The Sun. — London, England, 1834-12-30 00:00:00

CITY REFORMERS. 'formed PrY ry Magistr ate rs Mountains, wen made to itry under th i e , y cannot & tion urge .hat it Was in: ace as to fac i " e members v [ mistake not, se apprehend Lordinary nerely o° aoa events suc h .s a,grecd , th tte any inter;. 3 question .0 so much irks' used colon hands WI itself out ie people o t corking it 3 could be the Ev ° es ,ords Justice; n act, whi c he inatigi ltP ions to 0 , , seeing t hat n the gre ate ; , eless, we ' I t ° n Act pu t The SOW ugements :t under ya !nerd of t' ;elf. fl e y i° 3ar sine! y 1858; has? pa t is , 11 is distill, q the enir n ice hi! forg e tm o better e Mr. fi g. aging .ith servic e ust feel 1, ,son ha s no , ot parng ra P s to call rint 0 fro him ni him , b cc e . confi de° 1- stbe ob u r elso t h . e . lean hands , LV• t ors ele c f o 6th daY o f , or posc o bo L snie ° j ot s 01 is c•; o - vsq ., [O , 201 , th e e aret in i e 'etOr S o b, boro u f e j.. i .f e c a e s t oe s t." a nd Aiso, det er its , o a n) •° 0 5 c o nd 011 res tio y s l' °s e e° anY f o ilosc t o a dd to ,fulle ttp , iger, of t he k , n(lL' e co , 1 ,1 ever thebas;e. e " ) l ber wee h e ld I:o lber ' en s r b; alo e ' ?V e i t f e: 1132 be t n bre.e, 1 , 0 irf; car''''!"°' MEETING OF THE UNITED COMMITTEE. OF An advertisement appeared in yesterday's !leper stating that James Pattison, Esq., having consented to become a candi date to represent the City of London, the attendance of such electors as were disposed to unite in returning that gentle trawl, together with Messrs. Wood, Grote, and Crawford, :should meet at seven o'clock last evening, at the Guildhall Coffee-house,King-street, Cheapside, for the purpdse of form ing a central district committee. The electors accordingly at tended in great numbers ; but the place not being found suffi ciently commodious, the meeting was oliiged to adjourn to the Paul's Head, Cateaton-street. HENRY KINGSCOTE, Esq., being called to the chair, said, it was the first time he had appeared in public, induced thereto by the necessity of the occasion—the efforts now making by the aristocracy of the metropolis to defeat the wishes of the people. RAIRES CURRIE, Esq., proposed the first Resolution. If any one was cajoled by the smooth language of Sir Robert Peel, he would only desire that man to look at the Baronet's appointments. As to the prerogative of the Monarch, he was as ardent a supporter of its just exercise as the most arrogant loyalist; but he would, at the same time, respect the just pre rogative of the people, which they would soon be called upon to exercise. The first Resolution, pledging the meeting to merge all minor differences, was seconded by W. G. PRESCOTT, Esq., and carried unanimously. [For the Resolutions at length, see our advertising columns.] JOHN TRAVERS, Esq., proposed the second Resolution. It was a meeting called for work and not for speeches. The enemy had only to be grappled with to be conquered. He was perfectly satisfied with their present position ; they had three tried men, and another was to be proposed whose politi cal principles would be his best guarantee. He expressed the fullest certainty of success, but at the same time insisted on the necessity of exertion. For himself, he would put all other business at present aside—not through any doubt of the issue .-.but by . the greatness of the triumph to encourage others engaged in the good cause throughout the country. He then read the Resolution, which urged the necessity which was, im - posed upon the city of London to return four Reformers, and thereby to set an example which would have the effect of counteracting Government influence, by inciting the same spi rit throughout the, country. This they would effect by means - united committee, as the principles of the candidates were • precisely similar—( Loud cheers.) BENJAMIN AISLABIE, Esq., seconded the Resolution. He denounced the influence attempted to be exerted in the city by the present Government, and expressed his sorrow at the re probate politicians at present in power, who, by sitting with a man who broke his word to the city, had disgraced them selves.—( Cheers. ) FRANCIS WAKEFIELD, Esq., proposed the third Resolution, being one of thanks and confidence in Alderman Wood, Mr. Grote, and Mr. Crawford ; Mr. Pattison, he said, was the person who was best adapted to fill the fourth place—( Loud • cheers)—and when that gentleman had filled the situation of their representative for some time, the constituency of London would be proud of their selection. It was the first time that they had had a Governor of the Bank of England in the ranks of the people. JOHN LaisrsoN, Esq., seconded the Resolution, and advised all present to exert every means in their power to carry the object of the Resolution into effect. The Resolution was carried unanimously. JonN BLACRBURNE, Esq., M. P. for Huddersfield, proposed the fourth Resolution, recommending a union committee. He expressed himself doubtful of the professions of men who were not only opposed to carrying out the principles of the Reform Bill, but whose whole lives bad been opposed to all reform. WILLIAM GELLMAN, Esq., seconded it, and urgedthe meet ing to proceed to business to- morrow. Mr. GROTE then came forward, and was most enthusiasti cally received. He spoke to the high character of the new . candidate who had come forward, and urged upon the meeting the necessity of sinking minor differences, insisting that they should know no distinction but that line which separated the friends of the people from anti- Reformers and mock-Reformers. Of the advantage of united committees he could speak from experience, having been Chairman of that which, in 1831, by returning four Reformers had, in a great measure, influenced all the returns by which the late great Charter had been gained. In the present struggle he was confident their efforts would be crowned with similar success.—( Cheers. ) Mr. CRAWFORD thanked the meeting for the confidence which they reposed in him, and expressed his great satisfac tion at the prospect of having Mr. Pattison associated with him and his colleagues in the representation of the City. He would not, as they were met for business, not speech-making, press further on their time than to remind them, that with themselves and on their exertions it depended that their efforts should be successful. Mr. PATTISON next rose, and was greeted with repeated cheers, which lasted for several minutes. His languag e, he said, was not adequate to express the feelings which then pressed upon and overpowered him. He came before them a - new man ; but, though a new man as related to politics, he was an old merchant of that city, for the representation of which they called upon him to stand as a candidate.—( Im mense cheering.) He could assure them with the utmost sin cerity that he felt the deepest gratitude for the confidence which they appeared willing to repose in him, and the high trust which they_were disposed to place in his keeping. This disposition on their part he would onTy attribute 'to the opi nioenns sexp re ssed in his address, and the kind feeling which his friends exhibited towards him.—( Hear, hear.) He would not express the surprise which he felt when, on Saturday - morning, he had been called on to stand forward as a candi date for the City of London. Up to that time Ire had no thought, no expectation, of being placed in such a position.— (Cheers, and cries of " You shall represent us.") On Sa turday a deputation had called on him, requesting he would permit himself to be put forward ; but the call came upon him so unexpectedly that he was compelled to pause for some time before he could give an answer to a proposition most honour able to any merchant in London, namely to represent in Par liament the greatest city in the world.—( Cheers.) Had he only considered his own private comforts, he might perhaps be in clined to decline the honour ; but pressed by his friends, and giving it his most earnest consideration, he thought he would abandon his duty if at such a moment he did not respond to the call.—(Cheers.) His feelings as an Englishman prevailed, and he determined to come forward and espouse the cause which was endeared to every true Briton.—( Vehement cheer ing.) This was his first appearance in so large an assembly. He came before them unpractised in the language or the tact of public meetings, and he trusted they would put a liberal construction on his deficiencies.—( Cheers.) Whatever else might be his deficiency, he should never be found wanting in the fulfilment of whatever engagements he entered into with them. If elected to represent their great City in Parliament, he would closely attend to its interests. He would abide by his address, not swerving from it one single syllable ; but at the same time he would wish to have it distinctly and fully understood, that the new duties upon which he entered should not in their performance trench in the slightest degree upon those important ones which he had now to execute. —( Hear, bear, and cheers.) He would conclude by assuring them that should he be elected, they would find him a zealous advocate in the cause of reform. Mr. Pattison concluded amidst the most enthusiastic cheering. Mr. BENJAMIN WOOD returned thanks for his brother, who would have been present had he known of the meeting in time, but he would be up from the country to assist the Committee. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, and the meeting separated ; the greater proportion adjourning to the Guildhall Coffee-house to make arrangements for rendering the united Committee more 'fficient for its object. It was proposed at the meeting to enter nto subscriptions, but it was objected, that such a proceeding w. only necessary to those who re sorted to corruption, and that tne Committee would arrange for all necessary and legal expenses. WESTMINSTER ELECTIOK DISUNION OF THE MEMBERS. yesterday evening a very numerous meeting of the electors of Westminster was held at Mr. Rtrmbold's, the York Hotel, Charles-street, Covent-garden, to take into consideration the secession of Sir Francis Burdett's from the Committee of Colonel Evans. • • _ _ . Mr. SIMPSON was called to the Chair. The meeting had been convened by Mr. Prout. Mr. PsouT said he felt it necessary to call the attention of the electors of Westminster to a communication which he deemed important, and which he had with Mr. De Vear, one of the Committee of Sir Francis Burdett. He (Mr. Prout) understood, as he believed all present understood, at the meet ing at the Crown and Anchor, that the two Members, Sir F. Burdett and Colonel Evans, were to drop their particular opinion, and unite in one common cause.—(Hear, hear.) Having understood Sir Francis was acting independently of Colonel Evans, he put the question to Mr. De Vear whether they intended to do this, and being answered in the affirmative, Be had called the present meeting. The CHAIRMAN thought they ought immediately to form themselves into a Committee to support their own Member. Sir Francis Burdett had issued placards of " Burdett for Westminster," which was a declaration of war against the com mon cause. An Elector—Do you mean to return Colonel Evans in dividually ? Several voices—" Decidedly. Certainly." Mr. PROUT thought, after the manner in which their best intentions had been thwarted, they ought now to join any other candidate. Sir Francis Burdett had thrown the first stone. The benefit, he considered, was not on his side. Mr. WEST moved as a resolution—" That this meeting do form itself into a Committee to secure the election of Colonel Evans." Mr. MICHIE seconded the resolution. He had considered the two candidates were to go hand in hand, but did not regret the separation. He was told that a Tory would stand for Westminster. Of the two evils he would prefer a Tory to Sir Francis Burdett, for he had deceived them in his professions for the last three years ; he had always voted against the wishes of his constituents. Mr CHARLWOOD said they had not even a promise as to Sir Francis Burdett. He thought that they ought to support those persons only who would pledge themselves, and g& ! x " p_ression to those principles which had ever been advocated in Westminster, Although this resolution bound them to sup port Colonel EviZns, it did not prevent them bringing forward any other candidate who advocated similar principles.—( Hear, hear.) He would be assOCj!tted with a truly independent Member.—(Cheers.) TYRELL said the tocsin had been sounded ; they would exert Themselves, and, without doubt, Colonel Evans would be at the head of the poll. Mr. CHARLWOOD moved a resolution—" That the Electors should not be in the most remote manner biassed in their opi nion in the election of any other Member." Mr. PROUT said—Certainly, it was not intended. A resolution was also passed for calling a public meeting. These resolutions were put seriatim, and passed unanimously. THE SUN, LON DON, TUESDAY, DECEMI3EII, 30, 1834: CONSERVATIVE MEETING IN THE CITY. A meeting of the merchants, bankers, traders, shipownersland others who have signed the Address to the King, dated the 2.3 d in stant, was held yesterday at the City or; London Tavern, for the purpose of considering the measures to be taken to ensure the elec tion of fit and proper persons to represent the City of London in Parliament. _ . In order to prevent the intrusion of persons adverse to the ob jects of the meeting, and whose only object (as on a late occasion) was to create a disturuance, every person, on presenting himself at the door of the tavern, was asked whether he had signed the Ad dress. If he replied in the affirmative he was at once admitted; and if in the negative, he was shown into a room where the Address lay for signatures, and if he declined signing, was informed, that as the invitation to attend the meeting was only to those who had signed the Address, of course he could not be admitted. This ar rangement had the effect of preventing any interruption of the pro ceedings of the day. The room was crowded to excess. At one o'clock Alderman Lucas, Sir Charles Forbes, William Ward, Esq., Mr. J. Masterman, Sir Charles Price, Mr. Lyall, Capel, Mr. Alderman Lucas, Mr. Huth, Mr. Bonamy Do brce, Mr. Buckle, Mr. Pulley, Mr. Powles, Mr. Blanshard, Mr. R. H. Martin, Mr. Dimadale, Mr. L. Gower, Mr. J. Woolley, Mr. H. Kemble, Mr. I. H. Palmer, Mr. J. Cotton, Mr. Bell, Mr. Ward, and Mr. Wilson entered, and were received with loud cheers. Mr. Alderman LUCAS proposed that Thomas Baring, Esq., do take the Chair. The motion was carried with acclamation. The CHAIRMAN said the object for which they had met was to endeavour to effect a change in the representation of the City of London. If the late administration had endeavoured to effect judi cious changes only, and sought only a temperate reform, he for one should not have cared so much who was at the head of the adminis tration ; but after what had taken place, it was the duty of all those who wished well to their King and their country to unite together, forgetting all minor differences, to oppose the dangerous innova tions on the Constitution that were contemplated. He placed con fidence in the present Ministers, because they acknowledged the prerogatives of the Crown—(Hear)—and was disposed to give them a fair trial, more particularly after reading the admirable address of Sir Robert Peel to the electors of Tamworth.—(Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that the new Ministry would follow up the principles of that address, and by so doing satisfy the wishes of the people. Although a new election was about to take place, he begged to ex plain, that persons, by signing the address to his Majesty agreed to at a former meeting, were not understood thereby to commit them selves as to their votes in favour of any particular candidate. Mr. Alderman BROWN then rose Co propose the first resolution. At a time like the present, when the right of exercise of the King's n.ogative was questioned—(Hear,hear)—when his Majesty's con duct was assailed, and he himself, he would almost say, insulted by persons from whom better things might have been expected, it was the duty of every loyal subject to come forward and show that he did not participate in the sentiments of the persons who so con ducted themselves. The people of this country possessed a vast power. They had the power, through theirßepresentives, of refus ing the supplies to the Crown ; but that was a course which must be deprecated by every well-wisher to the Constitution of his country, and would entail upon the country calamities which it was barely possible for the imagination to conceive. He had read an address to the people in a newspaper yesterday, at which he was much Shocked. It said, " You (the people) possess and ought to enjoy the real power of controuling the prerogative of the Sove reign, and pronouncing a negative on the choice of his Ministers." If the'principles thus advocated were carried out, the parties might as well at once propose to depose the Sovereign.—(Hear, hear. ) Mr. DIMSDA LE seconded the resolution. The resolution was then put from the Chair, and unanimously adopted. Mr. BUCKLE proposed the second resolution. He would detain them only a few moments, and he was sure of obtaining their attention, since the resolution he was about to propose embodied a sentiment which he trusted would always be that of Englishmen, viz , that of condemning no man unheard.—(Hear. ) Mr. BLUNT seconded the resolution. The resolution was then carried unanimously. Mr. GOULD, in proposing the next resolution, was anxious that his Majesty's present Ministers and the public should know that a considerable portion of the wealth, independence, and good feeling of the country, were the advocates of purely Conservative principles, and not of the Destructive. It would but ill accord with the feel ings of that meeting were he to indulge in such representations as those that had been recently made elsewhere—whether by the great Lord of the north—( Hear)—by the agitater of Ire land, or by the Representative of one of their own districts— (Hear)—where principles - were advocated which all good men would deplore ; where every term of abuse was exhausted, and history ransacked to find an authority for treason—( Hear, hear)---where not satisfied with abusing the living, they insulted the memory of the dead. The time had, however, arrived when the merchants of London would step forward and say that such language was no longer to be tolerated,, or such principles sup ported. He wished politics had not so much to do with commerce ; but commercial men, however unwilling, were compelled to enter the political arena when they found that they could not leave their counting-houses, even for a few days, without the chance of some important change taking place with reference to the foreign or colonial policy of the country, by which their interests might be most materially affected—(Hear)—which might, in fact, involve them in total ruin --(Hear, hear. ) Mr. EWBANK seconded the resolution. The resolution was then put from the Chair and agreed to. Mr. Alderman LUCAS had been entrusted to submit to the meeting the next resolution. " That requisitions ; numerously and respectably signed, having been presented to William Ward, Esq., and to Thomas Wilson, Esq., to allow themselves to be put in nomination to represent the City of London, in the event of a general election, this meeting pledges itself to take all the means in its power to secure their re turn in conjunction with that of George Lyall, Esq., one of the present members ; that a Committee be immediately formed for this purpose ; and that a subscription be entered into for defraying the expenses thereof." . .. . . (This resolution was loudly cheered, particularly those portions of it which contained the names of the future candidates.) Mr. CAPEL passed a very strong eulogium on the character of Messrs. Lyall and Wilson, and hoped that they would be returned to Parliament in such a triumphant manner as would - do honour to the citizens of London.—(Hear, hear. ) The CHAIRMAN, in putting the resolution, expressed his entire approbation of the names mentioned in it, and hoped that they would see a successful issue to the contest.—( Cheers. ) The resolution was then adopted, amid general acclamation. The CHAIRMAN having said that private and pressing business reluctantly compelled him to leave the Chair, Mr. R. H. MARTIN rose and proposed a vote of thanks for his able conduct in it. The motion was received with three cheers, and cries of " Suc cess to you, Baring, at Yarmouth." Mr. BARING having vacated the Chair, was so intimately con nected with the city, that he wished to see every measure adopted that could be advantageous to their interests ; and there was no bet ter way to obtain this than by sending representatives to Parlia ment unfettered and unpiedged, whose principles would lead them to support good and useful measures.( Loud cheering.) Thanks were then voted to Thomas Baring, Esq., for his atten dance that day, and he having left the Chair, his place was supplied by Mr. Alderman Lucas. Mr. WARD was then loudly ca ll e d f or , an d h e came forward and said that before he addressed them with respect to his political prin ciples, he had one or two explanations to make about something that had occurred at the meeting which had taken place last week. Soon after the address of Sir Robert Peel to his constituents had been published, it had been resolved to take into consideration an address to his Majesty, and the more so, since they might recollect that at a meeting which had taken place at a tavern over the way opi nions were expressed of a very different sort from those he and his friends entertained. He wanted only fair play, and he was not aware that he was guilty of a want of courtesy towards those individuals who attended that meeting, if he took the Chair at another not exactly of a similar character. He was born and bred an Englishman, and he thought he had a right to express his opinions, and those opinions not agreeing with those of the gentlemen alluded to, he thought it was fit to have another address signed, in order that it might go hand in hand and be placed side by side with the address of those gentlemen.— ( Hear, hear.) He also wished that their address should be signed, in order that they might know where to find the persons whose signatures were attached, and that the public might be convinced that those persons had a local habitation and a name.—(Hear.) The consequence of which was, that such an address had been got up as had been never seen in that city. It had been represented by an adverse paper that when he (Mr. Ward) got up to speak the other day he was not supported by more than 200 persons. Well now the address had been signed by between 5,000 and 6'::,0 per- sons, and if the other day at the City of brfon Tavern there were only 200 persons present : e_orin must have been shut out, and their places o ccu pi e d by the unbidd en and the unwe l eome. L (Cheers and laughter.) At the Mansion-house the same paper attributed to him al;n;,o flint disrespectful language towards their City Representetiyes, lie denied the accusation ; but had he been called uPon for an explanation of what he did say he would not have followed the exempt° lately set in the Tower Hamlet s —(H ear )— and said th a t his speech was made during a state of after-dinner excitement, and that he had made a mistake.—(Cheers and laughter,) lie had a legitimate object in view, and he would never have recourse to illegitimate objects in order to carry it. If he had made up his mind to become once more a candidate, it was more in obedience to their commands than from any wish of his own.— bead cheering.) One great stimul us came f rom the egarters oan enemy. e alluded to the attack made on his character in the Morning Chronicle of Saturday last—( Three loud groans for the Morning Chronicle,) He did not want to interfere with the private character or management of persons connected with newspapers, and he thought that they ought to act in the same manner towards him. With reference to the allu sion made in the paper before mentioned o f hi s not ta ki ng t h e Chair at the Mutt, he had upon that point consulted one or twu friends, and the opinion of those friends might be known when both their signatures were found attached to the present requisition. It was not necessary for him to enter into ex planations of private affairs, and he would leave it to the livery and eitilel4 of London to determine whether he was to be 51y4, 1 ,0 out of the political situation he held. Having disposed of private matters he would now come to public ones. He be lieved that under the present Government they would enjoy the most complete liberty , of person and security of property. He had on former occasions voted against the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, and he would do so again, if he thought they were in the wro tig , T, Wiesole, Esq., next addressed the meeting, and said that although he had wished to retire into private life, yet having been requested to again offer himself as a Representative of the city of London, he could not refuse to obey the call. He was a sincere friend to the King and Constitution. In the present day measures were advocated which, if not stemmed at the present, it would per haps be too late to attempt at a future election.—(Hear, hear. ) He would support the present Ministry when he thought them in the right, but no longer. After the recent ieoirtrtion of Sir Robert Peel, who could doubt the honour of any Ministry of which he formed a part ? When the Duke of Wel lington was formerly at the head of affairs, he was called a military usurper ; yet no one had ever clown more than he had to preserve the ptipl and to uphold the rights of the Crown and the credit of the country, and to make the name of England respected . through e ver y part of the globe.—(Cheers.) He was not a party to conventions that had no end, and to paragraphs that had no meaning—to innumerable pre,to",4a, And ' ami cable ' wars--(Roari - 1 Ingi l te 7 )„,iii ailer to crush and deal-9y ell micierit . 411 y i to the sending . of" a fleet 5- •• Seas it} the winter season to cause int;-- . ... cue NoFth . station oursallor. i•••••-• - ' _ ..... ,iitation and from which _ ~,,erneu home mortified and disgusted. One of the great bugbears of the present day was Church Reform. He was a sincere friend of the Church, but, notwithstanding, was willing to correct all real abuses. He was anxious to improve and strengthen the Church, and not to sap its foundation. But not only was the destruction of the Church aimed at, but there was a threat to treat Church property as' national property. The people ought to be cautious how they encouraged such doctrines. Let the axe be laid to the Church ; there was but a small shade of difference between that and other property. It was already hinted that the drones who received their dividends from the Bank ought • to be made to contribute towards the exigencies of the State. Tho landed interest would next be attacked. It behoved the people, therefore, to look well about them. Men of all classes were in terest.cd—all who sought to enjoy the fruits of their labour. They must unite, they had plenty of ammunition.—(Hear, hear.) Each must consider the cause as his own, and, taking a lesson from their enemies, sink all shades of difference.—(Loud cheers. ) Mr. LYALL then presented himself to the meeting, and was loudly cheered. Though his return to Parliament must in itself be a matter of the greatest indifference--(" No, no")—it was of the deepest importance to return to the House of Commons such mem bers, and such members only, as would support the institutions of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He was for all practical Reform. He was for that sort of Reform which differed from innovation, which would renovate the institutions of the country without de stroying, as others wished to do, the principles upon which th ose institutions were founded.— ( Hear, hear, and cheering.) It was to the British constitution that they owed being the first nation in the world. If they lost the advantages conferred upon them by that Constitution, there would not only be a loss of property, but they would endanger their security as a nation. The CHAIRMAN then recommended that gentlemen should enrol their names on the Committee, and go heart and hand.to work in carrying the great objects they had in view. The following were the sums subscribed on the spur of the mo ment : Thomas Baring, Es(; £lOO Mr. Blanchard £lOO Sir Charles Forbes lOO Mr. Alderman Lucas 5O Mr. Wilson lOO Mr. Ew•bank Mr. Frederick Ruth Mr. George Palmer Sir CHARLES FORBES proposed a vote of thanks to the Chair man for his able and impartial conduct in the chair. The vote was, carried with acclamation. Mr. Alderman Lucas briefly acknowledged the honour, after which the meeting quietly separated. SIR. R. PEEL'S MANIFESTO. (From the Berwick Advertiser.) What think ye of Sir Robert's address ? (say the Con servatives.) Is it not manly ? Is it not honest ? Is it not satisfactory? We think the address a very clever address ; and as to its being manly, why certainly, there is a sort of a shadow of manliness on the face of it—but it is hardly skin deep—it is not the manliness of an open heart and a conscience void of offence. Then as to its honesty, why its honesty and manliness are much upon a par. There is a certain kind of honesty about it—an honesty so far as it goes—but it is a cunning honesty, it is a specious honesty, it is a Peelish honesty. And as to its being satisfactory-- No. It will dissatisfy the real Tories, and it will not satisfy a single Reformer in the country. (From the West Briton.) The Tory Cabinet is at length completed, and a perfect composition of the kind it is. There are Sir Edward Knatch bull, and Lord Hereford, and Lord Roden, and Colonel Per ceval—all the very essence of Orangeism and of Anti-reform principles of every description. Nobody can have a moment's doubt on this subject : the Administration is back-bone Tory and Anti-reform, and no Jesuitical pretensions of acting the part of Reformers can, for a moment, deceive the country. Sir Robert Peel's address to the electors of Tamworth is a clever state paper, and shows that writing, like speech, is fre quently used as if given to man to disguise his thoughts. But, in the present instance, the effort has not been successful—the public understand the thing perfectly. ( From the Carlisle Journal.) In our fourth page will be found a long address to the electors of Tamworth from Sir Robert Peel ; which, though addressed only to the nominal electors of his pocket borough, is meant as an appeal to the country at large. In short it is the Cabinet Manifesto—the word of promise to the ear, which is intended to delude men into the performance of acts ever after to be repented. It is precisely the kind of document which was to be expected from Sir Robert Peel : cold, spe cious, and Jesuitical. There runs through it an affectation of candour, which, if Sir Robert had not been well known, might possibly have deceived the unwary. But the character of the man required not this further proof to convince the world of his hollowness and insincerity. (From the Cheltenham Free Press.) We have had a specimen and an earliest of the measures of Church Reform to be expected from Sir Robert Surface we mean Peel—in his declaration of approval of the plan of relief proposed by Lord Althorp in respect to Church rates. This " relief " was as our readers of course know, one so admirably adapted to the purpose, that it nailed the said im post far tighter than before to the Dissenters ;—whilst, by sinking the name of Church rates, and merging it into that of land tax, it had the semblance of relief. Church Reform must be a paramount consideration to the new Ministry ;—we do not mean, of course, the set of hacks and heroes this week in office ; but the stanch band of truly reforming Ministers whom every sensible man perceives are on the point of coming into power. _ . . (From the Inverness Courier.) We need scarcely direct the attention of inur readers to Sir Robert Peel's address to his constituents. It will find suffi cient readers. Sir Robert is cautious and temperate, touch ing generally on the leading question' s of the day, but avoiding all direct and specific information. unless it be hi s d ec l are d op position to the admission of Dissenters to the Universities. No man knows better thn Sir Robert Peel how to write or speak " about it and ?bout it." It was said sarcastically of a former Lord Advocate that what he wanted in common sense he eked out with law, and when the Baronet of Tamworth is desirous of conciliating, or of concealing his views and projects, he does not, like the Duke of Wellington, preserve silence, but wraps up his meaning in a cloud of specious generalities, which fairly envelope and hide it. The names of Sir Robert's colleagues afford the best commentary on his speech, but that commentary is unfavourable to the Ministry. We feel assured that such a Ministry as that which the Hon. Baronet has been compelled to accept has, in the present feeling of the country, not the slightest chance of success. (From the Warwick Advertiser.) TIIE NEW MINISTRY.-With respect to the policy they will pursue, notwithstanding the shyness of their declarations, we have not the slightest doubt. If they are men of principle, they will of course set public opinion at defiance, by staying the course of that Reform which every individual of them, (subalterns and all, to the number of 46) has hitherto ob stinately opposed ; if they attempt any liberal Reform mea sure in favour of the people, they will stand before the coun try branded with the mark of apostacy. In either case the loud voice of patriotic indignation will reject their pretensions to public confidence. Men who are conscious they have no right to expect public confidence—who, occupying the high stations of Cabinet councillors, feel themselves compelled to stoop from their dignified rank in the state, and beseechingly entreat the people to give them " a fair trial"—absolutely confess their incapacity to hold the reins of Government, and are industriously paving the way to their own inevitable down fall. (From the Edinburgh Chronicle.) The Address is just what was to be looked for from the wily baronet—vague, spacious, and most unsatisfactory. After some prefatory observations, Sir Robert observes, that " he never has been, either before or after the Reform Bill, the defender of abuses, or the enemy of judicious reforms." Very possibly he may believe that in making this assertion he does himself no more than justice ; but that which makes Sir Ro bert and his colleagues incompetent Ministers for this country is, that what the country conceive to be " abuses," they—it may be honestly—uphold as something so perfect, as to defy the ingenuity of man to suggest any amelioration ; and what the former term " judicious reforms," they denounce as revo lutionary. But admitting Sir Robert Peel to be a very para gon of " judicious reformers," what are we to think of his ultra-Tory, High Church associates--the Knatchbulls, Goul burns, Aberdeens, et hoc genus °nine? Are they also to be dubbed the hearty opponents of corruption, and the enlight ened supporters of ." judicious reforms ?" We are ready to believe anything which in reason seems at all probable, but we can go no farther. No man, however willing, can persua.de himself that black is white. (From the Durham Chronicle.) The murder is out 1 Sir Robert Peel has put forth a mani festo of the principles on which the Government is to be con ducted (or rather attempted), in the shape of an address to the nominal electors of his pocket borough of Tamworth. On its merits as a specimen of literary composition, so much lauded by some of the Tory prints, the only observation we shall make is, that these seem to have been put forward for the mere purpose of concealing its substantive defects, as a declaration of ministerial policy on the various subjects which await legislative settlement. Whether it be written in a man ner worthy of Oxford, or only of the Horse Guards, is a mat ter of little consequence, and may be safely left to the critical determination of the Marquis of Londonderry, or that equally sagacious personage, the Goose GibNe of the political world —Lord Stormont. In other rPTpects, it is precisely such a production as was to be erpected from its Jesuitical author. Sir Robert sets out 'with professions of great candour ; but, throughout Ili?, address, like a political rope-dancer, he endea vours to trim the balance between the Reformers and Conser vatives : in other words, he admirably illustrates the proverb of holding with the hare and running with the hounds. ( From the Kendal Mercury .) The Wellington Administration is at length nearly com pleted ; and there is nothing ambiguous about its formation. It is Tory in every part and feature; head, tail, hoof, and claws, are all thoroughly dyed and saturated with Toryism. The grave-digger in Hamlet argues that we are equally guilty of self-destruction whether we go to the water to drown our selves or allow the water to come to us ; and on the same ground we say to the people of England, that if tin, allow this devouring monster of the Duke's making In stand erect in their presence—if they " give it a fair ',slap—they will be as justly chargeable with the overlb:tow of their liberties as though the blow were struck_ ' Dy k their own hand. A " fair trial," forsooth !—wit the Tories as with the I ' beings of dark ness, • " foul is f ir and fair is foul" —they must have no further T rial in ..ins kingdom. It is long since they were tried, and Jound guilty—and condemned to banishment from office by the united voice of the people • and if Sir Robert Poel de sires again to be tried, it should be for returning from " be yond seas" without pardon from his country, and daring to check the commerce, disturb the peace, and shake the king dom to its centre, by a hopeless effort to rule a people on principles which they repudiate and hate. A more specious and hollow document than his manifesto of the views of the Government was never issued. ( From the Devonport Telegraph.) Sir Robert Peel's address to his constituents is unobjec tionable as far as it goes, for, like every composition which deals entirely in generalities, you may make what you will of it, as you may be disposed or i n di s p os ed t o pl ace confidence in its authors. We never doubted that the new Ministry would profess reforming principles. The great difficulty is, how to reconcile their sudden conversion with the confidence we are required to repose in them for the future. Even now, no other reason is given for this enormous inconsistency, but that the Reform Bill having become the law of the land they feel bound to adopt and carry forth its principles ; but the Bill was passed two years ago, and their conversion is to be dated from the time they took office, just six weeks. Let us be just—we do not apply these remarks so much to Sir Robert Peel as to the more ultra elements with which lie is associated. The Premier himself did show some leaning towards Reform mea sures before he was tempted with the lure of office—and it cannot be denied that the people have always had hopes of him. Ho has committed some sad mistakes in his political life, but his mind always went beyond the party with whom he as sociated, and gave token of better things—Who, but he, i n fact, could keep the present discordant machinery together for a single day Doubtless, by the refusal of Lord Stanley and his party to join his Ministry, he had no alternative be tween giving up all idea •f forming an Administration or accepting such men as he could get, and he has thus be come saddled with the representatives of the prejudices and illiberality of the old and worst school of politics. Should the people be willing to try Sir Robert Peel himself, can it be expected that they will repose any confidence in Sir Edward Knatchbull, Lord Lincoln, the son of the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Stormont, who declared at the great Tory meeting at Norwich, " that he always had a violent dislike to the word Reform—he had a strong feeling against the name," Lord Ellenborough, Lord Roden, and other out-and-out anti-Re formers, his associates? We sec little hope that they ever will, or can, have that confidence. It is the :encral impresion that another change, If not a COIll'l.e .: to overthrow, must very shortly take 13la ce T = • 1 but can be hp I_, c ountry will have moderato then—. • ~.iught to place their confidence in none but cere Reformers. (From the Newcastle Chronicle.) If any doubt had existed of the reason why the late Ministry was so co ntemptuously dismissed, or of the purposes for which that formed under the auspices of " the Duke" was appointed, it would be effectually dispelled by the ministerial manifesto, which has since our last been issued, in the shape of an address from Sir It. Peel to his constituents at Tamworth. From this document it is evident, that, disguise it as they may, and whatever may be the professions in favour of reform, that the object has been to stop the great and beneficial reforms in pro gress, and to reduce all further reforms to as small an amount as may be, For what, after all the specious, artful, and ( From the Swansea Cambrian.) To the question—" What will the Tories do t,%". .._.The Mi nisterial manifesto has been put forth, and o , :e electors of the borough of Tamworth have been made the •means of conveying some little information to the people, P.'s to the principles and the circumstances under which their representative has been suddenly raised to the dignity of tb• e Premiership. Sir Robert has chosen his alternative, and having attempted to form a mixed Cabinet, and failed the': ein, he now comes boldly forward with his manifesto, and with as strong a band of Ultra-Tory colleagues as it was possible to have brought together; his re peated essays to enl;:st Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, &c., being unavailing., he, in his last extremity, falls back upon his old acquaintaw,:e, and plunges into the vile depths of Ultra- Toryism, to bring up its shattered remains, and exhibit them once more to the public gaze. Fearless of general disgust, or having worked himself up in a fit of ambition, into a belief of a delusion, he has the hardihood to present the country such a list of Ministers as would disgrace the worst Cabinet of the worst times. Nothing but the grossest infatuation and stupi dity, or the most deplorable misconception of the nature of that duty which Sir Robert owes his Sovereign, could have induced him thus to sustain the delusion, for how can it ever be believed, by any rational being, that this Ultra- Cabinet will stand, after it is submitted to the test of a ge ral election. . J . •••=•••••••••••=wiiiimil••••••••••••• laboured statements of the wily Baronet, do his promises`-sad'; \\l the prospect of reform held out by him, amount to, but, lice;c 4 .2-, rally and virtually—nothing. Nothing new is suggested-1W 4 ,4,1 fresh abuse is marked out for correction—and of those which-ri,, ./ have already been the subjects of discussion, it is the iriferi - - tion either to quash them altogether, or to grant as little as possible, or in such degree as has already been declared unsa tisfactory. To municipal reform, under their auspices, it re quires no great penetration to perceive we may bid adieu. They will not, it is true, stop the enquiries of the Commis sioners. No, they are to be suffered to proceed, and then, when the report is made, they will—what ?—take it into con sideration ! What sort of consideration it will receive from those who have so repeatedly denounced the Commission and denied its legality, who have never ceased to decry this species of reform as actual spoliation, and who have pronounced the " establishment of a new municipal constitution on the 101. franchise to be impracticable," may be easily imagined. For any good the nation will ever derive from it, the report might as well be put in the fire as submitted to such consideration. The Dissenters, they expect, will rest contented with the marriage and church-rate bills of last session, and with being excluded from the Universities ! And in regard to Church reform we are told that " no alienation of Church property in any part of the United Kingdom from strictly ecclesiastical purposes" will be submitted to ; So that the sinecure Church of Ireland is still to be maintained in all its oppressive dispro portion. Such are the reforms which Sir Robert Peel offers to the people of England, and for the sake of which he trusts they will give him and his intolerant colleagues a fair trial The mighty boon he offers them has been received by the people with derision and contempt, and every where there prevails a spirit of uncompromising determined opposition to " the Duke" and his government. (From the Aberdeen Herald.) At length the bubble has burst--the new Administration has published the long-desired declaration of its intended policy. This manifesto, like all Sir Robert's speeches, is specious and plausible ; and, except on one or two points, it possesses all the " glorious uncertainty" of a King's speech. Nevertheless, it is quite as candid as we expected, and the tout ensemble is so much in the style .of what the Right Hon. Baronet has said in Parliament on the subject of Reform, that his manifesto cannot fairly be considered as an attempt to pass himself off for a Reformer. Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues present themselves to the nation in their natural character of Conservatives and Anti-Reformers, and if any man is now deceived, it can only be his own fault. The tone of the address is desponding; it is that of a marl 'who feels the difficulties of his situation, and who despairs of success. ( From the Glasgow Scots Times.) Sir Robert Peel has at length succeeded in forming a High Church-and- State Tory Government. All professions of Reform•from the Right Hon. Baronet are now unavailing and utterly worthless. The country must be roused. And if con fusion and revolution may yet be avoided, this can only be done by the electors all over the kingdom, forgetting all minor differences, and uniting heart and hand in sending such tried Reformers to Parliament, as will assuredly put an end to the domination of Sir Robert Peel, Sir Edward Knatchbull, and Lord Stormont, within a week after the meeting of Par liament. The formation of the Administration is most insult ing to the country. We talk of Russia and Poland, but we doubt if the inhabitants of the most despotic country on earth were ever treated more contumeliously than the people of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, by having a Government composed of such men thrust on them. BOROUGH OF SOUTHWARK. Pursuant to public notice, a meeting of parishioners of St. George's-in-the-Fields, favourable to the return of Mr. D. W. Harvey as one of the representatives of this borough in Parliament, was held last evening in Jones's Riding-room, Blackfriar's-road. This building, which is very spacious, was filled by 7 o'clock. There were, we should suppose, nearly 1,000 persons present. Mr. Harvey, on his entrance, was greeted with loud cheers. Mr. ANDERSON, having been called to the chair, opened the business of the evening in a brief speech. Mr. Harvey, he observed, was present, and would speak for himself. It was that gentleman whom they were called on to select, and not him. He assured the meeting that so far as the business of Chairman went, and he was honoured by being called to the situation, he would, to the utmost of his ability, perform his duty. He trusted that they would all preserve that order which tho importance of the business required; he trusted that they would conduct themselves in a gentlemanly manner, that they would do honour to the borough of Southwark, and repel the assertion of those who stigmatised meetings of this nature, as being composed of rabble.—( Much applause.) The Chairman then stated, that a letter had been received from Mr. Joseph Hume, apologising for his non-appearance at this meeting. Mr. Hume's services were too well known not to insure an attentive auditory whilst his letter was read. The SECRETARY, pro. tern., then read the letter. After apologizing for his absence, in consequence of his being obliged to attend the county meeting, Mr. Hume declared that he was most anxious to see Mr. D. W. Harvey a member of the new Parliament, because he was perfectly aware of the eminent services which he had. performed in the present. In allusion to the charges which had been brought against Mr. Harvey, he observed that a Committee of the House of Com mons had been appointed to inquire into them, and after.an in vestigation which laSted thirty days, that committee declared their opinion to be, that Mr. Harvey was a most calumniated and persecuted man. This letter was received with much ap plause byy the meeting. Mr. Davis rose to move the first resolution. He said that on Ibis occasion a very high honour was conferred on the bo rough of Southwark, when a gentleman whose integrity had been so long tried in Parliament as that of Mr. Harvey had been, stood forward to represent them.—( Applause.) Mr. Harvey had in six successive Parliaments represented the bo rough of Colchester, and-why, it would be asked, did he leave that borough note? The reason was, because he was anxious to reform crying abuses.--( Applause.) He recollected that Mr. George Tierney left Colchester to represent the borough of Southwark. He was elected, as he was sure that Mr. Har vey would be, and thus the constituency of Southwark would prove that they were better judges of talent and integrity than the constituency of Colchester were—( Applause). Mr. Harveylhad constantly appeared as the friend of civil and religious liberty ; he had opposed the continuance of sinecure places and pensions ; in short, he had stood forward on every occasion, showing an anxious desire that the people should fully enjoy the fruits of that new Magna Charta, the Reform Bill.— ( Cheers.) Hitherto they had enjoyed but few of those fruits, and the new Ministry would strive to blast the harvest altoge ther. He would however predict that it would be but a short lived Ministry ; and if the people were true to themselves, and would send to Parliament men like Mr. Harvey, they would, in a very short time reap the fruits which they had a right to expect from the great measure to which he had alluded. As a proof of the high estimation in which Mr. Harvey was held, Mr. Davis referred to the letter of Mr. Hume, and to the pre sence of Colonel Evans, and of Mr. H. L. Bulwer, who had stood forward on this occasion to testify their sense of the va rious merits of Mr. Harvey, and concluded by moving a resolu tion, §etting forth the paramount importance of selecting Par liamentary candidates of' known talent, consistency, and inte grity as this momentous period, detailing the various impor tant popular questions which Mr. Harvey had brought forward in the House of Commons, dwelling very particularly on his !lotion for a revision of the pension list, and pledging the meeting to use their best efforts to secure that gentleman's re turn to Parliament for the brough of Southwark. Mr. Gamma seconded the resolution. Colonel EVANS (who was vociferously cheered) apologised for presenting himself thus early to the meeting ; but the fact was, that business connected with his own election required his presence elsewhere. He could truly state, that he had never accepted an invitation to attend a public meeting with greater pleasure than he had accepted the invitation which brought him amongst them on this occasion. Mr. Hume, in his letter, had alluded to certain charges which had been made against Mr. Harvey; the truth of which charges had been investigated by a Committee of the House of Commons. He ( Colonel Evans) was a member of that committee, and he would say that he never knew charges pushed with greater acrimony, with greater perseverance, with greater pertinacity, in his life; but he must go further, and also say that he never knew a greater failure than was exhibited in! the attempt to prove those charges--( Cheers.) He declared that he should feel himself lost and degraded, with reference to his fellow feeling as a man, and to his fellow-feeling as a brother member of the legislature, if he did not, without hesitation, give his most warm and ardent support to Mr. Harvey, as a man every way worthy of representing the borough of Southwark—( Cheers.) After having eulogised the conduct which Mr. Harvey had pursued in Parliament during the four years that he ( Co lonel Evans) had sat there, he expressed his regret and his astonishment that the electors of Colchester, after that gentleman's long and honourable services, had deserted him, —had left him to come before the constituency of Southwark on this occasion. Mr. Harvey, however, and the electors of Southwark, would, he was convinced, have no reason to regret this circumstance.—( Cheers.) Nay, he would assert that the country at large would have no reason to regret it—( Cheers), for Mr. Harvey, returned by a numerous constituency, might with more effect than heretofore plead the cause of the great body of the people of England.—( Cheers.) It was probable that whilst he was speaking the Parliament no longer existed. It was understood that at two o'clock this day, at Brighton, the fiat was sent forth for its dissolution. What, then, was the duty of the electors of Southwark, or rather (and he believed there were but few exceptions) of every Reformer amongst them ? It was, to go forward and to support the ex cellent candidate who had that night presented himself before them.—( Cheers.) Mr. H. L. BULWER, in a short speech, supported the re solution. He also had had an opportunity of considering the charges which had been brought against Mr. Harvey by his enemies, and he considered them to be nothing more than the aspersions of that gentleman's enemies. In conclusion, he expressed the most ardent wishes for the success of the new candidate. Mr. MEEK next addressed the assembly, but his speech— which, so far as we heard, was favourable to the resolution— was cut short by loud cries for the great lion of the evening, Mr. Harvey. The resolution was, however, regularly put and unanimously carried. Mr. HARVEY then stood forward amidst loud and general cheering. After these noisy gratulations had subsided, the new candidatehaving thanked the meeting for the proud distinction, which their resolution had conferred on him— proceeded to observe, that adversity had been said to be the source, as well as the trial, of friendship. If his political friends at Colchester had deserted him, if they had ill-requited his services— . _ _ Here some person in the body of the crowd interrupted Mr. Harvey by an observation which did not reach us. The CHAIRMAN—If there is any individual endeavouring to excite a disturbance, let him be pointed out to me, and he shall be removed. Silence should be kept whilst a gentleman is speaking. Mr. HARVEY continueddle was observing, that ithis poli tical friends at Colchester had ill requited the services he had done—if they had forgotten the sacrifices which for twenty years he had made for them, looking to no interest but their's, not caring for himself—it was some consolation, it was a great consolation, for him to find that in this British land there stiu -existed an unconquerable feeling of right—a feeling that forward to redeem oppressed men from unmerited would steii Loud cheers.) Having observed that obloquy, and would be active in the support of ho nesty and. integrity hetid not , mean to express an unqualified feeling against the whole constituency o f Colchester, Mr. Hary, ve in a few words, stated the circumstances whi c h prffented his success in that borough. He went on to say, that thoggh he never would , condescend to give any explanation, with reference to the , thrice-refuted calumnies which had been urged against him, yet thus much he might observe with reference to the origin of thoie insinuations of malignity with which he had been as sailed, that, when he was a student in the Middle Temple, where the smiles 'of those who presided npttnPd the door to a man's profesSional career, he brought forward (he was then for the first time in Parliament) a motion which exposed the monstrous plunder committed by the lawyers, and the mon strous oppression to which the subject was exposed, by in formations in the Court of Exehequer,-,,(Applapse.) He showed that in a case where there was a tang pettalq , mixing treacle with liquor, that five briefs were delivered, five lawyers were employed, and fees were paid by the public, although only two lawyers usually appeared.— (" Shame.") He had also showed the mode of packing ju ries. Two guineas each were awarded if a verdict ware found for the Crown, but' censure and indignity were the reward of those who found the other way.—(" Shame.") Hence the malignity exercised against him. So he began in 1818, and he was not one of those .114 retraced hi s steps. The Ministry had now been changed. He did not rcg f et Ho looked, on the contrary, to that change as an advance of many years of the people's cause.—( Cheers.) They had been told, that when he ad t i vo ised them, the Parliament had ceased to exist—he was no longer a Membor. a o it so. The late Parliament was dead ; but he would say, that the death of that Parliament was, the resurrection, of patriotism.—( Cheers. ) In the whole period of 0666' 4 history there never was a period when honest confidence on the part fir t !'! rpg more necessary, and w h e n shrinking timidity ' was morn he avoided.—((i'heerc ) p9l the people run away, as in past times, with the idea that thetiektirts would Le a rc , avail, Let them but come forward, as they ought to do, and their enemies would be swamped in their own corruption. When abotit to introduce his motion relative to the Pension - 14 it would endanger the continuance of the List, he wa,g - to,‘,„ - h' •• • • - • P carnao-es towinng-street Ministers in office. He open in g- S treet, which had conveyed thither Members of Pari. —"P—• Oared that if Harvey's motion relative to the Pension tas-t -were carried, they must withdraw their support from the Government.--that such an attack upon the privilege of the Crown must lead to a subversion of the Cabinet. But what was that to him? It was nothing to him whether by that mo tion he slew a Tory Government, or overwhelmed a Whig Administration.—( Cheers.) He stuck to his post, he did his duty, and he hoped that the result met with the approbation of the people.—( Cheers.) The Whig Government, like Mr. William Brougham, had retired.—( A laugh.) If a Whig Government had still existed, he would have reviewed their measures with candour, but certainly he would not have spared censure where it was necessary. That Government had, how ever, gone ; and under them the Reform Bill had been carried, which had rescued the country from the oligarchy by which it had been so long misruled. That measure was not so perfect as it might have been, or as one day or the other it would be ; but it had given a voice and a power to the people, and to us& it wisely and usefully now depended entirely on themselves._ (Cheers.) Mr. Harvey then proceeded to say, that it might be proper for him to give a summary of his opinions on one or two points to which the public mind had been more or less directed. By one man he was told, "you are too violent," by another, '• you are scarcely radical enough."—(Laughter.) Then he was told, " you must not touch upon the subject of free trade ;" and again, "take care of what you do with reference to commerce ; you know that we are a trad ing community." Theh he was warned against, "noticing any abuses in the Church," lest he might hurt the feelings of some very pious persons--(Laughter)—and he was next told not to touch on the subject of tithes—(Laughter)—because they were just as sacred as any other property.—( Laughter. ) Now, on these and other topics he was ready to state his opi nion. With regard to the extension of the constituency, he was anxious to give to every man of sane- mind; of a certain age, who had been located in a place for six months, and who paid any taxes whatever, the right to vote.—( Cheers.) They would see that this fell short of universal suffrage. To universal suffrage he was not an enemy ; but in a large con stituency he did not think that it was necessary. The borough of Southwark had a constituency of 5,000, and he did not think that if it were increased to 10,000, it would be more pure. The principle might be applied to places where the number of voters was very much limited, like Colchester, but where there were already 5,000 electors he conceived it to be unnecessary. The next point he would touch was the shorter duration of Parliaments. This was a point of greater import- ance than the former. He wished the duration of Parliaments not to be too long, as he thought it now was, so that the representative might not forget what he had promisep, to the constituent; nor yet so short as to keep country in state .of constant agitation _ new electiol He therefore was an advocate for triennial Parliaments: .$ (Cheers.) He next came to the question of the ballot—a principle much cherished by many intelligent people ; arid he must say that what had occurred at Colchester had made him a reluctant convert to that mode of election.—( Cheers, and an inquiry from an individual—" Why did you not find that out before ?") Mr. Harvey said, in answer, that he always liked to decide, not upon impulse, but after sober reflection. —( Cheers.) He had never opposed the ballot on the grounds that the Tories did ; he had never opposed it, as they had done, because it might still further increase the power of the people : no, he had opposed it, because he wished to uphold and maintain the real dignity of human nature—that dignity which taught men, at all perils, to act openly.—( Cheers.) Here, again, he would draw the line of distinction between small constituencies and great ones. In a small town, like that of Colchester, this principle might, perhaps, be ad vantageously acted on—but was it required in so large a constituency as that of Southwark ? His own feeling was, that every man should vote according to the dictates of his own conscience.—( Cheers.) This question formed a matter of opinion, on both sides of which much might be said ; but this he would observe, that if any constituency to which he might belong intrusted him with a petition in favour of the prin ciple, he should feel that he was acting a very unworthy part if he expressed any sentiment against its prayer. These, however, were speculative points, and he now came to a matter of much more im portance—he alluded to the public burdens, 'and the unequal man ner in which they were borne. When, in the last session, Mr. Ro binson moved for a committee to inquire into the nature of the pub lic burdens, and to see how far they could be prevented from press ing improperly on the industrious classes, by the introduction of a well-graduated property-tax, he had spoken on, and voted for, that motion. By a well-graduated property-tax, he meant a tax in pro portion to the amount of property which was protected out of the proceeds of those public burdens, and he would thus illustrate ,his position :—Supposing, on an average, that working men through out the country earned 20s. a week, it would be found that -9s. of that money, looking to the necessaries which each individual was obliged to purchase, was swallowed up by taxation, being within a trifle of cent. per cent. Now, let them look at the overgrown capi talists (some of whom were in the present Administration), having 40,0001. or 50,000/, a-year ; how they came by it might be matter of inquiry at a future day.—(Laughter.) One of these men, if he chose, might spend only 5001. a year—paying in the way of tax ation 2501. and saving 49,500/. ; yes, contributing to the state 2501. a year for the protection of that immense income. Why should not that man pay 25,000/. a year, in the same proportion as the industrious artisan paid ?—(Cheers. ) This principle, he sup posed, would be described as an illustration of the word " destruc tive," as it had lately been applied. An artful attempt bad been recently made by the press—(Cries of " The Tintes")—to induce the belief that large bodies of men who were merely seeking that which they had a right to demand, who were engaged in a great struggle for the preservation of their liberties, were anxious, by physical force, to overturn all the institutions of the State. There never was a more vile slander.—( Cheers.) Those who were called " Destructives" were in reality " Conservatives." What had the people now for a Ministry ? The sublimated essence of Toryism— it was Toryism unseethed.—(Cheers.) Such a Ministry called for all the energy of the people to resist the inroads which they would attempt to make on their freedom. Who, then, were the Conser vatives—who the Destructives?—( Cheers.) There was, however, a spirit of intelligence abroad, which the Tories felt severely. He alluded to that spirit of intelligence which impelled the people to express their opinions in Parliament by the agency of those who felt as they did.—(Cheers.) Only let the people exercise their power—let them return to Parliament tried and, consistent men—men with decent capacity to state their opinions --men who would stand up night after night to expose abuses, and they would shake the system of corruption to its very centre.—( Cheers.) Let them bring the cannonade of honesty to bear on the ranks of placemen and pensioners, and assuredly they would sink them in their own filthy sea of corruption.—( Great cheering.) " Oh," said Mr. Harvey, " how I long to get amongst them !—( Immense laughter and cheering.) If lam placed in the House, 24 hours shall not pass before I shall give notice of a mo tion for the revision of the scandalous Pension List. ''—(Cheers. Mr. Harvey next touched on the abuses connected with the Crown lands. He alluded to the immense labour which he had undergone to make himself master of the subject before he brought forward his motion in the House of Commons, and declared that the reve nues of those lands, if properly applied, since the accession of Geo. 111., in 1760, would have now afforded a sufficient surplus to meet 1 the repeal of the entire malt tax.—( Cheers.) But then, forsooth, they were asked, " Oh, if you remove these Ministers, how is an Administration to be formed?" Why, he would say that there was scarcely a club, or an union, or an Odd-Fellow's lodge, that could not pour forth minds as richly endowed by nature, and nearly as well cultivated by study, as those whom they now saw aspiring ex clusively to the character of Statesmen.—( Cheering.) He should now say one word on the Church. That man would of course be denominated a spoliator, who proposed that the revenues of the Church should be applied to relieve the burdens of the State. Now that property, he must observe, was subject to the law from the time of Henry VIII. Still, he would admit that the piety of their ancestors left it for sacred purposes. Then, let it be devoted to sacred purposes. Let unassuming temples raise their heads—let pious preachers teach the divine word ; but let us not be insulted by the display of pride, and pomp, and splendour.-- -( Cheers.) Let us not find those who should be the teachers of I religion raising their heads in discussions and debates solely , con nected with matters of a temporal nature.—(Cheers.) Feeling thus, he had voted for Mr. Rippon's motion to relieve the bishops from their onerous duties in the House of Lords.—(Laughter.) Mr. Harvey here expressed a strong desire that neither clergymen nor lawyers should be eligible for seats in the House of Lords. In cases where the interests of the church were concerned the bishops might be consulted, and where the law was doubtful the aid of the judges might be required. But to political bishops or political judges he expressed his aversion. He then adverted to the abuse of charities, and stated that he had laboured much and risked much to restore to the poor that of which they had been unjustly de prived, and had been the means of recovering much which fraud had too long kept from them. He then stated that lie was ready to devote his whole time to the service of his constituents. lie combated the idea that a member of Parliament ought to be an individual living in the immediate neighbourhood of those who voted for him. If that principle wore a true eue;then they ought to have a member in every parish. It was enoegle if he were easy of access ; and, he would ask, how should he heave remained so long an efficient member for Colchester (so at least lie was considered) if his position were not true ? If the eleeteri of Southwark now brought him in, they would do so entirely on the ground of his being an independent man, He had no interest floating on the water, he had no interest stalking on the land. If, therefore, they elected him, it was solely because he wes a in4il in whose zealous attention to his duties they might confide.,,-(Ap:, plause. ) ( Here a gentleman asked, " What is your feelingas tp the Dissenters ?") Mr, Harvey declared thatle wee decidedly friendly to their claims, in the most extensive sense. The Dis senters had many friends in Parliament, but not a more sincere ad vocate than he was. His feller Wail an honest DiP3enter, ~and character remained where he had passed his life , 5 1 i* Robert his Peel, in his letter, talked of toleration for the Dissenters. Whet did q toi e ntipe mean ? Why, it Wks " You may have your being and life with Ay consent. Cheers. ) Why should a man, with the sacred oracles of God in his hand, by following the doctrines of which he hoped for salvation—why was he to be told that he would be to lereted?.-ir hePre• ) mapeEreti l was te he tolerated, be cause he slid not follow a creed ITit was creaccd 114vtr.e..theersi) For his own part, he would ha ve no s uch thing as " a Dissenter" known, because he would have no privileged sect.—(Cheers.) Where, he would ask, was true piety to be found? Assuredly #.ettne§t the evangelical class es . They were not to seek for it , or, if they ;14, tiaey Weidd pock vainly : i n 0 1 dpapeelee anti richer I lishoprres. n his Ppilll94 rekfill 0 5110..111d lie allewed to go forth in all her own native and Unassisted heaq' ty ; se ought to be glorified by nothing but her own transcendent power' r, Harvey again said that he threw himself on the electors ; he challenged inquiry ; end if the day should ever come when they disapproved of his con tlllPta.,_ll4 044 tolii4 that 0 1 !.eh 5 dlAy §h_9 1 314 el'eMrrivf—he would at once resign his trust into tee hwit4 from which h e received it. (Mr. Harvey sat down amidst loud cheering. ) A resolution was then proposed and carried for the appointment 4 a&itapt ti onftnit.teß to forward the interest of Mr. Hervey in the 'borough, ami one or 1,*:! speO,clies delivered by gentlemen, whg would het , their say, th o ggh there was nothing in them, the meeting broke up: GRAVESEND.—A very handsome beacon or light-:* united i te n d ages tthe house is being erected at the pier-head, which, both for its utility and its ornament, will be a great addition to this fa irijlgits ~,• pmenade. When completed it will rise forty feet 7. :.:Jl , -, troT its 4 ae: t a o n w d i n l :o l l l ice G K l6 hei r : l iv h T i i y: amount to 654 years; namely, Willi a m Leach aged 83, and Mary his wife 83, married 63 years ; William Shaekletm a 2, .8-1 four;T marriedhe r marriede ar: : ( now les , whose residing TP:II 4, 901 t . hq 14tter lady still, weArs! gown Ny‘liell was tuit4e•CO'years arikerior to her, marriage, and li'theiefqre rioli'(s, yeai§'Old i ThOmas Teak' i - lA:te whterman) 82,.and &lien his vv,O I.Vife Eih married 44 years ; Cleorg6 *-14stiFtt 8,4 y t e4r, 1 914 01 1 7 P 4 ,0 aged ai, m arr i e d 53 yams,—Aeeds Titioliiruca, • COURT CIRCULAR. The King held a Privy Council yesterday afternoon, at two o'clock, at the Pavilion, at Brighton. The Ministers assembled at the palace at two o'clock. There were present Sir Robert Peel, First Lord of the Trea sury ; the Earl of Rosslvn, Lord Presio,ent ; Lord Wharn cliffe, Lord Privy Seal ; Mr. Goulbum and the Duke of Wel lington, Secretaries of State for the Home and Foreign De partments ; and Earl de Grey, First Lord of the Admiralty ; the Earl of Haddington, &c, At the Council Parlianint was dissolved, and a proclamation issued summoning a new Parliament. His Majesty was pleased to declare the Right Hon. the Earl of Haddington Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The Hon. W. Bathurst was the Clerk of the Council in waiting. The Council broke up soon after four o'clock. The Earl of Rosslyn arrived at Brighton on Sunday even ing. Sir R. Peel and others of the Ministers came to Brighton from town yesterday morning. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council met yesterday at the Council-chamber, Whitehall, and were occupied several hours on an appeal from Lower Canada, " Joseph Donegany v. Jean Lonegany and others." Sir John Campbell and Dr. Lushington were heard in support of the appellant's case. The Lords present were the Vice-Chancellor, Mr. Baron Parke, the Right Hon. Sir J. B. Bosanquet, and T. Erskine. The Court adjourned soon after five o'clock. BRIGHTON, DEC. 29. As my letter of yesterday anticipated, his Majesty's confi dential advisers arrived at the Palace about one o'clock this -4 day from town. Shortly afterwards his Majesty held a Coun cil, which was attended by the First Lord of the Treasury, the Secretaries for the Home, Foreign, and War Departments, the Keeper of the Privy Seal, the Lord Chancellor, and their colleagues. The proclamation for dissolving Parliament will be published this or to-morrow evening, and for the assem bling of a new one. The Ministers will dine with their Ma jesties this evening, and, if possible, afterwards return to Lon don. The Duke of Wellington was the only one of them that travelled in an open carriage, and without even a servant. After divine service yesterday the King drove to near Shoreham, accompanied by his sister the Langravine of Hesse Homberg. The Princess Augusta was in public for some time ; leer Royal Highness was accompanied by Lady J. Cornwallis. The Duke of Richmond, Col. and Lady Isabella Wemyss, and the Rev. F. Bowes, dined with their Majestiea yestt::rday. The Earl of Haddington, it is said, kissed Land!. this day on being appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; the noble Earl arrived here yesterday from town Sir William Freemantle had an Pdience of the King yes terday afternoon. The Ist Regiment of Life 'Guards are ordered here, in con sequence of the ist R" - d. - 1 Dragoons having received the routse to march for .a. ecti :es of Brighton will assemble this evening at the T.TY r l:l°. -. e : I all, for the purpose of adopting such measures as they ,nay deem necessary in order to ensure the return of-two Re. formers to the next Parliament: THE DUKE OF LEUCHTENBERG.—NUREM— BURG, DEC. 19.-It is understood that the Duke of Leuch— tenberg will leave Munich on the 3d of January, to go by wagr of London to Lisbon. A letter from Ostend states that tbet Duke of Leuchtenberg has bespoken apartments in the hotel of M. Doussaient. He is expected there at the end of thee month, with a numerous suite. SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES.—The Gc vernor of Georgia, in his message to the Legislature, slate* that the aggregate amount of the sales of negroes begot lug to the State is from 118,000 to 148,000 dollars.