The Sun. — London, England, 1861-07-20 00:00:00

Bond interest in the Galway contract. Fle had merely brought the petition forw ard on public grounds, and because he had a right to present it. (Hear, hear.) On Monday next he would move that the petition be referred to a select committee. Mr. HOPE said that as reference had been made to the Galway contract, he would only state that as a member of the committee, the view which he took was favourable to the continuance of the contract, and he would remind his hon. friend the member for Harwich (Captain Jervis) that he made several motions for that purpose, but they were not acceded to by the committee. (Hear, hear.) After a few words from Mr. B. COCHRANE, which were inaudible in the gallery, Motion agreed to ; petition ordered to be printed. NEW SOUTH WALES. Mr. MARSH asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies if any petition to her Majesty had been received from the inhabitants of the district of the Clarence and Richmond rivers, praying for separation from the colony of New South Wales. Mr. C. FORTESCTJE said that the petition was on its pay, and was expected to be received in a few days. THAMES EMBANKMENT. THE PENSIONS (BRITISH FORCES) INDIA THE SUN, LONDON,'; SATURDAY In answer to a question, Mr. COWPER expected that the report of the committee would be completed next week. No time should be lost in laying it on the table along with the evidence. ISLAND OF SARDINIA. On the motion that the house resolve itself into a com mittee of supply, Mr. KINGLAKE rose to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Governments of Italy and France continued to deny that the King of Italy had enter tained a project for ceding to France the Island of Sardinia ; and whether the truth of any such denials was confirmed or shaken by the information which her Majesty's Government might have received from other quarters ; and moved for copies of any further correspondence which might have passed respecting the cession to France of the Island of San dinia. He said that in consequence of recent acts of the French Government he felt it necessary to bring this ques tion forward. It was essentially an English question, quite as much as the cession of Nice last year waSa European question, and was one, therefore, which was well worthy the atten tion of that house. If it were merely a question of the ac quisition of land by France he should not have said a word, but his belief was that whoever secured the possession of the Island of Sardinia would thereby acquire the control of the Mediterranean. (Hear.) That was the opinion ex pressed half a century ago by Lord Nelson, who, in his cor respondence, again and again returned to the subject. In One place he said, " What a noble harbour 1" In another, "It would hold our whole navy." Again, "No fleet could pass it; Malta not to be named with it; worth three of Malta." In another place, " the King of Sardinia can't keep it, and if France gets it she will have the command of the Medi terranean." "We must not even risk its falling into the hands of France." ( Hear, hear.) He was indebted to Mr. Forester's excellent work for these extracts. It was singu lar that L or d Nelson mentioned that Lucien Bonaparte was then en d e avouring to exchange Parma and Piacenza for the Island of Sardinia. If Lord Nelson then considered that the possession of Sardinia by France would be injurious to Eng land, how much more so now, [when India was a re cognised possession of the British Crown, and our way to it was through the Mediterranean. In that sea our com munications must be neither imperilled nor held on suffer ance. (Hear.) The first Napoleon was most anxious to make the Mediterranean a French lake, and he was justified in attempting to do so, for at that time he waged flagrant war against England; but now when we were at peace with France such attempts bore a different colour. (Hear.) Let them consider what France was doing at this moment. She had secured so much of the Mediterranean coast, either by actual dominion or by dominant control, as that the ships of any other power must run a gauntlet in passing through. Spain had got Tetuan, Tetuan controlled Tangier, and the possession of Tangier by a hostile power rendered Gibraltar insecure. France had secured the African coast up to Tunis, so that nearly the whole seaboard was directly or indirectly under her control. The noble lord the Secre tary for Foreign Affairs had last year written a spirited de spatch to Sir J. Hudson, stating the rumours he had heard and desiring Sir James to get distinct explanations from the Turin Cabinet, and a formal engagement that no further cession of territory would be made. To the requisitions of Sir Jas. Hudson, Cavour replied by referring to a speech he had made in the Chamber, in which he declared that even the temptation of acquiring Venice would not induce him to cede another inch of Italian soil. Now, independent of the equivoque in the expression, " Italian soil," which might not include the island of Sardinia, this reference to a speech went far short of a regular despatch, and as now Cavour was unhappily no more, we have no engagement whatever. The noble lord had also written to Lord Cowley, and his lordship applied to M. Thouvenel, when the latter replied giving a positive denial—Lord Cowley called it an abjuration—adding that it was preposterous to suppose that France would risk a war with England for the sake of a barrenisland. These despatches long since were laid. upon the table of the house, and therefore the opinion of the house might be said to have been invited on them ; and he must say he thought they were somewhat to blame for not pay ing more attention to the purport of those depatches. The despatches left off in a very unsatisfactory way, and there was nothing in them which tended to show the anxiety had been removed. The result was, that since the spring cir cumstances had arisen which gave strong ground for sup posing that France had been advancing towards the attain ment of its original object—the annexation of the island of Sardinia. (Hear, hear.) In considering what foun dation existed for such a supposition, it was fair to regard the anterior positions of Sardinia and France, or, as he might term them, the buyer and seller. These were the two Powers that created so great a disturbance in Europe last year with respect to Savoy and Nice. The island of Sardinia was undoubtedly a great temptation to France, and France doubtleA possessed the means of so tempting the King of Sardinia as to induce Lim to surrender the island, actuated by similar motives to those which induced the surrender of Venice. To try this question by its probabilities, if such an engagement had actually been entered into, what might they expect to find ? They might expect that the people of the island would be disturbed by the notion that they were to be surrendered to France ; that preparations would also be going on in the island for that wonderful piece of legerdemain which imperial states men were accustomed to call a plebiscite. Then, a little later, there would be an imperial denial of any intention to effect such a transaction ; then that' the King of Sardinia, em boldened by the vehemence of that denial, might really sup pose he was a free man and assert his intention to hold his own ; but then the next day he would be rebuked by France for daring to imagine he was free and could refuse the ces sion. Now he (Mr. Kinglake) was prepared to say that all this, and more than this, had taken place. An agitation had already been set on foot in the island of Sardinia for the Purpose of inducing the people to believe they must neces sarily and inevitably become French. One of the leading newspaper s th ere wr ot e in the same painful terms as those which were so distressing last year in the case of Nice — the writer hoping and fearing, but apparently con vinced that by some process which could not be prevented, th e i sland was to be ceded. Even the:humble officials of the Governme n t believed that the Sardinian uniform they wore wouldb the last of the kind they would ever possess. He should be glad to h e ar from the noble lord what accounts h e had had from the English consul at Cagliari. He thought it would be very unwise to imagine that the fears of these people were in n t o h element for our con sideration. There was an instinct people of a country in which transactions of this kind were pending Pendin i that taught them to know what was going to happen, and he considered that the sensations of the victim ere case he very se worthy of consideration. ( H e ar. ) N o one could have r been less acquainted with what wa s g oin g on in E urope than the humble shopkeepers of Chambery or Nice when that annex ation was in contemplation, and on the other hand no one could have been better acquainted with such affairs than th e noble lord at the head of the Government, yet it was very true that the humble men to whom he had alluded possessed at that time an instinct which told them with more truth and certainty than the noble lord had been able to attain, that they were about to be annexed to France. Passing from the island of Sardinia and proceeding to Turin he con sidered that in speaking of the agreement which it was sup posed had existed between Count Cavour and the Emperor of the French, it would be wrong to tre at that as a mere rumour. Of the sources of that rumour he knew nothing, and he would, therefore, not advert to more than ac tually came within his own knowledge. He would beg the house to bear in mind that Count Cavour, with a sensitiveness which he (the hon. gentleman) thought honourable to him, was accustomed to flinch from avowing the full extent and nature of the transactions that took place with reference to the annexation of Savoy and Nice. It was also peculiar in Count Cavour that he was very much in the habit of giving half confidences to people. For instance, he would instruct a man acting under him to such an ex tent only as he thought necessary for the man's guidance, and no further. Having premised these points, he would state to the house what he believed to be true with regard to the extent to which Count Cavour was engaged in negotiations for the cession of the island of Sardinia. Count Cavour had put himself in communication with a gentle ma er n, whose name, if mentioned, would be well known to , lq ajesty' s m i n i s t er s, and to Europo generally, but whose nama he (Mr. Kinglake) was not at liberty at the present moment to obtain permission divulge, although he believed he should be able her ma ety.s to mention it, if necessary, to one of gentleman to In ra a inisters. Count Cavour had desired this dinia with a view to certain inquiries in the island of Sar dinia making in her arrangements ascertain what progress France was island. Not unnaturally, arrangements fur the cession of the instructions were addressed the gentleman t o whom these negotiation? said, " What progress have you made with the n Is the island to be ceded ? " Count Cavotte s a the French is always pressinz swe h r . W as , " The Emperor of instructed I have held out." Well, the gentleman thus inattuthat thewent to the island of Sardinia and then ascertained worked upon in the way he (the hon People had been member) had de scribed, and he als o ascertained that t he Pnowforthe tell the house wh ,o this p erson was who bad be e n, perform_ mug this singular duty, b ecause perhaps his hon, f r i end the member for Tarn worth would not In unwilling to bear the odium of being considered one of the detective force em ployed in such a cause. Pursuing the analogy, he might say that the gentleman who was constructing these com mittees of annexation was a gentleman well known to the police, for he was no other than M. Pietri—the very man who conducted the universal suffrage system organised in Savoy and Nice. (Hear, hear.) Leaving Sardinia and Turin, and coming to Paris, he found that towards the close of the session one of the bureaus was engaged in con sidering what we should here term the naval estimates. It was remarked by one of the deputies that they were so enormous that the ports of France would be clearly insuffi cient for the reception of so great a navy. The representative of the Government thereupon stated that that was very true, but France was engaged in negotiations which would have the effect of putting her in possession of additional ports in the Mediterranean. He would like the noble lord the Foreign Secretary to inform the house, if he could, what ports those could be if they were not those of the island of Sardinia. One other fact still remained to be told. An in quiry had been ordered into the capacity of the port of Cagliari for vessels of war. Now he thought, taking all these matters into consideration, that he had succeeded in showing, if not that an agreement existed, at least that there were most serious grounds of apprehension and anxiety. (Hear, hear.) Not long since Baron Ricasoli had addressed to the Sardinian Chambers a speech declar ing that not an inch of Italian soil should ever be ceded by him. He (Mr. Kinglake) believed that almost at the same time renewed and positive denials' were made by the French government to her Majesty's government of any intention to annex the island of Sardinia, and that those denials succeeded in inducing a complete belief that no such intention did exist. Under these circumstances he believed the idea was for the time really adjourned, and not wishing to create any unnecessary dis turbance by any discussion in that house, he had refrained from bringing the question forward. But it seemed that no sooner had the denials of Baron Ricasoli and the French government had the desired effect than the same process that was pursued last year in reference to Nice and Savoy was again resorted to. The French government returned to its enterprise, and the Patrie, an organ of the government, published a distinct rebuke addressed to Baron Ricasoli for venturing to say that he would not cede one inch of Italian soil. The honourable gentleman then quoted the article in the Patrie. He believed the matter did not end here, for unless he was very much mistaken, M. Thouvenel addressed an official note to Baron Ricasoli complaining of the fact that he had repudiated the idea of ceding territory to France. Beyond this, however, the spirit in which the French government was disposed to act in this matter was well laid down in the Revue Contempo rain, a paper which had not only been founded and sub sidised by the French government, but which evidently received its inspirations from the same source. That paper said France hoped to possess some day the island of Sardinia, which was more French than Italian. The article went on to say that the French government would not refuseMSardinia, if it were courteously offered, I especially if the people on being consulted were to answer as unanimously as in the annexation of Savoy and Nice. M. Pietri, however, discharged his duty so efficiently in the case of Savoy and Nice, that the number of votes in favour of annexation considerably exceeded the whole number of voters, and no doubt if this annexation of Sardinia were carried out, he would again discharge that duty with unfail ing energy and success. (Hear.) He thought he had said enough to justify that anxiety on the subject which he had endeavoured to convey to the house. It was unsafe to rely in regard to this matter upon the moderation of France. He did not believe that when the Emperor of the French used moderate expressions he always misrepresented him self. On the contrary, he thought there were times when the Emperor desired that things should pass off as quietly as possible, but the truth of the matter was that having en gaged in transactions of this kind he always succeeded in interesting a number of other persons in his schemes, and though personally willing to recede, he was driven forward by his own ideas fermenting in the minds of other men. Ho proceeded to the annexation of Savoy and Nice upon the suggestion addressed to him by a mere soldier, not of a very character, and not competent to advise him on the state of affairs. On his mere suggestion that his credit with the army would be imperilled if this transaction did not take place, he at once gave way. Now, if a similar suggestion were addressed to him by the French navy—and nothing was more probable—in favour of the annexation of Sar dinia, it was absolutely necessary that he should be sustained in his determination to resist any such appeal by the cer• tainty as to the light in which such cession would be regarded by this country. We must not trust either the moderation of France or the firmness of Baron Ricasoli, or any other Italian gentleman. A firmer or more honourable man than Baron Ricasoli did not exist, but he very much doubted whether he had yet come into the full possession of all the humiliation which awaited him as legatee of Count Cavour. He did not yet know all that Count Cavour had agreed to do. (Hear.) It was to be hoped that Sardinia would never be annexed to France. He did not believe that I the noble lord at the head of the Government would ever let history say of him, that whilst he was Prime Minister in a time of peace there was endured such a displacement of the naval power of the countries of Europe as should be grievously prejudicial to England, endanger her communi cation by way of the Mediterranean. and make a great s tride towards placing France in possession of that control of the Mediterranean which had been the main object of the Bona partist policy. (Cheers.) The hon. member then moved for copies of additional correspondence which might have passed respecting the cession to France of the island of Sardinia. Sir R. PEEL, in seconding the motion, said he could well understand the grounds which had induced his hon. friend to bring the question under the notice of Parliament before the close of the session, because it was quite evident from the repeated denials respecting the alleged cession of Sardi nia to France, that there was and must have been some foundation for the apprehensions which alarmed Italy and Europe, and England in particular. This was a question which directly affected this country. It affected the power of England, inasmuch as it was to be looked upon in a dif ferent light from the annexation of last year. England pro tested as one of the great powers of Europe against the an nexation of Savoy and Nice, but she was not directly con cerned in the matter. As regarded the buccaneeringannexa tion of St. Domingo, it was quite evident that America's I misfortune was Spain's opportunity, but the cession of the island of Sardinia affected this country immediately. It was a matter of the greatest possible importance to us, and if there were grounds for these apprehensions, and if this annexation were accomplished, it would strike the most severe blow against the maritime power and legitimate in fluence of England which had been inflicted for 50 years. That naval supremacy for which Nelson and other great men fought, bled, and conquered, would be imperilled, and the position which every English Government had taken up was that the independence of the island of Sardinia was essentially necessary for the commercial interests and the naval power of Great Britain. Sardinia was the largest island in the Mediterranean. It was larger than Sicily. (Mr. Roebuck—No.) He quoted from a book lately pub lished, but at all events its position was most remarkable. It spread down from Corsica to the centre of the Mediter ranean ; it was half .way between France, Spain, Italy, and the coast of Barbary. It was the half-way house for France, and bad two magnificent ports--Maddaleni on the north, and Cagliari on the south. The language of Nelson on the subject could not be too emphatically impressed on her Ma . jesty's Government. Nelson wrote to Lord St. Vincent in Dec., 1803. He said " Sardinia was the finest island in the Mediterranean, that its harbours were fit for arsenals, and capacious enough for the whole navy." Again, in 1804, he wrote " Sardinia is worth 100 Makes. It has the finest man-of-war harbour in Europe." In the same year he wrote another letter to Lord Hobart, in which he said " Sardinia is the summum bonum of everything valuable to us in the Mediterranean." These opinions of Lord Nelson were cal culated to cause serious apprehension as to the dangers re suiting to this country if Sardinia were seized by France. But et t l there was something in the way—there were treaties. knew n v e a s l v thatvalue ; a were in ct t c r o e n a s t i y d erreegouol regulation, t v i e o r n y , which bound the island of Sardinia to Savoy. In 1720, by the treatyofLondon, to which France, England, Holland, of Sardinia, and inia,and h Sardiniawas w ceded to Spain gave up the island Sicily, which she held to Savoy, and Savoy gave up der the treaty of Utrecht, to Naples, which then becam e the kingdom of the Two confirmed by the treaty of Vienna, Sicilies. This treaty wa s but the Emperor of the French satisfaction to . annul the treaty n tr o e f t Europe, and he of e h V o i p en ed na E . ur H op e e d w e o m ui a d n d n e o d t i t n le t a e t r fer e. This how ever, the charter paper of Europe, and withonapt:;whweearcstOnsen of the great powers, they could not allow one mo nopolise the authority of doing all this. There was onl o yae gentleman in that house who supported the policy of Louiso Napoleon. He referred to the hon. member for Birmingh am who blew his trumpet so loud the other night at the Man sion-house, and he regretted his absence on the present oc casion, as he was very anxious to address some observation s to him. He was the only man in the house who applauded the conduct of Louis Napoleon. He heard with pain and grief the hon. member say " Perish Savoy," and that the possession of Savoy was worthless. Later in the year he said the map of Europd as regarded the limitation of states was not worth one moment's consideration. He (Sir R. Peel) never heard before such a socialist view of the rights of the people. (Hear, hear.) Happily it was not shared in by the people of this country who wished to maintain that balance of power which was just, legitimate, and honourable. (Hear.) They were dealing with a sovereign who was a subtle and designing man, and it was continued watchful ness of his proceedings that he would urge upon her Ma jesty's Government. He asked the Government whether they had any just and legitimate grounds for apprehension in regard to this matter? He should be inclined to accept the denials which had been given but for the repeated proofs they had of the principles of action which influenced not only Louis Napoleon, but the Imperial policy of France. The unfortunate position of affairs in Europe at that mo ment was a confirmation of the danger which resulted from the policy of Louis Napoleon, and was their justification for bringing the matter under the notice of Parliament. In 1844, when animosities arose between France and Morocco, the Government of that day urged upon the House of Commons the necessity of not alluding to that question, which agitated the public mind. Lord Palmerston said that so far from being tongue-tied, no considerations arising from persons or parties in foreign countries should debar him from canvassing the conduct of the Government in re ference to such matters, and that the consideration of our own interests ought to be paramount in the House of Com mons. (Cheers.) His hon. friend had omitted to refer to a very striking expression in the Moniteur representing what M. Thouvenel called the imperial policy of France. M. Thouvenel addressed a report to the Emperor in June 1860, in which he said that the imperial policy was guided notby ambitious intentions, but by c onsiderations respecting the future—[the original was " sentiment de prevoyance"]— and he added that his Majesty had obtained that guarantee from the friendship and gratitude of a sovereign. It was precisely this system of guaranteewhich was adopted in the annexation of Savoy and Nice. M. Thouvenel said that when important changes were taking place in Europe France was entitled to that guarantee which was indicated by nature. There was one short sentence which always occurred in M. Thouvenel's despatches, which he would read. It was this, "We recognise the King of Italy, but French troops will continue to occupy Rome so long as the interests which brought France to Rome are not covered by guarantees." What was the meaning of that? The words " covered by guarantees" evidently meant continuous annexations of different portions of Europe to her dominions. How full had been the denials of the Sardinian Government on this question. Three times in the constitutional Chamber at Turin it was emphatically denied that Sardinia was to be annexed to France—twice by Count Cavour and once by Baron Rica soli. To an interpellation addressed to him in the Sardinian Chamber in Oct., 1860, Count Cavour said Italy was now in the hands of statesmen who would give practical effect to it, and that the great principle of nationality was the corner stone of their political edifice, and that it could never be carried out by the cession of a single spot of the national territory. But he unhappily said precisely the same thing as regarded the cession of Savoy and Nice to France. (Hear, hear.) In March, 1860, at the very moment when the King of Sardinia made the solemn declaration, on his throne at Turin, to a deputation from Savoy, that the ties which bound his destiny to Savoy were too ancient to be rent asunder, Count Persigny, then French ambassador in this country, stated that the annexation of Savoy and Nice was determined upon long before the Italian campaign. Again, on the Bth of April, 1861, in reply to an interpellation, Count Cavour gave a most formal denial to the rumours of an intended cession of the island of Sardinia to France ; but, unforturiately, the same terms were used in regard to the cession of Savoy and Nice. (Hear, hear.) The country required that the Government should not listen to these verbal denials when they had so many precedents which showed what was their true value. The other day, in Jane, 1861, Baron Ricasoli made a very remarkable and a very bold speech in the Sardinian Chambers. He said that the Government were aiming not only for the defence of the national territory, but also to complete it, and to restore " ses limiter legitimes." "I have heard speak," ho said, "of a cession of territory, but permit me to repel with pro found disdain any such idea." " These words," said the report, "were spoken with great energy." "The Govern ment," he continued, " will not cede an inch of Italian ground; no, absolutely, no." These words were followed by loud applause. If they could believe that Baron Rica soli would act up to that statement,they would be satisfied, but the danger was that he would eventually fall into the toils of the French Emperor, that he would be unablelto resist the propaganda now being carried on in the beautiful island of Sardinia. He believed that he and his hon. friend had proved that these expressions were not to be trusted, and he urged her Majesty's Govern ment to be active and vigilant in the matter. He had ven tured to approve the noble lord's policy of non-interven tion in the affairs of Italy, and if that policy had not answered all their expectations the fault was not with them. That Italy was not tranquil was solely owing to the presence at Rome of the French army. (Hear, hear.) That army was maintained there not for the purpose of pretecting the liberties of Italy or the authority of the Pope, but solely for the purpose of ensuring to the French Em peror some ultimate guarantee by the cession of territory at Sardinia or elsewhere. Rumour said that the noble lord the Foreign Secretary was about to leave the house for an other place. He was sure he expressed the opinion of every gentleman in the house when he said that by that removal the house would lose one of its greatest ornaments. (Cheers.) But on public grounds he did hope that the country would not be deprived of the services of such an enlightened and experienced minister as the noble lord in the office of Foreign Secretary. He did not like to hear so much as they some times heard of the disinclination of this country to go to war. The noble lord the other day told a deputation that, although it was quite true that Spain had acted with great insincerity, and given ample cause of war, he doubted whether the House of Commons would respond to a call for war upon those grounds. He quite concurred with the noble lord in that doubt, but why should their indisposition to go to war be; constantly published. God forbid that they should ever go to war on trivial grounds, but they must all know that the force of a Government depended, not upon first courting and then avoiding war, but upon the dignity of its policy by which it avoided the possibility of war. That was the course he wished to see followed by the Go vernment. If we manfully maintained the policy that we thought beat for the country, there was no reason why we should immediately fly to arms to vindicate our position. He hoped the vigilant attention of the Government would not be withdrawn from this subject. The island of Sardinia NI as included in the great national movement of Italian liberty. Her Majesty's Government had acknowledged the Kingdom of Italy, and the cession of Sardinia to France would be an infringement of the principles upon which that acknowledgment had been made, a contradiction to the principles of Italian unity, and an outrage and an in sult upon Italian independence. (Hear.) He asserted, more over, that England would be obliged to interfere to prevent the cession of Sardinia to France if it were to be attempted, and he took the liberty to tell Victor Emmanuel, as a man who took a deep interest in the progress of Italian liberty, that if that island should be ceded to France, the cession would strike such a blow to the maritime power and the legitimate commercial influence of this country, that it would have the effect of alienating from Victor Emmanuel the confidence and sympathy which the people and the Go vernment of this country had hitherto manifested for the interests of Italian independence. (Cheers.) Mr. B. COCHRANE was delighted to hear from the hon. baronet and the hon. gentleman that they thought the question of the cession of Sardinia was an important one to this country. These foreign questions ought to be viewed in their bearing upon English interests. The hon. gentle man and the hon. baronet had urged that there was a secret understanding between Count Cavour and the French Go vernment that Savoy should be ceded to France. Count Cavour's conduct must therefore have been most extraordi nary, and he marvelled at the eulogium passed the other day upon Count Cavour by the hon. gentleman. Did the hon. baronet go to the full extent of the policy shadowed forth by Baron Ricasoli in his late speech ? Sir R. PEEL—I do decidedly. Mr. B. COCHRANE said that Baron Ricasoli, in his speech, had referred to Rome and Venice, and had concluded by saying—we will go to Rome hand in hand with France. The hon. baronet, must, therefore, approve of that policy, but he should like to know what was the opinion of her Majesty's Government respecting it. He fully believed in the existince of a secret understanding between France and Italy with respect to the cession. He dwelt upon the dis turbed state of the south of Italy, and said every care should be taken to prevent the peace of Europe from being broken. He wanted to know what advice was being given at the present moment by the British Government to the Sardinian Government, and what was their distinct opinion with rO spect to the policy of the Sardinian Government. Mr. BENTINCK said that Europe was now in a state of armed truce. The disturbing influences at work were as great as ever, and they had been much aggravated by the principles of international law which had of late been laid down, and continual questions of annexation were arising. He believed that if a more vigorous, consistent, and intelligible line of policy had been followed by the Government, they would have heard no more of this question of the annexation of Sardinia. The noble lord at the head of the Government and the Foreign Secretary had attacked Lord Derby's Go vernment on the ground that their policy had weakened the alliance with France and shown too great a preference for Austria, but it had since turned out that France, not Aus tria, was the aggressive power, and the noble lord (Palmer ston) had been obliged, in a celebrated speech, to declare his distrust of France, and to admit that he had been deceived by her. He attributed much of the mischief that had been done to the despatches of the noble lord (J. Russell), espe cially that of the Nth Oct., in which he opened the door to every species of aggression and spoliation. If the treaty of Villafranca had been executed, Savoy and Nice would not have been handed over to France. The noble lord would not, to prevent that accession, consent to the use of force ; but he had not acted consistently, because he did not object to force being used to subjugate Naples. Everything be tween France and Sardinia was a subject of mystery. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord had received notice from M. Then venel that as the treaty of Villafranca had not been fully It principle t t h o e h b i m a l l t o h t - a b t o the w n a o s b l t e o l d o r e d e i had theadmitted f carri e d ou t; F rance wou ld requ i re a f ur th er access i o n of ter rithatotthe nations. (Hear.) Now he hoped the noble lord would state where the ballot-box was to stop, and that he would give the house full information o was in occupation of Coasica, Le, these civit a points. v eec France h iu ' and Rome, and he believed not one of th ese places would be g i v en up by the French Government. (Hear, h ear .) Mr. STIRLING thought the hon, member for Bridge water deserved the than ks of the house for bringing this question forward. When the hon. member made his state ments last year, it was said they were not well founded, and latterly that they were premature; but .everything w hi c h the hon. member then stated had proved to be true, and let ters passing between the noble l ord the Foreign Lord Cowley just at the time whe n mus Minister have a e n n d Loi those dubious answers were given by the noble lord. And at that time nothing was too contemptible or presumptuous to state against the Government of Lord Derby. (Hear.) But what had been done during the past two years? Why d , F r ance had entered into a treaty of c ommerce with Englan for ton years, and France had acquired in perpetuity a large tract of mountainous country and sea coast on the Mediter• ranean, which would be useful in enabling her to develops her great resources at Toulon. Would the noble lord and his colleagues allow the French Government to take pos -1 session of the island of Sardinia ? If any attempt of the kind were wade the Government ought in distinct terms to tell France that such accession would not be allowed. (Hear, hear.) And such a course on the part of the French Emperor would create throughout Europe the greatest dis trust and suspicion. (Hear, hear.) Had it not been that the treaty of commerce was entered into at the time of the trick (he could call it no hater name) in reference to Savoy and Nice, he should have said it laid us under some obli gations to France. But in addition to these things, did they not owe to the Emperor of the French the Russian war, and their present great expenses for the navy and the army? Ho thought that France cost this country some thing like fifteen or sixteen millions a year, and they ought to ask the question, how long this game of beggar my neighbour was to go on. He hoped the noble lord would firmly and decidedly oppose this cession of the island of Sardinia, and that those naval armaments, which we were now bound to maintain and keep up, might some day be used to prevent a balance of power in the Mediterranean. Lord J. RUSSELL—I naustsay I think the hon. gentle man who has just spoken shows a very considerable forget fulness of facts. In the first place, with regard to Savoy and Nice, it was during the Government of Lord Derby that my hon. friend the member for Bridgewater informed me that he had received information to the effect that in return for the assistance the Emperor gave to Sardinia in the war with Austria the provinces of Savoy and Nice were to be yielded to France. Did I urge him to bring that as an accusation against Lord Derby's Government ? What lad vised him to do was to go to Lord Malmesbury, and apprise him of the information he had received. He did see Lord Malmesbury, who made inquiries on the subject at Paris ; but if Lord Derby's Government had thought that it was a question on which England ought to go to war with France it was for Lord Malmesbury to declare that resolution on the part of Lord Derby's Government. Lord Malmesbury did not take any such course. And when the war was impend ing Lord Derby and Lord. Malmesbury were quite unable, although they made efforts in that direction, to prevent that war from taking place. Did my noble frieud and I re proach the Government of the day for the course they pur • sued ? These were arguments that might have been used to show that the efforts of the British Government might have averted that war ; but it seemed to me that it would not have been just to say that any recommendations could prevail in that state of things, and accordingly 1 never uttered a word of reproach of Lord Malmesbury, in con sequence of the course which the Government then took. I think all the time we were in opposition with reference to foreign affairs my noble friend and I shewed very great forbearance in regard to the conduct of Lord Derby's Government. 1 have always said in this house and to this day I am ready to say that I think Lord Malmesbury was a very efficient Minister of Foreign Affairs, and that the general course of his policy was a right policy to pursue. (Opposition cheers.) Both in this house and before my constituents I defended the course of neutrality he pursued in regard to the war. There were some things said by Lord Derby at the beginning of the war which I did not approve, and those words were explained away in a speech made by Lord Derby at the Mansion-house. I have nothing to re proach myself with in the course I pursued in regard to his Government. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman who spoke last but one has certainly somewhat mistaken the facts, because he said that, although I talked of the invalidity of universal suffrage in regard to Savoy and Nice, I never said a word as to the invalidity of uni versal suffrage in regard to Naples and Sicily; and therefore there was inconsistency on my part. Now, if the hon. gen tleman will refer to my despatch upon that subject to Sir J. Hudson, he will find that I distinctly stated that, with re spect to Naples, Sicily, Umbria, and the Marshes, the taking of the votes by universal suffrage " appeared to have little validity," and I went on to show that they had little validity. If gentlemen will come forward and enter into long disquisitions for the purpose of attacking the foreign policy of the Government, they should take a little more care and not state as facts what are totally remote from the real truth. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the main object of this debate it is, no doubt, a very important one. (Hear.) With regard to the question of Sardinia, I entirely admit the importance of that island, and I have in despatches repeatedly expressed my opinion that the annexation of the island of Sardinia to France would be a great dis turbance of the territorial distribution of power in Europe —(hear)—and would affect the distribution of power in the Mediterranean. It may be an object of desire and ambition to an ambitious power; but I must put in the balance the consequences—the very grave consequences which would follow from any attempt on the part of France to annex the Island of Sardinia. It is not a transaction which could take place merely between the Emperor of the French and the King of Sardinia. It must put an end at once to any intimate alliance between this country and France. (Loud cheers.) At the same time I must say it is not my opinion that the Government of the Em peror of the French will attempt to annex the Island of Sardinia, seeing the grave consequences that would ensue. What has happened in the present spring is nearly as follows :—About the month of April, I think, there ap peared in a journal published at Cagliari an intimation that French agents were active in the Island of Sardinia. Soon after that there followed a despatch sent by Sir James Hud son, from her Majesty's Consul in the Island of Sardinia, saying that he believed there were French agents busy in the island, although he had not, I think, then any very accurate details on the subject. Further inquiries were directed to be made, and the inquiries so madeby the consul, who has been many years there and is a most intelligent man, conveyed veryconflicting information. There was one person described as having been to several places and having spoken of the benefits to be derived to the island from annex tion to France Other accounts stated that no such attempts had been made ; and men who knew the island said that very few persons indeed had been spoken to on the subject. Then there came what might naturally have been expected--an appeal, firstly, to the Government of Turin with respect to these rumours. They were in the first instance denied by a telegraphic message from Count Cavour. Soon after Count Cavour's death Baron Ricasoli stated emphatically what has been read as part of his speech, but he stated it verbally to Sir J. Hudson—viz., that Italy had no intention of yield ing an inch of her territory ; that there was territory which ought to belong to Italy which did not belong to her, but that there was no territory which she possessed that she was ready to give up. (Cheers.) My hon. friend who brought forward this subject said that when Baron Ricasoli spoke of Italy and of Italian soil he might not have included the island of Sardinia. At the same time my hon. friend stated his belief that Baron Ricasoli is a man of character and of honour— (hear, hear) —and that ho would not violate his word. Sir, all that I know of Baron Ricasoli, of whom, although I have had a very slight personal acquaintance with him myself, I have heard others speak who have had much in timacy with him, confirms that description. He is a man, perhaps somewhat proud in his manner, less conciliatory in his bearing than Count Cavour ; but he is a man of the highest honour, the highest patriotism, with an honest am bition to acquire a name in Europa by contributing to the establishment of the independence of his country. (Hear, hear.) But if he said he would not give up an inch of Italian soil, and was afterwards found engaging in in trigues with the view of transferring the Island of Sardinia to France, I should say that he was one of the meanest equivocators that ever existed. (Cheers.) Equivocation, I am convinced, forms no part of his character, and that such a thing would nearer enter the head or be shown in the conduct of Baron Ricasoli. (Hear, hear.) We leave always spoken of the soil of Italy as of course including the island of Sardinia, and have never had a contradiction to that statement. Well, I believe the Baron Ricasoli does not intend to give up the island of Sar dinia. On the other hand, when we have applied, as we were bound to do, to the Government of France on the subject, they have not only given the most positive contradiction to the rumour, but when M. Ihouvenel was told that there were French agents, perhaps busy voluntary agents, in that island, he said he would write at once to the consul to dis avow any such agency—to put an end to any such meddling there. (A laugh.) Well, an hon. gentleman has asked what is the use of obtaining denials. Why, I think, if I had not asked the Governments of France and of Italy what was the truth with regard to those rumours I should have been accused, and very properly accused, of neglect ing my duty in that respect. (Hear.) Sir, I admit—one must admit—that in the present state of Europe, and seeing what has passed during the last three or four years, it would be very unwise in the Government of this country, very unwise also in the Parliament of this country, to rest in a blind confidence that there would be no aggressions, no annexations, no ambitious projects entertained. (Hear.) The Emperor of the French is very powerful. Everybody sees the great power that he has. But, at the same time, if it was his intention, as I believe it is his intention, to pre serve the peace of Europe and remain upon the most friendly terms with England, lam not at all sure—l cannot rest in any perfect confidence that the state of public opinion in France, that the state of opinion in the French Cham bers or in the French army, might not in a most sudden manner alter the whole policy of the Government. (Cheers.) That has happened with past sovereigns of France, and I think we should be very unwise if we thought we had a security that it should not happen again; and, therefore, what my hon. friend the member for Bridgewater said—and the hon. baronet the member for Tamworth spoke in the same tone—was that there were two things which we ought to do :—ln the first place we ought to be very watchful with regard to the events which are taking place in Europe. (Hear.) Those events, be it remarked, are not altogether connected with the policy of Sovereigns and of Courts; it is not merely that this Sovereign has shown too much am bition and another has disregarded treaties. There is much more in the condition of Europe than that statement of itself would imply. There are great movements going on in differents parts of Europe of which the movement in Italy was perhaps only the first great movement of popular bodies and of whole nations discontented with the Govern ments under which they have lived, asking for better forms of government, and looking out for aid by which they may obt a i n th em. Why, what results from such a state of thi ngs ? What b u t uneasiness, proceeding perhaps to civil co nvu l s i ons, to i nsurr ection, to wars, awl producing changes of sovereignty a nd of possession among the Powers of Europe. Well, then, I say that that alone, without im puting to any Sov ere i gn designs hostile to Great Britain, that alone is a reason why the Government of this country ought to be watchful, why they should be vigilant with respect to every event that takes place in Europe, and I trust that neither my noble friend nor I have our eyes en tirely shut to that which is going on around us, and that EVENING, JULY 20, 1861. we shall not idly neglect the interests of this country when- —in part impaired from causes upon which I need not ever they may be threatened with injury. (Cheers.) At dwell—conducive to those objects which were considered the same time, to be continually expressing suspicion, to be , beneficial, but which he considers detrimental to the inte making the whole state of peace uneasy, would, I think, be rests of mankind. The charge which the hon. member not only a puerile, but a very mischievous policy. It ought brought against the two noble lords for having pursued to be our endeavour and has been our endeavour, wherever a party policy with regard to Italy, is one which is sin these threats o f war occur, ra th er t o compose the differences founded, and even refutes itself. But in other parts of his which exist and strive to reconcile those among whom dis- speech the hon. gentleman himself betrayed his conscious cord is arising, and promote peace between them. The lion. ness that it was not a party, but a national policy, which baronet who spoke second in this debate bas alluded more had been challenged by no party in this house, but a than once to the question between Spain and Morocco. Our policy which represented the general and cordial senti endeavours have been directed on the one hand to inducing . meats of the people of this country. (Cheers.) The ad the Sultan of Morocco to keep faith with the kingdom of miration with which I have listened to the speech of the Spain, and on the other hand to inducing the Spanish Go- hon. member for Halifax (Mr. Stansfeld) was somewhat vernment to press their advantages in such a manner asmay qualified by the tone of that speech, and the somewhat make reconciliation possible. And when gentlemen speak in narrow grounds on which he based his advocacy of the a tone as if Spain was constantly acting in a spirit of agres- Italian cause. The hon. member wished to speak on behalf sion and that the Spanish policy must be confounded with of what he called Young Italy. My hope for one is that French policy, I must own that my view is a very different Young Italy has grown a little older. I confess I think one. (Hear, hear.) I think it should be our policy to favour Italy has hitherto shown herself too young for the manage and encourage the spirit of independence which prevails meat of public affairs. The points of the policy of Young among the various nations of Europe. (Hear.) And there Italy were the events of the year 1848 and 1849. I think does prevail among the Spanish people as high a feeling of that the agency of an older and a wiser Italy is now mani - independence as that which exists in any other continental feat in the better, sounder, and more beneficial •direction country. In the last century, owing to the War of the Suc- which has been given to the course of affairs of that country cession, there was a family alliance between France and during the last few years. I confess I can find no evidence Spain,and whenever you found yourselves at war with France in support of the statement of my hon. friend with regard to you also found that a war with Spain immediately followed ; the prevalence of popular dissatisfaction in Italy. No such but there is no such family connexion at present. Spain, evidence certainly is to be found in the official papers. It is which has been long weak, is recovering her strength ; and clear, however, that the 600 men to whom my hon. friend that she should take her fitting part and fitting place among referred were soldiers who had been imprudently disbanded the Powers of Europe is a thing not to be checked and dis- under what, I fear, was the influence of Young Italy. couraged by Great Britain, but is rather a matter to be Some 10,000 or 12,000 men have been sent back to their fostered by Great Britain as long as her own honour and homes—if homes they had—after their former habits of life interests are not interfered with by that Power. My be- had been broken up by military service, and naturally lief is that both the Queen of Spain and her Prime Minister amongst them were to be found a mixed assemblage of bri are favourably disposed towards this country. I have al- 1 gands and political partisans, who constitute a terrible source ways endeavoured to assure them that we have no wish in- of public disorder, but furnish no proof of any popular dis consistent with the greatness and dignity of Spain, and affection. Then my hon. friend says the Italians must not that they might rely on our friendship on any question in rest from making daily efforts to proceed on the road to which they may be concerned. Look again at Italy. Gen- Rome aid Venice. But do we really advance the cause of tlemen are very fond of representing Italy as a mere follower public liberty when we add to the difficulty of its rulers, and vassal of France, and after her long contest with Aus- and sitting at ease within those walls, dictate to them the tria she owes much to the army by which she was enabled rate and pace at which the Italians are to proceed. With to obtain a victory that she could never otherwise have ac- respect to the explanation which I offered to the house last complished. (Hear.) But notwithstanding these oblige- evening, and did not complete, what I wished to state was, tions there are many matters in which she must rely upon in the case of the administration of the lawin Modena, I had her own spirit, and to the hand of her own sons she must reason to believe that the youth Giardini was not executed. I owe her real independence. It is they who, like Harmo- also wished further to state that punishments were inflicted dius in giving liberty to Greece, must, in the noble lines of upon the inhabitants of Modena by the operation of an ex Wordsworth,— post facto law, directed against offences committed by youths " Give the gift which is not to be given under 21 years of age. This I am about to prove from By all the blended powers of earth or heaven." documents, as to which the evidence is perhaps not quite It is not in the power of F rance t o make Italy ; it is she conclusive. But in the year 1859-60, very shortly after the herself who, by her own strength and patience and wisdom expulsion of the Grand Duke, there was published at Mo must build up her independence, and if she does not do so, dena a work, the statements of which have, as far as I know, all the Powers in Europe cannot do it for her. (Cheers.) never been contradicted, whilst, if they are false or forged, What we have done has not been to assist in this work, but the fraud can readily be exposed. In everything I only to require that other Powers should not prevent itfrom being spoke upon the authority of documents which were open accomplished ; and the Emperor of the French has held the to the world, and if in any particular instance I misunder same language with regard to intervention, he would not s t oo d them lam sorry the correction was not given earlier. allow foreign Powers to interfere in Italy. But while such Upon the point in question, it is true that capital punish has been hit policy, there has been among the subjects—per- meat was made applicable by an ex post facto decree to haps in an even greater degree among those who are opposed youths of tender years charged with homicide. to his dynasty—a feeling that the creation of an independent Sir G. BOWYER—Of what age ? Kingdom of Italy, with many millions of subjects, pursuing The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I will its own policy and following out its own destiny, was tell you presently. (Hear.) In September, 1857, the Duke an obstacle to the greatness of France. You trace that feel- of Modena apFointed a military commission in his capital ing in speeches, and in all the pamphlets and publications to try offences by military law. The action of that commis in France ; they hold that it is a mistake for France to sion was not confined to offences committed after the date assist in forming a strong Italy. That I hold to be a great of its establishment, but it was authorised to deal with mistake on the part of French politicians—(hear)—and I offences which had been committed for a very considerable believe that. the jealousy which is thus shown will diminish period—l think two years, or more, but at all events a con the influence which France naturally possesses in Italy. siderable period—before it was thus established. Those But still it is not now in this power of France to prevent the offences were in the first instance put under the action of kingdom of Italy from being constituted, and when it is military law—and it was stated, I should say, that persons constituted we shall have an additional security for the capitally condemned should be executed within four-and liberties and independence of Europe. (Hear, hear.) It was twenty hours. (Hear, hear.) On the 7th of October, in one of the recommendations addressed to us in th e course the same year, the military commandant, whose name did of this debate that we should be watchful with regard to all not much resemble an Italian but sounded more like an changes which might take place in E uro p e . With that re- Austrian one, was authorised to apply capital' punishment commendation I perfectly agree ; we should be to blame if to cases that would havelieen subjected to the action of the we did not act in that spirit. The hon. gentleman and the ordinary tribunals, and embracing cases committed long hon. baronet added another recommendation, that while before by youths under 15 years of age. (Cheers.) A great armaments were going on in Europe we should not law resembling our rule of king's evidence, which was not disarm. That piece of advice I consider as sound as the previously the law of the country, was also introduced— other. (Hear.) It is a great misfortune for England, and it and it was provided by the same edict that soldiers is a great misfortune for Europe, that such costly arena- (under the military command of the judges) should be meats should be kept up in time of peace ; but we should specially qualified to appear as witnesses. (Hear, hear.) not remedy that if we were to disarm—(general cries of I am very much obliged to the house for the manner in "Hear, hear")—and to leave other nations to increase their which it has listened to this explanation. (Cheers.) preparations. I trust that no shortsighted view of our inte- I sincerely wish it had been in my power rests, no narrow spirit of saving with regard to any particu- to make a general retractation and abandonment of these lar tax, will induce this country, in the present state of charges, but there is no possibility of any inference of that Europe and the world, to maintain a navy and an army kind. This book has been published, and has been open for which are not adequate in all respects to the position we inspection, part of it for a year and part of it for more than ought to occupy. (Loud cheers, especially from the Opposi- two years, but, so far as lam aware, no denial flits authen tion benches.) Not merely the greatness, but the very safety deity has ever been given. (Cheers.) of this country is concerned in her state of preparation. So Mr. LAYARD said it was his conviction that Count far from increasing the probability of war, as some have Cavour had never intended to deceive England. (Oh.) thought, I believe the knowledge that this country is strong Hon. members might laugh, but he believed that the noblest is not only advantageous for our interests, but is a weapon trait in Count Cavour's character was his love of truth. He in the hand of every other power that seeks for independence had seen his earliest letters, and nothing had struck him and for liberty. (Hear.) The knowledge that this country is more in those letters and in Count Cavour's subsequent able, and in a just cause is ready to assume the offensive, at career than his love of truth. (Hear, hear.) Take the case the same time that she prizes the blessings which result of Savoy and Nice. There was no doubt that when he met from peace and the prosperity of her own commerce and the "Pamperer at Plouibleres a tliacession took Oa.o oo to the manufacture, is, I believe, a guarantee for the independence cession of Nice and Savoy; for he (Mr. Layard) had seen of nations, and a security at the same time for the peace of it in his own handwriting. What he (Count Cavour) said Europe. (Hear, hear.) And now, sir, let me add, in the was, that the Emperor, after he had discussed the probable same spirit in which I have s poken—that of discounte- campaign in Italy, stated to him that if Lombardy and nancing needless and irritating suspicions—that I think it Venetia went to Piedmont he should, as an Emperor of the my duty not to agree with the motion for the production of French, not as Louis Napoleon, but as a French sovereign papers at the present moment. When the Government carrying out a natural policy which had existed for a long think that any public benefit can be gained by the produc- period, insist on the surrender to France of Savoy and Nice. tion of papers on this subject they will not hesitate to do Count Cavour gave no written engagement or verbal pro so ; but I hope the house will confide so far in us as to be- miss ; but he stated that when all that was accomplished, lieve that we shall not neglect any opportunity of meeting the Emperor might appeal to the people of Savoy and Nice, in the proper manner any dangers which may arise. and if the population expressed a wish to be united to France, (Cheers.) the matter should be considered by the King of Sardinia. Mr. STANSFELD expatiated at considerable length That agreement, such as it was, had never been denied by upon the policy which, in his opinion, the kingdom of Italy Count Cavour. It was known to many persons, and it was should pursue—a national policy, apart frcm any foreign told to him (Mr. Layard). After the peace of Villafranca alliance—and explained the basis upon which that policy was concluded,, without any cession of territory, the Em should rest. peror resigned his claim to Savoy and Nice ; and that re- Sir G. BOWYER condemned the foreign policy of the signation was stated in so many words, not only to Count Government; he considered that it was accommodated to Cavour, but to other persons who had told it to him (Mr. the state of parties in this country and to the securing of Layard) as having heard it from his own mouth. After votes, and that its effect had been to lay Italy at the feet of those events, however, which united the Duchies, the France. He was glad to see the Chancellor of the Exehe- Legations, and the Grand Duchy to Piedmont, the Em quer looking at him—(laughter)—because he was the chief peror revived his claim. The honourable member (Mr. offender in this respect. The hon. member gave a fearful Kinglake) said that Sir James Hudson stated on the 10th picture of what he represented to be the present condition of February that Count Cavour said there was no intention of Southern Italy. on the part of the King of Piedmont to cede the territory ' The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I am of Savoy and Nice, and he (Mr. Layard) was satisfied that bound to acknowledge without delay the compliment the count had then no intention whatever to mislead. Until hon. friend has paid me. He has gone so far as to designate my the middle of February the Emperor himself did not intend me to the house under what I consider the highly honour- to demand the cession of those provinces. Count Cavour able title of the chief offender. If I thought my hon. friend still resisted, and until about the 2 3 d of February he refused really knew who are the revolutionary party in Italy, I to listen to the Emperor's demand, and Count Benedetti should disclaim his compliment, but lam glad to be called then went to Turin to put a pressure upon Count Cavour, the chief offender in promoting the designs of those he de- and threatened that if the cession was not made by March, signates the revolutionary party—(hear)—for they are, in in time to announce it at the opening of the Legislative my conviction, the friends alike of freedom and of order. Chambers, the Emperor would march his troops into Tus (Hear, hear.) But my honourable friend does me a great cant'. About the 25th of February Count Cavour ceded, deal more than justice—he calls me the chief offender in but with the greatest possible pain and re l uc t ance . H e h a d the presence of my two noble friends, whose influence, to choose between the sacrifice of a great scheme and the l authority, experience, and services entitle them to the lees of the two provinces. He b e li eve d C ount C avour was withering denunciations—(a laugh)—of my hon. friend op - justified in what he did, f or h e y i e ld e d to di re necess i ty. posite in a far higher degree than I can ever possibly aspire The punishment of th e E mperor o f t h e F renc h f or th e to. But if we are to speak of the true revolutionary party— course he had pursued had already fallen upon him—he had if we are to speak of the agencies which produce disorder in forfeited his word and honour. Count Cavour had gone to states and disgrace society, then I tell my hon. friend who his grave, but a more h onoura bl e, h ones t , an d t ru thf u l man is the chief agent of the revolutionary party, and who has had never lived. done the most to favour it—it is himself—(cheers) and those Mr. P. HENNESSY denied the accuracy of the right whose cause he so consistently, and so courageously, and at hon. gentleman's denunciations of the Duke of Modena, the same time in manner and temper so inoffensively re- and quoted several extracts from the blue-books for the commends to us—they it is who have been the great pro- purpose of showing the disaffected state of the South of motors of the revolutionary movements and agencies in Italy, and the little reliance to be place on the right hon. Italy. The hon. member deals with matters of fact, and gentleman's statements. partly with matters of argument. His matters of fact are After a few words from Mr. KINNAIRD, the motion was these—that all the people of Southern Italy are repenting negatived. of what they have done in permitting and taking part in the ejection of the Bourbon family. And my hon. friend comes and claims as usual implicit reception for his facts, though they are in entire contradiction to the papers lately laid on the table, which contain no indication whatever of this popular sentiment. (Hear, hear.) But my hon, friend is perfectly ready with his remedy, which is to denounce the papers written by the diplomatists of England as the productions of understrappers and underlings, and calcu lated to blind the country. He therefore asks us to accept his unsupported assertions without evidence to credit them, in direct opposition to those statements which we receive from authorised agents of the executive government. Then what was his main argument ? Because you have taken an active part by giving your moral support, because you have induced the Italian people to regulate their own con cerns, by this atrocious act of conspiring in favour of the liberties of that oppressed nation, you have forfeited all right and title to contribute anything to the balance of power and to the maintenance of the peace of Europe. That was the pith of the argument of my hon. friend. I think that if the hon. member for Bridgewater (Mr. King lake) had heard the speech of the hon. gentleman, and the compliments that had been paid to him, he would have listened to them with a sort of chilled sensation. (A laugh.) The hon. member does, I think, occasionally take a gloomy and suspicious view of the progress of events in Europe. But I confess that if there are any indications that grave and serious event was contemplated—l mean the cession of Sardinia to France, such indications of a trustworthy nature are unknown to me. Then I must allude to what fell from my hon. friend on the subject of the French alliance. 'When he finds the Government of England conspiring with the Government of France for unworthy purposes, then let him denounce the alliance; but I venture to think that one of the merits of the alliance is that it can never be turned to unworthy purposes. For whenever one country attempts to substitute selfish and aggressive purposes for those which are conducive to the general good, at that moment the other country is sure to become the first witness against it, and the rupture or weakening of that alliance will tend to its destruction. But, in point of fact, why is the hon. member for Dundalk so jealous of the alliance ? If England had continued to send troops to Rome, or to maintain the Bour bonshe at Naples, with what show of demonstration wolald trumpet forth the wonderful merits of the French al His censure amounts to this. It is a cle ar and certain a.43 mopstration that the effects of the apieceo.l*9 Qll tigs Wille9l MERCHANT SHIPPING. Mr. LINDSAY asked the President of the Board of Trade to state what wero the intentions of the Government with regard to the Merchant Shipping Bill ? Mr. LIDDELL said he knew that considerable disap pointment existed among the shipping interest that this great subjeot had not been dealt with in the present session, and he suggested that it would be convenient that a bill should be brought in that it might be discussed during the recess. Mr. GIBSON said it was the intention of the Govern ment to have given effect to the remaining recommenda tions of the committee, and for this purpose two bills were brought in, one for the abolition of passing tolls and for the termination of certain dues that were levied on shipping, and the other was for the amendment of the pilotage laws, and on questions relating to the liability of shipowners, and so forth. Having but a limited portion of the time of the house at his command he thought it better to proceed with but one of these bills before he attempted to proceed with the other ; but the other bill was prepared. Now it was obvious, from the various important subjects with which the house had to deal, that a matter of this kind could only occupy a certain portion of time, and with every desire to pass the measure he really had not found himself able. With regard to laying a bill on the table of the house, with out intending to proceed with it, b e had great doubts whether such a course was advantageous to the public in terest. The house would be impatient of the explanations of a measure which they were not to proceed with, and he thought it was not fair to any m easure to throw it on the table of the house without those e xplanations which were calculated to meet objections. On that ground, and also because it was a complicated measure, and that during the recess more consideration might be given to it, he thought it better not to in troduce a measure this session, but he hoped it might be possible to introduce it early next session. THE CASE OF LIEUTENANT ALLEN. Mr. B. OSBORNE said he wished to ask a question of the EatTerhaetisonrs:KouEßld thbeenmlaod: tthoepreehvaeir, Judge-Advocate with reference to the c . Mutiny Act of this year case of Lieutenant Allen, late of the 82d Regiment, Mr. I-lEADLAM said in the (hose taken by Lieut. Allen at a futureprevent such but the Chairmanproceedings as into committee of supply, and tim e the house went ` into witb,nt „ reported pro aki vote be ing taken, BILL. On the second reading of this bill, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY complained of the way in which the bill had been brought forward, and of the late hour at which the right hon. gentleman the Secretary for India proceeded with it. Sir C. WOOD explained the objects of the bill. SUPPLY. The report of the committee of supply was brought up and agreed to. THE METROPOLITAN GAS ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill was read a second time. SALMON FISHERIES (SCOTLAND, &c.) BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Mr. ROBERTSON opposed the bill, which he said would have the effect of placing the salmon fishing in all the rivers of Scotland in the hands of a limited number of large pro prietors. The measure would encourage poaching, and give rise to great dissatisfaction among the people of Scotland' and he hoped that his hon. friend who had charge of it would not press going into committee. Mr. KINNAIRD was also in favour of delay. The LORD ADVOCATE said that as almost all the Scotch members thought that the bill ought to pass this year, and as it was the best they were likely to get, it was not his intention to postpone the measure. The house then went into committee upon the bill. Upon the first clause, Mr. ROBERTSON moved that the Chairman report progress. The committee divided, and the numbers were— For reporting progress l4 Against it The clause having been agreed to, Mr. BLACK moved that the committee be counted; and it being found that only 33 members were present, on the return of the Speaker the house was counted, when 37 members only were present, and the sitting was suspended at twenty•five minutes past two. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL-JULY 19. There was a small attendance of the town and country trade at this morning's market; and we had only a retail business doing in wheat ; sales for best sorts at Tuesday's rates, inferior 2d per rental cheaper than late quotations. Flour was in fair demand, at 6d per barrel less money, but good sorts were scarce. Oats and oatmeal rather steady. Beans, Egyptian, declined 6d to is on the week. Peas and barley at Tuesday's prices. Indian corn varies much in condition, and irregular in value—new mixed American ranges from 27s Gd to 28s Gd per qr, and prime old brought 29s to 29s 6d. WAKEFIELD-JuLY 19. The supplies of grain at market to-day were moderate. The wheat trade is inactive, at about last week's prices. The weather has been very unsettled, and occasionally some heavy showers. In beans, barley, oats, and shelling no change in value, with a dull sale. EXETER—JULY 19. The corn market was again very quiet. Wheat, white 7s Od to7s 6d I Barley. 4 s Od to 5s Od Ditto new .7s Od to Os Od Oats .. 3s Oct to 3s 61 Flour, fine, 44s to —s ; seconds, 42s to —a per sack. CATTLE. There was a small supply of cattle to-day, and prices were the same as at the fair on Wednesday. Pork carcases also in small supply. I Fat beef,p score, 12s to 13s0d Ewes, per lb .... 6id to 7d Pork carcases,doles, to lls 6d Wethers, d 0...... 7d to Od Lambs, per lb Eild to Od. Fat calves, do „ .sid to 6)• Rough fat, 4d per lb. DERBY SMITHFIELD-JULY 16. The market was well supplied with fat beasts to-day. The demand was good, and high prices again obtained. A large supply of sheep and lambs, in good request, at late prices. The supply of calves was large. Fat pigs were a good show, and of excellent quality. Beet 7id to lid 1 Veal 6d to bid Mutton ... 7d to 7fd Pork .. 6d: to 61d Lamb Bd to 9d Rough fat, 4s 8d per stone. Hides, 3d to 41d ; calf skins, 5d to 6d. BRISTOL STJGAR-JULY 19. The market for raw sugars has been very active this week, and very large sales have been effected on the spot and in cargoes to arrive for orders. Prices Is higher this week. Refiners' produce has sold freely at 6d to is advance. The demand for rum is very trifling. COAL MARK (Prices of Coal per Ton at .ET--JULY 17. the close of the market 8. d. Holywell 15 6 Tanfield Moor Butes 13 0 Carway and Duffryn Malting 24 0 . _ _ _ S. a • Walker Primrose 12 0 Walla End. Heugh Hell 17 6 Hartlepo'ol...... l9 Thorpe l7 u Reno° ••• •• • • 6.18 6 18 6 South Kelloe.. .... 8e11...... Q Trimdon Hartlepool • . 18 " Do. — Anthracite 21 6 West Wylam 14 0 Wylam ....15 6. Buddle's West Hartley 16 4 Lambert's West Hart ley 16 0 West Riding Hartley 15 0 Ships at market 26 ; sold, 26. THE MAILS. MAILS DUE. Australia, Ceylon, and Mauritius (via South ampton) .• J u ly 19. Do. (via Marseilles) Aug. 12. Brazil and Cape Verds Aug. 4. Buenos Ayres, Monte Video, &o. • • .. Cuba and Mexico July 169 ' Canada, &c. (via L'derry) July Cape of Good Hope, &c. .• Aug. 1. China, Penang, and Singapore (via S'ampton) July 19. Do (via Marseilles) July 27. Gibraltar (via Southampton) .. July 19. India(Calcutta), Ceylon, &c. (via Southampton) July 10. Do. (via Marseilles) July 27. 'ndia (Bombay), (via:Southampton) .. July 26. Do. (via Marseilles) • • • • July 20. - • • July 21. Lisbon Malta, Egypt, and Aden (via So;.;thamPton) . . July 19. Do. Vigo, and Oporto .. ( . v . ia Marseilles) .. .... July 21 20 . 2 2 1 0. . United States, California, &o. .. .. .. July 24. Western Coast of Atrica, Madeira, Teneriffe .. Aug. 10. West Indies and Pacific, Carthagena. Cuba, &c. July 29. The "gentler sex" at 60 look with complacency on whitenee' tresses, but to youth it is a calamity ; remediable, however i i by Herring's magnetic brush e s, &c., of which Dr. Massa remarks " I regard them as the most perfect brushe s hitherto made, as respects their mechanical construction , and their magnetical action." They are the remedy for grey bhair,journalistennrnve [ADVERTISEMENT],--It r ßd a eTt l neuralgia, s i ainm Offices,t h oNd e T u uc3, el t t t s Ba m hoi iis , ns : e hv c .ae readers N r as t r spßeole. pleasing t es C Li N.B.—Counterfeits d t w e od r ndiu f . e ts i y t e s oovf : t o calculated . to benefit that vast portion of our fellow-crew' turs, "inch as the stronst claims upon our smpathies' It is with this feeling that w ge e call the attention o y f invalid! to the following extracts from Du Barry's interesting report of Cures with ou t me di c i ne b y D u B arry ' s R eva lenta Arabica Food. Cure No. 52,422.—Bridgehouse, Frimley Surrey, 3d Ap r il 1854. I h ave su ff ere d th ese 33 years CO w tinually from diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver de: rangement, deafness, singing in the ears, constipation, de bility, shortness of breath and cough, which have been , re moved by your Revalenta Arabica. My lungs, liver, go t mach, head, and ears, are all right, my hearing pale st and my recovery is a marve l t o all m y acqu aintan' James Roberts. Cure No. 36,418. Rev. Minster of cramps, spasms, and daily vo miting!, Avoid Pills and Medicines : they invariably aggravate and perpetuate diseases ; their annoyance, disappointment and expense may be avoided by using Du Barry's Foq which, at a few pence per day, saves 60 tirnes its cost 0 other remedies, removing effectually, without purging] constipation, indigestion (dyspepsia) nervous, bilious an liver complaints and all their consequences. Certificate No. 36,418. We find it the safest remedy. Andrew Vre' MD., F.R.S., Dr Harvey, Dr. Wurzer, Dr. Shorland, Pr' Campell. Let invalids avoid the fearful dangers of slo; rious and injurious imitations offered under a variety 0' false pretences. Nevill's imitations are prohibited by T. 1.1 high Court of Chancery under a penalty of £5,000 agaln / L, Alfred Hooper Nevill and his agents ; and the preten2f, that Nevill has a patent for Arabica Food and that ,1" 0 ' . Barry's are connected with such patent are utterly fal... # No canister is genuine without the name Barry Du B er ,,f. and Co., 77, Regent-street, in full, ontheseal and wrsPln Shopkeepers who attempt imposition in one article expect to be distrusted in all others. Packed in tins l l ll , b ; 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d. ; 61b. lls. ; 121 b. 225. ; 241 b. 40s. 1 -,'„ t 121 b. and 241 b. canisters are sent carriage free on receipt of Post-office order by Barry Du Barry and Co., 779-'; gent-street, London; Fortnum Mason, 60, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 62 4114 lin OT' bard-street ; 330 and 451, Strand; 49 and 60,21 r Pg Co street ; Batty, 16, Finsbury Pavement ; Phillips and Vk King William-street tea-dealers; Petty, Wood, and Co., its City ; at 127 High Holborn: and all izr and CotLADRI.: BIRTHS. KERB.--On the 19th inst., at 6, Wyndham-place Br'Yitl l ' ston-square, the wife o f Russell J. Kerr, Wyndham-place, of a R.N., of a son. arinshstW., eabtb,Wembley Orchard) 541' daughter. ' WEBS.—On the 13th inst., at Clifden, Galway, the wife .1 bury, N•W*, Mrs. Algernon West, of a son. w C E o sT m . m — a co n i d i e t r h W e tttinh MARRIAGES. BOORD—MACKINLAY.-011 the 18th inst., at St. 8 Jose Regent's-park, T. W. Boord, E sq., elder son of Jc' s r o t B o ord, Esq., of Upper H y d e-park gardens, to Margsr it°. D'A., elder daughter of T. G . Mackinlay, Esq ., gent's-park-gardens. WAY—PARRY. --On the 18th inst., at Trinity Churrcijoi Tunbridge-well s , th e Rev. John Hugh Way, v ic° " h er Henbury, Gl oucestershire, to Caroline, second dallg of the late Rear -Admiral Sir W. Edward Parry. BLACKBURNE.—On S p at: l r street, Grosvenor- A un T H u y S. , m Upper lola squar d e, Anne, jl wife2o in El k ac burne, Esq., of Hale Warrington. BABBAGE.—On the 17th inst., at Bishop's Tawton De„.01:4! Wm. Berry Babbage, Esq., M.R.C.S., late of ' lie l' e Kent-road, aged 27. el BORRADAILE.—On the 17th inst., at Bangalore, Colon Alfred Borradaile, Madras Light Cavalry, aged 59. BUCKLAND.—On the 17th inst., at Sunbury, Middles at G. W. Buckland, Esq., M.R.C.S., formerly of Shafter John Prre°°l‘.l bury, Dorset, aged 64. GLOSTER.—On the 19th inst ., at Kni g htsbrid g e, Colonel Thomas Gloster, late 61st Regt., aged 74. HALE.—On the 18th inst., at 4, Cannon-street, Ford Hal e ° Esq., aged 80. HART.—On the 17th inst., John George Hart, Esq., Stovt" market, aged 76. ___—.._!..-1 LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG , ° , l No. 112, Strand , Printer, at TALE Surf Office., No. 112,Strtt' in the Precinct of t he Savoy, In the couwty of Mi 3 (119 Sattullth July 20, 001, T Eul I N To To To To To not raoi en t: pa} Bs. 'van Test not hal can not wil Iwo -