The Sun. — London, England, 1834-04-23 00:00:00

re ;Y r -eo i r PARIS, _,. (From th e private correspondence of the Times.) The Extant MADRID, APRIL 15, l 2 o'cLocx. uto Real for the convocation of the Cortes Was published at 10 o'clock this morning, but having had the good fortun e in the course of the night to obtain an an ticipated lotion noteoell I • of it, I am enabled to send you a full trans-. E.,. • ny of the statute itself, but of the Ministerial - F °B 'cion on which it is founded, and of the relative decTrhce ,which appears in this day's Ga zette. . m T he Gazette contains also, as you will see, another argu ensative art i cle intended evidently to usher in the great ar e on whiCh the administration of Martinez de la Rosa is to rest for its support. In this article we are told th a t gegd government depends on two principles,—the one, larger at he sovereign should not take from the subject a i n Portion of his freedom or his goods than is necessary -Pell d eterminat f e ease for the preservation of good order 'mu the defekrtwritier hi . the n c G e the state. The other principle of the Gazettea. .. j h t culiects should have no .. 'ler interference in the affairs of Government— . that is, u° more political liberty—than is necessary for their defence ai nst th e a b uses of power. For the pract i ca l explana tion ~ o , the these principles we must wait for the promulgation e electoral law, to which the allusion is extremel y :•,' e in the Ministerial exposition : ' EXPOSITION OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS TO c, Ai REIt. MAJESTY THE . QUEEN . REGENT. ies o State have the h '•daln,—The undersigned Secretaries th em °nour of calling your Majesty's attention to a point thr one ost important for the strength and splendour of the . a ta , and for resery the ed the glory future welfare of restoring our anci of the nation. To youi nt t ori fort t Y is e m ental law s , th e di suse o f which during three cen - e sta e s h , has been the cause of so many evils, and the re -11 ; s hinent of which by the august hands of your afaJesty will be the most prosperous presage for the reign , ).° l ll t r august daughter. Join ed "'as not without reason that our ancestors detei•- * 1 7' in compliance with our more ancient codes, and ip, los r t s ,c, n , l e_e of an inveterate practice, the origin of which is to,o-- the cradle of the monarchy, that on the accession of of th earch to the throne he should swear before the Cortes the e an , kl ugdom to the fundamental laws of the state, at 11 m s --- Wi t `e that he received from his subjects . the ktlieuagsteandhsioell'erZaasetlue of fidelity and obedience,—a . n which sealed, so to speak, the alli laa, of the throne and the people, invoking as witness,. as of kin -V and avenger, Him who holds in his hand the destiny and of nations. t o , ith no less wisdom and foresight, it has been h found te be:..ta:e been a right and a custom in Spain, tit be n so onlyht, rrince was in nonage, the same act should . 4tiozed., the guardians of the minor King swearing not . kt rust watch with zeal and also to the sacred deposit kith ed to their care, but . observe strictly the laws, ever er infringing nor departing from them, and looking in Y A c ase t the general welfare of the kingdom. Atli, ' - o .'Part even from the justice and expediency of ful ties6 an obligation so express at the commencement of a t o re ign, it is a fundamental maxim of Spanish legisla hi 4, s anctioned by a series of glorious princes, and inviola ., „._Ys a ttested by the lapse of ages, that ' on great and ardu-, 'cZ occasions the Cortes shall be assembled, and that the l '''ee estates of our kingdoms shall be consulted, as has l a e e done by the Kings our predecessiirs;' it is so set down th„ t f?-mous law of Don Juan 11., it being a settled matter th' e tn our annals and chronicles many distinguished tFs tod t ees are to be found to this legal concurrence of wills . and s of powers, thus strengthening the sovereign authority, iloi re er ''ing as its firmest support when circumstances re , „ it. law o ft has also been an undeniable principle of the public sho o - f., Pain, that no taxes, contributions, or imposts, Of the hF levied without the previous consent of the Cortes , §ep e e o k r ,l n g, (l °T; an admirable provision, which protected the it s st Ca b r e o : g • r t i h ' i t eti br e .I. °Tu use and injustice, at the same time that p ower a e n d d to exhibit, before other nations, its , and to provide for the necessities ap eo ule State, without afflicting, or overburdening the ,Pie. It • Ahio l 's true, that both of these laws, the observance of `.deplore uUld have preserved the throne from the losses we sane'', and the nation from so many losses and misfor ;l)i44, had been surreptitiously suppressed in the last com- INst o °4 °I our laws • but so powerful is the influence of lie tlt t , and so deepl% rooted in the public mind is the an doto i; l ief that the Inc ence of the Cortes of the king :4lllla: Ln various cases required, both as a necessary for tait lawased.for the sake of giving strength and . vigour to aa s h e , that when promulgated without this requisite, it 1 ' 4 4 ea c ustomary to declare them as valid as if the had phlish e d in Cortes. y e, re ale the same origin proceeds the fact, which may ll attl ar `:, e d as a mere record of an abolished institution, `' e n :„,„" n dY called the Diputacion de los Reinhos has still ,o t j ) -.er ved consisting of a small number of regidores, i. t beflA y f i i t he cities and towns to sit in Cortes to . w . atch over ,',,ilsolat2ent of the conditions and compacts which we . re '. th e --, with the cro at the period of the concession.; ~ Nino I f . //e s . th e , at i l it ne , a k` eriod.s and in all circumstances the Cortes of to the l rip have been regarded as an institution essential t%u vekri s°° ' gmlernment of the monarchy, the necessity of kho r ij r i g ,91erO Will be still more clearly seen during the b ied o r ' d °' cur princes, whose power, even when not de i‘lien s na i rt t : l l ' most acquire more firmness and strength A nd if su e h i lL i ae, deputies of the nation. tlt°Perience e v ''" peen the case, as is proved by the , e u , the tl, slightest was en of tranquil iods when no danger, not quiper to 14 te ri what s h all : we apprehended the vessel of the m on the present occasion, kit:, a prince of the sa r4ars a tock; with grief be it spoken, Llllit ot "Ots to Wrest the sceptre from the daughter of his own n ch• n e s ' , and foments civil' war as a prelude to usurpation? t'll,laiesita,,t..very reason the Cortes were assembled by your swear to her Nit,..' ' august husband, to recognize and , ,4, this the heiress of his tht-on'e, in default of a son. th e l ':eis reason also did the nation, soon as the death of th 'ite King became known,.proclaim her by acclamation ci (a l p Nitimate Queen of Spain, deriving her right from , t to, h k ltient laws, from the customs of our forefathers, 1 %4' the oath taken by the pe o pl e , and from the express e d alm ost the m onarc h ; f or t h e same reason, moreover, do theest all th e p rov i nces o f t h e ki ngdom, in the midst of p t. , :t,r: l itgie promot e d by p er fid y and ingratitude, and all and s 4mier . y and ignorance, display the greater fide (peen •; and it to the gentle sway of our sovereign the ' , Tit t • Is not less just than it is politic and expe t o extinguish the it % 11 ,? Which i last ray of hope of a traitorous fac ,-,WAI banePfulcplasairnsiosnthe interests of usurpation, to satisfy toi t.i th e pres . s. t efra Witb the ~ (nee of the General Cortes of the kingdom, fit gOler, n u°o k of the law laid open in a manner the \vi ,h e Tn • of Nvhich there is any example in the annals lq i ll o be eZ l h a iis r e, ll Y, the conduct of this ill-advised Prince til l . ' Pr oal `Ted to the nation and the world,—a Prince ha ehe, iith oti i n g civil discord and aspiring to usurp the feZ 3 vglii e i - s ", t es daily more and more the severe mea oe,,e• the nation must employ for its safety and de °lll ihe co, cokegai ei'‘vocation of the Cortes of the kingdom is the t o i _ ei t o .e,anS recognized in such cases by immemorial j a ely dow Slie n ,_ , 4 ,'t unjust pretensions, to compel the parties t he i t' ' 4 ,, el lt wi, - • ' l eis' arms and ronounce an irrevocable ' . st n tt4 Phew may serve as a pledge and a security for p ot h e lai 4 ;° 4 -e of the state. actrhL such powerful reasons, which it may ( eti' y 0,,, Y„to develop before the wise and . penetrating ike e ,:wl th f ' 3 , l ajesty, have impressed us with the deep 'ltj s - ' + ' s thr a r ; t ee moot efficacious means for placing the ~v t oe o - , ,1, sh ° H i e , ' ) u indestructible foundations is, that your ^ith;, the cl i•„ -4 `, leig to restore to their strength and ' , 1 1 .4 'e ce,:' n eatti c en n tal laws of the monarchy, beginning h 4'l'4 icvleeation of the General Cortes of the kingdom. a ki v til is vsl ua t `Nay should they be convoked? Composed th e , el upiie of the successive aggregation of so 'o e -as "i•e, estat what form should be preferred to \ V ,al e ,, ta e,ieo't n ic ( !el? aould the Cortes . be convoked . as in f. "kv ' e la, Mgdon i of Arragon, as in the province o kNti4 Or as in th e principality of Catalonia ? Should ee of t aken as the type, or should we adopt the sh oh lt ittkd C astil e •) !i tl cl4 irr)ta, ~_ a : And ev f en confining ourselves to this establishing the Cortes ~, te ei re. ew b e `;‘, , e t n. mode o t:;, el t it l 4l Ust ane "!_' .) in the midst re of such a variety of events si te loki h g fo r " • It would be . a useless labour to persist ..` t •"g tb ~constant and uniform rule in the h mod . e of : 4 4ic l etes, e i Co rtex of Castile, since the matter has given `:;! av g . . _llrable disputes among antivaies if the 1 s ke N t eala, Would it be of much advantage pre uld 6o 6 ,tain eti I c'rin of assembling the ancient Co . rtes co d;',,.'e 0, tee of ', b ecause it should not be the chief object of ''''ro disinter its ancient institutions, such as l ' t hi ' lt ci et ° our is, ' lts N ita ancestors, in remote ages and under ‘,' l ltr S of s tances, without applying the fundamental and dis- I S e i ll , t ,, t o lr e ancient legislation with wisdom e k , l'h ii - 'tie ea ,, Present state of society, the . . welfare of tNi ; the n and arid object of all human institutions. _ l e% 'et, •4, have we thought it more opportune i and Ito of e t .est ead , 1,,, y ti lt 0 11 ) , (1 of losing ourselves fruitlessly in a aby 4vgtihNh to and probabilities, that we pursue our st,,:T v ,c, a th. e-difficulties of our situation by a plain and ( 4, 3 ' NiV a nitai p re - ,:e. a wh ich werPeo,ints have served as a guide to direct our l o ti ,tch, at was to seek among the forms of . our . ancient ev' ''' ' s° to speak, the soul of the institution, thus I de c o 'l 'llt 14 St th e , ktic 'lt to 8 e of th accidents of particular . situations, and t au l t ' ''t ti e e examination we have inferred, as an th e aftai t Zte s n ee, that the fundamental principle of our trio dep osi of thus been to give an influence in the impor ,%°lBo%jiescttate to those classes and persons who are Ar s ; " 8 a p r e ty. ' great interests of the common patri io t „fyes f °°fp f 4 ,. ti 11 , Of ih,, ,th e ,us it may be observed, that during the bads but the "iiigenarchy no one assisted at the general el aB Sikh w Pre', I"1, Whatever their nature or denomina te Wer e as the se s and the nobles, because at those pe . - kti er, the the swerganization of the state that those two k e : ( e p rbt illy quad; possessors of property, privilege, or atace of ecti ovi l allties which give influence and which i' e s of be ob 'lec essary, and for similar reasons the th e Il ia, - .grop e served with little difference in the other 14: Pro 6 4i fr om a , tii p ro l of civil; concurrence of various causes N I _ _v ni, ,, , e ization begins to be developed, insensi of 50,441, condition of the people, the middle acquir e new importance, and after 0 ' S ' i lo 0 1 ' j i .iCA he e° ItO te e fii, ;C of tV . 4 iie " eir obtaining municipal rights and franchises, they aspire in their turn to exercise a vote in the general assemblies of the nation. " This they have gain , :i in effect, and in Spain, before the other monarchies of Europe, and the royal authority, by favouring this popular tendency, which counterbalances power of the privileged classes, there has been formed in the bosom of the nation a new political element, which has found, as was natural, its legitimate representatives in the Cortes of the monarshy. " In this manner that solitary institution, by the con currence of all the interests of society united under the tutelary 'shield of the throne, has displayed all its vigour and lustre—an institution which gives the state so many days of glory and prosperity, while it retains the integrity of its strength, but it reduced and niutilated might not be sufficient to produce the good is formerly enjoyed, nor pre vent the approach of evil. " This most important consideration has naturally led us to a point of repose, where it appears to us that we ought to fix ourselves, in order to proceed with safety. In the time of Don Carlos 11. two bodies of the state—the clergy and the nobles, were excluded from the Cortes, but this dangerous innovation, which appeared to be calculated to increase the influence of the popular estate, giving them the exclusive power of voting in Cortes, produced a con trary effect, and from that period when the just level and equilibrium was lost, so necessary to the good government of the monarchy, the ancient institution of the Cortes was so bastardized that in our days it is scarcely a shade of what it has been. " But neither the progress of the nation nor the spirit of the age in which we live, nor the circumstances in which we are placed, permit us to content ourselves with the mere semblance of the Cortes, which, preserving its original name, but far from representing the present interests of society, could never afford an efficient support to the throne, nor satisfy the wants and the hopes of the people. " After two principal bodies of the state had been ex cluded from the Cortes for more than three centuries, after the right of participation had been limited to a small number of towns and cities, and confined to a small num ber of municipal bodies, whose very nature had changed by the lapse of ages, no legal fiction would have been suf ficient to give the character of Cortes to such diminutive bodies as would have been returned, or to entitle them to represent the great interests of society. It is reserved for your Majesty to re-establish this venerable institution in all its plenitude and grandeur, taking for the basis, as far as possible, whereon to raise the new edifice the ancient Cortes of the monarchy. " Without venturing on dangerous innovations, let us endeavour to re-enter on the path of legality, from we should never have swerved, restoring rights which should never have been abolished, nor lost by prescription or desuetude, securine the legitimate progress of all social interests, and silencing the murmurs of parties by the voice of the nation. The Cortes being divided into two branches or estates without thereby departing from its ancient form, we may arrive without risk at the important end of this admirable institution. " The estate of the Proceres del Reino, as a permanent safeguard of the fundamental laws, will comprehend those in its bosom who, from their high station or their illus trious birth, their services and merits, their knowledge and virtues, are entitled to this distinction. The venerable pastors of the church, the grandees of Spain whose names have illustrated the ancient glories of the kingdom, the chiefs who in our own days have increased the lustre of Spanish arms, those who in the noble discharge of the du ties of the magistracy, in the cultivation of the arts, or in the pursuit of science, or in other careers not less honour able, have rendered eminent services to their country, will find the doors open to them of this illustrious estate, which, from the nature of the elements of which it is composed, will be essentially of a conservative character. " To this end also the consideration will contribute that all the grandees of Spain will be members by birth of the estate of the Proceres del Reino, transmitting this dignity from generation to generation, as an hereditary right. This pre-eminency, so conformable to the spirit of the mo narchy, so safe, is at the same time favourable to true li berty, assuring to one class, not less powerful for their renown than for their wealth, the noble independence that is necessary in the exercise of its elevated ministry, will accustom it to look on the deposit of the fundamental laws as it would look on a patrimony connected by family ties. " All the Proceres del Reino, excepting the grandees of Spain, should be named by the King, but with certain requisites that would assume as far as possible a good series of nominations, in order not to adulterate so important an institution, and declaring null that dignity in order to place it beyond the influence of hope or fear. " The total number of Proceres should also be at the will of the Royal authority, as, not being removable, nor their orders revocable, the good of the state requires that the royal power, as sole arbitress, can by means of new nominations exercise a salutary influence in such aninde pendent and powerful corporation, either to foresee or pre vent by that means a violent collision, or to re-establish the equilibrium amongst the various powers of the state. " The estate of-the Proceres del Reino is so convenient and necessary, that under some form or other some similar institution is to be found in almost every kingdom of Europe, not only in the moderate monarchies, but in the freest republics, ancient as well as modern—an evident proof that it is necessary to place a barrier against the _violence of the.popular elements, in order to guard liberty against despotism and anarchy. " The mere indication of the basis we have laid down for the formation of the estate of the Proceres del Reino shows sufficiently the object we have proposed, as well as the rea sons on which we have proceeded, without its being in the least necessary to disturb the august attention of your Majesty with a prolix examination of matters, liable to c/TtFoversy, that have long occupied the attention of your iinceorns.vinletatehnaotuigrhytooursal‘yiaAjelsadvadme,i per fectlythsattoweparreeof the ei e p loan, you w-e willno nporotpoonselyfohr have ee healedesta estate theoafn inveterate P ar °cPer eov sore, del R but you will also have p r o v id e d a new prop to the throne of your august daughter, and a security for the legitimate rights of the nation. "Different in its origin and distinct in its organization, the estate of the Procuradores del Reino is chiefly destined to represent the material interests of society, and to watch for their safety, from whence, as from a fruitful principle, many important consequences are derived. " This estate is in its very essence elective. " The individuals composing it ought to be chosen by the nation, that they may be its legitimate procurators. "Its mandate should endure for the term established by law. " This term should neither be very much prolonged, which might cause the ongin from whence the mandate is derived to be easily forgotten, nor so short as to agitate political passions by very frequent elections. " There should be no limit to the faculty of re-electing the same procurators, both because it is not just to restrain without motive the free will of the people, and because ex perience has proved in various ages and nations that it is not very prudent to incapacitate individuals of proved effi ciency, thereby exposing the state to a serious and dan gerous crisis whenever the popular branch of the legisla ture is renewed. " But how are the elections to be effected? Who are to be intrusted with the electoral qualification ? And who are to be considered legally eligible ? These are questions, Madam, of a most serious and important character, since on their solution the good or bad effects of this institution de pend. It is not wonderful, therefore, if your Secretaries of State have deliberated on the subject with the utmost anxiety and attention, in order to place the matter with some probability of success on permanent foundations. " First of all it was necessary to proceed on a principle just in its origin, general in its application, and conform able in its development with the nature of the institution itself, and it not being compatible with the maxims of rea son or policy to limit as heretofore to a small number of towns the privilege of sending deputies to the Cortes, it has been thought that the most equitable basis was to distri bute the total number of deputies among the various pro vinces, according to the amount of their population. " At the same time it has been considered that the trust to be confided to the deputies being so important, without their being subjected to any legal responsibility, or being in any case called in question for their votes or opinions, it was convenient and indeed necessary that society should take such previous precautions as were dictated by pru dence, in order that its own well-being might not be put to hazard. " These pledges and precautions should also be exacted from the electors themselves, since in this way security would be taken in advance for the good qualities of the candidates. " Even in the ancient republics, whose wise institutions have been transmitted to us by history, those who pos sessed no property exercised no political rights ; nor could any . nation confer them without paying sooner or later for its imprudence and temerity. " hence, in all ages and countries, the possession of pro perty under one form or another has been regarded as the best pledge of good order and tranquillity, as, on the con trary, those who have attempted to excite to insurrection and revolt, by removing all restraint from popular passions, have employed the mob as their instrument. "In conformity with these principles, we have been de sirous that such as possessed a certain annual revenue should exercise the electoral franchise, but after much controversy, and after vainly discussing the different means which have been practised in various ages and nations, we have been fully convinced of the impossibility of realizing what we had proposed. " The want of statistical data, and the complicated, confused, and unequal system of our taxation, have presen ted an insuperable obstacle to our desires, and we have seen ourselves compelled, at least on this occasion, to abandon the general and complete application of the prin ciple we have adopted. " Happily, however, the electoral system is in itself va riable, and subject to alterations and amendments, so that we have thought it better to include it in a separate law, partly for the purpose of not impressing on it a character of perpetuity by mixing it up with the fundamental provisions, and partly for the sake of announcing from its origin that it was to go on insensibly improving, together with the public administration, and under the counsels of experience. " What appeared to be necessary and urgent, since the good of the state required the prompt convocation of the Cortes, was to establish a plan of election, at once equal, just, simple, of easy application, and admitting as its basis the assurance of suitable guarantees, which would provide the perpetual sanction of this most important principle. " These views have guided us in fixing the law of elec tion which we shall shortly submit to your Alajesty's ap probation. By this law it will be established that an electoral junta will be formed in the chief town of every district, composed of all the members of the municipa lity, including the deputies and syndics, with the addi tion of an equal number of the inhabitants who pay the largest amount of taxation--a method which has lately been employed with good effect in the renewal of the town councils. " Each junta will name two electors, who will meet in the capital of their province, choosing . either these electors from among the members of the municipality or from among those paying the greatest amount of taxation who have con curred in the election, or generally from among those pos sessing the conditions required by law. " Assembled in the capital of the province, the electors sent from the various districts will proceed to name the Procuradores to the Cortes in such a manner and form as shall be determined, for the purpose of securing good order and perfect freedom of suffrage. " This plan of election, if not so perfect in theory as could be desired, possesses, as we believe, the inestimable advantage of being very simple in practice. It establishes from the outset two degrees of election. That system has appeared to us to be preferable to a direct election, which would be almost impracticable in Spain, or to the multi plication of the degrees of election, which would interfere with the essence of the institution itself. The method we have preferred will secure, besides, a notable influence to the municipalities in the election of deputies to the Cortes, extending the right to a great number of cities and towns, as justice and convenience require, and naturally harmoni zing the system with the conservative element of property. " But as it is not possible that any state can subsist if the wheels which compose the political machine are with drawn from their proper place, we have proposed as an es sential basis that the electoral juntas, whether of districts or of provinces, shall apply themselves merely to the object of their convocation, declaring null and void whatever they may do or determine beyond this object. " The towns will freely exercise the important right of naming the electors ; but at the moment of exercising it they must prove themselves to be subjects, without which the Procuradores would be unable to fulfil their mandate, the laws would have no power, and no form of government could subsist, least of all a monarchy. " If in the quality of the electors, as in the form of the election, such precautions have been taken as to inspire society with a reasonable confidence, it will already be felt that there will be more measure and deliberation in fixing the qualities required for the Procurador del Reino. On this first occasion, more than any other, when the ancient institution of the Cortes is again to strike its roots into the soil, this deliberation is the more necessary, since by act ing too suddenly we might be furnishing the means for its future eradication. The same conditions required from the elector are to be exacted from the candidate, but on a more extensive scale, as the one trust is so much more important than the other. Nor should it be forgotten that the condition and the qualities of the deputies who are to meet in Cortes will reflect a certain credit on the institution itself, form ing in some sort the public manners of the nation, without which the laws are of little or no avail. With this view, we propose as a fundamental principle that no one shall be a deputy to the Cortes who does not prove the possession of a certain amount of revenue. As they will be required to absent themselves for a certain period from their private affairs to attend to the business of the state, it is in our judgment indispensible that they should possess some pro perty, and live, at least, in a style of decent moderation. " The two estates being constituted, it only remains to arrange them in such a manner that they shall concur to the same end under the protection of the royal authority, which will act as a supreme moderator to prevent dissen sion between the two arms of the Legislature, and main tain them in their true balance. _ " To the King belongs exclusively the power to judge of the period when the Cortes should assemble, according to the circumstances in which the nation may be placed, and its legitimate desires and necessities. " To the King belongs also the corresponding power of suspending the Cortes, and of fixing the period which he may think fit for its reassembling. " To prevent greater evils, he must also have the final and necessary remedy of dissolving the Cortes, without which right and prerogative the royal power might sooner or later be exposed to grievous hazard from the impossibi lity of restraining the popular estate, or, from not possess ing any legitimate means of defence, the King might not think himself secure without recurring to force, and seek ing for victory in the field. The faculty of dissolving the elective estate affords the only means of preventing those violent crises which are not less injurious to good order than to public liberty, with this notable consideration, that having to recur to new elections in the terms fixed by law, the rights of the nation are liable to be deteriorated if an appeal be not made to the nation itself, manifesting its will by its votes, in either confirming the mandate of their former deputies or in naming new ones. . " But even when the crown does not judge it necessary to make use of this essential prerogative, it is convenient that a term should be fixed at the end of which the powers of themandatories of the nation should expire, thus sub jecting their conduct to the ordeal of the electoral urns, and giving a legal and suitable means to the Govern ment of consulting from time to time the barometer of public opinion. " As it has been provided by our ancient laws that no taxes shall be imposed without the consent of the Cortes, it will be sufficient to establish as a fundamental principle that those burdens are not to be imposed in future for a longer period than two years, so that so wholesome an institution may never fall for a longer period into disuse. " The royal authority being more completely acquainted, from its elevated position, with the general necessities of the state, and the means of satisfying them, will propose the subjects for discussion in the Cortes, but the latter will recover the right exercised for so many centuries of ad dressing respectful petitions to the throne for the promotion of the public welfare. " In order to proceed with order and regularity, and without disturbing the reforms which appear most useful, the Ministers will submit to the Cortes, as soon as they are assembled, a statement in detail of le condition of the various branches of the public administration, submitting to examination and approval the budgets of receipt and ex penditure before voting the imposition of taxes. " By this means the regularity of our finances, the public confidence in the Government, and the strength of the state, will at once be secured. This will at once be an equiva lent to an endless series of reforms, because in itself it will exclude the germ of all reform. "It is of the very essence of government, apart from its dignity, to require that nothing shall ever be done incon sistent with the public welfare. On this account no re solution of the Cortes can be carried into effect until it has been approved of by both estates, and received the august sanction of the Monarch. " This concurrence of will, after a - public and solemn debate, gives a character to the laws of justice and im partiality which captivates the mind, and leads to a willing obedience, which it is not easy to secure when the laws appear to be the result of the unsteady volition of a single man, or the impulse, often excited by passion, of a popular assembly. " To find pledges and guarantees by which to connect the prerogatives of the throne with the rights of the nation; to establish a counterpoise between the various powers of the state, so as to maintain between them the necessary equilibrium ; and to view our political rights, not as de rived from abstract principles and subject to vain theories, but as the practical means of securing the quiet possession of our civil rights,—such has been the great object we have proposed to ourselves in framing the basis we have the honour to submit to your Majesty's august approbation. " God grant, Madam, that the result may correspond with our desires and intentions, and as at one period in the history of Spain, when Isabella of Castile ascended the throne and put an end to partiality and party spirit, estab lishing salutary reforms and restoring vigour to the laws, so may the nation owe the like benefits to your Majesty, which will make the reign of your august daughter im mortal. " Madam, at your Majesty's royal feet, " FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. " NICOLAS MARIA GARELLY. " ANTONIO RAYMON ZARCO DEL VALLE. " JOSE VASQUES FIGUEROA. " JOSE DE DIAZ. " XAVIER DE BURGOS. " Aranjuez, April 4." ~ ROYAL STATUTE. " TITLE I. -OF THE CONVOCATION OF THE GENERAL CORTES OF THE KINGDOM. " Art. 1. With reference to what is provided in the sth law, title 15th, part 2, and in the Ist and 2d laws, title 7, book 6 of the new compendium, her Majesty the Queen Regent, in the name of her august daughter Donna Isabel 11., has resolved to convoke the General Cortes of the kingdom. " Art. 2. The General Cortes are to consist of two estates—that of the proceres ' or peers of the kingdom, and that of the proc ura d ores , or deputies of the kingdom. 46 TITLE 11.-OF THE ESTATE OF THE PEERS, Olt PRO- CERES DEL REINO. " Art. 3. The estate of the proceres del reino will con sist-1. Of the very rev. the archbishops, and the rev. the bishops. 2. Of the grandees of Spain. 3. Of the titu/os of Castile. 4. Of an indeterminate number of Spaniards, elevated in dignity, and illustrious for their services in the various departments, and who are or have been secretaries of state, procuradore s del reino, councillors of state, ambassa dors or ministers plenipotentiary, general officers in the army or navy, or members of the supreme courts of jus tice. 5. Of those landed proprietors or chiefs of manufac turing or mercantile establi s h ments, who, with personal merit and other suitable circumstances, possess an annual revenue of 60,000 reals (6001. ), a n d w h o h ave b een pre viously procuradores del reino. And 6. Of those who have acquired in the practice of instruction, and in the cultivation of letters and science, great celebrity and re nown, and who also enjoy an annual revenue of 60,000 reals, arising either from real property or from salaries paid by the treasury. " Art. 4. It shall suffice to be an archbishop or bishop elect or auxiliary, to be qualified for sitting in the estate of the proceres del reino. _ _ . " - Art 5. All the grandees of Spain are members by birth of the estate of the proceres del reino, and take their seat on the following conditions :-1. Of being 25 years of age complete. 2. Of being in possession of the rank of grandee, and of holding it in their own right. 3. Of proving the enjoyment of an annual revenue of 200,000 reals (2,0001.) 4. Of holding their property free from any sort of burden. 5. Of not being under criminal pro secution. And 6. Of not being subjects of any other power. " Art. 6. The dignity of grocer del reino is hereditary in the grandees of Spain. " Art. 7. The King chooses and names the other pro ceres del reino, whose dignity is for life. " Art. B.—The titulos of Castile who may be named proceres del reino must establish the possession of the fol lowing qualifications :-1. That they are 25 years of age. 2. That they are in possession of the rank of titu/o of Castile, and that they hold it in their own right. 3. That they enjoy an annual revenue of 80,000 reals (800/. ) 4. That their property is not subject to any sort of burden. 5. That they are not under criminal prosecution. And 6. That they are not the subjects of any other power. f{ Art. 9. The number of the proceres del reino is un limited. " Art 10. The dignity of procer del reino can only be lost by legal incapacity, in virtue of a judicial sentence in ferring infamy. " Art. 11. The code of regulations will determine all that relates to the internal government, and to the mode of deliberating in the estate of the proceres del reino. " Art. 12. On each occasion when the Cortes are assembled, the King will make choice of a president and vice-president of the estate from among the proceres del reino. " TITLE 111.-OF THE ESTATE OF THE PROCURADORES DEL REINO. " Art. 13. The estate of the procuradores del reino is to consist of the persons to be named under the law of elections. " Art. 14. To be a procurador del reino it is necessary —l. To be a native of these kingdoms, or to be the son of Spanish jarents. 2. To be thirty years of age com plete. 3. To be in possession of an. annual revenue of 12,000 reals (1201.) 4. To have been born in the pro vince for which the candidate is named, to have resided in It during the two previous years, or to possess in it some rural or urban property, producing the half of the revenue necessary as the qualification of a procurador del reino. If in case the same individual shall have been elected a procurador to the Cortes for more than ono pro vince, he shall have the option for which he shall sit. " Art. 15. Those cannot be procuradores del reino 1. Who are under criminal prosecution. 2. Who have been judici a lly con d emne d t o an y p un i s hment inferringin famy. 3. Who are under any physical incapacity, noto rious and perpetual in its nature. 4. Who, as merchants, have been declared insolvent, or have suspended their pay ments. 5. Who, as proprietors, have had their property sequestrated. 6. Who are debtors to the public treasury for a second term of contribution. " Art. 16. The procuradores del reino are to act in vir tue of the powers to be granted at the time of their nomi nation, in the terms to be previously fixed by the Royal Convocation. . " Art. 17. The duration of the powers of the proeura dares del reino shall be for three years, unless the King shall sooner dissolve the Cortes. " Art. 18. When a new election takes place, after the expiry or the dissolution of the Cortes, those who have been procuradores del reino may be re-elected, pro vided they continue to possess the condititions required by law. " TITLE IV.-OF THE MEETING OF THE ESTATE OF THE PROCURADORES DEL REINO. 44 Art. 19. The procuradores del reino are to assemble in the town to be named in the Royal Convocation for the purpose of celebrating the Cortes. " Art. 20. The code of regulations of the Cortes will determine the form and the rules to be observed in the presentation and examination of powers. " Art. 21. As soon as the powers of the procuradores del reino are approved of, they are to proceed to elect five of their number, from among whom the King is to name two, who are to act as president and vice-president. " Art. 22. The president and vice-president of the estate of the procuradores del reino are to cease their functions when the King suspends or dissolves the Cortes. " Art. 23. The code of regulations will determine all that relates to the internal government, and to the mode of deliberating in the estate of the procuradores del reino. " TITLE V.-GENERAL PROVISIONS. " Art. 24. To the King belongs exclusively the power of convoking, suspending, and dissolving the Cortes. " Art. 25. The Cortes are to assemble in virtue of the Royal Con Vocation in the town and on the day to be named therein. 4 ‘ Art. 26. The King will open and close the Cortes either in person or by the secretaries of state by a special decree, countersigned by the president of the council of ministers. " Art. 27. In obedience to law 5, title 15, part 2, the General Cortes are to assemble after the death of the King, that his successor may swear observance of the laws, and may receive from the Cortes the oath of fidelity and obedience. - - " Art. 28. The General Cortes of the kingdom shall also be convoked in virtue of the law above quoted, when the prince or princess who is to inherit the crown is in nonage. " Art. 29. In the event referred to , in the preceding article, the guardians of the minor King shall swear before the Cortes to watch faithfully over the prince, and not to violate the laws of the state, receiving from the proceres and procuradores of the kingdom the oath of fidelity and obedience. " Art. 30. In obedience to the 2d law, title 7, book 6, of the riew compendium, the Cortes of the kingdom shall assemble when any arduous affair shall occur, the import ance of which, in the King's judgment, requires that they be consulted on. " Art. 31. The Cortes cannot deliberate on any matter whatever which has not been expressly submitted to their examination in virtue of a royal decree. " Art. 32. The right which the Cortes have always enjoyed of addressing petitions to the King is nevertheless reserved, this being done in the mode and form presented by the regulations. " Art. 33. For the formation of laws the approbation of both estates and the sanction of the King are necessary. " Art. 34. In obedience to the Ist law, title 7, book 6, of the new compendium, no taxes or contributions shall be exacted from any class unless the proposal of the King shall have been voted by the Cortes. " Art. 35. The taxes cannot be imposed for more than two years, before the expiry of which they must again be voted by the Cortes. " Art. 36. Before voting the taxes a statement is to be presented to the Cortes, by the several' secretaries of state, detailing the condition of the various branches of the public administration, the Minister of Finance presenting after wards to the ortes the budget of expenditure, and of the ways and means. "_Art. 37. The King will suspend the Cortes by virtue of a decree, to be countersigned by the President of the Council of Ministers ; and as soon as it is read, both estates s allsep,aroar voting te on any subject whatever., without the power of re- assem bli ng, deli berating Art. 38. In case the King shall suspend the Cortes, they are not to re-assemble without a new convocation. " Art. 39. On the day appointed for the re-assembling of the Cortes the same procuradores del reino shall meet, unless they have already completed the term of three years which their powers are to endure. <, A r t. 40. When the King dissolves the Cortes, it is done either in person or by means of a decree, counter signed by the President of the Council of Ministers. " Art. 41. In either case both estates shall instantly separate. Art. 42. On the announcement of the royal order for the dissolution of the Cortes, the estate of the proceres del reino shall not have the power to re-assemble, nor to come to any vote or resolution until the Cortes are re assembled, in virtue of a new convocation. "Art. 43. When the Cortes by a royal decree are dis solved, the powers of the procuradores del reino are at the same time annulled. All that may be afterwards done or determined is null and void. ;Art. 44. When the Cortes have been dissolved, others must be convoked before the lapse of a year. "Art. 45. Whenever the Cortes are convokedboth estates must at the same time be convoked. , 4 Art. 46. The one estate cannot meet unless the other also meet. " Art. 47. Each estate is to hold its sessions apart. " Art. 48. The sessions of both estates shall be public; except in cases provided for in the regulations. " Art. 49. The proceres as well as the procuradores del reino shall be inviolable for the opinions and votes they may emit in the discharge of their duty. " Art. 50. The regulations of the Cortes will determine the relations of the two estates with each other and with the government. " FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. " NICOLAS MARIA GARELLY. "ANTONIO RAYMON ZARCO DEL VALLE. "JOSE VASQUEZ FIGUEROA. " JOSE DE IMAZ. " XAVIER DE BURGOS." " ROYAL DECREE _ " Desiring to re-establish in their force and vigour the fundamental laws of the monarchy, in order that what has wisely been provided for the case of a minor monarch as cending the throne may obtain full effect, and anxious to raise on a solid and permanent foundation the prosperity and glory of this magnanimous nation, I have ordered, in the name of my august daughter Donna Isabella 11., after consulting the council of regency and council of Ministry, that the !needing royal statute for the convocation of the General Cortes of the kingdom be kept, fulfilled, and ob served and promulgated with due solemnity. " Aranjuez, April 10, 18.34. " To Don Francisco Martinez de la Rosa, President of the Council of Minitth.rs." I'. S. Since closing, my lettcr I he.ve been informed, on respectable authority, that a ecnsickrable portion of the force which was destined for the in of Portugal has been ordered to proceed with :he utmost de',patch to the northern provinces, and that, in fait, - a strong detachment is already on its way to Navarre in cars-and waggons, which have been collected for the sake of greater expedi tion on a plan lately announced in an official circular of the Minister at War. • NEW TEA DUTIES. It may be useful I think, at this time, with reference to Mr. Craw ford's intended motion for a select committee of the House of Commons, on the 24th instant, to recapitu late some of the leading points of this very important ques tion, as well as to take a view of the conduct pursued by the government in legislating upon a subject which affects not less extensively the interests of the public and the re venue, than those of the trader himself. I will not stop to notice the unjust imputations which have been cast upon the tea trade, for the view they have taken of this matter, or for having stood up to defend their interests, as well as to expose the fallacies of the govern ment ; and it would be useless to dwell upon that reckless haste and pertinacity with which a government, avowing themselves to be even-handed and clear-sighted, have adopted, and adhered to, a scheme which is equally wild, impracticable, and mischievous. To those who have, like myself, some confidence yet remaining in the good inten tions of our rulers, but who are not quite satisfied of their infallibility, I would suggest, that this is not their first mistake ; and, if any man has the hardihood to say that the tea dealer, in opposing them, is studying any private inte rest of his own, I can only answer, that I wish he had stu died the principles of trade better. The subject of the new tea duties divides itself into two principal heads ; that of fraud which may be practised, and of bad tea which may be imported, under such a system as the one proposed ; but even these are so blended together as hardly to be treated of separately. In reference how ever to the first, I observe it has been asserted pretty roundly, that upon the present scheme of classification two different inspectors may charge a different duty upon the same cargo of tea, to the extent of 50,0001., and this is per fectly true • but it is an extreme case, applicable to the present scale of East India shipping, and quoted I suppose only by way of example. Taking however those ships which are eventually the most likely to be employed, from 300 to 600 tons, and supposing that contrivances to this end are planned by the dishonest importer upon only part of a cargo, I assert, without the fear of contradiction, that frauds to the extent of .5,000/. or 10,0001., may easily be practised, and are indeed likely to be of ordinary occur rence ; and the simple question therefore seems to be, whether that system be a wise one which admits of such fraud, or if it be morally right to invest any government officer with a discretionary power to such extent over an article of trade, the distinction in the qualities of which is admitted on all hands to be one of difficulty. But the importer has determined, we will say, to avoid fraud him self, although some of his brethren are not so nice about it. Two persons of different character import the same descrip tion of tea. One of them, by the irresistible bribe of 1,0001. to the inspector, gets his tea passed at a duty of 5,0001. less than the other, (which fraud be it recollected if found out, may be pleaded as a mere error of judgment, ) and thus, although he should sell his tea at the cost price, profits 4,000/. upon his venture. The other, being more conscientious, imports to no profit at all, and is in danger of losing his trade into the bargain. Then comes the tea dealer, who independently of his desire to discountenance a fraud to which he must almost necessarily become a party, would wish to encourage the importation of good qualities, because it will promote his trade, and add to his profit ; but is this likely to be the case when the good teas are taxed higher in this country than their relative proportion of va lue in the Chinese market? andwill not the importer,whose object also is to improve .the consumption, perhaps over look such a consideration, and rather bring home the secondary qualities, about which the government inspec tor cannot if he would make any mistake? But it is as serted by the government that there is, er ought to be, no difficulty in discriminating the quality of different teas. and therefore that the inspector, if honest, may do rightly. What, however, is the fact ? Why, that the tea brokers, who are supposed to be the most experienced judges, and are certainly the most practised in this sort of knowledge, vary in their individual opinions always to the extent of ld. to 2d. per lb. (less than which will determine the dif ferent duties), and often from 3d. to 6d. per lb. upon every break or parcel of tea put up at every sale ; and if this dif ference of opinion has existed hitherto, it is fay to conclude that it will exist still, and that any thing therefore like uniformity of opinion is unattainable. But it would be well to inquire if these asserted broad lines of distinction between different teasreally do exist. What did Sir George Staunton lately say in the House of Commons? and I be lieve there is no higher authority in the country. "Bohea was the original name,and still is the Chinese term for all kinds of black tea. Different soils, and different cultivation, have given it a different character, but it is the same spe cies, and the same tree everywhere. There is no such thing as Congou tea, or Souchong tea. Congou means only a preferable black tea, and Souchong the select of the preferable." What also is our own experience upon this head, but that the Congou or preferable black tea, in which, as between the Bohea on the one hand, and the Souchong on the other, the government allege there is so marked a distinction, sells usually at only 4d. to ld. per lb. above what we term the Bohea, and some of it occa sionally lower than the best Bohea, and two-thirds of the Souchong or select tea sell much under the fine Congou. The same apparent incongruity will apply to the Campois, Pekoes, and other teas, where the prices continually jostle and even cross each other, and, therefore, really there is no boundary line between any of them In fact, the terms with ourselves are altogether discretionary, and frequently synony mous. The Bohea of one dealer is the Congou of another, and the Souchongs, Campois, and Pekoes, are equally in discriminate in use, and indefinite in real meaning. They are but the ordinary, middling good, and fine of all other articles ; in the precise application of which terms no two persons, and especially buyer and seller, ever agree. Still it is asserted that the government have found out the se cret, and that the experiment prepared by them, and refer red to some chosen parties for decision, makes every thing clear and straight; but this is not the fact. The Board of Control, a twelvemonth back, certainly did make experi ment with certain persons upon certain samples, but these samples differed from each other at least 4d. to 6d. per lb., and these referees, the tea brokers, than whom there is not a more respectable body of men, did therefore, after much deliberation, pretty well agree in judgment, although not wholly so. What, however, did the tea brokers say when they ascertained the unworthy purpose for which these opinions were obtained, and what is the sub stance of the document since signed by them, and read publicly by Sir Robert Peel in the House of Com mons, when they found all private remonstrance to be fruitless, but " that the experiment was no fair decision of the question at issue, and that in their opinion no boundary line between teas of different qualities did exist." Let me ask, however, why the drift and meaning of such an expe riment should have been concealed, and why the London dealers, not one of whom was consulted, should have been precluded from giving an opinion ? Are brokers to be trusted only when hoodwinked, and is the character of a London trader at so low an ebb that he is not to be trusted at all? Does an experiment thus dished up prove any thing but the folly of those who prepared it, and if in such a thing, evidently intended for effect's sake, there has proved to be a moment's hesitation, do the government really ex pect to find uniformity of judgment, where the differences of quality, if any, approach to within id. per lb. of each other ; where, instead of having, as in this case, boiling water and teapots at hand, with plenty of time for. deli beration, you must decide at some public wharf or ware house in a moment, upon large quantities, with the super ficial examination of the sight or the smell only ? Can all the infinite variety of shades of quality in 400,000 chests annually imported, thus be determined with any fairness or certainty, and will it indeed be possible to do it at all ? Yet the government say it can be done, and have accord ingly determined that the Congou shaltpay Bd. per lb. more than the Bohea, and the Souchong 10d. per lb. more than the Congou, although, as I have said, these teas are so intermingled as not to be distinguishable, and the prices of them actually run into each other. Was there ever anything so preposterous ? Would it not be idle to attempt a scale of duties upon the different flavours of wine from the same country, and probably the same vineyard? and, when a similar crude notion was entertained for sugar was it not at once seen to be impracticable ? Have the govern ment received no warnings upon this subject? What was the answer obtained a twelvemonth ago by their chosen agent, a late member of Parliament, and a thoroughly practical man, who was despatched into the city to make inquiry of some of our first merchants, but that the scheme " would not do," and why, therefore, was the bantling ' fostered any longer ? The mistakes — of the government do not, however, end here. Every one knows that good tea goes the farthest, and that a good article promotes consumption ; but our rulers seem to disregard this circumstance, as well as the fact that the poor man will always give a good price, in the hope of obtaining good tea, not only for eeonom'a sake, but also because, like his betters, he prefers it, In spite, therefore, of its frequent adulteration by the mixture of Bohea, the Congou forms hi the aggregate four-fifths of the poor man's consumption, and this tea now pays a duty of ls. 94d. to Is. lO%d, per lb., but ! the government kindly propose to make it 2s. 2d. per lb., under this the will name b a e m s e e e a n r in although to give the turn back they will allow him the use of the Bohea tea at a duty of only Is 6 d: pei: lb., which, if he does not drink, ,‘ he ought to c ..drink, and " with which he really must for the futureontent him self." 'rids operation they dignify by the term of a benefit to the poorer classes, but I call it deceit and q uac k ery. The the ic.worst.ima evil po t Bohea, which was imported formerly, but whi c h h ar dl y deserves the name of tea a t all; and whi c h i s s t i l l rti on however of that is to made by the Chinese . for the use of other cou n t r i es , come, trmh and but for which the English are sure to obtain the pref,rence as soon ;+s it is determined by govern yient that all future competition shall be directed to rice and not to quality : for who will, with the encou :gement given to use a low commodity, bring a good one to market ? A scale of duties is, in fact, a temptation to import the inferior instead of the better article ; an alter native presented to us, either to pay higher prices, or to drink a worse quality ; an insult to the understanding of an practical men, and the very thought of which, in this ease, will for ever stand as a monument of the miserable iticapacity of those theorists who are so little fitted by their education to comprehend the details of commercial practice. Of an ad valorem duty I need say little. Under any other system than monopoly it is equally liable to objection with a scale of duties, for a single importer only, apart from all combination, might easily, by public sale, depress the market with a supply beyond what was wanted at the moment, so as to fix a low duty, and then by employing . somebody to buy in the teas thus offered for sale, re-sell Chem most advantageously for himself, but of course to the great injury of the revenue. A fixed duty is, therefore, inevitable, and one duty upon tea of every description, 1 believe honestly to be, the only safeguard to all classes of the community. It will shut the door upon fraud ; it will not only give to everybody good tea at a lower price than was ever yet known, but also augment consumption and improve the morals of the people ; it will at once place the honest trader upon a firm footing, and through him furnish to the government a sure, an abundant, and an increasing revenue. And what snore ought to be desired ? But the present scale of duties forsooth is an experiment, and ought to be allowed a trial. This argument, however, is pure sophis try, and would warrant any absurdity. Is an import ant branch of trade, yielding to society so many com forts, and to the government so large a revenue, to be made matter of experiment ? It is to be wished that our rulers would upon every subject adopt that theory only which is supported by sound practice—that when simplicity will effect any object, they would avoid compli cation ;- and, above all, that they would somewhat distrust their own judgment upon all those details, of which per sonally they can know nothing. They may make experi ments upon their own property if they please, but it is ma nifest injustice and impolicy to give a sanction to fraud, and:in defiance of every remonstrance not only to destroy the prospects of the fair trader, but also to tamper with the enjoyments of the community. I am unwilling to add to the present letter further de tail, but one other argument may be adduced to show the futility of this scheme, which, if it be deemed too specula tive by the public, the members of a government pluming themselves on their knowledge of political economy ought to comprehend, and it is this; that the price of any article to the consumer, is governed infinitely less by the artificial burdens laid upon it, than by the law of demand and supply, and its relative value to similar commodities. In this view of the tea question, and under present circumstances, it is impossible that the poor man can derive a benefit by a low tax upon the Bohea as compared with the Congou tea, even if he drink the former. The price of Congou is at this time about 3s. Bd. per lb. including the duty of Is. 9td. per lb., and that of Bohea 3s. sd. per lb. including the duty of Is. Bd. per lb. Now, if the Government, instead of making: the Bohea duty Is. 6d. per lb. after the 22d of April, were but bold enough to take it off altogether, they would at the very next sale in June see the truth of my po sition, and lose nothing by the experiment, the tea itself being then their own property ; for as the Congou Tea is to be bolstered up through the year by protecting prices, and the demand for Bohea Tea is above the supply (be it for adulteration or otherwise) the latter will continue to preserve its relative proportion to the Congou, and, we must still give 35. sd. per lb. for it, out of mere compe tion, though it paid no duty whatever. But none are so blind as those that won't see, and I shall therefore conclude with a word to the public, begging them to use their own judgment, only if they should be told that the Tea Trade are interested in keeping up the prices of low tea, or of any teas whatever, for the very reverse is the fa c t. All that the tea trade desire, is to have a clear stage, without patronage or favouritism, but to this end legislation founded upon common sense is needful. The good opinion of Go vernment is indifferent to them, if they can but secure that protection from fraud which will enable them to importand sell a good commodity at such prices as will increase the consumption ; for their dealings will then be more uni form and extensive, their expenses lighter, and their pro-. fits more certain. JOHN TRAVERS. Swithin's Lane, 16th April, 1834. MURDER.--ADJOURNED INQUEST. BIRMINGHAM, April 21. This day the jury met, pursuant to adjournment on Monday last, relative to the daring and barbarous murder on the body of the woman Webb, on Wednesday the 9th instant. The CORONER stated that there was a woman about to come into the room whom he had been informed could give some very important information. H should examine her very minutely. The prisoner, Fitter, who has been in custody since Saturday week, and against whom very mate= rial evidence had been adduced, was then brought into the room. Mary Anne Hilton Patteson, a young married woman, whose husband was a soldier, stated that she resided in a court in John-street. She knew Fitter well, hEi having mended shoes for her. She went on last Wednesday week, as nearly as she could guess, at half-past three o'clock, to his house. She saw his wife and the baby in the kitchen alone. She was binding shoes. She thought she inquired if Fitter was within, stating that she had brought her boots to be mended. She stood at the door with the door in her hand for a short time, and was going to turn out of the house, when Fitter came in. He had on a pair of slipper shoes and a red jacket. As ho came in he hardly stopped, but went as swiftly as he could across the house to the cellar door, which he opened with his left hand; and as he threw the door open she saw blood on his left hand. He went into the cellar and pulled the door after him with his hand. Whilst he was in the cellar a stout man came in with dark clothes on, and walked up stairs. • She only sat: - his back. Fitter then came out of the cellar without either shoes or jacket on. She asked him if he would please to mend her boots, describing in what manner. He said, " No, my girl, I can't awhile." Mrs. Fitter got up and walked towards the cellar head. She could not tell whether she went down into the cellar, as she turned away and left the house. When he went down the cellar, his hand appeared as if it had been dipped in blood ; and when he returned it looked smeared, and. as if it had been wiped off. The witness further statial that she went from his house to a Mrs. Rufford, whc was in the habit of washing for her. She asked her if she had brought her caps ? She replied no ; that she had her boots in her handkerchief; that she had taken them to Lawley-street to be mended, but could not get them mended ; she did not sal to whom. The circumstance ofherhaving a bundle with her the woman Rufford denied at her examination, as well as many circumstances relative to the former witness going to her house at various times the following week ; but when confronted with the girl, she would not swear to those circumstances, but could not remember them. The Jury and Coroner were very much dissatisfied with her manner in giving evidence. Two women, neighbours of the woman Rufford, and whom the girl knew, substantiated her statements about calling upon them at the same time she did upon Rufford. She first mentioned what she had seen respecting Fitter, and the day she was at his house, to Mrs. Rufford on the Monday. She also mentioned it to several persons who were stand ing in the crowd opposite the house at which the jury was sitting. Mary Hodson was next examined. She stated that on Wednesday week, as near four o'clock as she could guess, she was going up Lawley-street to a coal shed for coal. She saw no one in the yard, nor a barrow in whidi she could wheel the coal. In going towards Lawley-street, to look if she could see the coalman, she saw Fitter come. out of his house and go up an entry. When she mac, to the entry up which he went, she had occasion to go up, the yard. She went up, but did not see any convenience; She was then going into Mrs. Webb's house to ask her the kindness to let her go in ; when she at to the wi n d ow she saw the person near (the prisoner Fitter) standing. in the house with his back toward* the window, with a woman's head leaning on his right arm; there was no noise, she thought she might be in a fit, or tainting. She did not go in, but turned down the yard ; she went down the entry, and went into the yard above, and was there about a minute; she then went across the coal-yard and got the coal. The man had on a leathern apron, red jacket, ck pieceet , an d r c o l ppaper t t c h a e p . barrow, When o opposite i N t ‘ she was putting it in she saw Fitter come out of it and go into the house he came out of; he walked fast, and h ac k Fitter before in ilex* life , (It will be recollected, that from the evidence Mr. Wood, surgeon, the throat . must and that ' Litter allowed himself er the left corner of his aprons in his hand. She newr saw have been cut left-handed, was he entry.wheeling. h coal that he was so.) Other evidence was brought forward, aft er w hi c h the jury returned a verdict of At ilful Murder against John Fitter. On his hearing this decision he bec ame a l most unable to stand. His daughter, son-in-law, and sister, i mme di ate l y came to him in a private room, and th e scene was most afflicting. The premium on gold at Paris is 5+ per which at th e E ng li s h Mint price of 31 17s. loAd. the ounce for standard gold, gives an exchange of 25.28, and the exchange at Paris on London at short being 25.30, it follows that gold is 2.25 per cent. lower at Paris than in London. By the advises from Hamburg the price of gold is 434 per mark, which at the English Alin,. price of 3/. 17s. 10d. the ounce for standard gild, g=Ves an exchange of 13.94-, and the exchange Hamburg on London at short being 13.9, it follcw; that gold is 7-32 per cent. dearer at Hamburg tl in LontiQn.