The Sun. — London, England, 1831-11-24 00:00:00

I,IT, iavlP ey are ~ A: es est' r bell locieti ion 10 y laco e kelit BIRMINGHAM POLITICAL UNION. 141 VDONMENT OF ORGANIZATION. ,f 0 01 c cow , .., t anY., ly api i, or ° I )r ovit 9 u poo v. or r ib i4l 110.:' b" fll LAI° ce llto t ' O r 0 , Y e ot 1d i i ° fl . g tr t;s ° ,,,. 10' „ t d ; 1 1111 fi T OO Ol 'Aged' (From the Birmingham Journal). 'a Tuesday evening last, the 22d of November, 1 ; e usual wee k ly meet i ng o f t h e C ounc il o f t h e Bi r - Nbarn Political Union took place at the Globe t aVern. In consequence of the expected renewal 11 ' discussi on on organ ization, the pressure of the " w °, Loth in and out of doors, was extreme. The let Was crowded during the whole evening. r• ATTWOOD, on commencing business, said, lit th e l ate meet i ng at W arw i c k h e h a d h a d 14 °o to n o ti ce t h e atroc ious lies which had been ~81 ''' l gated by the newspapers of the borough fac- Re had then stated that the object of one of lies was, if possible, to deceive and alarm their *sus Sovereign, by representing that the lam Unioe had sent emissaries to Bristol, sent 10,000 organised men to London, for ~se of promoting a revolution. The King's It was true, was not made of materials to be upon by falsehoods of this kind, which carried igeln their own refutation but uon minds of a " r ia and manly temperament, it wa p s well known boldly asserted and reiterated, were calcus to act in the same manner as water by fre droppings wore away the hardest stone. It sps, fit that he should again repeat that eedings and objects of the Birmingham had been in all respects open, known, and iaceful and legal. Not one member of that nor, he believed, of the Union, had ever A a thought of infringing upon the law in ect ; still less had any one of them entertained lima desire of promoting any kind of anarchy, or confusion.—(Cheers.) It was gratifying Attwood) to perceive that the patriot w ho, by the blessing of God, now filled the of these realms, was altogether proof against f e l lehOOd B , t h reats , bl an dishments, and delusions 'e borough faction.—(Cheers.) He had, in instance, nobly put forth his invaluable powers protection of his people, and had never f rom the discharge of his duty in the most m anly, and truly Royal manner.—(Cheers.) it hopeless to act upon the King's mind in Y. the enemies of the King and the people 'W changed their tactics, and he perceived by ' t ier Paper, that the most false representations made to his Majesty, purporting that his and upright Ministers had given encourage t°, or in some way, patronised the formation -eedings of Political Unions. He (Mr. Att felt it his duty to declare most positively, ' one member of that Council had ever re ale slightest encouragement, either direct or ') from any memberof his Alajes , y's Govern °r from any person in office under ° r in any way connected with them. He Attesoad) said this, not from any disrespect to upright and virtuous Ministers, but because it ser that direct contradiction should be given mean and dastardly assertions which endea to mak e di scor d b etween t h e Ki ng an d his sters, by holding out the latter as giving eneou , n 't to bodi es w hi c h m i g h t b e p resume d to offer thet"eral restraint upon the regular proceedings i eed ntnent. The Birmingham Union had ion ' T r 's ° favours from Lord Grey's Atninis • ha t r-eedY--neith er co urted their favour nor feared Objects h ad ( Cheers)—for their proceedings been so entirely just and legal, that felt strong in the power and confidence of the and had no occasion either to court or to the Ministers. The Ministers had shown them Jr, nor in any way had the Ministers treated with more courtesy than they had received Sir Robert Peel, when the Duke of Welling. W as at the head of the Cabinet. The Union gathered up its mighty strength under the Ad 18ti.ati°n of the Duke of Wellington. Before the is Fr ench revolution broke out, they numbered subscribing members upon their books ; and 1111 °°tb of October last year, they had held a of 3,700 persons in honour of the French ion and under the administration of the Duke -ington. It was evident, therefore, that if .4Cl t patronage was necessary—which it was ch patronage had been afforded quite as by the Duk e of Wellington as by Earl Grey. Union had been tampering with the laws, 'felt have been anxious for patronage, although not likely they would have found it. But the so had trenched upon no laws, nor would they loader" any circumstances. "We will violate 1 . 4w6 , said Mr. Attwood, "to injure no bu t woe unto the men that may violate the I. t 0 injure us I"—(Cheers.) The Union had red its strength under the shelter of the wreck lbe,iite C onstitution which remained to them ; and s uffi e i God that wrec k of the Constitution had still t or sc ell t Power to enable them peacefully and legally `l ever the r i g h ts , lib er ti es , an d h a ppiness of the ° at e lie thought it necessary to urge upon them, I vhi e l r e, neve r to think of abandoning the shelter tit t i "e Constitution yet gave them, and to be Alper 4 rly on their guard against the seductions of l 'esli t i: 4lB who might urge them into dangerous or 4° us Proceedings. The people were weak as ll nt when urged against the law, and strong as Pon o n ; when act rig in support or under the protee -111:1 i i t• At Bristol, for instance, a vast mass of 4 1% O h ie js , - s a o ' t P h o e w l e a r w h , had been brought forward in oPP"s and let their) mark the weakness t Olsl i b „,,R"ilt gave. That physical power had been Nit s 'n a moment by a few score soldiers. Had physical strength been arrayed in a good cause, tli ou directed to r i g h teous an d l ega l o bj ects , t en d of the best' troops in England could not lii s e "Persed it. The atrocious conduct of a few L ae " and badly-di s pos e d p e t sons, at. Bristol, had litir t4 s eed the cause of Reform and produced much ia,br; It had been stated, that one special con %rise?" found to have been instrumental in the burnin s which had taken place. The Chi t ani on u lu st be g upon their guard against men like Ne t tu bgre eably to their original rules they must con -lOthe ell men as enemies and spies. the perceived fe ud reports of London, that a Peeress of Eng ~lßs had been charged with distributing tri-coloured '41 0 " ue sold at twopence each ; and this lady was no !15 for h ost i l i ty t °Reform. It could not be doubted t'rg was the i nteres t of the enemies of Reform to kii: o t ue Public mind into rash, dangerous, and cri els,s esessses, in order to alarm the more affluent l ePp e , 4of the community, and deter them from the l iec e ;'` °f Reform. Before he sat down, he felt it th e ri 4 a l ry to state that it had been represented in o r h u t ul ,ie Papers that he (Mr. A.) had received 1 , , e le on of Sir Charles Wetherell in favour of - g a iitY of their Union at its commencement. t he,: 'i v " not correct : Sir Charles Wetherell, opilp certainly applied to, declined giving his I t he 1% 1 ' ; Re neither gave his opinion in favour of 1 ° 1 (1 t h '°° nor against it. But he (Mr. Attwood) . I ver e e e si ?Pinions of other eminent lawyers, which al 01 _ lisely s at i s f actory . I t h a d b een s t a t e d, a lso, ‘stits‘ P u blic pap ers , th a t he (Mr. Attwood) had l‘ves xic' "to the wor k men o f Macclesfield. There ne tt 4 word o f trut h i n suc h a s t a t emen t. He a ny h e t addressed any letter or communication to Lad al Yof men. The addiesses he had issued addr 'Vs beer, by direction of the Council, and ood; e 1 to the coun t r y a t large. lie (Mr. Att qr should, now conclude by introducing to them lraine'es, the abl e an d u p r i g ht advo c at e of Per th' t h rlt e'Y Reform, and the real friend of them and dreae c°untry. _(Cheers.) Mr. Parkes wonld ad- Or goi. tO th em a l ega l argument on t h e p ro p ose d ill iPor t ati " of the U n i on , which was of the last Attendance, and to which he requested their earliest g..• '-' t rL OS s -- (Cheers.) EPII PARKES then rose amidst loud cheer fence would U make no a p o l og y or personal de tyelii_ r attendi ng t h e meeting of the Council that tj tijo iy, alth oug h not a member of the Political h lini Th e circumstances of the country and the e ss „...° l ?) . and the nature of the proposition for go' I ation now before them, justified any apparent the n3KIOO. o-,,0 0, e. thosel.Re :r tiiriqti ii ha e 1/I,°l ea was ,ot be 'ali t t Rraci ' oil trli,,gh ow soleet,ko had _ a m ente(e,,„! pur lent rn etnn' ln d, it was c diVillvfkted ti` Was nanneriith tk poo b ich 0' , 1 C le m th rest i : In and r or Pitilltted lel bold gu est act 4e , . )f the br r 't d r ' ' , Iti, oppi legal 'le Perh,„ t . Pro ce ra 44,4,104 k. proce e d id evetie,l had b corm, N'os, Y. Peace wilbrPte ell . nor I Y, P illy :t4ined 1 or wth, re spect oo of t,,; etitnin ; 601 ‘‘,,lo'll4,ltice al ( laitiok eir o ,',...0r ( , e befo')inß, k mt. ?0/. orriVonew,ho, 1 pe f 1 o f tin Court!, At thalebooc en ye t ver v e ; boroi 'r th'nsran AP h e ( iite,. hr Prot voce '!ld, m y, d al O e dirlp,")Y. Illaiii;it I I, 1, ', ka z Wa s, tb s , bo th e 40A. 1 e o cha , 14 ti b 4rier 1 al se, Paw earl in 00 kel;tcHie and IN t°, or p r oceed. DO t " ( 101 brae that no one it parS/111:41Vied 01e", 6 any ) t hen l et, fr °r Other t h e e , Or °lt• ' o r in it beci;kth os . tittwo rties/11, N s , uPrigi, Id f:if?t° g i r o t °Per t IN use tees ,rep G. red es lath Ministers i'irtlo 11 careraere b s clief uri e u m si i t a t i ° eople the G o , Geo,, ikti:ed •y 6 heirun. Tit 0 1 liktr, fill C 0 kad ob . e t tel;lothey ?eels 44 felt si t o y Oil tar 0 7 , ar to 11 0 f e .M . art tI , 41,,,, ii ny, or 0 ~Eleti our, , niesior ° 'rpm With ne a of tat,' Sir It Pled was al Taber t k i ,gath e _ k l ltl niktrat. re ireetly - 1 °i nut ir .or o , ei, ,000 s r r ,enatie ill, I} , e üb, is sue4,miluie,rn°oi aber,'Ar -*volt; of er tbr t'i V t ion I ia ve ;an . ellin, b e tar Iletlaeit °I l ' ki lo loci, neetiat If t,i; b y a t the e u M i re t°?, it Y tai hn , t t ' i °ll % Its , f i g t rhirli c : rio ;)t , t —r ' 1 ' tilelo udae , r coro4' jbe; la fa gal. 4, b ut "la' to il I f t c 'red • stir , ih th e - It: leclsl7, ,44 Co (woo' toufen?ol to lor d , pet:coverP rsostle' te;Ple. Hi :h fd i ivbi e tflore )f so/ Pkrt!, h 01 ill •Culi„!_. , . inconsistency in his rising to address them. But on any occasion, under whatever opprobium, when he thought he could benefit the cause of Reform, or the interests of his fellow townsmen, he would never flinch from the tender of his advice and humble ser vices. —(Loud cheers.) Before, however, proceed ing to the subject which had now commanded his attendance, he must be allowed to refer to the cir cumstance and reasons under which he had hitherto refused his name as a member of the Birmingham Political Union. It would be recollected, that in January, 1830, at a great meeting which first ga thered the Union, he (Mr. Parkes) was single with one exception, in the moral courage of opposing the formation of the Union, although yielding to no man among them in long previous zeal and labours in the common cause. He then objected to the Union as tempting a bad Government to create new laws for the suppression of public liberty; he feared perver sion of the objects of the association; he decidedly objected to the permanence of clubs and political so cieties of this description, which might be necessary to the pulling down of corrupt political systems, but which could not co-exist with good Go vernments. These were some of the motives which then influenced him. He must also con. fess that two years since, on its formation, he had suspected that Currency, not Reform, was the primary object of their great leader, Mr. Thomas Attwood; but, marking the single conduct of that gentleman, he must admit that whatever were his views or expectations from Reform in reference to , monetary system and financial difficulties, Mr. Art wood had manfully and sincerely condensed all his efforts to the attainment of our political rights, in a Reform of the base system of representation.— (Cheers.) He (Mr. Parkes) !must also admit that Mr. Attwood had been more far-seeing than him self, in his sanguine views of success, and was jus tified by our present prospects. At Christmas 1829.30, Mr. Attwood had told him that the days of the boroughmongers were numbered, and fast drawing to a close; he then differed from Mr. Att wood, and predicted to him that the boroughmon gers' longevity was underrated, and that they would prove too strong for his grasp, Mr. Attwood, how ever, was right. Circumstances had also remark. ably given momentum to the utility and power of Unions, which no man could have foreseen. He must now state why he did not now join them, although pressed by so many personal friends who had recently enrolled their names. He still objected to their permanency as political associations, and considered that they would greatly advance the cause of Reform, if their political existence was limited to the passing of the Reform Bills. His rea sons, however, were various; he could not give any personal attention to such a society, consistent with his professional ditties; and further, as an attorney of the Court of King's Bench, he was arbitrarily sub jected to be erased from the rolls of the Courts, on the summary edicts of a Chief Justice, and that without appeal. These were his plain and honest reasons, and he would never shrink from the frank avowal of his motives, whatever they might be, or however unpalatable to friends or foes.—(Loud cheering.) He had, in December, boldly come for ward and proposed the ballot, att one of their greatest meetings, when it was a new, and with the upper classes, a novel and unpopular proposition. On the promulgation of the great measures of Parliamentary Reform, he had counselled them to accept those measures, and however decided their sentiments on the ballot, not to refuse positive for distant good. They had nobly waived all speculative differences as Reformers, and thus proved their capacity for the important political rights about to be conferred up;in them.—(Cheers.) With these remarks he would now proceed to the object of his appearance among them. He had observed with regret the proposition submitted to the Council last week for the' Organiza tionof the Union." That project was decidedly illegal, contrary to the principles of the Common Law, and to distinct provisions of statute law.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") He felt confident that if he clearly proved this their good sense and feeling would at once and frankly abandon it.—(Loud cheers.) Hitherto they had founded and conducted their association on the safe and immovable foundations of the Constitution and law of the land. When they changed that great fulcrum of their huge political lever, they would lose all their force and object. He well recollected Mr. Attwood, on their first meeting for the forma tion of the Union, broadly and most prudently de clared his personal views and exertions to be strictly confined " within the letter and spirit of the law, and that so far and no farther would he lead them." The seventh resolution of their first meeting also rigidly restricted every member of the association " to support the objects of the Political Union by every just, legal, and peaceful means." Here was the original and sole basis of their society. When they departed from that foundation they would as suredly fall. With the law in their front they would not, he was confident, wilfully violate its letter or spirit.—(Loud cheering.) They would not make false pretences. God forbid that he ( Mr. Parkes) should deny that times and occasions there had been, and there might be, when, if their enemies the boroughmongers violated the lee, the sacred right of resistance remained to the people by the example and principles of their British ancestors. If, unhappily, such a crisis and such a justified necessity should arise, let them boldly throw away the scabbard and banish fear and hypocrisy. One of our great English martyrs, Algernon Sidney, whose blood and whose mind were devoted to the freedom of England, had left this memorable counsel, that Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy corn posed to his period the best Governments of the world ; but that if either of the two former oppressed the latter, we had an inalienable right to put them down, and that " the general revolt of a nation can not be called a rebellion."—(Loud arid continued cheering.) God forbid that that occasion or neces sity should arrive. Let them, then, scorn to put forward, under the mask of law, projects illegal. He would especially counsel them, lest, if an Anti- Reform Administra , ion came in for a time, they, the Union, should be found outside the law. Infalli bly the existing laws would not only be put in ma licious force, but new laws would be instantly at tempted on the pretext that the old ones were insufficient. He would also say, that at this critical moment they were in honour and policy bound not to tempt the Ministry to engage in collision with the Reformers. The Government were bound to enforce the laws, by whomsoever made or however bad. Their enemies would put upon them this dif ficulty. Let not the Unions, then, play the cards of the Anti-Reformers. Every thing depended ou the virtue and decision of the present Ministry, and on its receiving the ardent and strongest support of the people. If the Ministry failed in integrity or ability to their stupendous labour, it was our last hope ; despair and anarchy would next fol low. The Ministry, he must say, had hitherto redeemed its principles and pledges. He (Mr. Parkes) might have wished more energy in the adoption of means to ac hieve the victory of Reforn - i, but which surrounded . by difficulties not akays seen by the public, he sincerely believed they did their best to obtain. He might differ with them on some points, but he boldly asked w h at overt act of the Ministry had forfeited hitherto the public confidence ?" He hoped, therefore, the Union would not urge it to adopt measures against political associations tolerate d unde r the rule of the Wellingtons and Peels. — (C heerin g . ) One fact he would confidently appeal to as a proof of Mini sterial integrity. The very proposal of the Reform Bills in March proved their sincerity. Those Bills, as detailed in the speech of Lord John Russell in March, were the fatal blows to corruption given by the Cabinet and the Monarch. The certain fat e of the boroughmongers was written as in Bel shazzar's feast on the walls of Babylon. He (Mr. Parkes) defied the boroughmongers even to manag e the present or any new House of Commons. The system had wrecked itself—it had got the staggers. --(Loud cheering.) He would advert to one other argument, an appeal to their common sense and ge. tierosity. The King had stood by the people nobly and manfully ; William IV. had never been found wanting. He (Mr. Parkes) ventured a prediction that the King never would forsake Reform or Earl Grey. The King was the head of the law. He could not allow its violation. Now, would the Union pro voke and alienate from them such a Monarch ? It would be a suicidal, a sanguinary act.—(Loud cheers.) Before he showed the illegality of the proposed or ganization, he would state the principles and con stitutional rights which justified and:legalised political associations. The rights to meet, to petition, to associate, were the privileges of Englishmen before statute law existed. The common law of the land only restricted those rights within the precincts of law and social order. Mr. Hume, the historian, wrote, that the first attempt towards an association for a plan of liberty, was the array of the Barons and their dependants against King John, when they refused to aid him in Normandy unless he restored and gave security for their liberties. Lord Lyttle ton describes the association to support William the Bastard, and some Kings were undeniably illegiti mate.—(Cheers.) General associations, under the banner of the law, were formed in defence of Eliza beth, and of William and Mary. Political combi nation banished the Stuarts from their crown and country. A grand national association was proposed in the House of Commons, in 1680, against Pope!), and Roman Catholic Kings. In 1744 the London merchants formed themselves into a political so ciety ; and the whole county of York associated and arrayed themselves in support of the dynaty and Constitution. But he (Mr. Parkes) would give them an irrefragable proof and precedent for Political As sociations. In 1696, the people commenced associ ations and declarations in favour of William 111. The King and his Ministry not only sanctioned, but legalized their formation, and a Statute Law was passed, the Bth Wll 7 liam 111., c. 27, reciting " whereas great numbers of his Majesty's subjects have entered into and subscribed an association," and then enacted that it was "good and lawful."—(Loud cheers.) Mr.. Burgh, an able political writer, who treated of this hrstorical circumstance, singularly remarked " that you have here a model for en association for re storing adequate representation and an unbribed House of Commons." He (Mr. Parkes) would not alarm them. by reading long extracts, but they must allow him one quotation from the conclusion by Burgh, who wrote three volumes of the " History of Rotten Parliaments" seventy years ago, and who thus prophetically pointed out the means of destroy lug corruption by association : " And now in the name of all that is holy, let us consider whether a scheme may not be laid down for obtaining the neces sary reformation of Parliament. Before all other things, there must be established (Mr. liurgh prints it in large capital letters) a grand National Association for restoring the Constitution. Into this must be invited all men of property, all friends to liberty, all able commanders. There must be a copy of the Asso ciation in every parish, and a parochial committee to procure subscriptions from all persons whose names arc in any tax-book, and who are willing to join the Association. And there must be a grand committee for every county in the three kingdoms, and in the colonies of America." Mr. Parkes then resumed--He could point to the United States, who, acting on this prophetic ad vice, given in 1773, had by federal union achieved their independence, as by unions and public meet ings we should vanquish the boroughmongers.— (Loud cheering.) Having thus claimed and proved the rights of Political Unions and Associations to this period, he would now give them the more mo dern laws which restricted and in part suppressed those ancient privileges. The alarms and artful pretences of the boroughmongers at the French Re volution, and the gathering unions and clubs formed in England, Scotland, and Ireland, to obtain free Parliaments, set the despotic Ministers of George the Third on the manufacture of laws to crush pub lic spirit and independence, and thereby to preserve for a few years their base Parliaments. But he would first say that the proposed organization of the Union was illegal in the common law. It assumed to " act as an efficient body of police, in the main tenance of the laws, in the protection of persons and property." It further appointed Aldermen, tythingmen, hundred constables, and municipal offi cers, with various badges of distinction," for pur poses otherwise provided by law. The common law clearly considered this as a conspiracy to assume the powers and offices of the law. They must necessarily come into collision by usurpa tion or rivalship. If it was allowed to one class of men thus to constitute and assume civil au thority for good objects, what could prevent bad men so associating for bad objects ? Such au assumption of power also pre-supposed the array of force. Without force such an organization was an e mpty shadow ; with force it was above the law, and no sensible man, certainly no lawyer, could say that the project was legal. Being against the law, Government would be bound to put it down ; and let the Council bear in mind, that the Union, how ever otherwise legal, becoming tainted with one ille gal act, would be deemed altogether an illegal body, and treated as such.—(Hear, hear.) He would fur ther warn them, that a proposition to do an illegal act was, by the law, considered in intention equally illegal us the act itself, and the scandalous doctrin e of constructive treason they all knew and feared. Clearly in numerous cases, many of modern trial and record, within the last forty years, the doctrine of the common law was defined inimical to any de clared intention or act of assuming the civil or royal authority. But the statute law placed this point beyond all doubt. He would only mention four Acts of Parliament, now or lately having re ference to public associations, meetings, and p o _ litical publications. The first Act in 1799, the 39th George 111., c. 79, distinctly and expressly prohibited any subdivisions of a Political Association orUnion, treating such subdivisions as so many several corresponding societies. He would read this section : " And every society which shall be composed of different di. visions or branches, or of different parts, ACTING in any manner separately or distinct from each other, or of which any part shall have any separate or distinct President, Secretary, Treasurer, Delegate, or other officer, elected or appointed by or for such part, or to act as an officer for such part, shall be deemed and taken to be unlawful combinations and confederacies ; and every person who, from and after the passing of this Act, shall become a member of any such soci,tv, or who, being a member of any such society at the passing of this Act, shall afterwards act as a member thereof; and every person who, after the passing of this Act, shall directly or indirectly maintain correspondence or intercourse with any such society, or with any division, branch, committee, or other secret body, President, Treasurer, Secretary , Delegate. or other officer, or member thereof as such, or who shall, by contribution of money or otherwise, aid, abet, or sup port such society, or any member cr officers thereof as such, shall b., deemed guilty of an unlawful combination and confederacy." That statute was still in force. Its letter and spirit against the proposed organization could not, therefore, be mistaken or questioned. The statute in 1819, to suppress " Seditious Meetings and As semblies,': was one of the infernal Six Acts—the lack Acts—which were made for five years, and Partially expired in 1825. Another of that batch of unconstitutional laws, the " Act for the more effec tual prevention and punishment of blasphemous and seditious libels," passed in 1819, was, he believed, yet in force, or rather in abeyance. It ought to have been entitled, " An Act for the effectual suppression of William Cobbett's Register, and for his exile from England :" but to show the fatuity and inoperative character of such laws, there was Mr. Cobbett safe at home, and laying on the boroughmongers with his powerful political flail, doing his part in separating the political grain from the chaff.—(Loud laughing and cheering.) The last statute he would mention was that of 1817, the 57th George 111., c. 19, for " the more effectually preventing seditious meet ings and assemblies 1" That Act was commonly supposed to be dead, as, indeed, it was, so far as its 22d section expiring on the completion of its first year, in 1818; but all the after sections of the Act were now in force. Ile would not, however, further detail the written law, as there could exist no doubt of the application of the statute of 1799, which so expressly rendered illegal all subdivisions of a political society. Now this was the law. Did they mean to keep within it ? If so, he did not doubt but that they would as frankly and publicly record their rejection of the project, as they had in nocently, and ignorant of the labyrinths and con fusions of the law, put it forth for consideration that evening.—(Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Parkes) would not insult their good sense or respect for the laws, by repeating his arguments; he was sure that they would do that with good grace and unanimity which, by law, they might be forced to do, or punished by transportation for not doing. He well knew Juries would not convict, but he was sure that they would not reckon on that impunity. Hitherto entrenched in the law, and studiously within the circle of the Constitution, their moral force was, as their Chair man stated, accumulating, and ultimately irresistible. lie would only again assure them that success would infallibly attend their cause. He defied the boroughmongers to overcome or survive the shocks of the last twelve months. True it was, that some few scenes of popular excitement and outbreak had injured the people; but who were responsible, who were answerable ?—the boroughmongers, who, de nying the people parti cipation in , political po wer , spending two thousand millions of money in taxes and debt had impoverished and degraded the people, and never so much as appropriated one farthing of that vast waste of the public money to the instruction and moral improvement of the people by public education—(Loud cheers)—who kept them steeped in ignorance and prejudices, and then mocked and derided them for such unhappy scenes as Bristol and other places, for which the system of the borough mongers was responsible and primarily the cause.— (Repeated cheering.) But the boroughmongers could not overcome nature and the new elements of society. More persons, as proved by the parish registers of Birmingham, were now born in one day than in a whole year at the last " settlement of the Constitution." Only seventy years since Dr. Priestley established in Birmingham the first volun luntary association for popular instruction, and re cently, in December last, 22,000 males of th e town and neighbourhood signed in their own legible hand writing the Reform petitions. Let the borough mongers, if they could, deal with these altered times, and try to deny altered institutions. Let their arcb.Secretary Mr. Croker read his " Life of Johnson," and see that ninety years since there was but one bookseller's shop in Birmingham. Mr. Croker could not get us back to that dark period.— (Loud cheers.) Again, he assured them that he believed a great and united people would confound their enemies and calumniators, by the signal and single example of the victory of moral and intellec tual public opinion without a sword drawn or a gun fired,—of a peaceful change of its political system, —while all other countries were struggling in civil contest and bloodshed to burst feudal bonds and ob tain political freedom. Mr. Parkes on sitting down was loudly cheered and applauded for some minutes. Mr. BOSCOE ATTWOOD, eldest son of the worthy Chairman, then mounted the table, amidst loud cheering, and said, having last Tuesday evening moved the amendment which deferred their decision upon the important question of organization till that evening, he must beg leave to trespass upon their time for a short period, while hd prefaced with a few observations a resolution which he then felt it his duty to move upon that subject. His motive in moving the adjournment of the question last Tuesday was the fear that upon mature investiga tion it would be found that the laws would not allow the plan contemplated to be carried into effect. The event, he was sorry to say, had fully confirmed the justice of his fears. After the clear and explicit statement of the law by Mr. Parkes, he felt that there could no longer be any doubt of the illegality of the contemplated plan, and he therefore felt con vinced that the resolution which he had to propose would be adopted unanimously by the Council.— (Cheers.) As good subjects they were all bound to obey the laws of the land—as members of the Union and members of that Council, they were doubly and trebly bound, by the original rules and regulations of their Union to obey them.—(Loud cheers.) Both of these reasons he considered quite sufficient to require their adoption of the resolution which he had to propose. But in the present case these were far from being the only reasons for so doing. If ever there was a period when it was the bounden and imperative duty of every true Reformer--of every friend to the liberty and happiness of his country, to pay the most im plicit obedience to the law—surely such was the present time.—(Cheers.) As had often been said in that room, a holy league had been established be. tween the King, the House of Commons, and the People, to the effect of the restoration of the people's rights,—so it was their present gracious Monarch, (whose name he never heard mentioned without his heart overflowing with gratitude to him for his truly great and patriotic conduct on so many trying occasions, and to Divine Providence for hav ing sent him to preside over the destinies of the nation in this its hour of extreme need), it was to him alone that the people owed the prospect of speedily recovering all their lost rights and liberties by peaceful and legal means, instead of havi ng no hope left but that o f purchasing them too dearly at the expense of seas of blood ,find ages of misery. --(Cheers.) Their truly noble King had never yet been found wanting in the people's cause. From the hour that he first sanctioned the introduction of the Reform Bill into the House of Commons, he (Mr. B. A.) considered that he had pledged him self to effect the restoration of his people's rights, —afterward; when the miscalled repre , entatives of had thwarted his patriotic M a j es ty i n their peope gloriousl career, he confirmed that pledge in a tenfold degree, by going down to Parliament in person, and sending back the Members to their constituents, to receive from their hands the fate which they deserved.—(Cheers.) Recently when the Bill of Reform, after having been passed by an overwhelming majority of the Commons, had been thrown out in the House of Lords,their patriotic Sovereign again stepped forward, in the time of their danger, to the protection of his people, and pro rogued the Parliament. Since that time he could not for a moment doubt, judging from his former conduct, that the King and his Ministers had been occupied in providing the means for ensuring the speedy accomplishment of the nation's prayers, by the passing of the Bill of Reform through both Houses of Parliament, and he was glad to say that his hopes had that day been confirmed by the an nouncement that Parliament would meet on the Gth of December, and, by the declaration of the Courier newspaper, which lays claim to being the official organ of the Government, that the new Bill of Re• form would certainly be carried into law, and that in a popular sense of the word, it will go even farther than the last Bill. So long, therefore, as the holy league which he had alluded to between the King, the Commons, and the people, remained inviolate, he considered that the cause of the people was secure, and the restoration of their rights certain. If once that holy league was broken, their situation would then indeed be far different. Now, if there could be anything imagined well calculated to break up this holy league and to revive the dying mhopes of ai altst t niiyi t od i e e noiellfd b ia o wspt r uhr o coe ll ohrp f elo l bi l rnyttfih.ro fa ienn c gl t pt i efo o an n roitt , ehnte i e: t tef ‘ ilt v vmah a noep s yuolpd a rbet n oao y bdnpeycl i ee n ot f ho r f i ef r i ) tgitinee shoulde .. juryh oeformers,dnytog)cuf break throu g h th e sacre d b oun d ar i es of the law, the Ministers would hav e no a l ternat i ve b ut e i t h er to sanction such infringement of the law, and thereby declare that the powers of the Constitution were incapable of effecting its regeneration, and to place themselves at the head of a revolutionary movement, or they must support the authority of the law, and put its power in force for the punishment of all persons who should presume to violate it.—(Hear, hear.) Now when the great moral battle of Reform had been almost gained,—when the advocates of corrupiien bad been driven by peaceful and legal means from all their entrenchments but the last, and when there was the prospect of their being speedily compelled to abandon that their last hope, a Minister must be mad i n d ee d w ho should adopt th e fi rst al ternative, and that man must be a fool, indeed, who could expect it. The Ministers must of course, support the law, but if in supporting the law, Mi nisters should be compelled to penish the friends of Reform amongst the people, nothing could be more calculated to excite disgust in the minds of the people, and to cause them to regard the Ministers as their enemies. They might rest assured the pro spect of such an even t t a ki ng place, 9 f a division being thus occasioned between the people and the present p a t r i ot i c Mi n i sters furn i shed t h e l as t faint ray to the now almost expiring hopes of the lA rough faction. He felt that there could be no oc casion for his intruding any longer on their time, hut he would conclude by moving the adoption of the resolutions, which he now proposed, simply taking the opportunity to remark that he was far from wishing to convey any censure on the able and patriotic gentlemen who had drawn up the plan of organization. He thought that that plan bad but one fault, the fault of its illegality, and that in every other respect it was admirably calculated to effect the objects it had in view. He considered that if, which Heaven avert, the hopes of the people should be again disappointed, and the people be tempted to give way to despair, such plan in the hands of that Council would have been an ad mirable instrument to enable them to assist in pre serving the peace, and insuring the safety of all the great and venerable institutions of the country, as well as the rights and liberties of the people; and if such should ever be the unhappy fate of this country, the Council might then remember with pleasure, that it had done all that the law would allow it to do, to render itself in such an awful period capable of being useful. Mr. Attwood con ; laded by moving the adoption of the following resolutions This Council, in entertaining the proposed plan for the or ganization of the Members of the Union, having been solely actuated by the desire of putting itself in a situation which would enable it to be of more service in assisting to preserve the peace during periods of violent popular excitement, and thereby enable them to give the most efficient support to their patriotic Sove reign and his enlightened Ministers, in completing the great work of Parliamentary Reform ; and this Council, having heard the legal arguments of Mr. Parkes, tending to show that the proposed organization would be a measure of questionable lega lity ; and this Council, being essentially bound by the original rules and regulations of the Union, to keep strictly within the pale of the law, as is clearly laid down in page 17, No. 2, of the Duties of the Members of the Political Union, viz.—' To obey the laws of the land; and where they cease to protect the rights, liberties, and interests of the community, to endeavour to get them changed by just, legal, and peaceful means only ;' and again, at page 18, No. 2, of the Duties of the Members of the Political Council, viz.—' To use none other than just, legal, and peaceful means ;' and this principle, having been still more pointedly enforced at one of the first general meetings of the Union, when a new regulation was adopted, to the effect, that if any Member of the Union should be guilty of any breach of the law, he should, by that very act, . cease to be a Member of the Union;' And this Council being also fully convinced that in tine pre sent urgent and vital crisis of their country's fate, it is of the last importance that every good subject, every friend of the liberty and the happiness of his fellow countrymen, should give all possible support to the just, able, and patriotic Administration of Lord Grey, and that no needless difficulties should be thrown in his path; " And this Council being also of opinion, that it might tend to increase the difficulties which at present surround both the King and his Ministers, if any step should be taken by this Council, or by any other body of Reformers, which might either be illegal, or trench so closely on the confines of the law, as to render the fact of its legality a subject of dispute—Considering all these things, " That the plan for the organisation of the members of the Union be abandoned." Mr. CHARLES JONES, in rising to second the reso lutions so judiciously introduced by Mr. B. Attwood, ' begged to offer a few remarks. As secretary to the Committee appointed to draw up the regulations of the proposed organization, he felt himself especially called upon to say a few words upon the subject. The ♦ery preamble by which the plan of organiza tion was introduced, disclosed the wise and peaceable intentions of the Union; and be was at first much puzzled how, with such views and such intentions, they could be brought under the lash of the law. When he undertook the manual duty of drawing the plan, he consulted the preamble of the Act of Parliament, under which it was now said they were rendered, themselves, liable to conviction as state criminals; and when he at the outset found that it was enacted for the suppression of societies esta blished for treasonable and seditious purposes, and the better preventio❑ of seditious practices, he never for one moment supposed that it could affect them in their proposed organization. Their object was precisely the reverse of that contemptated by the Act. It was clear, therefore, they were guiltless of any intention to commit a breach of the law. He was, however, much obliged to his friend, Mr. B. Attwood, for last week moving the postponement of the question, as in the interim, it had been dis covered that they had unwittingly laid themselves open to an attack from the lawyers. Their wish was, upon all occasions, not to trench upon the law, even in the most remote degree. He (Mr. J.) woull, therefore, after the legal opinion which had been given by Mr. Parkes, second, with great pleasure, the abandonment of the proposed organization.— (Cheers.) Mr. EDMONDS would not allow the idea to go forth, that the proposed plan of organization was illegal, without making a few observations. He was perfectly convinced that the mere assumption of names and offices, without practically taking up their duties, was net a breach of the law. To Mr. Parkes he felt personally obliged for the able argu ment with which he had favoured the Council that night. It was very evident that many entertain doubts of the legality of organization, Bed though himself differing with some friends on that point, he should feel it is duty to support the motion, when he found so many questioning the legality of the plan. It was, likewise, exceedingly desirable that they should take no step which could in any way embarrass the Government. If they adopted any measure of open or doub . ful illegality, they wouldnecessarily compel Ministers to institute a pro secution against them, end by this means draw upon them (the nnisters) the odium and detestation of the country, or they would place a powerful argu ment in the hands of the Tories, who would not fail to say that the Government was under the controul of the Political Unions. For these reasons, although in his opinion, organization upon the plan proposed was not illegal, he should support the resolutions. After some further conversation upon the word ing of the resolution, it was carried unanimously. JOSHUA SCIIOLEFIELD, Esq. moved a vote of thanks to the gentlemen who constituted the Com mittee appointed to draw up the plan of organiza tion, and in so doing expressed his entire concur rence in the abandonment of the plan proposed. Seeing that the organization was of doubtful le gality, and that its adoption would embarass the Administration of Earl Grey, which it was their main .vish and object to support, he considered they were bound, not only by the spirit of their Union, but by their express rules and regulations, to imme diately abandon the project.—(Cheers.) The motion was seconded and passed unani mously. G. .F. AfuNTz, Esq. said be rose to propose a vote of thanks to a gentleman to whom they were much indebted, not only for his able assistance and advice that evening, but for his past unremitting and influential services in the great cause of Parlia mentary Reform. Mr. At, after alluding in terms of reproach to the opinions of lawyers generally, on all questions of enlightened national policy, com plimented Mr. Parkes on being one of a few in his profession who, in spite of the natural narrowness and prejudice imbibed by his professional studies, was one of the foremost to advocate the rights and liberties of his fellow-countrymen; and concluded by moving— " That the thanks of this Council arf (Iv and hereby given to Joseph Parkes, Esq., for his able disquisition on the illegality of organizing the Union; lot his liberal conduct towards the Union in former occasions, and his able, laborious, and indefa tigable endeavours to promote the great cause of Parliamentary Reform."—lmud cheers.) Mr. EDMONDS seconded the resolution. Mr. PARKES rose to acknowledge the grateful sense he entertained of any approval of his public conduct by any class of sincere Reformers. He should continue to do his public duty, in despite of injuries, risks, and differences of opinion. On any future occasion he would give thesn his humble pro fessional and :gratuitous services. He could not, however, receive a compliment at the experise of the character of his profession. Allusion had been made to the legal profession as, here and in LoTAdun, the deadly foes of Reform. He beve4 to ass u r e them that such was not the f,tc,t. Tcue it was, that liberty had too oft?ri kufiered from the acts, tongues, and pez9 of lawyers. But acts of ii4viduals ought' not to proscribe a whole (.4.4. The pro l i - fession in Birmingham comprc.kended many honour able and sincere friends of 4eform. The young men , were exclusively Reforwers. In Londe;., the Bair en rolled some of the most able m;.-n of the kingdom— incorruptible, inalienable friends of Reform. and the Press, whi c h h a d f or twe l ve months ennobled itselc was mainly conducted by members of the legal pro fession. He would only say that, in the c•urse of few days he would abridge and give to the Unions an abstract of all the laws aff2eting political societies urging them to strict and literal observation of their enactments, however contrary to reason and liberty. H e attain acknowledged their good opinion. Mr. HADLEY proposed an address to his Majesty, praying that he would be pleased forthwith to ex ercise his prerogative in the creation of Peers. The address was referred to a Committee, authorised to make such alterations as they might deem fit. The address would be forwarded to London this day. The Council then adjourned until Tuesday next. BRISTOL GENERAL UNION. The Council of the General Union, in common with all good citizens and subjects, viewing the anarchy with which we are threatened, with a de termination to use its most strenuous exertions to suppress it, has agreed to the following declaration : " That as the principal object of the Union is to procure a full and efficient Reform in the Commons House of Parliament, it will not relax in its en deavours and exertions to accomplish the same, in a peaceful and constitutional manner; but whilst thus determined, the Council will not cease to repro bate all the attempts to appeal to the passions of those whom a long course of misgovernment has reduced to abject poverty and ignorance. These unfortunate objects, containing all the elements o f discord and confusion, must gradually be placed in better situations to insure the safety and happiness of the country; but whilst means are being taken to improve their ccndition, others must also be adopted to prevent plunder and outrage. " The Council therefore earnestly call on all citizens of property and influence, to join the Union, as by so doing they will be able to con vince themselves of the sincerity of these protes siona, and also concentrate their individual exertions, to stein the tide of that fearful convulsion, of which the signs of the times are portentous. " It is the decided and unanimous opinion of the Council that unless the organization of the Union be immediately completed, with the concurrence and support of all well-disposed citizens, there will shortly be no security for person or property. " By order of the Courted, " Nov. 18, 1831." " J. P. YEN, Stcretary. EDINBURGH, Nov. 18, 1931. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIR,-In perusing your interesting Recount of the Monmouth Reform meeting in your number wt the 15th current, I observed with the greatest astonishment a Mr. Thomas, who seems, from his speech, to be a z••alous Re— former, designate the name Scot as synnt , intou s with treachery ! ! Good God ! Would it he believed did we not see it, that in this age of liberality of sentiment, an Englishman addressing Englishmen should have the base ness to term the inhabitants of the northern part of Great Britain a nation of traitors? One would almost suppose him to be a fool of the fiction which at present, by its disregard of consequences, convulses the etitiotty. For what better plan could be devised for alienating the afitc tions of the Reformers in Scotland from their brethren in England than stigmatizing their country with odious epi thets, the honour of which is so dear to every Scotchinan. I doubt not this circumstance will be laid hold of by the Tory press ; and you may rest assured it is an argument which will be listened to in the north. In the name of myself and many others here, constant readers of your liberal and spirited Paper, 1 beg to call your attention to the subject, and am sure you will agree with us in thinking the words of your own reporter in the same article applicable to this Mr. Thomas. I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, ONE WHO THANKS GOD HE CAN SUBSCRIBE HIMSELF A SCOT. CITY REFORM MEETING. (Front a Correspondent of the Times.) The statement in the Times of yesterday, as to the meeting at the City of London Tavern on Tuesday, is most incorrect. The principal mover in this affair was not Mr. Pascoe Grenfell, but Mr. Horsley Palmer, the Governor of the Bank, by whom the draught of the de claration intended to be adopted was subscribed to Mr. Grenfell. In truth, we have authority for stating, that there is not a sentence, or even a word in the declaration, that has emanated from Mr. Grenfell, the whole of it hav ing originated with the Governor of the Bank and his po litical friends, who accidentally selected Mr. Grenfell as the medium of communication with the Reformeie, fur the purpose of ascertaining whether they would concur with those who bad hitherto been opposed to the late Reform Bill, and, in a spirit of conciliation, sign the proposed de claration. We believe that this declaration was submitted to some of the Ministers, who saw nothing in it inconsist ent with the principles of the late Reform Bill, and rrere of opinion, that the signatures to it of the triends of Reform, in union with those who had hitherto been adv,rse to the late Bill, could not but be favourable to the success of the Bill about to be introduced. With this sanction the Re formers went to the London Tavern, on Tuesday, to meet the Governor of the Bank and his friends, in the full ex pectation that, as it had been understood that the declara tion had been seen, and approved of, by all who had been invited to attend, there would be no discussion—nothing to be done, in short, but formally to adopt the declaration ; and, after affixing to it the signatures of those present, to leave it at the City of London Tavern for the same object.. It is a fact, that many Reformers, to whom the decla ration had been shown, objected to it, because it did not "go far enough ;" and absolutely kept away from the meeting because they refused to sign it. It was supposed and indeed believed, by the Reformers, that a siiiiiiar un derstanding existed on the other side, When the mee'..ing took place, Mr. Horsley Palmer being calved to the. chair, 0 3r. Jahn flthe East S I n d ia i m a ov ed and Sir J. Cm Company) , seconded co n de a d t p i ie l the declaration. r \ be ai r m a n ; and upon the question being about to be lint, Mr. Charles Barclay, followed by Mr. Henry Drummond, Mr. John Drummond, and Sir Coutts Trotter, objected to that clause in the declaration which referred to the extinction of nomination boroughs. A long discussion ensued. The Reformers refused to give way, or to enter into any com promise upon what they conceived to be the vital prin ciple of the Reform measure, and the meeting separated without any further result. The conduct of Mr. Horsley Palmer, the Governor of the Bank, we have reason to know, has been manly and straightforward throughout the whole husiness ; and the obstructions thrown in the way of his object, by some of those who attended the meeting as hit political friends, moat have arisen from some unaccountable misunderstand. ing. Tois is a correct statement of what occurred. The meeting was attended by about 40 persons, comprising, on both sides, some of she principal and most influeot:al merchants and bankers of the cities of London and Weat ininster ; and the declaration, framed, as has before been stated, exclusively by the Governor of the Bank and his political friends, and by them submitted to the Reformers for their adoption, is as follows: " We, the undersigned merchants, bankers, &c., seeing that, in consequence of the reaction of the Bill to amend the representation in Egglaud and 'Wales,' by the Souse of Lords, in the exercise of their undoubted right and privi lege, an oppc,;tunity has been afforded for a further e usi deratie of the great question of Reform of Parliament, do declare our desire to unite, with the true spirit of mutual conciliation, in an endeavour to put are end to the differ ences hitherto existing upon that subject ; and, governed by that sentillaent, we do profess our (Ith,trate opinion, that the passing of a measure carrying into effect the pr, n . ciple of granting direct representation to the gre•j, non ,_ mercial, manufacturing, an w d be la th n e d r ed u, int b er:s rv tii, erwo h r i c har now without that valuable privilege, as w-:d as extending the elective franchise so as to insure a fair and free repre sentation of the people and of property; and to prevent a th n e y noLi i n v a id ti u oL and return of Members to Parliament Com moner—has. ecome abs!'lutely 41,ecsassr; for the peace and prosperity of this kingdorv..., " That while wc, t'ass deP, P .are our conviction of that necessity, we cc,r4lently that in any Bull which may now be - 4 - ";:opo.ed to Parliament for that object, such pro vicious may be made as may, without comproniising those principles, ine , n with the concurrence of b , ,th Houses of p ar li nenet ,t, and secure its passing into a law, thereby flit filling the just expectations of all classes of our country men, and affording additional security to the prerost , ativcs of the Crown, the authority of both Houses of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the people." In die reign of ELIZABETH, THOMAS LONG bribed the Mayor of Westbury with the splendid fee of 41. to return him to Parliament. A bridegroom in Pomerania, sitting at table with his bride, on seeing her eating w i t h d e li g h t the tent ,vhich was under some woodcocks, exclaimed " How I should like to be a woodcock, and teen re..der you so h ap py r —This is a Germain feeling.—Paris in London.