The Sun. — London, England, 1831-05-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We have seldom read a speech more calculated to effect great good throughout the empire than that of Lord Althorp, at the election dinner for Northamptonshire. The strong sense and fine po pular feeling that pervaded it were admirable in a Minister of a King of England; and the devotion with which the Noble Lord pledged himself and his colleagues to the principles of the Bill, as being those of public liberty, which they had as stre nuously supported when the n ation was against them to the total sacrifice of official power, as now, when 99 Englishmen out of every 100 were cheer ing and animating them in their glorious ta-k will not be lost upon the country. National ardour and enthusiasm in a public functionary, like those evinced by Lord Althorp in his manly speech, will d o more to attach the hearts of the people to the Crown and State of England, whose interests are entrusted to men agreeing so thoroughly with the Noble Member for Northamptonshire, than even the measure of Reform itself would have done, if brought forward in a hesitating and re pugnant spirit by the politicians of the " late convert" school. As Lord Liverpool would have said, speaking of his own diplomacy, the '° tone" is hardly of less imp or t ance t h an t h e terms ," and the tone of Lord Grey's Administra tion throughout has been that of Statesmen whose pride was in promoting the solid welfare of the na tion ; so has it been the point of honour with our Gracious Sovereign. He has spoken and acted as if he felt, not that he was cutting deep into his own prerogatives and just influence, for the sake of granting magnificent concessions to his subjects, but as if what he proposed to their acceptance was the establishment of rights which he claimed in common iinth (hem—the means and securities of mutual pro tection, against those who had usurped an ascend ancy perilous both to King and people. William IV. does not sanction modern paradoxes, or per plex himself with Tory subtleties, nor has he so read our limited Monarchy as to insist that it had been from time immemorial constituted of " King, Lords, and nomination Boroughs." The country has borrowed the trite light from his Majesty on this great question, and we suspect that the House of Lords will not be led away by the gloss of Tory commentators, however ingenious, to misinterpret that sacred book.—Times. The French and German Papers abound with rumours of the treatment of the Polish General Dwernicki and his troops by the Austrian autho rities in Gallicia, of the circumstances which at tended his entry into that province, and of the con ditions on which he is to be allowed to return home or to be detained in the Austrian dominions. Many of those rumours, as we mentioned yesterday, must of course be erroneous, because they suppose on the part of the Austrian Government a barefaced violation of international law, and on the part of the European Powers a disgraceful permission of a po licy destructive of every principle of public right and justice. Without enumerating or attempting to confute these reports, we may advert for a little to the very grave question on the rights of neu trals, and the law of nations, which arises out of the official statement of the Polish General him self, and out cf the acknowledged fact that he and his troops are still detained in Gallicia. Ac cording to the General's statement, he respected the neutral character of the Austria!' territory so much, that he never fired a &hot upon it, and ex posed his army to be attacked in the rear by the Russians, because he supposed that they would equally respect it. On the other hand, the Rus sians, by violating the law of nations, and taking advantage of a neutral territory, were enabled to drive him from a position otherwise impregnable, and to compel his retreat into a province whose neutrality offered him the only chance of an asylum. Had he not relied on a neutral boundaries a bul wark to protect the rest of his position, he would not have taken up that position, but might have retreated earlier, and thus have prevented himself from being surrounded. Thus a feeling of good faith and a respect for Austrian rights became a cause of his defeat, without availing him in his misfortune; while the Russians were not only allowed to disperse his troops by a b: each of international law, but enjoyed the favour of the party whose territory they had violated. — Not only was the Russian General enabled to turn the position of Dwernicki by a violation of the Aus trian territory, but he heightened that original vio lence by attacking the Poles after they had passed the Gallician frontier, and by taking aid carrying off Polish prisoners who had laid down their arms re lying on the Austrian protection. This was not all. The Russians did not do all this by a hasty incursion, or from any mistake of the boundary lice; they remained unmolested for several houra in the Austrian dominitms,—they retained their arms on the Austrian territory,—they acted as . disciplined troops on the Austrian territory,--they made the Austrian soil the arena of contest, —they overpowered the sentinels on the Austrian frostier,—they retired with their booty by Austrian permission,—and they received a promise of recovering the whole Polish arms, horses, and artillery froin the Austrian authorities. If this account of the Polish General be correct (and we have no tea Lon to doubt it), the Powrrsof Europe will be called upon to interfere, and to dealarid for Poland a reparation of the injustice which she less suffered by the partiality of Austria in favour of her oppresscra. The se . zure of Polish prisoners on the Gallician territory is as gross a violation of the rights of nations as ever was committed by Napoleon, in any period of his career ;—in seizing, for instance, the Duke d'Enghien on the territory of Baden. Austria has added to this injustice by appearing to consider as prisoners of war those Poles wl:o could not be curried off by the Rusaian barbarians. it is stated in the foreign journals, that .Dwernicki is not to be allowed to return to Poland unless he gives his parole that he will not fight against Russia during the war ; and that a similar engagement is to be esr acted of all the officers who commanded in his corps. This, of course, we cannot believe without official proof. Whatever Austria may attempt, or the Powers of Europe permit, on this occasion, the law; of neu trality, to which the Poles can appeal against the partitioning despots and their accomplices, cannot for a moment admit of doubt or miaapplicatiott. It is laid down as a first principle by every writer on the laws of nations, that a neutral has a right to prevent fighting on his territory. The consequence of this principle must be, that he disarms the weaker party, who demand the rights of hospitality, in order not to provoke the stronger to abuse them. Vattel, after having enumerated at considerable length the cases in which it is allowable for a belli gerent to demand a passage through a neutral terri tory,—after having mentioned, that when an army is exposed to imminent destruction, and cannot re turn home but by passing through such a territory, it has the right of doing so sword in, hand,—adds, that no belligerent right can be exercised on neutral ground—" Il West pas permis Xi:Wavier son ennemi pans an pays neutre, ni d'y exercer aucan (nitre acte Diostiiile." He then mentions the attack ' Tke by the English on the Dutch fleet in a Nor eglah port in 1666, as a breach of the law of no ticing, and praises the conduct oft he Danish Governor, who, though an ally of England, fired upon the Whatassailants.gz'la" would he have said to the con duct of the B. General, who attacked an unresistin g f oe iiia neutral territory, and was allowed to depart not otily' withoutf opposition cr remon strance, but with a bodytip,risoners and a premise of the arms belonging to publiciste refugees? does this acute and bored the imagine that a prisoners of troops who neutral possesses a right to detaiti war, that take refuge in his territory as he thinks they ought to be sent liorn e of e passage chat they and by the shortest route; t a ki, ig s Z t ?", as they do riot commit damage in their that they recruit no new strength against the other belligerent. " Lors done gee flier ennemis Lanus se retired chez un neulre, si la ekarile ne lui permit pas de leer refuses passage et circle, it doit lesfaire ! f • passer cube le plata possible, et tie potut so? ru qu'ils se liennent aux oguels pour Walloper de nouveau." If it did not appear like pedantry to cite any other authority on so plain a point, we might quote the whole of the 13th section of the second chapter of the second book of Grotius, de .lure Belli ac Pads, in which the topic is discussed with his trarial display of learning and accumula tion of ancient examples. It may therefore be laid down as an invariable rule, that a neutral cannot, in humanity, deny refuge to a belligerent fleeing from an enemy of superior force ; that he may disarm the fugitives for his own security, and is bound to refuse them the advantages of matching in a body through h's territory, or remaining disciplined and united in ids dominions, in order to attack their enemy ; that as he prevents them from defending themselves, be must likewise prevent them from being attacked by the enemy in pursuit ; that he may send them home in separate bodies or as individuals; but that he has no right to detain them as prisoners; and that if they are the forces of an independent power, their arms must be given up to the Go vernment to which they belong. We have re cent examples in which these principles have been applied and observed by Powers not very much disposed to attend to the dictates of a magna nimous or enlightened policy. In 1826, the Por tuguese rebels who supported Don Miguel and ab solute power, were driven into Spain by the Consti tutional troops of the Princess Regent. They could not of course return into Portugal, but they were allowed to go into France or into any other country they chose. In 1828, the Constitutionalists were in their turn defeated and obliged to take refuge in Spain. Now was the time for Ferdinand both to gratify his own political prejudices and to confer an obligation on a relative of his own stamp. What did he do ? Did he retain the refugees as prisoners ? No, he could not—he treated them with barbarous cruelty, it is true, during their stay, but he allowed them to proceed to England, or to France, or to any other country which they chose to adopt. We have no doubt, from the liberal temper and en lightened principles of the English and French Mi nistry, that a severe scrutiny is now taking place into the conduct of the Austrian Government on this most important occasion.—Times. The Reform Bill is already carried in the House of Commons. The question which now forCes itself on the attention of every one, is, what will be its fate iu the Lords? We ourselves are without alarm on this point. The Peers have, no doubt, many of them, a deep interest in upholding the system which opens to them the pocket of every man in the United Kingdom ; but they have also, many of them, a deep interest in the preservation of tranquillity. Now we are led to the conclusion that the latter considera tion will weigh more with them than the former, by several reasons, and perticulerly by one, that by • hozarding the public tranquillity, they cannot, by any possibility, obtain their object. Lords are as little without the middle and lower classes, as Generals without armies. They will not be so foolish as to take their stand against the nation, for no other purpose than to show their own weakness. However, lest some evil spirit should get pos session of them, friendly advisers are by times in the field. A pamphlet, which will not be mis taken for the composition of an ordinary writer, has just been received by us, under tine title of " Friendly Advice, most respectfully submitted to the Lords, on the Reform Bill," in which the pos sibility of their exhibiting the consummate folly of attempting to prevent the progress of Reform is in ferred from their having already evinced equal folly. Cl It is doubtless impossible (says the writer) for the House of Lords to stem the tide of Reform— but in attempting to do it, the rash act may en danger their own safety, and with theirs that of all of us, who are, to a certain degree, in the same bout with them: Tine apposition of the Lords must be powerless for any good purpose, but it may be yet pregnant with evil. Their continued resistance to the measure, so ardently desired by the people, may cause convulsion in this happy land—nay, even civil war." The writer, after observing that no such state of things as existed in France before the revolution, exists here, as the English Nobility " have for the roost part as plebeian an origin as the people;" and they enjoy no exclusive privileges which ere onerous to the rest of tine community— proceeds to say,—" But why, it may be aLked, do we suppose that any set of men can act thus madly —,imply because of their previous conduct? Because they have never conceded anything to the wishes of the people, till all the grace of concession was (Tone —because they have never seen the signs of ' the times—because they have never been warned by the past, or alive to the future. But they are now playing a deeper and more hazardous stake than tiny ever did before. They now find themselves, not opposed to a party, but face to face with a united people. In such a position, we most respectfully warn them of the consequences of an unwise re sistance. Those consequences are such as we tremble even to think of. In every one city or bo roueh which haa any thing like a popular election, both candidates, and in London all four, were re , tuned in favour of the Bill." The writer adverts to a delusion which it seems is entertained by some of :heir Lordships with respect to the measure ,: " There is a hope," he says, " lurking in many breasts, of being able to steer a middle course. They do not deny that the country has pronounced its irrevocable will—for a large Reform. Nor do they question the imperious ne cessity of complying with the wish. But they would fain hope that something short of ' the Bill' will satisfy the people, and their project is to throw it out with a decla ration in favour of a more scanty measure of Reform." He adverts to another project of some who will not attack the Reform Bill openly in front, but try to take it in flank. "They wil! not oppose it, or move any thing against it; hut they viii certainly vote against the Government on every thing else, in order to throw out the Government and the Bill also. They will hardly move an Amendment on the Address to the King; but they will get up little Nfotion,.:;.gainst the Ministers—they will try to throw out whatever is pcopsed by the Government—they will op pose the Chancellor's Law Deforms, and Lord Melbourne's Sub-letting Act, and whatever else they can hope to de fe.•;.t. Let the Lords beware of all such tricks, f or tr i c k s they are. 411 of their manoeuvres mean only one thing —hostility to the Reform Bill. The meaning of every thin!! the Opposition will say, is s ---' Throw out the Bill ;' —the meaning of every question they will pnt, is—' Throw Gut the Bill!'—The meaning of every vote they will give, is ' Throw o:it the Bill !'—They may affirm, and vow, and swear, ar.d smite the;:r breast, shed abundant tears, and heave deep sighs, and call Qod to witness that they have no enmity to the King's Government, a4d are nut prepared to give any opinion on the Bill, until it comes before them! He e d theta 1-wt. —turn away the ear from their cry—all they do really me.-.a i 3 to get your votes against the Mi nistry, and then they reckon en the Bill, the hateful Bill, being lost for ever. All wino wish well to the House of Lords and the Constitution must carefully be on thgir guard against such devices." Of course the country would understand the ma noeuvre, and know how io veal with the authors of i t.— ello ening Chronicle. The fouPnal des Debats, which may be said to speak the sense of the Government, has a very im portant article on the affairs of Europe. To judge from its tone, it would seem that the recent pacific manifestations in France have been misconstrued, and that it has become necessary to hold a more me nacing language :—" Europe (says that paper) would fall into the strangest error if it believed France disposed to avoid a war of interests, as it was not to provoke a war of principles. So long as Belgium shall not be constituted in a manner in -1 offensive for France; so long as Poland, by force or by arrangement, shall not have recovered its na tionality; so loner as the independence of several States of Italy shall remain exposed to the bad ht mour and to the caprices of Austria,—there can, indeed, he no durable peace in Europe The Belgian Revolution 1139 withdrawn from the hernia of our natural adversaries a line of fortresses constructed Belgium. against us. The Veto of France saved The fortresses of Belgium must not find again the destination which they have lost. The na fVoiTnennit!''Y of Poland, when it was as it were effaced Europe, .vas judged . by the Congress of of Russia. ue I , o 7 t r , y id. co t i t t i r e iter a p d o m is i e rab t l o e pthoelanpdoweorf l R3O, ought to remain independent, for the ho nour as well as for the security of Europe. Fi redly, France, which !WS always felt herself bound to watch with uneasiness the developments of the Austrian power in Italy, cannot permit Austria to increase her territory and influence in the Italian provinces. On these three capital points the French Government, we are thoroughly convinced, will not fail in any of its duties." This is an important article. What is meant by the Belgian fortresses not finding again the destination which they have lost ? Is this a veto on Prince Leopold ? The sen timents expressed with regard to Poland are impor tant. We are delighted to see an effort made to save the Poles. The concurrence of the other Go vernments would go far toward , : obtaining this gnat blessing by pacific means. We are sure that the English Government, at all events, would roost cor dially co-operate with the French in an endeavour to make some atonement to the Poles for the horrid injustice of which they have been the victims. Russia must know that a much feebler demonstration than that of the Allies in behalf of the Greeks could strip her of the most valuable of her Baltic provinces without much difficulty. The Lithuanian insur rection is now really formidable, and we are much mistaken if even that province will be reduced to subjection. Coutland and Samogitia would hardly fail to follow. It might be prudent in the Autocrat not to push his obstinacy too far.--el Arm Chronicle. Our readers will see from our Chancery Report that the Lord Chancellor has sustained the order of the Vice-Chancellor, in the case of Hamlet and King, to which we alluded yesterday. This opens up the transaction and throws upon Mr. Hamlet the establishing what the actual value of the prole -qv was which he furnished to Mr. King. When the hear ing takes place, the public will be put in possession of the whole of the circumstances of the case. The grounds of the opinion of the Lord Chancellor were sated by him at considerable length. It is not on the ground of Mr. King being an expectant heir that the injunction proceeds, but that the transaction was not what it purported to be—a security for a bona fide purchase to the extent of B,oool.—but that the goods were supplied with a view to the raising money on them. We may observe, by the bye, that every interference of this kind only adds to the rigour of the ter s imposed by lenders 011 neces sitous borrowers.... The lender will calculate the chances of an appeal to a Court of Equity, as a shopkeeper calculates the chance of bad debts and adds them to his bills. Nine out of ten young gentle men, who have occasion to deal with goldsmiths and jewellers, will, of course, be ashamed to appear before the public, and the lender will indemnify himself for the loss in the ease of the tenth, by raising his terms on all.—Morning Chronicle. All public and private accounts which we have seen concur in representing the distress among the peasantry in the county of Mayo, arid a great part of the county of Galway, as most appalling. Instead of bein g diminished, it is rapidly increasing in ex tent m 1 severity, attended by malignant disease — the usual concomitant of the last stages of misery and famine. The relief hitherto afforded appears to have had but a momentary effect in checking the progress of calamity, which exposes its victims to the most cruel sufferings that the hand of misfortune can inflict on human nature. To such a pitch has starvatisn reached in some places, that the peasantry are represented as driven to the desperate expedient of attempting to appease the ravenings of hunger for the present by anticipating their future means of sub sistence—tearing the seed potatoes from the ground, and eagerly devouring the scanty stock which they had committed to the entail as their defence against future famine. We hope that tine meeting appointed to be held this day upon this melancholy subject at Exeter-hall, will be well attended—par ticularly by such Irish absentee landlords now in town as have been draining, large revenues from Ire land to spend any where out of it, while their te nantry are a prey to the most wretched destitution. It would be well if those opulent persons of gusto, who lavish the wealth of a province on an Italian fiddler, and think nothing of giving a foreign singer in a season mere than the value of the rent rolls of half a dozen German noblemen, would pur chase tine exquisite pleasure which a small propor tion of the sums so lavishly bestowed, and often so thanklessly received, would procure for them, in the consciousness of having been instrumental in saving thousands of their fellow-creatures from the lingering torments of a cruel death. What dulnet notes of a siren's song, what thrilling strains of a melodious mechanist are half so delicious as the voice of gratitude, breathing to heaven, from the hearts of thousands, for blessings upon their bene factors, who found theta ready to perish, and rescued them from death ! There are hours when the great est and the gayest must look into their own hearts for consolation. In such hours those recollections which bring with them -the consciousness of bene volent deeds, and breathe the " still soft music of humanity," are worth all the other music in the world. Ac die Duke of Devonshire and tine Mar quis of Lansdowne hold very large possessions in Ireland, we naturally expect to see them foremost in pleading the cause of the starving Irish, and in contributing to their relief. This is not a question of polities, but of charity, and no party feelings ought to be mixed up with it ; but we do hope that, when the famishing peasantry are relieved:rout their great peril, Government will take effectual steps to introduce into Ireland a system which w ill secure the poor against periodical starvation,— Morning Herald. Though we are far from advocating what is called mob-law, there arc occasions when a quiet yielding to a state of popular excitement is, to say the least of it, judicious. An occasional boiling over of p o .. pular heat, like the breaking out of peccant hu mours in the body, is, in the end, far less disad vantageous than the penning up of the one or the other till inflammation of a more mischievous kind is the result. Thus it is with the late general illu minations which have been called for by the popu lace in London and in Dublin, a resistance to which, by a few individuals, led, in the first instance, to considerable damage, and in the latter to injury and bloodshed. If it is the object of those who resist the call upon such occasions not to gra.ify the mob, they would do well to consider whether they do not in the end afford them more real gratification, by giving them a pretext for wreaking their resentment, than any compliance with their wishes can afford. And when it is considered that the mere exhibition of a dozen lamps, or as many farthing candles,would satisfy the demand, and prevent a great deal of mis chief, we cannot say much for the wisdom and pru dence, or even of the high principle, which is thus thrown away upon occasions so totally unworthy of it.—Morning Herald. When we reflect upon the important consequences which depend upon the firm cohesion of the conser vative party in the House of Commons during the approaching Session, we feel that we cannot too often or too earnestly impress upon the Members of this very powerful and truly national and patriotic body, the expediency of establishing among them selves, before the Session begins, a definite under standing as to the line of conduct they are to puritre, an inflexible resolution to act upon all occasions in perfect unison, and, as an essential part of this effective system of cooperation, a general agree ment in ail matters of mere Parliamentary tactics, or arrangement to follow implicitly the guidance of some recognized and well-qualified leader. We urge this obvious counsel to the party upon the success of whose efforts the salvation of the country must mainly depend, with the greater anxiety, because, notwithstanding the loud vaunt ings of the Revolutionary Press as to the result of the elections, and the despondency manifested by some of our constitutional contemporaries, we are decidedly of opinion that there is really no cause to despair of the rescue of the Constitution by the votes of the House of Commons, without recurring to the painful and alarming anticipation of a conflict upon such a subject between the two Houses of Parliament. The partisans of Ministers admit that there will be in the new House of Commons a body of above 260 Members pledged to oppose the revo lutionary Bill, upon the passing of which, in its integrity, the existence of the present incapable Mi nistry is plainly seen to depend. This phalanx, if it should prove as compact, indivisible, and well conducted, as may be expected, will, we think, be invincible. For what is the body it will have to encounter or to persuade? A body composed of men agreeing only in the necessity of an extensive change of the represereative sys tem, and presenting every possible shade and diversity of opinion as to the proper degree and manner of that change. This body compre hends some, and but a fex, who are pledged to the I3ill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill—a pledge much too irrational and ex•ravagaut to be depended on. It comprehends some who are pledged (such has been the degree in certain places of popular insanity) to support any Bill of Reform the present Ministers may think proper• to bring forward. This is a smaller class even than the last, and their pledge is of a nature evidently too absurd, unprincipled, and unconstitutional to be held binding, even by the men who, for election purposes, have disgraced themselves by giving it. We believe we should greatly exaggerate the num- Ina' of there two classes of Reformers in the new House of Commons if we stated it to amount to a hundred. There remain, then, of the body upon which the conservative party will have to encounter or persuade, nearly three hundred Members, Reformers, it is true, but in no man ner pledged to any specific plan of Reform ; inclined, a large proportion of them probably, in their hearts, to the conservative rather than to the revolutionary party, although this tendency, consi deriag, the violence which decided so many of tire elections, they may have judged it prudent to con ceal ; several of them the declared friends of discus sion, and open, therefore, it may fairly be presumed, to conviction ; several of them, in the midst even of the worst excesses of Ministerial and revolutionary violence, the declared opponents of parts of the Ministerial and revolutionary measure proposed to the late Parliament. Does this—which we believe to be a tolerably accurate view of the composition of the new House of Commons—offer any grounds or afford any apology fer despair to a body of 260 Members, who are or may be united and indisso luble in action as they already are in principle and purpose—who are animated by a conscientious con viction, that upon the success of their efforts depends the salvation of their country, and who know that the men by whom of necessity their opponents must be led have already proved themselves intellectually and morally incapable of concocting any scheme of Reform that has so much as the appearance even of being either rational or honest ? There are so many propositions connected with the question of Reform, which the new House of Commons, notwithstand ing all the Ministerial influence, and all the rabble violence and excitement that have been brought to bear upon the elections, will, we are persuaded, be well disposed to affirm, each of which the present Ministers will be compelled to oppose to the utmost of their power—either because its affirmation must shatter their Bill to pieces, or because they cannot concur in it without sacrificing the mob popularity upon which they rely for support—that a series of decisive ttiumphs to the Opposition are, in our judgment, already secure, provided only that the latter shall conduct its Parliamentary warfare with ordinary tact and unanimity and discretion.— What, for instance, would become of the Minis teriel measure, if the House of Commons should resolve that it is inexpedient to commit to a Com mission of the Privy Council, or to any authority emanating from the Executive Government, the di vision of counties, the augmentation of boroughs, or any other operation by which the character of the House of Commons can be permanently affected ? And what House of Commons, we may further ask— what liberal House of Commons especially, could refuse to concur in so just, reasonable, and consti tutional a resolution ? To all who have read the Ministerial Bill it must be obvious, however, that such a vote would be equivalent to the declaration that the Bill must be entirely remodelled ; while to all who have accurately perceived the spirit of the 13111, it must be equally obvious that such a vote would sensibly abate the zeal of his Majesty's Ministers for Reform, by depriving them of that which they plainly prize more highly than any thing else—namely, the hope of obtaining, under the pre tence of Reform, a great, permanent, and certain increase of Whig influence in the House of Com mons. What again more reasonable or just, what more likely to find favour in the new House of Commons, or what more incompatible with the rabble popularity of which the present Ministers are essentially and irredeemably the slaves, than the proposition, that men, the marketable value of whose property is in any manner impaired by a measure of Parliamentary Reform, shall be corn pensated by the nation which the measure is in. tended to benefit, or the proposition that an in terval of three or four years ought to elapse between the enactment of a treasure so important, so com plicated, replying so much of local regulation and of new machinery, and the moment when it is first to come in•o operation ? Never, we venture to say, since the House of Commons existed, did it offer a more premising field to the labours of a consci entious, patriotic, and united opposition.—Morning Post. RIOT AT HAMMERSMITH AND ATTACK ON THE NEW POLICE. The hamlet of Hammersmith has beau the scene of great excitement during the last week, in conse quence of a mob having committed outrages upon the persons and property of several of the most respectable inhabitants of Fulham. The hamlet of Hammersmith and the parish of Fulham were ori ginally connected, but are now quite distinct, except ing that the parish officers of Fulham have been always accustomed to meet those of Hammersmith on Holy Thursday, and to beat the bounds of the hamlet in company. A jealousy, however, has always existed be wren the parties, but nothing per sonal ever took place until last Thursday week. Mr. G. Bird, the overseer of Hammersmith, on that (lay repaired, with several of the parishioners and the clergyman, to Parr-bridge, where they met several of the Fulham officers, and the parties hav ing united, they proceeded down a road which was being made by the Metropolitan Road Trustees; they had not gone far before the Fulham officers discovered that a water course which divides the hamlet and the parish had been contracted, and they immediately urged their followers to destroy the brick-work. This was soon done, but in so violent a manner that Mr. W. Bird, a highly re spectable inhabitant of Hammersmith, refused to proceed with them, and turning his horses' head to wards home, left the party. The officers then went on, and when they came to the boundary near Chis wick, the Fulham people bumped, as it is vulgarly called, some grown up persons, and then collected around Mr. Attwood the clergyman of Hammer smith, and threatened to bump him if he did not Ave them some money. Mr. Attwood,from intimi dation, gave ss. The fellows then by threats ex. torted Is. or 6d. from each of the Hammersmith parishioners who were present, and bumped a gentleman named Painter, who had given them money. Having thus intimidated many, they again applied to the Rev. Mr. Attwood for money. He, however, refused to comply with their demand, and they actually had the impudence to pull him of his horse and bump him. The Fulham officers then proceeded on their course, and when they arrived at Acton their followers stopped a carriage, and ex torted money from the persons inside; they then threatened to attack a Mr. Coleman, an inhabitant of Hammersmith, but he expressed his determina tion to prosecute them if they touched him, and he was not further molested. They then pulled a Mr. Gomme off the box of a carriage, and served him as they had previously done the Rev. Mr. Attwood. The party proceeded across Shepherd's-bush to the house of Mr. Hackett, in Wood-place ; there they palled down the iron railing in front of the house, and broke into his garden, where they met and assaulted him, striking his head, which is dreadfully 'cut, with large stone s : they then bumped him against a tree, and left him on the ground bleeding profusely. Lady Cockburn's premises were next attacked, and the posts and chains in front of the house were de stroyed. Lady C. is between eighty and ninety years of age, and was dreadfully alarmed and agi tated at the attack, fearing that the mob would next break into the house. After quitting Lady Cock burn's, they met a stout elderly gentleman, named Spier; they immediately seized and bumped him against an oak fence ; not satisfied with this attack on his person, they went to his house, and cut and tore up the posts in front ; whilst they were thus occupied, a fight between two of th e Fulhamites ensued, and seven police officers, who had that minute arrived, interfered ; Serjeant Tedman placed himaelf between the combatants, but the mob, which amounted to 700 persons, immediately attacked him —knocked him down, and his six companions in rescuing him were very roughly handled. The police finding that they should be overpowered by numbers, retreated, but were compelled to defend themselves from the pickaxes and other weapons of their oppo. rents. Mr. G. Bird, the overseer, of Hammersmith, finding that the police officers present, even with the assistance of the inhabitants of the hamlet, could not contend with the rioters, or prevent them from commit ting further excesses, sent off to the Superintendent of the T. Division, with a request that he would come with a large force to suppress the riot. The seven police officers, attacked in the manner before stated, retreated to the Beaumont Arms—when within the door they attempted to make a stand, but the mob compelled them, by throwing bricks and blocks of wood, to seek refuge up stairs. Two of the police officers were, however, unfortunate ; one of them, a man named Wincoop, was knocked down ; and Macarthy, who had that day joined the police, was struck on the stairs and felled to the ground ; the mob then broke the railings of the staircase and beat him in a dreadful manner ; the poor man kept crying murder for nearly a quarter of an hour, and his companions, by a desperate effort, succeeded in getting him up stairs ; they then locked them selves in an attic, and remained there, the mob endeavouring all the while to break in, until Mr. Williamson, the Superintendent of the 'l'. division, arrived with seventy men. Immediately Mr. Wil liamson came up with the mob, an inhabitant of Ful ham, having parochial authority, told him that the mob were j unified in what they had done, and used language which was calculated to urge them on. Mr. William son replied that if he cmoinned to use such inflam matory language he should feel it his duty to take him into custody. The person then became alarmed and left the Green. The mob, however, were not to be dispersed so easily ; and it was not till after a severe fight that twelve of the most active were arrested ; the remainder retreated towards Fulham, doing great injury to the premises of Mr. Scott, a Magistrate; Mr. Hall and Mr. W. Bird, Brook ' green. Mr. Williamson, at the latter spot, himself took a pickaxe from is man who had been using it wilt great violence, striking at the police whenever they approached. The exertions of Mr. Williamson, the superin tendent, have met with the approbation of the whole of the inhabitants of Hammersmith, who feel con fident that had he not thin actively collected his whole disposable force and boldly attacked the mob, murder would have been committed; and to testify their approbation of his conduct, several of the most respectable and wealthy inhabitants have re solved to prosecute, at their own expence, the ruffians arrested by him. _ . Wincoop, Macai thy, and Kelly, three officers NN ho suffered most severely, have not been able to quit their beds since the affray. BIOGRAPHY OF PAGANINI. Paganini was born at Genoa, in the month of February, I7S-t. His father was a small trader, a great calculator of lottery chances, by which he ex pected to become affluent, and also made pretensions to musical talent. He early discovered the natural bent of his son's genius, and gave him the first in structions he received ; but he appears to have been an unfeeling parent, and though young Paganini was an enthusiast in his art, the hard-hearted father fre quently goaded him to an application beyond his strength, by dint of an empty stomach. His hopes of musical eminence were encouraged by his mo ther's dreaming that a genius had appeared to her and given an assurance of his becoming a great violin player. In his ninth year he played upon the stage at Genoa, for the benefit of Marchesi, having for some time before been a constant performer in the churches. His father soon after took him to Parma, to place him under the care of the celebrated com poser Rolla. They found him sick in bed ; his violin, and the latest concerto he lard composed, lay on a table in the ante-room into which they were shown. Paganiui's father gave him a wink, in an instant the violin was in his hand, and he played off the concerto at sight. Rolla forgot his illness in the surprise and delight, and %vhen be was con vinced that. the sounds he had heard were produced by the boy before him, he said to the father. " There is nothing left for me to teach him, for Heaven's sake take him to Paer." Paer wires at that time Director of the Conservatory of Music at Parma, and received him very kindly, and placed him under the care of the leader of the chapel band. When he was fourteen his father took him through the principal towns of Italy, in all of which he gave concerts, by which he received great applause, and his father considerable sums of money. At an an nual feast of St. Martin, at Lucca, he made his debut as a solo player, and was greeted with the greatest applause; from that time he considered himself emancipated from the fetters in which his father had held him, and soon commenced travelling as an independent performer. 11e had then saved 20,000 francs. His father insisted on having the whole, and threatened to kill him if he refused. He gave him the greater parr, and since his father's death, twelve years ago, supports his mother. His intense application to his art has affected his breast and stomach, and obliged him to i ! submit to three operations for relief, and for a time the sight of his left eye was in danger, but by taking rest all danger has passed away. His power of memory is so great, that he cats play every thing from recollection without having a note before him. When his musical expedition shall be at an end, it is his design to write an opera " in which he shall impart a musical secret to his fellow-creatures," which will enable any young man to become a mas terly performer in three years instead of ten. He has tried the efficacy of his secret on one of his friends, who, in three days, came out with so com plete a metamorphosis in his style, as to excite in describable astonishment. Paganini, in the midst of all the incense offered to him, appears free from self conceit. "I frequently play," he says, "soas to satisfy numerous public audiences, but never to satisfy myself." Paganini praises others where it is possible, and if he cannot praise it silent—he never censures. Paganini was for a time confounded in rumour with a distinguished young Polish performer on the violin, who had joined a band of assassins, awl been imprisonel for years. The calumny, how ever, was soon completely disproved. BY ragallinl's own account of his professional gains in the year 1825, it appears that they amounted to 7,1751.; b ar this is far exceeded, in proportion to the time, by his late receipts at Pam is, which are stated to amount to G,ooo!.—Abridged from the Ferrer Q ua ,, tcr i y Review. The river on T ues d ay a fternoon was covered with boats, containing crowds of holyday f o lk s, on their way to Greenwich, some of which were secu shooting London-bridge at a Liter period of ate tide than prud,mce justified ; and we understand many accidents occurred. The town is at this time exceedingly full, at least i f „,, ma y judge from the various public exhibitions of pictures and other works of art, which are daily thronged with visiters. BRTHS On the 23d in s t . a t the vi I carage . House, Kentish-tmvn, the wife of the Rev. J. Grant, M.A., of a daughter. On the 23d inst. at Brixton-place, the lady of C. D. Newton, Esq., of a son. On the 24th inst. the wife of Captain T. Blair, of the Hon( E. I. C. S., of a (laughter. On the 25th inst. in Albany-street, Regent's-park, the lady of F. Taber, Esq., of a daughter. On the 24th inst. at Tring Park, Hells, the lady of the Rev% J. E. Austen, of a daughter. MARRIED. At Malvern Charles W. IL Evered, son of J o h n E vere d t Esq., of Hill-house, county of Somerset, to Ennna, daughter of Henry Candler, Esq. grandson of the Venerable Henry cant'. ler, of Callan Castle, in the county of Kilkenny, A rehdeaeop of Ossorv. On the Nth inst. at Brighton, George Burroughs, Esq., of the Royal Artillery, to Celina, eldest daughter of the late Colonel Childers, of the 11th Light Dragoons, and of Cantley, county of York. 011 the 21th inst. at Compton Bishop, Somerset, Mr. Parson , of Southampton, to Lucy Anne, youngest daughter of P. Fry, Esq., of Compton-house, Axbridge. DIED. At Lymington, in her 70th year, Mrs. Ahmuty, relict of Ahmuty, Esq., formerly of the Inner Temple, and of the Ist' of Grenada, barrister-at.law. On the 24th inst. in the 21st year ' of his age, Francis Charles, youngest son of R. Van Heythuysen, Esq., of John-street, 13 " 1 " ford-row. On the 25th inst. aged 73, J. Walker, Esq. of Lisson-street, St' Marylebone. On the 20th of March, at Dominica, in his 75th year, Mr. C- Court, sen. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT TO SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON( ./ POLICE INTELLIGENCE. I GUILDHALL. I 1101, AR7 On Tuesday a boy named William Cox was IL brought before Mr. Alderman COPELAND, on sus' 113, Str picion of knowingly delivering a letter from a gang ----- of thieves requiring the sum of 30s. to be paid fol THEIM" the restoration of so m e s t o l en p a p ers . Mr. Harris, the landlord of the Salutation Tavern Athnh, in Ne wga t e - street , state d, t h at a b out s i x wee k s age ion his bar was broken open in the night-time, a nd some papers, plate, and goods, to the amount of 201 ----- were stolen. As there were no appearances of 0 F forcible entry it was suppose d some person bad THE secreted himself i n th e d ay - t i me i n t h e cel l ar. A fev; RE litlys after war d s h e rece i ve d b y t h e post the follow MEW S, C lig anonymous letter : " Sir,--Asa friend i w r it e t o you fo r i n f or m The 01 you that wot papers we hav e got i s qu i te sa fe S FITUTR with us, together with your books, &c. and shall not be destroyed as they are a great value to you ; hut as a friend, although a stranger to you, i write PAGAN to inform you that you shall have such things as are r ill E of grate consequence t o y ou if y ou w ill D o us on e lkitl favour, and that i s t o L en d us a li tt l e money, t o h t e i t w ie ill L b i e sse s iro r et t s June e sinalle4t sum of fi ve sovere i ngs , an d i n return you , shall ha v e th e va l ue o f ten cover i ngs, so h e l p me God; nne of g Artists. " Sir, i write t o i n f orm t o sa y we N ever Did E x - n,i2t k tort Money f rom A ny G ent l eman N or N ever Will only '2s . we can help ir. Sir, to make every thing safe at Thy GE both parties, please to leave the five soverings at JUNE will the Times office as soon as you please this week for Pahlishe a stranger, to be called for by a stranger. For to St. James's let you see that yot_ not upon, yc77 shad have one or two articles first, i mean papers, this week or next week before we receive the money. " Sir, a 5/. note will not do, as they have mumbers on. five sovereigns will do, not marked and must be good ones. This dat A N A. or I Grammar., b k . * In tune, the t hought an very i mper ° l l Metaph the operati °f Signs, al Locke. 13 Sir, It is no use to follow the stranger that comes for the money or to employ any person to look after him, as you may as well keep your money in your pocket as throw it away. The person who comes for the money is a stranger to All partise, so do not stop him. And as for taking i❑ any of us it is out of the question as we always go upon a safe plan. That is a safe game. " Sir, As we are Short of Money at Present, if you will do us this favour you shall lose nothing by it. If we receve the money you shall have the pa pers and books, and every thing shall be seteled without Father Troble." Witness paid no attention to this letter ; but on the 3d instant he received another pressing an imme diate answer to be given, directed—" for a stranger, to be called for," and to be left at the Times office. This letter he also disregarded, except that he called at the Ti»zes office afterwards and found h 5 answer had been repeatedly inquired for. On Mon• day night the prisoner brought him a parcel con taming some of the stolen papers, and another anonymous letter requiring 30s. to be paid for them. The boy said he received the parcel from a man who was to await his return in 13ridge-street, end gave bins sixpence for his trouble; but being further questioned he said he was told to make this answer; but was really to meet the stranger at the Dolphin Tap on Ludgate-hill. The boy was taken there; but the etranger was not found, and witness sus pected that the prisoner knew much more than he admitted. Complainant, therefore, wished for an opportunity to make inquiries. The boy repeated the same story to the Magi strate, who remanded him for further examination. Peculiarity London . eh ange, ant IItSIDE To be ST. A _ Laws The M a diaing-n blents, ani 4 . sidence fi of Field SI The Lai o f Ninety-' day be ale THE MARKETS. COAL MAlt killingworth 30s. 6d l'ontop Wind50r—,,,,.,,,. 22 0 24 0 Canfield — 23 0 Wylain 21 0 Walls End Brown's— 30 6 Ditto Northumberland 28 6 Lambton Primrose. 30 0 Walls End S ewart's 35 0 Walls End Tees. . 32 6 Norw‘od's lietton 30 3 Ships a'. market, 48;i—Shit :Kl'.—Nfay 25. Barnsley 265. Od• Hartley 28 0 New Flockton, Milne and Co. Wall's End Elgin...—. 24, U Walls End Henderson 24 0 Beamish South Moor Primrose 1(1 0 Hebburn small 16 0 Primrose small l6 0 ;. sold, 25%—Unso1 Id. %.*2 . COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING TH WEEK. wheat. I Barley. 52, Flt ----____ Beans. W' LONI PAgTI Per Quarter. Abingdon---„. Andover--.. S. t.) 8. - 4(1 52 - 56 liriciport Cirencester Faringdon Gnildl'ord _ Henley - Hereford Highworth Maidenhead Monmouth Reading 42 45 Southampton -- Stroud Tewkesbilry Uxbridge ,-- Wantage-- ___ 38 46 49. 46 Warminster Worcester....—.,—... HULL MARKET.—May *24. We had a very limited supply of farmer's Wheat to this day'is market, and the prices of last week have been fully supported Oil the business done. The supply of foreign is not large, but we are daily expecting arrivals from the distant Baltic pors ; the finest parcels of the recently arrived foreign have been in more demand, and the sales made have been at an advance of 2s. per quarter over the currency of last week ; the secondary qualities have experienced no amendment either in value ur demand. Oats commanded snore attention, but prices remain unaltered. Barley is very difficult to quit, and prices may be quoted Is, to `2s. per quarter lower, and even at this reduction but few dis posed of; no inquiry for grinding parcels. Beaus and Pease re main as last quoted. Linseed dull, although offered for less money. The best parcels of Rapeseed with difficulty reacts our quotations: Wheat, Old —0 635. 65' Now -s. Cts 64i. --- Foreign —s. 50s. 565. ......In bond._ —s. —S. --s. Oats, Poland —s. 245. 28s. Old —s. —B. 30i. Small or Feed.... —s. 245. 26s —s. —s. —5. Foreign —s. 245. 26s —s. —s. —s.• Barley, Norf. & 5u1.... —s. 40s. 925. Linc. & Wold —s. 36; 383. Foreign —s. 365. 38,5. Beans 365. 38i 9 0 s. Foreign —s. 40s. 425. Pease, White —s. 965. 98s. Grey —B. —s. --8. Tarns —s 50s. 70s. Foreign —s. 345. 365. Rapeseed, in bond n0ne.......... Free, per last —l. 21/. 23/. KET.—May 24. Per lb. d. to d. Beef 5 6 Mutton Veal Pork Lamb 0 0 to 31. 13s. (d. per ton i ß thl ut E t . e i rB,76ollziay 18. s, d, s. q; 0 °tot) u Eggs, dozen Beef, per lb. Mutton Veal 0 t 0 6 IQuartern Loaf 0 7 0 9 CHELTENHAM Per Bushel s. d. to s. d. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 0 Oats 4 0 4 3 Beans Pease 5 0 8 0 Hay '3/.35. DUMFRIES MA s.d. s.d. Wheat, Imp. Bush 8 0 to 8 8 Barley 4 6 5 0 Oats 37 40 Hour, 11lb. Oat meal Potatoei, cwt. llvr.r.rN . Conn, TRADE.—The Lords of the Tra.suri, in answer to a memorial from the merchanti of Dublin relative to the present mode of levying the duty, of 11d. per toa on all coals brought into the harbour of Dublin, not intended for mmufteturing purposes, have adopted the plan suggested by the manufacturers, which was, that the duty in question should be collected by cocked verified by the affidavit of the master of the vessel whereby all mc'zssity for the weighing or measuring of coils, under any circumsta nce, would he complete ly a voided. This has given great satisfaction to the trade, and is a proof of the desire of the Government to afford every facility to the commerce and manufactures of the country. I t ~/, Oats.