The Sun. — London, England, 1831-05-18 00:00:00

tttacks against a superior force, the brave Dwernicki, ressed on one side by Rudiger, and on the other by General Roth, who arrived by forced marches from Moldavia, was obliged to seek protection beyond the Austrian frontier, and, therefore,f.ooo he passed it on the 30th of April, with a burly o men and 17 pieces of cannon. -- Dwernicki Was unable to obtain permission to re tire in - e direction of Zarnosc. Had the Austrian Government yielded tc this request, it would have violated the principle of neutrality. We have great apprehension as to the effect which this news must cause at Warsaw ; so much confidence was attached to the name of Dwernicki However, the Poles have made us so familiar with such traits of courage that we still entertain hopes of their bearing this fresh reverse with exemplary resignation. Besides, the principal operations of the campaign cannot be materially affected by the unsuccessful issue of the expedition under Dwer nicki. For more than six weeks his separation from the main strength of the army had reduced his services to that of a skilful auxilia; v chief. It is true he kept in check the division of Itaidi,ger, arid, of course, at the present period, a portion of the troops under that General, ha: ing left a corps of ob servation around Zimosc, may join the left wing of Diebitsch; but the entire Palatinate of Lublin ean- • not be cleared of troops, nor can the germ of insur rection be so completely destroyed in Volliy-nia as to make General Roth consider it unnecessaiv to retain some of his divisions in that quarter ; finally, relations with Turkey are not so s.-cure as to allow Russia to concentrate upon the Vistula all the forces which were stationed about the Danube. The remnant of the corps of Sitrawiski has just had a new chief appointed to the command, and the division of Count Ric defends the passage of the Vistula from Pelicsa to Pulawy. DURHAM, MAY L. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUA: Sett,—The promptinide and honest zeal with which The Sun has continued to give publicity in its able and effective columns to the details of the present campaign carried on under the sanction of King William the Great, against the plundering system of the boroughmongers, is widely felt in this neighbourhood. Your Journal is justly looked up to as a commanding central point, or telegraphic engine, communicating at once daily', and every day, to the east, west, north, and south of the empire, a spirit- eirring ac count of the various skirmishes and glorious victories ob. tamped by the friends of Reform over the patrons and tools of corruption, and their Wood. sucking advocates. lam delighted with every perusal of your Paper, and my friends hail the hour of its regular arrival here with no common interest and pleasure. The good effect of your publication is not confined to England, Scotland, and Ireland, which latter is so gallantly fighting the battle for us and with us; France, which had the honour of giving the first impulse of Reform to Europe, must feel a salutary reaction from the triumph of the great cause here ; and the juggling Bourbon, who owes his throne to the revolution of July, which he has ever since so perseveringly sought to arrest and neutralize, may take a lesson of political wisdom, be fore it will he too late, from the patriotic conduct of the hereditary Monarch of this great country. Your publication of my hasty letter in your Paper of May 11, has excited a sensation here which cannot fail to have a good effect ; I therefore venture some other obser vations. On the evening of that day, on which the cul pable shuffling of the des?rter made way for the petticoat nominee to vault into the saddle on the hustings here, a certain tool and dependent on an active Nobleman of boisterous notoriety in this vicinity, vauntingly said to me at the Waterloo Arms, " Well, Sir, you see the and the dissolution may be —; we don't care a straw for either ; we have got in our Member in spite of him. The Parliament will be a short one, but we know what we're about and who we can trust ; we'll have him in again, lay—." This was accompanied by a swagger of the head and a snapping of the fingers, as much as to say, William the Fourth, we don't care that for you. In fact it is clear that the members of this iniquitous faction will stop at no disloyal practice to attain their abominable ends. They count upon another treachery at the next election. 1 write this to provide against that, and to implore the electors of Durham to guard against another disgrace, by looking out in time, and to be providal with two staunch friends of the King, and independent, incorruptible Par liament, to stand as candidates for your ancient city at the next, indeed I may say at the approaching, election ; for, in my mind, the triumph of the Reform Bill, and the con sequent dissolution of the Parliament, are certain. . . The formation of a Committee in Durham for the inde pendent exercise of the elective franchi , t, would prove, I think, an efficacious means of defeating the criminal hopes, and crushing the diabolical machinations of the petticoat party and their reverend allies. lam deeply griev, dto 1 , touch upon the unaccountable blindness of the latter at this critical season. I shall here notice a circumstance of some relative importance. Two days before the commence ment of the former election, a confidential agent of the petticoat nominee mentioned in a private cenpany, of which I was one, that " his honourable friend was sure of his election, for that he (the c:trididate) had dined with the Bishop only a day or two before, and with a single exception the whole clergy were moving heaven and earth for him, and would fight to the last to carry him through." I confess I entertained a hope that this was an electioneering boast, to hold out a promising show for the petticoat nominee; but certain it is on that election, and on this, the Ministers of religion, forgetful of their sacred functions, have been the most active in the field against the Reform, and against the sacred precept, " Give unto Caesar that which is Caesar's"—namely, a cheerful and active obedience of his lawful and constitutional desire for the public good. I la went this aberration from their spiritual duty, because the blind and obstinate opposition of the Universities of Ox ford, Cambridge, and Dubin, has made a most unfavour able impression on the nation. Could the worst enemy devise a more pernicious imputation than this, that the Ministers of the Established Church are conscious their best support is derived from the corruption, prodigal ex penditure, oppre9,:on, and perjury, produced by that tyrannical and lawless system of the boroughmongers, which has so long held the King and the people in its wicked fetters. I will not, at present, trespass further on the columns of your valuable Paper, but merely to mention a circum. stance which marks the universal system of Reform at this glorious season. The matter is current and believed here. It was announced about a fortnight ago, or more, that Mr. Bell intended to canvass North Shields. The report excited a very general indignation. It was received as if he were to say to the Northumbrians, " You have been robbed and insulted for many years past—will you give me your votes to support the plunderers who have robbed and abused you ?" The women here partook of the gene rous feeling of insulted nature. The wives, the mothers, the daughters, the little girls, all caught tire. Female wit is never at a loss upon a proper occasion ; and the good dames of the working people of every denomination were determined he should not get off without some share of petticoat notice. They formed a plentful store of certain family preserves, in unmentionable vessels, to shower upon him from the windows and streets, on the day of his public entry. Fortunately, the collection took wind, and some hints having reached the Anti-Reformer, he did not venture to face the current of public opinion. The joyful news of his prudent resignation was followed by a circum stance which made a very sensible impression upon the town's people, in consequeoce of the magazines collected for his welcome being all emptied at the same moment This ludicrous circumstance, I am well assured of, and, in common justice, I have a pleasure in stating that the Ex-Member's general conduct in every other part of his public and private life, has rendered him so deservedly re 'Peeted and esteemed by all classes, that nothing hut the p a totwa c e h ttul feeliness.of loyalty for William the Great, and Imem to Reform, could have rendered him unpopular. t is s o l e l y Is an opponent of that all-important easure, that he is now an object of public displeasure. CATO. MARRIAGE - 114 “, 1 LIFE.-Yesterday morning %ere married, a t s t GI G Hanover-square, the Right Hon. ROBERT Gn.o.syveo::rougn.t.:, Council, of Earl GROS VENOR, a member of the Priv y the Hon. and Comptroller IS3 WtitikEeLoLfEwSLERLY: of his Majesty's Household, daughter of Lord COWLEY, and niece ;o t i l LINcroN. The ceremony was performed in presence of numerous members of the GROSVENOR and t he families, amongst whom were Earl GROSVENOR, theLELEY Coun tess of MORNINGTON, Lord BELGRAVE, Lord WlLo is Earl TALBOT, L ad y CECIL TALBOT, the Marquis and Mar chioness of SALISBURY, Dowager Marchioness of SALIS BURY, Hon. GERALD WELLESLEY, Lord MARCUS HILL, &e. The happy couple, on the conclusion of the ceremony, set off for the seat of the Duke of WzursaToN, at Strath. bellsaye, where they intend to pass the honeymoon. POLAND. A CIRCULAR, ADDRESSED BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS AT WARSAW TO THE AGENPS OF THE POLISH GOVERNMENT IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES. Recent military events having freed the capital, and the whole of the right bank of the Vistula, from the attacks of the enemy, I deem it a duty to request you to use every possible effort to convey to the Government to which you are accredited the wishes of the P.-fish nation. It is a received principle in Europe that the independent exist ence of every country is founded on those rights which have once been recognized, as well as in the formation of a domestic force capable of protecting and maintaining it. When the question of right is co-existent with that of fact, both yield to each other reciprocal support. The former existence of Foland, her relations with other states, are sufficiently known, nor can the three partitioning Powers question their historical accuracy, for they must retain a recollection of the intimae relations which Poland fermtrly maintained with them, or of the services that she rendered them, or of the reverses which she forced them to endure. If, then, we consult the history of our country, or that of Europe, it will he seen that the right of the Poles to a national and independent existence is in contestable. It is true that at the close of the last century the three partitioning Powers, after having confederated for our ruin, destroyed that independence ; but that act has been designated throughout the world as spoliation and political crime ; that act could neither annihilate ancient rights nor create new ones. Thus, even after the success of the conspiracy of the three Courts, the voice of Europe, in raising itself in favour of the rights of. Poland, pro claimed them to be inaperacriptible ; but although they preserved their full vigour, they could no longer be exer cised in the political world, invested with their external attributes. Recent events have changed the state of things. An insurrection, distinguished for its energy and exemption from every excess, has severed the bonds which connected Poland with Russia. The kingdom is now subj,.ict only to a national Government, unanimously chosen by a Diet, the members of which, it is worthy of remark, were all elected under the Russian Government. The Diet has entrusted the public affiirs to persons the most eminent both for birth and popularity, and whose political career affoi do the best guarantee to Europe. The Diet has thus secured in the strongest way possible those monarchical in s itutions which the two Chambers have declared as best suited to the wishes and the wants of the nation. The National Government of the kingdom encounters no op position in the exercise of its authority : its orders are executed with the utmost zeal, in every part of the king dom unoccupied by the enemy. The Polish troops, the armed rspresentation of the opinions, of the desires, and of the power of the nation, after three glorious but deadly conflicts, after having sustained dreadful losses, have again completed their full numbers. Their confidence in their own resources has increased them, and that heroic army responds to the hopes that tke national Government reposes in them. We ate now independent, in the strongest sense of the term, and the question of fact is no longer m opposition to the question of right. The dangers which may hereafter threaten us, and which to morrow may threaten the liberty and the glory of other Powers in Europe, cannot in any respect alter our real position, nor can they prevent us from proclaiming at this moment that we are independent. It is, therefore, admissible for us to claim from other Governments the recognition of our independence—to claim it in the name of the most sacred rights, which Europe has unanimously declared to be imperishable. If Belgium, which never ranked among states,—if Greece, whose political existence has been annihilated for ages,—have obtained, among all the uncertainty of war, the recognition of their independence, I ask if Poland have not the stronger grounds for her pretensions,—that Poland, whose national existence, extinguished for a mo ment, revives with so much vigour, sustains itself with so much energy, and at the price of so many sacrifices, — that Poland, which, alone and without aid, has dared to combat with the giant of the north, and has already over thrown the illusion of her power. It would be vain, in discussing the question of Polish independence, to refer to the acts of the Congress of Vienna. The treaty of Vienna, when uniting the kingdom of Pol ind to Russia, assured to us a national individuality, and a Constitutional Government ; it also aimed at extending this nationality to the Polish provinces incorporated in the Russian em pire ; and this for the purpose of consolidating the tran quilldy of Europe. Such was the spirit of the treaty of Vienna. The Emperor of Russia has been the first to violate that treaty by overthrowing in the kingdom the principal constitu tioital securities, in smothering all national spirit in their Polish provinces, in prohibiting even the use of our language. All our sufferings have been sufficiently ex posed in the manifesto of the Die'. The treaty of Vienna has then been, both in its arrangements and their results, inadequate to the maintenance of peace. The violence of the Russian Government has provoked an insurrection, which has been followed by decisive events. A new order of things has arisen. The chain which attached Poland to Russia has been broken, and the bond which united Belgium with Holland has been severed, hut a short time previously, although the treaty of Vienna had guaranteed their perpetuity. The European Powers have, notwithstanding,„recognized the independence of Belgium, adopting a noble and elevates! policy. Why, then, ani mated by the same spirit, do they not interfere in our fa vour ? " The union of Belgium with Holland," says the Pro tocol of London, of the 19th of February, "is broken. Official communications have convinced the five Courts that the means originally destined for its preservation can neither re-establish it at present, nor preserve it hereafter, and that henceforth, instead of confounding the affections and the welfare of the two People, it could only excite pas sions and hatred which, from their collision could only produce war and all its disasters. It does nut devolve on the Powers to judge of the causes which have destroyed the ancient ties, but when they see these ties severed, it belongs to them to aim once more at the object which was proposed in their formation. It belongs to them to secure, in favour of the new combinations, that tranquillity to Europe, of which the union of Belgium with Holland formed an essen tial basis." The cause of Belgium is identified with ours ; and if there be any dissimilarity between the two, it is in our favour. Poland was fprmerly independent and powerful. The Congress of Vienna even contemplated the re-establish ment of that independence, and of the integrity of the Polish territory ; but as these views were counteracted by imperious citcumstances, a new kingdom was created, the limits of which were small, and which was united to Russia. On every occasion the best intentions with regard to us were testified, by guaranteeing also the nationality of the other Polish provinces : the inadequacy of these dis positions towards Poland in general was clearly demon strate.l,—dispositions which may be considered as pro visional. The kingdom to which the Congress of Vienna had guaranteed a Constitution was united to the most pow erful despotic state. This alliance was difficult to form; its duration was impossible, for it carried in itself the seeds of dissolution. It may be urged in opposition to this, that Russia, that power so redoubtable to all Europe, can, even after a desperate contest, reduce us to submission, and pacify, by exterminating us. The peacc of slavery—the peace of the tomb—a peace of such a nature as to excite a terriale war on the first favourable opportunity—can such a peace meet the noble and dignified intentions of the European Powers? I repeat it, every treaty is the consequence either of certain events, or of certain political combinations. If other events displace those that preceded them,—if the combination be altered,—the contracting parties must modify their engagements in accordance with the new combinations, for the purpose of upholding the principles which they had adopted, and fur insuring the object which they had at first proposed. The Congress of Vienna could dispose of Belgium conquered by the Allied Powers, and of Poland occupied by the Russian armies. But Poland delivered—Poland which repels the numerous hordes of the aggressors—has a just right to claim admission into the great family:of the independent nations of Europe, as Belgium has been there received, after having thrown off the yoke of Holland. Such are the principles that you will advance,—such are the arguments you will employ to strengthe❑ the de mand you are authorized to make on the Government to which you are accredited,—the demand of the formal and positive recognition of the National Government in the kingdom of Poland, and of the independence of that kingdom. THE SECRETARY OF STATE For Foreign Affairs, for the National Government of April 30. the Kingdom of Poland. The mother of NAPOLEON is very ill, and the news of her death is every morneut expected.— French Paper. DEATH OF SIR JENISON GORDON•—This aged Baronet died last week at his seat, Haverholnie Priory, near Newark. He was in his 84th year, and served the office of High Sheriff of Lincolnshire so far hack as 1783, nearly half a century since. He died with out issue, and the title becomes extinct. The Earl of WIFCHELSEA succeeds to his extensive estates. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIR,-At this important crisis, when England expects every man to do his duty, I beg permission to mike a few plain remarks on the subject of the me asure of Reform now in agitation, believing, as I do, that very many of its opponents, who are in themselves both able and well-intentioned men, are so opposed to it upon principle, from an apprehension hit it has a tendency, and will ultimately lead to dan gerous innovations upon the established institutions of the country, and upset our •glorious Constitution, which is the Admiration of the wen Id ; the excellence of which Constitution is now manifesting, itself in the measure now proposed by working its own r e stitution. To those who are only opposed to i t front that appre hension I would beg more particularly to address myself; and next I would address myself in particular to those who think the measure does not go far enough in its principle, and who will not, by it, have a direct or personal repre sentative in Parliament. As the law now is, the latter conceive that their interests are not duly considered, be cause their interests are so far removed from the interests of the Aristocracy who compose the House of Lords, many of whom have exclusive privileges of nominating their own representatives to the House of Commons, which ought, as it was intended by the Constitution, to represent the Democracy of the country only. But surely when the elective franchise is extended, as it will be by the proposed measure, to about half-a•million more of the Democracy than it now does, whose interests approximate so much nearer to that of those whose interests are not directly re presented by it, those interests must be virtually much more represented than they now are. The lower orders, of society who have not property to qualify them to vote, have a more immediate intercourse, society, and connec tion with those to whom this measure will extend the. elective franchise than they have with the Aristocracy, and more opportunities of communication with them to represent any grievances they may conceive that they libour under ; and their representations are more likely to be attended to than under the present system—consequently it must be to their advantage. _ _ There are two descriptit:ns of character in every class of society, in a greater or a less degree ; the well-meaning, live and let live, and peaceable, on the one band ; and the rapacious, the never-satisti , d, and turbulent, on the other ; we have both these descriptions in the nominees of close boroughs ; we have noble instances of disinterestedness in some of them, but we have very many proofs of others sticking to the last with their whole soul to retain their unjust and usurped privileges ; it will surely not be con tended that to deprive them of those usurped or unequal privileges, and remove the elective franchise into an ex tended field of independent voters, will not at some time tie conducive to the benefit of those who are not themselves qualified to vote ; such would be contrary to all reason. There are many well-meaning men who are advocates for a more extensive, and what may with propriety be deemed a too sweeping, Reform—universal suffrage ; at the same time many of the advocates for such a measure, aid who listen to the agitating demagogues of the country with avidity, look forward to it as the end and aim of a scrambling spoliation by which they hope to benefit, and the emoluments derived from the public purse, without services by many, gives them a plausible pretence for it. This is a well-known fact, whoever may doubt it ; but the proposed measure is founded on the basis of property, and the ci iterion is drawn indicative of the voters having propert y , and also education, to enable them to discrimi nate who are, and who are not, fit and proper persons to represent them ; I cannot see, in such an extension of the ctive franchise, that the Aristocracy, or others possessed of large property, have the least probability of their interests suffering by enlisting to their aid about half-a-million of voters who are possessed of property, though to a less amount than themselves, but which they will naturally wish to protect, and are in every respect likely to respect that of others ; a union with such an additional body cannot but strengthen and secure their own interests against the designing and rapacious. This body of men have an equitable right to the elective franchise, and more so than many who now enjoy it ; and for the possessors of large prop, rty to refuse their sanction of its being granted, will he furnishing a real ground for discontent, and which, in the midst of the cla• mour and confusion that may ensue, may cause a union amongst them with those who have not that equitable right to it, to the prejudice and danger, in no small degree, of those who possess large property ; a stronger union than heretofore of the Democracy, with a just ground of com plaint against the Aristocracy. Disarm them of all just ground of complaint against the representative system by granting this measure, and unite hand and heart to make • it as perfect as it will possibly admit of, and I cannot di vest myself of the idea that, properly and dispassionately considered, the interests of the well-meaning of all classes of society are see and the same. Instead of throwing impediments in the way of this effectual and healing measure, for so I cannot help con sidering it, being carried into a law, or rendered inefficient, it is the duty incumbent on upon every well-wisher to the peace and good of the country, and to those in particular who object to it only from an apprehension of its leading to ill consequences, to assist in rendering it full, fair, and efficient ; let it go every inch as far as it ou:Jit to go, and not one inch further ; this is the way to prevent the ill consequences apprehended from it ; settle it down to as complete a measure as it can be made, so as to set the question at rest, and England will be more at peace with in itself, more contented and united, and consequently more strong than it has been for centuries, or perhaps than it ever was, and be mere able to set the world at defiance. If you make it only a partial, or half-measure plan of Reform, you leave much room for a real cause of com plaint; you also record a precedent which carries with it a legal, a more powerful, and irresistible claim for a further extension of the elective franchise, and will renew the excitement we now experience, and which a complete measure would set at rest. The great, the most vital ques tion as to the utility or inutility of the proposed measure will, I conceive, turn upon that single point, of whether it will lead to these ill consequences en the one hand, or whether it will, on the other, be an insurmountable barrier and security against them. If there is any provisions in the proposed measure in consistent with the proper balance of power, for securing the different interests of the country as one whole, for GA's sake let them undergo such modifications as are dictated by a sound and dispassionate consideration, for the sole purpose of making it Inure perfect, and make the measure complete at once, as the best possible security against further alteration. With respect to the long-established institutions being disturbed or interfered with, and which I will freely allow ought to be carefully guarded, and great caution used against any theoretical or visionary alterations,l have yet to learn that a House of Commons, representing an ad ditional number of voters, are less capable of judging the merits of any question brought before them, or less likely to act honestly and manly in their decisions upon it than a similar number of members sent there by a much smaller body of voters. This may possibly be considered by the advocates of universal suffrage as an argument in its favour; hut we must first understand what is universal suffrage ? which must, in this instance, mean suffrage universal throughout the United Kingdom ; at the same time its utility, or even its practicability, is not so easy of solution. Some main tain that every one who pays taxes ought to have a choice in those who are to impose those taxes ; this has a plausible and catching sound with the unreflecting; but who does not pay taxes, more or less, directly or indirectly—man , woman, or child? And I suppote!, according to that hypothesis, every child which may contribute, directly or indirectly, at the utmost calculation, one shilling in the whole year to the revenue, is to have an equal vote with those who pay hundreds of pounds annually to it. Others maintain that every one who is subject to be punished by the laws of the country ought to have a voice in choosing those who are to frame those laws; in which case the child unborn ought to have a vote, as it is subject to be • punished or suffer a degree of injury whilst in its mother's womb, if its mother commits an offence against those laws. In fact, such is the diversity of opinion that every one's mountain must be delivered of its mouse on the subject of the representative system ; that if you follow the chimerical principle of universal suffrage, there is n° knowing how far it will extend, or how to draw the boundary line where you are to stop. The advocates for it cannot thenzsel”es point it ou'. On the other hand the Anti-Reformers, or a dvocates for moderate R e form, that equally undefinable hypothesi s with universal suffrage, complain that by this measure you are disfranchising a number of boroughs which have com mitted no offence against the laws by bribery or corn-JP non, and depriving, or as they term it, robbing the elec tors of those boroughs of their birth, or otherwise acquired right. They may advance the same argument of the dis franchisement of East Retford or other places, where part of the electors have been convicted of bribery and corrup tion, whereby they have punished the other part, the inno cent equally with the guilty. But do they mean to con tend that the birthright or purchase of the elective fran chise is of the same nature and principle as the birthright cr purchase of landed or other property they may posses s? it would seem that they make no distinction between the two : at the same time one is private property, which certainly ought to be protected and held sacred ; but the other is public property, held for the public good, which public good ought to be protected and held sacred also. But if you are to maintain such a refinement of rights and privileges in support of old-established institutions, which, be it rememberA, are held for public purposes, where are you to draw the line? is it to be a straight or a serpentine one? If you are to act upon such principles of legislation you must continue the elective franchise to Ohl Sarum and Gatton, that mockery of representation—a green mound and an old wall, on the same principle that the child ►inborn must have its elective franchise, for though the inhabitants have left those places, and the houses are destroyed or decayed, there yet remains the soil on which the owners may erect other houses for other inhabitants, which they may contend ought to send Members to Par liament, because, forsooth, they have heretofore bad that blessed privilege. Such a grand and noble structure as is now projected to he raised cannot stand on such refined and narrow ground ; it must take a wider range to main tain its equilibrium, where great interests are grown up, they must and will have their weight in the balance. As, in fixing the right of individuals to a vote by a criterion indicative of property and intelligence, viz. the occupation of a house of 101. annual value (which should be expressed as rated at that value, and rented from year to year, not from week to week, or month to month, or occupation of other property) which, if extended to the county as well as boroughs, would simplify and equalize the matter, as then where they have not a right to vote for a borough they will for a county Member, which would soften down the objection of the landed interest against the commercial and manufacturing interest, over balancing theirs, so in fixing the boroughs which shall send Members to Parliament, they take the number of inhabitants as a criterion, thus acting on the broad prin ciple in both cases. When this measure was first made known to the public I could not discover in my own consideration a real and sound objection to it, A nd have waved expressing any posi• tive opinion, to find if others pointed out any ; and I must confess that I am not convinced by anything I have heard or read that there is any sound objection, except those of secondary considerations, which may readily be amended in the consideration of its details, provided faction is kept out of the way, and the real well-wishers of the country, both in and out of doors, would cordially and sincerely as i-t to render it as perfect as possible ; and if they succeed, they will effect a greater public good, and achieve a greater victory than either a Nelson or a Wellington. The ques tion will then be set at rest till time works so great an alteration in the circumstances and situation of places as may require and justify a fresh revision of the elective franchise, which in a'l human probability will be some centuries hence. Wishing that the good sen , e of the country may prevail in settling this momentous subject, I am, Sir, your obedient servant, A WELL-WISHER TO OLD ENGLAND. SCOTLAND. (From the Scotsman.) We like to do justice to an adversary, and have the following from an unquestionable source. When Mr. R. A. Dundas was passing along the Mound from the county election, with Baron Clerk Rattray, stones were thrown at him by several boys, two of whom were caught in the fact by the police. Mr. Dundas having found out who they were, an►d learned from their employers that they were well behaved lads in other respects, addressed the Judge of Police upon the subject, requesring that they might be let off without any other punishment than such a repri mand as might serve as a %yarning to them against committing similar offences in future. This was ac cordingly done. Colonel Douglas has succeeded in Lanarkshire by a narrow majority, and may boast of being the repre sentative of 87 persons out of 240,000! Thank heaven, these di-gusting exhibitions arc near an end. We much regret the disorderly conduct of the people, but we are not surprised at it. In spite of all the efforts at corruption, the fifteen districts of burghs in Scotland will return twelve members friendly to the Reform Bill ; and twelve others will in all probability be returned by the counties, making together an absolute majority of the Scottish representatives. This we think a wonder. ful effort of virtue, when the barbarous nature of our political machinery is considered. SCOTCH REPRESENTATIVE PEERS.—The candi dates in the field are those who sat in the last Par liament, except Lord Sinclair, who has retired : there are six new candidates,—namely, Earls of Buchan, Leven arid Melville, Airly, and Selkirk, Lords Kin naird, and Elphinstone. Mr. Cutlar Fergusson will be returned on the 24th for Kircudbright, as his opponent has with drawn. NORTHAINIPTuNSHIRE ELECTION. (From the Morning Hcrald.) The excitement in the city relative to the elec tions is now confined to the contest in Northamp tonshire. In all the other counties, with one or two exceptions, the b ittle has been fought and won. We repeat what we observed yesterday, that we have little or no doubt that Lord Milton will be re turned : as for Lord Althorp, his election may be considered as absolutely certain. The strength of the Anti-Reform party is very great in the county of Northampton ; but had the Reformers made those preparations and took those precautions which they did in other counties, the victory would, long before this, have been declared in their favour. But the fact is, the Northamptonshire Reformers, so far from preparing for a contest, had absolutely, for the most parr, made up their minds to submit to the return of Mr. Cartwright. Hence it is that the borough faction have been able to make so great a stand in that county. As was well described by Mr. Went worth, their struggle, like the hooked and exhausted salmon, is merely a prelude of their death. They die hard, it is true—they have obtained " a long day," but die they must. The out - voters , however, as well as those who are resident, must exert them selves. Though the . victory may be easily gained, it cannot he gained without fighting. " The elector (as The Sun observes) who, with the knowledge he long ere this must necessarily have acquired of the intrigues of the boroughmongers , still persists in sup porting them, is actually stripping the coat off his own back, and taking the bread out of his child's mouth." We understand, however, that the Reform candidates have no less than seventy-five out-voters in London, who are ready to go to Northampton at a moment's notice. With this number in reserve in the metropolis, together with the force in the country, and the great majority already obtained, it is almost impossible for Mr. Cartwright to be re turned. We are sorry to find, that among the Northamptonshire electors some black sheep have exhibited themselves_ We have heard of a respec table auctioneer—a man who can afford to keep his country house—who has declared that he will vote either for or against Reform, providing ten pounds are first forthcoming. This fellow is worthy of the Charles-street gang—a fit and proper person to sup port the sinking cause of corruption—and we seriously recommend Mr. Cartwright's Committee to lose no time in securing t h e suffrage of so con genial a spirit. We c annot ta k e leave of the subject of the Northamptonshi re e l ect i on w i t h out a ll u di ng to the atrocious, but ridiculous, calumny which has been propagated about the Chancellor of the Exche quer having adopted the tri-coloured flag of France. It appears that the Reformers have united the red and white colours of Lord Althorp with the green of Lord Milton, and thus formed a three-coloured fl a g, and this the adherents of corruption unblushingly declare to be the tri-colo ure d b anner o f t h e F renc h re volution, which, as a ll t h e wor l d k nows , was bl ue, re d, and white ! H a d t h e re f ormers h o i ste d t h e Union Jack, there would have been some ground for the charge, the colours being the same as those of the French flag. BOOK OF THE SEASONS.—This delightful chronicle of the ever-interesting operations of "great Na ture," has become an especial favourite, not only with those who live in the country, but with the pent-up dwellers in populous towns; so true is it that a love of nature is the first and most enduring passion to which hu man beings cling. In his introduction, the author elo quently says " We should not only make our books breathe into the depths of every 'street, court, and alley, the natural aliment of human bearts—the love of Nature—but rouse them, like a trumpet, to get out at times, and renew that animating fellowship which Gon designed to be main tained between the sou! of man and the beauty of the Universe." TRIUMPH OF REFORM IN ESSEX. (FROM A CORRESPONDENT.) CHELMSFORD, 7 , IAY 17. This town has been to-day a scene of unusual gai -ty, life, and bustle. It was the first time within the memory of the oldest inhabitant that the county of Essex has failed to return a representative of what is called the True Rue party, in which maybe comprised the leading land-owners. the Clergy, and the Magistracy of the county. The cause of Reform has produced this extraordinary reversion in public opinion. The freeholders, in th e propot tion of nineteen to twenty, are Reformers. In their eagerness to promote the success of the Bill, they seem to have merged all pri vate feeling, and that spirit of local partizanship which has influenced their votes on former occasions appears to have been wholly disregarded in the present instance. In fact, it is net the men but the measure that they have supported. One of the Reform candidates, Mr. Western, was chaired immediately after his election had been declared by the Sheriff. The same compliment to his Honourable Colleague, Mr. Wellesley, was necessarily deferred to this day, in consequence of that gentleman' s ab sence. Mr. Wellesley arrived in the town on Sun day evening last, and preparations were immediately male for giving eclat to the ceremony. Though Cliehns f ird is known to be a blue town—the capital of Te.ryism, several of the inhabitants expressed their determination to illuminate, and in some of the adjacent districts, the labouring classes unanimously agreed to abandon their or dinary avocations, in order that they might devote that day to the great cause of Reform : apparently content, to let their losses go down to account of " The Biil"—of that Bill which engros-es the attention of all classes. THE CHAIRING AND ILLUMINATIONS. At an early hour the freeholders poured in from every direction. Flags and banners. with appropriate inwrip tions, were to be seen gaily floating in all directions. The fallen advocates of the Tory boroughmongers were alone exempted from the general jubilee. The Saracen's Heal, the principal inn, was engaged by Mr. Wellesley as his head-pirters, during the election, and here was exhibited a tramparency, representing the triumph of Reform—the King, bearing the union jack, trampling . , the hydra of cor ruption beneath his feet, with the appropriate, though perhaps not strictly metrical, inscription— " Foul Corruption fell'd by Royal hand, And Liberty resolved to bless the land." The Bell Inn also exhibited a most brilliant st..r, with the letters W. R. in amber lamps. At Mr. IVelles'ey's lodgings, in the High-street, there was an exceedingly chaste display—a bulging Crown—W. IV. R. and in transparent characters " God save the King." Several other houses exhibited other appropriate insignia, all illustrative of the prevailing feeling in the cause of Reform, and complimentary to the Member who is pledged to support that measure. About three o'clock, Mr. Wellesley was handed into a very beautiful chair, at the Saracen's Head Inn, from whence the procession moved off down the High-street, towards the hamlet of Moulston. Two trumpeters mounted on blood greys led the van—then followed various banners—band of music, with a long array of Mr. Wel lesley's immediate friends, we ring his colours, blue and orange—next came the chair, tastefully decorated with artificial flowers arid rosettes of blue and yellow ribbons— the Wellesley armorial hearings, two lions rampant on a blue ground, appearing above the back of the chair, cud surmounted by a rich green standard, with this word "Freedom" in gold letters. The procession went through the town, which was immensely full. The Hon. Member was enthusiastically cheered on his route by persons of every chem. Even the Blues appeared to have been seized with the general mania, and " Wellesley, Western, and Reform" was the universal cry. Mr. Wellesley alighted at the Saracen's Head, from the balcony of which he addressed the crowd at considerable length, and in allusion to his absence during the election, said that he had been compelled to remain away in con sequence of debts not of his own contracting. The dinner was served in the long room, and con sisted of turtle and other choice fate, with excellent wines. After the usual loyal and public toasts, Mr. WELLESLEY rose, evidently affected by the manner in which his health had been drank. He referred to his tenantry, and said he loved them as he loved his country. He could deal severely with them if severity were neces sary, as he could deal harshly with his country if harshness were necessary ; but he had never attempted to influence the votes of his tenantry, and yet he was confident he had their good wishes.—(Cheers.) Indeed it would be a proud day for him if he could know that he owed his election to the affections of his tenantry alone ; but if it should be known that he owed it to persons who admired his conduct and forgot his errors, as regard, d himself personally, he should be the proudest man alive.—(Cheers.) He had studied the philosophy of the human mind, and knew how full it was of incongruities, of which he had more than most men ; but although he might have wanted in talent, he trusted he had never wanted in principle nor in obstinacy either, when he knew he was in the right.— (Cheers.) He now stood before them a most singular and extraordinary exemplification of what could be done by the stern, unbending integrity of the freeholders of a great county. He had been in what was called public life ever since he was eighteen years of age, but he had never until of late years been placed in such a situation as enabled him to follow the bent of his own political in clinations, and since then he had found it very easy to deal with great men, but as a Swedish person—one Oxensteirn— had said, it was not so easy to deal with great concerns. Under these circumstances he had riot until lately ventured to put himself before the public as he had done. He begged to give the company a short aecount of his poli tical history in this county. When he first came into this county it was for the purpose of opposing the continuation of that system which was now completely destroyed ; when he had first wished to write an address, he required Mr. D. W. Hervey to give his opinion, and that gentleman bad said it would he right to take off eleven millions of taxes, knowing, however, the exigencies of the State, he stated that time Government could not afford to lose more than eight millions, and to show that his prophecy was correct, as soon as Parliament met, the Government con rented to take off the exact number, about eight millions; he put thi , forward merely (although he might be accused of vanity) to show that he took a just view of the affairs of the country, and at a time when he had no connexion whatever with Government. He paid a high compliment to the Parliamentary exertions of his Hon. Colleague, although he declared that that gentleman was not a person to whom he owed any personal favourable feeling, but in estimating the public services of public men he allowed no private feeling to interpose—he wished only to speak of Mr. Western's Parliamentary conduct, which was highly praiseworthy, and his re-election did the county great honour.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman next alleed to his uncle, the Duke of Wellington, between whom and himself there existed now the greatest personal animosity; he had, nevertheless, supported his Grace's Administra tion, while it was conducted on principles that promised to be liberal, but the instant he found the policy of the Ministry to be opposed to the wishes of the people—and although he bad felt surprised at the Duke being at first appointed Prime Minister—that moment be refused his humble support to the Government.—(Cheers.) He, (Mr. W.) had stated then that if it was thought that revolution would stop at Belgium, or France, or any par ticular point of Europe, it was a mistaken idea. Where now were Poland, Italy, and Germany? They had all been in revolution. Ile had also said that the people of England would command a Reform, and had he been mistaken.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman then stated that he was a great admirer of Earl Greet, and he related an anecdote which occurred when he was a young man, and had delivered some despatches to his Lordship, who rewarded Imim with a public employment, a feet which, as he (Mr. W.) was then only Mr. Pole, would now (through the medium of the Press) be known to his Lordship for the first time, that th.mt person so favoured was him, Mr. Wellesley.—(Cheers.) However, subee qnently, he was put out of office and hie name was on the pension list, although he 'leaved he had never applied for what the hi sincere determination to do the dut y the y ex p ected of a shilling of the pension in his life.—(Cheer s.) Mr. s Wellesley proceeded at considerable length to advert to the beneficial effects that would result from a R eform in Par liament, and alluded to the iniquitous sys tem of the tithe laws, which he hoped to see altered.—(Cheers.) He f e r o e l e ic h l o u l t , l i e e t r i s by h e a x d pr d e o s n si e n in g returning b isgr him.—(Loud cheers.) Harvey, RSTE eat gratitude m, a n f d o r stated Dr. brief forecb proposed the health of Colchester, which occa sioned some confusion, owing to the Rev. Mr. Hanbui y'e getting up to make some per sonal allusions to that gentle man. The toast was howe ver drunk. Mr. ft ot e E briefly allude d to the g reat exertions made during the contest by th e Hon. Mrs. Wellesley while her husband was abeent , and p roposed her health, which received in a most rap turous manner. Mr. WELL ESLEY evidently affected by the manner in which the toast had been received, returned thanks. The Hon.. CH AIRMAN soon afterwards retired, and Dr. was Pritchard, the C hairman of his Committee, succeeded him in the Chair. The hilarit y of the meetin g was ke p t tip until a late hour. REFORM-BETTER LATE THAN NEVER. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Stn,—l have just heard from undoubted authority that among those Peers who hive lately sent in their adhesion to Lord Grey, in favour of the Minister's liberal measure of Reform, are the followinz distinguished individuals fl e Marquis of Bao, his hrother (Lord Carteret). the Duke of Bueeleugh, and Earl Cawdur ; the Noble Mar quis's sons.in law, and Eauls Chesterfield, liarewood, and Cork and Orrery. Lord I:lath, I am convinced, is a truly good and con. seientious ;van, who has never refused relief or assistance to the suffering poor, or disregarded the oppressed and _ . ,tarving lal,ourers; and, although his Lordship is the p,ssessor Of two ancient and rotten boroughs, is now be coole a strong advocate fur the disfranclii,ement of them, and all other mea,urcs that may tend to restore honest Britons to their rights and privileges. I am, Sir, Your humble and obedient servant, Wednesday Morning. A REFORMIST. NORTHAMPTONSHIRE ELECTION. TUESDAY EVENING. The pulling, we regret to state, still continues in fa vour of Mr. Cartwriht, who within the last four dams has succeeded in wriking off 104 , from the majority of Lord Aliltoa. Still, it is true, Lord Milton remains 121 ahead of him, but as the Tories have declared their in tention of fighting the b.ttle to the I,,st, and are sparing neither money or (xertions to bring up voters, it becomes imperative on all lovers of freedom, who have votes for this county, to hurry down and assist in defeating their clforts. At the else of the pod this evening the numbrre were announced to Ir.,— Althorp - Milton _ Cartwright Knig,htley 2,320 ,9515 1,:t30 Lord ALTIfOR; slid he had Lot little to say to them. He hoped and trusted that he might consider his election as Ferfectly secured, and that it had been so several days before. He apprehended from the present state of the poll lie should have to meet them fn• several days longer. He thanked them for their support, and had only to express his hope they would continue him in his present gratifying situation on the poll. Mr•. CA:tme.rGur said he felt pleasure in announcing to them that he had again gained on that day's poll, and w hil e suc h con ti nue d to be the case he felt justified in con tinuing the contest. There were many undecided votes, respecting which lie looked with confidence to the decision of the Asses•r:r, and he was justified in Po doing, for that very day, in the Brack!ey division alone, 27 had been given for and only five against him. He mentioned this cir cumstance, as he argued from it a similar result in the re•- roaining Even as the poll now stood, if the Peter borough voters were deducted, almost all of whom were against him, he should have a considerable majority over Lord Milton. Ile understood that Ministers, by their new Bill, proposed dividing the counties, and he hoped there fore they would make a separate district of Peterborough. He saw no reason why they should not, for it was a very populous part. There was another subject to which, in consequence of a publication made by his Noble Friend, Lord Althorp, he felt called upon, to allude to. In what he had before said he certainly never intended to ac cuse the Noble Lord of any deliberate intention of de ceiving him ; he wholly acquitter) him of any such intention. lie only complained of the injury which it had done to him. It was very unpleasant to re cur to the subject at all, particularly as the Noble Lord (Milton) was not present, and be would therefore inertly add, that he thought, under all the circumstances, Lord Milton ought not to have consented to appear before them as a candidate. He had only further to thank them, and to declare, that in continuing the contest he did so with consideraltle hope of success. Sir C. KNIGIITLET said, that as the present contest was for• " the Bill, and the whole Bill," he would make a few remarks upon the subject, and tell them what his opinion was of the Bill. He believed it would deprive him of all which he was possessed of.—(Laughter.)— That was his firm opinion. He objected to the division of the counties, till they were made to resemble so many French provinces; especially as this was to be done by Ministers. He would not trust any Ministers to do this, and least of all the present. Then, again, where a bo rough did not contain 300 voters, the Commissioners were to make up the deficiency in the neighbourhood. Now, suppose a borough happened to lay half-way between his and Earl Spencer's estates, it was easy to suppose which way they would go to make up the required number. On the whole, he thought the Bill the most arbitrary and im politic ever propos•d by any Government. The Ilon. Mr. WENTwoirrn Frrzw , rwasr said he had again to thank them. With respect to the small advan- tage gained that day by Mr. Cartwright, it would go but a little way towards pulling down the majority which erosd against him. Mr. Cartwright had said that he fully acquitted Lord Althorp; and he trusted, when that gentleman came to consider all the circumstances, he would also include his father in that acquittal. With re spect to Peterborough, be was willing to admit that the great proportion of its freeholders had polled fur his father ; but if their votes were to be deducted, he thought it would but be fair that those from Brackley should also be deducted.—(Cries of '' What say you to that, Cart wright?") He thanked them for having gained the pre sent majority for his fither—he sincerely thanked them, and hoped they would not relax in their efforts. TESTIMONIAL OF GRATITUDE TO WILLIAM THE FOURTH. (FROM OUR SHEFFIELD CORRESPONDENT.) In our List communication we stated, that a suggestion had been made for promoting a subscription to present the King with some lasting and durable memorial of the gra titude of the men of Hampshire, in some article or a rticles of Sheffield manufacture. Little did we anticipate, although well acquainted with the loyalty and enthusiasm of our townsmen, that that very evening The Sun arrived rontaining the s line, that the subject would be so speedily broached, and unanimously adopted. The Reform question lying the all-absorbing topic, and the Political Union being ever alive to the wishes of a Patriotic Ministry and an illestrioua King, the Council had accordinely met, to congratulate one another on the glorious arid successful triumphs which Yorkshire had achieved in the return of four Reform candidates, and at the same tima to devise the best means of evincing their attachment to Britain's glory—the noblest and best of Kings. The idea was submitted—a subscription proposed —and a resolution adopted without a dissentient voice. Next day an address and lists were sent out to various re spectable shopkeepers, and all the inns and public-houses, where, we understand, they are rapidly filing up. The tribute is such as will allow rich and poor, young and old, male and female (being from one penny to one shilling,) to have a share in the most splendid and characteristic testimonial ever presented to a Kinn., namely, a really useful selection of the manufactures of n the country over which he so benignantly reigns. We know it is the intention of the Committee that the articles shall not only be of the best material, but of the very best workmanship, such as will not only be accept able to Royalty, but creditable to the town. Therefore, to such individuals, and we know there are a few, who say they would have preferred a statue, in some prominent situation, in honour of his most noble and gracious Ma jesty, to any ephemeral specimens of our local wares, which, they add, are received, and put by, and no more thought of, to such individuals we especially address our selves. The " Memorial of Gratitude" throws no ob stacles in the way of a public statue, but, on the con trary, ought to stimulate the higher classes to carry the latter proposition with more ardour into effect. It does not deprive them of contributing their five, their ten, or their twenty sovereigns for the erection of a town's monu ment, but actually increases and concentrates the united feeling of the inhabitants in furthering the object ; while the testimonial of the humbler classes affords an oppor tunity to all to record their approbation of the King's conduct since his ascension to the Throne. In the execution of the eneniorial no time is to be lost. The subscription lists are to be called in this day (Mon day) week. Therefore to the lukewarm, and those who never think it time to do any thing till they are waited l e i n in ss g elv i e is s ts :vi t t i h e t ' lle gre a t es t, th e w i s est, and upon, we remind them that unless m t a h y ei l r os n e a t m he es o a p r p e o a r l tu re n a i d ty y added measures ever int ro d u ced into Paths-- o t n meat ; which we feel assured th ey w ill eve r aft er reg ret. dme most sttsti identifying e 7 s ,i s e v t t e The shame, however, will be theirs, and the honour be long to those who have pressed forward to enrol their names ruder the banners of gratitude, loyalty, and liberty. In conclusion, we would just remind the workmen in the various manufactories not to forget next Saturday—as being the day when they will all have the honour of re cording their fidelity, love, and attachment to the throne o f William the Fourth. GEORGE the First, when on a visit to Queen ANNE before her accession, having been created Earl of TEWKESBURY, is the reason of that title being selected by his present MAJESTY ; as the Barony attached to the Earl dom of MUNSTER. ors Bank Sti 3 per Cei 3 per Cot livr Ditto Rc New 3 per Ce 4 per Ce Bark Lo Jan Oct. 1( Jan. Jan. April Jan. ?MeV Austriar Brazillar &macs lizzi 1 YYtto, IE Danish Greek 134 Ditto, 1E Guatima 11.1,s.ican Litt IE Bank St( ConsoN, Goy. Sto Ditto, 4 per Cei Goy. De Royal (. Grand C City Del Ballast ( Morning BE turalists band RI The reduced been use their lat ford-on. B. E. the noii TENTS adapted terms, a Garden Tarpaul the cons Mark-l a days. To pi is BEN, of Took L° The Reform SubN Mess] Smith, Ransom market Marten, Strand Docket sureev, Subs , above t the Con Treasur Run who ti opposit ruts ti present doubt. of justi rate th Duke c FIELD, trust tI the ex to the should their c( spect tl defects dations and no power So 1 this de speech charm: he nt To hn seated. to list DAWs conten rew