The Sun. — London, England, 1861-02-06 00:00:00

RE - RIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—(YESTERDAY.) 'The. LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack bit five o'clock. NEW PEER. Lord HERBERT of LEA (late Mr. Sydney Herbert) took -tho oaths and his seat on his elevation to the peerage. The /noble lord was introduced by the Duke of Argyll and 'Lord Shelburne. APPEARANCE OF THE HOUSE. There was a very large attendance of peers present when the Lord Chancellor rose to read the Royal Speech. The galleries round the house were filled by ladies, and the apace before the throne was also densely filled. The ministerial bench was fully occupied. Lord Herbert took his seat next the Duke of Newcastle, and in: a few minutes after the Duke of Cambridge entered the house, and commenced an animated conversation with the noble lord. The Earl of Derby was present, and looked remarkably well. The only thing unusual with the noble earl was that he used a stick in walking. THE ADDRESS. Her Majesty's spee:Contheopening of Parliament hay. ing been read by the Lord Chancellor, as follows : MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, It is with great satisfaction that I meet you again in Parliament, and have recourse to your assistance and advice. My relations with Foreign Powers continue to be friendly and satisfactory ; and I trust that the moderation of the Powers of Europe will prevent any interruption of the general peace. Events of great importance are taking place in Italy. Believing that the Italians ought to be left to settle their own affairs, I have not thought it right to exercise any active interference in those matters. Papers on this subject will be laid before yen. I announced to you, at the close of the last session of Parliament, that the atrccities which had then recently been committed in Syria had 1 1 induced me to concur with the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of the French, the Prince Regent of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, in entering into an engagement with the Sultan by which temporary military assistance was to be afforded to the Sultan for the purpose of establishing order in that part of his dominions. That assistance has been afforded by a body of French troops who have been sent to Syria as re presenting the allied Powers. The Sultan has also placed a considerable military force in Syria - under the direction of an able officer; and I trust that tranquillity will soon be re-established in that province; and that the objects of the Convention will have been fully attained. I announced to you also, at the close of the last session of Parliament, that the pacific overtures which my Envoy in China had made to the Imperial Government at Peking having led to no satisfac tory result, my naval and military forces, and those o f my Ally the Emperor of the French, were to advance towards the Northern Provinces of China, for the purpose of supporting the just demands of the Allied Powers, and that the Earl of Elgin had been sent to China as Special Ambassador to treat with the Chinese Government. I am glad to inform you that the operations of the allied forces have been attended with complete success. After the capture of the forts at the mouth of the Peiho, and several engagements with the Chinese army, the allied forces became masters of the Imperial city of Peking; and the Earl of Elgin and Baron Gros, the Ambassador of the Emperor of the French, were enabled to obtain an honourable and satisfactory settlement of all the matters in dispute. Throughout these operations, and the negotia tions which followed them, the Commanders and Ambassadors of the Allied Powers acted with the most friendly concert. Papers on this subject will be laid before you. The state of my Indian territories is progressively improving, and I trust that their financial condition will gradually partake of the general amendment. An insurrection of a portion of the natives of New Zealand has interrupted the peace of a part of that colony ; but I hope that the measures which have been taken will speedily suppress these dis turbances, and enable my Government to concert such arrangements as may prevent their recurrence. i Serious differences have arisen among the States of the North American Union. It is impossible for me not to look with great concern upon any events which can affect the happiness and welfare of a people nearly allied to my subjects by descent, and closely connected with them by the most inti mate and friendly relations. My heartfelt wish is that these differences may be susceptible of a satis factory adjustment. The interest which I take in the well-being of the people of the United States can not but be increased by the kind and cordial reception given by them to the Prince of Wales during his recent visit to the Continent of . America. I am glad to take this opportunity of expressing my warm appreciation of the loyalty and attach ment to my person and Throne manifested by my Canadian and other North American subjects on the occasion of the residence of the Prince of Wales among them. I have concluded with the Emperor of the French Conventions supplementary to the Treaty of Com merce of the 23d of January, 1860, and in further ance of the objects of that Treaty. I have also concluded with the King of Sardinia a Convention for the Reciprocal Protection of Copyright. These Conventions will be laid before you. GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, I have directed the Estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you. They have been framed with a due regard to economy and to the efficiency of the several branches of the public service. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, Measures will be laid before you for the consoli dation of important parts of the Criminal Law ; for the improvement of the Law of Bankruptcy and Insolvency ; for rendering more easy the Transfer of Land ; for establishing a uniform system of Rating in England and Wales ; and for several other purposes of public usefulness. confidently commit the great interests of my Ernpiro to your wisdom and care ; and I fervently pray that the blessing of the Almighty may attend your Councils, and may guide your deliberations to the attainment of the object of my constant solicitude—the welfare and happiness of my Ipeople. Tho Earl of SEFTON, who wore a full military nt tiform, then rose to move an humble Address to her 314 jetty, in answer to her most gracious Speech. He said he hoped that the house would extend that indulgence which was always awarded to those who addressed their lordships' house for the first time. Ha should not have to trespass upon their lordships' patience for ally considerable time. At another time he would have eizpressed a hope that his motion would have met with unanimous approvel, but under the present circumstances the plea ure of seeing the noble earl opposite sufficiently restored to health to deal with any question, forbid him to auticipecte such a course. (Hear, and cheers.) It was a great pleasure to find that her Majesty still con tinued to be on the most Nendly and satisfactory footing with othor nations. (Hear, hear.) The first paragraph to the Royal Speech referred to Italy, and he could not but think that. tho course that had been adopted by this coun try had to len the right one, and bocominga great and power ful natiou. Tho operations that had taken place in China had proved that the old spirit of military ardor- still continued unimpaired, end the great results that had been obtained with so small a loss from either death or sickness was a source of great gratification. The arms of England had proved tc the Emperor of China that atrocities like those that had been committed under the observation of the highest in that distant land could not go stnpunished. (Hear.) The state of the Indian terri tories had also been referred to in the Royal Speech. Her Majesty expressed a hope that the present condition of that great country would continue to improve. (Hear.) There were, however, those who thought that such could not be the case for a corsiderable period; but when they considered the vast extent of the resources of that immense empire, he thought that the hope expressed by her Majesty was most likely to be fulfilled. He felt that all their lordships would agree with her Majesty in the hopes she expressed relative to the troubled state of America. It was to be regretted that such a state of things had arisen, but he would have their lordships to remember that this touttry was not entirely dependent on that country for 'me of its staple commodities—viz., cotton. The possibility of gruwittg it elsewhere was at the present moment occupying a great deal of attention, and ho thought it would prove su c c essful. With respect to the supplemental Treaty concluded between Her Majesty and the Emperor of the French, he must say that the opinion that much of the distress that at present existed in Coventry was to be attributed to the treaty with France was sh ared In shar d In by him. (Hea r .) The measure referred to as being about to be tntroduca.iedphasefea, felt sure sure_ would receive the best consi deration,ab, f passed, would and ue effect great good. He thanked them for their begged to move the usual address to her Majesty. Lord LISMORE seconded trc-e;: o tion it in a speech 7hich wa s quite inaudible in the repot The Earl of DERBY, who rose amid cries of ' om both sides of the house, said,—my lords, it is a t a ll times a great gratification to me, upon whichever side of t h e house I may happen to be sitting, when the terms of the Address moved' In answer to her Majesty's t ion, Speech froth the Throne are such as do not render neces sary any interruption of that general harmony and unani mity with which it is always desirable at the commence ment of the Sessitm that b oth this and the other House of p a rliament should express its loyalty to the Sovereign, My noble friend who has mov ed the Address has been kind enough to allude to me in terms for which I ant most grateful—(hear, hear)—aed, if he imagines that I am I actuated by any settled purpose of hoetilit) to her Ma jesty's Government, or have any desire to offo an amend ment to this Address, I can assure him he ha greatlymis taken the course which I am disposed to tak on this occa sion. My lords, we must recollect that a S, eech from the Throne is a very different thing from an . 1 dinary message delivered by the President of the United E tates of America to Congress. It does not assume to be an exposition of the general principles of the Government fbr the time being, much less does it assume to be an exposition in detail of the manner in which they intend to carry out those principles. No doubt there are occasions when a Ministry finds it needful to give to Parliament a general Indication of the leading principles of their policy, and when they may also think it necessary to frame the Address as to compel an expression of opinion favourable or unfavourable to that policy from both branches of the Legislature. On the other hand, therehave been times when the views of the Oppo sition on vital questions were so decidedly at variance with 1 those of the Ministry, and when they were so strongly con vinced that the Government of the country ought to be in other hands, that an amendment to the Address has been called for and has been proposed. But, my lords, these are exceptions to the general rule; and I think it is wise on the part of the Government to confine the Address to that which is its most legitimate character--namely, a brief reference to the events which have occurred during the Parliamentary recess, accompanied by an intimation that papers explanatory of their details will in due time be presented to both Houses, and also by a general indication of the principal measures which it is the intention of the Government to bring in upon their responsibility in the course of the session. My lords, regarded in this point of view, the present Speech appears to me to be quite unex ceptionable. And, although there are topics introduced into this Speech which are of deep importance and the highest political interest, and topics, too, on some of which it is impossible for me to forbear from now offering a few observations, yet I conceive that neither in the Address itself, nor.in the speeches of. the mover and seconder, is there anything which calls upon your lordships to depart from the unanimity usual on these occasions. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it may perhaps be more convenient, in commen t ing en the Speech, if I deal with its paragraphs ratherin the reverse order to that in which they are submitted to us. I shall refer, in the first place, to the paragraph in which leer Majesty's Ministers put forward the principal and most important measures which they intend to propose to Par liament in the present session. And I here cannot help congratulating her Majesty's Ministers, the two Houses of Parliament, and the country at large that the programme appears to be of a much more practical; if of a somewhat less ambitious character than that which was presented to us in the corresponding paragraph of the Speech of last year. (Hear, hear.) My lords, the leading measures to which reference is made as those which the Government intend to bring forward are measures which, if carefully and wisely arranged in their principles and details, will, when passed, constitute a valuable addition to our legisla tion. In the present absence of party bitterness and party acrimony it is to be hoped that these measures will receive from both Houses of Parliament that calm and impartial consideration which they might under other circumstances not be so likely to command. My lords, although the present ,scheme of the Government promises much less than their scheme of last year, I must be permitted to say that I think it a much more promising one. (Hear, hear.) The measures they intend to propose are " for the consolida tion of important parts of the criminal law; the improve. ment of the law of bankruptcy and insolvency; 'rendering more easy the transfer of land; establishing a uniform sys tem of rating in England and Wales; and for several ether purposes of public usefulness." My lords, I hope I shall not be thought hypercritical if, in passing, I say I think one of those measures is not quite accurately described in the Speech. The phrase " uniform rating" should be " uniform assessment." (Hear, hear.) so A uniform system of rating exists at present. What is complained of is the want of uniformity in the assessment for the purpose of im posing the rates. And if you can make the law and prac atice of the eountry correspond you may certainly obtain a great advantage by the introductionand extension of a uni form system of assessment for the purposes of rating. There is a little supplementary clause added with reference to the introduction of measures that will be convenient for several other purposes of public usefulness. The form of the Speech is somewhat colloquial—perhaps too colloquial for a Queen's Speech ; but I imagine that the measures thus referred to are of the same nature, just as a kind of et cetera. And yet I nay be told by a noble and learned lord that there is a great deal involved in et cetera. I think " Lord Coke upon Littleton" says it comprehends almost every diverse ques tion, diverse points of commercial law, diverse diversities ; and in one case et cetera stands for six subjects, which oc cupy five pages. Such was the at cetera of Lord Coke, and it may be the Royal et cetera introduced in the Queen's , Speech may be equally comprehensive. (A laugh.) Still, I conjecture the measures referred to are of a more humble class, and of the same denomination with the leading mea sures of the session. I must confess there is one point on which I feel some surprise that no notice is taken in her Ma jesty's Speech. Without adverting to the causes which may have produced it, I think it would have been judicious if some expression had been given:of sympathy for the _deep distress which existed in some parts of England ; nor would it have been ungracious to indicate something like a Royal approval of the beneficence which it has called forth. (Hear, hear.) That distress may not be referable to any special cause, but it certainly suggests matter for serious consideration that it could not be met by the ordinary ma chinery of the Poor Laws. No doubt it was an exceptional case, but the operation of the Poor Laws was found totally inadequate to deal with it. I may be permitted to take this opportunity of saying that I hope the working- classes will take a useful lesson with regard to provident habits from the distress which some of them have been called to endure. (Hear, hear-) No doubt many of them are ut terly unable to do more than provide for their wants from week to week, and if an immediate failure of employment take place severe pressure must be the result ; but it is a matter of notoriety that a large body, not merely of skilled artisans, but of the working classes generally, earn on an average 245. to 288. for four days' work, and could very much in crease their means by working the additional two days. (Hear, hear.) They might be in the receipt of 303. a-week —an income equal to that of many who occupy a higher station, and have to keep up a better appearance; yet they waste their whole earnings in drink and idleness, and a week or fortnight's want of work throws them and their families into destitution, for which they have themselves only to blame. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I must also observe that no notice is taken in her Majesty's Speech of the finan cial condition of the country. (Hear, hear.) I should cer • tainly have expected that we should be informed that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had succeeded to his most sanguine expectations in those sources of increased revenue which he anticipated from the operation of the commercial treaty with Francc—(hear, hear) —end particularly in the increase of revenue he calculat:d upon in the reductions effected last year. We may be told that questions of finance are not questions with which this house ought to dee! or on which we should make any observations, although I do not know that there are any financial operations proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer by which the members of this houseare unaffeeted. (A laugh.) But we have this year an opportunity which rarely occurs for considering and examining two Royal Speeches, and comparing the results of the policy followed in either case. I do find in the speech addressed on Monday by the Emperor of the French to the legislative body what has been the result of the commercial treaty of France, and I menet do better than draw your lordships' attention to this paragraph. Ho says, "At the least we ought to endeavour to make objects of the first necessity as cheap as possible. It is with this view that we have lowered the duties on certain articles and signed a treaty with England." He also says that they have dimi nished the taxation on articles of prime necessity; and in his commercial treaty he proceeded on the principle not of abolishing but of reducing as far as possible all taxes on the raw material of manufacture, the greater use of which might make up for the deficiency in the revenue. He proceeded on the principle laid down by Sir Robert Peel in 1841 of making the greatest re luction on at tides of prime neces sity, and secondly, on articles of raw material, to promote the indus y of the country. Now see the result. The Emperor of the French informs us that "to realise these economical reforms we have had to renounce 90 millions of annual receipts"—between £3,000,000 and £4,000,000 ster ling—" but, neverthel ess , th e b udget will b e presented to you in equilibi:um without its having been necessary to obtain . resou me by the creat i on of new imports or by trench ing on the public credit, es 1 had to annoince to you last year." My lord 9, I can i mag i ne the Chancellor of the Exchequer reading this paragraph with very peculiar feel ings. (A laugh.) How he must envy the state of things described. (A laugh.) But I will draw a veil over the financial sorrows of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. As to the paragraph relating to reduction and economy I hope it will satisfy the members of the House of Commons, ivelaugh)—d delicate aza a nd more especial l y those 60 gentlemen who add resse d a who recesd memorial to the Premier repl reply i on this in subject—(ath most conciliatory language combined with tho strongest expres sions of friendship. (A laugh.) As I read the answer of the Prime Minister, it amounts to this— " Gentlemen, economy is a good thing, but efficiency is a better thing still; and as her Majesty's Ministers are much better judges than you are how far econ om y and can be combined, I recommend you not to trouble efficiency u s with, your crude speculations, but be satisfied with the est ima tes we propound." (Hear, and a laugh.) Following the in verse order I have already indicated, the next paragraph refers to the serious differences which have arisen among the States of the North American Union. It is impossible not to feel the deepest concern at the threatened disruption of that great Union, as it must affect the happiness and wesseee of that country. (Hear, hear.) There is no man in this country who would not view with the deepest anxiety and regret the disruption of a community which, 'without claiming perfection for its institutions, and cer tainly wider various disadvantages, has yet procured for its people an amount of prosperity almost unparalleled in the Istsl. I think it i s i n f er i or —(hear, h ear )—to that e n j oye d i n world, and an amount of persona l freedom o n ly infeeior— this country. Near, hear.) But it is impossible to look at that threatenbd disruption—only possible to be effectual at the cost of the horrors of civil war—without Whilst also _ :THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING; FEBRUARY r 6, 161 at the ettetts it tt ottld prodece et. the metittfapttires of this country. Its first effects, at all events, would Pe Mogi dis astrous to one great branch of our industry. Unfortunately it does so happen—l trust it will not be long so—that we have been almost exclusively dependent on the cotton of America. It will be of the highest advantage, if the threatened disruption should led those who are most deeply ihterested—l do not think the Government can in terfere with their individual exertion—te turn their seri ous consideration to the b es t means o f aver ti n g the dan gerinvolved in a failure of the supply of cotton from the United Otates by prottioting an increased supply front other sources. Such a supply can be had in many parts of the world, provided means be taken for encou raging its growth an d i mport. (Hear, hear.) Her Ma - jesty goes on to state that the interest she takes in the well-being of the people 'of the United States can net but be increased by the kind and cordial recep tion given by them to the Prince of Wales during his recent visit to the conti nen t o f A mer i ca. Wi t h th e exception, pheerrhmapasj,esotfyounpe upon n itt t l h e e u lo n y p a l l e t a y sa an nt d od n g es o swe may congratulate feeling which were displayed towards the P r i nce o f W a l es by our fellow-sub jeets in Canada, as w e ll as b y th e peop l e o f the neighbour ing Republic. (Hear, hear.) B u t th ere is one point which, although it must h ave a ff or d e d t h e u t mos t satisfaction to the country, could not, perhaps, have been introduced by her Majesty into her gracious speech. I allude, of course, to the perfect manner i n w hi c h th e Prince of Wales him self, by his personal conduct, justified the respect and good feeling which were manifested towards him in Canada and the United States. (Cheers.) There is not one young man in ten thousand who would be able, in so difficult a position and on the spur' of the moment, to show the same amount of self-possession, the same tact, and the same dignity. (Cheers.) That, of course, is not a subject upon which any formal address can be presented to her Majesty, but I am sure your lordships will agree w i t h me t h at our congratu lations, instead of being limited to the reception given to the Prince of Wales, should include, in addition, the perfect manner in which hi s R o y a l Hi g h ness j ust ifi e d a ll th e enthu siasm and good feeling which his visit called forth. (Cheers ) It is not my intention, mylords, to comment upon the next two topics dealt with in the Speech from the Throne. One is the insurrection of a portion of the natives of New Zea land ; the other and more important is the state of our In dian territories. We are not called upon for any expression of opinion with respect to the first, and even if we were, we are not in a position to form a correct judgment in regard to it. I hope it may turn out not only that we have acted according to the strict letter of the law, but that in our treat ment of native rights and usuages—which are most com plicated in their character, which are difficult to be under stood by Europeans, which, indeed, are hardly understood by the natives themselves, but to which they are earnestly attached—we have not afforded any pretext for the armed rebellion which has occurred. (Hear, hear.) The state of India is, of course, too large and important a question to be dealt with incidentally upon such an occasion as the present. I rejoice to hear that the Government are able to express the hope that the finances of India will gradually partake of the general amendment, for I confess that, in my opinion, the prospect at the present moment is not one of the most favourable character. (Hear, hear.) Nor, my lords, am I about to enter into any discussion of the origin of our re cent dispute with China. The disaster at the mouth of the Peiho, which led to the late expedition, might, perhaps, have been avoided ; but when that disaster occurred there was obviously only one course which could be taken. We were bound by a display of energy to enforce compliance with our terms, and at the same time to show to the world, by the moderation of those terms, that we wete not using our military and naval power for an improper purpose. I am glad to be able fairly and honestly to congratulate the Government upon the manner in which their intentions have been carried out, upon the admirable arrangements made by the naval and military authorities, and upon the intelligence and activity displayed by both services in the accomplishment of a most difficult and arduous task. (Cheers.) I need not say, my lords, that what is called the Italian question is the most important subject dealt with in the Speech from the Throne. Even upon the present oc casion I cannot refrain from offering a few observations upon the general state of our foreign relations. But the point upon which I desire more especially to have a full and unreserved explanation from the Government is the state of our relations—l do not mean our ostensible and avowed re lations, but our real, true, and genuine relations—with our great and powerful neighbour on the other side of the Channel. (Hear, hear.) Two important questions are re ferred to in the Speech from the Throne. One is the pre sence of a French force in Syria, the other is the state of Italy. We are told that the French expedition to Syria was intended for a specific and temporary purpose, and we know that the troops were to be withdrawn at the expiration of a certain period of time. The moment for their withdrawal, accord ing to the terms of the convention, is now drawing near. I believe the six months assigned for the occupation will ex pire on the sth of March, and I should be glad to hear from the Government that they have reason to believe and expect that the French Government are determined to withdraw their troops at the appointed time, and not to seek to obtain the renewal of an occupation which is certainly of an ano malous character, calculated to create uneasiness and anx iety. (Hear.) But, my lords, however important may be the affairs of Syria, those of Italy are of more importance still. I think it will be necessary, in expressing any opinion upon the affairs of Italy, to distinguish between the results which might probably be attained, and the means and agencies employed for that purpose. (Hear, hear.) For my own part, I have nothing to say in vindication of the system of government which was carried on in the kingdom of Naples, although I think Francis 11. has had a hard mea sure dealt out to him, inasmuch as he has been exposed to the long pent-up indignation of his people before ho had an opportunity of showing what his principles and policy really were. (Hear, hear.) However, my lords, I say not a single word in vindication of the frequent violations of law, and of the cruel punishments which were undoubtedly practised in Naples ; I say nothing of the right of the people to break out in open revolt, nor do I express an opinion whether the dream or vision of Italian unity can ever be realised, a matter upon which I confess I entertain very serious doubts; but I do say that if that dream can be realised I will look upon the establishment of a great and united Italy without any feeling of jealousy whatever, provided it is not only great and united, but really and truly independent of foreign Power. (Cheers.) I have no fear of a great and united Italy provided it is true to itself, and carefully ex cludes from its affairs the intervention and influence of other States. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, when I pass from the question of the merits of the Neapolitan revolt to the manner in which that revolt has been encouraged and pro moted, I must say I take a very different view. lam not going to say a single word in derogation of that brave, and I believe, excellent man, General Garibaldi. He has dis played the highest qualities of a soldier—great personal courage, great personal skill, great personal forethought. As a military man he is entitled to the highest praise ; but it may also be said to his honour, that he is an honest poll'acien, with no arrierc palace whatever, no personal interest to subserve, giv'ng the whole energies of his mind and body to the ac?ompliehment of what he believes to be for the good of his country. (Cheers.) Therefore, my lords, not a single word disrespectful to General Garibaldi shall pass my lips upon the present or any future occasion ; but if I look to the expdition to Naples, and to the position in which he stood with rega-d to international law, I am compelled to say, however upright his motives, that ,if he had been unsuccessful, and if the King of Naples had taken him prisoner, he corld not have claimed any of the rights of a belligerent power, and even if he had been put summarily to death, the King would not have violated any international law. (Hear, hear.) But Garibaldi would not have done so much if he had not been supported and up held by a greater Power. That Power I need not say was the power of the King of Sardinia. I believe that the course pursued by the King of Sardinia, whatever excuses he may make to himself or to his countrymen, whatever palliations there may be, was a flagrant violation of inter national law. (Hear, hear.) There could not, in fact, be a greater violation of international law then that committed by the King of Sardinia when he invaded the Papal and Neapolitan States. Her Majesty has been advised to say, using a rather colloquial expression, "believing that the Italians ought to be left to settle their own affairs, I have not thought it right to exercise any active interfe rence in those matters." There is a very palpable fallacy in the expression about the Ita!ians settling their own affairs. If we admit the doctrine of tho noble lord at the head of the Foreign-office—and within certain limits I am not disposed to dispute it—that every country has a right to deal with its own government according to its own disposition and judgment, free from the intervention of any foreign Power, it is impossible that the noble lord can contend, as he must, in order to vindicate this paragraph, that Sardinia was justified in interfering with the inhabi tants of the kingdom:of Naples, without declaration of war, without cause of war, without any ground of complaint whatever for such intervention. (Hear, hear.) Tfo man can doubt that it is the rightof Frenchmen to deal with French affairs, but I apprehend that if the large body of Frenchmen who inhabit France were disposed to interfere with the affairs of the small body of Frenchmen who inhabit Lower Canada or the Mauritius, the noble lord would find good reasons for objecting to such interventionon the part of this country. Shakspeare makes Macbeth, in reply to the two murderers, say : " A_ y, in the cat a lo gue ye go f or men ; As hounds, and grayhoanus, mongrels, spaniels, curs, ' Shvroougeehesd,s to wa des ter- All by the name onicfriloe thetsd s g and demi-wolves are eloped various,'a liistiheesd The e same by which the to the various descriptions of dogs are di s til b e tween thepopulationoccupying the several Statesof Italy.m'StB h It may be that the f eelin g of Italia n unity may e en ough to bring the var ious Italian Stat es into activerocnog -1 operation with the King of Sardinia, and at such a eons - mation I, for one, should rejoice. There has hitherto, I ad mit, been exhibited amo n g the various populations of Ital y great moderation, and it w ould seem as if therwere disposed rather to submit to the rule of a constitutional Soverei g n wh b i e strong . idea may with justice than to indulge in any wild and excited notions of general democracy and unrestrained republicanism. But that which I desire to impress upon your lordships' atten tion is not so much . the merits or demerits of the King of Sardinia, or General Garibaldi, or of the GoTernmeht of Naples; not so much, I may add, the prospect of the ulti mate consolidation of the whole Italian territory under the one head of itelisn unity, as the tone which her Majesty's Government mean to assume with respect to the present state of Italy, and the views which they entertain as to her future position. We are, indeed, told that papers upon this subject will be laid before us ; but my complaint is not that the oracle has not spoken, or that it has spoken in ambiguous terms. I am aware that certain papers have obtained publicity here even before they were published abroad in the quarters to which they were directed. I may add that I am, in speaking upon this subject, reminded of a somewhat extraordinary performance of the noble lord the present Secretary for Foreign Affairs, who some years ago, when he was First Lord of the Treasury, took the un usual course of reading in the House of Commons a let. ter which had reference to the mode in which it was the duty of his noble friend now at the head of the Govern ment to conduct the foreign correspondence of the country, and which dwelt upon the necessity that existed to submit for the approval of her Majesty previous to their being sent abroad all despatches which were about to emanate from the foreign department. I thought at the time that that and a d s a I s ca tr n on n g ot st n e o p w f for e e l ]; e b colleagu e g p n o t a o n k t e h towards n o a b n l o e t h l o e r r d , the Secretary for Foreign Affairs appears to have been in the course which he took in the case of his own despatch of the 27th of October somewhat oblivious of the wise counsel which he gave on the occasion to which I am re• ferring ; for I cannot believe that that despatch was sent out without having received that which in accordance with constitutional usage it was essential it should receive—the approval and sanction of the Sovereign. (Hear, hear.) Now, as I haye already said, I do not complain that the oracle has not spoken, or that it has spoken ambiguously. What I do complain of is that it has not enabled us to form any satisfactory opinion with regard to the policy of the Government, for its enunciations upon two occasions are in distinct contradiction to one another. (Hear, hear.) I make this charge against the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, because I find that he has written two despatches to Sir J. Hudson—one dated the 31st of August, 1860, and one the 27th of October following, embodying two principles totally distinct. Now, what I wish to know is to which of those principles is it that her Majesty's Ministers have obtained the assent of the Emperor of the French, and by which of them do they themselves mean to abide ? (Hear, hear.) I have here, of course, no right to ask the Govern ment in what the policy of the French Emperor consists ; but I have a right to know from them whether their own policy has been systematically connected with him, and whether they have been assenting parties to the various steps which have been taken by France with regard to the affairs of Italy. The first despatch of the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs to which I have alluded—that dated the 31st August last—very strongly deprecates not only on the ground of prudence, but principle, any interfer ence upon the part of Sardinia with the territories of Naples or Venice. The noble lord there says that her Majesty's Government conceive in substance that the Government of Sardinia disavows any intention of attacking the territories of the King of Naples or those of Austria. The design of invading Naples therefore was one which was then repu diated by the noble lord ; but on the 27th of October, when the invasion of Naples had already taken place, the language which he uses undergoes a thorough change, and that, too, upon a very remarkable occasion, because it was at that time that all the Governments of Europe found it necessary to disapprove the course which Sardinia had just taken. (Hear, hear.) Prussia and France had withdrawn their Ministers from Turin. The former had signified her ex treme dissatisfaction with the proceedings of Victor Em manuel, and this, my lords, was the moment which the Secretary for Foreign Affairs chose to signify his dissent from those opinions,—no.floubt, with the view of showing how successful he was likely to be in obtaining the good will of those States with whose alliance he in a moment of petulance last year threatened France. (Hear, hear.) That statement made with characteristic prudence and judgment, the noble lord proceeded to enter into a discussion of the most difficult and delicate points of international law, and wholly without necessity to lay down principles which, if acted upon, must be acted upon with the utmost caution and reserve, but which ho proceeds to apply in the broadest and most sweeping fashion. Now, I have known the noble lord many years, and I am well aware how great the temp tation is to him to rush into print on the subject of a great revolution (" hear, hear," and a laugh) ; but, at the same time I think he acted with even more than his usual want of caution in quoting high authority for the principles wlsich he advocated. The noble lord was delighted to find a passage in Vattel which he thought would indicate the course which Sardinia ought to pursue. Now, the noble lord's reference to Vattel induced me also to look into the same authority, and I find that he lays down principles as different from those which the noble lord has advanced as light is from darkness. Vattel, in the first place, says that it is no part of the duty of any Sovereign to constitute him self a judge of the merits of the government of any other Sovereign, although that government may be oppressive, and he goes on to state that when a civil war breaks out in a country then foreign nations may take any course which may be in accordance with their interests or feelings in lending as sistance to either of the contendingparties. He however adds that intil insurrection has actually taken place, and until civil war actually becomes flagrant, there is no justification for the interference of foreign Powers in the internal affairs of a State, no matter to what extent its subjects may be op pressed, or to what degree they may remonstrate against the acts of their rulers; nay, more, that if the principle of intervention is to take effect it may be just as legitimately acted on on one side as upon the ether. Now, if Austria had actively exerted herself for the purpose of protecting the King, we should have had, I apprehend, a great deal of vir tuous indignation exhibited by the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, while we should have heard much about its being perfectly legitimate to support the efforts of a people struggling for freedom. But the argument of Vattel applies exactly as much to the one case as the other; and he further states—a doctrine which I would advise the noble lord the Foreign Secretary to bear in mind—that any Power whatsoever which by means of its emissaries insti gates or foments discontent in a neighbouring country, is guilty of a flagrant offence of which that country has a right to complain. (Hear.) But in his despatch of Aug. 31 the noble lord, passing from the question of Naples, dwells upon the possibility of an attack being made by Sardinia onVenice, and says it is obvious that no such attack can be made with out a violation of the treaty of Zurich. He adds that success in such a contest could result to Sardinia only by bringing France into the field, and kindling a general war in Europe, and intimates to Count Cavour that the Great Powers of Europe are bound to maintain peace, and that Great Britain had interests in the Adriatic over which it was the dirty of her Majesty's Government to watch. I shall be glad to hear from her Majesty's Government that they en tertain now the sumo hope, confidence, and belief, that no sanction will be given on the part of France to any attack by Sardinia on the dominions of Venice, and I should hope also that they will be able to assure your lordships that their feelings have not changed since the periol when this statement w as made. (Hear.) I need not apologise for asking the Government for an explanation on these sub jects, and, in the presence of two documents so absolutely and entirely contradictory with each other, for a distinct and clear enunciation of their views with respect to their future policy ; because your lordships will not fail to observe that every argument introduced in favour of the right of Sardinia to interfere in the case of Naples, in defence of a people groaning under oppression, would be applicable in the case of Venice, where, no doubt, there is great discontent against the Austrian rule, and the fact of a people complain ing of its Government does exist. I ask this the more, be cause in the Royal Speech her Majesty says she " trusts that the moderation of the Powers of Europe will prevent any interruption of the general peace." There is no use in blinking this question. It is quite right to speak openly and say that the preservation of peace or the calamity of war depends wholly and entirely on the attitude taken by the Emperor of the French—(hear, hear)—and I must confess that I am not very favourably impressed with the prospects of peace by the language used in the speech delivered by the Emperor of the French. (Hear, hear.) At this time last year I undertook to express my earnest hope that the Emperor of the French would not commit so great an error and so great a political fault as to persist in the annexation of Savoy and Nice; and I expressed that hope, not only on account of the effect which the actual transfer of those pro vinces would have on the relations of the countries in Eu rope, but more particularly so on account of the effect it would produce in shaking the confidence of Europe in the good faith of the Emperor of the French. In this country people are only too ready to state openly, clearly, and dis tinctly what their views and objects are. They go straight forward to their mark, sometimes indiscreetly, perhaps, but they expect to see in explanations of objects and intentions on the part of other Powers the same straightforwardness. They are, therefore, very easily duped by specious pro mises and declarations ; but. once duped, they aro not so easily duped a second time, and confidence once forfeited is not so easily restored to the same person. (Hear, hear.) But even were I disposed to place in the good faith of the declarations of France, or rather of the Emperor of the French, the same confidence as I was prepared to repose in them 14 or 16 months ago, I do not think that the expres sions in the Emperor's speech are such as to ensure great confidence. I take it that there could not be a greater calamity for this country and for Europe than the rupture or dissolution of the friendly alliance between the two countries. (Hear.) There are many reasons which ought to bring us closely together, and an amicable intimacy is as important to the one as to the other, and is equally impor tant to the general peace of Europe. (Hear, hear.) But if the alliance is to be anything real and satisfactory, it is obvious that there must exist mutual confidence between the Go vernments, and a clear understanding as to their intentions and policy. It is impossible to overlook the fact that danger of disturbance in Europe would arise only fromthe attitude assumed by France, and at the present moment there pre vails a degree of apprehension, anxiety, and uncertainty with respect to the future course of that Power. At the srt a in u e p t a i t m io e n t , hat the Emperor of the French makes use of peaceful professions, he is at the head of 4 00,000 mon, and the amount could easily be raised to 600 , 000 . That army, if I am rightly i n f orme d, being sick of idleness, is demanding o and exhibits impatience at the inactivity to which it is condemned; and the nation to which it belongs would go through great suffering, and sus.`ain a great weight of taxation, merely for the sake of wing it deems military glory. Such being the army, and such the nation, with the Emperor of the French at their head, it is not satisfactory to see that potenate at present exerting himself to increase the powers of France, more especially in that particular department in which it iS abso lutely necessary that we should maintain a superiority if we mean to maintain our independence, (Cheers.) When I see the efforts made to raise the navy in France I cannot, though I do not suppose that the Emperor would do anything to bring himself in collision with this crow retry, but, on the contrary, I believe that his earnest desire is to continue on good terms with England, yet I cannot, I repes 't, disconnect those efforts from the great exertions also mad ' in this, country against possible aggression, or help saying that we seem to be running a race o military preparations — with this difference, however, that those in France must be for aggression, while those in England are only for those defences which are essential for the existence of the nation. (Hear.) What do I find in the Emperor of the French's speech ? Ho says, "I certainly do not ignore the fact that this system has the inconvenience of appearing to authorise a good deal of needless trouble, and extreme opinions would prefer the one that France should take cause with all kinds of revolutions, the other that she should put herself at the head of a general reactionary movement. I shall not allow myself to be turned aside from my course by either of these opposing influences. It is enough for the grandeur of the country to maintain its right where it is indispensable, to defend its honour;where it is attacked, to lend its assistance where it may be invoked in favour of a just cause." Now, I ask what possible contingency might not be included under these three exceptions to the general peaceful policy of France? (Hear.) With regard to maintaining 'the indis pensable rights of France the Emperor gives an instance of what he means by that expression, and what is it ? The maintenance of the indispensable rights of France consists "in causing the acceptance of the cession of Savoy and Nice, which are now irrevocably united to France." If that be an explanation of what is meant by the maintenance of the indispensable rights of France, what possible limit to any direct increase of power or an nexation could be discovered under those terms ? Therefore, I am anxious to learn whether they have still the same confidence in the peaceful intentions of the French Empe ror. Ido not ask the noble earl opposite to reconcile the two despatches to which I have referred ; but I ask by which of the two principles the Government are to be guided. This is not an unimportant question, either as respects the future or the present, for unquestionably it is a state of doubt, and apprehension, and uncertainty that places on the people of this country an amount of taxation v. hick is absolutely unprecedented in time of 'mace, which is perfectly intolerable, and which is only made more intolerable by the financial freaks of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) How long is this state of things to continue, and when is the country to be relieved from the pressure of this heavy taxation ? (Hear, hear.) We are, in point of fact, at a time of profound peace suffering from almost a war taxation, and we want to know how long the nation is to remain in this position, how long these excessive armaments are to con tinue necessary, and how long, under the guise of peace, and while apparently in cordial and friendly alliance with our xeighbours across the Channel, we are to maintain these preparations for immediate war? (Hear.) 'We want to know, further, whether her Majesty's Government are at this moment acting, with regard to European politics, in concert with the Emperor of the French, or whether we are with him merely on the footing upon which we stand towards Russia or any other country ? It is of great import ance to know our real position on these points, and it is for the purpose of enabling the Government to give explanations —and I hope satisfactory explanations—of their views, their feelings, their intentions, and their principles, that I have trespassed upon your lordships with some observa tions respecting a speech upon which I am happy to say that I do not see any occasion to move an amendment (Cheers.) Earl GRANVILLE (who was indistinctly heard through out his speech) said he was sure the noble lords on that side of the house were fully as anxious as the noble earl who moved the address to express their feeling with regard to the noble earl who had just sat down being restored to per fect health. (Hear, hear.) He knew that he (the Earl of Sefton) did justice to his (Earl Granville's) own feelings on the subject; and, though it might appear somewhat mag nanimous on his part to say so, no one entered more sins cerely into the gratification expressed by the noble mover than he did. (Hear, hear.) A maxim was once laid down by the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) that it was the positive duty of the leader of the Opposition to find every fault he possibly could with the Government during the discussion upon the address; and when the noble earl began his remarks by compliments upon the royal speech, and the practical character of the measures about to be introduced by the Government to Parliament, he (Earl Granville) thought the noble earl had abandoned his own rule, and that his noble friend behind him had been slightly misinformed as to the state of the noble earl's health ; for not only from his personal appearance, but by the same habit of lively pleasantry which he at times indulged in, and the somewhat severe censure which fell from him at others, it was quite clear that the noble earl had been re stored to that pristine health which he had invariably en joyed. (Laughter and cheers.) That part of the Speech which the noble earl, naturally enough, dealt with in the shortest time, was that relating to the colonies. With re gard to India, the noble earl expressed his opinion so briefly and without giving any reasons for that opinion, which was in opposition to that of her Majesty's advisers, that he (Earl Granville) did not think it necessary to go into so momen tous a question until he had laid upon their lordships' table all the information upon it which they possessed. That information certainly led them to form a most favourable estimate of the results which wore likely to flow from the measures which they had adopted. The noble earl also alluded to the present state of affairs in New Zealand. Upon that subject the noble Secretary of State for the Colo - Dies was not able to give their lordships any additional in formation. The last accounts showed an improved state of things, but it was quite clear that the first duty of the Go vernment was to restore order, and then it would be their duty to deal with this complicated and difficult question between the natives and the English settlers. The noble earl likewise referred to the visit of the Prince of Wales to America, and said that the reception which his royal high ness met with in Canada was a satisfactory proof of the loyalty of that important colony. Without wishing to weaken anything the noble earl had said as to the compli ments paid to the Prince, he must observe, in corroboration of what had fallen from the noble earl, that it must be satisfactory to this country to know that, loyal as the people of Canada had shown themselves with regard to the sove reign, the care which her Majesty had bestowed on the edu cation of her children had, even before they had arrived at manhood or womanhood, been attended by such successful results as to add something to cement the connection be • tween our colonies and the mother country, and to bring more distinctly before the world a k now l e d ge o f th e virtues' of the Sovereign. (Hear.) Not only in Canada was a recep tion of a peculiar character given to the Prince of 'Wales, going in his royal character, with a Secretary of State and' other officers of state accompanying him, but in South Africa, on the mere casual visit of another son in his pri vats capacity, a midshipman on board one of her Majesty's ships, the loyalty of that colony was folly shown in the same way to the mother country as it had been evinced to wards the oldest son in Canada and elsewhere. (Hear.) But the greater part of the noble earl's speech, as might natu • rally have been expected—and indeed it is a topic of every day discussion—related to foreign affairs. With respect to China, it was also satisfactory to hear the testimony borne by the noble earl to the ability of our soldiers. No one ever entertained a doubt of their fighting qualities, but there was a doubt as to our organisation for a foreign mili tary expedition. The Chinese expedition had, however, been organised and carried out in the most satisfactory manner, and with the greatest success. (Hear.) With respect to the unfortunate discussion now going on in the United States, the only feeling that could be entertained in this country must be one of deep regret. On the visit of the Prince of Wales to that country the Americana ex hibited feelings of the deepest attachment to the country from whence they sprang, and anything calculated to im pede their social and political progress must be a source of regret to every right-minded Englishman. (Hear.) The deficiency in the cotton crop had also been alluded to, and the advice of the noble earl that we should not depend for our supply of that article on one country alone would not be thrown away. There could be no doubt that our own colonies could, in a short time, supply the article in suffi cient quantities, and the present disturbance in America would probably have the effect of directing the attention of manufacturers to this important point. The noble earl made a charge against the Foreign Secretary on account of his foreign policy with respect to Italy, but when the papers on this subject were laid before the house—and this would soon be done—when the whole case, and not an isolated portion of it, was before the house, he trusted the noble lord's (Lord John Russell's) policy would be vindicated, not on mere matters of verbal criticism, but on the tub stantial parts of the case. When a question of this kind, affecting the vhole policy of the Government, was con cerned, it should not be judged of by the technical details of international law, but a large and comprehensive view of the subject should be taken. With respect to the King of Sardinia, it was not for him (Earl Granville) to defend him any more than the speech of the Emperor of the French delivered yesterday. The noble earl asked " what are our relations with France ?" lOur relations with France were founded on proper principles. They were not founded on blind distrust on the one hand, nor blind confi dence on the other. England and France were acting in concert together for the good of Europe, and when they ceased to act for the good of Europe, there must be a fault on one side or the other. The noble lord sneered at th• treaty passed with France last year; L at he (Earl Graz ville) believed that treaty would be of great use, and that although it did not come up to the sanguine wishes of Mr. Cobden, the general expectations of commercial men have been more than realised by it, and he felt confident that it would lead to large commercial relations with France, whilst the " most favoured nation clause" would procure us great advantages with regard to other countries. The noble earl, in speaking of the financial state of the country, had wholly overlooked the fact that they had hardly any swim:Lex last year—that they had a deficient harvest, and a most severe winter. The noble earl regretted that allusion had not been made to the distress that had fallen on the working classes, but this could not have been done without going into details which would have been inconvenient. The noble earl then referred to the fact that, notwithstanding the distress that had existed, there was no feeling cf discontent in this coun try. He attributed this result to the legslation of past years, which had for its object the improvement of the people of this country. The noble earl (the Earl of Derby) seemed to take exception as regarded the amount of legislation last year. He . (Earl Granville), h owever , th oug h t t h a t a grea t deal had been done for the simplification of the tariff, for the improvement of the national defences of the country, and in passing bills intimately affecting the interests of Ireland. It was true, however, that legislation did not go on satis factorily in the other house of Parliament last year. That ciaaxg,e could not apply to this house, and he was willing to accede to the suggestion of the noble earl, my moving for the amointment of a committee to consider how legislation might be accelerated. (Hear, hear.) He hardly liked clos ing his observations on that the first night of the session without alluding to a particular loss which that house had recently sustained. It would ill become him, having served unde.r the late Earl of Aberdeen's Government, to remain silent as to the character and general merits of that deceased nobleman. He never knew in public life a more just or honourable man than Lord Aberdeen. (Cheers.) In foreign politics, in which the late noble lord took the greatest interest, it might be said that his views were of a somewhat Conservative character, but with regard to questions of peace Lord Aberdeen had learnt on some of the great battle fields of this country to prize peace for its own sake, and to show a love of peace, which., perhaps, was exhibited some times rather too strongly. With regard to all internal legislation—to all measures affecting the interests of the country at home—he thought the liberality displayed by the noble lord upon those points was quite peculiar. (Hear, hear.) He remembered the late Lord Aberdeen, upon the occasion of some frivolous charge being made against him out of doors, saying " he thanked God that character was something in this world." He (Earl Granville) believed now that all party and political feeling had gone, that their lordships would agree there was no man in that house who could appeal with greater force to his own character and his own example. His straightforward conduct and fairness of purpose was a lesson for them a 11. (Hear, bear.) The noble earl, in conclusion, expressed the nappiness which he felt at observing the unanimity which influenced their lordships that evening—a unanimity which was calculated to uphold the honour of Parliament and the happiness of the people. (Hear, hear.) The motion for the Address was then agreed to, and their lordships adjourned at twenty minutes to S o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(YESTERDAY.) The rouse resumed at a qmirter to four o'clock. The SPEAKER stated the different writs that had been issued during the recess, and announced that it was not in tended by the parties petitioning against the return of Mr. M'Donough for Sligo to proceed with the petition. The order for the committee to try the merits of the petition was accordingly discharged. NEW MEMBERS. Mr. Sergeant Pigott, Mr. Layard, Mr. Vyner, Mr. Wyndham, Lord Stanhope, Mr. Philips, Mr. Moffatt, Mr. Beaumont, and several other hon. members took the oaths and their seats. INTERFERENCE OF PEERS AT ELECTIONS. On the reading of the sessional order relative to the in terference of peers at elections, Mr. WILLIAMS said that this house had never main tained its rights in reference to the enforcement of this re solution, and he thought its continuance was useless. In his opinion the house should not have any resolution on its records, which it was not prepared to enforce. NEW WRITS. On the motion of Mr. BRAND the following writs were ordered—For the southern division of Wilts, in the room of the Right Hon. Sydney Herbert, raised to the House of Peers; for the borough of Bolton, in the room of Joseph Crook, Esq., who had accepted the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds; for the borough of Bradford, in the room of Titus Salt, Esq., who had also accepted the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds ; for the county of Aberdeen, in tho room of Lord Haddo, now Earl of Aberdeen. RED SEA TELEGRAPH. Mr. GLADSTONE gave notice that, on Friday night, he would move a resolution in committee of the house, pre liminary to bringing in a bill to amend the act of 1858, in reference to the Red Sea Telegraph. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Sir G. C. LEWIS gave notice that he would move for a select committee in inquire whether the business of the house could not be facilitated. CONSOLIDATED FUND. Mr. GLADSTONE gave notice that he would move for a resolution to the effect that any deficiency arising out of the establishment of Savings Banks in connection with the Post-office should be supported out of the Consolidated Fund. BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY LAW. Sir R. BETIIELL gave notice that on Monday next he would move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the law relating to bankruptcy and also insolvency. REGISTRATION IN IRELAND. Mr. CARDWELL gave notice that he would, on an early day, move for leave to introduce a bill to amend the law relating to the registration of births, deaths, and mar riages in Ireland. THE POOR LAW. Mr. VILLIERS gave notice of his intention to move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the provisions of the Poor Law in Ireland. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Lord J. RUSSELL laid upon the table correspondence between England, France, and other powers relative to the pacification of Syria, the Treaty of Commerce with France, &c. THE ROYAL SPEECH. The SPEAKER having read the Royal Speech (which will be found in another column), Sir T. E. COLEBROOKE, member for Lanarkshire, who was dressed in the uniform of a deputy-lieutenant, rose to move an humble address to her Majesty, in reply to her Majesty's most gracious address. The hon. member referred particularly to the visit of the Prince of Wales to Canada and the United States. The manner in which his royal highness was received in the former was most gratifying, exhibiting as it did so much loyalty in a colony which had previously been disaffected, and some time since in a state of actual rebellion. The manner in which his Royal Highness was received in the United States was still more gratifying and still more deeply interesting, and was to be considered as a personal tribute to the sovereign of these realms, and the policy which this country had I ursued towards America. (Hear, hear.) He joined in the expression of regret contained in the Royal Speech relative to the dissensions that prevailed in that im portant continent, and hoped fervently that the dangers which threatened the union of the provinces might be shortly dispelled, and that a good understanding might be restored. Having briefly adverted to the successes in China,' he referred to the events on the Continent of Europe. With respect to France, he contended that the conduct pursued by the Emperor of that country was cal culated to inspire confidence in his pacific and friendly intentions towards this country. In illustration of this disposition he referred to the Treaty of Com merce and ,to the recent announcement of the Emperor in the opening of the Chamber of Deputies. , Ile contended that there was quite sufficient in the conduct of that illustrious individual to allay apprehensions that were entertained and expressed in different quarters. With respect to Italy, he agreed fully with the policy of non-intervention on the part of this country, but at the same time, he considered that policy should not be pushed tit an extreme. lie believed the feeling of the country was with him in this respect, and that no statesman would be able to maintain his position who would not endeavour to secure for this country a due influence in the councils of the countries of Europe, without endangering the liberties in compromising the in dependence of any European State. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the omission of any reference to Parliamentary Reform, there never was a period when greater difficulties existed for the introduction of a comprehensive measure of reform than at present ; and to show that it was not imperatively required by the community, ho alluded to the absence of any expression of enthusiasm on the sub ject out of doors. While he concurred in the desirability of retrenchment in the public expenditure, still be was not so sanguine as to its practicability to any considerable extent at present, taking into account the posi tion of foreign affairs. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member concluded by reading the Address, which, as usual, was an echo of the Royal Speech. Mr. PAGET, member for Nottingham, wha also wore the uniform of a deputy-lieutenant, seconded the Address. Tie alluded particularly to the Commercial Treaty with France, which he believed would eventually realise the predictions of those who were supporters of that treaty on its introduction. Hs felt confident that it would be the means of extending the trade of this country, and th at this step in the direction of free trade on the part of France would promote materially the interests of the people of that country. He referred to certain circumstances in connec tion with the commerce of this country to show the benefits which free trade had already con ferred, and the advantages that might naturally be inferred from measures calculated to develope it still further. With regard to the retrenchment of the public expenditure when practicable, no doubt it was most desirable, but he thought that these retrenchments would best originate with the heads of the Government departments, who must possess greater information on subjects on which retrenchment could be judiciously and safely exercised. He thought the proper course for private members to adopt in respect to this matter would not be, as hereto fore, to throw obstacles iu the way, of Government, but to render it all the assistance in carrying out the estimates they might from their position be enabled to recommend for the adoption of the house. In speaking of this subject he alluded to the. ,Zeg, gul &briny displayed by go Ate mrsarY 4 for War, and eulogised the manner in which he discharged his duties. He mentioned in terms of approl - ation the announcement in the Royal Speech of the intention of the law officers of the Crown to introduce a bill to amend the laws relating to bankruptcy anti insolvency, which he believed would give satisfaction to the commercial community, as it would be framed in conformity with commercial in formation. He also commended the announcement of the intention to introduce a bill for a uniform rating in Eng land and Wales. After some general remarks, the hon. member concluded by seconding the address. The SPEAKER then read the Address. Mr. WHITE said he was most reluctant to dis tiirb the unanimity of the house on the sub ject, but he felt that he would not be dis' charging his duty if he did not notice some state ments and some omissions in the Royal Speech: In the first place, they had been told that the conduct of the House of Lords last session was one of the greatest innovations of the Constitution that had taken place for a considerable period, and yet there was no allusion made to that subject. He did not wish to eliminate the House of Lords from the Con stitution, but he assured the Government that this subject would be agitated until it was satisfactorily settled. Ho thought there might have been some more generous reference to the policy adopted by the Emperor of the French. He thought there should have been some more specific information relative to retrenchment, and he denounced the present Government as one of the most extravagant that the world had ever known. The Chancellor of the Exche quer contended, with truth, force, and that eloquence for which he was unrivalled, that their expenditure was a ruin ous expenditure—(hear)—and he concluded by remarking that his belief was, " that for such evils as those of the pre sent system nothing short of reform could be an effectual remedy." (Hear, hear.) Those words, coming from so high an authority, made a deep impression on the mind of the nation ; and could the house, therefore, fail to be sur prised that not a word was to be found about administra tive reform in her ➢lajesty's Speech. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. White) had never been behind the official scenes— (laughter)—and he know not, therefore, how royal speeches were framed ; but it might be like the weird sisters in .Macbeth--who could imagine the noble lord the member for a ndon, thrusting in his contribution of a re form bill, and exclaiming, " a finger of birth-strangled babe." (Loud laughter, caused by the earnestness and energy with which the hon. gentleman gave expression to the quotation.) But he wished they had another finger of " the birth-strangled babe," in this ocean. (Hear, hear.) To complete the simile, he had only to clothe the First Lord of the Treasury in the habiliments of Hecate, and proclaim him exclaiming " Well done—l commend your pains, And every one shall have the gains." (Laughter.) He implored the noble lord no longer to ignore the claims of the industrious classes to the franchise, who were now groaning under the greatest wrongs and oppression. (Hear) He confessed that he was not one of those who believed that they should enter upon the present session of Parliament without the announcement of a Re form Bill, and he treated with utter contempt the sinister reports that were in circulation before the meeting of Par liament to the contrary. He very much regretted that her Majesty's Ministers had failed to announce their inten tion to bring in a measure on the subject, for he believed that they might have brought in a bill that would be wale calculated to satisfy the middle class of the people, while it would also assist to extend the franchise to those indus trious classes whom the noble lord, the member for the city of London, some years ago told them " were most un justly excluded from their rights." He meant to move an amendment to the Address. There were other amend ments, also, which he contemplated adverting to, but he would leave them in the hands of the hon. and learned gentleman who would second his amendment to address himself to. Before ho sat down, however, he must refer to ' that part of her Majesty's Speech which had reference to China. Upon that subject he could say much, having, as he had, spent many years of his life in that country. But he felt he had already trespassed long on the indul gence of the house, and he would content himself with remarking that any peace that was purchased by the humiliation of a people would always be looked upon with doubt as to its stability ; and he must say, with regard to the Treaty of Tien-Tsin, that it would be a gross delusion to believe that any concessions so extorted might be expected to be faithfully carried out when the military pressure under which they were exacted was removed. (Hear, hear.) He could not but deplore the great and utter ignorance which their diplomatists had shown, and he apprehended that the course which they adopted contained within it the seeds of future wars. Ho thanked the house for tho attention with which they had listened to him, the member for Plymouth, who was an independent supporter of the Government of the noble lord —(laughter)—and who should deeply regret the return to power of the Derby Administration, as a great national calamity. (Laughter.) He might, in conclusion, say one word to the noble lord at the head of the Government, that it might prove fatal to the Liberal party when it was dis covered that an Administration professedly Liberal, and avowing sentiments of pure Liberal faith, had failed to bring forward such a measure of reform of the-representation as the country had a right to expect and was entitled to. He would, in conclusion, move as an amendment to the Ad dress—" That h Majesty's Government should, at an early day, introduce a measure to extend the elective franchise to the boroughs and counties of the United Kingdom, in ful filment of the express pledges given by her Majesty's Government when they came into office--thus adopting a course calculated to increase the loyal attachment of her Majesty's subjects to her Majesty's throne, and also of satisfying the long-deferred, but just expectations of the country." (Hear, hear.) Mr. DIG BY SEYMOUR said he rose with great plea sure to second the amendment of his hon. friend. He must, however, in the first instance, say that he did not entirely agree in all that his hon. friend had expressed in some of the observations which he had made. He agreed with his hon. friend in the importance of his observations in rela tion to the vast expenditure of the finances of the country. When they reflected that in the present year the expen diture of the year would amount to the enormous sum of r 4,400,000, and when they recollected that so large a proportion as £61,000,000 of that large sum was drawn for the maintenance of their military and naval armaments, then it appeared to him necessary that some effective steps should be taken in the present session to reduce the national expenditure. (Hear, hear.) Why, when they found that those £61,000,000 exceeded in amount that of the whole of their exports in woollens and other fabrics throughout the United Kingdom, they had some evidence of the vast expenditure in which the country was involved in connexion m:th their military and naval arma ments. Upon the question of Reform, to which his hon. friend had referred, he entirely agreed with him, and it would be impossible for him, with reference to the prin ciples upon which he was returned to that house, to remain silent on that question. He should not be true to the prin ciples he avowed to his constituents if he failed to express his feelings on the subject. When he was returned by his constituents, he said he should not be carried away by fac tion. The first question put to him was whether he would support her Majesty's Government, and under the impres sion that the country could not obtain so much from the Earl of Derby on tho question of reform, as from the noblo lord the member for the city of London, he gave, in refer ence to a vote of want of confidence, his vote in support of her Majesty's !present Government. But her Majesty's Government did not now hold out any promise that the country should have reform. The country had had assur ances in 1854, 1855, and 1859 respectively, from Lord Aber deen, Lord Derby, and the noble lord now at the head of her Majesty's Government, that it should have a reform of the representation of the people; but notwithstanding those promises, no reform was yet granted. The hon. gentleman having referred to various topics in the Speech from the throne, concluded by stating he felt great pleasure in second ing the amendment of his hon. friend. Mr. DISRAELI said—We reassemble under very im portant circumstances, when it is of consequence that the world should be convinced, as we all flattered ourselves it was, that at a crisis like the present the Sovereign of these islands is supported by a devoted people and an united Parliament. (Hear, hoar.) I do not propose to criticise the amendment which has been offered to the house. In deed I think it hardly necessary to enter into the subject at all. I would, however, say in vindication of the Govern ment, although it is certainly not my office to defend them, that the reception which was given to the comprehensive measure of reform which they introduced last session by a great many of their own supporters—(hear, hear)—was not of a character calculated to snake them hold it a matter of duty again to solicit the opinions of the house on the subject of Parliamentary Reform. (Hear, hear.) To the second reading of that measure those on this side of the house offered no opposition ; and therefore the Govern ment secured for it free and fair discussion, and every oppor tunity of improving, altering, and amending it. Yet, not withstanding the forbearance and moderation of the Oppo sition, the great majority of the speakers on the benches opposite to us, including many gentlemen representing capital cities and considerable communities, expressed the most decided hostility to that measure of the Government. (Hear, hear.) I think, therefore, that those who find fault with the Government for their reluctance in again bringing forward a proposition of reform should reflect what were the chief elements of the opposition to the former measure. When we consider the present situation of the question, I do not think it is open to gentlemen opposite to accuse the Government of having betrayed the interests intrusted to them. I certainly do not myself complain of the omission. I cannot but think that a measure for the reform or recon struction of this house should not be introduced at a time w hen there is no probability of its being accepted, and that a Minister would incur a great responsibility who again introduced such a subject from a mistaken sense of honour to a party which was not unanimous in supporting his original proposal. As far as those matters are concerned, to which the hon, mover and seconder of the amendment have referred, I am perfectly content to give a general sup port to the Address. I should not have troubled the house with any observations to-night, had it not appeared to me tb A ell C 9 we 145 t met P3CI9/5 1 rialbjeetli yrkicb