The Sun. — London, England, 1842-04-05 00:00:00

0 b" • 0 . of wo• ol'leo! Ni fidel thing (ellll'.° Coni , ure r°' e n l ort , cce criiest c ea am, a ye' ehat' iur over ni De a n! he A"' t thePec over. Iwo y pe, • Ls on' Y the b r .o ust ; that 14 4 .4 the Da O be d t rait to '.e, d e_Z na i ,, t h a t ri f d all e ly ky titl S 7 i6 11•1 Leio issolute their discretion , - while great in mightarise from giving every one inter eetieved teat and le .e -arel right of being heard by counsel. vie w, each side of the House had the same object e 1, that the inquiry should be as full and core. Dirt and that all the ev'dence on the aubject should Si r R. before the House before the; were ' called uPon to decide. to J . i;,sieslSE explained. that.bOth te Presen t osicticea'siofnt. LL agreed with the Right Hon. Gentle- Ile House !sad but one object in view pith d respect Learnedto the Fri e fi n r d s t point the Memberwhich . 11t( e t ) n r n e e e u r s a t t p d . bY his Hon ‘ . V r' it' appeared that the Hon. and Learned Solici ale, so that with reeard agreed to the introduttion of the proposed otn that poiet there was no disagreement.. ee the Hon.o the second point, the publication of the ht and Learned Solicitor-General, and the .oant. Gentleman at the head of the Government, both Rustsheell (leg that it e ) v a id g e r r e ico as b e . ne ally ought to be reported. He raj I, ,eei with the Right Hon. Gentleman in pdrticie gt be excessively inconvenient to hay Trea„ur the evidence published; but he thought that He Y•rat'sse,„ than She Commissioners should decide that ete,, e i e t° , °,l ,,ht it we duty of the Commissioners to pit to fhPe.ertiele of the evidence to the Treasury, and then 4 Wily f Treeasury to decide if there were any special ~,„.'l;:aetvidence should not be reported to the House ; o bet Pellet also there was no material disagree .6`e" himself and the Right Hon. Gentleman. Ath r egard to the other point, namely, whe t -•• not he to as h e parties interested should have a tltd n e hard by counsel before the Commissioners. ts,„. ° ‘ tuink that the answer given on behalf of the Go naitiwas, quite satisfactory. The established mode of . I tele er " toe truth and justice of a case was by hearing 4 g t o i'l'ear)--and it never was made a reason for re s.. Wi:„ r . e °, °label that it would occupy an inconvenient Ceeth t ,, ~- e aat year, they were discussing the propriety of ; t ‘t t h e 1 , eetas. e , in the Court of Chancery, it was not said tlot kilo - , r of time which counsel occupied was a reason tirts 0 1 ; i g, them to be heard. Indeed, it was believed in e law that the arguments of counsel were of t , t hoe g h t. v_tlabling the Judges to come to right decisions, and ot cage,4at the same assistance ought to be had in the k) hadlt was possible, as the Learned Solicitor-Ge ,,1.!, bittTielthat some persons might be interestedin causing . j "`thy `gought it improbable that they could attain their ere e ieans. ',d',ll, that th R NE.Y-GENERAL sa id it was sat i s f ac t ory to e ghat differenee b e ti een t h e present an d t h e l ate .tight it w , e ltl was r e d uce d t o a s i ng l e po i nt.—( Hear.) He O -7 °rtea te llaortant that the whole of the evidence should the t ° her al • Le i e . c ne asesty, and that there should be . a discre th Part s of lerraftent to withhold from general circulation s te ai d t ue evidence as it inlght be inconvenient. to pub v; (Nis T . l °t agree with his Hon. and Lea rne d F r i en d op ey wade) as to the necessity, p ropr i e t y , or b ene fi t 4 t 1,44'e1f his Person an absolute right t o a tt en d an d b e h ear d 4 4 aip os i s l,ttlerney, or counsel, before the Commissioners. liitshj'tien t th a t to doubt, that as far as an y ev id ence or come pet,eviden ce were calculated to throw light upon t At H ea, se t 4, Commissioners would do justi ce t o t h e pu bli c . ti t eekg's Learned Friend compared this proceeding with .!Laq 4 ce ttl a court of law or a court of equity, and the • ,ale t . 'fettled to thi n k th a t th ere was an endof all argument, : ° 'n a lawyer, the moment he alluded to the supposed t ii k 'ing the aid of eounael in any suit in a court kii, r .eer. e ut if the Committee considered what was the crd.i -e of 'w 4 ,proceeding in any court ef law, or in a commis 't% af 1r " I gt.alte the trouble to compare with those two !, t , ry, t ;:ee, eding what might take . place under the present `tre, },would immediately perceive the absolute necessity ois 's e cretion to the Commissioners, instead of making t q ls w ve ° Pon them to hear counsel in every case. In a tle!'llite t i e „ °r equity there was always some sinle m . atter, ktele b• "“ raised between the parties, which was considered 1,4 til t ~,,ttween them , and to which, therefore, the evidence spr) V i ehe s of counsel were or ought to be directed.— sl a ,,, l ere a commission issued to dispose of certain funds ke . ,, ° ,f er e - ,„ a nts, as, for instance, in the case of the confisca e(t 'n France, every person made a distinct claim, tit i f so t j ~quetions were, whether the p ar ty was en ti t l e d , ' .t'llat amount ? But he could conceive no li mit to tni e'llt` 3 , l 4lt attiry, as proposed to be conducted. Every per- Wa. t ft, ggest a different m o d e o f inquiry, and would ha ve e p before the Committee, and raise every possible Stage of the investigation. The holder of an tell ki t h "ill, conceiving that he had important evidence to i'mir i lesire the Commissioners to follow his suggestions, ( :1t, L4 ,1 11 e Y refused, might make a motion for a man tleN6h.'ne Queen's Bench, in order to compel the et: - Zra to hear his witnesses.—( Hear. ) If ever ti ll e ,' 4 lai; i nquiry which, by reason of its multifariousness 'I e° llfiried by no plea but wandering into every spe ek°4 itZought not to be admitted, this seemed to be that setOtisC t Y• To leave to the Commissioners, on their own t Y to entertain any questions, and hear counsel upon they, in the discharge of their public duty, i ntpottant to the inquirl•—to give to every person t te l tstat e rht t° go before the Commissioners, and call evidence . tl t, and to raise questions without limit, not eon th,lTS 11 1 , 4 the cese of law or equity, by previous pleadings 'tte e ifie issu e but . wt ndering into an inquiry as ta Zot- 4 the fraud—as to ' the carelessness of several per ect Veel of six years—extending even to the mode of t lt: t ."`te,„ t uis hill, alert the way in which they might have '1114,740 tuffs seemed to him that all this would con l'fi(l4,jr7 ".(ithout any sort of limit ; it would be but t es h tat d,:" tor expense--he would not say litigation—he Its u t ; P f iace the term by calling it litigation. Such an '0t5,:, 4 1), - ;g be a very multifarious one, and lead to no end. °s inquir by no resent creditable to the wisdom of 'e ad Proposed tee p measure. etet % thiTHORP wished to know whether those Corn pteiwart - clerk s were to b e paid—(Langhter)—and if ,ilt, 4l er•,„ l) e, Paid what was the amount? If they were to re ne should be happy to see a clause inserted in the ‘'E' ta t ,i!oet that those persons to whose negligence and til4, 'on the transaction now under the consideration of 14 hte ) 4 as owi g he meant comptrollers and others 5Ns t `f ts ' s",.;thould n be — amerced in the amount to De paid to ',. 4 41 4 c; 11 4, He knew that in many eases where . a man had . ' f trifling set of negligence, he was as s . y o some ie,,,„trtou s ways, sometimes by fines, and at other 1 " "t1;, - ,1,"rs t l) ;'sohinent ; he could not see, therefore, why great ', who were often paid most handsomely for their ape that penalty which, in his (Colonel &hi ,Sti‘ e,'"rt, ought to be inflicted on them, and which, in i t ', u r rnisconduct, were almost always enforced. He es sli t i - b r eele to make these observations, though he himself an E,: chequer bill, and he ould take care that take on.(Laughter.) He hoped that those tbruieconducted themselves would be punished, and Heo'P he ust n. include the Noble Lord who sat oppo- Gentleman the late Chancellor of the Ile trusted his Hon. Friend would give him es i p ation on there matters. ; 'EEL s aid,ofcourse the clerks of the Commission t toi , kti e 't't a such remuneration-as their services merited ; th t ,7ti c r , 4 to the Commissioners, they had undertaken the t l l; °° °t any stipulation as to remuneration . ; but he 'te question stipulation be postponed till they saw what e e: the duration of the Comn:ission. Be must, h h am . : :het if they invited professional men of time was theft property, it was too much to .ex 'o) t ° dth tinie wout reuneration. t t had • unci ert wasetiat the duty ith without due m any stipulation clerks,f dot t sure his Hon. and Gallant Friend ta,, t .t 4 .ieet to allow them sufficient remuneration. gee! ar Ants we re th e n in part agreed o t, and the clause, , - vas ordered to s t an d pa r t o f th e 8i11.. , s t t j ' being put, L'elClf OR-GENERAL said (as we understood), est„'"""‘,c) objection to adopt the suggestion of the Noble te s t „' " ( Lord John 'hosed), and to leave it to the e's t i:ne Treasury to publish such portions of the evi ts, ngKttieht think fit was sort; to hear that the amendment I ,`" Lurd was about to be adopted. He thought . it :" Public to trust to the discretion of the Commis (4 What evidence was to bo published, than to the • ° ., e ettes• that the Treasury was a party concerned in the L tle,,qtir t j .',!PPort made by the Commissionerswouldeemore e None made entirely by the administration. H 4. „' t tis t , 'elale Lord would see the propriety of altering his ►hiNl, 'l,„ Fated th e I', I 'SSELL said, before he made the suggestion to te e 4 te r ', l °o• Gentleman alluded, he had understood it to to ) ," t tee t . !'early stated that it was not the wish of the Go tN,lltrt rt, set eon ansbody_—( Hear, h 'ar)e-account of on k , e; fsr h s : t heir conduct. The only reason he could con k,,t. N . 1 1, q t - 0 4 f Y ;4 0 1 the evidence . bein . g . withheld was this—th . at . NO To " might be, in the opinion the Government, tn. Ikrt, t ' , ll of future circulation of Exchequer bills. On a N l ' to de tnis ;othersrt he Executive Government was the best 6 tti (16 e L k ' e t - e tt ° f everything connected with the public credit, : I `,"i l l;t l r t i t c e ‘' n e _onusotighttOilie. If they suppressed any part eq,ehiie uuduly, they would also b sootressible ter so 'ne Commissioners would not be to the same br t „,, ° ' all th ese reasons i t appeare d to him that the d t. is , - rie t ,'''t the re - ponaibility ought to be with the Lxecu e Had s- there been any . wlsh to screen anybody, air (!a e supported the publication of the whole of the isk he,,out suppression. t t n 4 .1. said, the production of evidence ought to be ' ll t• - e getteral rule, but the withholding evidence ought to 'ghtrh P el 4 ibl4P t ion, and ' the Treasury ought to be tlie pa , rty '‘,l' withholding it. It would not be a valid . gro_ T e d ot7i,tlit;:4ing evidence, that any parties in power, or ino , ffi enst; t4t: et t Z ) Pretnited by it, nor did he foresee any such i b il tch;',Ption arising. But they should not reake . it er h - t ,roduce all the evidence, as some parts of it m g in Rh,e 'li tt- t „ L esuch that which might refer to the mode f ''.l. j ti t (rV? he qUe a ; bills were made . . tit tnae."AS WILLIE agreed with the suggestion that had et4elehavlA the same time, it was essential to the justice of Ithes:'°ers that the evidence should not be withheld A la ei ght C 1 u,a , as then amended, was agreed to. t3 „at agreed to. l l h al postp one d. 4t th, 11 tl 12th and 13th clauses were agreed to. ;,°O;tl,l4"tiett?.AAS WILDE, returning now to his postponed `' ‘ se 1; 11 1 ela 8 said no doubt that the House had n trle ' 44 .° the c,: u e • loners. The House and the public ge ts MT11133 4rtiN g " 4 ' l " - leo in the Judges, yet the Judges did not de •tert,' t,),, without the assistance of counsel; if they did they l!tinie,itnti,,e4,l4`tricese that confidence ; therefore, confidence in the 11 % k 4 t was no excuse for not framin the Bill in such ° Prevent the possibility of a . mistake, or an er 1, twi t f g, disposing I N. 4 (i e eedin • of cases in which the whole Zee } Y . i tt el were at stake. The Exchequer bills were a public en t • 4 44.-e rel:'hich men had no legal r . emedy, and differed rtt e t il'ulY which attached to the issue of a bill of ex- Possible indulgence should be . give sk n e t d o the inno for the as ' 'he e ' , 14 the present case. The I 'la s , es• L o onsel in laying the evidence en be y fo a re the_ . Commise ie 4e ,,;`,. was to decide them in making their rep e or i t n . evide;:e acquainted with law knew that the m tn od elit ;,I ( ;i:"let k , e 'e was produced often decided common asce a n s s e e — w were not ,ot; ~geeeral intelligence and I.,tale,t,,lis„::".actleal experience and professional knowledge 'kki of ,`" Why then should the Hou l se refuse the for I 0001, having no oher lega remedy, that 11 ,,c 11 „ h tt which a man would have r in recovering a debt of t " fulPo ' " e s were notthose which his Hon.and Learned Friend th, 'N th e , 4 - C As w ed to be. If th . e bona fide holders were not t „t;: y e tteL : tioti e et y t, g w o as in sa to i the evidence, they lost the whole of d that the Commissioners would h go intro 11 ' `no w But how were they to do so, t l° t t ?f the case ? They might as and what was }:' ' ti l e tiler u dge ; and he will decide upon it. . t , n itle4 it.ss„day that the Judges refused to him depositions sitions d e ;soieh they had to try. But what are the bill jut Wriv his Hon. Friend said that they were not ti hty before the Commission. Who were to be able nesses should be called so well as they? ir 'sett th e about the long speeches of counsel, and the khNtik, 1 Y Would occupy; that was nothing new to him Vti tie), and he had often heard gentlemen of the et , the e eemplained of for their long speeches, when . k e l a i ,lit t ,he: o t f e ti ll ti 7ere just as bad themselves in complaining ut t ot " , ti tits ; but the fact was, that ever d y t o e n t e h t e h i o r u n g w h n t 4- and dry except those which relate es, •i e ties . Pr' lett' r tatt a "Pt after 11 as nothing at all, v . then compa h re d d I; t and pressing nature of the business. He a h Dre l ,„. 4 eitend the inquiry, as his Hon. and Learned let ety s-,Zsti, utiles Huse were prepared to refuse i'srseb;ge ilg a t oflaying their case before the Com ","idenvetee-e.'th edvice of councel• As to the 4 1+ kLt}. l 4 ,e grou n d " o f ' del a y, he cellist say, frem d w o h i at iri he a -.4l th i , att , i es, that their cases might be dispose some of them were bankers and traders of the highest credit ; and amongst them was one gentleman, who transacted business to the ameunt of sixteen or eighteen mil lions a year, and his case would occupy but little time. The question really wa., whether three persons were to ha►e the power of resorting to the means which the law and the Constitution recognised for eliciting truth. Every . one se acquainted with the administration of justice was aware that the impression of eviOenee on the Judge and jury was very different after hearing the observations of counsel, and he was convinced that much time would be saved by conceding this claim. It was said that these holders Lad no legal right to have their claims investigated ; that was certainly true ; but if ever there was a claim founded in justice, the claim of an innocent holder of one of these bills was so founded, and if these persons had no legal remedy, that was their misfortune. He trusted that the Committee would not be led away with the idea that per sons would arise from no one knew where, to take up the time of the Commissioners by claiming a right to be beard, or with the idea that a multitude of issues would be raised if counsel were employed. The only question that could be raised would be—first, it the holder of the bill had received the bill properly ; and, secondly, if the authorities issuing the bill had exercised proper care and precaution. He should therefore move that the clause be brought up and added to the Bill. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that the observations of his Hon. and Learned Friend did not remove his objections to the clause proposed. His lion. and Learned Friend's argument went to show the right on the part'of the bill-holders of being heard by counsel. No doubt they had such right, but the question was, if they would leave the decision to the discretion of the Commissioners, or if they would allow any person who chose to describe himself as an owner of an Ex chequer bill to attend with his counsel and witnesses. But the clause would not attain the object in view. How could the attendance of witnesses be secured? There was a clause giving the Commissioners the power of sum moning witnesses, and no doubt, on any party applying to the Commissioners, they would exercise that power. But if they left the summoning of witnesses to the discretion of the Com missioners, surely they ought to leave the question as to the em ployment of counsel to their discretion also. His Hon. and Learned Friend's speech seemed to say that they (the Govern ment) were opposing the attendance of counsel in all cases ; but such was not the case; on the contrary, they (the Government) contended that they ought to leave the decision of the question entirely in the discretion of the Commissioners. What he objected to was the taking out of the hands of t►,e Commis sioners all control ever these proceedings, and compelling them to hear witnesses in every possible case. When the Hon. and Learned Gentleman spoke of the power of the Commissioners to report the result of their inquiries, it should be recollected that they had no power to make any final decision—that would Test entirely with the House itself. On these grounds, there fore, he must object to the clause proposed by the Hen. and Learned Gentleman. The clause was then brought up. Sir R. INGLIS said it appeared to him that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman desired to give to the claimants an advan tage which was not sought by the Government, and on that ground he thought the proposal objectionable, The Commis sioners would have no power to decide that such' and such a sum was (ie to a particular person, but would merely report to the Queen, and through the Queen to the Parliament, that such and such had been the mode of issuing Exchequer bills, and such and such persons had been the holders of them. He could not see why an advantage should be possessed by the holders which was not possessed by the Government. Lord EBRIN G TON was understood to say that he thought both the Government and the claimants should be heard by counsel, as they might think fit. Lord J. RUSSELL said that he concluded the Government would have the power of being heat d by counsel, and he thought it would be wrong of the Government not to have recourse to professional assistance, while the claimants availed themselves of such an aid. Air. WA KL EY said that the parties at all events should be heard by couusel, as was the case upon all other similar oc casions. Mr. C. BULLER asked why the House should depart from the usual course of proceeding, and not allow the evidence ad duced on the various questions to be brought under the Com missioners to be sifted by counsel. It was only by the proper sifting of the evidence that the real state of the facts would be really coal. at. Sir R. PEEL said the question was, whether or not they would trust the investigation to the Commissioners, who were most calculated to elicit the truth—whether or not they would confine their instruction to them, or give a right to every party to be heard by counsel ? Of the Commissioners, one had been a Master in Chancery, and must be a good judge of the nature of the inquiry which was best calculated to al rive at the truth. The other Commissioner, Mr. Sergeant Stephen, in addition to his long practice at the bar, had served on the Commission to Inquire into Real Property, and was, therefore, well fitted for conducting such an inquiry. It was generally admitted on both sides that by their integrity and professional attainments, they were well fitted to conduct the inquiry, and meet the ends of justice. If it was necessary that counsel should be heard on the part of the holders, it may be also necessary to hear evidence on the part of the Crown. ( Hear, hear.) The duty of the Commissioners was to lay the evidence in the most satisfactory manner before the House, and he thought it better to leave the matter in the hands of the Commissioners, who, he had no doubt, would call counsel if it was necessary. Sir THOMAS WILDE said, that if the evidence was. legal, no Judge in the land would have the power to refuse, and why should Commissioners have that power ? It was said that Parliament was to decide on the evidence, but who was to decide what the evidence was to be? He did think that would be a full, fair, and satisfactory way of proceeding. It might be necessary for the holder to propose the evidence of bankers, bill-brokers, and stock-brokers, touching his ownership of a bill. Who was to decide which of these was to be selected, and when ? In his (Sir T. Wilde's) opinion, the holders of hills should be represented by counsel, and so should the Treasury.=(Hear, hear.) Let the Treasury state their objections openly to the bill-holders, and let the holders state theirs by counsel. Was it just to prevent a party from bring ing forward any evidence necessary to make out his ease? If it was not just. why withhold those opportunities? Would not counsel be heard before a Committee of that House? The Commissioners being ignorant of the case of the parties, and of the case of the Government—being ignorant whether the case arose from negligence, or from circumstances neces sarily connected with such, could not know where to send fur information; it was not safe to apply to either side, and whatever they heard, ought to be heard in the presence of both. Was the ordinary mode of proceeding in all utherl cases to be withheld in this? It was illusory to say that all would be done that was right ; it was not Parliamentary— whatever was proper to he done ought to be expressed in the Act. It was not safe try leave a clause of doubtful con struction. He trusted, with regard to the permission to be heard by counsel, that the holders of these bills would not be prevented from having recourse to the ordinary means of justice. Mr. V. HARCOURT was anxious to do justice to the par- ties. concerned, and he was still more anxious to do justice to the ; He would not willingly be aparty . to bringing the question before the House with a prejudice against either the holders • or the public, and from the strong opinion which had been expressed by Hun. Gentleman opposite that justice could not be done unless counsel attended on behalf of the bill-holders, he felt convinced that if the proposition were not acceded to, the question would come beiure the House with a prejudice against the public that full justice had not been done towards the holders. The Hon. Gentlemen opposite had said that full justice could not be done unless counsel attended to protect the interest of the bill-holders. Under these circumstances, he hoped the Government would give way, and permit the cla'ise to be brought up. Although, if he were a holder of Exchequer hills he should be perfectly satisfied to leave the whole question to the discretion of the Commissioners, yet, considering the Learned Member for Worcester as the repre sentative of the bill-holders, and having heard what had fallen from that lion. and Learned Gentleman, he thought it would be the least inconvenient course to accede to his proposition. The only inconvenience that could arise from doing so would be delay, and for that the holders would be answerable, and by it they alone would be the sufferers. For his own part he thought there would be ample security in trusting to the dis cretion of the Commissioners, and therefore he should vote with the Right Hon. Baronet if the question came to a di vision, but he had thought it right to say what he had said to guard against a prejudice which he foresaw was likely to arise. 111 r. KEMBLE wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet Whether it was intended that the investigation should be open to the public? Sir R. PEEL replied that was intended to be left to the discretion of the Commissioners themselves. Mr. KEMI3LE said, that having undertaken to present a petition from senie of the holders or the bills, he had no hesi tation in advising them not to press to be eard by cornice!. There was one reason why he thought they would suffer in• jury from such a privilege, namely, that if counsel were heard for the holders they must also be heard for the Treasury. The Government would thus lee placed in direct hostility to the bona fide holders. —( Hear, hear.) As he could not ' see, therefore, what advantage the holders would derive from being heard by counsel. he would fe«.l it his duty to vete against the proposal. Mr. BARING said, he thought the parties bad a right to a full and fair inquiry, and full opportunity of laying all the facts before the Commission ; on the other hand, he thought the public had an equal right to the examination of witnesses, in order that all the circumstances of the case might be fully made krrawn. He believed, notwithstanding all he had heard, that that object would be' far more effectually accomplished by both the Treasury and the. parties being heard, than by leaving the matter entirely to the Commissioners. He did not under stand how it was possible to hear counsel on the part of the Treasury, and to refuse the bill-holders the same advantages. — (Hear, hear.) 1-le thought that no steps should be taken in these proceedings without counsel on the part of the Crown, to defend the interests of the Crown, and counsel, on the part of the bill-holders, to defend their special interests, and he hoped Government would not oppose the employment of counsel on botk sides. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said there was no clause in the Bill requiring the Commissioners to have counsel on either side. As the Bill stood it was quite in the discretion of the Commissioners, . and it was not to be supposed that they would allow the Crown to be heard by counsel, and not allow the bill-holders.—( Hear, hear.) The Bill was framed in such a way as not to compel the Commissioners to hear counsel in any case, and yet to leave it open to them to admit counsel on both sides, if they thought it expedient. Mr. HARDY thought, that instead of leaving it to the Com missioners to say what parties should be heard by Jounsel, it would be better to declare at once that all parties should be at liberty to call in professional aid as they might think proper. In case the Commissioners should at any time refuse to hear counsel, if that power were given to them, this inconvenience would follow—that the House would subject itself to the ne cessity of hearing the complaints of parties hereafter. Mr. HAWES said that he did not think it advisable to leave it to the Commissioners to decide what parties should or should not be heard by counsel. They should then be told by those parties, whose counsel had not been heard that the inquirieshad not been fairly and fully conducted. The inquiry should be conducted according to the ordinary forms in such cases, and the parties should be at liberty to oe heard by their counsel in all cases in which they might think proper. Mr. W. ATIVOOD thought the Government ought to pay the amount of those repudiated bills to the owners, provided they held them in the course of honourable business, but con ceding that much, it was certainly the duty of Parliament to examine into every circumstance which might throw suspicion on the manner in which the holders of those bills came by them. The holders were men generally of the first respectability, and men who courted investigation. He could 'not see, therefere, why they should refuse to allow them to conduct their case be fore the Commission in the manner they thought most advisable. Mr. RIGBY WASON knew of only one objection in this matter, and that was the delay to which real bona fide holders might be subjected, by persons who were not bona fide holders, coining forward with witnesses, and having them examined at great length by counsel. He thought they could meet that ob. jectisn by directing the Commissioners to report from time to time. An How. MEMBER observed, across the table, that there was a provision to that effect. Mr. RIGBY WA SON then wanted to know what became of the objection.-(Cries of «« Divide.") The Committee then divided, when there appeared— For the Amendment Against it Majority The remainder of the clauses were then agreed to, with some verbal amendments, the House resumed, and the report was ordered to he brought up tai-morrow. INCOME TAX. ()Lithe inotion of Sir R. PEEL, that the House reeolve its] into a Committee of Ways and Means. THE SUN, LONDO Mr. BLEWITT said the Right Hon. Baronet had propo-ed a tax which had been received with universal execration by the eountry.—( Great laughter from the Ministerial benches.) The Right Hon. Baronet had attempted to make it pa!atable by hording out to the public the hope of certain amendments in the tariff. A general feeling, however, prevailed, that the Right Hon. Baronet would not be able to carry those amend ments, and remembering what had been said by a Noble Duke in another place, that if any proposition was made in which he did not coincide, he and his party would be the brat to turn him out, he (Mr. Blewitt) thought there was some ground for that opinion. He had seer, in a newspaper a statement of the Hon. Member for Lincolnshire, to the effect that that Noble Duke had told him that if he were to oppose the proposed tariff, it would be modified and amended. He thought, therefore, that they ought to know what alterations were likely to be carried out before they entered into the question of the income tax.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet esti mated his deficiency at two mi lions and a half, and to meet that he proposed a tax which would realize 3,700,000/. He (Mr. Blewitt) could not consent to place such a large surplus at the disposal of the Government without any certain equiva lent. He would, therefore, move, " That part of the produce of the income tax which has been proposed by her Majesty's Government is intended to form a fund greater than is required for the public service ; that the adoption of the said income tax, under such circumstances, would impose on the people, already suffering under severe privation, a greater burden than the necessities of the public service required; and that this House, therefore, will not resolve itself into Committee on Ways and Means until it has been determined what amount of taxes shall be reduced or repealed." The SPEAKER having put the question, Mr. S. CRAWFORD said he had availed himself of the Easter recess, to ascertain the opinion of his constituents with respect to the proposed tax, and their unanimous voice was that it ought, in every possible way, to be resisted. There were some things, however, in the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet which he could not but approve. Amongst these was the proposal to tax real property, which he thought wouldre lieve the poor, by means of taxing the rich. He also approved of the proposal to tax non-residents who spent their income in foreign countries. He also thought it right that property in the funds should be taxed for the benefit of the State. But he thought there were disadvantages arising from this tax Nvhich fully counterbalanced its advantages. The tax upon revenue arising tram trades and professions he thought were unjust and oppressive, and taxing the capital vested in trade would be pe culiarly unjust. And, again, the amount of duty taken off articles of consumption was not sufficient. In the year 1833 a proposition was made by Mr. Robinson to put on an income tax, which was supported by the different parties, but, at the same time, that Gentleman proposed to relieve taxes on consumption, to the amount of 8,000,000/. Another objection to this tax was, that it was proposed for the purpose of upholding monopolies ; and another strong objection was, that it was proposed in order to support a war, which in his (Mr. Crawford's)opinion, and in the opinion of his constituents, was unjust; and he thought the honour of that House would best manifest itself by having a resolution declaratory of the unjustness of that war. Those opinions had been expressed in resolutions which had been agreed upon at two meetings, held in Rochdale, the one a meeting of the Anti-Corn. law Association, and the other a public meeting of the electors and inhabitants of Rochdale. Although he disapproved of the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet, he did not wish to be understood to approve of the counter proposition of the Noble Lord, for the Noble Lord's plan upheld a duty upon corn, and he (Mr. Crawford) never could support a budget which did that. He did not wish to be considered as being opposed to the Right Hon. Baronet as a party man, but he took that course which he thought the interests of the country required, without any reference to party. The people were inclined to doubt the character of the relief which the Right Hon. Baronet proposed to afford them, because the Right Hon. Baronet had given no notice of any increase of revenue ; neither had they any intimation from the Right Honourable Baronet as to how long this tax was to continue. It was proposed, in the first instance, for three years, but there were no means pointed out for the getting up of the revenue after the income tax should be abolished. Was it to be by economy, by alterations in our colonial policy, by a reduction of the army and navy, or by what means ? They were not told. It certainly was necessary that the people should know, before they granted this measure, what means were to be adopted hereafter for their relief. He had thought it necessary thus to express the opinions of himself and his constituents on this question, to account for the manner in which he should vote. _ The House was then about to divide, strangers having been ordered to withdraw, when Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE rose and said, that he thought the motion of his Honourable Friend was one of far too great consequence to be Allowed to pass over in that way ; he should beg, therefore, very shortly to state what his feelings on the subject were, and why he should vote for the measure. They had heard that evening, in answer to a question with regard to the tariff, which was always supposed to be part and parcel with the income tax measure,that the Right Hon. Baronet was not prepared to stand by the tariff as laid before the House on the first night of the debate. Now the motion of his Hon. Friend was simply to the effect that the House ought to be acquainted with the duties of which the people were to be relieved. It was prevalent thi oughout the country that this tariff might be postponed, or at any rate would be modified, but in the meantime it was said, " vote for the in come tax, swallow the pill; you must do that, or else Sir R. Peel will be.turned out ; vote for the income tax in the meantime." Now, was it meant to fritter away the tariff, so that it would not be worth a farthing? He hoped that was not the intention of Government, and he was sure the Right Hon. Baronet would be obliged to him for giving him an opportunity of saying whe ther or not it ever crossed his mind to postpone the income tax. The proposition of his Honourable Friend was that the people should understand whether it was meant that the duties, which had been before mentioned, were to the full extent to be carried out, or whether the tariff was to be postponed. He (Mr. Duncombe) had understood that the tariff and the income tax were to go pari passe together ; and, indeed, he did not consider that the resolution of his Hon. Friend was one which should he treated with the contempt with which it was about to be met, by the House going to a division, without a remark from one of her Majesty's Ministers. He thought, if the Right Hon. Gentleman would condescend to read it, he would find that there was a good deal of reason, justice, and common sense in, it. Sir R. PEEL said, the Hon. Gentleman had asked him whether it had ever crossed his mind to postpone the tariff? Now, taking the question in the sense in which he presumed it bad been put, he answered, without hesitation, that it never had crossed his mind.—( Hear, hear.) There had been some little delay in considering this tariff, in consequence of the in terests of many parties who were effected having to be consulted, and whose opinions, he had already said, he wished to hear; but he had stated that he had great hopes that, on Monday next, he should be able to produce the tariff. And he could state he thought, with confidence, that the tariff which he should produce on Monday would be considered to be the same in principle as that which he had before brought fore ard. That delay had arisen solely from a desire to hear those parties whose interests were concerned ; but, as he had said before, he did not con template such alterations as would be considered any departure from the general principle. Now, in consequence cf this de lay of a few hours, he trusted the House would not conceive that he was departing from the principles of the measure, but that they would permit him to bring in the Bill, founded on the resolution betore the House. It was quite clear that the tariff must be in possession of the House before the House could be called on to allow the second reading ; and if there should be anything which should appear to be in opposition to what he had before proposed, it would be quite competent to , the House to oppose the second reading, and reject the mea sure altogether. That, however, he believed was not the question of the Hon. Gentleman—it was whetin r, having got the income tale, he should postpone the tariff ? He repeated that such an intention Lever entered his m ind. ( Near.) It was quite clear that the proposed alteration in the ( Mi es which would tend to lessen the revenue 1,200,000/, must have an important bearing on the consideration of the income tax, and he did hope that the Hon. Gentleman wouN not impute to him the motives of getting, first the income tax, and then being a voluntary party to the postponement of the tariff— ( Hear, hear.) He hoped the House would not refuse to pass this preliminary resolution : they would bear in mind that. the opponents of the measure, if therpassed the resolution, would have a full opportunity, on the second reading and in its future stages, of opposing it.— ( Hear, hear.) Instead of this measure being met as had been said by Universal execration, he thought on the contrary, from corn. munications which he had received on the matter from all parties, that it would be met with general and universal ap prob lion. He believed that the sooner the commereial and manufacturing interests of the country knew what was to be the commercial policy sanctioned by the Legislature, the greater the advantage would be to them ; and he must say, though he said it in perfect good humour, that having had this delay till after the holydays for that tremendous burst of indignation, if they were satisfied with that explosion, he was satisfied ; and being equally satisfied, he hoped they would approach the measure, and go on to a division , each having gained the end • that he had in view. Mr. E. ELLICE said he agreed in the course which the Right Eon. Baronet had taken, and in the principles on which he had acted, because he did not see what Ober course he could hi,ve adopted; but having said this, he must say that he could not concur with him in his in. come tax. He• thought what the Right Hon. Gentleman should have attempted to do, under the present pre sure, would have been to have found some less objectionable principle by which he could have brought the tax upon property to the re venue, without having recourse to the old income tax, with all its irregularities, and its unfair pressure on parts of the com munity.—(Hear, hear.) Believing that some means must be taken to maintain the credit of the country, he quite concurred with the Right Hon. Baronet, that one of there modes of sup plying the deficiency must be adopted—they must either fur ther tax consumption ; they must make that which was paid to monopolists enter the Exchequer; or they must do as the Right Hon. Baronet had done, propose ail income, or rather it should have been a property tax, and make those who could pay hear the burdens. He thought, also, that there were some errors in the budget of the Right Hon. Gentleman, which would in crease the deficiency of the revenue, and which were unneces sary. He could not see why they should abandon the tax upon timber.—( Hear, hear.) He infinitely preferred the budget, which had been brought forward by his Right Hon. Friend last year, to that of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. No one could certainly doubt the difficulties under which his Right Hon. Friend undertook the duties of Chancellor of the Ex chequer then; and last year his Right Hon. Friend was much in the same situation that the Right Hon. Gentleman is now. He was obliged to propose measures to supply some deficiency in the Exchequer. His Right Honourable fr iend's proposition, he thought, ought not to have been opposed by the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite. Though he thought the calculations of his friends relative to what was expected from those sources were somewhat exag gerated, he was convinced that in principle they were the hest that had been proposed, and he must say that the pro pesotiona were very creditable to the Right Hon. Gentleman who had proposed them, and to the Government who upheld him in them, and on behalf of the commercial part of the com munity he gave them his sincere thanks.—(Hear, hear.) But, then, with respect to the timber duties, he thought last year that it was best, and he stated it, to impose an additional duty on American timber at once by way of revenue. When the circumstances of the country permitted they could reduce the duties on foreign and Canada timber together, but • he could not understand why the revenue derived from that source should be given up under present circumstances. He did not understand how the persons to bo relieved by the re duction on timber were entitled to that relief more than those who were suffering under the pressure of other taxes.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the benefit that would accrue to Canada, he thought that if the pitiful duty of two or three shillings on colonial wheat was removed it would fully compen sate the Canadians for any loss they might sustain from the alteration in the timber duties.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to a property tax, he was not one of those who thought that there was anything so sacred about property as that it should only be taxed in time of war,--(Hear, hear.) He did not see why it should not be taxed at all times. It was the source from which assistance to the revenue could be most easily drawn, under all circumstances, and with least • danger to the trade of the country. But, at least, if pro perty was to be taxed, why should not they be just in taxing it. He (Mr. E.) represented a large commercial city and he wished they were asked as to the justice of taxing a declining trade, or whether it was fair to put them in such a position that they must either say that they had nothing to return, or for the sake of maintaining their credit, make a return which they ought It was desirable they should come to some fixed mit • pririeiple with respect to a property-tax, and ascertain whether it could not be permanently maintained. It was so in other TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 5, 1842. countries. In Francs one-half, certainly one-third, of the taxes were derived from direct taxation. It was also the case in Switzerland. However,he knew the difficulties of the Right Hon. Baronet,' and he for one was sincerely thankful to him for the great relief he promised by his tariff. He had such confidence in the Right Hon. Baronet, and in the honesty of his professions ; that he would not vote for the propositi n d th, Hon. Member for Monmouth. He knew enough of the Right Hon. Baronet to know that he meant honestly—( Hear, hear ) —and farther than to give his decided opposition to the unjust, unequal, and odious character of an income tax, he would not throw any unnecessary obstacles in the way.—(Hear.) Mr. DUNCOMBE said a few words in explanation. Sir R. PEgL said he hoped the Hon. Member for Mon mouth would withdraw his motion, and allow the resolution to pass. House. Mr. BLEWITT said that giving the Right Hon. Baronet credit for his honest intention., he would withdiaw his motion, but, at the same time, he held that the honest speech of an honest Member of Parliament ought not to be called an explo-' sion by the Right Hon. Baronet.—( Great laughter. ) Sir R. PEEL said, that the Hon. Gentleman had misunder stood hiin, in attributinc , the use of the word 4' explosion" to his (Mr. Blewitt's) speech. What he referred to was, the an ticipated explosion that was to take place throughout the coun try, in consequence of the delay which had taken place with regard to the income tax, blit he certainly did not confound the speech of the Hon. Member with an explosion. - The amendment was then withdrawn, and the House went into Committee, Mr. GREEN in the chair. The CHAIRMAN then read the resolution, which was put and agreed to. Mr. M. GIRSON said, that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government having made state ments so completely the reverse of what had falltn from the Hon. Member for Monmouth, with respect to the feelings of the country on the income tax, he was sorry an opportunity was not given of ascertaining what the feelings of the country really were by means of petitions—(Hear, hear)—though when a proposition was made for continuing the income tax in 1816, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer attempted to show that the petitions against the income tax did not express the feelings of any considerable number of persons. He confessed he could not quite agree with much of "-hat hadfallen from either side of the House as to the proceeds of the income tax, or as to its being discontinued in three years. The Right Hon. Baronet held out that hope as an inducement to persons to vote for the tax, but he (Mr. Gibson) saw no reason why, if the tax were necessary now, it would not also be necessary at the end of three years. The Right Hon. Baronet had laid it down that the deficiency was one of a permanent character, and that the Corn-laws, or good or bad harvests, had nothing to do with it. What hope was there, then, that after three years, they would be able to dispense with the tax, and have at the same time an equslity between the expenditure and revenue? He had stated that he brought forward a tariff reform, and had made such alterations in it as would revive the trade of the country, and rendering the Excise and Customs' duties more pruductive, would have the effect of equalising the ex penditure with the income of the country. It was true that such a cource of policy would in time have that effect, but the alteration must be one of a bolder and more comprehensive nature than that contemplated by the Right Hon. Baronet. They might talk of visionary theorists,but the Right Hon. Baronet expected a larger result from his measure than the most vi sionary theorist in the Anti-Corn-law League. Though he believed a comprehensive reform l had been the effect of equalis ing the expenditure with the revenue, he did not expect that four millions of money would be forthcoming in consequence of the plan of the Right Honourable Baronet. If the Right Honourable Baronet was afraid of holding out expectations which could not be fulfilled, he hoped that he had in store some comprehensive measure with respect to foreign sugar, to justify him in leading the country . to believe that the in come tax would be dispensed with in three years. He re gretted that if there was any intention of proposing an equali sation of the duty on the inheritance of real property with that of personal property, it was not put in execution then because he believed that those who were willing to follow the Right Hon. Baronet now would not in a short time be se subservient to him. If under the tax of the Right Hon. Baronet every person was to pay according to his means—according to the benefits he derived from the State—why was it to be given up at the end of three years?— ( Hear, hear.) If the tax was good and just it ought to be retained, and those tales on consumption, which Hon. Gentlemen opposite allowed to be much more unjust, ought to be abolished. He had not before given his opinion on the income tax, but he thought it was fair to state, and he believed it also to be the opinion of his constituency, that in the tariff of the Right Hon. Baronet there were many excellent improvements, hut be also looked upon it as a step to a more free system of commerce. He would not go so far as the Agricultural Advocate in stating that the Anti- Corn-law League had found in the Right Hon. Baronet a fitting advocate for their propositions, because the great number of the alterations in the tariff were of a very trifling character, but he looked upon it as a step that would ultimately lead to something better. The Right Hon. Baronet had quoted the opinions of Mr. D. Hume and others, who were much looked up to by the Anti Corn-law League, but he wished teat he had kept in his recollection the saying of Mr. Hume—" that the people could not pay public taxes and private taxes too." He ( Mr. G.) would have wished that the Right Hon. Baronet had intercepted that tax which was going into the pockets of private individuals without in the least benefiting the revenue. —( Hear.) He wished he had intercepted the difference of duty between Bd. and 4d. in the article of coffee from going into the pockets of a colonial interest.—( Hear, hear.) He . wished that the difference should be allowed to be paid into the Ex chequer. Supposing the commercial reform inteeduceci by the Right -Honourable Baronet had the effect in.. three years of equalising the expenditure and revenue, and that it was necessary in the intervtl to raise a sum of moneefor the public service, he would in that case agree to an income tax.. The plan of the Right Honourable Baronet was to levy a given sum within a certain, period on the. country. The tax would take as much in three years from professional incomes as it would from real property. Was this just? If. Hon. Gentlemen opposite could sanction the injustice of a tax equally imposed on all kinds of property, the community at large would not, and conscience would not check them from evading it by fraud when they could. Ihe Government had made no attempt to equalise the distribution of ,theie tax ac cording to the actual means of different classes of the, public. There was in fact no improvement in the resent income tax on that of former times. If the Gorsrnirsent :Isad used halt the efforts to impose the tax justly on doe s esesmun,ity the they had used to shift in some parts of the cernmienify to favour certain classes, there would now be no cause for complaint. The Government then rested its apolOgy se? , the necessity of the case. He (%lr. Gibson) would not at! sw. that there, was. an adequate necessity to justify the.. stieh aTai. Hon. gentlemen on his side could iiissest means to supply the deficiency of the revenue w resorting" to an income tax, but it was not their duty to suggeSt thetn,at preientgor, as the Right Hon. Baronet himself had :well eeid, a physician ought net to prescribe until he had been Called its. Nevertheless, his (Mr. G. s) conviction was that the Right Hon. Baronet might have avoided a recourse to this tax, by a. reduction of the duty on foreign sugars, and an equalisation dale duties on the descent of real and personal property. He (Mr. G.) had pledged himself to his constituents to oppose the income tax, and therefore he would oppose it ; and if the Right Hon. Baronet me-nt to realise the sum he had estiMated, its produce at its collection must be made by laying informations agai n st parties who had given in incomes less than they possessed, and they must employ spies and informers, giviiig these men an it.terest in all aduitional sums that should 'tune into the Trea• sury in consequence of their information. Could anything be more abhoirent to the feelings of Englishmen than such a sys tem ? When Mr. Vitt imposed his income tax of ten per cent. be did not get so much under its lax and indidlgent opeiationas he did afterwards under the more stringent system adopted when the tax was laid on at five per cent. when spies and informers were employed. The Right Hon. Baronet said there had been as yet no very strong and general expression of public feeling against the tax. His (Mr. G's.) answer was that the country would not be effectually moved until the law had been passed and the people had felt the working of it. When the pec;ple felt the smart of the tax all that public feeling would be aroused with the absence of which the Right Hon. Baronet now taunted them.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. R. NVASON rose to order. He believed the Hon. Gen tleman who last spoke, and other Hon. Members, were not aware that the first resolution had been passed.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that it had been improperly passed.—( Hear, hear.) Some Gentleman wishing to speak, seeing the Hon. Chairman rise, gave way to him, and he took advantage of the interval to put the question, when it was carried. He (Mr. W.), how- ever, would ask whether the resolution had really passed ? The CHAIRMAN said, when he read the resolution he was not aware of the rising of any Hon. Gentleman. First he (the Chairman) said "the thought the ayes had it"—then he stopped for awhile, and said " the ayes had it." But if it would be more satisfactory he would put the resolution in other terms.—( Hear. ) Mr. 'W A LLACE•said, on the word of a gentleman, he die not hear the resolution read. All he could hear the Chairman say was, " the ayes have it." He believed, , - however, the dis- . cussion might proceed on the question not.fas well as before. Sir E. KN itTCHBULL said he had heard the resolution read most deliberately, and there was a dead silence on the op posite side of the H use.—(Cheers, and hear. hear.) Mr. HAWES said he did not hear the question put; that was the cause of the silence be' their side of the House. Mr. E. ELLICE had riot heard the question read. Mr. T. BUNCOMBE said it was of no importance whether the House divided on the first or the second resolution; for, as the Right Hon. Baronet said, the discussion might best come on in Committee. He (Mr. Buncombe) hoped, however, that Mr. Green would speak a little louder in future. Mr. LINDSEY had distinctly heard the question put out side the green door.—( Laughter, and hear, hear. ) Mr. V. SMITH thought the persons outside the House heard it better than those within.—(Laughter.) He did not hear the resolution read. Sir R. PEEL admitted that it would be unfair to assume that the resolutien had passed, after the discussion that had taken place —( Hear, hear.) However, be must remind the House that the resolution was very well known, havieg been in the Notice Paper about three weeks.—( Hear, hear.) He also thought the Chairman had read it in a most audible man ner. However, after what had been said by Honourable Gentlemen opposite, •he must allow that the resolution had passed through their inadvertence, still it had passed— (Laughter, and hear, hear)—and he was sure Hon. Gentlemen would see that it would be most dangerous to renew a discus sion on a resolution atter it bad passed. He did not mean to insist on an advantage produced by an accidental acquiescence, but he thought it would be better that the debate should take place on the report than on the second resolution. Alderman HUMPHREY admitted that he heard the rest lution distinctly put, but he believed it was not heard by Hon. Gentleman, because they were concocting something at the time.—( Hear, and laughter. ) Mr. PRICE thought it was most desirable they should show the world that the energies and resources of the country were ready to meet the emergencies that might arise ; this vies not only necessary to the honour of the country, but would ulti mately prove the best policy. Recollecting the manner in which the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet was received on this side of the House, and the .ilence with which it was received by Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side, he vas not surprise I at the almost universal opposition with which it was threatened. - The opposition it received from Members of the late Government was perfectly consistent, it the pro position was-whether they should adopt the proposal of the I Right Hon. Barenet opposite, or the plan brought forward by the late Government? They:proposed at once to reduce the burdens of the people and to increase the revenue, which be thought was preferable to the present plan. —( Hear, hear.) He had always been in favour of direct taxation, in preference to any increase of the burdens of the people by an increased tax on articles of consumption, but still he should offer no o pposition to the plan of the Right Hoc. Baronet. He felt very strongly the great injustice ef laying the same amount of taxation on fluctuating incomes and incomes arising from real property, but he should be ready to give his candid consideration to the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet, and should throw no obstacle in the way of the introduction of the Bill. Mr. M. GIBSON explained, referring to the declaration of the Right Hon Baronet opposite, that he would alloW of no modification of the plan. Sir R. PEEL said he had never stated anything of the kind referred to by the Hon. 'Gentleman. He thought the tax ought to be on income. He look the principle of the tax as he found it in the last and former Act. Hei,bad intended to propose a tax on income, and be was not in the slightest degree shaken in his belief that the tax ought to be imposid, and he thought it would be a very dangerous precedent to break down the efficiency of an instrument that might become necessary in a time of war, by making the distinction referred to by Gen • tlemen on the other side. He adhered to his opinion, but he never meant to express that no alterations whatever should be made. Such an expression would be disrespectful towardi the Mr. GIBSON said, he recollected distinitly that the Right on. Baronet stated there should be no discrimination as to he sources from whence income was derived ; and if they attempted to levy the tax on any such principle, they should be obliged to abandon the plan altogether. He did not, however, mean to say that the Right Hon. Baronet wished to imply that there should be no modification of the details. _ Sir R. PEEL said, he did not mean to recognise the prin ple of discriminating between the sources of income, and 'mild do his utmost to guard against it. Mr. PRICE addressed a few words to the House in explain- tion. He did not mean to say that the tax ought to be aban doned, but that it ought to be modified. Mr. WALLACE said he had been a Commissioner under the old income tax, and knew something of its working. In the first place they would allow him to state, that wherever he had been during the time he had not been doing his duty in ;hat House, the present plan had been very generally discussed, and also the qu 'stion whether the Right Hon. Baronet would be able to carry it. He must s'ate that he had heard among all parties a belief expressed that he would not be able to do it. They did not doubt his willingness to carry it, but there were some who doubted his power of carrying out the income tax and the tariff with integrity. Again r.ferring to the working , )1 the machinery of the income tax, the Hon. Member said that as a Commis.ioner under the ld law he had found the . . duty so disgraceful, and so incompatible with the feelings and conduct cf a gentiman, that be told his father (who was then alive) that he would never again go into such a den of sin and iniquity as he found himself in.—( Laughter. ) Hon. Gentlemen might laugh, but by the time they had felt the operation of the income tax for two or three years, he be• keyed they would change their tone. Country gentlemen of large fortunes and a strict sense of honour had appeared before him, as well as commercial men, and the former disliked fully as much as the latter the exposure of their rentals, and the burdens and bonds affecting their estates, and the provisions for their mothers, sisters, and brothers, as the merchants die- liked the disclosure of their losses, by which their credit might tie ruined, or their gains, by which others were induced to flock into their trade. He spoke of the days when ten per cent. was exacted, but he did not see there was any difference in principle, and net much in practice, between the old plan and the present. The Right Hon. Baronet had passed a certain Bill called " Peel's Bill," which when taken in connexion with the , Nationals Debt, incurred by the Tory predecessors of Hen. Gentlemen opposite, were more at the root of the evil than the conduct of the late Government. If it were true that the country was at war, why could they net borrow the money 'uver again as they did before? If they were not at war, why should they raise the revenue by an income tax? Why could they not at least postpone it for a time, and try every other scheme Orst ? Whatever endeavours might be made to keep the result of the inquisition secret, it was sure, by the in discreiion or the gossipping of clerks, to get wind. In its operation on mercantile men their business was exposed and their income was taxed, while it made no difference for the amount of their losses from one year to another. He had no doubt but there would be many abuses in the manner of raising the tax. Many incompetent persons would of neces sity be placed on the Commission, and the most odious espion age and exposure would ensue ;now, as formerly. That was the principle upon which County Magistrates were appointed in Scotland, where the' , succeeded each other from father to son, as Lords became hereditary senators) in this country. They had now in Scotland, he had no hesitation in saying , a most discreditable county and town Magistracy.—(Lo ud laughter.) Magistrates were appointed solely because they held a political position in the county—or because they were born with " the silver spoon in their mouth." He be lieved it would be the same with the appointments of Com missioners under the proposed income tax. He objected to the proposal on every ground ;he believed that - the feelings of the people were decidedly opposed to it. He had reason to know that the country approvedof the conduct of those with had done every thing in their power to obstruct the adoption of thi measure. 'That was what the people wanted the Liberal Members of the House to do, and they would not justify the conduct of some opponents of the tax who quitted the House and left others' to obstruct its passing. The people considered the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. T. Duncombe) as their greatest champion, from the opposition he had given to the measure, and in his own name, and those he had spoken of out of doors, he tendered his best thanks to those Honourable Members.—(A laugh.) The opposition to the proposition was called " factious,' but the people could not understand what that word " factious" meant. The opponents of the measure had done their duty, and the country could not see how they could be accused of faction. For his own part he would now, ' L and at every stage, use his utmost endeavOurs to stay and stop the passing of this disgraceful measure, and called upon the real friends of their country to do the same. Mr. CHRISTMAS said, that upon the whole he approved of the proposition before the House ; and he thought that the exigencies of the country required that some such measure should be adopted. He should not, however, approve of the adoption of indirect taxation under ordinary circumstances, but he telt that the country should not now hesitate in taking such a course. He would, at the same time, admit that some alte- rations might be advantageously effected in the Government proposal. He thought, for instance, that professional men or persons deriving their incomes from salaries, and whose means . . might at any time be diminished by illness, or other causes, should not be called upon to pay to the same extent as the pos sessors of realised property. .still, in his opinion, the time had come when some extraordinary step should be taken to meet the public exigencies ; and he would remind the House that i n A great country like this there should, as much as pos siblj, be an excess rather than a deficiency in its revenue. He should observe that there were some parts of the tariff proposed by the Eight Hon. Baronet whichle could not approve of. tie did not, for instance, approve of the regulations relating to the importation of foreign provisions, which would be felt, and be greatly prejudicial to the interests of Ireland in particular, as he had reason to know. It his opinion it was advisable to increase the duty upon foreign cattle, as the present p roposal was very generally disapproved of. He was extremely desirous to . tee an alteration in the duty on starch. The manufacturers justly complained of the present duty, and were entitled to great consideration. The Hon. IMPriaber concluded by eating that he would support the proposal of her Alajesty's Govern ment: Mr. WAKLEY said, he thought that Honourable Members on that side of the House were labouring unuer a great disadvantage. The major proposition having been carried, he could not see what they would gain by resisting the' measure. His opinion was that they should rather husband all their strength to resist the proposal in its future stages.— (Hear, hear.) He would-not waste the time of the House by going at present into the general propositions submitted for their consideration, but there was a proposal in reference to the landed interest, on which he wished to offer a few remarks. It had been felt by all persons in this and every other civilised country that taxation to be useful must be imposed according to the means of the people—that there should be no apparent, no virtual inequalities. His constituents asked him why it was that a special provision had been made for the farmers whilst no such provisions had been made for the _trading por tion of the community.—(Hear, hear.) Of course they referred to the proposal for exempting farmers from that scrutiny, that oppressive, annoying, and torturing ordeal, which trades men were to undergo in giving an account of their income. He was free to confess that he believed the Right Hon. Baronet Lel applied all the vigour of his intellect--and a great intellect he doubtless had—to the circumstances of the country.; that he had sincerely applied his mind to the necessities of the empire ; but at the same time looking at the tariff and at all the proposals of the Right Hon. Baronet for the relief of the nation, he could see no aecordance between the propositions made and the intentions manifested. Let the House reflect for a moment upon that scrutiny to which tradesmen especially were to be subjected. They had heard the account of his Hon. Friend behind him, of the operation of the income tax when his Hon. Friend was himself a Commissioner. 4` Was it nothing to undergo such scrutinies as lie had described? Was It nothing for an individual to be questioned? Was it nothing for him to be put upon his oath, to be treated with contempt, and even when he had given his statements upon oath to have his evidence rejected? Yet this was the kind of ordeal which the tradesmen of this country were to undergo. From this scrutiny, however, the farming interest was to be ex empted. His constituents inquired why one rule of legislation was to be adopted with regard to tradesmen and another with regard to farmers ? He was under the necessity of referring them to the Right Hon. Baronet for an answer. He could discover no satisfactory g.iound for the exemption. He knew very well that the farmers were complaining that their interests would be ruined and sacrificed by the introduction of foreign cattle on the terms proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet. They might calm their fears. They would suffer no very great sacri fice. All the calculations had been most shrewdly made before they were submitted to the House.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet never intended to inflict injury on the farmers, and if he had thought that his propoiitions would have that effect, he might well have hesitated before he submitted them to tne House. If the necessities of this country demanded that the people should make sacrifices, he believed that they would willingly make them ; but he be lieved, that there was no necesiity for that which was now pro posed, and if there were a necessity for sacrifices, let them fall with equal weight and pressure uperfall classes of the commu nity. Now, what was the first proposition with reference to farmers ? Wny, that a farmer who rented a falai of less then 3001. a year, should not pay one farthing of income tax ; and besides, the farmer was to be entirely free from the scrutiny which, after all, was felt to be the master grievance.—( Hear. ) The second proposition was, that when the rent was above 3001. a year, the profits should be assessed at only one-half. The general belief was, that that was proposed to secure the good will of the 5.1. tenants; that it was intended as a sop to Cer berus—a means of satisfying the great leoded monster of this country. He could not understand the ground of this distinction. With reference to the tariff, his great objection was, that the Right Hon. Baronet did not first secure a reduction in the price of bread. Many persons doubted whether the proposed alte ration in the Corn laws would, on an average of years, at. all affect the price of wheat, though-it might,and probably would, secure a more regular trade. Many of the duties were re duced 50 per cent. ; for example, the duties on articles of ma. nufacture in brass, pee ter, copper, shoes, gloves, and furs. The effect would be, to throw thousands of ss orkpeople out of employment, whilst no material alteration would be made in the price of food. He firmly believed that the Right Hon. Baronet intended to benefit the country ; at the same time, he must repeat his conviction that the proposals made would have a most Injurious effect on the interests of the great body of the working classes of this country.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Much had been said with respect to the introduction of cattle. The Hon. Gentleman who spoke last said, that on this score they were greatly alarmed in Ireland. If the landed interest of England would but investigate the subject—if they would but give due consideration to what were really the wants and necessities of the working people of this empire—if they but re flected on the immense amount of wealth they themselves accu mulated, in consequence of their having given freedom to the commerce of this country, they would be satisfied that in order to improve their own possessions, and acquire security fsr their 'own property, they must unfetter the giant of commerce in this country, and by so doing they would retain what they had already acquired. He therefore trusted that the Right Hon. Baronet, before considering the question definitively, would take a review of his proposition, and notwithstanding the cla mour that might be raised by interested parties, that he would see that it was not inccnsistent with his duty to make a pro posal to the House which would have the effect of bringing wheat into the market at a lower price than at present. If the Right Hon. Baronet did so, he would be hailed as one of the greatest blessings which this country ever produced in the shape of a Minister. Millions and millions would bless his name. Mr. STUART WORTLEY had no desire to prolong the debate, but he would not let it close without making an obser sation on the extraordinary statement of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, namely, that certain exemptions were allowed to the farmer which were not given to other classes. He (Mr. Wort ley) denied that there was anything like an exemption in the proposed general arrangements. It was perfectly :rue that the assessment was to be made on the farmer according to the pro portion of rent paid to the landlord. The Hon. Gentleman asked why any distinction was made between the agricultural tenant and the tradesmen in towns on the subject of the income tax? The Honourable Gentleman appeared to be at a loss for an answer to that question. The answer was very obvious. It was simply this, that in the case of the agricultural tenants, they had something which multi be taken as a test of the amount of property on which the assessment was to be laid ; whereas, with respect to per sons deriving incomes from trades and professions, no such test existed, and they were therefore compelled to make an inquiry before the assessment was made. With respect to the propor tion to be laid on the tenant, that might form a subject of dis cussion, but it was a totally different question from the one mooted by the Hon. Member for Finsbury. That Hon. Gen tleman said that the Right Hon. Gentleman ought to take an opportunity of reducing the duties on agricultural productions, and not throw the whole weight on the manufacturing interest. The lion. Gentleman might. find it snit his purpose to say that the whole weight was thrown on the manufacturing interest; but the country would not heed such statements. In the ar ticle of.aheat, the difference in the lowering of duty according to the proposed scale from that of the existing one, amounted to fifty per cent. He (Mr. Wortley) would be glad to see anything like relief extended to those persons deriving incomes from tradei and professions.--( Hear, hear.) They had a fair claim for relief being extended to them iu such a manner as that the other classes should not be seriously damaged, and he trusted the Right Hon. Baronet would exercise all his inge nuity, and adopt any practical suggestion that might be afforded to him for effecting such relief. At the same time he (Mr. Wortley) could not, without expressing his dissent, allow any Hon. Gentleman to say that tl.ey were subjected to hardships because they had not influence on the Ministerial side of the House. Mr. HOPE JOHNSTONE, who spoke in a tone scarcely audible, was understood to say, that the agricultural interest had no desire to escape from their fair share of the burden of , theincome tax. Sir R. PEEL said he hoped the House would bear in mind the speeches made on the subject of the tariff thia evening. An Honourable Gentleman had observed that there were ru- mours afloat as to his (Sir R. Peel's) motives for assuming the profits of the farmer to be at one half the rent — that he was supposed to have so assumed, for the pur pose of conciliating the agricultural interest. Another Honourable Gentleman ' said that he ( Sir Robert Peel) was guilty of the utmost injustice in assuming the profits to be equal to one-half the rent : that in Scotland such an estimate would be most unjust. He (Sir R. Peel) only threw out this as a strong proof that her Majesty's Government had attempted to do justice to all parties. He could assure the House that their great support, their hope of success throughout the.pre sent arrangement was, that they had not attempted to conciliate any political support ; but that they had attempted to do justice between the great producing and consuming interests of the country. Their reliance for success was, that on the con sciousness that they were acting for what they believed to be just to all parties. He (Sir R. Peel) was much relieved by the speech of the Hon. Gentleman, for the general tenor of the communications which he had received in the course of the day was, that the whole of his proposed financial and com mercial measures were intended altogether for the benefit of the commercial and manufacturing interests. It was with some satisfaction he heard the Honourable Gentleman state that, so far as corn was concerned, there was no reduction whatever, and that with respect to cattle the ageiculturists were under a great delusion. The speech of the Hon. Gentleman was, as he had said before, so different from the communications which he (Sir Robert Peel) had received in the course of the day, that he owed him some acknowledgment for relieving him of the effect which the tenor of those communications naturally produced. The lion. Gentleman divet on the gross unfairness and favour shown to the agri cultural as compared with the manufacturing interest, de manding that the agricultnral interest should be subjected to exactly the same scrutiny as the trading interest. While the Hon. Gentleman was so speaking, he (Sir R. Peel) held in his hand a statement which had been submitted - to the Government on the part of the farmers. That document stated that the farmers had never, except on one or two favourable years, had profit on their capital nearly equal to one-half their rent. So far from having any return fur their labour, that they did not obtain even interest on their capital, and they concluded by stating that they would not object to an income tax, and that they were willing to bear a fair proportion of the neces sary burden of such a tat ; that all they desired was that they would not be dealt with in an arbitrary man ner, different from that applied to all other branches. He (Sir R. Peel) happened to be reading that statement when the Hon. Gentleman was arguing that great injustice was done to the manufacturing interest in the proposed plan. The farmers formerly paid a proportion equivalent to three-fourths of thqir rent ; he now reduced it to one-half, and he believed that reduction perfectly just.—(Hear.) With respect. to Scot land, he was ready to admit, that there were circum stances which would require some modification of the mea • sure, but it would be found that in the Act of 1806, which is the basis of the proposed measure, provision was made for such modifications. All he could state was that he wished to put the Scotch farmer on an equal footing with the English farmer. As he had said in the course of the evening he had found throughout the country generally . a strong sense of the necessity of some vigorous exertion being uncle in the present posture of affairs. He found also a great desire to mairtain the public credit, which induced all parties with great cheer fulness to submit to the proposed measure. Among the agricultural classes he found a great desire to bear their share of the burden, and he was perfectly certain that the prevalence of that feeling would insure success in this attempt to equalise the expenditure and income of the country. At the same time he must say, that concurrently with that general acquiescence there was, on the part of every interest which would be affected, an universal desire to remonstrate. All that he could say for himself and colleagues was, that they had endeavoured not to consult interests, but to do jus tice.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said by Gentlemen oppo site that the duration of the tax was to be limited for three years, but that still it was to be reserved to Parliament to con tinue the impost as long as the exigencies of the country might require it. But surely those Gentlemen knew that the limitation to three . years gave the country an opportunity of expressing its opinions in the meanwhile, and of preventing its re-enactment. But he was confident that the neces sity for the tax would terminate before the period upon which he had fixed. He thought there would be an increased tempta tion by the reduction of duties on foreign produce, for the holders of fixed property to remain at home.—( Hear, hear. ) He thought there would be a reduction of the expenses of living which would, in a great measure, compensate those upon whom a tax upon income would fall. Tne present circum stances of the country required a vigorous exertion. He thought that in proposing a tee of three per cent. ho was not establishing a precedent for tire imposition of a tax on property in rinse of peace. Lord JOHN RUSSELL entirely agreed with the Right Honourable Baronet, that it would be im politic to impair the efficiency of these resources to which the Government might have recourse in time of war. But he thought that the mode in which the Right Hon. Baronet pro posed in the present state of the .country was very injurious, and calculated upon mistaken grounds. With respect to the change in the tariff as regarded Scotland, he thought that more consideration was necessary, and that a longer time should be given before such an alteration was made. It seemed to him rather extraordinary that when appeals were made a few months ago to the agricultural interest, there was so much reserve amongst those who declared themselves to be the farmers' special friends, as to the changes which they intended to propose.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He did not apprehend any great danger or loss to the farmers from the proposed change; but he thought that the formers, although not gene rally accused of very great readiness of apprehension, would not have lent their voices so willingly to the Gentlemen who con templated the changes now under the consideration of the House.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) They followed the front rank of their own army, which turned round and fired upon them.—(Cheers cud laughter.) For his part he should certainly persist in moving an amendment on bringing up the Report. He would, however, seriously recom mend the farmers, and the landed interest generally, to consi eider, whether heist.° the Corn Bill was proceeded with fur ther, it would not be for their interest that the duty on the im portation of foreign corn should be reduced so as to be more in conformity with the general principle of the tariff. If in the course of the next year it should be thought advisable to reduce the duties upon sugar, then corn, and corn alone, would be an anomaly.—( Cheers.) Now it was impossble that corn could long stand in that manner alone; and he put it seriously to the Government to consider whether it would not be better, instead of keeping the whole landed and farming interest in a state of agitation on the subject, to adopt at once the same principles in regard to corn that they had adopted in relation to other articles, so as at once to make a fair and final settlement of the question —(" Hear," and cheers ) and in that way to hasten the object which the Right Hon. 13e-onet said he had in view, namely, the reducing the cost of living in this country. He was persuaded that such a course of proceeding would be ultimately for the benefit of the landed interest themselves, and that it would prevent those ma nufacturers who might now with justice complain that they were exposed to the competition of foreigners living on cheap corn, while they themselves were forced to live upon the dear priced corn of this country.—(Cheers.) Mr. GREENE said, that before leaving the Chair he wished to offer a few words in explanation of his conduct. When the Hon. Member for Ipswich had risen to order, he (Mr. Greene) had supposed that the Hon. Member had intended to advert to something which had fallen from the Hon. Member for Man chester who had just sat down, and it was only on that account that he had thought it his duty to check the Honourable Member. lie (Mr. Greene) had little thought that the Honourable Member had risen for the purpose of alluding to his (Mr. Greene's) conduct in relation to what had occurred during the preceding part of the evening. He (Mr. Greene) was the last person in the world to wish to in terrupt Hon. Members who were desirous of observing upon his conduct ; on the contrary, he was thankful to Hon. Members for observing, whether in public or in private, on his conduct in the Chair, for, he could assure the Committee that he was only anxious faithfully to discharge his duty. It was his con scientious belief that he had put the question fairly and dis tinctly—(Ministerial cheers)—and he could assure the Com mittee, that nothing could be more painful to his feelings, than to have it supposed that any conduct of his had been such as to prevent any opinion from being expressed, either by the Committee or by any Hon. Member.—(Cheers.) Mr. W. WILLIA MS had understood the Hon. Gentleman to express his willingness to put the first resolution again, if such should be the desire of the House.—( Laughter, and cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial benches.) it had been his intention to have voted against the first resolution. As, how. ever, that resolution had been agreed to, in consequence of which all the property of the country, except landed property, was to be subjected to an income tax, and as the only effect of negativing the second resolution would be unjustly to exempt landed property from the burden to which every other spe cies of property was subjected, he should not, under the cir cumstances, oppose the second resolution. He regretted the error which had taken place, and thought, whenever an error occurred in the proceedings, the House ought to have an op. portueity of rectifying it. The second resolution, imposing a duty of 3d. in every 20s. on the profit derived from the cultivatioa of land, was then agreed to. The third resolution, for making the stamp and legacy du ties payable in Ireland, equal to the stamp and legacy duties payable in deeds, and property of a similar nature in Great ritain, was then put and agreed to without a division. The House then resumed, and the report was ordered to be brought up on Thursday. Lord J. RUSSELL hoped if the Report were to be brought up on Thursday, that the discussion would be commenced at an early hour. Ile wished to know if the Right Hon. Gentle man had madeany arrangement with those Gentlemen who had notices on the paper for that day? Sir R. PEEL said the only notice that he was aware of was the notice of the Hon. Member for Greenock ; and as that Hon. Gentleman's motion could not be conveniently discussed in the absence of the Lord Advocate, who was at present un able to attend to his duties in the House, in consequence of illness, he trusted the Report might be brought up at an early hour. Mr. T. DUICCONIBE had a notice on the paper for Thurs day, of which he had given notice in the early part of the even ing. It was for a suspension of the Standing Orders preventing the presentation of any petition in relation to a tax which had been proposed in a Committee of Ways and Means. As that motion had some relation to the present subject, and as it would not take long to discuss, he certainly did not feel inclined to give way. Had it been on a matter not in relation to the subject, lie weuld not have hesitated to give way at once. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the Hon. Gentleman had a perfect right to take precedence on Thursday, if he desired it. Mr. WALLACE would not certainly press for the presence of the Lord Advocate if he were unwell, sooner than was quite convenient to himself; but he (Mr. W.) believed that the Home Secretary had a great deal more to do with the question which he (Mr. W.) had to bring forward than the Lord Advocate. He (Mr. W.) should not be long about what he had to say—indeed, it was almost matter of indifference to him whether his motion were acceded to or not, as he should make use of it either way. He did pot, however, imagine that the House would be detained by the discussion. Sir R. PEEL would not bring on the question on Thursday at a late hour in the evening, and if he should be prevented proceeding on Thursday, he would fix on Friday for the bring ing up the Report. MUTINY BILL. Sir GEORGE CLERK moved that the Report on tha Mn• tiny Bill be brought up. Mr. I3ERNA I. objezteti to the Report being brought op at that late hour, as he had :r clause to propose. Sir GEORGE CLERK said that the Hon. Member would have an opportunity of pr,'parinngliiies wordscl auseof the the clause on t a hir s d e; : f reading, and wished to know L'e ieo that the Hon. Member wished to; " Mr. BERNAL said the clause L' e i s n e tended to Otiose was, `' sl ' to prohibit the infliction of corp Oral ..puni ittient 'in the army except for offences committed en the Pie of march, or tor felony. 'I he Report was then brought Up. MARINE MUTINY BILL. The report on the Marine Mutiny Bill was bronost I . l p. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at 12 o'clock. wINDSOR.-MONDAY. LAYING OF THE .FIRST STONE OF THE NEW CHURCH AT WINDSOR, DEDICATED TO THE HOLY TRINITY. This morning, at. ten o'clock, the military assembled on the. ground, and took their stations round the parts enclosed for the accommodation of the public, the bands occupying the Fastern part. The pub is were then admitted to the open area mut re served galleries, and although the morning was not very aus picious, yet hundreds availed themselves of the opportunity to witness so interesting a sight; and owing to the Judicious ar rangement made by the parties, to whom they were entrusted, all who were there in reasonable time obtained a good situatioo. His Royal. Highness Prinee Albert, attended by Mr. George Edward Anson, i'reasurer of his Houiehold, and Wend Ben veils-, Equerry in Waiting, arrived at the time appointed, and was received by the Mayor and Corporation, and the Clergy. The Prince proceeded to the west end of the intended edifice, the bands playing the National Anthem. The .Minister of the parish of Clewer, in which parish the new edifice is erecting. commenced the proceedings by prayer. The fine old Psalm was then sung by the child/a:is, accom panied by the Bands, and had a very good effect, at the conclu sion of which the Hon. and Very Rev. Dr. Hobart, Dsrit of Windsor, read an Address to the Prince : " May it please your Royal Highness, • " Among the many plates in her Majesty's dominions where• the population has outgrown the means of religious instruc tion, the town of IVindsor, distinguished above others as the Sovereign's residence, must be remembered ; its peculation amounts to 10,000, and not including the Royal Chapel of St. George, there is only Church room for 1,600 persons. Of the inhabitants a large number, chiefly of the lower classes, and crowded together in the back streets and lanes of the town, have no connexion with the parish church of Windsor. The spire of their church may be seen rising in the neighbouring village of Clewer, and, independently of that being only of the size proportioned to the population of the counties part of the parish. The connection be tween the town of Windsor and village of Clewer is so often interrupted in the winter months by the rising of the water in the Thames, that the humbler classes have alit ost entirely discontinued their attendance, and have greawn up in a state of great ignorance and irreligion. to supply the wants of the population thus situated ; bring the ministration of religion home to them ; to place among them a clergyman who shall, by pastorall: care, win them back to the fold of Christ, watch over the. spiritual and temporal welfare, and provide that their children shall be brought up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord ; this church is placed in the centre of the district so described. .‘ Bat there is yet another object in the erection, which your Royal Highness will hear with no less pleasure, for deeply in terested as your Royal Highness is in the welfare of all classes of her Majesty's subjects, there is no class, we are assured, where well-being engages more of your Royal Highness's attention than that of the soldiers of the British Army. As a Royal re sidence, there is always a large and important body of .troops stationed in this town. How large and important may bejnslged if we look around us and mark the numbers who are assembled this day, to be present at the performance of a. ceremony in which they are all deeply concerned, for in this church (with the concurrence of her Majesty's Government) the soldiers stationed at Windsor will assemble for Divine wor ship; here they will partake of the ordinances of the Christian religion ; here they will be instructed out of the power and hea venly word of God, and here the soldiers' children, man/ of whom stand here before us, will be instructed in the fear of the Lord. • And shall we suppose that these soldiers will do their duty with less of loyalty in their heart for being instructed to fear God and honour the Queen? These are the purposes contemplated in the erection of this church. " Her Most Gracious Majesty and your Royal Highness hawe been pleased to be associated in this charitable design; the hearty desires of all classes are fulfilled on this auspicious day,. by the fact of your Royal Highness being about to lay the' corner stone of a church to be erected on this spot, and dedicated • to the sole honour and glory of the Holy, Eternal, and Undivided Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost; andmay that , holy, blessed, and most glorious Trinity, three persons and one God, of his infinite mercy, grant that, so long as this stone lies em bedded in the walls of this church, He, who is alone the living stone, may be rnasifested in this place, as the only sgre foundation of a sinner's hope. May they who shall worship • . in this temple to the end of time, as lively stones, be built up a spiritual house, hereafter to be placed as pillars in the temple of the heavenly Jerusalem, to go out no more for ever. And may the especial blessing of Almighty God rest upon our Most Gracious Sovereign, Queen Victoria, beneath whose rightful sceptre the walls of this sanctuary now arise; may that effort which distinguishes her Majesty's reign, and in which her Majesty unites with her people, of providing means of religious worship for all classes of her subjects, be crowned with Divine blessings, and may it be your Royal Highness's happiness to see her reign for many years in tine heart of a loyal and devoted people. " May peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and' piety so flourish in her days, that the latest generation may rise up and call her blessed." The architect then submitted the plans of the Church to his Roy al Highness, and the Rev. Dr. Hodgson, Provost of Eton, delivered the coins, during which time the banns Via-se.?. the Pastoral Symphony. Dr. flawtrys, Head Master of Eton School, read the inscription engraved nn the plate, which were • then given to the Prince, who, upon receiving the trowel from the builders, performed the customary ceremony, the bands playing " Glory to God," ( Handel). The Rev. Mr. Gossett,' Vicar of Windsnr, afterwards read an appropriate prayer, which was followed by the Nstionli • Anthem, sung by the children, and the Prineo then left the ground amidst hearty and heartfelt cheers. The weather continued fine during the ceremony. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent left the Castle this forenoon fcr town. Her Majesty anti Prince Albert, accompanied by the Pence of Wales and the Princess Royal, and attended by the Royal suite, left the Castle at three o'clock. The Royal party tmtu , .. pied five carriages and four. The Queen and Prince Alliert arrived in town at five o'clock yesterday afternoon, in a carriage and four, necorted by a party of litiF.sars from Windsor Castle. The Equerries in Waiting, Major-General Wemyss and Colonel Bou verie, fo'towed in a chariot. and four. Their Royal High— nesses the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal, and their attendants .wcupied the next carriage. The Royal suite were in two carriages and consisted of the Dowager Lady Lyttel , ton, Lady Caroline Cocks, Hon. Miss Cavendish, Baroness Lehzen, Earl of Ware ick, and Sir Robert OW ay. Iler Majesty and Prince Albert were received at Bucking— ham Palace by the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, Ono Vice-Chamberlain, the Master of the Household, and Ler& George Lennox, Lord in Waiting on his Royal Highness. Her Majesty and Prince Albert honoured Drury-lane Theatre with their presence last evening. The Royal suite included the Dowager Lady Lyttleton, Lady Caroline Cocks, Earl of Warwick, Major-General Wemyss, and Col. Bouverie. His Royal Highness Prince George of Cambridge visited lot Majesty the Queen Dowager yesterday at Marlborough-house. • His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, attended by ' Colonel Jones, arrived in town yesterday afternoon, from the seat of the Marquis of Exeter. Burghley House, Lincolnshire. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess and the Princess Augusta of Cambridge, returned on Saturday to their mil deuce at Kew, from a visit to the Puke of Wellington, at Strathfieldsaye, Slants. The Duke of Cambridge visited her Royal lighness the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester-hone. Mr. Joseph Tucker and Captain Britton had an interview with Lord Canning yesterday, at the Foreign- office, .on the subject of the Spanish Treasury Bonds. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady_ Anna Maria Dawson, arrived at her residence, Clarence Ht St. James's, at one o'clock yesterday afternoon, from a visit 10 her Majesty, at Windsor Castle. - - NICER EXPEDITION.—( From. a Correspondent.)—ltA is not improbable that this expedition may be renewed even sooner than was expected. The latest letters :rom Ascension (Feb. 7) state that the Albert arrived there . on the 28th of January. No deaths had occurred in the interim. The Wilberforce is said to be in better con dition than when she left England, and it was Captain Allen's intention to take her and the Soudan to the coast in March. From thence he proposed re-ascending the river, which he would probably be able to etrkt April. The reports about the model farm are still ells rauerised as " exceedingly vague." [ADVERTISEMENT.) —Our readers attention is di rected to the following communication (translated from the German), addressed to Messrs. Rowlands' Agent at Coggne :—" 13, Streitz-cuggasse, Cologne, May 23; 1841. To Th. S. Ditges.—Sir,—l have much pleasure in iaorming you of the extraordinary effects of " Rove. land's Macassar Oil :" for above nine years I had not as particle of hair on my head, when I was casually recom•-• mended to give this celebrated Oil a trial. I accordingly' purchased two - bottles at your establishment, and strictly followed the printed directions : in the course of two months my head was covered w:th fine short hair, which I had cut off, and continued to persevere in the use of the Oil. The result is, that after five months' perse. verance, I can now boast of as good a head of hair ass . any man in this city. In justice to the inventors I makei , this acknowledgment, and shall feel great picasure is. satisfying any inquiry.—l salute you with respect,. ADAM BAUER, Bth Artillery Brigade."—" Rowland's.. Macassar Oil" prevents hair from falling off, or turnino: grey ; changes grey hair to its original colour ; frees it; from scurf and dandriff, and makes it beautifelly soft, and curly.—Ask for " Rowland's Macassar Oil." ERRATA.-1n the notice of 13rande's Dietionarr„, yesterday, for "Steam-engine printing," read " steam-. engine" printing. DIARY OF THE COURT OF QUEEN CHARLOTTE, Dr THE AUTHOB.ESs OF " EVELINA."—In consequence of the , non-appearance of this portion of Madame D'Arblay's Diary ow the Ist of April, many persons have imagined that there has been some interposition regarding its publication in a high and. influential quarter; we are assured, however, that such is not the fact, but that the publication hes only been delayed for a. few days from circumstances of a totally different natute. The Government Almanack of the Sardinian States for 1842, contains an account of the lines of railroad, which, it says, are about to be established in that part of Italy. It is in.. tended to have a railroad communication between Genoa and. Venice, making the journey an affair of about 12 hours. Front this line it is considered easy to establish branches towards the principal passages of the Alps, such as the Splugen, Mont St. Bernard, St. Gothard, the Simplon, Mount Cenis &c. From Alexandria en the one side, and Vercelli on tb; other, communications are to be made with the capital. passing through the richest provinces of the kingdom, and creating en intercourse between Genoa, Milan, and Tu rin, which would produce a vast increase in the commercial' relations of these cities. Branch roads are also spoken or. with Savillan, Pignerol, and other manufacturing districts. It is intended also, according to the same authority, to pierew the Alps between Bardonneeha and Modena, which wool* make it possible to unite by Savoy and the valley of the Iseres the railroads of Piedmont with those of France, and which would place the manufacturers of Lyons within ten hours" journey of the grand central produce of the raw silk of Pied.. mont. The sum required to carry these plans into effect r calculated at sixty millions, being an expense of 516,000 franca per league. Within the last few days, says a letter from Nap'44s of the 20th ult., a larger quantity of smoke than usual has Lap p sued from the crater of Mount Vesuvius, and there are otht* symptoms of an approaching eruption.