The Sun. — London, England, 1861-12-19 00:00:00

AMERICA. LIVERPOOL, WEDNESDAY. The Canadian mail steamship Bohemian has arrived, with advices from Portland to the 7th and Boston to the same date. The 711ontreal Gazette of the 6th alludes as fol lows to the weather : " The severe weather on the lower St. Lawrence has driven ashore quite a number of vessels, prin cipally however small craft bound for the lower ports. Among others we notice the loss of the Government cutter La Belle Canadienne, a yes- Vel which has been employed for some scars in visiting the fishing stations on the lower St. Lawrence and the Gulf, and looking after Canadian interests. The weather since vur last has become more wintry, and we have had one or two considerable falls of snow and $3 o e cold days. The river is still free from ice, but the canal is frozen, and the Ottawa boats are laid Vp for the season." In the Senate on the 4th a motion to expel Mr. llreckinridge was carried nein. con. Mr. Saulsbury offered a joint resolution, as follows : "Whereas, the people of the States of Virginia, north Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, .Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, and Tennessee are in revolt against the Constitu iional Government of the United States, and have fassumed to secede from the Federal Union, to form an independent Government, under the name of the Confederate States of America; and whereas the Congress of the United States, approving the sentiments of the President in his annual Message, that the Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed, and believ. ing that kind and fraternal feeling between the people of all the States is indispensable to the maintenance of a happy and prosperous Union, and being willing to manifest such feeling on their part to them, and that peace may be restored to a dis tracted country, and the Union and Constitution be preserved and maintained ; and inviting the co operation of the people of the aforesaid States in the accomplishment of the object, it is desirable that each and all do resolve as follows :—Resolved, —That Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney, E. Everet, George M. Dallas, Thomas M. Ewing, Horace Burney, Reverdy Johnson, John J. Crittenden, George C. Pugh, and Richard W. Thomson, be, and they are hereby appointed Com missioners on the part of Congress to confer with a like number of Commissioners to be appointed by the States aforesaid, for the preservation of the Union, and the maintenance of the Constitution, and that they report the result of said conference to Congress for approval or rejection. " Resolved,—That upon the appointment of Commissioners as hereby invited by said States, and upon the meeting of the Joint Commission for the purpose of conference as aforesaid, active hos tilities shall cease and be suspended, and shall not be renewed unless said Commission shall be un able to agree, or, in case of an agreement by them, said agreement shall be rejected either by Congress or by the aforesaid States." The resolution was laid on the table. In the House of Representatives, on the 4th, Mr. Gurley gave notice of his intention to introduce a bill to confiscate all property belonging to persons in rebellion against the Government of the United States, including persons recognised as slaves, who shall be made free men, and to provide for their employment during the present war, their subse sequent apprenticeship to loyal masters, and their final colonisation. 111 r. Cox introduced the follow ing, which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary:— " Whereas the exchange of prisoners in the pre sent war has already been practised indirectly, and as such exchange would not only increase the enlistments and vigour of our army, but subserve the highest interests of humanity, and as such ex change does not involve the recognition of the rebels as a Government, therefore resolved that the Presi dent of the United States be requested to inaugu rate the exchange of prisoners in the present war." Mr. Holman introduced a preamble, reiterating the sentiments contained in the Crittenden resolu tions adopted at the last session, in effect, that the war was forced upon them by the disunionists, and that the only objects in carrying it on by the United States was to re-establish obedience to the Constitution and Union—and that when these ob jects were accomplished the war should cease, &c. Mr. Holman's proposition concluded with a resolu tion reaffirming these sentiments. On the motion of Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, it was laid on the table by a vote of 71 against 65. Mr. Lovejoy and Mr. Conway severally intro duced propositions on questions of slavery, the con sideration of which was postponed. Mr. Secretary Seward had written a letter to Gen. M'Clellan, informing him officially of the fact that negroes who had escaped from the rebels in arms, after having entered his lines, had been arrested by the civil authorities of Washington, on the suppo sition that they were fugitives from service. He says the arrest of these fugitives should be imme diately followed by the military arrest of those concerned in the seizure. The correspondence between the Federal Govern ment and its representatives at foreign Courts had been presented to Congress. The following is a synopsis of the papers : " The volume opens with the circular of Mr. Buchanan's, Secretary of State, Mr. Black, dated the 28th of Feb. last, addressed to our Ministers abroad, in w hich, after briefly setting forth the political condition of our country at that time, the following sentenc,:s occur : " It is not improbable that persons claiming to represent the States which have thus attempted to throw off their Federal obligations, will seek a re cognition of their independence. In the event of such au effort being made you are expected by the President to use such means as may in your judg ment be proper and necessary to prevent its success. Your particular knowledge of our political institu tions will enable you to explain satisfactorily the cause of our present domestic troubles and the grounds of the hope still entertained that entire harmony will soon be restored." " Next follows Secretary Seward's circular, dated March 9, also addressed to all the Ministers of the United States. He says he is instructed by the Pre sident to inform them that, having assumed the ad ministration of the Government in pursuance of an unquestioned election, and of the directions of the Constitution, he renews the injunction which the Se cretary has mentioned, and relies upon the exercise of the greatest diligence and fidelity on their part to counteract and prevent the designs of those who - would -invoke foreign intervention to embarrass or overthrow the Republic. The President entertains full confidence in the speedy restoration of the har mony and unity of the Government by a firm, yet just and liberal bearing, co-operating with the de• liberate and local action of the American people. The Secretary says that any advantage that any foreign nation might derive from a connection it might form with any dissatisfied or disconnected State, or section even, if not altogether illuscry, would be ephemeral, and would be overbalanced by the evils it would suffer by a disseverance of the Union, whose manifest policy it must be hereafter, as it has always been heretofore, to maintain peace, liberal commerce, and cordial amity with all other nations, and to favour the establishment of a well ordered government over the whole American con. tinent ; nor do we think we exaggerate our national importance when we claim that any political disas ter that should befall us, and introduce discord and anarchy among the States that have so l o ng consti tuted one great, pacific, prosperous nation, under a form of Government which has approved itself to the respect and confidence of mankind, might tend, by its influence, to disturb and unsettle theexistin g systems of government in other parts of the world, and arrest that progress of improvement and civili sation which marks the era in which we live. The President expects the Minister will be prompt in transmitting to the State Department any informa tion they may receive on the subject of attempts - which have been suggested in this communication. "Next follows a circular from Secretary Seward to the Mi n i s t ers o f t h e U n i te d St a t es i n G rea t Bri tain, Prance, Russia, Prussia, Austria, Belgium, Italy, and Denmark, in which he says, ' The advo- cates of benevolent and human progress, encouraged by the slow though marked meliorations of the barbarities of war, which have been obt Cned in modern times, have been recently engaged with as siduity in endeavouring to effect some modifica tion of the law of nations in regard t ) the rights of neutrals in maritime war.' He T ecites the diplomatic history of our own country on that subject, and instructs them to ascertain whether those Governments are disposed to enter into negotiations for the accession of the Govern ment of the United States to the declaration of the Paris Congress, with the conditions annexed by that body to the same. If the Governments are so disposed, the Ministers will enter into a Convention to that effect. The Secretary concludes by say ing : " It is presumed that you will need no special explanation of the sentiments of the President on this subject for the purpose of conducting the neces sary conferences with the Government to which you are accredited. Its assent is expected on the ground that the proposition is accepted at its suggestion, and in the form it has preferred. For your own in formation it will be sufficient to say that the Pre sident adhered to the opinion expressed by my pre decessor, Mr. Marcy. It would be eminently de sirable for the good of all nations that the property and effects of private individuals, not contraband, should be exempt from seizure and confiscation by national vessels in the maintenance of the war. If the time and circumstances were propitious to a pro secution of the negotiation with that object in view, he would direct that it should be assiduously pur sued, but the season seems to have passed, at least for the present. Europe seems once more on the verge of quite general wars. On the other hand a portion of the American people have raised the standard of insurrection, and proclaimed a Provi sional Government, and, through their organs have taken the bad resolution to invite privateers to prey upon the peaceful commerce of the United States. Prudence and humanity combine in persuading the President, under the circumstances, that it is wise to receive the lesser good offered by the Paris Con gress, without waiting indefinitely in hope to ob tain the greater one offered to the maritime nations by the President of the United States." GREAT BRITAIN. Secretary Seward writes to Mr. Adams, our Mi nister in Great Britain. In the course of his in structions he says : " The President neither looks for nor apprehends any actual and permanent dismemberment of the American Union, especially by a line of latitude. The improvement of our many channels of inter course, and the perfection of our scheme of internal exchanges, and the incorporation of both of them into a great system of foreign commerce, concurring with the gradual abatement of the force of the only existing cause of alienation, have carried us already beyond the dangers of division in that form. The so-called Confederate States therefore, in the opinion of the President, are attempting what will prove a physical impossibility, necessarily they build the structure of their new Government upon the same principles by which they seek to destroy the Union —viz., the right of each individual member of the Confederacy to withdraw from it at pleasure and in peace." In another part the Secretary says : " In short all your arguments must belong to one of three classes, viz.-1. Arguments drawn from the principles of public law and natural justice, which regulate the intercourse of equal States. 2. Arguments which concern equally the honour, wel fare, and happiness of the discontented States, and the honour, welfare and happiness of the whole Union. 3. Arguments which are equally conserva tive of the rights and interests, and even sentiments of the United States, and just in their bearings upon the rights, interest, and sentiments of Great Britain and all other nations." And again Mr. Seward says : " The President would regard it as inconsistent with his habitually high consideration for the Go vernment and people of Great Britain to allow me to dwell longer on the merely commercial aspects of the question under discussion. Indeed he will not for a moment believe that upon the consideration of merely financial gain that the Government could be induced to lend its aid to a revolution designed to overthrow the institutions of this country, and in volving ultimately the destruction of the liberties of the American people. The President will not dwell on the pleasing recollection that Great Britain not a year ago manifested by marked attention to the United States, her desire for a cordial reunion which, all ancient prejudices and passions being buried, should be a pledge of mutual interest and sympathy for ever thereafter. The United States are not indifferent to the circumstances of common descent, language, customs, sentiments, and religion, which recommend a closer sympathy between them selves and Great Britain than either might expect in its intercourse with any other nation. The United States are one of many nations which have sprung from Great Britain herself. Other such na tions are rising up in various parts of the globe. It has been thought by many who have studied the philosophy of modern history profoundly, that the success of the nation thus deriving their descent from Great Britain might, through many ages, reflect back upon that kingdom the proper glories of its own great career. The Government and people of Great Britain may mistake their commercial inte rests, but they cannot become either unnatural or in different to the impulses of an undying ambition to be distinguished as the leaders of the nations in the wars of civilisation and humanity." Next follows the correspondence of Mr. Dallas and Secretary Seward, in the course of which the former speaks of his interview with Lord John Russell, saying : " His lordship assures me in great earnestness there was not the slightest disposition on the part of the British Government to grasp at any advan tage which might be supposed to arise from the unpleasant domestic difference in the United States, but, on the contrary, that they would be highly gratified if those differences were adjusted, and the Union restored to its former unbroken position." Minister Adams writes to Mr. Seward, May 17, announcing his safe arrival at London, &e., to which Mr. Seward replies that— " This Government considers that our relations in Europe have reached a crisis, in which it is ne cessary for it to take a decided stand, on which not only its immediate measures, but its ultimate and permanent policy, can be determined and defined. At the same time it neither means to menace Great Britain nor to wound the susceptibility of that or any other European nation. That policy is developed in this paper." After instructing Mr. Adams on the subject of the blockade, &c., Mr. Seward says,— " As to the recognition of the so-called southern Confederacy, it is not to be made a subject of tech nical definition. It is of course direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the sovereignty and independence of a new Power. It is direct recogni tion to receive its Ambassadors, Ministers, agents, or Commissioners officially, A concession of belli gerent rights is liable to be construed as a recogni tion of them. No one of these proceedings will pass unquestioned by the United States in this case." Mr. Adams, in a subsequent despatch, details his interview with Lord John Russell, remarking that Lord Russell said "he did not himself know what he was to say. If it was expected of him to give any pledge of an absolute nature that his Govern ment would not at any future time, no matter what the circumstances might be, recognise an existing State in America, it was more than he could pro mise," &e. In the course of the correspondence Mr. Seward says,— . expect to i u iti n s i h ted Go s v t e a r te n s m t c o n a t n never e q c u a ieseem her as sume d p ll e d' s ' i ur t re i l L ethß o e f r this Government as divided in ELL) , de gree in the powers for war more than for peace. At the same time, if her Majesty's Government shall continue to practise absolute forbearance from any interference in our domestic affairs, we shall not be captious enough to inquire what name it gives to that forbearance, or in what character it presents itself before the British nation in doing so. We hold ourselves entitled to regard the forbearance as an act of a friendly Power, acting unconsciously of a domestic disturbance among us of which friendly States can take no cognisance. On this point our views are not likely to undergo any change. In main taining this position we are sure we do nothing de rogatory from the dignity of the British Govern ment, while we inflexibly maintain and preserve the just rights and the honour of the United States." The correspondence between the United States and Great Britain is voluminous. A few points only are above given in the hurried abstract—other questions besides that of recognising the Southern Confederacy and maritime rights aro included. rHE jSUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, DEC DIRER Xl9, :1861. April, I immediately ailed upon ,Baron Von Schleinitz, Minister of breign Affairs, who had re ceived the proclamation)f the President, and lie at once promptly informed to that in his opinion no ap prehension need be entetained as to Prussian sub jects engaging under th authority of the se-called Confederate States in Itting out privateers,, or in any manner interfering with our commerce."' In another despatch Itr. Wright says : " Prussia will take elective steps to sustain the Government of the Unied States in the protection of property and commece, and will do all she can consistently with her coligations to other Govern ments to sustain the rigorous action of our Govern ment in maintaining lay and order." It further appears tint the Prussian Alinister of Commerce issued a notification stating that the equipment of privateert in the port of that country is forbidden by the law; of the land, as is known to the mercantile communty. Mr. Judd, Mr. Wrigit's successor, writes in re lation to his presentation to the King, and of his kind reception. Secretary Seward, or the 12th of August, writes in reply to another communication from Mr. Judd : " Your conduct in relation to the subject of nego tiations for a Conventiin with the Government of Prussia on the subject 3f the right of neutrals in maritime war, as referred to in that paper, is ap proved." FRANCE. The correspondence with France is voluminous. In a letter from Ex-Minister Faulkner to Secretary Seward, the former, in detailing his conversation with M. Thouvenel, says : " M. Thou venel in his reply said that no application had yet been made to him by the Uomfederate States, in any form, for the recognition of their independence —that the French Government was not in the habit of acting hastily upon such questions, as might be seen by its tardiness in recognising the new king dom of Italy—that ho believed the maintenance of the Federal Union in its integrity was to be de cidedly for the benefit of the North and South as well as for the interests of France, and the United States might rest well assured that no hasty or pre cipitate action would be taken on the subject by the Emperor. But while he gave utterance to these views, he was equally bound to say that the practice and usage of the present century had fully estab lished the right of (le facto Governments to recog tiou when a proper case was made out for the deci sion of foreign Powers. Here the official interview ended." The correspondence on lids point has already been published. Secretary Seward to Minister Dayton, May 30, says : " I first desire that M. Thouvenel may be in formed that this Government cannot but regard any communication° hch.l bj ment, even though unofficial, with the agents of the insurrectionary movement in this country, as exceptional and injurious to the dignity and honour of the United States. They protest against this intercourse, however, not so much on that ground as on another. They desire to maintain the most cordial relations with the Government of France, and would therefore, if possible, refrain from complaint ; but it is manifest that even an unofficial reception of the emissaries of disunion has a certain though measured tendency to give them a prestige which would encourage their efforts to prosecute a civil war destructive to the prosperity of this country, and aimed at the overthrow of the Government itself. It is earnestly hoped that this protest may be sufficient to relieve this Government from the necessity of an action in the unpleasant subject to which it related. " Secondly.—The United States cannot for a mo ment allow the French Government to rest under the delusive belief that they will be content to have the Confederate States recognised as a belligerent Power by States with which this nation is in amity. No concert of action among foreign States so recog nising the insurgents can reconcile the United States to such a proceeding, whatever may be the consequence of resistance. " Thirdly.—The President turns away from these points of apprehended difference of opinion between the two Governments, to notice other and more agreeable subjects. " The tone of M. Thouvenel's conversation is frank, generous, and cordial, and this Government feels itself bound by new tics to France when her Emperor avows his desire for the perpetual union of the States. Especially does this Government ac knowledge that it is profoundly moved by the de claration of his Majesty, that ho would be willing to act as mediator in the civil strife that unhappily convulses our country. These expressions of good will are just what have been expected from the Em peror of France. This Government desires that his Majesty may be informed that it indulges not the least apprehension of a dissolution of the Union in this painful controversy. A favourable issue is deemed certain. What is wanted is, that the war may be as short, and attended by as few calamities at home, and as few injuries to friendly nations, as possible. No mediation could modify in the least degree the convictions of policy and duty under which this Government is acting, while foreign in tervention, even in the friendly form of mediation, would produce new and injurious complications." Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward, May 30, says:— " I am happy to saythere is no disposition mani fested here, so far as I have observed, to favour the rebellion in our Southern States, or to encourage them as an independent Power. All recognition of rights on their part is for commercial purposes only. But the Government of France cannot, it says, look at this rebellion as a small matter; that, embracing as it does a large section and many States, they cannot apply to it the same reasoning as if it were an unimportant matter or confined to a small lo cality. M. Thouvenel says he has had no applica tion from the Southern Commissioners for any pur pose of recognition, and does not know even that such persons are or have been at Paris." Mr. Dayton writes to Mr. Seward, Nov. 7 ; " Your despatch, No. 68, informs me of Mr. Adams's communication of an intended counter-pro position to be made by England and France to our Government in respect to Mexican affairs. Of this I had heard before, and it made me less anxious as to the question here, for the fact that a counter-pro position has to be made and answered would, of necessity, as I thought, occupy time, and give the United States a chance for reflection and perhaps action. The prompt consummation of the matter in London has rather taken me by surprise. I fear that same misunderstanding of each other's meaning may have occurred on the part of Mr. Adams and Earl Russell, or one of them. At all events, a point has been reached at a much earlier day than an intima tion of such intended proposition led rue to antici pate." PRUSSIA. Mr. Seward, March 22, addressed Mr. Judd, our Minister to Prussia, that— " While it is the intention of the President to maintain the sovereignty and rightful authority of the Union everywhere with firmness as well as dis cretion, he at the same time relies with great con fidence on the woi king of the agencies the Secretary mentions to restore the harmony and Union of the States ; but, to this end, it is of the greatest importance that the disaffected States shall not succeed in obtaining favour or recognition from foreign nations. It is under stood, ho says, that the so-called Confederate States of America have sent, or are about to send, agents to solicit such recognition in Europe, al• though there is no special reason fur supposing Prussia to b 3 one of the nations to which applica tion will be made. Au almost electric political connexion, however, exists between the several capitals of Europe, and, therefore, some most effi cient and unfailing efforts must be put forward directly, and even indirectly, to prevent the success of that ill-starred design. lie concludes by saying that these instructions are given because it is our first and most earnest desire and expectation that Minister Judd will avoid all possible form of offence and irritation, and will, on the other hand, endea vour to establish the most friendly and cordial re lations with the Government of the King of Prussia. With this view, Mr. Judd will assure his Majesty that the President and people of the United States entertain sentiments of the highest respect and sincere goodwill fur his Majesty and the prople of Prussia." Ex-Minister Wright, May 8, says : "I have, since my return, had a long interview with Baron Von Schleinitz, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, who, while he expressed the earnest sympathy of his Government wish the American people in their present troubles, not only because of the effect of such disturbances upon the commerce of Europe, bat also on account of the intimate re lations betw een th e t wo coun t r i es , ow i ng to the ce Sta o t r es a , have e g m e e G th er e nmilonstpopulationpositive in assurance the that his Government, from VAe princi • • ples of unre lenting opposition to I revo utionary movements, would be one of the last to recognise any de facto Government of the disaffected States of the Ameri can Union." In another despatch Mr. Wright says " Ou receipt of your circular, dated the 20th of 1 BLLGIUM, Secretary Seward writes to Mr. Sanford, Minis ter to Belgium, saying:— " The President will not consent, directly or in directly to the interposition of any foreign Power in a controversy which is merely a domestic one. Among other things Mr. Seward says Mr. Sanford will not fail to represent to the King of the Bel gians that all the interests of European manufac tures and commerce are identified with the promo tion of peace lilltl Lau um/mimeo LlCLlvlby uf American people. An act of recognition in favour of a now discontented party would necessarily tend to encourage that party to attempt to establish their separation from the Union by civil war, the consequences of which would be disastrous to all the existing systems of industrial activity in Europe, and when once they had begun, those con sequences would be likely to continue indefinitely ; whereas no nation in Europe can hope that their own interests would be as safe and prosperous under any change of Government here as they now are and have so long been under the present system." Mr. Sanford writes, May 10, that he was re ceived by the King on the Bth in solemn audience. In reply to Mr. Sanford's speech the King spoke but generally of the insurrection in the Southern States. He said he hoped that some peaceful issue would be found, and that the spirit of conciliation would prevail, and then referred to the growing markets they had for their manufactures in the United States. Mr. Sanford in another letter says that ho had had a conversation with Mr. D'Vriere on the sub ject of the efforts of the Commissioners of the so called Confederate States to obtain the recognition of the European Powers. The Belgian Minister informed bim that no application had been made to him in this view, nor would it now be enter tained if made. The revolution would receive no sanction by any act of Belgium. Mr. Sanford took his leave with the repeated assurances that no countenance would be given in any form to the rebellion in the Southern States. Secretary Seward, Aug. 5, writes to Mr. San ford "'There is no especial urgency on our part for the consideration, by the Belgian Government, of our proposition to accede to the declaration of the Congress of Paris, before the similar proposi tions, submitted to the British and French Go vernments, shall have been acted upon by them; although we hold ourselves ready to carry over tures into eff'3ct when the Belgian Government shall desire." MEXICO. Secretary Seward, writing to Mr. Corwin, Mini ster to Mexico, April 9, says ; " The actual condition of affairs in Mexico is so imperfectly understood here that the President finds it very difficult to give particular and practical directions for the regulation of Mr. Corwin's con duct during his mission. Mr. Seward finds the archives here full of complaints against the Mexi can Government for violations of contracts, and spoliations and cruelties practised against American citizens. It is not the intention of the President to send forward such claims at the present moment. He willingly defers the performance of a duty which at any time may seem ungracious, until the incom ing Administration in Mexico shall have had time, if possible, to cement its authority, and reduce the yet disturbed elements of society to order and har mony. You will, however, be expected, in some manner which will be marked with firmness, as well as liberality, to keep the Government there in mind that such of these claims as shall bo found just will in due time be presented and urged upon its consi deration. The President does not expect Mr. Corwin to allude to the origin or causes of our domestic difficulties in his intercourse with the Government of Mexico, although that Government will rightfully as well as reasonably ask what are his expectations of their course and of their end. On the contrary, the President will not suffer the representatives of the United States to engage in any discussion of the merits of these difficulties in the presence of foreign Powers, much less to invoke even their censure against those of our fellow-citizens who have arrayed themselves in opposition to its authority. The suc cess of this Government in conducting affairs to that consummation may depend in some small degree on the action of the Government and people of Mexico, in this new emergency. The President could not fail to see that Mexico, instead of being benefited by the prostration or obstruction of Federal authority in this country, would be exposed by it to new and fearful dangers, On the other hand, a continuation of anarchy in Mexico must necessarily operate as a seduction to those who are conspiring against the integrity of the Union to seek strength and aggrandisement for themselves by conquests in Mexico and other parts of Spanish America. Thus,eveu the dullest observer is at last able to see, what was long ago distinctly seen by those who are endowed with any considerable perspicuity, that peace, order, constitutional autho rity in each and all of th© several republics of this continent are not exclusively an interest of one or more of them, but a common and indispensable in terest of them all." In the course of the instructions Secretary Seward said : " You may possibly meet agents of this projected Confederacy busy in preparing some further revo lution in Mexico. You will not fail to assure the Government of Mexico that the President never has, nor can ever have, any sympathy with" such designs, in whatever quarter they may arise, or whatever character they may take on, Iu view of the President's temper and political habits, and the opinions of the Mexican people, the President can scarcely believe that tho disaffected citizens of our own country, who are now attempting a dismem berment of the American Union, will hope to in duce Mexico to aid them by recognising the assumed independence which they have proclaimed, because it seems manifest to him that such an organisation of a distinct Government, once that part of the pre sent Union which adjoins Mexico, would, if pos sible, be fraught with evils to that country, more intolerable than any which the success of these desperate measures could inflict even upon the United States. At the same time, it is manifest that the existing political organisation in this country affords the surest guarantee Mexico can have that her integrity, union, and independence will be re spected by the people of the American Union. The President, however, expects that you will be watch ful of such designs as I have thus described, how ever improbable they may seem, and that you will use the most effective measures in your power to counteract any recognition of the projected Con federate States by the Mexican Government, if it shall be solicited. Mr. Seward says in conclusion : " The President trusis that your mission, mani festing these sentiments, will reassure the Govern ment of Mexico of his best disposition to favour their commerce and their internal improvements. He hopes, indeed, that your mission, assuming a spirit more elevated than one of merely com merce and conventional amity—a spirit disin terested and unambitious, earnestly A merican in the continental sense of the word, and fra ternal in no affected or mere diplomatic mean ing of the term, while it shall secure the confidence and good will of the Government of Mexico, will mark the inauguration of a new condition of things, directly conducive to the prosperity and happiness of both nations, and ultimately auspicious to all other Republican States throughout the world." Mr. Corwin writes, May 29 : " I deem it of the very first importance that our Consul at every port on the Gulf of Mexico should be at their respective posts with careful and specific instructions as to their treatment of vessels sailing under the flag of the Confederate States, or having papers from ports within those States, made out by officers under their authority. Should the relations now existing, or which pay hereafter exist, between the United States and Ihe seceding States be such as to require of me any specific act in relation to such state of things, I beg to be advised of it by the Department as early as possible. The present Go vernment of Mexico is well affected towards us in our present difficulties, but, for obvious reasons, will be unwilling to enter into any engagement which might produce war with the South, unless protected by promise of aid from the United States." And on the 29th of June Mr. Corwin writes : " The present time is most propitious for securing the advantages and preventing the evils which 1 have suggested. The Government here feels the strongest sympathy with the United States. It has been my constant endeavour, since my arrival here to possess the Mexican mind of the true cause of our difficulties, and thus enable them to estimate the dangers to this Republic which will result from any unfo-roorOblo 4o,noloatiork of them. lam quite sure that while this Government will endeavour to pre serve peaceful relations with all the European Powers on fair terms, it regards the United States as its true and only reliable friend in any struggle which may involve the national existence. That this should be so is somewhat remarkable when engen dered in the general Mexican mind by the loss of Texas, which they attribute to our citizens, and the compulsory cession of territory, which was a conse quence of our war with them." AUSTRIA. Mr. Seward writes to Mr. Burlingame, our Mi nister to Austria, drawing his instructions to a close, saying— " You will on all occasions represent that the in terests of Europe and of mankind demand peace, and especially peace on this continent. Thereby is the only guarantee of peace. Intervention would be war, and disunion would be only endless war." Ex-Minister Jones writes to Secretary Seward, April 15— " I presented the copy of the Inaugural Address of the President to Count Rechberg on the Bth day of April, and at the same time verbally communi cated, in accordance with the instructions contained in the said despatch, the views and opinions of my Government on the present disturbed condition of its domestic affairs, and the aspect in which it wished them to be regarded by the Government of Austria. He replied that Austria hoped to see us reunited; that she was not inclined to recognise de facto Governments anywhere; her opinions had been made, however, and her Ministers and Consuls in America instructed fully on the subject; that no application had yet been made to Austria for re cognition as an independent sovereignty by any portion of the Confederacy of the United States, and he was of opinion that as the views of Austria would soon be known on the subject no such appli cation would be made. Should it be otherwise, however, he would notify the Legation, and the subject be resumed." SPAIN. Mr. Seward sends instructions to Mr. Schurz, our Minister in Spain, in which he says : " The President, in the absence of all informa tion, is left to conjecture what are the influences upon which the so-called Confederate States rely to induce her Catholic Majesty's Government to grant their disloyal applications. The high con sideration which he entertains for her Majesty en ables him to assume that the appeal taken from this Government to her Royal favour proceeds in part, at least, on the ground that the revolutionisers affect to have suffered opposition and wrong at the hands of the Government of the United States, which entitles them to the sympathy of the Queen of Spain, if not to redress through her intervention. Her Catholic Majesty's Government has not been addicted to such intervention hitherto, and the wis dom of its forbearance is seen in the revival of the energies of that great and honoured nation, which seems renewing a felicitous career. The President, however, will not rely merely on the forbearance of any foreign Power, not even on that of the Govern ment of Spain." Ex-Minister Preston, April 22, writes : "An interview has taken place between the Minister of Foreign Affairs and myself in reference to the subject embraced in your circular. In con formity with your instructions, I presented the In augural Address of the President, as expressive of his policy towards the seceding States, and read to him your despatch, saying that the Administration conceived that the unhappy differences existing in America owed their origin to popular passions and were of a transient character, and that the Presi dent was well assured of the speedy restoration of the harmony and unity of the Government. The Minister replied with courtesy, expressing pain at the posture of affairs in the United States, but said that her Majesty's Government was informed that extensive military and naval preparations were making in the North to enforce the Federal supre macy in the South, and that the consequences were to be decided. I replied that I felt assured his in formation was erroneous." The Secretary of Legation, Perry, June 2d, in writing to Mr. Seward, says,— " The result of the interview with M. Calderon may be regarded by the President as decisive in regard to Spain. Much had been done previously, but it was brought to a tei mination yesterday. The Minister of State not only renewed to me the assur ances given to Mr. Preston, but amplified it, stating absolutely that if any Commissioners or other nego tiators should appear in behalf of the so-called Con fed .rate States the Government would not see them nor recognize them in any capacity—that Spain would have nothing to do with the rebel party in the United States, in any sonse." The President's message, which was delivered on the 3d, reached San Francisco (California) by the morning of the sth. Letters from Washington of the sth state that Secretary Seward had issued an order for the civil authorities of the district of Columbia not to arrest slaves fleeing from rebel masters. It was further ordered that the military officers should arrest any police or other civil officers, if they disregarded the above order. The Boston Transcript of the sth alludes as fol lows to the State prisoners at Fort Warren : " The State prisoners at Fort Warren were found by the mayor of the city, in a visit made yesterday, to be in great distress for want of the common com forts. The sick prisoners received beds and bed ding, proper food, wine, tea, sugar, medicines— almost everything, no proper arrangements having been made for the reception of so large a number. Anything left at the mayor's office for the prisoners will be sent to the fort by the harbour police boat, which touches at the fort daily, and Col. Dimmick will see to its proper distribution. The case appeals not only to the charity but the magnaminity of our citizens, and requires immediate attention." General Halleck, in command of the Federal forces at St. Louis, issued the following rigorous order on the sth: "To arrest and place in confinement all persons in arms against the United States, or who give assistance, aid, or encouragement to thetnemy, and to take possession of their property, as far as needed by the army ; that all persons found in disguise as pretended loyal citizens, or under other false pre tences, within our lines, giving information or com municating with the enemy, shall be arrested, tried, and shot as spies; that all persons now employed or enlisted in the service of the 'so-called Confe derate States who commit hostilities shall not be treated as prisoners of war, but be punished as cri minals, and be shot, or less severely punished, ac cording to the rules' of war ; also to feed, clothe, and quarter all destitute Union families at the ex pense of avowed Secessionists. Intelligence from Charleston (undated) received at New York reports that the blockade there was constantly violated by inland channels. There were about 12,000 North and South Carolina and Georgia troops on the railroad to Savannah, and 5,000 in Charleston. An engagement is reported to have taken place on the Ist, at Morristown, East Tennessee, between the Federal forces, under Parson Brownlow, and the Confederates, in which the Parson's forces were victorious. Our advices from Missouri are so conflicting that we shall allow the telegrams to speak for them selves : ST. JOSEPH, MOBILE, Dec. 5. General Prentiss made a speech to a large crowd of citizens yesterday, in which he said, As God is my judge, every Secessionist in this city shall take an oath of allegiance to the United States Go vernment, and to support the stars and stripes, or I will set them to work on the trenches of Fort Smith. All persons who are hereafter found expressing Secession sentiments shall take the oath.' The speech caused great consternation among the rebels, and was received with applause by the loyal citizens. Troops were sent to Platte County last night to look after Cordan's band of rebels. " SEDALIA, MOBILE, Dec. s.—Yesterday a party of exas perated citizens of all parties attacked a gang of returned rebels from Price's army, under Captains Young and Wheatly, near Durksburg, about 20 miles west of here killing seven and wounding 10 of them. Among the killed was Captain Young. None of the citizens were killed or severely wounded. Three wounded rebels have since died. Judge Birch, who has been a prisoner in Price's camp for some time, arrived here to-day. He was released on parole. " SEDALIA, Dec. 6.—Our latest advises from the South are that General Price has moved part of his force from Osceola to a point five miles distant, where he has estab lished his headquarters. General Ruins' command re mained at Osceola. A train of 50 waggons from Lexing ton, laden with supplies for General Price's army, passed unmolested within 50 miles of this place on Monday last. There are four rebel recruiting offices in Lexington enlisting recruits for Gen. Price's army. A meeting was held there last Friday at which several prominent Seces sionists spoke, urging a united effort in behalf of the rebels. Similar meetings have been held in Clay Ray and other river counties, and subscriptions for mcney, clothing, &c., are in circulation. It is not perhaps generally known, but it is believed to be a fact, that Saline County, Claib Jack son's place of residence, in July last authorised the Com missioners to raise 100,000 dots. to be expended for the benefit of Gen. Price's army. Other counties along the Missouri river are believed to have done the same thing. It is stated on good authority that when Price was besieging Lexington a delegation of citizens was sent to him from Saline County, with an urgent request that he would not allow his army to enter that county, which was complied with. The reason of this request was because of the great fear entertained by the inhabitants of the plundering pro pensities of Price's rebels. The counties along the Missouri river, west of Jefferson City, are the richest in the State, ant have furnished nearly as many men and as much means in behalf of the rebellion as the balance of the State. They have been almost entirely exempt from marauders and have never been visited by Federal troops, " ROLLA, Dec. 6—Advices from the South-West state that M 'Culloch has gone into winter quarters on Pea-ridge, near Bentonville, Arkansas, where he is putting up a bar racks for his troops. Nothing definite is known of Price's movements. Gen. M'Bride was at Springfield with 2,000 men last Sunday." Advices from Port Royal to the 3d inst. report that the troops were in good health. On the 4th 16 Federal ships were inside the bar of Savannah, and an attack on Fort Pulaski was hourly expected. The Montreal Gazette of the 6th says : "It is clear that a situation might arise which would in duce the Government to call out the Militia, and it is quite probable—indeed, we have reason to believe they have dis cussed the contingency." The Montreal Gazette also remarks as follows ma the apprehensions of war with the United States : " To dilate on the dreadful consequences of war to any country, the hearthstones of which they might visit, is needless. They must be present to the mind of every man of intelligence. To show what might bring them, and what possibly lead to their avoidance are, unfortunately, questions which nearly tench the people of this country, and we pur pose to state three or four obvious facts concerning them. A rupture of friendly relations between Britain and the United States, means war on the Canadian soil. Canada is the vulnerable point presented by Britain to the United States. Canadians may therefore look at all assaulta on Britain as aimed at her, over their shoulders. Perceiving this fact, the Montreal Gazette was the first journal on this continent, or in the mother country, which pointed out the probable significance of the offensive tone of the organs in the interest of Mr. Seward, after the stump declarations of that politi cian during the recent presidential campaign, of the desira bility of extending northward the borders of the United States in the possible event of their curtailment in a southern direction. A rupture between Britain and the United States might arise out of the lamentable troubles which now dis tract the continent, and be quite beyond the control of Canadians, either to precipitate it or to avoid it. But in the event of such rupture they would have to decide upon the duties arising out of their allegiance. They would answer, there is not a doubt, as they did in 1812. Is there a possi bility of war being invited to our doors by the conduct of Canadians themselves ? Yes, by tacitly allowing the voice of American sympathisers to pass for the public opinion of the country. American statesmen, holding the views of Mr. Seward of the desirability of extending their bor ders northward, might be tempted to march an army into Canada, if they were induced to believe that it would go among a friendly population—a population ready to receive it, and make its presence among them a pretext to change their allegiance, just as the Sicilians did when Garibaldi and his band made a descent upon their coast. Is there any possibility of preventing an American army marching into our country ? Yes; by letting it be clearly understood that it would come among a hostile population, who would resist to the bitter end any attempt on their liberty or allegiance. No prudent statesman would march an army into a country containing a population actuated by such a feeling t with a view to annex it. Does the free dis cussion of American affairs by the Canadian press afford a causus belli , or a colourable pretext to provoke an invasion for resentment? No; and none but an idiot or a Judas in disguise could set up a pretension so stupid. To hold the contrary would be to suppose the Government at Washing ton were devoid of c mmon sense—to insult their under standing. It is, besides, totally false to say that the tone of the Canadian press, as a whole, has been rude or insult ing to the Americans. One or two papers, conducted with ability, have spoken more roughly and sharply than we can approve; but the whole country cannot be held responsible for their utterances, and it is nonsense to pretend that these invite war. What, too, are the circumstances in which we find ourselves placed in discussing American institutions ? Why, after they have been dinned in our ears for years as the pink of political wisdom, with the view of inducing us to imitate them. Is it not natural, then, that we should show where democracy fails ? Ought we not to improve the opportunity ? It is in the interest of all parties, of the Americans and of the Canadians, that there should be good understanding, and no misapprehension as to the sentiment of the country. Those are false to both who would make a deceptive impression prevail. It cannot be for the interest of Americans to deceive them. It is not to be unfriendly to them to tell them we prefer the old flag and our own in stitutions to theirs. We can tell them this, and at thesame time t eil them that we are always ready to rival them in acts of friendship and good feeling. And they will, at least, respect us more than they could if we showed a disposition to be traitors to the allegiance imposed upon us by the ob ligations of British subjects." BURGLARY IN SALFORD.—At the Salford Police Court, yesterday, John Doran and Edward Lee, with Mary Ingham and Mary Mulligan their associates, were charged with breaking into the shop of Mrs. Mar3rom a, No. l, Pike-street, Hope-street, Salford, quantity on the and stealing L ofd r previous aperyand night, other a man goods. Shortly before t j wl hn ve o'clock o s o f n s , o w m h e i g l s l t a s p s a , s a s n i n d g s alon g gave information t o t l ‘ l v o o p e ra . s e t n r e h e te, and h eard w t o h in e e breakingstand _ found the people s till i t n h g e p a e g l a i i c e s! t t A h effi prosecutrix's oerw etlt u up s h s o n p d , ni egstanding chase,th e a r li e , d b w u t ohn the o b s a e a r a v i i a n t g a n h e hi they f ap prehended the prisoners Doran and Lee. Doran, when on the point of being captured, adopted an old ruse, and by seizing hold of Lee and exclaiming " This is one of them," endeavoured to Make the policeman believe that he himself was an innocent person in pursuit of the rogues. One of the women, Ingham, was also apprehended about the same time, and the other prisoner Mulligan was taken into custody at a place in Angel-meadow a few hours afterwards. Several bundles of drapery, &c., which had been stolen from the prosecutrix's premises were found, some in the street and others concealed in neighbouring outhouses. The pi i • soners Mulligan and Doran recognised each other by their voices when in the cells, and after several inquiries from the woman as to when her companion was pinched, and who had "snitched" upon him, she was overheard to suggest that he should persuade the other woman to take it all upon herself, as this was her first time she would not, therefore, get much. The police did not offer any evidence against Lee, who was discharged, and admitted as a wit ness, and stated that the robbery had been effected by the three prisoners and himself. The magistrates remanded the prisoners until to-day, and ordered the depositions to betaken preparatory to their being committed for trial. TILE FRENCH A n2ESS AND THE !RESIDENT'S' NESSAGE. ----•- Several of the Paris 7----- i nurnals express their opinion of the President's Me 'wage, as far as it was known from the telegraphic de. spatches , which had arrived when they wrote, and tiro document is con sidered by all of them as unfaval - arable to peace. They admit that their judgiemt m ay be somewhat modified by the full text of the 2oet, 'anent, but they seem at the same time to think tba, t the general tenour of the document is adverse to conciliation. The Moniteur expresses itself in these '. 4erm s: — " It will be seen from the telegraphic extrae 's that the reserve in the Message with regard to the at it of the Trent must not be hastily interpreted in a sense fa vourable to the maintenance of pacific relations between Una United States and England. Tho language of President Liu coin, such as results from the analyses we have re ceived, in no way implies the sentiment of a fault comrn'itted and of a reparation to be made. Ihe President consielers his conduct prudent and wise towards foreign nations. Alt. New York the Message was considered moderate, which may serve to account for any excitement in the pullic mind. At London, on the contrary, a very different view is taken of it, and the journals declare, according to a telegraphic despatch, that the document is in no way satisfactory, and that it appears to inaugurate war." The following extract - is fro:n the Sleek : " The document makes no mentioel of the affair of the Trent, but this silence must rot be interpreted too strongly in favour of peace, if it be true, as the despatches affirm, that the Federal Congress has voted ataizlis to Captain Wilkes. President Lincoln, besides, by cal; ins' on the Con , gress, in the Message, to adopt ample measures r.:or the de fence of the coasts, lakes, rivers, and ports, shows that his resolution is taken, and that he expects war. The question whether the President would maintain silence on slavery, or would adopt a decisive line of policy with respect to that redoubtable institution, excited as much curiosity as that of the Trent. The President discusses the problem, and Proposes to solve it by paying an indemnity to the proprie tors of slaves. Measures, he says, may be taken for estab lishing colonies of emancipated slaves in a climate which, would suit them better. And the black population may be• comprised in such colonisation ? `Transportation' is the expression which should have been used, for the measure mkt red to in the Message cannot be otherwise regarded. The negroes of the South have never complained of the climate of America, and in fact t heir facility in supporting it is one of the reason& by which attempts are made to prove the neces sity of slavery, and to justify its maintenance. As to the free negroes of the Northern States, they live very well uAler the severe climate of that country, and the question may be asked by what right they could be condemned to exile. The North, in emancipating the slaves, has triumphed over its political fears, but not over its prejudices against colour.. There are in the North two races in presence, and perhaps: the whites would think it very clever to take advantage of the occasion to get rid of the negroes, and to send them, under pretext of emancipation, to die in a new Liberia. But it is not such a solution which is expected from America under present circumstances, and we have no need to say how much the American character would be lowered by it in the public opinion of Europe, and the whole world." The liebats uses the following language:— " Unfortunately this document is far from giving any satisfactory information relative to the question which new occupies public attention. It contains no explicit mention of the affair of the Trent. We hesitate to judge of Presi dent Lincoln's Message from the extracts, perhaps incor rect and incomplete, transmitted by the telegraph, But if we were asked to state what impression it has produced in our mind, we should admit that we do not think it all con ciliatory. We regret to find in it recriminations, more or less founded, but in any case inopportune, which seem ad dressed collectively and indiscriminately to all foreign na tions. The President appears to thinkonly of his grievances against foreign States, and recurs to the stz.bject two or three times in order to express his sentiments in ,language of un deniable bitterness. But the passage most wo rthy of atten tion and most significant, of the Message, the only one in which it is possible to find any allusion to the affair of the Trent, is that in which Mr Lincoln says—' It is not ray purpose to review our discussions with foreign States, be. cause, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of our country and stability of our Govern ment mainly depend not upon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and allegiance of the American people!' Certainly this is high-toned lan guage, but, before we can give it our approbation, we must be convinced that it is in harmony with the reality of the position in which the American Government and people are now placed. The most favourable interpretation we can put upon it is to regard it as a concession made to popular passions. On the whole, this document, so far as we know it, is far from being as conciliatory as we might reasonably have expected under existing circumstances. However, we will not go so far as to say with the English journals that the Message is the ' commencement of war," and we do not think we indulge an extreme optimism in remarking that it does not absolutely exclude all chance of a peaceful solution." In the Latter part of its article, the Debats, how ever, declares that it has not yet lost all hope of au arrangement. It says : " The question remains open ; it is for Congress to decide it. Such is the chance which happily remains for a peace ful solution, and this chance is still promising enough to authorise us in saying that the cause of peace is not yet hopeless. The information come to hand by the same mail as to the dispositions of the American public are not of a very pacific character. The worst of these symptoms is that the Congress has passed a vote of thanks to Captain Wilkes." We terminate with the following extract from the Presse:— " President Lincoln does not explicitly mention the affair of the Trent, but he is evidently making preparations, as if he expected that incident to have serious consequences. By calling upon Congress to vote without delay ample means for putting the lakes, coasts, and rivers in a state of defence, and erecting new fors ifications for the protection of the ports, the President shows how little confidence he has in the maintenance of peace. We were right in supposing that the American Government would not wait for the ulti matum transmitted to Lord Lyons before it assumed a defensive attitude. War now seems almost certain." CO UNI BY MARKL:c AS. • NEWCASTLE-UPON TYNE-DEC. 17. At to-day's market the business doing in wheat was not brisk, but firm, at prices about the same as last week. Flour met with a firm sale, but all spring corn quite ne glected. LYNN—DEc. 17. Old white 64s to 66s 1 Barley., R-d . 6os to 625 I Oats .22s to 26s Beans .42s to 46s I Peas 48s to 54s HULL—DEc. 17. At our market to-day we had a small supply of English wheat, which sold rapidly, at the extreme prices of last week. Foreign inactive. Beans and peas were much in quired for. Oats neglected. Wheat.... Old white per qr. 548 Od to 68s Od Old red New white .. ~ Now red .. • • 9? Dantzic, Konb , &c. old white 63s Od to 67s Od Dutch, Belgian, and French. 68s Od to 62 s Od Baltic and Hamburg, red 6os Od to 62s Od St. Petersburg and Rig-a, old Os Od to 52s Od Barley.... English malting 3ss Od to 39s Od Grinding 3os Od to 32s Od Saal and Oderbruck Holstein and Danish 3lB Od to 36s Od Grinding 3os Od to 31s Od Oath English, old Archangel and Riga, per st Osl2ld to 13d Friesland and Dutch osl3d to 03131 d Swedish and Danish 06124d to osl3d Beans ....English, old, per qr 4Bs Od to 508 Od New pigeon 42s Od to 44s Od New tick. 4OB Od to 42s Od Egyptian3Bs Od to 40s Od Peas Foreign breakers Grinding Tares .... Spring. Indian Corn Linseed, feeding s2s Od to 56s Od crushing Linseed cakes (Hull) £9 15 oto £lO 10 0 Foreign' 8 5 oto £1 0 0 Rape cakes 517 6to 6 0 0 Bones 5 5 oto 610 0 BIRTHS. AINGEB.—On the 16th inst., at The Priory, St. Bees, Cumberland, the wife of the Rev. Dr. Ainger, of a son. MAYEEW.—On the 15th inst., at the Old Hall, Beeley, Derbyshire, Laura, the wife of Augustus Mayhew, Bal., of a son. MONC/CTON.—On the 18th inst., at 73, Kensington-gar dens-square, the wife of John B. Monckton, Esq., of a son, MARRIAGES. BLA.MWOOD—PALMER.—On the 17th inst., at St. Jude's, Southsea, Sir Francis Blackwood, Bart., R.N., to Laura Olivia, second daughter of Robert S. Palmer, Esq., of Merrion-square, Dublin. HAY—DUNCOMBE.—On the 17th inst., at St. Matttias', Richmond, Surrey, Lieut.-Colonel Drummond Hay, 78th Highlanders, to Theresa Anne Augusta, elder daughter of the late Francis Harold Duncombe, Esq., 47th Regi• meat. DEATHS. BARKWORTN.—On the 12th inst., at Dover, Alfred Bark worth, Esq., son of the Lite John Barkworth, Esq., of Tranby House, near Hull, aged 32. FARRALL.—On the 11th inst., suddenly, Richard Farhall, Esq., of Newbridge House, Billingshurst, Sussex, aged 53. GANDY.—On the 16th inst., at 5, Portland-terrace, Wel worth-common, John Gandy, Efq., aged 87. HDTCHTNSON.—On the 16th inst., at 2, Lansdowne Villas, Choltenham, James Hutchinson, Esq., of Wood Bank Bury, Lancashire, aged 76. KING.—On the 7th inst., at Woolwich, John Henry King, Esq , aged 50. PARRY.—On the 16th inst., Mrs. Jane Parry, late of Castelnau Villas, Barnes. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TnE SUN Office, No. 112,S trat d, in the Precinct of the Savoy. In the County of 1111(11csex, Thursday, Deeciulxr 19, 1861. .1