The Sun. — London, England, 1861-07-16 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS —YESTERDAY. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE CRIMINAL LAW AND THE FINANCES OF INDIA. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH presented a petition from the European residents in India, praying that in cases o f cr i m i na l prosecution they should be tried by none other than an English judge and by an English jury, and that proceedings should be in the English language. He thought that in point of justice the first part of the prayer should certainly be granted, since in consequence of the mutiny it might be supposed that a feeling of animosity might linger in the minds of a native. judge. With regard to the second portion of the petition it would not be always possible, he knew, to ob tain an English jury. As far as the last part of the peti tion was concerned he thought that no objection to it could possibly be raised. He also presented a petition from the Central Committee of the Anglo-Indian Protection Association, to the effect that charges properly belonging to the Home Government should not be fixed upon the resources of India. C HUB CTI RATES. The Bishop of BATH and WELLS presented soveral petitions in favour of church rates. TREASURE TROVE. Lord TALBOT DE MALAHIDE, in calling the atten tion of the house to the law of treasure trove, dilated at considerable length on the present imperfect state of the law on this subject. He moved for some returns on the subject. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the great diffi culty in the way of legislating on this subject arose from the necessity of granting compensation if any private rights were abolished. He quite agreed with the noble lord with reference to the defective state of the present law. • Lord TALBOT DE MALAHIDE explained that ho would only propose at present to alter the law in cases where no private rights would be affected by such alteration. The Duke of ARGYLE did not speak on this subject as a member of the Government, but he desired to thank his noble friend for having brought this subject forward. His own attention had been called to the sub ject some time since in Scotland, when he became aware of the injurious action of the present law. He knew of many interesting historical relics which had been con signed to the melting pot to escape the legal claims against them. LAW REFORM IN IRELAND. . The Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved an address for a commission to inquire into the best mode of assimilating the administration of justice in England and Ireland—in ac cordance with the recommendations of the commission of 1855—and especially to examine the following points :—the constitution and practice of the Superior Courts of Common Law in Ireland, and the difference between the constitution and procedure of the Courts of Chancery in England and Ireland. Ile complained that the legal reforms introduced into the Courts, both of Equity and Common Law, in Eng land, had not been extended to Ireland. Lord WENSLEYDALE said that this was a matter for ser i ous consideration, and well deserving the attentio n o f a commission. Lord BROUGHAM hoped that the time would come when all the improvements in the English legal system would be extended to Ireland. The motion, amended according to a suggestion of Earl GRANVILLE, by the omission of the reference to the Royal Commission, was then agreed to. THE EASTERN COAST OF AFRICA AND THE SLAVE TRADE. Lord STRATHEDEN moved, "That in the opinion of this house it is desirable without delay to secure the consu lar authority of Great Britain at Mozambique, in order to assist the Government of Portugal in repressing the slave trade on the eastern coast of Africa." The noble lord, who was almost inaudible in the gallery, was understood to say that several years ago a British Consul was stationed at Mozambique in order to promote the abolition of the slave trade from that part of the coast of Africa. Since then a paper had been presented to the other house of Parliament, in which Mozambique was included in the list of places the consulate at which was to be abolished. In December, 1859, her Majesty's commissioners distinctly informed the Go vernment that the slave trade in that part of the eastern coast of Africa had much increased. The noble lord then read several extracts from other despatches, to the effect that the French were carrying on a slave trade from that part of the east coast of Africa. The present Governor-Ge neral of Mozambique went to the station in April, 1857. He reached it at the same time that our consul did, and he was sent in point of fact by our influence. He took with him in structions, which were rather those of Britain than of Por tugal, to eradicate the slave trade in whatever form it might present itself. He was not unfaithful to his mission. - Under his auspices the coast of Mozambique was cleared of French vessels; and he seized one vessel, the Charles et Georges. The French Government demanded satisfaction for this, and the inhabitants of Lisbon saw French vessels in the Tagus which had been sent thither to enforce that demand. This was all because the Governor-General had done his duty. The slave trnde had been abolished on the western coast of Africa, and by what means had it been abolished ? For 15 years we had had there a British representative— either consul, arbitrator, or commissioner. The evil con sequences of the suspension of our consular autho rity had been explained to their lordships last year, and in the absence of a consul it could not be contended that Portugal could be called upon to make any great sacri fices to endeavour to arrest the progress of the slave trade in those waters. Portugal had to maintain a force for that purpose, and she might call upon us to supply a consul. A fit and proper representative of this country ought to be sent out—a person who had bad experience in the Portu guese possessions, and who could exercise an influence upon the Portuguese authorities. Mr. Gabriel was the person who possessed these qualifications in the highest degree. The course which this country had taken for the last fifty years in Africa imposed on us the obligation of continuing to make great exertions for the promotion of the object we had in view. On these grounds he hoped their lordships would agree to his motion. Lord WODEHOUSE said that the address to the crown recommending the appointment of a commission, consider ing the circumstances under which it was carried last year, could hardly be considered as the enunciation of the decided opinion of this house. He submitted that it would not be ex pedient to agree to this resolution. The despatches respect ing the French slave trade to which his noble friend had re ferred applied to a state of things which no longer existed. At the time of the Charles et Georges affair there was an ac tive emigration of negroes, but that emigration has ceased in consequence of the letter written by the Emperor of the French in the beginning of 1859. The treaty with Franco did not refer* to the emigration from the eastern coast, which had already been put a stop to by the let• er of 1859, but to the emigration from the western coast, which was to be put an end to in 1869. The reason for that date being fixed upon was, that the French Government had en tered into a contract by which a certain number of blacks were to be sent to Martinique and other colonies ; that con • tract would not expir e unt il the middle of 1862, and her Ma jesty's Government were unwilling to consent to a treaty allowing the emigration of coolies to those colonies until the emigration of blacks had entirely ceased. This proved that her Majesty's Government had no t been indifferent or negligent in the matter. The question of the expediency of the appointment of a consul at Mozambique was one which involved no princ , ple, and which ought to be left to the discretion of the Executive Government. (Hear.) But his noble friend had not only suggested that a consul should be appointed, he had even indicated the proper person to appoint. Fully admitting that the able and excellent gen tleman named by the noble lord, Mr. Gabriel, was exceed ingly well qualified for the post, he thought it was scarcely expedient to take such a question out of the discretion of the Government. (Hear, hear.) His noble friend Lord Claren den, who was not able to be present to-night, had given him authority to say that in his opinion the matter ought to be left in the hands of the Foreign Secretary ; and, further, that he did not think a consul would be of any use without a large squadron on the eastern coast. If the Government placed a large squadron there no doubt they might at great expense repress the traffic, but he did not think that the mere placing of a consul upon one part of the coast would have any material effect. It was a coast of hundreds of miles in extent, and the jurisdiction, though claimed by the Portuguese, was only held in a few isolated spots, the chief power being exercised by independent sultans. On the wes tern coast the casewas different,the Portuguesereally bold ing possession of the country which they claimed, and if they determined to suppress the slave trade there they could do so as easily as we could in the case of any of our own colo nies. The Portuguese were equally earnest he was sure to prevent the slave traffic on the east, but they had not the power there that they had on the west coast. This question of the appointment of a British consul was one, he was quite ready to admit, which was worthy of consideration, hut he thought there were reasons for pausing before the measure was carried out, and amongst them that they should first obtain the opinion of Dr. Livingstone. He appealed, th ere f ore , t o th e i r l or d s hip s no t to pass the reso lution, but to place confidence in his noble friend at the head o f the Foreign-office, known as he was for his zea l i n the suppteasi„ of the slave ' trarle, and in her Majesty's Governm!attodecide as to the time and manner of ap pointing consul to this coast if the appointment should appear to them desirable. Lord BROUGlikm observed, that the decision last year in its favour had not bee nsufficient to carry the motion of had his noble friend. Itbeent stated that the majority on thathe facts to the occasion sowing, no to the strength of the cause, not brought forward, not to the ability with which !hey were stated, not t o the eloquence of his right rev. friend (the Bishop of Oxford), which was worthy of the cause he espoused—that it wa s not owingsjority in a de • to any or all of these ordinary causes of an important majority bate, but to what his noble ft iend (Lord Wodeho ) called "_our letting our people go." That was lan guage that might be used in some' of our colonies—cc we had no t a sufficient number of workmen on our occasion to get in the sugar, to get in the cott 0, or to gather the coffee, because/ the weather was such that we let our people go." (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Lord WODEHOUSE had used the word " supporters," not " people." Lord BROUGHAM understood the noble lord to say " people." But letting their " supporters" go implied an option with the noble lord to keep them or let them go, so that whether the supporters were white or black the authority appeared to be the same. (Laughter.) He con sidered it a matter of very great importance that the Por tuguese were as zealously disposed to abolish the slave trade on this coast as they had abolished it on the west. Great credit was due to Portugal for her conduct on the western coast, and the benefit to Africa in the extension of legiti mate commerce and in the civilisation which it extended over the district was incalculable. In all parts of that great continent which had suffered so much from the crimes of Christian white men, great improvement had been effected where the slave trade had been checked or abolished. The Portuguese complained that they had no authority upon the east coast, but that if they were supported, as they ex pected to be, by the appointment of a consul there, that support would enable them to carry into effect their desire of extending their measure of suppression to the east as well as the west coast. They were all agreed that the slave trade must be put down by all means in our power, and it was not only right, but a duty of this country, by her authority, to aid a foreign power to put it down in foreign colonies as to take measures for its suppression in her own dependencies. They all desired its extinction, and they hoped and trusted that by God's good Providence that ex tinction would be effected before long, but it could only be effected by peaceable means, and those only who were friendly to the continuance of slavery would advocate negro insurrection, which would be the greatest curse that could fall upon the slaves; and he might instance what had oc curred in North America, as showing the effect of violent measures. He believed that more was done by the public opinion of this country in the cause of the abolition of slavery than by those who resorted to rash and hasty mea sures. Earl GRANVILLE wished to explain what was said by the Secretary of State in reference to the division of last year, which the noble and learned lord appeared to have misunderstood. Of course there could be no physical com pulsion in the case, but the Government permitted mem bers to retire from the house under the impression that no division would take place, and if those members had not felt, the result of the division would have been very diffe rent. He did not desire to reopen the question, but upon the ground insisted upon by the Secretary of State, that the question was not one for the house to enter upon with any effect, he ventured to make a respectful appeal to the noble lord not to press his motion. The Bishop of OXFORD had ventured last year to ask the noble lord not to withdraw his motion in obedience to the syren voice of the noble earl, but on the present occasion he gave quite contrary advice, because he could not but think that the appointment of a consul upon this coast had been in some degree damaged by the house venturing to give an opinion to the executive Government, which the executive Government did not wish to receive and act upon. By not acting last year upon the broad principle that that house ought not to interefere in these matters, but dhould trust implicitly to the executive, they might have prevented for a whole year that which the Government might have been inclined to do but for the decision of the house. Some of the leading members of the present Government had shown distinctly for years past that their hearts were in the suppression of this curse, and he believed that if the Government would venture to act upon their nobler inspi rations, when they found that the house had not inter posed with a vote in a matter that should be left to them selves, they would be inclined to carry out the principle of the decision of last year. He thought, as far as argument I went, that the speech of his noble friend who moved the resolution had not been answered by the Under Secretary. The argument of the Under Secretary appeared to be that a great deal had been done to stop the slave trade which had been carried on for some time past on the east coast of Africa, and that the declaration of the opinion of the Government was a much more important step than the appointment of a consul. This they ought to have done, but they ought not to have left the other undone. If, as he believed, the appointment of a consul on the east coast would materially help on the great work which by other means they had been labouring to accomplish, who should this measure have been omitted ? And when he was told that it would not be of any great avail to appoint a con sul unless that consul was supported by a numerous squadron, he said that was simply an assertion, and there had not been a shadow of argument to support it. So far from believing that assertion, he believed, on the other hand, that the very smallest physical support of the consul would be sufficient to preserve him from personal violence, and that that was all the physical support he would need to make his interference perfectly effective. There was, as it appeared to him, a great contradiction in the argument of tho Under Secretary. The noble lord had stated that on the west coast a consul's influence would be of great weight, because he had to deal with two independent slave-trading chieftains, but that on the east it would be of less efficacy, because he would have to do with the Portuguese and French Governments. But afterwards the noble lord had gone on to say that Portugal had no strength on the east coast, but that the power was held by independent sultans, and Portugal could not put it down. So that the argument that a consul would be of no avail there, because he would have to deal with strong European powers, was answered by the noble lord himself. He begged their lordships to consider that there was a far greater power than the power of elo quence, and that was the power that was wanted to be brought to bear upon the eastern coast of Africa—the public opinion of the civilised world. (Hear, hear.) What he and others expected from the appointment of a consul upon the east coast was that a light would be thrown upon the deeds of darkness there which would make their perpetual perpe tration impossible. They wanted the light of civilised Europe thrown upon the actions not of the Portuguese Go vernment in Portugal, but upon the actions of the agents of the Portuguese Government upon the eastern coast of Africa ; and he maintained that the connivance in the slave traffic, not by the Government in Portugal but by the Go vernment agents on the east coast, would bo at once and for ever prevented ; and that by a very trifling addition to the expenses of her consular establishments this country would be starting one of the most effectual agencies against that cursed traffic which it was in her power to provide. It was upon this ground that he earnestly desired the Government to issue the necessary directions for the establishment of this consular power. He would ask his noble friend to leave the question in the hands of the Government, and he believed that many of the difficulties which existed last year had since passed away. He believed that the conclusion of the treaty with the French Government for the termination of the export of the so-called labourers from the African coast would tend greatly to facilitate the appointment of a consul there, who would be able to check the Portuguese governors in their connivance in the slave trade, and he believed that the moral sense of the civilised world, brought to bear upon the district through the consul's means, would be more effec tual for the object in view than a powerful squadron on the coast. And he believed that the labours of Dr. Livingstone and others there, who were spreading the great principles of civilisation, would not have the force which they all de sired to see them have, so long as along the coast, under the seeming shadow of a Christian power, the abomination of the slave trade was allowed to continue. (Hear.) They must, by some means or other, make a momentary pause, in which to sow the good seeds of a legitimate commerce. They could not supplant the slave trade where it was once established by merely endeavouring to introduce legitimate commerce, because the returns from the slave trade to the chieftains there were moms certain and more immediate, though destructive in the long run of their own prosperity. Plant the seeds of legitimate commerce, and then there need be no fear of the revival of the slave trade ; but they must have the opportu nity of planting the more lawful seeds, and no measure would, under God's blessing, be more effectual for the purpose than a t e measure which would bring to bear on the underlings of h Portuguese Government the le g iti ma t e i n fl uence o f th e i r Government result th e moral woul d influence not b o t h r o o f other wn aw apyo uponwer s . her HeMajesty' s trustedthat h Government; that they would not act as though they were compelled by th e f orce o f a h os til e majo rity, but that they woald take a course recommended by reason and authority, and by of thisthe !arnest,wishes of the edu caLteodrdansdTißntixHelTligeEntDclasx ses great count r y. said he should willingly, in ac cordance with the suggestions of hi s noble friennodiewil'otrhddrahw the motion ; only expressing a h o p e that the b Foreign Secretary wou l d still continue his zealous efforts for the suppression of this traffic. POOR LAW ASSESSMENT (SCOTLAND) BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. HARBOURS BILL. The report of amendments to this bill was received, and the amendments were agreed to. BEQUESTS OF PICTURES TO THE NATION. On the motion of Earl GRANVILLE, a select csmmittee was appointed to consider the proper measures to be taken respecting the gifts and pictures of Turner and Vernon, and any further gifts of the same kind. INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS BILL. This bill was read a second time. DEAN FOREST AND HUNDRED OF ST. BRIAVELS BILL. This hill was read a third time and passed. METROPOLITAN POLICE FORCE PENSIONS BILL. The report of amendments to this bill was received, and the amendments were agreed to. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the following bills were con sidered and agreed to :—Barnsley Coal Railway, London and North-Western, Lancaster and Carlisle, and Caledo nian Railways, Marlborough Railway, Rathkeale and Newcastle Junction Railway, South Yorkshire Railway (Keadby Extension), and Wigan Gas Metei and Fitting Company.. The Dumfries, Lochmaben, and Lockerby Junction Rail way, and Hammersmith, Paddington, and City Junction Railway Bills were read a third time and passed. The following bills were considered and ordered for third reading :_Caledonian Railway (Rutherglen and Coatbridge THE sow, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 16, 1861. Branches), Eastern Counties and Saffron Walden Railway, and Kinross-shire Railway. PETITIONS. Several petitions were presented against the sale of in toxicating liquors on Sundays ; in favour of amendments in the Irish Poor Law ; and, from Agra, in favour of estab lishing independent local presidential councils throughout India. INDIA. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY gave notice that on the second reading of the Enlistment East India Bill, he would move an amendment to the effect that it was not expedient, at this late period of the session, to impose on the Indian revenue the charge of £220,000, as proposed by the Government mea sure. GENERAL WINDHAM. Mr. CONINGHAM asked the Under Secretary of State for War upon what principle had General Windham been appointed to the colonelcy of a regiment, and what military exploits had he performed to justify such an appointment ? Mr. BARING said that when the hon. member for Brighton had previously addressed the house he had en deavoured to explain as satisfactory as he could the prin ciple on which the appointment was made. The conduct of Gen. Windham on different occasions, and particularly at the Redan, had been spoken of in the highest terms by his commanding officer, and in 1855 formed the subject of special praise in the Gazette. lie strongly protested against the practice that prevailed of making attacks on distinguished officers in this house ashen they had not an opportunity of defending themselves. THE GOVERNMENT WORKS Ar CHELSEA. Mr. CONINGHAM asked the Under Secretary of State for War whether a body of men belonging to the Royal En gineers had been employed by the War Department on the barracks at Chelsea, in consequence of the strike among the masons; and, if so, whether such a proceeding be con sistent with the principle of non-interference between the masters and men ? _ _ . Mr. J. T. BARING said that a few sappers had .been sent to Chelsea, owing to the strike alluded to, and in order to prevent the works being suspended. THE BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY BILL. In reply to Sir F. KELLY, Sir G. C. LEWIS said that the amendments in this bill would be taken on. Thursday, and his noble friend at the head of the Government decided that evening, or to•mor row, the course which the Government proposed to take in reference to these amendments. BRITISH SUBJECTS IN AMERICA. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he had received any fresh complaints of the treatment of British subjects in the Secession States; and to make a statement upon the subject. The hon. mem ber entered into some explanations in reference to some statements which had been made when he brought this subject before the house. Lord J. RUSSELL said he had not heard that there was any complaint against the conduct of the British Con sul at Savannah, but there had been some complaint in re spect to the case alleged of a captain of a merchant vessel having been tarred and feathered. He believed that the British consul had done all in his power in regard to this subject. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. In reply to Colonel WILSON PATTEN and Sir F. KELLY, Lord P ALME RSTON said that he would state to-morrow the course which the Government would pursue with refer ence to the Bankruptcy and Insolvency and other public bills, Sir G. C. LEWIS said that if possible the Election Law Amendment Bill would be brought on next Friday. He stated subsequently that the bill would not be brought on this week. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. On the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. BUTT moved" That, in the opinion of this house, it is expedient in distributing the grant for the purposes of Irish education to enforce the rule of refusing aid to all schools in which religious teaching is made a part of the general instruction of the school." The hon. and learned gentleman said that this grant had risen from £30,000 to £300,000 a-year, and in proportion to that increase should be the vigilance exercised in the application of the vote. He contended that the house had been deceived by the returns made relative to the extent of united education in Ireland. From these returns it appeared that there were in Ireland 3,000 when it was sup posed that the system of united education was in opera tion, and that they were attended by 300,000 children of different religion. The fact was, however, that out of these 3,000 schools there were only 478, when there wasno more than 478 when united education was given, and in some of these there was only one Protestant child. He contended that the present system was opposed to the na tional feeling, and he called on the house to deal with this important question in an enlightened and comprehensive spirit, which would strengthen the ties that bind the people of Ireland to this country and to Parliament. Mr. M'EVOY seconded the motion. Mr. LEFROY said that he concurred with some of the observations of the hon. and learned member (Mr. Butt), and was of opinion that much good was not effected in pro portion to the amount subscribed for the purpose of na tional education in Ireland. He cited the authority of Archbishop Whately to prove that, both in principle and practice, the working of the existing system, since the change in the constitution of the national board, had been a failure. At the same time it would be more advisable to have the money for the educational grant dispersed through the mediation of a responsible board than according to the mode which prevailed in this country; but that board must be considerably altered before it would possess the confidence of the people of Ireland. That board must be composed of men of business, responsible to Par liament, and prepared to conduct the duties entrusted to them with impartiality. Mr. M'EVOY contended that a very false impression was abroad respecting the support given by private aid to schools in Ireland. That aid constituted the main support of the schools, while in England a much larger proportion were maintained from public grants. He argued at length against the system of mixed education, and still more strongly against the model training schools. It was in the education of teachers, more than in the education of the people, that the system worked injuriously. He believed the Government had been deceived in the matter, and trusted that the tone they had adopted would, before long, be distinctly repudiated by Parliament in the interest both of Catholics and Protestants. Mr. CARDWELL observed that the principles advocated by Mr. Lefroy would inevitably lead to the denominational system, and would cause a most invidious distinction be tween the education of the rich and of the poor. He traced the history of national education in Ireland. It was founded on the commission of 1824, the recommendations of which were backed by a subsequent committee. The re sult was the present system, founded on the celebrated let ters of Lord Stanley, permitting all religions to share in a common education during school hours, and allowing the patron to teach his own religion out of school hours. A system under which, in thirty years, 5,600 schools had been established, could not be said to be wanting in public fa vour. He believed that Lord Derby atilt adhered to his opinions of 1831, and reminded the house that whatever changes of detail the system might have undergone, its principles remained the same. Those principles had been adopted by successive Governments, and constantly sanc tioned by Parliament—all denominations had given in their adhesion ; and ho trusted that the legislature would con • tints() that support under which the system had already worked so well. Sir H. CAIRNS referred to the former disputes of the National Board, complaining of the changes introduced by the Government, without notice, in the constitution of the Board. He denied that the Presbyterians of Ireland were satisfied with the Board and the changes which had been introduced. They had appointed a Committee of Vigilance to watch over the proceedings of the board. The Metho dists were of the same opinion, viewing with great jea lousy the changes introduced last year, and which all de-. nominations of Protestants considered as radical changes, and likely to destroy the system. It was evident also that the Catholics viewed the present position of affairs with anything but satisfaction. He believed that the changes in troduced by the Chief Secretary last year had thrown bask Irish national education for a quarter of a century. Mr. M. O'FERRALL observed that while the letter of Lord Stanley on which the system was founded expressly disclaimed proselytism in any shape—still the very first attempt to constitute a National Board was warfare towards the Roman Catholics. The system which was originally intended for the poor population of Ireland was now become a strictly Governmental system, and was more under the control of Government than any other. H ewtahn e hvedea c Gt o l n evr t r r eael a rtinah s ngi t me e eo d mosuec , nbsbote i tito. n this respect, the Irish system with the Scottish, which last protected religious interests, while those interests were utterly ignored in the former. Lord J. RUSSELL said he had certainly maintained with regard to England that it was a very great advantage to r s hoTel wosrhf.eawl That was Tehwr a heea s ese a ßhna roty:ntrrieisnl secular hyci poa rl n e e education gentlemannn Foreignhcr t a iic t ah i 1 0 0 h n py eps tooaussl always opposite yer e s stet ey p ehd,m o e b o lhed r yde: t c o ou th ld in h k el L il t he had changed Ls opinion on that subject ; but 'he would not be a member of that society unless he held such an opinion. In this country the national church proposed to read the scriptures daily in school ; the British and Foreign Society also proposed that the Scriptures should be read daily; the Wes:eyalas said that the whole Bible should be read ; and the Congregational Society and the other societies were in favour of religious education. The whole, of these bodies, comprising the great majority of the people, were, therefore, in favour of religious education. The Established Church made it part of her rule that the Church Catechism should be taught ; but they all agreed as to the general nature of the religious education to bo given; and it was a great blessing to the country that it should be so. With regard to Scotland, Ole people of that country, whether they belonged to the Established Church, Free Church, or the Secession Church, thought it necessary to teach the doctrines contained in the Shorter Catechism. Admitting, then, that religious education was a great bless ing-, an d m aintaining, :Is he did, that education was not complete without it, a question Arose at the beginning of this century whether it was possible to a.cl.:)pt a system based upon that principle in Ireland. At that time the Xildare street Society, which taught the Scriptures, but not the for• naulas of the Church, was established; but it was suspected to be a proselytising society, and excited jealousy.on that ground. His noble friend (Lord Monteagle) obtained a com mittee of the house, in which he proposed means by which the children of persons of different religious opinions may be taught together; and the report of that committee was the foundation of the letter of 1831, well known as Lord Stan ley's letter. He believed that that letter contained the basis of the system, which was the best that could be applied to Ireland. It was in effect said by those who supported this resolution, " Why not allow religion to be taught in these sclools ?"—meaning thereby that the religion to be taught to a child must be the religion of that child. That was what he had always understood was proposed ; and it brought him to the great question whether there should be a denominational system in Ireland as in Eng land. If they gave religious instruction from the Bible to every child in a Protestant school, and aided that educa tion by a Parliamentary grant, they would violate every principle of equity if they did not also give a grant to the extent which was required to Roman Catholic schools where the religious education was under the direction of the Church of Rome. Supposing that £280,000 were asked as a grant from that house for education in Ireland, they might safely reckon that about £200,000 of that sum would be given to schools in which the religion taught to all the children was under the direction cf the Church of Rome. (Hear, hear.) Common equity would require that should be done ; but, on the other hand. when he spoke to mem bers of that house who were strong Protestants, with re gard to the equity of that system, they pointed out that such a system would have to be watched with extreme ;vi gilance. What would be the consequences of watching with such extreme vigilance ? Why, there would be no end to the sectarian controversies in that house in respect to the nature of the education given in those schools. (No, no.) Well, at all events, that was his belief. Those who ob jected to the grant to Maynooth would understand that when they remembered the disctssions which took place on that question, and how much stronger would be the objec tion if they proposed to grant Eeoo,ooo for the purposes of Roman Catholic schools in Ireland. (Hear.) The best way to preserve peace, and the best way to render instruction, was to persevere in the grant according to the principles laid down in Lord Stanley's letter, which, up to the present time, had in all material points been persevered in. (Hear.) The hon. and learned member for Belfast (Sir H. Cairns) had stated that the Presbyterian body objected to the board, and that they proposed to have three commissioners to be provided by the State—one belonging to the Established Church, one to the Presbyterian body, and the third a Roman Catholic. Now, considering what the proportion of the Roman Catholics of Ireland was to the Protestants, where would be the fairness of the proposition of having two-thirds of the commissioners Protestant and one Roman Catholic; and that thatcommission should superintend the education of the poorer classes of Ireland, among which classes there was a much greater majority Roman catholics than in the higher dosses. Ho owned he though* that peace could not prevail under such a system, seeing as they did every day proofs of the extreme keenness of religious controversies, and how intolerant men were of any person being in a position contrary to those entertained by them selves. He could not conceive a better scheme than that which had been adopted. His right hon. friend who spoke had told them of 1,200 Roman Catholic children being the subjects of proselytism. That might have been the case formerly, but it would not be the case now if ordinary vigi lance were used. (Hear, hear.) His right hon, friend had said that originally there were five commissioners, two of whom were Roman Catholics, and the other three Protestants, and that what he had done was to appoint ten Protestants and ten Roman Catholics members of the board. Now, he thought that that would be a great security both for the Protestants and the Roman Catholics, while at the same time there would be no material change in the system. Under that system 800 ; 000 children had been educated, it had made its way amongst the rocks and shoals through which it had been steered, and he did not believe that any better system could be adopted. (Hear.) Mr. MONSELL had always understood that the princi ple laid down in Lord Stanley's letter was that which ought to be followed in the national schools in Ireland. That principle had been acted upon during the first seventeen years of the system, and he had often warned the house that unless they recurred to that principle, it would be utterly impossible to maintain the system at all. The vote for the model schools—£2o,ooo—was under the absolute control of the commissioners. It had often been a question whether the present system had been adverse to morality. Upon that point the Rev. Mr. Blake, well known as the writer who signed himself " A Hertfordshire Incumbent," said, that to force the rising generation to live on the moral and religious capital of the past tended to make bankrupt future generations. He thanked the Chief Secretary for the changes he had made, and hoped that the right hon. gentleman would endeavour to place the model schools in harmony with the system as it existed. Sir G. LEWIS said that the complaint of the hon. gen tleman was, that they did not extend to Ireland, in the matter of education, the principle acted on in England. He did not understand the hon. gentleman to say that he thought the denominational system of England should be extended to Ireland. The substance of the honourable gentleman's complaint was, that in certain particulars the rules laid down at the commencement of the Irish Education System had been deviated from. On behalf of the Government, he did not admit that any mate rial deviation had taken place. Another complaint of the honourable gentleman was, that the interference of the Sato with the administration of the grant, both as respected the schools and the Queen's Colleges, was un necessary and unconstitutional. Let them consider whether there was the smallest difference between England and Ire land in this respect, This grant in England was entirely under the control of the Committee of the Privy Council. It might be true that the system on which the grant Ni es administered differed from the system on which the Irish grant was administered. He was quite aware that inEng land it was the denominational system upon which the grant was administered, and that that was not the case in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) .In England the rate was under the entire control of the Privy Council, and the interference of the State was neither greater nor less in the one country than in the other, (No, no.) The Privy Council followed the administration of thegrant into its most minute details, and they were bound to do so, and not to give money to irresponsible persons to expend as they pleased. He there fore held that what the hon. member called unconstitu tional was not only constitutional, but necessary. Mr. BUTT, with the permission of the house, would withdraw the motion. Mr. P. lIENNESSY was sorry to hear the hon. member express a willingness to withdraw a motion so simple, so easily understood, and so true. He, for one, should not consent to its withdrawal. The house then divided, when the numbers were— Ayes (for going into committee) Noes (for the amendment) .. 6 Majority against the amendment —3O The house then went into Committee of Supply, when the adjourned debate on the vote for Irish Education was resumed by Mr. WILLIAMS, who commented on the large amount of several of the items, particularly those for music and agricultural schools. There were more than two agricul tural schools in every county in Ireland, seventy-four in all. Now, he admitted that agricultural schools would be of great advantage in England, but it was unjust to apply the money of the English ratepayers for the main tenance of such schools in Ireland. He should, therefore, move the omission of the item 0'13,000) not that he would grudge it to give education to the Irish people, but he should not assent to such a vote to spare the pockets of the Irish landlords, whoa ere the persons who would be advantaged by the improvement of agriculture, and ought to pay for it Sir M. PETO complained of ths want of local and deno-• minational control which existed in England, and also said that it was absurd to talk of the model schools as being for the education of the poor; they were for the education of the schoolmasters, and of pe:sons of the middle classes. Mr. MAGUIRE had rot altered the views he had ex pressed last year, which, indeed, were confirmed by almost unanimous testimony of Irish members in favour of un mixed education. No system could succeed in which the teachers were not well paid and well qualified. Mr. DAWSON said that the miserable pittance of 10s. a-week which the Irish teacher received, stood very little chance of being supplemented by private liberality. He hoped the strong case which had been made out by the hon. member for Dungarvan would be taken into the earnest consideration of the right hon. gentleman, the Chief Secre tary for Ireland, who had manifested on many occasions great goodwill towards that country. Capt. JERVIS complained of the system which too gene rally prevailed in Ireland of sending incompetent teachers to the poor, uncivilised districts, where really clever men were most needed, and of keeping the competent teachers in towns—places which at all times would take care of them selves. Mr. LONGFIELD fully admitted that the teachers de served increased salaries, and complained that there had been lavish expenditure in the administration of the funds. After the lapse of a century special care had been taken that the salary of an Irish schoolmaster should not exceed that of Goldsmith's parson, who "was passing rich on £lO a year." Mr. M. O'FERRALL expressed his fears that the Go vernment would be unable to increase the salaries of the teachers until they carefully examined the whole system, with a view to economy. Mr. FITZGERALD also was of opinion that economy in several of the departments might with great propriety take place. Mr. WILLIAMS moved that the sum of £13,000, being the amount fur the agricultural schools, be deducted from the vote. Mr. A. SMITH complained of the great increase which had taken place in this vote within a court aratively limited period. Mr. C ARD WE LL said that the votes for reformatories both for England and Ireland were taken separately for obvious reasons, from the general vote for education. In Ireland, whenever money was expended in the construction of schools, it was under the inspection of the Board of Works, and therefore included in the vote for that depart ment. With regard to the model schools, he should be most ready to add his testimony to the admiration which those schools had excited in the minds of all who had visited them. With regard to agricultural schools, expenditure on them, in the view of the Government, had gone beyond the proper mark, but at the same time they must remark the benefits which had accrued from them. The Government had, in point of fact, anticipated all the objections which had been raised, but at the same time they had seen, as he hoped the house would see, that sudden change would be very inex pedient. (Hear.) After some further conversation, Mr. WILLIAMS moved that the vote be reduced by £13,000 for the agricultural schools. Lord PALMERSTON said that if any one kind of in struction was more useful in Ireland than another, it was instruction in agriculture. The sum that would be saved by the reduction proposed would go but a small way to in crease the salaries of schoolmasters. If he recollected rightly, the hon. member for Dungarvan said that to in crease these salaries 14s. a week, would require a sum of £50,000 a year. Mr. WILLIAMS objected to the people of this country being taxed for the benefit of the landlords of Ireland. Lord PALMERSTON said that whatever increased the prosperity of Ireland was of advantage to this country, The committee divided— Ayes Noes Majority against the amendment —B9 The vote was then agreed to. STADE TOLLS. Mr. PEEL proposed a vote of £155,000 to Hanover for the redemption of the Stade tolls. By a treaty with Hano ver the tolls were to be extinguished on payment of a sum equal to the revenue derived from them, The toll was to be redeemed at 151 years' purchase. In 1858 a committee of that house had examined the grant, and had reported that the toll was most injurious to the trede of this coun try. The sum to be paid had been divided between this country and other countries trading up the Elbe. Mr. A. SMITH did not think that the explanation of the hon. gentleman satisfactory. The vote was then agreed to. On the vote of £1,257 for the salary of the secretary, and expenses of the offices of the Commissioners of Education in Ireland, Mr. WILLIAMS asked for some explanation which was given by Mr. Cardwell. The vote of £4,995 for the University of London was agreed to. The vote of £16,225 for the Scotch Universities was agreed to after a few words from Mr. WILLIAMS, who objected that this vote was doubled this year, as compared with former years, while our own universities got nothing. The votes of £2,330 for the Queen's University of Dublin, and £4,800 for the Queen's College, Ireland, were agreed to. On the vote of £2,500 for the Royal Irish Academy for the theological professors at the Belfast Academical Insti tution, Mr. HADFIELD objected to such lavish pay to profes sors of a wealthy sect, and moved the reduction of the vote by £2,050, leaving £l5O for retiring allowances already granted to three professors. Mr. CARDWELL, considering the great importance of the Presbyterian body in Ireland, hoped the amendment would not be pressed. Mr. DAWSON supported the vote, observing that if it was to be opposed at all he was glad the objection came from a gentleman who was probably not aware how benefi cial it was to the interests of the country. Mr. WILLIAMS supported the reduction, and the com mittee divided, when the numbers were— Ayes (for the amendment) Noes (against the amendment) Majority (against the amendment) ----100 The vote was then agreeed to. The committee reported progress, and the house resumed. THE OFFENCES AGAINST THE PERSON BILL. The amendments to this bill were considered. Mr. HENLEY proposed in clause 4 to leave out the word "felony," and to insert those of "a misdeameanour." The criminal returns of Ireland did not go back fmther than 1839, but he would state them to the house, and he thought he should show that the law in Ireland might be left in the same position as now. There had been a re markable change in the criminal returns of that country. It had gradually decreased every year except in the fearful years of the famine. The clause dealt with conspiracy to murder and manslaughter ; and seeing the great decrease in those crimes in Ireland, it could hardly be said that this increased severity of the law was required. And he did not think it would be inconvenient to introduce the heavier penalty into the law of Englani. In the criminal returns of England there was no special return of the offence—it was included under the term misdemeanour, but he thought it was a fair conclusion that there could not be many, or they would have been speedily noticed in the statistics. But conspiracy was a very awkward crime for persons to be accused of. In cases of felony the police had always exer cised much larger powers of an arbitrary character than in cases of misdemeanour. There were in England a vast number of foreign residents, and nothing would be more easy under this new law than for a foreign Government to get hold of the correspondence of any foreign refugee in this country by a charge of conspiracy under which the police would seize the papers of the accused. The ATTORNEY GENERAL trusted that the house would not be induced to adopt the amendment. The ob jection of the right hon. gentleman was, that under this law the police might be invested with certain arbitrary powers of interference with persons and with papers which might lead to injurious consequences, not so much to the individual accused, supposing him to be a foreigner, as to those with whom he might have been in correspondence oat of this realm. For the purpose of establishing this objection the right honourable gentleman supposed a con spiracy with considerable ramifications, and a conspiracy also between the Minister of the country to which the refugee belonged and the Government of this country, be cause unless there were some understanding by which the papers should be communicated to the foreign Government the interference of the police could not have the effect pointed out. He (the Attorney-General) did not believe that any Government of this country would lend itself to such a proceeding. This was a consolidation bill, and, at the same time, a bill for assimilating the laws of England and Ireland. The effect would be, if this and the other bills with similar objects passed,that in five acts there would be consolidated the statute law of England and Ireland upon most of the heads of crime Most familiarly dealt with by the tribunals, and which the occurrences of life brought most frequently under the cognisance of the magistrates. Mr. WALPOLE said that this vote involved an impor tant question. lie had often hesitated as to the course he should take, but had at last come to the same conclusion as his right hon. friend. (Hoar, hear.) The object of this bill was to enable the Queen to punish what was not then a legal offence, namely, conspiring to murder some person abroad. The Attorney-General told them that bills of the kind had been introduced before ; true, but they had never come on for discussion. (Hear, hear.) This bill was not consistent with the law either of England or of Ireland, but altered the law of both. As regarded Ireland, they made the offence punishable by penal servitude, and the question raised by his right hon. friend was neither as to the crime or the punishment, but simply as to the mode in which the police of the country were to deal with the offence, and which would be decided by the simple technical difference of whether it was called a misdemeanour or a felony. If the latter, the police might do things by abuse of authority to a person accused which were wholly opposed to the feel ing and the constitution of this country. The object of his right hon. friend was to remove the possibility of such con duct, and he must therefore support his right hon. friend's amendment. Mr. CONINGHAM thought it most extraordinary con duct on the part of her Majesty's Government to attempt to renew this clause. Ho should support the right hon. gentleman's amendment. Mr. AYRTON intended to move to strike out "felony" and retain "misdemeanour." This clause was limited to conspiracy without overt act. (Hear, hear.) The ques tion was whether an offence short of committing murder should be put in the same category as the attempt itself to commit murder. He contended that such legislation would be at variance with every principle which had guided the House of Commons in dealing with the criminal law of the country. Not one of the commissioners had suggested that it would be wise to abolish the moral distinctions of the common law of England. What was the necessity for this change ? It was never proposed until the Emperor of the French desired that a change should be made; but the pro position of the Premier on that occasion was negatived by a majority. He objected to the change then, and he now objected to it on the same principle. Sir G. C. LEWIS said what he understood the right hon. gentleman to object to was simply the distinction be tween misdemeanour and felony. He confessed he did not think the matter was worthy of any lengthy attention ; and should therefore be perfectly ready to agree to the amend ment. (Hear, hear.) The clause as amended was then agreed to. Lord RAYNHA.III moved in clause 43, page 12, line 10, to leave out " six" and insert " twelve?, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the gmendment was one of a series which would, if agreed to, indicate that a considerable change had come over the temper of the house since the amendment which it had just carried; for it would greatly augment the severity of the present law against aggravated assaults. The noble lord though pro posing this increased severity was, strange to say, actuated by a spirit of benevolence, by proposing to enact that any male prisoner twice convicted might be subjected to 48 lashes, whereas the present law fixed the maximum age at which corporal punishment might be inflicted at 16. The amendment was then negatived. Lord ItAYNIIAIII then moved to omit the provision of fine and impriwnment in order to insert the following : "And whosoever having been twice convicted of any such offence as aforesaid shall afterwards commit any such offence shall be guilty of a misdemeanour, and being con victed thereof shall be liable to be imprisoned in a common gaol or house of correction, with or without harilabour, for any period not exceeding three years, and if the said last mentioned justices shall so think fit, the person, if a male, so convicted, shall be (lace privately whipped with not more than forty-eight lashes." This amendment was also negatived, and The report was received. MUNICIPAL CORPORATION ACT AMENDMENT (No. ;,. 1 .) BILL. On considering the report of amendments of this bill, Mr. NEWDEGATE brought up the following new clause :—" Provided always that the right to take the chair of such meeting of justices shall not attach to the office of mayor, unless the person filling that office shall have been commissioned and have qualified to acs as justice of the peace within the borough at least three years before his election to be mayor." Sir G. LEWIS resisted the proposition, which, he said, would neutralise the object of the bill. Mr. DEEDES opposed the clause as it stood in the bill. Mr. SCHOLEFIELD thought it would be expedient to follow the universal practice of the country, by giving the mayor precedence on all occasions. Mr. S. ESTCOURT supported Mr. Newdegate's amend ment, with some modifications. Mr. SPOONER said that a borough magistrate ought to be put in precisely the same situation as a county magis trate. The house then divided on the question that the clause moved by Mr. Newdegate be read a second time. Ayes 32 Noes: Some further amendments were also agreed to. SALMON AND TROUT FISHERIES BILL. On the consideration of the amendments to this bill, Mr. HENLEY moved the omission of clauses 28 and 29, giving power to the Home-office to appoint inspectors and to pay them such salaries as may be settled by the Treasury. Mr. CLIVE opposed the amendment. Mr. BENTINCK objected to the payment of these func tionaries out of the public purse, and to the extent of the powers which might be entrusted to them by the Home office. Sir G. LEWIS said that the clause conferred no com pulsory powers upon the secretary of State. The house divided, when the amendments were agreed to. The Turnpike Acts Continuance Bill passed through committee. The amendments to the Parochial and Burgh Schools (Scotland) (No. 2) Bill were considered and agreed to. ROADS AND BRIDGES (SCOTLAND) BILL. In answer to a question by an Hon. Member, The LORD ADVOCATE said that the Roads and Bridges (Scotland) Bill would not be proceeded with this session. The order for going into committee was accordingly dis charged. The Dublin Revising Barristers' Bill was read a second time. The Lunatic Asylums (Ireland) Act Continuance Bill was read a second time. The nivel Medical Supplemental Fund Society Bill was read a third time and passed. The Public Works and Harbours Bill was read a second time. The Lerd Clerk Register (Scotland) Bill was read a second time. The Portpatrick Harbour (Scotland) Bill was read a second time. Tho Dealers in Old Metals Bill was read a third time and passed. The Metropolitan Gas Act Amendment Bill was read a first time. The house adjourned at 20 minutes before 3 o'clock, ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. NORTHERN CIRCUIT.—YORK, July 15. CROWN COURT. (Before Mr. Baron Wilde.) ATTEMPT TO POISON AT SHEFFIELD. James Windle, 40, was charged with attempting to administer five grains of strychnine to Sarah Liversedge, with intent to murder her, at Sheffield, on the 27th May last. Mr. Maule prosecuted, and Mr. V. Blackburn de fended the prisoner. The prosecutrix is a widow, and on the 27th May last lived at a place called Darnall, near Sheffield. Her house was near a public-house kept by her sister-in-law, and to which she was in the habit of sending her little boy for small quantities of ale. The prisoner is a labourer, and after his wife died in August he went to lodge at the house of Mrs. Liversedge. After a time he commenced to pay his addresses to the prosecutrix, and eventually proposed marriage to her, which proposal was courteously re jected. His importunities however became so annoy ing that she gave him notice to leave her house. This proceeding enraged the prisoner, and in con sequence he let fall several revengeful menaces when he was conversing with the prosecutrix. On the day above named she sent her little boy for some beer, which he procured, and was returning home with it when he met the prisoner, who engaged him in conversation a moment or two while he got the opportunity to drop something into the beer. The act was noticed by the boy, who wiped some " white stuff" off the surface of the liquid. When the boy reached home he told his mother what had hap pened, and she at once poured the ale down the sink, and sent for some more. Her attention was after wards attracted to a green sediment on the sink, and it was collected, together with what could be scraped from the boy's pinafore, and given to a chemist in the town, who discovered that the powder contained strychnine, and what is com monly called " Battle's Vermin Killer." Mr. Blackburn, for the defence, contended that the prisoner had no motive whatever for committing the offence imputed to him, and if he had used the vermin killer it was with no intention to commit any serious crime, but rather with an ignorance of the powerful and fatal effect of the poison. Verdict—Guilty. To be kept in penal servitude for life, SURREY SESSIONS-July 15. The July adjourned quarter sessions for the county of Surrey commenced yesterday morning at the Sessions-house, Nuwington-cause way. The calendar contained the names of 20 prisoners for trial-18 for felony, and two for misdemeanour. The degrees of education were as follow :—Four could neither read nor write, one could only read, 12 read and write imperfectly, two read and write well, and only one of a superior education. - SECOND COURT. (Before T. Tilson, Esq.) THE ASSAULT IN BATTERSEA-PARK. Mr. Henry James 0 wen, 40, a solicitor for some time in practice in St. Albans -street, Kensington, a married gentleman with a numerous family, and whose connexions are of the first respectability, was indicted for unlawfully and indecently assulting Anne Jordan, a young lady about 20 years of age, in Battersea-park. Mr. Oppenheim, instructed by the Associate In stitute for enforcing the Laws for the Protection of Women and Children, prosecuted; and Mr. Tin dal Atkinson, specially retained, with Mr. Morgan Howard, for the prisoner. At the end of the case for the prosecution medi cal and other testimony was taken to show that the prisoner was of unsound mind ; and the jury ac quitted him on that ground ; Mr. Tilson ordering him to be detained during her Majesty's pleasure. POLICE IN TELLIGENCE-July 15. MANSION-HOUSE.—.A stylishly dressed young man, named Charles Denton, aged 21, was brought before the Lord Mayor to undergo a preliminary examination on a charge of having appropriated to his own use the proceeds of a bill of exchange for £142 15s. 6d. and £4O in Bank of England notes, which had been entrusted to him to pay into Messrs. Willis and Percival's Bank, and also with embez zling several sums of money belonging to his em ployer, Mr. A. Le Blond, Budge-row, engraver and printer. It appeared the prisoner was in the service of Mr. Le Blond as clerk, and on the 25th May that gen tleman gave him a bill of exchange for £142 15s. 6d., and £4O in bank notes. After that time the prisoner absented himself from business on the plea of illness, and during his absence Mr. Le Blond as cErtained that the two amounts had not been paid in. On the prisoner's return to business on Wed nesday last he spoke to him about it, and charged him with detaining it, and he said he had done so, and was ashamed of himself for having done so. Mr. Le Blond told him to make out a list of his de falcations and take it to him on Monday (yester day), and he would consider in the meanwhile what he should do. The prisoner gave him a list yester day of a number of customers from whom he had received money, and he gave him into custody. Upon that evidence the prisoner was remanded, in order that further inquiries might be made. GUILDHALL.—David Griffiths Jones, of 43, Woburn-place, was brought up before Alderman Hale for further examination, relative to the charge of feloniously forging and uttering a certain docu ment purporting to be the last will and testament of Mrs. Sophia Bellis, deceased. Mr. Gifford, instructed by Mr. Humphreys, jun., of the firm of Humphreys, Son, and Morgan, con ducted the prosecution for the Solicitor to the Trea sury, under the order of the Attorney-General ; and Mr. Sleigh, instructed by Mr. Lewis, jun., and Mr. Fitch appeared for the defence. The evidence taken on Saturday having been read over, Dr. Murphy, of 59, Berkeley-street, IPaotrtetmndaenc: square, was called and said—l have never seen Dr. Jones write, and I only recollect receiving one n o t e from him on professional business , which to for him. I do not know suffioient of his hand writing to swear to it, and give my belief upon it. I was called to 43, Woburn-place, on the night of the 13th, or rather about 1 o'clock in the morning of the 14th Februarsyiekiltatysd, but seet,to l was called to ace adid her name at that time. She appeared very weak, and I told her so, and not being able to speak she She did not speakmerely ma de oaft b ow ed m h e y r p h r e e a s d u c a e s e a n n t d i n l g h l y e. a . rd no mention will while I was there. I recommended claret and beef tea. She showed no s y mp t oms of immediate death. I called on the following day— that is, about 2 o'clock on the 14th—to inquire for her, and was informed she was dead. Cross-examined—When I recommended claret a lady who was near the patient's bed said, 6 , she pre fers port," but I did not hear the patient speak. She might have spoken to others without my hear ing her, as I was standing near the fireplace. Horace Hope Bloxam said—l am a cashier at the Argyll-place branch of the Union Bank of London. The late Mrs. Sophia Bellis kept an account at our bank. I have paid cheques bearing her signature. She usually signed her name "S. Bellis." The signature to the alleged original will produced does not resemble Mrs. Bellis's hand writing. It does not resemble her writing in the formation even of the letters. I would not have paid a cheque signed like the will produced. Frederick Thomas Burton said—l am a cashier in the Union Bank of London. I have been in the habit of paying cheques drawn by the late Mrs. Sophia Bellis. I have looked at the signature of the supposed will and I certainly should not have recognised it as her writing. I should not have honoured a cheque drawn in that way. Cross.examined—l do not think it is her hand writing. The lady used to come to the bank and draw her cheques in the manager's room, She never wrote eaeques in my presence. Herbert Henry Clarke said—l am a clerk in the bill department of the Union Bank of London. I have seen the will produced, and in my judgment , the signature is not in the handwriting of Mrs. Sophia Bellis. The character of the handwriting: is scarcely the same. Cross-examined—l should not feel justified in paying a cheque upon it. I had read the news paper report of Dr. Jones's evidence in the Probate Court, having been swbpcenaed as a witness, when I was phown this will, and asked if it wss the sig nature of Mrs. Bellis. Re-examined—l have seen her write in the manager's room. _ _ Mr. Giffard said he was not prepared to carry' this case any further at present, and asked for another remand. Mr. Sleigh objected to a remand, unless the de fendant were admitted to bail, at the same time urging that he was in a position to prove that the will was properly executed according to all legal forms of law. Alderman Hale declined to accept bail, and re manded the prisoner for a week. LAMBETH.—Mr. Ernest Haines and Mr. Francis Haines, students at Cambridge, and mem , - bers of the University Rifle corps, ere charges with being concerned with others not in custody, in the commission of riotous and disorderly conduct in the Anerley Arms Tavern, and also with assault ing police-constable 139 P while in the execution of his duty. __ _ Mr. Archibald Hinton, the proprietor of the Anerley Arms, said that for several nights last week he had been subjected to great annoyance by the conduct of some young men frequenting his house. At 20 minutes to 12 o'clock on Saturday night the prisoners came into his house and asked him if he would provide them with some supper, stating that they had been to Wimbledon with their corps, and he told them that he could not do so, as they could not finish before the hour of closing, but offered to cut, and did cut them some sandwich, and served them with some ale at the bar. Some of the parties became very noisy, and his remonstrance and repeated requests that they would leave his house peaceably not being attended to, and its also exceeding the time for closing, he sent for a constable to assist him in clearing his house. On the constable making his appearance the parties set up a loud cheer and cried out, " Here's a Bobby, let's gag him." The constable asked them if they were aware of the time, and asked them to go, but they refused to do so, and the constable laid hold of one of the prisoners and got him out of the house. The others followed, and a considerable dis turbance ensued outside, and at length the prisoner Ernest was brought into the house by the police. There was a good deal of blood about the prisoner, and the constable had a cut on his hand, and both parties were washed and their wounds dressed. la conclusion, Mr. Hinton said that parties stopping at his house, as well as those attending public din ners, were subjected to great annoyance by the dis turbance of these young men, and he should there fore feel it to be his duty to these people, as well as to himself and family, to put an end to the distur bance he had comp!ained of. Benjamin Rhind, the head waiter, corroborated the statement of his master respecting the early part of the disturbance, and said that while outside the prisoner Francis pushed open the door, and barked like a dog, and this was ten minutes after twelve. This witness also said the prisoners made use of vulgar and abusive language. Mr. Elliot observed that it was much to be re grated that aneh things should necur. Something had been said of a bayonet having been drawn, but there was no proof of it, and certainly none that. prisoners had drawn one, or that they used the sword spoken of. There could be no doubt, how ever, that much violence had been used, and for this the prisoners must pay a penalty of £2 each, or in. default to be imprisoned for fourteen days. The penalty was at once paid, and the prisoners were discharged. The Armstrong guns, by constant improvement, are now perfection. The same is the case with Herring's magnetic brushes, which are now so perfected that failure with them is all but impossible. They are the true remedy for grey hair, neuralgia, and nervous headache. N.B.—Counterfeits are being made. Offices, 32, Basoinghall-street, London. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Pills and medicine invariably ag gt and perpetuate diseases ; their annoyance, dis appointment, and expense may be avoided by persons in indifferent health sending only their address to E. S. Barry, Esq., 77, Regent-street, W., London, and they will receive gratis and free by post the "Ito/Awns' ()wig GUIDE," or Natural Restorer, without medicine or ex p 'nse, of perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, and refreshing sleep, to the most enfeebled, insuring the removal of indigestion (dyspepsia), constipation, liver complaints, nausea, epilepsy, paralysis, debility, nervousness, palpitatior, , cough, asthma, consumption, dropsy, flatulency, diarrhoea, dysentery, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds,, noises in the care, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions o hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpi tation, heartburn, headache, despondency, cramps, spasms., sinking, fits, bronchitis "Unauestionably the safest Guide to health." COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—JULY 13. A larger supply of wheat, but very little business doing. Best samples at the prices of last week; inferior is lower In Spring corn very little demand. Wheat, white 568 to 62s ' Beans, hlazagan..36; to 42$ red 44s to 56s Middle & small 38s to 448 Barley Oats —s to —s ()trey 38s to 44x CHELMSFORD-JULY 12. The market to-day was very thinly attended, and but a limited supply of wheat, but equal to the demand. Best sorts barely maintained last week's prices, and inferior is lower. Spring corn of all descriptions as before. Wheat. white 288 to 61s Peas, partridge ..44s to 45s red 37s to 57s White ........43s to 46s Barley 29s to 42s Boiling ......43s to 47s Chevalier 328 to 45s Dun .......... 40s to 43s Grinding 26s to 37s Beans, Tick ....393 to 48s Malt 61s to 67s Harrow Ticks 39s to 500 Chevalier 648 to 69s Mazagan 33s to 453 Oats 26s to 31s STAMFORD-JuLy 13. Wheat ....... ....44s to 56s I Oats.. 2ss to 30s White do 55s to 63s I Beans 44s to 50s Barley .......29s to 33s I Ditto, old ........44s to bea KIRKALDY-JULY 13. A moderate supply of wheat to-day, but small of oats and barley. A ready sale. Good sorts of wheat brought is to 2s advance on last week's currencies. Barley and oats also dearer. Wheat Barley Oats First.... 34s Od I 30s Od 25s Od. Second.. 53s Od 36s Od 30 s Od I Third .. 59s Od —s Od 32s Od BIRTHS. ANDERSON.—On the 14th inst., at Margaret-street, Ca vendish-square, the wife of Charles K. Anderson, Esq., of a son. _ _ _ _ St, Swithin's-day,. at 29, Gloucester-place, k the wife of Thomas How, Esq., of a son. ~,,„N ER, —On the 15th inst., at West Lodge, Clapham' "wc-o-mmon, the wife of Charles Sumner, Esq,, of a Baugh' ter. I-1 MARRIAGES. MESSENT—GLYNN. —On th e 13 th inst.; at St. Stephen ' s , Paddington, Philip John Messent, Esq., C.E., of Tyne' mouth, Northumberland and 13, Hinde-street, Man chester-square, to Elizabeth, elder daughter of Joseph . Glynn, Esq., F.R . S ., 28, WesCoourne-park Villas. TOULMIN—WnOUGHTON.—On the 13th inst., at Chaddl' worth, Henry J. Toulmin, Esq., eldest son of Henry Toulmin, Esq., of Childviekburi, St. Alban's, to Email Louisa, e ld est d aughter of Philip Wroughton, Esq., Woolley -park, Berks. DEATH S. CATER.—On the 12th inst., Mr. Lewis Cater, of Hatfield, late of Msunt-street, Grosvenor -kquare. HORSFALL.—On the 11th inst., at Burley Hall, near otioy, Thos. Horsfall, Esq., aged 58. LEES.—On the 12th inst., at Torquay, Captain Edward T. Lees, 86th Royal Regt., aged 26. RowLAND.—On the 13th inst., at Rosenthal, Lewisham, Alexander Rowland, Esq., aged 78. THOMAS.—On the 13th inst., at Whitehall, Essex, after a short illness, Sir Godfrey John Thomas, Bart., aged 37. VosE.—At Hammersmith, Mr. Joseph Vose, late of Serie street, Lincoln's-inn, aged 86. WIIITLA.—On the 12th inst., at Lisburn, Ireland, Wln• Whale, Esq., aged 68. LONDON : Printed and Published by 31171tD0 YOUNG, 0 No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TnE SUN Office, No. 112,Strand in the Precinct of the Savoy, hi the county of Aljd,diebt% Tuesday, July 16, 1661. ~""" a te U 6 , L,. be u Vou tai: day: be -c.l FE 198 u, Pat' the( RIR EVI box; then see n till Non clev4 Ital 1 Mon the 1 Com ]abet TI Eus Pr Eris( and L R] Mon To To ( To s To] To] l'( Eus in I me eta ?al