The Sun. — London, England, 1861-02-27 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PALIAMEN4'. HOUSE OF LORDS.—(YESTERDAY,) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at the usual hour CHURCH RATES. A great number of petitions against the abolition of church rates were presented. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Whitworth Vale Gas Bill was read a second time. HOUSES OF ILL FAME BILL. The Bishop of OXFORD moved the second reading of this bill, which he stated was not to alter the aspect of the law as it at present affected these miserable dwellings, but to make the existing law more effective. There was great confusion between the householders and the parish authorities as to paying the expenses of indicting and suppressing those which unnecessarily obtruded themselves on public notice. The law of England , unlike that of other countries, refused to recognise the houses of the nature the bill referred to, but on the con trary regarded the keeping of one of them as a misdemea • nour. As he had already said he did not propose to alter the law on the subject, he did not think he should experience any opposition to his measure. The LORD CHANCELLOR was understood to oppose the bill on the ground that some of its clauses imposed burdens on the public revenue, and therefore it ought to originate in the other House of Parliament. The Bishop of OXFORD said he was in the hands of the house. He wished to withdraw it rather than have it appear as if the bill had been rejected. Earl GRANVILLE said he was also of opinion that the bill ought to originate in the other house. The bill was then by leave withdrawn. PROTECTION OF FEMALE CHILDREN BILL. The Bishop of OXFORD moved the second reading4this bill, the chief object of which was in certain cases to extend the protection of the law to children of 13 years of age in stead of 12. Earl GRANVILLE opposed the motion, and moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Their lordships divided, when there appeared— For the second reading . 27 Against it Majority against the bill —2l TIIE CASE OF MR. TURNBULL. On reading the order of the day, Lord MONTEAGLE appealed to the noble marquis (Normandy), not to bring forward the resolution that evening. Tho papers had only been delivered that after noon, and he was sure that none of their lordships could in so short a time have made themselves sufficiently acquainted with them as to take part in a lengthened discussion on the point. The Marquis of NORMANBY said he was placed in a position of great difficulty by the appeal of the noble lord. After explaining and defending himself from certain imputations that had been cast upon him by the Earl of Shaftesbury, of having recklessly postponed this subject on a former occasion, said he would, out of deference to his noble friend, consent to postpone his motion until an early day next week. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. _ _ The following bills were read a second time ham Improvement, Conway and Llanrwst Railway, Llan daff and Canton District Markets, Manchester and Wilms low Road, St. George's Harbour, Stockport District "Water, Stratford-upon-Avon Railway, and Cowes and Newport Railway Extensions. PETITIONS. Several petitions were presented against the abolition o 1 church rates ; from wine merchants for a uniform rating on wines imported into this country ; against the Parochial Assessment Bill ; against the mode of taking the census by area of the poor rate; from Wexford, complaining of the present state of the Poor-law in respect to the removal of paupers, and praying for the amendment of the same ; by Mr. Bright, from certain compositors and working men in Norwich, and Essex, and Gloucester, praying for Par liamentary reform ; and also a petition in favour of a re trenchment of the public expenditure, particularly in re spect to the naval and army estimates ; in favour of the closing of publichouses on Sunday, &c. PUBLIC EXPENDITURE. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY gave notice that he would call the attention of the house to the subject of the public ex penditure, and move that the powers of the Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury shOuld be limited. COAL MINES. Mr. DILLWYN gave notice that he would bring before the house the subject of accidents in coal mines, and in quire as to the qualifications of coal mine inspectors. REFORM. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that on that day fortnight he would move that, after the publication of the census, a Reform Bill should be introduced. ARMY CLOTHING, &c. On the motion of Col. DUNNE, various returns relat ing to this subject were ordered. BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY AND MIXED MARRIAGES, &c. (IRELAND). In reply to Mr. SCULLY, Mr. CARDWELL said that by an act which had been passed some years previously the Bankruptcy and Insol vency Courts were consolidated in Ireland. When the alterations in the present Bankruptcy Bill before the house had received the sanction of Parliament, he would converse with his colleagues as to the desira bility of extending the provisions of that bill to Ire land. With respect to the other question his attention had been directed to the cases alluded to, and the subject of mixed marriages in Ireland. He was no advocate for placing Roman Catholic priests under any disabilities in regard to the celebration of mar riages, but it should be remembered that in 1844 there was an act passed on this subject, but the Roman Catholic priests, at their own desire, were exempted from its provisions. In the bill which he proposed to introduce it was not his intention to make any alteration in the law relating to marriage. THE ARMSTRONG GUNS. Major GAVIN asked the Under Secretary of State for War, to place on the table of the house a copy of the report made by the officer commanding the Artillery, as to the efficiency of the Armstrong guns, in the recent opera tions in China. Mr. BARING said the report in question was very satis factory, but as it referred merely to details it was not con sidered advisable to make it a Parliamentary document. He took that opportunity of stating that the report of the Board of Ordnance was very much in favour of the effi ciency of these guns. THE SLAVE TRADE. Mr. BUXTON asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he was aware that the slave trade papers for each year only contain those up to March in the year preceding, and whether in future all the documexts that had come to hand up to the date of publication might not be included Lord J. RUSSELL said that these papers were pre sented at a late period of the session, but on the present occasion they would (as we understood the noble lord, who was almost inaudible) be presented in a fortnight. APPOINTMENTS IN THE CIVIL SERVICE. Mr. lIENNESSY asked the First Lord of the Treasury, whether the Government were taking any steps to carry out the recommendations of the select committee of last session on the mode of nominating and examining candi dates for junior appointments in the Civil Service ? Lord FALMERSTON said he believed the recommen dation of the commission was that there should be a corn petitive examination for the appointments in question. No stops, however, had yet been taken in reference to this subject, but he would communicate with the civil service commission on the matter. CON VICTS—DIST URBANC ES AT CHATHAM. Mr. CHILDERS moved an address for returns of the number of convicts (out of the 8.50 implicated in the recent disturbances at Chatham) who were removed direct from the Hulks to Chatham Prison, with the dates of removal. And the initials, crime, sentence, and date of conviction of each of the 8.50 convicts so implicated ; the general prison character, and class of, and the amount of gratuity credited to each to the Ist day of February, ISG I ; distinguishing also whether he was concerned in the Portland mutiny.— Ordered. ARMY (CAVALRY OFFICERS). Mr. GRIFFITII moved that this house to-morrow resolve itself into a committee, to consider of an humble address to be presented to her Majesty, praying that she would be graciously pleased to gi ve di re ctions that the stoppage from the pay o f th a cava l ry an d artillery officers for forage be discontinued. The hon. member con tended that under the present system much hardship was inflicted on cavalry officers, and urged that there should be an increase in their pay. Captain JARVIS seconded the motion. Mr. BARING said this subject was attended with much difficulty, and the alterations suggested by honour able members would cost the country £20,000 a year. Before the house Should take the initiative in a matter involving an increase in public expenditure, it should be clearly shown that such was necessary. It had not been shown that such was the case, and therefore he trusted the hou ,, e would not agree to the present motion. Colonel prexsoig at,d Colonel DUNNE supported the motion. Mr. F. PEEL defended the Treasury in reference to the conduct they had pursued respecting cavalry officers, who, he contended, had not any grievance to complain of as regarded the question of forage. After some further discussion the house divided, and the numbers were— For the motion Against it .......... 56 Majority 160 The motion was accordingly lost. RECOVERY OF DEBTS. Mr. HODGKINSON asked leave to bring in a bill to prevent frivolous and vexatious defences to actions for the recovery of debts. SLAVE TRADE, Mr. CAVE moved the following resolutions :-- "That the means hitherto employed by this cciuntry for ~.~. the suppression of the African slave trade have failed to accomplish the object. "That this failure has mainly arisen from ur having endeavoured, almost exclusively, to prevent e supply of slaves, instead of to check the demand for th re. "That the true remedy is not to be found countenanc ing immigration into those countries whoro, slavery exists, the working population t hose but in augmenting whichin slavery has been abolished. possiblen l d be eon " t T m h u a e t d , , t a h n e d re e fo v r e e n , w re h n i d le ere re d p m re o s i en couragement and assistance should be given to the r s ve ra effective, e au r e s every should intro duction of free immigrants, and especially of settlers from China, into the British West India colonies." The hon. gentleman observed that since last session several important documents had been laid before the public. The first was the noble lord the Foreign Secretary's circular on the slave trade, and the reply to it of the President cf the United States; respecting which he must observe that while he agreed with the sentiments it expressed, he was peined at the arrogant tone of the document—a tone which there was nothing to provoke in the temperate circular of the noble lord. Next there was the ordinary slave trade corre spondence, A and B, for 1860 ; and lastly, the convention with France on the subject of coolie immigration into the French colonies. In his circular the noble lord indicated anew line of policy against which he (the hon. member) felt it his duty to protest. The first resolution to which he asked the assent of the house was only too easy of proof. The noble lord himself said that the slave trade with Cuba was already very active, and that intelligence had been received of steps being taken for its more extensive prosecution. Mr. Crawford, our consul-general at Havannsh, stated that in 1 858 17,000 slaves had been imported into Cuba. In 1859 that number inci eased to 30,000, and last year it rose to be tween 40,000 and 50,000. The sugar crop of last year was said by Mr. Crawford to have been 450,000 tons, and later advices estimated it at more than half a million. At first Brazil was the great offender ; but after the passing of the bill of 1845 the slave trade of that country fell off till it had at last altogether ceased. It was said that that circumstance was due to the exertions of the British squadron ; and no doubt that was true to a certain extent. The British cruiser Cormorant had chased a slaver under the guns of a Brazi lian fort, and being fired upon blew it up. That fact f and a feeling on the part of the Brazilian people that the sieve population was already enough, led them to suppress their slave trade. At the same time, Brazil had no great horror of slavery, for at this moment there were 27,000 emanci pados—that was, negroes who had been set free by British cruisers, and apprenticed in Brazil for a term of years—who were still kept in servitude. In Cuba, wbich was now the great supporter of the slave trade, there could be no doubt of the interest which those engaged in it had in carrying it on. A negro who was worth less than 20 dollars on the coast of Africa would sell in Cuba for more than 1,000. No doubt the slave squadron, by enhancing the price, had a tendency to check the demand ; but a demand there was which would always produce a supply. Probably measures against the Cuban trade like those adopted against the Bra zilian would be found to have a great effect ; and so thought the President of the United States, who said that until the British Government followed the slaves landed in Cuba and set them free—until, in fact, it compelled the Government of Spain to fulfil the treaty they had received £400,000 to enable them to carry out—the slave trade would continue. The noble lord proposed a joint cruise, but the President refused to have anything to do with it. Nevertheless, the noble lord's proposition was a most reasonable one ; for it was impossible that the whole line of the African coast could be watched by any British squadron of moderate extent. It was proposed, again, that a portion of the squadron should be stationed in the West Indies; and that also was a very sensible suggestion. It might be said that it had already been tried, and had been obliged to be abandoned on account of the remonstrances of the American Government. That arose from the unfortunate fact that the very first slaver captured was an empty one sailing East with dollars—which had led captains of our cruisers to show great vigilance to wards such vessels, and to overhaul two or three honest traders. Still, any one who knew the West India Islands would be aware that ships sailing from the coast of Africa to Cuba must necessarily pass through one or two very nar row channels; and it was also well known that by the simple expedient of going to the leeward it was perfectly easy to detect a slaver on account of the horrible effluvia which proceed from it. A very few quick steamers, there fore, cruising in our own waters about Jamaica would be able to pick up more vessels, becalmed as they were so liable to be, when the morning breeze encountered the trade winds, than all the African squadron put together. Another pro posal for checking the slave trade was the civilisation of Africa. No doubt a legitimate trade in palm oil had sprung up with Africa, and it might be capable of a large increase. Still, a very long time must necessarily elapse before much progress could be made. Besides, we were by no means cer tain. that labour in Africa was free. Captain Forbes stated that slaves were bought and sold in Liberia; and he gave a by no means encouraging account of his mission to Da homey. He presented the prime minister with some silk handkerchiefs, and told him he might have whole cargoes of them if he would only produce palm oil. The minister took two gold rings and two handkerchiefs from Captain Forbes, and bade him good-bye, merely obser ving that the slave trade was very lucrative, and that it would require many years to grow the palms. There had lately been a horrible massacre in memory of this very king, and per petrated almost in the very presence of the envoy sent to remonstrate against it. The noble lord next proposed a re gistration and inspection of the slaves ; but the President of the United States replied that if the profits of the sugar trade were such as to enable the planters to corrupt the officials in the manner they already did, there was no hope that such a registration would be effectively carried out. But in August, 1854, Lord Clarendon announced that in the previous March the Queen of Spain had given her autho rity for such a 'registration—that was to say, if any slave was afterwards found unregistered be should be, ipso facto, set at liberty, and that law had been as well observed as Spanish laws usually were. The next plan of the noble lord was to substitute free for slave labour, and he entirely agreed with the noble lord as to the efficacy of that remedy, though he could not agree with him as to the source from which the free labour should be procured. The noble lord had al lowed the immigration of coolies into the French colonies ; but he (the hon. gentleman) had the authority of an Eng lish chaplain at Mauritius, who had recently paid a visit to Bourbon, and had published a work in two volumes on the subject, for saying that the French immigration of coolies had been a complete failure. The Madras coolies who went to Bourbon never returned, whereas those who went to Mau ritius did; and the rev. gentleman said that that fact would enable the evil to cure itself, for the Madras coolies now re fused to sail for the French colonies. The noble lord had, however, allowed the French to ship coolies from Calcutta, where the bad name of the French had not yet become known, and had thus given the sanction of the British flag to an emigration from which it was rather the duty of her Majesty's Government to have protected the natives of India. There was no real liberty enjoyed bythe coolies in the French colonies; but if the plan was objectionable where there was at any rate the name of liberty, what might they not expect from it where slavery existed in its most detestable form? He thought it was not acting with much dignity to go cap in hand to the Spanish Government and say, "It is true we gave you £400,000 to put an end to the slave trade—a sum which with the interest that has accrued upon it would now amount to nearly a million and a half of money, and would pay for bringing over 80,000 Chinese to our own colonies — it is true that you have entirely disregarded the engage ments into which you entered with us ; but now, just to save our credit in having put down African slavery, will not Chinese slaves serve your turn as well ?" He did not believe the noble lord had any idea of the treatment which the Chinese met with ie Cuba; otherwise he was sure he would never have sanctioned the scheme. He was sorry the hon. member for Poole (Mr. Henry Seymour) was ab sent, for that gentleman had last year stated that they were not ill-used. He (Mr. Cave) had been in every slavehold ing colony in the West Indies, and every slaveholding State in America, and he had never seen a slave treated with cruelty in his life. But those things were not done in the open day. (Cheers.) They might just as well say that the act against cruelty to animals was never violated in our sw reallyt rheee when s ht ; e b s a u bt t ae d n e k, o o h rw e ia n usd . te m : em ar nhe b od e w. r could tell how ani m als were his l e g r w o e o u m l a used merelyh s own quote horses th the authority of two writers on this point. One was Mr. Russell, a writer on chemistry and agriculture, who visited Cuba for scientific purposes in 1855, and who said that the treatment of the Chinese there was not better than that of slaves, whereas they were less able to bear it than negroes, and the result was that large numbers committed suicide. His other authority was that well-known author Mr. Dana, who was in Cuba last year but one, and who made a similar statement. They had heard a good deal about the horrors of the middle passage in the case of coolies for the French colonies, but nothing of the kind had been ever said about coolie emigrants for our own. In our colonies they enjoyed freedom, as was proved by the concurrent testimony of governors and missionaries. The new system was inaugurated by the noble lord the member for King's Lynn, who had been in the West In dies, and thoroughly understood the subject. Mr. Under , had actually been to how the system t h h i l e l e o e f l e t h n e e Baptist fe r t he Missionary purpose S o o t. c i seeingety , worked, and he reported it to be a complete success. He said that the houses of the coolies were at any rate better than they had in India; that they looked well fed and happy; and that they received 10d. a day for four hours' work. The French, always wise in their generation, we're strain ing every nerve to obtain coolie labourers; but in this coun try it was treated merely as a planter's question, As long as they doled out aid in the scanty manner they did our West Indian colonies would never obtain the amount of free labour they needed. lie heard that in June last there were 70,000 free negroes in the Southern States of America who were anxious to emigrate to our colonies, but her Ma jesty's Govcrnment stated that from motives of interna tional policy they must decline to give them any assistance. There was also a largo number of negroes in Canada, with respect to whom there could be no such reason for refusing their aid ; but none had been given. The people of this country had said that they would have sugar and cotton at all risks ; and those commodities must therefore be pro duced either by free or by slave labour. It could not by the former, unless there was a considerable free immigra tion ; and so long as the planter was expected to pay two thirds of the coat, it was totally impossible that it could be otherwise than restricted within very narrow limits. In, 0W viva; of eloquent declamation in this house from the days of Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt to this time. But if the Chinese Coolies were sent to this island, at least there is this, that in China you can establish relations in concert with the Chinese authorities by which emigration shall be entirely controlled. Instead of a fierce war going on, the labour market of China, which is always redundant, may be relieved, and and persons wishing to emigrate may obtain good wages instead of living in poverty and starvation. You can regu• late that part of the undertaking ; you can regulate its object. I agree with the hon. gentleman that you cannot regulate the manner in which the owners and the authori ties in Cuba will treat them when they get there. (Hear.) But something of the same kind might happen which the hon. gentleman mentioned with regard to Bourbon. In the same way as the natives of India preferred emigrating to Mauritius instead of t 3 the Isle of Bourbon, so if it were found that the coolies did not return from Cuba, or that report spoke unf ivourably of their treatment, there would be the same indisposition to emigrate to Cuba. The hon. gentleman readily alto wed, and it was in fact the foundation of his motion, that be would allow emigration to our own colonies. I should be the last person to differ from him on that subject. I res. member perfectly well, when I was Secretary of State for the Colonies, teeing the advantages which would accrue from an emigration from India to the Mauritius. I did not siecceed, however, in that project, because the house was adverse to any such scheme. It was considered in this house that slavery would thereby be encouraged in the Mauritius. (Hear, hear.) That, however, did not prevent the colonial legislature from proceeding with the plan, which for many years Las been attended with the greatest success. I am informed that there have been more than 150,000 Indians introduced into the Mauritius frsm the time of that first emigration. Numbers of them have returned to India ; ' and numbers, lam happy to say, have settled in the Mauri tius. (Hear, hear.) And I believe that the enjoyment which they have had and the good wages which they have been receiving, have been not merely a source of profit to the owners of the land, but have been the great means of raising these people in the scale of social life, and enabling them to obtain an honest livelihood. Therefore, having taken that early part in promoting the emigration into the Mauritius, T certainly should be most happy to see a similar emigration to our West India colonies. But the question occurs how this is to be done ? I think it must be left to the Colonial Secretary of State, from time to time, to frame such plans as will tend to favour that object. This I can say that her Majesty's Government are fully aware of the advantages that may be gained by introducing emigra tion into the West Indies, and thus increasing the quantity of free labour. They are of opinion also that, with the conditions of emigration that may be framed, the abuses that have prevailed in some instances may be warded off and guarded against. Therefore the Govern• ment is not in principle at all opposed to the honourable gentleman. Ido not think that it would be sufficient to say, as the third resolution seems to imply, that we have merely to introduce more free labour into those colonies where free labour is already established. I think, with that great and bad example of Cuba before us, those other measures which we have taken may be made from time to time more effective, and must not be given up. (Hear.) I must confess I do not see the practical advantage of the hon. gentleman's resolutions. The first says that the means hitherto employed by his country for the suppression of the African slave trade have failed to accomplish that ob ject. Of course, if the hon. gentleman means the total suppression of the traffic, that is quite true; in the same way as it might be said that the police in the metropolis have not succeeded in putting an end to pocket-picking. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) But there is no doubt that we have succeeded in throwing great obstacles in the way of the slave trade, just as the police have done in the way of thieving ; therefore I should be sorry to agree with that resolution. The third resolution, which says that we ought t o augment the working population of those countries where A ss - ely has been abolished, points to a very useful measure ; but the former part of it, " That the true remedy is not to be found in countenancing immigration into those countries where sla'.'ery exists," rather seems to include other reme dies, which Have been found very conducive to the suppres sion of the trann With these opinions, therefore, concur ring in the greater part of the hon. gentleman's observa tions, and concurrismg fully and entirely in his object, I beg to wove the previous question. Mr, BUXTON said he had satisfied himtelf that the introductioze;of coolies into the West Indies, if properly carried out, siermuld be of great advantage both to the islands and themselves. In spite of England's exertions, the Atlantic was at present covered with slave-ships ; but it would be a mistake t . ,7 suppose . that our exertions had pro duced no effect. It Nos demonstrable that, were the slave trade put down, an immense traffic would arise on the African coast, including timber, sugar, coffee, and, above all, cotton. (Hear, hear.) It would be a blessing to the inhabitants of that continent ; the wealth of the world at large would be increased, and an impulse would be given to the spread of Christianity. (Hear, hear.) Lord A. CHURCHILL suggested that steps should be taken for obtaining the co-operation of the King of Da homy. It was also desirable that steps should be taken for pauisliing the captains and crews of playa ships. This might be done without exciting the jealousy of foreign nations. The slave trade was principally kept alive by the desire of native chiefs for European goods. Hence, if a legitimate commerce could be established there would be no inducement to trade in slaves. the end the result must be that the planter was out of pocket, unless the crop paid better than usual. The system of immigration must consequently, in the nature of things, of itself come to an end. Then, he said, there was nothing better than to bring fresh hands into the oolony. The mother country might find it to be true economy to grant loans and guarantees, and by increasing immigration to put an end to slavery for ever. It was, he believed, a disputed question whether free labour was cheaper or dearer than slave labour in our colonies. He believed the former, be cause the owner of free labour was contented with less pro fits than the slave owner. The slave owner was compelled to indemnify himself for the risks he ran ; a pestilence might destroy at ono blow all his human chattels ; a con spiracy might endanger his life and property. As the poet said of old—" Incedit in ignes suppositos cineri doloso." This feeling of the slave owner was the cause of the preva lence of Lynch law in certain parts of the United States ; for, as his hearers were aware, nothing was so cruel as fear. This he thought was a national question. The Government which first kept an armed force on the coast of Africa gave every encouragement to a deplorable system of cruelly ; but by adopting the plan proposed they would at once strike at the root of slavery, and encourage commercial enterprise. There were, therefore, two alternatives, either to withdraw our squadron, or to let our colonies go to ruin, and continue, as we are at present, the greatest consumers of slave pro duce in the world. But let us put an end to those empirical remedies, which only checked the ulcer in one place that it might break out in another, and which substituted for the slave trade a system which, from the length of the voyage and the character of the voyagers, was unfortunately more cruel than that which it professed to destroy. Lord J. RUSSELL—The hon. gentleman has proposed these resolutions to the house in a speech of great feeling and great ability. (Hear, hear.) It is worth the while of the house frequently to consider this subject, and if any member of the house will point out any means by which the slave trade can be more speedily and more efficiently suppressed, our time will not be lost in considering the sub ject. I shall, however, reserve what I have to say with respect to the motion of the hon. gentleman till after I have made some observations upon the comments he has made upon the proposal he has offered. Now, sir, we have got rid most happily, and we ought to be thankful to God that we live at a time when we have got rid of slavery in our own dominions. (Hear.) I remember the time, unfor tunately that that should be the case, when Mr. Canning came e town to this house and read some 12 or 15 propositions, which %ore the proposals of the Government of that day, not for the abof.ition but for the mitigation of slavery in our West Indian colones, with a view to its final extinguishment. Among those p,eopositions was one of a most humane cha racter. But some months, perhaps a twelvemonth, after wards the minister came down to this house and said that his propositions were not favourably received by the West In dian colonists ; and one in particular to which the 'West In dians objected—on the gound that its adoption would be fatal to the property of the colonists, and to the labour upon which their whole prosperity ,lepended—was that the flog ging of women should be ab o lished. Mr. Canning was obliged to state that the colonists N:rould not suffer this pro posal to be carried out. Happily we' Leave advanced far be yond that time. We have seen not o'uly plans for the en franchisement of slaves, but we have seen' .that noble scheme which was introduced by Lord Derby for its total abolition of slavery carried into effect. At the same ti,'o that we were adopting a plan of our own for the abolition slavery, an endeavour was made to provide by treaties that file abolition of the slave trade should be carried out in other ways. The hen. gentleman says he cannot conceive «hat groeVed we have for saying that we have suppressed slavery. lad re,e t we have not been wholly successful ; I admit we have not lee en successful to the extent of utterly suppressing it, but all oele efforts have been made in this direction, and to a consider able extent they have checked and obstructed the slave trade. There is, however, this consideration, that whilst the whole nation with willingness, I may say with enthusiasm, adopted the plans which were proposed for the suppression of the English slave trade, and afterwards of English slavery, there is no such moral public opinion existing in other countries against either slavery or the slave trade that we can depend upon their efficient assistance to the diplomacy of this country, or to our active efforts for the suppression of the slave trade. 'We have done much, it is admitted, towards the suppression of the trade in Brazil; and I find it is reported that during the last two years no instances have occurred of the slave trade being carried on in Brazil. But there is a very great slave trade carried on between the states of America and the 'West Indies. (Hear.) A great number of slaves are introduced into Cuba ; and some 500,000, or as some persons say 600,000 tons of sugar are grown and manufactured in Cuba almost entirely by slave labour. This is a melancholy fact, and we have en deavoured to ascertain why it is that this trade continues. In the first place, we find that every person in Cuba who has any official knowledge of the importation of slaves re ceives, or is able to receive, a large bribe for permitting the introduction of slaves. It seems that a bribe given for the permission to import slaves is to persons of small incomes an irresistible temptation. But I believe they content themselves with receiving a large bribe instead of using their efforts for the suppression of the traffic. I believe the Governor of Cuba says in his public declarations that he wishes to suppress the trade, and no doubt the Spanish Government has dismissed several persons who had been accused and convicted of trafficking in slaves. But still the profits are so enormous, and the facility is so great, that these measures are unheeded. What then, according to our ideas, shall be the remedy ? This is a remedy, that vessels sailing under the Spanish flag, and carrying slaves, should be boarded, taken before a mixed commission, and condemned. But here, I say, we meet with an effectual obstacle to our efforts. The hon. gentleman says—" If certain cruisers were placed off the coast of Cuba, and were to arrest vessels sailing to Cuba, that might be a very complete suppression." But we have several times had a very effective squadron off the coast of Cuba, and we have used every endeavour to prevent the importation of slaves. Here we are met with another objection, namely, that these vessels carry the American flag. The prac tice is carried on in this way, and when I state this I state what I have read over and over again in American papers. There is a large association of very considerable means at the Havannah. This association sends vessels to New York and to other ports on the coasts of America, and their agents purchase vessels on the coasts of America, at New York, and other places, which are sent sometimes to the Havannah, and sometimes directly to the coasts of Africa. These vessels are equipped in a manner fit for the reception of slaves. They arrive at the coast, and remain sometimes for weeks without being able to import their human cargo. But opportunities are found along all these coasts for the embarkation of the slaves. The vessel sails to the coast of Cuba, and finds an opportunity to land its cargo in some small creek or harbour, and all this time the Bri tish cruisers are unable to take them because they are covered by the American flag. Then we remonstrated about this. The American Government replied, and stated, what they were perfectly right in stating, that the right of search in time of peace cannot by international law be allowed, and that they were entitled to be exempt from any such search of their vessele. No doubt that flag covered such importa tions, when under the Spanish flag we should have cap tured those vessels. But the flag being the American flag, it was impossible so to do. Then I urged, and I think with great fairness, "It may be that that sensitiveness with regard to the search of your ships is justifiable. It may be that your native pride will never allow an English officer to come and search vessels that aro bona fide ships belong ing to the United States. But if that be so, do not depart from your own treaties and declarations against the slave trade. Employ measures of your own. If you will not allow British cruisers to put down the slave trade, put it down yourselves. Take all the merit of the glory which will accrue from successfully putting an end to the traffic. Let us not take a single one of your ships. Do it finally for the sake of your own character, for the sake of that great republic which I hope may still remain the United States." Well, sir, the President of the United States directed his Sec retary of State to tell me that the American Government had already had enough of these remonstrances on the part of the British Government. (A laugh.) My answer to that was, that the American Government might state what it pleased, but that no declaration of theirs, no statement of theirs, would prevent the British Minister from remon strating and declaring that it was a blot upon the United States that they did not effectually repress the slave trade that was going on—(cheers)—and I hope when there is occasion to repeat that statement. (Cheers.) This leaves us in a state of things to which I think no hon gentleman will easily find an answer. The Spanish Government do allow their officials in Cuba to draw enormous profits, of 70, SO, and even 100 per cont. for this horrible trade, which to us is the subject of such deep aversion, and this under the pro tection of the Spanish flag. What I proposed was, and the hon. gentleman seems to think it a very flighty proposal— I really felt it was right to try every possible menus, to look here, there, and everywhere fur a remedy—what I proposed was, that there should be a joint squadron of English and Spanish ships-- Mr. CAVE--I beg the noble lord's pardon. I said that the proposal was a very reasonable one. Lord J. RUSSELL—I am glad to hear it meets with the hon. gentleman's approbation. A similar propcsal was made many years ago, which I should have been perfectly glad to see adopted, but which I feared the United States, France, or Spain would not accede to. The proposal was made by the Emperor Alexander of Russia. Seeing the jealousy that those nations had of each other, he proposed a squadron composed of each nation, but bearing one flag, and being em powered by all the different nations to search vessels and carry them before a commission, which should be authorised by all these powers to condemn traders in slaves. That seemed a very reasonable proposal. 'lnstead of endeavouring not to have such a proposal carried nut I supported it. But the American Government refused the proposition. I now come therefore to the objections which the bon. gentleman has made. 'With regard t l the importation of Chinese coolies into Cuba, it seems to me at least to have this ad vantage. The demand for labour is of course very great in Cuba; with such a soil and with such means of produce there are great demands for labour. These labourers are procured by slave dealers, who keep the Africa n tribes in a state of unmitigated hostility for the purpose. In short the means of obtaining slaves are repugnant to humanity— (hear, hear)—and the mode in which these unfortunate creatures are brought across the seas has been the subject ➢lr. KINNAIRD trusted the noble lord would not op pose the resolutions which had been moved by his hon, friend in a speech which was so temperate and so full of argument, and which had been well received by the house, Mr. M'MAHON said there were three articles of slave produce which were largely consumed in this country — cotton, tobacco, and sugar. Now if the Government of this country would tolerate the growth of tobacco at home, thoy would be carrying out the views of the hon. gentle man the member for New Shoreham (Mr. Cave). Mr. YORTESCUE said he was anxious to make a few observations by way of explanation of the course pursued by the Colonial Department, and he understood the com plaint against :it to be that the expenses of transporting the coolies to the Worst Indies should not be charged on the planters, but that they should be borne by the revenues of the colonies. The power of regulating the supply of labour re mained with the Secretary of State. Ho admitted that the question was one by no means easy of decision, and the great difficulty was how to apportion those expenses between the importing planters and the colonial governments. This question would inevitably be regarded from different points of view, according to the interests of those who considered it. It must be remembered that these labourers were intro duced to the colonies for the especial purpose of growing sugar, and they were allotted to one description of impor ters only, for fixed periods, who acquired a natural right to their labour. There was not the proportion of women and children which usually accompanied ordinary emi grants from one part of the world to another, and thus these people did not contribute to the permanent increase of the population of the colonies. That was the state of facts which had led many able men to say that any con tribution from the colonial revenues for the expenses of the introduction of the coolies to the colonies could not be said to be anything else than a bounty from the public funds for the production of sugar. (Hear, hear.) Again, it was equally true that the importation was not conduc ted as the planter himself would choose, nor was it allowed to flow in a natural way. The planters wore subjected to many restrictions laid on for the protection of their poor people, and were obliged to import a certain number of women, children, and old people along with the field hands. Under these circumstances the aid from the Colonial Office was not a bounty, but a compensation. He believed that the importation of coolies had been a great advantage to the West Indies, and had materially bene fited the native labourer himself. These were the points which successive Secretaries of State had had to consider, and the present secretary had come to the conclusion that the present rate was not an unfair one, namely, that two thirds of the expense should fall either directly or in directly on the planter, and the remaining third on the general revenue of the colony. It should never be forgotten that the governing class were the em ployers of the colony, and therefore it became the duty of the government at home to represent the im migrants. As to the encouragement of slavery or the slave trade,'the Colonial Office had made up its mind. They had determined to encourage free immigration, and he was happy to hear that all objections on the parts of the old friends of the slave had been withdrawn. The Coloaial office was determined to carry out the system to its utmost extent. The Mauritius contained 200,000 coolies, who had declined the permission to go back, and now formed a resi-. dent population in the colony. The production and wealth of the country had increased, and the system was being gradually extended to the West Indies, to Natal, and to Moreton Bay. lie could not concur in his hon. friend's sug gestion of an intended protectorate on the coast of Africa, which he feared would be ineffectual beyond the stations which we possessed at the mouth of the river, where a few white men possessed an immense moral influence over the natives. lie feared that an extension of our protectorate on the Gold Coast would not offer a practical means for the suppression of the slave trade. He believed that the best resource fur the labour market in the tropics would be the free immigration of Chinese labourers, who were much bet ter than the India coolies. He looked forward to the im portation of Chinese labour into the West Indies with the greatest confidence as to its success. Mr. C. EWIN:i heard with the greatest pleasure the de claration of the Government of its intention to encourage the impartation of free labour into the West Indies. He be lieved that the production of sugar would be largely bene fited, and he begged, on the part of the West India interest, to thank the Colonial-office for the attention which both the late and the present colonial ministers had devoted to the subject. Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, I am sure the house is very much indebted t) the hon. gentleman who moved the re solutions, for ha - ling brought under the consideration of the house a subject of the greatest possible importance and interest, and h )wever we ma y differ from him as to the wording of the r eso l u tions, I think that which has passed in the coarse of this discussion must hav e satisfi ed him that there is no difference whatever of opinion be tween the hon. member and her Majesty's Government as to the 'object to be attained. There were some expressions used by the hon, gentleman, and re- echoed by the hon THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY „EVENING,- IttRUARY _ member for Perth, which I think if allowed' to go forth without some explanation might create considerable misap prehension as to the impression they intended to convey, because the hon. gentleman stated that the English Govern ment had for a long course of time encouraged and pro moted slavery and the slave trade in other countries. Now, I believe what he meant was this, that by consuming slave grown produce the people of England indirectly encouraged slavery and the slave trade. Well, that is a question which has been frequently discussed in this house, and upon full deliberation those who have advised Parliament to discourage the consumption of slave-grown produce have not been sue • cessful in convincing Parliament that that would be either a wise or a right method of putting the slave trade down. But I wish it to be understood that the efforts of the Go• vernment for putting down slavery and the slave trade have been most exemplary, have been of long continuance, have been most energetic, and, to a great degree, successful — (cheers)—and that is one reason why I object to the word ing of the first resolution, because taken as it stands it would imply that our efforts had been altogether and entirely a failure. We set the example ourselves of abolishing the slave trade and the condition of slavery. Has that remained a fruitless example ? Why France has followed our example . France has abolished first her slave trade and then slavery, and no condition of slavery now exists in any territory belonging to France. Well, Holland has abolished the slave trade. We have concluded treaties with Spain and Portugal, giving means and providing machinery for put ting a stop to the slave trade. We have concluded treaties innumerable with chiefs on the coast of Africa for putting a stop to the slave trade from their territories. Well, to say that this country has been encouraging slavery and the slave trade in other nations is to assert that which is at variance with the most notorious his torical facts, and it is a calumny on the British nation and the British Government. (Cheers.) Our efforts have been greatly successful. We have induced by our example and by the efforts made by the :British Government ever since the year 1815, when at the great Congress at Vienna the Esitishrepresentative persuaded all the confederated Powers to agree to a declaration that the slave trade was a curse to Africa and a disgrace to Europe and ought to be put down— ever since that time we have made every effort to put an end to the sh2ve trade. Well, we have succeeded greatly. In the first place, ;pith regard to Brazil, which used to import fifty, sixty, and seven; thousand negroes yearly, a number which in human misery en , 4 suffering represents three times that extent, because at least three times that number had to be torn from their homes and families, is the centre of Africa, in order to produce the residue, the sle7e trade has entirely ceased ; and if we had only accomplished t2at, it would have been a great glory to the British nation. Well, Portugal used to be the most active instrument of slavery. I will not undertake to say, because 1 know it would not be true, that in the Portuguese colonies in Africa a great ex tent of slave trade does not still go on, but it goes on with out the consent and without the wishes of the Government of Lisbon ; and that Government, when representations are made to it on the subject, expresses its concurrence, and does all it can to discourage slavery as far as they have power to prevent it, and now very little slavery is carried on under the Portuguese flag. Holland carries on no slave trade, and yet she used to carry on a great deal ; and therefore the slave trade is confined almost exclusively to that centre of abomi nation, the island of Cuba. (Cheers.) The number of slaves imported into Cuba some years ago was compa ratively small, but I am sorry to say that within the last few years the number has greatly increased ; and why ? Because the American Government from motives which per haps one ought to respect, from a mistaken sense of national honour, has interfered to cover with impunity that prosti tution of the American flag which covers the abomination of the slave trade. In speaking of the slave trade it is im possible to express too strongly one's sense of indignation at the profligate, shameless, and disgraceful bad faith with which the Spanish nation has acted with regard to it. (Loud cheering.) As far back as 1817, the Spanish Go vernment bound itself by treaty to abolish slavery, and the slave trade, and we paid £400,000 for compensation to those who might suffer by that change of policy. In 1835, after the Government of England had mainly contributed to the establishment of a free constitution in Spain, we asked, as the only acknowledgment of the services rendered, that Spain would conclude with us a treaty by which machinery should be established for mutual right of search and mixed commissions, in order that the engagements of 1817 might be concluded, and an effectual stop put to the slave trade. Well, the memory of our services to Spain being fresh we obtained that treaty, and if it had been fairly carried out the Spanish slave trade would have ceased. It is most extra ordinary that a nation which taken individually has the highest sense of honour and good faith, should when taken in the aggregate be guilty of such a shameless abandon ment of honour. (Hear.) No doubt the conduct of Spain would give us a good cause of war, if we thought proper to avail ourselves of it. We have repeatedly warned them in as strong language as I am now using, and the papers before Parliament contain records of it ; but lam sorry to say they have been dead to a sense of their duty with regard to their national engagements. I hope that is only a remnant of that debased feeling which their arbitrary Government in twiner tlain imill,tcti upon tho Spanish nation, and that those more generous feelings which belong to a constitu tional government will soon have their sway. (Hear.) I tun sorry to say that NI e have notreceived from the govern ment of the United States that co•operation which we had a right to expect, because they are hound by treaty to work with England in suppressing the slave trade. But the Ame rican government prevents eurcruisers from meddling with ships sailing under the American flag, except at their own risk and peril in the event of the ship being found to have American papers as well as the American flag, it would be considered an insult to the American nationality to search the ship. A great difficulty arose, some two or three years ago, on the coast of Cuba. We thought it right that there should be an intercepting squadron on the coast of Cuba as well as on the coast of Africa, but a clamour arose in the United States against that proposal, and we were obliged to withdraw our cruisers from that station. My noble friend made not long ago a proposal to the American Government which, if they had been disposed to co-operate with us in the abolition of the slave trade, I think they ought to have accepted, as it would have put an end to the abuse of the American flag. When slavers sailing under that flag were boarded by British cruisers they presented American papers as a proof of their nationality, but when they are searched by the Am , rican cruisers they throw the American papers into the sea, and thus destroy the only proof of nationality which would enable Amerieanofficers to seize and condemn the ship. What my noble friend proposed was, that the British and American cruisers should sail in couples, so that if the slaver threw away the American papers the British cruiser could seize her, and it they were retained the American cruiser could seize the vessel. (A laugh.) I cannot too strongly express my concurrence in the opinions of my hon. friend behind me (Mr. Buxton), whose name is associated with all the most honourable and vigorous efforts to put an end to slavery and the slave trade. However, the main object of the motion of the hon. member is, I believe, that the Government should encourage immigration. I should hope after the statement made by my hon. friend the Under Secretary for the Colo nies as to the increase in that immigration from year to year, that the hon. gentleman will be satisfied with having elicited an expression of feeling on the part of the house which will fortify the Government—(hear, hear) — in their future communications with other governments upon this subject, and that he will not expose the house to the painful duty of dividing on the previous question. (Cheers.) Mr. CAVE briefly replied. He denied the charge made against him by the noble lord the head of the Government, that he had uttered any calumny against this country. On the contrary, he had stated that when the bill of 1846 was received at Havannah the whole town was illuminated. He repeated his objection to the Chinese being carried to Cuba —it would be much better to have Africans than Chinese for that purpose. He said that without fear of contradiction that Spain was not to be trusted in this matter. Spain had already worked two races to death in Cuba ; and ho trusted the noble lord would not encourage Spain to drag a third race to what the noble lord so properly termed " the centre of abominations"—Cuba. After the observations of the noble lord he should not press his motion, being satisfied with the general tone the debate had taken. (Hear, hear.) The motion was then withdrawn. TRANSPORT SERVICE. Mr. LINDSAY moved for a select committee to inquire into the organisation and management of those branch ,s of the Admit alty, War-office, India-office, and Emigration Board, by which the business of transporting, by means of shipping, troops, convicts, emigrants, materials of war, stores, and any other similar services, is now performed. The motion was agreed to. LOCOMOTIVES BILL. On tho motion of Mr. GAIQ4rETT this bill was read a second time, and was ordered to be committed on 13th March. . _ . --- --- The house adjourned at 10 minutes to 10 o'clock. rADVERTISENMNT.] Pills and medicine invariably ag. gaavate and perpetuate diseases; their annoyance, dis appointment, and expense may be avoided by persons in indifferent health sending only their address to E. S. 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It speedily allays all inflammation, and reduces to a healthy condition all wounds, sores, ulcers, and sprains. It discharges all irritating 'natters, and stimulates the vessels to wholesome action. When this Ointment is rubbed on the skin over any organ affli cted by disease, it exercises a corresponding recuperative power, and in con junction with Holloway's Pills rarely fails to banish any internal disorder, be its origin when or whore it m a y. Whilst using these purifying preparations the tongue cleans, the appetite improves, chills and flushes depart, and the complexion becomes clear; whilst the spirits attain an elevation consonant only with health. r , . , ;~ 'fIArV OCATIOAr aFF ---„„ %.• I. CAN Tiiica stlitm. Yesterday the Houses of Convocation met at Wes,— ster for the despatch of business. This was the first time for considerably more than a century and a half that Con vocation has met for the despatch of actual business under licence from the Crown, and the proceedings therefore were of more than ordinary interest. THR UPPER HOUSE. The Archbishop presided in the Upper How, which assembled in Queen 'Anne's Bounty -office. There were also present the Bishops of London, Winchester, Oxford, St. David's, Llandaff, Lincoln, Glocester and Bristol, St. Asaph, Salisbury, and Norwich. PETITIONS. The Bishop of LLANDAFF presented a petition from cer tain clergy in the diocess expressing disapproval of an in tended revision of the: Prayer Book. They stated that they did not believe, as was sometimes alleged, that any Dissenters would be won over to the Church by any Litur gical revision that might take place. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition from li te clergy of the diocess of Worcester praying that an P;athe rised book of hymns might be prepared for gelieral use under the sanction of her Majesty. The Bishop of LINCOLN presented a petition from the rural deanery of North Holland in his diocess, praying for special services for those who were to be received bite the Church as adults. The Bishop of OXPORn, on behalf of the • Bishop of Bangor, presented petitions in opposition to the abolition of ehurch rates, and praying Convocation to resist the attempted spoliation. The petitioners added that they would not offer any opposition to any improvements the Church might require, THE QUEEN'S LICENSE EMPOWERING CONVOCATION TO PROCEED TO ACTION. 1f r. F. H. DYKE, the Queen's Proctor, by direction of the archbishop, proceeded to read her Majesty's licence, em powering Convocation to proceed to actual business. It set forth that her Majesty had, for divers weighty causes, given and granted full free licence, liberty, and authority to the Most Rev. Father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury and the clergy of the province, that they should make from time to time in the present Parliament any agreements upon and concerning a repeal of the 29th Canon of 1603, or any part of the same, and giving them, at the same time, power to substitute a new canon, and to promulgate and execute such new canon as they may think convenient for the ser vice of Almighty God and the better government of His Church, provided that such canon be not contrary or re nugnant to the orders and services of the Church of Eng land already establishe I, and provided also that the said canon Abell not be of any force or effect until by letters patent under tlo greet seal it shall be confirmed, THE 29TH CANON OP m CHURCII. The Bishop of OXFORD said that as ho was the person who moved the application to the Crown for the licence which had been granted, it appeared seemly that he shoull now move the alteration of the canon to do what they were em powered by the licence which had just been read. The canon in question provided that for each child brought for holy baptism there should be three sponsors, the parents who brought the child for baptism not being allowed to act in that capacity. He should move that the canon should be so altered so as to allow the parents of the chili to act as sponsors together with one friend in whom they had confi dence, thus making the three sponsors required by the rubric of the Church. (The right rev. prelate read the verbal al terations which he proposed to make in the canon, so as to secure the change.) He believed that the present z ule was a great stumbling-block in the way of baptism, and he, therefore, only wished to see the canon altered in that one respect. The restriction which at present existed was not at all in accordance with the practice of the primitive Church, for during the first 400 years after Christ, so far as they were able to ascertain, it was a matter of ordinary rule that the parents should bring their children for baptism ac. companied bya Christian friend, male or female as the case might be, and that they should then answer for the child's nurture in the Christian faith, the intention of the Church being to provide in times of danger to the Christian faith that there should be some one to train the child in religion in case of the parents being cut off by persecution or by un timely death. In 400 years after Christ, he believed, by the admission of all, that was the rule which prevailed, and as the Church of England had always wished to adapt itself to the primitive rule the fact of proving that this was the primitive rule would be sufficient to justify the motion he had made. To say, as had been said, that the proposed new canon would be contrary to the lex and consuetudo of this country his lordship proceeded to show by a very ela borate argument was erroneous. During Puritan times a very dangerous error grew up—namely, that nobody but a parent could present his own child for baptism. This was founded upon the doctrine of election, the theory being that an elect parent should present his own elect child. To bear witness against this growing and dangerous limitation of God's great gift of baptism the alteration was made. Now came the question whether it was expedient for them to maintain the alteration from the primitive use. He thought it was inexpedient for many reasons. It seemed to him that the present danger of limiting the gifts of God in baptism was the notion that the spiritual gifts of baptism depended on the actual faith of the sponsors then and there present. Such a view was diametricallycontradicted by the services of the Church of England, which laid down that if necessary a minister might by himself baptize a child, and that his act would not be altered by the fact that he was an ungodly man. Moreover, the Church declared, immediately after the bap tism, " Seeing that this child is regenerate," &c., marking thereby that, whatever meaning was to be put upon the word " regenerate," the benefits of baptism were conferred in virtue of the Church, and not in virtue of the sponsors then and there present. The experience which he had had from the clergy of all parts of the country showed that this diffi culty connected with sponsors was a great hindrance in the way of baptism. Persons in the higher ranks of life could easily find friends who would join with them in offering their children, and who would supply their lack of service in educating them; but tills did not at all apply to the poorer classes. Their Lordships who knew anything of the work ing of this rule among the working population knew some thing of the hack-sponsorship which prevailed. In a coun try parish where he was for some years he knew in nine cases out of ten who would be the sponsors in cases of bap tism before he entered the church. They were persons who made it a point of acting in that capacity for the purpose of getting the little entertainment they might receive from the parents after the ceremony was over. The alteration in the canon which he proposed would secure the restoration of a great Christian institution to its primitive vigour. The Bishop of LINCOLN, in seconding the motion, said that if they were not in a position to deal with this matter before receiving the Royal licence it was high time that they should have that power. He was not blind to the import ance of having as many pious sponsors as possible, in order that they might be a guarantee to the Church in every case of baptism, and he should be sorry so to alter the canon that the number of sponsors would be limited. In all the largo manufacturing towns of the country, where the popu lation had outgrown the appliances of public worship and pastoral visitation the obligation of the canon was nil—it had ceased to be acted upon. Clergymen charged with the spiritual oversight of thousands of souls went to their churches, found large numbers of infants and grown-up persons, and were utterly at a loss whether the children were duly provided with sponsors, or whose sponsors the people were. He had been informed by many clergymen that in answer to the question why people did not bring their children to baptism, they had been told that it was because they could not afford the supper which the sponsors expected. Others took them to the Wesleyan chapel, where no sponsors were required. The Bishop of LLANDAFF expressed his desire to see the canon altered, on the ground that it was not and could not be practically acted upon as it at present stood. The Bishop of SALISBURY said that neither on practical nor theoretical grounds could he come to the conclusion that any alteration in the canon was necessary. It had been assumed that there could be no doubt as to the primitive usage with regard to baptism. He thought it very likely that in primitive times there was only one sponsor. He felt, however, that his change would beproductive of great danger, and that it would not lessen the practical difficulties which had been complained of. The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S said it had always appeared to him that the inevitable tendency of the present practice had been to weaken the senQe of responsibility in the minds of parents by a nominal transfer of that responsibility to persons who could not generally be expected to feel it. The Bishop of LONDON said that personally he felt very much the gravity of the present meeting. This was the first occasion since he became a member of Convocation, and for very many years before, that they had met for the distinct transaction of business under the authority of the Crown, and it was scarcely possible to exaggerate the importance of their proceedings. He confessed that he had, if he mi g ht venture to say so, on former occasions felt that when they had assembled in that house there was a want of practical character in their meetings, because he knew that although there was everydesirethat they should have an opportunity of expressing their opinions, and although they knew that the opinions so expressed might have a very great influence on the country in general, yet he did not feel that they were empowered to proceed with any distinct business. But their meeting fe-day was of a different character. They had assembled, and were called upon to discuss this question of the Nth canon by the authority of the Crown as an integral part of the constitution of this country. Important as such a duty would be at any time, it was the more important now, when they could not conceal from thßreselves that the ancient institutions of the country were passing througlitheir trial, lie could not conceal from their lordships that when he took part in the applicatioL to her Majesty to grant them licence to act this was fully present to his glind. It seemed to him that tho time had come when it was desirable that the Church of E4glfrtlad should deliberate on some safe point on which no hum cokeid poraibly he done, and that they should be able to show that those alarms which had tilled his own mind as well as others had no foundation. Their lordships would foigiye him mentioning this subject, but the matter was sure to he canyaspcl elenwhere ? and It was well that all persons should understand the altered position in which Convocation etoo4 that day in consequence of the Royal license. The right rev. prelate, in a speech of great eloquence and power, proceeded to examine the reasons which should induce them] to act with regard to the motion beforr the r" I house, and f rom a l arge experience, declared his cor ction that th e canon ought to be altered in th e way pro%) 4iri d. ' spoken in fav our o f the znotion, and the Bisho_ '" - The Bi s h ops of WINCHESTER and GLOCES' - "eal support, that the canon triptte alte re d state wolf , ° The Archbishop A'TANTERBURY , -fi '4 3 ; ha iE N ß oßw vn icEr g having given a partial pressed his fear difficulties...which h a d b een adverterlep. but il hoped it would remove' some of them. JO' t remove all the tend to The resolution was then pqr - ,04, without a dissentient. ~ , 4" the house and carried The Bishop of O XFORD hi'' should be report e d b y uoved. that' the amended canon House, and that its.on= , Grace the President to th e Lo w er rrence allould b e as k e d. The motion war "Acu agreed to. The Bie r MISSIONARY BISHOPS. had 140 ,+° .4op of Oxroun hiquired whether any answer ,n received from the officers of the Crown in refer eEr to the V uestion as to the c onsecrat i on of missionary q ~‘ shops in this country. ',= The Archbishop of CANTERBURY said that the question he had submitted to the law officers of the Crown was, whether missionary bish , .3ps appointed to exercise episcopal ' functions beyond the limits of her Majesty's dominions could be lawfully consecrated in this country. The answer he had received was signed by Sir John Harding, the Queen's Advocate; Sir Richard Bethel], the Attorney- General ; and Sir W. Atherton, the Solicitor-Generah It stated that they were not aware of any statute or rule by which. the Archbishop of Canterbury or his suffragan bishops would violate any law by consecrating bishops in this country who were to exercise their episcopal functions beyond the limits of her Majesty's dominions, but bishops so consecrated must not assume the status, style, or dignity of bishops while in her Majesty's dominions. At the same time, they thought that such consecration in this country ought to be discouraged and deprecated. The Secretary, in forwarding this opinion, added that Lord Palmerston and Sir George Lewis entirely concurred in the latter part of the memorandum. THE SUPREME COURT OF APPEAL. The Bishop of OXFORD inquired whether any answer had been received as to the intention of Parliament relating to the Supreme Court of Appeal in regard to doctrine? The Archbishop of CANTERBURY said that he had re ceived a letter from Lord Palmerston assuring his grace that before any bill was introduced proposing to alter the Su preme Court of Appeal, in matters of doctrine and disci pline, Convocation would be consulted. After the transaction of some other business, the house adjourned. THE LOWER HOUSE. The Lower House assembled in the Jerusalem Chamber, the Yen. E. Bickersteth, M.A., Archdeacon of Buckingham, acted as Prolocutor. There were also present the Hon. and Rev. D. Pellew, Dean of Norwich ; the Yen. Archdeacon Hale, London; the Very' Rev. Harvey Goodwin, D.D., Dean of Ely ; the Ven. Archdeacon Denison, Lord Alwyne Compton, the Rev. Sir G. Provost, the Rev. Henry Mac kenzie, Archdeacon Sandford (Coventry), Archdeacon Thorpe, the Rev. Messrs. Ommanney, Vincent, Jebb, Mildmay, Mayhew, and Glynn. ESSAYS AND REYIEWS. On the motion of Dr. JELF, the standing orders were suspended in order that the house might proceed to address his Grace the President on the subject. Dr. JELF said he proposed an address to the Upper House praying the official attention of his Grace and their Lord ships to the volume called. _Essays and Reviews. He pro ceeded to say—in addressing myself to this serious task I feel deep responsibility and an indescribable feeling of pain. As to the responsibility, it is not merely that I feel that a very important object has devolved upon very inadequate hands, but that I am undertaking that which is no proper act of mine more than ethers, the bringing forward this subject, though I have a constitutional right to do it; but circumstances having placed me in this position I thought it my duty to proceed. The house having suspended the standing orders, I apprehend I am in the position of having their sympathy and approval in bringing forward the mo tion. The responsibility I allude to is my having deter mined on this course against the opinions of others around me—opinions fully entitled to great weight, and I feel the utmost respect for them ; but I feel, after weighing them all, that I can come to only one conclusion—that it is my duty to proceed. The objections that I allude to more par ticularly are such as these :—" You will increase the cir culation of the volume and increase the agitation." But I think when we reflect that the volume has already reached the sixth heavy edition, and that it is canvassed in all parts of English society, and when I reflect on the agitation which is thus created, not only among the clergy, but the laity of the Church of England, the number of comments that have been written upon it, and the notoriety the volume has already attained, T cannot but think that, as far as my motion is concerned, it will not increase the circulation of the book. I should say there are some remarkable things which strike me regarding this book, and the first is that the enemy, by which I understand the direct natural enemies of the Church of Christ, and more particularly the Soeinians and the Atheists, have always employed this volume in a most serious way in detail, in order to propound their own opinions. I have it on authority that in Leeds the Atheists have from time to time printed the volume, or parts of it, in order to spread their own opinions. They are printing extracts from the volume, and are about to circulate them among those who entertain the miserable opinions of Atheism. lam far from attributing to the volume any notion of Atheism. I think there are strong opinions, which every one must regret, in it, but without saying that they intended it as the result it strikes me as an important feature that the enemies of our religion are employing this volume for their own unrighteous purposes. The rev, gentleman entered very fully into the nature of the statements relied upon by the seven writers of the essays, and quoted several l eng th ene d extracts, w i th a view to showi their dangerous tendency. Dr. M'CAUL, in an address strongly condemnatory of the doctrines which he contended the reviews and essays put forward, seconded the motion. Archdeacon SANDFoRD, while agreeing with the previous speakers in repudiating the principles and doctrines which were understood to be promulgated by the book in question, suggested that for convocation to pass a solemn resolution against the volume would be giving to the opinions it con tained an importance to which they were not entitled, and by exciting public curiosity add to the mischief which it was calculated to produce. He moved the previous ques tion, as the most practical mode of relieving the house from the difficulty. Archdeacon GRANT seconded the amendment. Archdeacon DENISON protested against slurring over an important matter like this by the previous question, thus ' holding forth to the clergy and the country that convocation feared to carry out its functions. It was their duty to notice a book of this infidel tendency, put forward as it was by men high in authority, and to stamp it with their condemnation. There were numerous precedents for such a course, but it had been urged that the time for ecclesiastical censure had passed. It should, however, be remembered that if, now the question had been brought before them, they allowed t to be set aside as proposed, they would in effect be tacitly admitting the principle for which the book contended—that of allowing private and individual judgment to over-ride ecclesiastical and scriptural authority, The Dean of NORWICH could not see how they could pass any more severe censure upon the book than had been slready pronounced by the bishops, and seeing that their lordships were still considering whether further steps should be taken, it would scarcely be decorous for the Lower House to send up the proposed address. He thought it would be sufficient to say that they fully concurred in the condemnation which had been passed by the bishops on the book, and suggested a motion to that effect in substi tution of that of Dr. Jelf. The Rev. F. VINCENT concurred in condemning the book, but thought the house should not act in the matter pending the decision cf the bishops, whether further ecclesiastical pi oceedings should be taken or not. Authoritative decisions by ecclesiastical tribunals no longer regulated the influence of publications, as in days past. Archdeacon MOORE doubted whether, until they had carefully read the book, and compared the quotations made by Dr. Jelf with the context, they could be in a position to pass such a resolution. They were not at all certain that the interpretation which had been put upon the passages quoted were those intended by the writers. At all events, they ought to be sure from the writers themselves that they were putting the right construction upon their writings before they proceeded to condemn them. The Dean of ELY observed that one of the essays was written by a person who was personally dear to him —one o wh fa o f , c a l s had l w sh p e cn at Cambridge truly asserted, had heca given uss his views up were ereot prospects n accordance with what he would have been called upon to profe e s d s .: had Hs h ( e th t e ak p en est o o ly f oErdlye)rsielft, or es w h h si i d ch eri h n e g h h a i d s bee con nexion nam with the person referred to, that if he voted in favour of the amendment without a word, he might be thought anxious to screen that person; and if, on the other hand, he said anything on the subject, he might be in danger of committing himself in the minds of thos s who heard gini,and be supposed to be standing forth as the defender of what he did not wish to defend. However, he wished to say in the most distinct terms, that he did not approve of the volume, and he thought with regard to the one essay he alluded to especially, that while the writer was successful in demo lishing the adversary he raised up, he failed altogether when he proceeded to the reconstructive part of the subject. He was right when he told them what Genesis was not, but when he proceeded to his own conclusion it was quite as wild as those which he destroyed. The writer being a lay. man was, however, at liberty to put forward his view s ; b ut as to the clerical writers, he could scarcely ace how the holding of the views put forward by them was consistent with the holding of the holy orders in the Church of Eng land, lie considered that the proper course to pursue was, not to adopt Dr. Jelf 's motion, but to pass to th e prev i ous, question, and thus avoid giving any judgment, and, i n , e(if T vecia h tn e bd ß leec ev la . forr Ar. themin l g that K tEo the NN A subject l v Ay supported the m o ti on; and, after some further discussion, was one whi c h i t was un- aentertain. Dr. WORDSWORTH moved as a substitution for Dr. Jeff% motion the following;--" That the clergy of the Lower House of Convooat lon of the province of Canterbury, having regard to the unanimous censure which has been already pronounced and published by the archbishops and bishops 4 Essays and Reviews,' entertain an earnest of both provinoos en certain opinions contained in a certain t n u Te n d der the Divine blessing the faithful zeal of the C hhoo h cp : ke i s te t h i n s at s church may be ( nabled to counteract the pernici ous influence of the erroneous opinions contained in the said vclume." Archdeacon DENISON seconded this, and after some re marks from Dr. Jebb and Dr. Williams, who advocated an adjournment of the debate, and expressed a doubt as to the w i s d om of eondemning the book, Dr. Jelf consented to withdraw his resolution in favour of Dr, Wordsworth's, which was carried, the previous question being negatived. on a show of hands by a large majority. The house then adjourned until to-morrow (this day). LONDON : Printed and Published by AIUIIDO YOUNG, at No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tl 4 Seri Office, No. 112,Strank in the Precinct of the Savoy. in the County of Middlesex Weduesday, February 27, 1861, .-,n