The Sun. — London, England, 1856-06-17 00:00:00

MR. BESTE'S NEW WORK. Modern Society in, Row:. A N3vel. By J. Richard Baste. 3 vols. Hurst and Biackett. Encouraged by the brilliant success of " The Wabash," Mr. Baste, we are delighted to find, has follow e d up th a t very charming record of travels And adventures in America by a work yet more remarkable of its kind, yet more valuable as a me dium for political information, and yet more at tractive in every way as a means of popular enter tainment. These three most readable volumes, entitled " Modern Society in Rome"—a novel ori ginally entitled by its author " Coming Out ; or, the Siege of Rome," but ultimately issued from the press, as we have seen, under a somewhat more vague and generic designation. Upon the thread of a purely imaginary narrative, Mr. Beste has strun g together a series of Pacts—the Pearls of His tory —picked up by him, so to speak (during a so journ in the Eternal City), from among the blood and dust of a most memorable, and, as it proved, a most calamitous Revolution. " Few foreigners," he tells us plainly in so many words (ii., 303), "can have known Romans of all classes so inti- roately as it has been our lot to know them for the last two-end-thirty years." Aided by this intimate 41 lowledge of the people, extending over a period of more than three decades, and familiarised as an eye-witness with the incident of the event in which that people became invorvedduring the two momen tous years of 1818 and 1810, the world-famous and extraordinary event of the Roman Revolution ..—the writer of these enthralling pages speaks to ne with an authoritative voice which but few among us will be inclined to gainsay after recog ilising throughout the forty-four chapters into 'which the three volumes are subdivided, the indo mitable truthfulness and inflexible impartiality With which every sentence appears to have been dictated. The author is a man evidently of corn haon sense as well as of ardent enthusiasm. He loves Liberty, but he abhors Licence. He hates nepotism, but still more, it seems to us, does he loathe Anarchy with a profound and ineradicable loathing. And in this mood it is that he recounts to us the rise, progress, and development of the re volutionary outbreak at Rome. It is no wonder, !lien, that the candid annals of that outbreak as they have been penned by bar. Beste in very bold and very legible characters, should already have received an unanimous and cordial welcome from the Liberals of the United Kingdom. A welcome the most cordial, be it added, from those among 11 ,8 who sympathise the most earnestly with the hopes of those who still cherish a belief in the beau tiful day-dreams of Italian Regeneration. Day dreams, please God, yet destined to attain in heaven's good time the epoch of their ulterior and Permanent realisation. Although considerable ingenuity has been dis- Played by Mr. Beste in weaving together the actual and romantic in this really enthralling narrative i llustrating many of the more remarkable phases observable in the " Modern Society" of Rome, it roust be at once confessed by ourselves that the Principal charm of the work is discovered, to our thinking, almost exclusively in those portions of It which partake of the nature of strictly historic description. The loves of Horace Enderby and Mary Aglethorpe ; the rivalries of the former with the l i tarquis Casaveccbia; the heartless ambition of Caro- 'ele which raises her from au English Heiress into I Roman Highness, investing her in the end with the sesquipedalian dignities of Duchess Angus uniani, Princess of Campagna, Marchioness of Ma reinme, Countess of Pontine, Baroness and Lady of Malaria, and wife of a grandee of Spain (titles Which in their humorous satire would be dear, we fancy, to the heart of Mr. Thacke ray), and winning all this by the eccentric device of running off with the said grandee of Spain and Prince of Rome, to Gretna Green ! - Incidents like these are ail very amusing in their Wa y, particularly when described as they are de -I;eribed by Mr. Beste, with a very captivating live !loess. But so much more important and interest 2ng to our mind are the political facts recounted in ;his romantic fiction, that we are fain to look at l ast up on even the most amiable of the ima g inary c haracters introduced to our notice as bores, h ardly less intolerable than that terrible a nd , stupendous bore immortalised by the ncil pf Richard Doyle—the Bore of Bores who f l aunted and harried our unfortunate friends llessrs. Brown, Jones, and Robinson. After a little while, and when we have fairly got floated ?flint° the current of the historic events, carry ' Leg Us onward from Reforms to Republicanism— We don't care a jot (comparatively speaking) for the gaieties enjoyed by Mr. and Mrs. Middleton Aglethorpe—we don't care a straw for old Mr. Oilier and his queer semi-religious, semi-erotic intrigues "--We don't care a fig for my Lord Rangerleigh, With his lugubrious masquerading—we don't care °ea snap of the fingers for the Mrs. Harris of the S tory, one Miss Webb, an ox-governess, who is rendered from time to time the nominal recipient °t Mary Agelthorpe's gay and gossiping correspond ence. It becomes troublesome, indeed, towards the . l elle of the work under notice, to bava our attention called away from a consideration of the e nthralling occurrences winding up the Tragic 'Drama of the Political History of Modern Rome— ,',o contemplate the vagaries and eccentricities of t wo or three (as they appear to us) thoroughly eartless creatures of the imagination. Thoroughly „..eoartless we repeat-for do not Mary and 41 orace ogle each other into a mutual declaration °1 love immediately after the latter has brought to the f ormer tidings of the disappearance from between them of poor Casavecchia by means of a ' l ielent death in an adjacent hospital ? Do not these : t ely tender-hearted lovers continue their "billing liaacooinc," uninterruptedly in the very room where - etary'S unfortunate maid-servant lies dead, bleeding 44 frightfully disfigured, with her head just blown riu their presence by the crash of a cannon ball ? crowning amatory scene of the picture indeed b eing &sort of a ghastly sandwich of—love between ‘Wo murders ! And thoroughly heartless the Author himself must assuredly admit his other hero and heroine to be—Caroline Aglethorpe only mar rying the Duke Augustiniani in order that she l eay be a Roman Princess, the Duke marrying earoljne, in his turn, it would seem, in the first Place to the end that he may enjoy the pos aession of her large fortune, and, in the second, that after reaching Gretna Green he may tarry there With his bride to gluttonise upon grouse, exclaim ing with an audible smack of the lips over his banquet, "Cosa stupenda, quel grouse Yet even With these kind of personages thronging about us 14 We wander on through the fictitious portion of the narrative, the purely imaginary part of Mr. Beste's story is not by any means without its at tractions. The author contrives by a clever de -I:ice to conduct us in company with Middleton g4thorpo and his associates through most of the i nteresting scenes visited by every traveller to the sternal City. In this way we do not close the hook without becoming familiarised in a great , tpeasure with both ancient and modern Rome -4.1,11e Rome of- Cicero and Virgil, and the Rome of Aaffielle and Michael Angelo. That duplex and ''Wondrous capital, the glory of which, according to recent dictum of Napoleon 111. " does not .eonsist in the beauty of the modern city," 4 2 1 1 more than in the ruined grandeur of the t•kneient, but rather " in beholding the remains ef th e o ld colossal empire lying prostrate in homage before the Cross 1" Traversing Rome in imagina tion with our author, we are conducted by him into the Pantheon with its vast and open dome ; into .4ke Colisium with its tier upon tier of crumbling aiehes covered with ivy, and lichen, and blooming Weeds ; into. St. Peter's, where— " Power, strength, and beauty all are aisle(' In an eternal Ark of worship undefiled :" a,lrt upon the green and ruin-covered campagna ; down into the awful galleries of the Catacombs, Where six millions of human skeletons are com- Med to lie buried, galleries stretched forth on !very side in the entrails of the earth to the appal ling length, it is calculated of not less than one thousand mileS ! The most tragical and enthralling 41 cident described in this tale by our novelist is Without doubt the incident of Caroline Aglethorpe being lost in the silence and darkness of these dread tol and labyrinthine catacombs. Asbeyond all ques tion the humorous description i u the same work is the deliciously comic and Gilpin-like account of the universal panic created in the town of Veroli by 4 arrival there one fine day of a handful of Gari ealdiana. The incident of the lost lady in the Catacombs we cannot but imagine to have been s uggested by a casual remark as to the dangers o f t hat subterranean maze thrown out incidentally the other day by the learned and gifted author of that most exquisite tale " Fabiola." The ludi e....rous description of the panic of the poor verolians, on the other hand, while it would be "nuts" to such a humorist as Irving, reminds us, by its almost interminable sequence of One laughter-moving " effect " out of another, of that group in Hogarth's " March to Finchley," Where the young officer kisses the milkmaid, who -iallereupon robbed of her milk by a wag, who is litaighingly watched by a pieman, who is robbed in tt of his tarts by another spectator ! Re- Wi t ing, to mind in another way also, by the mere force of its ridiculous incongruities, Sir Benja tttio 33ackbite's circumstantial account of the tistol-s hot " which struck against the little bronze of Shakspere over the fireplace, grazed out of t he window at a right angle, and wounded the postm an who was coming to the door with a double etter f rom N o -rthampton." Reading Mr. Beste's he of the g7 - aaicl and übiquitous " funk" of e People of Veroli, it is impossible not to roeog ni • ft e In him a humorist of very delightful facetious .ness; • As impossible as not to perceive perpetually through the prevailing sentiments of the work, po litically considered, that its author is in the largest sense of the term a Liberal—neither a Whig nor a Radical, neither a party man nor a day-dreaming experimentalist, but a practical Liberal, born, and bred, and educated under the benign influences of our tripartite Constitution. As a matter of course the literary production under notice affords us indirectly an idea of the social condition of the Modern Romans, particularly in the fashionable circles, amonc , the Princes and th e Cardinals. A condition we should not surmise to be very far advanced beyond the ruder usages of an earlier time when we find a lady " pointing " at a grand reunion in the salons of a palace (i. 48) ' " pointine." (as ladies and gentlemen used to point in the days of Miss Fanny Burney)— and yet tolerated ! The political condition of the Roman people, however, is the chief subject brought under our consideration while hurry ing eagerly through these three volumes of actual and fictitious adventures. The political condition of the Roman people being all the more interesting at any moment (even at a moment ap pacently the most inauspicious) from a remembrance of the incontrovertible fact alluded to in the Pon tifical Proclamation of Pius the Ninth, dated the 10th of February, 1848—namely, that scarcely 3,000,000 of Roman subjects, should have positively scattered over the surface of the globe, interested in their career and sympathising in their aspirations, 200,000,000 of brothers of every nation and language ! It were idle, of course, to follow Mr. Beste step by step in his record of the gradual advance of the revolutionary movement in the Eternal City, from the earlier and spontaneous reforms adven tured upon by his Holiness Pope Pius the Ninth to the momentous juncture when the Sove reign Pontiff refused (as Priest rather than Prince) to draw the sword against the Aus trians, as the arch-enemies of Italian Indepen dence. It is an old, sad story, now familiar to us all—a tale of lofty and holy hopes dashed suddenly down to the very dust, the incidents of which cannot very soon be lost to European re membrance ! The narrative, as here given, of ens with a brilliant record of the popular ovation given to the Reforming Pontiff on the first day of 1848, by the enthusiastic Roman multitude. A. description all the more interesting, as affording a graphic picture of the extraordinary personage of whose ad- Tent upon the political stage it was finely remarked soon afterwards—if we recollect rightly, by "Father Prout," in his character as Daily Hews Correspondent—Fait homo misses a Deo cui nonten erat Joannes. A little further on we meet with a vivid sketch of the Gonsalvi of the Ninth Pius, the President of the Council of State—Car dinal Antonelli. Subsequently we come in the stirring times that then succeed the first halcyon days of Reform, upon much stranger and wilder figures than that of Cardinal Antonelli. We find Brunetti otherwise Ciceruachio, transformed into a political leader, from being, as Mr. Beste oddly enough describes him (i. 122), " a good, ignorant, religious blackguard !" We come upon a po litical exile—Mr. Beste calls him (ii. 113) " a scoundrel"—named Zanibianchi, the police officer of the mob, who marders the priests in cold blood in the days of terrorism, and attaches infamy to the new-born Republic as at once its Samson and its Tinville ! We come—in the days of that short lived but memorable Republic—upon a personage described by our author as (i. 301) " half-madman and half-buffoon "—the Prince of Canino. Demagogues then follow one another into the arena very rapidly—Pietro Sterbini with his black beard and spectacles—Reduci with his gang of cut-throats—Gcivazzi with the scarlet cross sewed upon his cassock—Cernuschi with his inflammatory half-burlesque, half-grandiloquent bulletins from the Barricades ! Several conspicuous personages, however, who took a leading part in the Italian struggle, we regret to find awanting in this curious gallery of portraits. For example, we should have liked vastly to have read Mr. Beste's account of Gioberti and Ventura, or, again, of such patriot chiefs as Pepe and Manin. In default of these we might amuse the reader with some incidental reference to the Roman Triumvirs—to Saji--to " the old turncoat Armellini" (ii. 328)—0r, at any rate, to the mention here made of the most impor tant of the three—Giuseppi Mazzini. Due com memoration in regard to whom is, of course, made by our author, of what he aptly terms (ii. 323) the " pride, obstinacy, patriotism, and enthusiasm of that overgrown schoolboy for the classic times he had read of;" one whose followers are afterwards spoken of as (iii.-72) " mere classical mounte banks." Mr. Beste's favourite, however, in all that stormy struggle is a far more picturesque per sonage in every particular—being no other than the famous condottiere Garibaldi. By a most extraordinary anachronism, Mr. Beste, in another portion of his entertaining account of the events of 1848-49, introduces at one of the Roman balls (ii. 102-3) " Prince Frederick William of Prussia said to the fiance of our Princess Royal "—and his Royal Highness (who must then have been a mere boy, and quite uumarriageble) is then described as extending his hand in a quadrille to a young English lady (Mary Aglethorpe to wit) " with an offensive air of proud condescension, as if ho thought her honoured in the extreme by the touch of his glove I" Return ing to the more important subject of the political state of Rome, as depicted iu this view of its " Modern Society," it deserves to be briefly re marked that our historical novelist has duly re corded upon his pages the successive ministerial changes which prepared the way for the bombard• ment of the Quirinal, for the flight of the Pope to Gaeta, and for the seizure of supreme power by the Republican Triumvirate. At the outset, even down to the time when Count Terenzio Mamiani was Prime Minister, with the Duke of Rignano pres Ming• over Public Works, and Prince Doria Parnphilj at the head of the War Department,—it might have been said of that Government, as was said of the Government of the Last of the Roman Tribunes (Vita di Cola di Rienzi, lib. i. cap. 21), that the fame of that so good Government passed into every land—" Allora fama di si buono reggi mento passi in ogni terra ! " But as time went on, other changes became necessary ; and when at length " poor old Count Fabbri and his friends" were driven by stress of weather from the helm of the State vessel, and when Pelegrino Rossi was announced as the new Prime Minister on the 16th day of September, the position of affairs was in truth at last becoming by that time very desperate. So desperate—that we all know how soon afterwards poor Rossi was murdered ! Murdered upon the steps of the hall in which sat at the moment, unmoved, the men whom our author mentions (ii. 144) with a noble scorn, as " the assassin-representatives of an assassin-mob !" Then, says our author, " Pio Nono soon learned the deed his Romans had done, and terror and despair quite overwhelmed him. He had wrought for their liberty and well-being as Pope had never wrought before ; and this was his reward—the as sassination of the Minister in whom ho trusted." It was not long after that that the Pope was as sailed in his palace by the multitude, when there wore assembled together about the person of the prince, to whom they were accredited, amba ssadors from almost all the great powers of Christendom. " There were the Due D'Harcourt, ambassador from France ; Martinez della Rosa, from Spain ; Count Spaur, minister of Bavaria ; Venda da Cruz, from Portugal ; Do Boutenef, from Russia ; Liedekerko, from Holland ; Do Figueredo, Charg6 d'Affaires of Brazil ; De Maistre, secretary of Legation for Belgium ; and De Canitz, for Prussia." A little later, and the Pope escapes from his as sailants—assisted in his flight by the Bavarian Minister, Count Spaur, " a man about seven feet high, and large in proportion." His Holiness quitting the Quirinal—" in the simple garb of a Priest, such as he had donned it years before in his quiet youth" —wearing "a dark great coat over his cassock, a low-crowned round hat, and a broad brown woollen neckcloth outside his straight Roman collar." It is curious enough, after reading Mr. Beste's,description of the Flight of the Po p e to Gaeta, and. of th'e bombardment of Rome by the French army under Oudinot, to find the liberal English gentleman who was an eye-witness of the events, and who (as Ins book proves him to be) is exactly the reverse of an infatuated admirer of the Pontifical Government, declaring explicitly (ii., 283) : " The federative union of all Italy, i mag ined by Pius the Ninth, and the constitutional represuntatiTe gover nment of the Roman states, which he first granted to his people, is that which must be resorted to whenever foreign bayonets are withdrawn from the support of the existing system." Enough, however, has been already remarked to • justify all we have said as to the enthralling interest and invaluable information compacted together in this singularly attractive work. "Modern Society in Rome," by the author of " The Wabash "—a production quite unexampled, we believe, of its F kind, being, in fac t, au historical romance f times immediately contemporary. M. de LArnartine has, it is said, set apart for the sufferers by the flo, , ds the entire amount of the subscrip• tions to his " Familiar Course of Literature," the sub scribers numbering 60,000, at 20g. per annum. NEW INVENTION.— Mr. Dewdney, of Fenchurch- Street, who has achieved a world-wide reputation, as a hair jeweller' ' has invented a royal silk patent respirator, which applied to the chest creates a regular and even circulation of the blood highly effective in all diseases of the chest. At the last Bazaar held for the benefit of the Bronapton Hospital, Mr. Dewdney's invention was found upon the tables of the elite, and created great interest in the medical world. If Mr. Dewdney can prolong life as well as in his beautiful works of art he has hitherto preserved many pleasing memories, he will have achieved muoh, and perpetuate his name. THI AMERICAN QUESTION. The following address to the people of the United States has been prepared by the Liverpool Financial Association : TO THE COMMERCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL CLASSES OF THE UNITED STATES oF AMERICA. " Friends and Brethren,—ln the present critical posi tion of our international relations, we, the Council of the Liverpool Financial Reform Association, deem it our duty to address to you a few words of friendly remon strance, in the hope that our doing so may be the initia tion of such an expression of the national determination on both sides of the Atlantic as will serve to convince those to whom we have respectively deputed the manage. ment of our affairs that, whatever they may wish or pro pose, they cannot, and they shall not, transform the people of two nations so closely united as yours and ours into deadly and unrelenting enemies. We take up this question on higher grounds than are afforded by finan. cial or mercantile considerations only, though their im portance can hardly be overrated ; and we believe that the sentiments we are about to express are those enter tained by our fellow-countrymen of the commercial and industrial classes, almost without exception. May they be re-echoed in the same spirit. " There is a rumour of war between us ! For a long time past your diplomatists and ours have been corres ponding, with more or less of acrimony and supercilious. ness on either side. We confess frankly that hitherto we have paid no attention, or very little, to their disputes. Do not attribute this apparent neglect to indifference. It has arisen partly from a sort of foregone conclu sion that, whatever they might say or do, a quarrel between you and us, to be brought to the mortal ar bitrament of arms, was in the nature of things all but impossible, and partly from the fact that our system of diplomacy, aristocratic both in its instruments and objects, is secret in its operations. The theory of our rxlers is that the making of treaties, whether these re late to peace or war, is a branch of the Royal prero gative, with which we (the people) have no concern be yond finding the means for their observance—not even a right to know what is doing until all is done, and we are irrevocably bound by their stipulations. We aim at the reversal or modification of this ♦ery slavish theory, and hope to accomplish it by and by. In the meanwhile, permit us to observe that you also have been quiescent, without the same excuse for your supine ness ; for your diplomacy is open ; your Executive can de nothing definitive without the sanction of the legis lative branch of your constitution, of which you have the appointment far more effectively than we of ours. Whence is it, then, if you do really disapprove of the acts of your Ministers, as we are led to believe you do, that there has bee❑ no public manifestation of your dis approval ? "The causes of your inactivity up to the present period have been indicated; for yours we can only account on the supposition that you, with us, have believed it all but impossible that diplomatic warfare should terminate in actual hostilities. As to the merits of the questions at issue we shall, of course, differ ; but you must agree with us that, whatever be the pretexts, a war between Great Britain and America would cast into the shade of insignificance all the scenes of carnage that have dis graced and cursed the world since the son of the first man slew his brother Abel. Standing apparently on the verge of such a deadly check to human progress and civi lisation, it surely becomes the people of both countries, as rational beings, to ask themselves seriously for what it is they are about to fight, and whether there is any necessity for fighting at all. Aggressive war may be the ultimo ratio of kings ; but for the rest of mankind it is, generally speaking, the perfectio❑ of human folly. " Connected with you by affinities of race, language, institutions, and religion, as well as by common interests, we have no feelings towards you but those of friendship, no wishes but for your prosperity, no desire but that the immense capabilities of your country may be developed to the fullest possible extent. In all this we claim no credit for disinterestedness, since with your welfare our own is closely involved ; you cannot prosper without our deriving most substantial advantages from your pro gress ; nor can you suffer a check to your well-being, which will not react most strongly upon our own. All that is true of material British interests as regards Ame rica is equally true of American interests as regards Great Britain. Are we wrong is assuming that the feelings of the commercial and industrious classes of this country towards America are those which animate Ame ricans of the same classes towards Great Britain ? " If there be indeed this bond of friendship and mu tual interest between us, for what is it that our respec tive rulers, no matter which are right or wrong, would have us quarrel ? Is it to vindicate any great principle, to enforce any right, or to avenge any wrong ? Nothing of the kind. The mother of mischief, says the proverb, is no bigger than a midge's wing ; and, verily, the origin of the misunderstanding which threatens such tremen dous consequences would seem to be of no larger dimen sions. It rests en two grounds—the enlistment question, and the actual meaning of a treaty concluded between our respective Governments. Of these it is difficult to say which, comparing both with the mighty results that may proceed from them, is most insignificant. " As to the first, the people of this country disap proved from Vie first of the Governmental project for rais Mg reinforcements for the Crimean war either in America or in Europe, and it was only forced on Parliament by the threat of Ministei ial resignation. It was and is the universal conviction that, with the same inducements that were offered to foreigners, at much less expense, and without danger of embroilment with friendly nations, any number of Britihh recruits that might be required would have been forthcoming. We must say, however, that for what our Government proposed to do in America they scorn to have had the implied, if not the express, sanction of yours. What else is to be inferred from your Minister's observation that the American Government would enforce the strictest observance of the neutrality laws in •its own territory, but that there was nothing to prevent any American citizen or resident from leav ing the States and enlisting elsewhere in any foreign service, if it pleased him to do so ? On this hint arrangements, supposed to he perfectly compatible with your laws, seem to have been made ; but these were abandoned before a single man had been en listed, on grounds which common sense ought to have suggested to our Ministers, in the first instance, as con clusive against the making of any such experiment. They have since, however, formally and solemnly dis claimed all intention to infringe your laws; they have expreseed . their regret if any such infringment has oc cured ; they have tendered what is here considered an apology for all that may have been done amiss, either by themselves or their agents; but they have refused to submit to the degradation of branding with recall and disgrace the principal of these agents, because they say they believe him to be guiltless of any offenre. Your Government has dismissed, or are about to dismiss Mr. Crampton ; should ours lack the magnanimity of re fraining from reprisals and dismiss Mr. Dallas, you will no longer have a Minister at London nor we at Washington. But the temporary cessation of diploma tic relations between our respective Governments need not bring with it any interruption of friendly intercourse between you and us. We can manage our affairs quite as well without as with them ; and, in any event, this is no question to go to war about. " Our second supposed ground of quarrel seems to us equally irrational with the fret. There is a differ ence as to the interpretation of a treaty. Our nego tiator says that he meant one thing,—yours that he meant another ; our two Governments are at issue as to the meaning of both and the true construction of their united handiwork, which, nevertheless, is there in black and white, and to speak for itself. Our Government has offered to submit the whole question to any arbitra tor whom yours shall select, and to abide by his decision, whatever that may be. As between man and man nothing can be fairer than such a proposition ; why not, thee, as between nation and nation? Your Ministers refuse to act upon it. They say that their own con struction is the only true one,—that there cannot be two opinions on the matter, and consequently that there is nothing whereon to arbitrate. But, being so confident, why reject. a reference ? If they be right the task of the arbitrator will be all the lighter, the delay in an amicable settlement all the less ; but when there are no toriously two opinions on the subject which is Paid to admit only of one, the party standing so obstinately on its own as to refuse to submit them to an umpire of its own selection would seem to be manifestly and con sciously in the wrong. Such, at least, would be the conclusion in any dispute between individuals, and the same reasoning holds as to a dispute between nations. "Again, we ask you, in all solemnity, is there any thing in this second ground of difference, or in both of them put together, which should set us to destroying each other's cities, cutting each other's throats, and doing all that in us lies for the utter destruction of cash other's name and nation Z eason, justice, com mon sense, humanity, religion, all answer, loudly and emphatically, `No.' " We were told by our Prince Consort during the late war that that war load put representative institutions on their trial, and that it might be found necessary to diminish our present freedom both of speech and pub lication. -This was the captious objection of an indi ♦idual whose residence among us seems not yet to have eradicated the despotic leanings contracted by his continental birth and breeding ; but if war between the only two great countries in the world which have re presentative institutions founded on the sovereignty of the people is to result from such causes as those which we have examined, most truly may it be said, not that such institutions are upon their trial, but that they have been tried and are condemned. How utterly worthless must they be if the squabbles of deputed Ministers, having merely personal ends of their own to serve, can suf fice to set two friendly nations in deadly opposition to each other I How gladly will the upholders of the des potic principle look on and laugh while the two great champions of human freedom and human progress are engaged in an internecine war, a fratricidal, at d a suicidal struggle, which, in whatever way it termi nates, must be mutually exhaustive, and is sure to end at last in some paltry compromise, after the squan derim► of millions of treasure and the shedding of oceans of blood " To protest against so dire a calamity to you, to our selves, and to the whole human race, is the object of this address. We may say, also, to prevent its occurrence ; for we feel assured that if you, the commercial and in dustrial classes of America, are actuated towards us by the Same feelings as those which animate the people of this country with regard to you, we shall not enter upon this course of mutual destruction. Our rulers and yours may bluster as they please, but with the veto of their constituents on any proceedings to extremities war be tween us is impossible. " By order of the Counc►l. "ROBERTSON GLADSTONE, President. "Liverpool, June 9." ,---- AMS ionday. 3., accoca ; Jr. Redbouse, Mr. Bon• j at Q jgbt Icaperial !en placed Inyerial across by ngton the the wort• a passage 'dived by n o'clock, le landing Lain lei nsul, sold proceeded was ell. the influx earl frosi vaiting b' id spirits, ,he South Sir or ated ip for ould selact saturd 3 Y tiro as"r o'clock on ;tive mew; king wba 'a order hearty Contineu had b' eg he steiwief Esq., rcat wale. Stilwe ll ' the c h°. dean ; t hi wain; tb the cony" besi de ! lea _proecc „ side by, the to Nioane o ,eke intro' thus V e la imp d to utiuue ()eking rot Id did 0 1 ip Hot e ,efore pro prescut.ed f the Pr in. roisted of u ae addo'°' I OF gAltEr sea o f the ladlY sh°"j offer e ur gr xpress ° 1,4 the 3uu3 3 collia l 1; t the ilia t of tb°9° agn aP‘a. t out d°Ub ; bouoi- 1 7043 vet g ti' ° 0 11° [ A pr ,beer of '1 id tan& Logs uitl elle tbe vie tbe THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY' _EVENINIC JUNE 17, 1858: CRIMINAL COURT.—(Tins Day), OLD COURT. (Before the 11,corder.) • TVm. Anderson, 21, and Thos. H. Beal, 25, tailors, pleaded guilty to a charge of burglary in the dwelling h•,use of William Hammond, and stealing property valued at 251. They were sentenced to five years' penal servitude. Benjamin Poulton, 22, sailor, was indicted for stealing a watch, valued at 151., the property of Louisa Ann Stanton, in her dwelling-house. Mr. W. Cooper prosecuted, and Mr. J. P. Doyle de fended. It appeared that the prosecutrix keeps the Plough Tavern, Fore-street, City, and upon the 13th of May the watch was missed from her dressing table. About the time the watch was lost the prisoner was the ouly per son in the billiard-room, from whence access could be obtained to prosecutrix's bed-room, and upon his coming to the house a few days afterwards the prosecutrix de tained him and having made hin t some promise of for giveness if she recovered her watch, upon which he made a statement which led the police to the shop of a Jew earned Jones, an optician and jeweller in Crosby-row, Walwortb, who was taken into custody as the receiver of the watch. Jones was let out on bail, and at a subsequent examination he gave up the watch to the prosecutrix, stating that it bad been brought back to him by the person to whom he had sold it after the purchase from the prisoner. Jones was then discharged and admitted evidence for the prosecution. Jones, in cross examination, denied that whilst out on bail he had called upon prosecutrix and offered her the watch back for 3g., the sum he alleged he had given prisoner for it. - The prosecutrix said she had two witnesses to prove that J.nes had. Jones being the only evidence •f prisoner's possession of the watch, the jury found him not guilty, and Jones wat ordered into custody for the perjury he had com mitted. THE ATTACK ON MR. SUMNER. In the Senate at Washington on the 2d inst. the presiding officer laid before it the following apology from the assailant of Mr. Sumner : " House of Representatives, May 29. " Sir,—l have seen in the public journals this morning the report of the Senate Committee to whom was referred the resolution of the Senate directing an inquiry into an assault made by me on the 22d inst. on a senator from Massachusetts. It is with unfeigned regret I find in the report that what I had intended only as a redress for per s)Pal wrong should have been construed, or must neces sarily, as a breach of the privileges of the Senate. While making a full and explicit disclaimer of any such desire or purpose, I ask leave to say that for the occasion, con sidering myself only as a gentleman in society, and under no political restraint as a member of the House of Representatives, I did not revert to or consider there was any alternative or restraint imposed upon me by reason that the offence came from a member of the Senate. I had read carefully and attentively the speech delivered on the 19th and 20th inst., the speech delivered in the Senate by the senator from Massachusetts, and found therein language which I regarded as unjustly reflecting, not only upon the history and character of South Carolina, but also upon a friend and relative. To such language I thought I had a just right to take ex ception under the e . r mmstances, the senator from South Carolina, who Is as affected by those remarks, being ab sent from the Senate and city. I had reason to believe the senator from Massachusetts did not acknowledge that personal responsibility for wrongs in personal de portment, which would have saved me the painful ne• cessity of the c , dlision which I sought ; and, in my judgment, therefore, I had no alternative but to act as I did. That the assault was male in the Senate Cham ber was caused by the fact that after a careful search elsewhere, on the previous as well as on the same day, the offender could not be found outside the walls of the Senate Chamber, and the Senate had adjourned for more than an hour previous to the assault. I sub mit the foregoing statement from the high re spect I have for the Senate of the United States, and ask that it may be received as a full disclaimer of any design to infract its privileges or offend its dignity. I cheerfully add, should the facts as reported by the committee of the Senate be nevertheless neces sarily considered as a breach of privilege, as a conclusion of law, my earnest desire to atone for it, as far as may be by this unhesitating and unqualified apology, that you will oblige me by communicating this to the Senate as its presiding officer.—l have the honour to remain, Sir, with great respect, your servant, " P. S. BROOKS. "To the Hon. Jesse D. Bright, President of the Senate." The letter was read, laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. In the House of Representatives a report con cluding as follows was presented : Whereas the Senate of the United States have trans mitted to this house a message complaining that Preston S. Brooks, a representative from South Carolina, com mitted upon the person of Charles Sumner, a senator from the State of Massachusetts, while seated at his desk in the Senate Chamber, after the adjournment of that body on the 22d of May last, a violent as sault which disabled him from attending to his duties in the Senate, and declaring that seid assault was a breach of the privileges of that body ; and when as, from the respect of the privileges of the house, the Senate have further declared that, inasmuch as the said Preston S. Brooks is a member of this house, they can not arrest and a fortiori cannot try or punish him for a breach of their privileges ; that they cannot proceed further in the case than to make complaint to this house, and that the power to arrest, try, and punish de volves solely on this body ; ael whereas, upon full investigation, it appears to this house that the said Preston S. Brooks has been guilty of the assault complained of by the Senate, with the most aggra vated circumstances of violence ; that the same was a breach of the privileges, not only of the Senate, but of the senator assailed, and of this house as a co ordinate branch of the legislative department of the Go vernment, in direct violation of the constitution of the United States, which declares that senators and repre sentatives, for any speech or debate in either House, shall not be questioned in any other place ; and whereas this house is of the opinion that it has the power and ought to punish the said Preston S. Brooks, for the said assault, not only as a breach of the privileges of the senator of the assailed, and of the Senate and House as declared by the constitution, but as an act of disorderly behaviour ; and whereat, it further appears from such investigation, that Henry A. Edmund son, a representative from the State of Virginia, and Lawrence M. Keitt, a representative from South Caro lina, some time previous to said assault, were informed that it was the purpose of the said Brooks to commit violence upon the person of the said Chas. Summer, for words used by him in debate as a senator in the Senate of the United States, and took no means to discourage or prevent the same, but, on the contrary, anticipating the commission of such violence, were present on one or more occasions to witness the same, as friends of the assailant, therefore resolved,—That Preston S. Brooks be, and is hereby, forthwith expelled from this house as a representative from the State of South Carolina.—Resolved that this House hereby declare its disapprobation of the said act of Henry A. Edmundson and Lawrence M. Keitt, in regard to said assault. "Signed by Mr. Campbell (Ohio), Spinner, and Pen nington." Mr. Howell Cobb, represesnting the minority of the committee, presented a minority report, arguing that no breach of privilege, under the oonstitutiun, had been committed, and that the house had no power to go be yond the constitution in deciding that a breach of privi lege had been committed. Both reports were laid on the table, and ordered to he printed. ARREST OF B nll'lB EI S UMW A 7 PORTO D' ANZIO. ROME, JUNE 10. a T p h a e l u e a t h l o o u r s i ti e surveillance ba alongbi tu a the l ly s e e x a e . c r c o ied asst, especi ally e i c h i ! ally on the Mediterranean side, has been notably in creased of late, in consequence of a fear enter tained by the Government that some portion of the redoubtable Anglo-Italian Legion, or some of the ItAlian revolutionary emigrants, or both, should find their way to the hallo wed shores of St. Peter's Patrimony and commit unhallowed attacks on the temporal throne of the Apostle's' representative. Ships in the offing are anxiously rec ennoitred, and a suspicious sail immediately throws the garrison of each little port into a febrile com motion. This nervous state of agitation has just proved a source of inconver fence to some of our coun trymen n.lturning from the Crimea in the British trans port-ship Lady Franklin, 480 tons, of Liverpo o l, w h o were desirous of proceeding direct to England via France by one of the Mediterranean steamers which tough at Civita Vecchia, instead of performing the more circuitous voyage thronh the Straits of Gibraltar. The Lady Franklin arrived off Porto d'Anzio on the evening of the stb, when Mr. Evans, part proprietor of the vessel, the mate, and three men went on shore to make inquiries, but, finding that they had land e d a t P or t o d'Anzio and not at Giunaicino, as they had ex pected, they were about to return to their vessel, when they were arrested by the custom-house sol diers for having landed without due authorisation, there by infringing the police and sanitary regul a ti ons . Th e Briti- h vice-consul, M. d'Andrea , immediately despatched a report of the occurrence to the British consul a t R ome , through whose prompt representation to the President of the Board of Health orders were forwarded on the following day for the release of the prisoners, who arrived bere yesterday, their ship having meanwhile sailed in search of safer anchorage and more hospitable shores elsewhere. Jun 12. The sailors of the Lady Franklin were kept without food for 18 hours, and underwent 4 days' incarceration. The vessel herself has not been heard of yet, and Mr. Evans has started for Civita Vecchia in search of her. CHlNA.—According to indirect advices from China, brought by the last overland mai l , dated from Shanghai consequently ilverwa six days later than q again more scarce, t t h h e o, l e 6 p th re o v f io A us p i r y il r , e a c t e id ived, s and the exchange had advanced to 6s. 7d. A rumour prevailed that the rebels were menacing Soochou, but it was not credited. It had, however, sensibly interfered will the opium and import markets. Silk had expe rienced a further advance of $lO, and was coming down very &lowly from the country, where prices we t ® said to be higher than at Shanghai. From Hong Kong the dates are to the 21st of April, when the rate of ex change remained at ss. SPORTING NOTES. THE PAST AND THE FUTURE. Sporting "prophets" triumphed and rejoiced in the racing at Ascot, because it in a measure proved that their calculations, with respect to the Epsom events, were accurately enough formed, but were only upset by the muddy, sticky stat aof the ground. The running of Fly-by-Night and Cannobie, for instance, was totally incompatible with the same horses' performance at Epsom. The difference of form, however, which was displayed, admits of easy explanation, for Fly-by-Night looked, and was many pounds better than when be ran for the Derby, whilst Cannobie was coughing, and was in fact all to pieces. All persons regretted the breaking down of Fly-by-Night, after his second gallant triumph on Teesday, and no one exhibited more concern at the circumstance than did Bartholomew, the jockey. It has been stated that the breakdown was not very severe. In my opinion, however, it is likely to prevent the horse from running again this season. Fazzoletto is being carefully nursed for the St. Leger, and John Scott calculates with no little confidence on being able to turn the tables on Ellington. So good a thing was Forbidden Fruit deemed for the Hunt Cup, that of the 23 competitors he alone was really supported with spirit. He pulled his backers through, albeit they had " a squeak for it," for Wells, on Saraband, gave another specimen of those brilliant finishes for which he has attained a just reputation. By.the way, it was rumoured that jest before the race Forbidden Fruit had been sold to Mr. Hope, a rumour which, I am assured on authority, had n ot the slightest foundation. Apropos of Saraband,Mr. Howard seems determined to proceed with his claim or the Burwell Stakes, and his solicitor was at Ascot col lecting a mass of evidence in support of that claim. The trial, I understand, will take place on the 2Sth of July. It will not, however, be the last of the Cannobie case, but only the beginning of the end. The Marquis of Anglesey, one of the stewards who sat in judgment on the case, has commenced an action for libel against the Sunday limes, on account of some very severe remarks which appeared in that journal on the Sunday after the " precious decision" was delivered. This action, I Fri told, will be defended by the spirited proprietor of the Sunday Times on public grounds, and racing men of all classes and conditions appear to be making common cause with him. They certainly possess a deep interest in the - affair, and curiosity is already excited to the ut most, because it is expected that some important disclo sures will be made on the trial. I believe that a com mittee of sporting men is about to be formed, for the purpose of collecting subscriptions to defray the expenses of the defence. To return, however, to Ascot. Mr. Howard believed that he possessed a wonderful animal in Goldfinch, and was thunderstruck when it was beaten. Indeed, so highly had it been tried, that he fancied no other two yrs-old in England could be better. This consideration induced him to object to the Subterfuge filly, who cut down the favourite in so unmistakeable a style. The filly, however, was proved to be rather a backward t wo yrs-old, and fortunate is Mr. Dennet in possessing so smart an animal i❑ his limited stud. All persons, ex cept Mr. Walker and a fe Qv friends, were surprised at the ease with which Winkfield carried off the Cup. Even the jockey was astonished, and said ho could'nt understand it. Saucebox seems to be stale, whilst Man ganese was suffering from a malady most incident to Mr. E. R. Clark won two races on Friday, and great was the excitement occasioned. He does not despair of yet winning a Derby. At any rate he says be shall have another try. He certainly has a good-looking colt enough in South-Western. Mr. Edward Hibbard may pride hinsself not a little on the success with which the business of the Ascot meet ing was conducted ; he is now busily employed in mak ing proper arrangements for the "cockney gathering " on Moulsey Hurst to•morrow and Thursday. Although the programme does not present any item of powerful attraction, yet it promises a sufficient supply of sport. For the Stand Plate my fancy points to Agra and Noi sette. The two Ascot victors, Winkfield and Redemp tion, shall represent my interest for the Surrey and Mid dlesex Stakes. Commotion, who, it is said, has been recently purchased by Messrs. Barber and Saxon, ought to win the Claremont Stakes ; the interest of the party, however, may be said to be represented by Lord Nel son. For the Visitors' Plate I shall select Oltenitza and Gondoline. New Brighton and the Queen Mab mare seem the most trustworthy for the Richmond Plate. The meeting at Newton clashes with that at Harnp ton, but the sport at neither place is likely to be affected. Lambourne is my " fancy " for the Golbourne Park Stakes. The Medway and Chere Petite are the most attractive names amongst the nominations for the Maker field Handicap. For the Gold Cup I shall expect Braxey, Imogene, and Cossey to fill the foremost places. (.4 the forty-two nominations for the Great Newton Handicap I prefer Vandal and Heir of Linne. With it start, I shall be inclined to trust Comfort for the Garswood Handicap. Friday's races will be so materially regulated by the running on the two preceding days that I shall not touch upon it. June 17. A FRESH MAN. ARRIVALS AT HAMPTON. Prince of Orange, Lord Nelson, Midia Noce, The Spaniard, Winkfield, Boer, Queen Mab filly, Olympus, Tournament, Gondoline, Maid of the M ,rn, New Brigh ton, Usurer, Bishop of Osnaburg, Middleton, and Little Torn. Sporting Intelligence. TA.TT'ERS.A.LL'S-MONDAY. The room was well attended. The time was, how ever, chiefly occupied by the settling of the A , cot ac counts, and speculation was very limited. So trifling were the investments, that they require no comment. NORTHUMBERLAND PLATE. 9to 1 agst Zeta (taken) 10 to 1 aist Puck (taken) 10 to 1 aget Lord Derwentwater (taken) 10 to 1 aget Courtenay (taken) 12 to 1 agst Yorkshire Grey (taken) 12 to 1 agst Honeysuckle taken) 12 to 1 agst Warlock (taken) GOODWoOD CUP. 6to 1 agst Fisherman (take 7 to 1) DERBY, 1857. 20 to 1 aget Contention (taken) 20 to 1 agst Anton (taken) 20 to 1 agst Bird-in-the Hand (taken) 25 to 1 agst Colonist (taken) SALE OF YEkRLINGS FROM THE ROYAL PADDOCKS, HAMPTON COURT. MONDAY. The yearlings from the Royal Stud were sold to-day, by Messrs. Tattersall, There were 17—nine colts and eight fillies. They averaged 160 guineas each, a price below that realised by the sale of Mr. Greville's year lings last week, when a brother to Goldfinch was sold to Mr. Howard for 910 guineas. The colt by Orlando, out of Stamp, fetched the highest price-410 guineas. In 1854 the Royal yearlings up. wards of 400 guineas each. Bay colt (brother to British Remedy), by Orlando, Gs. out of lodine's dam Bay colt by Bay Middleton, out of Despatch Bay colt by Orlando, out of Ortez Chesnut cult by Orlando, out of Stamp Chesnut colt by Orlando, out of Equation Bay colt by Orlando, out of Manacle Bay colt by Orlando, out of Lady Strut l6O Bay colt by Pyrrhus the First, out of The Arrow 52 Bay colt by Orlando, out of Alicia 75 Bay filly (sister to bay Celia) by Orlando, out of Hersey 220 Bay filly by Alarm, out of Flight 175 Chesnut filly by Orlando, out of Cayatina l9O Bay filly by Cowl, out of Vanity llO Chesnut filly by Orlando, out of Martha Lynn 360 Brown filly by Cotherstone, out of Nun Appleton 175 Brown filly by Alarm, out of Jamaica Bay filly by Orlando, out of Eulogy Total.. 0 ,726 HAMPTON RACES.-WEDNESDAY. ENTRIES FOR THE HURST PLATE. One ante. —Smith moor, 4 yrs (30/) ; The Spaniard, 3 yrs (301) ; Little Tom, aged (301) ; Usurer, 4 yrs (301) ; Lady FlorAnce, 3 yrs (301) ; Rapbael, 4 yrs (1501) ; Icarus, 4 yrs (301) ; Alleboreho, 6 yrs (301). ENTRIES FOR TUB INNKEEPERS' PLATE. Heats, three quarters of a mile.—Sextus, 6 yrs (501) ; Westminster, 4 yrs (501) ; General Picton, 4 yrs (501) ; Freckle, 4 yrs (501) ; Little Tom, aged (500 ; Sobrina (late Boling broke filly), 3 yrs (501) ; Usurer, 4 yrs (501) ; Weather. cock, 5 yrs (501). _ THURSDAY. ENTRIES FOR THE RAILWAY PLATE. Five furlongs.— Ruth, 2 yrs ; Little John, 2 yrs ; Whiteface, 2 yrs (501); Lady Florence, 3 y rs (501) ; Holly Bank, 2 yrs (501) ; Cantrip, 2 yrs (1001); Bacon, 2 yrs (501). ENTRIES FOR HER MAJESTY'S PLATE. Two miles. — Lady Florence, 3 yrs ; Swalcliffe, 3 yrs ; Freckle, 4 yrs ; Middleton, 3 yrs ; Astrologus, 3 yrs ; New Brighton, 6 yrs ; Weathercock, 5 yrs ; Sobrina, 4 yrs ; Usurer, 4 yrs ; Turk, 3 yrs ; Alleborelio, 6 yrs ; Prince of Orange, 3 yrs ; Mary, 4 yrs ; Sly Fellow, 2 yrs ; Mayboy, 4 yrs ; Sirocco, 3 yrs. ENTRIES FOR THE BUSHEY PLATE. Straight half mile.—Bacon, 2 yrs (801) ; The Roman, 3 yrs (201) ; Maid of Perth, 2 yrs (801) ; Glendonna, 3 yrs (20) ; Flying Duchess, 3 yrs (201) ; Little Tom, aged (201) ; Scotchie, 4 yrs (201) ; Prosperity, 2 yrs (201) ; Ariel, 3 yrs (20) ; Icarus, 4 yrs (201) ; Lady Julia, 2 yrs (201) ; Cutty Queen, 2 yrs (3W); General Picton, 4 yrs (201) ; Pharos, aged (201). The entries for the above plates and stakes closed last night (Monday.) There is every prospect of the most interesting meeting. Ample arrangements have been made by the London and South-Western Railway Com pany for the conveyance of visitors. The around is in good running order. Barnard and Langland's stand will, as usual, be erected, and the lower portion of it will be converted into a refreshment saloon by Messrs. Careless. NORMUMBERLAND PLATE.—YOUATT WM. GRAY sends the winner of the above race today. The horse named is at 20 to lat the present time. lam as confident on this event as I was with Ellington for the Derby ; there. fore I beg my patrons will not let this opportunity slip . Adhere to my advice, and a fortune will be the result. I am confident of winning this race and the Liverpool Cup. Terms—Newcastle Meeting, 54. ; to Goodwood, 1/. ls. ; to the end of the season, 2/. 25., and percentage. Address, 15, Charing•cross. Directed envelopes re• quired, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at 5 o'clock. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented several peti- tions for the better observance of the Sabbath. SECOND REA DINGS. On the motion of Lord REDESDALE the following bills were read a second time :—Crystal Palace, Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton, Stockport and War- rington, Rotherham and Ba rnby Moor Road, Wands worth and Putney Gam, Ely Tidal Harbour and Railway, Colne Valley and Halstead Railway, Luton District Road, and Shrewsbury and Hereford Railway. MESSAGE FROM THE QUEEN. The LORD CHANCELLOR read a message from her Majesty, informing their lordships that sbe had en tered into a convention with his Majesty the King of Sardinia for a further loan of 1,000,0001. The message was afterwards read by the clerk at the table, and it was ordered to be taken into consideration on Thursday next. OUR RELATIONS WITH AMERICA. The Earl of DERBY rose to ask a question of the noble earl the Secretary of Slate for Foreign Affairs on the subject of our relations with America. The noble earl stated that he had waited till the last moment in the expectation that the noble earl would have volunteered some information upon a subject of such great import• ance as that to which he had - alluded. It was impos sible to overrate the gravity of the position in which we stood, or the serious responsibility that rested upon the Government in regard to the course they may think it necessary to take ender the circumstances. He therefore aeked th• noble earl whether, since the house last met, the Government had come to any conclusion as to the ad• ♦ies they should give to her Majesty on the subject, and if so, whether the noble lord was now prepared to state the grounds of their conclusions ? (Hear, hear.) The Earl of CLARENDON—My lords, it is the in tention of her Majesty's Government, at the earliest pos sible moment, to lay upon the table of the house the papers which have been communicated to us by the American Government. Those papers had been laid be fore the Senate at Washington, and are now in the pos- session of the Government of this country. They are now in the printer's hands, and will be laid before your lordships as soon as the answer of her Majesty's Government to these despatches is pre pared. Your lordships must, however, be aware, that the answer will require some time and mature conside ration. In consequence of the answer not boing as yet prepared he refrained from taking the initiative in laying before the house the desired information. I (continued his lordship) feel, nevertheless, that it is the duty of the Government to satisfy the public mind as speedily as possible upon so important a subject. I therefore do not hesitate to take this occasion for announcing to your lordships that it is not the intention of her Majesty's Ministers to advise a course which would have the effect of suspending diplomatic relations with this country and America. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of DERBY said—ln the absence of the papers in question, it would no doubt be premature to enter into any discussion upon this question. He re joiced, personally, at the announcement made by the noble earl, for this reason, that although he deeply re gretted the course taken by the Government of the United States, nevertheless he felt it impossible to vin dicate the conduct of our Minister in America, and he be lieved therefore that the American Government had a j ust cause of complaint against us. Although it was no doubt painful and humiliating on the part of this country to submit to the removal of our Minister from America, and at the same time to recognise the authority of the American Minister in this country, yet, believing the American Government had just cause of complaint against Mr. Crampton and our consuls, he rejoiced at the determination of the Government to maintain diplo- matic relations with America. The Earl of CLARENDON could not help remark• ing upon the most positive judgment upon Mr. Cramp ton's conduct by the noble earl. He could only appeal to their lordships, and through their lordships to the country, not to join the noble earl in thus prejudging the conduct of Mr. Crampton. The Earl of DERBY said he had formed his judg ment upon the papers he had already read, and which had been laid before their lordships by command of the Queen. The subject then dropped. JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES BILL. Lord OVERSTONE presented petitions from the Chamber of Commerce, of Glasgow, against the Joint stock Companies Bill. The noble lord stated these pe titions expressed the opinions of persons eminently qua lified to pronounce an opinion on the subject, and they stated that the principle of the bill would be subversive of the best interests of commerce, and they protested against itis adoption by the Legislature of the country. The petitioners regarded the system as one calculated to call into existence every description of fraud and trickery, and ultimately completely to destroy the high commer cial character and ()relit of the country. Thepetitionera also stated that at the time of the appointment of the Royal Commission to inquire into and report upon the principle of limited liability, the commercial interests of Manchester, desired to have some person placed upon it intimately acquainted with the working of commerce, and Mr. Beesley, the president of the Chamber of Com merce of Manchester, was selected to act upon the corn mission, and that gentleman bad expressed a most de cided opposition to the opinions recommended by the re port of that commission. He trusted that in the discus. sions which would take place on this bill, some members of her Majesty's Government would endeavour to ex plain why it was that they had ventured to recommend to the house any measure which would destroy the time honoured principle upon which the stability of private concerns had so long existed, and transfer their business to the hands of irresponsible companies of five or seven persons possessing the privilege of limited liability. The noble lord also presented a petition from the Society for the Protection of Trade at Preston, embodying the same opinions as those expressed in the petitions of Manches ter and Glasgow. Lord WYNFORD said that he did not anticipate that tho bill to be brought before their lordships would en counter any very serious objection from the noble lord who had just addressed the house, as upon previous occa sione he had expressed very strong opinions respecting bills before the house, but had followed up his opinion by any act of strenuous opposition. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY then moved the second reading of the Limited Liability Bill. In corn• mencing his address the noble lord stated that the par ties from whom the noble lord had just presented peti tions bad not taken any et.p to express their opinions on the bill during its progress through the other house, and it was probable that the petitions referred to only expressed the opinions of a very small body of persons in the towns whence they had emanated. The present bill was one which had been introduced by the Govern ment in pursuance of a pledge given in the last session, when a bill was passed which it was thought required some amendment, and which was considered by some of their lordships to have passed through the house with out that amount of consideration and discussion which the great importance of the subject deserved. So late as the year 1825, joint-stock companies wore regarded as an evasion of the law by large numbers of persons, and were regarded with suspicion by some great commercial autho rities. Legislation, however, proceeded to give a species of limited liability to these companie-', and in the Joint- Stock Companies Act of 1545, which it was now pro posed to repeal, and to substitute the present bill for it, a number of provisions were enacted for the purpose of protecting the public, and insuring the responsibility and solvency of the joint-stock companies, so far as it was thought at that time these objects could be obtained by legislation. The working of this act had, however, shown that it possessed many imperfections which called for removal, He had coins to the conclusion that the restrictions which were at present on limited liability did far more harm than good, and perpe trated fraud under the joint-stock system. In strict justice they had no right to interfere with any man in the investment of his capital. The bill therefore gave no privilege, but merely established a right to remove re strictions which ought not to exist. The question of limited liability was practically decided last year, and no honourable member of the House of Commons ventured to oppose this bill, which was merely to carry out that principle which was last year affirmed by the Legislature. The noblelord then proceeded to explain the general provisions of the bill. Power was given by the bill to one-fifth of the members of a joint-stock com pany to apply to the Board of Trade to appoint an in spector. He was satisfied tbat the apprehensions which were entertained with regard to this bill were utterly fal lacious. He thought there was less chance of fraudulent schemes being brought forward under this limited system than under the unlimited system, because the public would enter into a full inquiry before they joined a scheme which might be brought forward by any com pany, while inquiry under the unlimited system was sel dom made as it ought to be. He moved the second reading. Lord MONTEAGLE war glad to find that that sense less and absurd argument, that this bill was founded upon the principles of free trade, had not been mad e use o f on the present occasion. This bill was opposed to the prin ciple of free trade, because free trade admitted of no re strictions, whereas this bill was all restrictions. This was the third of a series, and contained all the evils of the previous bill without any of their safeguards. This bill went to augment the evils of the previous bill to an in calculable extent. He believed that if there was a class in the community likely to suffer by this bill it was the humbler class, who with their small savings might be en trapped into fraudulent enterprise over which they would have no contrul whatever. As to the bill extending mann factwes, the principal manufactures it would produce would be that of shares in fraudulent gambling. They had prohibited lotteries, and he would ask it this bill would not in effect sanction them ? The joint-stock sys tem had been productive of the most frightful system of gambling. Did they not remember the time when men, women, and he believed children, were demoralised in this country by the railway mania of 1845. If this bill -passed, why then gambling shops in the shape of joint stock companies would spring up at the corner of every street. Under these circumstances, if he stood alone, he should say not content to the second reading of the bill, hoping, however, that his anticipa. tions might be unfounded. The Duke of ARGYLL contended that there was very intimate connection between the principles of this bill and those of free trade. The doctrine of free trade was that you ought not by artificial means to prevent is person investing his property in any way he pleased. The report of the royal commissioners, to which allusion had been made, was directly in opposition to the principle which had been contended for by the advocates of the old system. He contended that those who were the ad. vocates of the bill now before the house were the most consistent in the course they adopted ; for while the opponents of the measure stated that no new legislation was necessary, as the principle now contended for existed the promoters of the measure asked why objection wars taken to a suggestion which rendered the matter per fectly certain. (Hear.) It had been urged by the two noble lords who bad spoken against the measure that it would be dangerous to the community to allow this bill to pass, inasmuch as it would be encouraging undue speculation, and yet they seemed to admit that the law threw no impediment in the way of speculators at pre sent. If there really was no great principle at stake, he could hardly see what objection there was to making any alterations that might be required in committee. (Hear.) The noble lord (Lord Monteagle) had himself admitted that this was a question for the public and not for the Legislature. (The noble duke quoted from speeches made by the noble lord in proof of this state ment.) The noble lord had admitted also that at pre sent there was sufficient security. (Hear, hear.) Again, it must be remembered that, in consequence of the re peal of the usury laws, some change in the commercial arrangements of the country was indispensable ; and, under the altered circumstances of the case, persons with small capital should be allowed to invest their money without the risks to which they had hitherto been subjected. He found, by reference to the publica tions of Mr. Bellenden Tier and other opponents of the measure, that the magnitude and risk of undertakings were grounds upon which a charter of limited liability should be granted ; but he could not conceive any argu ment which was more untenable. The main argument, however, which was relied upon by the opponents of the measure was, that it gave an unnatural and improper stimulus to speculation. Of all the arguments advanced against the measure that, he conceived, was the worst. If the State were able to distinguish between good and bad speculations, its duty would be to encourage one and discourage another. But there was no department of the Government which could discharge that import. ant duty towards the public. At present charters were net concluded or witheld upon any risk or any apparent want of success, and the law certainly threw obstacles in the way of good as well as bad undertakings. (Hear.) The noble lord (Lord Monteagle) had contended that a man who entered into these undertakings should be li able to the whole extent of his bargain. He (the Duke of Argyll) admitted that ; but the noble lord seemed to go farther than that, and to have in his mind some ab stract law upon which he relied. Lord MOINTTEA.GLE : For the whole of his property. The Duke of ARGYLL—Then why not for his life (Oh, oh, from Lord Monteagle ?) Such things had been known in this country under the laws of premunire. The noble lord, moreover, bad said that this measure would destroy all prudence, but he (the Duke of Argyll) took a very different view of the matter. Under the old sys tem, if a man with small capital saw the noble lord's name in connection with an undertaking, he naturally said, " Oh, the noble lord is a man of immense wealth and great prudence ; he is liable to the full extent of his property, and I may safely invest my savings." But if he saw the name of the noble lord now in connection with such an undertaking, he would say, " The noble lord is only liable for £3,000 or £4,000, with which he 13 well afford to play ducks and drakes, but I cannot lose my ravings, and I must be cautious." The bill, therefore, cut at the root of all confidence. (Hear, hear.) Then, again, it was said that there was abundance of capital in the country, and this was alleges as an argu ment against the measure. But what the advocates of the bill contended for was, that there were not sufficient facilities for investment. He really hoped the bill would be allowed to pass its second reading without opposition ; for he believed that by passing it their lordships would be adopting that which was beat for the entire com munity. (Hear, hear.) After some Observations from Lord OVERSTONE and Lord DENMAN, which were inaudible, The LORD CHANCELLOR said it was unreasonable to oppose a bill which contained 116 clauses, and con taining so many important principles, merely because one part of it granted greater facilities than were con ceded under the present law. The proper course would be to alter the clause in committee. Their lordships then divided, and the numbers were— Contents, Non-contents, Majority, The bill was then read a second time . -13 Sir William Fenwick Williams' Annuity Bill was read a second time. The report of amendments on the Whichwood Forest Bill was brought up and agreed to. Their lordships adjourned at twenty-five minutes be- fore eight o'clock. HO USE 01' COMM 0 NS , . --(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lorin' Amendment! to the Stockton and Mid dleborough New Road and Bridge Bill were considered and agreed to. Tue - following bills were read a third time and passed : Bagenalstown aid Wexford Railway, Blenheim Estate, and Uttoxeter and Blyth Marsh Road. The following bills were considered and ordered to be read a third time :—Aberdeen, Peterhead, and Fraser burgh Railway, Birkenhead Improvement Commis sioners, Bournemouth Improvement and Pier, Forest of Dean Central Railway, and Renfrewshire Roads. HIGHWAYS. Mr. MASSEY moved for returns showing the par ticulars of the receipts and expenditure on account of the highways in each county of England and Wales for the year ending the 25th day of March, 1854, mad• out in the form required by the Act 12 and 13 Vie., c. 35 ; distinguishing cities, boroughs, towns, boards of health, and places under local acts from the ordinary highways. —Ordered. AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS BILL. In reply to an hon. member, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated that if business permitted the Government intended to take the second reading of this bill on Thursday next. THE ABERDEEN UNIVERSITIES. Mr. THOMPSON asked the Lord Advocate if he was prepared to bring in a bill for the union of the Aberdeen Universities ? The LORD ADVOCATE said he had a bill prepared for the above purpose. It was his intention shortly to lay it on the table, and, if possible, to pass the bill this session. THE MISSION AT HANOVER. Mr. WISE asked the First Lord of the Treasury whether it was the intention of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on Mr. Blights intended retirement from the mission at Hanover, to act in conformity with the reso- lution passed by the House of Commas in 1855, aid to adopt the recommendation made in 1850 by the select committee on official salaries, with reference to the dip lomatic establishment at Hanover ! Lord PALMERSTON said, with all due deference to the decision arrived at in 1855, it was not the inten tion of Government to withdraw the British represen• tative from the Court of Hanover. THE ENCUMBERED ESTATES COURTS. Col. 0. HIGGINS asked the Chief Secretary for Ire land whether the attention of her Majesty's Go vernment bad been callad to the recent decision of the Court of Queen's Bench in Ireland, in the case of Errington v. Rorke, in which it was held that a purchaser under the Encumbered Estates Court was bound by a previous lease not mentioned In the conveyance to him from the commissioners ; and whether it was the intention of Government to intro duce any measure to set at rest the doubts created by that decision as to the indefeasibility of the title con ferred by the commissioners Mr. HORSMAN said that the attention of the Government had been drawn to the circumstance alluded to by the hon. member. The Government had under their consideration measures which would tend to allay all alarm on the point. TOWN REGISTRARS. Mr. GEORGE asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether it was the intention of Government to introduce a bill, or to insert clauses in any bill now before the house, to make the offices of town registrars (to the Chief Jug- tices and Chief Baron) or clerks of Nisi Prius in the three superior courts of common in Ireland permanent, and to authorise the appointment of a olerk by each of said officers, m analogy to the provisions of the act 16 and 16 Vic. c. 73 (English)! Mr. HORSNIAN said the question bad already been answered by the Attorney• General for Ireland some time ago. It was not the intention either to introduce a bill or clauses in any bill to make the office of town-regis. trar permanent. APPELLATE JURISDICTION (HOUSE OF. LORDS BILL. Mr. SCULLY gave notice that on the motion for the second reading of this bill, he should move that it be re• furred to a select committee. THE AUSTRALIAN MAILS. In reply to a question from Lord NAAB, Mr. WILSON said tte contracts for the conveyance of the Australian mails would be received until Wednes day next. The tenders already sent in would not be opened till then. AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS BILL. In reply to questions from Mr. EDNTIXCL and Mr. BALL, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was the intention of the Government to postpone the second reading of this bill as early as possible, that hon. members may have an opportunity of expregaing their opinions Dn it. (Hear, hear.) THE FORTIFICATION OF KARS. --- - In reply to a question from Sir DR LACY EVANg, Lord PALMERSTON said that no authentic infor• oration had been received from Kara that the Russians had blown up the fortifications of that place, but it was rumoured such had been done, and that the Russians had also blown up part of the fortifications at Ismail. THE SARDINIAN LOAN BILL. The house went into committee on this bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was proposed by this bill to advance to the Sar dinian Government one million sterling, in ac cordance with the spirit, though not with the letter, of the treaty entered into between this country and Sat SE I I