The Sun. — London, England, 1831-02-11 00:00:00

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DIVIDEND of TEN SHILLINGS OPER SHARE, f or th e H a lf Y ear end i ng the 31st Wrnber last, declared this (lay at a General Meeting of opBrietors, will be payable at the Office of the Company, , Great Winchester -street, on MoNniy, the 21st butbet4int, and on every subsequent day during this month. Alien the h ours of Ten and Two o'clock. N A ter thi s month the present Dividend, as well as the Dividends the same amount previously declared, Rill y ea Payable to such Proprieto rs as h ave not received the o n Wednesday and Thursday only in each week. rat, JAMES B. LOBB, Secretary. r to on, ebruary 10, 1831. sending. or, r' :new him to-bs t'h Id do so, and ais ° ~ had had with bin9:i liberties saigh L , course of the els; was out of th is __. 4 :l it than any ordiPlei ,torney then 107,b1 t the manner ill it l 'ight of petitionitto ssailing a most, i iB in the admin' s ' ' B O rong expressions r , Peddell Ab l etiO • day;"-------------- as published, a cheap Edition, being the Third. be no reaso' 01 • of Small Svo. 6s. was right 1 0 TIO PIN A „ ~,, ,:ey siiNfr HENRYL REF 0 R M.— of the plaintio...d language on the 5 0 1 I *.* ~.) PARNEL,L, Bart. utations on a oljo i , o 7 leeeral avit , le of this Work has In en carefully revised, t h in, among additions have been introduced, corn most unquestioror :0 14 Mi t g others the following Subjects : —The very strong fee t, Oov. c a Coals, r ßee% and Sugar,—the Corn Laws, rel,th Sys t em -a aefures, the Learned Jon,lt,' p " ' r n men t h'i an ' Coilection of the Revenue. It was a priv i i :c 3 T o wt l of , lll Public Accounts, the Civil List, Colonies. e speeches pubti, %d or "eh are added, Tables of the Civil List Pensions, 'as constantly v"" plete‘- Salaries above 1,000/ , together with ' the people. T h ;f 1 ' s i ! ' r i t x * . corn , !p, t l ha :e_Ol y Parnell's admirable work, to which we have the report was .. once directed the attention of our readers." al the report ber . .,jlV i lat.i. said against Sr pi .... n " It is rapid survey, clear, ingenious, and diversified." sly not less full NuarteTl Fence. As so o t h e l/ 1 *i t s : ° bo Y o k w ' appeared on financial topics bearing ports are incilei t i, k i i,;' i t gr ene ever r claim to attention than this."— West 'ailed before the/ 'kr Revie.w. be correctly re 0 . ' 1 "/"' --- -----_______LIInray Albemarle-street. consequences tn Y "• ... NEW t wol,, K BY THE AUTHORESS OF HUN fse who let Ole o /4 0 what their rePr o , " W e d nes " GARIAN TALES. t i , ty " Y next will he published, in 3 vols. post Svo. ' the very gres l one instance Pt'.. 44 E T U I L E R I E S. An Historical Romance. of abuses whe re , t Re.ary n o .. preventive wher e 'eft. ' i burn and Richard Bentley, New Burlington ., No. 11,987. LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 11, 1831. P.RICE 7D. In a fete days will b e publi s h e d, in Rim. rrHE DIARY of Dr. DODDRIDGE, forming the Supplement to his Correspondence, now completed, and including many curious particulars his life hitherto unknown. Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, New Burlington rstreet. to the dictates of his innermost soul. Or supp t s, he be an elector of Liverpool; here, it is true, there ►re no great men like the Duke of Newcastle, mph, claim to do what they will with their own, bu here is a Mr. Ewart, with his hands full of money ;--the consequence is the same in either case—instead of the man being returned to Parliament who has the real ma jority in his favour, the returned candidate is one who has not only no regard whatever for the electors, but most l'kely he feels a sincere contempt for individuals who have thus submitted to become, in the hands of another, the unwilling agents of his undeserved elevation. In the one case, we see the man returned who has, and, in the other, him who has net, the majority in his favour. It war clearly shown by this test that the ballot was the most effectual method of returning the candidate whom the voters really preferred. He kneiv that it would be said, as it was sail by some persons, that by this plan we de, stroy the legitimate influence of property. Nothing, h e conceived, but a very vague view of the question could for a moment lend support to so absurd an allegation. Men of property have had, and may still havc, their own peculiar modes of influence, namely, bribery and intimida tion; but the ballot would introduce a higher rrinciple, which no amount of property would affect—and that was the influence of personal character. He had already sbewn. that so far as bribery and intimidation could go in connexion with property, they had a tendency to de grade both the exerciser and the sufferer ; and surely all persons must be agreed, that it was very desirable to an nihilate such influence. He was anxious, instead of pro perty in such a way, that talents and virtue should be al lowed fair play in the field ; where these were the preten sions of the candidate, how could such a man's influence be diminished, or his character injured, whether an elector gave his vote secretly or proclaimed it aloud ? The in fluence of such an individual would be much augmented ; he would have nothing to fear, but every thing to hope; the only consequences to he apprehended must be, that all merely rich fools and rich knaves would be driven from the field. IMPERIAL, PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY 10. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM presented petitions from the Grand Jury of Galway, for an extension of the elec tive franchise; from Penryn, against negro slavery; and 'ram the merchants and traders of Dublin, hoping that the Howe would pause before it rashly granted slaw emancipation. BERWICKSHIRE. TO BE SOLD BY PUBLIC ROUP, Within the Royal Exchange Coffee-house, Edinburgh, on WEDNESDAY, the 6th April, 1831, at Two o'clock afternoon, THE following ESTATES in the county of Berwick : Lord SUFFIELD presented two petitions from parishes in Norfolk ag &Ist negro I.l4very. The Earl of CARLISLE presented a petition from a township in Yorkshire for Parliamentary Reform. Earl RADNOR presented petitions, to the same effect, from parishes in Lancashire, from Perth, and from the city of Bath. REPEAL OF THE UNION. 1. MAINES, in the parish of Chimside, consisting of Four Hundred and Sixty Acres or thereby, rented at pre sent on Leases of considerable duration, at X 1,142 0 0 The public burdens amount on an average of five years to 65 18 1 Earl RADNOR, in presenting two petitions frora Dub lin and the Queen's county in favour of a repeal of the Union, had no knowledge of the persons who forwarded hese petitions to him, but still was ready to present them ;n conformity to his duty as a Member of that House. fie was, however, sorry to hear that the prayer of these documents was, to some extent, popular in Ireland : and l'e took that opportunity of expressing his conviction, that any separation of the present connection between England and Ireland would be attended with serious consequences to both countries, and with ruin to the latter.—(Hear.) — He felt that any man who reflected for a moment on the relative circumstances of both countries, would acknow ledge the truth of that position ; and he hoped that the people of Ireland would soon find out that their bast in terests would be affected by the course they were pursu. ing.—(Hear.) Net Rent £1,076 1 11 There are Sixty-four Acres or thereby of Wood.upon the Estate, of which thinnings might be cut yearly to the amount of 1001. The Estate, which is situated within•seven miles of the towns of Berwick, Eyemouth, and Dunse, consists of a fine lo ,my fertile soil, fit for every species of husbandry. It is in the highest state of cultivation, and under the management of active and skilful tenants. There is an eligible situation for building, commanding a fine prospect, and the Farm Offices are substantial and commodious. ating the nature of a true that a Mein Itr r 4ll c ,, ja d 'Y vae N published, in 3 vole . post Bvo. '°SEL, or the REIGN of FASHION. S p i,,,PY the Author of " A Winter in London," C , Bcc. ke tt l i , rY busy nove l, f u ll o f i nc id ent an d var i ety , an d club ar 'Y adap te d to the reading-room of the fashiona b le i:" of the provincial mess."—Court Journal. itr eet `7 Colburn and Richard Bentley, New Butlington • ble for what s concerned in 2. NETHERBYRES, in the parish of Ayton, with one Field in the parish of Ey mouth, consisting of Three Hundred and Sixty-two Acres or thereby, partly let to tenants and partly in the proprietor's bands, worth with the Mill and Mill Lands yearly, by valuation, made by an intelligent Land Agent ... 19 0 The public burdens on an average of five le characters of il r e y other person '- , st he publishes. V 0 1 re no proof ageing!) dents, they are : er engaged in th 4 of Parliament) re any particular re had not made o°o l blication was pr. j d SECOND EDITION. pir,r , ....publi s h e d, in 1 vol. with Map and Plan, D E MARQUIS OF LONDON- A rlY'S NARRATIVE of the late WAR in Y and FRANCE. ter,cillstory o f t h e events to w hi c h i t relates can b e Ol t i' tt ` e thoot re f erence to its statements."—Literary ktr if tl e , nr ; Colburn and Richard Bentley, New Barl:ngton • years amount to 37 9 8 Net Rent 51,197 9 4 The Lands consist of a dry loamy fertile soil, adapted to the raining of crops of all kinds, and now in the highest state of cultivation. The Estate is situated close to Eyemouth, and is within seven mi'es of Berwick, to which there is an excellent turnpike-road. There is a good Mansion House and Garden on the Estate, surrounded with old wood in a situation highly picturesque. few minutes, al ushington„ As a verdict avail' r ea dY. in 3 vols. Bvo. with a Portrait from the fine LIFE of Painting by Harlowe, ENRY FUSELI, Esq., M.A. R. A. 13 y JOHN KNOWLES, Esq., F.R. S. b One of hi s E xecu t ors . : 1 1ST 0 - 7. s iell arc add e d hi s LECTURES on ART ; hi s 8, 417 of the ITALIAN SCHOOLS of PAlNT ilt4lietnrY Colburn and'Richard Bentley, New Burlington- t„ This day was published, i n 2 vo l s . B vo . E HISTORY OF MODERN GREECE. )3y JAMES EMERSON, Esq. Of Trinity College, Dublin. It „ a l° i mportant work will supply a deficiency often NeC"' r egretted in English literature. The annals of kter t :, nt rY, Which at every stage abound with tlae strongest bl tour s are followed up to the present day, and include, lit h le ' a history of the Greek Revolution." Gibe. ;.1 eelburn and Richard Bentley, New Burlington tl /rat Ju., 'EQUE TO PARRY'S VOYAGES . . . w r eady, in 1 vol. with numerous Engravings, 1 . ~ A , Finden, /,. ' 444 Al G AGE `l O Finden, to the PACIFIC a nd BEI-I 'S STRA/ r, for the purpose of Discove . ry 5 , Nrry eit c'oPerating with the Expeditions under Capt,am .n s .0 il till Y es Franklin performed in H.M.S. Blossom, i . ,?,.. 1825, 2 6 , ' 27, and 28. sli, 1 , y 25, F. W. BEECHEY, R.N. F.R.S. .0 'A 4 teh Pitcairn's Island, Taheiti Kamtach . atka, Loo 5 4 • 'O, ( ',. A ... . 4 % 14' l 'un.ja, and other places of interest in the Pa ') he ll ited. I trit et rY Colburn and Richard Bentley, New Burlington l'i 'ONIX NNli N. Y :11eEw COURT AND PARLIAM E N T. rime. , i nFLETE K ALENDAR up toth ep ese . p il 48 ' W as publi s h e d , i n Bvo. neatly bound in cloth, price ss. 6d. 1..1:4 OFFICIAL KALENDAR Wja Itli: ' 11 811,, i Fir 1831. ; IA 1 riharnent, comprising all the Important Changes 1 ti,,,ave recently occurred in the Court of St. James's, hri,,, el firrtly Mill Navy of the United Kingdom, in the Itcroc ill' 1 1 4, 4r ,, isa rlant, in the Government of France, &e. . • -"P the „."'" also contains a complete List of the Sheriff , .4i°tol Counties. A b , t . 13 3' JOHN BURKE, Esq. .1 . 1 0 ,... - -voor f t h t. la ge and Baronetage." Nt. ° -/ C(llbni?ln and Rie e l:a r tad Bentle3, New Burlington -11, ------------- "'t day, S ECOND EDITION. h ' 44 Published, in small Svo. with beautiful P0r t,,,,,_ trait, price 9s. 8 w if -KS of LADY FANSHAWE, 'tt,, A eof the Right Hon. Sir Richard Fanshawe, 14 Enha%sedor from Charles 11. to the Court of Mad 4 11 t x Written by HERSELF. . . tracts from the Correspondence of Sir Richard `1 A , Fanshawe. iii`' Thel".(.lelightful volume."—Literary.Gazette. th il l .of 4.. 6l :_to t oirs . will probably place tak h e ic th h ei t r he by the admirers of ithe ';'illiiltitchinsen's a praise vv th. 'ety cor K ow hew to estimate."—Spectator. 4 ourn and Richard Bentley, New Burlington- CINTI, NO.._ , oitT in SHAVING depends on the „,ProPer use of a good Razor, and e ffi cient Strop, tri liddi;',Posttion to put on it when it ceases to sharpen. 11," tviii%ll_.to. these, good Soap, and a Shaving-brush 4t,11,it1, not nritate the face, are especially . necessary. N l> uk,d,all th ese in perfect condition, still, if not I t pro- Tonfu °having will be but a troublesome, and even P e ratin o Itr t t Gl e Who it 'CHI No. 4, Leadenhall- N''Nit: ti)e fourth E n d 8° AIL • ' (rem o ve d from (T -the T ,. house from Cornhill th. ht r , 14 House), offers Lis Razors, Strops, Paste, l e last thet"%la for Easy Shaving, which have, during : 1 , fe,,,,, te e Years, relieved thousands, in all parts of the k; the,t e " r `g !Ouch sufferin g and loss of time. The prices 11 ° Ps,."" Ve. Raz," 5 5 ., 7.., and 10s. per pair ; 1 4 . 44 , lid-16'1,3k 6 4., 4.. 4. ad ss. 6d. each; Razor-strop I t ad, , Per cake; Shaving -brushes with taper points, 4 1 1 , 94 . Ik 6d., ls. 9d., 2s. and upwards ; Shavmg - N All k ii 4er cake; Soap-dishes, Is. and upwards. R :tll,l, ii 4 '?f Razors and Cutlery Ground, Set, and e -4,t is p, Y? lo a superior manner. ka7lki retu rn requested that no gentleman will hesi• 4 1 , 4 10,,,_: any of 5 1echi's Razors that do not suit him: re eons:l recommendation from such cause is of much t , 4 11, re commendation to him than the value of aRa zor. liiklntY n ,li o tita mor-1) " t o of Tabl e Cutlery, Desks, Dressing s, &c. at the Wholesale Prices, for Ready oh * StllLs ßulas, reason toR , believe f,-, ,:,...`atOPHULA is not hereditary, but the a ttendant b ' ° i l (l, 4- ' of debility in a naturally delicate hab it: , tu b t't - w ho are visited with Measles and Hooping-Co ugh, , 11,ii;v4riet 1 r, or any disease that leaves them wea k and tka,..'. Preduce diseas of the Glands, and consequen t liiv lition. . Accident ease ranging complicated structur, P.44th' ladoe effects A e natural train of reasoning has tstmeehd this conviction, which has been mate rially lßu as c hOpZ. °lmerving the PATENT ANTISCOI T 44 (1 Q 14 their operation; always assisting the Appet ite tlsitrY deallber,4 Health; and as these increase, the dise a se in bluetr,' 'ea4ernt. Sea Air or Bathing is only of use f 1, ,„'9%u‘d ,i°3 change of air mends the health, but he • 'tili4'°f none other, and when the strength is not im b %hi Y iMproved, is of disservice. 4 ttl q the Dispensaly 15, Soho-square, London, in iNitttat, _ Double 10-s'. 6d., and largest 11. 25., duty : ,;13Inpound• Essence, Bs.; at") Edwards, 'lll txc?, St. Paul's Church-yard ; a b n y d Stradling, hang -gates. KETS. 9. tills End Newinarcb' . 0 9 tto Walker mbton Primrose alts End iletton ails End Lainbtoo.'' ails End Stewart'a . E. Russell's Hett ° '" E. Cleveland—..... , ` dJ tto ✓th 1m Cox w Flockton, Mu" ind Co. P )ne Coal Cox reship' arde's'Llanelly nfield Trader.. 19 , 'bburn small llerton !old, 30.--unsold, DUR :NG THE Oats. ET. —Feb. 8. 11, 0 ( the farmers W 3 ',f j ,en paid on tile e very high pril e rf!,4 .ere is very little 00.74 )rincipally to tV ii , yew English. ~c 17,0 reps dull at last s 4 ye t ;; Lay be noted ls• ;,er also le. to ‘... ) 5. 1 ) , equest, and MaY o fli 4 •eek. The price 65k tat article'qs • /P 40'1 • Foreign ...... ••• Grey ............ 3▪ . Foreign ....... . . **:;/- "`` Free, per last New .... bond... 01d..... Linc. & Wold t o", RKET.—Feb. 8 . 6' ref 11). et ..................... itton ..........•.•••'', al ................ .•••• rk .............. 0 mb .......... . ....... 0 31. 156. per too. :ETS.—Feb. :2. 0 1 ; tter, ....... ...." 4! : gs, dozen ... ......... Oe per lb. ........... Oi Atoll .............. .."' On al ................... "' artern Loaf ..... )1 0 NTO LIVERPOOL F ..° dr, '6 istem , DEP. Pig!. I liorse`k 1.)77 t, hiC4 l I ical prints vi o ei / is one just si?rii ) the fate %/h ie 16; appeared ; at be e 0 " e understann.A , AC )i-disant :oriety (180;:oepo, f the Quo tO f timate rights °kpoot of France. ' tY ; Ip to Ediol)orgep king; be rettly:oot of liolyrood `,10014;.1 his disposal. f V ol e. divine righ t ' artiG o(1- ins a sma rt he inconsistellC ° v 7 , singly describe ;I( Maidenlicati, of df Af Chambers, fol, the t h, the lady of idi• verD i tyl . A , orkhouse, L oy ors. Two 0 ' ie j 01 0 1 1 ' r were all bui;oe Imrchyard. :D, qi tlieji;A' iffbrdshire, Oka d son of t_ t h e Ate rr the latei_vvi Pe r 50 . fold or , eu• a restminster, I;tale 0 Charlotte, rgaretthlk io,„i tedCoo,,i e e j; p c I'll 'llfolllloll er ill Bed ord'At° j4Oll R id o w of 111114 ' t, FitZro H. Y-Sele flacicer,(l' ow° 00 , ut 3. WHITCHESTEIi and KIDCLEUGH, in the parishes of Longformacus and Dunse, consisting of Eight Hundred and Forty-five Acres or thereby. This Estate has been let in Grass Fields for a number of years past, and the net rent, after deduction of public burdens and ex pences, amounts on an average of six years, to 4811. 15s. I Id. There are One Hundred and Twenty Acres or thereby of Wood on this Estate, from which a good deal of thinning might be sold yearly. The Estate is composed of a dry gravelly turnip soil, and has been enclosed and subdivided with thorn hedges and other fences at a very considerable expence. It is situated within six miles of Dante and fifteen miles of Dunbar and Haddington. It lies at the junction of the Whittadder and the Dye, excellent trouting streams, and in a fine pastoral country. For further particulars apply to Patrick Cockburn, ac countant, 5, York-place; or George Turnbull, W.S., 16, Thistle-street, Edinburgh; or to Messrs. Spottiswoode and Robertson, solicitors, London. SHEFFIELD POLITICAL UNION. MEETING OF THE POLITICAL UNION ON THE BALLOT. (From the Sheffield Iris of Tuesday. ) __ _ - - - Yesterday, at noon, a meeting of the members of the Sheffield Political Union was held at the Town Hall, for the purpose of considering the propriety of petitioning Parliament to allow of voting by ballot, in the election of Members of Parliament. T. A. WARD, Esq. en beirg called to the chair, re minded the meeting that they were met together on a very important business, namely, to consider the mode by which Members of Parliament might be the most properly re turned. On the question of the ballot it was well known that different persons entertained different opinions. The system of open voting, which had so long been practised, had its adherents, from whom, however, others differed very materially; both paties might be honest in their convictions, and therefore it was not necessary to impugn one another's motives, as neither considered themselves as infallible. As preliminary to the business, he should just give them an illustration of the present system, by shewing how it work. d in connection with open voting. A Minister whose wishes are well known, and who seeks to m.intain his influence, has at his disposal a consider able event of crown lands: these be transfers on a long lease and on easy terms to some noblemen whose fidelity can he depended upon ; the latter in his turn, relets these lands to a number of individuals at short, or yearly takes, and whom he manages by this dependent relation, to turn exactly to his own purpose and that of his patron. Should any one of these tenants happen to be come refractory, and wish to vote for any candidate not introduced by his landlord, he either well knows, or soon learns, that the price of such an exercise of his own judg ment will be, in all probability, that dismissal or rain, to which so many offenders in like cases have been devoted. Many objections, however, have been brought against the system of voting by ballot, and amongst the foremost of these objections, it is said to be un-English. Now almost every body had beard of the extent and the working of the rotten borough systetn—this, at all events, was not un-English ; for certainly there was nothing like it out of this country : but were the objectors to the vote by ballot prepared to go the length of defending the truly English corruptiap that exists in connexion with these boroughs ? The ballot might he un-English, but ought we, therefore, to neglect to avail out selves of it if good and desirable? Ought we not rather to go all over the world for what ever will improve our present plans? If America and France have the ballot, and if it be evident that it is of great and manifest advantage in those countries, and likely to become so in this country, let us rather adopt it, in order to give to the British Constitution the utmost per f:ction of which it is susceptible, and thus adding to its fabric by drawing the materials of improvement and stability from every possible source, shall we make it in reality what it is justly considered, the envy of all sur rounding nations. Mr. S. BAILEY, in rising to propose the first resolu tion, was sure it was one of the principles upon as hich the Sheffield Political Unitin bad been formed, that they should do nothing by force, but every thing by reason. The first step necessary to be taken in reference to any public measure, was clearly to ascertain the end and object proposed. The object which ought principally to be had in view, in taking the votes at an election, was most simple and obvious ; it was to obtain the real sense of the electors as to the fittest person to be sent to represent them and their interests in Parliament. This was the great object that should be sought by all parties, and just in so far as this object is attained, does any system, for its at• tainment, approach towards perfection ; and, on the other hand, in the degree, that any method falls short of that end, must be considered to be defective. Votes might be taken either secretly or openly, both methods were prac tised, and each had its advocates : now it might be de sirable to try the reierits of these different methods, by re ferring to what might fairly b e suppose d to ta k e place. It is manifest, that if an elector can be enabled to give his vote secretly ; if no one need know bow he votes he must at the same time be . free f l o w a ll appre h ens i on o f consequences : he will nether fear, that in consequence of his honesty, himself or his family will be ruined : in fact, that neither bribery nor sinister i n fl uence of any k i nd could be exercised upon him. Such an e l ector would of course give his vote according to his own wishes. If such he the case with one elector, it m a y b e f a i rly assumed to be the case with all under like circumstances; so that, in fact, that candidate would he returned who i n realit:, had the largest amount of real suffrage in his favour.--:. Now let us see what takes place under a syst em of open voting, exposing, at it does, the individual exerc i s i ng his right as an English freeman to all the influence of a greedy and grasping ambition. Let us suppose that the indivi dual who has to give his vote openly is one of the el ec t ors of Newark, and that he is wishful to give his vote to a candidate who is not a nominee of the Duke of New castle ; what is the consequence ? Why, if he be a tradesman, or at all dependent upon others who differ from him, he knows what will be the consequence, and feels himself compelled to give his vote contrary Mr. PALFAETMAN, in rising to seJond the first resolu tion, observed, that after the very clear and lucid state ment of the arguments in favour of the ballot made by the last speaker, he should not think it necessary to do more than allude to them, since to enlarge upon them would be to weaken them. He could not, however, let the oppor tunity pass of recording his firm conviction of the neces sity of the ballot, and of the favourable opportunity which was now afforded of pressing its importance on Parlia ment. The subject was, too, in strict accordance with the objects of the Political Union ; one of whose first ob jects was to promote the cause of Reform, and he knew of no way in which its true interests could be so well served as by the adoption of the ballot. That a Reform was about to take place we had the strongest assurance, and that the elective franchise would be much extended there could be little doubt, but, as he had stated on a former oc casion, his opinion was, that the fulfillment of the long delayed hopes of the reformers would be incomplete without the ballot formed a part of the plan. The greatest good may become evil if improperly administered—benefits may become injuries if wrongly directed—so he thought would be the case in an extension of the elective franchise, if se cret voting did not take place. The true object of all elec tions had been stated by the last speaker, namely, to obtain the real opinion of the electors; and for this object, that plan was the proper one which protected the voter from undue influence, prevents bribery or intimidation, and afforded the party an opportunity of exercising his elec tive franchise free from fear or reward, except that which his own conscience gave him. The open mode of voting had long been tried. Has it succeeded? Have the true opinions of the electors' been given? The experience of any man's life will give a reply. Several objections bad been raised against the ballot, some of which the last speaker had not alluded to, be, therefore, should take the opportunity of doing so. Whoever had witnessed the opposition made to all improvements, would have remarked that one of the fixed objects of the opponents was to stigmatise the desired alteration with some name of reproach, and raise some popular cry against it—now with respect to the ballot, the first cry was, it is an innovation. The reply was easy, does antiquity sanctify abuses, or age render error praiseworthy. If tbe alteration be an improvement, let it not be objected to because it is an innovation—allim provements are innovation, and therefore all improvements may be objected to. In medicine and surgery do we re fuse, if we require medical or surgical aid, all the most recent improvements. If amputation be requisite, should we prefer the limb being dipped in hot pitch to stay the bleeding, rather than employ the common mode, because age was in favour of the former ? Do we reject the steam engine and all other modern additions and imp rovements in the arts because they are innovations ? Yet th e argu ment was as applicable to one case as the . other, un l ess alteration.t ere b so m ß e u inherent i principle always int.ee n raised by th e op ponents opposed t o ponents of the ballot when innovations have been really made on the Constitution ? Was it raised by them when the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, and other inroads made on the laws ? He feared that their conduct then was not consistent with their present outcry. Another cry against the ballot was, that it was theoretical and not prac tical. It might be said to be so, so far as the election of English representatives was conc erned, but in Fr ance i t had been practised, and in the result it produced against the measures of the infatuated Charles the Tenth, a n d t h e attempted tyrannies of Polignac, its practical effects were well displayed. In America it had long been tried and ap. proved of far the major part of the States. The admir able speech of Mr. Parkes, of Birmingham, completely refuted the assertions which the opponents of the ballot urged against its use and approval in that country. After these outcries, the opponents of the ballot have next recourse to what they pl ease t o t erm moral objections. It .estroys, say they, manliness of character, and produces hypocrisy. If the scenes of riot and confusion displayed at public el ec ti ons —if th e p ros tit u ti o n of principles to bribes or intimidation—if the lying and tumult then dis played, are specimens of manliness of character—and the giving a vote contrary to true principles because overawed, be a proof of freedom from hypocrisy, then he (Mr. Pal freymen) would admit that the present system possessed these advantages in great perfection. H . e contend e d t h e ballot would i ncrease , no t diminish, manliness of character. No man ought to suffer for the opinions he held, whether political or religious ; then why should a voter be exposed to loss because he voted according to his conscience? The object of elections is that be should vote freely, not that he should vote openly—the country is not benefited by his giving his vote openly, and no advantage can he obtained by its being known how he votes. Do the instances of competition at Newark, Liverpool, or Westmoreland, speak in favour of the present system improving the manliness of character, when the would-be honest voter is prevented from giving his free opinion ? Connected with this argu ment, it is held that the ballot will occasion mendacity — that the voter will promise his vote to rar, and after having received his price, will vote for another candidate. No doubt such will be often the case, and a few such instances will cure the briber of paying his money. But is this in stance of deceit equal in its effects to the wickedness of hi n who offers the b r ib e — w h o h o ld s out the temptation, and tries to induce th e pour man to sin against his own conscience? At the most, there is but a change of evils, and by the ballot, the lesser offence is committed in the place of the greater. After has ing railed at the ballot, as as innovation . and as theoretical ---after s t a ti ng th ese mora l objections against it, its opponents then oppose it as inef fectual—that in part, be avoid e d. G rant all this, if it de creases the evil part, we ought not to reject it because it does not do so entirely. But he did not see why it should tilt be effectual; the plans in France were foiled to be so; and if defects existed in its mode of application in America, they arose from time little necessity which exists c ompared to what exists here, of concealing the vote.-- There the state of society was different; no large over• w h e l m i e g fortunes had been amassed by a boroughmonger ing f ew . Wealth was more distrib u t e d, an d consequent l y bribery less practicable, and hence less care in the mode of conducting the ballot. Of a similar character to the last argument is the objection th a t it would teive great oppor tunities for deception—that the same person would be able to vote several times without detection. How the ballet could afford this opportunity more than open voting, he (Mr. Pelfreyinan) could not conce i ve. The scrutiny, as to the party's right to vote would be the same, the secrecy would be only regard for whom he voted. But he believed there was scarcely ever an election took place, where such deceptions were not practised, even under the present " pure" system. At Preston both parties are said to have had recourse to it; also at Liverpool frequent attempts were made ; and at the late election at York an instance is Stated to have occurred which can never be exceeded:-- man came down from London at the expence of tin Tory candidate and voted for him—he then appeared it. • the same booth four times, and gave the same address, ex cept in one instance, and then only varied his Christian name, and voted fix the other two candidates—hardened by his success, he ventured a sixth time, when he was re fused ; the other five votes, however, stand recorded ; ant vhat adds to the proof of the case with which the &cep don might have been detected is that the man's appearanc. was very particular being graced with a Bardolphian nose mil in - other respects easy to be known. Mr. Palfreymar should only allude to one other objection to the ballot, an objection put forwards with great parade in a late length} article in that every sided paper—the Times. It will, sa) they, destroy the fine public spirit at elections, which is R(I heneficial to public character. If such displays are beneficial. why have we not them more frequently? Why not alter sep tennial to triennial Parliaments ? But are such displays o! feeling, where drunkenness gives the voice, and riot the spirit, re they beneficial to the public? Does not thegreatest treatei get the greatest praise, rather than the best qualified man ? But the ballot does not destroy these ebullitions of fedine. In Boston, in America, on a late occasion, where the ballo is used, a row took place equal to the wishes of the oldest electioneeier, for the Sheriff and posse comilatus werr called out. Under the influence of the ballot, however, public feeling will be aroused from principle, not from drunkenness. Believing, therefore, that the objections to the ballot were answerable—that its effect in the elector and elreteil would be alike beneficial, in giving to the for mer a freedom of acting he did not now possess, and in convincing the latter, that he must depend on other means than ill bestowed wealth for his success, and that a full head, rather than a full pocket, must be his qualification for being the people's representative—he (Mr. Palfreyman) had pleasure in seconding Mr. Bailey's motion. Mr. J. S. BRAMHALL said, that it was only since lie had entered the room that a resolution had been put into his hand, and which he had been requested to propose. He should take up but little of the time of the meeting, for two or three reasons; in the first place, he had so doubt but that the minds of all present were already made up on the subject of the ballot, and he thought the national mind was made up too. He had lately attended a Reform meeting at Bristol, where a petition for Reform and vote by ballot had received upwards of 14,000 signatures; the ballot was the principal matter of consideration ; and there be must say, that he was sorry to see a gentleman, a veteran in the cause of Reform, and one of the Members for that city, was rejected and not suffered to present the petition to Parliament, merely because he would not dis tinctly pledge himself to support the prayer for the vote by ballot, although he allowed he had no objection to that mode of voting. But in Bristol there was a species of mania existing on this topic: the citizens had suffered so much from abuses of the old system, that they almost one and all express themselves as if they would almost rather be without any Reform at all, than that it should not in • dude the vote by ballot. Although the extent of the franchise in that city may be said to he a sort of universal suffrage, yet it is known that 50,0001. has been spent during one election. There unfortunately exists in this country a disposition in every class to dictate to that im mediately below them, as if the upper ranks had been born booted and spurred for the very purpose of taking their places on the backs of their inferiors. Now, the design of the ballot is to take off these boots and spurs, and make all walk with equal steps in the path of duty towards the public good. " Influence of rank and pro perty" are indeed very pretty sounds, but it is a lamentable fact that they frequently mean neither more nor less than tyranny T. Dr. HOLLAND, in rising to second the adoption of the petition proposed by Mr. Bramhall, said, that the subject of the ballot had been so clearly and forcibly elucidated by those who had spoken upon it, that it would be nonce, s sary for him to do more than make a very few observa tions. The ballot had been objected to as an innovation, and therefore unworthy of adoption ; but surely, on that ground at least, it ought rather to be respected : for had the idea of innovation always deterred the physician or the agriculturist from making those experiments which the progress of science and knowledge in either case suggested, they would certainly have been placed in very different predicaments, from those in which they now actually stood, from having taken advantage of whatever was new and good. But suppose the ballot should not be found perfect in the first trial,—it would be susceptible of im provement, and we should have the advantage of experi ment, fresh movement. I b ti ' g t h le t g g re a e th s gather I s ik tr e en d g ie th s' f7ll; wionUlf(al,,,ualrieoftitlia,et ballot; d y a t l )! expressing l‘ir. A t rn m e u nt o , f a t n h d e p a r t e ta se in nt to sea p s e o r n fe: w tio e n to what were called the working classes, though belonging he thought the opinions of those classes ought net to be lightly treated by the aristocracy, unless the latter would themselves pay the taxes, or manifest some disposition to arrest the progress of the present fiscal system. lie ridi culedhissentimentsSMlTH the notion of confinement to any plan, merely be cause it bad long been in use ; we ought not to he fettered by antiquity; we were the people of rail-roads and steam power, and live in IS3I. After some other observations he concluded with the following quotation from Burns : t , The wretch that wad a tyrant own, And the wretch his true-born brother, Who would set the mob aboon the throne, May they be together ! Who will not sing —God save the King, Shall hang as high's the steeple ; But while we sing —God save the King, ne'er forget the people." Mr. BRAMLEY spoke as follows: —Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I have been requested to propose a resolution, but as it merely relates to the presentation of the petition by certain Members of Parliament, on which probably no objection will arise, I will take the liberty of making a few observations on the main question of the b a ll o t, not for the purposeand of advancing any new argument—for after the luminous od comprehensive st atements of the preced ing speakers, that is almost impossible —but simply to testify the sincere conviction I entertain of its merits, and under the existing circumstances, of its infinite superiority to the v e present r I must candidly conf es s, however, n,d that is in mode ballot app ears co me unneces sary, o nly justified b y sheer necessity. If the world were really honest, a nd men honourable as w e ll i n deed as name, if t y ran ny , corruption, vice, bribery, and ,eatheory ct f voting. the intimidation were shadows only, not sad realities; if honour, purity, benevolence, and forbearance were the pre dominant qualities of the human heart, then the ballot would be unnecessary and pernicious; but so long as human na ture continues what it is, so long a s th e st rong o pp ress the weak—the ric h, the poor , ballot is a necessary pro tecticl. If a man cannot or dare not vote as his own con science dic tat e s, but dra gge d to the hustings , is com pelled to prostitute his vote according to the comma n d s o f a rapacious, insolent, tyrannou s la n dl or d, suc h man i s no b et t e r than a slave, and s l aver y o f w h atever d escr i pt i on, whether of mind or body, of whatever garb or clime— West Indian or English—is so abominably wicked, that e very good man will pray for its speedy and utter aboli tion.—(Applause.) To an attentive observer of the t i mes , this question is extremely interesting ; it strongly exe mplifies the workings and rapid advance of public o pinion; only a few y ears ago scarce art advocate for the ballot could be found, but the mists which hung about men 's eyes have suddenly dissolved, and they now discover i ts paramount importance. Conviction, like a ray of light from Heaven, or like that glorious burst of sun shine now pouring into this room, has flashed across their minds, and one universal cry has arisen, " give us the ballot." Gentlemen, the boon may be denied for a time, plots and artifice may stave it off for a season, but so oner or later th e anx i ous desires of the nation must be g ratified, and th en I trust the reign of corruption and O ppression will p ass away like a cloud, and public good be the end and a i m of every tries-hearted Englishman.** (Applause.) G ent l emen, I will not detain you longer, but at came proceed to move the third resolution. Battx:Eft shortly addressed the meeting, and alluded to what had on one occasion taken place in Derby in consequenc e of the contest for Nottingham between Lord Rancliffe and Sir R. Arkwright, in which a voter, when he cam e up to the hustings, looked one of the can didates in the face, and said " I should not have given thee my vote had I not have been thumbed"—which was un derstood to mean that he voted ender compulsion. The speaker then showed how the merchant might be thumbed by his banker, and the tradesman by the merchant, and the workman by the tradesman ; which thumbing, the ballot was ca l culated to remove. The resolution s being disposed of, an individual of the name of Ironside introduced the topic of universal suf bfrraogkee, whichtipa fte after voting i o n t g i ng deemedthank thanks irregular y Chairman. tla e Ch airman and by the princip a l part of the persons present, the meeting The . Marquis of LONDONDERRY could not help congratulating himself and their Lordships on the manner in which the Noble Earl had spoken on this most impor tant question. He was satisfied, however popular the sub je3t might appear to be, that in reality all the higher order and middle claws, all the resident gentry, all those who could be looked up to for good seine or proper influence, were diametrically opposed to a repeal of the Union. As an Irishman lie was glad to take that early opportunity of approving of the manner in which the Lord Lieutenant had met the atrocious and monstrous pi oceedings which had been taken to disturb the common tranquillity. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM had examined one of the petitions, and, if he could judge by the appearance of the signatures, there was reason to believe that it was not fairly got up, as they were all, after the first four or five, evidently signed by the same hand. E , r 1 RADNOR said that though some of the signa tures looked suspicious, yet the petition contained intrinsic evidence that it was not unfairly got up, at least judging by the construction of the language, for the last paragraph was certainly of an order not to be written by any man who was in the habit of managing petitions. The words he would quote might raise a smile at the expenca of the petitioners, but they would acquit them of evil intentions. The words were, " Ireland was the great bulwark of the Constitution, the rendavcus of Great Britain, and the granary of Europe."—(Laughing.) Lord DACRE presorted a petition from a parish in Essex against negro slavery. The Earl of WINCHILSEA, in presenting a petition from New Romney, for Reform and the vote by ballot, could not consent to the latter, and hoped never to see the day when an Englishman would be ashamed to express openly for whom he voted. He then presented petitions from Sutton Valence, and from a parish in the West Rid ing of York, against the Assessed Taxes. TITHES. Lord KING, in presenting some more tithe petitions, would take that opportunity of requesting same of the Right Rev. Prelatt s to condescend to inform the House and the country what plan they had to propose, as then it would be known what the country had to look to on that most important subject. In presenting the petitions on last Monday, and in opening a debate on the question, he had intended to argue it as a humble political economist, and he had taken care not to give any opinion as to non residence and pluralities. These fruitful sources of dis cussion had been laid open by the over zeal of the Right Rev. Prelates of the establishment. In particular, one Right Rev. Prelate took occasion to charge the lay im propriators with the sin of contributing to non-residence, and he emphatically declared that a Bill which had been brought before Parliament to compel residence had been de feated by them, and converted into a measure giving I icility to non-residence. A Noble Friend had asked the Right Rev. Prelate, the day brfore yesterday, to what Bill .he referred, and though the Right Rev. Prelate had given an explanation, it did not appear to him, (Lord King) that it was as full and as explicit as the House squired, and as the subject probably admitted of. Ile thought he could now give a better account of the fart, and though it was twenty-five years ago, he could recollect that an active attorney had brought several gui tam actions against per sons holding ecclesiastical preferment, and having the cure of souls, for non-residence. That attorney did not con fine himself to those who were altogether non-resident from a parish, but he attacked him who even lived in the parish, but not in the parsonage house. These actions caused great consternation in the Church, and civil, legal, and ecclesiastical authorities set to work to devise means of stopping them. The lawyers, civilians, and churchmen struck their forehead, and forth sprung a Bill, which was introduced into the other House by Sir Wm. Scott. This Bill was sent to Oxford, to receive there what new lights that learned University could bestow ; and at length it W,S produced nominally to correct non-residence, but was made so agreeable to the Church, that the lay inipro priators had no right to complain, and complain they cer tainly did not, That put him in mind of the strictures which had been uttered on him by a Noble Friend at the other side of the House. He recollected that no person was more active on the Bill in question than the Noble Lord, and also on the Curates Bill. His excitement on those occasions was only equalled be the candour he had displayed on Reform qu. stions, and he recollected him sitting, night after night, on the borough of Grampound, with the same energy which he had displayed on the former occasion. The Noble E tri was inclined to bite very hard, particularly now that he hated Reformers ; and he had snapped at his fingers the other night, but he did not bite as hard as he had done on other occasions.— Still he paid every respect to his Noble Friend's sugges tions, and he hoped that they would be more consonant to his own opinions on another occasion. He wished, however, to ascertain from the Right Rev. Prelates if they were in reality anxious that an investigation should take place, and if they would agree to produce a return of all the benefices under ecclesiastical bodies corporate or lay patrons. That would bring the question to a test, and he trusted that the Right Rev. Prelates would not refuse, but as they had charged the evils of non-residence on the lay-impropriators, they would give the House and the country an opportunity of deciding who were really to blame.—(Hear.) One of the evils of pluralities was, that it increased the number of Curates ; and though the Noble Earl had contended that they were a most active and in telligent class of men, arid though he believed that they were so, still it was a bad lesson to teach the public that the same duty which now cost the country so large a sum of money, might be performed by Curates at one quarter the expense. It was indeed a most dangerous truth to establish, that in the Church, as well as in lay affairs, the duty could be as well executed by deputy as principal ; and he feared that 'the public would expect the rule which was now acted upon in other things to take place in the Church—uamely, to abolish the income of the principal and increase the salary of the de puty.—(Hear.) With regard to non-residence, he begged to call the attention of their Lordship% to a charge &li vered by the Bishop of Winchester, a;.4 he only regretted that the Right Rev. Prela•e was not now in the House to hear his approbation of it. The Right Rev. Divine said that, " A parochial charge without a resident pastor was an ecclesiastical solecism ;" and he also quoted a passage of Bishop Gibson's, where the duties of a parish clergy man are admirably defined. He thought that the charge delivered by the Bishop of Winchester reflected the highest credit upon him, and he hoped that his feelings were generally participated in. He (Lord King) hoped that the question of tithes would he seriously taken up by the Legislature. They were institsted in barbarous and ignorant times, and they were totally unsuited to the pre sent state of things. He would willingly submit the question of a commutation of tithes to a Jury of twelve honest men, not Churchmen, and he had no doubt that a. verdict would be in his favour. With a view of streogth ening his opinions by those of a very able man, he would read the words of a very distinguished person as to tithes and property " If there be one natural right recog nised by all, it is the right of each succeeding race to the earth and all its produea, and it was only held by partite! , par individuals for the good of anciety.' ; These were the words of President Jefferson, and he considered they were entitled to some value. He would conclude by laving the petitions on the table against the present 'system of tithes. Earl WINCHILSE k—Read, read. The Clerk nal—this is a petition from the parish of , in Cambridgeshire, against the assessed taxes.— (Great laughing.) Lord KING—Yes ; and against tithes. The Clerk then read further, in which en alteration of the tithe system was also prayed for. The Earl cf WINCH ILSEA—However much he dee p -ccatid the course which the Noble Baron was pursuir g, woull he unwilling to withdraw from him the same indui eence which 1 e himself so often claimed ; stil', viewing 7he conduct of the Noble Baron, who had addressed their Lordships night after night, as one which c mid not be justified, lie felt called upon to protest against it. The N tble Earl claimed credit for sincerity, but he could not imagine how the Noble Lord could be sincere in the de c'aration that he was dtsirous to support the interests of Vie Church at a time when he was so grievously mita vow ing to wound them —(Hear.) He asked him whe ther the personal attack which he had made on the Right Rev. Prelates of the Church—(Cheers)—he would say the invidious attack—(Cheers)—was a proof of that dis position ? He would ask him whether the contemptuous manner in which he had spoken of the Church, and of every thing connected with religion, was in unison with Curt declaration 2—(Cheers.) Me put it to their Lord ships if the terms which the Noble Earl used was an evi dence only of a desire to correct the abuses of the Church, and to strengthen the power of that religion which con ferred the greatest blessing on society ? (Hear.) It was too clear that they were not ; and it but remained for hint to hope that religion was not to be injured by these attacks, and that the people of England would conti nue to think it, as they bad ever done, the only true and solid groundwork for the faithful discharge of every duty in priv tte life or to the country.—(Cheers.) For his part he was determined not to sit quietly, and tolerate those statements, which were calculated not . only to be prejudicial to the interests of the Church, but to the best interests of the country. He had been in hopes that the speech made on a former evening by a Noble Earl at the opposite side of the House would have been more fully attended to by the Noble Baron, and have made him pause before he renewed his sta►ements. He agreed with all that had been said by the Noble Earl, and was, with him, convinced that the Prelates of the Established Church were most solicitous to advance every passible improvement ; to enforce residence where they could ; and he believed the whole country would join them in declaring that the character of the Clergy stood as high as that of any other class in the community.— (Hear.) He had only to appeal, en their behalf, to the general feeling which prevailed towards them in society . ; and would to God that the great body of the higher orders possessed the same influence ! He would repeat that the Clergy individually and collectively, conferred the greatest good on the people by their character and influence ; and he could bear testimony to the power they had in allaying the irritation which had unfortunately prevailed in the dis turbed districts.—(Hear.) Lord KING thought that the Noble Earl had made on him a most disorderly attack, inasmuch as it was founded on a misrepresentation of what he had said. The Noble Earl had al•o made an unfair attack, because he (Lord King) had set oat on that evening with a statene nt that it had been his intention, in bringing forward these peti tions, to confine himself to the view that a political econo mist might take of the subject of tithes ; and that he was forced into the topic of non-residence and pluralities by the over-zeal of st me of the Right R v. Pre'ates. That sv„l his recollection of the course he had pursued on the former occasion, and be was strengthened in his belief by the papers which report most accurately, and which concurred in saying that be bad been confined to political economy. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM rose to order, and said, if any thing could he more disorderly than th e c o urse which the - Noble Baron had first pursued, it was that which he was now about to enter upon ; and he put it to their Lordships if it was not disorderly for any Noble Lord to take notes of what was said on one evening, and t r come down with a comment upon it on another. • Lori KING—If the House decided that he was disor derly, without suffering him to exculpate himself, he sup - , paced he had nothing to do but to submit. He felt that the Noble Earl had greatly misrepresented him, and he challenged him to quote any one word in all that he said disrespectful to religion. If the Noble Earl judged that i e was an enemy to religion only by what he had said in that House, he begged leave to ask if he said any thing more than to speak of abuses. The acquiescence in abuses surely was not religion ; and surely it could not be the re ligion of the Noble Earl himself. He had contended that pluralities were highly indefensible, and that many of such advantages were possessed by those who should not have them—namely, persons who were high in the Church. He had abstained from other instances which he could have no difficulty in bringing forward. He had the names and the places by him, and if he were pushed to it he would state them. He was asked by the Noble Earl if he had no specific plan to offer. Why, he had given the House a choice of three. There was one, a corn rent, suppose one-fifth, by which the Church would have the benefit of any rise in the value of produce, and certainly the disad vantage of any fall. The drift of all he had said was to recommend prudence to the Church ; and, surely, as it roust occur to every one that the property of the Church was in danger, it was not wise to let it fall without notice. He therefore had asked the heads of the Church to bring forward some plan which would give permanent satisfac tion to the country. He had, in particular, asked for a commutation of tithes; and in that respect he was sure the Church could not stand against the opinion of the country. Was it for that he was charged with having made an attack on religion? Their Lordships would see that such a charge was just as unfounded as if he bad been accused of having made an attack upon the Noble Ead himself. The Earl of WINCHILSEA said the Noble Earl had gone much farther than he seemed to be aware of, fur he had contended that the Prelates, in conjunction with the University of Oxford, laid their heads together to defeat a Bill intended to prevent non-residence, and to convert ;t into a Non-residence Act. He put it to the House if that was not an attack en the Church. There were also other minor points which he could al to—such as the Noble Earl's speaking of lawn sleeves. Lord KING—I did not mention lawn sleeves. The Earl of WINCHILSEA—Yes, three or four years ago. Lord KING—Oh, three or four years ago ! Lord WYNFORD felt, during the two or three nights in which the Noble Earl had occupied their Lordships' at tention with those attacks on the Church, that it would have been impertinent for him to have interfered while there were Rev. Prelates in the House so much more com petent to meet him. But since the Noble Baron had con - tinned his course, and seemed still determined to pursue it, notwithstanding the great excitement which prevailed in the country, and the ill effects which the Noble Baron must be aware these irregular discussions would have in adding to that excitement, he felt called upon to say a few words, lest it might be supposed out of doors that the lay Peers acquiesced in those statements, or participated in the attacks.—(Hear, hear.)—lf the Noble Load had any particular grievance to complain of, and a remedy for it to propose, why did he not bring it regularly before the House, with notice to the parties concerned ? But he had come down night after night attacking the Right Rev. Prelates, in defiance of every principle of English justice, which ordains that he whose character is to be aitacked should previously be warned of the charge.—(Hear.)—A petition which called for a repeal of the assessed taxe., and the abolition of the tithes, was surely not a ground-work on which to build up charges about non-residence, and the Bill to which he had alluded as nominally repressing, but, in fact, extending that evil.—(Hear.)—The Noble Lord in speaking of that Bill, had also thought proper to attack Lot d Stowell, though he was absent from the infirmities of age, and though his brother (Lord Eldon) was pre vented by illness fr9m being present to defend him. Did the Noble Lord not know- of the absence of both these Noble and Learned Lords? and if he did, was this a time to bring forward such a charge, without a single friend of Lord Stowell heing ap prised of his intention.—(Cheers.)—But it was fortu cnm- ps n ci a ec t rx e ei life a n ts : ar L ec e p a l r yn, n t e tro d a ‘ l ,ll,( t n ha ,d t a t a h nc e is,ia : re ' ghreoilne which, he in his such a manner as the Noble Baron could tint stand under. (Hear.) It was most disorderly of the Noble Lord to introduce topics so irrelevant to the motion which he had before the House, and the more especially as they were accompanied with reflections on the conduct and character of the absent.—(Hear.) He hail also to complain of the manner in which he had argued the question of tithes, and of his attempting to set up that they were a tax on the productive industry of the country. lie, however, ciiiil.l tell him that tithes were no more a tax en productive industry dean rent—(Hear, hear)—and he 111;g: it de f end on it that the same spirit which would destroy tithes one week would annihilate the Noble Lord's right to ais own property the next.—(Cheers.) The Noble Loi re ti had quoted the words of Mr. Jefferson , th inkin g theyw_a :ei coLclusive in his favour. It was the first time he heard them, and the first time that he had agreed with a re-