The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-08 00:00:00

those whom poverty would lay open most effectually to the influence of corruption. Evil consequences, it was said,would ensue from the rejection of this Bill. But if it ever passed into a law—which in God, he hoped it never would! — not less disastrous consequences would ensue. He was the advocate for the morals of the people, and as bribery and corruption would be extended by the measure, he would appeal to the most Rev. Bench opposite—if they had not too often been appealed tu— tu take this into their most serious co nsideration, and as the guardians of good order and religion to prevent the passing of this Bill into a law. The great mass of the people would find that they were deluded by the Bill, and would by and bye find themselves and their rights only placed by this Bill in the hands of those who would make a better market of them tha❑ under the present system. He was getting now an old man, but be had done his best to prevent the country being placed in that situation of anarchy in which lie was con vinced, if the Bill passed into a law, it would be placed. He called upon their Lordships to pause ere they per mitted the Bill to pass a second reading. The Earl of ELDON said if the Noble and Learned Lord who bad just sat down felt it necessary to make any apology to the House, founded on the considerations of age and infirmity, for trifling on their Lord ships' time, he trusted their Lordships would feel that he was entitled to more indulgence on these considerations than his Noble and Learned Friend was, as yet, entit'ed to ask. He had felt it an incumbent duty, at the hazard of his ace and infirmity, by reason of those threats which had been held out to their Lordships, and more particularly addressed to himself, to stand up, and with respect to those threats from whatever quarter they might come, to declare that he would rather die in the execution of these threats, after having lived so long 1 in this blessed country, still to remain, he hoped, the , happiest and most glorious nation on earth,—he re peated it, he would rather die in consequence of these threats, than desert that last duty he should have it in his power to discharge.—(llear.) On a former occasion, on ' the discussion of the Catholic claims, he had made a similar statement, and at that time he thought, having advanced to the period of fourscore years, that he should have little likelihood of again addressing the House. For a short time he enjoyed good health, and although a :Noble Duke had taunted him with appearing again in that House, he would not go to his grave without giving his opinion against this most destructive measure to the country—a measure which he thought himself at this period called upon to say would reduce in its conse quences this country, hitherto the glory of the earth, to all those miseries which now afflicted the majority of our continental neighbours. He might be in the infirmity of mind which naturally belonged to that of age, Iris opinions might be grievously mistaken, but so long as he was able, after much considera tion, t o form an °pi k Mon, he would state the opinion he had formed on this nsomentous subject. He had heard doctrines stated with respect to the matter very extraordinary, and when he heard it stated in the preamble to this Bill, that it was expedient to destroy all the acknowledged rights of property, and all charters in the country; when under the notion of putting an end to close corporations, an end was to be put to all corporations that were not close, and the influence of all property was to be taken away, he could not consent to that doctrine of expediency, unless much more was done than was intended, preparatory to the introduction of this measure. It was a popular notion that, with regard to the boroughs, they were trusts, and not property ; he thought they were both, and those old-fashioned gentlemen, Lords Coke and Hale, whose names would be held in everlasting remembrance, when the feverish delirium of the day had subsided, had said of these unpopular things called boroughs that they were both franchise and right. If they were abused to the detriment of the people, they ought to be 'taken away, but not without giving them an opportu nity of hearing the abuse proved iii their presence at their Lordships' bar, and having an opportunity, by judicial pro ceeding, legislative proceedings, of vindicating their rights. But the question had been argued as if in borough rights there was no property. He was governed in h '. is opinion by these illustrious names, ornaments of the profession to which he belonged, when he asserted that it wa's not only a franchise, but a right of property annexe,' to the land. With respect to the corporations, much had been said regarding their closeness. But he would ask, whether they were not as well entitled to their rights under their charters, under the great seal, as any of their Lordships were entitled to their Peerages. Happy would it be for this country, if, by some fortuitous accident, those who had voted for this Bill in the House of Commons—as we understood the Noble Earl—and had been imported into that House as Peers, were prevented from giving it their support.— . (Hear, hear.) But there was a report abroad which he did not believe, because in the state in which this country was at the present moment situated, he did not believe rosy one would venture to do it, that the opinion of this House, I somehow or other, sooner or later, would be finally over raded by the importation of new Peers. He had such a d, - .. ' ‘tifol feeling in respect to the house of Hanover, as would never. induce him to believe that a step so detrimental to the lute: terse of the subject, so subversive of the rights of that H ouse , he' teaaarld add, so certainly destructive to the mo narchy, would sat be recommended. He knew not who were to be tin! set of men alluded to in the report, but this he would say, that that Minister, whose cha racter, if that measure of his were to fail, would be still illustrious in future and present generations, would never degrade that character by such a recommen dation, amounting, as it would, to neither more nor less than, in due time, to an annihilation of that House. If that report were correct, he hoped that House would not strip off their robes until they let their Sovereign know their sentiments. As to close corporations, some, he admitted, consisted of very few influ ential members, by which he meant those who had a voice in the elections of their representatives ; but had it ever been heard of, or would it ever he heard of in this country, that the House of Peers of England took upon themselves, upon the representation of expediency, to destroy that which it had been expedient to preserve from age to age, and which it had been thought wise never to destroy in any instance, tilt the expediency was proved at their Lordships' bar. But Were they to sweep away all corporations because some claw corporations had been guilty of abuse? He desired to seat any one, and he particularly addressed the Noble Duke, who I:new the practices with respect to Members, if through a century any place in the world had sent more proper repre sentatives than thatto Parliament?—(later, hear.) By the present Constitution in this country, the moat moderate in ability, improved by industry, might raise them selves to the highest situation in this country, and, for God's sake, he implored their Lordships, ere they I changed so happy a state of things. When his ashes should be laid in that grave, in which, probably, they soon might be placed, he should give to the Corporation• school in which he had been educated, a legacy, as a small memorandum that II boy educated there might rise even to be the Lord Chancellor of England. The Noble and Learned Lord having stated that he was a freeman of the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and had been bred in the corporation school, asked what this Bill would do with regard to that town ? At present there were 700 votes. True it was said by thin Bill that the King gave to the Corporation of Newcastle privi leges which had been held sacred, and had never been touched by any Acts of Parliament, but that it was now deemed expedient to create 2,700 3s. 6d. a-week men, as co-voters with the seven hundred freemen who, looking to the past history of the town, it would be proved bad done honour to their freedom ; to take away such i privileges without hearing them in their defence, was going farther than any other had heretofore gone. It was said last night that all the Nobly Lords who were opposed to this measure except two were i i n favour of some moderate Reform, but what k that moderate Reform was had not been stated. !; Having been in the two Houses of Parliament for nearly a period of fifty years, he could declare !l that he never had, and never would, give his assent or dissent to any measure, let it be proposed by whom it might, whether it was a measure of Reform, or change, or alteration, for this Rill had all those names, without he fairly anti calmly considered of the proposition. Did he do otherwise he would stand in the situation of having deserted his duty. To assent to a measure merely because you found no objection to it, nor to the person who introduced it, was not the strict line of their Lordships duty. Be had long ago fought under the banners of Air. Fox, who, on one occasion, considered it unjust to disfranchise a borough merely because a , majority of the House wished it,—(Hear.) It was ins . posseible for the House, if it wished to maintain its united, judicial, and legislative character, to assent to schedule A, because it was founded on every prin ciple of danger,—(Cheers fern the Opposition.) The Noble and Learned Lord then adverted to the existence . of three associations about the period of the first Revolu- ' tion, one of which, the Corresponence Society, w ,, governed by principles subversive of all monarchy ; \ and he asked if that Nociety had not been destroyed by tare Government, in what a situation would the House 01 P e er; have been in at this day.--(The Noble and Learned Lord, who commenced his speech very audibly, gradually lowered it, evidently from exhaustion, no that scarcely a sentence could be heard. The following is what we could learn:)—After adverting to the coat with France, he said that lie had touched upon these topics for the purpose of showin g th e necess it y o f th or ou g hly investi gating every measure before he gale it his assent, and he hoped the House would excuse him until the wisdom of the present day would inform him what the benefits were that would result from this measure?—(Hear.) In his opinion the principle of the Reform Bill struck at the government of the most established rules of property, and he begged Noble Lords to read the Bill, and point out to him a single clause in it which did not disfranchise or enfranchise without any reason assigned, any abuse proved, or any party concerned being heard in his own defence—(Cheers from the Oppo s ition)--taking from the freemen that exclusive right which had been given to them by charter, and which they ought still to retain. If the Ministers pleased to bring in a mode of Reform, regarding bribery and nomina tion boroughs—if they pleased to say that a man who went the distance of seven miles and a furlong to vote, should not be allowed to vote, he could only say that the Lords of England had no right to say no. Lord OXFORD rose amidst cries of " Order !" par ticularly from Lord Kenyon. The Noble Lord said, he only wished to inform the Noble and Learned Lord that he, and those near him, could not hear a word that the Noble and Learned Lord was addressing to the House.—(Cries of " Order !") Lord ROLLE rose to complain of the interruption which the Noble and Learned Lord had received.— (Order, order.) Lord OXFORD assured the House that he did not mean any thing by his interruption, but to say that the Noble and Learned Lord could not be heard on his side of the House. The Marquis of SALISBURY said the Noble Lord (Oxford) was himself out of order. When order was restored, Lord ELDON proceeded to address the House, but in so low a tone that he could not be heard at the bar; he was much affected and evidently greatly exhausted. He stated that he was sorry to say that his infirm sate would not allow him to say what he wished upon this all engrossing subject--(Hear)—bis opinion was, however, that if their Lordships went tie length of this Bil:, it would have the effect of introducing annual Parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote by bsllot.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) They would introduce a system utterly incompatible with the existence of the House of Lords— (Cheers from the Opposition)—and as he knew that he must soon go to the grave, nothing should induce him to say what he had said but his love for this House, and his duty to his Sovereign.—(Cheers.) The LORD CHANCELLOR rose amidst some con fusion, and was for a short time partly inaudible. lie assured their Lordships, that after having heard so many of his Noble and Learned Friends state their opinions upon the all-important question now before the House, it appeared to him, with great deference to their Lord ships, that the debate should be closed in the course of this night, and that he could not contribute more effectually to an end so desirable as by choosing this moment to address the House. Indeed he might say per sonally that he had not the choice of any longer postponing his address ; and his anxiety on the subject was not the less diminished by the reflection which he now had present to his mind, and which had pressed on all around in the course of this discus sion, namely, the importance and responsibility of the situation in which lie now stood, because never before this moment had he felt the whole weight which fell upon a Member of the Legislature of this country, standing as he did upon the very brink of the most adventurous question that ever the English Peers had come to, and asking to arrest their Lordships in the course some were about to take, while it was yet time. If he could have foretold in his earliest years he should ever have lived to stand in the place he now occupied, and on such an occasion, he would have devoted every year and every hour of that life which had passed to the preparing of himself for the task which lie even felt as if he would sink under, to gather from all the sources of ancient wisdom lessons which might have tended to guide him on so eventful a crisis, and to have enabled him to cor rect every infirmity of mind which might tend to im pede the discharge of the solemn duty he had un dertaken of advising their Lordships; but, above all, to eradicate from his mind every thing that might interrupt the most perfect candour and impartiality of judgment. He advanced then to the task he had now to perform with those feelings on the one hand, but cheered on the other by the persuasion that he had no personal interest in the question—no sinister view at stake—nothing that could cast even the shadow of a shade of self-interest in the discharge, he would hardly say of his legislative duty, but rather what he should call his judicial duty. He had heard in the course of these five nights' debate a vast number of objections to this measure; and baying beard the arguments that bad been urged to repel those objections he, careless of whether he gave offence in any quarter or not, must say that he was so far in duced by sotne things he had heard, to be ready to reconsider certain matters on which be had previously thought his mind was sufficiently made up. On the other hand, in the great proportions of objections that had been urged he certainly could not concur—viewing them as dis passionately, and as impartially as he believed any Member of that House bad ever listened to argu ments either for or against a measure, lie was bound to say they had not influenced his judgment in respect to the utility and principles of the measure. If he were to attempt to go through all the arguments which had been raised, he would engage in a work the most superfluous ; many of them had been entirely re moved by other arguments, therefore in undertaking such a course he should be only wasting the time of the House. He would begin, consequently, with the arguments of one Noble Lord, who, viewing the subject at a dis tance, and really never coming into close quar ters with it, had made a general reconnoiter ing of the Reform Bill, never coining near to what the Bill really was, but delivering a speech or discourse, or an essay, of the highest possible merit critically viewed, but which had only this fault practically regarded, namely, that it was an essay and not a speech upon this Bill. — (Loud and continued cheers.) It seemed as if some person had set to his Noble Friend, whose talents no one could admire more than himself a thesis upon change— upon republics—upon revolution—upon anarchy—and upon all those sort of things, to repeat an essay upon which a more lucid, a more admirable, a more classi cal, anti a more elegant exercitation never came from .nortal than; 14;t et his Noble Friend, in his reconnoitring of the Bill, went upon an entire fiction of his otvn pro curing. He had begged the question from beginning to end. He assumed the Bill was revolutionary—that it was a mea sure for a change. And no doubt if it was revolutionary— if it waz a, mere measure for a change, his Noble Friend's illustrations and observations would have been unanswerable ; but he (the Noble and Learned Lord) would show that it was a Bill entitling itself to no such character—a Bill that savoured nothing of revolution, ,xcept so far as it went to prevent it.—(Loud cheers.) His Noble Friend had talked a deal about change and about finance s What conk' he think of Mr. Pitt's budgets, not one of which had ever passed through Parliament without great changes? What thought lie of the timber duty? If a budget had been brought in with regard to no other things than that of coal and candle, it would have been a budget considered highly dietin guishabis for the relief of the people, as far as regarded thol‘a two important articles of fire and light. Law Raforw. 7.yas another thing, which the Noble Lord had atated Government was madly bent on bringing about ; and no a: offer had the Noble Lord began that part of his speech, than he was stripped ir; it by finding there was no such thing in the Among the various changes and revolutions that were to take place was a change in the law which lie (the 1 4 10111, and ;Learned Lord) certainly felt astonished at, knowing ca i did, that no only that very same Noble Lord, bpi; the whole tionae without a division, had approved of a change in ti:e I.aw. His Noble Friend had then said, that this Bill earn,; forward neither with the weight of ancient authority, nor was tie attack upon the system Lets he called it) an attack sanctioned great genius or deep ; mature, and reflecting consideration, Now it was a source ; of great comfort to him (the Noble and Learned Lord), and his Noble Friend also to find that he should be able to supply the defect of his Noble Friend's recollection by a few wpm's from an author wl)..arn his Noble Friend ought really to have some fellow-feeling fors—he meant Dean Swift. His Noble Friend must have known that Dean Swift satirized a being under the form of man which no existence, but in his own fiction ; so did his Learner' leri, , ,,nd sati ize a Bill svhich really had no existence but in ilia own fiction or fancy. Pean Swift, not a Radical, not a Whig, but a staunch regular thick-and-thin Tory, as it was called in those days, said more upon the subject of this very Bill in a few words, and the abuse which it was meant to remedy, than all that his Noble Friend had said against 'he 13111 in the course of a very long, and, in Some respects, very able speech, Dean Swift stated t in t g is u 6bei absurdta t decayed the languageboro ughs o a f r et the ep not absolutely resent Bill which was as luk ewarm to the Dean as it was to his Noble Friend—ought to he put in Schedule A. (Hear, hear, hear)—because they return members to in reality represent nobody at all. The Dean added that several large towns were not represented, though full of industrious townsmen, who did much to ad vance the trade of the realm. Then as to the shortening of Parliaments, though that was no part of the present Bill, it might be asked with respect to the shortening of Parliaments, what the Statesman who lived in the glo rious days of Queen Anne had to say—or what Dean Swift, Addison, or Steele had said upon shortening the duration of Parliaments : and Dean Swift had said,.-- ,, have an old-fashioned love for the good old Parlia ment of the country which was of one year's duration."— All this was only to show how good old States how wisdom and authority, sanctioned Parliamentary Reform, although those very men, if they hail delivered the opi nions in our times which they had entertained and expressed, would have been set down as rank radicals.—( Hear.) His Nolele Friend then asked a question about the Cabinet, and who the men were who brought forward this measure ? Undoubtedly be admitted how exceedingly fair it was for any Noble Lord to ask the question, who the men were who propounded a great political measure ; but then, when the question was asked, and fairly asked, by whom was the measure brought in, it was as fair to ask, who were the man by whom the measure was rejected ?—(Loud cheers.) He would not follow his Noble Friend through the whole of the speech which ha made last night, particularly that pin of it in which he alluded to his ship, because the Noble and Learned Lord thought that for want of a steamer his Learned Friend would never have got to the end of his voyage.—(Cheers and laughter.) Again, in another of his similies, my Noble Friend says that this Bill is like the case of a landlord who should ask his visitors to a dinner utterly uneatable, and who should, after asking their opinion of the dinner, and receiving for answer that it was a heap of trash, of garbage, turn round upon them and say, you are very bad people for telling me so, and do yoo now try to cook a better dinner. Why, truly, if any landlord were to say so to his guest, there could be no thing harder. But that is not like the case of this Bill ; I should agree with him if it was ; but it is not. The men have not eaten our dinner : that is not the case ; nor is it of the men who are called on to eat our dinner that wo now ask the opinion, but of the rival cooks who want to get into onr kitchen.—(Burst of cheering, which con tinued for some time.) The House of Lords was as com pletely a council of cooks—what Dr. Johnson called a " Synod of Cooks" on both sides of the Woolsack, as any set of cooks that could possibly he found ; but a synod of cooks who were not to partake of any of the dishes they dressed. The Commons might perchance taste what they cooked, but the Lords had no right to partake of any thing whatever—they committed a breach of their duty— they went out of their places, if they even sipped in the most delicate manner of any thing whatever that was to be dressed on this occasion. —(Loud and con tinued laughter.) This was one reason in particular why he (the Noble and Learned Lord) differed with his Noble Friend in wishing to get into the kitchen of his neigh hour. He wished to know what the motive could be of his Noble Friend in having such a desire. In deal;ng then with the question who were the men who brought forward this measure, he (the Noble and Learned Lord) thought himself quite at liberty to ask who the men were who set themselves up to reject this measure; and in doing so he should occupy as little time as possible. One Noble Lord, whose judgment their Lordships were called upon to trust, because he was against all Re form—not against all Reform— because the Noble Lord seemed anxious that it should not be understood that he was an enemy to every Reform—that Noble Lord had expressed himself very vehemently upon the present Bill ; but that Noble Lord, it would be recollected, notwithstand ing all his vehemence against the present measure, was three or four months ago decidedly in favour of it. Was not that, he would ask their Lordships, sufficient to make persons pause a little before they put too much confidence in such assertions, or placed the fate of the country in such hands. Those very men who now raised the cry against, were formerly in favour of the Bill.—(Cries of " No, no," from the Earl of WIN-. CHILSEA• ) Then he (the Lord Chancellor) had been mis informed ; but he would read to their Lordships an extract from the speech of the Noble Earl at Maidstone in March of the present year. That Noble Earl was stated to have said, " they have not got a Reform yet ; but when the measure does come, as I am persuaded it must come, into the law of the land."—(Cries of " No, no.") Well then, this perhaps, will do:—" His Majesty's Government areentitled to the thanks of the country.—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Earl at the head of the Government is entitled to the gratitude of his country for the measure he has brought forward. It is a question, I main tain, for which he deserves the support of the country at large. The measure has not yet been brought into the House of which I have the honour to be a Mem ber."—(Hear, hear, and loud cheering.) That was very true ; but could their Lordships forget that it had been discusssed over and over again in the Com mons, and every town in the country, and he (the Lord Chancellor), could entertain no doubt that there was not not a man in Kent, who did not know that the present Reform Bill, and the measure introduced by Lord John Russell, were one and the same thing. The Noble Earl then goes on to say, " but when it is brought forward there, I shall be at my post, ready to give it lily most hearty"—opposition.—( Loud cries of "No, no," " support," from the Ministerial side.) Another Noble Lord, who hail taken a review of what had passed in the country for the last forty or fifty years, stated that he was a friend to a substantial Reform. But that all operations on the subject ought to be suspended, for two years, and he (the Lord Chancellor) supposed two days, in order that the people might have time to think on this subject. That Noble Lord must permit him to say that he thought he had taken a leaf out of the book of a Noble Duke who had been extremely instrumental in bringing forward the Catholic question. —(Hear, hear.) For lie recollected that that Nob'e Personage had said let it be sunk into universal obli vion, and ;then let it be tried what could be done with it. So with respect to the present Reform Bill. That was wished to be sent to oblivion, and the opponents of the measure should only wait for two years and two days, anti then see what could be done with it. A Noble Lord had said that the people wanted Reform, but hated the Bill : if such were the case, was it not ex tremely inconsistent that petitions should pour i n from every quarter, praying for the passing of the Bill, and nothing but the Bill ? That Noble Lord no sooner mentions a particular street that is against the measure, than that street crowds the House with petitions in favour of the Bill. " Oh, then," said the Noble Lord, "it is not Bond -street,but Regent-street," and then instantly conic down several petitions from that street, in favour of the Bill. The Noble Lord then resorts to another street, and the same fate still awaits him—(Loud laughter)—till at last he does not know what street or alley to fix upon. If he goes to the river, he is met in the same manner there._. (A laugh.) If he retires into a hackney-coach, lie finds all the hackney-coachmen in favour of Reform. If he retires into the country, sick of the town, he would be followed by people, calling out " the Bill—the Bill.' If he went to inns, the same fate awaited him. He would find the landlord and waiters all Reformers, and, tiled and jaded with his journey, he would return to town heartily sick of what he had done. Still this Noble Lord was a Reformer. He was not a bit-by-bit Reformer, but he was, what at any other time would have been called a wholesale Reformer. He does not wish for a shadowy, unsubstantial Reform, but a solid and effectual correction of the acknowledged abuses necessary to satisfy the Scotch and English people. Every circumstance used as an argu ment against the Bill might be considered as good an argument against moderate Reform, as against the Bill itself. Thera was another Noble Earl, whose ar guments, it had been much lamented, had received no definite answer from the Ministerial side of the House-- He (the Lord Chancellor) thought that a very excellent gmwer had been already given to that argument.— One or th;. , arguments of the Noble Earl was certainly peculiar. He began with the borough of Tiverton, with which his family had been long connected, anti of which connexion he gave a very fair anti candid account. He said that the connexion was entirely personal ; he would see now how far that Went. The Noble Earl's ancestor was Attorney- General when die pcnnexion commenced, and if we find that the men of Tiverton were very lucky in being eint loyed in State affairs, that would pretty well account for the personal connexions ; and this is one of the objections to the present system whi c h we pro pose to remedy. One of the objections of the Noble Earl to the present Bill was, that under it there would be no open ing for Peers' eldest sons. But lie denied that proposition. Jn his opinion the case would be entirely the other way. It was upueceasary to pursse this proposition further, for it had been well ao,c) ably answered by his Noble Friend, the Secretary of State fo: tie colonies) and who enu merated many counties, which retwued the eons of Peers. One case in point he would mention. One Noble Lord, who was an ornament to his family, but being friendly to the Bill, and they against it, was turned out of the representation of a borough with which that family had a personal connexion—he meant the bo rough of Tiverton, for which he had sat for several Sessions. Well, what did the Noble Lord do ? Did he resign himself to his fate? Was there no opening - to be found for him ? Yes, he went to a large and popu lous town, and stood upon the merits of this Bill— Earl lIAIIIIOWBY denied that he had turned his sou out of Tiverton. At the time of the transaction he was 1,500 miles from this country, and knew nothing of it. The LORD CHANCELLOR had not blamed the Noble Earl : he had merely mentioned his family.— But the explanation undoubtedly was all in his (the Lord Chancellor's) favour; for out of the borough of Tiverton the Noble Lord went.—(Cries of "order.") Well, he believed the Noble Lord never offered himself, but it would take a great deal of trouble to convince him (the Lord Chancellor) that he gave up his place without any difference of opinion between him and his constitu ents. And why was was there such difference? Merely because the Noble Earl's personal connexion with the borough swayed the electors. The great charge made against the Rill was, that it was based upon population, and that this was a great change in the Constitution. Would you say of the English county representa tion, that population was the basis of it, you would be met with derision. Freehold was property--copy hold was property, and all that was left as it was. The basis of the Bill was property, and that only. The ten-pound qualification in London and the large towns, be would admit, was low; but in the country it assumed a different aspect, for in most places a person paying 101. rent was a man of some conside ration in the world. A 201. qualification was the first intended, but on inquiry Government found that in a town of 15,000 population there were only 20 persons paying 201. rent, when by reducing the qualification to 101. they secured a constituency of 1,500 voters. But then, says a Noble Lord, you may have, for ought you know to the contrary, a population of 4,000 paupers. Good God ! my Lords did anybody ever see ingenuity so taxed to find out an absurdity ?—(Hear, hear.) That a town of 4,000 in habitants should contain a population of 4,000 paupers (Hear, and laughter.)—Who is to pay the poors' rates ? (Cheers and laughter.) The number of paupers, I am sorry to say, is generally in proportion, and in pretty ac curate proportion, to the number of the inhabitants. So that in the snug population of 2,000 you would likewise have them.—(Hear, hear.) But if you take an extreme case—am I not to be allowed to take an extreme case ? and, with permission of your Lordships, I will take an ex treme case.—(Hear,' and laughter.) What say you to the close boroughs ? Will they, or any of them, whether possessed by Jew or stock-jobber,, orspeculating attorney, will they secure me against an alien or an enemy.—( Hear, hear.) Will they? My Lords they did not.—(Hear.) There is the Nabob of Arcot, who notoriously had from fifteen to twenty Members in the Commons House of Par liament. Influence of propel ty—sacred lights of the Aristocracy—you who have English duties to discharge and English rights to exercise, where was your power to secure us from the members of an alien's agent—of the agent of this Nabob of Arcot—when he came to the sacred doors of a House of Parliament with a lack of Sicca rupees in his right hand, and the Star Pagoda, not in his left, be cause he could not hold it, but with his left hand signifi cantly pointed at it.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Now, my Lords, after all, this is not an extreme case. It has happened. But who ever beard of a town with a popu lation of 4,000 paupers.—(Hear, bear, hear.) No such place was ever known in this country ; but the Nabob of Arcot was known to have from 15 to 20 repre sentatives in the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) Now, my Lords, to return to the 101. householders, from whom, by the way, I have hardly wandered. This excessive sen sitiveness respecting property as a test—this anxiety to make the only canon of representation that property should confer the elective franchise, may do with poli ticians and theorists in North America or in South Ame rica, where there are new empires to carve out and new constitutions to frame, but it never would answer in this country. Property can only be the criterion with re ference to the conferring of the elective franchise. With those who hold that corporations ought not to be dis franchised, and that the rights of all freemen (ight to be maintained, to assert that property ought to be the sole basis of the elective franchise, was the most monstrous in congruity—the most gross, and palpable, and ludicrous inconsistency, that possibly could be fratned.—(Hear.) Who ever attended a borough election without hearing the question mooted before the assessor against a freeman's voting because be has not paid the parish dues? yet his right is, as a freeman, to vote. Now it is stated that there is not in our Bill even this protection for property—that such a man would not be excluded—that there is not a clause to this effect in the Bill. It is, or it is not ; if it is, I say the exclusion is snore extensive than in the case of freemen. If it is not in the Bill, I ask is not the question fit for the Committee? To talk of pro perty as the criterion of eligibility to the franchise argues either a gross inattention to the arguments which have been advanced and even to the known facts of the case. The right as regards boroughs is held in England by the following classes:—By those de riving from simple inhabitancy for a given period (and these form the scot and lot boroughs of which, I regret to say, there are very few in the country); by freemen re sident and non-resident, and the non-resident enjoy the right equally with the resident ; and by those holding by burgage tenure, who are by far the greatest number of all. Now here, my Lords, it is said is property; property in a burgage tenure borough confers the right of voting. Aye, property it is, but property only of the borough proprietor. —(Hear, hear.) The property resides only in him. No property rests, as men would insinuate, and as the law and Constitution of the land intended, with the voters.— (Hear, hear.) He receives his burgage tenure qualifica tion at two in the afternoon of the day of election ; votes for his patron at three; and at four he delivers his title up to his patron's solicitor, to be used at the next election according to his sovereign will and pleasure.—(Hear, hear.) This you call property.—(Cheers.) It is a vile abuse of terms to call it property. But it is nothing to say this. I assert that it is worse than an abuse of terms, though others may hold it right; I say that it is an abuse of the Constitution of England—a scandalous enormity, which can no longer be endured..—(Cheers.) Not merely that a Noble Lord, but that a speculating attorney, or a stock-jobbing Jew should, by vesting his capital in a few wretched houses or some mouldering brick walls—or a de cayed tree or a summer-house, possess the power of thrust ing Members into the Commons House of Parliament, by making a false, collusive instrument, confer upon any man the right to vote as if he had property, when he (the proprietor) knows well the man has no such right, and when the man himself does full well know it also—l say, my Lords, is a thing which no longer can be tolerated. The Act is first one of the grossest cheatery, and next it became the greatest hypocrisy, when it is called a right annexed to property.---(Cheers.) If the Noble Lord thinks that the Nabob of Arcot should enjoy, by barter, a right of returning fifteen or twenty Members to Parliament—lf he thinks that the individual who, by gambling, or any other of the means by which boroughs are conveyed from one hand to another ; and that by investing himself with the a power of vote-creating attached to the property, he has right to return members to the other House, they have read the Constitution with other eyes than mine, if they think that that is the English Constitution. But if it is the English Constitution, then the Noble Lords are right and I am wrong ; an i all I have to say is, that all the great men who have praised the English Constitution were as much mistaken as I am.—(Hear.) But, as I said, my Lords, I have not taken an extreme case, and I certainly have not fallen into the same error which I once did in arguing a case of a Barony by tenure at your Lordships' bar, when I contended that the right was transferable, and quoted precedents from transactions in the other House. My Lords, I then argued that a tailor might acquire the barony, and transfer it to another tailor. The same case occurred in the House of Commons. A tailor's assignees might return another tailor for a burgage-tenure borough .--nay more, a tailor and a waiter at a tavern did actually sit for a borough in the House of Commons; and one o f the two was actually raised to the honours of the Parpnetage7 (Hear, hear, hear)—by fine voting— which is like fine speaking —proper words on the proper oceasion—right votes on the right side—on the right questions.—(Laughter.) This waiter who had pro bably got the borough i n payment of a gam bli ng d e b t at the club witere he was marker, by this system was actually raised to the Barozietage ; and I have so great a respect for the House of Commons 4nd the Bat onetage Of England, I must take leave to add, that peradventure had he per sisted in the same course of giving right votes upon the r ight questions, he might have made his way onward until he bad actually reached chore walls. This might seem strange to say, but, after all, it was right votes on right qu estions whip!' el evate d man y to the high h onours of 'the Peerage. Some were raised for Cher own merits, but fre quently, as I said, for voting right —some for bleeding in their country's battles—some for having held official situa tions—seine for their individual acts. I assert it is not merit oply that raises the man. Service in th e army and navy has elevated men—so has the administering of justice on the bench—so has the enlightening of our fellow -men in other made many r:), Waterloo, a Peer, as I have said. I speak in the presence of m any who are d e partments of the State—hut those h ave not made one peer for every score in this House. Political service, without a sear in the constitutional conflicts of SaintSte= Laren's, has made more Peers than all t h e b lood that was' fields questions f have romßlenheim n to shed d ht i n v o a t l e l s t o h n e the right here under circumstances totally different, and I do not know that I address one who was elevated for such service. Cer tainly it is allowed that Mr. Pitt created an unprecedented number of Peers—all from the ranks of his steady voters. He never made an enemy a Peer. I was consequently much surprised to hear my Noble and Learned Friend ex press his astonishment at the constitution il exercise of the Kingly prerogative on a recent occasion. Now we come to a charge, not only from the Noble Earl, but others, which was brought forward as the master-key to unlock all the sittices of the indignation of this House. This new Bill, say the Noble Lords, excludes all influence of pro perty, and destroys the vested rights of individuals (mean ing of Peers and others, who are proprietors of boroughs.) Why this is pure representation. But are we not dealing with a representative form of Government? Are we not to inquire what are the rights of the Commons' House of Parliament? Oh, but this is nothing less than rank re presentatien—(Hear, and laughter)—nothing less than a total abandonment of the right of electing their representa tives to the people. It is infamous, abominable, uncon stitutional, and inconceivably pernicious.—(Hear, and laughter.) When, we are asked, was such a thing ever known in England? When were such rights acknow ledged as those proposed to be conceded under the present system ? Oh, this is quite intolerable—it is not restora tion—it is :downright revolution. And yet Edward VI. restored or created about twenty boroughs. The good Elizabeth revived or created twelve and forty-eight, making sixty. In a word, front Edward IV. to the restoration, about two hundred boroughs were revived or created. If I remained silent the Noble Lord might suppose I was convinced, and judgment would go against me. Therefore I now speak on my own authority, and that of others, which I am sure will be more re spected. I will use their words, and will read to your Lordships what is said by a certain Mr, Prynne, and by a great law sage upon the subject. After speaking of sixty-four boroughs, which were for the most part in Cornwall, Prynne says, " They are all new, and for the most part (the universities excepted) very mean, poor, inconsiderable boroughs, set up by the late returns, practices of sheriffs, or ambitious gentlemen desiring to serve them." This is their origin. They do not extend to the first of Richard 1., the first year of legal memory, but to the practice at the Restoration, the very worst time in English History, " and courting, bribing, feasting them for their voices, not by prescription or charter (some few excepted), since the reign of King Edward IV., be fore whose reign they never elected, returned burgesses to any English Parliament as they now do 128, to all." The other authority to which I shall refer, is a resolution of a Committee of the House of Commons of 1693 and 1694, of which Committee Serjeant Bladon was the Chairman, and on which were some of the greatest sages of the law —Coke and Selden, and Noy, afterwards Attorney-Gene ral. The Noble Lord then read a resolution to the effect, that more than the freemen were entitled to vote in bo roughs, and that by the common law the right resided in all inhabitant householders. What then does this resolu tion declare ? Is it not that the common right by the law of the land is in all the inhabitant householders ; not in those who pay ten pounds or one pound, but in every man who has a roof over his head ? I take upon me then to lay down, that by the common law all inhabitant house holders have a right to vote, and that if to-morrow, in the exercise of his prerogative, his Majesty were to issue a writ to Manchester, or to any other town in which there was no prescription, no corporation, all the inhabitant householders would have a right to vote. What was it then they proposed to do in the Bill ? Actually to limit the right—to limit it to the 101. householders.—(Cheers.) We are accused of being rash innovators—idle dreamers and fanciers of things—and yet it appears we have been only limiting an ancient right. It has been said that great inconvenience would arise from conceding this 101. right of voting ; but he really had heard no proof of it. He then proceeded to say, that he lamented the Noble Earl had been so ill advised as to allude in terms of such little courtesy and kindness—he might say civility—to the manufacturers of Birmingham and Manchester—when he ridiculed them as philosophers. I, said the Noble and Learned Lord, have long represented those people of the House of Commons, when I had no Censituents and they no Member, and much they felt the want of a Member to represent them. I now represent them here ; and in re ference to all matters of classical learning, wishing, as I do, that they should never scan a hexameter, or even recite an epigram—iu all wit and elegance of mind, and per sonal demeanour, they must " hide their diminsshed heads," and bow down —as, God knows, both they and I have good right to do—in the presence of my Noble Friend. But to say that I would take his opinion upon any practical question—upon any question affect iug life or property—upon any manly question—upon any question that a Statesman, a lawyer, a philoso pher, or a patriot might entertain—to say that I would put his opinion in competition with that of these steady, gallant, sensible, judicious, reflecting, and un affected men, and because unaffected, always coining to calm conclusion, and not to be seduced from it by adventitious circumstances from giving their judgment fair play, is a thing that cannot be, nor is flattery so gross, nor can friendship go so far as to make me even dream of such a proposition. My Lords, I will read your Lordships an extract of a letter which I hare received from an intelli gent friend of mine at Manchester, giving me an account of the meeting at that place, and describing the character and conduct of those who were engaged in that meeting. He says—" We had some very good speeches. You will, perhaps, be surprised to hear, that the best speaker at the meeting is a common mechanic. Ile expressed himself with the utmost clearness of diction, and force of reason ing ; and in the whole of his speech not a single observa tion escaped hint disrespectful to the higher orders of so ciety. In that and other respects he showed as much good taste and good feeling as if he had been nursed in St. Stephen's. There were many other speakers of the same class who were not far behind him ; and I can assure you, that their capacity to form a judgment of the measure un der their consideration will be despised only by those who do not know them."—(Hear, hear.) There was another remark made by the Noble Earl on which I wish to make a few observations. The Noble Earl said, that it was the undoubted right of the Crown to appoint its Ministers; yet that it might happen, if all close or nomination bo roughs were destroyed, a great inconvenience would arise ; fur that if a change of Ministers took place without a dissolution of Parliament, an Attorney or a Solicitor-General, or even a Secretary of St rte, whose presence in the House of Commons was essential to the advantageous transaction of public business, might, never theless, be kept out of the House, although one of the most estimable individuals in the country, until a general election—and even at a general election, without any fault whatever being alleged against him. My answer is— first, that I think that is an inconvenience which would admit of a remedy ; and, secondly, I will venture to say, that if I ant compelled to make a choice between per petuating that corrupt borough system in England, which even the most moderate Reformer unequivocally condemns, and that corrupt county and borough system in Scotland, which is equally reprehensible—l say, my Lords, if I have no choice between the continuance of that system and the inconvenience to which the Noble Lord has al luded, I would shake off the rottenness, and I would em brace the inconvenience. —(Hear, hear.) But, my Lords. I am not so hopeless as the Noble Earl seems . to be of finding a remedy for this inconvenience. I flatter myself that on enquiry and consideration some means may be devised to correct it; and I shall be perfectly ready in the Committee to listen to any proposition which may have that object in view. if that proposition should not seem likely to introduce greater mischiefs than that which it is intended to cure, it will meet with my concurrence; but it no such proposition can be discovered, I shall have no hesitation in undergoing the inconvenience, rather than retain the present corrupt system.—(Hear, hear.) The last observation of the Noble Earl to which I shall advert (and the Noble Earl's observations comprehend almost every thing that has been said in the course of this de bate in opposition to the measure under your Lord ships' consideration), is the Noble Earl's lamentation at the course which my Nobl: Friend at the head of his Ma jesty's Government has pursued, and at the unnecessary sa crifices which, as the Noble Earl says, my Noble Freind has been pleased to nuke. "He might," said the Noble Earl, " have met the demands, he might have conciliated the wishes of ell parties, he might have at once secured the tranquillity of the country, and perpetuated his own power; he might have stood between the living and the dead, and have stayed time plague, He would then have had that support from my Noble Friends and myself, of which the course he has pursued has deprived him." My Lords, I know that no :man regrets more than my Noble Friend that his public duty has compelled Lim to relin quish the support of the Noble Earl, and of other Noble Lords ; for no man would more highly prize that support. Believe me, my Lords, that it was not without the greatest pain that we felt ourselves compelled to adopt a course which subjected us to that evil. Believe me, my Lords, that it cost us many a bitter pang to be under the neces sity of rejecting assistance so valuable. Believe me, my Lords, that no love of popularity, disconnected with our sense of duty, could have induced us to make such a sa crifice—could have wrung from us the decision to submit to such a loss. It was because we were well aware that his Majesty's Government could not flatter themselves that the support of those Noble Lords, honest and implicit as that support would no doubt have been, could.ligity i have enabled us to stand a single day against the wish of the people of this country : of the people, not the mob. For who has been more disc"' the mob—who, through a long au honomal more elaborately separated himself from the mot ever been more anxious not to make common the rabble, than my Noble Friend ?--(Hear, h my Lords, there is a people.—(Hear, hear.) a mob, there is also a people. My Lords, 161' e middle classes of society in this coun tr y . most numerous, and by far the most weqt! this country. Ye who talk slightingly 0f th r ' s ! your houses, your castles, your manor s, your e.st brought to the hammer and sold at fif t y y ea's . their produce would be as nothing compared _vo' perty possessed by the middle classes of Englai is not property alone—the middle classes depositaries of sober, of intelligent, of honest E. ings.—(Hear, hear.) They are composed hof well-informed, of reflecting persons. If t error, it is on the safe side ; it is an error They have a contempt for political nostrums, a of political agitators. They are not easily to be , On the other hand, they disregard the so p h' would withhold from them their rights, they to abuse, and as for epigrams, they dread the than they would cannon-balls.—(Hear, hear.) are a firm, as well as a thinking people, we . 1 authority of as sagacious a man as any i n this I mean the Noble Duke, who told us that it impossible to carry on his Governmen' their support. If, which may God of his rir- n a Oa r ' any circumstance should produce acts of tumtioltAe no ple rection in this country, it is by the support lbtatbregar as contradistinguished from the populace; it is yy ssar sod port of the middle classes, which form the ne ce hic h per wholesome link of connection with that mob w r ( ~e s tlf Lordships choose to despise (and whose acts are a r t re s .r up poo such as to deserve that feeling) ; it is 1 1 ° e we t ' t alone that any Government will be enabled t 0 'b sure' to restore order. To suppose that without ea. any Government in this country could continue to conduct public affairs, is to suppose an i ial r a ' s 0,1 To suppose that the support of a few Noble , " (r * s soo' few Members of the other House of Parlianlebne peo ple, counterbalance the absence of the support e f t d eir is to betray a want of knowledge of the real sta w as - :bro , ' cumstances of the country. The Noble Ea rl r, o bserc °s last winter, and had not an opportunity of close') _ tan a what was taking place. My Noble Friend did ' OOO O tween the living and the dead ; but he found 'OOl (Hear.) What was the conduct pursued by among the former, and his opponents among t he po litic a adversaries ? As a proof of their candour, the It' cios Jll regulation of the Timber Duties—a measure in tr° ,f sote e themselves—they themselves (with the exceptiane.,-, ;she of their number whom I exempt from the eh fo r our li for a l e would not bear to be dragged through the 6 , 1 , 1 6 for r ile whom I entertain a high respect), that very f"a,dlootar purpose of obtaining a cont e mptibl e tempOrrnl Ar stle c , ed ', —that Bill, which they thems e l ves h a d but Jus t 1 ," arier,': they actually negatived.—( H ea r.) Loroef o o, Noble Lord, in urging hi s o bj ec ti ons t o the ne w foss e° said that the Members who will be sent to t he n legr t r: Commons by it will be, n o t R e p resen t a tives, ha t ; a :11' 1 ' r ; Does that Noble Lord consider that a man may gate who has only one delegator ? The Wrong have had delegates in great abundance. be as much a d e l ega t e w h en sen t to 'Or r by one proprietor of a borough, as when se6goere: thousand inhabitants of a borough. A loan c° 001' or a Jew jobber, or a N a b o b, o r a spe culating - 03"°'' may send just as m an y d e l ega t es as there are '490°1 A delegate from such a person is a delegate und er ter ests,,,, e and hypocritical pr e text o f re p resen ti n g the in * -- t hei r ' r o , the country, when in f a ct h e i s sen t t o represenk begs:' rests of his nominator. A n d h ere , m y Lord s, doe r k say one word with respect to the extraordinary ,j, maintained by a Nobl e B aron on th e Bench behfrisitlir Noble Baron objected to granting direct access t ° ti a tow ment to large towns at pr esen t unrepresented, a be r r j tended that it would b e b e tt er , if th e y wieh e4 „j ° l.loY °l presented, that they s h ou ld su b scr ib e 5,0001. a ": 0 re . ; Sarum, or some oth er rott en b oroug h, for tha t ' e l el' e , The Noble Baron l oo k e d w ith h orror at the br°- highway, and preferred that the large towns i e ' should sneak i n t o P ar li amen t b y thi s n asty, dirty Yr ' 01,1 —(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl behind, b° wev ta ga c ,! that he has no obj ec ti on t o g i ve representatives upfi places as Manchester and Sheffield, but that h ew ° l ,oo ° ' do so as the proved corruption of other places brong 1 . so! them a just disfranchis emen t. Now was there eiveschit thing so fantastic and untenable as this doctrine • rp ico matters it to Manchester or Sheffield, whether otbbettaj; el; ale rotten or not? Why are their rights to h e 13 - 41 0 on such a pretence? It is no reason why I sh o er Per b e put in possession of my right, that some ot“: /a ppli son has not yet been proved t o b e i n th e wrong. should to Johnson for ten acres which are my due, wh a . ,,, t „ oh ? I think if be were to say to me " Wait until Tha'",'• ° g eor r ' committed a felony, and has been hung, and out of "' - t sell' fiscated property, I will buy your ten acres, and gl y a e to you ?" Should I not say, " But I want my because they are mine ; I know nothing about and I should be a fool if I were to wait until committed felony before I enforced my right. hear, and a laugh.) My Lords, it is nece.sarY iw y, should look our condition in the face. The T ie' High Monarchy Man, no romancers, no vision, ° must acknowledge the great changes which the years have produced. The aisle speech of my N' who addressed your Lordships the night heft): lieves me from the necessity of troubling your on this part of the subject. I had otherwise in` endeavour to show to your Lordships the mighty which had taken place in the Constitution of th' 4 l - jatf which, in fact, is in itself a series of changes. n j Noble Friend did this with a richness of matter, a", a flow of eloquence which I should in vain attemP t and which found an entrance into every speech, a Noble Earl, intimately connected wit Cornish boroughs, attempted, with profound inr show was a weak speech ;—That speech, that. structive, and unanswerable speech, the Nob le racterised as " droll and amusing." My o pt parisons are odious.—(A laugh.) But I ( j that the speech of the Noble Earl, cheered an as it was by many of your Lordships, apnea ° , ci to be a sort of chaos, full of frigid conceits execution, of light matter and heavy word' and a laugh.) My Noble Friend, on the con' to your Lordships a lesson fraught with the fragable reasoning and the soundest philosopos such as the great miracle of wisdom of the s e ' century needed not to have disdained to acknn' There was not a single proposition, there was o°l o epithet in that admirable speech, which Lord Ba s-' losophy and even his words do not justify and are Well was it said by my Nobl e Friend that yo!' building up. Can men be governed in the changing but restoring ; that you are not pulling' o i tury by the same rules as those by which th es e governed in the fourteenth century ? To surr t i an error which was not snore strongly denotinfe Noble Friend than it has heed denounced hY e modern philosophers. To stick by the old P"' st Constitution, not to alter it, to leave it as it sc ' beginning, such is the Shibboleth of the party (11 the Bill. We are at issue on that point. I base d' shown, on the authority of Prynne, of Seidl is of Glanville, of Noy, that what is now prop , * os t innovation, that we are merely proposing °oast, boroughtnongers from a possession which theY l3 ,l O OW to have usurped, and to restore the Collst i t t,, u x ' original character. I have endeavoured to King's Ministers only propose what the state of peratively demands ; that they only pror'4 o ll mDst venerable Prelate on the opposite " on the King to do on delivering to hint Hied -big justice in the late ceremonial. His Grace t° l jesty that it was his duty to destroy Ito of iniquity, to restore things gone to decay , e nt • se ly tain things restored. I say that this is P reet c slo• th, Bill under your Lordships' consideration is a , be to effect. I serve a Monarch who has sworn t h ne to destroy the growth of iniquity, restore things cay, and maintain things restored ; and wit& in my body, and continue to have the haßour f a, tha t vice, I will a',l the King in the p e rformance If the restoration of things gone to decay is be g in the words of Canute to the tide, "'Thus far go and no further," the surge must dash over • shall stand fearlessly on the beach. I call on a a nY, Lord—l call on any Lay Lord—to meet the..rgro, hove advanced on this part of the subject. will any hove the 6 Lord say that there has been no change in character of a seat in Parliament? Is it net that in former times a seat in the House of Coto!,' ninetee., a burden of which all men tried to get rid ? Is that the saint law can be now operative, when li all a seat in the House of Commons is an object whit long for? Can you return to the old law witi o w u tl o y a great change in the present law? Can Y 00's things are not altered, and that you will uot ,eel‘ country a gross and violent change. •if Y o° s rhee,io restore the 01,1 'aw, or retain the 94. 1 los sf e id , things around you are changed ? nsed,` a l iL ta ,. ing of the changes in the law, to =vier , io t ra tion to the change which ha ...ken P' 8 _ 10 0 ( 1 ,, perty, and I always found that sgutnent .0001,100 aisle. The old law said that a tuba propertY et ivy t aken in execution fur his debts, pit then ; ineee d wtth t 'Petty i n t a ble life , hle c aney, and )1)--who I : ° P e ty h ad c ause wlt) 1 „.' e 7 The 1, war. ) BO t;rrAbie for there i 1 lb make that speak eftbe e l aw to of th e Pl'clsed s peak might to eh by c lasses not )se 00.50,11 an ge f rom i estates, Were roughs /14 purchase, menu vith the Pr°: king's and. 13° tomg's Bend are the b",' things Pei them English fe eP f the are to of active, ° anxio t7ivileg e , ley have . °! 1,1101 anxious ae, of caatioP. to th atterati o , a detestatio e h e ,.,., , e led astraP ]an there ri histry Mand'ng at are our': Phr n „ Y Nobl e ion rio t ,ay the Opp, ) Th at t 7, 4 0e, „ e sYste r have °l t bor n le sYst, is'countli whieughs of at . he coos{ but I Ito eat with°':i than who i t : pereY i!vr'r: Of y oso cl n „„ . e Lord ve tnd g' t ie In y ter' 0 ; T h r ° , lll o ,o,o it" '' / (fies r. ,` t sary t"3 he isiona rir i e the 13' v r iev d Nobl e Sr d • fore Lorg',", ,Or deo '' inteo bs oge ig bi btY c l ott, t4;t , tb ?,s. tl ter, 39 eCl'' t emp tto l l ' ; , l • It t ' with d t eioq ue "l ' ch r rhle 31 co f Lo rd „ i t OP ~ ,e4 I 19 ro' , a rid vi t ; eare d ;c ot ! Bits 3" fieP t" ntrarl' e o t _ he le s ' )11Y eeen se se' e " knosclelr • not ' l , ir 133v° :tio f' , /,1 d 530 oo at ha r; io teev the) noe sort - , V 0 1 rup ee" h;f t y tie . r oo t I,s a t t s , it SC3' or °I! have COP 4) 1 de t rl, OSe d .g v§t e r • . to " t oe', g b X t ° u °ol t° t he t ow/ thst , of ,1)10g , , the • r;! c‘• '" ‘ ,llr d lt he gap( vioni the 9 's 1/i 1; told ° the b o ,tii r It ° 1 4/ ant sc rec isel co ote, ; s I I . tli c a 3t b t e c s d r t s rdn e br e 1 b ave t,:t of t hat of d ot i` i n terP r o hal, 0 ;1 • t tie, ire; Les' 00: ofi ev e ara u So v i il l aoY t,ots , 0 ,11 s /l e :t ° ,,, t°rj ol: : 0 0,11 0- s'• Is it 0, 0 p fin' t o t oy.. whir l, 3 1 01 Shou t 19 0 1 tit( t I: