The Sun. — London, England, 1831-09-20 00:00:00

i reeolut:on.iu the Constitution of. the country. He bad heard nothing on the general question which was sufficient to induce him to alter the opinion he had ffirdred with respect to the effect of the change. A ques tion of this magnitude, making as. it did such important changes in the Constitution of England, ought, in his opinion, to have been divided into several Bills; for such were the extent and importance of the interests involved, that a man might exhaust half a day in adverting to them, without doing justice to any, or without taking that com prehensive view of the whole which its greatness demanded It was with deep regret, therefore, that instead of having this plan of Reform divided into parts, as the proposed changes might affect the different branches of the Consti totion, he should find the whole jumbled together into one mass, in such a manner as no man could understand. In offering a few remarks, therefore, on the whole ques tion, as far as he could comprehend it, he had 'to throw hinnielf on the indulgence of the House.---(Hear, hear.) In the outset, then, he must sty that he was one of those who had a great predilection in favour of that machinery of the Constitution, under the working of which this country had the greatest share of liberty and happiness that had ever fallen to the lot of any nation.—(Hear, hear.) If they looked to the history of other nations, and examined whether any of them had possessed the same prosperity, the same happiness, the same share of individual liberty, as we had enjoyed under all the institutions of this country blended together, it would be found that, though there might he objections to parts of the machinery of our Canstitutioo, yet that the effect of the operation of the whole was to give this country a degree of civil and re ligious liberty,—of naval and military splendour,—a 'de gree of individual freedom, such as no other nation had ever possessed. If he thought that a republican form of Govern. meant could give us a greater share of general and indivi dual liberty, of internal prosperity and external power, he should, notwithstanding his oath of allegiance, be disposed, if the question were discussed as a res integro, to give his support to the trial of the experiment ; but his firm con viction was, that neither a republic or any other form of Government could give us any thing like the liberty and happiness we now enjoyed. He thought that he might fairly assume this, as he did not expect to hear any Hun. Member advocate a republican form of Government. He thought it was not too much to assert that a republic would not afford the same share of liberty which we now enjoyed, that no republic bad ever given the same share of indivi dual liberty,—that under no other form of Government was so much individual security, so little fear by any man of his neighbour, as were to be found under the Consti tution of this country as we bad enjoyed it for years. 11, knew it was considered patriotic by many to find fault with the institutions under which they lived. He knew there were many who would change the general system el the police of the country, placed as it was in the hands of the magistracy, who discharged its duties gratui tousle, and with so much advantage to the public He knew there were those who greatly differe,' from hint as to the advantage to be derived fron that system, and who thought it ought to be put down. When lie stated that amongst the advantage, hich the people of this country possessed was that of, it a great measure, a ppointing their own Judges, as only e few were appointed by the Crown, and when he mentioned the advantages of Trial by Jury in civil cases, he linen there were some who sought to make themselves popula' by attacking some of those institutions, and by endeavour ing to get rid of some of them altogether. But were these not advantages which no other country possessed to the same extent? If he looked to the rights and privilege of small communities, the power of corporations and mu niripalitire, he should find that the people had in thei• own hands that power which in other countries wa• vented in the executive Government. Besides those cor potations, we had, in divisions of counties, the local a ir. ministration of Grand Juries. All this showed that the chief administration of affairs in the country was in th, hands of the people, and were not all these advantage. worth preserving ? It might be said, perhaps, that wt aletuld still continue to enjoy all these advantages whet this Bill passe d.—( Hear.) But were they sure of that 2 Were they sure that the Crown would continue in th enjoyment of the same power and prerogatives which i now possessed ;—that the Lords would remain in pus session of that power which now belonged to them as a die tinet branch of the Legislature ;.--that the House of Corn rnonst itself would preserve the same temper and the gene moderation by which it was hitherto distinguished Those who were sure of these things might give a veto conscientious vote in favour of this Bill, and too Rapp) should he feel to be able to support it on the same grounds; but after all he had heard and seen—after the best considera tion thatehe was able to give on the subject, his opinion was. that the experiment was not only a hazardous one, but that i. It passed, it wouin endanger oie ~-cultiy or 00, valuable institutions. If he had no other objection to it :should think himself perfectly justifiable in opposing an experiment on PO large a scale. It might he said te him that the same objection might be urged to any plan of Reform. This he denied. The objection could he made only to that plan of Reform in which they could no, retrace their steps if they found they had gone too far ; and this plan of Reform was, in his opinion, of that de scription. For if it passed. even those who were its most strenuous supporters would not lots able to go back. I , terou4l, he had no doubt, carry them such further that, they had intended. He knew it was said Chat the great object of this new Constitution was to make the repre sentatien of the House of Commons more perfect. He would maintain that at no period of the history of the country was the House of Commons a more pure and perfect representation of the people than at present. 1 was a part of the constitutico of King, Lords and Com mons ; but the House of Common: , never was, and never was intended to be, a perfect and independent representa tion of the people; but lie was not acquainted with any period of our history when it was more perfectly what it was intended to be than it was at present, or when it showed so much the influence of the people than it now did. The supporters of this Bill would give to the people more influence in the House ; bat if tin ol.j,et was to links the House of Commons independent of ti e Crown and the House of Lords, it was tire first step to a revolution and a republic.—(" Hear, bear," front the Opposition.) A House of Commons, representing the feelings and opinions of the great mass of the c:,--,ininu nity, must soon acquire that power which would sweep away the influeuce of the two other branches of the Legis lature. Since the revolution of 1688, the house of Commons had been encroaching upon the infinite:: of the Crown. It had in fact nearly absorbed the whole power of the executive, yet it had done without danger, be cause it was not a perfect representatioi, of the people, but contained within itself a portion of the weight of the Crown and of the Arivocracy, which, blended with the influence of popular opiniou, rendered the power it pos sessed not only not injurious, but greatli advantageous to the State. Experience hail shewu that the d:eect influence of the large mass of the community acting upon the popular branch of the Legislature must soon absorb all the power of the other branches. They were told, how ever, that they must not look to history but to reason— to the opinions of learned men on this subject, Now, going to reason only, lie thought it was clearly demon strable that if you were to make a Legislature anw, and render the popular branch of it a mere echo of the voice of the majority in the country, you take the first and most certain step to a Republic, or to a Government which instead of one King would consist of as many , tyrants as there were Members in the wsjority of the- House. It was natural that popular power should tend ti, increase itself. If in the increase of the House of Com mons there had been no contest with the other branches of the Legislature, it was because the popular voice .was not wholly dominant in that House. Had not experience shown that the voice of the majority of the comortinity was opposed to the decisions of the Legislature? If that voice were to predominate it, the Commons, it was clear it tvould in the end neutralize the power of the other branches. He did not object to the fair influence of po pular opinion, but be did object to an influence of the people in that House, which would sweep away all the other powers of the Constitution before it. He could never submit to see the House of Commons converted into a House of delegates, formed upon principles which were certain to end in the destruction of the monarchy and aristocracy. The object of the Bill was, beyond all ques tion, to put an end to the Endnarchy and to the aristo cracy, and to send inti:viduals into Parliament as the re presentatives of districts, who, by giving went to the ebul litiona of the public voice, :Night drown and oweepower any xecenta which might be raieed in defence of otlisso branches i of th e C onst i tut i on. H e would not detain the iim by any dissertations upon its Constitution, be would merely refer to the opinions 'which had been given on that suLject by the theorizers, or as some might call them, tha theorists—(A Isugb),„ the other side of the water. This was the first time on which any Goverr,uent which had swayed the destinies of a prosperous and .contented people had ever thrown down before the people the rightl of discussing all the p rinciples by which they were goo' verned.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) lle co.uld con ceive a case, as in France, in which"' and eign in eon wrh at t h h a i d t overc ome the will of a n entirepeop le new Government. people had been calledupon to form But even in France it was not zlioWed that the , delegates of the people, who, if they fur there were realiy what fire called themselves, would never stick to soy conattt.ution n sition)--shoul growls taisther—(Chsers from the —ppo , originate any measure of !telr own on en important a sub ject.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord hart analyzed the con stitution of that House, in order to show that it was not formed upon principles conducive to the interests and prosperity of the country ; and by his analysis bad proved that the majority of the Members for counties and also for great towns had generally voted against the Ministry. But upon that analysis of the Noble Lord allow him to make one observation, and that was, that the Noble Lord had :nude a most monstrous assumption when he took it for granted that the majority was always in the wrong.— (Cheers from the Opposition.) It did not follow that gen tlemen who voted in favour of the Ministry, always thought the measures which the Ministry proposed were right. He knew that many gentlemen, even upon this Bill, bad been influenced to vote for it, by a desire to sup port a Government which they deemed better than any ether which could he formed to replace it. That Was de cidedly the case when the management of the Walcheren expedition cause under the consideration of Parliament. In order to show the inconsistency and absurdity of the Bill, he asked Hon. Gentlemen to consider what the consequences would be supposing a question were to be misconceived and misconstrued by the people. The Members in large and populous towns, and also the Members for counties, would determine to sup port the views of their constituents, even against their awn opinions, in order to retain their own Beats and the favour of their constituents. That the popular represen tation was not safe to rely on, was evident from various circumstances. He would selecit only one. What would the House say if either the corn laws or the currency question had been tried by that test? If it had been ne cessary to decide either of those questions by the county. Members alone, would it have been possible to have ef fected any of the alterations which had been made in re spect of them both. He contended that the House of Commons which this Bill would create would render it impossible for any administration to carry on the affairs of the country tranquilly and successfully. It had been said that this Bill hail been met with the strangest and inost unaccountable delays on the part of the Opposition. For his own part, he would fearlessly assert that lie had never read of any Constitution that had been formed so aeon as this new Constitution for Great Britain. It was hroifelit down by the Minister,—it was carried by accla mation both in amt out of the House,—and all this was lode in the space of six weeks. It had been suggested by m authority which lie was sure the Hon. Gentlemen op posite would revere,—he meant Mr. Fox,—that if the wisest inert whom the world ever saw, were to sit down together to form a Constitution, it would be one hundred to one hat the working of that Constitution would be found in convenient ; " for Constitutions," said Mr. Fox, " do not ;row out of the ordinary process of gestation, but out of circumstances and degrees." He was only surprised at seeing the rapidity with which this novel and extraordi eery Bill had progressed through the House. He was con vinced that it would be found quite impracticable to carry 'his Bill into practical execution. He would not go 'trough its details on the present occasion, for they had iieen already sufficiently discussed in the Committee, and it was impossible to reconcile them together, so incon astent were they with each other. With the experience if past Acts of Parliament before him, he was surprised how any alien could introduce into this Bill such compli ,ated machinery as it contained, and yet suppose that it iould work well as lacy, lie then reiterated the sago nents urged by Colonel Wood on a former evening, as to he inconvenience and clumsiness of the arrangements, by vhich the overseers of the poor were ordered to make ea the list of voters in the different parishes. Now who were the overseers of the poor? - Now though the statute of Geo. 11. required that they should be substan i 1 farmers, it did not follow that substantial farmers vould make good political agents. He was sorry to say hat in towns where the elective suffrage depended upon ‘cot and lot, these officers were already too much of poli ical agents. But hereafter the same would be the case in every town and parish throughout England. This use made officers, who were appointed alio intuitu, fficers of a very different description from that for vhich they were intended. How was the overseer of he poor to know who was a freeholder, who was a -opyholder, who was a leaseholder, who was the holder if a 501. house within his district ? When the list was formed, the officer was bound to place it in various -onspictione places. He considered that the farmers, who mere compelled to take upon themselves the office of over seers of the poor, were very harshly treated when they sere called upon to make out these lists, which it was clearly impossible for them to make out without the assist ance of an attorney. In every parish, therefore, through eta all England, an attorney must be employed—of course it the parish expense—to find out who were entitled to copyholders, leaseholders, and 501. ' .museholders, and also to stick upon the church-door the names of such voters, when duly registered. What was the next step? If any man objected to the list made out ey the overseer, he must give notice of his objection to the overseer of the parish. Then the overseer Was bound - o produce two other lists—one containing the names of tiose individuals whose names were found registered in the overseer's list, and the other containing the names of those ndividuals whose names were not so registered. When the Act of George 11. imposed on the overseers certain du ties as to the collection and management of the poor rates, it gave them also a right to compensation. But this Act gave them no compensation for the endless trouble to which they were exposed. The mere management of the poor laws excited against all overseers great unpopularity; But in addition to submitting to this unpopularity, they were now called upon to suffer all the trouble of forming these lists, which, as they were mostly ignorant persons, they could not form without the assistance of an attorney. When these lists were formed, they were to be carried to the clerks of the peace who were to form an alphabetical lilt of all the voters for the county from them, and yet !or this trouble the clerk of the peace was to receive no remuneration at all. This, too, was to be done once every year. Moreover, if any man asked the clerk of the peace for a copy of this list, there was no means provided by this Bill by whirls he could get it. Last of all, this Bill got into the hands of the sheriffs, and then the sheriff be eatne a eery ill-used personage. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then proceeded to describe the diffieWties with \Oda the sheriff wouiil have to contend in erecting fifteen booths, and appointing fifteen deputy sheriffs withiu one day after he learned that an election was to he contested in his county. Besides, in a county as exten sive as Yorksh!re, fifteen booths would not be sufficient for the voters, supposieg that the voters were not to go .pore than fifteen miles to any of the booths appointed for polling. He illustrated this by reference to the localities ,shout Settle, Pkiptun, Gargrave, and Harrowgate. Sup pose, too, that after a cooteet had been threatened on the day of nomination, and the sheriff had made all the faeces sate; preparations for meeting it, no contest took place, who wokald then have to bear the expense which the sheriff had iticereed in order to discharge faithfully the functions of his office? The lion. and Learned Gentle man then proceeded to find fault, with the clause of the Bill which appointed a barrister to decide upon such votes as were to be eeeietered and such votes as were not, and to complaiu that under the Et iplc penalties to which a bar rister was exposed by this Bill, it would not he worth the while of any gentleman of independence and character to act at all. For what were the penalties to which he was. exposed ? First of all, if he was guilty of any unin tentionel miticonduct, it was in the power of a committee of the ifouse of Commons to assign costs against hilts; then it was in the power of the party who complained against Lim to bring an action fur da mages before a jury; and last ui any qui-tam attorney might truce an action against him for penalties not ex ceeding i iutll, /..3eing thus subjected to three fines, what (inlet he do, if attecieed ? He must of course defend him. • self, and defend himself by Coonsel, which led in its tars: fo conditioted expense. What wagtS was the bar rister to seeeeve for rendering himself liettle to all these penalties? A pee paltry five guineas a day. All the hire that a barrister reseiesed was an honorarium quiddam, and when be received that i.e was obliged to act. He therefore .contended that by this Bill a ;;twister, once ap pointed by the ,fudge of Assize to serve in these new Coerts, could not refuee to act. This was a great hard ship to the profession to whieh lie had the lion iur to be long, and a hardship which he thought the Government ( - eight to remedy. ge then proceeded to contend that this Bill way this best receipt teat he had ever read of for eping up the anieen.sities geeereted by contested elections, inasmuch as the general ceisisrra4ofie Whigh it sought to establish would lead to annual bickeringe between the par ties.); of the different candidatis. lie thought that a better mode of electing representatives for large towns might have beers rtevised than that contained in this Bill. That mode would have ; - eep to make them corporation toweee, and to give them the adv.:Leary of a local magis tracy. 7erc..1.: might then make every liousel;ele!er of 101. a year a freeman, end wive him a right to vote in the e wes a c io to n i of Members for euclaeoweoe Now as to the qualifi a n ciaate. lie had looked into dice manner in which that clause would work in several of our Jarga towns t n f, :d; c i t s ..io s : p t, ;: tn e h i , r ed e en n ru t mit o b f ien i r ts tohf o e p pc ei r : : t o iss onf n . i‘ h i e a.n es c : l 7 .z id ter c h. all upon the majorin g in their fume el value from 101. oc t c o ul 2 P 0 1 / n re ..: o l:• :fi o b o : u ot l ,lca sel d lcu s a l ut ' t e g ep v i r ti v y ; e ::: vn lyi j e ie ity of 1-3 d over the number of more valuable houses. Thus the ;eel riches wolq.lpot only nOt be represented, but . renew opposed by the majority of the working classes who inbabited it. That would be the case in all the great manufacturing ! towns, where very few houses could be found which did not let for 10/. a year. But in several of the small country t )wnir this would be a high qualification ; for instance, at Richmond, in Yorkshire, you might get for 10/. a year a house in which a gentleman 0f.1,400/. or 1,5001. a year would not be ashamed to live.—(Cries of " Hear," and " No.") From a constituency so framed attacks would be made first upon the church property, and afterwards upon property of every description. To a Bill which called such a constituency into existence, he could not give his support. It was pregnant with such danger to all the institutions of the country, that as an honest man he felt . himself bound to meet it with his most decided opposi tion.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Lord MORPETH said there were two or three retnarka which he must submit to the House on this Bill, though not with the view of entering into those minute and un important details regarding it, upon which his Hon. and Learned Friend had descanted at so much length, in spite of his prini , e to be brief, made at the very outset and commencement of his speech.—( Hear.) He felt deep re gret that his Hon. and Learned Friend had riot given more attention to these details when the Bill was in Committee, and when his observations might have been useful.— (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) A new course of hostility had lately been pursued by the opponents of the Bill—not, indeed, by his Hon. and Learned Friend oppo site, for he was too able a tactician, but by those less able and less gifted individuals, both in and out of the House, with which his Hon. and Learned Friend had of late so unfortunately allied himself --(Cheers. ) Finding that there was no chance that this Bill would be baffled in that House—discovering that it could neither be strangled in the cradle nor changed at nurse—they bad hit upon the miserable device of asserting that there was a reaction in the feeling of the country. From the situation which he held as one of the representatives of Yorkshire, he was necessarily brought into contact with large masses of people and a veal diversity of interests; and he had only to state, that in the progress of this measure, any thing which he had done had been calculated to discou rage rather than to stir up any dissatisfaction that might have been sugeestel by mentioning the motives of the tipponents of the Bill. He would further state that the people of England, so far as he knew any thing of their feelings, had undergone no such re-action as had been pre dicated of them.—(Cheers.) Tired they had been, worn out they might perhaps he, by that eternity of repetition and that endlessness of tautology, which had been poured forth with a vehemence, which was out of all proportion to the insignificance of the subjects to which it was ad dressed.—(Cheers.) Of fatigue the people might have suffered much,—of disgust they might have suffered more, —hut of reaction they had suffered nothing.—(Hear.) Let not, therefore, any person. however considerable either in rank or station, imagine that the people of England had zither changed or foregone their settled purpose of a solid and effectual Reform. He did not complain of the course pursued by their opponents. They had said that the country was indifferent to this measure, and that Ministers bad lost their labour in endeavouring to thrust it down the people's throats. Then they said, that the, people had been deceived and deluded by expectations of I.enefits which it would never accomplish. Now, in this language there was no slight inconsistency ; for if the people were . ill deluded, it was not s little marvellous that they had become, as was stated, indifferent to the measure. , It had been the fashion in this discussion to speak with marked disrespect of the manufacturing classes of the country, and his lion. and Learned Friend had, by some ac cident or other, fallen into that fashionable error. His Hon. and Learned Friend began with stating that the ma nufacturing classes would commence by attacking church property, arid would end by attacking every kind of pro perty. Now any attempt at such wholesale public robbery would affect the interests of the commercial classes more than those of any other portion of the community. His Hon. and Learned Friend had painted in glowing colours the danger of that House becoming the organ of measures purely popular; hut his Hon. Friend had not adverted to the propriety of allowing any interest to have its due in fluence in the State. This Bill would give representatives to the towers of Belvoir and the demesnes of Lowther, in conjunction with the looms of Manchester and the forges of Sheffield. He hoped the qualification was high enough to secure due consideration for property and order, anti that it was not too high to he attained by the humblest of an industrious population. The B:11 would therefore give to industry and integrity at once an excitement and a reward. lie would not, however, go into the details of the measure which had been so long before the House. He would only express a hope, that the expectations which it had excited would not be disappointed by any fraud, or soured by any unnecessary opposition. He was aware that many persona were blind to the spectacle of a united nation, and deaf to the harmony of a unanimous people. Most earnest was his hope, that a sympathy for the people would be found in that aristocracy which had hitherto declared itself in favour of the people in all the struggles for freedom which had taken place front the time of Magna Charta down to the Bill of Rights, and from the time of the Bill of Ri g ht s down to the time of Catholic Emancipation.—(Cheers.) With respect to the future fortunes of the country, w hil st he could not dismiss from his mind the fact that national deserts were inseparable from national fortunes, he saw no grounds for apprehension from the adoption of a measure which removed nothing from the materials of public honesty, nothing from the elevation of public virtue. What this Bill endeavoured to remove was at variance with both p u bli c virtue and public honesty. It waged war with venality, corruption, and unjust influence, and he hoped that the voice of the people raised for the destruction of that venality, that corruption, and that unjust influence, would be con firmed by the voice of the Legislature, and would not cease to spread its accents throughout the country until it was restored to harmony and prosperity.—(Cheers.) Mr. PEMBERTON commenced by an impassioned eu logy on the present representative sys t e m, b y which any man, however mean and humble, was enabled, if oppressed, to find a hundred tongues to repeat his wrongs in the great assembly of the nation. He contended that all interests were properly represeuted in the House of Commons ; and asked, when such was the case, why the country should despise the machinery by which so much good had been effected, and from which so many advantages had been derived? It would surprise him much if the new system produced any thing like the benefits of the old system of representation. lie argued at considerable length that this Bill destroyed the balance which ought to exist between the three branches of the Constitution, and denounced misery and woe to that Government which could not distinguish between the frantic wishes and the real interests of the people committed to its care. He reminded Ministers how often " Nations had sunk by daring schemes 0p0re& , 35 4 ," and implored them to be warned in time by the lessons of past experience. He then proceeded to assert, that the Aristocracy, and property, and education of the co un t ry were decidedly hostile to this Bill; and in proof of hi s as sertion, referred to the returns for the Universities of Ox ford and Cambridge at the last election. After condemn ing at great length the representative system which this Bid would impose upon the country, he proceeded to o h_ *l've that he was not blind to the blemishes of the present Constitution ; but he would rather look to its practical blessings than to its theoretical defects. lie would rather take the Constitution as it was, than scramble for a new one in the lottery of revolution.—(Cheers from the Oppo sition.) They bad been told that it would be dangerous not to pass this Bill. A great excitement had prevailed upon this Bill, and fur aught he knew might still continue to prevail. That excitement could not, however, be allayed by following the course by which it had been created. Nor could the demands of the people be satisfied by sur rendering every thing to them in the blind prodigality of terror.--(Loud cheers.) The danger, if danger there were, might be reinoved by an opposite course, by asserting the supremacy of the law, and by exciting individuals to the exercise oi that vi rtue which at present they dared not practice. But would those, he asked, who now talked so much about the pre sent excitement, guarantee the nition against the future reaction of the people ? Would they guarantee the nation against the designs of those men who approved of univer,al suffrage, because it led to universal plunder ?—(Cheers from the Opposition,) lie would confront the danger manfully at once, in preference to rendering it more formidable by delay.—(Hear.) Am far as that House was concerned, the decree had gone forth, and the old Con stitution of England was no more. But if the peers, with the titles, inherited the spirit of their forefathers, they would tell the Sovereign and the nation, in the emphatic langosge of Olen times, " We will. not that the laws 01. England be obariged."—(Great cheers from the opposi tion ) If, however, tltif. Bill should unfortunately pass both branches of the Legislature, there tv,aa one consolation, which he should be proud to share, and that was the conaola tion of remembering that when a new representative .stem I,;r,qer which the country h a d b een so l ong great, and glorious, and (fez, he had, in spit e o f an over whelming majority, in spite of taunts, and :; sp i te o f o bl oqu y, stood up with other virtuous' and honourable men for the inte rest:, of the Crown and of the people of E n gland, in the l as t house of Pommons that was ever assembled. Lord NEWARK said, that dring the progress of this 13111 through the Committee, he for one had tc4 earnestly desired its success, to have interfered with any observations ocr'pt upon the single clause in which he was particularly interested; but now that it had reached its preaent final I stage, he wished to say a few words upon the history of the last eight weeks. Gentlemen need not be afraid of his troubling them at any length, he should scarcely even allow himself to be tempted to go into the principle of the Bill. What was it that they were met with at the com mencement of these proceedings ? They were told that a measure of this momentous character could never he fitly debated, or fairly settled, in a Parliament of which a ma jority was alleged to have entered this House bound hand and foot to the Bill, and nothing but the Bill. And now were they not told, that these very majorities had so cut down, and changed, and maltreated the measure, that its best friends can scarcely recognize it again ? It is not that lie agreed with either of these assertions, for he utterly dissented from both ; but he asked whether the one does not afford a complete refutation of the other? They were told, that they ought to hear Counsel for Appleby, for that otherwise foul wrong would be done to a set of in nocent boroughs, if their fate were to depend upon the caprice of the Government, and if such a mass of vene rable representation was suffered to die unheard : had it died unheard—had this supposed caprice of Government carried all blindly before it ? or kad not nineteen alterations been allowed to be made in the original schedules of A and B ? They were told that in the conduct of the dis franchisement part of the Bill, his Majesty's Government had done a monstrous thing, by taking a census long gone by, and legislating in 1831 upon the standard of 1821. Now what said the returns? From them it appeared that if the census of 1831 had been taken as a guide, seven boroughs might have been saved out of ninety-seven— seven boroughs whose total amount of assessed taxes in 1830 did not exceed one-seventh of that paid by one single borough in schedule D. They might have saved, then, these seven boroughs. They might have saved them, perhaps at the expense of seven popular and wealthy towns ; but he asked whether, if they had so saved them, they should have gained anything on the score of con sistency or expediency ? and whether, by so saving them, they should have adhered more closely than they now had, to the preamble and spirit of the Bill ? They were told, when they came to the question of enfranchisement, that it was monstrous so to adjust the representation, as to overpower the southern division of England with the new and overwhelming weight given to the northern. The House can hardly have forgotten, how at the commencement of schedule B, now some weeks ago, the evening's entertainments were ushered in by the Right lion. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, with a lecture on the map, in which he divided England with considerable ceremony into two great portions, anti sounded on the map the loud note of alarm to the southern dis trict, and proclaimed to the agricultural interest of Eng land, that, by this Bill, it would be utterly sacrificed to the manufacturing interest. The Right Hon. Baronet's proposition he well remembered was this—" that this Bill gave an immense preponderance to the northern, or manufacturing dim iet, and greatly and unduly lessened the weight and importance of the southern district, which comprised the chief agricultural counties of England." Now he (Lord Newark) must confess, that the solemnity of the Right Hon. Baronet's address, and his appeal to the fears and sympathies of the ill-used and soon to be overwhelmed southern district, powerfully arrested his attention. He would not say that it gave him any qualms for schedule B, upon which they were then on the point of entering ; and he could not say that it excited in his mind any of those regrets for schedule A, with which the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet himself overflowed ; but though it did not produce exactly these effects, still he could not hear this monstrous and undue preponderance asserted by such high authority without feeling a disposition to inquire a little how the fact really stood, and whether his Majesty's Ministers had in deed so unskilfully trimmed the balance as to sacrifice the southern to the northern district of England. Now, how stood the facts with respect to this terrible preponderance, as proposed by the Bill ? He was not going to enter into any details; but he would state to the House, in a few word., how the fact did stand. The Right Hon. Baronet had divided England, as far as his division goes, fairly enough ; in his northern division he had 18 counties to 22 in the southern ; and upon a comparison of there two divisions by the three several tests of extent, population, and wealth, it appeared that the northern division was to the southern, in extent, as 24 to 26 ; in population, as about 54 to 6 ; and in wealth, as about 23 to 28. He (Lord Newark) was aware, that the valuation of 1815, from which the comparison as to wealth had been taken, could not be called a very sure guide for 1831 ; but the House would recollect that the present question was not one of aggregate amount, but of proportion only,—of proportion between these two great divisions of the country ; and he thought it would be admitted, either that the in crease of wealth in these two great divisions, since 1815, had preserved the same proportion as then existed ; or else that if either of these two divisions had increased in wealth in a greater ratio than the other, it was the northern or manufacturing district which had done so, rather than the southern or agricultural ; in which case it would have so much the better title to a preponderance of Members. Here, then, they had the three tests—ex tent, population, and wealth. In extent, the northern was to the southern as 24 to 26 ; in population, as 5k to 6 ; and in wealth, as 23 to 28. They had only to apply these facts to the proposed adjustment of the repre sentation, and would see what would become of the Right Hon. Baroni , t's " terrible preponderance." It appeared, then, that the Bill gave to the northern division 196 Mern hers—viz. 67 county, and 129 borough Members ; and that it gave to the southern 248 Members—viz. 77 county, and 171 borough Members. Now, with these facts before them, he asked, what became of the monstrous prepon derance of the northern division ? So far from there being any preponderance at all in favour of the north, the fact was, that the southern division had 17 or 18 more Mem bers allotted to it than it would be entitled to, either in proportion to its extent, population, or wealth ; and, to make the thing perfect, they only wanted some gentleman to get up on behalf of the northern district, and complain of the undue favour shown to the southern by the allot ment to it of these 17 Members more than its just and fair proportion. 'There would be this difference, then, that if any gentleman did so, the facts of the case would bear him out. He begged pardon of the House for having been tempted to enter into these details, hut he must plead this as an excuse, that any assertion coining from the Right Hon. Baronet c inied with it such high authority as to make him (Lord Newark) anxious that those whose attention might not happen to have been directed to this part of the subject, should not be misled by that high authority. Then next came the division of counties, the project for colonial representa tion, and the motion to admit tenors at will to vote. Upon the former of these questions the cloven foot of op position peeped out in rather an amusing way. The di vision of counties—rather a conservative enactment one should have thought—was opposed might and main by two great legal authorities, the declared and strenuous ad vocates of the influence of property and the nomination system ; and the project for direct representation for the colonies was, on the other band, supported by a long string, not of reformers, but of the very able and con sistent and anti-reforming advocates of virtual represen• tation. Now one word upon this subject of the colo nies. He should he gl-td to know whether it was from A and B that they had been hitherto represented? He believed, upon inquiry, it would be found, certainly not in a great measure,—and if so, why then what became of the great, and serious, and novel difficulty which this Bill was to create iu that respect ? He had a list of Mem bers connected with the colonies who P at in the last Parliament, which, perhaps, it was better to take than the present, since it could not be said that they were elected under any circumstances of excitement, which might have had the effect of making the return of persons so connected less probable. They had, clear of either sche dole, and wholly independent of A or B, the Members for Bucks, Sandwich, Rochester, CrickladeeDuiwries, Bridg water, Wexford borough, and perhaps they might add Bristol and Ki r k cu db r i g ht ; whilst in A and B together , Hythe, Old Sarum, and Mahnesbury, were the only in stances, as far as he was aware. He thought this eittiple fact outweighed a good many of those denunciations against the Bill which were founded upon the supposed forlorn and unprovided condition of the colonies under the proposed system. Of the great features of the Bill, there was one which he had left unnoticed—the ten-pound franchise. Did Hon. Gentlemen recollect the cty with which this ten-pound franchise was received when first brought for ward ? He perfectly remembered they heard of nothing but its dangerous, uniformity, the perils of a centralization of power, and the fatal error of lodging the entire political controul of the state in the hands of a single class. 'This was what they said at a distance, and this did for some time; hut when these clauses cline to be discussed what then ? Why, the alleged uniformity became a detected fal lacy, and with infinite prmnpt:tude they gave it up, and turned round npon them (the Reform party) for mat ing, as they said, universal suffrage in one place, and a close corporation of ten-pounders in ano)itchleirt.heyAisiailloshokoewrn on he could not but admire these tactics: as a well-wisher of Reform, he might be permitted to turn them to ac count. And now, in this eleventh hour, as it had been cilled, of the struggle, all he would ask of his oppo nenti•was, to cpply this versatility which in objecting to the details to their final consideration of the measure as a whole. Let them acknowledge, though in another form, their own dear cowervative principle as the genius that has presided over this Bill ; let them point In their victory recently gained (short-sighted na he thought the proposition was, upon which that victory was founded). but let them point to that victory, as a proof that the voice of the landowners was not utterly powerless in that House, and that the power of dictation will not perhaps be quite extinct in the country,—let them cease to make common cause with the potwallopers ; and may that victory revive their sinking hopes of a continuance of the Monarchy ! But let Reformers recollect, that the great advanta•ae they • have gained was, that in meeting henceforward the de mands of the unreasonable part of the community, they would be able, if this Bill passed, to appeal to the reason able. Could they do this before, with such abus,s st firing them in the face, and forcing as it were the well-disposed alike and the ill disposed part of the people into an un natural combination against a power governing by suc h means ? But now they would he able to make this appeal, for tdey would have ground to take that was maintainable by reason ; and he trusted they would maintain it. It was this paramount consideration, and no vague desire of change, no love for any set of men, but a wish to get the sound part of society on their side against the unsound, — this it was, he could truly say, that had made him a Reformer. Sir JOHN MALCOLM said, that after what had fallen from the Noble Lord, he was bound to say something re specting the reason for the part he had taken. The opinion which he had entertained of this plau of Reform had been confirmed by what appeared during its progress. He trembled for the effects of it. If ever there was a period when it was dangerous to speculate on the destiny of a country, this was the period. Under the present system of representation, genius might attain power, and talent and industry were sure of it. There was no man so humble who could he stopped in the course to power which he could reach, by means of which there was no example in any other country in the universe. These were his senti ments. He acknowledged that some of the provisions of the Bill were excellent, but as a whole, it was a measure dangerous to the country. But discontent had been ap pealed to—(Hear)--and had been directed against every abj-et which the patriotic ought to defend ; and for whom ? For the people, who, high and low, had an interest in maintaining them. The Noble Lord, the Member for Yorkshire, had talked of danger and of a re-action ; but the danger would be from carrying the Bill, owing to the disappointment of the hopes of the people which had been inspired by the Bill, who had ex pected more than could be granted. They did not un derstand the Bill. He (Sir J. Malcolm) did not know who could? The most important part of it was not operative. It was thought that large masses of men re ceiving 3s. 6d. a week were to vote conscientiously. The Noble Lord said that one remarkable feature of the Bill was, that it provided for the large and leading interests of the country. This be denied; one of the largest and most leading interests was that of Intik. He (Sir John M &elm) had approved of the motion for giving representatives to the colonies, though not of the details of the plan proposed by the Hon. Member for Middlesex. That plan was calculated only for a country in a state of freedom, but India would nut be in that state till she drove us out. After all, the plan would give votes to one million only out of eighty mil lions. I'he lion. and Gallant Member then went into some details as to the materials for a constituency in India, amidst considerable noise and intcrruption, which induced him to say that he was not surprised that gentlemen who took so little interest in what concerned their own country, should take less in what regarded India. Ti.e consti tuency which he should propose, for India was the 2,000 male proprietors of East India stock, and the qualification for a representative of India he proposed should be twelve years' residence in that country. It was most improbable that such men, than whom persons of more independence of mind could not be produced, would be the mere pa , sive instruments of any Government. He should propose no more Members for India than had been proposed by the Hon. Member behind him (Mr. Hume); and under the operation of this Bill, and the increased power given to the Commons, the greater intercourse with India, and the frequent misrepresentations regarding it, it was requisite that officers of great experience and high character from that country should find their way into the House. lie proposed to limit their qualifications, by requiring a seven years' residence in England after their return from India. Ile did not doubt the desire of his Majesty's Ministers to preserve India ; but he doubted their power of doing so, unless they kept open an access to that House to persons connected with it. Whether this Bill did or did not pass into a law, he thought that measures should be adopted to bring more of the India interest into the House. Mr. J. WILLIAMS said the Hon. Member for Cocker mouth (Sir J. Scarlett), and the Hon. Member for Rye (Mr. Pemberton), had entered into very comprehensive panegyrics upon the British Constitution in all its parts— its jurisprudence, its representative system, and he knew not what. His Hon. Friend, the Member for Cocker mouth, had asked where was the precedent upon which they would lay their finger, and what part of the Consti tution of our ancestors was it that justified the present measure? But he (Mr. Williams) would ask, amongst all the panegyrics the Hon. Member hail selected, and amongst the historical writers and foreign jurists to whom he had appealed, where was the writer who had said that the British Constitution had carefully provided for the return of Members to Parliament from places where there were no constituents, and had avoided places where there was an abundant popul ition ? Where was it stated, as an ingredient to the praise bestowed by Blackstone,Mon• tesquieu, and De Lohne, upon the British Constitution, that it carefully provided for the exclusion of representatives fur places having an abundant population? on the contrary. their recommendation of the system of returning the House of Commons was, that it was the express image of the people, and that it spoke the feelings and very voice of the Commons of England. Had his Hon. Friend forgot. ten what was said by Mr. Pitt, when a Minister, upon this subjsct? " Those gentlemen," said be, " who dwell so much upon the theory and principle of the Consti tution, would do well to bear in mind that the excellence of the English Constitution is, that it has been a continued series of changes." What was the stationary point upon which his Hon. Friend would rely ? To what petiod could he refer for that beautiful state of the Constitutio❑ when it required no change ? To suppose that there ever was such a term was to satirize the wisdom of our ances tors, and to make blockheads of them. His Hon. and Learned Friends might be enamoured of the present state of the British Constitution; but what was the opinion of the people ?---( Hear, hear.) When they assumed that the people thought so too, it was a begging of the ques tion ; it was at variance with the fact, that the people of England were satisfied with the Constitution in its pre sent state. If, as it had been said, this was a change merely for the sake of change, it would be different.— When his Hon. Friends dwelt upon the danger on one side, they seemed to have overlooked altogether the danger on the other—(Hear, hear.) If they were entitled to lay all the danger on one side, nothing, certainly, would he more triumphant than their argument.—(Hear.) His Hon. Friend, the Mem•+er for Cockermouth, had contended that the Bill did too much. lie differed from hint; but had it done ever so little, the argument of the Hon. Mem h.•r fur Boroughbridge would exist in full force, fur the principle of the Constitution would have been violated if only one borough had been disfranchised.—( Hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member concluded with insisting on the danger of delay. Mr. HAWKINS next addressed the House, but in a tone so inaudible as to be very indistinctly heard in the gallery. We :understood the Honourable Gentleman to begin by observing that he thought that there hail not been half so much yielding to popular clamour on this question as on that of the Catholic claims. The power of the Press was an -tbstract being, to which was given the name of " the Journals ;" but it must depend for its strength upon the numbers of its willing readers ; and, like a popular orator, in order to lead the public an inch, it must be led by the public an ell. If public opinion could centroul the sentiments of the Members for Old Sarum and Gatton, it would have double effect upon the representatives fur Preston and Birmingham. Hon. Gentlemen opposite, at least most of them, had admitted that some change was necessary, and he believed that the lion. and Learned Member for Boroughbridge was the only individual who remained at Zero, or the freezing point of political improvement. Much had been said regarding the cum par itive merits of the census of 1921 and 1831 ; no doubt the census of 1921 contained errors and negli gence; but-if witnesses hail been examined at the bar, to establish the population of 1831, their evidence would not only have contained errors and negligence, but would have displayed the effects of. temporary interest. lie earnestly recommended the House to put away the evil spirit of cor ruption, and to supply its place by the good genius of public opinion. The lion. Member, in a tone only at intervals audible, then proceeded to remark upon the equal balance of arguments on each side of the question, and observed, that if they were to be paired off two by two, the Noble I f The rack Paymaster of tie Forces would have nothing t° rfr o it and would have to say, with a great dramatic per° . How happy could Ibe with either Wer e Vother dear charmer away ; er, But since e h yo r u a tt r h d te:z . illelmsaeyt.°"geth ci thl vinlicated the n ten- e pound franchise esta blish , ' e go Bill, in opposition to what he termed the chanee°ofii. f , rmer anomalies in the national constituency or; not join with those who apprehended danger o° 3 , tried experiment ; and lie was confident that Owl ineasuie could be carried into effect, not enl? r , ,01 4 peril, but that it would be the means of Owl, threat , ned calamities. lie denied that the inere4ht°;) stituency would augment the facility to bribery; ged those who referred to the late Dublin etectioo°llll of the affirmative, to remember that the freeh olde A , go iseberry and raspberry bushes of Coltiblose;13;00 electors under the old system. He conten ded House was at present divi , led into two bodies--t he l pendent for their seats 011 popular electors, the otherteol the reach of popular controul. Under the old s Y s oc i.e, people, in order to keep up a due balance of inffle perhaps now and then exercised an authority t°llo, but, under the new system, when they were not e l to so a se d v u er e e sahacroeutoa.fe,they• independence. would allow The th s e t i e r ed re t P o rti , curbed by too tight a rein curvetted and endatgee( safety of its rider. The Hon. Gentleman Pr ecr be a' A illustrate in what way, at present, county Alen , pdr i kept under the controul of their constituents, W e no i l taught the lesson of legislation by the process 0 ! ' t it and answer; and afterwards referred to the Co Senate, recommended to Bonaparte by the Abb e . b ( the members of which were kicked up stairs , ° p i f on their backs and pensions in their pockets, a sort of legislative Castle of Indolence. He f art ' Vg trated this point by an allusion to an eleph ant, what way the Hon. Member applied the figure wt, unable to auertain. He a:so spoke of the treatol6;er, tain Members had received on the hustings , ° h ," had been kicked and cuffed, and had found a ge r , their wounds in Downing-street infirmary. . plained of the reluctant and insulting manner i f ° , o ( particular information in those particular case , ° o 0 • boroughs had been hitherto conceded; simile of the Hon. and L e arn e d M e mber for Y, bridge, was like a schoolboy who gave up / 181 . 0. f b e ' l bt because he could not keep the whole.—(Sir G o il across the table, denied that this was one of ljje a and the denial occasioned much laughter.) He "ali meant to assert that the Hon. and Learned M eni f; really wasted any thing ; he never suspected h io ". ° up the half of any cak e he had once got into bt ue sion.—(Hear, and laughter.) He went on to arg r - A revolution without bloodshed and by Act of p age' sounded to his ears very like a Constitution , ' though some, reversing the assertion of Lord P eter 'br , assert that roast mutton was nothing more t" uad i r e' bread. He cont en d e d that t he inequality of vir tu' o g e n il -natation by the close borough system wa s increa'o ay—th a t it was augmented by every street that 't: l;e ,rt ta the metropolis—by every mile added to tur°l 4 o l or canals, a nd by every a dditi ona l c himney that St - sable pe nnon ever Bi rm i ng h am or Manchast e t' he was the degradation even of Mr. Canning, th at . t he to purch ase , b y th e swea t o f the peoPle',l by port of th e L eg i s l a t ure , in order that he 101%,e't means, work out th e sa lv a tion of the people. `. 0 ,o 1 " was the ca se w i t h C ast l ereag h, w ith Pitt, and e ll ( 0 Statesmen. Such was the state of the House e i , 4 o, mons, that the Mi n i s t ers had became Che ,l ' instead of its being a check upon the Alini' te ,; o • lft r , knew not whether the Bill would pass ; for the r ee f putting a negative on it was in the hands o f th', o ! it was said, would use that power to °pe e , ' aol i whether they opposed it or not, Reform could ni eJ' wholly prevented. Let the Ministers not be bl a V this ; rather let those be blamed who, when th e S, had been running along smoothly, and when tbe,4 have got to the safe have, had waited till th e i , ' storm had c ome an d f orce d t h em f rom their P ° /: - . t / wrecked at s, a. The other side admitted now tbd? Reform was necessar y, b ut no reso l ut i o ns ever hau l, proposed, as if the rule of England was such 3 . 0% I stake,. that _a man dare not risk his po itical reP t° fee.: cresity of sock and G Borne le "atone/ seats o f Color Jntirned This S The Friday. In ai Lord inteud e for m B The th e Bo At CILI )] Th e hwour stated, Lott, hi erhy With t diet th re ce i ve °r !e of agre e d far - 011 r Ant tiyt of th e o n till !Alle,l to the Th e Con do ceiv e d Lor The Petitio Ear was? Th e Ear ti t ,,, Would 'orue _ . ' to th e Lor would boner Tln but h ; the lit on the Petiti c legiti t Th som e to res of th i order gain it. 'those who advocated Reform were with the indecency of threatening the Peers ; bu t . indecent in one pat t y to ap p ea l t o th e ir apprehe u ri e i r, war. not less ind ece nt i n a no ther to appeal to t",, rests. That was done by the gentlemen oppos i , t fisi , no.) He said yes. H a d they not stated, that P, passed, the infl uence o f t h e H ouse o f Lords woule, t ol hilated, and the Aristocracy ruined? The Hun , ; t o made several more observations ; but the low toae i I 9 he spoke, and the impatience generally mend -o ° o i' House, prev en t e d anyt hi ng more than a f ew wor d ,V sentence from reaching the gallery. On sitting was cheered. es/ ej Mr. A. BARING h a d li s t ene d, or rather Wit%lf' protracted delivery of the Hon. Member's elaber s r f.;l cocted speech, witho u t, h e m us t s a y, b e ing ar ts` much enlightened or amused.—(Hear.) Al t°l :l4 that whatever was its merits novelty could oe - be t y l forward as the chief--(llear)—the Hon. 1 0 °,0, , made various attempts at what, no doubt, be V?' himself, if nobody else, was very clever sarca9 ol / 0 1 0 11' and a laugh)—at the exp e nse, as it should veto , ° 01)f presentativea and dose boroughs. Now, taking .41 for the deed, and supposing that the sarc ism told as it was no doubt intended, he would only tabor grace with which it cam e from the Hon Gentl e 9 r h was hirn•elf the representative of a close b o rough —and that too by one o f t h ose i m p ar ti a l anotna l ii i distinguish e d th e Bill— a c l ose b oroug h, vrh, r ic v continue to return two Members.—(Hear.) ,ie Gentleman proc ee d e d to d e li ver w h at h e te rnied i jti o , ing malediction of the Bill. He entirely subscrio j o r view taken of its unconstitutional tendency br ;Yr/ and Learned Friend (Sir J. Searlett), the S e l o ( Crickerinotrh, and was convinced that if the Aiet applied itself to the framing an inconvenient , ticable, and destructive measure, it could not more than Ministers had with respect to the Pr e4/ 0 1, Toe ablest lawyers on both sides of the Hous e r 6 mitted thei r i na bili ty to expoun d i ts pr i nc iple i lions, and y et every par i sh o ffi cer i n t h e 101 1 0 ° 0 forsooth m a k e hi mse lf per f ect master o f both 'lt And then the inquisitorial functions it would every overseer to pry into the affairs of his neig d o tier the pretext of ascertaining his qualification o ifir The objections to the registry system were yet un 4f/ by Ministers, who also had failed to exlain:, 1 1 1( objections urged on the Opposition side ol t ‘ founded on the tendency of the Bill to destreY e sl i r lance between a n exten d e d c o n s tituency and s o I tional power. Here he asked, was the Crow° .. 0 7e cise its pr eroga ti ve if t h e means o f sen di ng its ocv" o f into that House be stopped up by the demolitica 6 close borouaits? It c o uld only r e tain this praPeerdiri s through those c l ose b aroug h s w hi c h were retail' f th e Bill, and which, somehow or other, by one pcl,/ strange accide n t s t h at bad the most artles s " Vol partial men, belonged to the framers of d ' e o rsil fl o h ( Hear, hear.) By d o i ng away w i t h t h e c:ose " o alot fr men of retiring h a bit s wou ld b e t o t a lly e xcluded 0 ,1 4 ,1 in that House to make way for the noisy demagft tC chief claim to the popular suffrage would ' l O recklessness and extravagance of his assertiona• . t ie A he repeated it over and over, was a tiernocr>ol:o (Loud cries of " Hear !" from the Opposition)thek such its inevitable result would be to swallow up o and the Aristocracy, and convert this Monarchic al d e l intent into a levelling Democracy.—(Hear, s ea bl~ said Hon. Members, the country has been opre e tio rs i weight of the pres e nt m o nstrou s sy s t e m of corrul% s ber e j ans.ver was within th e reac h o f e v e ry man ; the records of history an instance of a country lip t c l such strides in wealth, commerce, i n t e lligen , f e ' t m e l science, and ar t, as thi s coun t ry h a d under tha t.) sl repudiated system ?—(Lortd cries of " Hear , b r e d to i l a measure essentially democratic, it was °W a y ' 1) . ? genius of the British Constitution. A Deinu cr- 0 0°,, 0 r answer very well in America, where there we re / e el!) tell:dating properties, and where there were very r o l men ; but in this country, where there were 10;.0°,1 and several very rich, the thing was impossible , d only cud in a general scramble Icr property, an d sti f ), subversion of ail the institutions in Church an oilh o sP,. (Hear, he a r.) For these reasons he opposed O Sli e os , it would lie a consol a ti o n in his declining Y e % - j eer that be the last act of his political life, that lie b ~log iit „r g to that Bill his most strenuous and uncomP r° position,—(Cheers.) goii• Sir H. BUNBURY was surprised that ,_b;.ise p hers, wilco they talked of the country having , to , 1 , 0 , der the present defective syszem of represea ta t t e tO c el ) lool:ed the alarming state of the country so t l)e last November. At that time, chiefly owing . t- st fte ,Isf ration of the heal of the late Government ag air e to l :4 a spirit of disaffection was generated, which tended to that most important body the m itidl , p r‘ s pa society, anti which c o uld b e all a yed only by t ec e , e ed„fpl le , held out by the present Administratioa of a . I t i l eP' t efficient measure of Reform. In ordinary t in , tl ":oll l f iii r . ,: classes were the instinctive defenders of lie V e r t Il i rights of property ; but at the period to wh iell ‘ o ll ,,ir such was their discontent with the resent a / 130 0 4 ,/ 0 presentation, that they were to be found cou atc 1, 1 00 not actually participating in, the acts of trb`. og (Hear, bear,) With this important fast 0311 31 1 out Th Ch an titi on that Ti P 4 tits prime the 141 IN; tear °f tE l aY i 'tate the I than vast und t j Vrer w,