The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-16 00:00:00

11IPERIAL PARLIA MENT. HOUSE OF LORDS DEC. 15. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at Twenty Minutes past Five o'clock. Mr. Tomline, from the Treasury, presented the Herring Fishery Report. On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY', it was ordered that the Home would not receive any peti tions fur Private Bill 4 after Friday, the 30th of March ; nor any Judges' reports on such petitions after Monday, the 7th of May. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. The Earl of ABERDEEN, in consequence of the on certainty of the speedy attendance of his Noble Friend the Duke of Wellington, deferred his motion with re spect to the differences of Holland and Belgium till after the holidays. He regretted exceedingly the delay, but he felt certain their Lordships were as anxious as him self to hear the sentiments of that Noble Duke, who was so conversant on the subject. As he was on his legs, and seeing the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government in his place, he wished tt ask him, as he saw by the votes of the House of Commons that a return had been made of the expences of the fortifi- cations of Belgium and Holland, whether he had any ob jection to lay those returns before the House? Earl GREY nodded assent, and the returns were ordered. IRISH TITHE SYSTEM. On the order of the day for their Lordships being sum moned being read, Lord MELBOURNE moved the reading of that part of his Majesty's speech which referred to the tithe system in Ireland, after which the Noble Lord addressed their Lordships. In consequence of that part of his Majesty's speech, and of the address unanimously voted by their Lordships to his Majesty, he now rose to move for the appointment of a Select Com mittee to inquire into the collection and payment ,of tithes in Ireland. He trusted he should he able to persuade their Lordships to agree to the motion which he felt it his duty to submit to the House. He felt as much as any man the great difficulties and importance of the question, and how much it was connected with feel ings on which there prevailed great differences. He should therefore approach the discussion with the utmost caution. It would be presumptuous in him to request their Lord ships to adopt his sentiments on this occasion ; but he trusted that, on this important subject, unanimity would prevail in that House. It was almost unnecessary for him to state that, for very many years past, the collec tion and payment of tithes in Ireland had been the cause of great animosity. The disturbances which from time to time had agitated Ireland had been in most instances connected with the payment of tithes. When the condition of Ireland pressed itself, as in 1822, on. the attention of Parliament and the country, a Bill was passed called the Tithe Composition Act, which gave very general satisfaction in Ireland, as he could hear testimony to at the time he was in Ireland.— Unfortunately, as their Lordships well knew from the debates in that House, and more particularly from a petition presented by the Bishop of Ferns, in the language of the speech, there had been a syste matic opposition to tithes in many parts of Ireland, more particularly in the Queen's County, Carlow, and Meath, where a determination had been manifested not to suffer goods to be distiained for tithes, or where they had been distrained not to be sold. That had reduced the clergy in that part of the empire to the greatest distress, and it had become necessary for the Ministers to call on their Lordships to institute an inquiry into the cause which had produced such distress in Ireland.— (Hear, hear.) If it were owing to a settled determi nation not to pay tithes, or if it arose from a lawle , s spirit, the law would be strong enough to check such conduct. But he had no doubt it had arisen from the imperfect operation of the Composition Act, which had rendered tithes difficult in that country and odious also. Its operation was imperfect and partial. The questions, con tinued the Noble Lord, which will naturally come under the consideration of the Committee are, whether the evils arising from the tithe system are attributable solely to the mode of their collection, whether to the imperfect or par tial operation of the Tithe Composition Act, or to other causes not comprehended in any of those. I may here ob serve incidentally, that one of the reasons why the Tithe Composition Act was so limited in its operation is, that the tithe of agistment is so partial in its operation. Again, another source of the obstructions which the Composition Act had to encounter is to be found in the fact, that though the parishioners and the incumbents had in many parishes agreed to avail themselves of the provisions of the Act, set the diocesan—doubtless in the exercise of a sound discretion—had refused his consent : many parishes are, thr,cfmr, left to ell the evil, of the ancient system, and the proctor and his attendants are allowed to proceed with the license, which, in the worst times, marked the pro ceedings of this class of functionaries. The result has been, that the sound parts of Ireland have been infected by the unsound, and the odium that the old system of collec tion alone ought to occasion has extended itself to tithes themselves. I shall, with the permission of the House, read a passage from a letter, which has been supplied to me by my I(i : slit Hon. Friend, the Secretary for Ireland : tt I am confirmed in the views I have above offered to your consideration, from the fact that, even in the disturbed districts of Clare and Galway, where composition was early and,readily adopted, throughout the extensive districts of the dioceses of Clonfert, Kilmacduagh, and Killaloe, as yet no opposition has been generally made to the payment of composition rent ; but it has been invariably considered as a boon and a blessing so all parties. " It is not so, however, in the county of Carlow, King's County, Queen's County, Kilkenny, and part of Tipperary ; in fact, through the finest lands of the kingdom, where composi tion has slowly and reluctantly progressed. " The broken and irregular character of tithes, in the rust of its great antiquity, renders the variety and number of claims on the land both harassing and vexatious ; the frequency of calls, and the uncertainty of receivers, are so varied and perplexing as to occasion much annoyance to the poor. There are a vast num ber of instances in my own parish, where one poor man, whose whole tithes annually do not amount to more than Is. Bd. per an. num, arid yet subject him to have his cow, sheep, pig, or horse, taken and driven to pound six times in the year for tithes, and liable, on each and every driving, to a charge of 2s. fxl. driver's fees, besides expellee of impounding, and waste of time from his labour in seeking the person duly authorised to give him a re ceipt. He is liable to be summoned, moreover, and decreed for vestry seas, once in the year, making annually seven calls, on ac- Count of the Church, to his little plot of ground ; besides, his little holding is liable to two calls in the year for Grand Jury public money, and frequently two calls more for Crown and quit rent. Thus eleven calls are made upon his small holding in the year, besides his landlord's rent, and for sums trifling in them selves, but perplexing and ruinous in thecosts which attend them. surely such are hardships that ought to be removed. "Throughout the diocese of Clonfert and Kilmacduagh, in which this parish is situated, the Bishop takes one-fourth of every t itheable acre of land. The county is verymuch broken up amongst cottier tenantry holding small plots of an acre each, with a cabin or cottage upon it. The whole diocese is compounded for at an average rate of about one shilling per acre." Your Lordships will now see that if ever there was a case which called for legislative interference the present is that case. Here we have a system which imposes calls for the tithes due to the Bishop, to the Rector, the Vicar, the Prebend, and the Vicars Choral. It might be said that the case referred to was only a local evil, limited in its operation and confined in its extent; but what is the fact ? It spreads throughout the whale diocese of Clon fert, which includes a large portion of a large county (Galway). The Bishop, it appears, is entitled to ones quarter of the tithes, which amounts to Is. an acre; and the consequence of this and other circumstances of a like nature is, that the greatest possible difficulty takes place in the collection of the tithes—which none but persons of low character, prepared to take every unworthy advan tage, will engage in. Such a state of things, I hesitate not to affirm, demands inquiry at our bands, with a view to the adoption of some measure calculated to remedy the evil which has been so long and so loudly the subject of complaint. I think it is now unnecessary for me to trouble your Lordships with entering further into de tail. 1 think I have stated quite enough to satisfy any im partial man that we ought to go into Committee. If his Majesty's Government were in possession of the neces sary information, and felt themselves prepared to lay be fore Parliament an adequate remedy for the evil which his been made the subject of complaint, I feel that it would be needless for me to trouble the House with a mo tion for the appointment of a Committee, hut of necessity Government do not feel themselves in that situation. A Noble Lord has, on a former occasion, stated that the clergy were neither exorbitant nor extortionate in their 'demands, neither did there exist on the part of the people any very strong indisposition to pay to the clergy that which was their undoubted and legal right. To meet the wishes of both parties, and secure their just rights, it would be the business of the Committee to collect, ar range, and examine the evidence which might he ad duced on this subject. They would have further to con sider how far it would be expedient to extend to all, or, if not to all, to what parts of Ireland, the Composition Act should be compulsorily extended, or whether that clause which would entitle the tenant to present a receipt for tithe to his landlord, as payment of his rent pro twit°, or whether they ought not to look to a larger and snore comprehensive measure, which would secure to the clergy a broader basis on which to rest their incomes, and to the people that relief from the,piessure 41f the impost which the necessity of the case alesnanclek ee i l uti-i ns t a n c e, facilities might he created for 444:eX,theeteadtialAdersiPtion of the tithes , the sums to be pro ;'4 , started lay such redemption being applied to the tot mation of fund fur theAsiiitratenance of the clergy of the Irish Church. I lieliezeite l iwill not, at the present moment, be i-Contended thai wh....4lave any time to lose—l believe it be admittia iketi the emergency is pressing in the • - last degree—l believe that no Noble Lord will say we ought to hesitate in applying instant means of protection and defence whe❑ the thunder threatens us over head, and the earthquake rocks the ground on which we stand. I hope, then, that the course which we have resolved to take—and that which I sincerely believe is the only course left to us—will have the effect of establishing that peace and tranquillity of which Ireland stands so much in need— that some measure will be devised to reconcile animosities, diffue contentment, clear up difficulties, give scope for en lightened benevolence, and for the maintenance of equal, impartial, and just laws.—(Cheers. ) The question having been put, Lord WICKLOW hoped he would not he found to deviate, in the few observations he had to make, from the line chalked out by the Noble Viscount. After the speech delivered from the throne, and after the discussions which had taken place in that House respecting the state of Ireland, he had at least expected that the House would now have had some insight afforded into the objects and intentions of Government. It was with sincere satisfaction the Noble Lord had heard the reference made to the state of Ireland which theßoyal speech made to it; he confessed that previous to that he bad apprehended his Majesty's Ministers were ❑ot sufficiently alive to the evils which existed in that country, and he (Earl W.) had come over to England wills a full determination himself to bring the subject before the House, provided he had found it hail not been taken up by some person of greater weight than himself. The Noble Viscount, in his speech, to night, had not exaggerated the evils existing in his un happy country, nor indeed had he gone the length to which he might have proceeded in his details of the lamentable con dition of Ireland. There were at this moment in several par:abes in that country, clergymen whose families bad been brought up in affluence, and who were obliged now to live like the peasants of Ireland, on nothing but potatoes and milk. This, however, was an evil which did not prevail throughout Ireland, it was confined principally to one extensive district—the diocese of Dr. Doyle. He was far from meaning to say that the Catholics, as a body, were averse to the payment of tithes; on the contrary, many of them were much more regular in the payment of tithes than the Protestants before Dr. Doyle began to write pamphlets. But bow stood matters now in the dio cese of that Right Rev. Doctor ?—Nothing was paid to the Protestant clergy; and in other parts of the county the clergy did not receive a tithe of their• tithes. In making these observations, however, he begged it to be un derstood that nothing was further from his mind than to vilify the great body of the Catholic clergy ; he had often been their warm though humble defender, but he could not refrai❑ from some observations upon the effect pro duced by the influence of the Right Rev. Doctor, when he found him saying that the resistance to tithes on the part of the people of Ireland, arose from their attachment to justice, and expressing a hope that their " hatred of tithes might he as lasting as their love of justice. In addition to the effects of Dr. Doyle's influence, which was great and extensive, there was another fertile source of the resist ance at present offered to the payment of tithes in Ireland, and that was to be found in the agitation which the de magogues so efficiently maintained. It could not but be in the recollection of the House that not long since a question was put to the Noble Earl, as to whether or not it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to renew the lately expired Bill for the suppression of seditious as semblies in Ireland, and the answer given was in the affir mative ; yet that session and another passed away without any step of that kind having been taken. Now be wished to know of the Noble Earl what had since taken place to induce Government to change their• opinion. Perhaps it might have been thought that those societies owed their existence to the influence and activity of one individual, and if the obstacle which his conduct opposed to the peace and welfare of Ireland were removed, the necessity for any special legislation might disappear at the same time ; but how had circumstances turned out ? That individual had cast the apple of discard amongst the Irish people, and the exchange of a silk gown for a stuff one did nut appear• to have wrought any change in his temper or disposition— the patent of precedence appeared to have been thrown away upon him. It bad been insinuated, nay openly stated that Government made overtures ,with a view to obtaining the support of that individual. If such were the fact, it ought to be known and explicitly stated ; if not, the Noble Earl opposite ought to relieve himself and his colleagues from so foul an imputation ; and he thought this more necessary to be adverted to, from the conviction that at the present moment a counteraction had taken place, and that a strong feeling prevailed, not only amongst Catholics but amongst Protestants—he meant a feeling of alienation from the Government. The Protestants too felt that their only security was in opposing the Catholics by associations similar to that which they set on foot, for " when bad men combine, good men must associate." He was not himself a membcr of soy of tliunc ssaoo'iatians, hut be felt that times required he should come forward in that House, of which he was a Member, and state his senti ments. There was one suggestion which appeared to have been thrown out by the Noble Viscount, which was, that the payment of tithes ought to be incorporated with the rent. That he conceived would be unjust in the highest degree towards the landlord, and from any such plan he should feel it his duty to withhold his consent. In thus expressing his sentiments generally upon the proposition then before their Lordships, be begged it to be understood that he did not impute any blame ,to the present Govern ment of Ireland, in reference to the course they had taken during the late disputes between the clergy and those who ought to pay tithes, They had given such assistance as could be afforded by police and military ; but while they repressed disturbances on the one hand, all evil in fluence was exerted on the other. It was, then, deeply to be regretted that the King's Government should, at a moment like the present—at a crisis when the country was on the verge of anarchy—choose for its friend and counsellor a man who, by a trick, had been just snatched from the arms of the law ; who, if he had been fairly tried by a jury, would have been sent to prison, is liberated by the conduct of the Irish Govern ment, in permitting an Act to expire which had been founded in a wise and just policy. Instead, then, of pm - secuting that man, the Government was found encourag ing such a person, and holding him out to the public as the friend, the companion, and the adviser of the Govern ment. Such proceedings ought surely to be put an end to, at a moment when the country was on the verge of anarchy. He said on the verge of anarchy—but though lie felt that a crisis of the most dangerous character was at hand, he had no doubt that, despite all its difficulties, it would come triumphantly through the ordeal. He had fears for the sa'ety of Ireland. He saw the loyalty, the wealth, and the power of the country arrayed at one side, and he saw nothing on the other but the mete populace, led on by demagogues and adventurers. Such were his persuasions certainly ; but at the same. time he ear nestly desired to see some measures adopted really calcu lated to allay the ferment at present subsisting in Ireland. This remark, however, was not dictated by hostile spirit towards any of the parties personally who took an active part in the affairs of Ireland. He could sincerely assure their Lordships he was not influenced by so much as even a single spark of political hostility ; but common sense, and the most dispassionate exercise of reason, could not fail to show to the Noble Earl opposite that he could not have to encounter a more insidious enemy than those who professed themselves his friends. At the present moment, and in the present state of Ire'and, it was of the utmost importance that it should not he believed such an indi vidual had been offered an office of considerable importance and had rrjected it. But to return to the motion pro posed by the Noble Viscount. Though not approving of the manner in which it had been brought forward, and though not anticipating much advantage from the species of legislation proposed to be adopted in reference to Irish tithes, he still trusted that Noble Lords would go into the Committee with every desire to carry the object of their• appointment to a satisfactory conclusion. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE denied that the Go vernment were following the advice of the individuals to whom the Noble Earl alluded. For his part, he antici pated considerable advantage from the appointment of such a Committee as that which hail been just proposed. He wished to see the Protestant church well provided, and safely and securely established in its income—therefore, did he desire to see its revenues placed upon a proper footing, and not exacted from the industrious and labouring poor, but from the opulent landlords. The Noble Earl had al luded to the Irish demagogues—indeed had spoken in the plainest terms of Mr. O'Connell—but he seemed to say that Dr. Doyle and Mr. O'Connell were both labouring for the same object, when the fact was, they were at this mo ment at daggers drawn. He thought the Noble Earl (of Wicklow) had stated no good grounds for resisting the ap pointment of the Committee. The Noble Earl, indeed, observed, that he was surprised the Noble Viscount had not given their Lordships more information upon the subject ; but the Noble Earl should remember, that it was for the purpose of procuring information that the Noble Viscount moved for the Committee. The subject was certainly one of great delicacy, and exceeding difficulty ; but yet he thought that they might look to the ltbours of the Com mittee with confidence, when they considered the benefits which had been already conferred upon Ireland by the Tithe Compositio❑ Act. He supported the motion for the Committee, because he believed that it would lead to re•• sults which would ensure the tranquillity of the country, and the permanence of the Established Church. Lord ELLENBVROUGU said be felt it impossible to give his consent to the appointment of the Committee. He could not consent to shift to the Committee that re sponsibility which, according to the principles and prac tice of our Constitution, was most advantageously con fined solely to the advisers of the Crown. His Majesty's advisers recommended him to recommend the subject of tithes in Ireland to the attention of their Lordships. Now, whenever similar advice was given to the Government un der similar circumstances of danger and difficulty, Go vernment were, be would not say in every case, but almost in every single case, ready to submit some specific motion —some positive plan for the adoption of their Lordships. —(Oh, and bear, hear.) And even although the Noble Lords opposite should be able to bring forward some case in which this was not done, still upon principle, and in accordance with reason, he should insist upon the advan tage of adherence to the ordinary course, and that which was most consistent with the public interest. He consi dered it a great advantage of the Constitution, that those conducting the Government of the country had the fullest opportunity of obtaining information, and of maturing in their councils every project that was subsequently - to be subjected to the analysis of Parliament, to their Lordships' House, and the House of Commons, representing the va rious interests of every class of his Majesty's subjects. H e also looked upon it as a great advantage that Government was responsible for the measures it might recommend ; •and, consequently, he entirely objected to any Mini ster's placing himself in the situation of merely throwing out a few loose ideas—calling for a Committee, and imposing upon that Committee the re sponsibility of originating the plan proposed to Parliament. He would accordingly object to the motion, as tending to deprive the country of one of the greatest practical advantages of the Constitution. The Noble Viscount threw out a few general ideas upon the subject ; but expressed no decided opinion, and then called for a Committee. Now, in his opinion, the only advantageous way of having a Commit tee, would be upon a Bill introduced by Government, and declaring the principles on which they proposed to pro ceed. With respect to the question itself, he would say, that he had no objection to a compulsory composition of tithes throughout the country, if the principles upon which , it proceeded were just and reasonable. Neither had he, upon principle, any objection to a gradual purchase of the tithes, though he had not as yet heard any feasible plan for the attainment of this object suggested. He contended, too, that the Government proceeded upon mistaken views and false principles ; and in proof of this he read the fol lowing extract from an harangue lately made by Mr. O'Connell, in Dublin, and referring to his Majesty's speech :—" It will be one of your first duties to inquire whether it may not be possible to effect improvement in the laws respecting this subject, which may afford the ne cessary protection to the Established Church, and, at the same time, remove the present causes of complaint.' I tell Lord Cloncurry it is impossible to remove the present causes of complaint. Necessary protection to the Esta blished Church!' What! do they think it possible to continue the present tithe system in Ireland, where not oae in twenty of the population belong to the Established Church, and where the Catholics in the south, and the Presbyterians in the north, are equally opposed to that system ? 1 tell Lord Cloncurry, and I tell the King's Ministers, that that system cannot last in Ireland.—(Cheers.) It is idle in them to think of it —the time is fast coming when, as every man ought to pay his own lawyer, his own physician, and his own apothe cary, so will every man be obliged to pay for his own clergyman." He submitted that this was in opposition to the principle of paying tithes, and not to the mode in which they were collected. Therefore, the Noble Vis count was not dealing with the evil that existed. In looking, too, over the paper, in which he that day saw the speech from which he had read an extract, there was another thing which he much lamented—namely, the re solution which had been agreed to. And he would now beg to ask, what was the state of things in Ireland ? The country was divided between two parties—Catholics and Protestants—neither of whom had confidence in the Government.—(Hear, hear.) If the army were removed from Leland to-morrow, Government would not have a single individual to support them, with the exception of the few who were attached to it by office. It was this dreadful state of things to which it was the Noble Vis count's duty to look. It was trifling with the country, and not being faithful in the duty a Minister owed to his Sovereign, to continue dabbling with matters of minor importance, while the vital point—the principle of oppo sition to the payment of tithes—was left untouched.— (Hear, hear.) For these reasons he opposed the motion, and likewise because the labours of the Committee must necessarily be addressed to such a variety of topics, that it was utterly impossible it could, within any reasonable time, arrive at any useful conclusion. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said it was no new thine for him to know that the Noble Baron had no very high respect for Committees of that House, but yet it did seem rather strange, that, while praising the Constitution, the Noble Baron should at the same time disparage one of its fundamental usages. He felt happy, however, in believing that the Noble Baron's sentiments were not shared by other Noble Lords, even at his own side of the House. He denied that the motion for a Committee, under the circumstances, was any inno vation, or that it was the duty of Government to propose a plan upon any given subject, although it certainly was their duty to consider it well before they ventured to moot it in the presence of their Lordships. He considered that the Noble Baron had been particularly infelicitous in his observations respecting the mode pursued by the present Government in first moving for a Committee, far be re membered that in 1825 there was a recommendation in the speech for the consideration of the affairs of Ireland, and a Committee was appointed, which had to direct its attention to the whole state of Ireland—the Catholic ques tion—the tithes—the poor laws, and so forth. But the Noble Baron, who then supported the Government, had the advantage of snaking the distinction between the two cases ; in the one it was quite true the Minister had prepared no plan whatever—had no fixed ideas ; whereas his Noble Friend had clearly stated the pecu liar points which it was his intention to lay before the Committee.—(Laughter, and hear, hear.) He believed that his Noble Friend had clearly explained as fully as he properly could—and if he had done more be would have exceeded his duty, and the Noble Baron would have been the first to exclaim against him for attempting to dictate to the Committee. The Noble Baron, great as was his contempt for Committees, would have de cidedly lifted his voice to complain of this proceeding as derogatory to the character of their Lordships. H e himself thought that the course recommended was that mast consistent with the dignity of the House, and the exigencies of the public service. When the rights of pro.. perty were to be considered, there should be a most cau tious investigation; besides the course of Government was precisely the same as that recommended by the Noble Baron himself with regard to East India affairs. He thought the Noble Earl (of Wicklow) had very unneces sarily mixed up the question before them with personal considerations ; and the question of tithes was one which i❑ his mind ought not to be kept separate from all other things. It was a question which had been forced upon them by the state of Ireland, and had been recommended to them, not by one party--by laymen, churchmen, or any other cla-s—but by all parties.—(Hear, hear.) Lord ELLENBOROUGII, in explanation, stated that his objection to the Committee was, that it was prelimi nary to a Bill in which Ministers should declare the prin ciples on which they proposed to act.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord (Lansdowne) also was mistaken when he observed, that he had supported the Government in 1825. At that period he had the weakness to put a certai❑ degree of faith in the Noble Marquis and his associates—(Hear, and laughter)—a weakness of which he had since bad the good fortune to divest himself.—(Laughter and hear.) As to the rest, the Committee on East India affairs had never been proposed with a view of regulating the Government of the country, but simply to procure information, of which there was great need, and he hoped, that when the India question was brought forward, the Ministry would honestly take the responsibility on themselves. The Earl of CARNARVON did not concur with the Noble Baron in objecting to the appointment of the Com mittee. Differing, as he did, in many respect with the present Government, he had yet no wish to thwart them ; and if they should at length deem it necessary to assume an imposing attitude, and put down agitation, they should have his best assistance in this proceeding. He had hoped, however, that Government would have been pre pared to propose some specific measure. He was one of those who believed that it was impossible the present system of collecting tithes could be continued, and the tranquillity of the country preserved. He was, therefore, much pleased when he understood from the Noble Mar quis that Government had some specific ideas upon the subject, though he could not but regret they had not made up their mind to some distinct proposition. He did not believe the power of the Executive could be supported by the Committee; but if the object of Ministers was to gain time, and having the appearance of doing something, to do nothing, no better plan could be devised than that em bodied in the motion of the Noble Viscount. Earl GREY said, he had entertained a hope—a vain hope as it had proved, and perhaps not a very rational one, from his experience in that House—but he had en tertained a hope, that in such a situation of affairs, and introduced as the question was by his Noble Friend, with such exemplary moderation, and such au earnest desire to avoid exciting party-feeling or party I heat, the proposition would have been received in i the same spirit on the other side as it was given forth upon that, and would not have drawn forth sueh an exhibition of party heat as they had that night witnessed. The Noble Earl (Carnarron) had said, that he was disposed to support Government in any proposition to put down agitation ; and from what he knew of the Noble Earl, he could not doubt his sincerity ; but from the mode of his support that night, he doubted very much whether his aid would be much advantage. The subject it was proposed to submit to the Committee was one of great difficulty. This was acknowledged upon all hands. Therefore was it the more fit to be submitted to a Com mittee—(Hear, hear)—and as to the shifting the res ponsibility, he knew not how this could be, since, except ing the risk of character and reputation, he knew not any risk the Minister ran beyond any other Member of Par liament ; and he should be curious to know how the Bill of Attainder or Act of Impeachment could be drawn which should affect a Member for submitting a subject to the consideration of their Lordships. He denied that the submitting of any measure to a Committee in the first in stance diminished the responsibility to which a Minister was liable. Were the Government of the day less respon sible because they first instituted a Committee, before in quiry into the question concerning the Bank charter ? Were Government less responsible for pursuing a similar course with regard to the currency ? As to the tithes, he could only say that there was a systematic opposition to the payment of tithes in Ireland. He did not believe it proceeded front a principle of hostility to the Church ; but certainly the practical operation of it had been, in ram) , places, to reduce clergymen who were once in a state of affluence to something approaching destitution. The object of the Committee was to in quire into the means of meeting the existing evils ; and it was consequently not so general in its object as the Noble Baron supposed, and was likely to con clude its labours within no long period of time. With re spect to the present state of Ireland, no man could more deeply—no man could more sincerely lament that state than he did. To him it certainly had been a most severe and bitter disappointment that the great and healing mea sure adopted by Parliament two years ago, and which had received his most cordial support, had not the beneficial effects which he anticipated from it. In what way those beneficial effects had been prevented, he would not then stop to consider. He deeply lamented, that for the former religious differences in Ireland had been substituted the present dreadful harvest of political animosity and dis sension ; but he bad at least the consolation of knowing, that the germs of that civil animosity and dissension had not proceeded from his Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) To prevent the effects of the existing evils in Ire land had been, and was, the most earnest desire of his colleagues and himself. A Noble Earl had charged his Majesty's Government with not having evinced sufficient ♦igour in meeting the state of public affairs in Ireland. With respect to the Irish Government, knowing, as he did, the high character of the excellent person at the head of that Government, he gave him the fullest credit for not being deficient in that vigour necessary to check sedition, and put down whatever appeared to be fraught with dan ger to the public tranquillity in Ireland. If say new cir cumstances should occur in that country to require still r greater exertions, he (Lord Grey) was certain, that • while that Noble Lord continued in his present situation, he would not be found wanting in any efforts which the case might demand. But he was not at all ashamed to say, that he would much rather restore the tranquillity of Ire- land by measures of conciliation than by measures of vigour.—(Hear, hear.) To the attainment of such an object the views of his Majesty's Government had been directed ; hut, he was sorry to say, not with the success which could have been wished for. It had always, how ever, been one of the articles of his political creed, that the best mode of dealing with sedition was, in the first in stance, to take away its causes, and, if any real grievance existed, to show a sincere disposition to remove them.— (Ilear, hear.) That disposition his Majesty's Govern ment had shown, when they declared their determination not to apply to Parliament fur new powers, while they thought that those powers already in their hands were sufficient to meet the exigencies of the case. The Noble Earl had alluded in a tone of reproach to a particular Act of Parliament respecting Ireland, the renewal of which he (Lord Grey) had intimated his intention of proposing; but which intention bad not been carried into effect. He was not unwilling frankly to confess, that as the Act in ques tion had expired during the period of the dissolution of Parliament, he had thought it expedient to wait some time to see whether its renewal might not be dispensed with. But if it should appear to be necessary, he undoubtedly would not hesitate to propose, not merely the renewal of that Act, but the adoption even of much stronger mea enres.—(ilear. hear.) The Noble Earl's declaration, that neither of the great political parties in Ireland was attached to his Majesty's Government, was hut too true. He would not introduce the names of individuals, but on the character of the proceedings of the body called The Political Union' in Ireland, there could be but one opinion. Undoubtedly a counteraction had, as the Noble Earl had said, been produced. But the resolutions of the counteracting party were as liable to objection, as open to condemnation, as those against which they were directed. Between the two parties it bad been, and it would be, the endeavour of Government to steer, and their object would be to take such measures as might seem calculated to benefit both. That they were not then at the head of either party might be urged against them as a matter of reproach. But in the situation in which they found themselves placed, it was their determination to maintain the just authority of Government in Ireland, and to protect the lives and pro perties of all his Majesty's peaceable subjects; and if they were supported, as he did trust they would be supported, by the sound part of the community, he saw no reason to fear that, adopting such measures as the one proposed that evening for the removal of any really existing grievances, they would be enabled eventually to bring Ireland into that state of tranquillity and order " which," in the words of his Majesty's speech at the opening of the session, " alone seemed wanting to raise a country blessed by Providence with so many natural advantages, to a state of the greatest prosperity."—(Hear, hear, hear.) It was impossible to contemplate a country so fertile, so productive, so admi rably placed, so abounding with harbours and other con veniences for commerce, and inhabited by so brave, so intelligent, and so enterprising a people, without the con viction that all that was necessary to the prosperity of such a country was the establishment of quiet and order.— (Hear, hear, hear.) Under these impressions, it was the determination of his Majesty's Government to act towards Ireland with moderation ; but at the same time with firm ness—to abstain from all measures calculated to provoke further irritation rather than to appease that which al ready existed ; but at the same time to exert all their powers with which the Constitution invested the executive Government, if unfortunately there should appear no other means of securing the public tranquillity and safety.— (Hear, hear, hear.) It did not appear to him to be ne cessarynymore his a n A t i h a a j t es s t u y b ,a jec G t. ov A ern N m o e b n le t Ea r Earl in Ireland, who was most active in his hostilit y to them, h charged a by the offer of an official situation of considerable impor tance. Knowing the extent of that individual's ability and influence, he (Lord Grey) should have been glad if he could have been detached from the courses in which he had been engaged, and have been attached to the support of his Majesty's Government. If he had pursued a pro per course, if he had shown himself a well-disposed and peaceable subject, his abilities, anti his professional reputa tion, would undoubtedly have entitled him to entertain considerable expectations. But, if any offer had been made to the individual in question of any such situation, and in any such manner, as might enable him to say he had such situation in his power, and bad rejected it, he (Lord Grey) was ignorant of it. No such offer had been made by him ; none such could have been sanctioned by him ; nor could he believe that any other person had taken any step even approaching to such an offer. He (Lord Grey) certainly lamented the situation in which that indi vidual had placed himself, and which cut off all hope of his attaching himself to the support of Government —an event which would have been productive of great benefit to the Government, to the country, and, above all, to the individual himself.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He trusted the Committee to be that night appointed would enter fully into the inquiry in which they would be engaged, with a view to the establishment of principles which, while on the one hand they would secure the just rights and pro perty of the Church of Ireland, would, on the other, re move all those causes of complaint which should appear to be well founded.—(Hear, bear, hear.) After a few observations from Lord Viscount MEL BOURNE, the motion was agreed to, and a Select C om _ mittee accordingly appointed. The LORD CHANCELLOR brought in a Bill to amend the contempt in Ecclesiastical Courts' Act. —Read a first, and ordered to be read a second time. Adjourned at a Quarter before Eight o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, DEC. 15. Mr. Sleath, from the Bank of England, appeared at the bar with returns of the amount of balance of interest in the hands of the Bank. Mr. Danvers, from the East India House, brought up certain papers relative to the government of Fort George. Mr. HODGES presented a petition from the inhabi- ,§~ " tants of Ramsgate, praying tat provision might be made In the Reform - Bill to entitle them to vote in conjunction with the town of Sandwich. ABUSES IN THE COURT OF CHANCERY. Mr. SPENCE presented a petition from a gentleman named Joseph Harrington, complaining of the practice of the Court of Chancery, particularly that portion of it which related to the Master's office, and the taxation of bills of costs. The petitioner stated, that being unfortu nately entitled to a portion of property under a will, which was the subject of a suit in Chancery, his attorney's bill amounted to no less than 7,0001. ; the Court of Chancery permitted him to have the bill taxed, but on inquiry he was informed that the expence of taxation would be 1,500/.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") The bill of costs extended to 7,000 folios, the mere copies of which (which must be made, although wholly useless) would be 700—(Hear, hear),—and the whole expence, the items of which were stated in the petition, would be 1,538/. 13e. 4d.—(Hear.) He (Mr. Spence) knew that such cases were of frequent occurrence, although they would be hardly believed to occur in a country like this. He knew one instance where a bill of costs in Chancery amounted to 5001., and the expense of its being taxed was an ad ditional 900/.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He should dwell farther on the enormity of these cases did he not know that a full and effectual Reform was shortly about to take place—(llear)—be was enabled to state upon good authority, and he knew it for a fact, that these abuses would be speedily and effectually reformed.— (Cheers.) Under the sanction of the Lord Chancellor, Bills were in the course of preparation, and the indi viduals employed about them were fully impressed with the importance of the subject, and he was I enabled to state, that shortly after the Christmas recess one or more of those Bills would be introduced in this or the other House of Parliament ; one in particular relating to the abuses detailed i■ the petition.—(Hear.) Mr. D. W. HARVEY was persuaded that the informa tion just communicated by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would afford much gratification to the public. He hoped, however, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would direct the attention of those engaged in preparing the Bills to two things, viz.—the appointment of an officer, whose exclusive duty it should be to tax bills of costs in Chancery ; and also, that when fees to Counsel are taxed, the allowances be returned. With regard to the first sub ject, the duty of taxing bills was often deputed by the Masters to one of the Six Clerks, and it was net unfre quently that those officers had a direct interest in the amount of the bills ; and, with regard to fees to Counsel, those gentlemen never returned any thing they received ; but he did not see why one branch of the profession should be taxed and not the other. . Mr. SPENCE said the remedy for the abuse of which the Hon. Member for Colchester complained was, to a certain extent, in the hr ads of that branch of the profession to which the Hon. Member belonged. He admitted, that the disallowing of fees paid to Counsel on consultations was excessively ridiculous, and called for some remedy, which he had no doubt would now be applied to it. Mr. W. BROUGHAM corroborated the statement of the Hon. and Learned Member, relative to the proposed Reform to be introduced. Mr. HUNT said the House had now heard the opinions of a Master in Chancery, a Counsellor, and an Attorney, but he hoped that the proposed Bills would not be drawn by either of them, for be feared that between the three the poor client would be where he now was. The petition was read, and ordered to be printed. Mr. SPENCE, with a view of affording every infor mation relative to the new Bills, would move for the returns of the amount of fees received by the sworn Clerks in Court, or the Six Clerks, in each year, for the last three years, on the occasion of taxing bills of costs.—Ordered. Mr. SPENCE then presented a petition from farmers and breeders of horses in Yorkshire, praying for an altera tion in the law regarding horses. Colonel DAVIES presented a petition from the glove manufacturers in Worcester, complaining of the great dis tress which exists in that trade. The Hon. Member de tailed the state of distress to which large numbers of the operatives in that trade were reduced, and said he earnestly hoped that his Majesty's Government would, at an early period, institute an enquiry into the causes of the distress, and introduce some remedy. He gave notice, however, that shortly after Christmas he would move for a Select Committee upon the subject, if his Majesty's Government did not take up the subject. Mr. Robinson, Mr. Gure Langton, Colonel Torrens, Mr. Sadler, Sir R. Vyvyan, Mr. Weyland, Mr. Warbur ton, and Mr. Hunt, spoke upon the petition. Mr. P. THOMSON stated that when his Hon. and Gallant Friend (Colonel Davies) brought the subject for ward, he would be prepared to state the views which his Majesty's Government entertained, and what their inten tions were relative to the slave trade. At present it was under the consideration of the Government. Mr. SADLER obtained leave to bring in a Bill for re gulating the labour of children employed in mills and factories throughout the kingdom. He would name the 22d of January next as the period for discussion. Mr. CROKER asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer when the information on which the details of the Reform Bill were founded, relative to the number of boroughs to be enfranchised, would be laid before the House. Lord ALTHORP said the papers had been sent down to the House last night after adjournment, and they were now in such a state that they could be delivered to-mor row morning. The arrangement of the schedule, but not the principle of the Bill depended, upon the papers. Mr. CROKER said, if the documents were not placed on the table to-morrow, he would object to the second reading of the Bill. Mr. STANLEY gave notice that he would to-morrow move for leave to bring in a Bill for the relief of Protestant members of Government from the sacra mental test in Ireland. IRISH TITHES. The SPRAYER. having called upon Mr. Stanley, and that part of the King's speech which relates to Ireland having been read, Mr. STANLEY said, in rising in obedience to the re commendation contained in the gracious speech delivered from the throne, which we have just heard read, to move for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the present state of the law relating to tithes in Ireland, in order to ascertain whether each legislative enactments cannot be made as shall at once combine security for the property of the Established Church, with the removal of those grievances existing under the present system, I luive undertaken, I am well aware, a task of no ordinary difficulty..--(llear.) Sir, we shall be told on the one hand, by those who adhere to things as they are, at all hazards, that we are introdu cing unnecessary innovation, creating agitation on subjects better kept quiet--lending the sanction of offi cial authority to idle clamour and unnecessary complaint, unsettling men's minds on the foundation of vested rights of property, and giving an undue encouragement to unprofitable and dangerous speculations. We shall be told, Sir, on the other hand, I am well aware, that to the evil seen in its frightful magnitude we shrink from applying the only remedy that could re move it—that our judgments are warped by preju dice, that we dare cot look at the question as we ought—and that nothing less than a sweeping overthrow of all the existing institutions—the total de- struction of property, will be sufficient to remove the cause of a grievance at once so wide in extent and ruinous in its consequences. But as I think it would be unworthy of his Majesty's Government were they to shrink from the mag nitude and difficulty of the task imposed upon them, so would I deem myself unworthy of the situation which I hold, were I to refuse to offer myself, as the organ of that Government, in bringing before this House and the country, the views we take of the existing evils, and of !hose points to which we conceive more espe cially legislative interference ought to be applied. But, Sir, I will own that upon such a question I am under a more fearful responsibility still. It is not alone as a Minister of the Crown, anxious for the tranquillity of Ireland, which cannot be otherwise seenred—it is the h;glier responsibility of a Christian and a sincere Protestant, anxious for the support of that Church to which I belong—for its re spectability, for its security, for its very existence, but still more for the support of the religion which that Church is calculated to maintain and to propagate, that I call on this House, of which so large a proportion belong to that Church, seriously to consider what is the state in which that Church and our common religion are now placed in Ireland. Sir, the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth, in commenting on some observations made by me on that part of his gracious Majesty's speech which has been read, expressed the greatest possible alarm at the notion of a Committee being appointed for this purpose, and he argued, with no inconsiderable degree of plausibility, that so long as this important question was pending in the House, so long as it was before the at tion of Parliament that there was a complaint between the clergy and the people, every possible resistance would be made, during the pendency, to the payment of tithes. Now, in making these objections, the Right Hon. Gentle man should have recollected that tithes were not paid front week to week, nor from day to day ; that they were not like the profits of commercial enterprise, liable to in terruption from sudden stagnation of demand for the la bours of industry. Tithes, they should bear in mind, were paid half-yearly,—one period of payment had re cently elapsed, and none would probably arrive until after it lie wot the Easter recess. Therefore, if any time was to ferred to another, as more suitable for discussing the tion before the House, surely that time was the ' when they could deliberate upon it longer without , to the Church than at any other season of the yea , the Right Hon. Gentleman would also, be anti-", ject to the mode of proceeding by Committee, and pronounce it better for Ministers to have at once a Bill into Parliament for accomplishing their object. however, that course had been adopted—if, with or out a notice in his Majesty's speech, they had i a Bill to effect such changes as they deemed ner existing tithe laws, would not the Right Hon. have been the first to say that ►hey had acted their duty, in not having afforded the amplest . investigating the subject? He (Mr. Stanley) ki. Right Hon. Gentleman would have employed these arguments with that skill which as a political knew how to practise. Sir ROBERT PEEL begged the Right Hon. man's pardon,—he had advanced nothing as to a Committee. eystel to the c 101., o this vi diffi )roceedir mod, was o and trouble , and wa the quart might mode; wo► cause i both and Were Some remarks, which we could not catch, passed the t ible between Mr. STANLEY and Sir R. PEEL, which, Mr. STANLEY expressed his regret that his tions had annoyed the Right Hon. Gentleman. (Sir R. Peel) had taken a similar licence with him former occasion. Sir R. PEEL intimated, in dissent, that the Hon. Gentleman had prematurely inferred that he oppose the motion.—(Cries of " Go on.") Mr. STANLEY resumed—He had certainly that it was possible that abjection. to the mode ment was pursuing would be started in some qua had supposed that it might be objected to Minh they ought not to hare noticed the subject iu the speech, unless they were prepared immediately to forward a remedial measure. He would assume a line of argument had been adopted, and that been charged with uselessly protracting the period tatiun in Ireland. If they bad followed the volved in those hypothetical objections, then say that they were trifling with the interests of and the feelings of the country. Ministers had charged their duty in advising the recommendation Royal speech, and in taking the earliest ok calling the attention of the House to it. It said (although the Right Hon. Baronet had not it might be said that the present system worked that there was no substantial ground for that among a Protestant clergy and Catholic p. all they had to do was to maintain the rights Protestant clergy and support the violated at the law. If this were true, then indeed had no excuse for the line of action which pursued ; they might then be accused of crea necessary agitation, and it might be said with that the proposed change was uncalled for. if the state of the law at present was such could be hardly, if at all enforced, that if enforced success of the exertions of Government would ruin of the cause and the increase of tl chief—if the triumph, partial and unaat: increased dissension, if it placed the Protestant a state of exposure on the one hand to the of absolute beggary, penury, and exile ; and, other hand, left them exposed to the charge , ever unfounded, of avarice, extortion, and oppre it proved not only injurious to the receiver of the but equally so to those who paid them, he she good ground to call on that House to take the the law into their most serious and delibera' for the purpose of devising some remedy. He told that Government was giving way to clam( lie would ask, were they to be blamed for the had been occasioned, or because that delay had the magnitude of the danger, were they in to leave it to their successors to propose, if be proposed, a remedy for an evil which have become altogether insupportable ? however, had not yielded to clamour. If of tithes had been refused in the face of the enactments of former Parliaments, what was it proof of the necessity of eradicating the root of ' Yet, though he would repudiate the charge of clamour, he begged to be permitted to state the of Ireland of late years, or rather during the It months. Hon. Members would recollect, that la attempts had been made to excite disorders in that Various modes of agitation had been resorted among others, bodies of men, meeting under the , ofahmoepaciadlleodr exacted traversed ed g, tithes,and tbe disturbances. These hurlers were put dow• threateningpractpractising g a all who w g effects they had produced did not cease with preasion. The system began in Kilkenny, and through the counties of Carlow, Queen's County, part of Wicklow, through Wexford, Tipperary, County, Longford, and Westmeath. A tacit lat mined opposition to the payment of tithes, and midation, had spread more or less through counties. They had been told that they ought enforce the laws,—that those who put fors claim had a right to their protection,—that .nient due ought to be secured, and that they I down the spirit of disturbance. To all this answer, if the House agreed to the appointr Committee, he would be ready to lay before it that Government possessed, the course that had sued, and the results that had followed. But the should remember that there was latterly no di nothing of which the law could take hold ; t of the payment of tithes was tacit and deti every thing was taken advantage of that did not to a violation of the law. A Right Hon. other night endeavoured to show that Go\ placed in a dilemma on this question. He a' either the claims of the clergy were illegal or fa If they were legal, he argued that they ougns forced, and the opposition offered to them should down. He (Mr. Stanley) would at once say claims were strictly 'legal,—he never had, advance any other opinion ; but while there one side the exercise of a strictly legal 6gh on the other a strictly legal opposition to Tithes were liable to certain restrictions —as, in the mode of collection : while the law that species of property, it afforded prof illegal and exorbitant demands. If a man tee a landed estate of 1,000/. a-year, and the expel !rgy lecting the income reduced it to 7001., he had tr ion .4 4 call on the Legislature to remove the ' • t s t 'Y e caused the diminution, nor to complain of alter* tt t the law that left him his net annual revenue of 0;4 ~, man stead of his gross revenue of 10001. This was a° Ar t kke l . ::th' tion in point of the workings of the Irish tithe 1 0 ' 1 6 t otot , en supposing that there was no resistance to the ps,,4'j ts,l. 4 t s the ecclesiastical dues but that which was author i b r egt, 'f he sanctioned by the law. Among the accusations ' I , . ) ( 1 fl at cl ang l an against Government there was one which partictilar4 til etip it . t te° prised him, because it came from a most unexpeete d l r øs t itst ' b u g ' Whatever might be said on the subject by other 11) ~ e 'v of the House, he assuredly did not expect that 11°01 OeA ac Hon. Member for Harwich (Mr. G. Dawson) cf°4 ti 4 :f th the Government with neglecting to give due pro tet sio',l yf th the clergy iu the recovery of their right ; for if O g le' ) to t , o " Si clergyman had been especially supported in the . ir e 11 1 , t rtei rigid enforcement of his right, that clergyman wee d el , Hon. Gentleman's own brother—the Dean of St'" 01 14 ,, tah,, p , °°t Mr. DAWSON rose amidst cries of "order. ‘i t ,i 4 ; ged to inform the Right Hon. Gentleman that he tips rtur tkt f tinctly exculpated Government. til 'ltt Mr. STANLEY said, that if the Right 1 - 1 0 °',..ce r :, te lly ; fa ' man had made no such imputation, he would abl' o l tv o tir o 4 r g showing the ample protection afforded by Govern o t 4, l ° Ltz the case alluded to. He would only say, that P oi tie„ ar t were persons engaged in collecting and distrai°oo; 1, 0 ,7 wl tithes protected by the police and the military, It r t f i dot ebtot in one instance the cattle that had been seized bad ' P r f' o l o ' n tected until they were driven to theses-beach, for t ,(Wi N o ' 4 ' pose of being transported to this side of the water.',, , 11 1 , 1 : 4 4 hear.) He knew that in stating this fact he Wit fi ti A Cr o t Y posing the Government to an imputation of annt'nc' of p l y ll On the one hand, they would be accused of °di ) ! ea r ," the church, and on the other of granting it too ofg e ' e & tection. In several counties, but especially in Car i° ,,io le fo r ib el kenny, and Q ueen ' s coun ty, h e wou ld not say s o f Le ; a n but a general s y s t em o f o pp os iti o n t o th e menet ) ; - 00 1 ,, t tis t ; rel v had been a d opte d. C att l e b a d b een se i ze d in °;s', 9i :41 11 ' payment, a n d th e plan was resorted to of coofi si t i 4 0% , within door s i n th e day-tim e , and letting them °° lei, hu a short period of the night If they were sent r e i t ona pl] in the day-time, scouts and signals intimated the ;v . tort off' 9 ' Per of the officers of the laws, and they were driven Ly seized, no opposition was offered to the law; t ` b i l e L k i liff 7 impounded and brought to sale. No man, hoWes . ,roi oh ttii expose himself to the odium of becoming a purrO b id i i t r t , the tithe collector was obliged to purchase the°3l.l, n ,fl or) (hood ever The y were taken to a distant market ; no man ‘1. 01 , d them provender, or give them a night's shelter. ' urea co nti I escorted by police to the sea-shore for the rit,,,t Protect being sold in the markets of this country, try t Was i n ; lotions had been entered into even in this o°ooo aisle,,no man would buy Irish cattle branded, and bf. ‘ ,ll O ttnd to sale for the payment of tithes.—(Loud cries °' 01 l Bea from all parts of the House.) Such was the Fro', i o Wo m b ] were called on to meet, and that system, he would o l.4 the v el could not meet with ou t an a lt era ti on i n the Pr e '' th e , cte What the specific change ought to be he would n° tol►ent this mo his poc on the tithe 'ten thew b interr unfavour ties, otlat bets ntturall) felt bee Right "here i olevar to be a °testi %b e rex' still 1 this s refer rec e Lot sec not but al , i;y , I Yolunt to ha, req with great s t lie wot raft to oelieeded to a i ''bei o ntg o : t et d bP i e rl ceq ' P P resent tnadt° tslh)lt.e`,l .he year:, In this w ntici,rate°' Without di& e , and of proceedir once hr° second mod, it ohjeee...,Wous and bu with or 3ndeil was o lad intr ° ," and trouble eces'ary ilihnthing hut a Hon. I ndus, and wa ed contratiat th e quart Test me en ,s plea might liey) ktir" first mode ed these ) tourts of al al opponeq, the cum ,erlht be, both Hon. u,„Psuded, and 1 to aPli c "' tlthes, were , )Is Would be , Passe° se t t unate eno ;. PEEL, 'idual case, his O riginal e 8 at 0 t e at once th, man. I P w likewise rith him den seldo B ~ too equity hat the ' 111 in that he Was rernov 1 n ls, s olvent rtainly i n by this mo mode 00 of hie Lis ie quarter' N s o n ths a telY to 1 Illinc6Etrinvoafttli li t itu h pinh e mienarstitis e hl o teet" : "..it:".l , , tt Weigloiritahenteca,en: to ben woo' ,tea of tithe este of I , 1 between 9 had bel t ' th em h endation it :, tsti inters It mi , opportuo t i l t unfavour .!, 'I duti es, wl not sa i l' " of the othe orked s°, tlish e d b e t, )r comPl e , di he entres tic par i s h i litinent t o I e rights c ', is ri h Latent tc ed author„ ' llt naturally id Govt." °jotters and ed for' , Y dl i ticele t a i t'a , w d l s such ' st antly per „forced the bi ~,to thraui would " ' ' gight Ho of the bl credit 1 extant i'tiiccshwfraeica:tt hicnre:kc i'iltilints,uhbeicetaTi t o the 1„eal abuse ; and, °' 't,tstld. Th charge,.or `sing the ti I 0 1 , P re , s ' i t i 1 1, t 3 , i 1; it let rof tned te Pariah, he ahont, 44 When I take the a , ~ ,". Fro tte con'''-oli ti,,,'een felt , He WO t i e had bee clamonit'f, tne Right r the d e ' L en, Where i y had i ° ,, °}' grievar , in the Jig to he a • f it (wi th me, i would, I,t he w ich ? Ali° the , 144 . rer If P ii .`42 still I of the of 'a thin this s it ' 'lth was thee 4 t refer oot of 4 had rece .., o f yiel dhl,, ; d not se , 1 :. 1 - te the c'rit' Pne,••••-fron the lo t ' 11 1 "les, wl that las t 5 1 t:uki adopt in tits" - I, add any '' 1 esorted te tt h. , kto not der the P 0 't, but as ft co ' 1 • ' mse,.. the foh4 suing I , and ft i % t ely, by , 'down, ..:- r 441 Yolunt with the ' r o /44 tht to ha , ay, and es, ,Inli•orrniv cl County, ' 4 4 law. M ipperary, tinletes, and, a tacit b ut t law req Lies, and , O 14}:hted with rough a;10.1;11,°,* great s ought r '" s'f even i forward - even ; for the Ittr , _that 0 14 ~I eorulnat t they lb : 1 ,') aerved 11 this Pe t pi Z l' 'ed at pOintrae n i .. deterred Ore it th e _,,fi '21% %t ed o had b 'Y 7' INh d• at i , 1 he if th But the f e perso lo disturbsi thleed in t i • the re :,l ; ''.4lt use] i/ ' dd'eidterniootiPloi z 4 :; : i g by ht t s e h l , , . Baronet ot l t i lt t able e: GoverorPe 1 kr 4 fill u i He st a g e l , to t %tr out or theYli,V,l % t ile just' y ought I .- t i i t: end no m s h oo !. , q ti ts i. y, , c e say ths , 1) . c l 'gllt fi ad, neve ; oet t,,, n ts; an there wa s ft t ' t to ex, right, th t e rici h t v, t , tY on e i )n to 011.01 ti, 0 of w h —as , for 1 , ge tt A t en , law g u ,r 14 , ti„ wa notectiooj i'lle enforce I man ri o f `i tti f clergy :,. exPence-0001 viiltliktion 1 e had nO OO O l I ,I,`4et, it 1 reatrict't i t l to the of alte r',,, , s , t at m„ f j o. rioi l •.• nue • il ." L' ', 'hi :. ..„,.., an - ; for 'rued at t} 0 'eh di in t the]e, 4e e: 411 ul julti 'd no r is yi At fi It%; an t o ax of 'fah a 1 hut a case, 'AI s thi , arise Reid() , of erg equity retnov in ti then a to sliced elltrel ' to I and at tl a do NV/ adopt i d any 11% j and a