The Sun. — London, England, 1834-08-06 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. „„ HOUSE OF LORDS, August 5 . et House met at half-past three o'clock. WARWICK BOROUGH BILL. Counsel were called in upon the Borough Bill, when Mr. RARRISON summed up the evidence that had been given, and stated that he thought he had made out a sufficient case. The LORD CHANCELLOR then read over the evidence, andl stated that his opinion was, the evidence did not support the preamble of the Bill. The Noble and Learned Lord then moved that the Bill be read a second time this day six months. The motion was agreed to, and the Bill is consequently lost. Counsel were then ordered to withdraw. HIGHWAYS BILL. • The Duke of RICHMOND laid upon the table the Report of the Committee on the Highways Bill. JUSTICES OF THE PEACE BILL. The House then resolved itself into a Committee on the Justices of the Peace Bill. Counsel were called in, and Mr. Sergeant Merewether appeared on behalf of the Vintners Company, against a clause in the Bill which gave power to Magistrates over those who kept public houses being members of the Vintners Company within three miles of London. The Learned Counsel stated that the Company felt themselves called upon to resist this clause, because it would annihilate their most ancient privileges. He concluded by stating that he hoped the House would expunge the clause, and not interfere with those vested rights 'which had been conferred by the Crown. The LORD CHANCELLOR saw no reason why the clause should be expunged from the Bill. Under the present system those who were Members of the Company, as far as regarded their privileges, set the law at defiance.—(Hear.) The law was most strict with respect to publicans, who could not have a license from the Magistrates without a certificate, whereas those who were members of the Company could carry on their houses and evade the law, because they could do so without having a license from the Magistrates.—(Hear.) He trusted their Lordships would not listen to an argument of the present nature ; if they did, it would be in vain for them to endeavour to improve the Magistracy of the country, while certain individuals were exempted from the common law of the land. Lord WYNFORD strongly .supported the rights of the Vintners Company. Lord DUKCS.NNON was afraid that no clause could be put in the Bill which would put houses upon a proper footing. Houses were kept open under the name of vintners, when, in fact, they were kept by very different persons. Lord ELL ENBOROUGH thought that houses kept by free vintners ought to be put upon the same footing as other houses. The LORD CHANCELLOR thought that some effectual check should be imposed; he was as willing as any man to give to the Vintners Company all the rights and privileges'which they enjoyed, but he could not allow them to have those pri vileges at the expense of the moral s o f th e pu bli c. H e had no ojection that the clause should stand over upon the under standing, that if something was not proposed in its stead upon the third reading, the clause should be restored. Lord WYNFORD had no objection to the clause standing over, but he thought the Vintners Company had a right to retain the clause until it was shOwn that they had•acted wrong. The title and preamble of the Bill were then postponed, and clauses from 1 to 6 were agreed to. All the remaining clauses were agreed to except 11 and 18, which were struck out. The Bill was then reported to the House, and ordered to be taken into consideration on Thursday next. „ . Lord BE RE SFORD presented a petition from Armagh for protection to the Established Church. The Duke of GLOUCESTER presented similar petitions from several places the names of which were not heard in the gallery. The Earl of WICKLOW presented petitions from West meath and Longford in favour of the Established Church. Also a petition from the parish of St. James, Liverpool, in favour of the Insolvent Debtors' Bill: The Duke of CUMBERLAND presented seventeen peti tions, but neither the places from whence they came nor their objects could be heard. - Upon the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, the Insolvent Debtors' Bill was read a second time. The Excise Acts Amendment Bill wa's read a third time and passed. The Irish Roads Bill went through Committee. Several other Bills were forwarded a stage, but the pro ceedings on them could not be heard in the gallery. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY rose for the purpose of bringing the state of our foreign relations under the consi deration of their Lordships. He had the very high authority of a Noble Earl, whose opinions would, he was sure, be treated with the greatest respect by Noble Lords opposite, for saying that the foreign relations of this country were of an import ance too paramount to be postponed for mere personal consi derations. The Noble Earl had said " I hold that whatever may be the situation of our internal interests as to the manu facturing, financial, and commercial, agricultural, or other do mestic questions ; and however these subjects may press upon the attention of the Legislature, it is •no less necessary that our foreign relations, the position we occupy abroad, and the honour of this country among the States of Europe, should occupy the anxious attention of Parliament." The Noble Earl lately at the head of his Majesty's Government, had, in an address which no one could forget, taken to himself the greatest credit for the foreign policy of his administration, and for preserving the peace of Europe under circumstances of a peculiarly threatening character. He differed very widely from the Noble Earl in his estimate of his foreign policy. He did not wish to say anything discourteous of the Noble Earl whom he regretted not to see in his place, nor of his speech. He could not forget that that speech was uttered under very painful circumstances. The Noble Earl was evidently struggling with his feelings ; he seemed anxious not to breathe a word of reproach upon his late colleagues ; but his noble mind was broken down and writhing under the smart of political treachery, and he might have exclaimed with Marc. Antony, that " ingratitude more strong than traitor's AIM had vanquished him." The Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack bad said that if any other Government could preserve the peace of Europe for three years and a half longer, lie would give them greater credit than he had given to the Noble Earl's administration. But to what was this owing but to the foreign policy of the present Foreign Secretary ? It was the late Administration which, by their partial, incomplete measures, stopping a gap here and a gap there, never finishing what they had begun, never acting on a large and comprehen sive system, had thus entirely overset and changed the esta blishment of Europe as settled in 1814, 1815. Well might it be said that no Government could follow that of the Noble Earl in a similar course, and yet preserve amity with foreign States. What was it they had done ? What had they accomplished? Could it be said that the settlement of Bel gium was now accomplished ? After the endless protocols and mismanagement of his Majesty's Government, could they at tempt to take credit for conducting their foreign policy in a statesman-like manner ? Had they acted with decision on the first protocol to whieh Holland consented, and which they de clared irrevocable, the whole arrangement might have been completed in six weeks. But the eternal protocolling and va cillation of his Majesty's Government had alone led to the la mentable seige of Antwerp, and all the evils which followed. Again, let their Lordships look to Ancona and Algiers. His Majesty's Ministers might perhaps have succeeded .in preserv ing peace; but he would ask whether it had not, in these in stances, been preserved at the expense of our national honour? .it did not even appear that any explanation had been demanded of France, why she had not fulfilled her express pledge that she would not continue in occupation of Algiers. He would not travel into the East, though our position there appeared to be of a most delicate tenure ; but in reference to Russia he would say, there had been lately a want of courtesy and conciliation towards that Power which was to him perfectly inexplicable. ) A special mission was undertaken to that country by a Noble Earl whom he did not see in his place, which he presumed had for its object the conciliation of some existing differences. What had been the success of that mission ?No explanation whatever had been given ; but this was clear, that as far as any matters of courtesy with which the Noble Earl was charged were concerned, he had entirely failed. An ap pointment, quite contrary to our usual practice with foreign powers, was forced upon Russia, notwithstanding the sove reign of that country intimated his personal objections; and the pertinacity with which this had been persevered in, had led to this extraordinary circumstance, that Russia, ewe of the first powers of Europe, was only represented in this country by a Charge d'Affaires, and would probably so continue to be repre sented whilst the present Foreign Secretary retained his situ ation. With respect to the existing transactions between Russia and Turkey, no information has been laid upon the table ; but this he would say, that if England thought proper to depart from the treaties of Vienna and Paris, and make se parate distinct alliances, surely Russia might be in some mea sure justified in adopting the line of conduct which she had pursued towards Turkey, without making those communica tions which under other circumstances we had a right to ex pect. These circumstances, together with our interference to an extent scarcely justifiable on behalf of the subjects of Rus sia.(the Poles) had, lie very much feared, alienated Russia from us, and materially destroyed that good understanding which followed the peace. Great Britain had lost much of her estimation with the great powers of Europe. She was no longer regarded as that moral conservati ve bien-faisant power, which she was formerly looked up to as. Nor was the jealousy with which the state of affairs in England was watched con fined to Russia,. Austria and Prussia partook in her senti ments; and as they perceived this country to be actuated by a spirit of revolutionary liberty inimical to their interests, it was but natural that they should withdraw from our alliance, and unite more closely with each other. If these three great ' powers were to separate themselves from us, where, he would ask, should we supply their place ? We had certainly one great and powerful ally—Louis Philippe, and there was the Don whom we had chosen to recognize as Regent of Portugal, and - King Leopold, and King Otho, and the propagandists of • Germany, and the liberals of Belgium ; but could they be put 'in Competition with the various great powers to whom he had alluded? A s to the alliance with France, far be it from him to mention that it was not at all times highly desirable that we should be on terms of the closest and most friendly inti macy with that country ; but he did not think it right to give any peculiar preference to that country over all others, nor could he concur in all those encomiums which had been so often lavished on the Three Days of July. Louis Philippe governed on the principle of force. He had filled the capital and the provinces with his troops. His ordinances and his conduct generally had been to the full as arbitrary as that of Charles XJ, only Louis Philippe had managed more cleverly, or perhaps more discreetly. With respect to the base upar tite treaty, he really could conceive not hi ng so base or so atrocious' as the course- pursued towards Portugal in nego . ciating that treaty. This country was pledged to n distinct and positive neutralitk_ So long as th a t neutra li ty was continued there was sufficient encouragement for the sup porters of Don Miguel to expend their last resources on his behalf ; and who would venture to say that had it not been for the interference of Great Britain, Don Miguel might not at this moment have reigned in Portugal ? But under the mask of neutrality, the Government was all the while con templating and arranging an armed intervention in concert with a powerful ally. He really thought that for a great na tion to act in this manner was atrocious. If the Government meant to establish Don Pedro, and not allow Don Miguel to remain, why did they not decl are it a t once , i ns t ea d of suffer ing such an amount of blood and treasure to be wasted in the dispute. And what had we gained by it ? Don Miguel was always most desirous to meet the views of England, whilst Don Pedro, the moment he got over to Portugal, put himself in hostility to us. The King of France, in his speech, treated the Portuguese question as completely settled ; but it appeared by various letters that were received from Portugal, and the terrific statement of murders and riots that were committed, that the Government had not power to preserve public order, and that Portugal was in a greater state of insurrection and commotion than when the two armies were actually in the field against each other. Permitting Rodil and his troops to in vade the Portuguese territory for the purpose of seizing on the person of Don Carlos, was as gross a breach of neutrality and as gross a piece of favouritism as was ever known. He should mat ask his' Majesty's Ministers if they had duly con sidered the question, whether Don Carlos was or was not the legitimate Sovereign of Spain ? It really appeared to him to be a serious question. He had lately read a pamphlet pub lished by Mr. Walton, which strongly convinced his mind that the arrangements which placed Isabella on the throne of Spain were accomplished by fraud. If we were bound with France to an armed intervention, it would involve us in diffi culties with the other powers of Europe greater by far than any we had hitherto known. The policy of former times, too, was altogether opposed to the policy now pursued by his Ma jesty's Government. It had ever been esteemed an object of the greatest importance to prevent the possibility of the union of the Crowns of France and Spain. The settlement of Eu rope in 1713, scaled by a law for the exclusion of females, as the best means to prevent the union of the French and Spanish Crowns, the very object for which Queen Anne undertook a ;long and disastrous war, rendered it imperative upon us to ascertain that the said law had been legally abolished. If it were merely defeated by means of a fraud plotted for the pur pose of supporting the Princess Isabel, it would follow that we have been the abettors of that fraud; and should it appear that the law of Philip V. is still in force, it will equally follow that we have been upholding an usurper, and are therefore partly answerable for the blood and desolation which have attended an unjust contest. As a memento of the leading part which we took in the settlement of Europe, effected by the peace of Utrecht, it might be stated that, at the close of a twelve years' war, Queen Anne, on the 6th of June, 1712, went to the House, and in her memorable speech the fol lowing passages occur, in allusion to the difficulties which she had experienced in negotiating a peace : " Nothing, however, has moved I,ne from steadily pur suing, in the first place, the true interest of my own kingdoms ; and I have not omitted anything which might procure to all our allies what is due to them by treaties, and what is necessary for their security. The assuring of the Protestant succession, as by law established, in the House of Hanover, to these kingdoms, being what I have nearest at heart, particular care is taken, not only to have that acknowledged in the strongest terms, but to have an addi tional security, by the removal of that person out of the domi nions of France who has pretended to disturb this settlement. The apprehension that Spain and the West Indies might be united to France, was the chief inducement to begin this war; and the effectual preventing of such an union was the principle I laid down at the commencement of this treaty. Former examples, and the late negotiations, sufficiently show how difficult it is to find - means to accomplish this work. I would not content myself with such as are speculative, or depend upon treaties only ; I insisted on what is solid, and to have at hand the power of executing what should be agreed. I can, therefore, now tell you, that France is at last brought to offer, that the Duke of Anjou shall, for himself and his descendants, renounce for ever all claim to the crown of France : and that this important article may be exposed to no hazard, the per formance is to accompany the promise. At the same time the succession to the crown of France is to be declared, after the present Dauphin and his sons, to be in the Duke of Berry and his sons, in the Duke of Orleans and his sons ; and, so on to the rest of the house of Bourbon. As to Spain and the Indies, the succession to those dominions, after the Duke of Anjou and his children, is to descend to such prince as shall be agreed upon at the treaty ; for ever excluding the rest of the house of Bourbon. For confirming the renun ciations and settlements before-mentioned, it is farther offered, that they shall be ratified in the most strong and so lemn manner, both in France and Spain ; and that those king doms, as well as all the other powers engaged in the present war, shall be guarantee to the same. The nature of this pro posal is such, that it executes itself: the interest of Spain is to support it ; and in France the persons to whom that succes sion is to belong, will be ready and powerful enough to vindi cate their own right. France and Spain are now more effec tually divided than ever : and thus, by the blessing of God, will a real balance of power be fixed in Europe, and remain liable to as few accidents as human affairs can be exempted from." If tie, it should appear that Don Carlos was the rightful Mor'ffreli of Spain, this treaty would go to upset all that had been established for the last 120 years. This being the state of Europe, he trusted we were not committed to Spain in a manner that might perhaps plunge.u.., in a tedious and ruinous war. It was necessary, therefore, under the cir cumstances, that as much light as possible should be thrown upon the treaty which had just been laid upon the table ; and he could not but remark it as a most extraordinary thing, that so important a treaty was laid on the table unaccompanied by any documents, or by an official explanation from any member of the Government. He called on the Noble Viscount to state what the views of the Government were as to the effects of this treaty. The Noble Viscount had said, the principle of his Government was non-intervention. If that were the case, he should like to ask whether this treaty bore out the prin ciple. A great deal had been said about th e econom y o f th e present Administration. Now, what was the fact ? It would be recollected that, if ever there was a demand for foreign se cret service money it was during the time of war, and not of profound peace. During three years of the Duke of Welling ton's Government, the following were the expenses of special missions : 1829.... 1830.... £3,965 4,500 104 £8,569 They had only returns of two years of Earl Grey's Govern ment, which were, in 1831 £6,396 183 9 £22,064 being in two years 13,0001. more than the Duke of Welling ton's in three years. The secret service money expended in the war time was between 70,0001. and 80,0001., which was infinitely greater than during the Duke of Wellington's Ad ministration. He should like to know how much Don Pedro had of these large issues. When so much boast was made about economy, it was right the public should know in what that economy consisted. He would not detain their Lordships longer, but, thanking them for their attention, should at once move that an humble address be presented to his Ma jesty, praying that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to give directions that there should be laid before that House copies of all such correspondence and information as had led to the negotiation and conclusion of the treaty between his Majesty, the Queen Regent of Spain, the King of the French, and the Duke of Braganza, Regent of Portugal, signed at London on the 22d of April, 1834. Viscount MELBOURNE gave the Noble Marquis full credit for the interest which he took in the honour and welfare of this country ; and he certainly gave him credit that he bad brought his motion forward without any concert, combination, or understanding with any other Member of that House. The Noble Marquis had taken the opportunity of paying a high and deserved compliment to the Noble Duke ( Wellington) ; but did it not strike him that when the Noble Duke who had at least an equal attachment to the honour and interests of_the empire, had a better knowledge of the subject, and greater weight in their Lordships' House, did not feel it necessary to bring forward such a motion,—did it not, he repeated, strike the Noble Marquis that his motion might, by possibility, especially under present circum stances, be neither wise, timely, nor discreet ?—( Hear. ) The Noble Marquis had divided his speech into several parts. He had made a long rambling statement as to the general af fairs of Europe, and had concluded with the quadrupartite treaty. But really the speech was so desultory, the various subjects were treated in so superficial a manner, tam negli genter, that he appealed to their Lordships whether it was fair or decent to enter, on such a challenge, into a detailed expo sition of our relations with the various countries enumerated. The Noble Marquis had asked whether Belgium was settled ? why France kept Algiers ?..--whether there was any probabi lity that a Minister would be appointed by the Court of Rus• sia ?—all which he thought the Noble Marquis could answer, and knew he could answer, just as well as himself. The No ble Marquis had spoken with much vehemence on our relations with France. The Noble Marquis was for the freest intimacy, but yet denounced any unfair preference. In this he would entirely agree with the Noble Marquis, though, perhaps, he did not express himself with so much warmth. He did not feel himself under any necessity to follow the Noble Marquis through his strictures on the Government of France, which did not appear to have gained much favour in his eyes. He did not feel himself called upon to follow the Noble' Marquis through the observations which he had entered into with regard to the preceding Government of this country, nor, indeed, througb all the observations which the Noble Marquis had made. The Noble Marquis had asked whether Portugal was now in a settled state, and had referred to letters which he stated had been received from that country, to show that it was in a worse and more unsettled state than it had been during the time it was engaged in a civil war. He (Lord Melbourne) trusted that it soon would be in a settled state. , He knew it was progressing to that state ; but it was very hard to expect that a country which had so lately been in a state of civil war should at once settle down into tranquillity. The Noble Mar quis complained of this country having permitted the violation of the Portuguese territory by Spain, but by our non-interfe rence at that period we adhered to the main ground of the treaty. The claimant of the throne of Spain had entered into the Portuguese territories, where he found supporters of that claim. His claim to the throne was denied by the government of Spain, and if ever a. nation had a right to enter into the territories of another country, Spain, under these eireunistances, possessed that right. Was it not, then, the duty of Great Bri. tain, matters standing thus, to take care that any intervention to which she may be driven under the treaty, should be only to the extent necessary for carrying the treaty into effect ? The Noble Marquis had asked if he ( Lord . Melbourne) consi dered Don Carlos the rightful claimant of the throne ? It was not for him to enter upon, or und er tak e to d e cide, so delicate a question, the more especially as it was one which had already been decided on by the Cortes and people of Spain.—( Hear, hear.) Nor was he called upon to discuss the principle of the salique law. It was sufficient that the question was settled by those most interested, and that the Queen of Spain was ac knowledged by the authorities of that country. With reference to what had been said of the law of succession, and the allusion to the speech of Queen Anne, he confessed he did not under stand the drift of the argument, though he attended to it closely, nor did he perceive how the extract which had been read was connected with the present discussion. Neither did he see the force of the arguments upon which the Noble Mar quis founded his dread of the union of the crowns of France and Spain. He did not feel himself called upon to accede to the motion of the Noble Marquis for the production of these papers, nor was he now prepared to enter upon the subject of the secret service money, upon which the Noble Marquis had been misinformed ; for though ,the accounts were not imme diately at hand, he was satisfied that there was a great dimi nution in the amount. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY here handed some papers across the table, which . Lord MELBOURNE said he would be happy to consider hereafter. The motion of the Noble Marquis was an extremely large one, but papers could be produced which would fully bear out all that the Government alleged with regard to the treaty. In the sort of communications sought for, there was always matter involving the feelings of other powers, which it would not be pleasant to produce, and it would, be also difficult to furnish extracts, as their meaning would be destroyed for want of the context. He did not refuse to produce the documents ; but in his opinion the Noble Marquis had not made out a case, or shown any reason for their production. The treaty did not stand on correspondence or negociations. It was based upon the circumstance by which it was rendered necessary, and by those circumstances was it also justified.—( Hcar, hear.) -If the treaty were deficient in clearness--if it were found based on a wrong principle—if it had failed of its effect--then, in deed, there might be grounds upon which to call for these do cuments ' • but the treaty was clear beyond exa m pl e ; it s prin ciple had been well maintained ; and, above all other treaties which had been entered into, it had proved most splendidly effective.—( Cheers.) On these grounds he felt himself warranted in saying not content to the motion of the Noble Marquis. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought the present intro duction of the question an untimely one, as it was a subject which the public did not now consider important, being just now more anxious in matters relating to internal government. The anxiety with regard to the situation of this country, and of Ireland, had in a great degree deprived of its interest a subject which, some years since, would have attracted atten tion. He should possibly not at all have addressed their Lord ships, had it not been for the concluding words of the. Noble Viscount. In addressing their Lordships, he would omit a ll the topics, howeve r int eres ti ng , t o w hi c h his Noble Friend (Londonderry) had referred, confining himself to the treaty in reference to which the papers had been moved for, and to which the Noble Viscount replied. What was the object of this treaty ? The policy of Great Britain, her most important policy, should be to keep the two powers of the Peninsula in dependent of each other, and to preserve both independent of France. The object of this treaty appeared to be to render Spain and Portugal dependent on each other, and both de pendent on France--( Hear, hear, hear)—to effect a conse quence the most contrary of any other to that which it should be the sound policy of this country to aim at. In fact, its ten dency and effect was to introduce foreign armies into Spain and Portugal for the purpose of interfering with the internal government of both—not a casual or temporary, but a per fect system of , interference with the internal affairs of these two countries.—( Hear, hear.) Non-interference had ever been one of the great principles of the British Govern ment. It had been acted on in the disputes between Brazil and Portugal. It was an acknowledged principle of the British Government, and one than which no other had been more clearly laid down. Yet, in defiance of this principle, Great Britain interfered in 'the internal affairs of Portugal, and was aided in that interference by two allies, notwithstand ing her declared resolution to the contrary. The Noble Lord opposite stated that the treaty was made to prevent the en trance of Don Carlos into Portugal, but by a reference to the dates, it would be seen that he was, in Portugal six months before the treaty was signed. The preamble of the treaty contained a large number of the considerations for which it was made, and embraced an extraordinary number of objects, and the principal object of both powers appeared to be to settle the government of Spain and Portugal. He had listened attentively to the speech of the Noble Viscount, which, as he understood it, went to show that the object of the treaty was the expulsion of Don Carlos from Portugal ; but notwith standing that this was stated, the treaty went beyond this ex pulsion. The Noble Duke here entered into a history of the treaty, to show that in consequence of the ratification returned by the Regent of Portugal having omitted the preamble, and the treaty having been sent back again, being previously rati fied here, his Majesty was bound by it one month before it became binding on Don Pedro. He contended that the proper course would have been to ask for a month, and then to ex change the ratifications in London. It was not by any means desirable that France and England should enter into treaties for the purpose of regulating the internal affairs of those coun tries. It gave uneasiness to other Powers of Europe, who were our ancient Allies, who should not be rendered thus dissatis fied.—( Cheers.) The consequence was, that the European Powers not only withheld their diplomatic agents from those countries, but the same jealousy was also extending itself here. —( Cheers.) This country was daily losing the great influ ence of its former position, and the power of giving that advice which had so much weight hitherto in maintaining the peace of Europe. On that ground, also, he objected to this treaty, which he would be sorry to see carried into execution, as he feared it would have the effect of disturbing the peace of Europe. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would not follow the Noble Mover through his review of Europe, but rather confine himself to the view of the question taken by the Noble Duke. The Noble Duke had attributed to this treaty an object the very reverse of that entertained by those who had concluded it—quite different from its own construction, and not borne out by the events which had preceded it. What better prin ciple could be laid down than that upon which it was founded, namely—to avoid, as much as possible, all interference, and when that interference was unhappily rendered necessary, to confine themselves as closely as they could to the specific ob ject-for which the treaty was entered into. Such was the prin ciple, and it had been acted upon systematically, carefully, and consistently. The Noble Duke seemed to say that the ob ject of this treaty was to have Portugal invaded by Spain but it should be remembered that the person alluded to was in Portugal at the time, and was likely to prodtice that state of things which the Noble Duke appeared to dread, namely—the destruction of the independence of the two kingdoms, which he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) was as much opposed to as the Noble Duke.--( Hear, hear.) When the person claiming to be King of Spain entered into Portugal, and united with a person, by some said to be enti tled to the throne of Portugal, and by others called an usurper, could an objection be made because the lawful Government of Spain interfered to avert the awful portent which hung over it, and was threatened by such a conjunction.—( Hear, hear. ) Had not Spain a right to act thus, under such circumstances ? The Noble Duke had referred to dates. His (Lord L.'s) an swer would also look to dates ; and by these it would appear that the object of the treaty was effected, though the treaty itself had been described as useless. It was finally concluded on the 24th of May, and on the 26th, Don Miguel surren dered Santarem.--( Hear, hear. )' Whatever difference of opinion might exist as to the utility of the treaty, that was its consequence. With regard to the informality alluded to by the Noble Duke, he was ready to admit it ; but he could state on authority, that it was purely accidental, and that the omission of the preamble did not arise, on the part of Portugal, from any disin c li na ti on to be a party to the treaty. The Noble Duke appeared to attach blame to the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs for committing this Government to what may have been the niala fides of another state ; but the charge did not lie, for the persons here authorised by that State had pledged themselves to the fulfilment of the treaty. In answer to the Noble Duke who, ad verting to the state of Europe, said that we wern nn longer in a position to maintain the peace of Europe, he would only say, " It is maintained."—(Loud cheers.) All the pro phecies upon this subject which had been ventured within the last four years were falsified. The Noble Marquis had alluded to France, and it was difficult to say wh e th er , i n t h e allusion, he satirised or complimented the Government of this country; but it should be remembered that we never interfered in the internal Government of either Charles or Philippe. It would be well at the same time to remind the Noble Marquis, who saw no difference between them, that one carried on his Go vernment in violation of the law, without the sanction of the Chambers, and in opposition to the Constitution, whilst the other acted on the existing ordinances, with the sanction of the law, in concurrence with the Chambers, and agreeably to the Constitution.-_( Cheers. ) The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, in reply said, that since our connection with France, we had always played a se condary part to that country. The question being then put,was negatived without a division. Mr. BERNAL and others, Members of the House of Com mons, brought up the Norfolk' Island Bill, the House of Com mons' Officers Bill, the Militia Bill, and some private Bills. LONDON AND WESTMINSTER BANK. The Marquis of BUTE, considering the advanced period of the Session, was anxious to know from the Noble Viscount, with reference to his bringing forward the London and West minster Bank Bill, whether it was now open to their Lord ships to consider that Bill -on the construction of the charter of the Bank of 'England and other Acts of Parliament? Viscount MELBOURNE said that the question was, no doubt, open to their Lordships ; but he certainly cons id ere d the Bill inconsistent with the rights and privileges of the Bank of England, and whenever the measure might be brought forward he should feel himself bound to oppose it. The Marquis of BUTE wished to know if he was to under stand that the Noble Viscount would oppose the Bill simply because he considered it inconsistent with the privileges of the Bank of England under the existing charter, and on no other grounds? Viscount MELBOURNE.—Yes, certainly. Lord BERE SFORD presented a petition from Armagh, in favour of the Established Church. Their Lordships adjourned at half-past Eight o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, August 5. The SPEAKER resumed the chair et twenty-five minutes past five. - A - meosegG from the Lords announced that their Lordships THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 6, 1834. had agreed to the Durham and Sunderland Railway Com pany Bill, and the Mr 'hant Seamen's Registration Bill. 4e lerchan, WEXFORD ELECTION. The SPEAKER irifermecl the House that the petitioners complaining of an undue return for the County of Wexford, not having entered into solvent securities, the order for the Committee was then discharged. Mr. PRESTON, from the East-India House, presented copies of the correspondence between the Directors and the Governor of Madras, which were laid on the table. • DISFRANCHISED BOROUGHS. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice that on Thursday next he should move that no writ do issue for the boroughs of Hereford, Warwick, or Carrickfergus until 14 days after the meeting of the next session of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. HA L COMB said he had a few words to say upon the notice which had been just given by the Noble Lord.—( Cries of " Order" and " Oh, oh !" in the midst of which the Hon. Member sat down.) Sir RUFANE DONKIN brought in a Bill for uniting under one jurisdiction the town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, and the district of North Durham, which was read a first time and ordered to be printed. Mr. GUEST brought up the report of the Committee on the Official Houses Bill. CAUSES OF DRUNKENNESS. Mr. BUCKINGHAM brought up the report of the Com mittee appointed to inquire into the causes of drunkenness, which was laid upon the table.—( Hear hear.) Mr. HAWES complained that the Committee had taken upon themselves a power which they did not possess, of right. They had no power, nor were they authorized, by that House to draw up a report, but merely to lay the minutes of evidence before the House. The SPEAKER, said the complaint against Committees most generally was that they unwarrantably and unjustifiably abstained from making a report when they should have done so.—( Hear, hear. ) „ On the question that the Report be printed, Mr. HAVES said that he should certainly oppose the printing of the Report. He was quite aware that in doing so he was taking a very unusual course, as he was thereby preventing the result of that inquiry which had been sanctioned by the House, from being laid before it. Hon. Members would recollect that this Committee had not been agreed to unanimously, but after considerable discussion, and the report they had drawn up was of a most extraordinary nature, and was quite opposed to the interests of his ( Mr. Hawes's) constituents—to the interests of the public, and was calculated to injure private rights. On these grounds he felt it his duty to bring it under the consideration of the House. He ( Mr. H.) had been urged not to take such a step, but if the House u as resolved to sanction the printing of the report, most assuredly he would take the sense of the House upon it. He would not go through the report in detail, but he would observe, that the report in itself was nothing, but as it formed the basis upon which to found some enactment. He contended that the whole body of licensed victuallers would be ruined if that report was acted upon—they should enter into an engagement not to sell any thing but spirits, and the spirit shops of the metropolis must remain open to public view like the butchers' and bakers' shops, and those who sell more wholesome com modities. They could not sell more than a quart or a pint of spirits at a time . _ Mr. BUCKINGHAM begged to assure the Hon. Member that the report did not contain either of the provisions to which he alluded. Mr. II AWE S resumed. He was stating that all persons who sold spirits were to confine themselves to the selling of spirits, and this was still part of the report.' Another recom mendation was that for the future no spirit should be imported into this country—( A laugh)—that there should be an end to all importation of spirit.—( Hear, and a laugh.) What would become of our West India colonies with their rum ?—( Hear, and laughter.) Another recommendation was, that no spirit should be distilled—( Loud laughter)—that beer should be brewed at a certain strength and quality, and the price was to be lowered.—( Continued laughter.) But this was not all—there was to be a reduction of the duty upon tea axd coffee—( Hear, hear)--and a repeal of all the taxes upon know ledge ; in fact, many of the provisions of the report would form a most valuable accompaniment to the Poor Laws' Bill.—( Hear, hear.) He would draw the attention of the House, more particularly to the report, but he did not think it necessary.—( Hear, hear.) It recommended that in large towns the workmen should be paid their wages on market days, which might occur two or three times in the week. Another provision was, that there was to be no meeting of any sort or kind of any Friendly Society, Club, or permanent association for mutual benefit or relief, held in any public-house or place where intoxicating drink was sold.—( Hear, and laughter.) He could quote some very racy passages---( Loud cries of " Read," and laughter),—but he did not wish to cast unnecessary ridicule upon this report. The object of the Committee he believed to be most benevolent, and if a practical report had been presented, he would have abstained from opposing it ; but when he considered the ruin this report, if adopted, would inflict unon a number of individuals, and the utter disregard which it manifested, of all financial arrangements, he felt that it was utterly impos sible to allow it to be printed, without making some observa tions upon it, and he would conclude by stating that he would take the sense of the House upon the motion that the report be printed. Mr. BUCKINGHAM said he could not but admire the ingenuity of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, although he could pay no great tribute of respect to his can dour, because any thing more misrepresented than the Re port had been by the Honourable Gentleman, or any thing more widely different than the Report from what had been stated he had seldom ever met with.--( Cries of " Read, read.") The lion. Gentleman had not availed himself of the opportunity of reading the report, neither would he (Mr. B. ) trouble the House with it. The Hon. Gentleman had been a Member of the Committee, and had attended it about three times. Every time he attended, his object seemed to be to brow-beat, to confound and to puzzle the witnesses, in order to show, if possible, that no legislative measure could be adopted.—( Hear, hear.) The Committee was moved for, in the first instance to ascertain the causes of drunken ness with a view to ascertain if any remedy could be devised to prevent this great national evil. There had been a recog nition therefore of the principle of the measure by the House when the Committee was appointed ; and although the Com mittee was appointed in opposition to the Noble Chancellor of the Exchequer, yet it was appointed by a great majority of the House assembled on that occasion, and certainly nothing could be urged against what had been done in the Committee on the ground of want of unanimity, because the only opposing member of the Committee on any occa sion was the Honourable Member who had just spoken. When the Committee came to consider upon the propriety of making the report the Hon. Gentleman was present, and he opposed the making of the report. He was heard fully, but he failed to convince the Committee of the absurdity of making such report. He then left the Committee in dudgeon, and said he would not trouble them more. He had therefore afforded no assistance in making the report, and now that the other Mem bers of the Committee, had given it all the assistance they could, he came down to the House, and offered all the opposition possible to it, founded on the purest misrepresentations. He (Mr. B.) would not enter into an analysis of the Report, be cause he did not consider that the present question ought to depend on the advocacy of the Report at present on either side—it certainly ought to be, and all he wished was, that it should-be allowed to be printed, and then the House would be able'-to judge of it. If the Hon. Gentleman thought the opinion of the Committee was concentrated in himself, he must have considerable confidence, but he would recollect that every time the opinion of the Committee was taken he was left in a single minority. He (Mr. Buckingham) would take leave to say, that the Committee were not desirous, as had been represented, that the importation of foreign spirits should be prohibited. The Report had been made up chiefly of the evidence of the witnesses, although all the details had not been given. This was the course that had been taken by the hand-loom weavers' committee, of which he (Mr. B.) had been a Member, and therefore there was nothing of novelty in the Report in that respect. A great many of the members of the Committee had gone into the country, but he would pledge his reputation that the opinions expressed in the report were not so much the opinions of the Members of the Committee as those of the witnesses. He would give a short analysis of the witnesses who had been examined. They had examined several Magistrates, Sheriffs, Naval and Atilitary phy,,ieianc and gurgeong, a Spirit-dealer of Holborn, and a Commissioner of the Poor Laws, who stated that the poverty which prevailed among the lower classes was mainly attributable to the habit of spirit-drinking. Seeing that men of the highest eminence, and among them the Bishop of London, had recommended some legislative enactment for the cure of this evil, he hoped the House would not assent to a proposition which was without precedent in that House, that a Report of a Committee appointed by the House should not be printed. He trusted that the services of the Committee would not be lost merely to please the caprice, fancy, or sinister motives of any individual. Mr. H AWE S—Does the Hon. Member mean to apply the terms " sinister motives" to me ? Mr. BUCKlNGHAM—Undoubtedly I applied my argu ments to the Hon. Member, but I am not aware that he has used any sinister influence. Mr. O'DW YE R moved that a particular point of the Re port be read by the Clerk. The Clerk then read the passages desired, which were re ceived with much laughter. The Report ecommended that venders of medicine alone should be liceiOd to distil ardent spirits, and that foreign spirits should be admitted only for medicinal purposes. The Report also referred to the system pursued on board of many ships belonging to the United" States of America, as instances in which great good resulted from the ordinary use of spirits not being permitted. Mr. BAINES complained of the ridicule which had been cast on the Report. If the labours of Committees were to be so treated the Members would-not be found willing to give their services for such a return. It was extremely wrong to speak of the recommendations which had been re ceived with ridicule as coming from the Committee. They came from witnesses. He warmly advocated the printing of the Report. Mr, O'CONNELL said that, though the Hon. Member warmly advocated the printing of the report, he trusted the House would coolly reject it. Indeed it was impossible that any other determination should be come to. It was a mass of the most extraordinary absurdities ; and but from the well-known character of the Hon. Gentlemen composing the Committee, he should almost have concluded that when they consented to such a report they were fuddled. — (Laughter.) Take one proposition. The importation of foreign spirits was to be totally prevented.---(Laughter.) And then another. Chemists and druggists alone were to be allowed to practice distillation.—(A laugh.) Really these things were so notoriously absurd that the House could not continue giving. them egeulatioh, If the/ were to, tolerate such absolute trash and nonsense they would have some small faced quack from every village in the country breaking down their table with outrageous nonsense. But it was said the opi nions were those of the witnesses and not of the Committee. The Committee was appointed to report its own opinions.— (Hear, hear.) And as to the opinions being those of the wit nesses, the Members of the Committee would have done well when they heard such opinions pronounced to have sent for the friends of those who uttered them, and suggested that at this period of the session it would be well to watch over and guard the incipient legislators. Seriously he called upon the House not to sanction the printing of such a mass of nonsense. Colonel WILL I A 111 S, as a Member of the Committee making the report, complained strongly of the way in which it had been received. Ridicule might suit the purposes of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, but it would not divert him from his purpose. If the House refused to print the report it would not refuse to receive a notice of motion f. om him. The Hon. Member then read a motion in sub stance stating that if it could be proved that converting grain into ardent spirits increased the price of bread, and produced great national immorality, vice, distress, and misery, it was the bounden duty of the Legislature to suppress such conver sion of grain. He was satisfied that drunkenness must be put down, or that it would put the country down. Mr. M. PHILIPS said that his name appeared as one of the Committee ; but after what had occurred he felt it neces sary to say that nothing short of the Coercion Bill should have induced him to have affixed his name to the Report. He suggested that the evidence, without the report, should be printed. Mr. HO WARD said he had been a Member of the Com mittee, but had only been able to attend a meeting four times. When he did attend the evidence did not justify the report, and therefore he begged not to be considered as participating in that document. Lord SAND 0 N said that the question for the House to consider was, whether it would on this account take the un precedented course of refusing to print a report of one of its Committees.—( Hear, hear.) He had been a Member of that Committee, but so much occupied that he was unable to take a part in its labours. He had, however, read the report, and although there were many propositions from which he certainly dissented as wholly impracticable, still the report contained much that would be found highly useful. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had thrown much ridicule upon the report. That Hon. and Learned. Member had a ready supply of eloquence and sarcasm ; but the House would not fail to recollect that the Hon. and Learned Member was equally ready at confounding and so mixing up matters that it was next to impossible to come at the truth without further in quiry. Thus the Hon. and Learned Member had attributed opinions to the Committee which the report expressly stated were those of witnesses. He implored the House not to de part from its regular course of usage, and still less to do so for the purpose of throwing insult upon one of its Committees. By printing the report, the House was in no way pledged to its contents. _ Mr. BROTHERTON complained of the conduct of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin ; and warmly supported many of the views contained in the report. Lord J. RUSSELL concurred in the view taken by the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool. At the same time he must say that some of the recommendations put forth in the report were most extraordinary. One proposition was, that Government should introduce a general and comprehensive measure for the prevention of all manner of drunkenness. Mr. SINCL AIR approved of printing the report, if only to show how easy it was to dilate on an evil, but how difficult to cure it. . Mr. RUTHVEN wished the report to be printed. Colonel WILLIAMS rose to explain. He wished to ex plain what fell from the Noble Paymaster of the Forces.— ( Order and laughter.) Mr. L E FRO Y said his name was on the Committee, but he deprecated being considered as implicated in the report. The gallery was then cleared for a division. For the printing of the report 63 Against it 31 Majority —32 TITHES (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. LITTLETON, in moving the third reading of the Tithes (Ireland) Bill, said, in reference to the apprehension expressed by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Cambridge, to the effect that there would be left no fund for the defraying the expenses of divine worship and the repairing and building of churches in Ireland, inas much as the grant from the Consolidated Fund was declared under the Bill chargeable on the Perpetuity Fund created by the Bill of last year, that he had caused an abstract of the in come and expenditure of that fund to be drawn up, and that from such abstract it would appear there would be a surplus over expenditure amply sufficient to meet not only the annual interest, but by degrees the principal, of the fund. The in come which would annually pass through the hands of the Commissioners would amount to 91,033/., while the charges upon it, including the expenses of divine worship and the building and repairing of churches, would net 66,000/. There would thus be a clear sum of 25,0001. applicable to optional purposes, and that sum, he thought, he was in every sense jus tified in proposing should be applied to the redemption of the grant from the Consolidated Fund.—( Hear. ) On the question that the Bill be read a third time being put from the Chair, Mr. LEFROY rose to move that the Bill be read a third time that day three months. The Hon. and Learned Mem ber recapitulated at great length the objections he had pre viously urged to the details of the measure when in Committee, and contended that, as the Bill now before the House was in every essential point different from that to the second reading of which he had given his assent, he was fully justified, not withstanding that circumstance, in moving its postponement for three months. The Bill which the Right Hon. Gentle man the ex- Secretary for the Colonies introduced went upon the principle that the Church property should be realized, and invested in land for the benefit of the Establishment. ( Hear.) The principle, as well as several other very essential ones, were entirely omitted from the Bill as it now stood. The former Bill was calculated to give peace , to Ireland and security to the Church ; the present would do neither the one or the other. It would not satisfy the people—it could not satisfy the Church. The Hon. Member concluded by moving that the Bill be read a third time this day three months. Mr. J. YOUNG seconded the amendment. Lord ACHESON could assure the House that if the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had not moved the amend ment which had been carried, and which had made such an important alteration in the character of the Bill, his Hon. Friend the Member for Leitrim would have made the same motion.--( Hear.) He supported the Bill in its present form. Mr. HAL COMB addressed the House, and the question being again put, Mr. SHAW rose, and contended that the Bill in its present state was at variance with all the professions that Ministers had given on the subject. But this did not at all surprise him ; it was only in accordance with the general policy of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, and the Government with which he acted, as regarded the interests of the Established Church in Ireland. The Right Hon. Gentleman was willing to sacrifice the interests of the Protestant Church to conciliate the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. The inevitable consequence of the present Bill, which. was nothing but the Bill of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, would be the ruin of the Irish Church Establishment, by depriving it of those funds by which it was supported, and to which its right was as indisputable as any legal claim to property could be. He should certainly oppose the third reading of the Bill. Mr. LITT', ETON said that he was not surprised at the speech which had just been delivered by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman. He was prepared for such attacks from that quarter, because he had been through life the steady and uncompromising opponent of those exclusive principles which gave to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman his sole pre-emi nence, and the failure of which rendered him now so desperate. The Irish Government would pursue the course they thought best for the interests of the country, and the present Bill was a measure from which they looked for the best advantages to those interests. Mr. O'CONNELL said that he was delighted with the speech of the Honourable and Learned Member for the University of Dublin (Mr. Shaw), because he hailed it as the expiring effort of that faction that had so long domineered over Ireland. He looked upon this Bill as the first step that had been taken for six hundred years by any Government to conciliate the affections of the Irish people. He would pro mise that if the present Bill passed into a law, not a _drop of blood would be shed in Ireland for twelve months. He could not promise longer.—( A laugh.) He hoped that the pros pects which this Bill held out to Ireland would not be de feated elsewhere.—( Hear, hear.) Where, he should like to know, were the statesmen to be found who would stand in the way of this Bill ?—( Hear.) Who were they who would prefer twelve months more of insurrection and blood in Ire land ? He hoped the Government would have the manliness to resist any opposition that might be offered to the further progress of so healing a measure. It had been said that this Bill was his Bill; but it was not his Bill; it was the Bill of the House of Commons, and he was sure that House and the British nation would stand by the Government in seeing that it was not defeated by any efforts of disappointed ambition and expiring bigotry. After a few words from Colonel DAVIES in explanation, The Bill was read a third time without a division. Mr. LITTLETON proposed an additional clause, which was agreed to. Mr. O'RE ILL Y proposed a clause to the effect that tenants paying a rack rent should not be subject to the provisions of this Bill. Mr. LITTLETON opposed the clause. He contended that the value of tithe property was increased in place of being diminished by this Bill. After a few words from Mr. JONES the amendment was rejected without a division. Several verbal amendments were agreed to in some of the remaining clauses. The Bill then passed. SUPPLY.—CASE OF MR. COHEN. Lord A LTH ORP, in moving that the report of the Com mittee of Supply be brought up, stated, in answer to a ques tion put to him last night, and which he was then under the necessity of declaring his inability to reply to, that the ex penses of the prosecution of Mr. Cohen the proprietor of the Brighton Guardian, had been defrayed by Government. Mr. WA RBURTON hoped this case would not be made a precedent of, because it might be greatly abused, and might lead to the oppression of individuals. He was satisfied that the Noble Lord would not, on principle, defend such a case. Mr. SHEIL wished to know whether the expenses of the prosecution were paid out of the secret service money, or whether they were included in the estimates? Mr. SPRING RICE, as we understood him, said the ex penses of the prosecution were not paid out of the secret ser vice money. • 3 , ir. O'DWYER said that libels against public functionaries ought not to be prosecuted on slight grounds ; but above 1 ;J , Government ought not to sinction such prosecutions ill cases of other parties where they were not prepared to take, responsibility. On the grant for the Consular Establishment being reeuti„, Mr. MARK PHILIPS remarked upon the neglect of tw' ditt British manufacturing and commercial interests by our: in j ' ferent ambassadors, who were not, he feared, so well acquitti.:. with those interests as th e y o ug ht to be. He trusted that eft°. all future appointments in the diplomatic department , i n k would be selected who knew something of the cornmerC° the country. oh. • The remaining resolutions were agreed to without 01 servation of public interest being made. CHURCH TEMPORALITIES (IRELAND) BILL. ; On the motion of Mr. LITTLETON, the Church VW poralities (Ireland) Bill was read a third time. On the motion of Mr. O'CONNELL, a clause facilitatieg j appeals from the decision of vestries was added to the B ill ' • The Bill then passed. The House then resolved itself into Committee on the Spirit Duties Bill. 'ef On the first clause (fixing the alteration for the 10th October) being proposed, Mr. O'CONNELL suggested that the reduction she ° commence on the Ist of September. Mr. O'CALLAGHAN recommended the Noble Lei, (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) to adopt the sugg estion as it would much tend to the convenience of the distillers. de Lord ALTHORP said, that if it was the wish of the A , co l" he would adopt the suggestion, and alter the clause a c ingly. After a few words from Mr. WALKER, Mr. M. V r 15`' e re and Mr. GOULaURN, the words " first day of September ll substituted for the words " tenth day of October." d i e The several clauses of the Bill having been agreed too, . o . • House resumed, and the Report was ordered to be recei ret " morrow (this day). STARCH DUTIES BILL. ti On the motion of Lord ALTHORP, the Starch Dee s • , Bill went through a Committee. EXCHEQUER BILLS BILL. On the motion of Mr. F. BARING, the Exchequer Pi Bill was read a third time and passed. ASSESSED TAXES COMPOSITION BILL. The report of the Committee on the Assessed Taxes Cote' position Bill was brought up, and agreed to.—Bill to be r . a third time to-morrow (this day). COURT OF CHANCERY (IRELAND) BILL' 3 The report of the Committee on this Bill was bro u g bt and agreed to, and the Bill was ordered to be read time on Thursday next. COUNTY BRIDGES (IRELAND) BILL. • ef Mr. LITTLETON moved the third reading of the — 0 Bridges' (Ireland) Bill. CSI Mr. JONES opposed the motion, and was underato, move the third reading on that day three months. The House divided, when the numbers were— • For the third reading 45 Against it 7 Majority ;.-38 After some further conversation the Bill was passed. The Foreign Enlistment Repeal Bill was read a third t>' and passed. The Pension Civil Offices Bill was read a third tittle s° , passed. The South Australian Colonization Bill was retid a -thit. ! time and passed. Several other Bills were advanced a stage. m itf . Mr. LE FRO Y moved for a return of the income gnu - de goings of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners in Ireland U the Church Temporalities Act.—Ordered. • The House adjourned at One o'clock. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. L ., b. • VESSELS ENTERED INWARDS AT THE CUSTOM-HOUSE 4.- ' p a' Waterloo, Stranack, from Dunkirk ; Dart, Stranack, Ost.ih: and Moldon; Heroine, Benson, Figueira ; Elizabeth, Coi ls ' ' G r airJ,i Archangel ; Julie, Preager, Calais ; Union, Pietre, Ae r, lines ; Maria, Swoner, Odensee ; Jonge Java, Vander In i to, Worcum ; Petite Julie, Dubbins, Gravelines ; SPen. r e , Manzuch, Trieste ; Ann Elizabeth, Tiltman, Boulegne derick, Moller, Kiel ; Felicity, Tarndell, Archangel. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING, AUG. Thomas and Ann, Stephenson, for Bruges and - Planet, Barclay. Jamaica ; Antamus, Sergent, Jamaica ; L ‘',"4; line, Campbell, Jamaica ; Carl Frederick, Prins, lisrril7 o -01' London, Rumbael, Hamburg ; Dart, Stranack, Ostend; merce, Fournier, Calais ; Mary, Camsell, Konigsberg; Jane Stewart, M'Key, Cadiz. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGOES, Ant,. S. • 1 5, Clarendon, Whitring, for Made i ra ; St. Antonio AT11124, Garzuley, Alicant and Barcelona; Zwaan, Cassanovers,- op werp ; Gozina, De Boir, Amsterdam ; Tourist, Bridge, 4 0 - terdam ; City of Hamburg, Whittingham, Hamburg ; Pierce, Adams, St. Helena ; Attwood, Morfee, Ant!. • Sarnia, Dale, Guernsey and Jersey. CLEARED OUTWARDS IN BALLAST, Ave. 5. lo ci. O , Reliance, Martin, for Ondeese ; Crown, Terry, Qu e • O New Brunswick, Green, St. John's ; Diana, Kroyer, B Mauritius, Madden, Baltic ; Meven a n d S o phia, Cla___.. tls- $4 l, Baltic ; Concordia, Bromholdt, Baltic ; Caroline and Hoffman, Baltic; Resolution, Cork, Norway; ilti H e lena, "ad% Embden ; Hoffnung, De Boer, Embden ; Drost, Gut 101 17,,• Woreum ; Mary Ann, Fotheringham, Riga; Joseph Ander s.— Thomson, Quebec. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH 5 0 t The Centurion, of Scarborough, the 29th ult., in Ist•whe long. 7, by the John and Thomas, arrived at Poole. Severn, London to Quebec, the 12th ult., in lat. 45, s?.i t ,, 46 ; the George and Ann, London to Quebec, t h e 14th u' in lat. 47, long. 39, by the Eliza Ann, at Cork.l The Harmonia, Machado, from Pernambuco to vr" was wrecked on the Bth ult., near Oporto. The Industry, bound to Liverpool, in leaving WilminD 23d June, struck on the bar, and was lost. EAST INDIA SHIPPING. —J r 0 1 " ARRIVALS AT THE MAURITIUS. —The Atholl, from J t est 26th April ; Isabella, from Cochin, 27th ; Aline, from 111 1 /0 27th ; Lucie, from Bourbon ; Lady Louise, from SeYcn e , Meta, from the Cape ; and Mauritius, from Diego, 28 4 ",'„4, - DEPARTURES.—The Bordelais and Penelope, 1.3 14 th ift for Calcutta; Gallaisdon for Madras and Calcutta tb; ,b; i bi Lise, for Bourbon ; and , Saucy Jack, for Tamotane, ' and Dorothy, Foster, for London, 16th. DEPARTURES FROM MADRAS.--.The Zenobia, for the CO I and London, 12th April. AN ESQUIRE T.—... 011 Thursday, B aron Penne f thel „a stated at the Cork assizes that he had received a letter toot person summoned to serve as a juror, styled in the 51 1111 _,, 5 '" " esquire," and who declared that " he had but two afife land; that his family were in a state of starvation;` had not one halfpenny to pay his expenses, and prail t Lordship to order him something to take him home I" • "pir also stated that esquires of a similar class did not knoll, lish, and some of them had scarcely clothes to cover MARRIAGES. ,Thieet On the 2d inst., at St. Leonard's, Shoreditch, Ch a rles e second son of Theodore Gavaron, Esq., of Tavistock-sTr i b;Ar Theresa, youngest daughter of Peter Bordenave, Esq., of terrace, Regent's. park. On the sth inst., at Marylebone Church, Robert BiddulPh-i;rot lips, Esq., of Longworth, Herefordshire, to Miss narr i f Buckenhill, in the same county, only daughter of the lalt o i. Barneby, Esq., of Brochampton, also in the county of Herdtast On the sth inst., at St. George's Church, Hanover',7,,, Simon Fraser Campbell, Esq., eldest son of the late Lieu;Or Colonel William Campbell, 78th Regiment, to Louisa, thir d " ter of Colonel Kemeys Tynte, M.P., of H aswe ll -house, S °— . and Cefn-Mable, Glamorganshire. • f 6; At St. Mary's Church, J o h n K enne d y , E sq ., his Mar s ~ cretary of Legation at the Court of Naples, son of the MT; OSP - Kennedy, and nephew of the Marquis of Ailsa, to Anle"'" only daughter of Samuel Briggs, Esq., of Alexandria. 01),F" On the 2d inst., a t St. James's Westminster Charles, 3 , ,„ ° p-' son of Captain Ni c h o l as Haddock James's, R.N., to 3 1 w daughter and only child of John White, _Esq. 10 14 ° On the 2d i ns t., a t St. G eorge ' s , Hanover-square, 311 ' of Pike to Miss Owen. vooo4, On the 2d i ns t. at St. Martin's Church, Mr. F. 0 Charing-cro ss , t o Ch ar l o tte, fourth daughter of the late ,y Hale, Esq., of Bush-lane, London. ' joge,l On the 4th inst., at St. James Church, by license, 3 1 ,/ . :0 7 1 Seelie, of Marlborough-street, wine-merchant, to Miss ELI" ( I.W ter, daughter and only child of Mr. William Procter, 04 Whitecross-street. 0' DEATHS. orl?" . On the 30th ult., Edward Hodges, Esq., of Clapharu-c 4 in his 72d year. tAest 663 ' an the 31st ult., at Leatherhead, Surrey, William, e's -- William Richardson, Esq. of that place. On the 2d inst., Mr. Thomas lia se ,: On the 2d inst., Mr. Thomas Closs, sen., Borough-road, auctioneer. ' 40T On the 28th ult., at Stockwell-common, Mrs. Bec k s 64. Thompson, aged 51. On the 2(1 inst., Mr. William Parnell, of Botolph-lanef ago On the 3d inst., aged eight months, Harriet MOP I st (' child of Samuel Veasy, Esq., of Baldock. 27th 've On the 3d inst., in Lower Belgrave-street, in he r „ a , Sarah, third (laughter of the late John Graves, Esq. , 000 1 On the 2(1 inst., Mrs. Adams, of Lower Eaton-stree". bi, _,,of, it On the 30th ult., at Abbey Lands, county Antriro,4 l , 3 ooP" year, John Holmes M'Calmont, fourth son of Hugh " Esq. O , of Abbe Ldn the 3d inst, an at s. St. Mary-at-Hill, Mr. Samuel / 1°159 , 11 '....tH ' ' ' PM , puty of the ward of Billingsgate, aged 66. On the 3d inst., in Charlotte -street, Bloomsbury' j°l°, . 4 - 9 1 . Gaunt, Esq., in his 61st year. ' . her ... l a On the 30th ult., at Bigods, near Dunmow, Esse x ' 0541,101 year, Francis Mary Caroline, wife of Francis Beaur.,° l 2'' clef 'I".W On the 23d ult., at Tunbridge-wells, aged 60, -Itr-,.ces, & c • Emerson, Emerson, Esq., M.D., Physician to his Majesty's I " ° ' ‘s . Ulverscroft-priory, Leicestershire. ov scr., London : Printed and Published by MURDO_Y at The Sus Office, "Ivo. 112, &to' ' / 41(1 ton .0 the BIRTHS. , of . On the 3d inst., at Eaton-square, Lady Mary Duriu." 4 of daughter, still-born. oelt On the 2d inst., at Egham Park, the lady of Colonel Sal a daughter. 0 31°Pe of On the Ist inst., at Tooting, at the house of her father, ep t, Rice, C. 8., the lady of Captain Foord Bowes, 95th Regi o a daughter. 1 P. • On the 2d inst., at Newton-terrace, Kennington, Mrs' J . Woods, of a son. il l On the 3d inst., in Beaumont-street, Marylebone, the f . , W. Theobald, Esq., ba r ri s t er , o f a son . 13r 1 O F On the 2d inst., Mrs. R. Dempster, Marlborough-place , / ton, of a son. )1,