The Sun. — London, England, 1825-05-13 00:00:00

THE LONDON JOURNALS. DAILY Extracts from the Mornzng Papers, May 13, 1825. [THE PUBLIC LEDGVII-1 The French Papers exhibit an extraordinary interest in the Bill now pending in the British Parliament for the relief of the Irish Catholics. The liberal Journals, with little credit to their political consistency, though in perfect conform ity with their scepticism ►n religious matters, wake it often a text for a lecture on the intole. rauce of their opponents; and thus, for the plea sure of a party tirade, underrate the merits of a question tt.at, in whatever light it is received, is one of the most important that has been agitated in this or any other age. In the manner in which they occasionally treat it, there is disguised, perhaps, a feeling of secret hostility towards the English Nation ; and in speaking lightly of the claims of six millions of• the people of Ire- laud, they may entertain a hope of confirming in their blind infatuation the English opponents of the measure. On the contrary, the Ultra Journals • affect the greatest sympathy with the Irish Ca tholics, though they can scarcely disguise their joy at the turn which the question may possibly take. They look upon it only as a means of weakening the British Empire ; and if it were to pass, their vexation would be indescribable. Their party, we are told, watch its progress with an anxiety just as great as if their own weal de pended upon it. A Gentleman, who has-just arrived from Paris, and upon whose information we can place reliance, assures us that it is the de termination of the Ultras to make a grand effort for the purpose of *tUrning out the present Mi nisters, in the event of the prayer of the Ca tholics being again rejected. It is their wish to have a Cabinet which should take ad vantage of the distractions, which they hope it would create in Ireland. They hail with un bounded joy the prospect of the incurable dis sections in that country, which they see in the agitation of this question, and speak already of 'composing a Ministry of such men as Fitzjames, Ilyde de Neuville, Montmorency, and Chateau triiand, who, they say, would not neglect so favourable an opportunity to weaken the power, and perhaps overturn, the liberties of this country. In her present state, she offers an insurmountable obstacle to the designs of the *Ultras ; and as long as she retains it, they know well that they .have no hope of establishing in France their favourite system of government. To accom plish this, whilst England exercises her pre- sent influence on the affairs of the world, they are aware is wholly impracticable ; and - they also_ know that there is but one chance of depriving her of that influence, which they hope to find in the rejection of the Catholic gill. We have therefore no difficulty in credit ing the statement, which represents them as watching with intense anxiety the Parliamentary proceedings upon this great measure.—We fear that the French Ultras are not the only persons u the 'Continent who exhibit this lively interest ; but that it is felt, wherever a jealousy of English p?wer, and a dreacrof English liberty, prevail. [MORNING POST.] The Bill for disfranchising the Irish Forty ghilling was postponed in the House of Commons last night to the 27th instant. The cause of this delay is plain. It is toascertain the fate of the Catholic Relief Bill, before another step is taken in support of this measure, which is certainly to be abandoned if the Emancipa tion Bill do not pass, and perhaps even if it were possible that it should pass. For as the sole object for which it was introduced was to gain a few additional votes, and that object has been attained, the Bill itself becomes a use less and embarrassing appendage in the hands of its framers ;—uselesS, because it is tto longer made a condition of Emancipation even by Mr. BtoWnlow—and embarrassing, because it has justly exposed its authors to the charge of hy pocrisy and time-serving. As no reasonable doubt can be entertained of the rejection of the Catho lic Relief Bill in the Lords, the Irish Disfranchise ment Bill will follow as a matter of course, and botil the state and the people will be rescued from F. measure which threatens the Constitution of the one and extinguishesthe personal rights of theother. In a Committee ou the Currency Acts, Mr. \Val -I;Ce proposed a Resolution to assimilate the Cur rency of Ireland with that of England, taking care to leave unaffected. the value of the 40s. freeholds of the font-ter Country. This Resolu tiou was agreed to, and a Bill will soon be brought ist to Carry it into execution. [THE TIMES.] Two very important Pills affecting the law of Scotland have just been introduced into tile souse of Commons, with every prospect of re ceiving the Royal assent. The first relates to the Scots Act passed in the year 1701, for pre tenting false imprisonment, and is commonly called the " Scots Habeas Corpus Act ;" but is so obscurely framed (and an eminent Judge said . once, front the Bench, it was so purposely), that more questions have been raised on it than on almost any other statute. A criminal who is cornMitted can, in virtue of this Act, either compel the Magistrate within 24 hours afterwards, to specify the amoant of bail, on procuring which he can be liberated ; or, if he cannot find bail x iir that the crime is not bailable, the prisoner can run his letters, as it is called—that is, he can give notice to the prosecutor to fix a day for the trial; and unless the trial came on within 140 days afterwards, the prisoner is set at li berty, and can never be again trouble'd for the uce. But the whole expence of these appli cations and notices must be defrayed. by the Door unfortunate prisoner himself; and so few of them are able to do so, that the average number of in stances where the whole criminal prisoners in Scoffand force on their trials do not annually exceed ten or twelve. The old Act originally litnyed the period of confinement to one htin tr,exi ; and for some ye'ars this was ae tt%tided 'to. 'But the Judges afierWard,s;' by a freed' construction of its terms, 'extended the ttiite daps more, 'in open - disregard of the statute. If the prisoner is-unable to defray the expence of these proceedings, he may lie in gaol to Doomsday, for there is no gaol-delivery i►► Scotland ; the law does nothing for him, and all must proceed upon his own application, and at his own cost. On the day of trial, too, he must give into Court any special plea or defence which is to be founded on for him, and if he does not do so, be is deprived of the benefit of the plea; while, on the other hand, the Clerk of the Court will receive no such defence without a large fee; so that a man who, in the eye of the law, is inno cent until the moment of conviction, may, from mere poverty, suffer punishment. The other Bill relates to sedition, which, for the first offence is, by the law of Scotland, without the authority of any statute, punishable by transportation for 14 years. And in 1793, Mr. Muir, a Scots barrister, and Messrs. Gerald, Palmer, and Skirving, were all sent ftir that period to Botany Bay, for ex pressing political opinions of which Mr. Pitt did not at that time approve. The subject was fully debated in Parliament on the motion of Mr. Adam, now Chief Commissioner of the Jury Court ; and no man will soon forget the character given of Lord Justice Clerk 13raxfield, who offi ciated at the trials. it is agreeable, however, to "see the Government now retracing its steps, gra dually stripping the Scots Courts of their arbi trary and discretionary powers, and infusing into them principles more consonant to the spirit of a free Constitution. [BRITISH PRESS.] Some conversation took place last night in the House of Commons respecting the Bill for regu lating the elective franchise in Ireland. Again the rights of the forty shilling freeholders, as they are falsely styled, were ostentatiously put forward, and the friends of public freedom im plored not to consent to the disfranchisement of the Irish peasantry. It is not denied that the present system of vote-making is founded in per jury ; and, as Mr. Littleton well observed, •G at variance with all the principles of free representa tem)," it is not pretended thatany good, moral, poli tical, or social, has resulted from the practice now proposed to be abolished. On the contrary, one of the greatest evils from which Ireland suffers may be ascribed directly to it ; we allude to the minute subdivision of the landed property of that coun try. The opponents of this measure talk of resisting it on constitutional principles. We are quite disgusted with this nauseous political cant. Are we to be told that the Constitution is in danger because a fraudulent system of mak ing false votes is about to be abolished ? Be cause the herds of fictitious freeholders will no longer be driven to the poll, to drown and stifle the voice of the intelligent and independent part of the Irish people, will public liberty be destroyed? What would the apologists and de fenders of this system in Ireland say to its intro duction into England ? It is impossible that Ire land can ever have 46 a peasantry, their country's pride," until her - condition in this respect be as similated to that of England. Sir Francis Bur dett, "oho has recovered his speech, said truly last night, though he was disposed to support the measure on its own merits, he considered it under the present circumstances rather 46 as a measure of conciliation due to the wishes of the Protestants of Ireland ; for whatever might be said of the justice of the Catholic claims—and he was one of those who admitted that justice to its full extent— still he could not keep out of view the claims of the Protestants also."—ln answer to a question from Lord Milton, Mr. Littleton stated that it is' not his intention to press the Elective Franchise, Bill further, until the fate of the Relief Bill is de cided in the House of Lords. [MOHNINGr CHRONICLE.] Sir Francis Burdett observed lait night, that " having accepted the support of several Mem bers on the great question, which support had been most. honourably given, he should feel bound to support the minor Bill, which had for object to increase the qualification of voters in Ireland, even if he could not find reasons for it in all re spects satisfactory to his mind. He looked at the 13ill for the provision of the Catholic Clergy in the same light ; he was bound to support it, fur on that condition the support to the great question, which was not less than that of religious liberty in the country generally, had been given." This is certainly viewing the question like a Statesman. If the minor mea sures are necessary to the support of the greater, to refuse to vote for them, is to say that we refuse to vote for the greater. We take the most unfavourable supposition—we shall even suppose that the regulation of the elective fran chise is really per se an objectionable measure ;. that the pensioning the Irish Clergy is likewise objectionable—and still we say that, if the good of the Emancipation appears to outweigh any evil from them, we are bound to support them. Jrt this world we cannot often have unmixed good. We are often reduced to choose merely that which has in it the least portion of evil. The amputation of a leg or an arm is always painful, and often dangerous, but if the refusal to submit to this operation would be attended with loss of life, or with such a state of existence as rendered life a burden, a sensible man would not hesitate for a moment what course to take. It is an evil to sacrifice any part of our population on the field of battle,—but we embrace that evil to escape from a greater. Nothing is so absurd, therefore, as to object to a small evil, which secures from a greater. B u t f ortunate l y i n this case, as Sir Francis Burdett observed, both the minor mea sures were in themselves beneficial, and not in jurious to the country. The effect of the Elective Franchise Regulations Bill, according to those who are best acquainted with the subject, will be to add to rather than detract from independence; and we are sure that the public money cannot be better employed than in Clergy. paying the Catholic [MORNIN,G HERALD.] The presentation of a petition from Mona ghan, by Mr. Grattan, against the 164 . 4, Elective Franchise Lill , lust night, in the (louse of Com mons, occasioned an extended conversation as to proceeding with or postponing that Bill till . it was ascertained w hat the 11.. use of Lords wound do with the Roman Catholic Bill. Mr. Grattanalso adverted to the.principle of the measure. He de clared it to contain a monstrous proposition, and to ask the Hou se most mater i a ll y an d injuri ously to limit the elective franchise. Mr. S. Rice denied that it would do any thing of the kind : so far from limiting the real and honest franchise of the freeholders, it would strengthen and extended their influence, but it would limit the fraudulent votes of leaseholders. Lord Al thorp supported this view of the Bill, and said it would prevent the counties in Ireland from being controuled like so many close Boroughs. Mr. Littletop lamented that the principle of the Bill had in fact been so much misrepresented in that House ; but he felt assured, that when it came to be completely understood, it would be sanction ed by the whole country. Mr. Monck replied, that the principle of the Bill was not misunder stood by the country, nor had the disfranchising character of the measure been misrepresented ; had not the voters, who, perhaps, might have been created, in many instances, for corrupt purposes, been found too strong, this effort to deprive them of power would never have been attempted. But supposing the 40s. freeholders were all that had been represented,' he wished to ask why the measure was not made general, and extended to the " pot walloping" voters of the English boroughs? Lord Milton then asked Mr. Littleton whether he would not agree to the propriety of postponing, all further proceedings on this Bill, at least till the fate of the second reading of the Relief Bill in the House of Lords was known ? Mr. Littleton replied that he was in the hands of the House ; if it were desired that it should be so postponed, he had no objection, but he would not take on himself the responsibility of postponing, this Bill. Colonel Forde and Mr. Brownlow (of Armagh) were understood to favour such postponement, but the latter, in par ticular, spoke in an unusually inaudible tone.— Sir F. Burdett said he was prepared to defend the Bill as a Reformer, and contended that its principles might be advantageously applied to this country. Throughout this arduous struggle he had felt that though the Roman Catholics were entitled to civil and religious freedom, some thing ought to be done to conciliate the Protest. ant mind, and he therefore had agreed to these accompanying measures; but on other grounds; on principle, he had satisfied his mind of their propriety. Mr. R. Martin urged the ne cessity of postponing this Bill. It' it passed without the Relief Bill, it would be viewed as a most unjust visitation ; in such cases he doubted not that it would produce a Rebellion in Ireland. The conversation then dropped, and Mr. Little ton withdrew from the House; but in a subse quent part of the evening Dr. Phillimore, without any remark, or mentioning that he had been re quested by Mr. Littleton to submit such motion, moved that the further consideration of this Bill be " postponed till the 27th instant," which is , till after the Whitsuntide recess ; and that mo tion was adopted, and the postponement agreed to accordingly, without any comments. [NEWTIMES.] Petitions to both Houses of Parliament are now in a course of signature by the merchants in Lon don, for an linvrovement in the law respecting purchases made from factors or agents, and ad vances of money on goods to persons appearing ostensibly to be the owners. Among the nume rous signatures to these petitions are those of the most eminent general merchants ; such at Messrs. Baring, Brothers and Co. ; Read, Irving and Co.; Bainbridges and Brown; Wilson and Blanshard : Of East India Houses, as Fletcher, Alexander and Co.; Fairlie, Bonham and Co.; Cockerel', Trail and Co.; Inglis, Forbes and Co. ;—West Indian, as Manning and Anderdon ; Boddington and Davis ; Plummer and Wilson :—North American, as Samuel Williams, Thomas Wilson and Co.: — South American, as Barclay, Brothers and Co. ; Anthony Gibbs and Son ; Samuel Winter : North of Europe, as Thomson, Boriar, and Co., Stephen Thornton, Brothers and Co. ; Samuel Thornton and Co.; Garry and Curtis :—South of Europe, as Haldimand and Sous ; Heath, Son, and Furse ; James Cazenove and Co.; G. J. and G. Ranking, &c. &c.—[n short, there are all the principal merchants of London, trading to all the parts of the world—and iL is to be observed, that the petitions are pprely mercantile, as it has been thought proper, on the present occasion, to confine them to that branch of occupation. It may be remembered, that in the year 1823 we called public attention to a bill then in progress through Parliament, which afterwards became law, un der the title of "An Act for the better Protection of the Property of Merchants and others, who may hereafter enter into Contracts or Agreements in relation to Goods, Wares, or Merchandise, en trusted to Factors or Agents." (Stat. 4, Geo. I V. c. 83.) The enactments of that Statute. how ever, were not quite so comprehensive as its title, for they were confined to the case of advances made to an ostensible owner, on goods shipped in the name of the person appearing to be such owner by the hill of lading.—The object of the present petition is, to pray that the equitable principle of that Bill may he extended to the general pro tection of bona fide purchasers of goods not sold in market overt, and of persons making bona fide advances on goods. As the law now stands (in dependently of the Statute of 1823), the general principle, " that a factor or agent has no right to pledge the goods of his principal," is held to inva lidate such a pledge altogether ; insomuch that a party making advances on goods actually put into his possession by 'a person n horn he has every rea son to regard as the owner, may nevertheless be forced to give up such goods to a real owner, of whose existence he was wholly unconscious. This rule is unknown to the laws of almost all the neighbouring States, and even to the law of Scotland, and it is peculiarly injurious to the English merchant, inasmuch as the present ex tended state of trade renders investigation the less practicable to him, and exposes him the more to. fraud. Th e Committee of 1823 pre sented a very va l ua bl e re port, founded on the evidence of more than fifty witnesses of the first experience and re spectability ; and the statute past in that year was considered as only part of , a system to be adopted in consequence of that re port. In 1824, a more cnul . prehenstve i 3,111 was brought.in, and passed through the ,House of Commons, but was thrown out in the Lords, chiefly on the ground of a want of fuller informa tion. The bare signatures to the present petitions afford a sufficient answer to any suggestion of that sort ; for it is impossible to suppose that so many merchants, of the very first weight in every branch of commerce, comprising, in fact,. ,the mercantile experience of the whole country, and including many foreign Consuls carrying on trade here, can be ignorant of the effect o f the principle , which they rec omm e n d, or h ave not f u ll y weighed and examined it in all its bearings. POETILY. The following Lines which would do honour to any living Writer, in point of feeling and poetic spirit, were written and recited by Mr. FI FZGEItALD, on 'Wednesday last, on the Anniversary Festival of the LITERARY FUND, at Free- Masons' lavern : " When barbarous Nations sack'd Imperial Rome; And the World's Mistress yielded to her doom ; Oblivion o'er that land her Poppies flung, • Where Patriot Sages taught, and Poets sung ! Science deplor'd her Tully's prostrate Bust, And Genius dropp'd a tear on Maro's Dust ! ' O'er Europe's face a gloomy darkness spread, And Learning deep in cloisters veird.ber head. , - A Gothic Age no Patrons could afford, Where ev'ry Man was Vassal, or was Lord ; Fierce was the Temper, barren was the Mind, And War the only business of Mankind : 'Till Leo rose to foster every Art That charms the Fancy, and delights the Heart ! On him each Muse was.eager to attend, And Learning found a Patron and a Friend. So when stern Winter reigns, all Nature sighs, The cheerful green of Vegetation dies ; One dreary waste the Eyes of Man behold, Deluged with Rain, or blasted with the Cold ! But when the glorious Sun relumes the Sphere, The Trees bud forth, and tender Plants appdar, Nature no longer feels the Winter's Stour:, Cheer'd by the Rays that ripen while they warm. Enlighten'd Science soon her radiance bore From fair Italia to our Northern Shore ; Where Genius breathed his soul in Shakspeare's Page ! And Milton shone the Homer of his Age ! Yet in this Soil, where all the Virtues grow, And, ere the Poor can ask, the Rich bestow I Authors have often inourn'd their hapless lot, Their works remember'd, but themselves forgot ! Hard is his the Task who writes for daily bread, And pillows on a couch of cares his head— Can Fancy charm the Poet's fever'd Brain, When Thought serves only to engender Pain ? Can Passion animate his torpid breast, By Hope deserted, and by Want oppress'd ? And yet, though wretched Envy's constant aim, The sport of Fortune, and the Slave of Fame ! If he a Patron seek in time of need, With Giant's weight he leans upon a reed— What can his Muse from Pride of Wealth expect, But ostentatious aid, or cold neglect ? Towering Ambition scarce can look so low, And selfish Pleasure shuns the face of Woe. In Life's more private scenes those Virtues shine, Where Human Nature proves her source Divine ; 'Tie there the Great to suffering Worth attend, And Man's misfortune finds in Man a Friend! Your plan, which Princes have been proud to own, Long bless'd in silence, was but little known ; Early you saw, beneath your fostering care, GENIUS and LEARNING rescued from Despair: At first, 'tit true, you could but just bestow A Dew of Comfort upon letter'd Woe; Yet did that Dew a lingering Life sustain, Cheer the last pang, and soothe the bed of pain ! Gradual, but sure,. your purpose work'd its way, An ample Bounty consecrates this day— The Streamlet thus obscurely glides along, 'Till made by tributary Waters strong, Each drooping Plant refresled, new vigour chews, To grace the living River as it flows ; Onward it rolls to meet the Ocean's tide, And spreads a general Blessing far and wide ! Though other climes more genial Suns supply, A purer Atmosphere, and clearer sky, Amidst our gloomy Days and wintery Storms, Bounty protects, and godlike Pity warms ! Though stern in War, and oft by Factions cross'd, The Nation's character is never lost; Humane slid manly, liberal, brave, and free, Contending Parties in one point agree, To feel the pathos of Misfortune's sighs, And wipe the tear from pallid Misery's eyes ! Ilere Truth and Justice prompts the Muse to bring Praise to our PATRON—homage to our KING ! Whose feeling heart has always wish'd to dry The secret tear that dims Misfortune's eye; Who, with a polish'd Taste and liberal Hand, Spreads wide improvements, through his Natire Lend ! And, like AUGUSTUS, who embellish'd RozE, Makes Grecian Arts his Denizens at home. Where uncouth buildings met the public eyes, Now spacious streets and palaces arise; And THANES may soon behold, with conscious pride, Another ATHENS rising on his side ! Arts cannot droop, nor Sciences despair, ' When ENGLAND'S Mosaacit makes their cause his care; Nor GENIus pine neglected, and alone, His all-accomplished PATRON on the Throne ; Whose Sceptre's honour'd, as his sword was fear'd, In War triumphant and in Peace revered ! On Thursday evening, the 12th inst., at Friar's-place, near Acton, the lady of Charles B. Curtis, Esq., of a daughter. MARRIED. Yesterday, at Marylebone New Church, Thomas T. Grant, Esq., to Emma, fifth (laughter of the late Richard Grant, Esq., of Russell-place, Fitzrov-square. On the 11th inst., John Gafford, jun., Esq., of Poplar, to Fanny, second daughter of George Pringle, Esq., of Stoke Newington. On Tuesday, the 10th inst., at Stepney Church, IL Godwin, Esq., of Cobourn-terrace Bow-road, to Miss Picking, eldest daughter of the lat e John Pickering, Esq., of Assembly-row, Mile-end. On Monda last DIED. y , the 9th inst., by a fall from an open car. riage, Mrs. Brodie, wife of P. B. Brodie, barrister-at law, of Lincoln's-inn-fields. On the nth inst., in the 20th year of his age, John, ilwond son of Thomas Flardy, Esck, Walworth. On the 10th fist., at Kingston.upon-Thames, Susan Jolly, wife of John Jolly, aged 7. FOR. THE SUN. ANSWER. to a LETTER., signed " A CATHOLIC," and addressed to P. V. K., which appeared in THE Sux of the 16th, on the CATHOLIC QUESTION. EDITOR—'Phis Catholic sagely observes, that he suspects me to be the author of .a Pamphlet, entitled, " An Address to both Houses of Parliament, on the Catholic Question, &c. by a Pupil of Vicessimus Knox, and print ed by Hatchard anal Son ;" and why does he sus .pect me ? because I sign myself P. V. K. I had chosen for my signature " O'C." I sup pose these letters would have been given to Mr. O'Connell ; that is to say, if the sentiments contained in them coincided with that gentleman's. The" Catholic" to whose communication I have just alluded, says," I dare say the author of the " above-mentioned pamphlet thinks his reasoning " excellent, but he is only a pupil." Allow me to inform this " wise Catholic," that all (save the blind) are greatly obliged to their pupils; and if he had made a proper use of his, and impartially perused the pamphlet which has excited his ire, he might, perchance, have derived benefit there from : but he says,—" it is full of arguments, in '.which he can see no solidity." To prove the reverse, I will quote two short passages from that pamphlet ; it states, that 44 when a change will " be self-evidently no improvement, it were, " surely, something worse than folly to desire its " accomplishment ; so, likewise, when a change " can do no good, but may .do some harm, t° " strive focits fulfiltnent, is equally an act of " the greatest folly that can be imagined."—Let me ask, is it not thus that the Catholics and their supporters 'act ? Again , this pamphlet informs us, that Mr. O'Gorman, in his appeal, mentioned some of the punishments of the Penal Code ; it then goes on to say, that these punishments, as they are called, " are mere restrictions ) and lie" (O'Gorman) 44 does not state, accurately, the " reasons why these restrictions were ever en " acted ; 'no, they are industriously waited " they were nothing more than these,--da " roasting, the baking, the grilling of Protest ants,--hecause they were • hot Roman Ca' tholics!!! Is there no solidity in this how would this " Catholic" like to be used aS the unoffending Protestants of those days ? lie says, too, there are questions in that pamphlet which are not answered, and gives the following as an example :- 44 What would those few Ca.- tholics do towards alleviating the distressed Irish ?" The few Catholics here mentioned are those who would obtain more pOwer by the con= cesllon of their claims. A few lines after the last quoted questions is given the reason why it is not answered, which is. this :—They (the Ca" tolics) say, that being invested with more power, will restore Ireland to a state of tranquillity " Now," continues time paniphlet 46 that any one " who allows himself to be governed by hi s " two chief Magistrates of man—reason—an" " common sense —can, for a moment, harbour " such an extraordinary idea, is surely an. insult "to the understanding." The following will , perhaps, be a more satisfactory answer to poor correspondent, at the saute time, that 'it answer , one of his three questions, namely, 6 ' Why • will not the admission of a few into that assembly %IWO makes the laws by which the Catholics are go: verned be of service to the Irish ?" The cause.ot distress, in Ireland, is the want of employment for the lower orders of that nation. I should be glad to know, how the limited number that will be possessed of more power, by having their claims granted, can be capable of giving employment t ° the poor ? they cannot : for it is-the landlords _ _, and the landlords only, th a t can rescue Pelon a _ from her pr esen t m i ser y, by g i v i ng wor k to th e poorer classes, and it is too well known to r e : quire proof, that if peopl e a r e no t p ro p e rly, they will be ImPttorsKtY employed.—The next clu e l lion is this :—" Why do es th e d es i re o f polit i f a 46 power impeach th e j us tic e o f th e l a w Which prevents the Catholics from possessing this " power t" Since it is a law which restrains tn; Catholics ) it is th e ac t of desiring more Pe" that impeach e s its justice ; and that it 150 81 / L have shewn above, in a quotati o n from tn.e pamphlet, when speaki ng o f O'Gorman.--His. third mad ,last question is," 'Why should g "; " Catholics be admitt e d t o l eg i s l a t e , a s well • " Dissenters, under whatever denomination they 5 " may be ?" Th e r e li g i on o f th e . Dissent?" I , not so greatly at vari ance w ith th e Estab l ishe d Church :—they invoke not the Virgin Mary's.; the other Saints they believe, not in the p r ia tended miracles of th e n i ne t een th ce utury,- - ... fact, they are, gen e rally sp e akin g , a quiet,Tea r. , able, rational peopl e ; an d if th e i rre ligion any sensations alien to th e d oc trine of th e Protestant Church, it is that of melancholy, which is much more apt to injure the subject it in"'' ences, than any other. The culture of the under standing is the best method for propagating _ t o Christian religion, in p ur ity, ( as th e experie n ce of the middle ages evid en tly s h ows , that vvn e learning was ,neglected and ,despised,' the d 1.1: trines•of Christianity were corrupted orated) it is the. bast means for rendering t act. Prince honoured, the Legislator justly commen d ed for his prudent wisdom, and the people haPP,,Y . ; for mental culture, besides. strengthening g'ie reasoning faculty, has no incoasidorable inieu e . he in humanizing the feelings and meliorating the harsh disposition ; consequently, barbarism and superstition, no longer find their habitation in . the human breast tenable. And now Sir, I r w e P r your Correspondent, " A CA.THOLJC," is a u "' ed to his, and your readers satisfaction, by v• Rarnsgate, April 18, 1825. • and dete.he ** This letter was unluckily mislaid, or it should have found an earlier insertion. We have private reasons for not inserting the poetical lette r from this Col respondent. - . - - Printed and Published for the PnoPRIETbRi, At the S QF Nu, 112,. Strand, by J.. B. CA101'4414.