The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-17 00:00:00

could foresee. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman consi dered with the Noble Lord that that argument was vain, that there was a dire necessity for the whole measure, that the Legislature had no choice but to embark in the despe rate adventure. But did he give the slightest intimation "What would be the end of the career? Did he look hke a philosopher, to the end of events ? Had he reason to believe that he could foresee the termination " the course now entered upon ? Not at all. Any. thing more vague, anything more indefinite, than the etetements of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman on t hat point, had never fallen from human lips. It Was true that the Honourable and Learned Gentle ;flan had advised them to open the gates of the fortress, lest it should be stormed at the breach. But did he tell them that they could open the gates with safety ? Did he tell them that they could open the gates without exposing their property to plunder, and their persons to massacre? l hey were not to attempt to make any terms; but they Were at once to throw open the gates, and await the con sequences, however fatal. The Hon. and Learned Gen tleman did not recommend them to open the gates on C onditions ; he did not say, " Here are the terms which the invadir ' , army is disposed to concede , " And who Were at the head of this army ? The Whigs. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman did not say that they were its l eaders, but that they were the foremost of the throng 'Pressed forward by those who were behind with a dire and irresistible force. It did not need the confession of t he Hon, and Learned Gentleman to establish this fact. It Was evident in the occurrences of the day. Had they oot seen what had taken place at meetings of the people, deceived, according to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's ° ten admission, by demagogues and artful incendiaries. One of those meetings, consisting of one hundred and , fi ftY thousand persons, assembled somewhere in Birming "sins came to a resolution of approbation of the conduct of the two Noble Lords opposite. That meeting—he did bin know whether at the same time, but a meeting com- Posed of the same persons, professed principles that must have startled, not only his Majesty's Government, but the t °ost violent members of the popular party. They c ame to two resolutions—the one, that the people ° eght no longer to pmy taxes; the other, that here ditary rank was an abuse which ought no longer to be tolerated.—(Hear, hear.) Having passed these reso lutions, they thought they should do honour to the two Noble Lords opposite by presenting them an address of gratitude and gratulation. It was certainly somewhat singular that a body of persons who had just resolved that !axes ought no longer to be paid should address his Ma- Jetty's Chancellor of the Exchequer, and his Majesty's l' aYrnaster of the Forces. —(A laugh.) If the resolutions Were to prove effective, those Noble Lords would find th emselves in the possession of sinecures. —(A laugh.) It Was certainly somewhat singular that a body of persons W ho had just resolved that hereditary rank was an intole- Nile abuse, should address, whom ? Lord John Russell a nd Lord Althorp.—(Hear, hear.) And those Noble , r ° nds seeing nothing extraordinary in all these proceedings; , 01 ting at the assembly in question with the same pro- Poetic eye as the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ; not see -141 in them a mob urging them forward, instead of a body °i Which th e y w e r e the lead e rs ; not s e eing in th e m a h ° dY of despotic dictators, but a body of adulators and i tdrnirers; were so flattered by their praises and cajolery, that, entirely forgetting the resolutions that taxes ought n ot to be paid, and that hereditary rank ought to be abo l!'hed, they regarded the persons by whom those resolu os had been passed, ot as their future plunderers and b utcher s , b ut as their friends and admirers— " Pleased to the last,•they cropped the flowery food, , And licked the hands just raised to shed their blood !" ';:, laugh.) It appeared, however, that we were blessed 'ith an Administration, not only possessed of this tender and lamb-like disposition, but who had also the spirit to p r event property from being endangered, and to vindicate e authority o f v iolat e d laws. Such had been the Hon. . 7 t ld Le arne d G ent l eman ' s p ra i se o f hi s M a j es t y ' s Mi n i s t ers . t More keen irony—a more bitter satire-- I h Mr. MACAULEY d e ni e d h a vi ng use d suc h wor d s . H e 41 never alluded to the protection of property by his Ma i; ' es tY's Ministers.—(Hear, hear.) Ale- CROKER said, it was clear that the Hon. and Le arned Gentleman had been ironical, and had for gotten what he had said.—(A laugh.) He did not 1 , s rge the' Hon. and Learned Gentleman with using the ' ti , °r ds " his Majesty's 'Ministers," but he had said that v `ie great party would use all the powers of the State to pre t o :re property, to defend persons, and to restrain the violence hi s Majesty es. .Now be (Mr. Croker) would ask whether 6 s Ministers had exhibited any spirit or any ' r Mnees on those points? Let Bristol, let Derby, let Co . ' s entr y , bear witness.—(Hear, hear.) So far from pro tecting others, they had not shown even the power of de fending their own dignity. Their privacy had been as , tiled at midnight by the delegates of -Political Unions. T hey had b een pu b l i cly i nsulted by comb i nations of per , , s ons, who d ec l are d the i r reso l ut i on to pay no snore taxes. ': en when hi s M a j esty h a d b een advised to issue a procla station against the societies to which his Majesty's Mini lift_ , 4 s had pr ev i ous l y truc kl e d, the Unions were indu ce d by cgociation not to yield obedience to his Majesty's procla bast' th l ''' , ; no, that would have been to show deference to thority—that would have been to set a graceful 1 4 4 °Ple; but to dissolve themselves on the evening be -1 , th e i the proclamation was issued, and thus to make that f all eh ought to have been a strong and healing measure, 1 (Ile an absolute dead l e tter, having nothing on which to th r& te• The Hon. and Learned Gentleman bad said that ere 44 Was one subject which had not yet been sufficiently ter 44 , ted t o , an d on w hi c h h e wou ld th ere f ore t ouc h ; l t d he had forthwith proceeded to argue upon it.— a m Was certainly very natural that the Honourable o f . Learned Gentleman, who scattered the flowers °l4 eloqu e nce with so generous a pr o fusion, s h o uld (4 4 bionally fail to remember his own liberality ; but h e r t ,, r • Croke r ) cou ld ass ure the Hon. and Learned G en tl e t :°, that h e h a d no t on f ormer occas i ons f orgo tt en th e lat N s Connected with the eminent persons—Fox, Sheridan, t a .° dharn, and last, and greatest, Burke, who bad brought 4ternueb power into that House, in consequence of having " 5,,, ° elected far popular places. As, however, the Hon. (q Learned Gentleman bad repeated the argument, he o t , r * Croker) would repeat the answer; which was in the li .-tit ha of all who were acquainted with the political ta to h tt r Y of the country, and which ought especially to have / t, 4 ° Present to the mind of the Hon. and Learned Gentle rl et:* It was true that the eminent men in question were r,k 411 for popular places. But how did they become ,„ t - wn , to the electors in those popular places? Did they th b rat sit for nomination boroughs; and was it not by r l tt - 'Plendid talents which they displayed while they pi etta f or those nomination boroughs, that they recona -1 ~d 4, themselves to the electors of popular places ? In l i lti ° Pinio n , one of the greatest merits of the nomination bo -1 litte s Was, that they afforded a preliminary trial, a sort of s od leal apprenticeship, which enabled the electors of large Isi tt hPul ar places to ascertain the qualificatinns of individuals 1 44 ,: Who m they would otherwise have been wholly unac , tli, it t t eds Such being the case, he could not agree with tit, 'M. and Learned Gentleman in stigmatising as Syco tis„,!' as the mothers of all mischief, places which had ( I:l ob s " a Fox, a Sheridan, a Windham, a Burke to the ' 4 1k 4e of Commons.—( Hear, hear.) He had said this f rie v Y th e W er Was in the mouths of all who were familiar with ti, as' ,V ltil Political history of the country ; and he had added, : fi t eef i r o o' f' ) of d i e t ought especially to have been present to the mind sche s / stia t e lion. and Learned Gentleman. Did not the Hon. l e an 'I to L earned Gentleman owe the honour of an invitation ith C Y, th e c ome the representative of the town of Leeds, should o or F 4 111 i ! 1 pass (and would to God that only so much of th e the A C Nl Zl'ght pass as would enable the Hon. and Learned The ,o is t ttnan to represent the town of Leeds), to the exist the?"4 4 cc a l ,„ Ya tern? How slid the Hon. and Learned Gentleman .r) , ei , 4 ity -. 7 known in Leeds? How had he had an opportu ,t d i tty t he . 6 ' showing his great talents? By sitting for one of ,be irfi r a l , t oo a„ rrl tert nomination boroughs which he now so loudly , 4 's k 440 ed. Let him not blush at following the traces of .1 11$ 0 f0 ?Itt4 l; c 'heridan, Windham, and Burke. B u t if h e mus t cou rl A I Stl tio let it be at the momentary ingratitude which h a d , a tiofr o tle for tk e d him to stigmatise places to which he was indebted i ed ° ' •01(tl e ,„, high station which he held in public opinion.— ware lac ,h t '') The Hon. and Learned Member, in defending d the 00 1 I t : ° °duct of large public assemblies, had said that a lters oi S r . °, the frailty of human nature when great masses i o ns; ip, It ;: 4, elllbiel, to follow the direction of the most violent. be o ri Pte t le< 4 . Croker.) agreed with the Hon. and Learned Gen ,,l% 0 ,4, l'ot,, tr n ; He objected to placing large and uncontrolled ou e, r F ti a % it In the hands of masses of the people; convinced ix $ V t htit I l i tc h a step would lead to the dissolution not only of A t icey tha t , "se, but of all civilized society. And if, on time id beet, ° ° I tl:,„.y , as the Hun. Member opposite said, the character e fa eor l 'h ap - 'souse wool I not be changed—the class of persons The t s/ sf 4 1 1 ' 4 ' 1 to it would not be altered—he asked,what became .... se nt ,y; tt e , i , ,t,hin the Hon. Gentleman opposite had said ab o ut a p hisbk„ l / 4. 7045e of Comtnons•—a reformed House of Commons that 1 ( 4'4 „ I .. af all the great things it was to do for the country? * e t t a i t e th ow _! - I n on. Member for Caine (Mr. Macauley) said, they retie: 4 i ,e t o l l , o . t look to the history of other countries—to France, , du , .;* 4 Spain ; but that they should look to the history of time ' inti.llth; i ts —to the year 1640, when the great rebellion began ; tilt4._ year in which a Prince was first forced into the field, occ , OV 0 0•, 4 ,° into a dungeon, and at last to the scaffold. He had It' th l s!.l. a tio ' id t t4t history, and, with the leave of the House, he otild lt'('hat read some extracts from Mr. Hume's History of . 0 , ,, 1 , D ,. ,pkeriod. He knew that readin g extracts was not ' be ' e s , , t 4i t s , 1 r in that House ; but he hoped be would be per s. - lb' .i lt t , 1 7 11 , to bring them forth upon the present occasion, when ' v , O r 4 considered what powerful tiae the Hon. and Learned 1 uell ;wig!' Ed 10 ere P ws o yrs' he c° ba e cheit, n t by., ce de PS V° 7 a 114 j ti gres:y beo lr fr ,j illiog, ned n bad eiety. ed ; ! to in a the !an W. rig • CO! ciptel'j ,p. nOt% prioCird d to,", ' Member had made of his reference to the history of this period. The House would see how just, how apposite were those extracts—bow closely, how wonderfully they applied to the existing state of things :—" Charles, find ing that nothing less would satisfy his Parliament and people, at last gave his assent to this Bill, which produced so great an innovation in the Constitution. Solemn thanks were presented him by both Houses. Great re joicings were expressed both in the city and throughout the nation ; and mighty professions were everywhere made of gratitude and mutual returns of supply and confidence. This concession of the King, it must be owned, was not entirely voluntary : it was of a nature too important to be voluntary. The sole inference which his partisans were entitled to draw from the submission so frankly made to present necessity, was, that he hail certainly adopted a new plan of Government, and for the future was resolved, by every indulgence, to acquire the confidence and affections of the people." In the 'next year, after his Majesty's granting this Bill for shortening Parliaments, the King's Minister was drsgged from his Cabinet to the scaffold, and Charles himself was degraded by con senting to the legal murder of Lord Strafford.—(Cheers ) This was the first effect of concession—this was the first stage in the bloody course of Reform.—(Cheers.) Mark how it went on. The Commons were con stant in their project of change, and the historian went on to say:—" But, notwithstanding these efforts of the Commons, they could not expect the concurrence of the Upper House, either to this law, or to any other, which they should_ introduce to the further limitation of Royal authority. The majority of the Peers adhered to the King, and plainly foresaw the depression of Nobility, as a necessary consequence of popular usurpations on the Crown. The insolence, indeed, of the Commons, and their haughty treatment of the Lords, had already risen to a great height, and gave sufficient warning of their future attempts upon that order. They muttered somewhat of their regret that they should be enforced to save the king. dom alone, and that the House of Peers would have no part in the honour. Nis . , they went so far as openly to tell the Lords, That they themselves were the represen tative body of the whole kingdom, and that the Peers were nothing but individuals, who held their seats in a particular capacity; and, therefore, if their Lordships will not consent to the passing of Acts necessary for the pre servation of the people, the Commons, together with such of the Lords as are not sensible of the danger, must join together, and represent the matter to his Majesty.' " They did not say the Peers were a fac tion—they were modest in those days.—(Cheers.) They did not call the solemn resolution of the House of Lords the whisper of a faction,—(Great cheering.) They spoke of the Peers simply as 199 individuals, who, in their private capacity, were opposed to the representa tives of the country.—(Cheers.) This parallel was suffi ciently obvious. " Meanwhile the tumults still continued, and even increased about Westminster and Whitehall. The cry continually resounded against Bishops and rotten hearted Lords." Now the cry was rotten-borough Lords. —(Loud cheering.) The history does not say whether the House was dismissed in the latter end of October, to be re-assembled on the 6th of December under the order of the exciters of tumults, and under the pretence of con. sidering a Bill which was not ready—which was not laid on the table until the 12th, and put into the hands of the Members until they entered the - House that evening. But Ministers knew the more time was afforded the people to reflect, the less inclined would they be to support them.— (Loud cheers.) Now see what course was then pursued, and how they went on to justify their proceedings. They represented that delay was as dangerous as denial. " They expressed their great grief on account of his Ma jesty's answer to their just and necessary petition. They represented that any delay, during danger and distrac tions so great and pressing, was not less unsatisfactoi y and destructive than an absolute denial; they insisted, that it was their duty to see put in execution a mea sure so necessary for public safety ; and they affirmed, that the people in many counties had applied to them for that purpose, and, in some places, were, of themselves, and by their own authority, providing against those urgent dangers with which they were threatened."—(Cheers. ) The very words adopted by the Political Unions of the day—they called upon all men to arm themselves, under the pretence of securing their personal safety and public property, while their main object was to foment the tu mults of which they feigned themselves afraid, and to con summate the downfall of the House of Lords and of the Established Church, and the overthrow of the throne.— (Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member had told them they were not to look to the history of France or Spain, but that they should look to their own history. Well, con cession began in 1640, and he bad begun with it, and had read to the House the history of the year 1640, and of 1642, and as far as the 23d of February, 1642. The cases were precisely parallel. And he found that, perhaps, the parallel might still hold good between the years 1645 and 1835.—(Hear, hear.) He was not without his ap prehensions that one Reformed Parliament would pursue the course which had been already taken by another. They saw that in the period alluded to the popular representatives extorted the first Act from the King. He said extorted, because his Majesty knew the purposes for which it was intended, and his Mi nisters had given it their strenuous resistance.—(Hear, hear.) He had stated to them the first stage of Parliamentary Reform—the Bill for shortening Parlia ments. The next Parliament to that which passed the measure was distinguished by the name of the Long Par liament—a Parliament which invaded all the constitutional rights of the country—and continued sitting in defiance of that very law which had been passed by its predecessors.— (Cheers.) Did the Hon. and Learned Member wish to confine them exclusively to the history of the past— would he not permit them to look to Bristol or Lyons ? They all knew there had been a glorious revolution in France—a revolution accomplished in the three great days of July. They had in France a happy reformed Constitu tion—nothing was injured—nothing altered : it had been epigrammatically said, that there were only three French men less in the country. They had only got rid of Charles and his son, and his grandson—they had succeeded in maintaining tranquillity—they had established liberal in stitutions upon the basis of the most extensive Reform.— (Hear.) But what was the result ?—(Hear, hear.) Not one month had passed under this reformed Constitution, which was to allay all animosities, quiet all disturbances, and settle every perturbed spirit—not one month had passed in which dangerous seditious were not put down by force of arms, under the auspices of the Minister in the very seat of Government.—(Loud cheering.) Look, too, to the men who stood forth as the heroes of the three great days—the leaders of the movement—those who said, we are the persons selected by the people as their leaders in the day of battle, and as their Ministers in the time of peace. Look to those men— watch their elevation—their progress—and mark the con sequence—M. de Tracy, one of the ablest, and one of the most violent partizans of the movement, had spoken, and what had lie said ?—that the very spirit of the movement was to give to those who had gained by the change, and to take away from those who had lost all that remained. And yet this Reform—this movement—was the Jughernaut before whom the Hon. and Learned Member would have them, like the votaries of a mad idolatry, fling their dislo cated limbs. Then there was M. Lameth, who declared that lie was opposed to all movement except that which' was for the benefit of the people ; and who remarked, that the Government of England, matured and perfected by time, had won the admiration of Montesquietr, and of the entire world. These were the opinions of a man, whose name must be familiar to all who knew anything of France since the revolution—the oldest Civil Grenadier in France; and be refers you to the Gmstitution of England, as a system brought to perfection, and deserving the admira tion of the entire world ; while the Noble Lord would not only, with an unfilial hand, tear it to pieces, but trample it to the ground, and vilify it with every term of degradation.—(Great cheering.) Next would he call their attention to M. Guizot: he was carried on the very shoulders of the people into power, by steps made slippery with blood.—(Continued cheers.) But he re mained not long. He said, " I left the Government because I found myself unequal to stern the torrent of the move ment." Did the lion. and Learned Gentleman opposite think that he could stem the torrent here ? Did ou r Eng lish Guizot fancy that he could stem it?—(Laugh ter .) M. Guizot was a writer of pamphlets, of treatis es upon Government, anti so forth ; indeed he believed he had the honour of translating a production of Lord John Russell's —(Continued laughter)—and yet he gave up in despair the attempt to check the violence of popular fury. Did Lord John Russell imagine he would be more successful ? —(Cheers.) What next? There was a lawyer—bold, voluble, slippery, enterprising, universal, at every thing in the ring.—(Loud laughter and great cheering.) He spoke in the House—wrote pamphlets—wrote in maga zines—wrote in the newspapers.—(Continued cheering and laughter, and " oh, oh, oh.") He considered that those who possessed the power of writing and of speaking were much to be envied ; he wished he had that power— (Hear, hear, and laughter, and " oh, oh")—he would not be ashamed of it.—(" 011, oh.") He had rather be a writer, honestly giving forth his sentiments to the people, and endeavouring truly to instruct them, through ally medium, however humble, than be the signer of some mise rable radical letter, written by a low Reformer.—(Hear.) He had rather speak feebly, as he knew be did deliver himself—and be interrupted, as he had been interrupted ' by those sitting on the opposite benches—than be one of the mutes of a despotic Government, who could do nothing but attempt to strangle a discussion of which their masters were afraid.--(Enthusiastic cheer ing.) And now, having expressed this feeling, the Mi. nisters might interrupt him as much as they pleased.-- (Cheers.) But to proceed—this eminent lawyer, under the influence of the Revolution, after having been with them, as it were, to-day, was made the Keeper of the Seals to-morrow.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He spoke of M. Dupin.—(Continued laughter.) His triumphs in the tribune were only equalled by his literary reputation and excessive popularity. Every thing was to be sub jected by him to the crucible of innovation, and the po pular acclaim attended him wherever he went.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) Every abuse wa•, under his auspices, to be reformed ; but he had not been in office many weeks —nay, he believed he might say many days— when this Keeper of the Seals entered the Chamber with dishevelled hair and in the extremity of distress, to com plain of the violence and ingratitude of the people.— (Hear, hear, and laughter.) An infuriate mob hal at tacked his house, because he had ventured to say that combinations of men were dangerous to the State, and because he had advised Louis Philippe to issue a procla mation to put down assemblies which were incon sistent with all good Government.—(Loud cheering.) Because he had induced the Government to set itself in opposition to those tumults it had itself, at first, excited—(Loud cheering)—this mob rushed into his house—pillaged it—destroyed his furniture—and spared not even the females of his family.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Here was your man of three weeks' popularity. The tale was disgraceful, but he hoped it would prove instructive. There was another man not so eminent as Dupin, but per haps next to Dupin—he meant M. Persil, who had like wise borne testimony to the advantages of the glorious re volution. This was the history of what had passed in Paris under the popular Government—under the influence of a Reform Bill—under the influence of a Government that had created Peers to pass their Reform Bill.—(Loud cheers.) This was the history of a popular Government, who fancied they were leading the movement when they were only hurried onwards in the torrent's sweep.- -(Heir, hear.) But. they had two warning voices—that of the Hon. and Learned Member for Caine and of M. Persil—who declared that Ministers were not the leaders of the movement, but its victims and its dupes.-- (Cheers.) Now as to Lyons—Lyons had its revolution in the three glorious days of July, though all show of it was lost in the superior blaze of glory that rose on high from the capital. Lyons, however, did go through its ordeal ; and after the Revolution it had every advantage that could he desired for a great manufacturing town,— popular representation—Reforming Ministers—a Patriot King, who walked about the streets with an umbrella under his arm—(Cheers and laughter)—and yet, stupid, ungrate'ul town, in these days of lights and informa tion, and liberal opinions, it took fifty thousand men to establish tranquillity within its walls.—(Loud cheer ing.) Next, turning their eyes to home, they found that in Nottingham a mob, that by the wad had given notice of their intentions, assembled and burned down a castle belonging to a Nobleman —not, certainly, the one in which he resided, but that which be devoted to the purposes of charity.—(Cheers.) He was a borough mongering Lord, however, and it was not worth Govern ment's while to institute any inquiry upon the subject.— (Cheers.) In Derby, too, the gaol was attacked. The courage of one man saved it, but not until a most dis graceful and distressing outrage was perpretrated upon a private family, and not a family of Anti-Reforming prin ciples or of any strong political opinions. The Right Hon. Member then stated that the mob burst into the house, pillaged it, and destroyed every thing that they could not bear away, and that the lady of the house and her daughter fled, and concealed themselves under a laurel bush, where for hours the daughter, like a second Anti gone, supported her aged parent's head upon her bosom. And at length, when the mob had separated, and they were discovered by the servants, the only place of rest which could be procured for them in their own magnificent mansion was a groom's bed in a loft over the stable.— [This was the substance of the story, but we did not bear the Right Honourable Gentleman distinctly, for there was a good deal of noise in the House and some laughter.] The Right Honourable Gentleman pro ceeded to say, the Noble Lord opposite smiled. He would not believe he smiled at the story.—(Hear, hear.) It could only be at his feeble mode of telling it. No man of feeling—no man possessing the common attributes of hu manity could be other than indignant at such atrocities; but he asked, had Government instituted any inquiry? No ; and lie verily believed that if proper steps had been taken at Nottingham and Derby, the riots at Bristol never would have taken place.—(Loud cheers.) If Government had vindicated the dignity of their station—of public jus tice—of human nature at those, the lamentable events at Bristol never would have happened.—(Loud cheers.) They talked of the Reform Bill to assuage agitation ; and in due obedience to order, they summoned Parliament on the 6th, to consider a Bill that was not ready till the 12th. —(Cheers.) But in Bristol they had as yet done nothing, or worse than nothing. A Special Commission was to be sent down there on the 6th of January. Now, if Par liament had been appointed to meet on the 6th of Ja nuary, and the Special Commission sent down to Bristol on the 6th of December, it would hare been the much more rational and laudable course of proceeding.—(Loud cheers.) And who was it that had been attacked ?—first his Hon. and Learned Friend, the Recorder of Bristol (Sir C. Wetherell)—he was abused in all the newspapers, vili fied in society as the cause and origin of all the misfortunes which had occurred, and this at least with the acquiescence of the Government—a Government which had at length been compelled to render his Hon. and Learned Friend a tardy justice. The only person prosecuted with any thing like speed in Bristol, was Captain Lewis, a special constable ; the Coroner's Inquest had found him guilty of manslaughter, so that one of the defenders of the law had hitherto been its only victim. What he blamed Ministers for was this, that they had not taken example by the Coroner—that they did not make the same active exertions on their side that the Radicals had done on theirs. He complained that they did not attempt to visit offences on the right head—that they did not in stantly send down a Special Commission—that Captain Lewis had not had justice, and that the Recorder had not had justice, who himself should have been made a mem ber of the Commission. He would venture to say, that the mind of the country was not so much alarmed by the threats of disturbance, or even by the open violence and outrages at Bristol, as by the death-like apathy of those who ought to he the protectors of persona and property. —(Cheers.) Had this nothing to do with the Reform? Was it not part of the chain, the first link of which w as forged on the Ist March—the first debate on the Reform Bill.—(Hear.) " Pass this Bill (said Ministers on that occasion), or dread the consequences; your rejection of it would only exasperate—on your heads then be the misery and confusion it will occasion." Frora the moment the Noble Lord and the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had, sounded that trump of dismay—dismay he could not call it, because nobo,",y had believed it—but that trump of excite ment, the result had been evident : what seemed the decla mation of the Senate had proved incentives to the democracy which was only waiting for the application of the first spark to explode. I say (continned Mr. Croker) that the Reform Bill has been the cause of all this mischief. I charge it upon it, and I assert that I can trace it as clearly as the footsteps of an Indian malefactor through the path less forest. I can trace it from the first insult to our houses, and the first breach of the domestic peace of the city, when the Lord Mayor (who, I suppose, fancied him self a Minister, and certainly acted like one) excited a disturbance he was unable to allay. This ebullition of party triumph, this illumination of the illuminati of the wards, not only occasioned the destruction of property in the city, but the ebullition overflowed beyond the juris diction of the sagacious Chief Magistrate. I can trace it f r om that earliest catastrophe to this final—would to God I could call it final—discussion. The Hon. and Learned Member has again treated us with the presence of his imaginary stranger, whom he supposes for the first time to visit out' shores and to wonder at our institutions. I, too, can fancy his arrival and his entrance into our metropolis at Hyde Park-corner. What would be his astonishment to find that, while our dwellings were unfortified, our houses were barricaded? " I had thought (he would ex claim, in the words of your great Chatham) that an Eng lishman's house was his castle—that his castle was de fended by the law, and not by boards and buttresses." He would find that the very first edifice he beheld was bar ricaded, and he would be told, in explanation, that in these altered times an Englishman's house, if he meant to live in it, must indeed be a castle.---(Cheers.) Then the stranger would inquire who lived in that eyeless abode— in that house which could not conveniently be turned out at windows ? He would naturally Suppose that it was some enemy of the poor—some state malefactor, who had grown rich on the spoil of the nation—or some Alinister, who had ground the country under his despotic sway, and was compelled to take shelter front the just fury of the popu lace. " Oh, no !" would be the reply, no such obnoxious individual inhabits the first house that meets your eye ; but a man to whom I will apply no epithet—the Duke of Wel. lington—(Much cheering)—the Duke of Vittoria—the Prince of Waterloo.—(Continued cheers.) A few steps farther would lead the stranger to another mansion more carefully barricaded than the former, and guarded with ehee , aux de frizc. Of course he would conclude at once I that that must be the residence of Sir R. Peel, who had never been separated from the Duke of Wellington—never separated from the affections of the real friends of his country—and happily too, never separated from the hos tility of her enemies. —(Cheers.) Again, the stranger would find himself mistaken when he should be informed that it was the residence of a Prince of the Blood Royal. —(Hear, hear.) " What !" (the stranger would exclaim) " with a popular King, who has built up his throne of his people's hearts—whose sceptre is not studded with gems but with the love of his people—whose crown is not en riched with bloodstones from the Tower, hut whose brows are encircled by the glorious civic wreath of the Reform Bill ?—(Cheers and laughter.) Do they attack (he would add) a member of the King's family ?" " Aye, would be the answer ; who has married besides the d sugh. ter of George 111. and the sister of George IV., and of his present Majesty—a Princess as amiable as she is blameless. --(Cheers.) I thank the Hon. and Learned Gentleman for giving me this stranger ; it is a proverb that no resi dent sees London until a friend front the country arrives, to whom he must shew the lions ; and the Hon. and Right Hon. Gentleman might never have seen these signs of the times but for the arrival of this welcome stranger. He still proceeds along Piccadilly, and observes a third house barricaded like the other two. He inquires to whom it belongs? concluding that it was the abode of some haughty Aristocrat—some vigorous enemy of Reform—perhaps the Bishop of Exeter—some overfed lazy drone, who, while the people are starving, is rolling in hereditary riches. No ; he would be astonished to learn that the dwelling belonged to a man as eminent in his way as, per haps, the hero whose mansion he had first seen—Mr. Baring, a wealthy merchant, who had raised a great for tune, and as great a character, by means which used to be the pride and safety of England—industry and honour—(Hear, hear)--who had spent his whole life in advocating liberal principles, against whose private worth not a whisper had been hr ard, and who had ex torted applause even from opposing Tories.—(Cheers ) Thus the stranger would discover that the Blood Royal itself—the hero whose deeds had, perhaps, exceeded even those of Marlborough, and the most eminent merchant of our day—that all ranks and all conditions of society were equally obliged to barricade their dwellings during the auspicious Administration of the friends of the Reform Bill. If this Reform Bill be so powerful in its cradle, what strength will it not possess when it reaches its full stature, and when armed with its tremendous club.— (Cheers and laughter.) I believe that its first attack will he upon the very authors of its being, and who honestly, perhaps, think it will be useful—against those who in this House (though I wish they had done it with more ala crity), have ventured to express some sort of desire that violence should be avoided—who rather wished that no disturbances should occur, but who thought that the fire, if left to itself, would go out of its own accord. I do not charge them so much with. lighting the flame, as with not calling for the engine, and for not working it when it did at length arrive. —(Hear, hear.) As I can track the course of Reform, as I said, like the Indian in the fo rest, so I can trace the gradual terror and truckling of the Ministers. Not a word they say—not an act they do or omit to do, but has regard to the clamour of the Unions, against whom, forsooth, they at last ven tured to let fly a paper kite. Yet even the proclamation proves their fears, and while they professed to be so ready to meet the Birmingham and other associations, they sent down intelligence which would prevent a collision ; and rather solicited the aid of Townsend and the officers at Bow-street, than trust to their own firmness and resolu tion. Ministers sharpened their swords, and buckled on their armour, at the very moment when they knew that their hostile preparations would be needless. But even if they were anxious to rule the tempest they have raised, it is beyond their power—beyond their reach—beyond the scope of their minds ; they never foresaw it, and as little can they stop it. Have I not heard, and this very day seen in print, that Ireland may be said to owe her deliver ance to the firmness of a single Right Hon. Gentleman in the Cabinet ?—that a person, highly respectable I admit, and whom I should be glad to see in any office for which he was fir, would have been made Attorney-General, or have received some other high legal appointment but for the resistance of one Member of the Government.—(Hear. ) Yet this individual was to step into office from the bar where he had recently been indicted for sedition.—(Hear.) Nothing could have prompted such an appointment but the height of timidity and imbecility. Let me ask, is the King, even the chuser of his Ministers now ? Could his Majesty, supposing he had the consent of tie Tories in their constitutional reverence for the Royal wishes, keep his Ministers in office an hour if the radicals were opposed to them ? No—therefore they appear to be the friends of a system to which they are in their hearts hostile. The dangers of the country are, therefore, beyond what even they contemplate : history can afford no parallel, for there is no precedent where the Govern ment has been on the side of agitation.—(Cheers.) The true secret of our position is this—that the King's name has been abused for a purpose the very reverse of his con stitutional duty, which is to protect life, to guard property, and to secure not only freedom of opinion, but freedom of expression. But the wishes of the Sovereign must be unavailing, when he has delegated power to Ministers who are neither his servants nor their own masters, but the servants of a faction which they in their hearts detest, and which they are doing their utmost to cajole. The radicals see, with triumph, that nothing has been done to punish the rascals at Derby, the ruffians at Nottingham, or the rioters at Coventry ; and they see, too, that in the case even of Bristol, justice is lamer than the proverb—that, instead of going by steam, she is limping down to Somer setahire at the rate of two miles an hour, to arrive three months after the event, arid three weeks before the assizes. --(Much cheering.) The Right Hon Gentleman con cluded by assuring the House that he had urged nothing but from an imperious sense of the danger of the country —a danger he knew not how to remedy, but which he knew he could tremendously increase by the passing of the Reform Bill.—(The cheering at the close of this speech was of very long continuancs.) Lord ALTHORP would have almost doubted the sub ject of the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech, if be had not conc luded with the words Reform Bill, for certainly by far the greater part of what he had delivered had reference to anything else rather than to that. At the commence ment, indeed, he had touched it, but quitted it again after a slight glance, and during the last three quarters of an hour had entirely abandoned it. He did not doubt that all Iparts had been very welcome to the other side of the House—an attack upon Ministers, in connection with the Reform Bill, would, of course, be grateful ; but, in point of argument, it would have been well, perhaps, if what had been said had had some trifling reference to the ques tion before the House.—(Cheers.) It was very easy to accuse Ministers, or any other set of men, of indifference to the tranquillity of the country, and of reluctance to con. trout the lawless, but it was not so easy to prove the accu sation, and had it been possible, the Right Hon. Gentleman would not have failed to make the attempt. The truth was, that at all times, and in all situations, Ministers had done their duty, and had exerted their utmost power to preserve good order, and to enforce obedience to the laws. The Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to think that Ministers could only be actuated by the wish to keep their places ; he would not charge the Right Hon. Gentleman with a desire to get into them, but he might be allowed to ask, how it happened that the Right Hon. Gentleman should think the feeling so extremely natural?—(hear, hear.) When the present Government came into power, they found the country in difficulties, and those difficulties were met with promptitude and decision. It had been said, that there had been great delay in the issue of a special communion for Bristol, but could that course be taken before previous inquiry had ascertained whether there were any prisoners to be tried, and any witnesses against them. It was also charged that Ministers were in fault for the windows broken during some of the discussions on the Re form Bill, and the Right Hon. Gentleman had gone through a not very edifying story about the wonder of a stranger at some barricaded houses. These closed win dows had their e ff ec t, an d f rom the speec h i t was easy to conceive why they were kept boarded.—(Cheers, especially from the Opposition.) What he meant was, not that the owners of the houses really kept the windows shut for that purpose, but that the application of the fact in the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman rendered them liable to the observation. If he thought that Ministers had been guilty of any neglect of duty, it was his business to bring forward some distinct accusation. Before he (Lord Althorp) proceeded to advert to such parts of the Right Hon. Gentleman's speeeh as applied to the question, he would mention (having been reminded of the fact by an Hon. Friend near hi m ) t h a t a s p ec i a l comm i ss i on had beenissued for the trial of the offenders at Nottingham. Mr. CROKER—What ! already ? Lord ALTHORP—It had been issued as soon as was consistent with the only rule that could be applied to such cases—the ascertainment of the fact, that there were pri soners to be tried for offences of sufficient magnitude to justify the extraordinary proceedings. He would now go to the few points applicable to the second reading of the Reform Bill. First, the Right Hon. Gentleman said that the principle was not changed. He (Lord Althorp) ad mitted it, and rejoiced at it; but if so, where was the ground for congratulation at the great escape the country had experienced.—(Cheers.) He agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman, that the changes in the details did not at all vary the principle of the present measure from that of the Bill of last session; but supposing for a mornero there bad been an escape, he contended that the deterio rated state of the country more than counterbalanced that imaginary advantage ; it would be counterbalanced even had the improvements in the Bill b en much greater than they were in reality. The Right Hon. Gentleman took great credit to himself, and had cont. nib d that Ministers had given way in every part of the schedule. The Right Hon. Gentleman must, however, be perfectly aware that ' the rule on which Ministers had proceeded with reference to the new Bill had been different from the rule 1)1 which they had been guided as regarded the old Bill.— (Hear, hear.) They had adhered to that rule, with one exception—the case of Saltash, on which he allowed that they had been deceived, from want of due information. That information was now ob tained, and the rule had consequently been altered, much for the better, and so as to relieve the schedules from many of the objections to which they were b fore liable. Ministers were ready, he repeated, to do their utmost for the preservation of the public peace. They had no object nearer their hearts ; but their efforts for this purpose must, in the present state of things, be powerless, without the aid of the middle and intelligent classes, and this they were most anxious to secure. The Right Hon. Gentle man had argued, that no great good could be done by the Reform Bill, since the representatives, when it had passed, would belong to the same class of persons as at present. True, the class would be the same, but it would be ope rated upon by a different influence—the influence of the constituents instead of the influence of individu sls.— (Hear, hear.) The effect as had been often said, would be to give the country confidence in the decisions of the House, the want of which had hitherto been the source of so many evils, and so much dissatisfaction. It had also been urged by the Right Hon. Gentleman, that the first link, in what lie called a chain, had been the earliest dis cussion on Reform. He (Lord Althorp) begged to deny this position : the first link had been forged long before : it was forged by the declaration of the last Ministry against Reform, and then it was that agitation had commenced.— (Hear.) The present Ministry had found the countrydis turbed, and they had endeavoured to allay the disturbance by satisfying the just wishes of the people. His 11on. and Learned Friend in an eloquent speech had advised that the gates of the fortress should be opened lest entrance should he forced by a breach ; to which the Right Hon. Gentle man had replied that the longer the resistance the better were the terms. This, however, was a case where pro tracted resistance rendered the chance of favourable terms more desperate. His Hon. Friend looked upon the sub ject with the eye of a Statesman, and did not confine his illustrations to the events of one period. The extract which he read from " Home's History of England" relating to the occurrences of the year 1640, certainly bore strongly on his arguments. But he forgot that there lived at that period an author not particularly attached to popular opinions or to the liberty of the subject, who said that the Parliament of 1640 was of such a character, that, if the King had attended to its opinion, the evils which after words took place would never have occurred—(Hear) — but by that King's obstinate opposition to the advice of that Parliament, the anger of the country was excited, and led on the House of Commons to the fatal mea sures which it at length adopted.—(Hear, hear, hear. ) In the early part of the evening, the Noble Lord who ' commenced the debate, in a speech of great ability (and when be said that it was an able speech he did not make an exception, for the Noble Lord never spoke in that House but with the greatest ability) reprobated the present Bill as a measure of destruction to the landed interest. —(Hear.) But if he (Lord A.) could see anything in the Bill having such a tendency, he would be one of the last men in that House to give it his support.—(Hear.) If he thought that it could lead to any detriment to that inte rest, he would look upon it as a dereliction of his duty if he failed to oppose it. He was far front thinking that the landed interest would not, under that Bill, have its due weight in the representation, and no alteration that was proposed could increase any danger to which at present it may be exposed. The Hon. Member for St. Mawes counted a large number of Members, which he supposes will be subetracted from the agricultural interest ; but he omitted to state that the eleven Members restored to places in schedule B served to counterbalance those which were given to the manufacturing town. It was argued last session, that if the manufacturing towns should have but one Member each, the effect would be that the operatives would return that Member ; but that if two Members were given to them, then it was probable that the landed interest would have the return of one.—(Hear, hear ) Now, that was done, and so far the wishes of those who were solicitous for the landed interest were met with. But if the Hon. Member would look to the true effect of the measure, he would see that the course which was pursued would place the representation in a state more nearly in proportion to the distribution of property. He thought that the speech of the Hon. Member was addressed more to the details of the Bill than to its principles, and that his arguments were, therefore, such as might more properly be submitted to the Committee than offered now against the motion before the House. One observation which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman did make, in re ference to the tendency of the whole measure, was, that the first act of the reformed Parliament would be to re store all the provisions of the Bill of last session which were departed from in the present. If that were true, it went to disprove what had been objected by other gentle men on the same side, that this was a more demoeratieal Bill than the other. If it be a more democraticai Bill, there can be no danger of a return to the provisions of the other, which Was lees so. But if the alterations were improvements, what reason could there be for expecting that the constitution of Parliament under an amended Bill would be such, that they should wish to undo those things which every gentleman who has spoken on that Bill appears to consider improvements.—(Cheers.) He would not follow the Hon. Gentleman through a discussion of the details, but he hoped and trusted that that House and the Parliament would settle the question. To keep it in suspense would be one of the greatest evils that could be inflicted upon the cotaatry. It was now ad mitted, on all hands, that Reform was iadispensible. In such a case, it was not the duty of a statesman to look back to his former opinions, but to examine the nature of the existing necessity, and take the course which the exi gency of the times might demand. That the alteration was necessary, no one seemed to deny. Why, then, when the people of England were unanimous as to the necessity, and when they were satisfied with the measure which was now offered to the House, was it not the proper course to adopt, at least, the principle?—(Hear, hear.) When he said this, he did not mean to say that he felt the slightest doubt of the opinion and decision of that House. For as the Bill was in principle similar to the last, there could he no doubt of the result of the present motion : but yet he looked with deep anxiety to its early passing, and its delay to any further time might be attended with consequences which he could not but deplore.—(Cheers.) Sir R. INGLIS attempted for a considerable time to obtain a hearing amidst great confusion, from cries of— " Adjourn—Go on—Bar, bar." At length he sat down, having moved the adjournment of the House. Lord ALTHORP said, that if the adjournment were moved to to-morrow, and the debate continued on that day, there would be a clear week of vacation before Christmas. Sir R. PEEL thought that if to-morrow were any other day but Saturday, there could be no objection to the adjournment. But as it would be necessary to discontinue the debate at half-past eleven o'clock, on account of the approaching Sabbath, he thought that by an adjournment now the House would incur the risk of extending the de bate to a third day. If the House were to meet to-mor row, the earlier the hour the better. After some further conversation between Sir R. PIaL and Lord ALTHORP across the table, the debate was ad journed to Twelve o'clock to-morrow (Saturday). QUARANTINE LAWS-IRELAND. Mr. STANLEY gave notice that he would, immedi ately after the recess, bring in a Bill to amend the laws relating to the prevention of contagion in Ireland. On the motion of Mr. STAstiv, the Act for relieving Protestants of the Established Church in Ireland from the Sacramental Test, was read a first time, and ordered to be printed. The other Orders of the Day being disposed of, the House adjoured at Ten Minutes after One o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, Dic. 16. e several parishes w hi c h h a d his The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved for copies of all correspondence on the subject of the recent resist ance to taken th advantage ewhthe of m h paymentit of ntai tithes sees of r Tithe ec el received by Majesty' s theGovern ment,sev Compos ition of the number of vestries, and the names of the parishes, according to the diocesan returns, which, from November, 1829, to November, 1831, requested the application of the Act, and a variety of other documents connected with the subject of Irish tithes. Lord ELLENBOROUGH suggested, that in those several returns the lay tithes should be distinguished from the ecclesiastical. PORTUGAL. The Earl of ABERDEEN wished, before the adi urn ment, to call the attention of the Noble Earl opposite to a marked violation which had recently taken place of the 59th of Geo. 111., commonly called the Foreign Enlist ment Act. Among the various statements which he had seen upon the subject, there was one in the Lt'verpool Journal, from which it appeared that a considerable body of men had embarked on board a War-office steam-packet called the Lord Blayney, for the purpose of proceeding tie Belisle, for the purpose of assisting the expedition of Don Pedro against Don Miguel. There was also to be found amongst the Police Intelligence of the London Papers, a statement entitled " Thames Police office." This was an application made to Mr. Bro derip, the Magistrate, on the part of forty sailors who had been disappointed in their expectation of being sent out in the service of Don Pedro. Two hun dred sailors had been sent out by the agent of D in Pedro o n the preceding day, and those forty men had been left behind. The Magistrate observed, it was a case of great hardship, and regretted that he could not compel the agent to pay them as fur work and labour done, as, in fact, they had not performed any labour, having only waited in the river for an opportunity of being carried out. They might, it was true, bring their action against the agent for a breach of contract, or they might claim some remuneration for loss of time. Those, the Noble Earl said, were the remarks of the worthy Magistrate, and now he had himself to ob serve, that since the speech from the throne, the business of enlistment had proceeded more briskly than before. Now he would ask, was the Foreign Enlistment Act in force, or was it not ? Could it be in force when proceedings such as that were going forward in the country ? The Magistrate lamented that he could afford those poor men no relief, but he seemed never for a moment to have re membered that they were acting in direct violation of the liw—it never seemed to have suggested itself to his mind, that they were engaging in an unlawful transaction. See ing what that Magistrate said, and knowing what it was to be presumed he must know, it did, he confessel, ap pear strange that he never asked himself whether or not he possessed authority to stay the execu'ion of the laws. When the Foreign Enlistment Act was under consideration in that House, there were some Noble Lords, now in the Councils of the Crown, who opposed, and others who sup ported, that measure; but he was sure, that whatever might be their opinions respecting the justice and expedi ency of such an Act, they could not imagine, that so long as it was law, its operation ought to be suspended. If the Act were objectionable it ought to be repealed ; but so long as it remained the law of the land, the Ministers of the Crown should not assume to themselves a dispensing power. Whatever might be the character of Don Pedro's proceedings, there was nothing that could justify a viola tion of the laws in that open manner. Don Pedro was but a private individual, and as such was bound to respect the laws of this country. He was not, however, much surprised at these proceedings, for it was but too evident that there was something extremely mysterious and ora cular in the speech from the throne when touching upon this subject ; and, therefore, be felt but little surprise that persons disposed to favour the views of Don Pedro should find therein some encouragement for the steps they had taken. When their Lordships looked again at the words of the speech, they would see that this remark was not altogether without foundation. The words which his Majesty had been advised to utter were as follow :—" The state of a country, so long united with this by the ties of the moat intimate alliance, must necessarily be to me an object of the deepest interest; and the return to Europe of the elder branch of the illustrious House of Braganza, and the dan gers of a disputed succession, will require my most vigilant attention to events by which not only the safety of Por tugal, but the general interests of Europe, may be effected." Now, really, he did think that the occasion did not demand such special and remarkable notice of the return of Don Pedro ; the more particularly, as that re turn took place before the beginning of the last session of Parliament. He nerd scarcely observe, that this gave rise to some suspicion. What could be the reason for thus men tioning the return of Don Pedro ? The arrival of the elder branch of the illustrious House of Braganza was nothing more than the arrival of the elder branch of the illustrious House of Bourbon. Don Pedro was dethroned, or had abdicated ; he came to this country a fugitive—he could not be considered any thing more than a private individual: and really there was no reason for supposing that he originally came to this country with any view of making war upon his brother; but adventurers and spe culators in revolutions—for in these were adventurers and speculators, as in every thing else—got round him, and offered him the means of carrying on the war. With out such suggestions he would probably not have thought of engaging in hostilities ; for the last act of Don Pedro's Government was of a conciliating character, being nothing less than a treaty of marriage between his daughter and Don Miguel. It did appear to his mind extremely diffi cult to comprehend upon what principle Government could justify the conduct which it pursued in this matter; they surely would not maintain that their not having acknow ledged the legitimacy of the origin of the Government of Den Miguel entitled them to put him out of the pale of those rights recognised amongst independent nations. He was, he must say, altogether at a loss to understand upon what principle it would be said that we were to exact h h % i v e h h ic N e coao c tr piu o vlu rn tedhr pre releaseenil e e ce d ltyxm paheebntdehsrti abstained as. t ni i ncyoe T p du o a ni fl y fter rooy t muH o rf or uot tl bras s ee . from Portugal the utmost rigour of o ur t rea ti es , b ut at the same time to deny to that cou n t r y th e measure of j ustice a aT n nhde o r b fe s a e iwr rv ad a se n an c lo e int o hg f inw i g ts own laws_ fro m the impartial admi qtnvui e t u s r t a d i t o n o o Zoe of r f t e e i , ts es t o h p w a e t d n h ie l e e n g li c i y a s had re cognising the Government of Don Miguel, or any remark upon the general course of the foreign policy of the Noble Earl. All he meant to insist on was, that the Government ought to do its duty impartially, and therefore be called upon the Noble Earl to state where the distinction was to be found between the case of Doss Pedro's expedition and the others to which the Foreign Enlistment Act might be supposed to apply. Earl GREY—The Noble Earl opposite had certainly communicated his intention of calling attention to the sub ject of Portugal, but be had not more particularly inti mated what his intention Was, and therefore he (Earl Grey) had not prepared himself with any peculiar informa tion. The Noble Earl had stated, in the observations which their Lordships had just now heard, that it was not his intention to enter at large into the relations subsisting between this country and Portugal, or to the general course of policy pursued by his Majesty's Government, yet a considerable portion of his statement went to direct at tention to a passage in the King's speech at the opening of Parliament, and, therefore, by implication, to that which he wished to avoid—namely, the general course of policy adopted towards Portugal. It need scarcely be ob served, that the tendency of those remarks was to lead their Lordships into a discussion of the general question —a dis cussion to which he (Earl Grey) would not be a party : but as to the particular matter which had been adverted to, he should, with perfect readiness, give a short explana tion, and show, he trusted, to the full satisfaction of their Lordships, that the Noble Earl opposite was under a mis apprehension. He should in the first place beg to ob serve, that whether he approved of the Act in question or not, he should, so long as it was the law of the land, feel that the duty of his Majesty's Government was to see that it was fairly and impartially observed ; but he could by no means admit the assumption of the Noble Earl, that that law had been violated. Whether that which had been stated as having taken place before Mr. Broderip was true or not, he was without the means of determining; but as to a War-office steam-packet, called the Lord Blayney, engaged in the service of Don Pedro,he could assure the Noble Earl that there was no such thing as a War. office steam packet—there was no such vessel existing. Asa proof that there existed no indisposition on the part of his Ma jesty's Government to enforce the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Aet, be would state, that some vessels which had been engaged in the river for the service of Don Pedro were detained by the Custom-house, and very properly so, on some representations having been made to the Custern house on the subject, and they entertaining some doubts, referred the matter to the Treasury, and they again to the law officers of the Crown, who reported that there existed no right or authority to detain those vessels. On the 'a u r n e d fe e r r en t the question, and dispute one their h w ei a r y de terminationor hsuabdjeacitsoobf been persons m a d e en t l o is t t h in e g K o in n g f ,. or A ei d g y n iee oc se a r te v ,a and circumstance, it was considered that there existed no ground for the interference of Government, at the same time that nothing could be further from the minds of th e 'responsible advisers of the Crown than any attempt to operationsus pendthevi,al o to the other. That was all with which he thou g ht i t th en n eces sary to trouble their Lordships ; if a motion were made, regularly he should come p re p are d w i t h t h e neces sary information. On sufficient n o ti ce , h e s h ou ld b e per fectly prepared to discuss the matter in any form in which it might be brought forward. tafke the n o i part aw i i n n The Earl of ABERDEEN expressed himself satisfied with the assurance given from the other side, that the law would be strictly and impartially administered. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said a few words, which were not heard in the gallery. ADJOURNMENT. Eirl GREY then moved, that the House do adjourn to Turoday, the 17th of January next. Agreed to.—Ad journed accordingly. The Earl of PLYMOUTH, it is said, has sig nified his intention to support the Reform Bill. His Lord ship was one of the bitterest opponents of the late mea sure.—Hereford Journal. ■