The Sun. — London, England, 1834-04-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THU PUBLIC' .10tit'IsIALB. In animadverting, as we have repeatedly done, upon the defects in our system of criminal juris prudence in the metropolis—a system which it may reasonably be expected that Lord Brougham's bill will greatly improve, we have as frequently noticed the extraordinary anomaly of so great a proportion of accused persons be ing tried by judges nominated by the corpora tion of London, and for whose fitness the coun try at large possesses no kind of security. It is true that three of the judges of the land are always named upon what is called the rota of the Old Bailey Session ; but, at the same time, the abstract which we generally publish of the result of the Old Bailey trials shows that the proportion of them which falls to those learned persons bears a very small proportion indeed to the whole of the business of each session, prov ing, in short, that the city judges try full nine teen-twentieths of the county prisoners. As Lord Brougham's bill, with great propriety, will bring the bulk of the prisoners from the most populous parts of the counties of Surrey, Kent, and Essex, for trial at the same bar, care, we think, should be taken to remedy, or at least not to extend, the evil above alluded to ; and that persons tried for criminal offences in the metropolis should be arraigned before persons of whose competency the Crowrm and its ad risers have the necessary knowledge. The Surrey Magistrates—at least some of the most influential of them—have, we hear, expressed themselves strongly upon this part of the sub ject. They are said to acquiesce most readily and thankfully in the main feature of the bill, that of providing a more speedy trial of offenders; but are not so well satisfied with the idea of prisoners who have hitherto been tried by the Judges of the land at Kingston, Guildford, and Croydon, being now handed over to Judges elected by the Common Council of London, or to that of the costs of the trials being regulated as now by a committee of Aldermen. At a time, too, when an inquiry is going on, prepa ratory to a system of corporation reform, it may be doubted how far it is advisable to extend in the case of the Corporation of London those judicial functions which are found to be more or less a grievance every where ; and much as we should regret to see any obstacle thrown in the way of a measure of such great and salutary importance, we trust that means will be taken to insure to the public the trial of offenders by competent and independent Judges ; and that the heavy burden of the county rate in the four counties to which the measure is to extend will not be placed at the disposal of persons who have never been remarkable for an economical management of the large revenues of which they already have the disposal.—Morning Herald. A communication from a correspondent will be found in another column relative to the case of a man named Thomas Billamy, tried and found guilty at the York Assizes of setting fire to a stack of straw. We concur in the view which our correspondent takes of the proofs as constituting a very doubtful case of circum stantial evidence. The facts of the prisoner having been seen near the stack some little time before the fire broke out, and having lighted a pipe of tobacco at a house on the road about half an hour previously, amount to nothing at all, when they are accounted for by showing that the man was going, as was his daily habit, on the road to his work, and that smoking tobacco is a common practice with the peasantry in that as well as in most other parts of England. It appears, however, that the prisoner, subsequently to the fire, had used expressions . which were calculated to throw suspicion upon him. It was stated that he said among other things, " Swim , had been in the village—that if he met Swing he would clap him on the back—that the farmers de served it for having ill-treated their labourers, and that there was nothing like a pipe of tobacco and a match." Now those might be all words of idle bravado, such as many labourers in those times are in the habit of indulging, and many have been uttered, for all we know, when the mind was under the stupifying influence of that beer-shop nuisance which the Legislature has extended over the land, as if to assist the march of demoralization in the rural districts, and make criminals for the purpose of punishing them. That those words, when taken in con junction with other very strong circumstances, should have some weight we admit, as supply ing a motive for the act ; but in the absence of such circumstances, whether taken as_ indicative of the folly or ill-feeling of the prisoner, they amount to nothing more, in our opir ion, than a case of suspicion ; and surely on grounds of suspicion only, although a jury has thought proper to return a verdict of guilty, the crown, invested as it is by law, with the saving prero gative of mercy, ought not to allow any of its subjects to be put to death. Others ac quit against such evidence as would satisfy their consciences in any case but one of life or death. So it happens that some innocent per sons perish, and many guilty ones escape. There is now notice of a motion on the journals of Parliament, to alter the law, and make it more consonant with the principles of enlight ened justice, by a better apportionment of the penalty of the offence. . We alluded to this notice some time ago, which was given by Mr. Lloyd, the representative of Stockport, and a member of the bar. Is it right, we ask, when the Legislature is about to solemnly dis cuss the question of abolishing the punishment of death for rick-burning, the Government should continue inexorably to exact the extreme penalty of the law for that offence, especially in doubtful cases ? Among such cases we also reckon that of Gilpin Reynolds, con victed at the late Assizes of Norwich, on what appears to us very equivocal proofs of guilt, and in whose case we understand the jury were for some time divided, six against six. Neither can we omit an allusion to the case of William Pye, convicted at the same assizes, chiefly upon what was called a codes-. sion, but which confession was only a statement throwing the guilt on another man, who was acquitted. Pye, so far from acknowledging that he participated in the offence, declared that he endeavoured to prevent the other man from com mitting it by actually extinguishing the fire in the first instance, whereupon the other set fire to a larger quantity of straw to burn the place (an outhouse) which he could not extinguish, and then he ran away to give the alarm. The Learned Judge did not pass sentence until the' end of the assizes, when, we understand, he left him for execution. The principal evidence against Gilpin Reynolds was that he had given false accounts of where he had been on the night of the fire—that he had said he had seen it from a place in the first instance, where in tervening objects would have prevented him from seeing it, but surely he might have °b arred its reflection in the sky. This slight circumstantial proof, if any, was eked out by ' some evidence of footmarks near the stack with which his shoes had been tried, and with which they corresponded in dimen sions ; but it was not pretended that there was any other distinguishable correspondence by traces of peculiar nailing, or the like. Evi dence of footmarks is at all times fallacious, but it is particularly so when there is no evi dence but of the dimensions of a shoe, for it is well known that the shoes of a whole parish of labourers is sometimes made on the same last. In this case one of the footmarks had been dug up and brought in a box into Court, and it was so obscure that scarcely the form of a hu man foot could be traced. We recommend those cases to the especial attention of Government. Since writing the above we have learned that Thomas Billamy, the York convict, served in his Majesty's navy, and in that service received a wound on the head, which has, at intervals, ever since, afflicted him with temporary de rangement—particularly when under the influ ence of liquor. When thus affected, he is in the habit of saying the most foolish and absurd things, as crazy people are wont to do. It is highly probable that his intellect was in its disordered state when he spoke the wild nonsense about Swing being in the village, and his clapping him on the back. It should also be noted that although the fire happened in November, no charge was made against him until February, after a sum of money—the price of blood, had been offered for the conviction of the offender. Then his absurd expressions were taken as evidence of guilt. He had sufficient time to abscond if not conscious of his innocence, but lie did - not take advantage of it. He stood his ground—no quarrel was shown to have taken place between the prosecutor and him, which might have insti gated him to the malicious destruction of his property—nor are we aware that, in the case of Gilpin Reynolds, or that of William Pye, any particular motive to inflict malicious injury on the persons whose property was destroyed was shown to have existed. The public have lately seen that 14 months' imprisonment was thought to be sufficient punishment upon two persons convicted of killing factory children by cruel treatment—one being sentenced to twelve months' confinement and the other to only two. In the former it was proved that the little victim had been, on one occasion, beaten with a ladder, and on another, actually hung up by a rope put about his neck until he became black in the face. In the other the innocent sufferer was a girl .of but 11 years of age, who was beaten about the head with one of those thick leathern thongs, of which Mr. Sadler produced a specimen some time ago, and so severely was the barbarous discipline adminis tered as to produce an inflammation of the membranes of the brain. The evidence in both cases was clear and unequivocal. In both cases, we believe, the jury recommended to mercy—in the latter we know they did—and the recom mendation, in each instance, was so far attended to by the Court as to mitigate the penalty so far below the maximum of punishment for manslaughter, which is transportation for life, as to reduce it, in the former instance, to but twelve, and in the latter to but two months' imprisonment. Not so the recommendations to mercy iii case of rick-burning—they are almost invariably neglected—as if property were more precious than life, and to injure the former were more criminal in the eyes of British justice than to feloniously slay a fellow-creature I—Morning Herald. The more we consider the pending public question of civil disabilities, attached to the pro fession of particular religious opinions, the more firmly we are persuaded that the people of this great nation should accept nothing short of their' total abolition. The time is at length arrived when the principle may be boldly and success fully pursued. We have obtained, notwith standing the obstinate and blind opposition of the Tories—peculiarly fomented by the bigotry or policy of Sir Robert Peel—many important piece-meal concessions in favour of full civil li berty in matters of religion. The ultimate tri umph of the advocates of Catholic emancipation —the subsequent repeal of the Test and Cor poration Acts—and the present prospects of the early release of the Protestant Dissenters from the practical grievances so justly complained of, are bright pages in modern history. But we trust that the power of the aggrieved parties in the state will not be the only measure of relief. The Protestant Dissenters, in their present powerful and determined com bination, and in the possession of a decided majority of the electoral votes of the cities and borough, will be able to insure their complete manumission. But we now expect, despite the Tory peers, the total repeal of every statute which affects the rights of citizenship in relation to religious opinions. The " faith-stretchers" are no longer dominant, and we are not com pelled to read the Scriptures through the eccle siastical spectacles of a clergy " established by law." If the church of England is to continue and flourish, it must be by its popular supre macy, and not by statutory protection, to the injury of those who dissent from its doctrines and public services. The vast majority of the Irish are Catholics and Dissenters ; the whole of Scotland is Presbyterian ; the increasing population of England and Wales is unques tionably Non-conformists, and in the agricultural districts it has become notorious that even the lower classes, communicants of the parish churches, are the constant and occasional at tendants of the evening services of the local Dissenting chapels. This order and revolu tion of religious opinion and profession must inevitably and immediately terminate all civil disabilities, and will infallibly insure equal rights to every class of religionists. The rapid growth of liberal public opinion is ex traordinary. We extracted last week from the Edinburgh papers a report of the proceed ings of a public meeting in the Scotch metro polis, to promote the emancipation of the Bri tish Jews, the Lord Provost in the chair. Can there be a more remarkable indication of the current of political principles ? And what a lamentable picture does this enlightenment of the public mind present, in contrast with the prejudices of the House of Lords ? Last year the Jewish Disabilities Bill, which passed the reformed House of Commons by a vote of 4 to 1, is rejected by a large majority of the heredi tary peers ! Are we about to have the same scenes of opposite opinion re-enacted in the upper house ; and to what events must such dissonances between the two branches of the legislature necessarily and immediately tend ? That prejudice and intolerance peculiarly be long to the peerage is palpably displayed on the question of Jewish disabilities. A mistaken belief that- the reformation of the established church is destruction, and a natural fear of the growing power of the protestant dissenters, does not surprise us in the con duct of their lordships. But what possi ble fear can they entertain of the Jews ? The Tory peers cannot apprehend that the chief rabbi of England will instal himself in the Archiepiscopal Palace of Canterbury, or that the Talmud can supersede the use of the New Testament among our Christian and Evange lical population. Is Protestant England, then, to be disgraced by the perpetuation of the civil disabilities of the Jews, when most other Go vernments have acknowledged their claims to equal citizenship ? In France and Germany their disabilities have been removed, and the fullest rights of citizenship allowed them. In Prussia they acquired all civil rights in 1811. In the United States there is generally no dis tinction between Jews and Christians. The Weimar Geographischen Ephemeriden repre sents the numbers of the Jews in these coun tries, Austria, 453,524 ; States of the German confederation, 138,000 ; Prussia, 134,000 ; France, 60,000 ; North America, 5,000. The same authority gives Great Britain a Jewish population of only 12,000 ; and is it to that small but respectable class of religionists that the Tory Peers, in their anxiety for the Established Church and the_ Christian faith, and in the face of all Europe, think wel to deny the rights of free citizens ? " Has God then cast away his people ? God forbid." We trust that the Tory Peers will calmly reflect on their present desperate position on all these questions, and that their religious exercises in the Easter recess will have illuminated their minds. Lord Lyndhurst cannot get credit for sincerity, with his former enlightened opinions, if he opposes these questions. Lord Wynford will not be suspected of the zeal of a Christian in his opposition. We recommend the Jews to pursue steadily and determinedly their claims in the present session, and to make common cause with the dissenters. But in any event loud and penodical knocks at the door of their Lordships' house is the only mode of obtaining an entrance. To the Bishops we recommend the grave consideration of the following perti nent extract from the Religio Stoici :—" A friendly Address to the Fanaticks of all sects and sorts," 1665, that " most of all Churches, do like coy maids lace their bodies so strait that they bring on them a consumption, and will have the gates of Heaven to have been only made for themselves."—Morning Chronicle. Parliament meets again this day, for the despatch of business ; but what business it will despatch, or attempt to despatch, appears to be quite as much a mystery in the government offices as it is with the representatives of the people. The rumour is that several of the most important measures announced at the beginning of the session, are to be postponed, and that that only which regards the claims of the dis senters will be prosecuted. We are not friends to hasty and intemperate legislation, and are ready to make all due allowance for the difficul ties which his Majesty's ministers have to en counter ; but truly, if the present session be al lowed to pass over without any reform in the law, in the Church, or in the poor-rate system—. the people will have but little reason to be proud of their representatives, and the ministry but small ground for popularity. The public is not to be trifled with, and will not accept of any apology for the postponement of important mea sures.—Morning Advertiser. It is with satisfaction that we perceive, from the fifth number of the Corn Law Magazine. which is now before us, that the cause of the injured many, in contradistinction to that of the monopolizing few, is in good hands. It is not likely to suffer by any deficiency of fervour, ability, or perseverance, as far as the editor of this magazine is concerned. Causes of won der, says a proverb, never cease, and one can not avoid being perfectly astonished, in looking back through the past vista of a few years, at the various ingenious machines for plundering unsuspecting industry, which have been in vented by crafty law-givers. Many of these, with the inherent vitality of worthlessness, exist for a time in darkness, and, as soon as the light pours upon them, crumble to rottenness, or shrink into nothingness. Others, however, of these jobbing abuses make more obsti nate head against the inquiring spirit of the age, and among these are the corn laws—which may be described as a device for keeping down the working classes to the starvation point of existence ; for crippling trade, and for destroying manufactures ; for promoting misery, poverty, and crime, in order that a few Sir Francis Wrongheads among the landlords may cocker themselves up with the idea that they are putting money in their pockets, while, in fact, they are as effectually dissipating it as if they were throwing it into the British Channel. The idea of protection to the high prices of one-third of the commu nity (the agriculturists), can only, it is quite clear, be entertained with the view of plundering the other two-thirds ; and as the two-thirds are, or would be—if not artificially impoverished— the best customers of the other third—the rob bers, by an indirect, but most just retribution, may be said, after an Irish system of gain, to be taking a great deal of pains to pick their own pockets. In short, the sa pient legislators who invented the " Dear Bread Laws" should have taken out their degrees at the University of Lagoda among the crack-brained philosophers of Laputa. Such schemes as theirs can only be con sidered as the natural property of that insular birthplace of all legislative absurdities. We have stated the agricultural population at one-third ; but the farmers (except the few with long leases) and the agricultural labourers have no interest in the pretended protection of the corn laws, mo re th an th e manu f ac t urers a nd their workmen. All ought, therefore, to unite cordially —masters and workmen, farmers and labourers, to carry the point of " cheap bread and extended trade," against the few Leviathans of the land. But instead of this union what do we see ? A degraded yeomanry and pea santry on the one hand, deluded into the belief that their interest lies in a kind of social suicide ; while, on the other, the manufacturers exhibit a gloomy picture of restless competition and ago nizing struggle—worked up with all the darkest features of selfish rage and malevolent com petition. We see the masters striving to snatch from each other in ever diminish ing rate of profits, and the workmen esta blishing a new circumvallation of close corporations, for the purpose of monopolizing high wages and light toil, while they exclude from work the starving myriads, who, with lin gering want on one hand, and clamourous vio lence on the other, besiege the marts of droop ing industry. The editor of the Corn Law Magazine opens it with an able article " On the Arguments used on both sides in the Debate of the 6th anal 7th ultimo." We perfectly concur with every part of it ; and recommend the entire paper to the perusal of our readers. In the meanwhile we shall content ourselves with pointing out the striking and well argued detail which it contains of the rami fications of mischief radiating through every fibre of the body-politic, from the " corn-law dry rot, with which the mischievous com bination of brutal ignorance and rapacious cu pidity have contrived to inoculate the British oak. Can these things last ? Impossible. The " giant evil" will fall at one blow as soon as the agricultural and manufacturing classes — becoming sufficiently enlightened as to the real source of their injury and degradation—shall unite to hurl to the dust the wicker idols of ignorant legislation, in which, hitherto, their mutual jealousies and mutual weaknesses have allowed whole holocausts of human victims to be sacrificed and consumed. When the indus trious " many" shall awake (and awake they must and will) from their long trance of igno rance, and arising from the dust assume their proper dignity, elevation, and post in the social scale, they will be as surprised as Gulliver was at the fragility of the threads, by which the Lilliputian, but united faction of their selfish oppressors, have so long fettered their giant energies to the earth.—Morning Advertiser. SECONDED ;IT h N SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met to-night at five o'clock. Lord W YNFORD said that the bill for facili tating the recovery of debts respectively in England and Ireland stood for the second reading that night. As he had some amendments to propose, and as he was anxious that they should have their lordships' consideration before they were discussed, he would move that the second reading be taken now, that the bill be com mitted pro forma, and that it be re-committed on Wednesday next. After a few words from the Marquis of WE ST MEATH, the bill was read a second time. It was committed pro forma, and ordered to be re-committed on Thursday next. . The Duke of WELLINGTON presented peti tions from several parishes in the county of Nor folk against the separation of the church and state. Also a petition from several townships in the same county complaining of agricultural distress, and of the manner in which the averages were made up. The Earl of ROSSLYN, in the absence of his noble friend Lord Ellenborough, postponed a motion relative to certain claims upon the King of Oude, of which notice had been given, to Friday the 2d of May. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved for cer tain returns connected with the Court of Chan cery in Ireland. He did so with a view to show their lordships the necessity of certain mea sures which his noble friend, the Chancellor of Ire land, intended to introduce into that house imme diately upon his arrival. They were to extend to Ire land the benefit of those changes which had lately taken place in the Court of Chancery in England. The returns, which were for an account of the moneys in the Ac countant-General's hands, &c., were ordered. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that to the Old Bailey Bill, which stood for a second read ing without a day being fixed, he wished to make two material additions. As he wished that they should be well considered before being discussed, he would move that the second reading be taken to-mor row, with a view to its committal ; the alterations might then be made, the bill printed, and the discus sion taken afterwards. Lord KENYON presented a number of petitions relative to the Preston Railway Bill, which were re ferred to the committee. The Duke of RICHMOND presented two peti tions from parishes in Suffolk, and one from a parish in the county of Sussex, in favour of a Labour Rate Bill. Earl GREY presented a petition from the High Sheriff and Grand Jury of the county of Tipperary against a repeal of the Union. The noble earl said it gave him pleasure to present such a petition. He thought with the petitioners that such a measure as the repeal of the Union would lead to nothing more than the absolute ruin of both countries, and therefore it ought to be resisteu both at the first and the last. Also, a num ber of petitions from various places in Scotland against the present system of church patronage. In presenting these petitions he merely acted ministeri ally and did not consider himself bound by the prayer of them, or the statements they contained. The noble earl also presented a petition from the inhabitants of Glasgow praying to be heard by counsel against the Voluntary Churches ( Scotland) Bill ; and two petitions from dissenters complaining of their grie vances, and praying for redress. The Earl of ROSEBERR Y said that he did not wish to enter into the discussion of the church patro nage question prematurely, but having been intrusted with a petition on the subject he thought he should not be doing his duty unless he stated to the house the strong impression that he entertained upon it. He well knew that opinion in Scotland had long been fixed upon the subject, and that of late it had become universal, not only among the people but even among the clergy. All were of opinion now that some change should take place, and in that he strictly agreed with them ; at the same time, he did not believe that it was at all necessary or expedient altogether to overthrow the present system, being convinced that the church of Scotland, in its general assembly, had the power, and would exercise it in such a way as to give contentment to the people of Scotland, who were most tenacious in all that related to their church. The noble earl then presented a petition on the subject of church patronage from the presbytery of Stirling, and from several other places, to the same effect. The Earl of H ADDINGTON said, that without entering into the merits of the case, which he was al most unwilling to do at present, he begged to say that he entirely concurred in that part of the statement of the noble lord who had just sat down, that whatever was done with reference to this great and important question, relative to the church of Scotland, should be done by the General Assembly itself. What it would become the General Assembly to do, he should not take upon himself to say. He had a petition to present from the presbytery of Saint Andrew's, with which he entirely concurred, and they prayed that a system which had been so long established, and which had been productive of such good effects, should not be set aside by legislative enactment, confident as they were that such enactment would introduce confusion among the parishes, and create great dissa tisfaction. The noble lord concluded by stating that he trusted, when this important question came before their lordships in a regular way, it would receive their deliberate and most impartial consideration. The Earl of WESTMORELAND presented petitions in support of the established church of Eng land, from various parishes in the diocese of Bath and Wells, and from Lyme Regis, in Dorsetshire. The Earl of ROSEBERR Y presented a petition from Auchterarder, in Perthshire, for the better ob servance of the Sabbath. HAND-LOOM WEAVERS. The Earl of CARL ISLE presented a petition from the hand-loom weavers of Congleton, representing the deplorable condition to which they were reduced by the low wages they received, which amounted to no more than ss. weekly, and praying that some measure might be introduced to ameliorate their wants. The noble lord also presented a petition for the better observance of the Sabbath from Ospatria in Cumber land. Lord BE XLE Y presented similar petitions from various places in Yorkshire. The Earl of SUFFIELD presented a petition from the independent dissenters of Union-street chapel in the borough of Southwark, praying to be relieved from the grievances under which they laboured. They prayed, amongst other things, that thcy might be admitted to the universities, and exempted from the payment of church rates. ( Hear, hear.) The noble Lord s tated that he should support the established church by every means in his power, but how far it was consistent with the principles of the established church that those who dissented from it should be com pelled to contribute towards its support, he was not prepared at present to state. He had no doubt that when the proper time came it would re ceive the due consideration of their lordships. The noble lord then presented similar petitions from the Baptists of Ashley and Milbourne, in Southampton, after which, The house adjourned till 10 o'clock to-morrow. HOUSE _OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER resumed the chair at the usual hour. Petitions were presented by Col. LYGON from the county of Worcester, for the better observance of the Sabbath, and on the subjects of repeal of the union and tithes, by Mr. O'CONNELL. The hon. gentleman asked whether the returns were prepared which he had asked for last session, concerning the reduction of taxes n England and Ireland? Mr. SPRING RICE said that as a discussion was approaching in which the hon. member's question was involved, steps had been taken to insure those re turns. They should be made out and submitted to the house on the following evening. Lord MORPE T H presented a petition from the Dissenters of Bradford for a removal of their grievances, and another from the Wesleyan Methodists for a better observance of the Sabbath. Sir R. DONKIN presented a petition:from the inha bitants of the burgh of Berwick-upon- Tweed,against the introduction of any measure into that house which should have for its object the junction of that burgh to the county of Durham ; a petition was likewise presented by Mr. Bernal against the Western Railway Bill. Mr. ROEBUCK hoped that, as he had a motion to bring on to-morrow night, which would occupy a great part of the time of the house, the noble lord (Althorp) would postpone his intended motion. Lord ALTH ORP could not consent to do so. The motion he intended to submit was a preliminary one ; he did not consider that it should meet any objection, and though the hon. member's motion might occupy up to ten or eleven o'clock, still he thought his (the noble lord's) motion might be disposed of. Mr. PELHAM, we believe, was glad that the noble lord would not postpone his motion ; he also wished to know whether he intended to bring in the motion on Thursday night, of which he had given intimation ; and at what time he would bring in that for the reform of corporations. Lord AL THORP, in reply, was understood to say, that to-morrow he intended to bring on the question of tithes ; on Thursday that of the poor-laws, and also another subject ; and those three, he thought, would occupy a considerable portion of the time:ofthehouse. THE DORCHESTER CONVICTIONS. Mr. O'C ON NE L L asked if there would be any objection to produce the record of the conviction of the men at Dorchester ? Lord ALT H 0 RP replied, that as there would pro bably be some discussion upon the subject, the hon. and learned member had better give notice. . . Mr. O'CONNELL said that in order to raise that discussion he thought the record of the conviction ought to be before the house. After a few words from Mr. HARDY, which were inaudible in the gallery, Lord ALTHORP said there would be no objection to produce the record of the conviction. On the question being put, that the Speaker do leave the chair, Mr. H. H UGHE S said he had intended to move a resolution in committee, that after the sth of April no duty on any future additional windows be chargeable ; but as he thought it would be inconvenient to move it to-night, he wished to know if the right hon. gentleman opposite would, on a future occasion, afford him an opportunity of bringing forward that motion. Mr. S. RICE was obliged to the hon. member for postponing the motion, and promised to afford him an early opportunity of bringing it forward. Mr. KENNEDY asked a question respecting the report of the commissioners of corporations. Mr. V. SMITH said the Chief Commissioner was at present out of town, and for himself he was un able to give an answer. The house then resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, Mr. BERNAL in the chair. Mr. SPRING RICE said that he thought the bet ter course he could adopt upon the present occasion would be to go into the votes at once, and to give any explanation that each should require. There were, however, one or two facts connected with the votes he would propose, which he was:sure would be gratifying to the house, and to which he would therefore call their attention. The house was aware that under the head of " Miscellaneous Estimates" there were com prehended five classes of estimates, to which the Irish estimates were added by the present government. Without going into a detail of these separately, he would state the result upon them all for the last four years that he had the honour to pro pose them to the house. The present year com pared with the past showed a saving of 234,0001. (Hear, hear) ; compared with 1832 a saving of 726,000/. ; an wtih 1831 a saving of 1,322,0001. ( Cheers.) This was the result of the course that had been adopted by the present government, and he trusted it would appear satisfactory, particularly when they considered one point, namely, that for the last two years no vote had been taken for army extra ordinaries. There was an actual saving therefore of 1,322,000 effected upon a gross estimate of 3,346,000/. showing a saving of more than a third upon the whole. He would now state what course he was about to take with the present votes, and the first which he was about to propose was taken out of its course, be cause the persons interested in it had really very great claims upon the consideration of the house, he meant the revising barristers.--( Hear, hear. ) Those gentlemen had performed services imposed upon them by Acts of Parliament several months ago, and up to the present moment they had not been paid. Va rious applications had been made to the house upon this subject, and he would, therefore, move this vote first. There had been a reduction in it of 8,000/., the ,vote for the last year being 30,500/., that for the present being only 22,500/. The CHAIRMAN then put the question that a sum, not exceeding 22,500/., be granted to defray the ex penses of the revising barristers.. . . . Mr. SPRING RICE said the second vote which he should have the honour to propose would be that which stood second on the list. It was a vote for two pictures purchased for the use of the National Gal lery. He ( Mr. Spring Rice) never recollected a case in which a stronger feeling had been exhibited by the gentlemen of that house of all parties and opinions—the most economical as well as those who entertained op posite views. The house had recommended to the government that it was the opinion of the house that a national gallery should be established, and they at once adopted the resolution of purchas ing two of the finest pictures that had ever been seen in Europe—two Corregios. The go vernment resolved that that was an opportunity which should not be omitted, and the house having adopted the resolution of establishing a national gallery, conceived that it could be a disgrace if the pic tures were allowed to slip through their hands. —( Hear.) The house should know what steps had been taken to ascertain the value of the pictures; it was his ( Mr. R.'s) duty to show that they had been purchased at a reasonable valne. He would state one single fact, to satisfy the house that they had been purchased on reasonable terms. They had ob tained distinct evidence, from the gentlemen who had been appointed trustees to the National Gallery, that private individuals had in the way of trade offered 10,000 guineas each for them, many years ago, in Italy. They were afterwards brought over to Eng land, and were valued at 12,000 guineas, but he ( Mr. R.) was happy to inform the house that they had been enabled to purchase them at 5001. less than that time.—( Hear.) He had procured the cer tificates of various individuals as to their value, but he thought it unnecessary to refer to them, as it might give rise to a debate upon taste which would not be very useful to the house. He moved that a sum of 11,550/. be granted for purchasing two pictures for the use of the national gallery. Mr. W A RB URToN said the mere opinion of one or two individuals, however eminent, would scarcely be sufficient without further testimony, of the value of the pictures, and expressed a wish that some in formation should be given to the house as to the arrangements which had been made between the Royal Academy and the National Gallery. He feared lest by and by-there should not be room enough to erect a sufficiently commodious building in which to deposit the pictures. Mr. S. RICE was glad to hear that there was a probability that the deficiency in future would not be pictures for a gallery, but,a gallery for the pictures. The arrangement which had been made was just that which the hon. member could wish, namely, that the property was still to be considered public property, and the pos session of it could be resumed at any time. Sir R. PEEL must put in a word for the Royal Academy, and thought if they gave up their rooms they ought at last to be relieved from a portion of the expense. He should give his cordial vote to the measure, and knew that gover nment had taken ev er y precaution to pay no more than the real value of the pictures. Mr. E WART said that, whatever title it might be said the Royal Academy might have to a place with the National Gallery, he should like to know what title it had to the rcoms in Somerset -house ?-- (Hear.) The only title it could claim was the liberality of the public spirit for the Fine arts. If the Royal Academy was to have the rooms now contemplated, it could only justly have them sub ject to the condition laid down by the right hon. gin V - tleman opposite, the condition of resigning p ossesso whenever the public might want it. The Royal AcadenlY was almost filled with life portraits, and consequentlTi paintings of much greater merit had to them, an which formed a disgraceful in the system. Sir M. W. RIDLE Y could not allow t h e observa tion that had last fallen from the hon. gen tleman t 0 s e- , pass without giving a flat contradiction to the ment, if it was meant to be imputed that there h ; any partiality shown in the hanging ° t misinformed. No painter had any choice whatever; or pictures. The hon. gentleman must have been g reallyr any voice in the place to be occupied in Soler_ house by his paintings. ' There was a commi te d , called a " hanging committee "—( Laughter)-- - w i d : whom entirely the hanging of the paintings ret° r and nothing whatever of any partiality, lia ci ° f i e been known to take place in the selection of t places for particular paintings. As a vdcaricy oc curt h e e in that committee, it was filled up out F ive t o most eminent members, and the rule was tog_,, every good painting a place above what was Cauca the line. ( Here, hear.) Shere were undoubtned a great many portraits of living persons, and that was in consequence of public taste unfortunate,o historical paintings, but still there was encouraging those sort of paintings in preference, no Peened larity shewn respecting them. If it haPP eite r i that a gentleman had to find fault with a good inc ta , ( ' not being placed in a good light, it was not to b e wa s sidered as the fault of any one. He ( Sir M a thew/ extremely glad in being able to- confirm the statemen of the right hon. member for Tamworth, that if til pre pictures had not been bought by government, they wi t7 ' '. about immediately to be removed from the ao The fact was that they were going to be ta ken to the King of Bavaria, who would have g',vey many thousands of pounds more for them th an had been purchased for, and the public could n° fail to be gratified with the purchase. (I,EFT SITTING.) COMMON COUNCIL. MOTION FOR THROWING OPEN THE of cOCRT ALDERMEN. On Saturday the Committee of the whole co urt ' assembled at Guildhall to consider the various pro' posals for the reform of the Corporate Institutioos of the City. Mr. T. W. _ P RITCHARD in the Chair. Upon the motion that it be a recommendation t() the Court to throw open the Court o f Alderm en t° l the public upon all occasions, except those conneete` with matters of police, Alderman THORP and Sir C. M A RsHALL dt ,'; dared that they were of opinion that the Cnn. ought to be opened to the public if it were for n, t ° other reason than that of proving that the re p or to the prejudice of that Court were a lto ge ther un founded. The resolution was unanimously agreed %15 Ego DIMINUTION IN THE NUMBERS OF OS position for the periodical election P OF THE COMMON COUNCIL. Mr. C. PEARSON moved that, r ovided th e P r°- should be carried in the Court, it be recommend' -ober that a diminution should take place in the " 1 Ile of members of the Court of Common Council. thought that if the Court consisted of half its pr , c . sent number the attendance of members would r more strict, and the duties would be more vigilan la c and ably performed.--(Hear.) There were, it set 1c evident, too many tongues and too many teeth constantly at work in corporation affairs. I`;,, Court, in fact, would be distinguished by less t?..ll'‘ and fewer dinners. In Bishopsgate Ward, to win e he had the honour to belong,_ it would, for instance' be advisable to keep one half of the Council out to watch the other half, so that the struggle between those who were in and those who wished to g et io would oduce the greatest advantage to the con stituency. —(Hear.) As matters at present stood t the Court was in general badly attended, except something was to be given away ; but the moment a benefit appeared of that kind it was wonderful ° see with what punctuality the seats were all filled.% (A laugh.) Now, as for the eaters of the corpocr tion, he had no comlaint to make against them I d want of punctuality; they were always to be fol ic in their places, whether those places were in of Aldermen position navigation ba rge or e l sew h ere .—(Laughter.) w o ivi r. SAUL secon d e d t h e propos ition, whi ca unanimously agreed to. ELECTION OF THE LORD MAYOR BY THE OF THE CONSTITUENCY. Wl ) * * Wr. W. WILLIAMS (of Watling-street) con'. posed that it be a recommendation of tbil„. tbe mittee that the Lord Mayor be elected as whole constituency of the c ity, i ns tead of be now was the case, nominated by the LiverY• r t ad' The proposition was car r i e d, a nd the Cc' ll journdd. MEETINGS OF CREDITOR AT THE COURT, BASING HALL.STIII'j' bt, th„ ) :, 'r t ., Pr( ,; Lf",' (From the Lon , lon Gazelle.) a II TO-MORROW, APRIL st T. C. Henderson, dressing-case-dealer, New I3ond-stree- t f,r, J o J. Kidder, silversmith, Strand ...... ................ A. Sillito, wharfinger, Macclesfield..;tree . t . ,..Citv-r oad ..... F. H. Hemming and Co., lacemen, St. Paul's Churchyo( R. Blackburn, s..rgeon, Basinghall.street ..................... I G Statham, tailor,' Henrietta-street, Covent-garden •••••• ooch, grocer, Birmingham .................................. 1 ~, J. Smart, fishir.onger, Brydges-street, Covent-garden ••• J t DI VIDES US. J. Beauchamp, silversmith, Holborn .. .. . .................. • ..... . Il M. Thompson, coal-merchant, Upper T h ames-str eet .• .. J. Roberts and M. Woolfe, e h e t ,emongers, Gravesend.l. Cecil, leather-seller, Upper 'Thames-street ............. LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET,Ar - 1 a t 1.0 —We have had a flat market for cotton throug h oa r week, and prices, though we are not able to r v o u o rter s quotations, have been barely supported. P 7 l ho have taken 500 American and 250 Surat. l'4-be tri rat are declared for auction o n F r id ay next. 18,°", port this week is 7,633 b ags , an d t h e sales ar' bags—namely, 660 S ea I s l an d , 6 140. to 17c1 7 'i t i. I to stained ditto, 9d. t o 12id. ; 8,350 Bowed s ,'4o 9d. ; 2,380 N ew Orleans, 7L0 . ..t0 90. ; 3 no 0 ,1 bama, &c., 7-ad. to el. ; 470 Pernams, 1 0 r; to I rl 4 l. 350 Bahia, 91d. to 9i d. • 510 Araranharn, 10 Para, 81d. •30 Barbadoes, ;20 Sill' 4C1: 1 " : to Bid. ;90 Egyptian, 13d. ; and 2, 520 Sil,, r3 h t 'oo D s ,f ) o 60. per lb. To-day we have sold about e at steady prices, mostly to consumers—r ain 1304, Aricati, 10Id. ; 300 • Pernams, 111 d. ; t, . 6 g Ae r 9d. to 9,i. ; 100 Maranhams, 10id. ; 100 . 7 ' .11 1 00 0 "d . to ; 100 Sea Islands, 144 d. to 164 d. ; r t e ir to g i. in American, from Bd. to 8-14.; and Oileal s pft il , 1 te LIVERPOOL CORN-EXCHANGE/ —The arrivals of all kinds of grain are verY hin g o this week, and the supply of flour is dinlin_ t is be , * most a similar proportion ; this may P', la ys h a lag counted for by the winds for the past few 7,,, - e 'rs been rather contrary, and partly by the far be en a 'asy , too much engaged with spring tillage, t i ra de f oci to deliver freely at market. The wheat and, are has ruled steady, with a moderately fair l a rleY"- o ns. few samples of superior quality on offer. u ota t 3 ra also scarce, and fully command our 11 1 , 5t ue -} r e I n'e r Malt, beans, and peas, as last noted. of the i or aof ther more inquiry for oats and oatmeal; d i s pose o r several parcels of Sligo and Ballina w ere ce ove r . 0 0 at 2s. 7d. per 451 b., being a shade of ativaoltt 0 6 0 last currency. Flour met a slow sale wit h in prices. Gil bert BIRTHS. e 3irS. On the 11th inst., at Pembroke College-io'lg ' st fo rd Ainslie, of a son. On the 12th inst., the lady of J. A. Droop, I)4' hill, of a daughter. to • MARRIED. Parl' e ";th• On the 10th inst., at Margate i Church, M r ' J" oa iwo o f Mary Anne Louisa, daughter of Mr. W. F o ssett, l : oll : , 0 On the 9th inst., at Astbury, Thomas Temper' 0f .o'll ol Congleton, to Frances Jane, youngest dungbt „Act , I.owndes, Esq., Old House-green, Chester. co wl]. te , On the 9th inst., at the Friends' Meeting-lic'us' dog ! ' Tobias Sturge, of the City-road, London, to Caroline, of the late Edward Upcher Brockway'. - 1 .6° London • Printed and Published by l2 MUR trand. D() at the Sun Office, No. 1, S