The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. jects. Indeed, if ever there was a sree , : l a which deserved the character of being a 'plaitt straightforward speech, it was this speech, n-hitA! Was the most plain straightforward speech that ever Vas delivered from the throne of Eng!old. THe would tot enter further into its topic, i',:deed he -showhi nut have addressed the Hoar!, at ail upon this occa -4on, had it not been for the elusion which had been made in the course of the debate to his connexion with the Poli tical Unions. He hoped that Ministers would speedily bring forward a measure of Reform in which eC ptirtics could agree ; by so doing, they wval4 establish peace and tranquillity in England, Scotland, and Ireland, 'and Wou!:'. enable Parliament to deliberate with calmnesenn the other subjects which must soon be brought under irstoonsiderition. Mr. R. C. FERGUSSON-1 never said that all the Political Unions were illegal. In the observation's wilict; made use of, I was alluding to the Unions itzmvanced in the proclamations as illegal. I never btlonged myself to any such societies —never, at tiny ; but I have always attended, and I am ready again to attend, at all meeting which may be convenes in my neighbourhocd the propriety oC a Reform in Parliamest, Sir R. PEEL expressed his grtAt rprisc at the very extraordinary speech which ttti Hon. Member for West islinater had just mac. As the Hon. Baronet had been in his place last night, and had then had the opportunity of replying to his (Sir R. Peel's) speech, he thotighl that it would have been better if lie had taken that Upprtunitv of making his animadversions ujioit nis (S'r R. Peel's) arguments, than to have reserted tlitun until the present occasion. He would repeat that which he had dr:A:Said, for it was a remark in which the Noble Lot:t.i. 'opposite had concurred, that Parliament ought Lave had a longer notice than fourteen d tvs of thy' Period on which it was to assemble. The Noble Lett bad only vindicated the short ness of the 'notice on the ground of necessity; and so far was he `..rotta having stated that his (Sir R. Peel's) objec tion wiastrtezely a cavil, as the Hon. Baronet haA galled it_ Sir a. BURDETT (interrupting)-1 said no such thing . I said that nothing but the circumstances of the Cate , justified the shortness of the notice. Sir R. PEEL thought that the Hon. Baronet had said that his objection was only a cavil, and that nothing could justify it. The Hon. Baronet had now stated the reverse, and if such were his opinion, he only did right to vindi cate it. He (Sir R. Peel) had never blamed Ministers for calling the Parliament together at this season ; all that he had said was, that the Reform being the only alleged cause of its meeting, Ministers bad an opportunity, more than 14. days since, of giving notice that it should meet now. Ile should not have objected 'Oa their meeting at pre sent, after only fourteen clays' nOtlce, if any sudden distur bance had sprung up in the country ; but his objection was that the necessity of eeltling the question of Reform was as obvious on the I et as it was on the 22d of November. He had said 'ant he was afraid that the Reform Bill was pro posed seed supported upon principles which precluded any thlsas like a final settlement of the question of Reform, and in reply to that observation of his, the Hon. Member for 'Westminster had said, that the people had as much right to representation in that House as the King had to his crown, or as the Peers had to their seats in the other House of Parliament. Now if such were the case, he should like to know what right the Hon. Baronet had to draw the arbitrary distinction which he had drawn be tween such of the people of England as were 10/. house holders, and such as were not.—(Cheers from the Oppo sition, Ma-. Hunt's cheering being heard high above the rest.) He should like to know who was to divide the people of England into &asses; he should like to know Wlso had a right to say " Provide yourself as a 101. house 'holder, otherwise you shall be excluded from the elective franchise?" He (Sir R. Peel) denied this right to exist, either on one side or the other of the line of demarcation. But how the Hon. Member for Westminster, who claimed the elective franchise as the prescriptive right of the people of England, could tell him that this Bill, which confined the elective franchise to 10/. householders, would be a final settlement of the question, he could not for his life understand.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) One word now about the Unions. The Hon. Baronet had com plained of the tone in which he (Sir 11. Peel) had spoken regarding them. Why it was the very tone taken in the speech from the throne, which the Hon. Baronet so much admired. Tine speech from the throne said that it was the King's duty " to prevent combinations, under whatever pretext, which in their form and character were incompatible with regular government, and were equally opposed to the spirit and provisions of the law." The Hon. Baronet had said that he defied him (Sir R. Peel) to prove that the Unions were incompatible with regular government, and were opposed either to the spirit or the provisions of the law. He would only say, in reply to the Hon. Baronet, that the King of England, fur whom the Hon. Baronet professed such sincere respect, naserted that he knew of the existence of Unions confede rating in England to oppose both the spirit and the pro visions of the law. He did not mean to say that the Poli tical Union of es hich the Hon. Member for Westminster was a member, was opposed to the law, hut he took it for granted that the King would never have declared his de termination to put such Unions down, unless they had existed for put poses of danger. He would here observe, that it was the mention of these Unions in the King's speech which had led him to notice their existence, and not wish to create idle objections against the Go vernment. As he did not wish to revive the discussion which ought to have closed last night, he would not toter further into these subjects at present. As he was, however, on his legs he would state to the Noble Lord opposite (Palmerston), that there were two points con nected with our foreign policy on which be required some information. The first was, whether the Government of the United States had acquiesced in the adjudication made by the King of the Netherlands, as to the northern frons tier of the United States. If the negotiation on that sub ject were not yet concluded he would not insist upon an answer. The second point, on which he was going to propound a question, was one on which lie was surprised no observation had been made in the King's speech. It related to the condition of Greece. He was surprised that, alter the repeated mention which had been made of the condition of Greece in the speeches from the throne, and after the singular events which had recently taken place there, no notice of Greece should be found in the speech. He asked whether the circumstances of the case were such as would enable the Noble Lord to give him an answer on these points. Lord PALAIERSTON—As to the first question put to me by the Right lion. Baronet, I can only say the decision made by the King of the Nether lands is to be submitted to the Congress on the first Monday of next month ; and I cannot make any communication upon that subject until after that time. As to the question he has put to me re specting Greece, the reason why no mention was made of that country in the speech is, that the matters now under the consideration of the Conference are not at present in such a state as would justify the Government in giving any final answer on that point. The most important matter now under consideration is the selection of the sovereign for that country. i can assure my Right Hon. Friend, that when the progress of our measures shall allow us to make a communication to Parliament, we shall be most happy to make it, and to accompany it with the fullest disclosures. Sir R. H. INGLIS was almost inaudible in the gallery. He was understood to be commenting upon the commu nications which had taken place during the last session of Parliament between the Birmingham Union and Earl Grey, and • o be attacking the Government for its con duct on several recent transactions. Mr. EWART would not have troubled the House on the pres ent occas i on h a d i t not b een f or t h e ver y extraor dinary speech which his Noble Colleague, for whom he profes.ed the greatest respect, bad just delivered. He un derstood his Noble Colleague to assert, that if Hon. Mem bers were to examine the opinions of their constituents individually, and to strike a b a l ance b etween t h e conflict ing opinions of individuals in private, and of the same in. dividuals in public meetings, they would find that a very different opinion as to the merits of the Reform Bill per vaded the country at the present moment, in compar i son with that which prevailed in the last session. lie was now speaking before the public, and h e s t ate d f ear l essly, that the majority of his constituents l were f the rie in f favour, not only of the principl es, butdetails the l a t e R e f orm Bill. There might be one or two pro visions i n t h at Bill w hi c h th e y did not think liberal enough, but that was the only objection which he had heard them make to the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) It teas due to himself and to his constituents to make this statement, and he was sorry that his Noble Colleague should have given so erroneous a statement as he had done, of the sentiments entertained by their joint constituents at Liverpool. (Hear,.hear.) The report on the address was then agreed to, and the address was ordered to be presented to his Majesty. GENERAL REGISTRATION BILL. Mr. J. CAMPBELL asked leave to bring in a Bill for the General Registration of Deeds in England. Lord MORPETH was instructed to say, that his con stituents wished to be exempt from the operation of this Bill. lie therefore hoped that his Learned Friend would himself propose a clause, taking the county of York out of its operation. Att. J. CAMPBELL could not assent to this request, as be had received several reprpselitatioris from the county of York, pi-Lying to be included In the Sir C. WETHERELI, said, that in discharge of his public duty he felt bound now it , . the ctts•:tt of this measure, to declare th,t ht the id give it as decided an opposition al he 1,6 a ever given to any measure introduced t'nto Mr. STRICKLAND also declared that he would give the Bill his most strenuous opposition. It was m'Sat strongly objected to, not only , by 41. t CO'niUdoits In the county of York, bet by ttl. r•::lia northern 'counties. .Meter A feCi• wordy . frotto I.r. SciroNsWAß and another . Fldn. Member, l EOrd ItlOßPETfrexpie;Sed a hope than his Non. and 'earned 'Friend would not impose upon him the necessity of moving 'that YorliVdee be exempted from the operation of the Bill. • X s .l*. J . CAMPBELL briefly defender? th;-, o.lcrai prin ciple of the Bill. Mr, PAGET cor...ct . rl::,': in the ohjection to the Bill taken by tile mber for York (Mr. Strickland). Art<Ss• a few words from Mr. CAMPBELL in explanation, was given to bring in the Bill. In a short time the Hon. and Learned Gent!ernan brought in the Bill, which was read a first tim(c, and ordered to be read a Wc9kl ti tithe oh tote 19th thst. and 'to be ptinted. 'LAW AMENDNIENt BILLS. CAMPBELL then brought in the following bills :—A Bill for the tiMitation of Actions and Suits Relating to Real ; a Bill to Abolish Fines and Recowirics . ; a Bill to Amend the Law Relating to Tenants the Courtesy of England ; a 13111 to Amend the Law Relating to Dower, and a Bill to Amund the Law of !r , .- heritanee.—They were severally read a qrst tithe, and ordered to be read a second tint on l'iiday next, and to be printed. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lore; ALT HORP, after adverting to the great conveni ence of giving precedence to the Government business on cert. tin days of the wt.ek, moved, that for the present ses sion the orders of the day do take precedence of all notices of motions which may stand on the book on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays; but with this understanding, that Government would not press its claim to precedence for its motions on Wednesdays. Mr. HUME suggested that some regulation should be made for taking orders or the day in the order in which they were set doWn on the order hook. At present the utmost htegularity prevailed in this respect, and from the uncertainty schich prevailed as to the time when a motion would be brought on, many Members were put to great inconvenience. Lord ALTIIORP did not see that taking the motion according to the order in which they were set down would be productive of such advantages as the lion. Member seemed to think. The motion was then agreed to, and the Iloume ad journed at a Quarter to Eight. THE YELLOW DOMINO. In the latter part of the reign of Louis XV. of France, the masquerade was an entertainment in high estimation, and was often given at an immense cost on court days and such occasions of rejoicing. As persons of all ranks might gain admission to these spectacles, provided they could afford the pur chase of the ticket, very strange rencontres fre quently took place at them, and exhibitions almost as curious in the way of disguise or assumption of cha racter. But perhaps the most whimsical among the genuine surprises recorded at any of these spec tacles, was that which occurred in Paris the 15th of October, on the day when the Dauphin (son of Louis XV.) attained the age of one-and twenty. At this fete, which was of a peculiarly glittering character—as much so, that the details of it are given at great length by the historians of the day— the strange demeanour of a man in a yellow domino, early in the evening, excited attention. This mask, who showed nothing remarkable as to figure,— though tall rather, and of robust proportion,—seemed to be gifted with an appetite, not merely past human conception, but passing the fancies even of romance. The dragon of old, who churches ate, (He used to come on a Sunday,) Whole congregations were to him But a dish of Salmagundi,— he was a nibbler—a mere fool—to this stranger of the yellow domino. He passed from chamber to chamber—from table to table of refreshments—not tasting, but devouring—devastating all before him. At one board, he despatched a fowl, two-thirds of a ham, and half-a•dozen bottles of champagne ; the very next moment he was found seated in another apartment, performing the same feat, with a stomach better than at first. This strange course went on until the company (who at first had been amused by it) became alarmed and tumultuous. " Is it the same mask—or are there several dressed alike ?" demanded an officer of the guards, as the yellow domino rose from a seat opposite to him and quitted the apartment. " I have seen but one—and, by Heaven ! he is here again," exclaimed the party to whom the query was addressed. The yellow domino spoke not a word, but pro ceeded straight to the vacant seat which he had just left, and again commenced supping, as though he had fasted for the half of a campaign. At length the confusion which this proceeding created, became universal; and the cause reached the ears of the Dauphin. " He is a very fiend, your Highness !" exclaimed an old nobleman—" saving your Highness's pre sence—or wants but a tail to be so l" " Say rather he should be a famished poet, by his appearance," replied the Prince, laughing. " But there must be some juggling; he spills all his wine, and hides the provision under his robe." Even while they were speaking, the yellow domino entered the room in which they were talk ing, and, as usual, proceeded to the table of re freshments. " See here, my Lord," cried one—" I have seen him do this thrice !" I twice i."—" I five times !"—" and I fifteen !" This was too much. The master of the cere monies was questioned. He knew nothing—and the yellow domino was interrupted as he was car rying a bumper of claret to his lips. " The Prince's desire is that Monsieur who wears the yellow domino should unmask." The stranger hesitated. " The command with which his Highness ho nours Monsieur is perfectly absolute." Against that which is absolute there is no con tending. The yellow man threw off his mask and domino; and proved to be a private trooper of the Irish dragoons! " And in the name of gluttony, my good friend (not to a'k how you gained admission), how have you contrived," said the Prince, " to sup to-night so many times ?" " Sire, I was beginning but to sup, with reve rence be it said, when your Royal message inter rupted me." " Beginning !" exclaimed the Dauphin, in amaze ment, " then what is it I have heard and seen ? Where are the herds of oxen that have disappeared, and the hampers of burgundy ? I insist upon know ing how this is !" " It is, Sire," returned the soldier, " may it please your Grace, that the troop to which I belong is to day on guard. We have purchased one ticket among us, and provided this yellow domino, which fits us all. By which means the whole of the front rank, being myself the last man, have supped, if the truth must be told, at discretion ! and the leader of the rear rank, saving your Highness's commands, is now waiting outside the door to take his turn."— Republic of Leiters. VOLUNTARY DISPOSAL OF THE B ODY .-- Dr. MACARTNEY'S document is now signed by upwards of 400 names, chiefly of professional men, who are anxious, by practical example, to remove the prejudices which stand in the way of dissection. We believe it is somewhat more than three years now since the document was prepared. Is it not time we heard of some actual example ; or who shall have the honour of the proto-m trtyrdom ? There is one obvious disadvantag e attending this sort of post-obit bond in favour of anatomy; it leads the public to suppose, that medical men are more interested in the matter than other people ; whereas there is no class of persons who would benefit so much by the entire prohibition of dissec tion as the present race of practitioners. Their profession would become a complete monopoly, and no fresh com petitors could arise to "push them from their stools."— Medical Gazette. The debate upon the King's Speech was r".. sumed in the Hoene. of cotnmons last night, the reeestion for bringing 'up the Report on the Address. There had been some previous skirmishing on the Pet'iti t On fie;iri thb county of York, the enor mous hulk of which seemed .to create, as much uneasiness amongst the Opposition es the entrance of a fat passenger amongst the travel`.ers in a stage coach. ,Mr. Crolee'e, who seems to act as foreman f the apposition for the present, assisted by Mr. Hunt, the representative of all England, endeavoured to undervalue the importance of this petition, which was signed by 150,000 persons, every one of whom can reed and write. We notice the circumstan ce chiefly because it seems to suggest an inference that the Anti-Reformers May not lee, afire all, so pacie Really disposed as some of our contemporaries would have. es to believe; for it is probable that neither the Hon: nor the Right Hon. Gentleman would have thrust themselves so prominently forward, if they had not some hope that their labours will not be altogether in vain. Lord Althorp, who presented this petition, renewed the declaration so often made on the part of his Majesty's 6oVernment—namely, that " there should be no departure from the prin eiple or the original measure, whatever improve ments might be made in the details." Still there is so much latitude in the construction of all ge neral declarations of the kind that, until the Bill or Bills be laid before the public, it is im possible to pronounce how far the provi sions of the new measure will assimilate with the provisions of that which has been so lately rejected. Our own construction of the declara tion, probably coloured by our own views, which are by no means favourable to some of the details, would go to this extent, that preserving the two great principles of disfranchisement and enfranchise• ment—that is, the destruction of the rotten bo roughs, and the extension of the elective franchise to the great towns—the Ministers are willing to make such concessions on other points as will invite the concurrence of those conscientious men in the new measure who opposed the late one in conse quence of its inherent defects. We cannot under stand why such an arrangement, which partakes nothing of the nature of a dishonourable compro mise, should not, consistently with the declaration of which we are speaking, be contemplated by Ministers, and accepted not only by the Opposition, but by the country at large. For our own part we shall always retain the opinion that we, and those who join with us in calling for the demolition of the rotten boroughs upon almost any terms that will secure the concurrence of one of the great influen tial bodies of the State—that we are the ardent and zealous Reformers, and not those who would stand out upon minor points of arrangement, to the ruin of that object to which almost every other consideration ought to be sacrificed. But when to this we add the fact that certain alterations are absolutely necessary to the improvement of the measure, the refusal togive up such points, in consideration of thegreat advantage to be obtained by their surrender, looks so like delu sion, that those who cherish or indulge, not those who resist it, are the persons who ought to enter on their just:fication. A few days, however, will put an end to the uncertainty in which the question is for the present enveloped. The Ministers may still pre ' serve their pledges—they may still preserve the principle of the former Bill—and yet do enough to conciliate those who opposed it in that shape. Whether such be the course they will adopt time only can determine ; but it appears to our simple apprehension that such is the course most likely to promote the Reform which the best friends of the country are desirous to support and consolidate. During the discussion on the address both Mr. Hume and Sir Francis Burdett spoke; the former complaining of many omissions in the King's speech, and the latter vindicating it from the charge of a want of candour and energy with which it had been assailed on the preceding night by Mr. Croker and others. The debate, though short, was interesting, and concluded of course with the reception of the report, a formality which was only delayed for the purpose of giving birth to a few additional speeches both for and against Reform.—Morning Herald. The session just opened bids fair to be the most important that England has witnessed since the be ginning of the 19th century; nor are we deterred from repeating that opinion by a recurrence to the many eventful crises which the 31 years alluded to have embraced. It is true that early within that period, a general peace was made and broken,—a general war, the most extensive and awful in modern history, was begun and triumphantly ended;—that a second peace, miscalled the " settlement" of Eu rope, and founded on principles of everlasting tur moil and revolution, was signed,—that corn laws and bullion laws were passed,—that laws abolishing almost the entire body of commercial prohibitions were enacted,—that the navigation law, once called the " maritime charter " of Great Britain, was re pealed,—that the penal code against dissenters from the Established Church, that cancer in the vitals of a Christian community, was eradicated ; and that every one—how much more the entire ?—of these vast changes in our political, financial, commercial, maritime, and social systems, have wrought effects incalculable, and hardly conceivable, in the very at mosphere of England. Yet has no one session— we might not err in saying all the sessions put toge ther—during which these mighty measures of State policy have been separately er collectively accom plished, a right to be compared for the abundance and value of their fruits with the prospects antici pated from that on which we now have entered. Whether by the fulfilment or the disappointment of a nation's prayers, the next six months must be im mortalized, for Great Britain must be convulsed or saved. But the prayers of the nation will, we doubt not, be amply and expeditiously gratified. The King's speech we consider a remarkable production. It at once speaks out with boldness to the people, and to the Tories with a discretion which has deprived them of all handle for complaint. On the Reform question his Majesty's declaration is, all circumstances considered, the most complete and absolute that could have been desired." A speedy and satisfactory settlement of this question becomes daily of more pressing importance to the security of the State, and to the contentment and welfare of my people." Now, what is the true and genuine import of these explicit words ? That if the Reform question be not speedily and satisfac torily settled—that is, " carried"—the security of the State will be endangered, and the people will he wronged and discontented. Hence it follows that the King considers the safety of the realm to be involved in the success of the Reform Bill. After this, can any man in his senses doubt that his Majesty will sanction whatever employ ment of his own lawful prerogative may be deemed by his political advisers indispensable to the passing of the Bill ? But it seems that words may change their meaning according to the person who utters them. When the King of England tells his Par liament that the public safety requires a certain Act, it is all very well : he gains credit, as it is most just he should do, for the delivery of a grave opinion, and for the use of a powerful argument. How, then, was the Press treated, when it employed exactly the same admonition, and in the very terms which have since been adopted by his Majesty ? When the daily journals told the Peers, that on their votes for or against this great measure of Reform, would ultimately depend their own safety, and that of the Monarch itself, some of the stupidest of the Tory partisans set up the yell of " intimidation." We were brow-beating their Lordships ! and threat ening, and bullying, and putting the gallant Peers upon their mettle ; and " it became them, as men of honour (forsooth), to sho.v thut they were not to be scared from their previous resolutions." Now it has been represented numberless times—far oftener than for the sake of Noble Peers themselves we could have wished it to be necessary—that the suscep tibility of political alarm on the approach or belief of national dangers affects in no possible degree a gentleman's reputation for personal courage, while I the want of such a sensibility deprives him of all claim to common senses, to patriotitm, or humanity; And lowirs him, in filet, to the level of a meie bar: harian. When Noble Lords protested against being bullied, they mistook, or pretended to mistake, the motives of thos . e•wlro addressed them, The appeal was to their wisdom, not to their individual fears. Pie reasoning was, es:•t that they ought to do wrong for the feir of personal bad consequences,but that by doing what was right in itself, they would escape, in their own properties arid persons, and avert from the State of which they formed part, the consequences of a disgraceful obstinacy, or a deplorable error. Was there in such language any thing disrespectful to the Peers ? We deny it. If there had been, we should, upon a moment's consideration, have ditavowed it; Liit we 'reiterrtte the argument o it is as Statesmen, as Legislators, as Chiefs of this great nation, we adjure them. " My Lords, you have in your hands the wel fare of England, and your own, which is but part of your country's. Your last vote against Reform has almost convulsed the kingdom to its centre. You have not rebuked, or repressed, Or pot down,lhe people of England, by your 'resistance to their una ninious desire—much less have you soothed or calmed them. On the contrary, it is yourselves who stand rebuked by the general voice of your coun trymen. You have provoked them till. Some among them—we fear an increasing number, you have filled with deep resentment towards your entire body. They say that you stand in the way of their national rights—of their liberties—of the public prosperity ; arid that if your privileges clash with theirs, they will try with you which is the stronger."' Since the second reading of the Bill was negatived, what symptoms have appeared of that re-action, the existence of which was alleged by certain of their Lordships as the only defence of their adverse votes? About two hundred arid twenty addresses and peti tions have been intrusted to Members of the Cabi net, besides innumerable others, declaratory of full confidence in his Majesty's Ministers, and of im passioned eagerness for the Bill. Among these ad dresses, we observe those of eleven great English counties, arid of near an hundred cities, towns, &c., but of districts, political societies, and corporations, the numbers and names are beyond our count. In Yorkshire alone the petition presented last night by Lord Althorp, had annexed to it more than 140,000 signatures ! In the debate on Tuesday, in the House of Lords, there were sentiments expressed by some of the most distinguished of their Lordships, scarcely less satisfactory than those contained in the Royal speech. From Lord Harrowby nothing, indeed, could be expected that was not characteristic of a temperate and tract able mind. The Noble Lord's former speech had exhibited a tone of moderation, which argued a ca pacity for cool inquiry into all the circumstances which ought to direct the judgment of a prudent legislator ; and his language on Tuesday convinces us that the Noble Earl has not mis-spent the oppor tunity afforded him since the late prorogation for as certaining the prevalent voice and feelings of the nation, on whose interests he is a second time about to decide. Lord Harrowby's son may require sharper teaching than his noble parent. We do not much admire the spirit of Lord Sandon's short speech last night in the House of Commons. If his Lord ship fancies that he can hustle the country out of the main principles of the Bill, by vague talk on behalf of other Bills, not nearly similar to the last, does he make love to Liverpool by abuse of public meetings ? or is he not secretly laughng at his audi ence when he describes the majority of the present electors as hostile to the measure of last session ? We can tell his Lordship—as Lord Althorp has already told him and the country—that every principle of the former Bill will be strictly and he nourably adhered to in the new one. There were two speeches delivered in the House of Lords on Tues day—we mean those of Lord Eldon, and the Duke of Buckingham, who followed him—to which it gives us pleasure to refer. On this occasion, the Noble Earl, who, with the Noble Duke, was last session vehemently opposed to Reform, very freely and candidly declared his willingness to revise the vote which he had already given, and if he found that he had really taken a false step, " to retrace it." The Duke of Buckingham seemed to be more pressingly alive to the risk incurred from the predo minancy of political associations, if they should be come incorporated with our system of Government, than to the details of a Reform Bill, whatever they might be. His Grace, however, declared that he, as well as the Government, was most anxious for the speedy and satisfactory settlement of the question— " on which depended the quiet of the country, and the security of the State; he would, therefore, when it came before the House, consider it with a view to the feelings of the people, with a view to that spread of education and knowledge among them which had rendered them both more alive to poli tical matters, arid more competent to understand them ; but lie would so consider it always subject to the principles of the Constitution." The country requires no more than that Reform and every other question should be so considered. In truth, there is no other view to be taken by any rational states man. He is a mere fool who would attempt to carry on a legislative warfare with a united nation. The speeches in the House of Commons last night were briefer, but more interesting, than the speeches on Tuesday night. The petition for Reform from Yorkshire was so large and unwieldy that it required the service of several Members to remove it from the Bar to the Treasury Bench, arid Lord Althorp was obliged to apologise for his inability to present it in the usual way. His Lordship on this occasion made the important declaration —" I should be most sorry that the Bill about to be introduced should depart from the principle of the Bill of the last Session—(Hear, hear)—and whatever improve ments there may be in its details, I hope and trust that when the day comes on which my Noble Friend shall introduce this Bill, it will be found that his Majesty's Ministers have redeemed the pledge they gave, that they would not abandon the principle of the Bill.—(Cheers.)" This declaration of his Lordship will diffuse satisfaction throughout the country. In the discussion on the report on the address, Mr. G. Dawson made what may be called a wild speech. " While the kingdom," quoth the Right Hon. Gentleman, " was almost in a state of civil war—when the second city of the empire had been devastated—when trade was at a stand and industry paralysed—the King's speech contained no promise that measures would he brought forward to remedy the existing evils." No ! Why have we not Reform, arrangement of tithes, and a municipal police ? If the agitation of the Reform question is one great cause (it is certainly not the only cause) of trade being at a stand, will not the passing of the Reform Bill, by terminating the agitation, tend to remedy the evil'? But the grand blow of the Right Hon. Gentleman was levelled at what he no doubt thought a vulnerable point in Ministers. Earl Grey had given audience to he did not know bow many tailors, and Lord Melbourne had allowed a radical apothecary to intrude upon his privacy ! Good heavens! only think of interviews with tailors and apothecaries ! With men who, perhaps, do not know that fish ought not to be ate with a knife ! We suppose there are yet clubs and coteries in this metropolis in which this sort of lan guage in a Senator may not appear supremely ridi. culous. The Right Hon. Gentleman said," tie Was sorry to confess that both England and Ireland were ruled by an irresponsible Government. It was the Government of the mob and the Government of the Press, and the Ministers of the Crown were but the servants of the mob and the Press. He was sorry to'see the manner in which -Ministers had al lowed the ante-rooms of their offices to be filled by the would-be representatives of the mob and the p re ss. Lord Grey had admitted he did not know how many tailors into an interview ; and Lord Melbourne, from whose character and generosity of mind he had expected something better (has Earl Grey no character, no generosity of • This argument is ingeniously and powerfully urged in a pamphlet just published, entitled What will tke Lards do next mind ?) had allowed a radical apothecary to intrude upon his privacy." Heavy charges these, no doubt t Ministers, to show their spirit and, their dignity; onght, to seem ignorant even of the existence of tai lors end apothecaries,, as Mr. Crotser, though first naturalized in St. Giles's, contrived to be ignorant of the existence of such a place as Russell-square. As to the Press, which of course must be in tole rable accordance with its readers, Ministers ought to endeavour so to act, as never to receive the ap probation of the Press, or the readers of the Press. Mr. Dawson, in kindness to his relative (who, by the-bye, is manly enough to be proud of his origin), ought to have borne in mind that many a had. joke has been cracked against Spihning-jentliess as wbll as hgairist cabbage, and pestles and mortars. A con ceited Coxcomb, like some of the personages of whose approbation Mr. Dawson is ambitious, in order, as he thought, to mortify the well known Beaumarchais, who had been a. ,watchmaker, at one of the Court parties to which Beaumarchais was ads mitted before the Revolution, put a splendid watch into his hand, and asked him to tell him why it did not go properly ? Beaumarchais observed that he ought to know something of watches, having been bred a watchmaker, and having opened the watch let it fall as if by accident, by which means it was broken to pieces. Sir F. Burdett read Mr. George Dawson a very proper lecture. " The time has been (he ob served) when Members of an Administration were censured for their haughty bearing to the indus trious classes, for their inaccessibility, for neglecting the people's interests, and for slighting their appli cations for redress. But now, a Minister is taken to task for having condescended to give a civil an swer to an application from a large body of his fel low-subjects; and another Minister is reprobated for having permitted a deputation of respectable men to pass the threshold of his ante-chamber.— (Hear, hear.) The assertion that a Secretary of State was degraded by giving an interview to tradesmen and apothecaries, struck his (Sir F. B.'s) ears as the most extraordinary sound he ever heard within those walls." These observations of Sir Francis were loudly cheered. Those who do not know Mr. G. Dawson might suppose, from the remark about tailors and apothecaries, that he was one of the last of the pig-tailed generation. They would be much mistaken ; for, according to all ac counts, Mr. George Dawson is, what in common parlance is called a good fellow, who, though he may not always find it convenient to see tailors, is, upon the whsle, both affable and accessible. He has not a little of the peculiarity in which Goldsmith's blun ders are supposed to have had their origin, of speaking without thinking. Garrick said of Gold smith, that "he wrote like an angel and spoke like poor poll." That Mr. Dawson resembles his countryman in speaking like poor poll, is sufficiently oisvious; for he was merely repeating by rote what he had seen in John Bull and the Quarterly Re view ; but we have never yet heard him accused of writing like an angel, and so far the comparison does not hold. The Political Unions are, naturally enough, far from acceptable in the Senate. We re peat what we have more than once said, that they have their origin in the uneasiness respecting Re form, that the passing of the Reform Bill will put an end to them, and that till then it will be impos sible to dissolve them. The truth is, that the Eng lish are too apathetic, and have too many claims on them by the tax-gatherer, to be able to devote time to Political Unions, and trainings to arms. It re quires some strong excitement, like that of the Re form question, to induce them to make any conti nuous effort of an energetic nature. We have observed with much satisfaction, that the Opposition have determined to drop the pretext of re-action. Indeed the very mention of re-action seems now to be dis agreeable to them. There is something curious in this. What all the assemblages throughout the country, all the numerously-signed petitions could not effect, has been effected, it would seem, by the stones of the mob. Are the skulls of the Anti- Reformers only to be penetrated by sticks and stones ? For the credit of the Aristocracy, we should be sorry to answer this question in the affirmative. And yet there is certainly something suspicious in the coincidence of the broken panes and broken pates and the discovery that there was no re-action. "Even the persons of the Anti-Re formers (Troth Mr. George Dawson) were threat ened in all parts of the country." We have thus, at length, fairly had the last of the tale of re-action.— _Morning Chronicle. The Ward of Portsoken has again returned Mr. Scales, and it remains to be seen whether the Court of Aldermen will again put their veto on the elec tion. It appears to us that the Court of Aldermen, in exercising the power of rejection, have displayed anything but prudence. The right they possess (if they possess the right) is one, the exercise of which ought to be reserved for rare cases indeed. It would be much better, however, if the Court possessed no such right. It cannot be disputed, that in rejecting Mr. Scales, the Court offer a bitter insult to the Ward; for what is it but an insult to the inhabitants of dm Ward to tell them—you are men indifferent to character and respectability, otherwise you would not have chosen Mr. Scales ? The inhabitants of the Ward must know Mr. Scales much better than the Court of Aldermen can possibly know him. Mr. Scales has lived long among them, and if he had not possessed the good opinion of his neighbours, he would hardly have been the object of their choice. We take it for granted that bribery is out of the question. The ground of exclusion is, therefore, unfitness, and this is saying that the inhabitants of the 'Ward themselves are not proper judges of charac ter, and as unfit to choose, as Mr. Scales is to be chosen. The objections to Mr. Scales have appeared to most people to be somewhat of the nature of those described in the epigram— ., I do not like you, Dr. Fell, The reasons why I cannot tell ; But there is one thing I can tell— I do not like you, Dr. Fell." But these are not times to gratify tastes at the ex pence of the peace of the community. We have in Bristol a striking example of the mischief of self election. But what is this power claimed by the Al dermen but self-election ? By refusing to approve of the person chosen by the inhabitants, they may themselves at length name all the Aldermen. It is impossible that the jealousy of the freeman of the Wards should not be roused by this injudicious act of interference. We therefore think the Court of Aldermen would act wisely in no longer agitating the Ward of Portsoken, and in consenting to receive the man of their choice.—Morning Chronicle. For several years past, the conduct of General Darling, the Governor of New South Wales, has been a subject of constant and general complaint. We are given to understand, that his recal from Australia—an act of the present Ministry—was in consequence of the very serious nature of some of the charges that have been brought against him by gentleman of the first consideration, holding Govern ment appointments. Amongst the complainants are —the late Attorney-General of New South Wales, the Solicitor-General, the High Sheriff of the Co lony, several Magistrates, and other Civil and Mili tary Officers. A gentleman also, of high legal re pute in the colony, it is stated, will follow General Darling to England, for the purpose of substantiating the charges which have already been preferred against him to the Colonial-office. It appears that most of the acts with which General Darling is charged, as unconstitutional, illegal, and oppressive, met with the countenance of the Wellington Cabinet, and were approved of by his late Majesty. Appeals that have since been made to the present Govern ment against these decisions have been reject e d, upon the ground that the approval of his late Ma jesty is considered an insuperable barrier again s t a re consideration. Several petitioi rs are, in consequence, about to be presented to Parliament. A great va riety of papers have been transmitted to us on the subject of these appeals, some of them containing do• cuments and matter of fact appertaining to transac tions of a very serious character. We have only been enabled to give them a cursory glance ; but, from what we have seen, we must confess that we are at a loss to account for their having been disposed V ( /' of without inquiry. Of course we cannot to know What defence General Darling set up at the Colonial-office; but, were we from the documents furnished, .'e should General Darling's notions of justice are peculiar character. In a short time, the these transactions will be brought before the it will then be for the late Administration , the apparent extraordinary support and pi they have given to Geneial Darling, under stances of, at least, a most suspicious chi Morning Chronicle. Although his Majesty's Ministers we selves sufficiently reserved not to acknowli tillianee with iincohititutional Atisociations speeches which they offered on Tuesday ' reply to the animadversions of their oppon , some of the friends of Alinisters, the mo, seconders of the address for instance, did tempt to conceal the favour and iA te tie' which these new powtrs in the State are by the Ministerial party. The substance was said upon the subject of Political Ui the partisans of the Administration was liti tha`n this, that being dangerous and p err ni crescences in the State, those Unions laugh suppressed, not by the power of law and meat, but by the Opposition in Parliament to oppose the measure in which his Majesty'' ters and those dangerous and unconstitutioi federacies concur. This is a commentary 11 1 recent proclamation, by which the leaders Unions who, in pursuance of its admotlitis. abandoned their projects of organization and merit will be instructed as to its meaning. will see by this that the proclamation 'wended to discountenance Unions, unconstll though they be, and dangerous withal, but them against stepping over the precise lin, which they can best support the measure of merit, and by their transgression of wi. Government might be embarrassed. Woull have been more consistent on the pact of the nistration to have permitted their allies of constitutional associations, without caution or of any kind, to go on to organize and . forces ? Would not these Unions have t' co• ;ED SUCCI TEETH, EDIBLE or other Liga NSIEult ,A Dentists BLOONIS ,Patronage wl Jnal exert! , respectful!: general, tin TEETH, T.UM, London an ,Performed in or presitu ' ll4 a Manner PARTIA I RRODIB it WIR] every y are res of the IV 'ne of the on Mon, ns-sti 4 nd Sat u . , ENHU ROYA (LES F public,nh in , tat 1 A'!%IILY 11 WILDAY with or ex, oral supp his num he Ilia Jme more pernicious and more danger. hey are ? And in the same proportion ;hey not have furnished a still stronger at whereby to induce the Odposition to I present Administration a carte blanche re-modelling of the Constitution ? W e ii think his Majesty's Ministers will soon that they have c immitted the capital fault, which in the management of great affairs proves fatal, of resorting to a half-measur Parliament, whose freedom Ministers would abolish by the dread of the Unions, may turn acoil them and say, " You are yourselves the Unions, or why have you taken step their power ?" while with equal reason the whom Ministers employ as their instrument and coercion, may reproach the inconsistent ment for chiding and restraining them one caning upon their support and assistance t The argument drawn from the existence erous character of the Unions, in favour of Nance in the measure of Reform to be prof Ministers, is just the kind of argument weak, temporising, incapable, and unprincipi vernment might be expected to employs which it would be impossible for a Govern , any other description to resort. Did Goy' foresee the fact and the argument when they forward their agitating measure of Rea :hroughout the various stages in which th upheld it by agitation ? If they did, how to escape condemnation for introducing a which must annihilate the freedom of the Lure, and be carried of necessity by unconst" means ? If they did not, what credit is due Foresight now that they pretend their mean satisfy the people and dissolve the Unions ? be any truth in the fact of the actual and danger of these Unions (of their danr dency there can be no doubt), and any the argument founded upon it, the Mini: in the dilemma we have stated. We the actual danger, however, to be greatly ;erased, and utterly repudiate and abhor robin argument. That such an argu: been advanced in Parliament would be food reason for the two Houses coming to current resolution, or for either House separately, " That they will never entert' subject of Reform in any shape so long remains a single Political Union in throughout the three kingdoms." This we suaded would be the safest course, as it Wt.' inestionahly be the most dign . fied. At who! 'n the progress of the first French revoluti what point of the climax of folly and atrocity, was then presented to the world, might not 4ument have been offered ; nay, was it not with fatal success to the successive assembli( assumed in that country the name, who .aasely surrendered and betrayed the rights ;ions, and duties of a Legislature ? And should be so unhappy as to behold the Britt lament yield to menaces and terror as 1 dative bodies of France once yielded, will )e difficult to imagine that the Political Oil Great Britain may also, by possibility, tread botsteps marked out for them by the J a cobin af France ?—Morning Post. are ii ttion an t is eligit 11 ifustions t°43 ins for fa I ptnfortabi I,o lvr bad _ are .11t and ea Gentlena, will great co at ry , in with c , et quali wit Inetelta 'le Poi a of his b han Landaus 'ee, by the partic Funer good-will With full mai to u. that e. No R.'e fa %%a the I 0 L leave to IparatuM kindly . the I (Signed Nov - , 4 11 32 u ne ( a P t " s ' all pa \NES'S, 0 STEA: t ',. l Y saf e an lOLERA have Phys the From *hole t dieez j : L •Lio ug b n .11p % . WlthO IfiZ n ally en P /'13'111; CORONER'S INQUEST.—On Wednescli ,n inquest was held before JOHN HOLLINS, Esq. , he Coroners for this county, on the body of so vhich by his directions had been disinterred teE . _ Ptoftssi on Chapel-yard at Chelford. It appeared from the adduced, that about a fortnight previou‘ly, a young named SARAH HACKNEY, who had lived in the of Mr. HOLBROOKE, of Tabley, left her master „ to reside with her mother at G oostry , b e i ng they state of pregnancy. She was an illegitimate c& having herself before borne two children unlawf W11;' Most it teingecsill , C OSS •.e Cure vit thich had become chargeable to that township, the rho had married h er mo th er re f use d t o a ll ow h e r to' n the house. She then came to Macclesfield, and took •esidence for a few days with her aunt, den; she was then in the family way. On Wednesdays ser aunt, and was found by a young man near o ;he high road in Sutton, in the act of giving bir t ,, !hill, and without any covering for her helpless This persoa very humanely caused her to be • ;o a house at no great distance, where she v!', fished with some nourishment and clothing fo ' ;hill. After the lapse of an hour she left nut managed to get as far as Henbury, where she is the door of a house, and obtained permission to stating that she was a married woman, o f the PLANT ; that she had come from a littlebeyond Ma where she bad been to pay same money; and that men taken in labour on the road, she had delivered Site staid here until Friday, and during the time sojourn, the child had two convulsive fits, but vs' e fs, it was apparently in good health. On the she called at Mr. SHAW'S, the gamekeeper to PARKER, at Chelford, and sat down in the house • child, which was then dead, in her lap. She l'f f ;he same story as at Henbury, and added, that as tad died she wished to have it busied, and it was' ngly interred between five and six o'clock the PaO e f. ng, in the chapel-yard of that place. Mr. par/ Knutsford, now examined the body of the infant, t narks of viol enc e app ear i ng , b e gave hi s o pi n i o n 01 had died a natural death ; and the Jury re' verdict accordingly.—Macclesfield Herald. n - , of i "lee ts, Ana H al t i i jr a steer tt kr: Youth I d L entless, .eases, 'Potent lily of habi t 1); E ll u ßY l a ar r l koit iker to th e i to stag into Whi c h , , fr om the inqt first i Praetition -ttl i t o " 4 wilic by ll:t of h t ,atapei ip d th e w t !Yer faller (I:l3elorvec( i: 1 „ t he ep e e of to fi 4' ' °, (1 41 to s eth o " d t, 'ac th Y, at lto a par to a ttend, - a ny part i ?OSS - 4) 800 Til at p p t BIRTHS. r '"A ' e On the 4th inst. in Burton-street, Burton-crescent, . Rodgers, of a son. And On the 4th ' inst. at Denby grange, Yorkshire, the IS' .f. L. L. Kaye, Bart. of a son. t MARRIED. P r 4 ilY , On the eith inst. at Wateringbury, Kent, Captain nad at R. \., late Captain of his Majtsty's frigate the his, to ` o o o , 4t ilift e , daughter of M. P. Lucas, Esq., of ateringbury 11 0, I to " - stre e t Alderman of the City of L W London, ,1,1 1 /It'd n ' % treet On the 7th inst. at East Grinsteal, Captain W. P. = ,- ,dc , Thu, RN., to Harriet, only daughter of the late R. 11. 1 4 " 1;41, ' ; Esq., formerly of Lewes. rid - Leder, ' Gore and 4114 Todd_ a nd Le; 11;,Saliabur 6 ' l, tad. - DIED. On the 6th inst. in Cumb er l and.street, Portman-see jtrl Right Hon. Sir Anthony Hart, late Lord Chancellor of and formerly Vice-Chancellor of England. o 1 On the :id inst. aged '7B, Miss Elizabeth Huntington , mer-street, Commercial-road. PAINTED AND PUBLIMIED BY )lUItUJ VOUtiat SVN OFFICE, 112, ...TAAND, LONDON.: (' of without inquiry. Of course we cannot pt. SUCCEDA pODIBLE AR to know what defence Gen er al D ar li ng i n set up at the ColOpial-ofite; but, were w t e b TEETH, wi I SIEUR .NI from the documents furnished, me s h ou ld o other Ligatut s f General Darling's notions of j us ti ce are 0 peculiar character. In a short time, the 01" ',NISEI these transactions will be brought before the , 111-°° fe ta i t o ronage whit it will then be for the late Administration to Dentists, the apparent extraordinary support and pt. liar r e s pect f u ll y exerti on ili they have given to General Darling, under i ll stances of, at least, a most suspicious chsrs'r, TEETH, wi Morning Chronicle. "ANEUM, so ' pe f London and Although his iNfajesty's Ministers were selves sufficiently reserved not to acknowled a: , : t gf h le o 2: ll :l'i t ' eae l cal v t l iutl ß : E ayatf'' ~, or pressure . . alliance with iincohititutional Atsociations, "a a manner sm speeches which they offered on Tuesday n ~;', PARTIAL reply to the animadversions of their oppose ' `' () RRODIBLI some of the friends of Alinisters, the more ei swer every pu sdconders of the address for instance, did tempt to conceal the favour and iAftet:ioll'ke-Qty are respec which these new powers in the State are r ' sit of the Min by the Ministerial party. The substance ° I O ne of the all was said upon the subject of P o litical Uni h od, on Monda , the partisans of the Administration was little 'ltraens-street; than this, that being dangerous and perniri' , la nd Saturday crescences in the State, those Unions ought suppressed, not by the power of law and C likb ENHURS' meet,, but by the Opposition in Parliament ilv ROYAL 1 to oppose the measure in which his Majesty's; Bl] ters and those dangerous and unconstitutiono' A LES federacies concur. This is a commentary F AMILY that he recent proclamation, by which the leaderiisP' t: c tion in an 41,tiuttfai .it i Unions who, in pursuance of its admorritioot ,1 1 WIL L D Y AY TI abandoned their projects of organization and merit will be instructed as to its meaning. ',gets with eve will see by this that the proclamation o' . ','"uhle or ex ei atio n are hoes 'wended to discountenance Unions, unconstit l i beral suppo rt P though they be, and dangerous withal, but to a r r h his numeroi them against stepping over the precise litre ''''lr he flatters' which they can best support the measure of O'..p ' tire.'l3ation and at merit, and by their transgression of whir Government might be embarrassed. Would stiiltel is eligibly have been more consistent on the pait of the nistration to have permitted their allies of t'''''e - s for far° , i , Partments r constitutional associations, without caution or ' '' i ,comfortably of soy kind, to go on to organize and arm %hov e " b aths forces ? Would not these Unions have the ',, t ° the . Se a re co come more pernicious and more dangereu e 7glarit and caps they are ? And in the same proportion 4 t 4 r Gentlemen they not have furnished a still stronger whereby to induce the Odposition to gin . Z‘ great cones present Administration a carte blanche fc'' k : air y. re-modelling of the Constitution ? We inch` 4 0 . 4 ' with cons 'test qualities think his Majesty's Ministers will soon d i. ' , 'retie with that they have c anmitted the capital fault, N it e r In ti etelante which in the management of great affairs cool proves fatal, of resorting to a half-measure.. i ntu re r d e I ostir Parliament, whose freedom Ministers would l e Ir kit - of his a bu b e e i abolish by the dread of the Unions, may turn ' lt • tiros them and say, " You are yourselves a lu Perior hands the Unions, or why have you taken steps re, i ii ,) Landaus, ( their power ?" while with equal reason the V Cee, by the d CU ' he whom nisters employ as their instrument ; tu gs particulr ;end coercion, may reproach the inconsistent (1 ` t i le Ids Funeral reent for chiding and restraining them one dot es. good-will) leaning upon their support and assistance the of with full 8 The argument drawn from the existence and 4 ' l rici ~, ~1 Nual. to • Y gerous character of the Unions, in favour of l'''' ';''Yers that an- eve cence in the measure of Reform to be prot:0„ , 4 ; t nands. Ministers, is just the kind of argument a '''' r:' , l ' ' '''t' il ''''lll ' l g ltsl: ' 'fli an ,',% i ' ,N iln ( s )v bi . e'l A le Da ve to ter weak, temporising, incapable, and unprinciple u ,, :fit ~ —.'s favor vernment might be expected to employ,"' "tn the Nel , s. PParatus for which it would be impossible for a Goveron l 4 „ any other description to resort. Did Gave l "L E foresee the fact and the argument when they li t ` b eg ( are ktltt v 4 eindly Bit forward their agitating measure of Refor oll k throughout the various stages in which Ord , upheld it by agitation ? If they did, how to escape condemnation for introducing aMe (i the tit which must annihilate the freedom of the I/ ' eiaa, g .N e o ) ture, and be carried of necessity by unconstit u abov e ionarat means ? If they did not, what credit is due t o 44tion ( po t- p, foresight now that they pretend their measur e ' lr tl a neat arms] satisfy the people and dissolve the Unions ? 11. 'to all parts be any truth in the fact of the actual and 1' r , - ----- danger of these Unions (of th e i r d anger ous CURE OF dency there can be no doubt), and any see 4 , the . argument founded upon it, the Ministe r ' uNES'S ~, wit ?: e porta in the dilemma we have stated. We b" : 4 ' l STEAM the actual danger, however, to be greatly t (2 1 1 ? safe and Berated, and utterly repudiate and abhor th e ll eh °l-ERA, ( robin argument. That such an argume t Ni s : have,, bee' w0 11 1 '; Ili: 4 without been advanced in Parliament would be a e s „,, n ` / - hYsiej good reason for the two Houses coming to a t . tree t : e i need current resolution, or fcr either House res° separately, " That they will never entert o , elk F ra h m I ,l v subject of - Reform in any shape so long 05 i s i remains a single Political Union in ex it 4'114 disease- /° h -e thin throughout the three kingdoms." This we 011 1 1t: 1 , 4 %6 not 1 suaded would be the safest course, as it questionably be the most dign'fied. At wha t 1 01 N/ 4-I ' ll y cases in the progress of the first French revolut i jl, t,ORTAE , PAT what point of the climax of folly and atrocity 1,1/, was then presented to the world, m i g h t not IP VICE . 1 f Is % , iiing di sal gument have been offered ; nay, was it not At o e ss . with fatal success icon te successive assemblies t k i* th e :7 11 assumed in that try the name, while basely surrendered and betrayed the rights, i ( NI the b e , it D a rn s times, and dirties of a Legislature ? And, k tl ',GOss' ar should be so unhappy as to behold the Britis h t,, t4 e cure of liament yield to menaces and terror as til e r ttis t : 4 Y, vie., a slative bodies of France once yielded, will it t ks,., t 't of int( be di ffi cult to imagine that the Political Urd,. 4 tffs t 'leets, wb Great Britain may also, by possibility, tread 'A l tsc s ti l i all Y i curt ian footsteps marked out for them by th e J a cobin I tl, y th e secret of France ?—Morning Post. ktt kr ! Youth of --- ci re nness r CORONER'S INQUEST.—On Wednescla) o o is' i ''eases, ' N o an inquest was held before JOHN HoLLINs, E4q.F, Vi t t Potenc e a the Coroners for this county, on the body of ao . 4 lip t u ility or d which by his directions had been disinterred fear 14 ftd habits, Chapel-yard at Chelford. It appeared from the eg l yhi Powers of adduced, that abaut a fortnight previou-ly, a young ths. neated .5_ named SARAH HACKNEY, who had lived in the At k t -14 Zdy rest of Mr. HOLBROOKE, of 'l'ahley, left her master 311 : i/ d ilt b i l ‘i.° l lB and to reside with her mother at Goostry, being the,' f 1,., cttieular c, state of pregnancy. She was an illegitimate c hil°' r.N 4 t'dstrken f having herself before borne two children unlawfal l i f ,ls, t ° the ign e t,S which had become chargeable to that township, the,. 1 , 1 4, - ; to state, who had married her mother refused to allow her to "„ t v - :,d into er in the house. She then came to Macclesfield, and tool“ nit, Tuich, f r , residence for a few days with her aunt, denyir i s ,W4: l34l the i she was then in the funnily way. On Wednesday, P ii iIN I ; II Y inquir her aunt, an] was found by a young the high road in Sutton, in the act of giving bir t " lo ,ttlxsctitioner child, and without any covering for her helpless If ' 04 1 ; 4 ' 4 ) afa man near a h g - 0 1 ;:qp . '' first end This person very humanely caused her to be re 4 14 :0 1 : which to a house at no great distance, whe re s h e W'' ' :tired. nished with some nourishment and clothing f°r 4,, 4 444 of a h child. After the lapse of an hour she left this 4 . 4 E t : aoPerio and managed to get as far as Henbury, where she I) ,,sliti i -w , s ever in as the door of a house, and obtain e d p er mi s sio n to r e o ti t tsd,vatient stating that she was a mar r i e d woman , o f t he n'or'ss i !'' ree en , PLANT; that she had come from a littlebeyond Macc l , e : Sis t ruyery ( where she had been to pay same money; and that '' lii, e short been taken in labour on the road, she had delivered l'fb,' k ts s ,'"u of tb She staid here until Friday, and during the titre c d r t l„ fail sojourn, the child had two convulsive fi ts, but viD e. PO ii:::' (hair lef,, it was apparently in good health. On the sa l c el l ,,kitti: s . , ll ave OA), d e T,nsult e d she called at Mr. SI4AW . S, the gamekeeper to . 4 1 1 4 Er ° "' had u th h e il(i, same os h i s e t • o h ry wa a s s then t e H n en dead, bury , in a nd li e a r dd la e p d . , PARKER, at Chelford, and sat down in the house 0"; ov ' eet ' ind' had died she wished to have it buried, and it was ' e rr s t da s ,' e s a eY, at ingly interred between five and six o'clock the sarnr,„ i ii rl s Vie par ing, in the chapel-yard of that place. Mr. Pari,J', 4 t o " attend, Knutsford, now examined the body of the infant, t o t e, a r , i 'Y Part marks of violence appearing, he gave his opinion We' , l'ias l ' l ., °SS child had died a natural death ; and the Jury rea r ' d i) 'Lit verdict accordingly.—Maccles fi eld Herald. j'l'll e ~,4 4t Pul ___-,%,"/,'eti; 't;Gls , I S 11 ' ' ik 11- 1 44 R 8e 1.7 ' . BIRTHS. On the 4th inst. in Burton-street, Burton-crescent, ).-,' .- to. e -,p l i J. Rodgers, of a son.. r- . .. . .. ~.,B( 71'. b., Adel thSatheseber'eti` - Le lUraes,