The Sun. — London, England, 1827-03-10 00:00:00

earlier than usual, and we were now going hard upon our stock. He did not say this with the view of exciting any alarm ; but he thought it was best to look at once to the real state in which we were placed with respect to the amount of our stock on hand. He would not assert that that stock might not be found sufficient, if consumption were to proceed upon its present scale ; but if our trade and manufactures should be so much improved as to increase that consumption in any great degree, and if the next harvest should fall even a little below the last, we should find ourselves in a state which could not be contemplated without considerable alarm. Should such a state of things arrive, it would be found that the stock of foreign corn imported at 60s. or 655. would be hut small, and that it would get as high as '7os. before any quan tity came in large enough to give a sensible relief to the market. He would now say a few words to remove what were urged as some of the popular objections to the view which he took of this question. Great alarm, he knew, had been excited in some minds by the quantity of corn which it was thought might be imported from Odessa. Great stress, he knew, had been laid upon an as sertion that wheat might recently have been purchased, and that it was, in fact, purchased there at 7s. the quarter. He wouldstate a few facts connected with this subject. The wheat which was thus mentioned, was wheat which had been long kept. It was quite an inferior quality, and totally unfit for the English market. There was a transaction going on which would show how un reasonable were any alarms of the landed interest on the score of what could be procured from Odessa. One individual (not on e of those who was formerly engaged in the importations of corn from Odessa, the greater part of which, on its arrival in this country, had been found wholly unfit for use, and Was thrown away_ but a person unconnected with the corn trade, and who had not burnt his fingers in it) had en tered in t° a speculation to bring corn from the port he had mentioned. It was purchased there, not at 75., but at 188. the quarter. The freight from thence (exclusive of insurance) was generallye 12 %, but at the present moment, it would, he believed, to found not to be less than 15s. the quarter. This brought it s _ 3 s• To this were to be added the rate of insurance, and the p_ront of the importer, which he could not state at lees than 71. the quarter. Indeed, there were some who considered the risk so Tgreat, that t h ey would not insure such a freight at any price. hus, then, taking th e charges 'he though o f had mentioned, this wheat, an inferior quality, could not be brought to our shores at leas than 401. the quarter, to whith was then to be added the du ty This stat ement wou ld show from practice, and not theory, that there was not the slightest ground for any alarm as to the corn which might be imported from that quarter.—(Hear, hear.) -- This, it should be remembered, was the price in Odessa, with out th e d emand of the English market ; but there could be no oubt, that when it was known that that market was opened, the pri ce at Odessa would rise considerably above its present amount, and, With the increased price, the English grower need have no alar m as to th e compet i t i on. A not h er popu l ar o bj ect i on was , abortb 7a admitting foreign corn to our markets, we should in a y time be placed in a kind of dependence on the market of a t t etei gn state, an d t h at state m i g h t withhold from us a supply at ,ne moment when w e s h ou ld mo .t req ui re it. This objection was, he thiought, alt oge th er w i t h out f oun d a ti on . Th e great effort of II that Kind which had ever been made was during the supremacy of uon aparte. By hi s ant i- commerc i a l regu l a tions, he endeavoured t ° strike at the root of our trade, and particularly to prevent our fl e i ttiag a supply of foreign corn. But what was the result of t at attempt ? If th e y l oo k e d t o the returns of the imports from the qaltic (lurin g the continuance of these restrictions, it would be uad, that the quantity of foreign corn which reached our shores 411 v ery considerable—and that a very large part of our supply 'Tia themfr the p or t s o f F ran ce itself.—(Hear, hear.)—He wo u ld Isoe year 1810 fer example ; that year when the Berlin and When we ill an decree s were enforced with the strictest severity—that year had to supply an army in the Peninsula, and when it was a n object of the utmost importance to the French Emperor, to Prevent our obtaining a sufficient supply ; yet in that very year it was r emarkable, that we had imported a very considerable quan -1::q O f corn from Flanders, Holland, and France itself—all which It 'el wer e un d er t i e d om i n i on o f N apo l eon. F rom F rance e got in that year, 225,710 quarters; from Flanders, 167,154, : id f rom Holland, 189,016, ma ki ng , i n th e w h o l e , 581,880 quer 41' f rom ports under the sway of that individual who had made it Point to exclude the English from the markets of the Continent, an d "who 8 had end eavoure d t o cu t o ff th e sup pli es o f our army i n Pain•—(Hear, h ear . )— He could no t g i ve a s t ronger ill ustrat i on ef the utter inability of any Government to prevent a supply of ;nu, when a demand existed for it in another.—(Hear, hear.) — he were not afraid of fatiguing the House, he would call their hat he feared he had already:trespassed too far on their indulgence. 'n conclusion, he would implore the landed interest to consider the t itaation in which they were placed. He would implore them to t ake cafe how they adopt a principle, which would not be one of 4 nion, but of schism and discord between themselves and the great masa of the people of this country. It was impos§ible to e ! i nternplate without serious alarm the evils which must result from au interrupti on o f the goo d un d erstan di ng w hi c h ex i ste d b etween th e aristocracy and people of this country. Let him then implore ro e landed gentlemen to look well in time at the evils which must to lloW from the course which many of them seemed now desirous e,l 4 °Pt----a course which, if it did not fail them immediately, a p - a 'at cartainly d o so i n th e resu lt. L e t hi m i mp l ore th em t o en 4:nut, while th ere was y e t ti me , t o h ea l th e b reac h w hi c h had • i a' ad Y commenced, a n d o f w hi c h, if f ar th er w id ene d, it would be I T h Pnssible to speculate upon the consequences.—(Hear, hear.) — at 11 °u. Member then moved by way of amendment, roenever the average price of wheat, made up and published in th e e* required by law, shall be 50s. and under 51s. the quarter, dattY shall b e for every qua rter IL" a , nr iginal resolution, which made the same amount of nlent p P P l Y to a price of 605., was then read, and the amend- Mr ri that li t :, '''• GRANT rose, but spoke in so low a tone, coil `"e more than the general import of his remarks could be ' l ntbe e i L l t he gallery. We understood him to say, that it would at ,len g th for him to occupy the attention of the Committee t• 4 " i nt He did not feel called upon to follow his Hon. o ira al ta y etia a lto the lengthened detail through which he had gone,. as Part of his arguments had reference to the question he (m r `,.,..elY before them. In the general principles, for which ' 1 4,6 0 : "itinore) had . contended, he fully concurred, but . the In the 6",: t a % how far those principles applied to the ques . non.— P'esent P l ace, his Hon. Friend had said, that the effect of the that I! Place, d 7 f et , 1 .,7 , as well as of the proposed resolutions, would be ii -e Leud ° th„"`"g a fluctuation of prices. He then proceeded t o o t. l u artert y - ne w . mode of striking the averages weekly instead d en tr rat O n the ground that i. would be le open to fau an 'nn bioat . k 1 " than th e o ld mode. t He could see no reason r why the rwilieta„raber for Bridgenorth should fix upon 50s. as the price X v . er ha,, the affix the duty of 205., inasmuch Ls it was ''`l's co llat . ; "ne average price of wheat for the last seven years in A : . 4 th Y i Lhut he could see a very good reason for fixing upon ti'ent altl e ers7 4t from which the scale of duties should spring, in Peace Of ti ke L° , l that a protecting price ought to cover the ex- 1 e y m' a tt t han 6 - T i L eulturist, and that for the last few years no less a se e n relpi to . e L euld effect that protection. Besides, of late co ed ini t ,,,Z bad been vested in agriculture, which would be v at ." to. rri;" , if the Hon. Member's scale of duties were ac churl' : Whi w ili ght Hon. Gentleman made a few other obser- 1 s l d ir h u y tleeelariZre,,uterly inaudible in the gallery, and con the e „ • p A - 6 , ,,, , ,i t intention to oppose . the amendment. ti - " ac hlet v4 4 7' 41 ELL entered into an explanation of ] ree wl i to the _ ar. • . I , A at; v 1 0 11 ,, ll ' ' 4 . pursued since the year 1813, in rela- i h ee l' , -41 1 of t h e -tis. Meas ureswhich had been proposed for the 1 ' 4 4% idv °eatein, i n corn . . He had been accused of having ti on w ' luul r oad t ; "'el prices but he referred to the speeches se nd, °u ntied that e 418 ' 13 and ' lßl4, to prove that wascpm wtt a All which he had then done, to con k t wo corn s r aude r a t . et, He am c i e a t to e Protecting duty, Ireland was able to ha d felt, r „ nwn ed that hi au PPIY the demand of the British . mar ..on, , prin c i p l e la „Lute ext e , a . ° longer felt the alarm which he once Ar erober'fi, e a nould p ref siv e importation of foreign corn. On led hi ni not e t ßrid g , orth er the amendment proposed by the Hon. h misters: ' ai el i l l'e diesiitis'6eidnitthere were various reasons which press his e a ', ' er efore t r , M r. lar dment to .' • posed the ar ne should with the resolutions proposed by Ml st.ed that the Hon. Member would not DI/1.1,a division. . to- nd wi t n m ; s e nt of th ii : id, hat he had last night op- The safeet e Z u - r l)(4 se th at o ti f e n,• Member for Dorsetahire, and he jesty's Minister, the aP P e ared tai le Hon. Member for Bridgnorth. agTictdtural Which ateere en to be that proposed by his Ma- Colonel mend the man 1 AB rn E ; e tyeen the plans of the ultras of • no w i„,.._ , rig classes. I,: I:, fi 3 c oi i or u „ n . r. ow vo ursvieesencidbtyh Ministers,the ...,y contended, that the measure milbeir4efotiarbturepnendment on it proposed by cio us prit 7 .4 i ~ were all founded called a ridgnorth, and the old system the grow e ; Ple ,„, n f giving what was naunerati, !not principle wse u P °O the erroneous and perni remunerating price to as th e count had a moat, rroneous, inasmuch as a re eunstantly i . 7inereased itit tendency to advance ; and just prov e d t , • ---,easiti then .Population, it advanced in a ratio 1 s a . g pr e e lir rateirenc? to the manner in which the protecti ng du a sertion b.. e „ 1 at which , . protection began. He had be en p preferr e d Pfd in in- led in ever y successive corn law that Bridg aortil : Proposition °f his between 1 . 774 and 1815. He clos e l y to ~..t0 th at o f °n hu t Hon. Friend, the Member for al ways 114 ::"At free t rade , lus ters, because it approximated more v th a 41 eurn which the late M r . Ri cardo had s e I ._. eau for: the" country.. He was sorry that ik such an alteration could not be introduced into our system, as it would protect the agriculturist against excessively low, and the manufacturer against enormous high prices. It was necessary, however, sometimes to sacrifice justice to expediency. It would be better, in his view of the case, to fix, by law, the amount of duty, rather than to leave the dispensation of the law in the hands of Government ; such a power was always dangerous, and was most unconstitutional. As the question now stood, he saw, on the one side, a system of monopoly and exclusion advocated, while, on the other, the resolutions approached the principles of free trade, although they were coupled with restrictions of which he disapprod.—Weighing the two propositions, he would, therefore, if no gentleman introduced a system more consonant with his own opinions, give his vote in favour of the latter. Lord MILTON was of opinion, that the system I now proposed by Ministers, though it did not go far enough, was a great improvement of the existing law, and was likely to lead to still more extensive improvements.—(Hear.)—He was the more desirous to make some observations on this question, because he was afraid that few gentlemen in the House agreed in his opi nion, or in the opinion of the Hon. Member behind him (Mr. Whitmore), with respect to the remunerating price. In the cor rectness of the opinion laid down by that Honourable Member he entirely concurred. He would ask, in what situation would the country be placed, if that which the Honourable Member had stated were true, as he believed it to be? Every country, situated like this, was constantly making progress in wealth and population. Now, the farther they advanced in wealth and population, the greater must be the number of mouths they had to feed, and consequently the greater the rise in price. In proportion, then, as the amount of population was ex. tended, the necessity became the more urgent for applying to the fertile soils of other countries, which could best afford a proper supply of the chief necessary of life. When they pos sessed a large and industrious population, means ought to he adopted for feeding that population at the cheapest possible rate, in order to render their industry in the highest degree pro ductive to society at large.—(Hear.)—Therefore, he conceived that we had a right to procure foreign corn, the return for which was to be found in our manufactures. It was'asserted„ that if they reduced the price of corn, they would, at the same time, reduce the wealth and power of the landed interest. He felt a very great respect for the landed interest ; he wished them to be powerful and wealthy; but more than that, he wished them to be esteemed by all classes of their countrymen---(Hear)—and nothing had given him greater pain, in the course of the last evening, than to see the aristocracy, the country gentlemen, abandoning and op posing those Ministers whom they had so long supported, and for whom they had expressed so deep and lasting a regard.--(Hear.) At the head of those who thus stood forward against an alteration of the law, he was sorry to observe his Noble Friend opposite (Lord Clive), for whom he entertained a very sincere respect.— (Hear.)--It struck him as most extraordinary that those gentle men should be so eager in their opposition to Ministers, to whom they had so long given their assistance, and by whom they had been upheld in the country—(Hear)—it did, indeed, surprise him to see them struggling for 4s. per quarter in the price of Corn, as if their existence depended on it.—(Hear, hear.)—The fact was, that 4s. per quarter in the price of corn, was 4s. per acre in the amount of rent, which they put into their pockets---(hear ;) and he regretted that they had thought it worth while to abandon their friends for such an object.---(Hear.)—lt was said that this was done for the sake of the farmer; but it appeared to him to be done for the benefit of those who were denominated the landed interest, and who were anxious to procure the highest pos sible rents. Those who defended this system, declared that it was necessary, because the Landed Interest bore greater taxes than any other body in the State. If that were the case, then the price of Corn ought to be regulated with reference to that taxation ; and according to its amount, the criterion of protection ought to be formed. To arrive at a just conclusion on this point, they must examine what the taxes were which were said to fall exclusively on the corn growers.— He denied that the poors'-rates fell only on the land in the occu pation of the corn-grower. It was not so unequally divided.— It fell upon real property—it fell upon that which never produced corn.—( Hear, hear. )—Could, then, the advocates of prohibition argue that it was necessary to keep up the high price of corn, on account of the poorst-rates, when a great part of them were drawn from other sources ?—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Then they com plained of the county rates. But did these rates fall alone on the land?—No.---He knew one large town in the north of England which paid 90,0001. a year to the county-rate. That sum would cover a large portion of the rate of many of the coun ties of England. It was fully equivalent to the rate on 100,000 acres of land. It was quite evident to him, be the plea advanced for continuing a high price of corn what it might, that if it were kept up far above the price of other countries, it would be impossible for us, in a short time, to have any commercial intercourse with them.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Again they were told that, if a free trade in corn were encouraged, all the poor lands would be thrown out of cultivation, and thus the wealth and resources of the country would be contracted. He admitted that to the extent of the capital employed in the cultiva tion of those poor soils, there would be a contraction ; but the question was, whether the advantage which would accrue in other branches of industry, which, if corn were cheap, could be more beneficially prosecuted, would not greatly overbalance any inconvenience that might be at first experienced from throw ing those poor soils out of cultivation.—.(Hear.)—Let them, how ever, look a little closer to the question. He would enquire, what effect the imposing a duty of Is. on each quarter of wheat had on the population. Supposing 12,000,000 of quarters to be annually consumed, then, at the rate of Is. per quarter duty, it amounted to 600,000/. a year, which was no very trifling tax. Now, the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bridgnorth, which was 10s. under that brought forward by Ministers, would, on the same ratio of calculation which he had just adverted to, save the people from a tax on corn amounting to about 6,000,0001. a-year '.—a saving of immense importance to every branch of manufac tures. As he had before observed, the proposition did not go far enough. With respect to the principle, the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) appeared to have consulted the manufacturers ; but, with reference to the price, be seemed to have looked to wards the landed interest. In his opinion, the real interests of the country, not the interests of one party, but of all, required a free trade in corn. Under all the circumstances, he should sup port the motion of the Hon. Member for Bridgnorth, as it came nearer to his view of the question than that proposed by Ministers. (Hear, hear.) . Sir T. GOOCH animadverted, with a good deal of warmth, on the observations which the Noble Lord had made on the conduct of the landed proprietors. If the scheme proposed ' were carried into effect, every species of remuneration throughout the country must be reduced. The salaries of the clergy would be reduced—(hear, hear,)—and the wages of the labourer would also be curtailed.—(Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lord came from a manufacturing district--(hear, hear,)—and, therefore, he had in dulged in those unfair remarks. He was, he admitted, one of those who supported his Majesty's Ministers—and he would do so, when he considered them right.—(Hear.) --But he was not, therefore, to be prevented from standing up in the House and de claring' his opinion, when, though opposed to them, he felt that opinion to be correct.—(Hear, hear. )—He certainly wished to see his friends, the Ministers, in their places—aed he also wished to see the Noble Lord and his friends out of place.--(Hear, and laughter. )_This was, he believed, the great offence which he and others had given to the gentlemen opposite.—(Hear:)" Mr: G. ROBINSON was anxious to say a few words on this question, because he had the honour of represen ting a large portion of the manufacturing population. He ad mitted that the landed interest was the right arm, the main strength of the country, and ought to be protected. But, while he conceded much to them, lie thought something ought to be allowed to the labouring classes, whose petitions, day after day, loaded their table. The measures of Government would, he feared, prove very unsatisfactoi yto all parties. When lie looked to the effect which they were likely to produce on the corn laws, he confessed that the last body from whom he expected opposition to those resolutions was the landed interest.—(Hear. )--because Ministers appeared to have taken very great care of that interest. It had been most absurdly argued, that a high price was bene ficial to the operative classes. And, to continue high prices, on account of an unwillingness to throw poor lands out of cultiva tion, was, in fact, to enable the proprietors of rich lands, which did not require the same degree of culture, to realize their for tunes at the general expence of the community. It would, there fore, be much better to throw those lands out of cultivation, and to allow the importation of corn to the extent of any deficit which that measure might occasion. Mr. PHILIPS could not avoid offering his tribute of respect to Ministers, for having introduced the present measure which he considered a great improvement. Lord CLIVE wished corn to be at a low rate, and the cheaper the better, provided it were of English growth. Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN perceived that any attempt on his part to make an impression on the House would be hopeless in its present temper. Those who advocated the cause of the landed interest had said, that they only wanted protection; he wished to know against what they required protection ? He had heard a great deal said about the taxes under which thelanded interest at present laboured, but he would beg to observe, that the landed interest did not alone pay taxes. Taxes , had contributed most materially to raise the, prime of commodities, which ulti. mately fell on the consumer.—(Considerable impatience was here manifested by the House.)—The Hon. and Worthy Alderman said, he was well aware of the opposition he had to contend against, but he should not enter into a contest by elevating his ♦oice—scarcely any one bad spoken on behalf of the interest which he had the honour to represent ; indeed, the landed interest had had it all their own way; but he must observe, that taxes had been raised above 200 per sent., and had consequently caused a ♦ery great increase in prices. The great mass of the people had been called upon to protect property, but he should like to know what they had to protect, unless it were work-houses and infir maries ? He must say that the landed interest had not contri buted a sixpence towards the war.—(Hear, hear. )--Government might tax any property but the land—with that they were not suffered to meddle, for, if they should do so, they would he in the peril mentioned by my lord duke's servant in the play, and be in danger of having their supplies stopped. Last year there were an extraordinary number of bankruptcies. The distress was general, indeed universal. If the price were to be taken at 605., it would not be possible to have corn cheap. If it were not for the preju dice which was manifested against the side of the question which he advocated, lie should have made some further observations with more confidence. Mr. BARING said, it was impossible that any one could speak on this question without having some personal inter est respecting it ; but such was his confidence in the integrity of the House, that he did not doubt but that they would come to an impartial decision upon it--The Hon. Member continued to speak for some time ; but owing to the impatience of the House, and the low tone in which he spoke, not an intelligible sentence reached the gallery. Lord G. CAVENDISH was not disposed to en ter into any discussion as to whether the price should be fixed at 60s. or 645.; but was willing, on that point, to rely upon the judgment of Ministers.—He hoped that the meAsure would pass in the shape in which it had been proposed. Lord HOWICK der.ied the assertion which had been made in the course of the debate, that the landed interest had profited from the largeissues of paper money during the war. He, on the contrary, thought that the circumstance had been detrimental to the landed interest, for it stimulated them to bor row great capital, and to expend it on the improvement of their estates ; the capital thus borrowed being afterwards to he repaid in a currency of increased value. He did not altogether approve of the amendment, but thinking it better than the original propo sitions of Government, he would vote for it. Sir F. BURDETT did not intend to occupy the attention of the House for any considerable time ; but as he dif - fered completely from most of the gentlemen who had delivered their sentiments on the question, he was desirous of saying a few words in explanation of his own opinions. It was not surprising that he should not agree with the worthy Alderman, who did not agree with himself.—(A laugh.)—ln one part of his address, the worthy Alderman described the landed interest as being an avari cious and grasping set of persons ; whilst in another part he spoke of them as most liberal and generous.—(Hear.)—The latter cha racter was most to his (Sir F. Burdett's) mind. There was no clam of men in this country (and if not here, not in the world,) so liberal, so considerate in all their dealings as the country gentlemen. Something had been said in the course of the debate about the mischief occasioned by changing the measure of corn lately from the Winchester measure to the Imperial measure. He believed that a great deal of mischief, indeed all the mischief, had been produced by a change similar in principle to this—by the change in the measure of value—the change in the character and extent of the currency. It would have been pretty generally acknow ledged as an injustice at the time when the Imperial measure in corn was introduced, to have compelled all persons who had made contracts in the Winchester measure to pay them in the Imperial ; and yet this was exactly what had been done in the case of the ctirrency. Every gentleman found his income lowered one-third by the change; and out of this diminished income he had still the old taxes to pay. The change in the system of our currency had been well meant, but its operation had been most mischievous, and, unless something decided was done upon that subject, the distress of the country must continue. He desired not to be mistaken. The Honourable Alderman (Mr. Alderman Waithman) had talked of the land-owners as persons who thought of no interests but their own, and who would take a sponge if they could, and wipe out the na tional debt to-morrow. He could only say, that as far as his recollection went, the national debt had had ne warmer supporters than the country gentlemen in that House ; and that he had heard enough of them'get up and say, that it had been fairly incurred, and that they would sell their coats before they would touch a shilling of it. But while he coincided in this. feeling, some justice was due to the agriculturist, as well as the public creditor ; and unless some change were made in the currency, they did as much injustice to the agriculturists now, as they should do to the public creditor by lowering the interest of the national debt. Ha was persuaded, that a system of high money prices was neces sary to the advantage of the country, situated as it had become. This would injure no one; the relative position of parties would he the same ; but the claims of the Government would be less by being paid a currency of less value. The principle here was what he stood upon. He admitted the difficulty of what was called an equitable adjustnient ; but for the advantage of it, if it could be compassed, he thought that could be doubt ed by no man, The present corn scheme he thought of little importance one way or the, other. While the currency con tinued in its present state, it • was very unlikely for corn ever to rise so high as that the country should find any material effect from it. But he repeated, that it was the currency ; he thought that the country had scarcely ever received two such blows toge ther as the Corn Law' in 1815, and the Bullion Act. The grand object of every legislature, in his opinion, ought to be to prevent, as much as possible, any fluctuation in the measure of value ; and he was clearly of opinion, that we had done ill in resolving to return suddenly to our gold standard. The effect of it was, ne cessarily, to throw, the country into dreadful disorder. If we had adhered to the existing system, palliating and mollifying the evils and inconvenience of it from time to time, we should have done much better ; and the country, he firmly believed, instead of being in a state of distress; instead of seeing its industrious farmers dragged to prison for debts which the fault of the legislature, and not their own misconduct, had brought upon them, would have been'ina state of unexampled prosperity. Mr. W. DUNCOMBE supported the resolutions. Mr. Alderman ATKINS said a few words in favour of the original plan. The House then divided Ayes 5O I Noes j 335 Majority against the amendment, 285. On putting the Resolutions, Mr. FERGUSON observed, that many Members of the House conceived the price of 60s. tool ow. It might happen that the House was mistaken as to the remunerating price, which possibly ought to be 655. in stead of 60s. He should, therefore, propose Is. instead of Qs. in the scale of duty. • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that such a proposition, would, in effect, carry up the price to 80s. Lord ,ALTHORP made a few observations, which were inaudible. An Hon. Member wished the Right Hon. Gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) to state what his intentions were with regard to barley and oats. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that if would be inconvenient to discuss the subject now. The Resolutions respecting wheat were then agreed to ; the House resumed, the Chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit on Monday next. On the motion for the Second Reading of the Postage Duties Bill, Mr. HUME was proceeding to discuss the subject of the Sugar Duties.—(A laugh.)—The Honourable Member finding his mistake, inquired whether the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Herries) intended to propose the alterations in the Postage Bill of which he had spoken. Mr. HERRIES should propose the alterations in the Committee. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted on Wednesday. The House then resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Means. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER did not intend to di scuss th e su bject of the annual duti es on sugar in the committe e ; b u t it was desirable to put the matt er i n pro gress. He understood the Hon. Member for Bridguorth (Mr. W. Whitmore) had some proposition to make on the subject, and that he did not object to defer it till another stage of the business. After a desultory conversation between Mr. Hume, the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Gordon, Mr. Herries, Mr. Thomson, Mr. Bernal, and M. Warburton, the resolution passed the Com mittee, was brought up, and ordered to be considered on Monday. Mr. TENNYSON obtained leave to bring in a Bill to prohibit the use of spring-guns and man -traps. Mr. HER RIES obtained leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the Act 28 Geo. 111., imposing regulations on the manu facture of ounce thread. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter to One o'Clock. MAJORITY.AND MINORITY ON THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. TUESDAY, MARCH 6, A'Court, E. H. Alcock, Thomas Alexander, H. Antrobus, G. Arbuthnot, Hon. H. Archdall, M. Ashburnham, Hon. P. Astley, Sir J. Ashurst, W. H. Astell, W. Ashley, Lord Atwood, M. Baker, Ed. Bankes, G. Bankes, H. Barclay, C. Barne, M. Bastard, E. P. Bastard, J. Batley, C. Beckett, Rt. Hon. SirJ. Bell, M. Benson, R. Beresford, Sir J. P. Beresford, M.' Blackburne, T. Blair, J. Blandford, Marquess Bonham, H. Borradaile, R. Bond, John Bright, H. Brogden, J. Brudenell, Lord Brydges, Sir 'l'. Buck, L. W. Burrell, Sir C. MAJORITY. Forrester, Hon. G. Foster, T. L. Fyler, T. Gascoyne, J. Gooch, Sir T. Gordon, Hon. W. Gordon, John Goulburn Rt. Hon. H. Graham,Marquess of Grant, Sir A. C. Greville, Hon. Sir C. Gilbert, D. Graham, G. E. Graves, Lord Gye F. Hales, J. Hancock, R. Hart, G. B. Hastings, Sir C. Heathcote, Sir W. Herriers, J. C. Hill, Sir G. Hill, Sir R. Hodgson, F. Hodson, J. A. Holmes, Wm. Hotham, Lord Houldswcirth, T. Jones, J. Irving, T. Jenkinsdn, Hon. C. Kekewich, S. T. Kemp, T. King, Hon. R. King, Hon. H. Knatchbull, Sir E. King, Sir T. Langston, James Legh, Thos. Legh Keck, G. A. Lenox, Lord G. Lethbridge, Sir T. Lindsay, C. Lutt, H. Lowther, Viscount Lowther, Hon. H. Lowther, Sir T. Lowther, J. H. Lucy, Geo. Lushington, Sir R. Lushington, Col. Luttrell, J. F. Lygon, Hon. H. Lascelles, Hon. W. Legge, Hon. E. Macnaghten, E. A. Macqueen, T. Magennis, R. Maitland, E. F. Malcolm, N. Manderville, Viscount Manners, Lord C. Manners, Lord R. Martin, Sir T. Maxwell, H. Maxwell, Waring Meynell, H. Moore, G. Morgan, Sir C, Morgan, J. G. Mundy, F. Mundy, G. Musgrave, Sir P. Maxwell, 6ir W. Mackenzie, Sir J. Newborough, Lord H Nicholl, Rt.on. Sir J. Nightingall, Sir M. Northcote, H. Norton, G. O'Neil, Hon. A. Onslow, A. Owen, Sir E. Owen, Sir T. Owen, Hugh Palmer, C. Palmer, Rt. Paget, Lord W. Palk, Sir L. Pechey, Wm. Peirse, John I Peel, Rt. Hon. R. Peel, J. Peel, Wm. Pcllew, Hon. P. Pennant, G. Pitt, Josh. Pollen, Sir J. Powell, Wm. Powell, Alex. Price, Richd. Peel, L Prendergast, M. Pelham, T. C. Phillips, Rd. Raine, Rice, G. T. Rickford, W. Roberts, W. Rochford, G. Rogers, E. Rose, Rt. Hon. Sir G. Rose, G. Ross, C. Ryder, Rt. Hon. Rd. Sanderson, A. . St. Paul, Sir H. Scott, Hon. W. Scott, H. Shadwell, L. Shelley, Sir T. Sibthorpe, C. Smith, A. Smith, C. Smith, S. Smith, T. A. Smythe, Sir G. Somerset, Lord G. Somerset, Lord E. Somerset, Lord F. Sotheron, F. Spence, G. Spottiswoode, A. Stafford, Lord Strathaven, Lord Strutt, J. Stuart, W. Stephenson, R. Seymour, Henry Starkie, Le Gendre Thynne, Lord J. 'Fallemache, lion. F. Tayldr, G. Thompson, G. L. - Thomson, C. P. Tindal, N. Tomline, W. Townshend, Pion. S. Townshend, Lore Jas. Trench, F. Tullamore, Lord Tyrwhitt, Thos. Tyrwhitt, Wm. Tudwav, T. P. Ure, M. Uxbridge, Earl of Vaughan, Sir R. Vivyan, Lord Rd. Walker, Josh. Wallace, Rt. Hon. T. Walpole, Hon. S. Walrond, B. Ward, W. Webb, Ed. Wells, S. Wetherell, Sir C. Whitmore, Thos. Wigram, Wm. Wilbraham, Bootle Williams, Rd. Willoughby, Henry Wilson, J. Wilson, Rd. Winn, Hon. G. Worcester, Marquis of Wyndham,- W. Wynne, Owen Wilks, J. Wemyss, James Buxton, John Byron, Thos. Belfast, Earl of Bradshaw, James Chaplin, Chas. Calvert, John Campbell, A. Carmarthen, Marq. of Capel, John • Cartwright, Wm. Chandos, Marquess of Chaplin, Thos. Clinton, C. F. Clive, Visct. Clive, Hon. R. Clive, H. Cooke, Sir H. Cotterell;Sir J. Cole, Sir C. Collett, E. J. Cooper, E. S. Copley, Sir J. S. Corry, Visct. Cooper, T. Cooper, R. B. Cuffe, James Curteis, E. J. Curzon, Hon. R. Cust, Hon. P. Cust, Hon. Wm. Cooper, Hon. W. A. Corbett, Panton Duff, Hon. A. Dalrymple, A. J. Davidson, D. Davis, Hart: Dawkins, H. Dawson, 0. R. Doraville, Sir C. Dutten, A. Dowdeswell, T. E. Dugdale, D. S. Duncombe, Hon. Wm. l Dundas, Hon. H. Dundas, John Downes, Lord Dick, Quinton. Eden, lion. R. Estcourt, T. Evans, H. Egerton, W. Fane, J. T. Fane, Hon. It S. Fane, John Farquhar, J. Fellowes, W. H. Featherstone, Sir G. Fleming, John Foley, E. T. Foley, John PAIRED OFF. ,Burrell, Walter Bradshaw, T. H. Campbell, Archibald Davenport, Davis Dundas, Rt. Hon. W. Hanway, Sir E. Hope, Hon. Sir A. Hope, Sir Wm. Leake, Wm. Manning, W. Noel, Sir G. O'Neill, Colonel Seymour, H. Vivian, Sir H. MINORITY. Forbes, Lord Forbes, Sir C. Fortescue, Hon. G. Frankland, R. Freemantle, Rt. 11 , 1. W. Ffrench, Arthur Farquhar, Sir R. Forbes, John Gordon, Robert Gower, Lord F. Graham, G. E. Grant, Right Hon. C. Grant, It. Grattan, Henry Grattan, James Grosvenor, Hon. R. IGrosvenor, T. Gurney, H. Guest, Josiah Guise, Sir W. Garties, Lord Hare, _Hon. W. Hardinge, Sir H. Hawkins, Sir C. Heathcote, G. J. lleneage, G. F. Heron, Sir Robert Hill, Lord A. Hobhouse, J. C. Honywood, W. P. Howard, Hon. F. G. Howard, Henry Howick, Viscount Hume, Joseph Hurst, R. Hutchinson, J. H. Hutchinson, John Hay, Lord John Hughes, W. L. Jephson, C. 0. Jermyn, Earl of Jolliire, Hilton Ingleby, Sir W. Innes, Sir H. Knight, R. Kennedy, T. F. King, Hon. R. Knox, Hon. J. Labouchere, H. Lamb, Hon. G. Lascelles, Hon. W. Latouche, R. Lawley, F. Lennard, T. B. Lester, B. L. Lewis, T. F. Leicester, R. Liddell, Hon. H. Littleton, E. Lloyd, T. Lockhart, W. E. Lombe, E. Lumley, J. S. Lushington, Dr. Moberly, John Maberly, Colonel Macdonald, Sir James ' Mackintosh, Sir J. Maitland, Viscount Maitland, Hon. A. Marjoribanks, S. Marshall, J. Marshall, W. Martin, J. Martin, R. Mamie, Hon. W. Marryatt, J. Millsank, M. Mildmay, P. St. John Milton, Viscount Monck, J. B. Morland, S. B. Morpeth, Viscount Mountclarles, Earl of Newport, Rt. Hn. Sir J I Normanbv, Viscount Nugent, Lord Nugent, Sir G. O'Hara, J. O'Brien Lucius Ord, W. Oxmantown, Lord Palmerston, Viscount Parnell, Sir H. Pendarvis, Ed. Phillimore, Jos. Phillips, Geo. Phillips, G. R. Abercromby, Hon. J. AcLind, Sir Thomas Alexander, J. Althorpe, Viscount Anson, Sir G. Anson, Hon. G. Arbuthnot, Rt. Hn. C. Archdeckne, Andrew Baillie, J. Balfour, J. Baring, Alexander Baring, F. Baring, Sir T. ' Baring, W. B. Barclay, David Barnard, Viscount Beaumont, T. Bective, Earl of Bentinck, Lord W. Bernard, Thomas Bingham, Lord Binning, Lord Birch, Joseph Bourne, Rt. Hn. W. S. Brecknock, Earl of Brougham, Henry Brougham, James Brownlow, C. Bruen, William Burdett, Sir Francis Butler Clarke, Hon. C. Buxton, T. F. Byng, G. Boyd, Walter Bruce, Lord Buller, J. Brown, James Calcraft, John Calthorpe, Hon. F. Caltkorpe, Hon. A. • Calvert, N. Calvert, C. Campbell, Walter Canning, Right Hn. G. Carew, IL S. Carrington, Sir E. Carter, J. Castlereagh, Viscount Caulfield, Hon. H. Cavendish; Lord G. Cavendish, Henry Cavendish, C. Cholmondeley, Lord H Chichester, Sir A. Clements, Viscount Clarke, Sir G. • Clifton, Viscount Clive, Henry Colbourn, N. R. Coke, T. V. Cocks, James Colthurst, Sir N. Coote, Sir C. Courtenay, T. P. Cradoek, Sheldon Croker, J. W. Crompton, S. Davenport, E. Dawson, A. Dawson, J. H. M. Denison, W. J. Denison, J. E. Doherty, John Douglas, W. R. K. I)u Cane, Peter Duncombe, T. S. Dundas, Hon. G. Dundas, Hon. Sir R. Dundas, Hon. Thomas Dundas, C. Drummond, Home Easthope, J. East, Sir E. Ebringtarx, Viscount Ellis, Hon. G. A. Ellison, Cuthbert Ennismore, Viscount Elliot, Lord Fazakerley, N. Ferguson, Sir R. C. Fergusson, IL C. Fitzgerald, Rt. Hon. M. Fitzgerald, Rt. Mon. V. Fitzgerald, Lord W. Fitgerald, John Fitzgibbon, Hon. R. Fitzroy, Lord C. Folkstone, Viscount Phipps, Hon. E. Plunkett, Right Hn. Sir W. C. Ponsonby, Hon. W. S. Poniionby, Hon. G. IPonsonby, 11.. m. Fred. Portman, R Power, It. Powlett, Hen. W. Poyntz, W. S. ' Price, Robert I Pringle, Sir W. Prittie, Hon. F. Proby, Hon. G. Protheroe, Ed. Ranisden, .1. C. Rancliffe, Lord Robarts, A. W Robinson, Rt. Hon. F. Robinson, Sir G. Robinson, G. R. Rowley, Sir W. Rumbold, C. Russell, Lord G. W. Russell, Lord John Russell, Lord W. Russell, G. R. Sandon, Viscount Scarlett, James Sebright, Sir John Sefton, Earl of Smith, J. Smith, Wm. Smith, Hon. R. Somerville, Sir M. Stanley, Lord Stanley, Hon. E. Stuart, H. Villiers Stuart, Lord J. Stewart, J. (Beverley) Sykes, Dan. Sinclair, Hon. J. Tavistock, Marquis of Taylor, M. A. Tennyson, C. Thompson, C. Thomson, P. Beilly Tierney, Right Hon. G. Tomes, John Tufton, Hon. H. Tunno, Ed. Twiss, Horace Tollemach ,e Felix Valletort, Viscount Vernon, Hon. G. Villiers, T. Hyde Van Homrigh, Peter Waithman, Ald. Wall, C. Baring Warburton, H. Warrender ' Sir G. Westenra, Hon. H. Whitbread, S. C. Whitbread, W. H. White, H White, J. Whitmore, Thomas Wilmot Horton, It. Wilson, Sir It. Winnington, Sir R. Wodehouse, Ed. Wood, Ald. Wood, J. Wood, C. Wynne, Sir W. W. Wynne, C. W. W. Wyv ill, M. Wrightson, W. TELLERS. Duncannon, Viscount Rice, T. S. PAIRED OM Cockburn, Sir G. Curwen, J. C. r. Gladstone,' John Hamilton, Lord A. Heathcote, Sir G. Heathcote, R. E. Huskisson, Rt. Hon.W Lindsay, Hop. Hugh Maxwell, John Montgomery, Sir J. 'Prendergast, M. G. Phipps, General Smith, G. Western, C. C. Wrottesley, Sir John Wilkins,, Walter IRISII REPRESENTATIVES. ..,ing s county —ONE HUNDRED MEMBERS. BURDETT'S MOTION. 1 Leitrim county Butler, Clarke, Hon. C.l Kilkenny Duncannon, Vii. S county Doherty, John, Kilkenny Bernard, Thomas 7,. , ci ox e m m a: t o: v n is Lo . Lord White, Sam. Fitzgibbon, Hon. R.l Limerick Lloyd, Thomas 1 county Rice, J. S., Limerick Forbes, Lord, Longford county Dawson, A., Louth county Jephson, C. D. 0., Malton Bingham, Lord / Browne, J. Mayo Somerville, Sir M.S Bective, Earl of 7 Meath county WestenraHon H. Monaghan county Coote, Sir C. 1 Q ueen ' s county Parnell, Sir H. French, A., Roscommon county Prittie, !lon. F. and Hutchinson J. H., Tipperary county Power, Richard, and Stewart, H. Villiers, Waterford county Newport,Rt.Hon. Sir J.,Waterford Carew, R. S., Wexford county Probe, Hon. G., and Grattan, Jas., Wicklow county Ponsonby, lion. G., Youghall • FOR SIR FRANCIS Caulfield, Hon. H. / Armagh Brownlow, Charles county. Russell, Lord John, Bandon Bridge Bruin, Henry, Carlow county Fitzgerald, Rt. Hon. V.] Clare O'Brien, Lucius Dawson, Massy; Clonmell Ennismore l Vis. l Cork county King, Rt. H on. Hutchinson John/ CorkColthurst, Hutchinson, N. Mountcharles, Earl of, Donegal county Hill, Lord A. is. Down county Castlereagh, Van Homrigh, P., Drogheda White, H., Dublin county • Cirttaii, H., Dublin city Plunkett, Rt. Hon. W. C., Dublin University Knox, Hon. Thos., Dungannon Lamb, Hon. G., Dungarvon Lewis, T. Frankland, Ennis Martin, It, Galway county O'Hara, J., Galway Fitzgerald, Rt. Hon. M.l Kerry Hare, Win. county. Fitzgerald, Lord «'m.l Kildare Latouche, R. 5 county AGAINST SIR FRANC': O'Neil, Hon. John, and 31,Naugh ten, Ed., Antrim Goulburn, Rt. Hors. H., Armagh Hancock, Rd., Athlone IS BURDnT7T • y ei !N OTION. n) G. R., , Londonde e rry co. Hill, Sir G., Londonderry Fetherstone, Sir G., Longford co. Belfast, Earl of, Belfast Tullamore, Lord, Carlow ♦)) Collett, E., Cashel :rfaxwell, H., and Sanderson, A., Cavan 'county Brydges, Sir John, Coleraine Hart, G. V., Donegal county Maxwell, J. W., Downpatrick Moore, G., Dublin city (A) Barclay, C., Dundalk 'Magennis, Rd., Enniskillen Archdall, M., and Corry, Viscount, Fermanagh county Those marked with an (A) are Erij Boroughs, totally unconnected with Kavenagh, Thos., Carlow county Chichester, Sir A., Carrickfergus Talbot, R. ~ Dublin county Daly, J., Galway county Russell, John, Kinsale Mr. 'fuite could not vote, not LIST OF WHO VOTED FOR MR. Wi] THE IMPOIV Abercromby, Hon. J. Beaumont, T. W. Batty, Harrison Bernal, R. Birch, S. Birch, J. Bright, H. Calvert, C. Cradock, Col. Crompton, S. Davies, Col. Fergusson, Sir R. Folkstonc, Lord Fortescue, Hon. O. Graham, Sir J. Guest, J. J. Hobhouse, J. C. Howick, Lord SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. There are general rumours in abundance of the jealousies mad intrigues of the Ministers (the limbs of the body of which the head has been struck), for the chief office; and external ap pearances prove internal discord on all sides. The Lord Chan cellor affects to disbelieve the words and acts imputed to the members of the Irish convention ; because, says his Lordship, had such things been said or done, it is impossible that they should not have been laid before a jury by the law officers of the Crown : "it was impossible, if such things had passed, and evi dence could be given of them, that the parties should not be ap prehended, who had behaved as described in the newspapers."— Lord Clancarty asserts the facts to be as stated, and much worse than even the papers reported. The imputation, therefore, of the Chancellor on the law-officers attaches.—The proceedings out of the Ministerial circle, if they do not confirm the truth of the rumours of the Ministerial discord, at least evince that they are credited. A meeting of the English Catholics of distinction has taken place, at Norfolk House, to deliberate on what was proper to be done, in consequence of the rejection of Sir Francis Bur dett's ,motion ; at which meeting it was determined that no steps should be taken till a Ministry was formed.— Times. . Aristocracy, which in England is corrected by the controul of an intelligent middle class, appears in Ireland in all its natural hideousness. Seldom does an Irish Peer or Commoner open his month even in this country, where we would think the milder character of those who surround him might have some influence on him, without betraying in every word he utters a selfishness, an utter indifference to every thing but himself and his grossest natural interests, of which a Polish Lord in these days would be ashamed. To him the people of Ireland are nothing, and the country is merely of importance as it enables him to draw rents, and his son or brother to draw tithes. It never occurs to him that. the social state involves mutual obligations ; that it does not give the land and the people exclusively to a certain cute, with out throwing on that caste certain obligations in return. One of these obligations assuredly is the treating in a humane manner the people to whom the owners of the soil are indebted for the advan tages they derive from their labour. The other night we bad a cha racteristic epanchenic;t du cceur from one of these worthies, wile stated in a broad unqualified manner that the Irish Freeholders were Trustees for their landlords, and bound to vote as their land lords told them, leaving conscience, opinion, and all that, as com pletely out of the question as if man were on a level with the bratse that perish. Last night we had another exemplification of it in a discussion on the subject of the Poor Laws. Mr. Monk bad very truly stated, that " it appeared that in that unhappy coun try, Ireland, the laws which related to the rich were executed with all attention and severity, while those relating to the poor were wholly neglected. In his opinion, there ought to be some power given to exact from the Irish gentry and absentee landlords, a pro vision for their poor countrymen Those who, like the Irish landlords, received all the benefit without giving any equivalent, ought to be compelled to contribute something more than they did to the support of the sick and indi gent agricultural labourers." Mr. Monck was followed by Sir John Newport, an honest and patriotic Member, if ever there was one in the House, and to whom the character aborts given is certainly not meant to apply, who admitted " that the question was of considerable importance, and he should be glad to have it ascertained whether or not the system of English Poor Laws might not be beneficially applied to some parte of Ireland, where means were afforded of having the provisions faithfully exe cuted." The Right Hon. Baronet, however, stated, that in a great part of the country, there were not to be found individual* to whom the administration of the Poor Laws could be with safety confided. He observed, that " he had no disposition to speak ill of his countrymen, but he felt that the majority of its poor had a propensity beyond the people of almost any other coun try, to live without labour. A system of provision like the Eng lish Poor Laws would have the effect of encouraging that propen sity to a great extent ; for if it was once held out to them that they could live under any circumstances without labour, be was convinced that no labour would be done." With respect to the propensity to live without labour, we fear it is natural to all mankind, and that there is no nation one whit different from another in that respect. The difference between nations is purely artificial ; and if Ireland remains in a state of na ture without the habits of industry which have become a second natui e in .some other countries, this must be attributed to the defects of her social organization. No doubt, with this propen sity so little corrected, Poor Laws would hold out a temptation to idleness ; but then the evil would work its own cure. It would force the Gentry, in self-dence, to set about the correction of the evil ; and, if they neglected to attend to their interests, it would by taking their estates from them, give them to persons who would be able to attend to their interests. Mr. Dawson observ ed, that " so great was the anxiety of an Irishman to become possessed of a hit of ground, that he would take any quantity at the most extravagant rate of rent, without considering for an in stant whether he hid to pay taxes, tithes, or even rent," &c. Is it wonderful that a man, to whom a piece of land is necessary as the only means of his existence, should offer any thing for it, rather than be without? Without land he cannot exist; and the necessity for immediate support is of course what he most feels. It is absurd to suppose that a man would thing of being deterred by the consideration of what he has to pay, after the lapse of a year, when he has not wherewithal to pay for the day that is passing over his head. But impose an obligation on the landholders to support their poor, and they will he forced to he more cautious as to the people they allow to be on their, grounds. They will see the necessity of ascertaining, not merely.. what the tenant is willing to give for land, but what he is Oleo to pay. Men of property are not improvident speculatorto . but. a man without property can never offer too much for aoe tjaing.. We contend that necessity, and necessity alone, press rig on Olt Irish landholders, will force on that amelioration in the haliitn, or the Irish peasantry, without which England will be reaseed to the level of Ireland. It is useless to talk of exporting people from this country or Ireland to Canada, if some powerful, cause is not created to counteract the disposition on the part of the landholders to allow the people to retain all their present bad habits. The Poor Laws of England certainly forced the landholders to look about them. If we look at the description given of us in the time of Henry the Eighth, by Erasmus and other foreigners, we were then one of the dirtiest nations of Europe. In Queen Elisabeth's time, according to Harrison, we were still far behind, in the, comforts of civilization, most of the Continental nations. Ta x , are the People of Ireland alone to remain, century after ceooo k y, and generation after generation, iu the same savage condition which the Milesians were when they first set foot on the. Wood of Saints. Ireland is over-run with beggars, who really levy more than would be paid under a system of Poor Laws t only the money is levied from the wrong individuals. But civilization and men dicancy are incompatible with each other, In the instructive work of the Baron de Keverberg on the indigence of East Flan-, tiers, which had attained a most fearful height, he informs me that it was found necessary to have recourse to assessments, and that the change was attended with the most beneficial results. The tax which you consider as unjust," he says, " is not so in reality. Its direct object is the maintenance and consolidation of public order. It is to remove from your hearths the mendicity which importunes you, which make+, You uneasy, which carries into the bosom of your families the best founded alarms, as it is the hot-bed of the vices which lead to crimes, that the produce of the tax is consecrated. The means are at once the most economical, and the only efficacious once which we can employ. The most economical; for the mass of the wants being well calculated, and the distribution in aid being.< Foster, J. L., Louth county (A) Farquhar, J. Portarlington King, lion. R., Roscommon county (A) `Vi ram, William, New Roas King, Hon. H., and Cooper, Sligo county Wynne, Owen, Sligo Cuffe, J., Tralee . Stewart, Wm„ and Corry, Non. H., Tyrone 'county Rochfort, G., Westmeath county Stopford, Lord, Wexford county Evans, H., Wexford i g lith Members, representing Close Ireland. TENT. _ _ Stuart, A. R., Londonderry county Shirley, E. J. Monaghan ewry county Knox, on. John, N Thite, H. M., 'Westmeath county having defended his election. THE MINORITY 0 lITMORE'S PROPOSITION ' T PRICE OF IVIDIAT, INS? Hume, J. Knight, R. Lombe, E. Lumley, F. Lushington, Dr. Marshall, John Marshall, T. Maberly, John Maberly, Col. W. Marshall, J. iMilton Lord Morpeth Lord Monck, J. B. Nugent, Lord Ord, W. Phillips, G. Phillips, G. R. 4' FIFTY, TO SLBSTITUTB 60s. FOR IZAD OF 60s. Ponsonby Hoo. J. Poulett, Thompson C. Ramsden, J. C. Rancliffe, Lord Robarts, A. W. Robinson. Sir Gi. Rumbold, C. Sykes, D. Taylor, M. A. Thompson, Ald. Walthman, Warburton, H. Wood, Aid. Wilson, Sir R. Wyvill, M. Towles. Whitmore, W. T.