The Sun. — London, England, 1825-01-27 00:00:00

LONDON JOURNALS'. DAILY :tsfront the Morning Papers, Jan. 27, 1825. [THE TIMES.] is now said that the fresh levy of soldiers is lowa to Fifteen Thousand Men ; and that al; large a force the British array is to be in creased, though it is more than probable that llis Majesty's speech, on the opening of the session, will coon:ref - ice with a declaration of the peace demeanour and friendly sentiments of all the Powees of the world towards this country and each other. How perfect and secure, also, is the internal tranquillity of England : so that if we ever are to be in a situation in which the presser. of a large standing army might he al leviated without danger, in that situation we are at this very moment, when an aggrava tion of the burden is unfeelingly contemplated. Suppose any intelligent person ; a stranger to the sinister rumours ❑ow afloat on this sub ject, were informed that a change to the amount of 1.5,000 men was to be operated in the English army, would he not, in this season of peace, immediately infer that the change contem plated must be a reduction ? And by what rea soning could he be made to believe, that the pro longation of peace ought to lead only to the pro eressive accumulation of the burdens of war ? It is hardly worth the while to enter into any argu ment respecting the disposal of the new levies, or an equivalent force, when the whole is but a pretext to cover a public wrong. But 15,000 men are to- be divided, in certain proportions, be tween Ireland' and India. And how many thou sands will then remain in England, performing the constitutional service of barrack-keeping, or undergoing the fatiguing duties of parade ? The more we consider this measure, the more it appears to us,. and so will it appear to the country, " a mere job." A letter in this day's paper, signed " A Labourer," de• serves very general attention. We know that the statements which it contains are true, and that they apply to a very large district in the quarter from whence the letter comes, and to some thou sands of parishes in England. Here, indeed, is an argument for increasing the army ; and, should these sufferings continue, for the e►nployment of it also, not iu subjecting and tranquillizing distant or neighbouring countries, but in relieving misery at home. Yet humanity would dictate a different course : and a different course, or courses, we recommend to the Legislature. Let them, by di minishing farther the public expences, allow the opening of the ports and a free trade in grain. To keep bread from the mouths of a population, thus starved by their employers and those who should be their protectors, is to participate in the cruelty and wrong. A parish vestry, and more particularly in the country, is now become a pub lic begging-hatch,. to which those philosophizing political economists, the farmers, send their labourers for relief, instead of paying them their proper wages. [NEW TIMES.] There were no expresses received in the City yesterday. Consols, at the dose of business, were 9.1 i to 4/4 for the Account. Some variation took place in South American Securities ; but they finally closed at nearly their opening prices. In those of the Continental Powers there was little business transacted. The Mining Shares, with some few exceptions, were mostly lower.— The United \lexical) continue firm al. 130 to 13'2. Continental. Gas Shares adva►►ced two per cent. By American Papers to the ist instant, we learn that the merchants of Boston have strongly petitioned Congress fur the adoption of strong measures against the Pirates. Mr. Lloyd•, who presented the petition to the Senate, declared it was in unison with the voice of the whole coun try, which called for vengeance on these blood hounds ; and that scarcely a day passed that was not marked by some new recital of murder and plunder perpetrated by them , on. the lives and property of American Citizens. The Senate ap peared to pay great attention to this petition, and it is expected that they will empower the Execu tive to act, as the emergency may require, with promptuess and energy.—(lbid.) ['PIPE puaLic LEDGEK.] Our recognition of the Nev American States seems to have produced, in the political circles of the Continent a sensation not unlike to what the fall of a thunderbolt in the midst of them might be supposed to occasion. 'l7he strongest surprize at so decisive a step, mixed up with much sentimental w himpering about our dereliction of the good legitimate cause, is expressed in a Frankfort Paper which has reached us ; and the intelligence, according to this authority, has made a mighty stir in that city. As it is the seat of the Germanic Diet, the feel ings of its political coteries may be taken as a good criterion of the effect it will have on the different German Courts. That it has taken them unawares, in spite of the explicit language of our Cabinet, would appear from the remarks of The Frankfort Journal: and it would fur ther seem, that their dissatisfaction has been equal to their surprise. We were prepared for the latter feeling;. but to anticipate the ad miration that is expressed at the measure, could never have entered into our imagination, knowing how consistent our present conduct is with the general march of our policy for nearly a century and a half, as well as with the principles upon which our Government is con stituted. Our communion of interests with the Holy Alliance Wa3 an exception from that rule—the mere re sult of extraordinary and imperious circumstances. in breaking that connexion off, we violate no principle, and betray no inconsistency ; but simply return to the point from which we had been compelled by the force of uncontroulable events to start in an oblique direction. The Members of the Germanic Diet must, to use a homely phrase, have taken leave of their memo ries, if they suppose that our preseut relations with South America constitute a departure from' the usual tenor of our diplomacy. But their oblivion and disapprobation are alike indifferent to the people of this country, when the latter know, as in this case, that their cause is good, for they probably feel, that in a good cause they may defy the world. Had our Government yielded this point, there would probably be no end to the demands of the Great Powers of the Continent. They would next require of us a much greater concession, till at last they would probably insist upon a revision of lour Constitution, as well as a remodelling of our Government, so as to assimilate it to those of the " Great European Family ;" and, by way of fivale, upon the restoration of some scion of the legitimate branch to our throne. The most poli tic course is obviously the one which Ministers have taken—that of resisting these arrogant pre tensions in limine ; and the issue, if we are not egregiously mistaken, will bear testimony to its wisdom. After a decent time is allowed for the expression of surprize and regret at the danger of our example, our good friends on the Continent ill approach us in the same amicable way as formerly ; and we are inclined to make them every allowance at present, seeing the jopardy in which we have been obliged to place their favourite system. If the report ed augmentation of our standing army has reference to the sensations occasioned on the Continent by our relations with the new Trans atlantic States, we can see at least some consis tency in the rumour, though we must still doubt the expediency of the reported measure. The equipment of twenty ships of the line, and as many frigates, would produce a much stronger impression than a new levy of ten, or even fifteen, thousand men ; and it would not only inspire more terror, but it would more clearly spew that we were serious in our demonstra tions. By means of her Navy, England can ex tend her arms to the extremity of the earn► ; and, like the trunk of the elephant, it enables her to contract them as much as she pleases, by which she can strike far and near, with an effect that in most instances is irresistible. We know only of one circumstance that could justify the rumoured measure ; and should it indeed appear that we were menaced in our relations with Por tugal, our repugnance to the measure would, in a great degree, subside. Our honour, at least, would suffer, were we to allow a French army to occupy the territory of our oldest and most faith ful Ally ; but, with this exception, a naval arma ment would, in our opinion, inspire far greater awe than any military demonstration that we could make. However, we trust no case will arise to render either the one or the other necessary. [MORNING CHRONICLE.] The Army is to be again extensively augmented, and the commencement of the Levy only waits the Meeting of Parliament ; the 5,000 men, al ready raising for India, being as many as Ministers can raise on their own authority. The details of the augmentation are not ditinitively settled ; hut we believe it is inteuded to increase the Regiments of the Line to the establishment which existed during the war. There must surely be strong grounds for these measures, if Ministers wish to be justified in the eyes of the country. If danger exist, it should, no doubt, be boldly and fearlessly met; but, in that case, the Speech from the Throne must deal in very different anticipa tions from those which Ministers, in their festive hours, have lately indulged in. We are only anxious that the country be not deceived, and that no unnecessary expenditures be incurred to blight the hopes so strongly entertained, of a diminution of the public burthens. flowever that may be, the following statement of the en ormous addition which will have been made to the Army, within a period of twelve months, is rather, we should presume, calculated to throw a damp over the expectations of the country : New Regiments, and additions to others in the Spring of last year - - - - - - 5,000 Levy now raising for India - - - 4,000 Additional Levy, about - - - - 12,000 2:2,000 [BRITISH PRESS.] By our extracts from the German Papers re ceived yesterday, it will be seen that the recog nition of the independence of the new American States has excited a great sensation in every part of the Continent. It is singular, that after all the pains Mr. Canning has taken, during the last two years, to explain in the most candid manner the policy that would be pursued by this coun try, we should hear the late resolution of our Cabinet represented as an " unexpected devia tion" from its former course. Every one who has read the published correspondence between the English, French, and Spanish Courts, dur ing the years 1823 and 1824, knows that Mr. Canning explicitly gave notice, that if Spalu would not precede us in the act of recognition, it would become necessary that ice should, for our own sake, and without reference to the objections of Spain, regulate our intercourse with the new States, on the broad basis of " equal freedom of commerce for all." We perfectly concur with the Allgemeine Zeitung that we need not apprehend that this act will " risk our friendly relations with the Powers of Europe, with whom we have acted in common to maintain the tranquillity and peace of the world." They 1 . 11 know well that th ey h ave goo d reason not to" rush into a war which might shake the Continent to its centre, and overthrow half its political establishments. The rage for speculation, which is every day hatching into beim( some new scheme, has not passed unnoticed by those whose duty it is to • protect the unwary from being duped by means of these bubbles. It is intended, we understand, to bring a Bill into Parliament early next Ses sion, to put down the mischievous projects to which we allude. The very names of the greater part of them are quite ludicrous ; hut, unfortu nately, ludicrous as they may seem to a calm oh sorver, they are irresistibly attractive in the market. The object of the purposed legislation will be to suppress all those minor schemes, which, having scarcely a plausible design, and no real substance, are, nevertheless,. by the small ness o f th e s h ares , calculated to draw into their vortex those who can least afford to suffer by such delusions. The interference of Parliament will be further advan tageous to the public, by directing the course of public enterprise to those Companies, which, having been formed under the sanction of emi nent names, and for useful purposes, hold forth well-founded expectations of profit to the adven turers, and general benefit to the State. The petty schemes have no recommendation, and ought not to be tolerated a moment longer than circumstances render it unavoidable to du so.— (Ibid.) [MORNING HERALD.] The French Papers of late have been endea vouring to thrown odium upon England and its Ministers, for having acknowledged the inde pendence of the South American States. Here, however, we beg leave to observe, that it is by no means certain that his Majesty's Ministers have actually entered into any agreement with those States to the effect stated. However, we will suppose that they have; and that Eng land has at length acknowledged the Spanish Indies to be independent. The French Papers say, that, in adopting this course, we have set at defiance the Holy Alliance, and that probably the latter will, at some future pe riod, acknowledge India and other of our Colonies to be independent of us. Well, be it so ; but if we have possession of our Colonies, it matters not whether the Holy Alliance should issue a proclamation to the effect that India and our other Colonies were independent ; for we, on the same principle, might issue a manifesto, stating that the Russian possessions in North America were independent of Russia, and that the possessions of tie French in the East and West Indies were independent of France. It is folly for the French Papers to talk of the risk we run of Russia proclaiming the independence of any of our Colonies, till the time should arrive that our Colonies were actually as free from our yoke as the Spanish Indies are from the Spanish yoke. In a commercial respect we appear to be placed in much the following situa tion with regard to South America. We have it in our power to say to the South Ameri cans, you have hides, cotton, and other things, which you wish to dispose of—send them to London or Liverpool, our merchants can pur chase such articles from you either by the ship load, or even before the ship arrives in port, or in any manner you please ; and in return our mer chants will pay you in British produce of some sort. Gold and silver we have none— your's is the gold and silver country, there fore our merchants can give you nothing for your goods, but British goods. Now, if it he the interest of the South Americans to bring their goods to our markets, they will do so, and even their own Government could not prevent them. Without acknowledging the independence of South America, and ire the ab sence of Ambassadors or Consuls, our trade with South America has increased every year for many years past. The reason is obvious—South America produces hides, and other things which we want, arid can take and pay for beyond airy other nation, therefore the South Americans send them. They do trot send them because they ' have any par:icular affection for us as English mee, over any other people in the world, for they would send their produce to Spain, Portugal, or France, or any other country, provided they were better markets than England. And they would do so if the prices for their articles were higher by 2i- per cent. than they are here. Two and a half per cent. makes all the difference between a South Ameri can's affection for an Englishman beyond his affection for a Spaniard, a Frenchman, an Aus trian, or a Turk ; therefore it is folly to talk of their generous feeling towards us, and a greater folly to talk of what we might expect from their gratitude, for acknowledging them to be independent ; for the moment that should be done, and they could get French goods two and a half per cent. lower than ours, and obtain in the ports of France two and a half per cent. more for their produce than they could obtain in England, France would have their produce to the exclusion of England, and they would import French goods to the exclusion of English goods. Now the Chinese seem to have known this simple position, in regard ref trade, as far back as we have any records of China, but we are only just beginning to find it out. The Chinese say to all natious, if yon want our teas, come for them ; only bring us your tin, or something else, in return for our teas. If you do not like our teas, keep away from us. Adam Smith was one of the first to adopt the French merchant's speech, as an axiom in regard of com merce, " Let us alone—do nothing." But Smith so mystified the subject, that a man of com mon capacity can hardly know what to make of Smith's reveries. At last the reader is obliged to say to himself—well, after all, I can only come to the conclusion that Adam Smith merely meant to gay to the people of Great Britain what the Frenchman said to his Government—" Do nothing; let us alone." 1l r. Ricardo cut the matter very short, by saying, CC It is of 110 consequence mystifying us mer chants with dissertations on imports, or ex ports, or balances of trade, for if you import a 1001. worth of Spanish wool, you must ex port a 1001. worth of tin or some other Bri tish product, for luckily we have no gold and ! silver to export. Therefore, it comes to this, that a Spaniard labours to send you his article, in return for an article produced by an English man's labour ; tire one tends flocks of sheep in the wholesome open air, to send his wool to England ; the other shuts himself up in an un wholesome hot factory, among all sorts of noisome smells, in order to send, in return, his woollen cloths to Spain. It is labour for la bour," said Mr. Ricardo, " look at it in any point of view you will." Now if , with regard to commercial intercourse, the position of China, that of Mr. Ricardo, and the French Ministers, be good, we cannot see why our Ministers should give themselves ninny trouble as to the acknow ledgment of the independence of the South Americans, or why the latter should care whe- Jher we acknowledge them or nut ; for it ap pears by all accounts, that their markets are al ready sufficiently glutted with British manufac tures, and our markets are overloaded with their produce. What more would each side want, so far as an interchange of commodities was con cerned ? [MORNING POST.] As we expected, a Rule for a New Trial in the case Duncan v. Trend has been applied for and granted. It could not be otherwise ; for, as the Attorney-General observed, the Jury which found for the Defendant seemed to consider them selves a Court of Error, assembled not for the purpose of trying the particular action re ferred to them, but of deciding upon the De cision of the Court of King's Bench on the gene ral question of Police Reporting. Owing to this mistaken view of their duty, they returned a verdict in opposition to the direction of the Lord Chief Justice, founded on the law of the case, as made out in evidence. And yet for conduct so erroneous, and therefore so subversive of the fair administration of Justice, the Jurors have been half canonized by the traffickers in Police Scan dal ! Had those gentlemen been guided implicitly by the opinion of the Bench as to the legal na ture of the publications complained of (which the Lord Chief Justice again declared on Tuesday, " there could be no doubt were libellous,") and awarded the small damages, which from the other circumstances elicited during the trial the Judge himself thought out to suffice,they would in reality have best promoted their own object. A good deal of litigation, and many other unpleasant conquences would have been thus avoided. That a new a new trial will be granted, after cause has been shown, cannot now be doubted ; and as little can it be doubted thas another Jury will find for the Plaintiff, seeing the error of the for mer one, as well as the certainly that a second verdict for the Defendant (unless new evidence to alter the bearing of the case should be ad duced) must lend to further repetition of all past proceedings. In urging these sentiments, we are anxious for nothing but to uphold the authority of the law, and the character of our Courts of Justice. No friend to his country—no Englishman, who knows and values the inesti mable blessings enjoyed by Britons from our present judicial institutions, can have a different feeling. It is a species of parricide to encourage Juries to beat dow►► the constitutional rights of Judges, and thus set two parts of a system intended to move in concert, in direct contra diction, each to the other. The merits or demerits of Police Reporting generally, are in truth not at issue—they have merely been super induced upon a particular question, which ought to be decided without reference to them—but which, unfortunately, has, through mistake, been decided solely with a view to them. The Jury that tried 44 Duncan v. Trend " did not as suredly intend to declare that Police Reports were privileged beyond all other articles published in Newspapers. Yet such is the meaning of a verdict returned in contradiction to established law, and taken by the mere Party Press to be a revisal of the solemn judg ment of the Court of King's Bench on a gene ral legal principle. May we ask, would the same result have been recorded had the libel in question been in the form of a letter from a corre spondent, and its legal construction as clearly laid down by the Bench as on the lute occasion ? No one imagines so. The Jury appeared to have been impressed with the belief that a verdict for the plaintiff would destroy Police Reporting in loco, and with it all the wondrous benefits it is asserted to confer on society. Such was the hy pothetical evil they undertook to avert, and which, even if a real evil, they presumed too much in attempting to redress by a side-wind, while performing a distinct duty. The expe diency of allowing the sort of publicity which is ordinarily given to Police proceedings, by fancy Reports of those preliminary examinations, we shall again revert to at no distant day. ACCIDENT AT THE CUSTOM-HOUSE. 'FURTHER PARTICULARS.] Yesterday morning, at about half-past nine o'clock, a portion of the floor at the east end of the Long Room, at the Custom-house, gave way, and was precipitated with a dreadful crash into the King's warehouses which lie immediately under it. It has since been discovered, that the arches of brick-work which supported the floor, not being sufficiently strong to bear the immense weight placed on them, and being further weakened, as is supposed, by the loosening of the earth beneath by the late unusually high tides, had fallen in. The portion of the floor which has given way, as nearly as can be judged by the eye, is about 40 feet in breadth from side to side of the room, and about 20 feet of tke length. The entire breadth of the room is near GO feet, and the length 200 feet. The desks at each side of the room are left standing, the middle part of the floor alone being sunk.-- Most providentially no accident whatever has oc curred on this occasion. It took place at about half an hour before the commencement of public business ; only one individual (it is said one of the clerks of the warrants) was stand ing on that part of the floor which has fallen in, and he, finding it gave way be neath his feet, saved himself by springing up into one of the window-seats, which he had only just sufficient time to accomplish. Some workmen were also employed in the warehouses below, but they all saved themselves on the first alarm, though with great difficulty. As soon as the accident was known, orders were issued to close up the doors of the Long Room, and to forbid any persons to enter it, it being then un certain how far the security of the whole fabric was endangered. The officers and clerks of the establishment began to arrive shortly after, but it was of course impossible to transact any public business amidst the general confusion, had those gentlemen been permitted (which was not the case) access to their books and papers. Mr. Laing, the surveyor, was sent for by the Com missioners ; and until his opinion could be obtain ed, workmen were employed to prepare as many us possible of the small rooms adjoining the Long Room, for th►' accommodation of the principal clerks. We understand, however, that the result of Mr. Laing's survey was, that that portion of the room which had not fallen was perfectly secure, and that the interruption to public business need not exist lon , er than till the following day (this morning) when the Long Room he thought might be opened as usual. The inconvenience to merchants, who had clearances to make, of this unexpected interruption to busi ness, has been of course very great, and the acci dent, when announced .to many of them, appeared so extraordinary, that they were with much dif ficulty induced to credit it. When the intelli gence was first circulated in the city, it was re ported that the whole had fallen in, and the greatest alarm was consequently excited until the truth was ascertained. The following notice on the part of the Commissioners was put up at the Custom-house about an hour after the accident : " At the Board, Jan. 26. " In consequence of part of the floor at the east end of the Long Room having given way this morning, the Board direct the Bench-officers to make such arrangements for conducting the business as, under the circumstances, they may deem expe dient, relying upon their zeal and intelligence for taking such measures as shall occasion no farther stoppage of the business than may he indispensably necessary ; and, until farther orders, the Board direct the Long Room to be cleared, and the doors to be closed, giving access only to such officers and clerks as may be desirous of removing their books and papers."—( Tht Times. ) LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JAN. 26. RIOT AT CHESTER. THE KING v. FAULKNER AND OTHERS. Mr. JOHN Wiwasts shewed cause against a rule obtained in Michaelmas Term, by Mr. Taunton, calling on Mr. Faulk ner, jun., and certain others, inhabitants of Chester, to strew cause why a criminal information should not be filed against them for alleged misdemeanours committed on the girth Octo ber, at the close of the election of Sheriff of Chester, which took place at the town-hall that day. The Learned Counsel said, their Lordships must have seen that the facts and state ments in the affidavits had arisen out of great animosity be tween the independent party, as they were called, on the one part, and the Grosrenors, or Corporation p ar ty, on th e ot h er . —The rule had bee n tained on affidavits, a considerable portion of which conveyed hearsay information. His Worship the .Ilayor of Chester, and two others, appeared, swearing to matter of hearsay. The charge against the defendants was, rioutous behaviour in the streets of Chester, breaking windows, and obstructing the election in the town hall by leap ing on the tables, putting themselves in a menacing posture, throwing missiles, and compelling the Mayor and Recorder to leave the hall at the hazard of their lives. The persons making affidavits in support of those charges had stated that Mr. John Faulkner, jun. of Chester, was one who assembled In the Town Hall to oppose the election, and that not being a freeman, he had no right to interfere. The fact was, Mr. Faulkner was pre sent, and being told he ought to withdraw, he retired quietly from the Hall when ordered. It did not appear that he came in again. It was five or six hours after that the disturbance occurred in Chester, so that there was in that respect a contra diction in the affidavits. The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE said, a jury would be compe tent to decide on those contradictions. Mr. WILLIAMS expressea a hope that the Court would not send this young man, Mr. Faulkner, before a jury. Ile should prove by the affidavits that Mr. Faulkner, after he had left the Town Hall, went to dine with a friend, and that he did not return towards the Exchange before two o'clock.-- He met a person who had seen the commencement of the af fray, and it would appear that when it began Mr. Faulkner was decently dining with his friend. Th e I n d epen d ent party were going to the Green Market, and the Corporation party threw potatoes, turnips, and other missiles at them. This led to the affray. The Independents overcame their adversaries, and ran to the public-house, kept by Mrs. Leet, where finding the doors shut, and some of the Corporation in the house, they broke the windows. The Corporation party committed the first breach of the peace. Mr. Faulkner, who came up at the time the outrage was going on, instead of promoting it, exerted him self to the utmost to make them desist from throwing stones. Mr. Williams, having minutely detailed all the facts,' contend• ed that the Court had no case before them on which they could grant an information. Mr. CHITTY was also heard for Mr. Faulkner. Mr. PARK addressed the Court on behalf of the other De fendants. Mr. SCARLETT, in reply, said, all parties had agreed that a dangerous riot ensued, and he called upon the Court to protect the future peace of Chester and its elections, by making the rule absolute. The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE said the Court would look into the affidavits before they gave judgment. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, JAN. 26. CHOUMERT v. HASWELL. This was an actiOnfWil; - liseaiidoeitii;lion of two houses at Peckham, tried before Mr. Justice Park, at the sittings after last at Guildhall, in which a verdict was returned for the de fendant. Mr. serjeant WILDE now moved for a rule to show cause why a new trial should not be granted, on the ground of mis direction by the Learned Judge, and that the verdict was con trasy to the evidence. Ile contended that th e d e f en d ant was liable for the rent, inasmuch as he had caused various repairs to be made, and had actually paid for these repairs. There was nothing to show that he had not underlet the houses to his brother, in which case he was clearly answerable for the rent.— Rule granted. At one o'clock Mr. Justice Palm went to Guildhall to sit at Nisi Prius for the Lord Chief Justice, who still continues in. disposed. CONSISTORY COURT, JAN. S. An application was made by Dr. SWASEY, on the part of the parish of St. Martin's-le-Grand, for a faculty to enable them to pull down a church in St. Martin's-lane, Cannon -street, situate in the said parish, and used since the Fire of London for the service of the French Protestants. The surveyer's re port of the ruinous state of the building being read, the Court granted the motion ; adding, that as the parish had parted with their right to the French Protestants, which cession was subsequently confirmed by Parliament, the decree must be made special. OFFICE OF THE JUDGE PROMOTED BY THE CHURCH WARDENS OF GREAT WALDEN, ESSEX, v. REV. c 3. s. CLARKE, D.D. Sir C. Ron INSON said this was a proceeding instituted against Dr. Clarke, containing no less than 18 articles, charging him with obstructing the church-service, and creating a disturbance in the church, and with other offences, of such a nature as to suggest a doubt of the sanity of the person perpetrating them. When the proceedings were first brought before the Court, it acted in such a manner as sheaved its compasssion for the unfor tunate individual so situated, and with the hope that the com passion so ehewn would have induced Dr. Clarke to refrain from such conduct, as left it imperative on the churchwardens to exhibit the articles praying his suspension ; those hopes hat. Mg been frustrated, there was no ground why this Court should longer delay pronouncing suspension against the offending party. The Learned Judge here recited the different articlet as proved by the Rev. 3lr. Bird, the clergyman appointed br the Bishop of London to officiate in the parish, and others, which have been sonic time before the public. To these charges no denial had been given, no appearance in Court made. The , Court must, therefore, consider the article proved, and would proceed to exercise the painful duty that devolved upon it. It had no other course to pursue than the strict line of duty pre, scribed by ancient practice, as stated in the decretals. rho Court therefore decreed, that Dr. Clarke be suspended from his, clerical office, and all benefits arising therefrom, for two years, with full costs of suit ; that at the expiration of that period, Dr. Clarke should exhibit to the Court a certificate, signed by three resident Clergymen of his neighbourhood, of the propriety of his behaviour during that period ; the suspension not to relax until such certificate is produced, and approved of ley this Court s that a decree for sequestration of the profits of the living shall pass; and that Mr. C. 0. Parker, of Chelmsford, be appointed sequestrator, to act and account, as in the case Dix v. Hudders., ford ; this suspension to be publicly read at the parish church on the next and succeeding Sunday. FIFE CAUSE.—We understand it is probable this important cause will come on for trial before the Jury Court at Edinburgh, on the 20th of February next.--(Abordren Chronic*. ) There is no salvation for the drunkard in a warm climate. Of 5,000 Europeans who went to Columbia within a few years, not more than :100 survive ; and three parts in five of this mortality may be attributed to drinking.--(Hull's Columbia.) Printed and Published for the vnopßlEToas, at the Sera. Orrici:, Nu. 112 ; :trend, by J B. GALlTArttii.