The Sun. — London, England, 1831-05-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. •• The French Journals, which seem to practice suc : cessfully the motto of Lord Bacon—" aut viam in veniam aut faciam" (we shall either find news or make them)—have got hold of a story of an ap proaching European Congress. This splendid novelty has become the subject of warm disputa tion, and will be kept in the air, like a shuttlecock, by the dexterity of the contending parties, till the public get tired of the sport, or some fresher vagary comes to occupy its attention. Congresses in time of peace, and without any new territorial interests to arrange, are now out of fashion ; an d, as Na p oleon said of the title of Marquis, in Moliere's comedies, have been rendered " too ridiculous" to be revived. We shall henceforward, most probably, see plenty of conferences and protocols, but we shall hear no more of a general Congress till after a general war, when we shall have conquests to dispose of, crowns to distribute, or limits to settle. The last of the stock, which proclaimed its principles and issued its awards from Verona, has been buried in the grave of the Holy Alliance; and civilization would be for ever disgraced if it again permitted such a pre tended amphyctionic council,—at the head of which was the most barbarous power of Europe, —to dic tate Constitutions or systems of government to the rest, tied to exercise its high police over more en lightened States. We may, therefOre, take it for granted that there will be no question of political principles or systems of Government at any future Congress. Indeed, in the present instance, a Con gress to settle these points would be much more ridiculous than the Council of Trent, in its en delvour to draw tip a creed for Catholics and Pro testants. The new faith of the sovereignty of the people, which would be preached by the French representative at its first meeting, would so con found the divine.right portion of its members, as to break tip the conference. If, then, negotiations for the settlement of points of political doctrine are out of the question, what material interests would the Congress have to be arranged, that cannot be ar ranged through the medium of a separate despatch, a Government courier, and a common ambassa dor ? There has, happily, been of late no war in which any considerable number of the great Powers are interested, and no conquest has been made which any of them disputes. Algiers is an affair which may be safely left to be settled between Eng land and France; the Belgic question has been dis posed of by the conferences of London, as far as it can be disposed of short of war; and the inde pendence of Poland can be as well secured by the undaunted bravery of its inhabitants, and the ener getic remonstrances of the civilized Powers of Europe, separately, as if the latter, met at Con gress, were to send a round-robin to the Emperor Nicholas from Aix-la-Chapelle, or some central town in Germany or Fiance. But the same rumour which gives us the European Congress, likewise informs us of its presumed object--it is, to vote a general disarming of the great Powers, and a return to a general peace establishment. Of all chimeras in the world, this is the least likely to be realized at the present moment, or through the labours of such a meeting. If strong declarations of peace ful dispositions and solemn renunciations of am bitious views could effect this object, the armies of the great Powers would be instantly dis banded, and a Congress could do no more than register in its rrotocol or manifesto such pledges ofpeace. If the Powers could trust each other in a combined council, they would trust each other separately. But how can Russia, which has found occupation for all her force in the war with Poland, and which daily sees the circle of insurrection ex tending, be expected to disband any portion of her trove to save the finances or to restore the confi dence of her neighbours? ('an Austria disarm, with Italy just overpowered, and ready to rise whenever her troops should repass the Alps ? Can Prussia, trembling for her Rhenish, Saxon, and Polish pro vinces, be expected to weaken the bristliag line of bayonets with which she encircles her scattered do minions, and binds them to her old insignificant electorate of Brandenburgh ? Unless a Congress could work miracles of confidence in the Sovereigns of these States, and of contentment and loyalty in their subjects, it could not be expected that it could induce them immediately to disarm. The motives for diminished military establishments arising from their pressure on the resources of the people, arid the difficulty of procuring money to maintain them, would be sufficiently strong without mutual pledges among the States, could Governments think them selves secure without troops. Two or three Joseph Humes in their councils or legislative assem blies (where they have them) would be as effective as the resolves of a European Congress. It is no doubt distressing to witness the working classes all over the Continent oppressed with taxes to main am great standing armies,--to see France obliged nearly to double the budget under free institutions which supported her establishments under the Bour bonso—to hear her Ministers boast as an item in her happiness that she has so many hundreds of thou sands of men in arms, and to observe tha' she must support for some time longer all the burdens with out the glory of a war; but no Congress could add more weight to her motives for disarming, or yield her more certain assurances of security when dis armed, than she has at present. Such a diplomatic meeting would only furnish opportunities for in trigue,—excite hopes that would certainly be disap pointed, or lead to a more speedy crisis of misun derstanding and hostilities. When it shall effect any good in establishing concord, removing jea lousies, or reducing military establishments, the mil lennium may be regarded as not far distant.-7'intes. We have received an account of Sir Robert Peel's annual dinner, at Tamworth. So far as politics are concerned, there is nothing in the proceedings with which we should have a right particularly to quarrel, if Sir Robert were not quarrelling with himself.— He may rejoice in the return of his brother for the University of Cambridge we doubt whether the Univer&ty now does as much. As a proof of affec tionate regard also subsisting between the borough of Tamworth and the representatives of the chief family connected with it, the dinner may do honour to all the parties : we can have nothing to urge against the utterance of such feelings. But let Sir Robert and his independent electors compare his language on this occasion with that burst of eurbu lent expression which he made on the dissolution of Parliament. Now "He proposes the King's health, and God bless him." We should not have been sur prised if he had even given, " His Majesty's Minis ters, and God bless them !" Then he excla;med, that it had ceased to be an object of fide ambition with any man of equal and consistent mind to enter into the service of the Crown !"—Times. The Northamptonshire election continues still, and that without any decline of spirit. We refer our readers to a very interesting account from our own reporter. There can be, we think, no doubt a: to the result. With respect to our Correspondent from Towcester, he must allow us to serve the cause In th e b eet way we can ; encouragement,—by reproach ley example. Let them look to the proceedin gs of Edinburgh. The mode of voting there is somewhat different from that in Northamp tonshire. The unions which have the of one of the corporate right of voting had directed their delegate to vote fur the Lord Advocate (Mr. Jeffrey) : the delegate, his duty and in. suiting his constituency, thou g ht t u rger to vote for Mr. Dundas, in consequence of hea )vas with vast promptitude displaced from his hit herto able station I and his conduct proteste d a dvertisement ; and this in Edinburgh too. hat, then, ought we to expect f rom the English county of Northampton ? To say the truth of the Tories, we give them credit for some resos lution, and more especially when we consider what w.9tild be the consequencee to them and to the country, if they should be cursed with success. But, in fact, they know they shall be beaten, and therefore think it necessary for their character to snake a show of fighting,—to " die game." And if this he the .case, then is it evident that the Reforniers.have only mock enemies, make belief antagonists, to contend with : surely they will not be beaten by such. In point of fact, the great battle is already won. In Ireland, certainly, there are disputes at elections, and sometimes personalities which had better be avoided. But whoever recol lects that the state of Ireland, and the danger re sulting from the excitement of a general election there, were alleged as causes against the recent dis solution, will now see the futility of those fears which it was attempted to excite, and by that attempt rt imposition will learn to appreciate the other state ments of the Anti-Reforming party. By the way, it is curious that the only victory which the party have gained in Ireland, is in the wretched town of Drogheda, and that the conqueror is worthy of the victory, being a sort of Bartlemy-fair orator, who can say as much "on a riband as on a Raphael ;" but though this talent is excellent in an auctioneer, or a poll-booth declaimer, it is not all that is wanted in a statesman. And yet his party seem to be sa ti,fied. To be sure, they have not many better flint.— Times. The Pitt Club dinner is to be celebrated in Lon don on Saturday, the 28th instant, Lord Harewood in the chair. The Pitt Clubs have formerly done the State good service. They were formed origi nally out of respect to Mr. Pitt; they afterwards became the rallying points for the preservation of our laws, our liberties, and our religion, through the different counties in England. Let them be reor ganized through the country—let every man who has heart and sense enough to value our present insti tutions, and who at the same time has sagacity enough to foresee the imminent danger they are now in, come forward and unite himself to one of these clubs—let the metropolitan meeting on the 2SII be the signal for their revival through the land—let every man who has virtue and courage enough in these times to he a real patriot, exert him self in promoting the reconstruction of these clubs. The meeting in London is expected to he unex ampled in point of numbers, station, wealth, and intelligence. The crisis at which it will be held is an awful one. Let the fundholder, the clergyman, the Peer, the Member of the House of Commons, the merchant, the agriculturist, the colonial pro prietor—let every man who has reflection enough to see that the principle on which all property is held is gone for ever, if the whole Bill passes, step forth and join these clubs—let the meeting in London convey to England this important fact, that, stifled as the voice of the opponents of the Bill has been by outrage, falsehood, and misrepresentation, at the elections, there is a conservative principle still alive in London, which, through good report and evil re port, remains steady to t e laws, the liberties, and the religion, in which they have been bred up.— illorning Post. Wherever there has been a contested election, the great majority of the respectable voters have been found proudly arrayed on the side of the Constitution ; whilst the revolutionists, as amatter equally ofcourse, followed in the train of the radical candidates. In no instance has this truth been more strikingly dis• played than in that of the Huntingdon county election, particularly on the occasion of the chairing of the Members. Lord Mandeville's procession was attended by almost the whole of the gentlemen of the county, and the cheering which accompanied its progress was fer its warmth and enthusiasm unex• ampled on any similar occasion; whilst that of Mr. Rooper was attended only by persons of the lowest order (his attorney and clerk excepted), the whole presenting a dark and dismal picture of radical cha• racter and revolutionary design.—Morning Post. The people may at this moment he said to be di vided into three classes—the advocates of things as they are—of things as they ought to be—and of things as they (night not to be. By the first we mean those who, benefitting by the borough system, naturally enough wish for its continuance—the se cond, those who are anxious to see its abuses reme died by means of a timely and salutary Reform— and the third, those inconsiderate and wicked per sons who lock to a subversion of existing institu tions as a blessing, from which they, in the scramble, may obtain some undefinable and uncertain good. The second class is that to which all rational and independent persons will naturally attach them selves. The chance of the first is entirely gone by. It is against unconsciously aiding the views of the third that we would anxiously caution all honest men of all persuasions. There never was a time when the old rule, that " the middle course is the safest," came so forciVy home to the breasts of all reasonable people; or, in other words, when it was so essential that the honest Reformer should have de fined views upon the subject, in the accomplishment of which lie should firmly determine neither on the one hand to relax, or, on the other, to ex ceed. And this is the more necessary at a time when, triumphant as the cause of Reform is, it is, . . nevertheless, ate have no doubt, deprived of the sup port of many of those who would be among its most valuable and influential adherents by an apprehen sion, common to many such persons, that there is a party (that third class which we have already desig nated) whose aim it is to take advantage of the door of Reform being opened, to enter and never to close the doors till the whole interior of the constitutional edifice has been glutted and deAtroyed. Now, how ever numerous such persons may be (and it is evi dently more safe to over-rate than under-value their strength), they bear no sort of comparison, either in number or importance, to those whose wishes for Reform are prompted by a sense of its overwhelming necessity, and are bounded by those limits and land marks which the Constitution of their country has so clearly defined. When, therefore, we see the state of exasperation to which men's minds are en deavoured to be brought when a calm and sound judgment i 4 most of all called for—when we see the wretched attempts which are made to induce the people, as it were, " to run a muck" at all who may not happen to agree with them—we cannot but condemn those who have recourse to such expedients as the most bitter enemies of the true cause of Reform, the ranks of whose most for midable opponents are increased by the pretended zeal of its indiscreet or insincere and designing friends. Against this double danger then we would earnestly caution all the true friends of Reform—a danger which converts its most boisterous into its fature enemies. It is the nature of the quiet and ~..,._ .....,....___ _ respectable class of the community to whom we al lude to withdraw themselves in silence from the turmoil and bustle of party contests. The present, however, is not a contest of that character. It is not a question now whether this or that Minister shall be at the head of affairs. The rein question is, whether that which is intended for the general good shall be allowed to attain its object; or whether its end shall be defeated by machinations of enemies on the one hand, and deceitful friends on the other; but which machinations themselves may, and we trust will, be defeated by the earnest and sincere union of steady P r eformers —llTorning Herald. Without alluding to any particular instance, we are persuaded that our readers cannot have observed without pain the numerous occasions we have lately had to record instances of deplorable want, in some followed by actual death, occurring through the neglect or cold-hearted ind , fference of parish officers, (-low much these melancholy instances of human suflarieg would be increased, were it not for the ac tive agency of private benevolence, we need hardly point out ; but that such instances should exist at elA n and that m ore e specially in an eplightened and r metropolis, is 4 scandal both upon the law and its orgttns ; which persons in authority ought to adopt decisive Me4sures to put an end to. The evil, we believe, is in a great measure owing to the teal-administraticia of the poor laws under Mr. Sturges Bourne's Act, and to the irresponsible power which too many local Acts assign to parochial boards, composed of persons who, however respect able themselves, too often transfer their authority to cold and ignorant agents, who are not unfrequently considered most fit for their office in proportion as they are exempt from the troublesome and ex pensive feelings of humanity. But, whatever may be the cause, the effect stares us too forcibly and too frequently in the face, not to call at once both for stung animadversion and a speedy remedy. If Coroners and their Juries sometimes did their duty w th a little more earnestness, their verdicts might infuse some degree of fear and caution into persons who at present seem hardened in brutality by too great a chance of its escaping not only with impu nity, but often almost without observation. lhe public At large, however, it is quite clear, are no parties to the fault, pros indifferent listeners to the cases which come before them, as may be seen by the promptness with which individual charity steps in to heal the wounds which the official want of it has inflicted ; and we only hope that, if such cases occur again, persons in authority, taking the tone from public feeling, will make some rigid examples of those by whose wilfulness or negligence- such scenes of human suffering have been produced or aggravated.—Morning Herald. In another column our readers will find an account of Sir Robert Peel's dinner, at Tamworth, on Wed nesday last. Whether Sir Robert speaks at Tam worth or Westminster, he is a man of too much consequence not to be attended to. There is a say ing, that if we throw up a feather, we shall know which way the wind blows. If we wish to know what is now passing in the minds of the late Anti- Reformers, we must not consult some Emeritus, who, seeing his political career closed, consoles him self for the absence of the hope of future importance, with the idea of an equivalent in the honour to be paid to his unshaken consistency; but a politician who takes up and lays down principles with less scruple. Sir Robert is not of an age at which men who have tasted of power willingly renounce the fascinations of ambition. Notwithstanding, there fore, the violence of the Right Hon. Baronet on the day of the prorogation, we knew that he would come round in good time. We knew that the elections would make the right sort of impression on him. Accordingly, in his various speeches to his consti tuents of Tamworth (for he had nearly all the speechifying, having to return thanks not only for himself, but for Lady Peel, Mr. William Peel, Mr. Edmund Peel, &c.), we find him preparing to throw the old Constitution overboard, and to make the most of the terrible revolution which has taken place. " Gentlemen (said he), the chief lesson I have learnt in public life is toleration.—(Cheers.) While I claim the right of thinking and speaking on all politi cal subjects as my judgment shall dictate, I honour and respect the man, who, from conviction, in the exercise of the same sight, differs from me." This is a promising beginning. The trying scene, how ever, was when Mr. Woolley proposed Mr. William Peel, who " had recently been returned for the University of Cambridge by a most triumphant ma jority." The triumph of Mr. William Peel was the triumph of implacable hostility to all Reform, sod the Rev. Mr. Woolley, no doubt, imagined that the spirit of Cambridge would shine forth in Sir Robert in all its glory—that he would vow, on the altar of his country, a determination to die in his last ditch for the rotten boroughs, that essential and most valuable part of the English Constitution. But the Right Hon. Baronet's politics are of a more accom modating cast. " Two brothers (he coolly observed) had represented both Universities. Mr. W. Peel was now elected as one of the representatives for Cambridge, for maintaining opinions at variance with the Government; while he (S:r R.) lost his seat for Oxford, the highest and most distinguished object of his ambition, because he advocated a mea sure which, at that time, he conscientiously believed :0 be essential to the best interests of the state. —(Cheers.) Ile (Sir Robe)t) had never been the decided supporter of any band of parti sans; but had always thought it much better to look steadily at the political circumstances of the times in which they lived; and if necesiilics wewe so pressing as to demand it, there was no dis honour or discredit in relinquishing opinions or mea sures, and adopting others more suited to Me altered' circumstances of the countiy. For this course of proceeding he had been censured by opposite parties, by those who, upon all occasions, thought no changes were required, as well as those who, in his opinion, were the advocates of too violent and sudden inno vations." It is sometimes much easier to justify a change of opinion, than to justify the embracing the opinion changed. The great error of Sir Robert Peel was—not the conceding of the Catholic claims—but in having so long refused to concede thern The well-known saying of an ancient philo sopher, to a youth who blushed on being seen issuing from an abode of vice, that he ought not to blush at being seen coining out, but at the having gone in, is apposite in the case of Sir Robust. He was, no doubt, sincere in believing that the Test and Corporation Laws might be repealed without danger to the State; but it was generally thought the opinions he avowed on that question, two or three days before be avowed this conviction, were not sincere. He was perfectly sincere in the belief that justice and policy demanded the conces sion of the Catholic claims; but he was thought insincere in the opinions he so long, and so pertina ciously avowed on this question, till within a few days of the determination of the Duke of Wellington to give way. There is a danger in playing too m!ich with principles. But let us hear Sir Robert's jus tification of this versatility. " He held it to be im possible for any Statesman to adopt one fixed line of policy under al circumstances ; anti the only question with him, when he departed from that line, should be, am I actuated by any interested or sinister motive ; or do I consider the measures I contemplate called for by the circumstances and ne cessities of the country 1 1 —(Loud cheers.)—But this justification applies to the change, rattier than the original adoption of opinions and principles. A man should not rashly adopt opinions, or make a stalking-horse of them to gain place, merely because be can conscientiously change them when the neces sities of the country render it necessary. Pertinacity in error is no doubt highly reprehensible; but a constant sincerity is preferable to the preparation for future candour by previous hypocrisy. Now if Sir R. Peel will only employ a ]:tile of his candour' in the task of self-examination, he will see that he has given some grounds for the reputation for insin cerity which he has acquired. There are several goods points about Sir Robert. As an Administra tor, from the time of his Irish Secretaryship to his last quitting the seals of office, he is allowed to have been impartial and incorrupt. His appointments were generally more governed by fitness for office than political bias. He was the first Minister who ever named a Judge in Scotland from any other cause than his being a partisan. To these good qualities he adds the possession of goad abilities. Other men, too, have been actors as well as himself, without the same redeeming qualities, whose insin cerity has not been so severdy visited on them. There is something, no doubt, in manner; for it was impossible to hear Sir Robert speak for any length of time without being sensible that a consciousness of the untenable nature of what he was advancing led him to overact his pant, by exaggerating the ex pression of his professed conviction. We are glad to find that Sir Robert, like old Mr. Bankes, has laid his account with the Reform being carried. In proposing a toast to the Corporation of Tamworth, he observed that "he was speaking, he knew, in the hearing of many to whom, according to the proposed Bill, the elective franchise would be extended ; and whom he might probably, at his next election, have to canvas. He hoped they would not quote his pre sent speech against him." A revolution is not such a terrible thing as people have been led to suppose. Sir Robert, we see, counts upon many happy daysl with his constituents of Tamworth, in spite of its horrors. All the Peels will come through, we do not doubt. We are prepared also for the reconcilia-. ti,,n of Sir Robert to Journalism ; but he has yet made no advances. The liberty of the Press re ceived no homage at Tamworth. Yet the Press was not such a bad thing when Sir Robert was receiving daily compliments for his exertions as a Law Re former. When reason is for a man, he is for rea• son, but when reason is against him, he is against reason, When the Press and Sir Robert shall happen to travel the same way together—a contin gency within the range of possibility—then we shall hear no more of Journalism.—Mortz. Citron. GENERAL ELECTION. CARMARTHENSHIRE. (Abridged from the Carmarthen Journal.) Monday last was the day fixed for electing a Member for this county. In the morning an im mense number of gentlemen and their tenants (in all about 500) came into Llandilo on horseback, preceded by a band of music, with colours and ban nurs bearing various mottos, to meet Sir James Hamlyn Williams, Bart., of Edwinsford. About two miles from the town he was met, and the horses were taken out of his carriage, and he was drawn into town by an immense number of persons, amidst the cheers of a numerous and respectable assemblage of elegantly dressed females, &c. After the usual proceedings were entered into, the High Sheriff (E. H. Adams, Esq.) said it was his duty to call upon the electors of this county to elect a Knight fit to serve in Parliament; upon which Colonel Gwynne, of Glanbrane, begged to propose Sir James Hamlyn Williams, Bart., of Edwinsford, as a fit and proper person. Ciptain W. HUGHES, of .Tregib; had great plea sure in seconding the nomination. _ Sir JAMES IlkstLYN WILLIAms then came forward and said-- " Mr. Sheriff and Gentlemen,—l come forward as an independent man, unfettered by any party whatever. I am happy to see the county of Car marthen, as one man, coming forward to support their beloved King and his measure 3. If you do me the honour of electing me as your representative, I will most strenuously vote for every measure of Reform which his Majesty's Ministers will bring forward. I believe we are all unanimous in having an additional Member for this great and respectable county, also a Member for Llanelly and the mining districts. I shall exert myself, strenuously on all occasions to promote the interests of this county. I shall vote for the repeal of the duty on malt— (Cheers)—and candles, which will be of such benefit to the poorer clases of society. I shall be a staunch advocate for the repeal of the assessed taxes, and for retrenchment in all public expenditure, and furthermore I wish to do away with all sinecures and pensions.--(Loud cheering.) I shall also vote for the abolition of slavery, and I shall always be a friend to civil and religious liberty."—(Cheers.) After this the High Sheriff asked if there was another candidate to be proposed.—(Cries of "No, no.") The hour having elapsed, and no other can didate being proposed, Sir James was duly elected and sworn in. The necessary preliminaries having been gone through, _ _ _ Sir JAMES HAMLYN WILLIAMS addressed the meeting as follows :—" Gentlemen,—l return you my grateful and heartfelt thanks for the high honour you have conferred upon me this day, and for the flattering manner in which you have received me. The Hon. Baronet repeated that he was a devoted friend to the cause of Reform and of civil and re ligious liberty, and that he looked forward to the approaching Session for the death-blow of the bo roughmongering, system, under which this country had so long laboured."—(Great cheering.) The thanks of the meeting were then voted to the High Sheriff, for his able and impartial conduct during the proceedings. After the writ was signed, the chairing of the newly-returned Member was celebrated with more than ordinary splendour. The chairing being over, the freeholders to the number of 1,600, sat down to dinner at different tables. The health of the K;ng and Queen was drunk with the usual enthusiasm. DUBLIN, MAY 18. The Tories are, still retarding the formal triumph of the Reformers, and although they acknowledged their defeat last night, they are bringing to the poll to-day any stray votes they can gather. I should not be surprised if they were able to keep the booths open a day or two longer. Toryism s►ruggles hard before its final dissolution. There was no Polling in Wexford on Monday later than the return which I forwarded you yesterday. Shortly after twelve o'clock the High Sheriff adjourned the poll, on the alleged ground that it could not proceed fairly on tecount of the riotous conduct of the populace. — The people were certainly very much excited against certain partisans of Lord Valentia, who are said to have used improper influence in bringing freeholders to the poll ; but they resorted to no other means of violence than an infliction of rotten eggs on the per sons of the obnox otts individuals. Sir Thomas Esmonde, and other gentlemen, addressed the people, conjuring them not to sully their victory by outrage; the appeal had the desired effect, and the town be came quiet. In the interim, the Sheriff sent for military aid, and two troops of the King's Dragoo❑ Guards arrived in the evening, but there was no occasion for their services. I have learned that Mr. Lambert has entered a protest against the conduct of the Sheriff, in closing the booths several hours previous to the time specified by law, and that he is determined to bring him to the bar of the House of Commons. Notwithstanding all the machinations of the Tories, the triumph of the Reformers is com plete and decided. Their majority increased con siderably yesterday, and few freeholders remain to be polled. LouTtt.—The Tories have had the temerity to oppose Mr. Sheil and Mr. A. Dawson. Mr. For tescue left town last night, with agents, and young Mr. M'Clintock as his counsel. He will get as sound a beating as any Tory of the set has received during the elections, and that is saying a great deal. Suco.—General King has resigned. Three o'clock.—At half-past two the numbers polled were—for the Lord Mayor and Mr. Perrin, 20—for Moore and Shaw, 20. One of the free men's booths is idle. The other will be open to-morrow. CLARE. -Mr. Maurice O'Connell's majority over Mr. O'Gorman Mahon, on Monday evening, was 59. I have just learned that, in consequence of the outrageous conduct of W. Mahon, Major Macna mars had determined to join his interest with that of O'Connell, and thus bring him in by a trium phant majority. DROGHEDA ELECTION —RETURN OF MR. NORTH. (From the Drogheda Journal.), Thursday Mr. Wallace, after polling four free holders and one freeman, informed the Sheriffs that it was not his intention to persevere longer in the contest, and that he wished the poll to close finally that day. Mr. North's committee, however re solved to keep the freemen's booth open another d a y, as they expected the arrival of more voters. Yesterday morning six freemen were polled for Mr. North, after which the proclamations were read, and the Sheriffs declared the state of the poll. Before the successful candidate was announced, Mr. RIDGWAY came forward and said, " Mr. Sheriff, I call upon you to declare Mr. Wallace duly elected, inasmuch as the other candidate, Mr. North, is ineligible to be returned while holding the situa tion of Judge of the Admiralty?' Mr. WALLACE said the object was to have the protest entered on the sheriff's book, which was done a ccordingly. Mr. Sheriff VAN llo3tarGH then declared John Henry North, Esq., the representative for Drogheda, amidst the most enthusiastic cheering from his friends. Whet; the cheering subsided, Mr. NORTH said, Electors of Drogheda, now my constituents—(Here there was tremendous shont ing, which prevented the speaker from being heard. At length, Mr. North's friends declared that, if he was not suffered to speak, Mr. Wallace should not be heard. This had the desired effect, and Mr. North proceeded.) I rejoice, but it is not because I am sent again to Parliament to represent your feel ings and opinions, with the seal and stamp of your approval; but I rejoice because the triumph you have achieved is that of reason over rashness, of sound principles over doctrines dangerous and per nicious, of our ancient laws and glorious Constitu tion over revolutionary madness and jacobin inno vation. I rejoice further, because outs is the triumph of rational freedom. You cannot have for gotten the principles on which my Hon. and Learned Opponent claimed your votes on the first day of the election—principles the most slavish that candi date ever had the courage to promulgate at the hustings. He told you, he dared to tell you, that you were bound as loyal men to support him, be cause the cause which he espoused'waa that of his Majesty's Ministers. This, then, at last is the doc trine of these professing Liberals—these patriots who have freedom on their lips but slavery in their hearts—that loyalty to the throne means steady al leeiance to the Minister of the day ! And, with the same indecent and unconstitutional use of the King's name, with which we are now familiar, he relied on the assumed support of the Sovereign himself— that Sovereign who is assailed by the odious hypo critical adulation of the men who are putting in jeopardy the security of his empire and the stability of his throne. But so it ever is. Read the lessons of your own history, and what do they teach you ? That the enemies of the monarchy have ever begun their attacks with specious and deceitful flattery. So when Charles I. was about to be led to the scaffold by republicans and traitors,—up to the very moment when the axe of the regicides was de scending,—they poured into his ear the false and in solent assurance that their sole object was to render him the most powerful monarch who ever swayed the sceptre of Great Britain. Gentlemen, as my Learned Friend has rested all his claims upon his support of his present Ministry, it becomes me to tell you shortly why I feel bound to oppose them. Ir is because I believe them to be the most rash, the most ignorant, and the most incapable Admi nistration that was ever called upon to guide the sceptre in the hands of a British monarch. What measure have they attempted to carry in which they have not failed ? What plan or system of politics —financial, foreign, or domestic—have they not been obliged to abandon ? Without practical ex• perience, without solid information, without states manlike wisdom or discretion, they tottered on from blunder to blunder, till they - found themselves Obliged to rush upon the clamorous experiment Which they are now making, and which, in spite of all their sanguine hopes, I confidently predict, is yet destined to fail ! - Mark, I beseech you, the con sistency of this pure Reforming tiovernment— these men, who would fain persuade the country that their object is to establish perfect freedom of election. What course have they followed here ? Why, to call into active energy every resource of the Castle, every engine of Vice-regal power, to COll - the free exercise of the elect►ve franchise amongst us. Not a man, the most remotely or in directly under the influence of Government, who was not sought to be intimidated or co►rupted by threats of displeasure, or dismissal of himself, or his father, or his brother, or some more distant con nexion, or, where there was no room for this, to be influenced by one of the formal and now familiar epistles of Baron Twyll. Yet these are your Re formers—these are your purists—who would bring back the Constitution to its state of theoretical Ver fection. Exquisite patriots ! Admirable statesmen! But such the Whigs have ever shown themselves — the most tyrannical and overbearing in the posses sion of power, %virile, in opposition, they are the most clamorous asserters of liberty. And what have they effected by this shameful unconstitutional inter ference? Why this, and this alone—to call forth the proud undaunted spirit of the independent con stituency, and to show to mankind and to them selves that there is 'yet in Ireland a bold, uncompro mising, indomitable courage, which will neither bend nor break under the heaviest pressure of despotic power. Gentlemen, in dwelling on the consistency of our rulers, I am reminded that something fell from my lion. and Learned Friend which re quires me to vindicate my own. He seemed, I thought, to insinuate that I had at one time been the advocate of Reform in Parliament. Now the fact is, that I never entertained or expressed at any period of my life a different opinion on this great subject from the one which I now profess. In truth, 1 was bred a politician in the school of Mr. Burke, whose doctrine on this question is so noto- rious ; and when that illustrious statesman, whom it pleased Providence to deprive us of, Mr. Canning,invited me to leave the retirement of private life, and to engage in politics, our agreement in opinion on this ,very subject was one principal ground of the mutual confidence which subsisted between us. On this point, therefore, my consis tency is unshaken, and I trust it is on all. When I first came tunongq you, I presented myself as the friend of the then existing Government; and those who did not know me might have believed the mo tives of my attachment to be interested or personal. But I now stand before you in a prouder position. The men with whom I acted when in power I have not abandoned when they relinquished office. I have adhered to them in either fortune, and I shall continue to adhere to them so long as they maintain and act upon the principles I approve. So much gentlemen, for my political tenets. One othei topic, gentlemen, and I have done. It has been made a reproach to me, in publications I have seen, that I received the support of Protestant clergy men : 100, it was said, voted for me. The actual number was 41. This is amongst the proudest cir cumstances of my triumph. Where could support have been obtained more honourable and more gra !Hying than that of the Protestant clergy of Ire land—the most upright, the most cultivated, the most enlightened, the most independent—men who cherish and nurture whatever exists amongst us of worth, of learning, humanity, and civilization ? And now, gentlemen, to conclude. Be not discou raged, I entreat you, if, in the new Parliament, a majority should be found hostile to your wishes and opinions. 1 speak now from some experience of the House of Commons, and I can tell you that one bold and sincere man, who will not fear to utter from its benches the sentiment, he expresses at the Itutings or at his own private table, is worth a whole host of military slaves in his influence on the event of any great discussion. Such courage and - sincerity I faithfully promise you. The Learned Gentleman was received throughout with deafen , ing cheers. Mr. WALLACE next rose, and was loudly cheered by his friends. When silence had been obtained, he said,—l am surprised to see my lion. Opponent be fore you for the first time since the opening of the election. He comes with the composition of eight days, in which are displayed all the eloquence for which he is distinguished, and it cannot be expected that, unprepared as 1 am, I should reply to it. How ever, gentlemen of the assembly, I shall make a few observations on my Learned Friend's eloquent address.—(Hear, hear.) 1 appeared before you as the advocate of the King and his Ministry—as the advocate of the people of Ireland, and more parti cularly Drogheda.—(Cheers.) if the corporators were loyal, they should cease to exert their opposi to the•Kiug aid his Government. Mr. North has lavished forth against his Majesty's Ministers un founded and opprobrious expressions, and has falsely eJloured his hypocritical staiements.—(Hear, hear.) Have not the present Ministers proved themselves the (nest proper, the most capable , a nd fit to govern tli empire 2 I say tha. the return of Mr. North is not r e e x t i: i r r e n s e s' d i v b e y of th t e he i npueuoepnlcee'soste, sell Ie iden l vo las been voters sand the patriotic Protestant clergy, of which he complains that their numbers have been over-rated; and inqead of 100, only 41 loyal and reverend royalists have voted. Indeed, Mr. North seems to have a great respect for the benefit of his clergy.—(li laugh.) Mr. North h.s alluded to attempts at the destruction of the freedom of election, by the unjust influence of Go vernment. I appeal to every honest and honourable rn4n—nay, I will appeal to that gentleman (Mr. St. G. Smith), whose character in the private concerns of his life are exemplary—has he not exercised terror and tyranny to influence voters ? Since the creation of corporations, they have exercised unbounded tyranny and unconstitutional influence. I could a tale unfold, and it shall be unfolded in another place, where it will be attended to.--(Cheers and hisses.) I will maintain that it is not unconstitutional for Government to interfere with their servants at will, or to call on them to support their opinions, and would it not be disloyal for those servants to oppose their wishes ?—(Mr. North rose and said it was un constitutional.) Oh, I can tell my Hon. Friend that his magnus Apollo, the Duke of Wellington, acted on the same principles, and I am sure my lion. Friend knows of many servants of the Crown whom the Noble Duke, when in office, dismissed for not supporting his opinions—l believe Lord Beresford was one. Have not the Members of the Royal household bee n dismissed for their opposition —1 may say disloyalty—to the wishes of their So vereign, and the interests of his subjects ? Mr. North has joined himself and fortune with those of the Duke of Wellington and his party, and he (Mr. Wallace) hoped they would give him a better situ wion than that which he now held, and which made him incapable to sit in Parliament.—(Cheers; and on three cheers being called for the Duke of Wel lington, it was. received with tremendous cheering and hisses : the uproar lasted for some time.) The Learned Gentleman concluded by declaring it to be his determination to petition against Mr. North's return, on the grounds of the protest lodged with the Sheriff on — the commencement of the contest. My Learned Friend (Mr. North) smiles; I suppose it is one of incredulity, but I can tell him that the first lawyers in the kingdom have declared it to be their opinion that he is ineligible. COUNTY OF CLARE. (From the Dublin Evening Post.) By the reports which we give below, it will be seen that there is a furious contest raging in Clare. Even violence has been used; and violence, too, we are sorry to say, of a most unjustifiable nature. . MONDAY MORNlNG.—Yesterday Mr. O'Gorman Mahon arrived in Ennis, accompanied by a great many freeholders. Yesterday he addressed the people from his committee-room, and assured them that be should defeat the coalition. On Saturday evening William Mahon struck Maurice O'Connell in the street, in the hopes of urging him " to the field ;" Mr. O'Connell coolly reped, t hat he would inquire into it after the election. This morning Charles O'Connell, the solicitor, and a Mr. Cummins, had a difference with regard to a voter, and it terminated by the former knocking the latter down. This, it is supposed, will lead to a message. The election will not end to-day. The town s now densely crowded; the temper in which business is conducted, it is feared, will lead to some serious encountres. Mr. O'Gorman Mahon has the van, but there is no doubt he will be the. beaten candidate. (From the Dumfries Courier.) Tuesday last Dumfries-shire returned a supporter of the Reform Bill, in the person of J. J. Hope Johnstone, Esq., of Annandale; and on Tuesday next the neighbouring county, Kircudbright, will re-elect, without a struggle, Mr. Fergusson, of Craig darroch, his opponent, Mr. Forbes, having retired from the field. As regards Wigtonshire we are un. able to speak with the same degree of certainty, though we have a letter from that quarter, dated as late as the 15th current. At that time Sir Andrew Agnew and Mr. Hathorn, of Castlewig, were as equally matched as rival candidates could well be; but as one or two of the freeholders remained unde cided, and as the arrival of others was more or less a matter of doubt, it is quite impossible to say at pre , sent whether " the shire" will lift up its legislative voice in favour of or against the Reform Bill. Along with the three counties, there are two districts of burghs in the south of Scotland, the cor porators of which have yet to exercise their elective franchise. In the first of these districts, viz. Dum fries, all is bustle, anxiety, and excitement; while the second, namely, Wigton, is just us remarkable for the opposite qualities of contentment, peace, arid quietness. The Right Hon. Lord Garlies, who formerly excambed with the Lowthers, and sat as one of the Members for Cockermouth, is thus far minus a seat in Parliament, his place having been supplied by Sir J. Scarlett. But as the next Parliament promises to be exceedingly short-lived, his Lord ship, as is natural, is not at all anxious on the sub ject. Among other improvements, the Reform Bill will sweep away the absurd clause affecting the eligibility of the eldest sons of Peers ; arid then the Nobleman we speak of, who is himself Lord Lieute nant of two counties, and highly popular and ta lented to boot, may start for any shire, or cluster of burghs in the country, with the fairest prospects of success. In the mean time, Wigton, Whithorn, Stranrace, and new Galloway, will have the honour of re• timing a Reformer to Parliament, in the per son of Mr. Edward Stewart, jun., private secretary to Sir James Graham. This arrdngement was com pleted some days ago, and it is needless to conceal that Mr. Stewart's election is just as certain as his nomination. At the Academy of St. Luke, in Rome, two lectures are annually delivered to students and artists against " envy, malice, hatred, and all uncharitableness." We understand that it is at length finally ar ranged that the ceremony of opening London-bridge is to take place on the Ist of August. POLAND.—Extract of a letter dated Dantzic, May 9 :—" The trade of this place is destroyed by the interruption of our intercourse with Poland, nor dare we expect an early improvement, whatever the result of the bloody contest may lie. Every consideration for private or commercial gain vanishes, and one anxious wish ani mates all who are not lost to the feelings of humanity-- namely, that diplomacy would at length awake from its inhuman indiff,rence, and by an effectual interference in Russian-Polish affairs, prevent the total destruction of a people who have excited the admiration of Europe. 11 this is neglected, it is to be feared that the cholera, trans planted as it has been by Russia in a civilized country, will destroy what may escape the barbarian's sword." BIRTHS. On the 19th inst. in Woburn-place, Russell.square, the lady of J. Davison, Esq., of a daughter, still-born. On the 20th inst. in Wimpole.street, the' lady of E. J. Rudge, Esq., of a daughter, which only survived a short time. On the Pith inst. Mrs. Arnot, Herne-hill, of a daughter. On the 20th inst. at Villa Ross, St. John's Wood, the lady of H. Gordon, Esq., of a daughter. On the loth ia,4. at Dulieh, Mrs. F. Take, of a son. MARRIED. At Framfield Church, Thomas Praddell, Esq., eldest son, of George Braddell, Esq., of Prospect, in the county of Wexford, to Ann, eldest daughter of Alexander Donovan, of Framfield Park, in the county of Sussex, Esq. On the 19th inst.. at Brixton, Mr. J. E. Shearman, of Great Tower-street, to Emily, third daughter of Mr. It. Newton. On the 19th inst. at Shrivenham, Berks, J. Hippisley, Esq. of Lamborne-place, Berks, to Anne Elizabeth Clare, third (laugh ter of the late Rev. T. G. Clare, Rector of St. Andrew's, Holborn. On the 19th inst. at Bath; Rowland Burdon, jun. Esq. eldest son of It. Burden, Esq., of Castle Eden, Wiliam, to Ann Malet, youngest daughter of J. Uhthott; Esq., late of Green Park-build ings, Bath. On the pith inst in the Cathedral of Kilkenny, Harriet Eleanor Wandesford, daughter of the Marquis of Ormonde, to It. Fowler, Esq., son of the Lord Bishop of Ossory. DIED. Oa the 20th inst. at Kilburn, Mrs. M. Wiggins, of Thayer ttreet, Manchester -square, aged 79. On the 19th inst. at Hastings, Mr. W. Jolly, of Upper Starn tbrd-street, aged 34 . On the 19th inst. at St. Leonard's, near Hastings, Mr. Thomas Meek, of Guildford-street, Russell-square, and of Queenhithe , . in his :2:3d year, and third son of the late John Meek, Esq., of cate.ton-street. Lately, at the chateau of the Duke de Broglie, in Normandy i F. Shanahan, Esq., form er l y a member of t h e I r i s h b ar , anc!. lately Professor of the English language in the Paris College 0 ' Charlemagne. _ On the 17th inst. in Bernard-street, Russell-square, aged 6 4 , Captain J. Jorden, late of the Bedford Militia and the 91st Inca of the Line. PRINVED AND POII,IBIIEO BY MURDO YOUNG, AT OS SUN OPTICP, 112, STRAND, LONDON. -, ,/-. To the ir • CHAR Inc Unity thanks you ha support which the nob Chair RON T` the Al SEA, (1 Tender! willing said Ha or befor sons thr are desi betweer ticulars may be delivere by the i pointed day of .1 mission, into cot Contrac perform be reeei Valuabl Groff rior and ceedi Mi ihe aeiii SALE I next, in arising i SOUT] DRE DEIN Situates Wands Clapha t phant a and the In Soul w r TW Also DuiMin Lambet Fut tl tisemen Two and 1 of th m i nay, j Twelve; T` PASI NI t~