The Sun. — London, England, 1827-03-09 00:00:00

//z Pex T j ECONOMY AND CONVENIENCE COMBINED. WILLIS'S PATENT PERIPURIST, or Portable Economical Cooking Apparatus, enables any person in 'n few minutes to prepare a comfortable meaI—BREAK - FAST, as it prepares coffee in a very superior manner, boils Eggs, and cooks a beef-steak or a slice of ham, and all in less than ten minutes. For Dinner it will prepare soup, steam potatoes, and cook a mutton chop or steak, &c. at the same time, and for this one FARTHING's-WORTH of FUEL is more than suffi cient, and the operation may be performed upon a (lining table witlioni, soiling the cloth or producing smoke or unpleasant smell, and travelling in a Carriage without danger or inconvenience, and for pedestrians it may he carried in the hand, and in cold weather answer two purposes, for Tea, it answers the purpose of an Urn, and saves the trouble and expence of lighting a fire; it is admira bly adapted for w arm weat h er, and hot. climates, for Taverns and Coffee Houses, and parties of pleasure in rural rambles; also on I board of vessels in rough weather, as the motion of the vessel does not affect it, and the saving of fuel will more than pay the ex pence of it the first voyage. To be had of the Inventor and Patentee, No. 20, Henrietta street, Covent -garden, from 14s. and upwards according to size, a liberal allowance made to Captains and others going abroad. PUBLICATIONS. NATIONAL SOCIETY. This day was published, THE FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT of the NATIONAL SOCIETY for the EDUCATION of the. POOR in the principles of the ESTABLISHED CHURCH. To be had at Messrs. Rivington's, St. Paul's Church-yard and Waterloo-place, by Subscribers, gratis.—Price to Non-subscribers two shillings. T. T. WALMSLEY, D.D. Sec. IMPORTANT WORKS. ON THE CORN AND CURRENCY QUESTIONS, &c. PUBLISHED AND PUBLISHING BY JAMES RIDGWAY, 169, PICCADILLY. This day- will appear, price 6d., or for DistributiOn, ss. per dozen, DIALOGUES on CORN and CURRENCY, between Sir JOHN THICKSCULL, M.P., and Mr. WISEACRE. Just published, PAPER MONEY, BANKING, and OVER-TRADING. By Sir Henry Parnell, Bart. M.P. 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The FRInT GROWER'S INSTRUCTOR ; tical Treatise on Fruit Tr, fr o M t . ty • with m the Nursery to a uri , an effective r e or, a Prac ,,, medy for pr ev ent ion oft he Canker in Apple Trees. By G. --.."55, Nurseryman. Price as, r ~._ ~:. =. _ ..: '~~ ~•~ +~- No. 10,763. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. : t HOUSE OF LORDS.-MARCH Sir Alexander Grant, and others from the Com Mons, brought up the Reports of the House of Commons' Committee appointed to inquire into the Circulation of Promissory Notes in Ireland and Scotland. CATHOLICS. The Bishop of PETERBOROUGH presented a petition from the Dean and Chapter of Peterborough, praying their Lordships to grant no further concessions to the Catholics. Lord CARBERY presented a similar petition from the Clergy of the county of Cork. His Lordship, on pre senting the petition, said a few words, which were quite inau dible below the bar. Lord COLCHESTER presented a similar peti tion from some place in Kent. Lord KING said he had several petitions to present from persons who described themselves as forming part of that mass of people who were. the most poor and wretched of any in Europe—the Catholics of Ireland. The first petition he would present, however, was full of loyalty, as if it had been drawn up under the sanction of the Noble and Learned Lord on the Wool sack, and contained more charity than the petition just presented by the Noble Lord (Carhery), and signed by several clergymen ; and, he believed, more charity than if it had been drawn up by the whole Bench of Bishops.—The petition was then read. It was from the Roman Catholics of Boyle, in the county of Ros common, in Ireland. Viscount LORTON did not rise to oppose receiv ing the petition, but he was anxious to make a few observations, because that petition might bring him as a culprit to the bar. It would appear from a speech which had been made in another place, which, if he might be permitted to read. (Order, order.) He meant not to refer to any speech delivered in the Lower House of Parliament, but to one spoken in the Roman Catholic Parlia ment, that he was to be denounced. That speech had been pub lished in their own paper, and he begged leave to read it to their Lordships. His Lordship then read, from a Dublin paper, a pas sage from a speech of Mr. O'Connell's, on moving a Resolution at a meeting of the Catholic Association, concerning. Lord Lorton, in which his Lordship was spoken of as having attempted to con trol the right to petition, which had been secured by the Revolu tion of 1688, holding him up as a great enemy to the Catholics, and as having falsely attributed to them conduct which they had never been guilty of, and words they had never uttered. Their Lordships would see, from this specimen, what were the pro ceedings of the Irish Roman Catholic Parliament. They were in themselves only laughable, and would deserve only to be laughed at, if it were not for the effects which such denuncia tions had over the minds and actions of a deluded population. From such denunciations the inference would be drawn that he was a proscribed person, a tyrant of the Catholics, and hostile to the rights of the people. The, whole arose from a conversation he had had with some of his tenantry, in which lie had recommended them not to interfere with the petition which was then gettinc , up, as they had signed the general petition, which would be presented by the Duke of Buckingham. No threat had been used, and they parted good friends, but he had recommended them not to at tend a meeting which was to take place on the Sunday. The meeting took place at the Roman Catholic Chapel, presided by the Coadjutor Priest, and it was attended by three persons who had no connection with the town. After abusing him, they agreed to that petition, which their Lordships had just heard read, and of which he congratulated the Noble Lord on his safe deliver ance. It was not necessary for him to trouble their Lordships further, but he would merely remark, that the Dublin Conven tion was the great source of all the disturbances which, existed in Ireland, and they caused all the miseries of that unfortunate country. He had resided there twenty-seven years, and on no occasion had be ever made any distinction between a Protestant and a Catholic, either as a landlord, a master of a family, or as isk officer commanding a regiment. Me wished only to cld, that their Lordships:its:ell' , knew the leaders of the Associsj a, imi were, Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Lawless, and the latter was the Editor of a newspaper called Time Irishman. At a late meeting he hid said, " that if the speech attributed to Lord Lorton were spokes" by him—if he had said that the Protestants were persecuted by the Catholics, he was a liar." This was the language used in the Catholic Parlianient. He knew that these gentlemen were anxious for nototiey, which .. he did not mean to confer on them. He should be sorry to make them of consequence. He thought proper, however, to mention their conduct ; if other - measures were taken against him, he should know how to defend himself, and he was_not afraid. He would only remark, that it behoved their Lordships to put down this Roman Catholic Parliament, which resembled that National Convention from which all the mischief had sprung. It was, in his opinion, an indelible dis grace on the Government of Ireland, that this Association was not put down.—(Hear.) Lord ELLENBOROUGH begged to remind the Noble Lord, that Parliament had passed an Act to put it down, and had completely failed in the attempt, and would fail, till the cause which called it into existence was removed.—(Hear, hear.) —lf the Noble Viscount wished to give consequence to the indi viduals he had mentioned, there was no better way to do it than the one he had adopted, of mentioning them in the House of Lords. Nothing but the notice taken of them could possibly raise them into distinction. Viscount LORTON explained, that it was easy for Noble Lords, %.-ho did not live in Ireland, and who had, perhaps, never visited Ireland, to make fine speeches, and to ex press such confidence ; but theoretical men were not able to form a correct olinion of the matter, and none but practical men could do so. He exhorted the Noble Lord not to make speeches from theory. Before he attempted to speak of Ireland, he ought to visit the country, and remain there a year or two, and if he resided there he would come to a different opinion. It was dif ficult for him to keep his temper, when Noble Lords, who knew nothing of Ireland, but what they might have heard in the streets, or gathered in that House—(hear, hear,) —got t i p and made speeches attempting to put him down. He threw himself on their Lordships. It was not possible that he should not take some notice of what was said and done in Ireland ; and his friends there had requested him to bring the persons he had mentioned to their Lordships' Bar, which he certainly would not do. All the evils arose from the Association being suffered to exist, and they ought to take the bull by the horns and put down the As sociation. Lord ELLENBOROUGH had not spoken from theory—had not spoken from ignorance. He had visited Ire land ; he had been there more than once ; he had lived seven or eight months in Ireland ; be had been present at a Meeting of the Convention, when an important subject was discussed—the Education of the People ; and he would say, that any thing more wretched than the speeches he had never heard —any thing more contemptible than the Assembly he had never visited. He spoke, therefore, not from theory ; he had seen the men ; and nothing could give them consequence but taking no ti ce of them. Viscount LORTON said, it was of no use his troubling their Lordships further, for if he spoke till he was tired he should not convince the Noble Lord. Lord REDESDALE said, the Convention was the chief cause of all the ferment that was kept up in Ireland ; and if it were not put down, it would involve the country in civil war and rebellion. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, it had not been his intention to trouble their Lordships by making any ob servations on the subject to which the petition referred, till it came regularly before their Lordships, when he hoped their Lordships would attempt to lay the matter at rest ; and he hoped and trusted that the Noble Marquess who had given notice of a motion on this subject, would not abandon his intention, and would give their Lordships an opportunity of deciding what they would do. He would not have troubled their Lordships, he said, hail it not been for the personal allusion of his Noble Friend (Lord King), if lie would allow him to call him so, though he had never acted other wise than with hostility to him (the Lord Chancellor), though he had always acted friendly towards the Noble Baron, who, on presenting the petition, called on the Learned Lord on the Wool sack. The Noble Baron had said, that the petition did not con tain one word of which he did not approve, when,' in fact, there was not one word in it which he did not reprobate. Of the conduct of the Catholic Convention, to which allusion bad been made, he knew nothing ; nor could their Lordships know any thing, unless the subject came before them them to lees- FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 9, 1827. late on it. Unless, indeed, a breach of privilege were committed, when it might be brought before them; but if neither of these cases occurred, it was impossible to them to know what passed in the Conventio , .. Tie saw ;t stated in a newspaper, which was no authority ; that a Rev. Prelate, who had made a speech in that House against the Catholics, had been called a liar. The observation referred to something which had been printed, and (lid not mention the speech. If Noble Lords Would publish their speeches, and he did not know that this was not a breach of their Lordships' privileges, they could not complain of what was said of them ; but if any persons were to comment on what had passed in that House, there would be no difficulty as to the mode of dealing with them. He would go further, and say, that he would not believe on the authority of newspapers, that those things had passed in the Convention, which the newspapers described,_ because it was impossible, if such things had passed, and evidence could be given of them before a Jury, that the parties should not be apprehended, who had behaved as described in the newspapers. It was impossible to believe that such things had occurred as had been represented. The Marquis of LANSDOWN, after the allusion which had been made to the notice which stood on their Lord ships' Orders, thought it his duty to state, that though it was not his intention that night to state to their Lordships what he meant to do, yet he could assure them tinkt he wculd give them ample notice of the course lie meant to pursue with respect to bringing forward his motion or not, and perhaps he might give their Lord ships this information to-morrow. The Noble and Learned Lord was one of the last persons whom he should consult as to whe ther he should bring forward the motion or not. In that he should be guided by the exercise of that sound discretion which he was bound to consult ; but whether he decided on bringing forward the subject or not, their Lordships should receive suffi dent notice of the course he meant to pursue, and the motives which decided his conduct. The Earl of CLANCARTY said, he should never cease to regret that any Act had ever been introduced into Par liament for putting down the Convention—(Hear, hear !)—That Act was, in his opinion, a foolish Act—(Hear, hear.)—The Common Law of the country was sufficient to have put down that Convention, and it was the duty of the Law Officers of the Crown to have put it down. He did not agree with the observa tion of the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, that the proceedings of the Catholic Association were incorrectly describ ed in the public papers ; on the contrary, he thought that all which they described actually occurred, and much occurred which the papers never published. He begged, therefore, to differ from the Noble and Learned Lord, as he was persuaded that much passed in that Convention, which never met the public eye. That it was the duty of the Law Officers of the Crown to bring those things before a Jury, and why they did not re quired an explanation. He should be very sorry to be connected with those who stood in the situation of the Law Officers of the Crown. It appeared to him, to say the least of it, that there had been a very considerable want of zeal in the execution of the duty of those in the legal department of the Government of Ireland. Lord KING explained that he had not presented the petition without giving notice of it to the Noble Viscount (Lord Lorton did not object to the petition or the conduct of the Noble Baron), and he had consulted his convenience as to the day on which he should present it. He wished to set himself right on this point. To the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, he must also say, that he had on presenting the petition only said that it was as full of loyalty as if he had dictated it. The Earl of KINGSTON expressed his satisfac tion that the petition had been presented, but explained that he had declined presenting it himself, because it had been drawn up under the influence of the three persons already mentioned. Had they not interfered, the petition would have been much more numerously signed. Lord - CEIFDEN did not rise to justify the languge Which: had lately been used in Ireland on this subject—(Some Peer exclaimed " Nor in England."),—nor that which had been lately used in England ; and which had done great, but he hoped not irreparable injury to the Catholic cause, and on the success of which he thought the peace and security of the country depended. He did not defend the conduct of the Catholic Association, but he thought it was impossible to put it down—(" He subscribes to it," was whispered.)—lt was not possible to prevent men com plaining of grievances. TheL had tried various means of putting dosira the Catholic Association, they had passed the Convention Act, which only allowed, by one exceptive clause, the Irish Par liament to meet. Their Lordships and the Government had tried other expedients, but they had all failed, and would all fail, till the Catholics were relieved from the disabilities under which they laboured. The decision of the other night had been anxiously waited for, and would, he had no doubt, be received with trans ports of joy on the continent. It was impossible, he thought, for Ferdinand of Spain to continue to reign as he did, should the Constitution of Portugal be preserved, and he, therefore, would not rest till he had destroyed it. If he went to war, France, from being in possession of his towns, must go into the war with him, and if we went to war with France and Spain, the right of search would again come into question. America would not submit to that, and we should have war also with America. Let their Lordships consider, then, what would be the situation of this country with their enemies, and the Irish people also made the enemies of this country. He believed that, generally, the Press of the United States was in the hands of Irishmen, who cherished in that country a feeling of hostility to Great Britain, by which we should suffer. Should war ensue, it was impossible to say what might happen. For Ireland, he was sure, there would be no peace till the concessions claimed by the Catholics were made. The Earl of MOUNTCASHELL thought the Irish Convention no t wor th y o f not i ce ; b ut the language and sen timents of Mr. OConnell being echoed in that House, the disaf fected were eiwourd3-ed, and mischief, which the Convention itself could not cause, was spread throughout the land. The Noble Viscount who had addressed their Lordships, was an absentee; be resided abroad, and knew nothing of the dangers which sur rounded those who lived in the country, and endeavoured to bear up against the evil. It ill became any Noble Peer to speak in that manner, repeating merely the words of the members of the Association. The language used in that House was spread throughout the country, and such words as he had that night heard gave to the demagogues of t lie time all their advantages. The Noble Peer said it was impossible to put down the Catholic Association, and that it was impossible to resist the claims of mil lions of men. It was easy to talk of millions of men ; but it was not so easy for these millions to find arms, and to be organised. They would never follow one Chief, and could not carry all before them, as the Noble Viscount seemed to think they would.. The great danger to Ireland arose from the Convention, which was spreading anarchy over the land. Those Lords who were not absentees, were the best judges of what was required for Ireland ; they were the best judges of the state of the country ; and they did not suppose, like the Noble Viscount, that there was any ne cessity to be afraid of the Catholics. Supposing the population of Ireland to, amount to seven millions, there were at least twelve hundred thousand members of the Church Establishment and Pro testant Dissenters. If to these were added, as he understood he was upon good authority warranted in doing, eight hundred thousand Presbyterians, it would follow that there were altogether two millions of Protestants ; and deducting that number from the whole population of the country, there remained five millions of Roman Catholics. Th e proportion between the Cath o li cs and Protestants was as fi ve to two ; or, in other words, th ere were two Roman Catholi cs an d a half to one Protestant.-- (A laugh.) —This was not suc h a m i g hty disproportion as to f r i g h ten the Protestants out of th e i r li v es, as the leading oratorsofthe Gtolthdo-o. lic Associati on , M essrs . O'C onne ll and Sheil, wished Sure he wa s th a t if th e P rotes t an t s would but stick t ogether, and be of one m i n d, ent i re l y gu id e d by true Protest ant principles, with loyalty in their hearts, and a sincere attachment to the King and Constitution, they would be more than a match for the five or even seven millions, as they were told, that were opposed to them. But, backed as they were by their friends in England and Scotland, they would not submit to be bullied by a handful of insolent demagogues. The Noble Earl added some further re marks, which were not audible below the bar. The Narquess of LANSDOWN said, he would not attempt to dispute with the Noble Earl the palm of practical wisdom. The Noble Earl had undoubtedly succeeded in throwing a novel and singular light upon the question to which he had re ferred (hear, hear) ; and lie had certainly put the House in pos session of a striking proof of the importance of the Catholic Asso ciation. The Noble Earl had told their Lordships, that one ob ject of that body was to close his mouth.—(A laugh.)—lt was quite clear, by what their Lordships had that evening heard, that the Association had not been able to succeed.—(A laugh.)—He would always be most happy to hear the Noble Earl deliver his sentiments in' that House, only he claimed for himself and his Noble Friends the right, in all humility, even in the presence of that Noble Earl, of giving utterance to such opinions as, in the due discharge of their duty, they might think fit to declare relative to the affairs of Ireland. The petition, together with another to the same effect from some other place in Ireland, was then ordered to be printed. THE CORN LAWS. Lord DUDLEY and WARD presented three pe tition 3, from Hundreds in the county of Suffolk, against any change in the Corn Laws. The Noble Viscount also presented a petition from Wolverhampton, in the county of Stafford, praying for such a modification of the Corn Laws as would insure an adequate sup ply of grain, at a reasonable price. The Order of the Day was then read, for taking into consider ation the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the prices of Foreign Grain. The Earl - of LAUDERDALE began by observ ing, that when the Noble Earl (Bathurst) had discharged the Order of the Day on which it was intended to have brought for ward the Resolutions that had since been moved in .the oftter House, the Noble Earl stated that he would object to any enquiry into ivhat was called the remunerating price at which grain could be produced; but that, still, as the Government of the country had themselves called for further information, relative to the price of grain abroad, he would not refuse a Committee for that pur pose, if any Noble Lord chose to move for it. At that time, he (the Earl of Lauderdale) took the liberty of saying, that he was not determined whether he would move merely for an inquiry into the price of foreign grain, or whether he would call for a more ea,ended inquiry. At all events, that was the prudent course, as their Lordships were then near becoming masters of that mysterious secret, relative to the Corn Laws, of which Parliament had been so long kept in ignorance. He wished to know what this propo sition was, before he decided upon the inquiry he would institute. Certainly he could not have anticipated the nature of the proposi tion that had been brought forward in the other House. It was, however, as their Lordships well knew, such a proposition as rendered the present motion absolutely necessary. That proposi tion was founded on a , principle which had never been adopted before, either in this country or any other, in imposing duties upon any commodity. The plan was totally novel. The duty was to depend on the price of a commodity which was not to be taxed, and was to have no relation whatever to the price of the commodity which was to he taxed. When the price of home grown grain was sixty shillings per quarter, the tax upon foreign grain was to be twenty shillings, and according as the price rose or fell in this country, without any reference to the price of grain abroad, the tax was to be moderated or increased. If the House proceeded in this case in the usual way of all legislative assemblies, they would, in the first place, ascertain the fact, whether grain could be obtained from foreign countries at such a price as would, if it were admitted to be introduced, allow the home grower to produce it in this country. If their Lordships knew what ward the price of grain abroad, and what it could be grown for here, they might proportion the tax to the value of the foreign commo dity. They would not then have before them a plan drawn up in so slovenly a manner., that the author of it proposed to impose a tax upon one commodity on account of the price of another commodity.—(Hear, hear, hear:)—lf that author had been as well informed on this subject as he (the Earl of Lauder dale) was, he would have known, that within the range from Odessa to Petersburgh, there were not two ports in which the price of grain was the same. If an attempt were made to have a graduated scale adapted to each port, before it could be accom plished, the author would have had the, mortification of seeing the events of the next season render all his labours abortive. Did their Lordships think that their ancestors had not examined this question ? They saw the difficulty of applying a graduated scale to so ever varying a subject. It was reserved for this age to produce a plan like that lately opened in the other House. Their ancestors fairly shrunk from a task which they plainly saw was im possible. Till the present Government existed, or rather, he should say, till some of those had joined it who now composed it, and who were ready for every experiment, however dangerous, it had never entered into the head of man to impose a tax upon one commodity, to be regulated in its amonnt by t price of another commodity, not to be taxed. What result could be ex pected from such a principle? Where was the Noble Lord who could tell him, if this plan were carried into effect, the basis on which his tenant was to offer rent, or on which he was to let his farms? A Noble Lord behind him (Lord King) was always talk ing of the avaricious feelings of the landed interest. Every man who was acquainted with the common practice of the land owners knew that their generous spirits induced them to mo derate, instead of aggravating, the lot of those who were below them. He contemned such calumnies, but he would ask, under the pro posed plan, which Noble Lord would rise and give him the rule by which he could, at the same time, do justice to his tenant and insure his own rights ? Most of the land in his country (Scot land) was held on lease, and in this country a great part was held in the same manner. Much of the occupation rested only on the security of the good-will of the landlords. These were the men whom the Noble Lord (King) chose daily to vilify as selfish men, who voted only for those measures in which they were interested —and cared nothing for the good of the community. He (the Earl of Lauderdale) declared, that he would not stand up to argue that question for a moment, if he did not honestly and conscien tiously believe that he was pleading the cause of the manufacturer more than that of the landed proprietor. He was supported, too, by the consciousness, that he was defending the principle of those laws which had prevailed in this country, more or Jess, for the last 400 years, and which were closely interwoven with the Constitution itself. It was said by some theorists who attempted to knock their notions into the brains of the rest of the world, not by reason, for of that they were incapable, but by the same sort of evading with which the Noble . Lord (King) continually assailed that House, namely, by repeating the same thing day after day ; it was said by these persons, that at present there was a monopoly in the supply of corn by the home growers. Now, he asked, what was the nature of this monopoly ? and what were the mis chiefs that attended it ? The term monopoly implied that the sellers had the whole community in their power, and could at their will raise or lower the price of the market. Was there any such monopoly as this in the home corn trade ? Would any man pre tend that any principle of combination could subsist among the 560,000 agricultural tenants of this country, some of whom, for want of capital, were obliged literally to work from hand to mouth ? All their circumstances were different, and precluded the possibility of such a union as could alone give effect to a mo nopoly. Some of them were beginning new leases of long dura tion. Earls had his 'peculiar views and interests. How then could they continue to establish a monopoly to the disadvantage of the peo ale of this country ? Looking back at several periods of our lusliory, when there had been no importation of foreign grain, he asked what difficulty had ever been experienced from this mono poly of the home grower ? He was afraid, however, if the pro positions now before Parliament passed into a law, the country would have some difficulty to encounter from monopoly—not the monopoly of the home grower, but the monopoly of the corn merchant, who disregarded equally the interests of the land owner and the consumer, and looked only to tee retans of en riching himself.—(Cheers.) —Let their Lordships observe what would be the working of the wonderful Resolutions which, after so much pains and trouble, had been brought forward in th e other i House. Let them suppose a great merchant, n this country— and there was no other country on the face or the globe which so abounded as this in capital, nor where large undertakings were so easily carried on—let them then suppose the case of a great merchant, flattered by these Resolutions with the hope of making a large fortune at a blow, purchasing a Million quarters of grain to be warehoused. If this was aupposed to be too much for ono corn-merchant, the House would remember that the number of c orn-merchants was not so boundless as that of the tenantry.— They could therefore combine with greater facility, and act with : one design. The Noble Earl (Bathurst) must remember that at one time an attempt was made to establish freedom of trade in Corfu. The merchants, however, combined ; and if the Govern had not interfered, the people must have starved. By the new plan, it was proposed to regulate the average weekly, which would evidently be much more liable to management and flactua tioo than a q uar t er l y average . W as i t an extravagant sup position, that if, at a time when the price of borne grown grain was sixty shillings, at whirls under the new plan a duty of i ►wenty shillings vested in buying price to seventy would be chargeal might be at once to the landed inter perfectly nugatory one hand, it would withhold Corn till the price reached 70e., and when once that point was turned, excessive importation followed, to the utter ruin of the agriculturist. He would let their Lord s hip s into the secret of what Corn could be bought for abroad. By ju dicious combination, the corn merchants might reduce the market, in order further to discourage the agriculturists, and make the con sumer still more dependent for the future upon the supplies from abroad. Of all the times that he, in the course of his existence, remembered, he thought there would not be a dissentient voice in that House, when he said, that this was the most extextraor dinarytime for such an ext ravagan t an d d ang e rou s experiment as this. Two years ago, in the most , authoritative manner in which Ministers could inform Parliament, in the Speech de livered by his Majesty from the Throne, in February, 1825, their Lordships were told in that House, that " there never was a period in the history of this country, when all ranks and orders were so prosperous and so thoroughly contented." Yet, what was the price of wheat at that time ? He had been cu rious to ascertain the fact, 'and he found that the price of wheat that very week was sixty-nine shillings—(Cheers.)—The price of wheat the week on which this experiment was made to save the country from monopoly was fifty-three shillings—(Cheers. ) This new plan held out a semblance to the community as if it would secure 60s. to the agriculturist ; but never was semblance so fallacious. But he denied that it was really a security up to 60s. He thought the probability was, that one year with another, Foreign Grain might be supplied at a rate of 255. a quarter. Tinder this plan, the first of which was 60s. with a duty of 20 shillings, as the price fell ls. the duty rose 2s. ; and on the con trary, the duty fell two shillings for ever y s hilling the price rose above 60 shillings. Suppose then grain could be imported from the Baltic at 25 shillings a quarter, and this was no vio lent supposition, for he was ready , to prove that within the last month grain had been landed at 235. Granting, however, that the price was 255., and supposing the home-grown grain - to be selling at 555., the duty in that .ease would be 80s., which, added to the coat price 255.; would - raise it to . 555., at which it might he sold in the home market. To that sum, therefore, 'the protec tion to the home-grower would be reduced. Suppose the priceof foreign grain should rise to 30s. what then would be the amount of protection ? If the home price was 565. or 575., the duty would be 265. which, added to the cost price, would bring up the foreign grain to 565. and perhaps a fraction. He would carry it further, and suppose that the foreign grain cost 34e. If the home price then was 575. or 58s. the duty would be 245. When foreign grain reached the extravagant price of 345. the amount of protec tion to the agriculturist would be only 58,. Lord KING asked the Noble Earl, whether in this calculation he included the cost of carriage ? The Earl of LAUDERDALE assured tie Noble Lord that there was no difficulty in landing grain from the Baltic at a freight of about 4s. When he stated that he could land grain from the Baltic at 255., he included freight and insurance. He believed the price was even much lower. The new plan would not give protection to the agriculturist at 60s. ; unless corn abroad was at the same time 40s. a quarter. But when was it to be expected that foreign grain would rise to the extravagant absurd, and unheard of price of 40s. ? Yet a duty of 20s. was fixed as an effectual protection to the home grower, and he would venture to say, that people had an opinion that they were in per fect security up to 60s. One effect of the new system would be to put an end to all the regular import trade. When a weekly average was to govern the intr o duction of grain into this country, the importer could not judge of the price so securely as when the averages were taken every three months. All the ordinary trade would be destroyed, and the sole chance of the supply of the country would be from the warehouses, if the home growth should be insufficient. This new plan would, among other evils, tend to perpetuate the warehousing system ; and a system more fatal to the country, not to the corn trade only, but to every branch of commerce, had never been devised by man. That system, and that alone, had rendered the Corn Bill of 1815 objectionable. When that Bill was passed, he had supported it on the faith of the Noble Lord at the head of the Administration (the Earl of Liverpool), who had represented it as a final settlement of the question. He had some inconsiderable objections as to the de tails of the Bill; but the Noble Earl urged him not to press them. He remembered almost the very phrases the Noble Earl had used. " When we have passed this Bill," said the Noble Earl, " it will form the lasting law of the country during peace. Is it worth while, then, to throw obstacles in its way ?" On the. faith of this declaration, he (Lord Lauderdale) had agreed to waive his objections. But the new plan was strangely called Lord Liverpool's measure. If that Noble Earl were in his place, and no man would rejoice more highly to see him than he (the Earl of Lauderdale) would, he would tell the Noble Earl that he did not believe that this new plan could be the work of that Lord Liverpool who had projected the. Bill of 1815.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—But evil communications corrupted good man ners.—(Cheers and laughter.) Whether it had been adopted by Lord Liverpool he knew not ; but sure he was that it had not originated with him. If he wanted evidence of this fact, be found it in the Journals of the House of Commons for 1814. There he saw something like a plan of this sort, coming from a person (Mr. Huskisson) at that time totally disconnected with the Earl of Liverpool, but who had since been much more in contact with him as head of the Board of Trade. He (the Earl of Lauderdale) would go ilirther. He knew of his own know ledge, where the plan came from. He had seen it himself twelve months ago, when it was lodged in Mr. Huskisson's hands.— How, therefore, it could have originated in the brain of the Earl of Liverpool, surp asse d hi s com p re h ens i on .(Cheers.)—This was a new measure, and its auth o r was , p ro bably, not (10:.t e sure of its success. It w as p ru d en t, p er h a p s , no t i n the f i rst instance to avow himself, when his obj e ct was to de: molish a system which had last e d f or ages . Thi s , at any rate he knew, that when he had lately heard of 94111) person vapour big that he had stretched forth lull 11157,C1 an d called a new . N n i o - o w il , d un in d t e o r i t t he fo u r n o ce u r r ta m in a t n y u t f h a a c t manufactures, the Earl of Liverpool's, but ail his own.—(Ch eers .)—B u t .e work wa s n o t th en attended this measure, it was judged better to palm it upon, the Earl of Liverpool. He repeated, he did not believe it was Nob:e L• - Al's measure. It was con trary to the principles of the school in which he was educated.— Thet Noble Lord had been taught to reverence ancient institu tions. He was not an individual to throw the country into con fusion for the sake of a set of theories. He (Lord Lauderdale) advised the House to reflect upon what had passed with refe ference to the silk trade. All the boasted measures for intro dtwang a free trade •had for their real object only this attack on the Corn Laws. Did he speak unadvisedly when he said all these measures had ended in vapour ? Three or four years ago a Bill was passed to take effect at the end of the Session, by which a duty o f 30 p er cent. a d valorem was imposed upon ' fo reign silk goods, for the protection of the home manufacturer.-_ 'this was considered a tolerable safeguard. But those who made that experiment were deceived in the result, as would those who were pushing forward this new plan for the ruin of the coun try, At the time this Bill was passed, any quantity of silk goode might be insured at' Paris for delivery in London at 15 per cent. The English silk manufacturer would, therefore, in effect, have been exposed to a rivalry on those terms if the Bill had been suffered to go into operation. But four or five days before the close of the Session before last, an Act was smuggled through that House altering the intended system altogether. By that Act, the duty of 30 per cent. was repealed, and a duty instead imposed upon the weight of foreign manufactured silk. No longer was t t o ll there allowed e an y in free trade of rade permitted.3oand6o yards Importation ieleng ul wasto take place only at the port of Lond on ; and, to crow n all, it was moment the silk manufacturers heard of this change, they liaexed with gratitude to the head of the Board of Trade, and said, " We have better protection than ever ;" for they well knew, that if the French silks were measured by the thumbs- of Cuatom-house of ficers, they were perfectly safe.—(Cheers.)—All these pretended experiments had really for object to justify the attack on the. landed interest.—(Cheers.)—Spitalfields was as secure of its mo nopoly as before. He could cite other instances of th e h o ll ow policy of the Ministry, but he should fatigue their Lordships. It was said that the country had one common interest in this ques tion. He believed so sincerely himself, but then he thought the law should be, that the importation of all Foreign Corn should be prohibited, leaving it to the discretion of the Privy Council to open the Ports when Parliament was not sitting, but reserving that power at all other times to Parliament itself. That, he was convinced, would be the best possiblo law that could be framed. He thought so, because the price of Grain varied from year to year, and no permanent legislation could take place on so change ful a subject. The interest of the consumer would be better pro tected by the watchful eye of Parliament, and the Lords of his Majesty's Council. He could not refrain from noticing a paisage in a recent speech. The speaker (Mr. Canning) observed, that " after very nice experiments, he had cast the balance of principle to trade, and the balance of price to the landed interest."—(Hear, hear.)—Never had he heard a phrase so foolish and absurd as this. The only way in which he could interpret this passage was. " We have beat th e l an d e d proa r -i, e topa out o f th e i r strong kola— the ancient usages and lacy f the country, established by their , ..,„. _ . ~•_•-•;.....„ :, 4, '.., . tik.,,,,., , 4 - . . • .; ....,4„.., , ' - ' 2 ' - - .1 ,•.- - - 1 , „„;...„ • O. 1.) x .., z . - .. 1 ,, :, .....7 " \A. •✓ ..._ ~. .....•.. _ L A ',..- ---+ --_,_ ~/ N 2.,, • '' • , ~,,,,,,„„) , ,,„0..., . .,;• , ; , ,•• .'4' • . v C , S • ~„. , , • ' -1. . , Ir- A • ''''-,:--...--, s ' • -t; 111d3i ' PO 4 ~'.1 7 0 - - - . =' , -:,--.. 1 ......0 , ta via":4l f *Vital:cif* /. wss up all .tb shill' • • .1. • es, " Y llitm7 4 4l able, i - lig brou • ) iiiised erect, teition ry. What would it d or consumer ? I C a i! thebe y r; ;•t.„ ' ' PRICE 7D.