The Sun. — London, England, 1834-04-17 00:00:00

•'"A! ). ` .- the mind it felt cas a want or semis s 11/here the schoolmaster himself might be taught ; and he hoped that, the other house of Parliament, follow* ep the feeling they had already manifested, niatebtril as, they were, and properly were, over the interests of the public purse, 'Wohld say, that the country should not, for The Weht of twenty thousand pound's, airy longer Siff& tiirn this great and glaring deficiency: He trested that they would make this advance upon the 'Aloe principle as the one he had Already mentioned, In 'order that they might institilte those schooli which the French called Normal Sellbols, for the benefit mind improvement of the musters who were to be emploved to teach at the other seminaries. In a country like this, where there were between thirteen and fourteen raillions of inhabitants, many of them existing ill the dense populations of a manufacturing town, he was perfectly aware that education could not be of that sound and sub stantial character which it ought, if it depended entirely upon casual support. Besides, another event might hap pen—the generous feelings of to-day might not actuate men at a future period—another generation might grow up " who knew not Joseph"---f Mr. Hume was standing at the lower bar of the house]—he meant, who had a greater re gard for economy—not that safe and proper economy which could not but be advantageous, but that economy which sa crificed everything to the petty interests of the prtsnt mo ment, and not the sound economy to which he referred. At the same time that he made these observations on the defi ciency of education so afforded, he was perfectly ready to admit that compulsory education—the making people send their children to school, as in Prussia—was just the very worst system that could be adopted in this country. Thei e was nothing more likely to make education itself unpopular. Men would come to dislike the thing itself, because of their dislike of the rate which ywere compelled to pay for it ; while those for whom benefit it was intended would be e q uall y tlisPlease.:t with the compulsion of sending their children to school, whether that compulsion was exercised byt aetve force, or by depriving them of privileges if they re -used to send their children there. In his opinion no tompulsion whatever ought to be used. The privilege ( f '.instruction was the best guarantee that men would take advantage of it, and the knowledge of its benefits the best incitement for them to do so. He was therefore still averse to introducing any bill upon the sttbject. He wished to try further the effects of the voluntary system. He wished to improve the schools, and to afford the best system of education to the children by the me,:ais of schoolmasters educated upon the Normal Plans He hoped that some attempt to do this would made in the other house of parliament before the of the session. There was one ether subject to whit);, he wished to allude, and that was, as to the funds ". - ...;ich were now applicable to the purpose s of educati,- ,41. Their lordships were of course aware that "" e 7., nad been funds in this country which, if properly applied, would have been devoted to purposes of charity, but which had not been properly applied. Under Gil bert's Act, in 1785, returns had been made of the amount of the income of different charities, and these returns placed that amount at a sum of 310,000/. He had never thought that this was other than a deficient return. The returns which had subsequently been made by the Charity Commissioners, before whom the fullest possible examina tions had been taken, completely showed that the returns of 1785 had underrated the real amount of the income of these charities. Notwithstanding all the abuses—notwith standing the underletting of the property—notwithstanding the loss of some of the funds and the misapplication of others, so that all the revenue did not reach its destinatior, he found that of the funds devoted to charitable purposes in parts of Yorkshire, in Surrey, in Cumberland, awl Bed fordshire, and in fourteen or fifteen other places, averaging about one-half of the population of this country, the total income was 428,000/., instead of being, as it would be under the return of 1185, only 130,0001. ; which showed that for the whole of the country a sum of between enomoor. and 900,0001. was applicable to the purposes cf charity ; and, if well managed, he believed it would be found to be far more valuable, and that nearly one million and a half--certainly considerably above one million 'tivo leandred thousand pounds--had been devoted, by 'the munificence of different persons, to objects of charity. That these funds were not applied to the purposes for which they were originally intended was, in many cases, not so much owing to the persons into whose hands these funds had fallen, as to those who had intended, by means of these funds, to found schools and hospitals. From the errors of some of these persons as to the means of carrying their in tentions into effect, it sometimes happened that not only their munificence had been productive of no advantage, but that there were no greater nuisances in the country than some of the charities which they had founded. He wished he could say they were innocent—that they were merely useless--that they did no harm if they did no good ; but he could not say so—many of them were positively noxious—they were such as the law ought not to allow, and some of them the law did not allow. That splendid building the Foundling Hospital, the income of which, at the present moment, was 60,000/. a year, but the iueome of which would, a few years hence, when the , leom's of their property fell in, be considerably more, still 'Dore the name of the Foundling Hospital ; but it. Lad not been a Foundling Hospital for full half a century past. Acrd why ? Because it was found to be a nuisance, and not a charity. It occasioned child mur der ; it certainly caused desertion and abandonment of children ; that was its immediate consequence. Many children were born because their parents imagined they could provide for them by means of the Foundling Hos pital ; children that otherwise, probably, would not have been born. If one of such children was refused admission into the hospital, it was not easy to say what might be dune with it. The proof of the evil which the nature of the hospital had occasioned had been incontestably proved by a large body of evidence ; and the result was, that the directors made a rule, which, though it did not in words define the hospital by the name of a Found ling Hospital, did in fact entirely deprive it of the cha racter of one. That rule was, that before any child could he taken into the hospital, the parent of that child must be examined before persons appointed for that purpose. It was a salutary rule—most safe and most beneficial—but which entirely deprived the hospital of its original character. hi the same manner the Small-pox Hospital would hare been a nuisance if the object for which it had been origi nally intended had been pursued in the present day, for it would have tended to spread, instead of to counteract that disease ; and he believed that it was Lord Ellenborough that had said that those splendid towers must come to the ground if they tended to propagate a disease, which, for the sake of public advantage, should be as speedily as possible terminated. The rule laid down by that noble lord had been acted upon, and the hospital, instead of being a small pox hospital, was converted into an hospital for fever pa tients, and for the vaccination of children. Those chari table institutions formed for the purpose of relieving diseases against which no human care could guard ought to be protected so long as their funds were fairly administered; ,but there were others, the funds of which could not be administered according to the intention of the original founders of them, without occasioning great disadvantage to the public. It was to the directors of these institutions that he now addressed himself—their administration of these funds must be changed. If they thought they had not authority to change that administration, they should re ceive the assistance of Parliament to enable them to do so ; but if they refused—if they wifully and obstinately adhered to the old method of administering the funds that were in trusted to them, he gave them notice, that it was his in tention, if they showed the same " crass" ignorance, if they still obstinately resisted the light, and perpetuated those things which were not for the advantage of the community, instead of applying the funds they possessed for those pur poses which would be safe and beneficial, he should listen to the complaints against them ; he should hold that these trustees were eo longer to be considered as men in a pri vate situation—that they ,were not entitled to act in this manner for their private gratification, and that if they did not mend their ways, and consent to a better application of the fnuds which the munificence of former ages had placed at their disposal, it would be the duty of parliament to look into the administration of estates intrusted to their care, and to deal with the trusts so as better, more bene ficially, and more safely, to execute those trusts. It was sufficient for him to give this general notice ; private pro perty would not be invaded ; but parliament must see that the public advantage--such as it was intended by the ori ginal creators of these charitable funds—should be properly secured. They had the remedy in their own hands—let them do what the Foundling Hospital and the Small-pox Hospital had done—let them prevent the fact of Parlia mentary interference, by removing the necessity for it ; but if not, it would be the duty of Parliament—a duty which Parliament could not long abstain from executing— to see that their mistakes were fully remedied by the legis lature. He moved for a return of the charities and schools supported by charitable contributions in several different counties. The Earl of MALMESBURY expressed himself strongly in favour of Sunday schools. He entirely agreed with the noble and learned lord in his objection to a compulsory rate. He did not, however, coincide with him in the pro priety of establishing Normal schools. They were not ne cessary, because those who founded charity-schools always selected proper masters. The LORD CHANCELLOR said a few words in sup port of his proposition for the establishment of Normal schools. Lord WYNFORD contended that a subject of so much importance as the present ought not to have been brought before the house without notice. The speech of his noble and learned friend, when it went before the public, was calculated to produce an impression which ought not to be produced, and which, moreover, would not be produced if noble lords were prepared with the information to answer it which was in existence. He admitted that if any of the property which had been left by the donors of charitable institutions had been misapplied so as to become a nuisance instead of a benefit to the community, the house had then a right to interfere with it ; but if that property was ad ministered conformably to the intentions of the donors, then the house had no right to interfere, and the trustees would be guilty of a breach of trust if they did not protest against such interference. His noble and learned friend, acting on mere ex-parte statements, had charged the trustees with a neglect of duty. He could not reconcile a charge founded on such partial premises with notions of justice, and he was sure that the legislature would not take the measures which his noble and learned friend had intimated his intention to recommend without N 'S. aatnlthnequbiarry of fn that house. . ;;Lb e e c t n h te o n u d see keat if at no fo t r a t n he inq u ity t mass of benefit which the country had derived from the diffusion of education, it was indebted to no other chits of I men save that much caluinniated'Orde, the clergy of the church of England. , Ar i a interference with the system which Was it. 4 adopted through their instrumentality was that the children W e fe . not kept at th'ein long enough. nity.That, however, was th e f a ult of the parents of the w w h ou ie l h d ‘theePcrloderg)uct, hadive o e f m stab o i r i e sh e ett vil in th t an hei g r ood retp t e o c t li h N e .e c .p o a m ii in g i l i e - s The only fault which n ow attached to the s cho o ls chil dren, not of the clergy who silperintended such schools. Improve the condition of the poor, give them sufficient wages 0 Winibtain themselves and their fainilieit ill com fort And respectability, and yon will have no reason to complain that they do 'not leeep their children long enough at school. Rikt it; things were now administered, no sooner Nvas a child able to earn something for his parents, than he was taken fro m sc h oo l, an d his edu cation was altogether neglected, He insisted that wherever schools had been established in parishes, there had been no dillichlty in providing schoolmasters for them competent to afford all the information required by the children. He denied the right of Parliament to pass a law imposing a rate for the purposes of education. Such a rate was very different from the rate imposed for the mainte nance of the poor. The maintenance of the poor by a com pulsory fund was justified by the necessity of the case, but no such necessity existed with regard to education. On whom, too, would such a rate fall? On the landed inte rest, which they had recently been told was in a condition of great and long-continued depression. The noble and learned lord again proceeded, but in a tone of voice which rendered him inaudible in the gallery, to complain of the ex parte statements Which his noble and learned friend had advanced upon the authority (as we understood) of the corporation commissioners: The LORD CHANCELLOR—One word, and one word only, in explanation. His noble and learned friend seemed to suppose that he had got his information from the reports of the commissioners appointed to examine into municipal corporations. Now, that was not the fact. The information of which he had availed himself was ob tained from the reports of the commissioners appointed by act of Parliament to examine into the state of chari table institutions commissioners who had examined both sides, and had had a full hearing of the trustees them selves. There were cases mentioned in those reports in which trustees had wished to employ the money committed to their charge in a more beneficial manner than that -which the donor had contemplated, but had found them selves prevented by the existing state of the law from mak ing the improvements which they desired. For instance, in the manufacturing districts of Yorkshire, at Wakefield —no, he believed it was at Leeds—a revenue of 3,0001. or 4,000/. a-year was now devoted to the maintenance of a grammar-school. Now, according to the construction put by the law on the term " grammar school," it was a school in which Greek and Latin and Hebrew, one or all of them, was to be taught, but not ciphering or arithmetic ; and yet there could be no doubt that in such a district the latter branch of information was more necessary than the former. Now in such a school, unless you taught Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, it was doubtful whether you had any right to apply the funds of the school to the teaching of arithmetic. Certainly, until the funds were provided for the teaching of the former, you had no right to teach the latter. The trustees had been asked in one or two such cases whether, if they were authorised to teach the last they would do so ; and their answer had been, that they did not feel themselves zs:ithorised to move against the intentions of the donors, r. id that they therefore pre ferred to leave things as they w ere. With regard to the obligations which the country owed to the clergy of the established church, he preferred considering those obliga tions in the light in which they had been viewed by a noble earl on a former night, to considering them in the light in which they had been viewed that night by his noble and learned friend. Judging from the speech of his noble and learned friend, you would suppose that all the benefits now derived from the more general diffusion of the benefits of education were owing to the exertions of the clergy of the church of England. God forbid that he should say or do anything to diminish the debt of gratitude due to that venerable body for teaching, preaching, and successfully exerting their money and their time in promoting the planting of schools, and in advancing the education of the people. He would be the last man in the world to whisper a doubt respecting the great merits in this respect of that learned, pious, and enlightened body ; still he would say that there were other parties to whom some portion of credit was also due for having co-operated, and not without effect, in the same great and glorious cause. In consequence of the exertions made, he would not say by that much calumniated, but by that little-eulogized com mittee of the lower house, which sat in 1818 upon the subject of education, and of which he had had the honour of being chairman, he hoped that he might be permitted to arro gate to that committee the credit of some of the beneficial effects which had since been produced ; for he believed that he might, without the slightest exaggeration, assert that the benefits of education were diffused twice as far now as they were then. In that committee, " quorum pars minima fuerat," he had given full credit to the clergy of the church of England for the exertions which they had made in different parts of the country. There was like wise another cause which had been pioductive of great be nefit to the further diffusion of education. What did his noble and learned friend think of the exertions made by the sects of the country ? What did he think of the in valuable labours of the enlightened and pious clergy of the different congregations of dissenters ? They had been great coadjutors with the committee of 1818 in increasing the education of the people. They had spent their money and their hard-earned money, willingly in that cause, and they ought to have the more credit for spending it, for they had less to spend. When a rich clergyman of the church, with an income of 3,000/. or 4,000/. a year, spent his 40/. a year in promoting education in his parish, the dissenting clergyman, with an income of barely 100/. was often spending his 31. or 4/. a year on the same object. He gave the dissenting clergymen, under such circum stances, as much credit for spending their minim, as he gave to the church of England for spending its million. He thought that the exertions of the one ought not to be passed over in silence, whilst they were straining their throats and making the walls echo with the praises of the other. He had been told that the whole of this bene ficial arrangement was owing to the example of the church of England. The example of the church of England ! Why, who set the example? Dr. Bell and Joseph Lan caster were used as the champions on each side of this question. Dr. Bell created the schools which were now called the national schools ; Mr. Lancaster the schools which were now called the British and foreign schools. There was a controversy as to whether Dr. Bell or Mr. Lancaster invented the Madras system of education, by mutual instruction and by writing in the sand ; but there was no controversy, there was not even a doubt as to this point, that if Dr. Bell was the inventor of the system, it was, as far as he was concerned, an hidden invention, which had never shed a blessing on mankind, and that Joseph Lancaster was the first person who had ever prac tically taught schools upon that plan. Joseph Lancaster im ported it ; and the importer of an invention was, as his noble and learned friend knew, entitled to take only a patent for it.. He therefore gave his praise as a patent to the im porter, but in so doing he had no wish to withhold his praise from the inventor. The noble lord then proceeded to give a history of the manner in which, and of the parties by whom, the different schools upon the Lancasterian principle were founded. Among those distinguished personages the late Duke of Kent stood prominently—a i name never to be mentioned but without honour, where education or charity was spoken of. Then there was the name of the Duke of Sussex, not to be held in less distinc tion. There was the Duke of Bedford, the late Lord So merville, a Presbyterian by-the-bye, but all the rest were Baptists, Quakers, Moravians, Unitarians, all manners of sects, but scarcely one churchman. One thing that asso ciation did—it produced action on the part of church, and thus the church kept pace with the dissenters. The dissenters, then, having begun in 1810, and having conti nued during the year 1811, induced the church late in the year 1812 to come forward also and to found their national society. If gratitude were to be measured by priority, the dissenters, who began the system, were certainly entitled to the larger share. He was not, however, prepared on that account to assert that if the dissenters lad not founded a single school, had not taught a single boy, and had not founded any society, the church would not have done that which everybody knew that it subsequently had done. When the dissenters had evidently suc ceeded, and it was morally certain that the people would be taught, though it was uncertain how, then, to his infinite delight, he had seen the clergy of the church step forward to take a portion in this holy task. He would mention another debt of gratitude which was due to the same venerable body. The insti tution of infant schools was admitted to have been of great benefit to the cause of education. A few of us mertoge ther in the year 1818, and after some deliberation planted an infant school in the city of Westminster, not more than a quarter of a mile from the place in which he was then speaking. We carried it on successfully for two or three years ; and of the eight persons who, during that period, had the superintendence of it, he believed that only him self and the Marquis of Lansdowne were churchmen. We had no connection whatever with the clergy of the church. One or two dissenting clergymen assisted us, and, to his great delight, the scheme met with complete success. Other schools on a similar principle were established in other parts of the country, and in three or four years after wards he was gratified to find that the clergy of the church of England followed—no, he would not say followed, for he meant nothing disparaging to that venerable body—were not behind us, but came forward willingly, and were not deterred by a consideration which might have influenced weaker minds and more grovelling dispositions—he meant the fear of imitating other men, and of acting upon the example set them by the dissenting clergy. They gal lantly neglected all such considerations; they boldly fol lowed in our wake; they were stimulated by the ambition of making themselves useful, and they propagated infant schools with as much success as the dissenters had propa gated them previously. There was also another mode in which the clergy of the establishment had greatly bene fitted the progress of education. In the year 1827 we formed the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. -3k , . Sat soNty; beside other usef4 kesults which it had ac complished, bad brought down the price of books one-third, to thh delight of every class in the community save one, and that one the class professionally engaged in the sale of books. It was said that the society was a monoi3olist of books, and that it was impossible for individuals to compete with it. Now, if it were a Monopoly, there was this dif ference between it and other monopolies. The objection to other Monopolies was, that they tended to raise the price of the articles which they monopolized—the objection to this monopoly was, that it had lowered that price. When that society Was originally formed, he had said, in private, that if it succeeded, their excellent friends, the clergy of the church, would immediately afterwards act upon the same plan, and so it turned out even as he had predicted, for we had scarcely published our Penny Magazine one week, when the Saturday Magazine was brought forward as its rival. God forbid that he should say one word of disparagement to the church on that account. No; he was too much delighted with the co-operation of the establishment to breathe the slightest whisper against it ; but the fact was, that the date and the chronology were for us, and that they prove beyond all dispute that the church acted after us in point of time, though they did exactly the same in point of substance. They nobly came forward in planting schools, in planting infant schools, and in producing cheap literature, in point of time after the Dissenters had begun, continued, and succeeded, in all those three different objects. If, then, the clergy of the church were not entitled to a monopoly of the gratitude of the country, they were at least entitled to a great share of it, for we should not have succeeded to more than half the extent to which we had succeeded if we had not had the honour and benefit of their assistance. Lord WYNFORD contended that before the Dissenters had performed any of these splendid services, respecting which his noble and learned friend had vaunted so largely, the clergy of the church of England had sedulously pro moted the cause of education in their respective parishes by promoting the formation of parish schools. Before any of these dissenting associations were in existence, there had existed in the church a society for diffusing religious knowledge. After a remark from the Archbishop of YORK, which was inaudible in the gallery, the conversation dropped. Several bills were then advanced a stage, after which the house adjourned at seven o'clock. PARIS, APRIL 15. ( FROM A CORRESPONDENT.) You will doubtless have been informed by the Paris daily papers of the scenes of havoc and assassination—for in truth they scarcely deserve even the designation of revolt— of which several quarters of this capital were the theatre on Sunday night, and during the early part of Monday morning. I shall therefore content myself with now add ing such further particulars as have transpired since the first moment of alarm, or rather of surprise. The republicans, if so they may be called, though the term of assassins would be more applicable, commenced forming barricades, &c., at an early hour in the afternoon of Sunday, and after nightfall mounted on the house-tops, and placed themselves at windows, principally of the upper stories, their intention being to fire upon the troops of the line and of the National Guard from their comparatively advantageous position. The necessary measures were adopted with as little delay as possible ; and, in addition to the disposable military force of Paris, which was in imme diate readiness, the four legions of the National Guard of the banlieue were ordered into the capital, into which they were marched at about one o'clock in the morning. The second legion proceeded to the Place de Carousal, the three others to the respective barriers to which they were ordered. It was judged advisable that the troops should not com mence a vigorous attack upon the rioters till the first ap pearance of dawn, as any such movement, if attempted during the darkness of the night, could only have exposed the military to serious losses without producing the desired result. Patroles, however, were directed upon the prin cipal points where the rioters were at work, and after some skirmishing, several of their barricades were carried. At day-break, the troops, consisting of the National Guards, the Municipal Guards, and some regiments of the line, surrounded the theatre of the partial insurrection, and the doors of the houses in which their assailants had taken up a position having been burst open by the sapeurs-pompiers, a sufficient force was enabled to. penetrate into these tem porary fortresses, and to deal in the most summary manner with the rioters. In a few hours resistance was com pletely at an end, if I may except a few indiscriminate assassinations which took place here and there on the per sons of some isolated soldiers. At about half-past eight o'clock on Monday night the last shot was fired, which un fortunately killed one of the National Guard. The character of this last business appears to have been widely different from that of any of the emeutes which have of late disturbed the peace of the capital. The whcle affair was indeed a series of gratuitous and useless assassi nations. I have heard of several cases which strongly exemplify the cold-blooded, and, at the same time, the stupid nature of this insurrectionary attempt. At an early hour in the morning of Monday, a captain of the 35th regiment of the line was murdered in the most cowardly manner. He was entirely alone, in the Rue St. Martin, when he was met by an armed band, and immediately surrounded. Before he could make any attempt at self defence (which, hoivever, would have been hopeless against the numbers of his assailants), he was stabbed in several places, and left dead on the spot. In some quarters, prin cipally inhabited by manufacturers, the mob broke into houses into which they had been refused admittance by the proprietors, who were naturally averse to running the risk of becoming the victims of the military. Here the most appalling scenes took place. An old porter who in obedience to his master had closed the door of his house, was slaughtered without mercy. A party of the mob having forcibly effected an entrance, blew out his brains in his own lodge, and the horrid spectacle of the unfortunate man's blood on the walls may at this moment be witnessed. During the morning, a boy of about 13 years of age, armed with a pistol, walked deliberately up to an officer at the head of a party of National Guards, and shot him through the head, before he was at all aware of his boyish assailant's presence. The exasperated soldiers imme diately ran their bayonets through the young miscreant's body. It is to be lamented that some excesses were committed by the troops and the National Guards ; but these, how deplorable soever, must in reality be attributed to the ori ginal authors of the disturbance. Irritated almost to frenzy at seeing their comrades fall by the hands of con cealed assassins, the military forced their way into several houses whence the fire had been directed against them, and put all the inmates to death. It appears that at the corner of the Rue Transnonin the mob, among whom was a female, had kept up a terrific fire from the upper window of one of the houses. The barricade, however, which defended the entrance to the house was soon forced, though with much loss of life, and the female and her companions were sabred by the infu riated soldiers. There is no doubt that many innocent persons perished with the guilty, but the military have at least the excuse (though it may be a bad one) of exaspe ration, which cannot be pleaded for the wanton excesses of the originators of the tumult. In the Rue d'Enfer some students, in their search for arms, broke into the house of the celebrated professor, M. Royer Collard, but on the appearance of the venerable man, who calmly advanced to meet them, they became abashed, and retired. It is proved beyond a doubt that the attempted insurrec tion on Sunday night was premeditated. On Saturday some deluded workmen belonging to certain manufac turers, gave notice to their employers that they should ab sent themselves from work for some time, and in many in stances even their riotous intentions were stated, threats of death being held out to their masters in the event of the latter making any disclosures to the authorities ! It was at first apprehended that in consequence of what had taken place, strong measures would be adopted by Go vernment ; such, for instance, as placing Paris under mar tial law, but the address of the Chamber of Deputies to the King, and his Majesty's answer, do not warrant a conclu sion of this sort. I must, however, add a report now pre valent, that the rioters who have been taken prisoners are to be tried by courtsmartial, and that the secret votewill be adopted by the juries. Paris is at present quite tranquil, and but for the nightly bivouacks of the National Guard, and the crowds of gazers which occasionally . assemble on the scene of action, it would hardly be imagined that any thing serious had occurred. P. S.--It is reported, but it is hardly credible, that 800 people have been killed or wounded on the occasion of the late afflicting events. As an instance of individual cool ness, I may mention that one of the Municipal Guards whose finger had been shattered by a ball, himself per formed the operation of amputation on the mutilatedstump ! Such is the hostility shown by the Bank of England to the new banking companies now beginning to do business, that in the case of the London and Westminster bank a refusal has been given to open any account, either in the names of the trustees, or even with any of the directors individually, without any official character having been given to them. This is a matter in itself perhaps of little public importance, but as a specimen of the use made by the Bank of the so recently granted privileges, it ought not to pass un noticed. That such powers should be converted into the means of gratifying private pique and hostility, is to furnish the strongest argument possible against their being placed in such hands, and the sort of scrutiny that must take place before the Bank can be satisfied whether the account proposed to be opened is really for an individual or for other parties whom he repre sents, is unworthy not only of men filling a high public trust, but of men of character or common respectabi lity. What is asked is simply the safe custody of notes issued by themselves, and this they refuse, because they believe or suspect that the notes belong to a rival establishment ! The moneyed interest will not fail to draw their own conclusions, nor will it, it is to be hoped, be lost on the government, from such a specimen of arbitrary power exercised from such un worthy motives.— Times. FRENCH PAPERS OF TUESDAY. ( From Galignani's Messenger.) THE LATE DISTURBANCES IN PARIS Upon the renewal of the attack upon the insurgents at day-break yesterday morning, Generals Roumigny, Bu geaud, and Lascours, and General Tourton, of the Na tional Guards, marched together upon the centre of the in surrection, clearing successively every barricade in their way, and completely sweeping the rues'Beaubourg, Trans nonain, and Naubee. There were planted on the Place de Greve two pieces of cannon, two in the Court-yard of the Prefecture, two on the Boulevard des Capucines, six at the Porte St. Martin and the Conservatoire des Arts et Me tiers, ten on the Place du Carrousel, ten at the Barriere du Trone, two in the rue de Rivoli, and four at the Lux embourg. At six o'clock in the morning the Dukes of Orleans and Nemours mounted .their horses, and, accom panied by their Aides-de-Camp, Marshal Lobau, and se veral General Officers, proceeded in the midst of the troops who were marching to the attack, taking the Quays, the Place de Greve, and adjacent streets to the rue St. Martin. As they were riding along this last street, several shots were fired at them from different houses. Happily neither of the Princes were struck, but one of the balls passed be tween the Duke of Orleans and one of his Aides-de-Camp, and went through the cap of a soldier who was marching by their side ; a paving stone was also thrown from above, and fell very near the Prince. On seeing this, the pla toons of infantry who accompanied their Royal Highnesses rushed into the houses where these attempts were made, and killed all such insurgents as were found with arms in their hands. The princes returned to the Tuileries at eight o'clock, having been loudly cheered by the people. Al though no symptoms of further disturbance appeared du ring the day, strong bodies of troops continued stationed last night on the quays, the Place de Greve, the Boulevards nearest the scene of action, and some other points, and numerous patroles paraded the streets. The night passed over quietly, and this morning paviors are busily employed in re-paving the streets where the stones had been torn up for the barricades. The following are additional particu lars of the events on Sunday evening and yesterday :—A Captain of the 35th regiment of the line was retiring alone by the Rue St. Martin, when he was stabbed with a poignard by a party of the rebels, and immediately ex pired. Another Captain of the same regiment was wounded in the thigh during an attack upon a barricade in the same neighbourhood. M. Odiot, a Lieutenant-Colonel of the National Guards, received three wounds on Sunday even ing before the combat commenced. We have been in formed that the insurgents, after having killed a non commissioned officer of a regiment of the line, actually severed his head from his body. We regret to learn that several persons who took no part in the insurrection were killed by imprudently going to their windows ; and many innocent persons, whose houses had been forced by the in surgents being mingled with them, suffered the same fate. A great number of the wounded have been conveyed to the different hospitals. Flags, erected upon the barri cades, were carried off by the Municipal Guards, whose intrepidity cannot be too highly praised. These flags were covered with crape. They were tri-coloured, but the co lours were arranged differently to those of the national standard, the white, blue, and red, being placed horizon tally. They bore the following inscription : " Societe des Droits de Homme et du Citoyen. 6me Arron dissement. 2d Quartier." The insurgents' order of the day was, " Revolution Republicatne." The troops who remained stationed round the scene of the in surrection, arrested, in the course of the night, a great number of the rioters, who attempted to make their escape. A great number of sword-sticks and umbrellas and arms were seized upon them, and conveyed to the Pre fecture de Police. The prisoners taken would, on their way to the Prefecture of Police, have been severely ill treated, but for the exertions of the public officers, aided by the military, who succeeded in protecting them from the fury of the people. In crossing the Pont Notre Dame, one of the prisoners jumped into the river, upon which several shots were fired at him, but we could not learn whether he was killed, or whether he escaped. Yes terday, at one o'clock, the President of the Council sent off telegraphic despatches in every direction, an nouncing that the rebellion had ceased, and that order was restored at every point in the capital. The Courts of Law were all shut yesterday. Even the Courts of, Assizes did not sit. The examining magistrates were all engaged interrogating the persons arrested. Their number is very great. The prison of the Conciergerie is com pletely filled with them. We are assured that the rebels will be tried before the Court of Peers. In all the quarters where the insurrection took place, the shops con tinued closed yesterday, and a great number of curious per sons flocked thither to view the theatre of disorder. At the corner of the rues Maubee, du Grand Hurieur, Trans nonain, aux Ours, and St. Mery, where barricades had been formed, the marks of bullets, and numerous broken windows, may be remarked. We learn that eighty Sec tionaries of the Societe des Droits de 'Homme were as sembled on Sunday evening at the Cafe des Quatre Bil liards, at the corner of the rue des Mathurins St. Jacques, when a Commissary of Police presented himself. Upon their t t empt ing to resist the Commissary, he declared that he had a sufficient force with him to render assistance use less ; they . then resigned themselves to their fate, and were all taken into custody. Among them, it is said, was a Polish refugee. Among the great number of persons ar t rested in virtue of warrants issued, are Captain Kersozi, implicated in the conspiracy of the 27th ; he was seized at the moment when he was distributing instructions to the Sectionaries of the Societe des Droits de 1 Homnte. He made a useless attempt to defend himself with arms against the police officers. M. Lacombe, also involved in the pro ceedings of the 27th, and who, it is said, took the direction of the movements in the room of Captain Kersozi, was seized in the act of wounding a municipal guard. At six o'clock yesterday morning all the Ministers as sembled at the Tuileries. At about two o'clock the Cham ber of Peers and the Chamber of Deputies, headed by their respective presidents, proceeded to the Tuileries to express their sentiments upon the recent events. All the superior officers of the regiments which were reviewed on Sunday and yesterday, had the honour to dine with the King and royal family. The Count de Montalivet had an audience of his Majesty. At eleven o'clock yesterday morning, the King, accom panied by the Dukes of Orleans and Nemours, the Prince de Joinville, Marshals Soult, Gerard, Mortier, Molitor, and Lobau, and a numerous body of generals and staff officers, reviewed, in the Court of the Tuileries and the Place du Carrousel, the four legions of national guards of the Ban lieue, the legion of national horse guards, and all the de tachments of the legions which were on duty. At twelve o'clock, his Majesty, attended by the whole of his suite, went out by the gate leading to the Pont Royal, and re viewed the Ist and 2d regiments of carbineers, the 7th cuirassiers, two regiments of lancers, and a battery of artil lery, which were ranged along the Quay, and the Place de la Concorde, and the Rue de Rivoli. The King then re turned into the Court of the Tuileries, and took his station in front of the grand entrance, where all the troops filed off before him, hailing his Majesty with the loudest accla mations of " Vive le Roi." Along the whole of the line his Majesty passed in making the reviews, he was greeted with equaienthusiastn. The King and the Princes retired into the palace at two o'clock. The Gazette de France of Sunday was stopped at the post-office, and seized at the office of the paper. The Minister of the Marine has received despatches from Martinique, dated February 21. The colony was perfectly quiet. The disgraceful scenes which were acted in the quarter of the Grande Anse in December, have not left any unfavourable impression behind. The Augsburg Gazette of the 10th instant gives the fol lowing from the Prussian frontiers, dated the 3d :—" The parliamentary debates relative to the Russian-Turkish treaty have justified the opinion that prevailed here rela tive to the policy of England and France in the affairs of the East. Lord Palmerston and the Duke de Broglie have both given assurances that there was noo-round for alarm, the negotiation pending, relative to the July treaty, being wholly of a pacific nature. To what end, then, have been all the menaces of the English and French press? It is worse than shortsightedness to throw down the gauntlet without knowing wherefore, and to begin a war relative to stipulations that only concern those who form them. The Porte finds the treaty good, and England will gain but little in endeavouring to prove the contrary by force. This is in direct opposition to the policy of the illustrious Can ning. Any one who reads over the London treaty of 1826, the glory of Canning's administration, will be con vincedthat the prevailing idea was to bring Russia nearer to the Porte, with a view of better securing the independence of Greece. Canning's early death interrupted the work he had begun. Had the situation of the Sultan and his nation then been rightly judged, what has now happened would have been prevented. Were Canning still at the helm of affairs, the campaign of 1828 would scarcely have taken place, nor would Adrianople have fallen into the possession of Russia. Therein consists the true art of diplomacy—to build so well at first, as to have no need of after repairs ; to be beforehand with events, not to be forced to submit to circumstances. Such was Canning ; Europe had to thank him for the triple alliance—the union of three powerful nations--that gave additional security to the peace of Europe. The Grey Administration has succeeded for a t i me to the heritage of Canning, but it wants the instinct that guided him over the ocean of political life." The And de la Charte of Nantes states, that on Thurs day night about eleven o'clock, a disorderly crowd attempted to create a riot at Clermont, and particularly in the Fau bourg St. Alyre, by shouting " Vive la Republique," but they dispersed with precipitation on the approach of a pa trol, and the remainder of the night passed in uninterrupted repose. The number of deputies who accompanied the President of the Chamber to the Tuileries yesterday was 288. 1%1. Mie, printer of the Tribune, upon whose presses, as well as the doors and windows of the printing-office, seals have been placed, was arrested yesterday upon the Boule vard. The National contains a letter from M. Marrast, chief editor of the Tribune, announcing the impossibility of that paper appearing for the present, as no printer dares afford it the aid of his presses. He protests against the violent suppression of a journal, " vainly attempted to be destroyed by 96 prosecutions," and declares that if he has quitted the breach, it is because it was physically impos sible to continue the combat. The National expresses its regret that it cannot assist the Tribune, alleging that its moyens materiels are not sufficient for the composition and impression of two journals. The Tribunal de Premiere Instance assembled on Sa turday, and, after hearing a report from the examining magistrates appointed to investigate the circumstances, which occurred in different quarters of Paris, on the pro mulgation of the law relating to the public criers, came to a decision that there were no bounds for any prosecutions either against the persons arrested, or against the police officers. This report occupies several columns of the Moniteur. The Lyons mail that arrived yesterday afternoon did not bring any of the journals of that town. The government has received news from Lyons by express, to the evening of the 12th instant. That day had been bloody and de cisive. The rebels, driven from other positions, took refuge in three or four churches, among others in the cathedral, which it was necessary to besiege. All who were shut up in it perished ; their number is supposed to be 200. The rebels had also possession of two posts, one at Fourviere, seated on a hill command ing the Saone, which the troops took by assault, killing or making prisoners all who were found in it ; and the other was that of St. George, which also was being attacked with the utmost vigour. All the communications have been re-established, and comparative order and tranquil lity have succeeded four days of disasters and afflictions. A letter from St. Etienne, dated the 11th instant, at six in the evening, announces that some rioters had on that day made an attempt to gain possession of a manufactory of arms, but were defeated. A soldier was killed in the square before the Hotel de Ville. A letter of the 13th instant from Chalons-sur- Saone says :—" Encouraged by the news of the insurrection at Lyons, the Republican faction has just attempted a move ment iere, which has been speedily repressed. This morn ing several individuals threw down several coaches in the middle of the bridge, and endeavoured to form a barricade. On the summons of the officers of the troops stationed on the bridge they soon dispersed, and the coaches were thrown into the Saone by the solfflers." The Journal de Loire at Cher announces that as early as Saturday Republican emissaries had spread a report through that department that fighting was going on in the streets of Paris. _ _ _ The Augsburg Gazette of the 11th inst. has the follow ing, of the sth inst., from Vienna:—" The ministers of the Congress now hold two sittings a-dav ; they are now occupied in marking out distinctly a direceline between the power of the sovereigns of Germany and that of the states. General meetings have been held at Jassy and Btwharest relative to the election of Hospodars for the principalities." The Gazette has also the following from Trieste, dated the 3d inst.:—" A mutiny broke out among the Poles about to embark for Gibraltar, but it was promptly repressed. It appears that they pursue the same line of conduct every where, breaking engagements which they contracted of their own accord. News from Egypt is not satisfactory. The treasury of the country is exhausted, owing to the ex traordinary expenses attending the war, and Mehemet Ali has resorted to the most oppressive measures in order to raise money. It is not improbable that he is anxious to contract a loan, but it is questionable wheth er ,h e can find a lender ; he has; the same difficulties to encounter as the Sultan, not having any guarantee to offer. Discontent is at the highest pitch in Syria. Ibrahim Pacha has applied to his father for reinforcements, in order to meet events. If the Sultan were now inclined to profit by the state of Egyt, and were his army organised, it might not be very difficult to recover his lost provinces, and to revenge him self on Mehemet Ali ; most of the Pachas who deserted the flag of the Sultan for that of Mehemet Ali are now lament ing their infidelity, and would willingly return to their rightful Sovereign, were an opportunity of doing so af forded, and forgiveness promised. It is not improbable that the purchase of arms in the Sultan's name is for the equipment of a considerable army, with a view to recover the lost possessions in Asia." The Temps inquires--" What use will the government make of their victory over the insurgents? Will they attack the press or the jury? It is said that they will endeavour to turn their triumph to the account of the war budget, and that the committee's amendment will be com batted as auxiliaries of disorder; that 300,000 nip will be declared insufficient for the public security, seeing that during two days 200 Republicans have been fighting at Paris. We know not whether this be true, but it will be prudent to reflect thereon ; the abuse of a victory is a very easy thing ; the embarrassment of the morrow is what must be thought of." The National has the following:—" How lamentable must be that state of things which forces fathers of families to lay down their lives in order to consolidate the legality of a system, of which the associations law is the last word. It is but too certain that this conflict, without any well known motive, or which is rather the slight effect of a very general cause, and of a very high one, has led to unhappy consequences, and to acts of inhuman vengeance. The drama of the combat was, in itself, very trifling, and the great victory achieved over the republican party, who did not know that it had fought so great a battle, will not have the result the government hopes to derive from it, by ad dressing itself to a first but feeble emotion. If the counter revolution. which missed gaining the etat de siege in the days of June, could gain by a counter blow of the ee. , nts of I.yons in the capital, the re-establishment of the 0211 4 0, - ship, and of lettres de cachet, it would have to rettun thanks to the insurrection it had to contend with these two days with an incredible superiority of force." CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES_-SITTING OP APRIL 14, CONTINUED. Tlr President left the Chair, and the Deputies, with the exception of Messrs. Berryer, Lafitte, Audry de Puy raveau, Bricqueville, Chapuis de Montlaville, &c. (in all seven or eight), quitted the Chamber. At three o'clock the sitting was resumed. The President—Gentlemen, a great number of Depu ties, accompanied by your President, have been to the Pa lace of the Tuileries, and were admitted into the presence of the' King, to whom the following address was deli vered : " Sire,—The Members of the Chamber of Deputies could not resist the desire of crowding round the Constitu tional Throne of your Majesty, under the afflicting circum stances in which the country finds itself—circumstances that must give as much pain to your Majesty's heart as they have done to the country at large. We are desirous of renewing the assurance of our attachment to your per son, and of our firm resolution to maintain our Constitu tional institutions, and of our loyal readiness to concur in all legal measures necessary to prevent the recurrence of attempts similar to those of which we have just been wit nesses." The King's reply was as follows : " I am sensibly touched by this proceeding of the Cham ber of Deputies, whose kindness I have been accustomed to under other circumstances, the recollection of which is not less painful. 31y heart, no doubt, is profoundly afflicted by the evils which France has • just suffered, by those particularly which have fallen uvon Lyons, and by those of which we have been witnesses in the streets of Paris. lam convinced, equally with your president, of the necessity there exists to employ all the powers of the state to repress such attempts, not only with a view to pro tect our institutions from the attacks directed against them, but also to insure public tranquillity and individual liberty, so fatally comprised by the possibility of being surprised, in the midst of peace, by similar crimes. I thank you, gentlemen, for the loyal concurrence which you offer me ; it is an additional proof of the union that reigns between all the powers of the state. I thank you for the sentiments you have expresied to me personally. I cannot better show my gratitude than in devoting myself entirely, as I have always done, to the safety of France and the mainte nance of our institutions that, aided by you, I shall up hold. Strengthened by your concurrence, I confidently engage that no detriment shall happen to them." The chamber then resumed its ordinary business. M. Genoux said, he rose to refute an assertion pub lished in several journals relative to a battalion of the 52d regiment, which it was said had, at Vesoul, trampled under foot the royal symbols, and that, in the presence of a regi ment of dragoons. I declare, added the hon. deputy, that this circumstance, which was said to have been communi cated by me, is entirely unknown to me, and I believe it to be altogether false. M. Fulchiron proposed that the Chamber should pass a vote of thanks to the Army and the National Guards ; he should also, he said, propose that the Chamber should send a messenger of condolence to M. Baillot, whose son had been wounded on Sunday evening. The President said, that he had already anticipated the intention of the Chamber, having sent to inquire after 31. Baillot, jun., and he was happy to announce that some hopes were entertained of his recovery. I shall, added the President, write to M. Baillot in the name of the Chamber. M. de la Rochefoucault Liancourt said he should propose that the Cabinet be called upon to declare officially that Algiers belongs to France. The Minister of Commerce—l can make no reply to that proposition, as it would be avowing that our posses sion of Algiers is contested. I shall only say that it is im possible this year to adopt a definitive system with regard to Algiers. The attempt would prolong the session indefinitely. After a few words from Messrs. Estance and Dusere, the debate was adjourned to this day. FRENCH FUNDS.—PARIS, APRIL 15. Five per feats., 104 f. 10c. 35c. 25c. Four per Cents., 93f. Three per Cents., 78f. sc. 10c. Bank Actions, 17 0 Rente de Naples, 94f. 70c. 75c. Roman Five per Cents., 95%%. Bente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 2656. Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 40%. Royal Spanish Loan, 82 82%. Route Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents . 63:fi 66 Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cent., 98 97%. Haytian Loan, 265 f. EXCHANGE ON LONDON. One month, paper, —l. —c. ; money, 25f. 25c. Three months, paper, —f. —c. ; money, 23f. 1:c. —Cours Authentique. The distinguished visitants of the Duke of Rutland, at Belvoir Castle, including the Marquis Graham, Earl and Countess of Wilton, Count Matus zewic, Lord Rokeby, &c., have taken their departure for the Newmarket Craven Meeting, where the duke is also gone. LISBON PAPERS. (From the Periodic() dos Pobres do Portoi of April 7.) The following Proclamation has been addressed by the Duke of Terceira to the inhabitants of the northern pro vinces of the kingdom : " Charged by his Imperial Majesty the Duke of Bra ganza, Regent, in- the Queen's name, with the command of the army of operations cf the ncrth of the kingdom, destined to effect the complete pacification of your provinces, I have much satisfaction, as I feel it to be my duty, to invite every one of the inhabitants of these provinces to ail with his utmost energies the accomplishment of the sacred task for which the country so much yearns. " Enough have our dissensions desolated the country ; enough of our blood has fallen in the struggles between us; and enough of discord has kept back, if not paralyzed, t he national national prosperity. I invite you, therefore, t o j oin standard of the Queen, not, indeed, for battle , but for the enjoyment of her legitimate Government. Proclaim therefore, for byproclaiming you may have that tra n q of which you have been so long deprived. down `° Soldiers of the ranks of the opposite army , your arms, and return to your hearths, or come and j oin yourselves to those who never seek, and have never s ou g ht, to return offence for offence, and never harboured in their hearts so unworthy a sentiment as revenge. The party f o u r whom you are fighting has lost that brilliant aspect whif" perhaps might have dazzled you in former times, and the al victory in the hands of the Queen has a force in p atern _s hands, which has the firmest security of sweetness ar"" clemency lay " DUKE OF TERCEIRA:: OPORTO, APRIL 6.—Yesterday were brought he toattei tn,s. city, from B raga , an d escor t e d by th e militia of t l ells of cloth, of various colours and quality ; place, 31 waggons loaded with effects which were left there by the rebels on their retreat, consistin of six thousand slashed pantaloons, and - ' es of i s ; some papers ; 48 pieces the the 14 soldiers' jackets, with a few trifles. It is said that cloth belonged to Don Carlos, and that he had ordered it for Cie clothing of his men. APRIL 7.—Admiral Viscount Cape St. Vincent has kV arrived in this city from Valencia, which he reports w " surrender as soon as the necessary artillery was brought UP to batter it. n Nothing official was known of the army of op,4rlC.en the north. The Duke of Terceira had written to our Pr feet announcing his arrival at Amarante, where our troops remained, the rebels continuing in the former position be yond the Tamego. norly 500 PRICES or STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK . - . Bank per S 3 N p e e w r 36 en i t )e . r ß c ed ent. ,s Cent. to* Cons. ......90 3: e p r e c r e C n e t. n A t. 4.8. 9 834 4971: 2 4 :141:9 DittolE New 3nidtti 0. 5 per oo.n. c. Bonds ............................................................................... Ann. 1726 Ditto Red • , 17 16 15-1176 3 S I; c T ; le, u dew t rA h tD7 S ei Sea Stock i S .tA t i .e o .ns c ... k .. ... ... . 1.. .......... 1. .... 54.. ........ .... . 4. .. 7 / 8 .... . 0,f 4 ---- a 4 per Cent. 1826 l4) 2Vali Ex. Bills, £1 00 ...... ~,, p • Bank Long Ann. toes pire , Jan. 5, Ic6 , Oct 10 1859 Jan. 5, 1860prrs• —Ditto Advertised ......... -- p Jan, 5, 1880 — Rank for Acc0unt...... .... , Aprils, 18so . Jan. 5, 1870 — llndia for Account ••• 00 3 4 1 ICons. for Accoun , , Ditto Ditto c St o n m a Small e..r.c..i .............. .4 . ... 5 ..... i P I , .. --- - ' O'CLOCK. PRICES OP FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE . 2 m4, A .strian Bonds lO2l Peruvian Bonds ................ ~,,, B elan Bonds 99'4, i Ditto Account ............... -44. D.tto Account 934 Portuguese Bonds .......... .701., Brazilian Bonds 71% Ditto Account— ......... ~.„,, u Ditto Account 71% ( Ditto New Bonds ...... 4 ';' , 4 IHenls Ayres Bonds 25% i Ditto Acconnt...7o 4 ~,t 4 3 Ditto Account 26 Prussian Bonds ....... ••• "J - 113 "".hil;an Bonds ... '24 Ditto Bonds, 1522 ........ ~,,,, Ditto Account 25 j Russian Bonds, 18*-2 ...... M(Z 2,o`tanbian Bon is I)itto Account 23 . Ditto 111 ........................... Ditto Bonds, 1824 24 ' 114 'Spanish Bonds, rti , "•, - :,,5%!,4 1) tto Account 2 54ig i Ditto Av.... ...... """ 4 .1-14 Danish Bin 3 13% ' Ditto 800,. 1 823 ".. iii; ........ Ditto Aar unt 74 , I)itto Account...... . ..... t . .....,.. Iret k Bonds. 'French Rentes. 51 , f" _•;..—.^• Ditto Bonds, 1825: 33!4 . -- - Exchange ...... .....',..... Ditto Account —l---3 per cent....... .....f. . --:. il, xican Bonds, 5 per cent. 31 4' Exchange •••• .... . 50 li Ditto Account ........ r 1.14 Dutch, 21 p. t1...*• . .........a , , Jit 0, Ii per ten' lOl4 Ditto Account... ......... ,5,,,, Ditto Amount 11 1 4 i Ditto, sp. c• ... f. ...... „ ..... 051 4 Neapolitan ____. 944 . Ditto r_k_c______.-- w n LO CK. PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT 0 1 " :C p e r Strire'' Paid. 11% Alton Mining Company £9 - - £134 t no. Mex. 51111. ,:o. k iss. at N. pin ! £lllO 13 0 •tolanos Mining Company £l5O 15 Brazilian Mining Company .£ 53 1, : , !lrazilian tmp. k in. Co. (iss. at 5/. pi ii.) £2O IS Ditto Macaubas Cccaes rilii Ditto S - . John Del Rey Cata Branca Mining Company :34 31 .Iritish lion Mining Comm', .... Columbir n Alining Co. (iss. at 5/. pm.) Rtl4 25 English Niii.ing Company . ...... - ;eneral Mining Association Hibernian Mining Co. £lo 9 14 Mexican Mining Co £4B 33 heal del Monte Mining Co.„.(unreg.) -- S tided Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at' . ism.) 40 10% Tinto New Set ii, 5 i 3 Alliance Fire Insurance Comp. ...mt.:um I ns,irance Comp. .. Australian Co Canada Compan y lB 15 , 4 ..... i 3 General Steam Navi ga ti on Co. ....... 15 13;6 National Provincial Bank of Cnelan" u Rio Dove ............................. .. 25 42 ye "revincial B.ritc ,,, . ::,.; , 0 ,- . ............. I t) tto, B a l i Deb. PNRe rand Canal Stock : 4 C p E e s r O cc F n i t KlSll Deb. 3% percent B -'9% S ink Stock vat Canal Stock .. 4`2 218 ;•atrics twin% (per Share -- STOCKS, DUBLIN, APRIL 14. onsols, 3 Der cen'. Stcck, 3% per cent 91 1 ,4 :National Ditt0....•..••••• 5. per Cent ................ .. ..... • .. .n Rank ................................ ish Cline • Mining Co. of Ireland •••••• ast Office Deb. 4 o •C. - ;ComnierciaLßt_-- MAILS. Pi e traced. Due. A. i Jed. 0 O America 0 •• 0 Hamburg ......•••• 1 O Brazil O Buenos Ayres O ('arthagena 0 1 Dublin Ol 1 0 0 0 J Holland L a m n i , a ,r i a c r a d ...E.l•:is: ..:::• 00 1 0 1 Lisbon .............. 1 Flanders 0 1 0 Malta. .......... . . .••• •. 0 1 France 0 0 Sweden ............ ... u 1 Guernsey &Jersey 0 ' ! 2 Waterfird HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO MOS'%fter Morning... 7 minutes after 9 *Z,. 16ig:(01140 . h i s 4 4 4 „.4,,A 4 *140 4 "6171 L LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 179 1834. los t The speech of the LORD CHANCEL Og night on the subject of general education g its on national and parochial schools well nler the attention of all who have the best illit ere :b e of the country at heart. We regret that noble lord is opposed to the system of Parisi,, schools, because, in such a cause , his 118 e. and support would go far to carry the inea s , i i, But that regret, however, is considerably lin.ch n rhe i e s s I t ifeoodnu founds se the .ki nature ssom en objections.so s f the of arguments on 11 t s the vast expense of establishi a n T g wh a me n s d Peu ul las : r i girlY::::eii i schools in every parish, and the rapid strides w education has made with the' support of sr : i i i:op A it e tary contributions. In our humble err e ale these objections are as a feather in th e c ow' when weighed against the advantage of a the ral system of education. The expense'ra ss chief objection, urged by some we reg a ftin cls no objection at all, because what with fees of left for purposes of education and the the various kinds paid to the schoolmastr'oraot sum required to be raised by a rate o r by $.00,1,, from parliament would be of the most trifl'.;‘,. a s scription. Nothing, however, is so col-041°0;05e facts, and to these we appeal. The whole e 3 0 1 t es' 1' of the parochial schools in Scotland does iiiibers teed 40,0001. There are in round 1- ' ter to 1,000 parishes, and allowing one 01 %/. each parish, at the average salary of IttSto year—the expense of salary alone artiou 1 25,000/.—for 1,000 school-houses, w 014 0 ° house for the master and a garden, Ithat orri is amply sufficient, and the interest of c a il at 4 per cent. is 6,000/., m aking 1 a d 31,0001., leaving 9,0001. for rep airs 'clia t s upernumerary schools in large • I the suit e sum, any one acquainted w ith .d by' til knows, fully exceeds the amount pal use ful the 111 ° st e n landed interest for keeping uP parishes' t exc ept of all establishments (we will not England and Wales contain 15,000 I_aloe but we reckon these no correct criterion, ot.:l‘4y many of them are so small that they I 3 ' the church), the parochial schools of Sariscotlbeas 1) (11\ r;ran t tge 4 8,1 4 Pa nr ou it N 1 S .I',ll ii f t tE t o tF cr tp at th dr, -de t at th, e vt urt ti''A '"