The Sun. — London, England, 1831-11-30 00:00:00

than our lively neighbours, and therefore are more likely to reach the import, and to yield to the force, of such appeals to first principles, through plain process of argument. Indeed, we know that in all the great manufacturing districts the opinion of the working classes has under gone a great change in respect to the conse quences of the Introduction and utility of ma chinery, from the light communicated to their understandings through the medium of the press ; and we are convinced that, on the more general topic of the rights of industry and the security of property, their minds are equally ac cessible to right principles. If the higher ranks instead of endeavouring to curtail their privi leges, would try to render them more worthy or more capable of enjoying them in an enlarged sphere with safety—if, instead of treating their errors with derision, and their ignorance with in sult, they used conciliatory means to correct the former and to remove the latter—if, instead of driving them by neglect to take refuge under the banners of turbulent and mischievous dema gogues, they offered themselves to become their leaders, acting with a tender regard to the pre judices of their education, and the natural pride of their understandings,—if, we say, they acted in this manner, there can be no doubt that all parties would be bettered by the change, that society would be bound together by a new ce ment, and that the bond between its higher and lower gradations would be only the conductor of confidence and gratitude. Associations like that " for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge," and books like that now under our notice,—as sociations in which the highest rank appears as the patron of cheap information, and books by which the abstruse principles of science are brought within the reach of minds which, what ever be their natural capacity, have not leisure to hunt for them in voluminous publications,— answer, as far as they go, some of the objects for which we now contend. But when we hear, as in the late discussions on the Reform Bill, all the working and middle classes in the country treated with contempt and contumely,—when we hear it insolently declared that their inca pacity renders them unfit to exercise electoral rights, or their principles make it dangerous to confer such rights upon them,—when men, who support the cause of freedom with an ability and an eloquence which few of the House of Peers possess, are called, with aristocratic scorn, Brum magem philosophers or Sheffield orators,—is it to be wondered that demagogues should lay hold of the excitement of the times to create a schism between the different ranks of society ? And " the rent would indeed reach the foundation of the social edifice, if the extreme parties suc ceeded in their endeavour ;—a dreadful struggle would ensue between the angry disputants at the opposite ends of the social scale, if those who are at once the friends of Reform and of order, of the rights of freedom, and of the security of property, did not step in to prevent a collision. While all the unrea sonable part of the landed or moneyed aristo cracy insist upon retaining the monopoly of power, as an appendage to their overgrown wealth, the mischievous or misguided part of those whom they are trying to exclude are en • deavouring to attain the possession of power by undermining the rights of property. With this latter class of politicians the difference between the relative rights of capital and labour has been of late a fertile theme of declamation, and very unequivocal hints have been thrown out of the superior validity of the latter. Hence they draw broad distinctions between " the working classes" and the other classes of society, and hold out the interests of the latter as opposed to those of the former. No delusion could be more gross, —no error more pernicious. Capital or pro perty is only accumulated labour, and is as ne cessary for creating those things of which we stand in need as labour itself. Destroy its se curity of capital, and you as effectually destroy the means of employing labour, or render la bour unproductive. Without the accumulation of labour as capital, there can be no employment of industry,—without security, there can be no accumulation ; and with the doctrines at present in vogue among a certain portion of the working classes, there can be no security. In this sense the distinction of society into " working classes" which produce every thing, and other classes which produce nothing, is absurd as well as mischievous. All society is one great working class. The man who lays out the accumulated fruits of former labour in building a manufactory or establishing any kind of industry, is as much one of ( 4 the working classes" as the workman or journeyman whom he employs. The nume rous compositors and other agents about this office, for instance, are necessary to carry on our publication, and to enable us to reap the profits of our enterprise ; but our capital or property which employs them is as necessary to them as their labour is to us. Suppose, as in the doctrine of " capital against labour," they considered themselves as aggrieved " by be ing obliged, in addition to replacing what ever they use and consume, to yield a pro fit to the capitalists," and desired to enjoy the whole fruit of their labour : they could not, of course, be employed here, or any where else, unless by becoming capitalists themselves, so far as to have the means of exercising their own industry. Another form of this great error with respect to the rights of labour and property, is the dangerous delusion that the fortunes of the idle are the plunder of the industrious, and that the enjoyments of the rich are an injury to the poor. All fortune, as it has been already remarked, was at first the accumulation of labour, either mental or corporeal, and that labour would not have been performed unless a security had existed that its fruits would be protected as well as accumulated labour. The physician would not acquire the skill necessary for the exercise of hi s profession, nor the lawyer engage in the la borious duties of the bar, unless they could ac cumulate their fees or daily earnings into the means of employing for their benefit or pleasure the hands of the labourer ; or, in tact, unless they could exchange their ac cumulated labour against an equivalent por tion of the labour of others. The working or laborious classes, so far from being bettered by the prevention of accumulation, or by dividing among them all existing prosperity in equal por tions, would be the greatest sufferers. " All the superfluities of the rich," says Burke, " if di vided, would not get a morsel of bread for the poor," and that morsel would be dearly pur el ased at the sacrifice of that security of the fruits of labour which is necessary to set in motion the hands and ingenuity of mankind—to excite en terprise and to stimulate industry. We can only find room for the following quotation from this little work :—" If prudence and diligence go to gether, the labourer may himself become a capi talist, and even pass out of the condition o f a labourer into that of a proprietor, or one who lives upon accumulated produce. The experience of every day shows this process swing forward; not in a solitary instance, as in that of the ruined and restored man whose tale we have just told, but in the case of thriving tradesmen all around us, who were once workmen. But if the labourer, or the great body of labourers, were to imagine that they could obtain such a proportion of the capital of a civilized country except as exchangers, the store would instantly vanish. They might, perhaps, divide by force the crops in the barns and the clothes in the warehouses, but there would be no more crops or clothes. The principle upon which all accumulation depends, that of security of property, being destroyed, the accumulation would be destroyed. If the labourers, also, were to imagine that they could use the capital with out paying for its use, as they have been taught by some to think, the same effects would be the inevitable result."— Times. Mr. Henry Drummond has addressed a letter to the Editor of the Times, on the subject of an account of a meeting of Reformers and Anti- Reformers, for the purpose of accommodating differences on the question of Reform, commu nicated under the signature of A. B. to that Paper. The letter is altogether a singular pro duction; though,after the address from Mr. Dru mmond to the freeholders of the county of Surrey, it does not take us by surprise. That we may not be charged with garbling this letter, we shall here insert the whole of it : " Sfit,—lt would have been more creditable to A. B.' to have discussed his differences with me where I was present, instead of deprecating discus sion there, and then stating anonymously and falsely in your Journal that I was an intruder into a meet. ing to which I had received a special invitation, and had, consequently, come from the country, at much inconvenience to attend. There was gross imposi tion in calling that 'an accommodation meeting,' when nothing was intended by A. B.' but that they who were known to disagree with him should sign, at his dictation, a document which had been previously , approved of by the Ministers as a perfect exposi tion of their late Bill. Another false pretext held out to urge us to sign was the distressed state of the country. It is indeed distressed—that is, the work ing classes are oppressed to a degree almost past further endurance; but he must have a fool's head or a traitor's heart,' who says the late misnamed Reform Bill would give them the smallest relief. The Bill took power from the Crown and gave it to delegates of the middling classes, thereby con verting the Monarchy into a bad Republic, but left the working classes Just where they were. The passions of all ranks have been excited by Lords Grey and Brougham against the ministers of religion and the hereditary councillors of the King who op posed them, in order that the upholders of our ancient institutions might be intimidated into be coming accessories to their new Constitution ; and it is vainly imagined that the labouring classes will submit to be discarded and sink again into their former degradation as soon as they shall have served the purposes of these profligate politicians. I wish political power to remain with the aristocracy, be cause by such means alone can the monarchy exist ; if that power is to be transferred to another class, it is revolution ; to give that power to all classes, has justice and consistency; to give it to one only has neither. " No one measure of relief to the suffering la bourers has yet been proposed by the Ministers, while the people have been cajoled by the phan tom of Reform. True relief is only to be obtained by the repeal of all taxes on articles used for private consumption—such as malt, hops. candles, leather, &c. This might have been done honestly, by laying on a graduated property-tax, increasing as it ascended; by fixing the amount of paper cur rency by Act of Parliament, and making it legal tender; by disbanding the whole standing army, except the household troops and the artillery; and this might have been done safely by embodying 'fencibles and militia in each county, and training them every year, by which domestic peace would be preserved, as well as security from foreign ag gression; by enacting poor laws in Ireland, by which the Irish gentry would be compelled to sup port their own people, instead of sending them over here to exclude any extra labourers which our vil lages may contain from the means of employment in our towns; by repeal of the corn laws, and of all monopolies and restrictions on trade; and by re storing our foreign policy to its uniform course, from the days of Elizabeth to those of Lord Lon donderry, which was to support small free States against their powerful neighbours; and, above all, by taking effectual measures to liquidate the public debt, which must cramp the energies of the country so long as it exists; and, lastly, by a Reform of the House of Commons as efficacious as that now pro posed, and yet not revolutionary. " This, and much more that cannot now be stated, must be done before the nation can be tran quillized. It is shaken too deeply to its very foundations to be calmed merely by declarations of merchants and bankers, or by Whig expedients of violating unblemished corporate rights like those of Guildford, and of collecting the deputed wisdom of aggregated dirt and disease from Brighton and Chel tenham. Nothing short of what is above enume rated can end otherwise than in increased discon tent ; and since there arises from no side the discre tion fit to guide us, we have only to stand prepared for the crash which the infatuated projects of our rulers must produce, and see in their blindness the judicial band of an offended God, whose counsels they having despised, he at length has left them to their own. " Begging in which prayer you, Sir, will no doubt join, to choose some other arena than your columns for the further discussion of these subjects, I am, your obedient servant, HENRY DRUMMOND. " Albury Park, Nov. 26." Mr. Henry Drummond, for an honest man, seems to have a wonderful aptitude in imbibing the tactics of a dishonest school. The working classes are, no doubt, as he says, oppressed to a degree almost past further endurance ; and the Reform Bill, certainly, will not give them im mediate relief. But the Reform Bill will re move some of the most formidable obstacles in the way of their obtaining relief. " Relief," says Mr. Drummond, " is only to be obtained by the repeal of taxes on articles used for private consumption—by laying on a gra duated Property Tax—by fixing the amount of a paper currency by Act of Parlia ment, and making it a legal tender—by dis banding the whole standing army, excepting the household troops and the artillery, and substi tuting fencibles and a militia—by enacting poor laws for Ireland—by repealing the corn laws, and all monopolies and restrictions on trade, and, above all, by taking effectual measures to liquidate the public debt." What Mr. Drum mond means by fixing the amount of the paper currency, we know not, and therefore we pass over this specific. But with respect to the other specifics, which may be summed up briefly in the words relief from taxation and from mono polies, will Mr. Drummond have the hardihood to contend that an unreformed Parliament would ever have consented to them ? The great argu ment for a Reform of Parliament is, that those who voted the taxes had an interest in increasing instead of diminishin g the expenditure. The object for which the boroughmongers combat Reform is, that they may retain possession of the power of sharing among themselves the pro perty of the nation, by means of the very chan nels of expenditure which Mr. Drummond wishes to dry up, Is it not known to every tyro in English History; that ever since the corn 'pact entered into between the Crown and the Aristocracy, at the so-called revolution of 1688, the Parliament, which was honest so long as the Crown contended for the supremacy, became itself corrupted, and that boroughmongery has grown with the• growth of the taxes ? To expect that an unreformed Parliament should destroy that for the sake of which Reform is opposed, if the expectation be not assumed, betrays an inability to reason approaching to fa tuousness. But Mr. D. is obliged to close his catalogue of specifics with the admission of a necessity for a Reform of the House of Com mons, as efficacious as that now proposed, though that efficacious Reform is to be, it seems, not revolutionary—that is, is to leave all existing in terests unaffected, and consequently the interests of the boroughmongers. But let us see what Mr. Drummond means by an efficacious Reform I wish (he says) political power to remain with the Aristocracy, because by such means alone can the monarchy exist ; if that power is to be transferred to another class, it is revolution ; to give that power to all classes, has justice and consistency ; to give it to one only, has neither." Here the cloven foot appears. Mr. Drummond knows well enough that the very Aristocracy under whose banner he fights have opposed the Reform Bill chiefly on the ground of its giving the suffrage to all classes. They, like Mr. Drummond, would have no objection to allow the suffrage to be possessed by potwalloping pau pers in venal boroughs; and they raised a cry, as he does now, against the hardship of depriving poor people of their franchise ; with the inte rested view of enlisting the poor to support a sys tern, which, at the expence of the degradation of a part of their number, enabled the Aristocracy to dip deep into the property of the whole nation, and thus contribute to the distress of the working classes in general. Mr. Henry Drummond— Saint as he is —is, we suspect, as familiar with Machiavel as with the Evangelists. He knows very well that no Minister of this country can possibly carry a Reform which should give a suffrage to all classes. He throws out this lure, therefore, to the working classes, in order to array them against those to whom the suffrage is to be given by the. Reform Bill, thereby to defeat Reform altogether ; for he knows well, that if it is with difficulty that Ministers can carry the present Bill, it would be utterly im possible for them, or any other Ministry, to carry by constitutional means a more extensive Reform. But let not Mr. Drummond and his brother Anti-Reformers push this Machiavelism too far. They cannot now prevent Reform ; but by endeavouring to inflame the animosity of the working classes, they may create a confusion, which may end in results of which they do not dream. When the reign of violence commences, that of law is at end ; and if they consult his tory, they will find that property is entirely the creature of law, and that when the bonds of law are loosened, a quondam rich man has no more than what he can pick up in the general scramble. We warn all these rich men, who play the de magogue by way of finesse, that if they succeed in throwing the masses into movement they will be the first to repent of it. It may not be in their power to arrest the movement when they want to do so. And what does he mean by a Reform which should allow political power to remain to the aristocracy, and not giving it to the delegates of the middling classes ? He must either mean that the aristocracy shall dispose of the property of the nation without responsibility, or he means nothing. They who controul the expenditure of the nation, must either return themselves, or be returned by others. If they return themselves they are of course responsible. If they are returned by others, they must be re turned by a body sufficiently rich and sufficiently numerous to be identified in interests with the nation. They to whom the suffrage is given by the Reform Bill are sufficiently rich and suffi ciently numerous to be identified in interest with the nation. We are not of the number of those who think any great danger would arise from a still greater extension of the suffrage, and we believe that any immediate evil which might be occasioned by an injudicious exercise of the suf frage, would be more than compensated for by the motive which it would give to the rich to instruct the poor, that the suffrage might be exercised judiciously. But we know that fears are entertained on this subject, and knowing also that under the Reform Bill the suffrage is communicated to a body too rich and too nu merous to be bribed, and which is identified in interest with the nation, we think the question of greater extension of suffrage is not one on which Reformers ought to quarrel, seeing that all which can be done by a representation chosen under a more extensive suffrage, will and must be done by a representation chosen under the Re form Bill. The Aristocracy is not identified with the nation, either in regard to property or numbers ; and the allowing uncontroulled power to remain with the Aristocracy, is to allow power to remain with those who have an interest in abusing it to the prejudice of the nation. But the middle classes mean all who possess pro perty, except the few who, though possessing in dividually large properties, possess but a small share of the property of the nation. The middle classes, therefore, are interested in obtaining all that benefits the nation, and preventing all that injures the nation. Whatever affects them affects the working classes. They are the great accumulators of capital ; and as they are thriving or suffering, the working classes thrive or suffer. The whole, therefore, of what Mr. Drummond says, respecting the transference of power from the Aristocracy to the delegates of the middling classes, is a poor, paltry piece of sophistry. The Aristocracy will retain all the power that any man ought to have, the power of legislating, subject to a responsibility to those whose weal or woe are affected by their legis lature. Rich men will in general be chosen to represent the people ; but it will be rich men less able to do good, and deprived of the power of doing harm. It will be the wolf without his teeth. There is no way of leaving power to the Aristocracy, without responsibility to either the middling classes or to all classes, which shall not be liable to gross abuse. There is no principle better established than that, if we wish to guard who pay th e t axes s h ou ld against abuse—they choose those who have the disposal of them. The bitter vituperations of Lords Grey and Brougham, which pervades Mr. Drummond's letter, reflects no honour on him. It is pain ful to hear a man who lays claim to a more than a puritanical perfection, asserting, that " the passions of all ranks have been excited by Lords Grey and Brougham against the Ministers of religion and the hereditary Councillors of the King who opposed them, in order that the up holders of our ancient institutions might be in timidated into becoming accessories to their new Constitution." The Ministers of religion ! Does religion teach that the people ought to be plun dered—that the souls of the poor ought to be sacri ficed by their becoming vile and corrupt tools in `the hands of the rick, in order that the latter may obtain the plunder of this world as an equi valent for damnation in the next ? Ministers of religion supporting boroughmongering ! The religion of the Devil ! We have no objection to Mr. Drummond's prayers or psalms; but we cannot understand the religion which would look with complacency on the vile spectacle which a general election in England presents—a spectacle which, no doubt, suggested to Mr. Burke the phrase, " swinish multitude." And do not these ministers of religion, as well as Mr. Drum mond, know that boroughmongering can only effect its end by the degradation of that portion of the poor necessary to the working of their detestable machinery ? " No one measure of relief to the suffering labourers has yet been pro posed by the Ministers, while the people have been cajoled by the phantom of Reform." Why if the Anti-Reformers would not allow Ministers any intermission—if they warred with Ministers to the knife, as it were, from the first proposal of Reform to this day, how, in God's name, could they propose with advantage anything beneficial to the labourers? The labourers have been materially injured by the Reform agita tion; but the criminality of the injury rests with those who endeavour to defeat a measure calculated to benefit the nation, and not with Ministers. Mr. Drummond, who accuses Ministers, is one of the causes of the distress of the labourers. Let us have an honest Parliament, and we shall be able to deal honestly with the labourers, The sooner Reform is disposed of, the sooner may we hope to grapple to advantage with the evils afflict ing the poor. If Mr. Drummond deems the corn laws one of the great causes of the distress of the labourers, does he suppose that the allow ing political power to remain with the Aristocracy will tend to facilitate their repeal. When were the middling classes found advocating the corn laws ? When were the middling classes found adverse to poor laws in Ireland ? We wish we could at tribute the defects of this production solely to the head of the writer ; but we fear there is more in it than mere obliquity. Out of the fullness of the heart the mouth speaketh ; and we think the disease lies lower than the head.—Morn.Chron. A contemporary, fond of indulging in edify ing tirades of what is passing in Portugal, in his usual style last evening gave his own version of what he calls a " loan to plunder the inhabi , tarts," together with a few additional illustrations peculiarly adapted to suit the palates of the per sons engaged in fitting out Don Pedro's expe dition. To what he is pleased to say on the subject we shall advert to-morrow ; but in the mean time it may not be amiss to remind those officers and agents who are so eagerly enlisting deluded beings to go and fight the battles of their employers, lately driven from Brazil with dis grace, that their reception, if ever they do reach the insulted shores of Portugal, will be very different from that which they are holding out to their dupes, not one of whom can expect to receive quarter should they fall into the hands of the outraged natives. This may be a matter undeserving of LordGrcy's notice in these times, if what we hear is correct respecting the release of the vessels detained, which, we are given to understand, are now allowed to go forth with all the evidence of guilt upon them, and although seized by virtue of the Foreign Enlist ment Bill. I his is a pretty precedent for the Sovereigns of Europe—nay, for ourselves. Will my Lord Grey's Government now deny that, after abetting the revolutionists at home, they are extending the wings of their protection to the same class of persons abroad ? After this why may not the Lyons silk-weavers come to London, and, within call of Downing -street, enlist men to be embarked and go over to swell their own ranks? Or why may not the Turkish Janissaries, if they wish to regain their lost power and subvert the present Sultan's throne, club money, and through the medium of agents purchase ships of war in the river Thames, and thence proceed to force the passage of the Dardanelles, carrying terror and dismay to the very inmost recesses of the Seraglio ? On what principle can my Lord Grey prevent the Lyons silk-weavers, or the dis banded Janissaries, from obtaining all the aid they might wish from England, when Don Pedro and the band of revolutionists by whom he is supported are allowed to take away all the ships they can buy, and all the men they are enabled to enlist ? This, however, is only the first scene of the farce ; the remaining one it is a pity Lord Grey cannot witness with his own eyes, in order to see how much the starving wretches who have been enrolled in the expedition have been de luded by ambitious and designing men. The day may come when he will have to contemplate the fatal effects of retaliation, exercised in their own defence and in support of their laws by the Portuguese on a band of adventurers and free booters, bearing the name of Englishmen, who go to invade the land on which some of our best laurels were won during the Peninsular war. On whose head, may we ask, will this b reac h o f na tional faith rest? If, besides, blood begins to flew in the Peninsula,where will it stop ? What does my Lord Grey, my Lord Palmerston, or their official organ, our Evening Contemporary, wish to see the horrors of Bristol reacted in Lis bon ? And yet what else can either of them ex pect if between the hours of twelve and three, they only look at the groups surrounding the doors of the several recruiting-shops, kept open in and round London, to form Don Pedro's army, or inquire a little into the late goings-on in the Isle of Dogs ?—Morning Post. We have to state, with the greatest regret, that all the hopes which were lately entertained of the cholera, which has appeared in Sunder land, turning out to be the common English cholera, have utterly vanished, and that it is now ascertained, beyond a doubt, to be the pestilen tial cholera, which, after having ravaged Asia and the greatest part of Europe, has now also not only visited our shores, but has already begun to extend its ravages. This fact will be learnt from the official letter of the Mayor of Newcastle, which will be found in another co lumn, and which bears evidence, on the testi mony of medical men, to the fact of an un doubted and fatal case of Asiatic cholera having occurred in the city under his jurisdiction. For our part we have all along been astonished that if it be the true Asiatic cholera which has ma nifested itself at Sunderland, it s hould not ere no ry hare visited the neighbourhood ; and we are apt, in consequece, to draw from its Very slow progress a very favourable inference respect ing the extent to which it is likely to proceed, or the mortality which is likely to be the result from it. The last repo7t from Sunderland, though still gloomy, is, on the whole, decidedly more favourable than any of those which have preceded it. There have, indeed, been ten new cases ; but, on the other hand, while four have died, there h a ve been five who have recovered. In the mean time we trust no unnecessary alarm will exist on the subject. The disease is, no d ou b t, a genera ll y fatal disease, and it does not, in a n y tend wav3to allay apprehension teepee ting'it, that the first death occasioned by it at Newcastle is that of a man who is described as sound in his constitution; and temperate in his habits ; but, on the other hand, the people of England are generally also a healthy and cleanly people, and there is no truth in mathematics more capable of demon stration than the fact, that in all cases of disease, ordinary or extraordinary, the most healthy, and the most cleanly, are the most likely to escape harmless. Let our precautions, in both re spects, be redoubled ; let us be of good cheer under the all but certain approach of the inflic tion ;—and, above all, let us cast that fear of it far away from us, which every one acquainted with the nature of the disease pronounces to be its greatest promoter and our worst enemy ; for, as we stated months ago, fear is the parent of more disease than medicine can cure, and of more deaths, in cases of pestilential disease, than the disease itself, where there is no fear.—Morn ing Advertiser. WINTER ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. HERTFORD, Nor. 29. James Gavan, aged 49, was indicted for having feloniously, unlawfully, and maliciously, struck, stab bed, and cut James Darvill, with intent to do him some grievous bodily harm. The prosecutor stated that, on the 15th October last, at about twelve o'clock at night, the prisoner came to his house and wanted some beer. He told him that he did not sell any at that time of night. He said he would have some, or he would murder them. The prisoner then went away, but returned shortly after, and again asked for him, saying that he would murder the firs t i -- rascal he laid hi s h an d s on. A man of the name of Warrington then opened the door, and the prosecutor went out and said, " Come, my fellow, toddle off," and slightly pushed him. Upon which the prisoner immediately struck him under the arm with a knife. They then strug gled together, and Gavan stabbed him in the thigh. A surgeon was sent for by the prosecutor's brother in-law. The Jury returned a verdict of Guilty, but re commended the prisoner to mercy. henry Mason, aged 39, a corn-dealer, and a very respectable looking man, was placed at the bar charged with having, on the 20th of August last, at Hert ford, offered, uttered, and put off, a certain false, forged, and counterfeited warrant and order for pay ment of money, called a cheque on a banker, pur porting to be the draft of R. Fullwood, upon J. M. Pierson, banker, with intent to defraud the said R. Fullwood. William Henshall, managing-clerk in the house of Samuel Adams, and Co., bankers at Hertford, stated, that on the 20th of last August, the prisoner brought a cheque for 496/.35. purporting to be drawn by Robert Fullwood. The prisoner said his name was Johnson, and that he lived near Hitchin. The witness then cashed the draft with a cheque upon Masterman and Co. for 2001. and the rest in bank notes.and gold. Fullwood's cheque was returned from Messrs. Masterman's, as a forgery. He recollected a Mr. Cator, nephew of Mr. Adams, driving to their bank in a "post chaise and four, on the 31st of Au gust. They went to the prisoner's house, and the witness recollecting him immediately, told him that he was the man that had changed the cheque at Hertford. He denied having been there. Upon witness telling him not to add falsehood to what he had already done, after a short time he said, " I am the man." He stated that he had a hundred pounds of the money in the Hitchin bank, and the rest he had given to Johnson, in whose favour the forged draft was drawn; but he cculd not tell where he was. The prisoner was then taken to Hertford. The Jury found the prisoner Guilty, but strongly recemmended him to mercy. At the conclusion of the trial Mr. Ryland said that he had been requested by Mr. Adams to re commend the prisoner to mercy both on account of his previous good character, which he believed he deserved, and on account of his believing that he had been seduced into the act by designing persons, who were not yet taken. Sentence deferred. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the Loudon New Price Current of yesterday.) SUGAR.—The Sugar Market had a languid appearance last week; the total sales were only 2,700 hhds. and Ira., yet there was much firmness in the price•, the holders re fusing to submit to any further reduction ; and in conse quence a considerable proportion of the public sale on Friday, 321 hhds. St. Lucia, was taken, and a part after wards sold at full market rates. The stock of %Vest India Sugar is now 45,639 Ws. and trs., which. is 2,953 less than last year. The stock of Mauritius 82,382 bags, being 57,927 more than last year. The delivery of the West India Sugar last week 2,991 hhds. and trs., being 60 more than last year. The delivery of Mauritius 8,174. bags, being 5,086 more than in the corresponding week of 1830. The estimated salts this day were 800 hhds. and trs., including the Barbadoes sale ; the market prices are very firm, rather higher. In the Refined Market there is little change, the low goods are less in demand, the fine goods more inquired after, particularly goods entitled to the double-refined bounty. Molasses 235. This afternoon there is still much inquiry for fine goods for the double bounty, and for parcels for melting 625. to 645. ; low goods are neglected. EAST INDIA SUGAR.—There were more inquiries after Manilla and Siam Sugars last week at prices a shade higher; the Mauritius went off at previous prices, good brown 41s. a 425. This day's public sale 5,131 bags Mauritius sold at full prices, the brown rather higher, low 40s. a 415., good brown 425. FOREIGN SUGAR.—The Brazil Sugars were in good demand last week, particularly the low parcels; good to fine brown Bahia 15s. 6d. a 17s. 6d., yellow 183. 6d. a 20s. 6d. ; good white Rio 245. a 245. 6d. ; fine white Pernatns 265. In Havannah no sales were reported. The 127 chests, 4 half chests, and 88 brls. Brazil were nearly all Pernams ; white ord. to good 19s. a 24i., fine white 255. a 264., nearly all sold. Average price of Sugar H. Is. 10d. per cwt. WEST INDIA MOLASSES.-.-LaSt week 130 puns. good Trinidad Molasses were offered at public sale, all taken in at 225. COFFEE.—The Coffee Market continues exceedingly firm ; the purchases are considerable, good old St. Do mingo at 565. 6d. and 575., coloury 58s. ; coloury Brazil 595. ; Havannah fine ord. 60s. a 635. ; Cheribon and Batavia 555. a 60a. ; and Sumatra and Semarang 50s. a 545. British Plantation descriptions, which have been lately neglected, are again in good request and higher, good ord. Jamaica 828. There are no public sales to day, and up to a late hour no private contracts to any ex tent were reported. Ruse, BRANDY, AND HoLLAwns.---The Rum Market is very dull ; there are few or no sales under Is. 4d. but 2to 3 over offer at that price. Brandy is held firmly at a small advance. In Geneva there is no alteration. At a late hour several purchases have transpired, proof Lee wards ls. 31(1. —The request for Brandy is continued.— Geneva still very scarce. HEMP, FLAX, AND TALLOW.—The Tallow Market has been dull ; the nearest quotation is 425. Hemp and Flax remain at nearly nominal prices. Woor...—ln the Market very few sales are making, ex cept in English Wool, which has advanced something within the last week, in consequence of the increasing de mand for exportation. About 2,000 bales New South Wales, Van Dieman's Land, Spanish, and German Wools, are advertised fur public sale about the middle of next month. Ons.—Oils are lower in price generally since last week, and in Fish Oils but little doing, but in Seed Oils the sales hsve been extensive, and for delivery up to Ju'y and August next some hundreds of tuns have been sold at a trifle above quotations of both Linseed and Rape Oils. Olive Oils tire still inactive. COTTON. —The Cotton Market is steady. - , FRUlT.—There is little alteration in Fruit ; large sales of Currants reported 725. a 745. ; new red Snip ni Rai sins extensively at 445. ; Muscatels 90s. a 1335. ; Lexia 345. a 355. Hors.--The duty is expected to reach 1 70,0001. ; good Hops continue in request. INDlGO. —During the past week there bas been more demand for this article, and 3d. per lb. profit on the last sale has been paid for qualities under 4s. per lb. The letters from Calcutta, dated July 21, mention that accounts had arrived from most of the indigo districts to the mid- TH CORN •ge supply o dell met w 'this day se' T MARKE' >f all kinds 'ith a heavy :nnight. of Grain sale, at in 'M I ather I 1 sl the Aut} c ",---- idie of the month, stating that the prosp ec t s had; , muck for the worse. In Jeesore and Nuddia the . • • rains had damaged the plant considerable ; in Dacca, the whole was under water ; Purneab nearly in the • . 'E El tuation, and 9 f the plant which bad been cut the produ' ta , iirtved much less than had been anticipated. In TirhOat 'the ii ; ' CV, J was so great that in many instances the plant wou . 'GUT pay for manufacturing, which had previou s ly 10 1 111 ; India, well. ,In Shahabad and Benares the plant bad suffe frost in the cold season, and afterwards by feu ~, T .,2 1 11V1 winds, and that the general result would prove to 44 Y, - ti short crop. , The Company have declared 1,190 ch . , p irate ... their Indigo for sale the 17th of January, w hi c h zos SCI( 4 ; sibly be increased to about 5,000 che s t s by private, i„_ I __ L -- I °. This day's sale 107 serons Guatemala sold at p , --,... : P 7 „ prices, a small part taken in ; 27 ch es t s Manilla , 4"; Itik low prices. , , unhtry. - . COCHINEAL. -This article is in more request, . T HI holders unwilling to Fell at present rates : the Sh' b- ii e _ear . ely- ship of war, from Vera Cruz, has only b roug ht 41 ' ' A LAC D Y E.-This article is much d e p resse d, a nd I ..(1 14 cult to sell, in consequence of several parcels press . • the Market. v ' „' , •Authst Auto SALTPETRE.-Saltpetre is rather hi g h er; 395. . ~' T h e e A for rough ; 41s. for East India refined. M of TEA.-Boheas continue to be i n active deman ds, tr lit fr.. price is from 2s. 10-id. a 2s. 11d. for them. Con. '`. • , • - •..1nel the lower kinds are at 14d. to 2d. adv ance on sale° .. °r grei the good and fine ones without premium. C° ' 44 461 Twankays are at H. a 2d. per lb. advance. Hy.,' H .., c " l4 no demand. The Prompt day is on Friday, and Wo, : '. • be heavy. 1 TURPENTINE.-Several arrivals last week, all -' 12s. 3d. ~. COLT SPICES.-Spices are firm, but the purchases ' 1 f ol are limited. Rice.-In Rice there is no alteration. U Tosacco.-There are no sales worth reporting. . -An y . I. _ DRUG s.-Cholera articlrs remain v er y heavy. „, ,L .. _ l '' "" SILK.-Trade is still very flat, but h o ld ers o f su: ' COT AI not inclined to yield further i n p r i ce , ant i c i pat i ng th" 't ins 'vis , Market has arrived at the low es t. It a li an raws are "i :a •. i n stiffer. :i ,:„Plites. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THEW ,„-.„ - Wheat. I Barley. 1 Oats, I B 1' ' ~o f tl Per Quarter , _ ..........._ ....-_.„ 11 • 6,cl bill s. to a. s. to s. s. to s. .• ' : Boston - 59 - 28 - 21 3 6 ~ .• . Gainsborough ........... - 62 - 41 - 23 -2: ~ ; a kl( Grantham 57 58 34 39 21 27 ao . , ,_-''''''• ~ Grimsby 5O 62 30 38 18 24 1 Horncastle 55 60 35 38 17 22 t', ' .`. 4 Lincoln Spilsby 52 f 0 26 38 20 22 °, ''` Stamford-............... 51 '7O 36 42 18 22 __,, 4 " • `o4ls 1-% Y0rk....... . 52 68 32 46 18 28 WA ts..ral NORWICH, Nov. 26. 1 111 la. BP , . We had a moderately good snpply of Wh ea t t n _daf , , ~, Wu having been very large for some weeks previous, our mi, • * iit a got into stock, and to-day our prices have given way ful l , ' , ,7 • quarter, the dullness of the trade bein g muc h increased ' 111ft kes ' ' il bad condition of the Wheats, owing to th e m ild d am p . . , Barley is 2s. to 3s. per quarter cheaper; the market has, : tillic With been rather overstocked. No alteration i n th e prices , ' • . Beans, and Pease. Flour is Is. to 2s. per sack lower. ...., ~ ktk r , Wheat (per qr.) ... 555. 635. 68s. I Beans (per qr.) o''',, Itisk, • .._viß 8ar1ey.............-- 2 5 5. 355. 375. Pease , Grey--.." ","-, ". Opp • Oats ..................... 255. 30s. 325. Flour, fine (per sack) a'?" i'_ C l' - 'sslea CANTERBURY. Nov. 26. hduadßpaoarnlhreyoguferrosEimirl Exchange noogflW.thpehieasrdtqauanya. quarter eNv ßal e ei at , pew a r n a: d fair do Sei 4s. W Grain, a e n but ilA it h lltATE Beans, and Pease, we note no alteration in value. I . M 3-1 1•1 1 411 Wheat, white........... 60s. to 70 3 . ...... Old - 5 . , t ;',, I. ---. red.-.............. 50s. to 660....,. 01d,....."7.7„„ ---s. !,-# 'sg Barley, Malting -38 s. to 425. ..... Grinding.. 265. EP t $ AM} Oats - -. 4 . :sr 7 cour t 8 ean5 .. ,,, ........ , .,,.,..,. 342. to 38s. ....... 01d............ 40s. __,- 0 , A Pease ............-.....- -s. to 45e. - Grey- 355. t y eqe, ' Vitt MANCHESTER, Nov. 26. p tli th e Nam. Wheat, per 701 b. 95. 6d. to Ms. Od , Red 9s. 34. tO $ 14.,._,. --... Barley, per 601 b 5 0 5 3 Oats 3 5 41 :IL2','ionati Beans, per Imperial quarter Pease, White, per Imperial bushel 5 0 $1 7 '4'o/t ra i t Malt, per 6 Imperial bushels 42 0 4 $ ~.... Flour, per Sack of 2801 b 48 0 .441 (.., EXETER MARKETS.-Nov. d -Nov. 25. ' Beef (5c0re)...........85. Od. 9s. Od. Wheat (bushel) ...Bs.o- nA • $ • l' () in k• ili c i,' - .. Mutton ( 1 h.).........-...0 5 0 51 Barley ...................4 6 g • li nfi ' lei Veal and Lamb-... 0 5 0 6 Oats 9 4 0 , its R nii ,,. Pork .-....-- 0 4 0 6 Beans _ 5 6 I ) Geese (each) .......,.-1 0 4 0 Butter (Ib.) -.....1 ° 1 ' W . ----s ' Ducks t c0u01e\.....2 4 4 0 Eggs (14) ............0 0 0 NOV; Fowls ..................2 3 3 0 Potatoes (peck) ..0 6 • T hia di SCOTCH MARKETS. HADDINGTON CORN MA ItKET.-Nov. 2. 5 .•, il Sales of Wheat were heavy, and pric es a b ou t I s . 6cl. nV *,,., Y the ter lower than last day-best 645., current prices gU L Ik to 'ne Air Sales of Barley were dull, and prices lower than last tia d, t t llahi b4 t 355. 6d. Oats-best 255. ; current prices 23a, to 21s. Pr . '. 0 1# -4411 ted.".. to 275. Beans 345. to 28s. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. g o r ... First...... Us od 35: 6d 25, ~.,0 4 3 0 1 ° d so 4 g b fliZ Second... 563 Od 33 3 Od i ..,.. 2 93 Od - Os Y Third .... 51s Od 29s Od 21 $ Od 28s Od b.,i7 of t There were 245 qrs. of Wheat in market, 238 whereof Wer e 11 44. Atllll 4 7 Unsold.-0 Grey. Price Average 21. 16s. 6d. B.l2ths. DALKIE There was a larl ket of this day, wh prices than those of KILKENNV.—Butter 9Vs to 1-;9s. per cwt. ; Wheat .v — ,,st per birrel ; Flour 20s. to 345. per bag; Oats 9s. to I Isli p . tel; Barley Ils. to 14s. ; Beef 4d. to sd. per lb. ; MU' Pi to sd. ; Potatoes 2d. per stone; Coals le. 2d. per cwt.; Pigs 325. to 335. per cwt. As the Bishop of EXETER (Dr. P 1 19 0,, porrs) and Mr. RALPH BARNES, his Lordship' , o f tary, were riding through Holloway-street, BOY i jel! Wednesday afternoon, some respectably-attired ind' l l o' gave utterance to their feelings of di sa p pro b at i on o ° oo style as appeared to prod uce a d eep e ff ect upon the , ' Mr. BARNES, we r egre t to state, appeared as if he 19i„ attacked by the chol era ; an d i t i s reporte d t h a t that if the Bishop does not give up his unpopular l ;olo (Mr. B.) must give up the Secretaryship to his —Western Times. So great is the spirit of opposition 3 111 C" the coach proprietors in Manchester, that they are ot i conveying passengers to London for 16s. outside. It is expected that the proprietors into shoitly to give free passages and a bottle of wino „ 4 , 1° individual honouring them by using their conveys°"'f THE MYSTERY OF STARC HED CRO .- —The German Prince whose travels have reee ° ,7 cited so much attention, after d e s c ribi n g an je'L with BRUMDIELL (the Beau) i n C a l a i s , a dd s , dre s e, emphatically, " Surely the English nation ought ° c i d er to do something for the man w h o i nven t e d s tarch dd vats ! How many did I see in London, in the ettiftl of large sinecures, who h a d d one f ar l ess f or th e ir c° l Such is the anxiety to hear the trial of 131 ; fr i j and his associates, which is expected to take place ° f day, that applic a ti ons w i t h out number, and some ;VA from persons of high rank, have been made to Mt. o', NEB., for the pu r p ose o f o b ta i n i ng admission. 'Moog are acquainted with the interior of the Court et Bailey, know how few of these can be complied 107,./1 IRTS On the `2 Bth inst. Mrs. T. B Mosele H y,. of Bedford-street, ' garden, of a son. fir _ On the inst. Mrs. R. Beckley, of Piccadilly, of MRED. f , qll On the 2 - th in s t. a t Horn A se ß y, l I. Sillcock, Esq., "v;le, county Tipperary, to Henrietta Vale, relict of N'Cra• Captain R.N., Ilighgate. On the 23d inst. at the Collegiate Church, M a nchester; 1 4 Gould, Esq., to Eliza, eldest daughter of W. Serge , '" Cornbrooke. stli." On the '29th inst. at St. John the Evangelist 's, • W e „f F. 0. Marshall, Esq., to Eliza Jane, only d a ughter - 01asse, Esq. DIED. , On the 25th inst. the infant son of the Rev. T. C Pimlico. late °I On the 28th inst. in London-street, T. Bush, Esq. - ni ", eutta, aged 66. On the 28th inst. at Edmonton, Mr. Augustus Ka te i his 47th year. 0 01' Lower Butler , P 4' On the 27th inst. after a short illness, S. Bu-___ ...... , t er th ( e ;r 2B4 n i o n r s - t s . t i r n ee t t he 79th year of her age, Mrs. 01 Clerkenwell, aged 63. PRINTED AND PDDLIiaIF.D BY MIJ RDO YOUN SUN OFFICE, 111, STII4I/13, LONDON. th() eiterel t Ll J ust pl i ee "4 B.-- Eli e s e I‘l ,' ' Graft s DuZ a dtoti. t e hh _ t l• .40 itu b r idge Fats '" 11 4 4„ .. " i) w a , yAlseii„ - . Wheat. Barley. Oats, Pease. L e lit ' Anti AC 1 First 64s Od 35s Od 27s Od 368 Od "'" • 30 , Third s2s Od 28s Od 21s ed 30 4 Od 4 j ' 11 11 4 :NUel IRISH MARKETS. deH DUBLIN MARKET 1r... NOTE.FAMAY.o "' 31 "11 NOY. a tb .., 4 141, Fr' .7 2,762 Wheat,per barrel 20 stone 240 m 'l 0 35 0 ) 3 il ts i," 4 10 4 151 8ere......-............-. 16 stone 13 0 14 0 ) 6 ,..., 726 Barley------- 1 16 stone 12 0 18 0 i • .- 4,651 Oats —l2 stone 10 0 15 0 0 , 11,013 Cwt. Flour---.. 9 stone 5 0 24 0 , 1 ' kl l ~, 1,256 Oatmeal ' 8 stone 10 0 16 0 , "URN , Sold to Bakers only. i g ~ ' 8,845 Cwt. Flour l6 0 23 0 ' to. Average price of Wheat and Flour 46.. Bd. per sal c ios , iiklitt WOTI Receipts of Flour, 12,7691 Firsts . ----- from 211 ' °d ' t° 9 a , Ph.- Seconds, from 15s. Od , t° l a Ni d i -, Sales of Do. 11,013 Thirds. from ss. Od. 0 - „ -- Y, at PRICE OF BREAD. Quartern Loaf ~.....,,..,..,.,.....B%d. l Half Quartern It 4% T I S ] Wheat, Barley. Oats. Flour, Well' i t •-• per barrel per barrel per barrel b, 04 he 20 stone. 16 stone. 14 stone. lit. 1 , itt,„"y c, s. d. a s.d. s.d. a s.d. s.d. a s.d. s. d. as. d. o.„ il i f i l ''',..,,,,,,........... Cork ........- 23 0323 11 0 160, 96 11 016 0 200 i 0 ' . • Limerick 126 8 30 013 0 14 012 0 13 618 0 20 0 0 0 , 4 N on Waterfordl26 0310130160100 11 0 18 0 20 0 1. 0 o', , 4 4 L. - ~ Ire Clonmel -126 8 30 0 10 6 15 013 6 13 920 0 20 01P 0 , Carlow —125 0 06 014 0 16 010 0 116,206 21 0 0 =IL _ Beef, Mutton, Pork, Barer. t , 4.... wit per lb. per lb. per cwt. Ist. 2d. :id. I( 1) 4 1 , 4 4/ 1 i llar ——.—........ -- .. 4 ) •14, 4 1 :7 ti lt , ,d. ad. d. a d. s. d. as. il. s. d. s. d. s. d..„, , on Cork 44 631 526 0 3:3 0940 00 084 0 . 7 2 41 . ,4 4ere i Limerick- 3 434 434 0 35 097 93 088 0 :7 - , t l ,_ Of ~... Waterford 4 6 3 635 0 36 098 94 080 0 78 ~ - v r' Clonmel - 4 5 5 634 0 35 09t 87 0— 0 , 4 .1 , Carlow 4 51 0 0 0 0 0 099 096 086 0 •"'. k ia try d ...._.l