The Sun. — London, England, 1856-03-07 00:00:00

181,1 0 ' t ners, Cele,tos And 1-Ir' Itated in She )alew 130 r arPe ar ; it wig u " 1 3 d e " rell-vo ra , to who wi" ba d been RI to the next se,' be vg bt b e per, a rt ricity 10 ,11 *cat ° iOP pll 6 a in i g bt r e ' Tbe it. iu mitter A rould bet the trig &red to , f , coolie. 7reder i l ring t o an 3 sow oseeator I tbat" b et t, ot ticoo' k m . encl ea l they ve. ina k e j e page cod i" 010 0 loth td in utters l gicb, ►lr. S''l. at i on er ag ed tba g ot 7 0 pr is ° but a s uriC4 ; tpoP e4 ' ~R~' r niOg al Of rise b , the su il i Dps te Wil°°°l is ;. red )r ofe b sea' . f g r. OW" MONEY MARKET AND COMMERCIAL ETTELLIGENCE. ern, TWO O'CLOMS. The Liverpool Cotton Market yesterday closed steadily and with firmness. Prices of American were 1-16:1. per lb. dearer than on last Friday, and other kinds were unchanged in value. The sales were 10,000 bales, 6,000 of which were American (1,000 for export and 1000 on speculation), 150 Pernain and Maranham, 61d. to 60. ; 50 Bahia, 60. to 6id. ' • 1,500 Egyptian, sid. to 7 d. ; and 1,000 Surat, 4gtl. to 40. per cwt. The Railway Share Market was quiet, without any material alteration. The Colonial Produce Markets this week have been firm, but quiet. Sugar has risen about 6d. per cwt. for some descriptions, while Mauritius has sold at 63. to is. advance. For C..ffee there has been very little inquiry. The public sales of Tea have gone off heavily, at about previous prices. Rice ruled dull, at 61. per cwt. decline. Saltpetre has been iu request, and at fuller quotations. Cochineal has been rather higher, but Tallow has attracted very little attention. The uhlic sales of Wool conclude this evening, and enhanced rates have been maintained throughout the series. " Of Port Philip fi!ece wool the supply has been no thing equal to the requirements of the trade, though scoured wool was more plentiful, of which some well washed marks realised very high prices. Sydney wool, on the average, was of a better description ; some well known fine flocks, being much wanted, wer- , well com peted for aqd sold at full rate•. Van Diernen's Land wool, both fleece and skin, was in very swan quantity. and.partook fully of the advance. New Z-aland wool to some extent was taken in the place of Port Philip ; that with any length of staple commanded touch atten tion and sold most satisfactorily. Of Swan River wool only a few bales were on the market and sold we ll. South Australian flocks, both washed and greasy, rea lised their full value. The unusually large pr .portion of Cape t Wool contained in these sales tel to the expec tation of a comparatively smaller a lvance as coinp.r,it with scarcer sorts, but the very u .ticea.hie improvemen , in this article has induced buyers in ma ay iustan , es t purchase it as a substitute for other sorts, so that wan an increwed competition it has been cle red ff readily at the average advance. East India Wool was in re quest and sold about Id. per lb. advance ; good whites sod greys were much inquired for." Accounts from the Foreign Bourses continue to show that great uncertainty exists in the financial world on the Continent. At Vienna the Bourse was much animated on the sth instant, will an advance of on the 41 per Cents. to 73i, and the 5 per Cent. Metallics firm at 841. In the Share Market Stocks fluctuated much, and on that day shares of the New General Bank of Credit fell 17fl. to 359, and Austrian Rail ways 3fl. to 262. Money was again becoming acatce, and the exchanges rising. On L..indon it was 10-7, and on Paris 120 k. At Bolin the 3i per Cents. were firm, at 87. On the Paris Bourse, yesterday, the 3 per Cent. Rentes improved per cent., and the 41 Stock declined the same. A further decline took place yesterday in the price of wheat at Paris, equal to lf. 50c. per hec tolitre. Choice qualities weighing 120 kilogrammes are not in demand at 52f. Rye is also dull of sale, and quotations are nominal at 33f. for Ist quality and 32f. for 23 quality per 115 kilos. Oats main tain their prices at from 241. to 28f. per 3 hectolitres. In the flour market sales were brisk at the opening, and prices good, being 89f. for the current month, and 90f. for April; but subsequently they declined, in consequence of the fall in wheat. The factors declared to 2,618 sacks, of which 379 were sold at. from 85f. to 931., the average 89f. 62c. per 157 kilos. The English Stock Market has continued in a heavy condition, being influenced chiefly by the pressure for money to effect the settlement in the New Scrip. The arrangements making for the ad justment of the Consols ac ,, ount also interfere with the ordinary business and produce a flatter tone. Dealings have taken place in Consols for the 10th proximo, at 917 c to 92. The prices for money and the 11th inst. have been 911 to 91i all the morning. The New Scrip is about 14 premium. The New 3 per Cents. have been active at 92k to 92/.., and the Reduced at 91k to 91k. Exchequer Bills are Is. discount to ls. pre mium, and the Bonds 98k. No alteration of importance has occurred in the Foreign Market. Russian 5 per Cents., however, are 4 to I per cent. higher, viz., 1021 8 ; and the 4 per Cents. are 92g. Sardinian Bonds are 901, Spanish 3 per Cents. 43,and the Passive 61. Turkioi 6 per Cents. rule steady at 96 to 96h and the 4 per Cents. are 104 Dutch 24 per Cents. have been marked 64, Mexican 20 to 20„ and Buenue Ayres, 57i. The following are the nominal prices of Foreign Stocks:—Grenada Deferred Bonds, 7 7i; Mexican, 20 4 ; Peruvian, 79 81 ; ditto 3 per Cents., 56 58 ; .Portuguese 4 per Cents., 47 49 ; Russian 5 pe‘. Cents.. 101 3 ; ditto 44 per Contsi., 92 94 ; Spanish 3 per Cents., 421 34 ; ditto Deferred, 23i ; ditto Certificate's, 44 5 ; Ditto Passive, 6i 1. Messrs. D. Bell, Sou, and Co. state that the market for Atnerican Securities exhibits little change. Prices rule as follows : GOVERNMENT SECT.T,RITIES. . Recte,m-ble. Per Cent United States 6 per Cents. IE67-1868_105 United States 6 per Cent. Bonds 1868...105 STATE SECURITIES. California 7 per Cent. Bowls 1870... 83 81 Maryland 5 per Cent. (Sterling Bonds) ... 86 88 Massachusetts 5 per Cent. (Sterl. Bonds). _lOO Mississippi 6 per Cent. Pl. Bk. Bonds lB4l-1871... 43 45 Mississippi 6 per Cent. Union Bk Bonds ... 16 18 Pennsylvania. 5 per Cent. Stork Pennsylvania 5 per Cent. B, Rib :877... 80 82 Virginia 5 per Cent. (Sterling Solids) —1888... 84 86 Virginia 6 per Cent. Bonds 1886... 86 8i CITY SECURITIES. Boston 5 per Cent. Thnds (Divers) ... 90 92 Montreal 6 per Cent. Bonds 1856-1865... 83 85 New Orleans 6 per Cent. Stock 1883... 75 77 RAILROAD BONDS. Illinois Central 7 per Cent. Ist Mortgage, _ . _ not Convertible —1875... 84 85 Illinoi3 Central 7 per Cent. Freeland __ Londe 1860... 83 85 Michigan Central Bp. Cent. 1860... 95 97 New York Central 7p. Cent., Convert 1864... t3i 91 New York Central 6 per Cent., not Convertible 1833... 80 82 New York and Erie 7 per Cent. Ist Mort gage 1867... 98 100 E 7 Cent. 3d Mort- New York end Erie 7 per .. ... gage 1883... 85 gg N. York and Erie 7p. Cent. Convertiblc 1862... 76 78 N. York and Erie 7 per Cent. Sinking 1875... 82 83 Fund Panama 7 per Cent., Ist l‘lortgage (Ster- 91} 931. line Bonds), not convertible 1859... , Ditto ditto 1864... 94 95 Pennsylvania Central 6 p. Cent. , ISt Mort 1880... 864 884 Railway Shares are exceedingly firm, and fuller prices are in some cases recorded. Great Northern, Caledonian, Great Western, North• Western, and North-Eastern-Berwick are all at advanced rtes. Grand Trunk of Canada are higher, and Great Western firm. BRITISH FUNDS THIS DA.Y.—CLOSING PRICES. From the (*mai List. done. Bank Stock 3 R.edv.ceo 3 r (19t. Console AnnAitiks 921 # 1 ili N V? .s.nnoities ;.. 923 Long Annuities, expire nth Jan. 1860 Shut Ditto : 1 0 Years, expire 10th Oct., 1859 Shut Ditto 30 Years, expire sth April, 1885 Shut India Stock India 1 , -tonds; .e.10.;(1 ....... ititto, under ElOOO 6 d C , rviot6. ,'nr kecount E::cliequer lid. ldlp Ditto Advertised '2 3 d Ditto Bonds, tnsB,34 , per Cent 941 8 PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS TFIIS DAY, Brazilian Rends. s'per Cent. Ditto New 4 per Cent 1852 ... 9 Buenos Ayrea Bon Is, 6 per Cent 574 Itt 1. 3 per rent. Ditto A ccouut Peruvian Bonds, 44 per Cent. Russian .130n45, 5 per Cent., 1822, it St lO '1 x d Ditto Account Ditto 4i per Cent thrdinian Bon•ls, 5 per Cent. Spanish Bonds, 1 per Vent ditto Few 'Deferred, 3 per Cent. Ditto Account 23A Ditto Passive pyr cent • Ditto Account Ditto Guaranteed, 4 per Cont. ,isidAnds thy- above • Dutch Exchange, 2. per Cent., 12 Gnil ... 64 THREE O'CLOCK. (,nook, money Ditto ccount, March 11....... 91a 8 Ale WA RIZ it 8. LIVERPOOL,qMAnca 6, SWIM EXCHANaIt.—The tone of the mark& has been quiet to-day, and the prices generally without alteration. Lancashire and Yorkshire, 83j 4—Midlands. 70A—Eait Lancashire, 18—CaleIonian, 29—Great Westerns, 61i — Manchester, Sheffield, and Lingoln, 25—Dutch Rhenish, lls. d. 13s. 9d. p.--s2,tith Eastern, 20;—Ulster, 53 Great Western of Canada, 251—Ditto, new, shares, 38 p. MANCHESTER MARCH 6. F?rrocrir EICHANGE. — The market has been (lull to-day, but prices are rather easier. Midlands, 70i 70—Lee , s. R3i—London awl North Western, 100 Dovers, 203 9.16 Great "Western of Canada, 25.1. BIRMINGHAM, MARCH 6 roc EXCHANGE.—The tone of the market was firm tn•dity. Groat Western Birmingham Guarantied Stock was done at 74-01 d Birmingham Canals were dune at 9 2—Shropshire Unions, 4701. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-47ESTBRDAY.) The SrEAKEEI took the chair at: the usual hour. CENTRAL ANIERICAN AFFAIRS. Mr. BAXTER asked the First Lord of the Treasury if the papers re4v,ing to Central American affairs would be laid on the table of the bows before Easter' Lord PALMERSTON" s- , id it would be impossible to prepare the papers before atster. COMMISSARIAT CLASP FOR SEBASTOPOL. Sir J. PAKINGTON asked the Secretary of War why the clasp for Sebastopol had been withheld from the Commissariat Mr. F. PEEL said he would answer the question to morrow. Ile would take that opportunity of saying that with respect to the promise he had given, regarding the statement received from Mr. Filder, though he had no objection to its productim, he thought that, as a co•nmittee of general officers had been ap pointed to investigate the whole subject, it would be better to let the statement be laid before them, when the pulicity that wa4 required would be obtained. Sir J. PAKINGTON said he certainly intended to bring forward the subject, ,as he originally intended ; and he hoped the promie of the Secretary of War to lay that letter on tire table would not be receded from. DISEMBODIED MILITIA. In reply to question, Mr. F PEEL sand that the control of the disembodied militia had been tran , ferred to the War Department, and the practice of that department with reference to the calling out of the disembodied militia was to wait until the lonisdieutenatit of counties had stated when it was convenient for the officers and men to be zalled out. LOCAL DUES ON SHIPPING. In answer to a qoestion from Mr Disna.ELl, Lord PALMERSTON sai tit was not his intention to po-tpone the appointment of a committee on this ques tion beyond Friday neat. EDUCATION. Lord J. RUSSELL said—l never rose with deeper anxiety to address the house than I do on the present occa sion. The important subject which I have to bring un ler consideration has at various times occupied the eaten. inn of the house; but no attempt to carry any general measure into effect has hitherto been successfully male. The ta , le was attempted by lk>•r. Whitbrea t. It was attempted by ',Gni Brougham ; and, in the course of last year, the right hon. gentleman opposite, the member fur Droitwich (Sir J. Pakington), brought forward. with great research and great ability, a proposition for a bill on this subject. I am, therefore, about to embark upon a sea, not only notea for dangerous shoals and hid•ien rocks, but o , vered with the wrecks of the noble vessels which have preceded me. I trust, however, that the time is becoming more and more propitious for the adoption of a system of edu cation which shall place this country on a more equal footing with the other enlightened countries of the world. We must waive that proud ambition of which Milton spoke when ho said, " England should not forget her pre cedence in teaching the nations how to live." We have before us the example of other natiops in adopting the schemes of national education, which have been most sue ceesful in their operation, and have elevated the character of the inhabitants of the countries in which they have been adopted. (Hear.) When, a little while ago, my right hon. friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department was interrogated with respect to the enactment of a gene ral code of laws, and the examples of Justinian and Napo• leon were pointed out to him, he answered very justly and reasonably that it was easier to frame and enact a code by the will of an absolute sovereign then to carry it through the legislature of a free country. But no such objection applies to the present question. Wherever order is valued, in these countries where authority is most rigid, systems of education have been adopted. In Austria and in Prus sia a general system of education has been framed met carried into effect. Again, where liberty is valued, as in Switzerland and the New England States of America, schemee of education have been framed, and have become law. In this country, where liberty and order have pre vailed toeether, where they are j iintly upheld, we ought not to be behind ' other nations in devising and carrying out a system which shall be consonant with oar liberties, and adapted to the exigencies of our political system. Sir,there is a sentence, which I found iu one of the answers which were given to Mr. Twisleton, when be was inquiring into the American plan of education, which, as it is a sentence falling from a men who cannot be suspected of any want of regard 'or liberty, and who c tenet certainly be considered as deficient in great attainments —I mean the late Daniel Webster—is worthy, I think, of the attention of the house. After answering with respect to the particular scheme, Mr. Webster says :—" I may be permitted to say that in my telgiuent as the present temisiney, almost everywhere, is to extend sr - puler power, the peace and well-being of society reenire it the seine time a corresponding extension of popular knowledge." Whatever b e the scheme to he adopted, I cannot but think that that see tenets betokens great wisdom. It is one which the Legi slature of this country will do well to ponder upon ; and as we see in every year an extension of popular power, so we ought in the like measure to increase the insane of edu cation. We ought to take care that practical knowledge is the foundation of the political power of the people of this country. Sir, the first question to which I chat/ address myself is the present state of education in this country. In se doing, I think it due to the right hon. hart. (Sir J. Pakiligtori) to say that in f Blowing him I have carefudi looked into the various authorities which he cited, and I may say that his research has been most correct, and that his statements are .ieserving the attention awl consideration of the house. I will not say that to the inferences which he drew—certainly net tie the particul it conclusions at which he an can, in many inetances, give my assent ; but the general picture which he drew of the state of educa tion in this con-itry was, l believe, truly erewe fro.. the facts which were bafore him ; which faefs he drew from the meat trustworthy sources of infuriation. I shall not, th-refore, Fir, taking it for granted that the h use bears in indul th e statement which the right beta. baronet made, and which was made known not only in the ordinary manner, but w furnished in an ttccre.lited form by himself, think it necescary again to go over the same particulars. The census of 1851. eye king generally, shows that there were about 4 00.1,000 children between the ages of 5 :eel 15 rears in thin country. This observations made by Mr. H. Mann show that 2,000,000 of these children were entered upon school books, and that about 1,750,000 were in at tentlance. When, however, these figures cone to be further inquired into, it will he found that zhey give a very false notion as to what is the present state of public e lucation in tnis country. The number attending the schools visited by our inspectors was only 5ii0,009, being oely about one-eighth of the whole number of boys b-tween the ages of 5 and 15 yeers. With regard to the rest, the number who are in day schools of the lowest description, and who are nominally receiving air education, but who really are not instructed, comprise the great majority of the balance, as shown by the lest census. I think there are 8 033 teachers belonging to the Church ef Eouland at the head of schools who do not receive more than 281. a-year, and there are a great many women con ducting dame schools at 211. a-year, so that we have here a bialy of schoolmasters and mistresses receiving respectively lls. and Bs. a-week remuneration for their teaching. That such persons should be comoetent to give even an ordinary amount of instruction is, I think hardly to be believed ; indeed the right hon. gentleman opposite called attention to the fact •last year that 70 of those persons who pro fessed to be teachers did not sign the# names, but made their marks. (Hear.) Mr. Horner, in ono of his latest reports respecting the state of education under the Facto ries Act, mentioned how much ho hail been struck with the ignorance of the schoolmasters. He says—" I asked one man, could he read ?" He said, " Yes, I can, sum taut ;" but it did not appear that this man could read with say fluency. Thus it appears that a great deal which at first seems, and on ,the surface, to be education, is not that education which can be of any use to the persons who use up their time in acquiring it. I come now, however, to the education given under the auspices of the Educa tional Committee of the Privy Council, and on this sub ject I think we should consider, first, what are the relven to es which have been conferred, and next, the defects and itnperfections of the system as it at present exists- ' In the first place, we perceive that the grants which, sine() 1839, have been dietribeted under the superintenitence of the President of the Council, and the committee have been the cause of great improvements in education. Firstly, there were in 1839 co normal schools, no special inatructh for teachers, while since that time there have been e-teblisheil fourteen normal schools for teachers of the Church of England, 11 for school-mistresses of the ulna denomination, and shout 8 for other persuasions, making altogether 35 or 36 training schools establ.shed at an expense of 359.000'. or 400,010/ , and fully capable at the present time of efficiently performing their duty. Likewise, the education in the elementary schools has been very greatly improved. I dud in the report of the Rev. Mr. Cook, one of the inspectors, an account of what he thinks a boy of 12 yeas s old at a good school is now able to answer. I find, from Dr. Cook's report, that on the f d lowing subjects there was not much falling off from the tch,, subjectscqtsire acquirements of so much tsofthecontinental schools which have been praise. I find that a boy of fair average attainments, aged 12, and who has been at it good school, has learned, first, to read fluently and with in elli gence ; secondly, to write neatly and correctly from slies t , tion and memory ; hirdly, to work all the elementary rules of arithmetic with accuracy and rapidity; fuurthly, to parse sentences—although Dr. Cook says that the pro gress in grammar is not. satisfactory ; fifthly, is aegis iinted with the elerueuts of English history; sixthly. hat tire progress in g e ogr e phy i s s a tisf a ctory ; eeventhly, has a fair kno "-ledge of the el-meats of physical science ; Bthly, knows the principles of political economy, more espe deny as they refer to the remuneration of 1 :hour ; and, ninthly (in sever a l sch oo ls), em draw in chslks with great neatness and accuracy. Now I think that is a very favour able account of the state of things in our elementary schools, where the pupils have the advantage of a ge'el master, and consequently of being properly taught. It may be stated, and T think it was stated last year. th :t it is a disadvantage attending these schools, and attending the system in general, and those who are the most promis ing boys do not afterwards, according to the original in tention, become schoolmasters, but in the great majority of instances go off to other occupations. Mr. Moseley states that of 800 pupil teachers little more than 3 '0 re mained for training instruction. Bat I must say that I cannot look upon this circunestatibe as so great a disadvan tage as it has been represented, because I observe that those who have spent their time in instructing others base olio been instructed themselves, and many of them being drawn from the poorest classes of society, they are competent to rise by their industry, and by the exercise of those virtues which have been instilled into them at school, and thus ultimately to rise to stations not only respectable, but of high importance in the community. We pride ourselves in this country on the fact that any man, however humble his station, may rice to the highest position, but unless he has'teceived au education it is ho pe Bible he should do so, for it is not oialy penury but ignor ance keeps him back from attempting to rise beyond the position in which their origins! lot has placed them. Those boys who have acted as pupil teachers, whether they go into commercial houses, whether they are employed in con fidential situations, or whatever line they may follow they have received their education at those schools by public grant, and the result is that by its means a career has been opened to them of usefulness, honour, and distinction. In a country like this, then, which boasts that the robe is open to all. I think it rather an advantage than a disad vantage that such a state of things should arise. (Hear, hear.) 1 think, then, both with respect to the number of teachers educated and with respect to the educa tion of the children to the amount of 500,000 brought up under the system, that the sum allowed by the votes of THE SON, LONDON, FRIDAY EVEN I f l / 4 0, MARCH 7 1866. the house and granted to the various training and elemen tary schools throughout the country—that the sum has been well expended and has given a good return. (Hear.) But it is impossible not to admit that while such have been the advantages of the system there have been also great defi ciencies. However, before I go into these deficiencies let nee state that I do not think it was intended by those who in 1539 began 64s system, thet the plan should be such as that it should provide the people of this country with a complete system of education. On the contrary, the object was to chew them such models of teaching, to show them such improvements in the modes of education as that in time the obstacles that stood in the way of a national system might be removed, and a scheme might at last be framed with every improvement that experience might suggest. In looking at the reports made in 1854 by the inspectors of schools, I am sorry to say that the tone of many of thorn, being, as they are, men of eminent:Audi/me/its, and naturally attached to the system which they wish to promote—that their tone is frequently one of despondency and discouragement. They observe that. a very great proportion of the boys leave the schools at a very early period, and that every year that period be comes still earlier. that the education, which was at first extended to the ages of eleven and - twelve years, is now only extended to ten. I will take the liberty of read. iug some extracts from Mr. Moseley's report because he is a person in whom the. house may entirely confide, having conducted, with distinguished success, the task confided to him by the Council, and being now retired to an other situation. Mr. Moseley says, that by the census of 1851 the number of boys between 10 and 15 years. at school, were only 36 per cent. of the whole number. The number at school was 348 430 ; at work, 356,872; at neither, 259,681; making a total of 962,!:/87. He goes on to sty, " kll your lordships' offcrts have hitherto had for their object the perfection of the elementary schools, and a hope was entertained by me that when the children of the poor found that they derived more good than before from the schools their parents would send them for longer time, and that thus, by degrees, there would be created such a public opinion favourable to the schools as would induce them to make sacrifices of the children's wages for the necessary time. I will not conceal from your lordships that in that hope I have been disap pointed. In many cases the result has been the reverse. The parents reasoned that the schools being now so good, the children might get their education in less time, and therefore they take them away sooner." But the evidence of Mr. Moseley is corroborated by that of other inspectors, of whose opinions I shall only trouble the house with two or three instances. The inspector for the eastern coun ties had inquiries made with reenect to the schools in his district, in which there were 2 6 , 16 boys. Of these only 232 were twelve sears old, and in 1848 these 2i'2 had be come labourers. In the counties of Gloucester and War• wick there were in 1850 above twelve years of age at school 9 per cent., above nine 33, melting 42 per cent. of the wirele at school above nine years of age. That was no very encouraging proportion, but in 1 '53 here were, above twelve years et* ag-, only 8 per cent., ,r,bove nine, 31 per -cent., making 39 per cent., instead of 41 above nine years of Nw, Mr.`Moseley partly asks whether the higher classes in this couutre would be satisfied with an educa tion for their sons which sheuld end at the age of 9 or 10 year ,? A clergyman, who writes to one of the inspectors from Ipstene, says :—" He really thinks that comp • ring the present time with several years ago there are fewer who can read and write in his parish than there were at the time." (Hear, hear ) In the report given lest year by Mr. Norris, of an examination he made of the boys employed in the mines of Staffordshire, he says that on examining several boys then at eehonl, he found that the greatest ignorance prevailed. They had been at school from nine years, and he examined them at fourteen or fifteen. (Hear.) They were nnable to say how much 3s. a day was a week ; and when he examined theta with regard to their religious knowledge they did not know the names of tire Evangelists, could not name the Four Gospels, and when he asked which of the apostles betrayed Jesus, one slid Peter, and another Abra ham. (A laugh ) Such was the amount of knowledge among the boys who had received their education at the local schools. (Hear.) Mr Norris, as I shall have again OCCLMOTI to mention, has since then taken great pains to improve the education of these boys from the ages of ten to fifteen. Such, then, being tho defects that prevail, that that these boys anti girls above ten years old hardly receive the benefits of education, and as the evil is becoming greater instead of less, owing to the improvement in the quality of education required, it becomes this house to con shier what remedy ought to be applied to the case. The right hon. gentleman opposite mentioned last year one ob vious defect in the system of the Committee of the Privy Council, which, as he said, belonged to the original founda tion, but which, if you should •consider in anoter year the scheme of a national education, is deserving of your utmost attention. The right hon. gentleman seid most truly that the plan is one to give assistance to those who are able to afford a great portion of the sum required for education ' themselves, who, whether by slam iptions or by school pence, or by any nthtr means, cen themselves furnish the necessary funds. The consequence of such a system is, that in those places which ei•her, being peer have not the money or beiuer rich have not the inclination, the cause of educe- tion does not prosper, and these places remain in their origi nal darkness. Having stated those defects, having eta'ed them very generally, I wish now to state generally what in my opinion should be the attempt of Parliament on this great subject. It appears to me that we oughi to lay clown two principles, from neither of which we ought, if possible, is depart. The one is to make the education complete, and the other is to maintaie, to encourage, and as much as pos sible to improve that which we have found to be good in the existing system. Now with respect to the first of these o bjects, I do not think the, o tr end would he obtained un less we brought the education of the pc.iple of this country, this rich, intelligent, and free country to the state tewhich it has been brought in countries which have adopted national schemes of education. In Switzerland, in the most ad velem( cantons—Beare, for instance —nearly one in four are receiving educ.ition at the schools. In the New Eng bead &Imola one in five ate rtceiving education. If we take the p .pulation of this country from the census of b5l et eighteen millions—vol it must be a larger number at the present time, bat take it, at eighteen millions—and if we 5%V one in five ought to receive education. then 3.600.000 out of the f inr millions between the ages of five end fifteen ought to be receivi,e; e•lucation. Ido not .h uk this is by any means tea high an estimate. It is whet nay been attaitie in other countrime. in other coma- tripe not all ;dOCt to absolute fie arbitrary rule, but in free eeent:itie which v their lihetes, and vtlue their sun tl i'dePein'etice- W. can et 1! eat. ie in riche wi Switzerltnt, reel I trust we can vie with New Miele,' in liberty;; anti I do not think we etielat to have lees olive tiou than either of these ceiintrios think ilecess-iry icr the iteelves. (Hear, lie .r.) There is one co iut'y toe, near ourselves, in which—although it mar be a su jest troveree et the present time—most remarkable results have eeen achieved by a system of nation d education —I meat Scotland. (Hear.) We here h ev• r since the Reforma tion a system of n %timed education • stabisimil in Scott:v.l, which via full her at , engthened efteri he 1 - tevelutien 41688. and which every statesman who hes sunken, every philost. pher who has written on the subject, has considered not only a a nice of orris to Sco ! nd, hut a senile:, of tee grealest develtoment es regarded the moral qualities of her people. (Hsu.) In the parish in which I hippened to he residing some three or four ye ire since, taring the Admi eistration of the Earl of Derby, I inquired of the minister of religion there how many of the children id not receive education, and I was toll there was no child above seven years old who could not read fluently. and also write a little. We have, therefore, before us with respect to the general amount of education, th !se examples of Scotland tied Switzerlend, as well as that of the moat enlightened of the United States of America. Let us next consider thet which is said to he another element for our consideration, namely, the system which is at present in action, and th schools that have been already established. I have stated that these schools receive a grant of 500,0001. enunally, but it is obvious that they are founded on this plan, that appli cations are made either to the inspector or to the committee of the Privy Council for aid by those who wish to establish a school, and that there is no inquiry and no obligation with respect to the place in which the school is to be established. I propose then to contmence—perhaps I should say a few word' before I do so with regard to the plan of the right hon. gentlemen opposite (Sir J. Pekingtort), and which he proposed last year. The right hon. gentleman proposed plan of rating, and made various regulations, to which, 1 think, some serious objections may be takes. In the fit st place he made it permissive ; and I must admit that the seine objection applied to the bill introduced by myself. In the next place he proposed that the schools should befree. Now I shall not discuss, at the present moment. the ques tion of whetherthe education should be free ; but it is clear that you cannot maintain the present system if you have schools receiving grants from the Privy Council and at the same time being mainly supported by subscription, and also have entirely free schools. I think it is obvious that when free schools are established those who wish their sons end daughters to receive education woul I resort to those free schools, and that those who have neeintideed the present schools by their subscriptions, and have worked with earnest ness anti zeal year after year, and month after month, in furtherance of their object, employing to the utmost every means for establishing these schools, would be unable to make any-farther effort, so that the schools under the new system would be fatal to these which are at present in ex istence. To this abjection I think the right hon. gentleman's plan is open; but iu proposing as I do to go on the found ition of the present system, it is first to be considered in how far that system can be improved ; end on this subjectl lo notenter intotietaile,hecause wehave nathie moment a me owe before us which is likelyto provide us with the most efficient means of remedying everything that may be objectionable — l mean the - bill giving to the Crown power to appoint aVice President of the vorntitittee of the Privy Council on &loca tion. There are many things iu the present system which I think are matters of doubt, and in which I think impreve mente may be made ; and I think th it, haling the Tice- Presid nt of th t Committee cf Pt ivy Council in the house with us, discuss-ing the varit us details when the grants coins to be movetl,will be the means of understanding and of originating those improvements, and of aniendine the present system. I will give an instance of one mode by which the Briton' of grants inieht be faille, gel. There are various restrictions which might have been necessary on the flint estahliehm en t o f th ese m i nu t es o f c o uncil, but which I de not believe are II• ceesiry to be continued. For instance, it is ,sai t with regent to the Church mid other itenoininations, that when a school is connected with either church or chat el, it shell not restive any grant from the com mittee. I believe th a t if you es t ab l is h a g ood sys tem of inspection, if )ou find your sc h oo l a good school, r and you inspectionis extended only to secular instruction, you ought net to melee it an objection that the school was connected with achuich or ilissenti og chapel (Hear.) There are otter points which I think it mi g ht h e u - e f u l t o h a ve re-considered. I think it may alto be said with truth thet these minutes of council have been adopted at various times, and as new questions erose. It would h e a mos t useful work, I think , to consolidate thee* minutes, se that that they might be more intelligible to the house,and more available in workieg out an extended plan. At present propose,le o n any move they are scattered up and down the various v o l umes i n a manner that makes it very difficult to findtle honour in the first to prerti r c e ul ol ar u tquestion.resolution which shoul d shall havetheretfhoere this evening, "That, in the pinion of this house, it is expedient to revise and consolidate the minutes of the Committee of Privy Conned." I copse next to that fact, which is certainly a defect in a na tional system, namely, that where there is light you add light, and that where there is darkness you do not in trod in troduce any light whatever. I think it necessary for the purpose of carrying out the policy which we have al ready adopted, that you should inquire with respect to the state of education in any part of the kingdom. For this purpose I do not propose—l leave it entirely to the president of the Committee of Council of Education—l do not propose myself to increase the number of inspectors. There are at present I think 24 inspectors connected with the Church of England, and 16 for the other schools—but I propose to add to them a very numerous class of sub inspectors, who might not be very highly paid, but who having comparatively small divisions of the country under their inspection may be liable to ascertain and to report on the state of education in their particular part of the country. There are in England and Wales 52 counties, there are 26 of these oountiep whieb have been divided under the reform act, and there is, besides, the Ipde of Wight. I do not say that these divisions coult; be exsctly maintained, but I think that about the 3aln• area as one county, on the division of a larger county would be a sufficient district for a sub-inspector, and would sufficiently occupy his tia.e and attontion. I pro- pose, therefore, in the second resolution, to move— " That it is expedient to add to the present inspectors of Church schools 80 sub-inspectors, and to divide England and Wales into 80 divisions for the purposes of education. That it is expedient to appoint sub inspectors of British, Wesleyan, and other Protestant schools not connected with the Church. an I also the Roman Catholic schools, according to the pre sent proportions of inspectors of such schools to the inspec tors of Church schools. That on the report of the inspectors and sub-inspectors, the Committee of Privy Council should have power to form in each divbdou school districts, consist ing of single or united parishes, or parts of parishes." It is obvious that the present division of the country into parishes is not one which in all cases is most convenient for the purposes of education. The right hon. gentleman opposite urged last year, and I somewhat differed from him, but I must own that he was right, and that in many eases two or three small parishes might be united, while in others there are parishes to, large to be governed as a single school district, and which it would be expedient to divide for that purpose. What I propose by this resolution is that the sub-inspectors should submit to the inspectore their views, and that the President of the Council, having the whole case before him, should divide into school dis tricts the whole of England and Wales. Of course it would be a matter of consideration and detail whether the divi sions thus made should not receive the authority of an order in council, but it appears to tee that if you had, asat present, 24 inspectors and 80 sub-inspectors, they would ne able to make very convenient divisions, and to consider the subject with great practical effect. The consequence of these proceedings would be that the sub-inspectors, who would be of course an entire novelty in the scheme, would be able to ascertain and report the ex,,ct places in which the means of education wore deficient. I propose, there fore, in another resolution, that the sub-inspector of each division should be instructed to report on the avail able Meals of education in his particular division. Now, it may be that many of the parishes—for after all a great portion of the divisions would be parishes—being thus inquired into and examined, there would be in many cases a willingness on the part of the owners of parishes, and on the part of the people generally, to build schools, and to introduce the present system. But you must see what aid we can further obtain for this end. There was one kind of assistance which is now certainly received, but which I think might be considerably enlarged. I think aid might he obtained from the endowed charities of the coun• try. I have the honour of being one of the commissioners •1 charities--not certainly a very active one—but in attend tug sittings of that commission I have seen enough to be convinces:. that while the commissioners are most zealous and laborious in the performance of their duties, the powers they possess are insufficient for the purpos-s for which the commission was appointed, and that Par listuent ought to extend them. (Rear, bear.) Tho de tects are of several kinds. One is, that there are scarcely any chiles iu which the commissioners have power to do more than to gave advice. If that advice i taken, the trustees of chariti-s are subject to no penal consequences if it be not acted upon ; but, if they do not take it, them are no means of compelling them to do so. The commis sioners barb themselves pointed out these defects in a re port rece .1 ly laid upon the table. In instances where the invitee,' are willing to act upon the advice of the commis• ?dune's, and to wake the charities more effective and use- NI, it is necessary, according to the act of Parliament, that the commissioners should send them before some court to ruaintate that which they desire to de. Thus a very heavy expense is incurred, often unreasonably laro when compared with the means of the charity. There were more th , n 28,00,) charities reported upon by the commis sion, end of these there were upwards of 20,000—1 think 21,f400--whose incomes were tinier 201. a year each—some of them as low 51.; and there are many of the larger ones that are unable to bear the expense of au application to the Court of Chancery for a decree, which is seldom less than 30/. One or two instances that have come to my knowledge, I will refer to, as showing the grievance of the present law in this respect. One is the case of a charity the trustees of which, laudably as I believe and from the best of motives, wishing to remove a schoolmaster they consi dered incompetent or otherwise unfitted to conduct the schi 01, applied to the court. The schoolmaster resisted, and put them t 44 an expense of 2001. There happened to have been some technical defect in the mode of proceeding, and the deci ion of the court was against them. They went again to the Court of Chancery, and this time the school master was removed, but at an expense to the trustees of 1,200/. ; so that they had Lo pay 1,4001. for their andel- . . yours to reform the charity and make it more perfectly available for the objects for which it was founded. But I may be told there was a remedy for this. What was that remedy ? Why, these truate eswho had thus spent 1.4001. in going to the Court of Chancery had the power, if they chose to exercise it, of applying to the court again to have the 1,400/. repaid to them out of the funds of the charity, those funis being, in the case I am alluding to, 701. a year. (Hear.) Take another case, one in which a diffe rence aroaa ne to • birth partical.r p:iriih was entitled to be the recipient of the ohm ity. The own was not large, bat it led to a dispute between two adjaioing The cowmiseioners had n., other couraebut to send the parties to the Courts ot Chancery. I ventured to ask what would be the result of that, and I was told it would be that no whole of the funds of the charity would be dissi pated in law expenses, and that nothing would remain for the purposes for which the money had been left. (Hear.) Well, sir, that ii the remedy according to the present law. I own it :wears to me that w th respect to many of these cases very great imprevernents might be effected. I had placed in my hands yew erlay by that excellent friend of education, the Dean of Hereford, a sermon on the misapplication of chaeties, and ho places iu the first line the funds Lft for charitable purposes—those bequests and ther eleemosynary gifts, which are not only not useful, but positively injurious to the parishes to which they holing. Now, if the com iniesieneis hel tl.e power in these cases, and in ethers such as I have mentioned, to apply the funds in founding s good school, or enlarging an existing school, and where there are apprenticeship preiniems in making other prizes to be given to te , se pupils who most distinguish themselves, and enabling them to get on in the world, I thiek a very gloat !meet would result. I know of lie reason why such a power should not be conferred upon the commissionerie except !het both in this and the other house of Parliament there is sue an amount of influence pos se lied by law% err of he Chancery bar as to render the ehanc sof such a measure bring carried very slight in deed; unleme, indeed the subject were taken np by the Govevnment themselver. (Hear, and a laugh.) A great Chancellor of France D'Aneueeeeau, it is said, was once asked if he was not struck with the abuses that were going • n in the courts that were subject 10 him, and whether he had not thought of reforming them. His reply was, " I have often thou lit of it ; I have often °oust tiered it ; but when . I reflect upon the number of barristers and solicitors who would be ruined be it I hesitate in taking such a step." I believe that re forms might be very usefully made in the direction I have indicated ; end 80 tar from sh ling in the apprehensions of the Chancellor D'A egessean, I believe that such change would ensure the le s eet amd other busters of the country, and probably we should find he Chancery bar under them even ieore flourishing than it is now. Therefore, sir, I propose as my sixth resolution — That for the purpose of extending such means it is erpedi eut that the powers at present possessed by the Commissioners of Ctaritable Trusts be enlarged, and that funds now useless or injurb.us to the community, be applied to the education of the middle and poorer classes of the community. Clauses to that effect, it will be remembered, were sub mitted to the House of Lords last year or the year before— lam not sure which—but were not adopted, because it was thought dangerous to entrust such powers to any of the courts. Having thus applied all the means which are at present within our reach, or which may come within our reach by some simple enactments, I now come to con sider whether it is sufficient that we should have an ac count of the state of education in every parish, aed whether the existing means, aided by increased grants, should bo applied to the remedying of the immense defi ciency that exists ? lam bowl(' to say that in many cases the existing means would be found altogether inadequate. I am bound likewise to say that I think the remedy pro posed both by the right hon. baronet (Sir J. Pakington) andt: parishes thyself, a t n h d a at i w e e r c h t o s u o li f l icient or adequate. (Hear.) Ft has been too frequently githvee permissive powers merely country, would not be anf found that, in cases where there was the greatest want, the greatest disinclination to give was experienced and the most influence was invoked to prevent the establish ment of seheols. I stn afraid that, if the permissive power only ware given, it would not be aged ; the deplorable ignorance which now prevailed in many parishes and g d e i eo st m ri e c w ts hee r would continue. I have come, therefore, to the conclusion that not only should a rate allowed, but that there should he a which should have the means of the ip e n o o il v i e r ea i r e c l he li x n ic g satsineb parish or districts which had been marked out in the way I have described by the inspectors, and de clared by the Committee of Privy Coancil to lbe inade quately supplied with the means of education, to impose a rate. The mode by which I would do so is this. I would allow any persons to apply to the court of quarter sessions of the county, the city, or the borough, as the case may be, and complain—as they do now when a highway is impas sable, and requires to be repaired—that there wenn° means of education, or that the means existing were ivadequate, and that, therefore, an order should be made by the court on the parish or district to levy a rate. I havenot stated the amount of the • rate, that is a matter that would have to be settled in the bill, when the detail's of which were consi dered would be the proper time to fix the amount of the rate. The right hon. gentleman opposite proposed in his scheme that it should not exceed sixpence in the pound. Possibly it might not be necessary that it should go so far, but that there should be a rate fully adequate for the purpose which the means of education are wanting, I think is absolutely) essential (Hear.) I ghoul.] state that at present I should propose the formation of districts, rated of course accord ing to the state of each parish, but that the greets, local subscriptions, grants from the Committee of privy council, and the addition of aid from charitable endowments of the couNtrv, should be resorted to in the, first instance. My seventh resolution is— That it is expedient that in any school district where the means of education arising from endowment, subscription grants, and school-pence, shall be found deficient, and shall be declared to be so by the Committee of Privy Council for Education, the ratepayers should haws the power of taxing themselves for the erection and , maintenance of a school or schools. • And the eighth declares — That after the let of January, 1858, when any school dis trict shall have been declared to be deficient, in adequate means for the education of the poor, the quarts r sessions of the peace for the county, city, or borough shoo Id have power to impose a school-rate. The ninolt is : That where a school-rate is imposed, a st ;heel committee sleeted by the rate-payers should appoint th .e schoolmasters and mistresses, and make regulations for th e management of the .sch ol s . Having thee arrived at the power to impo re a school rate, either voluntarily by the ratepayers themes dyes, or in their default by the supes ior authority of a sour t, I come to the consideration of ono of the most difficult pa rte of the whole question. So long as you have subscribers who undertake the inanageinen , . of the schools, you may re ly, as you have relied, upon them for the general principles tram which the schools should be conducted. The Committees of Council on Education from the first adopted the mode of entrusting either certain great societies, or persons watt known from their general views and their character, wit h the task of giving religious education to the poor of each district where the schools existed. In the case of the Church schools, after a very considerable time spent in discussion ana ► negotiation, it was agreed by my noble friend Lord Lan ulowne and some others, of whom I was one, on the part .of the Com. mittee of Council on Education on the one pe,Tt, and by thi Archbishop of Canterbury, the BishoP;OrLondokt, and the I:+te Bishop of Salisburh the otrier x tbat the CargOlobaols o be open to inspection, but that the inspectors should in all cases be appointed with the consent of the o &bishop and the bi'shop of the diocese. lam not sure -hat I am quite right in this, bat, at all events, that some lurch authority should be a party to the appointment. Be it observed that, with respect to the Church schools, the inspectors being thus appointed, the Church being con necte,l with the State, reviewed the accounts, and inspected the religious as well as the secular education. As to the other schools, the British and Foreign School Society, the Wesleyans, and afterwards the Roman Catholics, asked for a similar condition to that already agreed twee, that while they admitted the right of inspection they required that no inspector should be appointed who was repugnant to them in any way, and to whose -appointment they were not, in so far as having the power to object, parties. But with regard to all those bodies—the Established Church, the British and Foreign Sabel Society, the Wesleyans, and the Roman Catholics—their principles are well known ; it is perfectly well known that they will in their schOols give reli g ious instruction according to the tenets which they hold sacred, and therefore the Committee of Privy Council, in handing over to them the grants they make in aid of their schools, have full security as to the character of the education. With regard to all these societies we have inspection as the secular e&uestion, and we have also ample security that religious instruction is given. ([dear, hear.) There has been a dispute, and it is worth the while of the house to attend to it fora moment, inasmuch us it tends to show the manner in which the religious in struction is carried into effect—there has boon a dispute between the British and Foreign School Society and the body of Unitarians as to the mode of teaching. The British and Foreign School Society declared at the com mencement that their schools were schools for all sects —that they should read and teach the Bible in them, hut would adopt no particular formulae either of the Church or of any denomination of dissent. The Unita rians say, "It is true that is your rule, bat by oral in struction you do give teaching on certain distinctive doc trines of Christianity from which we conscientiously dis sent, and you have, consequently, mot carried into effect the principle of equality you professed." The British and Foreign School Society say in reply that they have only taught what they consider to be the plain meaning of the Bible lessons that are read. But it is obvious that in their teaching they do give instruction in those distinctive doctrines which separate the Church from all those bodies of dissenters which are called orthodox dissenters, and which separate them also front the Unitarians. (Hear.) The system assumes to be to give the utmost latitude in reading the scriptures, and though the Roman Catholics and the Wesleyans may have nothing to say, in one and all it may be said that definite instruction in religions subjects is given in the schools that receive aid from the Privy Councilgrants. Such is the state of the case. I am not now asking whether the system was wisely adopted ; but I think the house should know what is the security they have that religious instruction is given, and what is the plan upon which the grants are mad. When we propose that an education rate should be levied, I am aware that itis impossible to bind the ratepayers to give the money they raise by means of the rate either exclusively to the Church schools or to the schools of any denomination ; they must necessarily have great latitude and libeityleft to them as to the education they give—(hear) —but the ques tion arises whether any condition whatever should bo im posed upon them and if arty, what that condition should be. (Hear.) This is a question of the utmost gravity and importance ; it is one which the house may have frequently to consider, and it is one also which I am far from saying ,1 that I have arrived at any conclusion upon that may not be overturned hereafter by the decision of the house. But what the conclusion is that I have arrived at I will now .... state. -- In the two cases I have mentioned as the free states that I have established schools, vie . , Switzerland and the United States of America, a very different course has been pursued. Se far as I understand it, the State of Berne gives a Protestant instruction, while the Canton of Fri bourg gives a Roman Catholic education • but in each case those who are unwilling to receive the religions instruction afforded—that is the Roman Catholics iu Berne and the Protestants in Fribourg—are at liberty to absent them selves from it, provided their parents express a desire that they should de so ; and in this way the principle of religi ous liberty is recognised and respected. But the States of New England, and more especially Massachetsstts, have taken a different course, and it is, I think, desirable that the house should know what that course is, and what are the goneral opinions upon it, so that when 'they come ulti mately to decide, they may be enabled to have all the points bearing upon the matter under their consideration. The statut;s Of Massachusetts enact : It shall be the duty of the president, professors, and tutors of the University of Cambridge, and of the several colleges, and of all precepters and teachers of academies and all other instructors of youth, to exert their best endeavouis to im press on the minds of ehildren and youth committed to their care and instruction the principles of piety and justice, and a sacred regard to truth, love their country, humanity, and universal benevolence, sobriety, industry, and frugality, chas tity, moderation, and temperance, and those other virtues which are the ornament of human society, and the basis upon which a Republican Constitution is roundel, &c. It is obvious as far as these words are concerned that they might have been enacted by a senate such as that of Rome was before tho introduction of Clpintiani4y—for there is nothing in them that gives any Christian sanction or Chris tian character to the schools ; but with respect to the effect, Twieleton on the one side, and Mr. Tremenheere on the other, have each given the impression they have received, while several men of great eminence in the United States Mr. Webster, Mr Everett, Mr. Winton, and Mr. Prescott, and many others eminent in literature and political affairs, have given their opinion in favour of the system, and state , that receiving the secular instruction which the children do receive in the public schools of Massachusetts an the week, and afterwards on the Sunday receiving distinctive religions instruction in the Sunday-schools, or at home,' they are brought up as good Christians, and the religious character of the state is preserved. An Episcopal Minister, Bishop Eastburn, of Massachusetts, says it is a fact that none who are supposed to entertain religious sentiments can be employed as teachers. That is a great testimony coming from such a person—and if it he trne that no per son who is even suspected of irreligious opinions is ever employed in teaching, and the ministers of religion sirs zealous and active in their duties, and if also there pre vails, as there does in New England, and has from the first arrival of the emigrants from this country, by whom the New England States were founded—a religions and Chris tian sentiment, it may he perfectly true that these schools may favour the Chris ian character of the country. Ou the other hand, however,Mr.Tremenheere speaks as though there were some suspicion of the teaching of such schools, and as though he observed in the pupils a want of Chris tian knowledge. All I can say is, that I should be loth to offer any opinion that was opposed to that of men so emi nent as those whose names I have quoted, and I should be loth above all to give an opinion as to a particular scheme of education which has been, after full consideration, adopted by wise men in a foreign country. (Hear.) If it should be the case that the Christian character of the coun try is preserved, and that brotherly love and Christian charity are inculcated iu these schools, I should rejoice in the fact, but with regard to our own country I feel that not only are these high authorities opposed to it, lint that there is a strong public sentiment prevailing which would strongly disapprove of the enactment of such a law as that to which I have alluded. In the first place, I would ask leave of the house to road the opinion of a man, whose opinions, whenever they are quoted, are always received with deference and respect—the opinion of ono of theanost virtuous and piously-animated of our public teachers—l mean the bite Dr. Arnold. (Hear.) He says : On the whole, I am quite clear as to my original position, namely, that if you once get off from the purely natural ground of physical science, philology, and purely logical— the moment, in short, on Which you enter on moral subjects, whether moral philosophy or history, you must either be Christian or Antichristian ; for you touch upon the ground of Christianity, sad you must either take it as your standard of moral judgment, or you must renounce it, and either follow . another standard 6r have no standard at all. In other words, again, the moment you touch on what alone is education— the forming the moral principles and habits of man—neutra lity is impossible ; it would be very possible if Christianity consisted really in a series of theoretical truths, as many seem to fancy ; but it is not possible, inasmuch as it claims to be the paramount arbiter of an our moraljudgmeuts, and he who judges of good and evil, right and wrong, without reference to its authority, virtually denies it. That is the opinion of Dr. Araold, and I will add that it is the opinion of one of the present inspectors of school's, a man of very great intelligence, and whose expetience is at all events worth consulting in reference to the workina of our present national schools—the Rev. Mr. Cock. I have taken from him the account of the secular studies of the schools and the proficiency of the scholars in geography, arithmetic, and other subjects of edncation. He goes on to say : I have confined my observations hitherto to the secular as• poet of sehool studies, because objections were generally made by persons who believe that the time of children in na tional schools is absorbed by the Church catechism and un intelligent reading of the Old Testament. But I do feel bound once more to hazard an opinion, deliberately formed and confirmed by a long and minute acquaintance wick the work ing of elementary schools; .that the ono great influence which has elevated and developed the intelligence of these children, which has given clearness and accuracy to their perceptions, which has moulded their judgment, exercised their reason, and expanded their busgination, has been the careful and un interrupted study of the Word of God. The religious instruc tion in our best aehools is of an excellence which has never . . . been rivalled in any system of national education, and adlich can he appreciated only by those who have had opportunities both of constantly examining the children under instruction, and of watching the effects of that teaching upon their con duct in after life. I know many young men and women who are now doing their duty humbly and faithfully in their ap pointe I sphere of action, who gratefully attribute the measure of success that has rewarded their exertions to their impres sions, instruction, and habits acquired in national schools. Now, sir, I think the opinion of Dr. Arnold, confirmed as it' is by the experience of this enlightened officer of the Committee of Council of Education, must have great weight in determining this point. I cannot but consider myself, that there is only, in fact, one question to consider viz., whether you will have the instruction given in these schools confined to those secular subjects to which I have adverted, or whether you will introduce into them moral instruction also? If you confine yourselves to arithmetic and geography, and such like studies, it is not necessary that you should have any particular religion at all, but when you say more than this- and I believe everybody says more—that what yen seek in o ucatiug the young is to give them moral impressions which are favourable to the good order of society and the due performance of their social duties in after life, those impressions which are likely to he useful to thorn here, and conduce to the elevation of their understandings and their well-being in all future time —I think, then, that you cannot teach these moral princi ples apart from the Christian religion. But, while it is desirable that this should be carried into effect, there is no doubt very great practical difficulties in the way ; if you pass the subject over altogether, and maintain, as I have said in the resolution, that schools shall be established and schoolmasters appointed, you may appear to be neglectful of the great object in view; and if, on the other hand, you prescribe too much, and give an advantage to the Esta blished Church over any other religious denomination, then the great principle of religious liberty is infringed. The only conclusion, therefore, at which I can ariive is, that the authority of the Holy Scriptures should be gene rally'acknowledged in all the schools. I think Parliament may fairly say, that in all schools established by the State the Scriptures shall be read daily; but, at th e same time, that any parent or guardian who way wish that his child should not receive that instruction shall he at liberty to withdraw the child during the hours that that instruction is being given. Ido not think that we can peas the sub ject over altogether, nor do I think, on the other hand, that we can venture to go further than I propose to do he this resolution " That in every school supported in whole or in part by rates, a portion of the Holy Scriptures should be read daily hi the. school, and etch other provision should be made for religious instruction as the school committee may think fit, but that no child should be compelled to receixe any religious instruction, or attend any religious worship, to which his or her parents or guardians shall on conscientious grounds object." Of course when any bill on the subject, empowering rating for school pnrposes, is brought forward, it must be dis cussed, and it in possible that the bowie may coma to a _different conclusion from that -to which'l have arrived ; but, while I agiee that the grants should' be given, as they have hitherto been, tb ail these various denominations, you, would not-treat fairly all classes if you did Dot, on the one hand, require that the Scripturea should* ho read in the schools, and, on the other, give full freedom to the parimt to withhold Vieir children from receiving it. ',After this part of the subject comes a difficulty to which 'I have al ready adverted, and which is cue of the greatest 'difficulties connected with the question, and that is, the subject of the attendance of children at schools after the age of ten or eleven years. The house, I believe, will entirely agree with tne in thinking that the 'education 'of a child which is to end at the age of nine or ten is r. 4 likely to impress the minds and hearts of the growing generation. I believe that all must agree that it is desirable that every means should bo übed to secure the attendance of children between the ages of 10 and 14. With regard to a portion of the community there have been already enactments, and Mr. Horner has pointed out, in a late report, that they have been entirely' successful." I allude to those enactments of the Factory Act which require the attendence of chil dren at school during some portion or other of their time. Mr. Horner , says, not only that _the system has been sue ceesful, but he says, what has been confirmed by others conversant`with the working of the s'choolsi in question, that the children whe attend, some for half. the day, and many more who attend in the afternoon, bestow such in tense attention on their lessens that they are fully compe tent to compete with others who attend for whole days in the schools, for the office of school teachers. If that is the case, there may be cases in which there should be enact ments by which children might be sent half the day to school and half the day to work, or there might be enact ments by weigh an employer should be cothpeiled to give certain days in the year for the attendance of children at schools. It has been stated by more than one of the in spectors that the employers not only do not give facilities for the children's attendance at schools, bet there are many cases in which it is made a condition with the boys and children employed that they should nutattend schools, and than they'ate entirely debarred from receiving the beneSte of education. There is, perhaps, a difficulty in fraining such an enactment, but I propose in my next resolution that " it shall be incumbent on the'employers of yonng children be tween the ages of 9 and 15 to give certificates half-yearly_of the attendance of these children in schools, and that they should pay for such iustreectiou." With regard to the last part of the resolution, I may say that find that a noble lord who is a great eoiployer of. labour—a noble lord who is a most enlightened man, and who has always shown a great regard for the welfare of those who work for him-- I mean Lord Ellesmere—has provided that all children under a certain age in his works shall contribute 61. a week for the purposes of schools whichare established and which they attend, and I do not see that it is impossible or unrea sonable that whatleord Ellesmere does of his own free will for the benefit of these persons who work for him should also be done in the case of every one under the authority of Parliament. There remains, however, a large class of children with whom it is still more difficult to deal, I meau that class I have before alluded to, of children between 10 and 15, who neither go to school nor work, who 'are not em ployed in any way, but idle about the streets and fields. Ido not think it is possible—l should be very glad if it were—to compel the parents of those children to send them to school. By no enactment is it possible to reach that part of the population of Birmingham or Sheffield, where a large number of children are never attendants at school. But it is possible to go so far as toaseertainthereason why parents elo not send boys to schools who ears no wages „' and it is perhaps that they are too poor and cannot bear the expense, and thus often childion between 8 and 10 who have been at school aro taken away. I know, from the reports of schools in this neighbourhood—that in the Borough-road, for instance —that many parents would be glad to have their children who are not employed receiving instruction in schools, aed so kept out of the mischief and danger of the streets. If it could be made possible, I should be glad that every child between 8 and 14 years of ace, when not em ployed, should be enabl e d t o rece i ve some education. There is une scheme which has been adopted in Staffordshire, which is called by Mr. Tremenheere the prize scheme ; that is, a system of giving prises to those children who re main at school after a certain age. Another way might be that, in case ofehe children remaining after 12 or 13, the wheel fees should be diminished. Another way might be to have evening schools; and there isanother way, in which my hon. friend near me (Ur. E sart) will, I am sure, agree with me, and that is by inviting young men to attend libraries adapted to their capacities, which would contri bute at once to their amusement and instruction, and con duce to the keeping up of the arts of reading and writing, which they have learnt in early age, and which otherwise would have been given up. Not long ago I had a conver sation with a clergyman of Oxfordshire, who had estab lishe f a village library, whichhe told me was most success ful. A room was lighted up in the evening and furnished with books and periodicals, and tea anti coffee provided for those who could afford to have them, and he found it was fully attended by the sons of labour. I think that Some each provisions might be put in force in the first in stance by the Committee of the Privy Council, and after that by means of enactment. I propose, therefore, as my last resolution, " that it is expedient to encourage by means of prizes, by the diminishing el school fees, and by the establishmeut of libraries, the instruction of young persons between the ages of 1.2 and 15."• These are the resolatioue on which I found the proposals on this great subject which I shall make to the house. Whether the resolutions aro adopted or not, I believe they are at all events calculated to reach the whole extent of the care. I think that I ought, nob to have attempted. less. If any one can do it better, lot him do it; but I believe that in the present itate of the *arid and the state of the country, . . no one Alught to atibmpt less than a complete education of the people. I have heard mach of dangerous classes; bat I believe there is no class more dan gerous than that which acquires a little reading and a little knowledge without any instruction in religion or any knowledge of the political institutions of the country. I believe that if Parliainent was to provide by law for the education of the young, those very chases might become the support of all our institutions, correcting . them where they a . ri, defective, examining them with a jeithue and sus picious eye lest abuses shonid.e.xist in them, but not falling offfrom their loyalty to or despiiiag the inatitutions of their forefathers. I ought to sty that no such plan could be car ried out without a considerable iacrease of expenditure. I find on looking to various returns, amt especially to a work f Sir John Kaye Shuttleworth, to whom, and to his brother, Mr. Kaye, we owe very valuable information—l find by their report that 18s. a-year is she calcelated expense of each child in attendance at the schools already establishej, Sir James Kaye Shuttieworth says that 16s. each is the ex pense taking away the cost of the house in which the schoolmaster lives. If 18s. a-year is the expense of each chit 1, you could not educate the 3,6):1,000 child, en of whom I have spoken for a less sum than 3,2 t0,00.d. a-year. Bat that sum might be contributed in various ways—by subscriptions, by school-pence, by charitable donation, by endowments, and by rates. It is not a large sure as com pared with the sum. given by foreign countries for this oh• ject, or as compared with the greatness of the object in view. I have now stated what I think is the best plan for a system of general education. If a bettar can be adopted let it be adopted, but I do" hope that ore king the legate lature will undertake to deal with the subject of national education, and not allow religious differences or financial considerations to standin the way of raising the religions, moral, and political character of this country. and that some such plan as I have indicated will ore long be adopted. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) • Mr. HENLEY said he felt oertain the house would agree with him in thanking the noble lord for the clear and lucid msuner in which he had brought this question forward. (Cheese.) Ho did not moan to enter into a discussion the question then, as the noble lord had stated it was not his intention to ask the house to express an opinion that night on the resolutions he had submitted to them ; but there were several point?, on which he wished to hat e some further information—that of the financial part, suit the manner in which ho proposed to deal with that large class who did not go to school at all. He (Mr. Henley) had heard with satisfaction the expression of opinion from the noble lord, who was a great authority on the question, that whatever system be adopted, it must be bas-d on the great principles of Christianity. (Loud cheers.) There were no parents in the country but coeld readily under stand the benefit of their children learning the elements of arithmetic, with reading and writing, but if they added the elements of certain sciences, and a competent knowledge of political economy —(lunehter) they might talk for a week before they made parents of the humbler classes understand what they meant. It was no use saying to a man, do not take your child away from school at ten years, because if ho remains he will be taught those sciences. He would probably reply--sir, nip boy can earn as. a-week. I do understand the necessity of tilling the child's belly, but political economy is a thing I do nut un derstand. therefore I think it better to let him earn some money. He (Mr. Henley) did not think the noble lord had at all overstated the number of children who did not at tend school ; he thought he had rather understated it. He should be glad to give the resolutions all the consideration which their importance demanded, as well as on account of the character and ability of the noble lord who introduced therm to the house. But he thought the noble lord had gone somewhat out of his immediate object in dealing with the charities of England. The no blelord's plan opened a wide door for such a diversion of funds from the charities as might in some persons' minds appear something like spoliation. (Hoar.) The noble lord, in touching upon the subject, was hardly fair upon honourable and learned mem bers of that house, from whom they received the greatest possible assistance. He said that, " in consequence of the large infusion of the Chancery element in that and the other House of Parliament, he was hopeless of getting any such matter satisfactorily arranged to his mind." He (Mr. Henley) thought such es assertion unworthy of the noble lord. He thought the principle of the Chancery element in that house was the principle of human justice. The house had sanctioned that principle of justice which the Chancery element had }drought so proinivently before it. He believed that the reason why that element had induced the Houses of Parliament not to sanction the spoliation of charities, had no such motive as that attributed to it by the noble lord. The noble lord, in his eight or nine resolu tions, had given them a thesis far larg er than the y were (Ale to master without mature c onsideration, they should therefore be bettor able to discuss the question when he should please to invite them. It was a subject upon which they all had but one interest, that of doing what was beet for the humbler classes of their fellow-country men, that they might have their moral and intellectual fa culties developed so as to be able to well discharge their duty in the station to which it has pleased God to call them. Lord R. GROSVENOR, in calling the attention of the house to a portion of the system of education which the noble lord below him had mot noticed, begged to thank biro for the manner in which he had brought the question be fore the house. He did not think the noble lord had at tempted too much ; if the question had not been brought in all its bearings before the house, they should have bees inadequately prepared to enter into a general discussion. The hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Henley) had complained of introducing the elements of science acid political eco nomy into the primary schools of the country. He con curred with the hon. gentleman that that was a fault in their system of education. He should like to see the con tinental system follewed of primary schools, and others of a higher character, where when talent developed itself in the primary schools it might be cultivated and obtain the position of respectability to which it was entitled, and where it might be available for the benefit of the commu nity. In consequence of the want of these schools in this country the talent of the lower classes remuined without being brought forward. He liOped the noble lord would not lose sight of that point in any measure he might bring forward. The necessity of &hunting the lower classeslwai _so imperative that he really thought come compulsory sys tem of enforcing the attendance of their children would be justifiable. He thought also that the plan of not allowing ! nonfit•re to eztploy labourers who did pot poneas 4 oat* cafe of attendance at school might he resorted to with ads vantage. The employment of evening sclnSols was also an object of grout importance in any systeur`• of national education, aid he trusted that in the discussion which would take place ou the matter those points would ne fully considered. Mr. ADDERLEY thought the merit of the .noble lord's rocolutious was that they were not new. After having led the house for many years through resolutions sad Eehtet committees to consider thisubject in every possible shape, he now led them back to his orieinal form of resolution. There were many modes of arriving at a complete system of national education, and he (Mr.'Adderley) had hoped, when the great and important city of. Matciester seine years ago petitioned Parliament to be alloWed to rate itself for the purpose of education within the city, • that Parlia ment would have . seen the wisdom of trying a treat national question in a locality, which was ready to solve-that ques tion for the rest of the country. If - they had made up ,their minds to abandon the system of local rates as a basis for national education, they could not de better than adopt the noble lord's proposal of grants out of Conielid a t e d Fund. He did not think the Pri Ty Conned system of grants in aid so fitted for a free country as the plan of local rates, but as the plan of local rates was supposed to involve reli gious difficulties, they could not do better than fall back upon the system which was already established.' He hoped the noble lord would abandon the last part of his scheme; if he did, he thought the thanks of the country would be due to him for having suggested a practical plan. Ile thought the standard of education too high ; to secure the attend ance of children the parents must understand that what their children were bsiog taught would be of practical value to them in their after life. Only let that be done, and the difficulty of non-attendance would be surmounted. The'first portion of the noble lord'a suggeetious was most desirable—the proposal to codify the minutes of the Privy Council of Education was a great improvement on what had heed done the year before. He supposed the proposal of adding 80 subordinate school inspectors to-the 39 inspec tors already existing was necessary for efficiently carrying out the sytem, but that branch of the question would re-. quire much Consideration, for it was of the highest impor tance that the system of inspectorship should be - adequate. If the noble lord contended manfully with the diffi culty of. charitable funds, he would cause -Money to be employed usefully which was then employed in-doing mischief. To compel employers t o g i ve cer tifi c at es' and send children employed by th an t o sc h oo l , was a most vas „triable euggestion, but he doubted whether it was applicable to agricultural districts. As be had before observed, he thought that part of the bill which related to the matter of rates would involve the noble lord in religious difficul ties. He hoped the noble lord would disembarass his mea sure of the portion respecting libraries and evening classes. If the taste for reading were created libraries would follow of themselves. Mr. J. E. DENISON thanked the noble lord for the complete measure he had submitted. The advantage of his resolutions was, that they enabled all to start with COM. pieta satisfaeticTn. In contemplating the question, it bad occurred to him that the•only practical course for the house to take was to commence, as the noble lord had suggested, by examining the minutes of the Privy Council ; be had proposed that those minutes should be revised and oonsoli dated. The noble lord stated that he would no't enter into the examination of those minutes, because there would be other opportunitiesnf doing so. He (Mr. Denison) would point out where he thought those minutes might be amended. The intention of mblic grants of asssistance by public money was, that tho Wu ost destitute would receive the assistance of the State • but, according to th e ru l es of the Committee of Privy Co uncil,: those who wore not able to help themselves could not receive any assistanc e from ;he Sfate. If, for instance, a poor parish or diatrict riai;ed. a small sum, but not equal to the whole sum required, the Committee of Privy Council said no, this money was not raised entirely in the locality, therefore the committee can only raise your local sum by an equal amount. He thought that if a parish came forward with the requisite amount it was notnecessarytea scrutinise the source whence that fund was obtained. Agaire e no aid could be granted fora school without a certificated schoolmaster. The fact of a man's holding a certificate was no test of his being the best man to instruct children is a.parish school. , All would admit the importance of evening schools in enabling young people 'to retain and add to what they had acquired bdfore, and one of the minutes of the Privy Council offered the sum of 101. to assist schoolmasters to establish evening schools, hut again the same restrictions, no assistance to evening schools if the master of the day school class did not hold a certificate. He thought that a relaxation of those rules would bean advantage. The system of half-time, hitherto 'acted on only in the manufacturing districts, he knew could be carried out in agricultural parishes, for a case had come under his own observstiei in which, although the children had only half time at school, they had made as much pro gress as those who had been continuously. He thought to whatever extent the house might sanction the resolutions, they would Promote general if not national education. Mr. G. BUTT felt the evils of the present system of charities to be a subject to which every one would admit that a remedy should be applied. When the present act iastituting the board of charity commissioners was passed, it was intended that they should have final and jadicial power to dispose of all matters. connected with small cha rities. He would suggest that there was no difficulty in deal• ing with the question. Were not the present commissioners' competent to disposer of 'such matters without an appeal which would have the effect of swamping the charity. He hoped that when the noble lord came to legislate on the matter he would, by two or three short cleuece, give this ju risdiction to the charity commission ers, and thus s a v e these charities from tieing swallowed up iu litigation. (Hear.) Mr. ROEBUCK said that the noble bold had propounded a scheme of national education. He had dose so himself 23 years, though without success. He hoped the noble lord would have greater success, though ho had great doubts, for he found that he was tuet hythe Berea difficulties which had impeded every other eaucatioaal reformer. The noble lord had stated that it was impossible to separate religions from national education ; and that the only way to teach morals was to teach them as based on Christianity. Now he differed with the noble lord on this point; for the fact was, that there had been morals ion. before there was a ny Christianity; aid there were mora l l men who 'were not Christians. It was dear,' therefore, that it was possible to teach murals without teachitie any particular form of Christianity. The object of education was to fashion the intellectual and moral man se as to make an individual a good father, son, husband, or citizen. If it did not do that, but merely instructed the intellectual man, no good was done. The loan lamely became a more fitting instru ment for evil. What ho wanted to give to the young was, therefore, first, an intellectual, then a moral, and then a religious education. Now, as to the iutellootnal educa tion, there was little dispute. Every one agreed that its object ought to be to strengthen the intellectual part of man, and to teach him how to conquer nature and make the best use of his powers. Now, with . respect- to moral. It was a reniaricuble thing that the moral code of every sect was pretty nearly the same. In fact, they depended on the civilisation of the country. The moral -cede of the Christian otthe present day was as different from that of the Christian of the eleventh century, as the moral code of Etiglead teas from that of Hindooetan. A Jew, a Uni terian, a Presbyterian, a Church of England, and a Cattier. lie child, would all receive the same moral training, and if so, it was clear that the moral code of the country was settled, and it was that which mafia the moral *an. What then did religion do ? It had no doubt (lone much to fashion the moral code, but it was now only employed as a sanction, and in that all these various ieligiouss bodies agreed. Therfore . you could make a luau religions in spirit without making him one of any peculiar sect., and you could introit nee relit ions Cteaching to the ex tent he had mentioned without introducing that on which there would be any difference of opinion. But when the noble lord proposed to allow the reading of the Bible in his schools, he would shut out many children, and would make his system far from national. If for example a child asked fur an explanation of a verse in the Gospel of St. John, it would not be given without in volving doctrinal palate; and then the system clearly ceased to be national. net being his view of the matter, he was for giving a good secular education, and for teaching children the great moral doctrines with their physical, Moral, and religions sanctions. He believed that it was accessary to have a mere general system of education thin we had at present; aud as he was convinced that it wonid be impossible to iudnee the country to sanction any'whick was characterise t by sectarianism, he was himself in &venr of the secular 'system. Sir J. PAKINGTON agreed tied. this was not the occa sion to discuss the propoitions of the noble lord, but could not let the dicassion clove without thanking him for the able, temperate, and impressive manner in which he had. addrened the house on this important subject. lie thought the noble lord had exercised a Wise discretion in the form in which ho had submitted his plan to the house, fey he had himself felt the difficulty which ever attended a private membm's attempt to pass a measure en such a subject through the house. He had never expected to pass that measure through tue house last session, but ho was well rewarded for the troeble he had taken if he had been in any de roe instrumental in bringing about the establishment of a recognised department of education in the Govern ment. He hoped also that be had hoeu instrumental in separating this question from the category of party ques tions, and in enabling men sitting in different parts of the house toast together on this question. There was one pea of the statement of the noble lord which was put iu a man ner different from what he had ever heard before. He stated that 500,000 of the children now at school were scholars at schools receiring grants from the Privy Coun cil. He was very glad to hear that the proportion of children at school subject to the inspection of the Privy Council wa.s so large, and it certainly gave him a much higher idea of the state of education in this country then he had ever before entertained. In the two main objects which the noble lord stated as his aim be cer chiefly concurred. Ho also agreed with the noble lord in thinking that we should go as far as peasible with the pre sent system. He should not go into the resolutions of the noble lord. If any ono had a right to complain it was the noble earl, the Lord President and the future Vice-Presi dent of tee Council, since they sketched out a plan which it would otherwise have been the duty of the department of education to provide. He could assure the noble lord that it would be his wish to give them the most careful consideration, and to support them as far as lies in his power. With respect to the observations of the hon. and learned gentleman who had last addressed the house, he must repeat what he said last year—that when they dis cussed the question of secular education they must not only consider what was right in itself, but what was practicable in the present state of feeling of the country. Now, he be lieved that the general feeling of the c ountry was, that any system of education which did not teach children educated in the common schools their duty to God as well as man, was one which could not with propriety and advantage be established. And he believed that so strong wan this feel ing that no Government could ran counter to it. After expressing his approbation of the resolutions of the noble lord, which affirmed the principle of an educational rate, the hon. b e eenet also expressed his concurrence in those portions of the noble lord's plan which referred to provie sions for compelling children sent to work to attend school for a certain portion of their time. He thought the prin ciple was perfectly sound. He again thanked the noble lord for the introduction of these resolul;ons, and should give them as much support as he could. ( Lear.) Mr. M. GIBSON admitted that the noble lord had in troduced this subject to the house in a manner adequate to its vast importance, but he wanted to knew what proof there was that the pablic sentiment was opposed to neysters of secular education? There had been 178 in*Gthavi is 28 counties in England, and in these resolutions were carries( that no system of education shoed be supported by rates, except a secular system. Pree!sely the same difficulty would be felt elesiut the support of any system of sectarian reli gions education as *as now experienced with regard to Church-rates. He was himeell favour of. the secular - tyitem Oi ochwatiop, cad be WS FUrPrilad t 42 5 " thei 459 _ _ ly.) hi t he row' bi Ye 4 t hel IMB Or 71 O • urOr r 1 of ~, 4