The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIME PUBLIC JOURNALS. The tithe system in Ireland, even within one short week, outstripped the speculations of the Irish Minister, proving how feeble is the view which he has taken of its effect upo n the Tint of the people, and how inadequate in all human probability arc the means by which he offers to render it less an object of their a bhorrence : Mr.. Stanley's policy goes to make t he collection of tithes less inconvenient and irritating to the tem pers of men : the country c ries out against its amount, its nature, applicati on, and existence. If the Irish Secretary supp oses that b y forcin g the Composition Act upon every parish through out the island, he can secure or facilitate the peaceable collection of the tithe, he assumes much more than the experience of the last few months will warrant. In many of the parishes where the Composition Act has been in opera tion, the clergyman cannot recover his legal due. He is left to his remedy, which is—nothing. If Mr. Stanley talks of protecting the rights of the Church, let us ask how these rights can be rendered available, and what are they ? He will answer us—" the legal rights," " and to be enforced by law." But what is it that makes law itself of any value ? Why, the existence of a power somewhere to enforce it. So long as the people will aid the law, or not oppose to it such a resistance as the magistrate is unable to put down, just so long is Leval right worth any thing. But when all cor respondence and fitness cease between the acts of the Legislature and the condition of the so ciety upon which they operate, those laws be come a dead letter,—others must be substituted for them. This is the case with the tithe system in Ireland. The Catholics of that country ob ject, not merely to the amount, hut to the prin ciple. They say, you ask us for 1001. to a clergyman whom we neither see nor hear,—who instructa us not, nor administers religious con solation. We will not pay 10s. to such a cler gyman, who gives us nothing in return. It is vain to disguise the matter, that which we have stated indicates the real question,—the question is, simply, can any tithe, or any equivalent for the actual tithe, he levied much longer upon Irish Catholics to support a Protestant Church ! It is a foolish answer to say, " We can maintain the tithe system for ten or twenty years to come, and therefore we se it not yet acknowledge the necessity of remodelling' our whole Church Establishment." The Legislature ought to take time by the fore lock. A well-considered and provident im provement might now be made in the relations between the Established Church and the country, without disturbance, but with an immediate ten dency to compose all existing agitation. \Vait until the breach widens,—until the confusion thickens,—until artful incendiaries gain more time and scope fir their manoeuvres ; and see how much further we shall be compelled to go, than even by the pressure which now affects us. A commutation of tithe, which shall bestow per manently on the Established Church of Ireland a revenue at all equal to that which she now (nominally) possesses, will not be received with satisfaction by the country, and will therefore be trouble thrown away. For the present genera tion of clergymen, even the wildest adversary of the Church respects their life-interest, and re nounces any wish to molest them. But what ever measure may be contemplated as a final one, must be framed so as to reduce the sum-total of the revenue, now applied to the service of the Established Church, and to provide one of mo derate and fair amount for the clergy of another persuasion. Various modes of effecting this object have been suggested, and from a great variety of quarters. The mere Composition Act will not do. It still leaves the hostile contact hetween the Protestant clergy and Catholic laity unbroken. Some will have land purchased fir tte Protestant ministers ; but whence can he obtained the capital for such an enormous out lay ? A correspondent, in a long and elaborate letter, recommends that hind thould be taken by tile vestry, and leased out again at a low rent to' the poor, and that, by some process which we cannot unde:staed, the clergyman is to be sup ported out of the profit rent thus derived from the peasant. This, we think, may be disposed of without much hesitation. A third pro posal is that of a genera! land tax, applicable to tl:e maintenance of the clergy of both persurn sions, and to the additional purposes of a poor rite. This in its outline at least is bold and simple. Whether any Parliament upon which we can speculate as likely soon to be chosen will have courage to entertain so broad a scheme of church and poor law, is more than we can guess ; but one fact seems to be quite unques tionable—viz. that if things proceed a little longer in their present course, the Established Churh will have but a nominal existence in Ireland, and whatever laws are then to be made, must look more to revive than to preserve it. The horrible event to which we made a brief allusion yesterday, however connected with the tithe sys tem, ought not to be treated, and shall not b y us be treated, as if the massacre of so mae'y public officers were directly impinable to the State, and that the brutal peasantry who murdered them were to be upheld as mi nisters of offended justice. Whatever may be the vices of the tithe tax, or the rashness with which the legal rights claimed under it may be exercised by some of the clergy, the redress must be afforded by the Legislature alone ; or if ex torted in the shape of inhuman butchery by the multitude, a severe and signal punishment must be inflicted on the guilty, or the landlord's claim to rent will be the next thing refused on pain of death to his receiver, and every law by which property of any kind is protected will be held in universal derision. Th ere are gross and unfeel ing absurdities mixed up in sonic of the Irish letters and newspapers with this bloody massacre of Captain Gibbons and his policemen, engaged in the fulfilment of their l aw f u l an d b oun d en duty. It is insinuated that th e y were t h e ag gressors : we do not believe a word of it. Why did the country people collect and surround them in a mass of thousands armed with pitch forks, scythes, and other such weapons ? Why, but to seize the person of the wretched process server, and t o d espatc h hi m ? Th e public wer e obviously performin g a public service in protect ing a , fellow -subj ec t f rom persona l v i o l ence , else why snould they have formed his escort ? The onus is on the mob to show for what purpose they occupied in such frightful force the g round which the civil officers of th e Government were about to traverse ? Was it for a bloody out rage, or for innocent pleasure ? This furious re sistance to the law must be grappled with, and, at every risk, must be crushed and annihilated.— Times. The condition of the labouring classes be comes daily a subject of more painful and press ing interest. It is impossible that the super structure of society can be safe while its foun dation is insecure. The opulence and splendour, of the 'higher ranks are endangered by the ' miry and discontent of the millions beneath. It consequently, not more a duty of benevolence than a matter of self-interest that those who are blest with power and affluence—those who have demesnes and mansions, and parks and pleasure grounds—those who have possessions which may tempt desperate poverty to crime, and which violence may render insecure, should attend to the condition of the labouring classes—should render their labour, if possible, a source of comfort and independence, or, at all events, protect them from the misery, oppression, and destitution, which makes the poor man reckless of character—a hater of the classes above him —a plunderer of his neighbour's property—a lover of disturbance, and a ready instrument to execute the designs of the more crafty contrivers of mischief and confusion. It is one of the im imitable laws by which an all-wise Providence sustains the moral government of the world, that injustice always, in the end, works its own punish ment. There was a time when the rural popula tion of England deserved to be described as a " hold peasantry, their country's pride." At that time the English cottager was an example of manly, honest independence, of which the na tion had reason to be proud ;—his home was a picture of comfort, cleanliness, and rustic feli city, which to the moral eye was more delightful than the riches of Crcesus,—far more estimable than the luxurious splendour which here and there indicates excessive opulence, glittering amid scenes of surrounding poverty and wretched- ness, in a land " Where wealth accumulates and men decay." flow different are the peasantry of the present day to that manly race whose simple virtues adorned the villages and hamlets of England, but of which the tide of demoralization has left few re maining traces ! The destruction of the com forts of the labouring classes, and the mischie vous operation of a system of poor-laws, per verted from their original principle, have had the effect of driving the decencies of life from the poor man's cottage, and, in too many instances, its kindly affections from his heart. Denied the proper remuneration for his labour, and made the object of a reluctant and morose species of charity, which insults while it relieves, who can be surprised that he should be led to consider his superiors as his enemies—that his demeanour should be characterised by a sullen servility, and that his passions should be ever susceptible of the instigations of revenge ? During the late war the most unjustifiable acts of aggression were committed upon the little comforts and rights of the cottagers of England. The high price of land was the cause of the enclosures of nu merous commons, and the poor of the neigh bourhood where such enclocures took place were deprived of their commonable rights, in most instances, without any compensation. The means of keeping a cow, or some other useful and profitable animal, was thus taken away from the cottager—next his piece of land was coveted —very often not even a slip of garden left. When the peace came, and wages fell, he had no resources to fall back upon ; and when, from sickness or other causes, he was out of employ ment, his family and himself were obliged to have recourse to the parish books. But more than this, the scandalous and destructive prac rice was introduced of paying the employed la bourer a portion of his wages out of the parish rates. In sixteen counties in England this prac tice obtains, and, with the pauperism and degra dation attendant upon such a system, crime and a proneness to disorder rapidly increase. In the course of last year, when adverting to the distress of the agricultural labourers, we fre quently recommended' the practice of allowing that class, or other industrious poor, small allot ments of land, as tire best means of ameliorating their condition, and withdrawing them from the parish books. In this good work the Bishop of Bath and ‘Vells has been earliest and indefa tigable. His pamphlet on the subject we re commended to our readers, as well as the work of a Mr. Weyland, directed to the same bene volent purpose. We rejoice to see that an As sociation exists called the " Sussex Association for improving the condition of the labouring classes :" at the head of which is the name of his loyal Highness the Duke of Sussex ; and which Association advocates the practice of letting small portions of land to the industrious poor, and diffuses information, calculated to make them see the advantages of resorting to the cultivation of such portions of land for subsistence, instead ofdrawing the dole of paupers from the parish rates. We believe that if this practice were generally introduced, the honest, upright, manly character of the English peasant would be gradually restored ; crime would be diminished, and, consequently, the public ex penses for poor•rates, as well as prosecutions, would undergo a great diminution ; property would be more respected than it is at present ; above all, that senseless and desolating crime of burning barns, and ricks, and stacks, would be more effectually prevented than by capital punishment or any new penal Statute. We shall return to this subject to-morrow, and quote a portion of the instruction given to the labouring classes by the " Sussex Association."—Morn ing Herald. The argument of Lord Porchester, by which it is shewn that the Ministerial project of Re form, if adopted, will separate political power from property, is met, we perceive, in the habitual ad captandum mode of the revolutionary party, by triumphantly referring to the two representa tives of Old Sarum, and the no representatives of twenty places in Great Britain whose capi talists are worth not less than three score millions of pounds sterling. The reference in both its parts is singularly unhappy, for nothing is more certain than that the Members for Old Sarum have ge nerally presented in their persons, and do at this moment rather conspicuously present, a close union of political power with property ; except perhaps it he that to these capitalists of three score millions in the twenty places now unre presented, the Reform Bill can by no possibi lity give an increase of political power, while from many individuals of those capitalists, and from the body therefore collectively, it will take much political power which they now possess. "rite case of Old Sarum might not injudiciously have been selected by an advocate of the existing sy:tzm as a f a v oura bl e illustration of the manner in which the nomination lJoroughs do in fact conduce to the political influence of property, and not merely to the political influence of pro perty in general, but of that particular kind of British property ri lneh, so f ar as yet appears , not withstanding itsimmense amount, its vast im portance, its solid claims, its peculiar liability to injury or destruction, in case it should be wholly deprived of political influence, is cut off from the possibility of any kind of representation what ever by the Revolutionary Bill. W e allude of course to East Indian and colonial property, of which the actual patron and Members of Old Sarum are the representatives, bound to it by a tie stricter by far and practically much more efficacious than that of any obligation which could be contracted at a popular hustings —the tie of a community of interest and feelings. The colonial property, the monied capital, the mercantile wealth of the United Empire, muet be deprived of much more than a moiety of the political power they now collectively exercise by any measure which, acknowledging no domicile of political power but within the narrow circuit of the British Islands, prescribes that. the substance of political power shall exclusively exist within the several local habitations assigned to it. The first-born offspring of British greatness, wealth, and power —the East Indian, the West Indian, the Ame rican Colonies of the Empire—are to be disin herited, to humour the wayward fancies and satisfy the selfish desires of younger, less valu able, and less dutiful sons, the Political Unions of Birmingham, Manchester, and Westminster. But if the extinction of the small and nomina • tion boroughs impairs or destroys the political power of vast masses of property, in the fullest and highest sense of the word British property, property over which the shield of the British Constitution ought for many reasons to be thrown with peculiar care, is there any thing in the particular kind of representation intended for large towns which tends to mitigate or counteract this evil ? Is it reasonable to expect that the future Members for Manchester, birmin g liam, Leeds, Sheffield, Glasgow, and other similar places, appointed and controulled as they are to be by the occupiers of houses of ten pounds a year and upwards, will in any case be time representatives of property, or to doubt that the presence in the Legislature of so many Mem bers created by and acting under the influence of such a constituency will diminish instead of in creasing the political power of property ? It is demonstrable that the ten pound a-v ear franchise gives to various classes of men various degrees of political power ; that in no instance is the degree of political power imparted to any class proportioned to its wealth ; and that, so far from apportioning political power to wealth, this fran chise establishes and secures, without the possi bility of failure in any of the larger towns, that the class of people who have no property at all, who live literally from hand to mouth, shall constitute a deci , ive and overpowering majority of the electors, and in effect pos sess a substantial monopoly of the representa tion. How foolish or hypocritical, then, is it for the advocates of the Bill to talk of the capitalists of Manchester and Birmingham as portions of British society entitled to a share of the representation ? These capitalists are the men whom, above all others, the Bill studiously excludes from any share of time representation. Some of them do sit in Parliament at the present moment, free to speak the sentiments and pro mote the interests, and propound the wishes, of the class to which thee belong. We do not doubt that some of them may sit in the Re formed Parliament, but it can only be upon the well-understood condition that they shalt speak the sentiments and promote the desires, not of their own class, but the class the most remote from their own—the occupiers of the inferior and most numerous class of houses, the class of persons at the very opposite extremity of the social scale. There can be no doubt in the mind of any reflecting man that th e Bill will diminish rather than increase the political power of the capitalists of Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds, and the other large towns which are to acquire the right of repre sentation, and in which that right is to be sub stantially exercised by men who are not possessed of any property whatever. The representations, upon any matter connected with their own in terests, of such men as the capitalists of a great seat of trade or manufacture, cannot now be dis regarded by the Administration or the Legis lature. Will any representation from them be equally sure to obtain attention in Councils and in Parliaments after the Reform Bill shall have passed, unless it happen, which must always be a matter of uncertainty, that the Members elected by the inferior housekeepers of their town be instructed to support it ? The effect of the Bill as it stands can be no other than to transfer political power in all the great towns upon which it bestows the right of representation from the wealthy to the indigent classes of so ciety. Lord Porchestcr !was perfectly right. Whether we look at Old Sarum, or at the twenty great towns with capitalists to the amount of sixty or any other number of millions, the Bill, even in these cases selected by its advo cates in elucidation of its merits, is plainly seen to separate political power from property. — Morning Post. The dreadful affray in the county of Kilkenny between the police and peasantry adds one to the many melancholy proofs already afforded of the incompatibility of the tithe system of Ire land with order and good government. If we wish to preserve the Union, we ought to act in such a manner as to take from the Irish all de sire of separation. It was remarked by Du mourier, in the advice which he gave in his exile to the Crowned Heads of Europe, that if they wished to secure their States from be coming the theatre of revolution, they should make justice the rule of their Government ; fr, by redressing the grievances and ameliorating the condition of their subjects, they could alone hope to withstand the French, whose success was chiefly derived from the disposition or the people everywhere to join them against their rulers. Coercion produces only external obedi ence ; the disposition to resent remains unaf fected by it. Of this Ireland affords abundant proofs. Hitherto the wishes of the pe ople have never been consulted. Coercion has been the rule, and the rule has only been relaxed when the power to maintain it ceased to be possessed. The people hale succeeded in breaking link after link of their chain ; and coercion being no longer possible, we are now arrived at time point at which we must either make the happiness of the people the rule of government, or they will assuredly take their affairs into their own hands the first favourable opportunity. One point the Irish seem to have greatly at heart — the establishment of religious equality. It is evident than when they speak of the evil of tithes, they mean more than tithes—they mean the superiority given by the law to the Protestant Episcopal Church. The manner in which tithes are collected, no doubt, adds to the hatred of the establishment ; but the hatred lies deeper than mere tithes. The Protestant Church, like the Orange cockade, is hated as the evi dence of their subjection. If the Catholics could possibly forget the humiliation of which it i s th e evidence, the High Church Protestants will not allow there. The Orangemen take care to remind them, that tithes are endeared to the Protestants as the evidence of their con quest. At a meeting of the Political Union in Dublin, on Thursday last, Mr. Ronayne, al hiding to an insulting speech of Sir Henry Brooke, at a late meeting of Protestants in Dublin, expressed what we believe to be the feeling of all Irish Catholics on the subject : " Tithes (he said) were a national insult to Ireland ; they were evidence of what Sir Henry Brooke called a conquered country.—(Hear, hear.) That sapient gentle. man said, that every Protestant in the country should con. eider himself as the son of a conqueror—(A laugh)—and if that were all true, it niu,t be equally true, as the con verse of the proposition, that the Catholic people bhould regard themselves as the descendants of slaves—(Load cries of ' Hear')—and, undoubtedly, the imposition of tithes on them was a badge of slavery.—(Repeated cries of Hear.') England never was remarkable for the libee• rality of her treatment of her colonies and her other depen dencies, notwithstanding her boasts of attachment to liberty—(Hear)—and accordingly she was found main taining and enforcing the ascendancy of her power in Ire land by the institution of a Church Establishment, which was unfortunately too often sustained by the point of the hayonet.—(Loud cries of ' Hrar.') They attempted the Ranie plan in Scotland, but he blessed the memory of the old Covenanters, notwithstanding all their bigotry, for they successfully resisted it, and their success had secured religious peace and tranquillity in their country ever since. ----(ll , ar, and loud applause.) It was the duty (he con ceived) of this meeting to tell the Government, now that it contemplated a change of the tithe system in Ireland, that there never could be peace in the country so long as this exaction continued to he enforced.--(Hear, hear.) It was utterly impossible there ever could be peace here while this mark of degradation remained upon the land.— (Cheers.) He challenged any advocate of tithes present to show that the system had ever been maintained in any country as it was in Ireland." The Committees of the two Houses, it may be thought., will recommend some plan for re medying the evil. Front what we hear, we much question this. Mr. Stanley, we learn, is to com mute the tithes for land. The substitute of land for tithes would, no doubt, be a great re lief' to the clergy of the Protestant Church, and it would put an end to the endless collision be tween them and the peasantry, But, indepen dently of the objections to the withdrawing so much land from commerce, to be added to the immense estates already at the disposal of a re ligious Corporation, and which, we have heard, are the worst cultivated of the lands of the dis tricts in which they are situated—the objections of the Catholics in point of principle would re main the same. On what principle of justice, they ask, can a sinecure Church engross all the revenues assigned to the religious instruction of the people ? The Protestant Episcopalians arc not the ninth part of the people of' Ireland — they are hardly to be found at all in the two pro vinces. If it be said, that though the Protestant Episcopalians be the minority in Ireland, yet, tak ing England and Ireland together, the Protes tant Episcopalians form the majority. But this argument leaves utility out of the question ; for of what avail is it to establish teachers of one religion where the people belong to another ? And leaving utility out of the question, we give to the Irish, who see themselves thus held of so little account, a strong motive for a separate Government, in which their own wants will be duly considered. Tithes may at present be said to be abolished. The people have determined no longer to pay them ; and such is the power of the combination, that the law remains a dead letter. 1 he question thus far is settled ; for where a law is not sanctioned by the persuasion of a people that it is for their interest to obey it, it must be a dead letter. We do not blame Ministers tOr going the whole length of the people of Ireland with regard to the Protestant Church Establishment ; because we do not be lieve that the tenure of any Ministers in this country is such as to enable them to do more than temporise. We merely wish to guard against the delusion, that it is possible to satisfy the people- of Ireland by half measures. Till all those who profess the Catholic religion feel them selves in every respect on an equal footing with the Protestants, it is impossible to suppose they will be satisfied. The very existence of com paratively a handful of people in the northern section of this island, in which the Protestant Episcopalians are Dissenters, will always remind the Irishman of the humiliating difference which the law has made between himself and the Scotchman. We repeat, that till the people of Ireland obtain, under the connection with this country, all that they could hope to obtain under a separate Legislature, the Union never can be properly cemented. If we wish to become one people, we must abolish all odious and humi liating distinctions. We observe that, at the meeting above alluded, Mr. O'Connell made use of an argument which we cannot help thinking will be of avail in preventing a repetition of such affrays as that of Knocktopher—namely, that they would strengthen the tithe system, and postpone its fall. He attributes also the dispo sition to excess, on the part of the peasantry in Kilkenny, to the circumstances of two gentlemen having been punished for presenting themselves at a meeting to endeavour to prevent the people from committing excesses. The passage in 'Mr. O'Connell's speech is curious : " He was (he said) sorry Isis friend Mr. Costello had confined himself to the few observations he bad made on the occurrence in the county Kilkenny. He had expressed properly his regret, but he thought this meeting should express its sorrow still more emphatically. He had learned with horror that twenty lives had been sacrificed in this affray, arising out of the tithe system, and his regret was not the less because the species of resistance resorted to by the people, would give that system additional strength, and postpone its fall. There was no man in that room who would sanction for one moment the shedders of human blood—(Cheers)—and the people should feel that it was oily by preserving morality and shunning crime that they could hope for the blessing of Heaven, and the success of the good.—(Cheers.) He did deplore the loss of life, but he could nut help attributing it to the prosecution of Illanchfield and Byrne by the Government. These men had gone among the people actuated by the purest motives, to use their influence to preserve the peace—to prevent bloodshed ; and whit was their reward ? They were prosecuted by the Government, fined, and sent to gaol ; and now what were the consequences?—(Loud cries of hear, hear.) No Man, no matter what his influence, will venture to conhoul the people; they will let them hurry c o o n m w e i t d ll o ( , s , n , t i o r i e , s t tra i, a n l e d s t the C t he ; sho ro u • l t d iv prosecutor eseuttog should aoi:h like Blanchfield and Byrne, fir their humanity.—(He sr.) Men of upright intentions and benevolent designs dare not in terfere, for some Judge Johnson, in trying them as cri minals, may say—' Your ohject, no doubt, was to prevent the effusion of blood, and you succeeded ; so-- 111 scud you to gaol for it.')—(Laughter and loud cheering.) A remarkable instance of this nature occurred at Mill-street, on the borders of Kerry, some years ago, where a priest had succeeded in saving the lives of three or four men in an affray, but, unfortunately, had not in terfered time enough to preserv e th e li ves o f all the persons a ttacked on the occasion. There was sonic difheulty after wards in discovering the guilty individuals, and some of the neighbouring Magistrates threatened to compel the priest to_give evidence. Ile replied—' You may hung me on the table, and force me to convict these men; hut I warn you that no priest will ever again interfere, under such c:rrinnstances, to save a life, for the murderers will never again spare the life of a priest, lest he should, lik e me, be compelled to give evidence against them.'—(Hear, hear, hear.) Lord Plunkett, then Attorney-General, had t h e good sense to perceive the justice of this objection, and he did not persist in requiring the evidence of the priest. —(Cheers.) But 13lanchtield and Byrne had been prose cuted and punished for their excellent and useful conduct ; and he declared to Heaven, since the commencement of the worid, he did not think any prosecution so indiscreet and mischievous ever had occurred.-_( Liietho,Av Cr . i e es e o r f , ' Hear.')" Mr. Mr. O'Connell's argument, ways. If the excesses of the peasantry strengthen two a t r l . :e ') i . t ' the tithe system, it is not unnatural for those who wish to perpetuate the tithe system, to bear a hatred against those men who endeavour to pre vent the peasantry from committing outrage,.. — Morning Chronicle. Whatever might have been thought at one time of the probability of a re-action, on the part of the Lords, and their nominees in the House of Commons, in favour of the Reform Bill, there can assuredly be no one now so ut terly blind to the real state of the case as to imagine for a moment that there exists the slightest chance of conciliating, by any change or modification of the Bill, those who were its first opponents. The speakers who spoke in the debate on the second reading, and the speeches which were made in the course of it, all tend to shew that the Anti-Reform faction is irreconcileably opposed to the interests and liberties of the people—that they have no more loyalty than liberality—as little patriotism as a contracted view of their own interests dictates— and no care, provided they can either defeat the Re form Bill, or oust his Majesty's Ministers from their places, whether they gain their end by rational argument, or make their way to place and victory through flames of fire and torrents of blood. Did Mr. Stuart Wortley—the son of Lord Wham cliffe, who moved, it will be remembered, the total rejection of the Reform Bill, on its second reading in the House of Lords—did he, we say, or Croker, or Peel, or Praed, or Baring Wall, or any of the organs of the Tory junto, exhibit any evidence of returning sanity.on the subject of Reform—of a wish to yield to public opinion, or a desire to sun ender those rights which, in the lapse of time, and the progress of' corruption, have been plundered from the people ? 'We said from the first that the Lords were not to be re conciled, and the debate in the House of Commons proves that they are irreconcileable. The parties who spoke there are the organs of the Anti-Reform Lords—they know their feelings, wishes, and in tentions—if not in all instances swayed, or corn gelled, by them to utter such and such semi ments, they, at least, from other motives, speak, as they would speak, and act, as they would act ;—and hence the debate of Friday and Sa turday may be taken as a fair specimen of what would have been said and done in the Howe of Lords had the question been debated there. What then is to be clone ? Are the Ministers to dilly-dally with the public feeling by another trial upon an unreformed House of Lords ? are they to leave behind them as a memorial of their perilous Administration, that they gave strength to the storm and deserted the helm when the ship was in danger ?—or are they to steer the state vessel safely into port, by taking on board an additional number of seamen, and thus overpowering the storm which is other wise ungovernable ? There is but one course which can bring them safely into port—there is but one way of controuling the storm, and giv ing a healthful, instead of a destructive influence to it—and that course, we need not observe, is the creation of such a number of Peers as shall assure the safety of Reform, and leave no sus picion, as to its ultimate fate, in tie public mind. The people, after the glorious majority of 324 to 162, will no doubt rest satisfied with the sincerity of Ministers, and the determination of the House of Commons that no one, be he Peer or Commoner, shall interfere with the elec tion of its Members. But we put it to his Ma jesty's Ministers whether, ;in these times, and under all the circumstances of an overwhelming majority in the Commons—of a half-starved population—of decayed and decaying trade —it would not be better to advise his Majesty to create the necessary number of Peers at once, instead of delaying the creation until the Bill shall be again pre sented to the Lords? We throw this observa tion out merely as a hint. His Majesty's Mi nisters are, no doubt, much more aware of every circumstance bearing on the subject than we are, and much better judge in consequence both of what they can and of what they ought to do ; but whether they agree with us or not, as to the immediate creation of Peers—there is not only not one of them—but there is no reasonable man in the kingdom, who does now see that the creation in question is inevitable, and that the king's Ministers would amply deserve to be impeached were they not to recommend it to his Majesty, as the only proper and fit course to be pursued, both for the safety of the throne, for the safety of the Constitution, and the safety of the country, from convulsion and revolution.— Torning Advertiser. We have seen letters from all tie manufactur ing districts, and are sorry to state that, without an ex ception, they communicate gloomy intelligence as to the condition of trade, and, consequently, notice discontent among the operatives—the certain concomitant of declin ing business. The letters from Rochdale, Lei-ds, Hud dersfield, Halifax, Nottingham, and even Manchester (where, from the magnitude of its commercial as well as manufacturing operationi, distress is not so soon visible as it is in less important places), allude in very strong terms to severe distress and extensive discontent. The advices from Glasgow do not bring intelligence of the slightest improvement in that emporium of trade; on the contrary, the embarrassment appears rather more aggravated. Mace,leyield Courier. On the night of Tuesday last an attack was made on the house of ADAM FELTON, a member of the Monasterevan corps of yeomanry, on which occasion he acted with a degree of cool determination and bravery well worthy of imitation under similar circumstances. About midnight he was awakened by the noise of persons about his house, and immediately succeeded the breaking of his windows. He jumped out of bed and demanded what was the matter, when different voices exclaimed, " Your arms—hand out your arms !" lie put on some clothes as quickly as possible, and was loading his musket, when the a ssailants got impatient, and broke iu the - sash, still calling for his arms. His answer was—" Won't you give me time to get them ready, boys? Wait, and you shall have them." By this time he bail his musket loaded, and being well supplied with ammunition, he d.r iiheiately took from his cartridge-box ten rounds of ball-cartridge, and laid them on a chest by his side, tak ing his station in front of the window, with his musket raised. One of the party called to his companions to s tonal back ; another said—. N.), he is going to hand us the gun," and stepping forward, pushed his 11,nd through the broken window to take it, when FELToN fired, and he received, as is supposed, the contents hi his breast, for he fell back exchiming, " Oh, murder." The assailants then cried out, '' No matter boys, we'll burn the house Over his head," his reply was, " Burn away, that's the worst you can do, hut won't you wait for the gun ?" Iu the mean time he re-loaded, and opening the door rushed Out, when seeing them in confusion he sounded his bugle (he is the hugleman of the corps), so as to awaken four or five of hi; brave companions residing within a very short distance, who immediately obeyed the call to arms, turned cut with their muskets, and commenced a pursuit. They fired a shot or two after the retreating party, but did not think it prudent to continue the pursuit too far, contenting themselves with beating off the assailants— their numbers appeared to amount to 100. This gallant corps is determined to a man to surrender their arms only with their lives, and to maintain the character for bravery which they so deservedly earned in the year 1798,when they defended their town against a body of the rebel army about twenty times their number, and succeeded in routing them, after a sanguinary contest which lasted for some hours. FELTON resides on the estate of HENRY SMYTH, Esq., of Mount Henry, in the Queen's County, one mile from the bounds of the county Kildare, and a toile and a half from Monasterevan.—Dublin Evening Mail. PRINTRD AND PUBLI3DED BY 11URDO YOU:4s" , SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON• mother fo 'Captaii Parry, Sir Edward Parry, of the Royal ....s. I.ltPtti:RALf:Aent:NetDb LONDON MARKETS, ,A l k AND FO 'HE OFFAL vI CTUALLI PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is 10d. 1 . 0 Ilb. Loaf. There arc others who sell from d. to 1%d.1, . ii ... . .001111 that price. In Ma that I PRICE OF SEEDS.-D 52 c 5 ..1 7 9. 0. New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) -..... 7 2 :5.. fi fitin n n e ee - , he y , tikiet°l: RICE, e 0 e c aE, a l , : " Old Ditto Ditto s.- -a. tine •-.S. with such p New Foreign Ditto Old Ditto ....---. -s. S. tine -s• OFFAL, ' New White Clover 4o€. 60s. fine -a. " ,0011 1 111 1 Old Ditto Ditto „ _,......, -s. 50s. fine - 4, ' ' , produced New Trefoil ................--.. -- 31dDitto ...,.................................................... ....S. 158. fine -s • • . Rib Grasi ..-- ... 108. 255, tine 3. , h 's 1833. Al English Carraway Seed -s. -s. 535: fine • ,`ZARL BARI Foreign Ditto coriander ----- _ --s -, .. - - 5 , .. fi t fine , '. ea A St. Foin (per Quarter)---....... -•-ti. 159. fine 80s. &tract until „,„ , . , Rye Grass Pacey Ditto Linseed, for feeding -s. 5• - )s. fine .. 4 . ."" w b e del Ditto, for crushing 46s. 48s. -s, fine at Dept ford Canary Seed, New.. ' -s ' 80'. 923 tine 1 • 1 proportioi ',to 01,1--- .-,...---......-.-. --s. -s. -s. tine %,,,. White Mustard Seed--(per Bushel) -s. Bs. 10s. fine - ` 1 1 )1 00 of the ' Brown Ditto ..„---- 1 ermg; h Turuip Seeds, Rounds ••-S. ...ti. -.,. tine 0 ' V..._,. Green and Red Ditto . -s. ..../1. ....!+. tine 1 '''''utina .Rice Tares, 01.1....... ' 254 . 3r4 . line 4 b. t ta, may be Ditto New ~ ...,...,..,.,,.,....,,,. -s. -s. fine 425.,, sad, e n , Rae Seed, English, tine (per Last) 9.21. 261. «,.. Foreign -.J. L _ Ammer ml is delivered bi PRICES OF HOPS.-Dec. 19. Kent Pockets 44 9 /11 . 1 1 02 9 5a 5... 1 5 5,2 1 11 ...18 030 .4 0 ...t tt0 t 5 8 0: 1 . . 13/ ' „osi, l. ,,..„........z i.S 44l_,...rrictoec P ialt. e bwae rso llnen4to n divimei w ehui) l ts, St'ssex Ditto Essex Ditto . 4/. 103. 61. 6d. to ,l. - Os Flitch= Ditto, Fine Seconds -....... 01. Os. 71, Os to 91 es - Kent Bags Sussex Ditto Essex Ditto Duty laid at 174,564/. JONES ' PRICE OF OIL. ' 0 el NW STEJ Ripe Oil, brown ............-.331. 65...•,-..... Refined .........C l5 I tila , Linseed Oil 122 a _ Oily safe a Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per th0u5and..,....,...,.,. 13 0 . "'eCtIoLER Rape Cake, per ton - 2} A_ + ,V 4 - 4atbs have riticEs OF LEATHER. Per Its d. to d. ' Per lb. d. 0 0 s - 1 mare net Butts, Eng1i5h.,..,,.,,,.,. 16 21 English Horse Hides.. l'.. S ti t , ! Ditto, Foreign ...........-- 15 181 Spanish Ifitto ...........,..... 14 `... l lllllple, p Dressing Hide 5,............ 121 141 Per dozen. St - 11 -Isith the D D ept i :o t tt t ttio c, ), - ligh -.. t -... _l6l _lB C D a il l t f o St ........ int... :mitt t 0 0 0 4711,11bb.. 1521 or N i 1,.. 7. ,.... „.... ..,., .................Hides, 4 l o ig t h o t 4 - 51b. 12 19 1 1 3 5 1 s la m it:o lls ............ eaw. 7 G O r t e o en B( i ll o b d . . 20 10 15 161 Large ditto_-__ = . : : / / mit , t k ough r Ditto ----- --- WHITECHAPEL HAY MARKET.-Dec, 17. f/ ' thee witho Hay --....... 403.03. to 755. Od. I C10ver........ 50s. lid. to 110, In . 5traw....................... 22. d. Od. to 325. Nil ti , m a ny cl tI i g ONES, P PRICE OF POTATOKS.-Dec, 19. Ware...-. . 1 21 01 )/ . .. 0 54 0. 5 . .. to 41. 314311... Oa. per p d d e i i t t r t t o o t°" . . coskti, 4 : ' ,uir P i fo ß r idneys . . Scotch Reds F RAW HIDES, . 1 1 AltelsA. ' Per Stone. s. el. to s. d. Per Stone, a , d. ttl . , :test Heifers& Stuers2 83 0 I Ordinary 1 8 Middlings o9o,_ .. l , Aisl ar i w tc a is * 4‘-.... 6 oe s • e from th 6 • COAL MARKET.-Dec. 19. prc eit : is the IV Bensham Main ---. 275. 6el . Ditto Perkins P E o n r d kin ß s u a ss n e d ll; . s o ............. r i : ni ikt ita ; .. Its Jreffe Bell, Robson, and Co. Low Main,,,..,..-...... '..3 0 Walls End Walker.-.. 0_ t kg : 44:41 11 0 er from I East Percy- Hebburn Mani --.... 2 2 21 9 . ; 9 p ro r s i e ni - 05e r...... ~ .,,,2 : di .o o .o Zer a d ad on e ll : 1401ywe11..., 28 0 09 Bell'sEßT" ad u me s Russell's b e t l iN l °)l ' rn st oii' s - ....» : Howard Main. Killingworth 28 9 Walls Frid . Hetton .........„ 0 =ford -strt i'esaw oontop Windsor- 23 0 Walls End Lambt0n.......„ , 61-•10e v ender . St. Lawrence Main .29 0 W. E. Russell's Hetton a`, S isty • Canfield -... 27 .9 Ditto Russell's Lyon's.- I.' 0 44 1 , 14 eltided. West Hartley ----. 23 0 Walls End Stewart's .. tt4' 4 ° f " Bard Willington 3O 0 W. E. Stewart's (Sea- ~ 0 h oz. Wylam .---- 27 9 ham) -.....-- a' 1 . Walls End 8r0wn'5,,..,, '29 3 Walls End Adelaide...-. a,,-,, 6 Ditto Bell,Robson,SeCo. 29 6 Walls End Tee 5............. n' FAIPORTA Ditto Bewicke and Co. 31 6 New Flockton, Milne, , I R , , \ ‘ \ 's a a l l, l l; l E :n n ' , l l L t a a i r ie r r aTi n d Co, - 2' 28 ; 3 3 Oladn'Hl Co........___aigh :‘loor -....... 1 ;, '1'1 0 8 ,1 6 ‘ St i:sl ._: .s . inntn . le e V , Walls End Gosforth -.. 31 6 Silkstone Field and Co. '."•', i i t 'ilty 5 , aquae,,.' Walls End Heaton-- 31 6 South Hetton Seam t''", 6 , stt, ' t ars, le Walls End Hilda -- 29 6 South Hart1ey..,.....,...... ----. • ( 4 0" 04. - ges th a t W I Walls End Hotspur-. Si) 3 W. E. Barnsley --.... '•-,, oif ilea, ' :0 4461 :at ' Pat e ntee te l e Ditto Killingworth , -.... 29 9 Walls End Henderson %!•'',., I Walls End Newmarch_ 31) 0 Tan field Trader-....... ',.,', 0 Th - m , he has 1 Ditto Northumberland 29 3 Callerton sinall-...--• ',',, _,1,,p, at market, 111 1 A -Ships sold. 60-Unsold. s '' ~oes i t , i We does A it„ t a, or of tb CoUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAS C lt s `Oll o f • . Wheat. I Barley. Oats. 1 . 2 6 . 2 s 4 taie b , ut 1 - ~ "fit b,i„ Per Quarter. s. to s. Is.to s. s , to a. • " "g °° Carlisle.. 6O - .35 - th). - at s /. ktd. ~ no rest,. I lexham.- . 58 65 :32 38 21 3') -- F 57,1atior, fr o n Marpeth .--_.... i 52 511 30 33 :I'o tn 02 / Il e I, I'enrith -.......«. ; - 65 i - 34 - 22 •••-• t . , 'tok i _ 'atentee 11 1 1 4 4 4 6 0 0 1 1 7 7 6 0 0 0 9 9 9 600 1 0 0 0 66 0 65 5 0 0 6 68 7 9 8 0 1 90 0 n g e i :_i.. o il 1611 )6:41411"-itris.-1.1::::::eatlete(:hinirti:numSegitlf, Sheffield ... 1 - 63 I - Si) - 1 2' 2 - ~, '1 kit, i 7 4 Poonful 61 32 40 22 24 :s'snn.ce N , ,Under L:ddat,iisilyttiunia•ide..,r), the Wi p n o c r hes m te isi r ,, ....,...... l. I 5 54 . d. s.d. s.d. s.d. s. d. s.d. s."• Carmarthen ........... '6 0 6 9 3 6 4 0 1 8 2 0 0 0 6 l e r any rued Coventry 4' 1. IltliallV um Newcastle (Staff.) 9 0 9 3 6 4 6 - 6 1. 53 3 g -1 . t0 4 u1 0 4. Northallerton -.... 7 0 9 3 3 6 4 6 3 3 4 0 5 8 :i 41, ay no Stone ... 9 6 9 8 6 5 6 9 3 6 4 0 7 1 1 0 , 1 Swansea ........-. B'6 9 0 4 3 4 9 2 3 2 9 0 i w tad 9 limbs , Warwick ..--..... 19 0 100 46 50 2 2 26 7 , Per 8011. ' ' Ili T.' a nd trash 0 k 1 11 ) a u r r n h a a r pa deas_tle ........ Richmond , Stockton s CORN ,r ) M 1 k A .. .111_751'5.5: to D ec as . s. l7 fi . Wheat N , V ß A ed K , E N Fl o E rfo l i D k and Lin. and Cam. Yorkshire -a. 565. to 59s tine" • 14 , cube 200/ - White -a. 595. to 635. tine 6ls •A -a. 455. to 5.35. - Foreign, Red White -a. _a . to -.i. fioeoso, V 'Peeific to Barley, Norfolk and Suflblk 'lls. to 335. 1 10 0 . 5 4 , 5. ,. - Lincolnshire 3ss. to ;Os. fin e 4 p , , hl 4 ' , wog ea - Yorkshire Wold 36s. to 395. fin e e ," •la k °f r 4 Pring. ' - Foreign -s. to -s. 11 °„4,9 , '4 p„ te „,_ Beans, Small - Tick 395. to 40.3. fin e nIS to k ` - '"Cille ( Oats, Potato 24s. to ,26„ fine 0, ~ ,11e rstion ur - Poland -s. 225. to 255. fin e 5.5 1, I • , e ... t . - Friezland and Small -s. 20s. to 235. fill o pis %444:1 A watch - Mealing lld. to 12)' d. per q,sist THE Shelling 355. to 365. Od. per , / No 44 Malt Rapeseed 355. 445. fi ne 465. per 10 1 ~ r, as, sh - - 'Sstttiblites c i. ! SCOTCH MARKETS. ILosstron 1 -----4 ,,, J k sta - ' Ntent ' Wheat. Barley Oats. Beans (:)„.• 4 la T._. e . e • 7, ; WO II . ....' . n - 2 1,,,, t4r ykbeideen .-.. 44 60 27 32 21 Z 3 - • 0 -squ '.3- 4 / r Berwick---. 37 4'2 21 IS 22 26 '27 ' " Ihi tobl e , I s Coldstream - 38 42 22 23 16 Ist 30 31 Clipar ..........,.... 48 66 33 35 25 26 38 39 r , Dundee- 5 , 1 70 33 37 :24 25 35 36 ....,--" / 410,,,,. Elgin -5056 32 35 19 23 19 21 // ; 'E RA Inverness.- 150 56 30 33 20 f. 12 30 34 d 1'4 14. 4, ' an ref Kelso ----- '4O 42 21 2'3 17 18 29 32 ";,, (-, b UNIV Kirkaldy-- 140 -15 9.7 39 25 32 45 48 7., V rI E Pr' Perth ....- 52 61 21 27 2) 23 22 '24 ~.......,!. .. , 2 , ~,,, The size of the measure varies throughout the en l um, co EDI NBC RG H CORN AI A RKET.-Dec. 1 " . ., y i ' o ti li Zti tti We had a middling supply of all kinds of Grain totljos of , , tof thi cept Oats, and sales rather better than last day. Whe r 7 e ris,f, ‘ ll h 4l sts i b u i r 2s. on the top, and &l. on the average. Barley 291 non ortr i , ll, c atiti e :‘ Is. 63. on the top, and 8.1. on the average. Oats 354 tl i „,01 ,it .. as same top, and up 2,1. on the average. Pease and Beans " Ntioozieral A on the top, and Os. on the average, es li k r ted lie iii i ,v b severe Wheat, Barley. Oats. Pease. 96i 1 S k ., hi l a First 6ss Ott 39s fid 26s NI 36s 0,1 ,t, O , I A CS 0., . Y bey Second Third PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. s :tetable ,„ lg. 0 Ve:..... Beef, per lb. ... Os. 3d. to 05.6,1. Fresh Ibitter,lb.s.lo. l . - 1 0 cob,,_ Mutton.--...--- 0 3 0 6 Salt Ditt0....... 010 jpo o '' L'ANT Veal 0 6 0 9 Ditto, per es; 194 0 il 0 . , Pork. 0 _ _ o lnaati ' ..... 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per doe. 1 3 1 5 o k i lb ro alt. Lamb, per qr. 1 6 3 0 OatStraw(kp'.)l2 0 10 0 5 1, 4 1 , 1 a, 'Callow, cwt.... 35 6 37 ti Wheat Ditto.. 9 0 9 6 ;.I, t l sts e , , ,.. y , uarter!) Loaf 0 8 0 9 to ftionuni Potatoes, 1711 b. 0 4 0 0 H iL a tr y i ge p r i s t t t . ° -: S i ° I Y EDINBURGH MEAL M A RKET.--Dec. 1 0 . sA Ch Z l ts,,,_ ° °sake We had a middling supply of Oatmeal at this day's ''' ' , ma - 9r not b ~ N with v... which met with a ready sale, at last week's prices, ~,,p, v Viss it ' ,A - - Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. Per Stone of 141 b. 1 , 0 'lO ,we r eit ~n ivs First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 16 0 Second ditto ............ 0 1 S 5„ ... t 50 1 tast f 4, 4 10.'. 1- the 13 Met Barleymeal llO 0 Barleymeal ...... eO. ',V,,ttl's diversi Peasenseal 1 10 0 Peasemeal ...... . ... N Vont thi Pot Barley-No. I, per cwt. 125.-23. 155.-3 d. 18s.- 4 t '.. ateri Noe, aN . A bee SG n O a lr g V . C d O m ß an N y B a i r r A h R a K 1 s Ei r l o ' . in - There ha G v i e and Oats, which have found buyers at rather lower Yr' ii. ;! ) tc 7ne, u F.O 1,14 say in alteration in Wheat, Beans, or Pease. ~ J. 1 , 0 itss ecl askiers Wheat, per 2401 h. s. d. s. it. I Oats, per 2641 b. '.0 0 ,, 5 4 British, old 250 to 30 01 Irish lO 5 1 ,,,, lYstern ; .... 0 0 olhansedi - naw '26 029 0 - British 9ln F . '`uhishin Canada, free .7 0 '29 01 Beans, per 2601 b. 0 0 1 g v . 0 L ek ii) their eftl Irish - t is -% that h Barley, per 3201 b. Scottish pl 0 1.0 t o in re English - 0 - 0 Pease, Scottish - ,` 5 0 49 , so t , he eat Scottish ' lB 0 28 6 Oatmeal, per 14011). ',.; a 51, ti 'ty,. v e Irish D lr ec ela : ll l4,ll P . '47;/ ~ ~,,„.. . ib7 s (of the Ø. 1,44 4 - .3' thou, CORNWALL MARKETS. 9i. 'tsii I',. , Single; Ttttnto-Wheat (average) 235. 3,1.-Barley, I.- .;„ - Oit'',.. ol N i , 4 4 t‘. (44 experi Sr.AusTELL-Wheat, -a. to 225. -Barley, -s, to 1.--' 1ik.4%.,111,. ei Itt ' pens Os. to Os. 0,1 00 le ti d. 1 1 , r best , BODMIN-Wheat (average) 235. 03.-Barley, Ifs. td ,-- , N th 4 1 41 4,. Putt) iiELSTON-Wheat, '24s. 6d.-Barley, 12s NI l' /6, , a thinl 13 4, 0 ilti t k ilsio • PENZANCE-Wheat, 235. to 245.-Barley, -s. to ~,. to Ni t s,. st it Os. to Bs. Od.-Beef and Mutton, 3d. to nd.-l'ork, 3 1" Oftylts ,'„rwisli t Butter, 133. per lli. . o ti, k i Ito WC our Lisaasao-Wheat, -s. 03. to 535.-Barley, S. ' 61-- ,;f , t 4 a w ould in toSr.o,l. ..t 1 V t t '' ' t ek• ~2, 0 ~,_ , ti.r. CoLumn- Wheat, 225. to 245.-Barley, I ls. to ' ,tiA 4 t o ,s'seitnlil and Mutton. 4d, to 5d,-Veal, 4t1,--Lamb. sd. a li d ‘ l ll, 4 llb o l kr , /t 1 11,...-- ictio -.4, ar Ls InscesTos-W heat (average) 218. (M. -Harley, 7s. 61-Beef, 5d.-Mutton, 5,1. ) 41,. 1 14 1 °5s or 1(4 ve a, - ..(,,i slk e / win r n itt as BIRTHS. l jr ` Z 4 *• * 11 t ° • Lad' tA ilis o pp on the 15th inst. at Chalford, Gloucestershire, • , o t od th , cs •s t ) of a son. of S , kill' Your On the 14th inst. the wife of Mr. G. M. Schram, o f , '4, -We ~t renr worth-road, of a dauhter. the I,Lif Ott the 13th inst. at Eusem e re Hill, Ullswater, i , _ . te . i, r f rr. C. Bristow, Esq., of a son. 1d i5 , 1 4 1 ... 5 ,, v MARRIED. o'l' ''' I t,l -4111 eget by the Rev. J Sal 1 „• , ,a t e.. , On the 14th inst. at Houghton, . ~ .• J. 3 ' ,I) . ess, ..S.` , A Penleaze, Esq, youngest son of J. ' ' S. enleaze, LA.: Ale,o-'' I.' .rant'; v of Hants, to Elizabett!, o gi Nr Bessington House, Untie count of 11° aA 4 • ,Field's eldest daughter of the late John James, Esq., ~,, t Lodge, in the same county. ~,,. L ollo,'!, , 4 . ge; B On ' the 13th inst. at Leamington, the Rev. C. I h p 'tr ,i, klub in.), Head Master of Barrow, School, to Caroline SoP„ ' t or , . k, 'Kill 11 . r. or e "bet ' daughter of the Right Hon. Sir H. Parnell, Bart., • • . i1t.,1 -S If Oueen county. ~,, tlif,,,e, tt t i..,* - li.. e , On the I.3th inst. at Paris, at the British Embassy, '",.' h e 44, 'qe lii ~ Rev. Bishop Luscombe, Capt,in A. S. Logan, of • Ite . ,o, f r , , Ppi t ,,, IN army, fourth son of W. Logan, Esq., of lingletn n 'T. I r "y. a , Chu Aire, to Fanny, second daughter of the late Hon. M. t ' Nli v of the Madras Civil Service. di, k L e :, + DIED, te be ~g, ; lin ri I 1 On the 18th inst. suddenly, Mrs. Capel, wife of John yes, l 44 ° evi Esq., M.P., of . Russell-square, g° I' 6 the 0," - Qs 61 Qt On the 16th inst. at her house in Baker-street, in -,. is>, Of th e u a her age, Sarah, the widow of the late Dr. Parry,°,4, „ mother to Captain Sir Edward Parry_ of the Royal A`''• ,ali