The Sun. — London, England, 1831-11-15 00:00:00

t o put down violence--to oppose legal to illegal power—and at all hazards, to protect the per sons and property of his Majesty's subject, from the 'ruffian violence of those who, having no more 'principle than property to lose, world gladly avail. themselves of any opportunity of injuring the ore, and seizing the other. Every one knows, and Therefore it is merely necessary to allude to the cir cumstance, the alacrity with which, yesterday week, , all classes of his Majesty's subjects came forward, to ensure the public safety against a band of miguided men, whose intended meeting, had it been allowed to take place, must have seriously compromised an peace of the metropolis ; yet, strange as it must appear, this very alacrity has been misrepresented, and an attempt made to poison the King's ear with the idea that his people already acknowledge no government but their own, and if they be eh. lewed to form themselves into a National Guard, as they have already formed themselves int o peaceful Unions for the promotion of consti tutional objects, the power and prerogatives of the throne will be at an end ! The malignant vili fiers! how dare they misrepresent the people of Eng land after this manner ? How dare they insult his Majesty by attempting to palm upon hint such no torious falsehoods ? How dare they imagine thai they can terrify our stout-hearted riflonarellinne the adoption of measures which would indeed compro. arise the safety of the throne, by inventing dangers which exist nor, and feigning evil results of Maid there is no prospect The people of Ee g a ra rt have always been a loyal people : and, with the exception of the Aeti-Reformers and the ignorant few who have been misled and imposed upon by their itine rant agents, they are loyal now, even to a man. Let the Tories beware, however, of what they are about A National Guard, sanctioned by the authority, and commended by the officers of the King, may he an evil U 1 them, inasmuch as its establishment would put an end to all their Mechiavelian machinations for disturbing the King's peace, and retarding the progress of the Reform Bill—but it is neither the worst evil that could befal them, nor the worst evil that would befal them, were they to persevere in their wicked attempts to mislead the King, and to misrepresent his people.—ellening Advertigcr. A meeting of the inhabitants of the parish of Sr. James, numerously and respectably attended, was held yesterday, at the Circus, in Great Windmill istreet. The meeting, was culled by Mr. Barber Beaumont, for the formation of a Loyal and Pa triotic Association. The resolutions which Mr. Beaumont appended to his circular, and which ap peared in the Chronicle some days ago, were sub mitted in an altered shape to the meeting. The declaration against universal suffrage was, we think properly omitted, because Reformers of all shades of opinion having once agreed to the Refmm Bill as e compromise, it is, to say the least of it, injudicious to provoke controversy on the subject of what indi viduals may deem abstrac'edly the best Reform.— At this meeting, as everywhere else, the prevail ing opinion was, that the time is now come for putting an end to the apprehensions of the nation with regard to the Bill. It is taken for granted, that a House of Peers comprised only of the Mem hers by which the late Bill was rejected woule infallibly reject another Bill equally efficient, and what the people wish to know is the manner ii ss hich the difficulty is to be overcome. Ministers are not entitled to say, dismiss all apprehension from your minds, our :actions hitherto have en titled us to your confidence, and when we say that we would not remain in office if we had not a reasonable assurance of our ability to carry the Bill, you are unreasonable in :Aims us on what our expectations are founded. They are not entitle: to hold this language, because, from the very prin ciple: of our nature, it is impossible that, in a matter of such magnitude as a question involving the peace and prosperity of the nation, the people can forget the magnitude of the interests which they have at stake, and abandon themselves to the guidance of any Cabinet whatever, without apprehension. Men must be as stupid as the brute animals, after what has taken place in this country, to be without appre hension as to the conduct of any dozen of men, how ever estimable, by which the fate of themselves and their children may be determined. But farther, the very uneasiness of the public—an uneasiness which as rational beings, men cannot dismiss from their minds—has a necessary tendency to defeat the object which Ministers have at heart It prairies credit and confidence, throws numbers of workmen out of employment, and involves all classes in embarrass ment and distress. An unemployed and suffering population furnish ready materials to the demagogue and the incendiary, and the oligarchy derive fresh courage from the apprehensions which the different classes of society entertain of each other. The states men, indeed, must be little less than insane, who can hazard the consequences which uncertainty, if conti nuer much longer, can hardly fail to produce. We say then, that if Ministers have made up their minds as to the mode in which the Reform Bill is to be carried, and can count with certainty on the effi cacy of such means, it is net enough that they pos sess this knowledge themselves, they ought at once to dispel the uneasiness of the public. It would be no justification of their conduct, if the public im patience should produce mischievous results, were they to say, if you had allowed us to proceed in peace, we should have been successful, but your im patience has discomposed our plans ; because no plans ought to be formed, in which due allowance is not made for that impatience. A nation of twenty bre millions cannot remain passive for months. A tranquillising declaration of some sort from Ministers would inspire the people with hope, revive confi dence and commercial activity, and thereby obtain for them increased means of carrying the measure. If Ministers possess the power of carrying the measure, to keep hack their knowledge from the parties most deeply interested, the productive classes, would either be puerile fastidiousness, or disregard of the welfare of the nation. If they do not possess the means—which most persons now believe to be the case—they ought not to allow the people to remain in ig orance with regard to their true pc sitioe, that if Ministers cannot assist them, they may not be deprived of the means ofas.isting themselves. It is not enough that Ministers do not concur in any attempts against the liberties of the nation ; they ought not to lead the nation blindfold to its ruin— they ought not to deliver it up, bound neck and heel, at the moment perhaps when it is most con venient for the adversary to strike, and least possible for it to ward off the blow. At the meeting yester day, two modes of carrying the Bill were alluded to—one, the often-agitated one of creating new Peers—the other, the remodelling the House of Commons by the exercise of the prerogative. If Ministers cannot have recourse to either of these means, for a certainty Reform will not be obtained without a struggle. It is no trifling matter to Compel a nation to draw the sword. But grievous as the consequences of a revolution would be, we hold them to be a s nothing compared to the cala mity of the triumph of the boroughniongers, who would not consider themselves secure in their usur pation till they had trampled on all the remaining liberties of the nation, and destroyed the means of future resistance to their tyranny. The attempt of this insolent oligarchy, even if at first attended with success, would soon produce a terrible re-action, because their sense of insecurity would lead them to measures which would drive the people to despair, and compel a terrible retribution. There can be no hope of peace but in the d e f eat o f t h e o ligarchy. T wo hundred families in a nation are nothing. The gallant Nobility of France, naen of ancient lineage, connect ed with the 7 country and with Europe by numberless historical recollections, and not, like the most of our boroughmongers, men of yesterday, the descendants of Dutch and Ger man Jews, stock jobbers, East and West India traders, slave-dealers, &c., were swept from their country without their place having been even missed. The forty thousand emigrant Nobles who advanced in arms from Coblentz, were of no more considera tion than if they bad been forty thousand weavers ansi tailors. The places of the boroughniongeo would know them no more. If once they raised their heads against the people, their fate would be expulsion from the soil which they had polluted, and exile and beggary for themFelve: and their chi!. lren. A nation is very different from a caste. The power of the caste is aniticial, it depends for its existence on law, and when the bonds of law are dissolved, it expires ; but a nation never dies. If :he oligarchy provoke the people of their country by wanton outrage, their doom is sealed. They cannot destroy the nation ; but the nation can easily destroy them. The object of the Unions now forming is the preservation of the peace of the country against the two classes of incendiaries now leagued together for purposes of plunder—the boroughmongers and he lowest of the rabble. It was well observed by Mr. Beaumont, when he proposed " that such inha bitants as were willing to serve as special constables should enrol their names," that as the Government had expressed its dislike to the formation of armed Associations, they would confine themselves to the Above object. lie added, that for his own part, he should like to see all young men throughout the country trained to the use of arms; and that if they could not now form armed associations, should the Goren ment at any future period require the services of an armed association, the materials for one were ready. It is well to make no secret of our strength and our means of making it available. There is an eastern saying, that one sword drawn keeps another .n the scabbard. If the peace of the country is to be preserved, it can only be by the knowledge of the lioroughmongers that the people ere prepared for he worst. To their humanity, to their justice we rust not. They are robbers and plunderers, and partake of the nature of all who live by preying on their fellow creatures. They are hard unfeeling men, between whom and the people there can be no peace till they are stripped of the power, for the pre ,er vation of which they are ready to resort to all man lier of wickedness. Much has been said of the pas ,izes from Blackwood, quoted in the Westminster Review for October, 1831, as containing a rather too frank revelation of the designs of the boroughmon gets. The extracts are from the number of Blac4-- wcod for August and September. Some of the passages are certainly curious : " The Committee will cut the Bill well dov. , n yet More it goes to the Lords, and the Lords will do the rust of the business; and Lord Grey will resign next morning, and William the Fourth, nolens volens, will send for Sir Robert Peel, and Sir Robert Peel will make up a Cabinet .within eight-and-forty hours, and deliver a plain perspi cuous oration, detailing what Reform he is willing to pa rronise, and dissolve the Parliament. " TICKLEK—And what then? " NORTII—Why, nothing uncommon. The majority of the House of Commons are not—not being fools, more tool. they cannot possibly be—sincere; and they will be delighted to find their Bill destroyed, and they will vapour tad palaver, and do nothing. By that time, however, the horrible stagnation in every branch of internal trade, for which the nation has to thank Lord Grey, and of which people in lofty places even are beginning to feel the etr-cts, sill have come to such a pass as to command attention in .11 quarters to something much more interesting, as well important, than any Reform. • a • • • " TICK LER—Acid if a general att tck upon property should ••ally take place, where are tle individuals fer anything ike a defence? " NORTH—Why I can easily soppose that the present ,•oncern being got rid of—the agricultural population at huge —excepting of course those counties in which the ;11 gal system of the Poor Laws has had time to work its roper consequences on the mind of man, woman, and chili—might very properly be stimulated to take the side of the conservators. • • • 4 4 • a a " TicKLEft—What if the. army should be a disunited as the reA? " NORTll—PotBibly. ':s.nd in that case we should see campaigning There are possibly amorg the Regimental Officers abundance of old Peninsulars, who would have no great objection to play for such stakes as they have read or heard of elsewhere. " TICK LHR—It must be some comfort to you that, pc eordinz to your theory, Scotland here %coal escape. " Not:Tit—We mn't not be too sure of that, neither ; I suspect we should have a fierce tussle even here, though eomparatively a brief one. Most probably our yeomanry —th e finest fellows, I do believe, that ever were embodied in military corps since the world began Our yeomanry would most probably put down any insur ,ection in this quarter in one month—but granting that. good God, what a month ! It would be a horrid time, in deed, for o!d cocks like us, that could not mount and take a hand in the came. Only think of Glasgow or dear Paisley, .n the power of the ra,..cals fur a week—yea, for a day. ..e.ea a " strongly suspect, if there was a r.•ar either at come or abroad, the army would expect to see Ilardinge as far forward as anybody but the Duke. " NORTH shall have work for Murray here among ourselves. Scotland will look to him in the first in stance," &c. These are the idea.; on which the boroughmongers gloat.-111 - orning Chzonicle. Whether that disease called the Indian cholera rnorber be contagious or not, is a question which no competent authority exists to determine, for " who can decide when doctors disagree ?" but certain it is that another disease, by which it has been pre ceded and accompanied in this country—we mean the plague of idle disputation—is exceedingly con tagious. Not only are medical men of all grades in fected with this distemper at the present time, to a degree of virulence of which the desperate symp toms may be daily seen in the columns of the Press, but doctrinaires of all daises have caught the ma• lady from the doctors, and, ranging themselves under the opposing banners of the contagionists and anti contagionists, rejoice or despond as the progress of mortality elicits facts which appear to be favourable or adverse to their respective theories. Practical men, whose minds are not of that speculative genius which disdains the trammels of common sense, are content with taking practical mete. sures to prevent the spreading of the distemper, as far as human means can prevent it, whe ther the disease be contagious or not. The moment when the enemy prepares to storm the town, and already carries his scaling ladders to the foot of the walls, is not exactly the time when the garrison ought to desert the fortifications for the purpose of discussing the abstract principles of the art of gunnery. If so, the town would be taken before their guns could be charged—and we suspect all England might be overrun by cholera morbus before the anti-contagionists and their learned opponents could bring their theoretical dis pute to a satisfactory termination. For our own part, we believe it very probable that the Indian cholera, .like many other destructive distempers, is contagious as to certain constitutions or habits of body, and riot contagious as to others. But it be hoves all to use precautions ; and whether the dis ease be conveyed through the infected air, or com municated directly from the person of the patient, it is equally necessary to take those measures which experience shows to be the most effective in re moving the predisposing causes. The London Board of Health deserve great credit for their prac tical exertions. In Mr. Pearson they have an equally intelligent and indefatigable Chairman. To cleanse away the filth of the by-lanes, the alleys, and the obctire courts of the metropolis—to lime-wash the rooms and hovels of the poor—to clothe thousands of families in new flannel, to whom the comfort of warm and cleanly raiment was long unknown—to explore the dark regions of accumulated wretched. ness, and stop the sources of contagion at the foun tain-heads of impurity ; these are the duties—the real, substantial, and benevolent duties—which the London Board of Health have undertaken to per form, while the contagionists and anti•contagionists a re waging a furious paper-war, which is not likel y to be productive of the least benefit to the interests of humanity. We wish the London Board of Health had influence enough to prevail upon the lower classes of the metropolis to give up the intem perate use of ardent spirits—the deadly poison of their health and morals. If a change could be wrought in this respect, not only would a prediepos- I ing cause of cholera, or other pestilence among the • lower classes, be removed, but the breaking in upon the bad habit, through fear of immediate calamity, might eventually be turned to a permanent ranifit, and in this way the existing public alarm might be made subservient to a most deirAble and difficult meral reformation.—Marning Herald. MONMOUTH COUNTY REFORM MEETING. (Abridged from the Blonntouthshire_3lerlii9 . . W. HoLLB, Esq. the High Sheriff, iu opening the business of the meeting, took occasion to express his regret that the House of Lords had rejected the Bill. It was so imperiously called for by the people, that it must, he felt assured, lie ere long passed into a law. The requisition having been read by Mr. Mo.sTrx, the Under Sheriff, C. H. LEIGIi, Esq. presented hiurelf. As lie admired the magnanimity shown by the people on the rejection of the Bill, so did he condemn the con duct of the House of Lords, who had exposed them to so severe a trial. The peaceful demeanour of the people under circumstances of so much excita tion and such extreme discontent could not be too highly appreciated. It was necessary, however, to impress upon the mind of every Reformer that from tumult and violence no good could possibly result. Ministers could effect nothing, if their attention were to he distracted by scenes of popular commotio n . The meeting might rest perfectly satisfied that nothing could prevent the attainment of their object, supported as it was by his most gracious Majesiy, an honest House of Commons, arid the voices of an uni:ed people. Still they must not relax.— (Cheers.) Mr. Leigh concluded by proposing tile first resolution. Sr T. R. SALUSBURY, Bart. seconded the reso lution. On the first resolution being put to the vote, the hand of one freeholder appeared to be holden up against it. " Are you for or against the resolution ?" said the Sheriff. " For, Sir," replied the man, thinking that the longer he held up his hand, the stronger would be the testimony of his approbation. The Rev. W. PowELL (Vicar of Abergavenny) then rose and said—Gentlemen, ire we to be taunted with having adopted revolutionary prin• ciples, because we are endeavouring to restore the balance of our Constitution, which has been so nearly overturned by this usurpation of our dearest right—the right of consenting by the voice of our representatives freely chosen to the imposition of those public burdens to which we may be required to contribute, and to the enactment of those laws which we may be called upon to obey ? Shall we be branded by the most opprobrious epithets which Tory malignity and Tory scurrility can devise, be cause, by endeavouring to restrain the peerage within tl7e prescribed limits of their constitutional privileges, we would prevent these very privileges from beingbrought into question and into jeopardy ? Surely no one will maintain that a balance can be preserved betvveen co-ordinate powers, if the Peers shall not only be allowed to vote by person and by proxy in their own chamber, but also to domineer by their nominees, the representatives of the de cayed boroughs, in the other House of Parliament. All we demand, gentlemen, is a restoration of the balance of our Con•titution. And " the Bill" would in reality have been equally beneficial to the Peers as to the people, inasmuch as it would have prevented the former from being led inn the temptation of committing the highest of political misdemeanors. But by the ill-advised rejection ot the Bill, it would appear that the Lords were deter. mined at all hazards to maintain their unrighteous usurpation, and to sink the Constitution of three co-ordinate estates into the despotic domination ot an overbearing oligarchy, the worst form of tyranny by v.hich the human race was ever cursed. I hati hoped that certain Peers would have read the signs of the times, and particularly that sign of the move ment of the brightest luminary in the Ministerial constellation towards the palace of the sun of our political system—the visit of Lord Chancellor Brougham to William the Fourth at Wnidsor Castle. But did they nor read this sign ? I believe they did read the sign, but that they made a wretched miscalculation in their interpretation thereof. Some Tory Lords (ex-occupants of the Woolsack perhaps) may have sought for the interpretation in the deep hollow of their own hearts. In the language of Mr. Canning in his better days, " they asked their own hearts, and read the answer there." Gentlemen, there is only one thing which can rob the people of the fruits of their numerous sacrifices and patriotic exertions,—that can prevent or delay the consum mation of their ardent aspirations,—and that is a spirit of imptstience at the short respite from their indefatigable labours required by Ministers for them selves and for your representatives, to enable them to perfect and to secure the success of their great scheme for an emancipation from thraldom. Exalt yourselves, gentlemen, to the height of the great cause in which you have embarked. Leave vulgar abuse, malignity, arid scurrility,—leave tumult and disorder, to the discomfited Tories; for they are the proper elements of your opponents. Show yourselves worthy of the high vocation of Reform. WEDGEWOOD, Esq. said, considering the excited state of the kingdom, it certainly was matter of congratulation that the people had conducted themselves with so much moderation and forbear mice. In that part of the kingdom with which he was more particularly acquainted—where the popu lation was most dense, and where the feelings of the inhabitants had been goaded to the high est possible state of excitement—in Staffordshire, Lan cashire, and Cheshire—the very cradles of Radi calism—where riots and tumults were most ap prehended, every thing had gone on in the most tranquil and peaceable mariner. The fact Was , the people now knew their rights, and felt cer tain of obtaining them. In the House of Com mons many things had been mentioned as objection. able in the rejected Bill. Certainly several beneficial amendments might be made. The amendment intro duced on the motion of Lord Chandos ought to be ornittedond t he election for counties put on abetter and surer foundation ; otherwise counties could, by a subdivision of votes, be formed into close boroughs, which it would ultimately be necessary to put into schedule A. Although it was very troublesome to convene county meetings he highly approved of the principle. It brought together all classes of society. Last week he (Mr. Wedgewood) had attended a ' meeting of the county of Stafford, the requisition for which had been signed by 2,812 noblemen, gentle men, and substantial freeholders. This was in a county which had hitherto been under the complete controul of a few aristocrats. The enslaved had trampled on their chains—they now felt that they were freemen, and had resolved, that henceforth liberty should be their motto and their watchword. The Rev. J. B. DAVIES proposed the third reso lution, which was seconded by Tilos. FOTIIERGIEL, Esq., in a neat and appropriate speech. J. Tsroaras,Esq.—Mr. High Sheriff, Gentlemen, and Brother Britons !—(Loud and continued cheers.) Ere I arrived at the age of manhood half a century ago last March, I joined the ranks of the Reformers; I became acquainted with its most respectable ad vocates, the Dukes of Norfolk and Bedford, Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, and Mr. Tooke; and from that period to the present moment my opinion has never altered one iota. When I read of the gross corrup tions of Walpole and Bute, witnessed much of those of North, Pitt, arid Castlereagh, I began to despair of living to see Reform triumphant. The Ups tree of corruption had taken vast root ; its branches had spread over the the whole empire; its upper branches had contaminated the higher sphere, arid the lower ones seemed to be taking root, and I feared it could never be eradicated. But you have wisely culti vated the tree of knowledge, grafted with the tree of liberty, and well has it flourished ; for now tower , ing over the Upas of corruption, it has intercepted the rays of the sun—caused the viler plant to droop, wither, and rapidly decay ; while the noble tree of liberty, having expanded its branches far and wide, not only over the whole of our empire, but the Eu ropean Continent, continues to vegetate. It has , blossomed most beautifully. The fruit is set, amid in , due 6002011 will ripen and please the taste of the enc- mies of bigotry and persecution, the friends of justice and mercy, and of civil and religious liberty. Next to my God, I adore rational liberty. But this is not to be obtained by violence—none but a had cause requires that ; ours is a good one, and calk not fo; the aid of violence. Recollect the advice of one, the wisest of the ancients, in reply to the elm plaints of the oppressed. Of three recommenda tions given by the sage for their guidance, the whole sere comprised in one word—" Patience!" The advice was acquiesced in, and success followed its adoption. You will, and shall be, victorious. Be prudent, indefatigable, firm, and determined in per severance till you succeed—but he peaceable! Now, gentlemen and Britons, let us turn and see of what description our opponents are. The foremost is a Scot (proverbially synonimous with treachery), and he bears so many names that when you hear them you will picture to yourselves a whole clan of High lantlere—James Archibeltl Stuart Wertley Macken zie Wharncl•ffe, The last is rather ominous, and characteristic, moreover, of his native land; and hope the Nlinistry is warned of him as a hol/oto clif. He is of the same breed as he of Cardiff— (Here a voice said " Ile is also a chip of the old block.")—descended from the brother and coadjutor of Bute, the first corrupter of the political principles of George 111. He was his first Minister, and a bad one he was When he first came, he was a needy Scot, and was accused of receiving a vast bribe from the French, as a purchase for peace; and it was more than probable the charge was true: be sides which he received from Oc•ober, 1760, to Oc tober, 1763, from the privy purse, 136,0001., and for secret service 233,000/., making together, in three years, 369,000/. He bought large estates, and built stately palaces; how could a needy Scot do this if he had not been plundering ? On a motion he wished to carry, he doubled the pensioner; arid household Lords; his pocket-holder in the Com mons distributed 25,0001. in hundred-pound bank notes. Upon another occasion, the Hon. C. Too rsent] told Mr. Pitt (the father of Billy Pqt, the Tory) as they were entering the House, that he was quite certain they (the Opposition) had a ma jority ; but after the division he discovered that Lloyd, who held the Minister's bribery pocket-book, had converted more than sufficient to carry the ques tion. The next is a Scot (Lord Man field), de scended from the breed of the worst political Judge that ever sat as chief in the Court of King's Bench, .Jeffries excepted. As to the Tory, Old Bags, and Ellenborough, you know enough without my saying any thing about them. Then comes that wretched addle-pate, Londonderry, the brother of Derrydown Triangle—the vilest apostate the country was ever accursed with—one who began his political career upon the shoulders of his confiding countrymen, and immediately he got into power, kicked down the ladder he had just mounted, like his predecessor Pitt. Of all our worst Ministers, none were more cruel, arbitrary, and oppressive than this Irish ty rant. In 1813 and 1816, while at Paris and Vienna he re ceived 48,809/. which, with his salary, 12,000/., amounted to 55,809/.; and his brother (the present Loud Leedondeny), being also an ambassador, re ceived 24,000/. and 2.000/. from his commission as a General of the Siaff.—(Here a gentleman noticed that he had Ills r applied to the Ministry for a consi derable audition sem, which Lerd Sidmouth de clared" was too b:e1:") Thus these two worthless brothers had in two years pocketed no less a sum than 81,809/. of the public money. Would a Re formed Parliament allow such doings ? Would a Reformed Parliament consent to all - ,tv a maniac 60,0001. a-year, a wife 10,0001. a-year for the su perintendence of her husband, and the same sum to a son for going once a month in a begga , ly cabriolet for a similar purpose ? Certainly not. Mr. Thomas then gas e a detailed account of the t rogressive in crease of the public debt and of the public burdens with which most of our readers are already ac quainted. The American war (continued Mr. Thomas) cost 200 millions. In 1793, previous to the war with France, the whole of the Government expellees was six millions, and interest nine millions; the war with France (reckoning the annual taxes arid loans) amounted to nearly 200 millions; leaving a debt of 900 millions, the greater part of which sums were expended for and against the Bourbons. The enemies of Reform call the measure a revolu tion. To this I say, that from the latter end of Henry 111. to the death of the profligate Charles IL, being a period of four centuries, the places of repre sentation had been tuffering innovation and alteration. There are 71 places which formerly returned mem bers, and do not now, many of them being large flourishing towns, and intended by the Reform Bill to be restored. I have much more to say, but am unab'e to proceed, and will not take up more of your attention, but propose the resolution with which I have been entrusted. The fourth resolution was then read ; and having been seconded by J. JENKINS, Esq. in an appro priate speech, wag unanimously carried. J. MOGGRIDGE, F.Qq., on proposing the sixth re- solution, traced the progress of Parliamentary cor ruption from the time of the revolution in 1688, and sheaved that the country owed to it all the evils under which it was at present labouring. He then introduced a well attested anecdote of Lord Castle reagh, while in Paris, after the restoration of the Bourbons. The French Government being desirous of depriving the people of their charter, and deli. berating, in Lord Castlereagh's presence, on the best means of obtaining their object—" Let me warn you," said his Lordship "against using the military —no force. Take your lesson from us borough mongers, and, if properly observed, you will find it the most valuable one you ever learnt. By acting as we do, you will render the subjection of the people greater than ever, and that, not in appear ance, but in reality." The hint was taken, and from that moment the administration employed itself in endeavouring to sap the morals of the people. A title was conferred upon one; a place upon ano ther—in short, a very material portion of the re venue wag applied for the purposes of corruption. To so great an extent was this system carried, that, according to the authority of a great political econo mist, at the period of the revolution in July, 1830, every eleventh man was either a placeman, pen sioner, or in the pay of the Government. Louis XVIII. continued to observe the advice of Lord Castlereagh, and so long the power of the Bourbons remained unimpaired. Charles X. forgot it ; the system was too slow for him ; he had recourse to violence, and every one knew what had been the consequence. He had been driven ignominiously from his throne, and if his subjects had not pos sessed far greater generosity and forbearance than he was capable of feeling, his life would have paid the forfeit of his crime. Mr. Moggridge then enforced, in energetic terms, the necessity of rooting out the same species of corruption in our own country, which he termed its native soil. The proper means were now being taken—the antidote for the bane was a full, free, and fair representation of the people. Mr. Moggridge concluded by again referring to the celebrated resolution of the house of Commons in support of his - Majesty's Ministers, and which, he contended, entitled them to the full confidence of the people. That resolution was the date of a new era in their annals; and he trusted that it would continue its exertions, and advocate every measure calculated to promote the extension of civil and reli gious liberty. Mr. Tilos. PHILLIPS, jon., of Newport, seconded the resolution in a speech replete with historical re search, sterling good sense, and sound judgment. I wish to speak of the House of Peers with proper and due respect, but it is difficult to discuss with calmness the vote they have deemed it prudent to record, and recorded it is in the face of a suffering— a murmuring people. For what is the question► upon which they have declared their dissent—what the constitutional measure to which they have re ' fused their concurrence ? Was it a project for les sening the fair and legitimate influence of the Crown, or depriving the aristocracy of a single constitutional prerogative? No, Sir, tt was a measure intended and calculated to reform the representation of the • people, and to make the House of Commons in practice what it is in theory—the depository of the wishes, the express image of the feelings, and the corrector of the grievances of the nation. But the House of Lords is not only a legislative, but a judi cial body. It is assisted by the advice of the sages of the law—it is purified by the rulers of the church. It is the duty of such an assembly to guard the morals, to protect the virtue of the people. Was, then, the measure, however wise as a political regu lation, calculated to promote corruption, to encourage fraud, and to increase vice and immorality ? On the contrary, Sir, it is admitted that the measure, so far from aggravating, would materially lessen, if not wholly banish from our representation, that corrup tion, fraud, and immorality of which it is now too often the fruitful parent. And yet such a measure has been opprobriously rejected by the Peers of England, the last court of judicature in the realm— by the sages of the law, men who have filled end we now filling the highest judicial stations—by the rulers of the church, holding their seats as ministers of arc. ligion which condemns abominations in high places. We, Sir, can never forget that when the Commons of Great Britain appeared at the Bar of the House of Lords, suing for a redress of grievances by the only effective mode in which that redress can be obtained—a full and fair representation of the people —they were referred to New Sarum and Gatton, the shameful parts of the Constitution ; thus giving them weakness for strength, opprobrium for glory, and the slough of slavery for freedom. And was that, Sir, the decision of the aristocracy of England —this the conduct of the descendants of those B irons who extorted Magna Chants from a feeble tyrant? With few, and but very few, exceptions, the ancient aristocracy of England were not wanting to themselves and their country; and if their order pass unscathed through the fiery ordeal it will as suredly undergo, its safety will be owing to the con duct of the best, the olde , t, the proudest of England's Berons. To what then, or rather to whom, was the defeat of the measure owing ? To the Scotch and Irish Peers, to the borough-holders, to the place men and pensioners, and last, but not he ist, to those mitted Prelates who, taught by divine revelation the danger of wealth and the haz trd of luxury, kindly take to themselves that portion of this world's goods which they fear might expose the flock to eternal destruction. Mr. Phillips then proceeded to give an analytical statement of the characters of the ma jority of 199 Peers who voted against Reform. is said that unless the Bill be altered the present House of Peers cannot with any regard to consistency press it. Of what part of that illustrious body is consistency deemed to be a necessary appendage ? Of the Duke of Wellington, who opposed Catholic emancipation in one year, and introduced the measure in the next, although a few short weeks b. fore the Bill for accomplishing that object was submitted to Parliament he wrote a letter to Dr. Curtis, telling him the question must he buried for two years? Of Lord Lyndhurst, who, in 182 S, when Master of the Rolls, opposed the Catholic claims, and in 1829, when Chancellor of England, supported them Of the House as a body, that House which in one year, by a large majority, refused to consider the subject of emancipation, and in the next, by a still larger majority, passed a more extensive measure of relief than was ever before submitted to Pat liarneut? No, S:r, it is not the pledged opesimis of the House that I regard ; it is the bitter hoatility, !he undis guised aversion, of their Lordships, that I fear. Thai majority against the Bill on the last division sea; forty-env. There were forty Peers absent ; and if they had all voted the majority would probably have increased to fifty or moiel besides which, it was avowed by some of the Press that they only voted fer the second read,ng in order that the Bill rn:gtut g o into Committee, when they would have an oppor , tunny of objecting to those details of which they disapproved. What are the means by which his Majesty's Government hope to oyerciune its a few short weeks this exulting majority ? Are they in trigue, corruption, or fear? My not the Bill be • again thrown out, or may not their Lordships, taught cunning if not wisdom by experience, disfigure the ; fair features of the measure in Comm,ttee? If new Peers are not made, and the Bill be again thrown out, the people will become convinced that the Go vernment has not the energy required to reform the representation, and all further confidence in the public mind will lie destroyed. Feelin , . that the present is the most momentous crisis that I ever read of in the history of our country,—a crisis not merely in teresting to our , elves, but to all nations,— and that on the conduct of our Government depends the fate of the British Constitution, I would earnestly and solemnly implore them to adopt, ere yet it be too late, those decided, those uncompromising measures which will ensure the security of the Monarchy, the integrity of the Legislature, and the happiness, the prosperity, and the well-being of the people. Mr. W. A. WILLIAMS wished not to excite dis content or bad feeling, but it was impossible to blink the truth that the Bill had been contemptuoully re jected.—(Cheers.) One short week had, how ever, produced a mighty change. When the re solution of the Commons had passed by so large a majority—when the decision of Ministers not to resign—when the manner in which the Pre mier had been rece.ved by the King, who autho rized him to take such steps as he might think proper for carrying the Bill—when the calm and peaceful, but firm and unflinching determination of the people of England—when all these things were seen—many of the opposing Peers acknowledged that it was in vain to offer further resistance. Still there must be no relaxation, no lukewarmness in the exertions of the people. They must not be de ceived by the specious speeches and dangerous doc trines of the moderate Reformer. The Duke of Wellington—of whom he could never speak but with gratitude, for his great military achievements, however dearly they might have cost the country — the Duke of Wellington, that heroic opposer of all Reform, now professed himself to be a moderate Reformer. There were many Members of the house of Commons who had supported the second reading of the Bit and opposed every clause in Commit' ee ; and there were in the Lords many who would do the same. For his part, he always regu lated his conduct by one object—the attainment of a full, free, and entire representation of the people. —((heers.) The present crisis was one of uncer tainty, and some danger. A cry had been raised, and was now repeated, of there being a re action; and the electiens for Dorset, and Pembroke, and Grimsby, and Dublin, were cited as evidence of it. These proved only, that it behoved the people to renew their exertions and be mole than ever on their guard against the insidious artifices o f their political opponents. He understood that in Dorsetshire the agricultural freeholders had been greatly influenced by specious insinuations, that their interest would be sacrificed in die reformed Housed Commons to the manufacturers. As all the hopes and prospects of him ( \lr. Williams) were con nected with the landed interest, it could hardly be supposed that he would support a Bill from which any such effects were to be apprehended. lie was aware that the corn laws must undergo full consider ation ; but whatever might be decided, it would be the act of the whole legislative body after a full and comprehensive view of the subject. If, after mature deliberation, any sacrifices were to be submitted to on his part, he should not repine.—(Cheers.) Mr. Williams sat down amidst the most enthusiastic cheers, which were continued for several minutes. The seventh resolution, expressing the thanks of the meeting to the Bishops of Norwich and Chi chester, was moved by J. L. FARR, Esq. and se conded by J. H. PRITCHARD, E.g., in appropriate speeches. B. Hum, Esq. then rose, and was most ‘varmly received. The Peers had preserved their usual consistency in voting—their olsject being to grapple at all and let nothing escape from their aristocratical gripe. Look at some of the names of those who op posed the B i ll. The list commenced with the Dukes of Cumberland and Gloucester (par nubile fragrant!) and ended with the little proprietor of the insgffili cant borough of Gatton. The first Peer, Earl, Marquis, and Baron of tho United liingdara, had voted in favour of the Bill, The majority al' of the nominees of the Pitt and Castlereagh nistration,:, and the wicked bench of Bishop°• wiihed that Reform had commenced will' r The time, he felt satisfied, was nearly arrived' hey would cease to be Peers of Parli:omen'' them, in the kvord., of !he text book, "RePent Reform is at hand." Mr. Hall then took a v i ` he rapid advances which the feeling in fay° 11 form had rec. ply made, and the triumph Bf ligation of a re-action by the general m eeo the peuple that were taking place from one e l the country to the other. The clause i n the enabling occupiers of 501. farms to vote, wig li objiictionable ; it had been introduced and suPP . ' by the moderate formers and all aristoctlit' cause !boy knew that in unfavourable dull farmers were mos: under the influence of t he y lords. If this clause should be restored, it e necessary to shield the tenant from o ppres o introlucing the vote by ballot. Mr. W I alluded to the exertions of the Cambridge wig° to restrain the people from voting for a Refotr dilate, on pan of losing ail they gain from tl ieges, and said s'inilar p:acticrs had been ref in the incorruptible borough of Usk. Ma . veters had wishe I to give him their votes, not —(A man, named Evans, here exclaim had got notice to quit from the Duke of agent, for having given his vote to Mr. Ha, of " Shame, shame.") If the people ac' the Lords e-ould not again reject at (Cheers.) Mr. Hall concluded an able which the above is but a very faint outline, the eighth resolution, which was secondek J. 11. PRITetiAnD, E•q., who, in the col animated address, said it was his fervi that he might live to see the Bill past wanted to see aholkhed that abominabl testable system of voting by proxy—(C' wanted also to see the Bishops driven seats in the Legislature, and sent down t spective dioceFe , , where their time could bi beaer employed than in then discussion .natters.—( Cheers.) Mr. LEIGH haring now taken the Chas any freeholder had any resolution to mor vation to make•. Mr. RENNIE rose—l apnea! to you, wit heads of housea, dear to the memory of e• of the county, and whose ancestors rep interests in the ages of its earlier hist, who reside amidst a contented tenantry, their rentals in the promotion of our local men whose very names operate as the "or to the hearts of the fre,holders,—vrill yo the way to triumph, and crown the achieved this year by further conquests about to open upon us ? The Reformers fill this hall will nobly hack your exerti6 cheers will announce their determinatia cheering.) The standard of indep: ndt float in the moun•an heighti of the Wes -bout of fiber) , shall be heard in the vat Rts•erti portion of the county ; the ,vhich actuated the uric inqurred Sdurt former days shall resuscitate the benumb , of their descendants, and unitedly we will badge of slavery—the iron crest of the Beaufort—emblem of feudal dominiom proudly di.spl..yed throughout our land. the monas•ic pile, or the castellated modern erected portcullis is ever to be to be found in front of our principal banners of our militia cannot utiforlt exhibiting in gorgeous emblazonment the I repeat it is poudly displayed wherever but there is one delightful spot amid , tore.que scenery where it sees. in its --a! the Windcl;ffe Cottage. " There f csi broken; the n: w si ejooi f bondage o l s liberty, ildi anti ew ; corrupt atmosphere which has mimed our gendered miputma'a destructive to free& ference to the resolution I would now pose, let the v,elitirrnen, for whom this ,pest is intended, not consider it as a mer , Aliment. The freeholders and inhab►tt county feel that their thanks, are due to they offer it through my feeble agency. as , urances of our respect and affee homage of hearis devoted to the cause 0 and ilo not let the bumble channel the offering is conveyed, lessen its value. , This resolution having been second ea LLEIVELLIN, of Abercarne, it was curried litij acclamations of the ineetiug. Thanks were then voted to the Sheriff; ° a number of glorious cheers for the good 1 meeting separated. In the courteous 1 3 °1 chiv ilry, we say—" the caitiff lies in who shall dare to assert that any re-action " place in this cianty. The story of " Frankenstein," deSir g o CANNING in a speech in Parliament as " a 0n 5i1 ,, child of genius," and by Mr. THOMAS Alooß ß bt l of those original conceptions that take hold o it mind at once and for ever," forms part of the 1 ) 0 ,1, lume of " The Standard Novels." Lord 1 314 ,i eulogizes this extraordinary tale in his letters frowolyi and the memory of it haunted even the dying 0 J ,4 Mr. SALT, the British Consul in Egypt, late'YilV The first part of " The Ghost Seer," of the Scimr.v.ft, the Shakapeare of Germany, c° ol3 remarkable volume. r/: Last night an old man named JOl O ) 1 . 1 SON went into the Flying Horse public-house in t / street, where he had a pint of porter and a PiP e :lo o' , immediately after which he went into a shoed next door, and taking up a knife, said to tbe i e , " You shall be the last min that shall see me ° stabbed himself in the left side near the bearl . taken to the London Hospital, and the we ford flounced very dangerou.. He has been druni ( days past. fr LOVE AND SUICIDE.-All inques t on Monday last at the Watermans' Arms, at 14e. the palish of Walton, before RICHARD C. on the body of THOMAS BELL, aged 23, vo°o suicide. The deceased was servant to the,f,',,o, Sir RICHARD FREDERICK, Bur wood Park, u 6,1 01 Sunday afternoon he took a double-barrele d bed-room, and, having placed the muzzle 0 13a , e , r ,t ,1 ` pulled the trigger. His head was then lite rs, tp pieces. lie had been paying his address' woman residing at Hersham, for whom he quently heard to express great affection. before his death he had received a fetter from of wo man, which contain e d h er d es ire to break °:.iespti„ correspondence with the deceased, in conseq' mother having objected to the match. She wish as follows :—" Receive this in a way 81: and believe me, what I have always represe o Tp be, unworthy of you in many respects. ,0 right you will be thankful for this 60101 An unfinished letter, written by the decease'oe on his table, with the following words :--E' rer ,ro dear M iry Ann, how, in the name of Goo, i s you to b e h ave —" An o ther unintelligible 0 , 1 1 . 4 which was n o doubt intended for " thus.'!„ turned a verdict of temporary insanity. I'''. 33 years of age —Guilford Jot:i•na± BIRTHS. 514 • CI6 On the lath inst. in Notting-hill-square, K en O f of C. W. latheFlether, Esq., of a daughter. WY - On the inst. in Grosvenor-square, the 1 1 bridge Esq., of a daughter. ir • On the Ilth inst. at Cherington, Warwicksbe , , 0' W. Dickins, Esq , of a son. On the 13th inst. the lady of E. W. Toon, 94' place, Fitzroy.square, of a son. , NIARRIEI). 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