The Sun. — London, England, 1831-01-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The partisans of a " repeal of the Union" con sider it an affront to be told that their object is not merely a repeal of the Union, but a total separation of Ireland from the British Crown. It is possible that many of Mr. O'Connell's followers may meditate nothing in the repeal of the Union beyond a proces sion of the Lieutenant from his vice-regal mansion to the Parliament House,—the residence for a few months of the year in Dublin of 150 Peers and twice the number of Commoners,—a perfect harmony on every point of commercial and international policy between the legislatures of both countries, —a fresh infusion of severe and spotless virtue into the votes of Parliament and the adminis tration of Government, through a revival of that venerable and exemplary body the Irish House of Commons, as it existed before the Union, —and a more rapid progress on the part of Ireland in wealth, and knowledge, and civil and religious liberty, than she has made, or ever could make, by being incorporated, as she now is, with Great Bri tain. We give credit to Mr. O'Connell and his as sociates, then, for believing their own intentions to be such as they describe them—that they really mean no more than to have one King for the two islands,—one King, with two Legislatures, wholly and absolutely independent of each other. And why do the anti-Unionists desire that the Imperial Parliament should no longer make laws for the Irish nation ? Because, as they assure us every day the Imperial Parliament, being composed of a majority of English and Scotchmen, does not understand the interests of Ireland ; or, understand ing, is indifferent to their prosperity. Well, then, here is an admission at the outset that a native Par liament, and a Parliament principally British, would be apt to pursue conflicting systems of policy where English and Irish interests are concerned. Is it likely that under such an opposition of sentiment, those bodies, once made independent of each other, would long remain friends, or their respective coun tries allies ? The business of a mixed and com bined Legislature is to consult the average welfare of the whole empire by enforcing, where requisite, a policy of reciprocal consideration and concession between its several members. This can be done by an authority which contemplates and provides for all parts of the realm as from a common centre, and with equal and disinterested solicitude. But no such source can be long maintained by Powers established in perfect independence of each other; and above all, when their separation, after being once united, originates in a spirit of angry jealousy, conceived by one of them against the designs of its neighbour. It will be said that the true policy of both countries is to cultivate and foster their corn mon benefit, by measures of liberality and good will. It may be so in fact, and it is so in all wisdom : but the very groundwork of Mr. O'Con nell's effort to disunite them, is his repeated asser tion, that they do not both entertain the same sense of what the interest of Ireland demands, It is to us extremely probable, that in case of a repeal of the Union, the British Parliament might begin to cast about for sources of relief to its own people in the immediate abolition of some of those taxes on the productions of Continental Europe, which have been imposed for the exclusive advantage of the Irish. Duch butter is now severely taxed, that the Irish butter may find a freer market in this country. Black cattle and pigs from Ireland may be imported free into Great Britain, while those of other countries are, in effect, prohibited ; conti nental cottons are heavily taxed, and the infant ma nufacture of Ireland in that article obtains a rapidly increasing encouragement here. So with the woollens of other aiates,—and with their spirituous liquors,— and, beyond every thing else, with their corn, which is grievously taxed, to the deep injury of our fellow citizens,—while Irish corn, the only staple export of the country, finds in England ifs only snorkel. Now, when Dublin gentlemen talk largely of the " illibe ral" system pursued by the Parliament of Great Britain towards their country, will they consider for only a few minutes what would be the condition of Ireland were that Parliament merely to open the British market to all species of provisions from other portions of Europe, or to impose upon Irish provisions the same restraints by which (those of Ireland remaining untaxed) the products of the continent are at present all but absolutely ex cluded We should vainly seek for terms des criptive of the utter beggary to which Ireland would then be reduced, of the horrible advent of plague, pestilence, arid famine,—the result of a positive extinction of her natural resources, to a country, whose people can now barely exist, under a progress of affluence attested beyond all controversy, but only not rapid enough to keep pace with the giant strides of her population. We say, that such, perhaps, might be the result of the new policy forced on the British Parliament by the measures of Mr. O'Connell's legislature. But there would be still the same King !. And how would that King be compelled, by the very nature of things, to govern his disunited realms ? Why, through those to whom he gave his confidence—the Ministers of the Crown—the Ministers of the Crown of England ; for to pretend that he could have two sets of counsellors acting on inconsistent principles of policy, is too childish to be brought into discussion. 'What would follow ?—the same consequence as at present : that the same measures, in so far as both countries were concerned, would be proposed by the British Cabinet to the legislature of each. The measures of the Government would either be adopted in Ireland, as well as here; or, while adopted in this country, would be there rejected. A commer cial treaty with France, or Holland, or North America, might be popul a in England, and might displease a certain prevailing interest at some moment of easy excitement on the other side the Channel : a Regency question (as once happened) might be treated i❑ a directly opposite spirit. We can imagine a question to arise out of circumstances touching the succession to the Crown, to be viewed in a very different light by Mr. O'Connell's reli gious partisans, from that in which Protestants, either English or Irish, would regard it ; or a ques tion of the most immaient importance, involving peace or war. There is one thing which we cannot imagine, viz. the possibility of two Legislatures— one of them English, the other Irish, of the O'Con nell school—acting cordially together for a single twelvemonth, considering the notions which now and their gain currency among the crew composing that learned gentleman's auditors one day, and his delegates, commissioners, or rent•.collectors the next. That means might be found to convert the hostile senators of the thenceforth foreign Parliament, we do not mean to deny, even the most stubborn of them. We know of what materials the old Irish House of Commons was composed, and how ma jorities in that house were concocted. Does Mr. O'Connell mean to insist that any given 300 Irish men of the present day would of necessity be less amenable to ministerial reason than those of the year 1799 ? Who , sold their country to the Mi nister of that day ?—The Irish Parliament—the in dependent Parliament—the Haicyon Parliament of College-green, Who, again, sold their country ? The Roman Catholics of _lreland : it is on record ; they, the Catholics, shamefully sold what is now called the independence of their country to Mr. Pitt and Lord Cornwallis, for a promise of being suffered to hold seats in that very foreign Parliamenisnmoug that very " Saxon" people, with whom, says Mr. O'Connell, in one of his speeches, it is impossible for the genuine Irish to have any thing in common. If all this be denied,—if the British Minister is not to command a majority in the Irish Parliament,--- why the question to settled in another way, for he is voted out of office by Ireland, and supported there by England ; and what is this,s--whut, at least, does it induce, —but a direct separation of the crowns ? But what matter, others may demand, what signifies it whether Ireland swing herself loose or not ? We [night answer the interrogatory by another. What [natters it whether Scotland rends herself from Eng land or not ? Why should not Wales? nay, York attire, if she listetla ? It might not be very easy to satisfy such inquirers. Perhaps a plausible argument might be raised in favour of the individual virtue and happiness to be found in small states, as con trasted with those of larger growth. But the pre judice runs against breaking up an ancient realm, and sending its fragments to seek their fortunes separately. Very confined commonwealths are found to be weaker, as well against internal faction as against aggression from without. With regard to Ireland, the fruits of the repeal of the Union would be, in our apprehension, a total over throw of the Protestant religion : and as Mr. O'Connell is reported in the Morning Register of last Tuesday, 28th of December, to have said, no longer ago than on the Friday preceding, that, " with an Irish Parliament, there would be no absentees ; no wan should hare an estate in Ireland, and an estate any where else," we take for granted that there would take place a general confiscation of property, for in no other way can we attach any meaning to the Learned Gentleman's discourse. Besides a confiscation of property, lay and ecclesi astical, there would be a war of protection to Irish manufactures against English. In return for which, we " Saxons" need do no more than treat Ireland precisely like other Foreign States as to the produc tions we thought proper to receive or to prohibit ; in which ease, Irish produce would be either di rectly excluded by an equality of prohibition, or in directly by an equality of admission, seeing that there is not one single article of Irish growth or manufacture with which England could not be sup plied on better terms from many quarters of the Continent of Europe. We bid farewell for a while to this ungrateful subject. But the agitators of Ire land had better see what they are about. The Pro testants of the country, even the wildest or silliest among them, will not lend themselves to a plot, which, however disguised or cloaked, aims only at trampling down the Reformed religion in all its rights and interests, arid at plundering the property of all men, Protestant and Catholic, who will not lay iheir necks under the heel of a false, vulgar, and vindictive despotism.—Times. The pious Richard Baxter, towards the close of his Holy Commonwealth, observes, " Experience bath taught me to resolve, that I will never put confidence in my nearest friend, nor the best man that I know, if once he have a potent carnal inte rest, and dwell among great and strong temptations." A long life, in trying times, during which many a staunch professor had been found wanting, had im pressed this truth on this able man. The prin ciple which it involves is at the bottom of every Con stitutional Government. It has been amply p . roved in the constitutional history of England ; for if one truth has been better proved than another, it is that with the power there is always the disposition to promote a man's separate interest at the expellee of the interests of others. here all attempts at popular representation, in which the interests of those who return the representatives are not identical with the interests of the people, are sure to turn out a de cided failure. It is now admitted by the present call for Reform that the English Constitution affords no security to the people against the corruption of Parliament. There cannot be an adequate security if the possessors of property have not the returning of the representatives. Mr. Barber Beaumont is for a more complicated plan of representation than we think necessary. "As the annual supplies (he observes) must be drawn from the annual earnings of the people; and as these earnings flow from the joint operation of manual labour and capital; and as these two im portant interests, although indispensably necessary to each other, are continually differing us to the amount of profit which each should take from their joint operations, and as to the proportion of public burthens which each should bear ; it is admitted, that the principle of voting should give to each of those great classes an equal weight in the choice of their representatives." As the protection of the person is the great business of the House of Commons, and as the interest of persons of property and labourers is one arid the same in all that regards limiting the public expenditure to the lowest sum necessary for conducting the Government, we would farther avoid for the present the risk of the complication proposed by Mr. Beaumont. It may he as he says, that " If the working people, and the people of property, have each an equal num ber of votes, the self-interest of each will be equally poised ; but then the votes of the enlightened, just, and public-spirited of both classes, will turn the beam, and secure a just decision ;" but the propo sition would alarm people of property. The propo sition of the ballot is so reasonable, that the oppo sition to it is of course interested. Mr. Beaumont is not far mistaken when he supposes that the ob jectors have " a secret sorrow on the subject, which is too delicate to be named by them; ballot would cut up rotten boroughs and bribery root and branch. Who would give another thousand in part payment fur a seat, when the electors might take money from half a dozen different candidates, and after all return a seventh for nothing, without being individually dis covered ?" Alluding to the cant used on this sub ject, lie observes, this wculd he intelligible enough, " instead of saying, I like to see the voter come up to the poll, and in all open, manly, Englishman like way, declare for whom he votes;' let it stand, I should like to see the voter brought to the poll under the eye of his landlord, employers, customers, and parish officers, desiring him to tote one way—who would dare to look them in theface and vote the othei?' " The key to the system of compelling the electors to vote under the eye of their superiors is the wish to increase the power and patronage of the rich over the poor. But, as Mr. Beaumont says, " the means have been covert, oblique, and ungenial. We now find to our costy,-that they have not worked well." Let property be allowed at once its full weight in choosing Representatives, and then, as he observes, men may be allowed "to vote conscientiously." We have, in fact, tried dishonesty and immorality too long. We must be honest whether we will or not.—Morning Chronicle. We told the present Government, a short time ago, that they would find in the conduct of their predecessors in office half the instruction necessary for rightly administering the affairs of the country .-namely, examples of the policy which it would be requisite to avoid. An example of this sort was afforded by the late Ministry with regard to Ireland just before the downfall of the Administration. It was then justly reprobated by the Whigs ; and it is now not avoided, but imitated, under a Whig Admi nistrat:on. We allude to the proclamation issued under the Lord Lieutenancy of the Duke of Nor thumberland, and bearing the signature of Sir Henry Ilardinge, for the suppression of a society founded by \lr. O'Connell, calling itself " The Friends of the People of all Religious Denominations," or some such name. This proclamation was founded upon an Act only applicable to Ireland, and which passed nearly at the same time with the Roman Catholic Relief Bill. The Act is the 10th George IV., and it arms the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland with powers unknown to the Constitution of England. The King of Great Britain cannot, by his proclamation, prevent or prohibit any society from meeting which is not of an illegal or dangerous nature, under the provisions and according to the definition of some existing law ; but the Lord Lieutenant of Ire land can do that which the King of Great Britain cannot do—namely, prohibit and put down any society or association which he deems in his own mind to be dangerous, although it is per fectly legal in the eye of the law. One of the charges against King James 11., and for which he forfeited the throne, was that he gave his proclama tions the force of law. The same thing is done by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; but the latter has an Act of Parliament to sanction the proceeding, which the former had not, though he certainly could plead in his defence the practice of many of his ar bitrary predecessors. Thus the proceeding is legal, in Ireland, though the principle is certainly uncon stitutional ;—at ell events it is opposed to the spirit of the Constitution, as explairiod by the framers of the Bill of Rights, whose doctrines the Whigs pro fess to follow. Do they act consistently, then, in governing Ireland by the agency of such an Act We think not. But we have hopes that the Mar quis of Anglesea has issued the proclamation with out applying for instructions to the Government that appointed him. We shall be glad if this turns out to be the case, although we confess we have no information as to the fact one way or the other. We would rather see Lord Anglesea do a foolish thing upon his own responsibility than that the whole Administration, from whom the coun try expected better things, should adopt a course which they justly condemned when it was pursued by their predecessors. But if the measure were ever so unobjectionable in principle, it ought to have been avoided on account of its impolicy. We have been told, ever since the question of the repeal of the Union began to be agitated, that the support which it received was contemptible—that all influential and respectable classes of society were opposed to the repeal—that the agitators were only followed by a " ragged rabble"—and that, whatever noise was kept up for a time by the " factious few," the pro ject must soon perish of its own folly. In the midst of such representations of the weakness and insig nificance of the party by whom the question of re peal was said to be supported, the Executive thinks fit to avail itself of those extraordinary powers which, if used at all, should only be used upon occasions of the highest importance, and launches its thunder bolts to crush a faction which it affected to despise. The proclamation of the Duke of Northumberland had the effect of first blowing a mere spark into some thing like a flame, and we shall be surprised if the equally wise and efficacious proclamation of the Marquis of Anglesea does not blow that flame into something like a conflagration. It argues _but small stock of political judgment to make extraor dinary powers common-place by frequently calling them into action upon trivial occasions. Did the present occasion justify the assumption by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of the character of Jupiter tonans? He should beware of brandishing his lightnings upon every slight provocation, lest the people should cease to behold them with awe. Was it not better to have allowed the trades of Dublin to have gone up with their address to Mr. 0 Con nell, while they committed no breach of the peace, than, by preventing them, to cause those feelings to rankle within their own breasts which would then have evaporated in a harmless ebullition ? But they have had a procession—a smaller one, indeed, than that originally intended—in spite of the pro clamation. Now Government ought to have sup pressed the thing altogether, or not have inter fered with it at all. Absurd excitements, whether in political or religious matters, always die away of themselves, unless fed by judicious opposi tion. When such excitements carry men to vio late the laws, then it is time to take notice of them ; but not till then. Besides, this proclamation has afforded Mr. O'Connell an opportunity of showing his almost unbounded power over the popular mind in a more unequivocal manner than he could have done under any other circumstances. He has pub lished his own proclamation, in which, while he advises the people to obey the law, he flings all man ner of contempt upon the proclamation of the Lord Lieutenant and his Government. Are the Govern ment prepared to prosecute Mr. O'Connell ? If they are not, they should not have placed themselves in a position which enables him to insult, denounce, and defy them. The Administration in this coun try, though they may not be responsible for this par ticular act of Lord Anglesea, are answerable for sending him to Ireland. He has always been, us a Senator and Statesman, intemperate and unreflect ing, whether he acted against the people, or courted the popularity of the day. He was on both sides of the " Catholic question," and violent on both. His motives are, no doubt, good, but his judgment is sadly deficient.—Morning Herald. SPECIAL COMMISSION. BERKSHIRE-READING, DFC. 31. George Williams, Edward Harris, Thomas Hicks, Luke Brown, John Cook, and James Fuller, were put on their trial, being indicted for having d.stroyed a threshing machine, the property of Gabriel Lamb. The Jury Eund Hicks Guilty, and acquitted the rest. Robert Page and William Carter were convicted of having, on the 23d of November, destroyed a threshing machine, the property of Joseph Stan brook. The same prisoners, Robert Page and William Carter, were then put on their trial, being indicted for having, on the 23d of November, feloniously assaulted Joseph Stanbrook, and taking from his person, against his will, two sovereigns. Mr. GURNEY should offer no evidence against the prisoners on this charge. The prisoners were accordingly acquitted. The same prisoners were again arraigned for having robbed James Franklin of two sovereigns. Mr. GURNEY should offer no evidence in support of this charge. He would take this opportunity of observing, that he and his Learned coadjutors had carefully considered every case before them, and that, in the exercise of the discretion with which they were invested, they had forborne, and should continue to forbear, to press a vast number of cases, which, if they were brought to trial, would, he had no doubt, end in the conviction of the parties, whose lives would be forfeited. As a general rule, they had always taken the case of breaking a machine in preference to that of robbery, an offence which but too frequently accompanied that of the destruction of property. The case of the prisoners at the bar was an instance of the lenient course which he and his Learned coadjutors had generally adopted. He said generally, for they had, much to their sorrow and regret, found it necessary to proceed sometimes on the charge of robbery.—Acquitted. William Gale was put to the bar, being indicted for having, on the 24th of November, destroyed a threshing-machine, the property of John Sykes Sawbridge, clerk. One witness only wits called for the prosecution, who swore that G,tle was one of the party who de- stroyed the machine. The Jury, under the direction of the Court, ac quitted the prisoner. Joseph Aicholas, Winterborne, Edmund Steel, Alfred Darling, William Carter, Wi!Liam Westall, and Thomas Radbzun, were put to the bar, being indicted for having, on the 22d of November, feloniously assaulted and robbed Joseph Randall of one sovereign. Another count charged them with having robbed Elizabeth Randall of a sovereign, the property of Joseph Randall. Elizabeth Randall examined by Mr. CAmmtlit.t.— I live with my brother, Joseph Randall, in the parish of Ilampstead-marshall. I recollect the night be tween the 22d and 23d November. At about five o'clock, or a quarter before, on the morning of the 22d November, we were in bed. I heard a great noise, and the sounding of a horn. I was alarmed. I got up and went to my brother's room. My brother was looking out of the winiow. I was in my night clothe!. I procured a light, and put on part of my clothes. 1 then went down stairs with my brother. My brother went out to the mob. I fol lowed, locked the door, and stood with my back against it outside the house. I could hear what the mob said. The mob were then in the farm yard. I should say they were from 200 to 300 in number. They demanded the key of the barn to break the machine, and 2/. in money. My brother said," if I give you the 21., shall you then break the machine The answer was, " yes." My brother said he would neither give money nor the key. p art o f the mob then went in the direction of the barn, and part remained where they were. I heard a great noise at the barn, a great knocking; such as would be made by breaking the machine. Those who had been to the barn returned, and joined the rest, after ten minutes or a quarter of an ' hour. When they returned, one of the mob said, " have you done your work ?" I was still outside the door, with my back against it. The mob said, "now we want the 2/.; it is hard work breaking machines." My brother refused to give it them. They then said, " we will have some victuals and drink." My brother said he would not give any thing. They then all rushed into the court-yard; my brother drew back and placed himself beside me.— The mob came close up to us. One of them had a sledge-hammer ; another had a large stick ; Alfred Darling was the man who had the sledge-hammer. The mob said they would have money, or victuals and drink, or they would break the house down.— Alfred Darling held up the sledge-hammer, as if to strike the door between my brother and myself. Another person of the mob had two pieces of iron in his hand, and began beating the bricks at the side of the door. In doing that, he gave me a slight blow on the shoulder. The prisoner, Nicholas, then got over a low wall opposite the kitchen window, and began breaking the window, and knocked the whole of it, sash, glass, shutters, frame, and every thing, into the room. I said to my brother, " now they have broken the house we had better give them some money, or we shall have them all in." My brother and I then got inside the house and fastened the door. I said to my brother, " must I give them 21. ?" He said, "no ; try one." I fetched a se vereign and presented it at the opening they had made at the window. Some one of the mob re ceived it in his hand, and immediately dashed it on the table under the window, exclaiming, "we won't have that ; that's half price—our price is 2/.; it is hard work breaking machines. Another per son then took the sovereign ()lithe table. I believe that other person was Nicholas, who said, " that won't do ;" and then he called for Captain Winter borne. The prisoner, Winterboroe, then appeared at the opening. Nicholas handed the sovereign to \Vinterborne, who, looking at it, said that will do; we will take half price, because he (meaning my brother) has stood like a man." Then, raising his head up to the opening, he said, "besides we have done some mischief, and that must be paid for." Then they went away. I could see the faces of some of the mob; Darling, Nicholas, and Winter borne, lam sure I saw. My brother had a lantern in his hand, which enabled me to see their faces. The rest of the evidence being gone through, The Jury, without hesitation, returned a verdict of Guilty against all the prisoners, but recommended them to mercy. William Sims, Francis Norris, William Page, Alfred Darling, James Annals, and Charles Bates, were placed at the bar, charged with robbing Wm. Clarkson of 405., on the 23d November, at Kint bury. Prisoners were charged in other counts with robbing Herbert Hogsflesh of the said money, which was laid as the property of Clarkson, also as the property of Hogsfiesh. Herbert Hogsflesh identified Sims, Norris, and Darling, as being present on the occasion; and de posed to have given 405., which he received from the prosecutor, to Norris, who came forward as the acknowledged ringleader of the party. In their defence, Darling, Annetta, and Bates, declare that they were not near the prosecutor's house. Several respectable persons spoke to the good character of Bates, who was distinguished from many of the prisoners tried at this commission by a decent and orderly appearance. Mr.:Baron BOLLAND having briefly summed up the evidence, the Jury acquitted Annetts, and found the other prisoners Guilty, recommending Bates to mercy on account of his previous good character. William IVinterborne, William Oakley, Edmund Steel, Thomas Darling, and James Randall, were in dicted for robbing Frederick Webb, at Kintbury, on the 22d November, of one sovereign. A verdict of acquittal was recorded i►► favour of Darling and Randall. Winterborne said nothing in his defence. Oakley said he had been very ill-used. He lived with his grandmother, at Kintbury, where they had a foundry, and when the riots first broke out, the mob destroyed all he had, and forced him to go with them. All his witnesses had gone home, but several respectable persons had signed a petition in his favour, he thinking it would answer as well as if they attended on his behalf. He had nothing to say about Mr. Webb's business.—The petition was handed up to the Bench. Steel said he was not at the prosecutor's. Mrs. Freebody was called on behalf of the pri soners, but did not answer. The Jury returned a verdict of Guilty against Winterborne, Oakley, and Steel, recommending the tr{•o latter prisoners to mercy. William Winterborne, Alfred Darling, William Oakley, George nolmes, and William !Vestal!, were charged with breaking a threshing-machine, the property of Captain Thomas Dunn, on the 22d of November, at Kinthury. The evidence for• the prosecution having been heard, Witnesses were called, who gave a good charac ter to Holmes, who was said to be 17 years of age, and by trade a blacksmith. The Jury found all the prisoners Guilty, with the exception of \Vestall, whom they acquitted. The Jury also recommended Holmes to mercy, on ac count of the good character he had received. Thomas Goodfellow and Cornelius Bennett were indicted for destroying a threshing-machine, the pro perty of Matthew Batten. The prisoners, like nearly all the others, were part of a mob who went about the country breaking machines, and then demanding money for doing so. Goodfellow was a blacksmith. Bennett was the captain of the gang. Matthew Batten proved the commission of the offence; but on his cross-examination it turned out that the machine was not in complete repair. Mr. CooPER took an objection that this machine, being out of repair, was net within the Statute. The COURT overruled the objection. The July returned a verdict of Guilty against both prisoners, but recommended them to mercy. WINTER ASIZES. SURREY-KINGSTON, DEC. 31. James Bravery, aged 15, was indicted for having, unlawfully, maliciously, and feloniously, set fire to a hay-rick, the property of Thomas Wenham, a farmer residing at Ockley, in this county.—Not Guilty. Richard Stagg, labourer, was indicted for having, in company with two other men, entered the pre serves of his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, at Addington, in the night time, armed with guns for the purpose of taking and destroying game. Another count in the indictment charged the pri soner with having assaulted John Frost and another of the gamekeepers of his Grace, and another count charged the prisoner with the intent to destroy rabbits. Mr. BACON, having detailed the circumstances of the case, would say one word with respect to ele motives of the Archbishop of Canterbury in p:o -moting this prosecution. His Grace was totally in different as to whether his preserves were well or ill stocked, but he deemed it his duty to enforce the provisions of an Act of Parliament, which made it a misdemeanour for persons who were found a►med o ith guns in the night time, as such weapons might easily Le converted into engines for comnaitt'ng u breach of the peace by midnight mauraders. The Jury found the prisoner Guilty, and be was sentenced to be imprisoned and kept to hard labour for six months. Sarah Bird, a decently-dressed woman, was in dicted for having wilfully sent to Messrs. Young, at Epsom, a letter, with a fictitious signature, threaten ing to destroy certain out-houses the:: property. This case excited very great interest. Mr. CLARKSON stated the case for the prosecution, and called, Mr. Peter Young—l am a nursery-man at Epsom, and am in partnership with Charles and James Young. We have several greenhouses and out houses on our premises. On the 12th of Novem ber last, two persons were in our emlloy named Hammond and Yaldon. They lodged ht the house of the prisoner. Early on the morning question I found a b'own paper parcel near our premises ; it contained a letter. The letter was here read, and was as follows : " Nov. llth. " Messrs. Young,—Unless you tin the pay of the /nen and boys in your Imployment, in lets than 5 days your green houses shall be blown up into 10 thousand peaces So mind wat your At. Addressed, " H. Y. N." " Messrs. Young, nurserymen, Epsom, Surrey." After further evidence had been detailed, the Jury found the prisoner Not Guilty. James Ritchie, 18 years old, was indicted for haring feloniously and maliciously set fire to a hay stack, the property of Wiliiam Pyle Taunton, Esq. of Carshalton, in this county. After some witnesses had been examined, The Learned JUDGE stopped the case, observing, that there was not sufficient evidence to make out the indictment. The Jury, under his Lordship's direction, re turned a verdict of Not Guilty. CHAIRING OF THE NEW MEMBER FOR PRESTON. According to immemorial usage in Preston the success ful candidate rode on horseback on Monday, triumphantly through the town, instead of being raised on people's shoulders and hugged along. From a very early hour num bers of persons arrived from the surrounding towns and villages; and at one o'clock Mr. Hunt proceeded from his lodging, in Lune-street, mounted en a very fine charger, suitably decorated with the colours of the party (crimson), and attended by six grooms in fancy liveries. In the pro cession there were about 2,500 Preston voters in rows of ten each, wearing figured aprons and other insignia of their various tribes. Six volunteer bands joined in the pro cession, and thirty-six flags, with various inscriptions in dicative of the political sentiments of the electors, were intermixed with the voters. It is rather singular that there was only one tri-coloured flag, and that there was scarcely a tricoloured ribbon to be seen either amongst the voters in procession or the great mass of the public, which could not have consisted of less than 40,000 per sons. After having paraded the whole of the town, Mr. Hunt returned to his lodgings, and front the windows addressed the assembled multitude, who, notwithstanding the extreme severity of the weather, remained for up wards of two hours attentively listening to Mr. Hunt and his friends. Mr. HeNT exhorted the people to maintain the same peaceful and orderly conduct they had manifested during the election, and promised that he would, from his place in the House of Commons, represent the grievances under which the labouring part of the population suffered. He had, as he conceived it to be his duty, gone round the country, and witnessed the horrible privations to which the people had been subjected, and he should state to those who were now his brother Members of the Legislature— (A laugh)--the extent of those privations, and tell them the eause.—(Cheers.)—They should find that hii character tor consistency should not fail nor be deteriorated. Mr. Hunt concluded a long and animated speech amidst loud cheering. Mr. MITCHELL followed, and gave a most appalling account of the distress under which the weavers in the manufacturing districts laboured. He was proud to tell them that Mr. Hunt had accompanied hint to the abodes of the poor and wretched weavers, and had witnessed with his own eyes the destitution of their state. In these miserable lodgings there was scarcely to be found a chair or a table, or a candle stick. A little straw in the corner of the room, with a couple of rugs, furnished their beds.—(Shame, shame.) Porridge was their scanty meal, and although the sabbath after Christmas-day was the day of visit, potatoes and salt were the only fare; and there was but one house in which they found a morsel of meat for a man and his wife and a large family of children. He (Mr. Mitchell) considered Mr. Hunt the representative of the hitherto unrepresented population of England—(Cheers)—the labouring indus trious, honest, and oppressed population.—(Continued cheers. ) Mr. Mitchell was followed by several gentlemen, friends of Reform, from Manchester, Chorley, and the Alinufac tuling Towns, who testified to the satisfaction expressed by the labouring classes in their different districts at the return of Mr. Hunt to Parliament. The meeting then separated. Public dinners were herd at various houses in the town in compliment to Mr. ITuat. The day passed off without the slightest breach of tile public peace, and by eleven o'clock at night scarcely a person was to be seen in the streets. CARRICKFERGUS REFORM MEETING. On Thursday last a meeting of the inhabitants of Car rickfergus was held in the Court-house, agreeably to re quisition, for the purpose of considering the subject of Parliamentary Reform. Mr. J. CAMPBELL, the Sheriff, took the Chair, and stated, that though the requisition had not originated with any of the Members of the Corporation, yet, on account of the number of signatures attached to it, the meeting had been convened. He then referred to the ignorance of the lower orders as to the objects of what was called Re form—to the late rebellion, and the part which the disciples of Priestly and Paine had in producing it. He commented, in severe terms, on an allusion to the town of Carrickfergus in the speech of Mr. Montgomery, at the late Belfast meeting, connecting Mr. Montgomery with the Belfast Institution. He then animadverted at some length, on the payment of Government salaries to men who deny the Trinity, and represented the impossibility of men yielding loyalty to an earthly King, who deny it to a Heavenly one. _ _ _ The Rev B. T. STANNUS, to an Alumnus of the In stitution, defended it from the attack which had been made upon it by the Chairman ; and he denied, in strong terms, the right of any individual to brand as heretical a set of opinions merely because they :night not correspond with his own. He then moved a resolution, expressive of the people's right to a fair representation in the House of Commons. The iesolution was seconded by Mr. HotmEs, and carried. Th e Rev. JOHNSTON NEILSON moved a resolution, stating, that on account of sinister influence the people were rot in fact represented. The resolutio❑ was seconded by Mr. CRAIO. Dr, FoasvritE moved, as an amendment, that it is ■n ncceseary to burden Government with petitions. Tl'e amendment was seconded by Mr. ROBERT HANLY. Mr. STANNUS again, in a speech of considerable length, replied to those parts of the Chairman's observations which he had omitted noticing in his previous address, and also to some remarks of Dr. Forsythe and Mr. llanly. good deal of angry discussion now occurred, and the question was put several times, and as many divisons took place before it could be ascertained whether the amend ment had been adopted or rejected. Both parties claimed a majority, and amidst considerable confusion a decision vas given in favour of the amendment, many of the oppo !ite party having left the meeting. Thanks were then Toted to the Sheriff, and the assembly dispersed. We had intended to give a more detailed report of the proceedings at the Carrickfergus meeting, but a pressure of other matter has compelled us to give for the present only the above hurried sketch.—Bellast News Letter. PINKERTON'S CORRESPONDENCE.--The letters which form this work are rich in anecdotes illustra tive of the lives of the principal literary men who have flourished during the last half century. Many curious particulars connected with the history, antiquities, and literature of Scotland are also embodied in the epistles, whic:: are perhaps the most various and most valuable col hectic ever published. MARRIAGES.—The Chancellor of this dio cese has re-appointed all the surrogates of his predecessor; and, we are informed, does not intend to appoint any new surrogates, until vacancies arise. It is not generally known that a residence of fifteen days of one of the parties in the parish where the marriage is to be solemnized, is ab solutely indispensable, unless the parties are wiping to commit perjury. An the public are not aware, perhaps, that every individual surrogate is fully authorised, not merely to grant a license to his own church, but to any church in the counties of Lancashire and Cheshire, in which marriages are usually solemnized.—Blackburn Gazette. That which we only put as matter of reasoning, we might have stated as matter of fact,—namely, that Parliament would only be dissolved in case (the thought of which is monstrous) it should reject Reform. Sir JAMES GRAHAM avowed in the House what were the intentions of Ministers in this respect so that our Brighton corres pondent was clearly in error if be meant that an uncondi tional dissolution was agreed on by the KING. It is more than probable—indeed we may say it is certain—that the plan of Reform is not yet arranged, there being still more than a month allowed for its preparation. We know no. thing of its nature, except from the motions already made to the House; but we hope to hear no more of nomination Members, or the sale of seats as common as that of bullocks in the market. Times. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (Froth the London New Price Current of yesterday.) SUGAIL.—There has been no Sugar on sale since this day week. The stock is now about 5,000 hhds. and trcs. less of West India than the stock of last year. In refined goods there is little alteration this week ; the purchases are on the most limited scale. EAST INDIA SUGARS.—The inquiries by private contract are continued, but there are no actual purchases worth re porting. _. . . COFFEE.—There have been no public sales of Coffee, but the inquiries by private contract are continued without leading to any extensive transactions. There- were no ►ales to-day to report; the scarcity of Coffee suitable for the home consumption, iv now of a marked :character, particu larly the good and fine ordinary descriptions of Jamaica ; they are considerably higher. At Liverpool no ordinary Jamaica under 40s. Bust, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.-The inquiries after Rum are continued, and it is generally expected we shall have very extensive transactions during the next week ; the holders are still sanguine of realising higher prices. In Brandy and Geneva there is no alteration. At a late hour there ,were large buyers of proof Leewarda at Is. 9d. ; small parcels of Brandy have sold rather lower. IleMe, FLAx, AND TALLOW.-The Tallow market Las been in a languid state all the week, and the prices must be quoted a shade lower. Hemp is still dull. Flax at former quotations. larsrt Pao:mu°N9.—ln Beef or Pork there is little al teration. The weather has again changed to a confirmed thaw, but it has little effect on the Butter market; the prices remain firm. Bacon dull, free on board for the next three months 425., on tke spot 43,. and 445. SALTPTTRE.-Some few sales are reported at a small reduction. COTTON.-The Cotton market i 8 dull, on aecount of the season hating stopped the export, and the trade being de terred from purchasing by the general turn-out of the workmen in the manufacturing districts. The purchases of Cotton are too limited for insertion. PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed from the Returns made in the weelgending Dec, 2S, is Ms. 4%d. per cwt., exclusive of the duties of customs paid or payable thereon on the importation.thereof into Great Britain. PRICES OF HOPS.—Dec. 31. Kent Pockets B/ Os. 9/, 9s. to 14! I4s. Sirssex Ditto Wrsex Ditto Farnham Ditto, Fine O/. Os. 1511. Os. 1090/ Os. Seconds 01. Os. 91. Os. to 15/. Os. Kent Uses 3l. Os. 81. 8s to 111. Os. Essex Ditto Ol. Os. 01. Os. to 01. Os. Sussex Ditto Old Duty on last year's growth announced to be £88.047 8 13. PRICE OF OIL. ape Oil, brown 6s. Refined 6 inseed Oil Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand Rape Cake, per ton WHITECHAPEL HAY MARKET.—Dec. 30 Hay 50s. Od. to S4s. Od. I Clover Okt. to 100 s. Od. Straw*. 30t. Od. to 365. Od. PRICE OF POTATOES.—Dee. 31. Kidneys .... .... Scotch Reds 4!. 10s. to 0!. Os. ditto. Marsh Champions 4l. 10s. to 01. Os. ditto. Oznobles and Shaws 31. ss. to 3/. 104. ditto. RAW HIDES. ter Stone. s. d. to s. d. Per Stone. •. d. to s. d. Rest Ileif?rs& Steers 3 0 3 4 Ordinary 110 2 0 Middlings ' 6 '2 8 Market Calf 6 6 eix.h. SHEEP SKINS. 2s. fid. to 4s. Od. I Downs Is. 6(1. to 21. (d. Welch Is. Od. to Is. 4d PRICES OF LEATHER. Per lb. d. to d. Per lb. d. to d. Butts ',O to 561 b... 15 22 Tanned Horse Hides.... 15 18 Ditto..—.-60 to 661 b... 16 M Spanish Ditto 20 23 Dressing Hicles—..—.. 16 18 Per dostn. Fine Coach Hides 14 16 Calf Skirts.. 36 to 441 b. 15 18 Clop Hides. 35 to 401 b. 13 14j Dit to 50 to 701 b. 20 26 Ditto...--..A0 to 451 b. 14 16 Ditto 70 to 801 b. 18 21 Ditto l6 18 Small Seale, Greenland 291 211 PRICE OF RAW PAT, per stone of 811).—Dec. 31. Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Melters) --.2i. girl. PRICE OF TALLOW, S( Town Tallow 50s. Od. Yellow Russi, .48s Od. White. 48s. Od. Soap Ditto _ 455. Od. Melted Stuff Sess OIL Ditto ltough 2a. Od. PRICE OF The price of Store Candles, in t Candles, per dol. 7s. ud. to Ss. Oki. A &c. per 1121b.—Dee. 31. Yellow Soap 64. Od. Mottled _ 70e. Od. White 72e. Od. Graves 14s. Good Od. CANDLES. he retail shops, is as follows 1 Moulds, per duzen :ET.—Dec. 31. Walls End Hotspur—. 1145.6 d. Ditto Monkseaton—...32 0 Walls dud Newmarch— 35 Oitto Northumberland 34 0 Ditto Riddell's 36 0 Walls End lolettou ...—. 37 6 Walls blaci Lamlyton.... 37 0 Walls End Ly0n5........ 34 6 Walls Vaud Stewart's 37 8 W. E. Russell's Helton 37 0 Walls End 24 6 Cowpen 31 6 Culm Trinisaram 27 0 Hartley Old Ilaigh Wain Wilt 25 0 Ellison small . 2O 0 Davison 18 0 ips sold, 33—Unsold, 112%. COAL MAll Adair's 32 0 HetAiurn Main 35 0 Holywell 34 0 Peuivi Percy Bensham 34 0 Canfield Townley-.-..... 31 SJ Willington Wylam Walls End Bell and Co. 35 3 Ditto Bell ltolmson &Co. 35 0 WallsEndßewicke&Co. 36 6 Ditto Burratou 34 3 Ditto Callerton 31 6 Ditto Clarke and C 0... 33 9 Ditto Cramlington.... 32 6 Ditto Heaton .3b 0 slops at market, 145 COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. I Barley. I Oats. Bawls. Per Quarter. — Ashburn 55 72 40 44 26 32 41 44 Basingstoke LO 71 26 37 20 25 34 311 Bath Bridgewater 51 72 26 30 22 96 24 86 00 68 36 40 j 24 26 36 40 Chesterfield 64 72 34 44 22 30 42 50 Derby 73 78 42 44 26 21 40 47 Devizes 66 70 tio 40 S 2 32 42 48 Doncaster 60 66 35 46 26 32 28 84 Dorchester—.......... 54 7b 30 38 14 06 52 Exeter 7. 74 26 32 24 44 Gloucester 66 70 36 39 23 t. 7 34 38 Huagerford 50 72 30 40 21 30 Si? 43 75 44 —29 46 Newbury 48 79 26 40 IR 34 32 50 Rooney 56 68 31 37 21 25 56 Shaftesbury 56 37 22 50 Shelton Mallet .... 56 70 34 42 18 96 38 48 Sherborne.--. 58 64 32 39 18 26 38 49 Taunton 48 76 22 40 21 30 38 46 Yeovil 56 66 32 8 20 24 32 44 Per Bushel. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. A. a. d. s. cl. a. d. e. d. Shrewsbury 10 9 11 6 5 9 6 4 5 0 7 2 0 0 0 0 TITHE ANECDOTE. —In a village a short distance from Rockingham Castle, the vicar, (a very peaceably worthy man,) previous to the inclosure collected tithe in kind. His wife, a termagant Bart of woman, usually went round the village to take the tithe of eggs. In the course of her rounds she enquired of a poor cot tager how may " hens" he bad. "Go and ask the (tack" replied the cottager's wife. CURIOUS CIRCUMSTANCE.—A few months since, as Mrs. Worms, who lives in a house adjoining the sign of the Union public-house, Little Bolton, was sweep ing the bottom part of the chimney, a brick fell down, and after that a watch with a gold case! We under stand that the chimney was thee, or h:.d just been, on ire at the time the watch was found —Bolton Chronicle. SIR WALTER SCOTT AND ALLAN CUN NINGIIAM.—Besides the accession to the New Monthly Magazine of several other new writers of the first cele brity, we perceive that Mr. ALLAN CUNNINGHAM has this month contributed a very interesting article. His biogra phical, critical, and anecdotical portrait of Sir WALTER. Score, is one which will be read with high interest. The value of the number is still further enhanced by the addi. tion of a beautiful steel engraving by Tuomrson, of CHANTRY's bust of Sir WALTER., which will be found eminently worthy the attention of collectors ; and it ap pears to be the intention of the proprietors of the New Monthly to give a regular series of living literary charac ters, accompanied by beautifully engraved likenesses. BIRTHS. On the 31st tilt. at Dulsvizh, Mrs. Henry Young, of a daughter. On the 31st ult. the lady of Isaac Gompertz, Esq., of Ebury-street, of a eon. On the 29th ult. at the East India C'ullege, the lady of the Rev. H. G. Keene, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 30tk ult. at Camberwell, R. Malcolm, Esq., R.N., to Caroline, widow of J. Wilkinson, Esq., late of Malta, and second daughter of C. A. Craig, E.q., of Great George-street, Westminster. On the 25th ult. at Elmbridge, the Rev. J. P. Lee, 8.A., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, to Susan, eldest daughter of the late G. Penrice, Esq., of Ehn.. bridge, Worcestershire. DIED. On the 30th ult. in SJnl3ope-street, May-lair, the Hon. Elizabeth Mary, the wife of W. S. Poyntx, Esq.of Cowdray-park, Sussex. On the 31st ult. at her residence, Brunswick-square, Mrs. Conran, widow of the late Lieut.-General Couran. On the .25th inst. at Darleith House, Dutuloartonshir e , Miss Yuile, late of Bedford•square. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED Br AIURDO YOUNG, AT THE SUN OFFICE, 112, &RAND, LONDON. Polled nn 6 6 M 4 I , 1