The Sun. — London, England, 1834-04-18 00:00:00

it 7.. _~.. '~. ~`- BRUSSELS AND GERMAN PAPERS. BaussrLs, APRIL 14.—Almost the whole of yesterda!, a pretty considerable number of troops was on foot in the city. The posts were every where doubled, and detach ments were stationed at different points. Tranquillity has not been interrupted at any place either yesterday or this morning. There is reason to hope that nothing will occur to render the continuance of these extraordinary measures necessary. The followinc , fact does honciiir to our civic guard :—Of 200 of the guard who were summoned the day before yes terday for the post in La Place de Monnaie, not -one neg lected to attend. The printer of the inflammatory hand-bill which has been so much talked of for the last week, and which pointed out the Orange subscribers to the public ven geance, has been discovered. It is the printer of the Knout and La Jeune Belgique. In a visit to his office the day before yesterday, positive proofs of its having been printed there were found. He was arrested, and sent to the Petits Carmes. Several persons were arrested yester day, on suspicion of having written or distributed this hand-bill.— Independant. To-day several strangers and others were arrested, and have been put in solitary confinement. Other arrests are to take place to-day, as well in Brussels as in the neigh bouring towns. We ( Courrier Beige) mentioned yesterday the arrival of General Goblet at Berlin, and, without looking more closely, supposed that he had at length been received as envoy from Belgium. We have reason now to believe that this is not the case. The Prussian State Gazette only speaks of the arrival of M. Goblet, as it would of that of any foreigner of distinction who alighted at the same inn at Berlin :—" Arrived, the Belgian Major-General Goblet, from Brussels." BRUSSELS APRIL 15.—The Moniteur says, " The Courrier Beige asserts that a despatch from the Tuileries, enjoining our Government to take measures against the political refugees, and against the associations, had arrived at Brussels a few hours before the departure of M. Nothomb for Paris. "We are authorised to declare, that the Government has received no such despatch ; that it does not recognise in any foreign government the right to address such to it ; and that the article of the Courrzer Beige is a new lie." The safeguards placed in the houses of several persons, who feared they might be attacked, have been partly with drawn at the desire of the same persons. The following is the text of Article 7 of the law of Van demiaire, year VI. of the Republic :—" All strangers travelling in the interior of the Republic, and residing there without having a missive from neutral or friendly powers recognised by the French government, or without having acquired the title of citizen, are placed under the special sur veillance of the executive directory, which may withdraw their passports, and order them to quit the French territory, if it judges their presence likely to disturb public order and tranquillity." The Lynx announces that the above article 7 has been applied to M. Maruel de la Boissiere, one of its editors. He is ordered to quit the territory of Belgium in twenty four hours • if he does not obey, he will be conducted by the gendarmes to such frontier as he shall indicate ; and, if he does not name the frontier, he will be conducted to the part of the frontier nearest his place of abode. M. Froment, editor of the Messager de Gand, is also ordered to quit the kingdom within twenty-four hours. The Courrier says, we this moment learn that M. Jo.. bert, editor of the Voix des Peuples, has also received orders to quit Belgium. M. Dugard, ex-captain, known by his differences with Gen. 3lagnan, is also expelled from Belgium. M. Cabet, lately a member of the French Chamber of Deputies, yesterday received the following notice : " Decree of April 14, 1834, Leopold, King of the Belgians, " To all present and to come, greeting. " On the report of our Minister of Justice, and with the advice of our Council of Ministers, seeing art. 7 of the law of 28 Vandemiaire, year VI., we had decreed and decree. " Art. 1. M. Etienne Cabet, a foreigner actually at Brussels, is enjoined to quit the territory of Belgium within forty-eight hours after the notification of the presentdecree. Art. 2. If he does not obey this injunction, he shall be conveyed by the gensdarmes to such frontier as he shall point out. "Art. 3. If he does not point out the frontier to which he desires to be conducted, he shall be conveyed to Ostend, and there put on board the first ship that shall sail for England. " Till the time of his embarkation, M. Cabet shall be under guard. Our Minister of Justice is charged with the executing of this decree. " Given at Brussels, April 14, 1834. " By the King, " (Signed) LEOPOLD, " The Minister of Justice " (Signed) LEBEAIJ." The notification of this decree was made yesterday after noon at five o'clock, in the house of M. Gendebien, member of the Chamber of Deputies, where M. Cabet has resided since his arrival at Brussels, on the 23d March. M. Gendebien has addressed a letter to M. Roger, on the subject of the decree expelling M. Cabet from Bel gium. The Prussian State Gazette makes no further mention of General Goblet since the announcement of his arrival at Berlin as the Belgian Major-General Goblet. FRANKFORT, APRIL 9.—Great inconvenience has been felt from several parts of the town being guarded by Austrian soldiers, and the rest by troops of the state ; the former being under the orders of the commandant of the garrison, and the other under their own chief officer. The Germanic Diet, two months ago, proposed to the Senate, that in order to give consistency to the action of the armed force, when called upon in case of riot, the whole of it should be placed under the orders of General Piret, commandant of the garrison, but the Senate refused its consent. Two days ago the Diet signi fied to the Senate that it had come to the resolution of doing as it had before proposed, and that, from that day, General Piret would be charged with the preservation of the peace of the town, and, consequently, that the soldiers of the town would be under his command. This decision has created great dissatisfaction, and it is said that the Di rector of the Police has sent in his resignation.--Frank fort Journal. DUTCH PAPERS. THE HAGUE, APRIL 13.—The Second Chamber of the States General has received the answer of the Govern ment to the observations on the three provincial laws. We hear that in compliance with those observations, besides other changes, the first project of law will be divided into two, so that the redemption of the 6 per Cents., and the providing for the usual expenditure, are now comprehended in two separate projects, and the permanent laws that are to be discussed are fewer in number. THE HAGUE, APRIL VS.—Their Majesties the King and Queen, who left this town yesterday at one o'clock, for Amsterdam, arrived in that city at half-past five. To-day the King gave audiences, and this evening their Majesties will honour the theatre with their presence. Prince and Princess Frederick also set out for Amsterdam yesterday afternoon at four o'clock, and the Prince and Princess of Orange, with their eldest son, at ten o'clock this morning. AMSTERDAM, APRIL 12.—Mr. Jerningham, English Charge d'Affaires at the Court of the Netherlands, and Mr. Petre, Member of Parliament, have arrived at Am sterdam. . _ AMSTERDAM, APRIL 15.—The audience given by his Majesty this morning was, if possible, more numerous and brilliant than ever. His Majesty's ship . of the line the Zeeuw, Captain Ryk, will, it is said, sail in the . middle of May to St. Peters burgh, with his Royal Highness Prince William Frederick Henry, the third son of the Prince of Orange, on board. THE HAGUE, APRIL 12.—( From the Handelsblad. ) We have received a copy of the infamous Appel aux ratriales which led to the shameful scenes of plunder in Brussels, If we were not disposed to approve, in some re spects, the views of the Belgian Orangeists in their exag gerated way of speaking, we cannot refrain from expressing our indignation at the absurd language and abusive tone against Holland and its sovereign house. In harmony with this are letters from Rotterdam, which are inserted in the Times, and the special object of which is to give the most false and absurd particulars respecting the family of our Crown Prince. It would be the best to treat these assertions with silent contempt, but that foreigners might be at last induced to take the most palpable lies for truth. We can assure the Times, that all that is contained in the last letter of its correspondent is mere fiction. Probably it will not mention this contradiction in its very impartial columns ; but some foreign journals will not fail to notice it. The following official letter has been received in the city : " Office of Committee of Privy Council for Trade, Whitehall, April 14. " Siii,—A representation received from his Majesty's Charge d'Affaires at Mexico has recently beep laid before the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade, by which it appears that very serious inconvenience had occurred in consequence of some shippers of goods from this country having neglected to conform to the regulations prescribed by the Mexican law of the 31st of March, 1831, whereby, amongst other things, it is required that the mo ment a vessel comes to anchor a general manifest of her cargo, and detailed invoices in triplicate of each consign ment, shall be delivered to the custom-house authorities ; I am therefore directed by their lordships to communicate this sire . glance to you, for the information of the gentle the trade to Mexico, and I am at the same mep • :•_ - ' • yAlexica enforced n C al u a s n to ha in : tile ts* .. , . fyitvn will impress upon them the great A obedient servant, Asapnce .faistric,t ou . e ca rva me n : c r e sei o rr f :g t yi lm odlur ~.htritiie Yegulatio . _,s att* is reason to believe that those *iegulatons will Here more Chitherre.**Vgae....) tit V e4- I r e . 4 -1 . ,' ,' THOMAS LACK. ( e.,..::2 1 - ' O. r.,'"; • Aide •I'lka ...,, ~ M.P., &c., Chairman of the . ti 3 - AiligtiOp • 7 i Mexican Association. ... 1., ' 4704 • IMPERIAL PARLIAMEX HOUSE OF LORDS, April 17. Mr. PHILLFOTTS and others from the Commons brought up the Brunswick and Nova Scotia Lands Company's Bill, and two private bills, which were read a first time. The Earl of HAREWOOD presented several petitions from parishes and places in the West Riding of York shire, against any alteration in the corn laws, and for the better protection of the Sabbath Day. The Bishops of LICHFIELD and COVENTRY and EXETER presented petitions to the same effect. The Marquis of SALISBURY presented a petition from a place in Hertfordshire, complaining of the power possessed by magistrates in the administration of the poor laws. He would take that opportunity of asking the noble viscount opposite (Melbourne) whether it was the intention of the government to make any communication to that house re lative to their 'plan of settling the question of these laws. Viscount MELBOURNE said it was well known that his noble friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer intended on that evening to lay those plans before the other House of Parliament. It was also well known that the bill was of such a nature that it must originate in that house ; therefore, though he was most anxious to be as courteous to the house as possible, he did not see that it would do any public good to lay the same statement before their lordships. The Marquis of SALISBURY would only remind the government that they had now arrived at a late period of the session, and that last year many most important things were put off on that account. He trusted that they would be told how far government intended to adhere to the re commendations of the poor law commissioners. The noble lord received no answer. Lord KENYON laid on the table a bill to prevent beer from being drank in the house in beer shops in the country. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") He had made inquiries since he gave notice of the bill, and he found that the noble and learned lord on the woolsack was quite right in saying that they did not do so much harm in towns, and he had therefore omitted them in his bill. The Bishop of EXETER presented a petition from a place in Dorsetshire, praying for protection to the esta blished church. BURNING LANDS (IRELAND) BILL. The Marquis of WESTMEATH, on moving the second reading of the Burning Lands (Ireland) Prevention Bill, went at some length into the object of the measurd . and the evils that had resulted from it, referring to the evidence of Messrs. Lindsay and Clendenny. The noble marquis, in conclusion, stated that the present measure was different to the one he introduced last session, inasmuch as by it the penalty for the offence was not to be taken by distress. (Hear, hear, hear.) If the house was not pre pared to consent to the second reading of the bill at present, he should be most willing to consent to the ap pointment of a committee to inquire into the question. The LORD CHANCELLOR, although he considered the question introduced by the noble marquis of importance, could not but think if the law had not already taken cognizance of the matter, that it was a subject in which the legisla ture would do well not to interfere. The manner in which a man should manage his own estate in his (the Lord Chancellor's) opinion had farbetter be left to the discretion of those who had the dearest interests in the land at heart, than in the hands of the legislature. As, however, the legis lature of Ireland had interfered, it was too late to say it was a subject that ought not so to be taken cognizance of. The object of the present measure, however, was to carry the interference of the Irish legislature much further, and to remove those checks on judicial in terference that at present existed. He (the Lord Chan cellor) was not prepared to say that the passing of such a bill was the most judicious course that could be taken, and he should therefore suggest to the house and the noble marquis that the bill should be referred to a committee. The Marquis of WESTMEATH said he should cer tainly bow to the noble and learned lord's opinion if he thought that a committee ought to be appointed; but, for his part, he did not think it was necessary. he bill was then read a second time. _ _ The Duke of RICHMOND suggested that the noble marquis had better move for the appointment of a select committtee on a future day, which was consented to, EXCHEQUER-OFFICE BILL. Earl GREY gave notice of his intention to move on Mon day next the second reading of the bill for the regulation of the offices of the Exchequer. The house then adjourned till half-past three to-morrow. HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 17. The SPEAKER took the chair a few minutes after five o'clock. Mr. Alderman WOOD presented a petition from the vestry of the parish of St. Sepulchre, praying that they might be heard by counsel against the bill for the removal of the cattle market from Smithfield to Islington. Mr. B. CARTER brought up the report of the com mittee upon the Limerick Waterworks Bill. Mr. J. SMITH presented a petition from the trustees of the Stoney Stratford Charity against the Stoney Strat ford Bridge Bill. Mr. GOULBURN presented a petition from the Rev. J. H. Brown, against the Middleton Enclosure Bill. ROYAL MESSAGE, Mr. Secretary STANLEY brought up a message from his Majesty, which was read by the Speaker, and in which his Majesty acquainted the house that he had taken into consideration the present state of the most noble Order of the Bath, and that he had deemed it pro per to limit and regulate the number of the order, and to relieve the knights from the payment of cer tain fees and charges ; that he made this communica tion to the house with the confidence that his faithful Commons would duly inquire into the case of certain of ficers, who were interested in those fees and charges, and would enable his Majesty to reward such of those officers as should be shown to be clearly entitled to compensation. Sir WILLIAM CHAY TOR presented a petition from the freeholders of Durham against the General Registra tion Act.—To lie on the table. Sir GEORGE STAUNTON presented two petitions from the Wesleyans of Gosport and Farnham in favour of the bill for the better observance of the Sabbath ; and one praying for alterations in the excise laws.—To lie on the table. Mr. HUTT moved for returns of all the saleable lands in Upper and Lower Canada, and likewise for returns of all the crown lands in the same colony, and for similar returns respecting the colonies of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land. Sir HYDE PARKER presented a petition from the Protestant dissenters of Clare, in the county of Durham, praying for the'removal of their disabilities. Mr. HODGES presented three petitions from West Kent—one praying for the removal of tithes, and the other two for a repeal of the malt tax. Mr. RIDER presented a petition against the malt tax, from a place the name of which was not heard in the gallery. Mr. WILLIAMS presented a petition from the baptists of Paisley, against the church rates. Mr. GOULBURN presented a petition from a town in Wiltshire, praying the house to support the national esta blisment and its forms of religious worship. NEWSPAPER STAMPS (IRELAND). Mr. YOUNG moved for the return of the number of stamps issued to the several newspapers in Ireland during the past year. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Major BEAUCLERK complained of the great difficulty experienced by himself and other hon. members in present.. ing petitions. It was a mere waste of time to come down to that house, as he (Major B.) had attended seventeen mornings, and had not been able to get in a single petition. (Hear, hear.) He claimed nothing from that house, but he thought as a simple measure of justice that a book should be adopted such as they had last session, in which the members should put down their names. It had been the practice during the last session for the members of the house to put down their names eight or nine times, but he hoped this would be prevented in future. GENERAL POST-OFFICE. Mr. CRAVEN BERKELEY brought in a bill for re gulating the delivery of newspapers and letters by the Ge neral Post-office. The bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on the ith of May. Mr. WIGNEY presented a petition from the dissenters of Brighton praying to be relieved from disabilities. Also a petition from the journeymen bakers of the borough of Brighton, praying to be relieved from working on the Sabbath Day. Also a petition from the same place against the use of climbing boys. Mr. FRYER presented petitions from the members of three benefit societies in Wolverhampton, the purport of which we could not learn, owing to the great noise that prevailed in the house. Sir R. PEEL presented a petition from the presbytery of Skye, in the island of Skye, in the county of Inverness, praying that no alteration might take place in the existing law of church patronage ; also a petition from the lay inha bitants of a parish in the isle of Anglesea, praying the house to preserve the union of church and state. Mr. R. GORDON laid on the table a copy of the ab stract of the case of a Calcutta bankrupt.—Ordered to be printed. Mr. DENISON presented a petition from the dis senters of Dorking, Leatherhead, and their neighbourhood, f9r relief from their disabilities. Tn DEFENCE OF CRIMINALS. Mr. EWART, moving for leave to bring in a bill to allow prisoners in criminal cases the privilege of a full de fence by their counsel or attorney, spolce a few words in sup port of the necessity of such a measure (which observations from the continued buz in the house were inaudible) srul then said that he would defer going into the details until the second reading. BRLACH OF PRIVILEGE. I Mr, STRICKLAND rose to second Mr. Ewart's mo tion, when a respectable-looking man, sitting in the gallery behind the clock, suddenly rose, and, exclaiming in loud tone, "I present ,a petition in the name of the people," threw a document down into the body of the house. The house was then in great confusion ;.there were loud cries of " Order," and the Speaker called to the Sergeant ; but in the meantime a messenger had reached the stranger, taken him into custody, and conveyed him into an ante room, where he gave his card, Sparrow, 14, Angel court, Throgmorton-street." As soon as order was restored, Mr. STRICKLAND said he had great pleasure in seconding Mr. Ewart's mo tion, feeling convinced of the necessity of the bill, but more especially in cases supported only by circumstantial evidence. Mr. HARDY moved for leave to bring in a bill to re peal the sth of George 111., which enacts that not more than twenty persons shall assemble in any private dwell ing, for religious worship. Every individual enjoyed the right by common law to join with a number of friends in his or her mansion, for the purposes of preaching or teaching, or imparting the principles of education. (Hear, hear.) Yet the moment an act of adoration was attempted, the statute, for the repeal of which he moved, rendered the act penal. The hon. and learned gentleman observed on the absurdity of the law, and concluded by making the motion stated ; which, after being seconded by Mr. Fergus O'Connor, was put from the chair and carried. _ . _ Lord AL THORP would not oppose the introduction of the bill ; it was of importance ; but should reserve what he had to say for another time. Mr. WILKS hoped the house would understand what the object of this bill was, and the class of persons to whom it was designed to apply. The Dissenters were perfectly satisfied with the present state of things on this point as far as regarded themselves, and it would be for the house to consider whether they would put an end to this and to every sort of distinction affecting the religious rights of individuals. Attached as he was to religious and religious liberty in the amplest manner, he had no objection to the introduction of the bill. The bill was not intended to operate in relief of the dis senters, but to relieve the members of the established church, and to allow them, without reference to those re gulations, to hold whatever religious meetings their con science might dictate. Mr. HARDY considered the bill calculated to relieve all classes of persons. There would, no doubt, be a clause inserted empowering the bishops still to exercise that con trol over the religious conduct of their people which they at present had. Mr. PLUMPTRE was not surprised to hear it stated on the part of the dissenters that they were perfectl satisfied with the present state of things. (Hear. They might have any room they pleased, an collect together as many persons in that room as they pleased in which to pray, preach, and worship their Creator without fear of molestation or the breach of any law, and he claimed for the members of the established church the same privilege. Was it not most monstrous that persons might meet for any secular purposes anywhere, and to any extent in point of number, and yet that they might not so meet for a religious object? He sincerely assented to the introduc tion of the measure. POOR LAWS. Lord ALTHORP, the house having agreed that the subject of the poor laws should take precedence, rose and said, that undoubtedly the motion which he was about to introduce to the consideration of the house, was of as great importance as any motion that had ever been submitted to them. The present state of the poor laws of this country had long occupied the attention of the ablest men in the country ; many attempts had been made to amend them, made too by persons very conversant with the subject, which hitherto had not succeeded. This was the state, when they came into office, in which they found this subject. For many years complaints had been made as to the mode in which the administration of the poor laws had affected every class,—the occupier of the soil, the landed proprietor, and the agricultural la bourer. The poor laws had been injurious, in the opinion of every one, to all classes of the community, but most of all to the labouring classes. Hear.)( This being the case, they thought it their duty as a government to apply themselves to the question, and to consider what course it was best to pursue with a view to remedy evils of such long standing and of such serious import ance. They thought that the best course would be for them to issue a commission of inquiry. Many committees of inquiry had sat, and a great mass of infor mation had been collected; but there was this defect in all the information so collected, that it was afforded by gentlemen who came forwards voluntarily to give evidence, and the natural consequence was, that each witness had some particular system of his own. He confessed for himself that he was not one of those who did not expect that at present it would be possible to carry, the proceedings much farther than to show the country the consequences of good and bad management. But this com mission, as far as it had gone, was completely satisfactory, and the report was a most valuable document. (Hear. ) It had shown to the country that in various parts of the country what great improvements might be made in the administration of the poor laws, and such a picture of horror and misery where there was mismanagement, that even this information alone was a great advantage. (Hear.) It had already drawn the attention of gentlemen in the country to the subject, and great improvements had taken place. At the same time, while he stated these advantages, the report presented such a picture of the bad effect of the poor laws in many districts, that it was the bounden duty of the legislature to interfere,. He had expressed himself to the effect that thestt laws were injurious to the landed proprietor, the farmer, and the labourer. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") The administration of these laws, as they at present stood, tended to the destruction of all property in the country. It had been said that they would lead to an Agrarian law; but in his (Lord Althorp's) opinion, they would lead to something worse. (Hear, hear. ) An Agrarian law was but a division of property, while that would lead to a destruction of all property. He con ceived that nothing could be more injurious to the interests of those for whosebenefit the poor laws were intended, than to allow the present system to go on. (Hear, hear.) He begged, - however, to be understood, in any observations he might make, as not to express any disaprobation of a well regulated system of poor laws. So far from that, he thought a well-regulated system would be attendedwith the greatest benefit to the country. (Hear, hear.) He was aware that there had been an expression of opinion contrary to this ; but if that principle were admitted, an objection might be made to all private charity. The strict principle which would be laid down by such ar guments would be that man should be placed in such a si tuation that by his own frugality alone he should be able to provide for all his wants—that by his previous savings he should be enabled to provide against every cala mity that might befal him. So long as any feelings of humanity or religion existed, he (Lord A.) was convinced that the support of those who were really helpless and un able to provide for themselves was not only justifiable, but a sacred duty incumbent upon them. (Hear, hear.) Now it was to the great abuse of that system, and not to the system itself, that he objected. For a very long period of years after the establishment of the poor laws in this country, they were not liable to be charged with those abuses ; but at the close of the last century, partly in consequence of the pressure of distress, partly on account of the state of the poor, and also on account of the state of the public feeling upon the subject of general discontent on the part of the working classes, a principle was adopted in legislation which, though well intended and humane in its enact ments, had been conducted with the most fatal effects (Hear) ; a principle in the thirty-sixth George the Third, which ordered relief to be given to the pauper in order to place him in a situation of comfort. However persons might wish to see their fellow-creatures in a situation of comfort, and however they might wish to contribute to that comfort, still that was the duty of private charity, and should not be of a compulsory kind. The effect of our law in ordering out-door relief to be given to the paupers at their dwellings, was the following it up by the magistracy, on a principle certainly of good feeling and humanity; that was a mistake undoubt edly, but a mistake originating in the best feelings. —( Hear. ) A result was hoped for, that the poor farmers should be rendered comfortable ; but it was quite the reverse. It must be admitted that the present question was one of great difficulty : any man who took but a cursory view of it would acknowledge it to be so. The length of time during which those abuses existed, the consequences through the whole districts in which they prevailed—and such was the difficulty, that it could not be expected to pass at once or by any rapid measure to such alterations — would counteract the evils that had sprung from abuses. The greatest caution should be used in adopting such means as should produce the desired effect, because of the fright ful danger that attended too hasty steps ; but at the same time nothing should be left undone to enforce those right principles of action which could effect a remedy.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") One advantage attended any measure which might now be introduced; they were not working in the dark ; many parishes had been laid under a system, the workings of which could be referred to as the result of an experiment which might either induce others to follow, or deter them from doing so. (Hear.) He did not say that it would be ad visable to extend these experiments to all the parishes or districts throughout the country, as, no doubt, much of the success in those cases might fairly be attributed to the zeal and activity of those who had volunteered in the cause, which, perhaps, could not be anticipated in an equal degree from a system founded upon an express statute. The difficulty of legislating effectively on 'the subject was increased, in some degree, by looking at the returns made of the places and districts in which these experiments had been tried. In the whole they were about 100 in number, amongst which Buckinghamshire offered two parishes ; Berkshire one ; Cornwall, Devonshire, Gloucestershire, one each ; Hertfordshire two ; Norfolk 56 ; Suffolk 25 ; and it was proved that in all, even the more pauperised districts, the experiments had succeeded. It was, notwithstanding, ne cessary, in his opinion, that they should adopt the improved system i with great caution, or else they might find them selves involved in consequences for which they were not yet prepared, since in one parish they might not have ar rived at the same height of pauperism that they had in an other. The course his Majesty's Government had to recom mend was to establish a new and an anomalous power in the State. In making such a recommendation to the house, he had to direct their attention to what would be the alternar tive should they refuse. The frightful consequences already made manifest must continue to go on and increase in pro - - pc rtion to the lapse of time, perhaps beyond it. Already rishes had been abandoned, and the result of continuing to act on a principle which had rendered such results was too frightful to be contemplated. He had to appeal to that house for a measure of great decision which would establish a controlling and discretionary power in the parties to whom it should be intrusted, in order to render the experiment perfect and the measure effectual in esta blishing a good and sound principle. The question then was where were they to invest this high discretionary power ? Certainly he thought not in the local authorities, which would not have the means of forming general com parative estimates, and were beside under a certain local influence which was sure to be fatally felt in all pauperised districts. It was his wish that his Majesty should be em powered to create a general central commission with great discretionary power to superintend and control the attempt at restoring the law to its original purposes. It would be necessary to invest the commissioners with very great powers ; but then those powers were to be subject to the control of parliament. There was one part of the ad ministration of the poor laws which, however difficult to be carried into effect, was still of absolute necessity, as it could not be dispensed with. It was a case in which there was no discretion. What he alluded to was the necessity of fixing a certain day in the course of next summer, when the allowance system should cease. (Hear.) He was perfectly aware of the difficulties attending this measure, and had himself, as a magistrate, acted on the allowance system in the part of the country with which he was more immediately connected. But at the same time he was convinced it would be impossible to bring the poor laws into a better state while that system existed. This was not the first time he had, as a member of the House of Com mons, advocated a measure for preventing those who were employed by others from receiving parish relief. He had always supported the bill which was introduced by the hon. member for Shrewsbury (Mr. Slaney). At first sight any such measure might seem difficult to be adopted, but still the difficulty was by no means insurmountable. Under the present system the farmer derived an advantage which he ought not to possess, by receiving assistance at the ex pense of the parish. Rut then it might be said it would not be fair to deprive him of that advantage. In reply to this objection, he would say, that the labourer ought to be placed in a state of independence by causing the whole of his labour to be paid by himself, instead of causing part of it to be paid out of the poor rates. (Hear.) He thought that, this would be a very great advantage to him. It might, however, be said, that at present the labourer re ceived a certain amount of wages for the support of himself and his family, and that he could not subsist without it. In this proposition he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) could not concur, seeing that, if the present system were altered, and the plan of independent labour adopted, the necessary consequence must be an increase of wages. Hence the situation of the labourer would be much better than it was now. He maintained that before the house could proceed to any amendment of the poor laws, it was absolutely necessary to get rid of the allowance system, as being the foundation of all other evils. (Hear. ) He now came again to advert to the discretionary power which must be vested in the central commission. (Hear, hear.) It could not be denied that great benefit would be derived from there being a uniformity of system in every part of the country. He proposed that the commissioners should have power to make rules for the management of the poor, the regulation of workhouses, and the mode by which relief was to be administered. Upon any such power, however, he would impose this check, that before a general rule was adopted, it should be submitted for approval to the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and that it should not be valid for forty days after it was so submitted. He also proposed that afterwards it might be competent to the privy council to prevent its being carried into effect. This, it was true, was vesting an extraordinary power in the central board ; but then no practical improvement of the poor laws could take place without it. If any hon. gentleman could point out to him a better mode than that which he had now stated, he should be happy to adopt it ; but he trusted that no general objection would be urged against what he pro posed. A power of making rules and regulations was, as he had observed, to be given to the board of commissioners, such rules and regulations to be subject to the approbation of the Secretary of State and the Government. He also proposed that power should be given to parishes of making regulations and orders for the management of the poor in separate districts and parishes. The object was to enable districts and parishes to form unions for that purpose ; no such unions, however, to be established without their consent, while they should be at liberty to dissolve any that might already exist. It was likewise provided that every parish union was to maintain only its own poor. He did not mean to say that united parishes might not join, for the purpose of fixing settlements and mak ing rates ; but any such power as that he had just instanced ought not to be vested in the parishes them selves. The commissioners should have the power of suggesting to parishes the propriety of making additions to workhouses wherever such additions should appear neces sary. He should be sorry to give to any body of men a discretionary power of expending large sums of money, particularly in times like the present, but he thought that the commissioners might be at liberty to make to the vestries of parishes suggestions of expenditure, in cases where expenditure was necessarily required. He pro posed that a departure from the present system of making rates should take place. Vestries, as now constituted, were composed exclusively of rate-payers, and a charge was imposed on persons who had no vote whatever. Now he thought that this system ought not to continue. It ap peared to him that, in all questions respecting the election of guardians of the poor, and in all questions relative to the management of the workhouse, and the mode of raising money to facilitate emigration, the landholder as well as the rate-payer should have a vote, more especially as the rate-payer might happen to have only a transient tenure of the premises he occupied, while the landowner had a per manent interest in them. He stated this fact because, at the close of the last century, the legislature had made a great mistake, which ought to be corrected, though it was at the time impossible to avoid it. His intention was to pro pose that justices of the peace should not have the power of ordering out-of-door relief to the poor—namely, re lief at their own houses. To alter the existing law upon this point was only to restore the practice which had existed before the year 1796. Thus far he had stated the objects which the general measure contemplated. The House would see that it proposed to alter the allowance system, to deprive the majority of out-door paupers of re lief, and to vest discretionary power in the commissioners for framing rules and regulations for the purpose of carry ing the law into effect. There were two other questions of importance which he must touch upon. The first re lated to the law of settlement. He needed not to observe that any hon. member who was at all acquainted with the subject must see that the present law was most compli cated, leading to great expense, much vexatious litigation, and interfering with the free employment of labour. At first he had thought that the best mode of gaining a settle ment would be by hiring and service, but he now felt con vinced that every mode ought to be abolished, except that of birth and right acquired by marriage. He had heard one objection urged against the mode of settlement by birth —namely, that where a man lad spent many years of his life in a part of the country far distant from where he had been born, it would be extremely hard to remove him to his parish. He thought, however, that, in most cases where a man was so circumstanced, he would not be so destitute of friends as to be obliged to go back. Another ob jection was, that persons who did not belong to the parish generally turned out to be the best labourers, and there fore that they ought not to be removed. What he pro posed was, that every one should follow the settlement of his parents till he was sixteen years of age, and then that he should have recourse to his own, which was to be the place of his birth. (Hear, hear.) For his own part he had seen quite as good labourers who were natives of the parish as those who were not. He knew, however, that the contrary theory prevailed ; but even admitting it to be correct, he still thought that no man would be deterred from employing a man who might be useful to him from any_ apprehension of his ultimately becoming burdensome. The advantages of fixing settle ment by birth counterbalanced all others. It was a mate rial point to give freedom of action to the labouring man, without being bound to him for a term of fifty-one years ; and he thought that this mode would have the effect of diminishing litigation. Another alteration he proposed was that, in all cases of removal, notice should be served upon the overseers of the parish to which the individual was to be removed, with a view that an appeal might be made, should that course be judged expedient. He pro posed that when any such appeal was made the party should not be at liberty to plead any thing except what was contained in the notice. In this way removals would frequently be avoided, 'and notices of appeal might be abandoned altogether. If parishes should unite for the purpose of fixing settlements, in that case also the number of removals would be diminished. There was another subject upon which he had hitherto felt some difficulty in proposing any change, though quite convinced that a change ought to take place. Now, however, that he was called upon to pronounce his opinion in reference to the measure before the house, he would not hesitate to state that an alteration was most necessary. The subject he alluded to was the law respecting illegitimate children. (Cheers.) He would not hesitate to say that the present law, by imprisoning some of the finest young men in the country, had the effects of totally demo ralising their habits. The state of the law was such, that if any woman chose to swear before a Magistrate that she was pregnant, the person against whom she swore was im prisoned till he found security for all expenses. Now, when it was seen how difficult a thing it was for a labour ing man to provide himself with security, it could not be considered a matter of surprise that he should often be kept in prison for five or six months and that too among characters of the very wor s t desciption. He proposed that though the woman should not be imprisoned, she should still be liable to the support of her child in the same manner as if she was a widow. It was proved that the law, as it now stood, gave rise to the greatest immora lity throughout the country ; and he was persuaded that the proposed alteration, so far from being prejudicial to the interests of society, would, on the contrary, be of the highest advantage. He had now only to observe, in refer ence to the whole measure for effecting an alteration in the poor laws, that in bringing it forward he was aware that his colleagues and himself might be exposed to much decla mation and calumny. It might be said that they were opposed to the interest of the labourer. So far, however, from this being the fact, he would say that should the measure prove successful, it would confer up& the labourer the greatest possible benefit. It would restore him to what he once was, and rescue him from the condition of a pauperised slave. (Cheers.) He was sure that the la bourer must be aware that the effect of the present system was to reduce the amount of wages. It was desirable that labourers should be paid not on account of their children, but on account of their work. At present no dis tinction was made between the good and bad ; all were plaeed upon the same level. It was said they ought not to punish poverty or make it a crime. In this he entirely agreed, but they could not prevent poverty from being considered a misfortune. In this measure they were not giving any misfortune to the objectt of their care, but, if misfortune it was, ext en di ng i t to others. He sh ould now move for leave to bring in a bill to alter and amend the laws relating to the relief of the poor in England, and Wales. The noble lord sat down, amidst loud cheers from both sides of the house. Mr. RICHARDS said he gave the noble lord credit for his good intentions, but he had not taken a large and com prehensive view of the subject. The noble lord blamed the administration of the law, but had not sa id one wor d against the principle on which it was founded. He (Mr. Richards) attributed all the evils of the country to the alternations of prosperity and adversity, which it had so long experienced. The change in the currency was one main cause of those alternations. He had hoped that some allusion would be made in the speech of the noble lord to the state of the poor of Ireland, but he had not said one word on the subject. No change in the system of poor laws in England could remedy the evils resulting from the influx of Irish paupers into this country. He had not an idea that the question of poor laws would have been brought before the house on the present occasion, and he was therefore unprepared to meet it in a manner satisfactory to himself. In the meantime he could only protest against the adoption of any remedial measures which were not extended over the whole empire, as no other scheme would be found productive of relief. Mr. STRICKLAND complimented the noble lord on the impressive and forcible manner in which he had intro duced this subject to the house, and said that the measure which was now before them would form a new era in the happiness and prosperity of the working classes, and also of the whole landed and moneyedinterests of the kingdom. The house seemed to be emerging now from a state of darkness and disorder, and, for the first time, some light appeared to have been shed upon the course which they ought to pur sue upon this momentous subject. He consida red the country to be deeply indebted to government for having taken this matter up, and no less beholden to the Poor Law Commissioners, whose labours had been marked by such as siduity and intelligence. He differed entirely with the hon. member who spoke last as to the Irish poor laws, and considered the noble lord had acted perfectly right in not mixing up the question of English poor laws with that of Ireland, as it was most necessary and important that the wants of the English people should first be attended to, and their poor law settled, in order that some means might exist to form a guide for their steps with respect to Ireland. Let, therefore, the matter as now developed be proceeded in, and he would willingly give the government all the as sistance in his power. Colonel TORRENS also congratulated the hotse upon the efficient and satisfactory manner in which the noble lord had discharged the important duty which had devolved upon him. He had heard with intense pleasure the decla ration of the noble lord, that the system of poor laws about to be enforced was not so much intended for the advantage of the landholder and the capitalist as for the poor labour ing classes themselves, for that alone was the only sound view which the noble lord could have taken of the subject. He hailed the change as one of the most wholesome that had been propounded since he had been engaged in public affairs, and looked upon it as calculated to effect great good in every possible way • those who opposed it, however they might profess to be the friends of the people, were not their friends, but their bitterest enemies. He would hereafter enter more fully upon the subject. Mr. E. L. BULWER said that during the course of the preceding session he had devoted much attention to the important subject which now occupied the attention of the house, and it was somewhat extraordinary that he had formed a scheme for the amelioration of the poor laws, which was so similar to those now propounded by the noble iprd, as to be nearly identified with it. (Hear.) The system which was now proposed had long been enforced in the United States, where, however, the poor laws were a considerable time in making their way, and he could only state, as a fact for the guidance of the house, that in all those States of the United Provinces where the workhouse discipline was enforced, the system of poor laws was found to be admirably effective for their purpose of restraining idleness and pauperism ; but that in those States where that discipline was neglected, the poor rates were very high, and pauperism very much extended. He begged, in conclusion, to express his congratulations to the house and to the noble lord for the admirable manner in which he had lie t f extended as o t o f brought the question forward. o Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY said that he was not dis posed to give his unqualified consent to the measure as now proposed by the noble lord, for he was of opinion that the until the house made it a am r laws would never be established on a right basis law that t a terof right the relief paupers was not so m uch charity, and, in conformity to that principle, to suffer each parish to assess itself according to the extent to which it might be deemed necessary to answer the demands of cha rity. As to the proposed alteration of the bastardy laws, he was totally averse to it, because he was of opinion that, so far from repressing the production of illegitimate chil dren, their number would be very much increased by it ; for he believed that the principal reason why young men were deterred from forming illicit connection with women was the fear of being made to support their offspring ; and thus the noble lord's alteration would be holding out a pre mium to vice and libertinage. With these two exceptions, he was disposed to think the measure a salutary substitute for the present wretchedly-inefficient system of poor laws, and he should, to the extent he had named, support it. Mr. HUME said that he was sorry to hear his hon. friend below him express his disapprobation of the points to which he had referred of the noble lord's proposed mea sure, because in his opinion the principal benefit to be de rived from it was the uniformity of poor rates, which would thereby be levied all over the kingdom, and the overseers would also be enabled to deal with the sturdy paupers who now caused them so much trouble, with their threats of doing this thing and that, by holding over them the autho rity of an act of the legislature. He disagreed also with his hon. friend upon the subject of the alteration in the bastardy laws ; indeed he was surprised to hear his hon. friend say that young men were at present deterred from getting (A laugh) he did not mean that. (Another laugh.) Let young women know the responsibilities which they incurred by any act of folly, and they would take pretty good care to avoid any results. At present the law of bastardy was a matter of trade with some women, for there were many who had acquired a very good income by their exertions in that way ; the greater the number the greater being the advantage. Look at the operation of the law of Scotland for a proof. Now the same law would work here. There the mother has to support her own offspring, and seldom indeed was it that a second child made its appear ance. The alarm, therefore, of the hon. member was un founded, and he trusted that, as he had expressed his ap probation of the other parts of the measure, he would re consider his opinion upon these two points, and give the government his uniform support upon this valuable and well-timed measure. (Hear, and cheers. ) Mr. HARDY approved of the measure in general, but thought some alteration might be made for bettering the laws relating to settlement. Colonel WOOD said that in his opinion the present measure would have the beneficial effect of enabling the labourer to bring his only produce, viz., his labour—un shackled into the market, and that consideration alone would induce him to support it. He begged to impress upon the house the necessity for discussing this important question, divested of all party feelings, and to show thereby that they were unanimous in their desires to ameliorate the condition of the lower orders. He trusted that every labourer would now be paid by his master, and that no part of his wages would be raised out of the poor rates. He trusted also that the government would, when there was a surplus of labourers in any particular district or parish, grant every facility in their power to persons who were willing to emigrate to our colonies. He concurred heartily in the proposed alteration of the bastardy laws, not so much on account of the male sex as the other sex, who claimed more immediately their protection. The present system was not only useless in itself, but calculated to do much mis chief. Parish-officers, for instance, who hunted out unfor tunate females, and b roug ht th em before a magistrate, de stroyed any little sense of shame or modesty left in them. He congratulated his Majesty's ministers on bringing for ward such a comprehensive and judicious measure, and would offer only one suggestion. He thought it would be more expedient to divide the bill, and bring forward that part of it which was unexceptionable this session, and leave the other part either for an ensuing session, or at least introduce it in a separate bill. Mr. WARD expressed his concurrence in the plan of the noble lord, and particularly in that part of it which re- lated to workhouses. That system had been tried in a district with which he was acquainted, and had been qnite successful, Sir T. FREMANTLE expressed his thanks to the no ble lord for grappling with so difficult a subject. He must, at the same time, say that some parts of the plan were founded on theory, and however feasible they might ap pear, no small difficulties would arise in putting them in practice. The establishment of a central board he consi dered highly judicious. It was founded on sound princi ples, and he trusted would meet with general approbation. Magistrates, he knew from experience, incurred great re sponsibility in the administration of the poor laws, and though he should be happy to get rid of that responsibility still he should be most happy to render every assistance, and also to take his share of responsibility in carrying the measure into effect. It had long been his opinion that the overseers and vestries were not competent for the manage, ment of the poor rates, and he was, ilirefore, glad to find that other persons were to be appointed to perform a duty so responsible and so difficult. He trusted that the plan would put an end to allowances to labourers out of the poor rates, and that they would be paid by the farmers alone. He was glad to see that a board was to be ap pointed to control and superintend the inmates of worlc houses. The present system only encouraged profligacy , and had totally failed of its original purpose. He hoped the noble lord would introduce a clause in the bill by which parish accounts might be regularly audited. At p re sent there were no auditors of these accounts. They . were, it was true, laid before the Quarter Sessions, but in most instances too late for any check, either on negligence or malversation. Mr. SLANEY expressed his concurrence in the mea sure, and particularly in that part of it which did away with allowances to able-bodiedlabourers out of theme oor rwaast e s. not t The hec b a s e e s t n l o a w b o . u r oughte T r hem e as t u o r b e e , itnh theihis best opi p n a i i o d n , not be called an experiment ; it was only a return to the old laws for the management of the poor rates. He re gretted that the noble lord had not introduced a clause by which the owner, and not the occupier of small tenements 1 as now, should be liable for the parish rates ; that was el le of the recommendations of the commissioners, and he thought it should have been adopted. some measure eTasOnWreEfoßrSthheocpneldtivtahteionnobolfewlaosrtde lands,NVould introduce give work to surplus labourers, in place of forcing them emigrate. Mr. CRIPPS also expressed a wish that the rates ? , e, small tenements should be paid by the owner, and the tenant. Mr. ESTCOURT did not concur in the plan of tl: e e noble lord relative to the proposed law of settlement. !vi thought birth alone was not sufficient. If a person, for in thought born in London, purchased a property in t country, and afterwards became unfortunate, it would be a great hardship to compel him to apply at the placetobsrodech' be birth for a settlement. He thought settlement should fixed not only by birth, but also by possession of propert) . " After a few words from Mr. P. SCROPE, Lord ALTHORP expressed his thanks to the gentlemen not by who had addressed the house, for their favourable receptieelj 'of the measure. The hon. member for Marylebone hop that the commissioners would not interfere with well relit' lated parishes. He hoped so too. They would only folloW the good example, and there could therefore be no aPP r t e ; hension of any interference. In reply to a question 1) 0 .4 the last speaker, he would state that there would be ass is t' commissioners to co-operate with the country and cen'",.,, boards, and that there would be no occasion to continue magistrates the power of ordering relief to the poor. In cases where parishes were small , , they would be joine d , : t larger parishes, so that there would be no district with'''. a workhouse. In answer to a question from Mr. BARING, t° Lord ALTHORP said he had offered no opposi tion the Labour Rate Bill, because he looked on it only as s r temporary measure till an alteration was made in the f o r. laws ; but now that it was likely to be effected , the,' would be no occasion for such a bill._(Hear.) In answer to a question from an HOw. MistßEß,. to . Lord ALTHORP said that it was not his inteutionthe invest the central board with a power of compelling into erection of workhouses. When the measure can fg , operation he felt sanguine that it would work m ost ciently. There would be a recommendation to those. r i la rishes in which there were no workhouses either to IP or to hire them. (Hear.) ore After a few observations from Mr. WYNN, whic h inaudible in the gallery, lin of Sir CHARLES BURRELL said he trusted the P — be the noble lord would be attended with all the beneftso. anticipated. But he thought that plan would be verL a os terially assisted if the noble lord would devise some ice f r by which the different parishes would be enabled t ° Th a t employment to their extra labourers in any mamee r , for the parishes might deem most advantageous. (Hear'. ' bas ed his own part he would steadfastly oppose any plan ide d s upon the principle of coercion, unless it also pro means of giving employment to the poor. (Hear.) io I The question was then put and leave given to bri 5 the bill. RIGHT OF ADMISSION TO ENGLISH o W hr O in O g D in w a as hi u ll nd ,, e t r o st leave to UNIVERSITIES. the right of admission to the English universities,: their equal eligibility to degrees therein, notwithstanding, at,_., diversities of religious opinions, degrees in divinity. Trio_ excepted." The hon. member said that he s hould, L n i , he duce his motion as an amendment to a m otion cm' ~,e understood would be brought before the house in of the evening. GAME LAWS. to Mr. LENNARD said that, in rising to ask leave 2d s bring in a bill to repeal sec. 7 and sec. 8, of I T w s), William IV., chap. 32 (Amendment of the Game J' a x i o as and also part of sec. 30, of the same act, he was a P ee , of to give the house an opportunity of correcting _a.nPel that grant to hstispollnleajhesisty7;°stuibiTedfc°o4 \ very great injustice. The hon. member comp lai ain a_`• nd _ the act to which his motion referred had, instead of e e th an ing the game laws, rendered them infinitely wors e act a they were before. Previously to the passingof that he occu man had a right to kill game upon the land which were $ pied. (Oh, oh.) Most certainly he had—if he t o _ . _, properly qualified person. (H ear ' )• But a d the gave tof ltare session took the right from the occupier n g . a. , held e b , a leas 4 landlord. (Hear, hear-) Even if a man ) t kill the game ; while _I!, of three lives he could not land and itu landowner had a right to come in upon his 0 ._.. the game. This right the landowner had not previ utl. Was that, n' to the passing of the act of last session. the con. - would ask, proper or right ? (Hear, hear.) He did the bill. (Hear.) be en 1 Mr. HUME said that when the bill which had ..5 anticipate any opposition to his getting leave to bring lv fl oc , referred to was brought down to the House of Co _ __,,.. with the additional clauses added in the House of .t z , ,o , '; he had recommended the rejection of the entire bin ..h a, account of the very great injustice of agreeing to st; be clause. The House of Lords, he thought, ought At alt ashamed of themselves. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) itt, events, the clause whi c h th e y h a d added, he thytc'tbe ought to be repealed, and he would therefore s u pP e" motion of the hon. member. (Hear.) o f the Colonel WOOD, notwithstanding the observation at , t he hon. member who had just sat down, regretted T e l had motion had been brought forward. The clause wbi being, been complained of affected very few leases then in r ight and those who held under leases since made had, fi b ° a fu ll I k to now co l m edg pl e ain a , b th ec e au e s x e ist t e h n e ee le o as f e t s he we l r a e ws mad ( e g s e c a i tr t h ; . b r e: iii: •: e He thought the changes which had been made in laws were very beneficial, and he was averse to hr: d lsst in a bill this year to amend a law which was P,a s s s e osio l ' year. He also thought it unadvisable to open a t a r.) upon the subject year after year in that house. ( m er e a" Mr. CRIPPS made some observations which audible in the gallery. 0 1 Le s be 1 , Lord ALTHORP was understood to say that " r tsia. ) it not oppose the proposition of his hon. friend. It tune,' never could have been the intention of the Leg is. ,,, a n ow_ A e. „ passing the Game Act, to give the landlord any n e- sio", : in respect to game. He thought it fair that some o n should be given to the tenants in the present inst' - o n tP" far as to put them in the same position as they were , passing of the Game ill. 01 `' Coloneltrustd that the hon. gentleman i 0 es.,, 5 e confine the operation of his bill to the case of t hose which existed before the passing of the Game l3ill' , Mr. LENNARD stated that this was his objee' e d o ut Mr. AGLIONBY said that the house was call ~,,, t not to consider the general question of the game 1 , 3 :;10 e . „ 11 precise to ri el d lc e ids c ie i d d p e our w r p l d i t: e dr t t h no e of r tv,, t h t:h e kic 7 eh t ha didws e a c yn t section of hr o et f sa t c h wh e hui G :i a i tmi hadieeAee 0 pi-' ,r th e viously enjoyed in respect to leases. r..El 4 ' . ' 5 After a few words from Sir FRANCIS VlN''' tion agreed to. 'cit DISSENTERS' DISABILITIE S. o f SCh ' 0 Colonel WILLIAMS rose to make the motio o .,, o ell t ili he had given notice relative to the admission of " tha t 0. I ,' • i to take degrees in the Universities. He sai d ' f ;aclioi - a l l the permission of the house he would comm ence 'ft °. hi: motion, which was to the following effect :"'" es ting or hUmble address be presented to the King, 04 ; 1 6 es a 00 Majesty to signify his pleasure to the Unive r '" hodie l s oti, , I ford and Cambridge, respectively that th°_„, se es L , ' 1 , 1 - 4 . i longer act under the Edicts or Letters of Jaw; in s c " ° i ' th :, ' by which he would have all that took any deg r r ; e n on ;, itv ; to subscribe to the three articles' of the 36th `-" pivu l te - ga -,; the exception of those proceeding to degrees or a° n ttiel' ' nor to require the declaration, namely, th a " r ail "The, .fide a member of the church of England ;' n . „, ° r t. , der eo subscription or declaration of like effect and iitt: e ons' the hon. and gallant gentleman proceeded to say , r at ed bY fie that this question had been something comPaubjecto Is' previous debates which had taken place on the ' ea red ',, e ir would endeavour to simplify it. To him it arPios %b.) merely whether our ancestors who passed thr ee (A la7ight tury and a half ago were wiser than ourselves.and the The hon. baronet, the member for Banbury, or 0 1 1 1 10 1 I.on. gentleman, the Secretary of the Treatl ee t, s' o e. Rice), had, in the previous debates on this sti l e i r , wh ich some interesting illustrations of his prEsett Vete/l e a a t)! the First, the author of the E4ictS and th e pr o s s o oo°' were the subject of his (COliMel Williams'q on e•stor'i 1 dress to the drown, was the author] of a so t ; ~r alle l ive, i logy. As another proof of the fallibility ()Ur' w ho u ' ite , t l lin the reign of Eliiabeth, - and wh?, t hat ell ' in en" ate surely he ' might state that a great philosopllwe'L oe eo iv ' i ,, !, I the " wisest of • mankind (Bacon), they I individual believed in witches, and tha t t a ge, s n o t° dto th a • •g he i flesh. If such errors as these belonge exoninn oat 1 I , they ought not to be deterred froln d. A r nonr, ts, the lacts dating their origin from that • other errors of the time, he would num beg to get r,, l ic ief' Imischievous power of which he now PrOT t •_ n ine a r ' oilf he meant those imposing as tests the ho rn . y et be c 0.,: ' and other matters. Those subscriptionesd n for churcho_etit„), known to have been originally intend __ not definite, ' t end art.c.e feiociet for a length of time, very wisely, they 7, anti ale of every man taking a degree. The a . e wo pot in AO thirty-sixth canon clearly proved that it h t those se- :1 this test should ever be imposed on anY, t o t h e boo!_ e d 0 Pell % r the a' •,10f ; ordination. He would read that articten(aof orde r co n' " That the book of Common Prayer , 1 a: i it nothing; be bishops, priests, and deacons, contatneth ii .a. 01 1,. _,,, Crary to the word of God, and that it may .n l ~.e 1 " 5 01 , be t ii i , used, and that he himself will use, the form . 1 r" tration °f 01 original in sacraments, and none other." .A 9 to the prescribed in the public prayer and a dminis . tell I