The Sun. — London, England, 1834-02-05 00:00:00

11Perience would have taught him that when his Majesty lil ltd,:d to th e C orporations' Commission, the Inquiry into b . 5 e I siasti ca l Affairs, and the Poor L a ws, that that was the mode of intimation which was usually given in a speech hir.°_t,. the th rone, and was enough to call the attention of :,"larnent to th ose measures. The Hon. Member wished e Governme n t to be as specific in the speech as they (t P ete last session, but experience had proved to him ared Altho rp ) the benefit o the contrary ; for in that latc h subjects were adverted to which it was found to carry into effect. The Honourable Member i t "ut that t h e Government had it in their power e car e t Y every thing th ey c h ose ; b ut did no t the Hon. II Muer recollect that there were on the books of the fu a t tir not less than 134 notices of motions for this ses of te He (Lord Althorp) hoped and trusted that most oe motions would not he pressed, but that the regu lar Ewan b... 55 8 of the session might be allowed to proceed. L I, the whole, be did not think Ministers required any rettlication for not being more specific than they had di et The opinion formed by the Hon. Member opposite, b u ' h ne did not intend to bring forward certain measures, tett ad , s hown to be incorrect. As to taxation, it was Is tt l i d a'Y incorrect ; and as to other subjects, they would titraught forward as soon as they were in a proper awe. je tu Hanourable Member had complimented—and most f or Y.'s-the mover and seconder of the address.—(Hear.) 411 "" w aa an address more ably moved and seconded. 114 - t r .) With regard to one part of the speech of the tsti* "'ember, that Government ought to look on the agi- (1,4 in Irel an d w i th contempt, whatever m i g ht b e his t atere alth "P' B ) feelings, that off contempt he could not a 4- " s (Hear, be ar .) With regard to the amend - 1.4 latt'L e I nTed and trust e d, alter having stated what was it to to be d one , t h a t t h e House would not think, rY to adopt it.—(Hear, hear.) The effect f 1 / 1 1 % a , en amendment on an address to the Tbrone, it b_ ell ssons m ; -- ,n own, impli e d a want of the confidence of the Majesty's Ministers, and therefore he hoped b ssAnae would not adopt the present one. fro m •„ssCIBINSON stated, that although the speech tee * 'le throne bad represented the agricultural in. ie Pressio. of the country to be in a state of great I tlittet and the commerce of the country, on the - aat e a e „" a „ Lid a most flourishing condition, he would to - "PY time in entering into those questions at tarot: If he were to relate circumstances which had t he his n o ti ce , a fter what had been stated in kph' m anner l in which it had, by the t o- _ 2 ltti 17, w mover and seconder of the resolution, it aoth e t urn out that there would, or there would fiee b lack diff erence o f op i n i on i n th e H use. H e wee 4146101114 there was great depres•ion in the agricultu afth 'lets, but as to the improving state of the commerce him. t e s ca e aat rY, he would entreat the House to bear with bile he stated what he conceived to be a most ode mode of measuring the relative improvements th 4t P o f re ssio ns that had been deta i le d , namely, that of .e 44 4 Profits on the part of the agriculturists, and . the d O t~ off tee Tc °f trad e , on the ot h er h an d, t h a t h a d been carried de tails and figures would prove the flourishing g i t t e the countr doubtless this ought to be considered atite434tvist kosperou y Country in the known world. He would - „", lt Ile conceived to be the object of Govern e u e ient Zitti s , - " n g to the appointment of a Counmitt m ad, es ia to the agricultural, and on t he f oth th t e o e r %b e "' the shipping and commercial state ti etey e t• It was his honest opinion that Government, in liti a f "Dg to have those inquiries made, did it with a s _ t Wtres s - e a lr "nts expressly that the agricultural interest was • . 'Slid that commerce was in g a prosperoas condition, ftirj9l"lloUt meaning to inter the Committees had not been lecigi t i a PPointed, or the inquiries fairly conducted, he to all l that a s f ar as t h e mora l weight of Government tneteC ker ned, that weight had been exercised to prove gee" the one hand and prosperity on the other. ltse e aa ttonished t h at t h e H un . M em b e r f o r Ipswich should ba th h i4 k rri if it c ou ld b e sa id t h ere were any differences alioeie7, rn mittees upon those subjects. He must have too that que s ti on was ca lculated (on au occasion, tro i te n " . " it was alwa s desirable, out of courtesy to the -lua, th at there sh ,y uld unaniusiiy) to induce him to r b d to deny that there was no difference of opinion try e t Eoultnitte rs , in the House, or in the coun •tb h ear.) He would admit that the distress d easgrauamtnnerce of the country bad been overcharged an ittrtocldd ratheeadt.thotTi he result of the committee on C •nimerce Rh the distress was not general, the pro - not rew ar d the manufacturers, our the wages pay the I,.."abourer--(Hear, hear)—and the reason why °he had which the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo . - w ere z _brought down and was prepared to submit In the it , ear rierl was, that there was a difference of opinion w ere a?isolate; and that the majority of the Members d ence tnt the r esolutions, because they thought the evi would b e ten ° conflicting and inconsistent, that it better that it should go to the House and C;aar.)Pwait resold 001 y by any remarks.— Hear thlhippoiy. interestus.d. 001 y now ject had beenmake a remark on the Hewas sorry that the committee on among other lOrry that, refused last year, and he felt equally the shipping interest was considered in his Majesty's speech, Ite to be merged in tehoensider d be so unimportant e to country. There was a tin al cowof the commerce Was considered to be of sufficient ioce interest h e the shippinghoto in point of • capital employed in it, and in to nserit many other respects, a distinct notice in th e speech from the leTle•--(Hear.) He would ask the Right oarable Vice-President of the Board of Trade ea ther single witness had b een exam i ne d who had not the most discouraging evidence with respect to the eL P P I ng interests? However, he would at present ta▪ mgoing from into any of the points of the address with a lioute not only because he considered the present Ild-r n eal to : I I tea matter of form than of substance, but it was alwaysto considered that no man in that la. °l-- Was leded any measure that might he hee,l,-ght forward merely because an amendment had not op e n M alted, a n d h e ne i ther i nten d e d to move nor t o secon d si te . tis If, how ever, t h e o bj ect of Government was b y t hi s th e : " to evade a f u ll an d s if t i ng i n v e stigation into Cl a i ms catnrn l aws, and to justify itself against the os th e b e made against it, for the repeal of some hi s d r ° l l laves, then h e s h ou ld have at Oust to express ‘ t ottl e d eP ti re gret. At the s ame time he trusted Government of ot think of resorting to so disingenuous a mode d eed, j adin g' Whatever might be the aim in this, or, in lib ° any other respect, he held himself perfectly at th:urtytt.o act hereafter upon any measure just as he might kith t u i, lnk fit and ro er. He wished be could believe tb e t 7: K ing's Govern ment, that the state of trade was teas I n condition they seemed to be of opinion . it Of f ee ; "bath e s eas Pretty confident there was a conflict it4rl.lng 011 that subject. Diet% ll ' G RATTAN could not but complain of the aPee t b lll °Missions which were but too apparent in the whi they had heard read, omissions which he t allat it% stud Were made, not only for the purpose of covec %tier t "'ed faults on the part of the Government, but . they hl4ll:s_guise other measures of a similar nature, which le ltes for their Preparation. They had taken . credit to them ', a n A I leir success in the Coercion Bill. Now he would 'ha l t - 1.7 that in the most unhesitating manner, material at Bill had altogether failed upon all I f°l. I a Pal attl•—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Members L e i l a e n. had told them that it would do so, and they . tf, %n "' th ern it was not necessary, to put down a banditti , t he aC tie e. i n's County, to suspend the laws of the lan . d. i n c rterlaber for Ipswich had never been more mis ,Tght life than in the statements he had made that point W r t h respect to Ireland. There was another 1 . -41 Potieb i j. the speech from the throne that it . was '` for any honest and well-intentioned t : . ) Pass over ; he referred to that passage ashen c ise r Majesty was made to express his just in l ehouldW'lat had taken lace in Ireland.—( Hear.) . He di d -- i„ e g l ad to know 'f p such words had ever been in 'hen r - t a IC•in 's l a i h before? Had it been done Mr•lteand teals in s- a u :tate of disturbance in the time of Veit e s () ; did that Right Hon. Gentleman think . it ! l ad tak - e P a t in the mouth of his Sovereign that that . which Just . a pla te • Indt in Ireland at that time called tiltbaneuegnatiou ?--(Hear, hear, hear.) When dis that d took Place in the colonies, did the Minister suck a Y t nibk it right to advise his Majesty to make use fault s ofe.,.lPressions? -. teat were not so, were the hi % Ireland at tit . i ntj 'etessy to present moment, thatealled upon b ? „'sa,..Mp tha unhappy country with his "just the uld the poverty of that country, caused e -get of h;1444. ; .... er ern obility, call down that " just in di di na (Hear, hear.) Where, he would ask, could a by the be found hardy enough, even if he stood antl4ide hoof his Majesty with his sword in e ' v erei gn place in the m iuth of his i n hi s ; words which held forth a threat to the people I nent %,,:Julit indignation ?" He asserted that that state theuea as false and foul he would not call it calumny, he had ' le might do so — a one on the people of Ireland, as as set " ever listened to. — He took upon himself boldly t itt t hat the :II had People of Ireland were nut dissaffected have :111veep stated that they were dissatisfied, be could ;4 4 0 1 laddersetotioodh it, as no people on the farce of the .righ ts cause for dissatisfaction .—( Hear.) - " l ntel of the Irish nation were not under the p eed u . of a si ngle individual, and the House might de *halt pun it, if that individual fell to-morrow, that spirit t o S i 41 ' i ih d : ! been complained of would still exist. There r ,... P . a . rt of th e speech which could not be passed testy had b een a d v i sed by his Ministers to adopt a most unconstitutional proceedine . ,—naniely, that of stating that he was deter t o ilud not to Nes such and such a measure. If that writ- to t ron•ide-red ronstitutionil, the rights of both Houses of Pat- liament would be extinguished. The Hon. Member concluded by deprecating all coercive mea sures, and by declaring that the connection between this country and Ireland ought not be maintained by force and violence, but upon the principles of freedom upon which it was first based, and which alone could insure tranquillity and peace to either the one or the other. The gallery was then cleared for a division on Mr. Hume's amendment; the numbers were— Ayes ;313 Noes l9l Majority against the amendment -- 159 On our readmission into the gallery, Mr. HUME was pre senting to the notice of the House a motion which he did not intend to press to a division, but he wished to have re corded upon the minutes of the House. The decision which hail just been given upon his amendment, was a pretty good proof that he had not been mistaken 'in saying, that after all the promises heretofore made of reduction in taxation, there was no assurance that any such reduction was intended. The motion was, that after the words in the address " this House expresses its gratitude for the desire expressed by his Most Gracious Majesty to secure to the people the uninterrupted enjoyment of the blessings of peace,"—these words should be introduced--" That this House pledges itself to cause such reductions to be made in all the civil, military, and naval establishments of the coun try as will bring home to all his Majesty's subjects the practical advantages and blessings of that continued peace which this House rejoices to learn is not likely to be disturbed." • The motion was negatived without a division. Mr. O'CONNELL said he rose to adopt a course different to any pursued by the Hon. Members who had preceded him. He had a motion to present, in rising to snake which he could not help congratulating the House on the unusual course displayed by the mover and seconder of the address. They had had two exceedingly noble and temperate speeches, full of information, and replete with matter which produced admiration for the talent of the speakers, and conviction of the truth of their various statements.--(Hear, hear, hear.) The holiday speech, the schoolboy declamation, generally re-echoed the speech from the throne; but he was glad to see that this was all at an end ; there was but one improvement snore, namely, the discontinuance of the tinsel dress worn by the mover and seconder.—(Laughter.) He believed that alter. ation would be quite satisfactory to both the Hon. Members. The speech itself was not calculated to excite any very strong feeling, at least he did not think any thing like indignation, " just indignation,"—no, it would be something of a smaller, and of a less respectable character. It was about as helpless a piece of drivelling as ever fell from human lips.—(Hear and laughter.) There was little in it, except just at the last part where something of an acrimonious spirit was displayed. It was in every sense little worthy of the first magistrate of the first empire of the world. He found it impossible to ima gine upon what principles it was formed, until he heard the Noble Lord, who told them that great inconvenience was felt last session in consequence of too much having been said, thervfore the good old practice of saying as little as possible had been reverted to. There was not an ancient gentlewoman of the land who could have been more discreet and more con. sistent. It began with some self-gratulation, and ended in downright Billingsgate.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The first part consisted of a good deal of nothing, and ended in something like a rigmarole of abuse. This was not the way to treat the reformed Parliament—this was not the way the peo ple, the most powerful people in the world, should be treated, or any portion of them. Let them bring forth their Coercion Bills if they chose, but let them not make the throne a fountain of unjust scorn, to be poured upon an oppressed nation. The speech began by calling the whole of the measures of last session constitutional. Why the Coercion Bill had been de nounced as unconstitutional by many Members of that House, and had been allowed to be unconstitutional by many that he saw opposite; yet that was a measure of last session. Many Members justified themselves to their constituents for their votes on that Bill, for their confidence in Ministers,and their hope that they would afterwards bring in remedial measures, which would take the sting from that other Bill. For that purpose the Irish Church Bill had been much relied upon, but what, he would ask, was it ? It had reduced the burdens on the Irish people by 70,0001. in church rates, but that was all it had done. Had it done any further good to the people of Ireland ? had it in the slightest degree benefited the Irish Catholic ? What, he would ask, did it benefit them, the knocking down of ten Bishops--(Cheering)—when the revenues which they formerly enjoyed were still taken from the people ? It would have been better that they had been let alone, for they were Irish gentlemen who spent what they took from the people amongst the people. The people were still obliged to pay the same amount—the same tax was still levied upon them. But it was useless for him to say more—it was the old way in which Ireland had always been treated by the English Parliament; then why, or rather how, could it excite " indignation" that the people of Ireland should demand a native legislature. The thing of itself was too ridiculous to be pursued. To be sure they had got the Jury Bill ; he had not read it, ever since it had been upon the Statute Book; but he was not very sure that it had passed through the House of Lords in all its integrity. Let that be as it may, the law officers of Ireland had taken good care that it should only be a bill yet in futuro, for they had taken good care that the sessions at which it should have been adopted had not been held, so that the benefits, if any, could not be had till next year. Then it said something about the integrity of Turkey— of upholding the integrity of Turkey ; but how had that been done ? Why, there was Mehemet Ali had cut off a large slice of it in the south, and Russia, in the north, had him in her power quite as much ; and when the pleasure of Nicholas prompted him, he would make himself quite at home, and think he was taking nothing but his own. Had they (the Ministry) wished to have made themselves the laughing-stock of Europe they could not have used more appropriate words. Then they took credit to themselves for the recognition of the young Spanish Queen. He should like to know what right they had to refuse it. Did they think the Spanish people were not worthy to have a choice of their own ? Upon that head he could afford them no credit. Then came the two worthies who were contending for the crown of Portugal.—(Loud laughter.) What they were the world now well understood; they were only trying to get into power, in order to see which of them could render Portugal the most wretched country. For the sake of the Portuguese people themselves it was almost to be wished that neither of them succeed. They, then, talked much of municipal corporations, but would they give them real re form in the corporations ? The speech did not say so; but they were half promised it by the Hon. Member who had first ad dressed them : or would they do to England on this occasion as they had served Ireland before, give only a half measure ? or, as was most likely to be the case, was that country again to be insulted by having a mere mockery of reform in her cor porations, while England was to be blessed with, though not a full one, yet a much fuller one than the sister country ? From that path he cautioned them, for if they did so, though they might not disgust one faction, they would disgust the whole body of the people : they would snake twenty repealers where there was now only one. They then called upon Parliament to sanction a system of tithes which would be merely substi tuting something else for them, and the people would be called upon to pay them in all their integrity, but under a new name. Would it be possible, he would ask, to carry such a plan into effect ? He would most emphatically say no. Tithes were found to be, in Ireland, as great a griev ance as the church rate was in England. They were felt to be by the people the payment of a large suns of money for the sup. port of a religion to which they could not conform. The pay ment by the people of one persuasion for the support of a religion of that of another. The speech did not say so. But they might be told that night, and he threw out the insinu ation in order to give the Honourable Gentlemen opposite—to dare them to say that tithes were to continue in some other shape—that they were to be levied at a much increased expense, that the people were not only to pay what they now did, but were to pay also for the experiment that was about to be made. Such had hitherto been the conduct of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite. First, He came down with a most pathetic statement of the condition of the poor Protestant clergymen of Ireland ; so pa thetic was he upon the occasion that he drew from the House 60,0001. of the public money, in order to relieve them—in order to make an experiment ; and in order that he might have the means of enforcing the repayment of that money, he got for himself the whole power, not only of the civil but the ecclesi astical law, and how far did he succeed ? Why, out of the whole 60,0001. he recovered 12,000/. at the trifling cost of only 28,000/.—(Hear.) That was the entire success with which the measure was crowned—it goaded the people almost to madness, and then down came his Majesty's Ministers with the Coercion Bill, which deprived the people of their most enviable rights. Then came another Tithe Bill—one which was at present just going into operation, under which the Irish Government had stopped all prosecutions for tithes, and recalled the military. In consequence of those measures, the people were now quiet, because they still hoped that the Govern ment would see the error they had committed, and grant the people relief.—(Hear, hear.) He from his own experience could say that the persons who are now in the country, valuing the tithes, had raised them very considerably. In one parish alone, that of Great Goram, he knew an instance wherein they had raised the tithes from 30/. to 72/. In fact the whole system was merely an aggravation of the whole evil. According to the statements put forward by Hon. Gentlemen, the greatest distress prevailed among the established clergy, yet of the million which was voted for the relief of that clergy, not one third was asked for. He (Mr. O'Connell) did not know, but at least the whole was not sought for. No ; not withstanding the great distress that existed, still clergy men preferred to exact the entire from a distressed people, rather than take the Treasury money.—(Hear, hear.) Such conduct was calculated to produce excitement in times of misery, and still there were those found to be sceptical about the cause of that excitement, as if there was some magic, some conjuring power used over the people of Ireland, which persuaded them that black was white—(Laughter) —which made them think that distress existed when it did not. But, no; there was no magic—the entire magic was the oppression of the people and the variegated system of injustice the exhaustion of their resources, and the spending of an income out of a country where it was collected. There were some physical evils which it was impossible for them (his Majesty's Government) to cure; but provoking language was a bad lenitive to a people's condition who were starving. The poor man's crop had failed this year. Rain had destroyed one-half of the potatoes, or at least one-third. Pes tilence was raging through the land. The cholera was committing its destructive ravages from town to town and farm to farm; within these last three weeks it had killed five hundred persons in the city of Limerick. With this picture of misery before them,—with the constitution suspended, and its best benefits taken from them—they are visited with " the just indignation," —an indignation he (Mr. O'Connell) supposed to be some efftision of proud spirit or spleen—. this was the consolation offered to an insulted people. There was no reason of complaint on the part of the Irish, against Mr. Littleton—at least, the newspapers vented no obloquy, or even murmured their disapprobation of him. Without doubt, Mr. Littleton could do much to mitigate the system that pre. vailed ; but sure he (Mr. O'Connell) was, that he had too li. mited a power, and that he was controlled by those whom he should control. The Government were more in his power than he in theirs—certainly, though they may get one to suc ceed him, it would be hard to get one who could carry his election.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Mr. O'Connell then pro ceeded to observe on the act of the Marquis of Wellesley, who, in the year 1825, suppressed the Association formed in Ireland for the object of Catholic Emancipation. If his policy had been persevered in, emancipation would never have been effected. Under these circumstances it was, that the passage to which he had adverted had been introduced into the King's Speech. Ministers had already declared their opi nion with respect to the repeal of the Union. If they wished to do so again let them do so; but why were they to use lan guage pointing at a particular individual ?—(Hear.) He called upon the House not to let such things pass unnoticed, and not to join in a course that would have the effect of suppressing the discussion of the question. The thing was but an Act of Par liament, and why, he would ask, was that House to be pre vented from dealing with it as it had done with other Acts. He, would ask Ministers if they dared to treat the people of England in the manner in which they had treated the people of Ireland? If the Tories, in their day of power, had expressed their determination to hold power—no matter how, or at what risk,—the Whigs would no doubt have invoked the shades of the dead, and the spirits of the living, to battle for the freedom of their country. Why, therefore, should the Irish people not follow the same course in thepresent instance ? Ministers had told them that they had been guilty of that which excited his Majesty's just indignation The Irish people threw those taunts in their teeth with utter contempt.—(Hear.) The sentiments he had stated were much more universal in Ireland than the House imagined. It was not confined to sect or party, and whatever might be thought of it, he did not hesi tate to declare that he would not accept the transition, if it was so characterized. The Hon. Member for Hants had told the House that the Union was a contract. He must have read the his tory of that proceeding, and how, after doing so, he could still persevere in calling it a contract, he (Mr. O'Connell) was at a loss to conjecture. If it were a contract, it was such as a highwayman would make on Hounslow-heath, by saying, if you will deliver me your money I will not shoot you. It had been said that the measure was desired by the Catholics. It was true that two or three Roman Catholics had got titles, but the people—and young as he (Mr. O'Connell) was, he was at that time the leader of the people—had protested strongly against it. In that House the question was to be decided, but how could it be decided, unless the people of Ireland were given fair play ? Was the minister of the day to say that the question should not be discussed, by in serting in his Majesty's speech that he was determined not to give his assent to it? The Hon. Member opposite had as cribed the ruin of Ireland to the free trade, and with the same breath had stated that the prosperity of the country had originated in the same source. It was an absenteeism that transferred the proprietorship of the soil to persons not inte rested in it; that had created an evil of an enormous magni tude, even before the Union, but it was an evil that had been multiplied by centiples since the Union. He had done what he thought to be his duty by protesting against this speech, and it was exceedingly unbecoming the Ministers to put such a speech in the King's mouth. This was the second Reformed Parliament, and he thought it would have been better, if, instead of scolding the Irish people, they had held out to them some hopes of a remedy for their grievances. The Reform Bill had not worked as it ought to have done, for upon the occasion of an election of a Member for Huddersfield, it was shown that out of a population of 19,000 two hundred and fifty only had votes. That did not show that the franchise had been increased.—(Hear, hear.) But he knew the poverty of the Irish pressed upon the people of England in all their manufacturing and agricultural interests. The poor laws had been made in jurious by the increasing poverty of Ireland ; the people of England had the same interest as they had—they all had an interest—that the repeal of the Union should be fairly and deliberately discussed ; and with these views, and for these reasons, but not with a view to shake the Ministerial majority on a mere Irish subject, he moved that the three last para graphs of the address be omitted. Mr. RUTHVEN seconded the motion. The motion having been put, Mr. LITTLETON rose and said, the Hon. Member who had just sat down seemed to him to have imbibed not a little of the spirit of that elderly lady to whom he had referred at the com mencement of his speech. He trusted that in adverting to the topics to which the Hon. Member had alluded, he should do so briefly, and, he hoped, temperately. The Honourable Gen. tleman, as well as the Honourable Member for Meath, had done him the justice of saying, that they believed he was animated with the best desires for the interest of their country. In that admission they had done him no more than justice, but, at the same time, that praise had come with a quali. fication, viz., by the dispraise of the Noble Lord, who was at the head of the Irish Government. With his knowledge of that Noble Lord he would venture to say, there did not exist in his Majesty's dominions one whose heart was more truly Irish, or one whose principles with reference to the government of that country, were founded on feelings of greater liberality, or who felt a deeper interest in its welfare. He should not have done justice to his feelings, nor indeed spoken the truth, if he had omitted to make that declaration respecting that Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had designated the expressions in the last paragraph of his Majesty's speech, as a calumny on that country. He thought the speeches of the Hon. Gentleman himself contained many inaccuracies, if not wilful misrepresentations. As an instance of the former he had spoken in terms of decided deprecation on the dispro portion of the compositions that had been made under the Irish Church Bill of last session ; yet if his me mory did not fail him, the Honourable Gentleman was the very first who complained of the vestry cess, and notwithstanding that vestry cess had been abolished, and not withstanding that the principle he advocated, and to which he attached so much importance, had been inserted in the Bill, he still deprecated the measure; so much with respect to his forgetfulness. With respect to what the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had asserted respecting the amount of compensation that had been received by the various parishes, it was proved that in one.third of the cases the nominal amounts might in some proportion be raised, but it was always to be borne in mind that that nominal amount had been put down upon an allowance being made in the cal. culation for the combinations then existing against that de scription of property. But with regard to the million that had been granted last year, not more than one shilling and three pence had been demanded, and when the subject came forward for discussion, he should be able to satisfy Hon. Gen tlemen of that House on the point. The Hon. Gentleman had adverted in terms only of anticipation as to what was the inten tion of his Majesty's Government, and what was to be the effect of the measure for the final adjustment of tithes. He (Mr. Littleton) had given notice, that on the 20th of this month he would call the attention of the House to that part of his Majesty's speech which called for a settlement of that question.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It was only necessary for him now to observe that that was a question surrounded on every side by many difficulties, and that the necessity of its adjustment was so pressing and imperious, that, if some mea sure similar to that which his Majesty had recommended should not be consummated in the course of the next session, he should consider the state of Ireland as desperate indeed. He earnestly implored all gentlemen, connected with whatever party, to approach this subject with moderation and firmness, and not to hesitate to make some small sacrifice for the attainment of that which it must be the desire of every one to see—the perfect tranquillity of Ireland. If the Hon. Member (Mr. O'Connell) could accomplish the Repeal of the Union by constitutional means, and convince men of education and talent, who were able to take correct views of the social interests of both countries, that separation of the two countries would be beneficial to either, he might con gratulate him on a triumph worthy of his powers, but to attempt to take up such a measure purely for the pur poses of agitation, he must say would, in his opinion, be an unpardonable abuse of the privileges of the constitution.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever prevalence the ques tion of repeal might have obtained in Ireland, and that it had gained some was true, it was not of natural growth, and it was originally conceived for the purposes of agitation.— Hear, hear.) The spontaneous springing up of any natural political feeling, even if founded in error, was entitled to some respect, but to propagate any erroneous sentiments for the purpose of excitement, was, he repeated, an unpardonable abuse of our constitutional principles.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Hon. Member for the county of Meath had said something of the forbearance of the Government towards the proceedings going on, and meetings held in that country. There certainly was some agitation there, as there was throughout the whole country, less or more; but the loud defiances daily heard against this and the other House of Parliament—the denounce ment of them as a foreign legislation, and the assertion that justice could not be obtained from them, were certainly not the means by which to promote conciliation and tranquillity.— ( Hear, hear.) There was but one simple course for the Go vernment to adopt, that was to watch and see that no violent act was committed ; for as to the excitement itself it was merely temporary, and t hey knew that as it began with the arrival of cer. tain Hon. Members in that country in Nov. last, it would, on their departure, die a natural death.—(Hear and laughter.) One of the Hon. Members who had spoken adverted to the un warrantable language of his Majesty in reference to the agita tion of the repeal question. Now the language was this "We see, with deep regret, the continued attempts to excite the people of Ireland to demand repeaL" This language, which he held was good and constitutional, contained no sentiment, he was sure, which did not find response in the hearts of the great majority of the Irish people, and the people of this country. The extract went on—" I have determined, with a fixed and unaltered resolution, to maintain inviolate the union of the two countries by every means in my power," which last words the Hon. Member left out, and without which the whole could not be fairly understood.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member, in conclusion, said he was very desirous to be allowed to express, in the most unequivocal manner, his approbation of this speech, because, while he hoped no man, whoever held or should hold the office which he now filled, and by which he was closely connected with the country, would be animated by any senti ment which should allow a sacrifice of principle in permitting some of the most outrageous and violent proceedings which ever disturbed or disgraced a country.—(Hear.) (Loud cries were made at the conclusion of the Hon. Member's speech, for Mr CosaErr, who gave way to Mr. FINN, amidst much confusion, said he should pro pose an amendment, the purport of which was that the people of Ireland, in seeking for the repeal of the Legislative Union, were only exercising an undoubted right. Mr. COBBETT then rose, and said that it was not his in tention to propose an amendment until after the report was brought up.—(A laugh.) There was one part of the address to which he objected, which stated that the House concurred with his Majesty in lamenting the distress of the agriculturists, or rather that which existed among the proprietors and occu piers of land, though the state of the country, both as to agriculture and commerce, was that of great tranquillity. Whether this was nonsense or not, he would not say, but if his Majesty had been advised to say that the agricultural inte rests were in a state of tranquillity, he was sure there was not a gentleman in that House who did not know that his Majesty had been advised to tell them that which was untrue.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Then it was said there was a prospect of an improvement—and in agriculture, too. If words had any meaning this part of the speech was perfect non sense. He remembered that in England great charges had been made in King's speeches against designing men—design ing men were marked out, for they had on their lips the word " Reform," while it was broadly hinted that they meant some thing else, and they were hunted down. Could those Hon. Mem bers be called viler names than their predecessors? He recollect ed that one thought it necessary for his safety to cross the Atlan tic. They should not allow themselves to be carried away by the word agitation. The Learned Gentleman knew more about it than any of the Reformers of England; he had written more about it, he had addressed meetings upon it, and he had writ. ten upon it in letters and paragraphs. But what did the Secre tary for Ireland say of Repeal? Oh, he says that the Irish repeaters were so cunning and crafty, that it was impossible to devise a law that could reach them. What said another Secretary, Lord Sidmouth, when he introduced his gagging and dungeoning Bill—why, that the Reformers of these times were so cunning and crafty, that the officers of the Crown could not get hold of them, and therefore it was necessary to get a Bill to put them into dungeons.—(Hear, and laughter.) Why then might they not hope for a Repeal of the Union as well as for the Reform ? Why should the Hon. Gentleman despair of seeing a repeal? They had seen Minis ters who were proud to boast that they were reform ers, and that they had seconded and supported reform; and why, he would ask, should they despair of seeing a Ministry who would boast of being Repeaters too ?—(Cheers, and loud laughter.) Mr. RUTHVEN lamented that his Majesty's speech should be made the channel for the conveyance of sentiments so re pugnant to the feelings of a numerous body of the subjects of this realm. The repeal of the Union, however, was so deeply implanted in the breasts of the people of Ireland, that it could not now be easily repressed. He regretted that the Secretary for Ire land should not have an opportunity of giving effect to his own feelings and wishes. The question of repeal, he said, would come before a tribunal which had already prejudged against it, and would, no doubt, be thrown out by the same noisy ma jority that carried the Coercion Bill. The conduct of the Parliament during the last session had made more re peaters than any thing that had been done by any former Government. Let but the Ministers proceed in the same manner, and they would soon have an unanimity of opi. nion upon the subject of repeal in Ireland. Sir R. PEEL said that, with some few qualifications, he fully concurred in the address that had been moved.—(Hear, hear.) Those qualifications were not very important, but still he thought it right, in acquiescing in the address, to tell them, with the greatest part of the address he found no fault.— (Hear, hear.) Indeed, with respect to the whole he found no fault, except that part that referred to the agitation and ex citement which prevailed in Ireland, by which it was attempted to further the Repeal of the Union with Ireland. With the exception of this part he must be a fastidious man indeed who could find any thing to object to. He fully concurred in the sentiments expressed in the address, with respect to the repeal of the Union ; to that part, therefore, he felt no difficulty in assenting.—(Hear, hear.) He felt great satisfaction that it was intended to submit this question to a free and full discussion (Loud cheers) because he believed that if sound reasoning prevailed nothing was more easy to show that since the union with Ireland there had been a strong disposition in England towards that country to deal out impartial justice. Nothing was more easy to show that the consequence of a repeal of the Union would be a separation between the two countries—(Cheers) —and that, perhaps, after long and angry contention. With regard to the address, he must be a fastidious man that could object to it. He concurred in the policy of avoiding any subject that was likely to promote a difference of opinion. It was worded so as not to give violence to any gentleman's po;ftical feelings. So far as it avoided the discussion of measures, and was worded as not to pledge any gentleman to any line of conduct, he concurred in the policy with which it was adopted. He had some little expe rience himself in subjects of this nature, but he could not but express his humble admiration of the ability that had con. trived to place in a speech so very little detail. But he thought it would be right to add some detail, and that it would be re spectful to that House to intimate whether there were any measures in contemplation.—(Hear, hear.) In this speech no new measure was intimated ; there was no intimation of any particular measure, and it very carefully avoided calling for any opinion. —(Hear, hear, hear, and laughter.) It was a no. meaning speech that puzzled more than wit—" For pure no. meaning puzzles more than wit."—(Laughter.) He could not guess what were the intentions of Ministers except as to tithes in Ireland. The only measure in which any intimation was given was, that there would be a full adjustment of the ques tion of tithes; but there was nothing said respecting various other important questions, such as church reform, municipal corporations, and poor laws, &c. It said, indeed, that the re ports of certain commissioners had been laid on the table, and that from these they would find much information. —(Laughter.) Of which they might judge the nature and effect, from which some corrections might be beneficially adopted. If the Go vernment had any measures in contemplation, he thought that it was their duty, out of respect to this House—not, indeed, to enter into detail of those measures, but to intimate that it was the intention of Government to propose such measures for consideration. This was the uniform course; and though he approved of the speech avoiding every subject that might lead to contention, yet notwithstanding he did not think it necessary that there should be a total omission. He believed it to be of the utmost importance that that measure should be carried to a successful termination. He hoped such grounds existed and that Ministers were in posses. sion of such information as led them fairly to anticipate those results they predicted. Nothing could be more desirable. The manner in which it had been re ceived in the colonies was favourable; but at the same time he did not think any thing had yet transpired from which he could with any certainty argue that the measure would be attended with success. Nothing had happened to induce him to suppose it would not ; but he thought the House ought to have heard something more before they had been called on to express a confidence in the success of the measure. Regard being had to the immense revolution effected by this Bill, the pecuniary consideration was the smallest.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The revolution was too great a one for him to express any confident opinion as to the success of it from any thing that had occurred. As to the ex pressions in the speech, with reference to foreign policy, they were exceedingly meagre.—(Hear.) He could feel no hesita tion in concurring in all the hopes therein uttered, that all the friendly understandings would continue which were stated at present to exist. He thought upon the showing of this speech, our foreign policy was not in a satisfactory state, nor in that position in which the people of this country had a right to congratulate themselves upon.—(Hear.) He cordially con. curred in all those expressions which indicated a desire for the continuance of peace. It was impossible to be so deeply impressed as he was with the importance of the prosperity of commerce, both as regarded the social welfare of the country and the maintenance of peace, without affording his universal acquiescence in the wish that peace might be maintained. Nor had he any hesitation in expressing his sincere feeling that it was of the greatest importance that a good understanding should exist between this country and France; and he hoped that that good understanding would tend to greater commercial intercourse between the two countries than had ever yet taken place. He thought this important, not only as calculated to be of immense commercial advantage between the two coun tries, but as establishing new bonds of union between them ; and as the people of the two countries felt the ad vantage of such a good understanding, that would be the strongest incitement to them to the main tenance of peace. At the same time, however, it was possi ble to maintain a good understanding with France, and to constitute an equally good understanding with other countries —with which a good understanding could not fail to be of vital importance to us. His satisfaction at the maintenance of a good understanding with France would be greatly mitigated, if he thought that good understanding was to be of an exclusive nature, and that it was to lead to the jealousy of other countries. This speech admitted that with respect to other countries, most nearly connected with us, their condition was far from satisfac tory. The House was still told that the final settlement be tween Holland and Belgium had not yet been completed. A civil war was still raging in Portugal; and while they in. formed the King that the peaceable settlement of the Govern. ment of Spain was of the first importance to this country, as well as to the general tranquillity of Europe, they could not close their eyes to the fact that the civil war which raged in Portugal had extended itself to other parts. Now he had to repeat his entire dissent from the policy pursued towards Portugal. He believed the civil war there existed in consequence of the in terference of this country. The conduct of this country towards Portugal was of the most specious nature, but he believed that practically that neutrality had not been preserved which the Government had professed to act upon ; and that it was in consequence of the permitted violation of the municipal laws of this country, and in consequence of the absence of the Crown adopting the measures which it ought to have adopted, that civil war now existed there. He did not conceal his opinions with respect to the acts of Don Miguel; but he certainly did think that the time had arrived when, in conformity with the practice of this country, and of all countries, however liberal and free their institutions, without compromising our feelings as to the perfidy of that Prince, this country ought to have recognized him as the Prince de facto of Portugal. As to Turkey, if peace was theobject, he thought it was rather too late for his Majesty to think of preventing any change which might affect the peace of that country. After the change that had taken place, to speak of the future independence of it appeared to him singular. He hoped this country had something more firm to rely on for its independence than that which depended on the state of Turkey. With respect to the estimates, this address looked so very like a Tory address, that he really did not know that he had any observations to snake on it. It was framed in a manner so as to give the best appearance to this subject. It could not be that they should have entered Into details. As to the ex. pression of regret on account of the landowners, if anything could be done to lessen their distresses, he for one would give to it his utmost assistance, as it was impossible to witness the burdens falling on them without feeling a desire to mitigate them. He had always hoped that manufactures and commerce would go hand in hand, and he earnestly hoped that the improvement which was stated to have taken place in them was true.—(Hear, hear.) It was with great satisfaction he had heard that there had been a great improve. ment. He also congratulated the House on the wisdom and firmness of his Majesty's Ministers in support of the metallic standard, for they had abundant proofs that the adherence to that standard was most beneficial, both to manufacturers and commerce. (Hear, hear.) It was with great pleasure that he had heard the details stated by the Honour able Seconder of the address as to the improvement in the state of our manufactures and commerce, since the pe riod of the Reformation, and he sincerely hoped—believing that they mainly depended on the continuance of a metallic standard—that they would all concur in supporting it. He begged to assure the House that he not only had no amendment to propose, but he gave his concurrence to the Address as one from which he could not in fairness dissent.—(Hear, hear.) There certainly were some statements and expectations which he feared would not be realised, but he sincerely hoped they would be. With regard to that part of the address which re ferred to Ireland, and to the repeal of the Union, it had his most cordial concurrence, feeling confident that the tranquillity of both countries depended greatly upon their union.—(Hear.) Lord PALMERSTON felt it necessary, in consequence of the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, to offer a few observa tions. The Right Hon. Baronet stated that he agreed with al. most everything in the speech, but expressed his surprise that the negotiations respecting Belgium were not brought to a close. He (Lord P.) could only say the convention which was signed in May last, had placed the two countries, Holland and Belgium, in such a situation that the signatures to it had become a matter of comparatively little importance. —(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had also stated that we were now suffering under the consequences of our policy towards Portugal, and that by our interference with that country the civil war had been able to extend itself. He (Lord P.) denied that assertion, and contended that he had already proved that this country had not interfi red in the affairs of Pottugal, and also that it was well known that the civil wars in Spain were not effected by the dispute in Por tugal, but arose solely out of her own affairs. The Right Honourable Baronet, however, said, that by acknowledging Don Miguel, we should have put an end to the civil war in Portugal. He (Lord P.) begged to ask when was the time that Don Miguel should have been acknowledged ? The present Administration accepted office some time after Don Miguel had arrived in Portugal, and if the time had arrived, why did not the preceding Administration acknowledge him 2—(Hear, hear.) The fact was announced in the King's speech in 1830, and why was he not then acknowledged ? The Right Hon. Baronet seemed to think it was a matter of indifference whether the independence of the Turkish empire, as it at present existed, should or should not be maintained. He (Lord P.) was of a different opinion, for he believed that that empire should be maintained in its present form. An Hon. Gentleman, in the early part of the evening, had asked a question upon the commercial union between the King of Prussia and the other Powers of Germany. That was a subject which certainly af fected this country, and we had a right to object to the terms of treaties wills regard to our commercial relations. He (Lord Palmerston), however, did not believe that that subject would be attended with such injurious consequences as some persons imagined; indeed, he believed it would be attended with benefits, for it was likely that our com merce would reach its destination with fewer obstacles than at present. There was one observation which he had to make on that part of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech relat ing to the Act which passed last session for the aboli tion of slavery.—(Hear, hear.) It must be satisfactory to this House to see how fully the predictions of the supporters of that Bill, and how falsely the predictions of its opposers had' been proved.—(Hear, hear.) The one party had declared that it would produce revolution in the colo nies, that it would set the slaves against the masters, and masters against slaves, and yet it was ascertained that the good sense of the colonists had induced them to accede to the wishes of Parliament. The example had been set by Jamaica, and he had no doubt it would be speedily followed by all the other colonies.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BARING then rose, but, in consequence of the noise, was for some time inaudible. He said he concurred in what had been said, that in our maintaining a good understanding with France depended the peace of the world—not only so, but also the march of the civili zation of the world ; but at the same time he also thought that it was not at all inconsistent with our also maintaining a good understanding with the other Powers of Europe.—(Hear.) But he would ask the Noble Lord whether every other Power did not think that we wer cultivating a good understanding with France, in order to un dermine them ? He contended most fearlessly that there was a time when there was more distrust between the various powers than at present, the consequence of which was the celebrated combination which Russia had effected in the German States. Had such a combination been spoken of three years ago, he would never have believed that it could have taken place. He was happy that the Noble Lord still thought that it could be defeated, but he put but little faith in his prognostication, when he heard him say that it was a matter of congratulation to the commercialists of this country that there would now only be one chain of Custom Houses in place of the number that were abolished. The combination was a political matter on the part of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, and its object was to coerce this country through its commerce, and not, as it had been said, a mere German commercial regulation. He thought it a greater proof of his position that people of the world, like the people of Holland, had, through a feeling of bitter hostility to this country, concurred in the views of Prussia with respect to this combination. He deprecated the anxiety manifested by the Government of this country concerning the disputed accession to the throne of Portugal. He alluded to the en croachments of Russia on other European Powers, and ex pressed his concurrence in the expression contained in his Majesty's speech, regarding the effect of the Emancipation Bill of the slaves. Lord PALMERSTON, in explanation, reiterated what he had previously asserted, with respect to the alteration recently made by the German Powers, as to the abolition of one line of custom.houses, and maintained that such would prove rather beneficial than otherwise to this country, although such was evidently not their intention. The Hon. Gentleman was well aware that the alteration in question was not made from any recent events, but merely following up a system which Prussia had for many years past pursued. For the address lB9 For Mr. O'Connell's amendment 23 Majority for the address Several notices were then given, which were inaudible in the Gallery, in consequence of Members leaving the House. The House then adjourned at a few minutes to TWELVE O'CLOCK. LIST OF THE MINORITY IN FAVOUR MR. HUME'S AMENDMENT. Hutt, W. Fitzsimon, N. Evans, Colonel Blake, J. M. Buckingham, J. S. O'Connell, I). Kennedy, T. F. O'Connell, M. Richards, J. O'Connell, J. ,Wood, Alderman Nagle, Sir R. Fitzgerald, T. Ruths en, E. S. Evans, G. Grattan, H. Bulwer, E. E. L Finn, W. F. O'Dwyer, A. C. Wallace, T. Chapman, M. L. Sheil, R. L. Vigors, N. A. TELLERS. Butler, Hon. P. S. Hume, Joseph Fitzsimon, C. Warburton, H. Fleetwood, H. Attwood, T. Oswald, J. Clay, W. Oswald, R. A. Faithfull, G. Fielden, J. Vincent, Sir F. Whalley, Sir S. Wallace, R. Wason, R. Scholefield, J. Cobbett, W. Torrens, Colonel COURT CIRCULAR. His Majesty went in state yesterday to the House of Lords to open the Session of Parliament by a Speech from the Throne. The King, attended by his suite, and preceded by the Vice. Chamberlain and the Lord Steward of the Household, left St. James's Palace, by the entrance in the Standard Court-yard, ten minutes before two o'clock, and entered the state coach ; the royal procession was then formed in the following order : —The first carriage, drawn by a set of bays, conveyed the Hon. Frederick Byng, and Mr. Martins, Gentlemen Ushers to the King, and Mr. Charles Hancock, Exon of the Yeomen Guard. The second carriage, drawn by a set of bays, contained the Hon. Captain George Campbell, R.N., the Groom in Waiting; Col. Hill, Silver Stick in Waiting; and the Groom of the Robes. In the third carriage were the Captain of the Yeomen Guard; Colonel Horace Seymour, Equerry in Wait ing; the Keeper of the Privy Purse; and the Clerk Marshal. This carriage was drawn by six white horses. The fourth carriage conveyed the Lord Steward; Lord Hill, Gold Stick in Waiting; Viscount Falkland, Lord of the Bedchamber; and the Master of the Robes. The carriage was drawn by six black horses. The King's Marshalmen, two and two; the King's Footmen, in their state liveries, two and two; a party of the Yeomen Guard, in their coronation costume, carrying their partisans. The state coach, drawn by eight cream.coloured horses, conveyed the King, who wore an Admiral's uniform, and the Master of the Horse and the Groom of the Stole, who sat opposite to his Majesty. The entire cortege was escorted by a detachment of the Royal Horse Guards. On leaving.the Palace, the band of the Foot Guards, stationed with the King's Guard, played " God save the King!" His Majesty returned to St. James's at a quarter past three o'clock. The Duke of Cumberland and the Princess Sophia visited their Majesties yesterday. It has been determined by the Home De partment to a .olish the Convict Establishments at the out ports. The hulks at Devonport and Sbeermes are the first that are to be broken up. This arrangement will furnish employiLent fa- the paupers at present receiving allowance, rom the neighbouring parishes. (t A FROM LAST NIGHT'S GA §i4l4)g, - .•••••••, ; At the Court of St. James's, the 3d day of Ffisti!e.fy,' ‘ lpti - PRESENT, •1.. .'"") The King's most excellent Majesty inatlnpil. Sheriffs appointed by his Majesty in Council for Bedfordshire --Joseph Morris, of Ampthill, Esq. Berkshire--Charles Eyre, of Welford-park, Esq. Buckinghamshire —George Simon Harcourt, of house, Esq. Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire—Richard Huddleston, of Sawston, Esq. Cheshire—William Astley, of Duckenfield, Esq. Cornwall—Charles Prideaux Brune, of Prideaux-Place, Pad- stow, Esq. Cumberland—Henry Howard, of Greystoke Castle, Esq. Derbyshire— William Palmer Morewood, of Alfreton. hall, Esq. Devonshire—Edmund Pollexfen Bastard, of Kitley, Esq. Dorsetshire—Edward Doughty, of Upton, Esq. Essex—John Round, of Danbury-park, Esq. Gloucestershire—Josiah Gist, of Wormington Grange, Esq. HerefOrdshire—Sir Samuel Rush Meyrick, of Goodrich-court, Knight. I lertfordshire--Willitm Robert Phillimore, of Newberries, Esq. Kent—George Stone, of Chislehurst, Esq. Leicestershire —Henry Greene, Rollestone, Esq. Lincolnshire —Christopher Tumor, of Stoke Rochford, Erg, Monmouthshire --John Buckle, of Matherti, Esti. Norfolk—Robert Marsham, of Stratton Strawlesr, Esq'. Northamptonshire--William Wood, of Br:xworth, Esq.' Northumberland —William Roddam, of Roddam, Esq. Nottinghamshire--Slingsby Duncombe, of Langford, Esq. Oxfordshire--William Francis Lowndes Stone, of Brightwell house, Esq. lt ut l an dshire--Edward Watson Smyth, of Gunthore, Esq. Shropshire—The Hon. Henry Wentworth Powys, of Berwick. house. Somersetshire—Francis Popham, of West Bagborough, Esq. Staffordshire —Hugh Henshall Williamson, of Greenway-Bank, Esq. County of Southampton—Samuel Raymond Jarvis, of Fair Oak Park, neat Winchester, Esq. Suffolk—John Garden, of Redisham, Esq. Surrey—George Thomas Nicholson, of Waverley-Abbey, Esq. Sussex—The Hon. Robert Curzon, of Parham. Warwickshire—Francis Lyttelton Holyoake Goodricke, of Studley-castle, Esq. Wiltshire—Thomas Bolton, of Brickworth, Esq. Worcestershire—John Howard Galton, of Hadsor-House, Esq. Yorkshire—Henry Preston, of Mot eby, Esq. - WALES. • Anglesea—James King, of Presaddfed, Esq. Breconshire—William Richard Stretton, of Dany-Park, Esq. Cardiganshire—Charles Richard Longcroft, of Llanina, Esq. Carmarthenshire--Thomas Morris, of Llanstephan-Castle, Esq Carnarvonshire--Richard Lloyd Edwards, of Nanhoron, Esq. Denbighshire—Francis Richard Price, of Bryn-y-1/3 7 5, Esq Flintshire--Frederick Charles Philips, of Rhual. Esq. Glamorganshire--Henry John Grant, of Onoll-Castie, Esq. Merionethshire—Charles Gray Harford, of Bryntirion, Esq. , Montgomeryshire--William Morris, of Pentre Nant, Esq. Pembrokeshire—John Barham, of Trecoon, Esq. Radnorshire—Guy Parson, of Bettws Disserth, Esq. DUCHY OE LANCASTER, FEE. 3. The King has this day been pleased to appoint Thomas Joseph Trafford, of Trafford-park, Esq., to be Sheriff of the County Palatine of Lancaster for the year ensuing, WHITEHALL, JAN. 25. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Samuel James Wadesolif of Romford, in the county of Essex, Gent., to be a Master Ex- - traordinary in the High Court of Chancery. The Lord Chancellor has also appointed Robert Jones, of Shrewsbury, in the county of Salop, Gent., to be a Master Ex traordinary in the High Court of Chancery. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Lanark. Royal Lanarkshire Regiment of Militia. The Most Noble the Marquis of Douglas and Clydesdale to be Colonel, Jan. 23; the Right Hon. Lord Belhaven and Stenton, Lord Hamilton, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, Nov. '2l. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Salop. North Salopian Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry. J. Edwards, Gent., to be Lieutenant, vice Hunt, resigned ; W. Spading, Gent., to be Cornet,vice Bather, resigned, Dec. 14 DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. JAMES FARMER, sugar-refiner, Osborn.street, White. chapel. EDWARD BAINES GIBBINS, lodging-house-keeper, Farringdon-street. purrpi. . : the year ISS4. 7 BANKRUPTS. THOMAS SMITH, hackneyman, John-street, Blackfriars , road, to surrender Feb. 19 and March 18, at eleven, at thff Court of Bankruptcy. Danford, George-yard, Lombard. street Graham, official assignee, Copthall.buildings. STEPHEN MACE, grocer, Norwich, Feb. 19 and March 16, at eleven, at the White Lion Inn, Norwich. Barnard, Nor wich ; Jones, Crosby-square, Bishopsgate-street. CALEB CAULCUTT, corn.dealer, Ampthill, Bedford shire, Feb. 14 and March 18, at eleven, at the Fountain Inn, Bedford. Field, Finchley, Middlesex. THOMAS JAMES, trunk-maker, Bishopsgate-street, Feb. 12, at two, and March 18, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. West and Morris, Crescent Minories. WILLIAM BELLAMY, horse.dealer, Haseley, Warwick. shire, Feb. 19, 20, and March 18, at one, at the George Inn, Warwick. Porter and Nelson, New Court, Temple, London ; Morris, Warwick. WILLIAM THORNTON, manufacturer of hosiery, Lci. ( ester, Feb. 13 and March 18, at eleven, at the Three Crowns Hotel, Leicester. Kay, Barlow, and Aston, Manchester; Lawton and Son, Leicester; Bower, Chancery-lane, London. JOHN FARRER, hop.merchant, Wragby, Yorkshire, Feb. 15 and March 18, at eleven, at the Town Hall, Sheffield. Wal ter, Symond's Inn, London; Turner, Sheffield. THOMAS COLLETT, brewer, Rugeley, Staffordshire, Feb. 17 and March 18, at eleven, at the Talbot Arms Inn, Rugeley. Dove, Carey-street, Lincoln's Inn, London ; Smith, Rugeley. FREDERICK CHARLES LEWIS KLINGENDER, school-master, Silvester-row, Hackney, Feb. 11, at one, and March 18, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Rowland and Young, Princes-street, Bank, London. JOHN MIDDLEMIST, nurseryman, Shepherd's Bush, Middlesex, Feb. 11, at half-past one, and March 18, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy Abbott, official assignee, King's Arm s-yard, Coleman.street ; Blacklow, Frith-street, Soho square. DIVIDENDS. Feb. 26, G. E. Clark, Bath, linen.draper.—Feb. 26, R. Leach and \V. M. Poussett, Cow.cross.street, and West.street, Clerkenwell, dealers.—Feb. 26, W. Towes, Gracechurch street, stationer.—Feb. 27, T. G. Panson, Aldgate, woollen. draper—Feb. 27, T. Daffurn, Old Compton-street, Soho, corn. dealer—Feb. 26, J. Thompson and J. Woods, New Bond street, hosiers.—Feb. 26, J. Richardson, Half Moon.strect, Piccadilly, victualler—Feb. 27. J. Latchford, Piccadilly, bit and spur.maker.—Feb. 27, B. Verrinder. Davis.street, Ber. keley.square, coal.merchant.—Feb. 27, W. Mullens, Cheam, Surrey, builder.— March 6, C. Bramwell, Baker-street, Port man-square, wine.merchant.—Feb. 26, W. Gummow and E. Edmunds, Duke.street, Portland-street, furnishing.iron.mon. gers.—Feb. 26, R. and M. Jackson, George-street, Minories, wine-merchants.—Feb. 27.—E. K. Proctor, Hermes.street, Pentonville, engraver.—Feb. 27, J. Willis, Oxford.street, hotel.keeper.—Feb. 27, E. Marks and NV. Charrington, Mark laneanalt-factors.—Feb. 28, J. Spears, Nottingham and Wood. street, lace-manufacturer.—Feb 28, D. Wilby, Nottingham, currier.—March 1, T Pocock, Speen, Berkshire, sheep.dealer. —Feb. 27, W. Clarke, Red-ditch, Worcestershire, builder. — Feb. 28, T. H. Downing, Longford, Warwickshire, grocer.— Feb. 26, J. Evans, Bristol, hatter.—Feb. 26, W. Richards, Pendergrast, Pembrokeshire, shopkeeper.—March 1, J. Ogle and W. Walton, Pickwith, Wiltshire, and Liverpool, ner. chants.—Feb. 28, J. and F. Lapage, Leeds and Liverpool, merchants. _ CERTIFICATES.—FE.n. 25. R. Webb, coal.merchant, Ledbury, Herefordshire—J. Davis, upholsterer, Fleet-street—J. Park, sen., draper, Croston, Lan. cashire—M. C. Buchann, lodging-house-keePer, Golden. square—R. Jones, hat-leathercutter—J. Hook, insurance broker, Canonbury-square, Islington—W. C. Trevelyan, glass. manufacturer, Newcas le.upon-Tyne—W. J. Monkhouse. flour.dealer, Monythusloyne, Monmouthshire—W. Austin, builder, Singleton-street, Itoxton— W. Brown, stone-mer chant, Suffolk-lane, Cannon.street. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. I'. Gard and J. Ballard, gardeners, Camberwell—J. Lythgoe and W. Cobb, coopers, Liverpool—R. Burnell and T. Burnell, sugar refiners, Church.street, Mile-end New . Town--J. Lowe and W. Puleston, mercers, Wrexham, Denbighshire--J. Ncall, jun., and W. Dais, plumbers, Brighton— R. Gibbs and J. Gibbs, mercers, Bicester-market.end, Oxfordshire—A. Parker, J. Brown, and T. J. Parker, attorneys, Sheffield—T. H. William son and T. Wallis, hatters, Wellingborough, Northamptonshire --W. Keay and W. Fletcher, linen-manufacturers, Barnsley-, Yorkshire—R. Whittey, P. Braises, and T. Milne, nursery men, Fulham—J. J. Southam, J. H. Southern, G. Southam, and S. Southam, cotton-spinners, Ashton-under-Lyne (as far as regards J. J. Southam)—J. Miller and C. Miller, surgeons, Lan cashire—J. Waller and T. Waller, straw.hat manufacturers, Luton, Bedfordshire --W. L ast,Munster.street, Regent's-pat k, and J. Brook, coal-merchants, Foley-street, Portland-place.— E. A. Savageand E. Rawlins, milliners, Holles-street, Caven dish-square—F. i e s t h iw .s i q c u k r R e —:F F e . n a w n , d c k H , F e Newton, wai cu g kd o , I R : . s m sN i v t Fo J. .n Nm w ea i l c ns o k un , f A c Hawks, J. Webb, G. Hawks, firers, Lumley, Durham—T. B. Wright and J. Harrison, stonemasons, Chester—J. Sowerby, J. Brignall, and M. Frank, power-loom cloth-manufacturers, Manchester—J, and D. Thompson, plumbers, Wavertree and Woolton, Lancashire — l. Clarkson,J. Clarkson, and G. Adams, ironmasters—J. Sad. ler, sen., and J. Sadler, jun., tallow-chandlers, Vere-street, Claremarket—W. Howard, W. Battle, and J. S. Hawksworth, silver-platers, Sheffield—R. Meacock, J. Gibbons, and W. White, ironmongers, Oxford-street—A. and L. Worms, linen drapers, Wh itechap el. William Shutt, Eq., barrister, of the Oxford Circuit, has been appo,nted Police Magistrate at the Marylebone Police Office, vice Mr. Griffiths, resigned. The Bench of Magistrates at the Ridgeway Srs•ions have decided that the vehicle solrly employed in con trying pri•ouers to the Devon county gaol, from the soot ern division of ROA/rough, is exempt from toll, it heinl on his Majesty's service.-- Western Times.