The Sun. — London, England, 1834-07-22 00:00:00

4, ' , ..--....., 14110°Invaa that . the Report be printed : then the Right Hon. Gen- Wastight make his explanation ; but he ( Mr. O'Connell) L r eady to adopt any better mode of proceeding. F ri : rd ALTHORP apprehended that his Right Hon. plane id would wish for the earliest possible opportunity of , ex !ion ; if that opportunity could be given this evening, it ktelainiri iitebcle.. very desirable. Perhaps the Hon. and Learned e per Could this evening make his motion that the Report —(Hear. ) adopt ' O'(.:101'; NELL, with the leave of the House, would 11 , illt that. H$ tourse, and would make the motion as soon as the ig ''' an . Gentleman arrived in the House. Oa t SAVINGS' BANKS. t ,„ d . 4 . .e moti on o f M r. BARING, and with the consent of oi l ''' .lthorp, a r e t urn was ordered of all purchases and sales t i i t °' .ik and E xc h equer Bi lls made by the Commissioners for , e „re duction o f t h e N ational Debt, from January Ist, 1833, of; nth the d ates, the manner in which they had been disposed t id whether by open competition, or private bargain. DISTURBANCES (IRELAND) BILL. j);_. le question was then put for the second reading of the 711 irbances Suppression (Ireland) Bill. TZ.,/4 '. SCROPE sa i d that he had no other connection with he a 14 , d than s i ncere sympathy with her sufferings, and that A „. s* ould hav e remained silent had he found that any other imprt L ert her .. had taken the same view of the subject that had ° l l g 3 ii sea him. He had a strong conviction that Parliament ba • not to legislate for the suppression of local distur „,llal s without having first before it a clear knowledge of the O ' r c i lll 7, 3 + the present state of the country. 'Ministers, in had - ~,:i j us ., , fy th.e measure both here and in the other House, disc Banc- and relied upon the connection between prwdial ilinav ,tr7taruncet:s 'and political agitation ; but it seemed never to 'them that the insurrectionary spirit now prevailing fifty ° L : lti had been of the same character during the last til os e -r B ' l ' ty years. The Whiteboy outrages were similar to dent ~, n °v •, daily committed ; and an examination of the evi of th an i correspondence showed that the object of seventy at til e' " trages in the first list was to obtain work and wages th e ( e ° fly means of subsistence. If the House inquired into rep o l aw 3C o f t hi s state of things, it had not far to go ; for the It , D iv ,. of committees in 1825 and 1832, especially the last, f a ,,,ed that th e ma i n cause was the removal of tenants from b e.s 7 at the expiration of old leases. Much praise had been No ` As d ed i n some quarters upon the report of 1832 ; but he of , not join in the encomiums, for he thought he saw the finger ar tia le l andlord i'n every line of it. The real cause of the agra a dist ur b anc es in - Ireland was the competition for land c iha ngst the starving peasantry of that unhappy country. The ej 4llse quence •of thi s compet i t i on was to be seen in the frequent le ect ments. The Bishop of Meronia, in one of his letters, seribed tb e ejectment of several families ; and he (Mr. a atPe) had several letters addressed to himself, which showed • 'that the syst em was still going on as far as landlords dared to ZIT it into effect. It was not difficult to conceive what must lthe remit of such proceedings in a country where no Poor a's existed, on which these destitute beings could fall back a -upport ; where there were no manufactures, and where the • exist and culture of the land was the sine qua non of ,zistence, and the only source of employment. The laws of Irel and - I'l l „, 'tc 'O, were calculated to a dd t o thi s cause o f misery. oth -re W as the Sub-letti ng A c t, th e Ci v il Ej ectment Bill, and r s , WI deli gave the landlords a reater facility of turning out th Wh ° se poo r creatures homeless and destitute upon the world. th e ° nr°4 ' ll :l - not say that circumstances and sufferings such as se did y. combine c o t almost justify their combination ? Men must A N or redress when they have no other means of redress. ti oble rd admitted the other evening that without protec w°ll afford ed there was no claim for allegiance. lie would ask, alr en . t ; he Ilisl peasant protected? Had they a right to demand ru l e/Ice ft 'om him ? The landlord was spending in London, other capitals, gnat produce which, being thus spent, t w i :s h !h e val idate of death to the peasantry, and was driving mi tt — , by wholesale murders to the outrages they corn "*". Yes, would repeat it, murders and murders °Peratinr • on ce 'g suc ha way, that it would be fa r more h u m a ne a, aloefor toot t'ne victims. All were a lik e li a bl e to e j ectment, assi st the A re a-ear and consequently a ll were p re p are d t o • kthai tted sYst em of ' violence and ou t rage . W ou ld i t not b e only the that th e Whi te b oy and Whitefoot systems were the tem, cAs upon the pr ac ti ce o f e j ectment ? an d t h ese sys pat al 'their consequent outrages, i t would be impossible to wa s 4: 14 :,n, until some system o f laws with regard to property th e 41 se d, whi c h wou ld b e ca l cu l ated for the protection of t'°°r aw ay Ir* o f I re l an d . T here was one way, and only one, to do Ith outrages —to der coerci u—and tat asth shia P 1 y doing justiceren on to the poor. Before nnecessa the enactme h nt e Ir -" Pe or laws this country exhibited the same aspect which tar ru- oes now ; and w h y not meet the same evil by a simi 6ur4rm •' ? That which was j ust i n E ng l and, would as teeti be just in I re l an d a l so. It was necessary for the pro- Th e "- *ef England, th at some such measure should be passed. t p oor ,nglish l an dl ords now paid a large portion of the d 'al'e lsupport for the of the Irish ; an d th e a b sence of atioltaur- rate in I re l an d , pressed upon the proprietor here in the for m, by enabli ng t h e I r i s h pro d uce to come i nto grao t in g ll4ll market and un d erse ll ours. The Ir i s h emi the 's also met our labourers in the market, and lowered ha rate rate of wages ; not only those who came over in the o tedestdtime for temporary employment, but many others wh lord. .2Pin permanently in this country. The English land e°V,(l not oppress the tenant in the way the Irish landlord would c " c e me w i e u s cie prever. te d by the poor-rate, as the poverty he w ould must revert upon him through that tax. He loolcby reading his resolution, which might be p u P," as a truism :—" That in order to secure life and o, r , ° t ' - Y in Ireland, to remove every pretext for crime and wirirea may d to give effect to whatever measure of severity the be adopted for its suppression, it is expedient that k?rt_ e populaiion. of that island be assured of the means of sup in,g life 'Pay Peaceful tiouse shalt and honest industry ; and that this so me at the earliest opportunity, turn its attention to . st . me re calculated to accomplish this most desirable vojeet.,. 11 r: ( )'C ONNOR seconded the resolution, and felt that sa Irish Member, he was b oun d t o return hi s most s i ncere thanks to, the Hon. Gentleman who introduced it ; at the lorne time, he could n o t h e l p express i ng his wonder how that Imelt 1 ". G , !.tleman could, in so short a time, make himself so ace t uainted with th e c i rcumstances of the country. He V! tilcitus m eh° wn that c om p e titi on an d i ts consequences were the s alive of a grar i an ou t rage. I n t hi s h e was borne out _pinion of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Master of Au , ant (Mr AbercrO - mby), and he would ask, after ref -o* incid'ence, could the Right Honourable Gentleman pt ei se to support this motion ? He knew of his own ex fr - „ e11( e in Ireland, that the most disgraceful means were th e a r ; e atl y resorted to for ousting tenants in possession ; - oving farmers were looked upon by their landlords in 1/ ous eyes, an d w h en the i r improvements were proceeded ene,„ • Certain ext en t, t h ey were then, by some sort of chi . th e • 'or manag ement, thrust out upon the world, reckless of ad con) iequence, t o ma k e way for others who were ready to i tt v ° ltr lce fresh money in the shape of fines for the land thus r p, 1 ; ; !‘ ) , c l . The Irish l an dl or d s were not worse than the •Llie latter were compelled to consult the c o mf or t tenantry, whose ruin would fall back upon them in the 14 ) 3 : 'of po or l aws. It was circumstances which made the Itt , landlords appear worse th an th e E ng li s h. Th e propose d h e a:ure was calculated to obviate those circumstances; and taild ""'d beg of Hon. Members to pause ere they rejected so k o humane, and so necessary a measure. the LITTLETON had hoped that so late in the session,. deo) !reserat would be allowed to pass by without the iGnterno tier, ' l ea of this subject. The argument of the Hon. _ - ter system of bed l an seemed to be, that as the outrages had grown out of h a e property, no measure should be adopted for t co I ll ' e ssion of those outrages. In this sort of reasoning he th;:d not concur. He c ou ld not h e l p express i ng h i s regret, ri e l; t he Hon. Gentleman who brought forward this motion had h aat 'ea with such asperity of the Irish landlords. In some !Au:aces, he admitted, they were open to animadversion ; but erl they were not a ll suc h as the Hon. Gentleman had if hed them. Th e Honourable Gentleman had argued Al ,ofall the Whiteboy outrages in Ireland had been committed eject tenants. Now, he (Mr. Littleton) knew something t o the c omposition of those by whom these violences were • er.arnitted; and from all the information which he could ac ttplr! on the subject, it appeared that these associations were a ( ; t t ne rnost part composed of farmers' servants. He would b e , °e ntiPy the time of the House in following the Hon. Mem -114 through all his observations ; but he thought notice should eul a e w h eea given of the introduction of such a topic, so incal very Portant, and whi c h m i g h t per h aps be productive of ritiiißreat evil. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by state-6. that the C omm i ss i oners appo i nted to inquire into the %Ja i • t he Nor in Ireland wou ld ma k e t h e i r report b efore the ng sessi on . te tti r• W. ROCHE did not consid er th ere was su ffi c i ent pro- Th e -4 „or lif e an d property in Ireland without poor laws. Trot evils arising from the present system of rack rents would kr got rid of without some such remedy. oth er • T- ATTWOOD said that according to Blackstone and lairetigrl:at authorities, no obedience to the laws could be re tier artless th e law insured support to every individual. The lithe,ern,asaent was bound to provide honest bread for honest I• a•edial te r, land, and if that provisio n were ma d e, there would disturbances. He thanked his Majesty's Mihis • very large mitigation they had made in the Bill ; rel had ther was convinced it had not tend e d to di m i n i sh crime, IN they had it overboard gether. As Cto Ireland, Ministers thrown were altogether alto wrong. The gf oot,, cv aa wrong. P over ty, gr inding p overty, was the cause NPe e , - "Kos in Ireland ;• and if the Noble Lord opposite did not iply do something to get rid of that cause, he hoped the 4 4 , 1 e Lord himself would suffer some of that pinching poverty, 11 14 then he would know what it was.—( Great laughter.) All .of thwas required for Ireland was to restore to her the benefit ''Seat his brovv..—( A lau original curse of God, that every man should live by the !alp° (3 'e 0 NNELL really thought that a subject of so great 4 airi; ta nce as that of Poor Laws for Ireland, could not . be I,Blleci°.iriPrelrerly discussed at so late a period of the session, 4 1ou se - LY when brought on without notice.—(Hear.) The h etu ,_ ?mild not be expected to enter into the discussion, tivenae should be glad that the fullest attention should be t here f ,„7 the subject at the commencement of next session. He ket tl e' no the Hon. Gentleman would not press his `t e' rapit Pea division. He would presently have an oppor- Of th'" 7 : stating to them, he feared at some length, what parts of ill he thought should still be omitted, and what parts there tyorer t o th 7 ,, 13i1l he should feel it his duty to support as a protection classes in Ireland. Of the crimes that prevailed ttost4ll;o7.rase.,Well known that he had .. always testified the ut "eval.,.....(shael.lear"vc.AeyNand had used all his influence to prevent er tr f r brin • ot; S expressed his thanks to the Hon. Mem- Pas th stt ,__, ging forward this important question, ~q4lng it overl'Purrament at the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ..,,rover tlniellr so f g-t.y. He attached much blame to the 13-Qr,loredazzLeig m e r g i g th t e hi d s i s s u tr b e j s e s ct o , f ap r d el i a 'n n d d e . ed all practi -1'044 forty:l:l4oßP said that the questio n w hi c h h a d b een Was one of very great consequence; and lest er the e he Lord cni t 4 a to °cl' , general• sr ' 4 hat uot 0 11 to hurt - , giving its but la •,, vas the l ' e aPP I ` a if aces li , an sir the lid see I , is ae Wh ic Igst all a ed. nnieni'ig ° Alvae - t ie ) rnon y to lie we e 'e e ; h refel li it al Boa l ;01 a pew - i s te d, the f e lt hich be s e n vert, t he lone I°l. of e aff eirj e of ors 'Y cc ' e „ v jor his e.-, , t ber nan we' 1 1 0 bec use , og, wante apress, Cr oi whi ld, at et, t {be ..00 obs -0 House 13 of lid not their 1 1 °r ,), (this.ds' 1. ye es past P e"6°° Croo l" port 41f til e d hen ° ° ,o l Lce le t° of 'FI. , 0 110 n b° g a bbst b • of realfe land). 0 t h i° ci rl , emo to te c tioo. t y nipP ° t fe" „dos upP(' 44 t doetr, the se nd ,o ther°;ss : tioll t or vo ~1~ T~ therefore it was one which would require a very full and ample discussion ; but the Hon. and Gallant Officer forgot the rea sons why it could not be expected that it should be then dis cussed. In the first place the House was taken by surprise by the amendment ; and in the second, so far from its not having been under the consideration of his Majesty's Government, it had met with every attention ; they had instituted an inquiry, and when the result of that inquiry should be laid Lefore the House, they would be better able to discuss the matter. This was a question in which many persons who were frankly avowed to be most friendly to Ireland were divided in opinion. This was not a question as to details merely, but it was his wish to see what was the real state of the population in Ireland. It was necessary to ascertain this before they decided as to whether the introduction of Poor Laws would be beneficial to the population of Ireland, or would have a contrary effect. Thus it was a question upon which it was hardly possible to come to a fair decision, and the Hon. Gentleman ought not to be surprised if they did not go at length into the subject. There could be no doubt that the population of Ireland were in great distress ; and it was a matter well worthy of the at tention of the Government and the Legislature to seek to re lieve that pressure. But when the Hon. Member for Bir mingham said that every man should have support, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) hardly knew any other argu ment which could be urged, unless that every man should be supplied with paper.—( A laugh.) It would be desirable, certainly, that honest labour should procure subsistence, but he apprehended that this could hardly be the case generally in any country in existence. After a few words from Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, Mr. PO LTL ET T SCR OPE expressed his readiness to withdraw his amendment, with the understanding that he would bring it forward on the third reading of the Bill. Mr. HLTME suggested that if such was the determination of the Hon. Member, the time of the House would be saved by at once dividing. The gallery was then cleared for a division, when the num bers were— Against the Amendment B9 For it 34 _ _ . Majority against the amendment 55 BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. On our return to the gallery, we found Mr. O'CONNELL addressing the House, but from the noise of the rush of strangers into the gallery, we were not able to hear the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. Lord AL THORP was understood to suggest that the House should proceed to the second reading of the Disturb ances (Ireland) Bill, and defer the matter referred to by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin until the report of the Committee should be printed. Mr. O'CONNELL said he believed that as this was a question of a breach of privilege, he was entitled to require that it should take precedence of any other business. Mr. ELLICE said it will perhaps save the time of the House, if the House will at once do me the honour to listen to the short and plain statement which I have to make ; and the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin may then, if he think proper, bring forward his motion for printing the report at some future period of the evening.—( Hear.) Sir, I have for the first time since I came into this House (though I was certainly before not unacquainted that something had passed on the subject in the Committee up stairs), heard the report which the Hon. and Learned Member has brought down. In that report it is stated, that a Noble Friend of mine applied to me when I was Secretary to the Treasury, for an advance of money for the purpose of defraying some of the expenses of an election then going on for the borough of Colchester. I have no hesitation in stating to the House, that the fact as stated by that Noble Lord is misrepresented, unintentionally, I am sure, and utterly untrue. I well recollect the event alluded to, which occurred in the course of a year that will be long remembered by every one who hears me, when we were all engaged-_at least all of us who are Reformers—in an anxious and interesting struggle to carry the great question on which the previous Parliament had been dissolved. During that year, great preparations were made both by the opponents and the friends of reform. One party of the opponents of that measure established a club, which held its meetings in Charles-street—a club, to the fame of which I need not more particularly allude.--( Hear, hear.) By the members of that club, large sums of money were raised and subscribed, and freely applied in defraying the expences of the contests which were carried on in different parts of the country. The friends of reform had only one way of meeting this ; vii—by also raising subscriptions amongst themselves to prevent the friends of reform being defeated or oppressed in their various contests.--( Hear, hear.) As is well known, much, very much of this labour was thrown on me, and I was very anxiously engaged in the arrangement of the elections--not so much from my official situation, but as one of the most anxious and eager advocates of the great prin ciple we were contending for. In this capacity I was the me dium of applying considerable sums which were advanced on the side of reform ; the parties who had subscribed them, following in most instances my advice as to their appropri ation. I have not, indeed, the least hesitation in avow ing to the House, that beyond the sum applied for Colchester, various other sums of money were applied to other parts of the country, by my advice, out of funds raised by subscription, and which funds were under the management of one or two committees sitting at the time. The misrepresentation of my Noble Friend, which, I repeat, was, I am sure, quite unintentional, arises thus :—The appli cation made to me was not an application for promoting the interest of any individual. If I recollect rightly, it was stated to me that the other (Tory) party were prepared to send down all the out-voters. We were then still exposed to that exe crable system-4 Hear)--and that whilst one party had the means of sending down the out-voters, the other had not. The answer I made was, " Let me see some independent friend of both parties. I don't know the individual merits of the re forming candidates on this occasion. I don't inquire into the individual merits of any candidate. All that Ido inquire is, will they vote for reform ? If they will, I will apply to the Committee for conducting the general expenses, for a grant of money, for the purpose of sending down voters to Col chester" —expenses, be it remembered, that were perfectly legal.--( Hear.) And I certainly did apply to the Committee for managing the funds at the time, and they did accord ingly advance 500/. This was what I stated to be my re collection of the subject, when I was spoken to by my Right Hon. Friend th e M em b er f or M on t gomerys hire. Perhaps there was some indiscretion in commenting upon the matter up stairs; but it is a subject of perfect indifference to me, whether it be discussed up stairs or in the House. My answer is, that I was the agent, at the time, of apportioning some part of those means raised as I have described. I have only to state it to the House candidly, and throw myself on its fair consideration.—( Cheers.) This was, as I have said, my own recolle c ti on o f the transaction, without any do cuments to refer to. But since I have come into the House, I have, by the courtesy of the Hon. Member for Colchester, been furnished with my own notes on that occasion. If the House will indulge me, I will read them. They are only two in number, and short. It will be seen by these notes, that the advance was made for neither of the candidates exclusively. The object was to enable the Reformers of Colchester to re turn two Members pledged to support the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill.--(A laugh from the Tories, which was instantly drowned in loud cheers.) I use the words that were then the test put by all Reformers to the candidates. I will now read the notes put into my hand by the Hon. and Learned Member for Colchester, for whose courtesy I again repeat my obligations. The first is dated Wednesday, as ap pears by the date of the frank on the 4th May, 1831. It runs thus : " Wednesday, May 4, 1831. " DEAR SIR—I hope everything will go right. I have done all in my power to contrib u t e t o i t. " Five hundred pounds were sent from one subscription fund to Mr. Savill, and 2001. I hear has been contributed by the other." That was a Committee sitting at the Crown and Anchor, of which the Hon. Member for Middlesex knows something. " I am obliged to return to the country to-night, and shall not be again in town till Saturday ; but if you are in difficulty in the meantime, you must press upon the Committee at the Crown and Anchor, who feel every disposition to exert themselves on behalf of Colchester. " Yours, faithfully, " D. W. Harvey, Esq. " EDWARD ELLICE. Private." The next note is as follows : " Private. " Sunday. " Dear Sir,—l had written, before opening your letter, accord ing to the wishes of Mr. Western, to Mr. Savill, on the subject of affairs at Colchester, and given him authority to do all which I held out to you the prospect of being able to do on behalf of the liberal cause. " I hope what has been done will be sufficient ; at all events, it is all I have at present in my power ; but if you send me up a ge neral account of your proceedings to-morrow, I will urge the Com mittee to make further exertions in your behalf. That, however, must depend upon their means and inclination, neither of which are under my control. " Yours, faithfully, " D. W. Harvey, Esq." EDWARD ELLICE. I solemnly assure the House, Sir, that not one shilling of this money came from the Treasury.—( Hear, hear.) In deed, it was much more likely to come from my own pocket. This is all the explanation I have to give. Not one far thing was taken from the Treasury ; nor am I aware that in doing as I did, I did anything which any independent Member of either party would be ashamed to have done. —( The Right Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud and general cheers.) Mr. HUME said, that as allusion had been made to him, he was bound to state that he was quite aware a Committee was formed at the time at the Crown and Anchor, of which an. Hon. Gentleman then in the House acted as Honorary Secre tary. He (Mr. Hume) was not a member of that Committee, but he was perfectly well aware that the Committee did make advances for the same good cause. With regard to the sum of 500/., he had only wished to know whether that amount came from the public money ; and he was satisfied with the explana tion of the Right Hon. Gentleman. Mr. HARVEY wished it to be understood that while he concurred in what had been stated by the Right Hon. Gentle man with reference to the letters which had been sent to him (Mr. Harvey), he also felt that they were dictated by the spi rit which he had suggested ; though for his own part he had never derived one farthing of benefit from the funds. As to the sum of 5001., the matter could not have come before the House but for an inquiry which was unavoidably the subject of a Committee which had sat several weeks. Lord Western had stated before the Committee that this money was applied for applied exclusively Mayhew, and it was d en i ed that it was ever man. He w ou ld not say anything for for fo r M any r. other as to the motive which had produced this feeling. For himself he was pleased to find that his representations had been com pletely confirmed. Mr. WYNN said a few words which were inaudible in the Gallery. Mr. D. W. HARVEY shortly explained. Mr. BULLER said that he had been one of the applicants to the Committee for assistance, but he obtained none.— (Hear, and a laugh.) He had been informed that numerous THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDA Y, JULY 22, 1834. applications had been made by the Hon. Member for Colches ter, and he of course was under the impression that they were made in his own behalf. Upon inquiry, however, he found that that Hon. and Learned Member had made great exer tions in support of the reform Member for the county of Essex, and no doubt these applications were made on that Hon. Mem ber's behalf. Mr. C. W. W. WYNN said it was quite clear from the report of the Committee that the Right Hon. Secretary of the Treasury had paid over a certain sum of money for electioneer ing- purposes. But whether that was or was not public money, was matter for inquiry. He gave the fullest credit to the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but in justice to the Committee, in justice to the House, and in justice to the country, the inquiry could not stop where it now rested. Mr. O'CONNELL said that there was no motion on the subject before the House. Mr. WA SON said it was well known that the public money had been expended for electioneering purposes.—( Cries of " No, no.") Gentlemen might cry " No, no," but he still maintained that such was the fact : the thing was as notorious as the sun at noon day, and he would appeal to Hon. Members, both on the right and left side of the House, in support of the fact. Whatever might be the decision to which the House came upon this question—namely, that the secret service mo ney be done away with entirely, or else properly applied, in stead of being given to Hon. Members to go down and get returned for boroughs, to the representation of which they otherwise had no title. Sir H. HARDINGE said he had no wish to prolong the discussion, but having filled two or three situations of a public description, he hoped he might be permitted to say a few words. He would declare then, upon his honour, that he never knew any instance in which the public money had been so given. He was inclined to place the most implicit con fidence in the Right Hon. the Secretary to the Treasury, and he was sure that if the question were referred to a Committee of Privileges (a course which he, if in the place of the Right Hon. Gentleman, would most desire), it would be found that the House would not be competent to enter into a farther dis cussion on the subject. Mr. BARING said it was necessary, if the House wished to preserve its own respect—if it wished to preserve the re spect of the country, that the matter under discussion should be made a subject of inquiry; because no invasion of the rights ald privileges of the people ought to take place without the fullest investigation. This was a question which ought not to be lightly passed over; it involved the most important privi leges, alike of that House and of the people. It was for the House to institute an inquiry, and then to determine whether any and what measure ought to be adopted upon it. The question for the second reading of the Irish C oerc i on Bill was now before the H ouse ; b u t that more immediately under con sideration was the report of the Committee. He would say, that no step could be taken by the House, until the paper was p:inted. He had heard that paper cursorily read, and he would say that he was not aware that the name of the Right Han. Secretary of the Treasury was once mentioned in that paper. It was, indeed, stated that a most respectable gentle man, connected with the Treasury, had paid over a certain sum of money for electioneering purposes. True it was, that no gentleman of greater respectability, of higher character, than his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Coventry could be found in the country.—( Hear, hear.) But yet, having received the report of the Committee, they were bound to print it, otherwise they would depart from a course quite usual with the house. He felt that the paper ought to be printed, and it would then be for the consideration of the House whe ther any, and what ulterior measure ought to be resorted to. Lord AL THORP said he understood the Hon. Member (Mr. Buller) to say, not that the paper ought not to be p toted, but that it would be found unnecessary to found any r.her measure upon it. Mr. BULLER explained. The question AS to the second reading of the Coercion (Ireland) Bill being put from the chair. Mr. O'CONNELL felt it necessary to state to the House the situation in which this Bill was introduced to the House. The second reading of this Bill was now proposed to them under circumstances perfectly unintelligible, without a refe r:nce to the Act of last year. In that Act there were certain objectionable clauses. In the Bill now - before them some ob jectionable clauses were omitted, but they had no specific in formation as to which were to be retained. As the Bill at present stood an unlimited license was to be given to the sol diery, because no proceedings could be taken at law for any violence or outrage they might commit without the authority of the Attorney-General. That was almost equal to a pro tection extended to those Magistrates who might interfere with the liberty of the subject. This was the measure of last year. What, he would ask, was the nature of the measure now before the House? What was the intention of the Noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) opposite? Did he mean to leave these clauses in the Bill, which he had found it necessary to in troduce? If such was the intention of the Noble Lord he (Mr. O'Connell) should feel it his duty to take the sense of the House upon the subject. By the proposed Bill It was to be enacted that no meeting should take place for political pur poses ; that was to say, for instance, with a view to presenting a petition for a redress of grievances without giving ten days' notice, and having, at the end of that period, the signature of the Lord Lieutenant, or his Secretary, sanctioning such meet ing. Now, he would tell the Noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) that if he would only leave out the necessity of the signature of the Lord Lieutenant, or his deputy, he (Mr. O'Connell) would not object to the ten days' notice. He must, however, oppose the eleventh clause as it stood, which prevented the meeting for the purpose of presenting petitions to that House for the redress of political grievances. It was cruel—it was severe in the extreme. He would say that nothing had, during that Session, been dane for Ireland— save, perhaps, the Tithe Bill—nothing else had been done for his unhappy country. Here, then, were the Irish Members and the Irish people grateful, and for what ? Why, grateful that an English Government were willing to pass certain oa udl db there eouno t foundCheers.)whenrespectineffectual.passedCoercionßill,againlull er, but wasa; there existed a wretched faction—a Tory, an Orange faction— ready .to pounce upon and hunt down the remaining liberties of Ireland. They stood upon the present occasion ; they vo lunteered their services for the depression, the degradation of Ireland. They went out of their way for the purpose. But why was it to be thus ? Why was it that the people of Ireland were to be the only persecuted people in the United Empire ? For a long period bad Ireland been left without remedy or re dress of her many grievances. No measure, that was to say, no effective measure, had been introduced in Ireland, save the Coercion Bill, or some such oppressive measure. Oh, what a misery it was for unhappy Ireland to be cursed with a party so prejudiced that they were anxious to inflict every injury on their country. And why ? Merely, he would say, from an abstract love of mischief. And how was it that such a state of things was endeavoured to be forced upon them ? It was be cause the party, the rank Tory party, who recommended such a course, felt that while they were doing so, they were re lieved from 411 responsibility.—( Hear, hear.) B ut, thank God, that party was gone from the Councils of the Crown_ from the Government of the country, he trusted, never, never, to return.—(Hear, hear.) He cared not what had been urged by the supporters of this Bill, and would deny al together that there was anything on the face of the documents on the table which warranted its introduc tion. He denied that the Noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had made out any case in justifica tion of it.—( Hear, hear.) He would go further, and say that the only ground for the measure was made out by the Right Hon. Secretary for the Colonies (Mr. S. Rice). That Right Hon. Gentleman had put the question on a footing in which he (Mr. O'Connell) to a certain extent con curred. He put it not upon the letter of the Marquis of Wel lesley, but he had asked whether any man connected with Ireland could have witnessed the agrarian disturbances in Ire land, or have even read the statements contained in the report of 1832, without a desire to repress the outrages therein de scribed. Upon that ground he went with the Right Hon. Se cretary. It could not be denied that his statement was true. But it was an equally true statement, that during the last 60 years there had only existed the Whiteboy Act, and that with out effect. -He wished he could induce Hon. Members repre senting English constituents, to read the report of 1832. If they would only take the trouble to do so, they would find the evidence of Mr. Barrington (a gentleman of whom the Right Hon. Secretary for the Colonies could, if questioned on the subject, give a most satisfactory account). That gentleman stated that he had had for a number of years the most ample means of judging of the agrarian disturbances in Ireland, and he was in a situation to prove that they arose not from any poli tical feeling, but altogether out of local circumstances. He would take an instance mentioned in the evidence of Mr. Bar rington. Lord Stradbroke had, upon a particular occasion, thought proper to turn from his estate some sixty or eighty persons, and to let the whole of the land to a single tenant. This gave rise to feelings of discontent and re venge—and the consequence was that the unfortunate man who took the land, was found murdered in his bed.— ( Hear, hear.) He next came to the statements made by that gentleman relative to the management on the estates of Lord Courtney, a nobleman with reference to whom a kind of delicacy was used to which the management of his estates did not in any way entitle him. Upon his estates there were, from various causes, considerable arrears of rent. An agent came and bought up these arrears, and immediately com menced proceeding for the recovery of the back rents. This gave rise to feelings of discontent, and to disturbances of a most serious nature. This they had from the evidence of Mr. Barrington, a most honest and faithworthy witness.— ( Hear, hear.) That gentleman went on to say, that from all his experience he had been unable to discover the existence of any, even the slightest, connection between these disturbances and' matters of a political nature. It was indeed stated that there was one conspiracy, that of Doneraile, which bore a political character ; but let it be understood that that was a conspiracy of the Magistrates against the people, and that, of the four persons there prosecuted, three were now living comfortably at their homes, while the fourth was in New South Wales, where he certainly ought never to have been sent. Much had been said upon this subject, and he knew— he well knew the quarter from which certain statements contained in the proclamations and other official documents came. He had heard the Right Hon. Secretary for Ire land declare in that House that the Irish Attorney-General was a most liberal and upright man. He concurred with the Right Honourable Secretary in thinking the Irish Attorney- General a most honourable man, but he was bound at the same time to say that a more rank partisan, a more undisguised, a more unmitigated opponent of liberal principles did not exist in that country. What had been the conduct of that Hon. and Learned Gentleman? When the Marquis of Anglesea was canvassing and using his interest in favour of Mr. Perrin, the Attorney-General, it was true, voted in his favour, but neither his family or those with whom he had influence did so ; they voted the other way.—( Hear, hear.) It was enoug h f or him to say upon this difficult and delicate question that he could not countenance the charge of political agitation urged in support of this Bill. They were told as a justification of this measure of the outrages which took place in Ireland, in a com munication made from the Irish Government, on the 18th of April ; but he defied any man to show to him that these out rages were in any way connected with political feeling. They had heard too the statements of Lord Oxmantown, asserting that the agitations and disturbances in Ireland were of a political nature. This he denied ; he felt con vinced that such statements were without foundation, and if he (Mr. O'Connell) could, in the course of the next Ses sion, obtain the appointment of a Committee, he would under ' take to prove that fact, and show that the Noble Lord was as much mistaken as ever he was in his life.—( Hear and laughter. ) They had heard a great deal about political agitation —now, what was the meaning of the word ? If he understood it, it meant the discussion of a real or imaginary grievance. Would it not, he would ask, be difficult to show that any grievance of which Ireland complained was imaginary ? If this, then, were so, who was there hardy enough to say that the Irish people had not an undoubted right to petition that House for a redress of the grievances under which they suffered ? Let any man then show to him any imaginary grievance of which the people of Ireland complained. He defied any Member of that House to do it. Unfortunately their grievances were too deeply rooted, too sorely felt, to be cured by any thing short of the most ef fectual remedies.—( Hear, hear.) What was the course pur sued towards the city of Kilkenny ? The county was proclaimed though the city was known to be perfectly tranquil; but it was found that it would be convenient to quarter their troops in the city, and therefore they proclaimed the city too.— ( Hear, hear, hear, and a laugh.) Was it not the prin ciple of the British Constitution—was it not the essence of the Government of this country that every subject of the realm should have the means of petitioning Par liament for a redress of the grievances under which he la boured ? Without further detaining the House, he would ad vert to the proceedings which had taken place against Mr. Barrett, who published his letter to the Irish people in his paper. The Learned Judge who tried that case made it mat ter of aggravation on the part of Mr. Barrett, that he had reprobated the Algerine Act. He (Mr. O'Connell) did not quarrel with the power claimed by Government of decla ring portions of counties or parishes to be brought within the meaning of this Act, because by doing so they took the re sponsibility of this proclamation upon themselves. But if Hon. Members would only look to the evidence given by Mr. Barrington, page 21, they would find that there existed under the Whiteboy Act sufficient power to repress or punish any attempt at seducing or leading to disaffection the people at public meetings. This Act made any attempt at leading the people to disaffection a transportable felony. He would ask the Noble Lord then whether this was not, of itself, a suf ficient power to be vested in the hands of Ministers ? If they feared public meetings, the Whiteboy Act enabled the Go vernment to transport any person found holding out induce ments to disaffection and outrage. Why then was it neces sary, in addition to the ten days' notice of a public meeting, to have the Lord Lieutenant's signature, or that of his Secretary, before such meeting could be legally held? He would not object to the ten days' notice if the Noble Lord would con sent to give up the necessity of such signature to render legal such a meeting. Now he would take a case ; last year it was found that there were no more than seven or eight cases of felony in Dublin to be tried during three months in a population of 300,000 persons. Now, supposing that city even to be proclaimed by this Bill, would it be fair or just that its inhabitants should be prevented from the power of petitioning Parliament for redress of the grievances under which they laboured? He would say then, that, looking to the power of the law under the Whiteboy Act, and consider ing how totally removed the agrarian disturbances were from political feelings or agitation, there would be no pretext what ever for the continuance of:the clauses to which he had so strong and so justifiable an objection. The Hon. and Learned Member went on to observe, that for a certain period of time those counties had the greatest number of prmdial depreda tions in which there had been nothing like political agitation ; and that, on the contrary, where political agitation had most prevailed, there had been no depredations of the kind, and this he accounted for by imagining that the people so long as hope was held out to them by political agitation, abstained from crime, and it was only when they were driven to despair that the fell pas sion of revenge was excited. He admitted that some portions of this Bill were necessary for Ireland ; but whilst he did so he felt called upon to repudiate and cast from him the foul and false calumny that would connect the disturbances of Ireland with political feelings or opinions. He would now inquire what had been done by that House for Ireland ? No measure had passed that House in favour of Ireland, save the stingy and unsatisfactory Reform Bill, a Bill doubly unsatisfactory when it was compared with what had been done in the way of re form both in England and Scotland.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The Hon. and Learned Member here referred to the defective state of the registration of voters in Ireland, as exemplified before the Election Committee for the county of Monaghan. Nothing in the shape of redress was offered to Ireland. He had, he thought, shown that these clauses were unnecessary, and if he could get an assurance from his Ma jesty's Government that they would not prejudge these clauses in the Committees, he would not divide the House upon the second reading of this Bill. But if that assurance were not given, he would certainly divide the House upon this motion. He thanked the Government for the sacrifice they had made ; and it afforded him no small pleasure that the Right Hon. Member for Cambridge had stood by the rights of his fellow countrymen. Again he repeated, that unless he obtained some assurance from the Government as to the objectionable clauses, he would certainly divide the House upon the second reading of the Bill. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, as he was of opi nion that a large majority of this House would support this Bill in its present shape, he would not occupy much of their atten tion. It was merely his duty on this occasion to state the scheme of the present Bill, which was to continue so much of the late 13ill as was not repealed by the present Bill. He considered,the 11th and 28th clauses to be absolutely neces sary, for it was highly important in the present state of Ire land that the Lord Lieutenant should have the power of pro hibiting public meetings, where such meetings would be likely to create disturbance or a breach of the peace. But beyond that the Lord Lieutenant would have no power upon this sub ject. It was true that no meeting could take place unless no tice were first given to the Lord Lieutenant, or the Sheriff, or Lord Lieutenant of the county ; but then the courtsmartial clause was altogether repealed. If the two clauses objected to by the Hon. Member (Mr. O'Connell) were not allowed to remain, the Bill would be completely inefficient. If the Lord Lieutenant exceeded his duty he would be liable to impeachment. It was provided by this Bill, with the appro bation of the Hon. and Learned Member, that in proclaimed districts no man should be out of his house after sun -set, or before sun-rise ; and it is further provided, that inquiry could be made by the police at all hours as to the persons who resided in them. With regard to the 28th section, he con sidered it was misconst rue d b y the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin ; it did not relieve either soldiers or police from an indictment at common law, if they were proved to be guilty of any improper cond uct. But when they acted bona fide in the discharge of their duty, then, and then only, were they to be protected. The o n l y persons who could profit by this clause would be pettifogging attorneys, who should not be encouraged. Mr. LE FRO Y said he did not rise to oppose the second reading of the Bill, but to call upon the Government to state w hy it was that they had changed their opinions so suddenly upon the severer clauses of this Bill, as it was originally intro duced ? He would not insist upon the necessity of re-enacting these clauses ; but he called upon the Government to explain to the House why they were omitted ? He should like to know were there no persons in Ireland to be protected except Irish priests and Irish farmers ? He thought the object of the Bill was to protect all classes, and not to be applied exclusively to the Catholics. He regretted extremely that the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had the Government of Ireland in his hands, for the Government might depend upon it that they would be pensioners upon the Hon. and Learned Gentle man for their daily bread. In fact, they must either yield to him here, or submit to his agitation in Ireland. The Govern ment, at present, were only tenants-at-will to the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. It was not his purpose to op pose the second reading of this Bill, but he felt it to be his duty to make these few observations. Mr. RONA YNE said that this Bill was a mass of incon gruous nonsense. This Bill reminded him of an anecdote of Pope, who said when he was irritated, " God mend me ;" and the answer given to him was, " that it would be more easy to make ten other men than to mend him." That would forcibly apply to this Bill ; it would be easier to frame ten new Acts than to mend this one. He objected to this Bill as despotic in its tendency —and he would conclude by moving that this Bill be read a second time this day six months. The SPE AKER—Who seconds the motion ? Mr. RUTH NT N said he would cheerfully second it. This Bill was unjust and tyrannical—it was not necessary—no rea son had been given for its enactment, and, therefore, he would oppose the Bill. Mr. T. ATT W 0 OD wished sincerely that this Bill would be withdrawn, as he was sure it would be beneficial to Ireland. He told the Noble Lord opposite that the " lock of hair" would destroy the weakness of the Government, and he was afraid that he had yielded to Tory advisers. He denied that political agitation had produced crime, for he could say of his own knowledge that during his agitation in 1832, at Birmingham, the very thieves and pickpockets had forsaken their occupation. The poor creatures could not get wages, or pay their rent, and you gave them this atrocious Bill as a means of enabling them to pay their rents. The evidence was a proof that all the prwdial agitation in Ireland originated in poverty. Govern ment knew it, and if they wished to put an end to it, they must put an end to poverty. He thought it his duty most cordially to support the amendment of the Hon. Member below. Mr. WALKER said that it was monstrous that because persons had committed political offences they should not be amenable to the law of the land. Mr. H. GRATTAN did not think that this Bill would be a remedy or cure the disease. By any Bill so strong as this you must stop any evil, but he denied that you could cure it. Mr. CALLAGHAN approved of the omission of some of the clauses, and regretted that some were still to be retained. The House then divided— For the second reading Against it 25 Majority The Bill was then read a second time. On our return to the gallery we found Lord DUDLEY STUART inquiring whether Ministers intended to put off the Registration Bill; and if so, whether they would bring it forward next Session at as early a period as possible ? He wished an answer to be given as to what were the intentions of Government respecting this Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the intention was to bring forward this Bill at an early period next Sessipn, and he hoped that it might be passed. Lord DUDLEY STUART said that there was a provision in the Reform Bill to which his constituents felt great repug nance. It was, that voters in boroughs should pay Is. on every registration. He wished to know whether that law was to be continued ? The ATTORNEY -GENERAL said that as the law was not altered it remained, and that must be done which the law required. There could be no objection to the law remaining as it was another year. Mr. WYNNE thought the Ministers were responsible for very great delay in not having taken some steps before this to improve the mode of registration. Mr. MILES said that if, through any untoward circum stance, a dissolution were to take place at present, no less than 1,600 freeholders would be disfranchised in the county with which he had the honour of being connected. Colonel EVANS could see no reason why the present Bill should be postponed. If it were necessary to postpone any measure, why not postpone such a one, for instance, as the Coercion Bill ? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said there were very . good reasons for postponing the Bill at present. If it were Intro duced next Session it would come into operation just as soon as if it were passed now. Besides, there was a Committee sitting at present, whose suggestions might be most valuable, and they could not be adopted if the measure were brought forward immediately. Mr. TOOKE said that last Session the Noble Lord oppo site promised that he would this Session bring forward a Bill with the same object as the present one. The Bill was then postponed. TREATY OF CONSTANTINOPLE. Mr. SHE IL begged to ask the Noble Lord opposite (Pal merston) a question respecting the Treaty of Constantinople. It would be in the recollection of the House that he (Mr. Shiel) some time since brought forward a motion for a copy of a treaty, which more particularly related to the passage of the Dardanelles. The Noble Lord opposite said that a part of it had been objected to by England, and the same sentiment was expressed by the then Secretary for the Colonies. The Noble Lord said it would be inconsistent with the interest of the State just then to lay the treaty upon the table of the House, but that it should, upon the first convenient opportunity, be sub mitted to their consideration. Now what he wished to ask the Noble Lord was, first, whether or not the objections of the British Government had been :met by Turkey and Russia ; and, secondly, was the Noble Lord prepared to lay the treaty upon the table. Viscount PALAIERSTON—The Hon. and Learned Mem ber is aware this is a treaty with which this country is not concerned. It has only been communicated to us. With respect to the result of the explanation, I am not prepared to give any explanation.—( Loud and general laughter.) Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that, upon the motion for the second reading of the Irish Tithe Bill, he should move that it be postponed to that day six months, and if his motion were negatived, he should r move the appropria tion clause. In reply to a question from an HON. MEMBER, Mr. LABOUCHERE said that two gun-brigs were lately added to the number already employed in the packet ser vice. It was indispensably necessary that they should be so employed. The unfortunate loss of the Thais rendered it necessary to employ one of thorn. He, at the same time, had to state that the Admiralty would get rid, by degrees, of that class of vessels.—( Hear, hear.) Since he last ad dressed the House upon the subject, a contract had been made for the building of six new vessels for the packet service. DON CARLOS. Mr. G. F. YOUNG wished to ask the Noble Lord oppo e whether or not Don Carlos was in Spain ? Viscount PALMERSTON could not say whether he was or not. A laugh. ) Colonel E VANS wished to know, did the Noble Lord think it probable that he was ?—( Oh, oh.) Well, at all events, the Noble Lord might say whether, or to his know ledge, Don Carlos was in England ? Viscount PALMERSTON really knew no more upon the subject than the Hon. and Gallant Member himself. It was generally supposed that Don Carlos was in Spain, but Govern ment had no authentic information upon the subject. BATTLE OF NAVARINO. The House then went into a Committee of Supply. Mr. L ABO UC HE RE, after a few words, which were not heard in the gallery, moved that the sum of 60,0001. be voted, to be distributed amongst the admiral, officers, and sailors, who were present at the engagement of Navarino. Colonel DAVIE S wished for some explanation of the prin ciple upon which this.distribution was to be made. Mr. LAB 0 UCHE RE said the money would be distributed according to a regulation made by Council, and the principle upon which the distribution was to be made was at so much a head. The standard would be, nearly as possible, that which was adopted in distributing the prizes for the engagement of Algiers ; for the Admiral, 7,8801. ; for the next class, 1,6801. ; for the next class, 94/. ; for the next class, 61/. ; for the next ; class, 151. for the next class, 6/. 3s. ; f or the next class, 41. 10s. ; for the next, 31. 2s. ; and for the last class, that of boys, 11. 10s. Mr. POTTER wished for a more detailed account of the principle upon which the proposed distribution was to be made. As he (Mr. Potter) understood the Gallant Admiral ( Codring ton) upon a former occasion, he declined availing himself of any portion of the distribution.--( Oh, oh.) Mr. LAB 0 UCHE RE felt it due to the Gallant Admiral to state, that if former precedents were followed in the distri bution of the present prize money, he should receive a much larger share than that which it was proposed to give him.— (Hear, hear.) But upon communicating to the Gallant Ad miral the principle upon which the distribution was proposed to be made, he expressed himself perfectly satisfied.—( Hear.) Mr. SHEIL said that a regulation had been suggested by Sir James Graham for the distribution of prize money, which had met with the warmest reception by the House. Now he wished to know was that principle acted upon in the present case, and if it was not, what was the reason ? The principle to which he adverted was calculated to improve the condition of the seamen, and that was the reason he wished to see it adopted by the House. Mr. LAB OUC HE R E said the present distribution was quite an arbitrary one, made as nearly as possible upon that which took place with respect to the Exmouth expedition. Mr. POTTER repeated that Sir E. Codrington had de clined his share of the prize, and he did not see why the House should force a sum of money on a man who was un willing to receive it.---( Oh, oh.) Mr. MIL DMA Y was surprised at the observation of the Hon. Member opposite ; he appeared unwilling to grant so large a sum as 60,0001., so that it would appear he measured his justice by the amount of money he would bestow. Mr. G. F. YOUNG said that according to the plan pro posed, the sum received by the Admiral should be equal to seven years' pay, while that to be given to a seaman would be equal only to two months' pay. This was a hardship, if not an injustice to the seamen, and it was founded too upon the regulation of the present day, and not upon that which existed at the time the action took place. Mr. G 0 UL BURN did not rise to object to the ground upon which the distribution was made, nor to the application of.any particular principle, but he objected to having a rule applied in this case which was never made before. Against this he entered his protest. He would not oppose any parti cular appropriation of the grant if it were once agreed to, but he was opposed to the creation of a precedent which might hereafter justify actions which should take place without any express directions from Government.—( Hear.) This was the objection he had to the present grant being made at all. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that had the Right Hon. Gentleman been present at the discussion the other evening, he would have seen that the almost unani mous feeling of the House was in favour of the grant being made. The Noble Lord was understood to say that it was in obedience to this feeling of the House that he consented to the grant being made. Mr. G 0 Ul;B URN was understood to say that the Noble Lord, had he so thought proper, might have directed the feel ing of the House against giving the grant, instead of being himself influenced to acquiesce in it. Sir EDWARD CODRINGTON said that he had cer tainly offered, so far as he himself was concerned, to forego his claims to any share in the Navarino prize money ; but it had been suggested to him that, however he might be able to afford such a sacrifice, yet the precedent he would be establishing would be one very unfavourable to the service, and that he should not, therefore, persevere in it. That, he trusted, would be a sufficient answer to the Hon. Member (Mr. Potter), who appeared to think that he should not accept of his share of the prize money. With respect to the merits of the case, he thought that the engagement of Na varino was exactly parallel to that of Algiers. Lord Exmouth had been ordered to negotiate, and in the event of his being unsuccessful, to employ force, and he ( Sir E. Codrington)had been ordered to negotiate, and failing, to use force. In his case the opposing party refused to listen to his proposals for negotiation—in fact they met it by firing on him. He had then with him a copy of a circular, which he issued previous to the engagement, from which it might be seen how anxious he was to avoid it if possible. In that circular he used the very words of his instructions, though of course he did not allow those to whom the circular was addressod to know that he had quoted from his express instructions. Mr. G. F. YOUNG said that the principle upon which the distribution of this money was to be made, was most inequita ble and unfair to the seamen,—and he should support the amendment. Mr. L ABOUCHE RE admitted that the recently adopted system of distribution was more equitable than the former one, but as the sum now about to be awarded was gained whilst the old system was in operation, they' could not in justice alter the mode of distribution. Some conversation here ensued with respect to the distribu-J tion of this grant, after which the Committee divided on Mr. Shell's amendment, when the numbers appeared-- For the Amendment Against it 129 Majority The amendment was lost. The original motion was then carried. Mr. LABO UC HERE moved that the sum of 100,000/. be granted towards the monthly allowance of pay to seamen and marines of his Majesty's Navy, pursuant to the order of his Majesty of the 18th of November, 1830, for the increase of the comforts of the naval forces of this country. Mr. LITTLETON moved a resolution that there be granted 12,2321. for salaries and attendants of the Lord Lieu tenant of Ireland and certain other officers, whose incomes had been defrayed out of the Irish Civil List fund hitherto. Col. DAVIE S moved that the sum be reduced by 1,0701. 4 ,.....10 4 .21 ~..4,, i- ePC /AVA .:i-7 :7---7-- ) ) - 10 1-4 y-------i -1 ?", 1/4-''' 1 . k -` --': ,A , - . .._ '‘4l*l:±4..±l . ...---.:. e ..) , orif i r ir - The House then divided on the amendment of Colonel Davies, In favour of the Amendment 6 Against it 99 Majority -93 The next resolution was that a sum of 4,1001. be ranted towards defraying the expense of public prosecutions in Ire land, which resolution was agreed to. Next, that a sum of 25,1001. be granted for defraying the expenses of Non-conforming Seceders and Protestant Dissen ters in that country. Agreed to. Next, that a sum of 6,0001. be granted for defraying th e expense of criminal prosecutions in Ireland. Mr. O'DWYER moved a reduction of 5,0001. on the resolution. After a few words from Mr. LITTLETON, Mr. RUTFIVEN, and Mr. S. RICE, the amendment was withdrawn, and the original resolution was agreed to. That a sum of 3,565/. be granted in aid of the public works in Ireland. Agreed to. That a sum of 5,4731. be granted for the repair of Dunmore Harbour. Agreed to. That 3,0001. be granted for the survey of town lands in Ireland. MY. O'DWYER and Mr. RUTHVEN objected to this grant as uncalled for and unnecessary. Agreed to. That 271,0001. be granted for the Commissariat Depart ment in Ireland.—Agreed to. That 51,0001. be granted Tor half-pay of Commissariat Ser vice in Ireland.—Agreed to. Mr. H. HUGHES said he would object to any further grant at this hour of the night (two o'clock). That 230/. I4s. 9d. be granted for disembodied militia. Mr. F. O'CONNOR said, at this late hour of the night he would oppose the motion. Agreed to. That 5,0001. be granted to Captain Ross. Lord SA NDON said it would do honour to England and to Europe that a reward should be given to Captain Ross. Agreed to. Tice report was brought up and ordered to be received on Wednesday next. NEWSPAPER POSTAGE BILL. Mr. V. SMITH moved the order of the day for the House resolving itself into a committee of the whole House on the Newspaper Postage Bill. Several clauses were agreed to. The report of the Bill was brought up, and ordered to be received this day. COUNTY BRIDGES (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. LITTLETON moved the order of the day for going into a Committee on the Bridges ( Ireland) Bill.--(" No. no.") The Bill was deferred till to-morrow. The Irish Roads Bill was read a third time, and passed. The Church Temporalities' (Ireland) Bill was deferred till to-morrow. Mr. LITTLETON said that, at the present period of the Session, he would withdraw the Civil Bill Courts Bill for Ireland. Mr. F. O'CONNOR said he much regretted the withdrawal of this Bill, as it was one of the few measures which would confer any benefit upon Ireland. MERCHANT SEAMEN'S WIDOWS' BILL. The Merchant Seamen's Widows' Bill, with some other ad ditional clauses, was read a third time and passed. The House then adjourned at three o'clock. DOCTOR DOYLE. CARLOW, JULY 17. This being the day appointed by the clergy of the late Dr. Doyle to commemorate his virtues, and perform the public ceremony called a " month's mind," I was induced, not less by a desire to witness matters of some novelty to an English traveller, than by the high character of the deceased, to accompany some of his friends to the scene of his latter days. The inducement was the greater on hearing that Dr. Kinsella, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Kilkenny, where I have been sojourning a few days, was to preach the funeral oration. We arrived here shortly before 12 o'clock, and having procured a seat in the left transept of the Cathedral, nearly under the pulpit, listened for an hour and a half to the voices of Archbishops Murray and Slattery, and nearly two hundred priests chaunting forth a high mass and office, for the soul of the deceased in strains more solemn, sonorous, and commanding, than grateful to a fastidiously musical ear. It would, however, be hypocritical to say, that though little of melody, there was not much harmony in their solemn effusions ; for the sounds greatly elevated the mind, and disposed it to religious enthusiasm. When the singing had ended, Dr. Kinsella ascended the pulpit, habited in his episcopal robes, and took for his text the following words. " For it is fit that this corruption should put on incorruption, and this mortal put on immor tality. But when this corruption shall have put on incor ruption, and this mortal shall have put on immortality, then shall have been fulfilled the word that was written, death hath been absorbed in victory. Oh grave, where is thy victory ? oh death, where is thy sting ?" The learned prelate continued for an hour to explain to his auditory the application of this passage to the loss and bereavement they had sustained in the death of their illustrious bishop. He briefly recapitulated the chief events of Dr. Doyle's life, as connected with his sacerdotal functions ; and dwelt long and pathetically on that portion of it spent in Carlow College as Professor of Theology ; " where," said the Rev. Speaker, with great feeling and emotion, " he first poured into my mind the precepts and doctrines of the Christian Church, and formed me to the ministry of the divine word." He then proceeded to describe Dr. Doyle as being always of a weak and infirm constitution, which he never spared or indulged, even at the most anxious entreaties and pressing solicitations of those friends, who saw that the exertions of a vigorous and active mind, would soon wear out the energies of an imbecile body. His time was continually occupied in acquiring knowledge, or communicating it to others : seldom or never enjoying, even since his elevation to the prelacy, that repose from the duties of a Catholic Priest which his tottering fra me so muc h needed, and which is generally enjoyed by the higher order of clergy. To remonstrances on this subject, by the worthy preacher, and others who were alarmed for his health, and wished him a longer sojourn in this world, his invariable reply was some text of Scripture, implying that, it was the duty of all who embraced a religious life to be continually watching and labouring in their vocation. He then accounted for his having some years since become a man of " public life," known to the world by his writings on behalf of his religion and country. This was owing to the necessity which ho thought devolved on him of acting on the defensive against those who misrepresented the tenets of the Catholic Church, for the purpose of continuing the penal laws that debarred the great mass of the people of Ireland from the benefits and honours of the British Constitution. This part of the address was touched upon with great tact and delicacy. While the speaker evinced an earnest wish to develop all the leading characteristics of the deceased, in the language of truth an d s i mp li c i ty, he at the same time showed how intimately acquainted he was with the sources, grounds, and extent of those prejudices, which have been excited in this country, by persons who either did not un derstand, or were jealous of the great moral influence which Dr. Doyle's writings had gained over his countrymen of every persuasion. The sermon concluded with an exhor tation conformably to the tenets and practices of the Catholic church, to the effect, that the auditory would pray for the soul of the deceased prelate ; and endeavour to follow the example of religion and public 'virtue, which had been exhibited to them during the entire life and ministry of their late benevolent and pious pastor. My anticipations from Dr. Kinsella's &Me and character here, were not dis appointed. He had been the pupil, and latterly one of the most affectionate friends and attendants on the deceased bishop. This circumstance afforded him an opportunity of knowing the leading features of his character, and pointed him out as the fittest person to pronounce the funeral oration of his lamented friend. His discourse, on this oc casion, manifested great learning, and an intimate know ledge of his sacred profession ; which, however, he confined. within limits suited to the time and place, and comprehen sion of his entire audience. It was free from metaphor, and. the slightest affectation, or ambitioning after the graces of a turgid and false eloquence. There was no verbiage, no re petition, or new colouring of ideas once expressed ; but a strong, chaste, and manly effusion of thoughts, in which the leading traits of the deceased's character 'were so finely pourtrayed as to represent a vivid image of truth, and recal to the minds of the hearers the value and worth of their departed friend. The effect was manifested by sighs and tears, awften as the speaker alluded to those facts, with which th 7 congregation seemed well acquainted. At the conclusion of the sermon I hastened to Braganza. House, the residence of Dr. Doyle, about half a mile from this town. It is a small cottage-like building, beautifully situated on the banks of the Barrow ; and had been pur chased some time ago, by public subscription, for its late possessor and his successors, in testimony of the people's sense of the gr ea t serv i ces ren d ere d by him to his religion and country. N o appearance o f wealth or luxury, or and c whichostlyf furniture all theT he other principal property e !obec(tnootfla,etrtyramctumeh) is attraction there, be enjoyed by hi s succ essor, is a fine full length port ra i t of the deceased ; w hi c h had been a short time since execute d by M. Slaverty, and paid for by a few of D r . D oy l e ' s clergy and friends. While I was visiting at Braganza, I understand a meet ing was held at the College, to take into consideration the erection of a national testimonial to Dr. Doyle's memory. It appears that during his life he had expressed a wish to h ave e stablished an agricultural society at Carlow, under which the poor of the surrounding district might be em ployed. This suggested the idea of carrying the worthy prelate's intention into effect, by associating his name with the institution ; and thus showing, how even in death he wished to b e use f ul to his country. It seems that letters from Lord Duncannon, Spring Rice, the Grattans, and other friends of Ireland, were read at the meeting, approv ing of the plan ; and it is expected it will be carried into effect by public subscription.