged JO. ltj e LOYDDX : Ptint.toi Pnbliehoki by Al ur: no vo of No. 112, &t 77,c Su* 4 . Stranc), tn. the Precinct of the Savoy, iu the 00 111° Midikelex, Tueaday, May 20,1856., . &.; tit! ! T 1 for tO pi frorr 'With &tat then are are add Pre Li col 11( prey Live TI tan beu Rill: EN Mal