The Sun. — London, England, 1827-06-26 00:00:00

the increased value of landed produce. In the five years ending with 1; 93, the , year before the com mencement of the revolutioeary war, the average price of wheat was 48s. 3d.: last year it was 565. 'The difference between the prices of the two years was nearly Bs. or 16 per cent. Now, the amount of the funded and unfunded debt in 1793 was 2 24,000,0004 ; in 1826, it was 808,000,0001.; so that there was an increase in the debt of 3f to I, or 350 per cent. while the price of wheat had only increased It 3 per cent. His Lordship concluded his observations by expressing his concurrence in the hope of the Noble Viscount, who had preceded him, that this subject would be considered by their Lord ships, not as a party, but a great national question. The Duke of WELLINGTON perfectly agreed with the Noble Earl (Malmesbury) that this should be treated as a national, and not as a party question. For his own part, nothing had been farther from his mind than ruling it the instrument of indulging in any party feelings; on the contrary, it had been his anxious wish to avoid every thing of the kind. But he could not agree with his Noble Friend in think ing it would be better to throw upon his Majesty's Government the responsibility of admitting the bonded corn into the market. He concurred in the opinion of. his Majesty's Ministera that some mea sure of this kind ought to be adopted, particularly after the disappointment which had been experienced in consequence of the loss of the former measure ; and therefore he was disposed to support the Bill before the House. It was the same in principle as the other with the Amendment proposed by him (the Duke). And it had the advantage of making the experiment with a limitation as to quantity. Under all these circumstances, he thought it would be ad visable to adopt it, and he therefore recommended it to the House. At the same time he could not help regretting that his Noble Friend had not car ried that measure through the House, which he was satisfied it was in his power to have done. He (the .Noble Duke) considered that the Amendment which he had proposed was perfectly consistent with the principle of that Bill ; for in fact the Bill might have been passed if the warehoused corn had not formed any part of its subject at all. Under these circumstances, any modification of that part of the measure could not be inconsistent with the general principle of the Bill. The Noble Lord said, however, that the Amendment was inconsistent with the principle of the Bill, because it contained a prohibition. But the whole measure was founded on a protecting duty ; and the same principle was acted upon on every occasion when any enactment took place on this subject. It existed in the measure of 1822, and in every one from 1791 down to lel6. It had always been effected by means of a duty ; and he would say, that it might have been effected again on the present occasion, and the measure would have given satisfaction to the country. Under these cir-: cumstances, he could not help thinking that his Noble Friend was responsible for the loss of the Bill.' He (the Duke of Wellington) had been accused, not only of proposing a measure which was incon-J eistent with the general principle of the Bill, but: likewise of having (as we understood his Grace) pre, viously concerted it, for the purpose of defeating Bill, Now, if ever there was a man who had proJ, posed a measure without the slightest knowledge oq -whether or not it would be supported, he was that man. f f And he repeated, that he had done so under the belief, not only that he had proposed it with the approba. *ion, but even at the suggestion of a Minister of th 9 Crown. If he had acted under a mistake, and he -would not now say, after what had passed, that it was not a mistake, he was not the only person 'who! had made the same mistake, forevery person to whom' he had shown his Right Hon. Friend's letter under-I stood it in the same way that he had understood it! If, however, the measure which he had proposed WO sneontsiitent with the principle of the Bill, it was cer.: tainly not more so than the measure which it is ad- , ratted was suggested in the letter. But so far fronj his having any motive in bringing the measure for+ ward, he had done every thing in his power to induci his Majeety's Government to take it out of hie luina. In the course of a correspondence which he had on two occasions upon the subject, he entreated that his Majesty's Government would take the measure out of his (the Duke's) hands. His Grace theri proceeded to read the following correspondence ' explanation of the musecorrespondence, he had adopted, with re; I ference to the Amendment which he had proposed tti, the late Bill :—_ " Londuta, June 4, 1827. " My dear Huskisson,—As you say that I misunder stood the meaning of your letter of the 24th, I must have done so. But I certainly never entertained a suspicion that I had misunderstood you, and even now, after referring to my letter Of the 24th to you, and examining your letter to me, I cannot but think that I should have fought out for a difficulty, if I had affixed to your letter the meaning which you state that you intended to convey. " I stated to you an evil, permanent in its nature, re sulting from the operation of the warehouse system on that of the proposed Corn Law; and I proposed a permanent remedy. In answer, you toted very good reasons against what I had proposed, and you Sell me, that had my pro posal been that no corn bonded afW,' the passing of the present Bill should be allowed to be enteizsd for home con fumption till the average price had reached t 765., and that thenceforward all corn so bonded, or thereafter iznportedt should come under the regulations of the Bill, indii;kitQlly you would not object to such a proviso ;' and you add, It (this proviso) would ensure that no quantity beyond that now in bond should be thrown upon the market, un less in spite of that quantity the price reached a level vrhich might be fairly taken as an indication of our being in want of a further supply from abroad.' " It thus appears, then, that having stated to you a per: rnanent evil, the existence of which is not denied, I wa:s to consider the word thenceforward in an unlimited sense, but applicable to time only, and having no reference to circumstances, notwithstanding what followed in the sud ceeding sentence of your letter ; and I was to believe that you intended I should be satisfied, and that the publi should be satisfied, with a temporary remedy for a perm* nent evil. " However, I am ready to admit that I did not under stami Your letter as you have now explained it, and you may rely it that if I could have entertained any doubt respectinj your meaning, that I should have gone to you, or have mitten to you again. " Lord Guderich must do me the justice to acknowledge, thatl put int o his hand s th e p rov i so w hi c h I h a d drawn, together with your letter. He did not at first understand your letter, and he thought it related solely to Corn now in bond ; and I begged hi s o; and he ca me to , no ltio peruse it again. He did returned the papers without Faying word. I concluded, therefore, that he concurred in the proposition, which / certainly considered as sug - v.,Tested by you ; and I made it tothe Committee of I preventing House of Lords in the modedat the time t%h a a d f or ost likelo be of service to the G overn ment , by diviaidn on a proposition of Lord %Wye\ whicla eta object to lay the duty u p on Corn u pon introductio n i n t o warehouse. " I shall be sorry if this proviso should be inconvenient to the Government ; and I must add, that if Lord Godc.. rich hid expressed to me a wish that I should delay to pm_ pose it till on the report, I should have done so. " In your letter of the 24th, you spoke with doubt whether the measure proposed by you would occasion the rejection of the Bill. You write with more confidence on that which has been adopted by the Committee in the House of Lords in your letter received yesterday. But what do you say to the amendments agreed I . : , by the Go vernment in the House of Lords ? ..Surely th e om i ss i on o f the word (British) in t le second clau se , w i t h a v i ew t h a t th e Scotch, Irish, a d foreign corn may he included in the averages, and wee s, teration of th e t erm o f t h e averages f rom one to six the 1- Will =lke a mate r i a l a lt era ti on o f t h e duties, equally occ as i on t h e reject i on o f the B i ll. and m st -" You will recollect my opinion upon the measure prs)- posed by Lord Liverpool ; to the principle of which, iidt withstanding that opinion. I consider myself a party, aucl . l have accordingly supported the Government in every di 1 , - ;ion that has taken place in the House of Lords. I do , t i consider the amendment as proposed by me to be at . it contrary to the principle of Lord Liverpool's ineasuie, which was to protect home agriculture by the levy o a duty on farein earn linported, and to regulate this dt.ty by the price ! ef corn in England, discovered by averaQcs taken weekly ; at"l'n°t England, weeks' a rages Since Li'rd Liverpool's plan %nut %met and 'igeet:ave.ton,. Committee has sat in the House of Lords, wore which -a it ha s been proved that nothing can prevent fr..d. i ! , tale the averages, nor the abuse of the existing warehouselenistem, for the purpose of carrying into execution the objects of those frauds. " The warehouse system, then, must be reformed ; and as Lord Liverpool's principle might exist even if the ware house system were abolished in relation to corn, or under whatever modification it may he allowed to continue, it is no departure from that principle to adopt a moderate prohibition, applicable only to corn in warehouse, as:the modification. " I declare t%at this impression is so strong upon my mind, and, considering the subject in all its bearings, it ap peared to rue that the proviso agreed to by the House of Lords so completely met the evil, and was so just towards all parties, that you must have calculated it exactly upon the basis of the price of 625. the imperial quarter, and the expences of carrying corn from the warehouses in Holland to this country. Believe me, &c. " WELLINGTON." " Eartham, Petworth, sth June, 1527. "My Dear Duke,—l have received by the post of this morning your letter of yesterday's date. " I regret, on every account, that the proposition which I wished to convey in my letter of the 24th ult. was so stated, as to lead to your misunderstanding my real mean ing. So little did I, before last Saturday, contemplate any risk of having been misapprehended, that when I received (whilst in the House of Commons on Thursday evening) the enclosed note from Lord Goderich, I immediately sent him an explanation from thence, to the same effect as that which I have since given to you. I am sure, if Lord Gode rich is referred to, that he will do me the justice to confirm this statement. " From the moment I was informed that you considered your amendment as originating in my suggestion, I was sa tisfied that there had been some misunderstanding; and as the nature of it is now cleared up, I will not trouble you with any controversial argument upon the true construction of the words which you have quoted from my letter of the 24th. The sentence (indeed the whole of the letter) was hastily written, and, I admit, mighthave been more clearly expressed; but when, in the latter part of that sentence, I state that the regulation to which I saw no objection, would insure that no quantity beyond that now in bond should he thrown upon the market, unless, in spite of that quantity, the price reached a level, (namely, 665.), which might fairly be taken as an indication of our be ing in want of a further supply from abroad,'—l must avow myself at a loss to reconcile the construction of words which appear to point to this meaning,—namely, that the specific quantity now in bond should be protected against competition with any further supply from abroad, until the average price at home shall have reached 665., with your proviso, which leaves the supply from abroad free at all times to come into the British market, without reference to any average price; whilst it locks up any wheat which may hereafter be bonded in iaiis country, up to the same price as that at which it was the drift of my proposition to keep foreign wheat locked up in the warehouses abroad, until the quantity now in our own warehouses had been dis posed of. " How then could your amerldment and my suggestion be convertible propositions ? " The real truth is, that what was uppermost in my mind when I threw out this suggestion, was the inconve nience which might arise from letting into consumption further supplies of wheat, hereafter to arrive, until the greatest part of the quantity now in bond should have been disposed of. The limiting the supply, in the first in stance, to the now bonded corn, was a question which bad been mooted in the Cabinet, if I recollect right, by Lord Westmoreland. I own that I thought (as I understood him to think) that, within certain limits, there were rea sons fur giving priority - to that corn, before we suffered fresh supplies to come into the market from foreign coun tries—an arrangement temporary in its nature, but in its operation, by-the-bye, the very reverse of what your amend ment contemplates as a permanent system. " You will, therefore, perceive that in writing the un lucky paragraph which is the origin of all this confusion, I was no longer thinking of the ' permanent evil,' ysur pro posed remedy for which I had discussed in the former part of my letter. " Having no copy of the Corn Bill with me here, I am quite incapable of forming any opinion as to the effect of the word British' in the second clause of the Bill, an amendment of which I was not aware till I received your letter this morning. " I shall, for many reasons, be sorry if this Bill should be lost, and nothing done in respect to our Corn Laws in the present Session of Parliament. But, whctever may be the fate of the Bill, or however produced, I never for a moment can doubt, that in the part which you have taken, your anxious object has been to render the proposed mea sure as free from objection as the nature of the subieet. detavie g -veto. w...inuratea interests, and tbrougn sue a variety of transactions, will admit.—l remain, my dear Duke of Wellington, ever faithfully yours. W. HUSKISSO.N. " His Grace the Duke of Wellington, &c. &c." Those letters with which he had troubled their Lordships would speak for themselves. He could now declare that any thing which he had done with respect to the Bill was not from a motive of party or faction—(Hear, bear) --or from any other feeling than a desire to render the Bill more palatable to the public; and he felt satisfied that that clause would have made it more so than it was before. He was persuaded that when Ministers came to introduce the measure next session, they would find it neces sary to adopt that Amendment, or something on the same principle. It was on a conviction of its pro priety that he had brought the clause in, and from that conviction he conceived he should not have done his du'y if he had acted otherwise.—(Hear.) Lord GODERICH assured their Lordships that he never for an instant meant to convey any imputa tion on his Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington) for the course which he had pursued with respect to the clause; nor did he in any degree impute it to the Noble Duke, that in moving that clause he was actuated by a motive to defeat the object of the Bill. rye hoped, at the same time, that his Noble Friend would tlo him the justice to believe that his opposi tion to the clause arose solely from his conviction that it would not answer the purpose of the Bill. It was said that when he bad seen his Noble Friend's clause, he handed it back, without making any servation at the moment, because observatl,,na had been made on it before; and he was At that very time preparing to send the Bill to a Committee. It was perfectly true, that in the correspondence with his Noble Friend he did request that Government would take the matter out of his hands; and he could assure their Lordships that he had done every thing in his power to meet the views of his Noble Friend consistently with what he conceived to be the spirit of the Bill; but he was unable to effect that object; it would be a farce in him to offer to agree with a proposition which he believed to be wholly inconsistent with the general principle of the Bill; but he must repeat that he did everything in his power to find out some mode in which both parties could concur. In the last letter which he wrote to his Noble Friend, he told him that he had delayed sending till the latest moment, in order to try whether, from any quarter, some suggestion might not come that would meet his Noble Friend's wish, or whether some common principle might not be adopted in which they might both agree. In this, unfortunately, he did not succeed. His objec tions to the clause were unalterable, as repugnant to the principle on which it was introduced, and the consequence was, that the question still remained unsettl e d. He most sincerely regretted that it should be thrown over for the present Session, but in justice to himself he must say that the blame wits not his. He did not mean to impute blame any where. It was one of those occurrences which sometimes happened in the course of human events, for which, however much they might be regretted, no party could be accused. Still, he must repeat his conviction that the loss of the measure was most unfortunate. Earl GREY next rose, and spoke to the follow ing effect :—" My Lords—lt is not my wish or in tention to prolong the discussion of a subject which has already been too much agitated in this House and throughout the country. I am the more un willing to do so from the tone of moderation—if not of apology—adopted by the Noble Viscount (Gode rich) who introduced the Bill ; an d , in imitation of his example, I am anxious to abstain from any ex pression that may be calculated t o exc i te angr y feeling in any quarter—a feeling, which, I trus t, is now fast subsiding every where.---(Hear, hear.)—l have, also, the satisfaction to feel and declare, that it is the more unnecessary for me to trespass at any length upon the attention of your Lordships after the statement of the Noble Duke, so remarkable for its propri e ty a nd clearness, and which placed the motives of those who acted with him on a late oc.. would be casion in so perspicuous a light, that it presumptuous in me, or in any man after him, to attempt his vindication ; or to justify the motives by which they were influenced who concurred with him in a late Amendment--an Amendment sanctioned by a majority of this House. After what has fallen from my Noble Friend, I am sure there is no man with a spark of candour and honesty who can say that that Amendment was proposed with the inten tion of defeating the Bill before it was submitted, or that it had been persevered in after it had been first adopted for such a purpose. This has been, I know, calumniously asserted, but the calum nious assertion had been met by the indignation that it merited. It had been admitted by the President of the Board of Trade, that the Amendment, which had been the subject of such animadversion, might possibly originate in an ambiguous expression of a letter written avowedly in haste by that Right Hon. Gentleman to the Noble Duke. The mind of the Noble Duke became impressed with a conviction of the utility of introducing that proposition into the Bill, as he understood it; and he persevered in it, not for the purpose of defeating the Bill, but for the purpose of furthering it, by the introduction of such regulations as h e saw i nc id en t t o th e completion of such regulations. Yet, for such a course of conduct was the Noble Duke, and those who acted with him, visited with th e mos t ca l umn i o us aspersions— aspersions, ho wever , w hi c h no one had the inde cency to cast upon him in this H ou se.—(Loud cries of " Hear, h ear .")—Y et were t h ose as persions mo s t insidiously an d i n d ustr i ous l y c i rcu l a t e d throughout the country, so that no person could take up a news paper without meeting them. Yes !---the calum nious aspersions had been widely spread, that our object in the introduction of an Amendment into a Bill, lately before this House, was to defeat, by in direct means, that which we dared not openly to oppose. It had been alleged, that it was our object to procure the rejection of that Bill, and thereby refuse relief to the poorer classes in one of the first necessaries of life. By the ad missions of the Noble Viscount, we stand ac quitted of entertaining such purposes; and in the deliberate judgment of the whole country, I am satisfied that it will be admitted that we would have acted inconsistently with our duty as legislators, if, from the apprehension of such calumnious asper sions as I have alluded to, we had hesitated in the adoption of such amendments • as we conscientiously conceived to be an Amendment of the Bill, conducive to its effective operation, and a corrective against possible dangers.—(Cheers.)—But if this Bill has been lost, it was not by this Amendment it was lost. We were disposed to adopt the rest of the Bill, with this Amendment. The Bill was lost by the refusal of the Noble Viscount (Goderich) to persevere in carrying through the Bill, with this Amendment an nexed to it. For his refusal to persevere, I have no doubt the Noble Lord had reasons which were satis factory and conclusive to his mind, as to the pro priety of the course upon which he determined. The Noble Lord had it in his power to choose between two courses—either to carry through the Bill, and submit to what he thought the inconvenience of an Amendment which did not meet his approbation, or to withdraw the Bill rather than have it encumbered with an Amendment from which he so widely dis sented. The Noble Viscount made choice of the latter course, and in doing so, I am disposed to give him credit for what he conscientiously believed to be the right and proper line of conduct to pursue. But this I must say, that I myself, and those by whom that Amendment was supported, had no apprehen sion that the Noble Viscount would be reduced to this alternative, and it was with the greatest surprise that we saw him placed in such a predicament.— (Hear, hear.)—As to the present Bill I shall sup port it—(Cries of hear)—and I am in no small degree induced to do so, as I find there is nothing in it inconsistent with the late Amend ment proposed by the Noble Duke. ' Although I own these has not been, in my opinion, a case of ne cessity made out to warrant its introduction, yet I will give to it a reluctant assent, as it contains nothing necessarily detrimental to the general interests ; be t7cll.lsV IL I MIL aI f during the interval of its operation, an experiment will be tried on the scale of duties, which will enable us to come with the advantage of an enlarged in formation to the discussion of a measure which we are told is to be submitted upon this subject next year.—(Hear, hear.) I would now ask, what does the present Bill propose to do, as compared with the late Amendment? Is it not proposed by this Bill to remedy any alleged evil that might be consequent upon that Amendment? No such thing. There is nothing in this Bill inconsistent with what that Amendment proposed. Yet it was given out that this Bill was rendered necessary, in consequence of the passing of that Amendment in this House.-- (Hear, hear.) What is this, I ask, but a wilful misrepresentation ? A mistake may be set right— a prejudice may be removed—an argument may be combated by reason—but a determined spirit of mis representation could not in any way be fairly en countered, for its malignity was only excited by every exposure of its falsehood.--(Cheers.) I say first then, for the thousandth time, that it is a gross misrepresentation to say that the Amendment was adopted in this House with a view of defeating the Bill; and, secondly, I say that this Bill is not ren dered necessary to correct any evil that it is even asserted would result from the adoption of that Amendment. Have they who make this assertion read this Bill and the Amendment ? Have they compared them, and in what do they find an incon sistency between them to consist ? For my part, as far as any feeble words of mine may reach and may have influence — l wish it to be known that I support because there is no part of its provisions incon sistent with that Amendment. The object of that Amendment was, to prevent too great an accumula tion of corn in hond, and to prevent frauds, by pro viding that no" Wheat should be taken out of bond, so long as the average price of wheatovithin this king dom, as settled by virtue of this Aef, shalt he less than sixty-six shillings a quarter." Now, from the correspondence between the Noble Duke and the ''resident of the Board of Trade, from whose opinicn it was to be presumed his Majesty's Ministers would not dissent, it was admitted to be a desirable thing that " no corn bonded after the passing of the present Bill should be allowed to be entered for home consumption, till the average price reached 665., and that thenceforward all corn so bonded, or thereafter imporsed, should come under the regula tions of the Bill." This was acceded to by the Right Honourable Gentleman, no doubt for the desirable purpose that I have already stated, of of the Noble D u k e i n propo sing the accumulation of cor n under bond, which was alsote Athmeepntympoenset.The Noble Lord proceeded to contend, that the opinion of the Preaidesa a the Board of Trade was conformable with the Amend ment of the Noble Duke, and that the only difference between that AMendment and the present Bill was, that as the preser s t Bill was from its nature tem porary, those regulations were temporary also to which the Noble Duke's Amendment would have affixed the character of permanency. One reason for withdrawing the late Bill, it was alleged, was, that th e Amendment would be fatal to it in the other House of Parliancient, and Ny , '-s desirable that the privileges of the two Houses of Parliament might n o t b e b roug h t i n t o collision. The present was recommended to us, however, not from an apprehensio n of such a eaision) but on its own merits. —(Hear, hear, hear, from Lord Goderich.), —I know the advantage which the Noble Lord may be disposed to take of an admission which he may suppose to weaken my argument, but as I have touched on the question of privileges, and as it is one on which great misrepresentation has also gone abroad, I must remark that the late Bill was somewhat un accountably sent up to this House as a Bill of Supply, in which it is not permitted to us to make a greater alteration than the correction of a verbal error. As that Bill was to h ave an e ff ect upon the duties, it parto o k o f t hi s c h arac ter. Thi s was an apparent difficulty, which was easily removed as may be shown . from a cas e w hi c h i s termed by l a wyers " in pan materiel?' In the Committee on the Corn Bill in this House, an Amendment was carried against the opinion of the Noble Lord (Lord Liverpool), whothen presided here, by which Amendment, according to the jealous tenacity with which the House maintains its privileges—theßill was formally lost. What was the course then pursued ? Though that Bill was lost, another Bill, on the same subject, was introduced, in which the Amendment of the House of Lords was included, and thus the dif ficulty of interfering with the privileges of the other House was got over, and the Bill in this amended shape passed both Houses of Parliament. Thus were the full powers of deliberation by this House arrested.—(Hear.) —Was it necessary, therefore, on the ground of privilege, that this Bill should be rejected ? No. And, although knowing this Amendment to be formally inconsistent with the privileges of the other House, I did not suppose it would have necessarily occasioned the loss of the measure. I assert, upon the hononr of a Peer, that I did not support that Amendment in the ex pectation or the wish, that by its adoption the whole measure should be defeated. What had been done on a former occasion might have been done in this; but I must say, that besides the disadvantages in other matters to which the calamity that has befallen a Noble Lord (Lord Liverpool) has subjected us, it is not the least of those disadvantages that his Ma jesty's Councils should not be marked by the same discretion and the same temper which distinguished them when he presided over them. The Noble Lord proceeded to comment again upon the Amendment,l which, whilst corn was now at 575. or 585., would . not probably come into operation at all—at least from the prospects of the ensuing harvest, or from any probable or almost possible circumstances that could occur, there was no likelihood of the price reaching , 665. certainly not for the next year; and until its had reached that price, the Amendment was inopera tive. Indeed, from all that was probable to occur, and from the late measures of interference with the, state of our currency—measures which, though they afforded a temporary ease, onlyprepared us fora future!' panic, it was much more likely that corn would shortly be at 465. rather than 665. a quarter. After having, repeated that the difference between the Noble Duke's I Amendment and the opinions of the President of the Board of Trade had been calumniously mis-stated, and the consequences of that Amendment exaggerated by persons who owed their very existence to the Noble Duke—he spoke not now of his great military services, but of services of a different kind—he pro ceeded : I have little more to say, after having ful-; filled the purpose for which I had risen—the attempt to set myself right with the House and with the l i country as to the part I have taken upon this sub ject; and, what is more important, to vindicate the character and uphold the propriety of the proceed ings of a majority of this House. I support the IBill now before us, as I do not apprehend it will be detrimental to the agricultural interests; but should any such Bill, in the ensuing Session, be presented to us, I do trust we will resist it with moderation, with discretion, but at the same time with firmness (Cheers), not for the sake of the agricultural in terests, but for the sake of those interests that are bound up with and inseparable from them. It may be that for that—the agricultural interest—l enter tain a partiality of which I am not conscious, but to which, from my situation, I acknowledge I am liable to entertain ; but however that may be, I do beJ lieve that in the landed interest is to be found, more than in any other, the deep-laid foundation of the strength of the Constitution of this country, and, therefore, to that interest, more than to any other, is it the interest and the duty of this House to ex tend protection—due and fair protection, for, be-. 1 yond this, God forbid that any interest should either expect to obtain any protection whatever. I main tain that it is due to that interest that this country should render itself as independent as possible of foreign supplies in corn ; and that to all interests of the community, and to none more than the commer cial and manufacturing, is it essential that as much of the land of this country as is capable of it, should be brought into cultivation. These principles I shall maintain, regardless that for maintaining_them it maj rests of the rich to the sacrifice of those of the poor. The most eager advocate of liberal principles cannot shake the soundness of those principles which were so admirably enforced in a Letter of a Noble Lord (we believe Lord Grenville), who, I trust, still effe corn,cmaintainstthhee effect throwingffhee cmt o l bp f ee ( tn s h a oa i (said tu Noble ro t fp h ot a rh t trsowo n g a g Lord) re teia.at d t pe h ia e y t of our land out of cultivation, and risking, all the in convenience of sudden changes and convulsions ih our relation with foreign countries: though, for a time, we may have cheap corn, yet, upon the long run, the price of this first necessary of life will in crease, and the profit, as well as the power of supply ing us as they please, will be in the hands of fo reigners." The maintenance of such sentiments is not at variance with popular rights, but was essen-1 tial for public prosperity. Popular rights I have ever upheld, whenever and by whomsoever they were assailed. I have made some sacrifices for them. lam ready to make more. At the same time, when I have met wild and extravagant claims and doctrines under the name of popular rights, I have not flinched from the obloquy to which an oppo sition to them may have exposed me, Tothatobloquy I am as ready again to expose myself as I am to endea vour to retrievethe Constitution from those invasions which I have considered as most dangerous to popu lar security. But at the same time, my Lords, that we should be anxious to uphold the dignity of the Crown, and to protect the just rights of the people, we should remember that we, as well as they, have rights and privileges given to us, not so much for our benefit as theirs; that we are an intermediate body, forming a link of connexion between both, and stand ing as a barrier to resist the encroachments of one upon the rights of the other. These respective rights, in their legitimate exercise, I am anxious that all should enjoy. Animated by these motives, and acting upon these principles, I hope we shall all come to the dispassionate consideration of this important question in the ensuing Session, and trust that it may be settled on a secure basis, which will give gsneral and permanent satisfaction.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Viscount GODERICH wished to be allowed to make one observation with respect to an expres sion which Ell from the Noble Earl (Grey.)— The Noble Lord, in alluding to the time in which the motion had been brought before the House, said that it conveyed something of an apology. He must take leave to tell their Lordships and the Noble Eati, that he made no apology. He made no apology, because he did not think there had been any offence.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—lf, however, their Lordships should find him deviating from that course of duty and respect, which he was equally bound as a peer and as a Member of Majesty's Government to Observe' towards their Ldrdships, then that House would be entitled to call upon him for an apology, and then it would be his duty to make that apology.—(Hear, hear.)—ln this ease, he repeated, Ise made no apology, because, whether the measure which he proposed might prove right or turn out to be wrong, it was his duty to bring it be fore their Lordships, and lie claimed the privilege of maintaining his opinions and his measures with the same earnestness as the Noble Earl or any other Member of their Lordships' house. Earl GREY did not intend to offend the Noble Viscount by the use of the word apology. Perhaps he ought rather to have said the Noble Viscount made an apologetic explanation—for such it might be called. He repeated, however, that he did not mean to use the expression in any way which the Noble Viscount might deem offensive; and although he was not a person in the habit of retracting what he had once uttered on such occasions, yet he would sa y, that if any expression which fell from him had offended the Noble Viscount, he was sorry he had used it. — (Hear, hear.) Lord GODERICH.—I have not a word more to say.—(Hear, hear.) Earl STANHOPE then addressed their Lord ships, but the noise produced by their Lordships leaving the House was so gr eat, that we could catch only a few sentences. We understood him 1993 182; 1825 1826 1827 1823 1824 1825 1828 1827 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 X. s. d. 13,2/7 19 1036 6,445 11 6 7,081 5 9% 6,445 17 0 6,481 8 PA X. s. d. 12,082 4 9% 12,:557 0 13,882 3 9 13,640 11 9 1 ,4 13,376 4 10% BIRMING 7 - ,170 - 5 IDri 8,037 6 3 8,089 10 2( 8,157 13 3% X. s. d. 111,960 17 2 6,972 7 0 7,855 19 11% 7,968 9 6 8,359 7 7 HAM. 3;4M ID 5,965 5 2 6,154 5 1 6,232 14 1 DS. IX. s. d. 37,291 1 10% 2!,,774 19 2% 28,819 6 28,055 18 3% 28,217 0 7% 5,40814 82 4,758 4 2 1 4 4,723 4 23i 8,568 4 4% 4,097 14 5% 4,203 0 9 3,788 15 9 3,920 15 94 4,27318 434] 2,598 10 154 4,617 2 I}i 1,994 17 6 2,026 1 fl , Office for Ti LEE 6,495 6 2 3 4 6,592 5 3 6;729 3 7% 6,481 8 0% 6,561 14 7% 1T,706 9 41 19,411 6 1 19,001 19 5}4 19,113 11 114 1 25,649 3 1 16,793 0 4 17,350 13 11 17,270 17 7 18,230 2 3 10,576 12 6 6,103 0 8 13,418 9 7 7,000 13 10 7,747 11 10 :LD. j 3,288 13 9 10,e(78 15 2 4 2,075 8 6 8,067 4 11% 2,214 1 8 8,277 10 2 2,265 17 2 7,067 4 6 1 4 2 354 2 '7 7,218 4 914 CLICKER ST WARD. 'OWLETT RUSHWORTH 11GBY BRADSHAW. t‘IPBELL. SHEFFI] 3,116 3 1 3,393 6 4 3,446 6 4% 2,806 9 10% 2838 0 5 GABRIEL CHARLES P WILLIAM HENRY CA i, May 29. COALS. A RETURN of the Number of Chaidrons of COALS im ported into the Port of London, in each Year from the Year 1800 to the Year 1826 inclusive ; distinguishing the Quantity brought Coastwise. •Coals imported into the Port of London. 1"" A By Inland Coastwise. Navigation. Total. Year ended --.---. January 5, Chaldrons. Chid irons. Chaldrons. 1801 - 1,011,119 1802 832,889 - 832,889 1803 927,831 - 927,831 1804 - 916,277 1805 975,840 - 975,840 1806 964,157 2063 966,220 1807 985,609 4808 990,417 1808 .. n .., 910,953 4187 915,140 1809 1810 973,843 6529 980,372 1811 1812 ...... 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 I'l2l . 1822 1,291,9 94 1087 1,293,081 1823 1824 1,433,865 1330 1,435,195 1825 1820 1827 WILLIAM IRVING, Inspector-General of Exports and Imports, Inspector-General's Office, Custom-house, Inspector-General's Office, G London, May so. of the Numb er o f S KIPS, and their Tonnage, A R Rx E which Tu have entered the Port of London, laden Wit h COALS, during the last Ten Years ending the sth o f January ; distinguishin g the Number in each Year. Tonnage. Ships. STonnage. 523 9 1 , 0 68,756 1823 5756 1,1 7 44 24 5518 1,125,672 1824 04410 1,323,960 5525 ,„, 1,127,100 1825 7117 1,451,868 "21 1,207,884 1826 5827 1,392,708 587 7 1,198,908 1827 6863 1,404,132 WILLIAM IRVING, Inspector-General of Imports and Exports. Inspector-General's Office, Custom-house, London, May 30. The MarqMarquisof LANspowNE had a ,grand dinner party yesterday a t Lansd owne House, Berkeley-square, D RE ADFUL ACClDENT.—..Yesterd a y after noon, about five o'clock, a distressing acc id ent too k p l ace . belonging to the General St eam Navigation Conl on board the W i ll i Glee, st eam-packet, from Ham burgh, Tile packet, which is of 120-horse power, had made her passage from Hamburgh, and arrived off the Custom -house at the time above stated, and just as the machinery was about to stop, and at the moment the pas sengers were preparing to leave the vessel, an unfortunate man, named James South, the stoker, came out of his birth, and was ascending the stairs to the deck, in doing which he imprudently put hie foot upon the top of the cylinder, and, shocking to relate, his head got between the heavy iron beam connected with the engine, and the beam of the vessel, and in an instant his head was crushed to atoms. to say that the Noble Duke might have avoided all the confusion which had resulted from the course he pursued with regard to the late Bill, if he had risen as he ought to have done, in his place as a Peer of Parliament, and proposed that Amendment without any consultation with the President of the Board of Trade. After one or two other observations, in which he said he agreed with the Noble Earl (Earl Grey), that Corn was much . more likely t o b e a t a price of 465. than 6 6 5. during the next season, his Lordship concluded by declaring that the present Bill appeared to him to be so unfair, so unjust, and so uncalled for, that he must move it be read a second time on that day three months. The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question that the Bill be read a second time now; and there appearing to be no disposition to sec on d the Amendment, it was lost without a division, and the Bill was read a second time accordingly. It was then ordered to be committed to-morrow. CORN AVERAGES' BILL. Lord GODERICH, having proposed a verbal Amendment in this Bill, then mcved, " That there be now added a Clause, to enable his Majesty, by an Order in Council, to name those Towns and Ports in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, where the averages were, from time to time, to be taken." The Noble Viscount, after an allusion to the debate and division of the former evening, observed, that, as it was the distinct object of their Lordships to gain as much information as they could, he thought there ought not to be any objection to allow this power of selecting the places where his Majesty's Government thought it was most 11:‘cly to be obtained. Lord FARNHAM said, that, as the object of his moving the Amendment, on a former occasion, was, to obtain information from the Kingdom generally, he could not object to a Clause of that description. The Clause was then agreed to. Lord ELLENBOROUGH asked, if it was the Noble Viscount's intention to publish the Averages thus taken ? _ Lord GODERICH did not know any way by which fraud could be prevented unless from pub lication. Earl STANHOPE wished to know whether the Noble Viscount had any objection to take the evi dence respecting the prices from the buyer as well as the seller ? He thought that the best method to prevent fraud in the Averages. Lord GODERICH said, certainly not. In a comAtry market there might be 700 sellers, and only one or two buyers; and he thought it would lead to endless confusion. Such a course too was, he knew, very unpalatable to the farmers. The Marquis of SALISBURY and Lord STANHOPR declared they believed the farmers had no objection. Lord GODERICH said he had inquired into that matter, and every every person to whom he ap plied said, " For God's sake, don't do that—it will lead to confusion beyond imagination." The Bill was then read a third time, and passed. The Mutiny Act Amendment Bill, the Canada Clergy Reserves' Bill, the Small Debts' Recovery Bill, the Sale of Bread (Ireland) Bill, and several other Bills, were read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow. The Exchequer Bills' Bill went through a Com mittee, and was ordered to be reported to-morrow. Their Lordships then adjourned at Eight o'Clock. PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS. HOUSE AND WINDOW TAX. An ACCOUNT of the ASSESSED TAXES, distinguishing House and Window, for each of the last Five Years ending April 5, from MANCHESTER and SALFORD, BIRMINGHAM, "MIMS, and SHEFFIELD. MANCHESTER AND SALFORD. IWindow Tax.] House Tax. 1 Other Taxes. Total, fl3P4t FOREIGIN TNITTITGIENCE. I FRENCH PAPERS. . (From the Etoile, dated Sunday, June 53.) " PARIS, JUNE 23.—We announced several day s ago that a treaty was going to be signed betvvel the five g r eat Powers to sa ve th e G ree k s . W e have since had to lament the deplorable events that have taken place before Athens. " We are happy to be able now to announce, that decisive orders, conformable to preceding arrange molts, have been given by Russia, France, und Ent land, to unite their respective fleets, and to separate the combatants. The measure is tardy, but we hope it will still be useful. " The Augsburg Gazette states (from the from tiers of Poland) that the interrogatories of the Po' lish conspirators are terminated, but that a printed, report is expected shortly to appear at Pete-sburgbi to acquaint Europe with all the circumstances o f the investigation. Such is the wish of the Emperor Nicholas, whose will it is that all the legal and in' mutable forms of justice shall be observed. It 0 . thought th a t some are conv i c t e d o f hi g h treason , 5; they were informed of the Russian conspiracy, and had promised, in case it succeeded, to overturn the Russian Government in Poland, and till a constr tuent assembly could be convoked to give the Dl,v tatorship to a Polish General residing in a foreign country. It seems that the Polish conspirators re' jetted with horror the proposal to assassinate till Czarowitsch at Warsaw, saying that no Pole had ever made an attempt on the life of his Sovereign' It is thought that if the interview which has been spoken of between the Emperor and the King o f Prussia should take place at Warsaw, it cannot b e before the autumn. BY XXPRESS. :a ° e N v s e rf n A t at iN s TNO Jur , rE—Since the wife t u ns, Mr. S trat f or d C ann ing? who has daily conferences with th e Russian AmbO, sador, has r e newed his efforts for t h e restorat i on peace, a nd p resente d t o th e R e i s Effendi a, veri A m t h E e , energetic note, which leaves no doubt that the 0 ; binets are already agreed on the immediate use 4 : means calculated to attain the proposed object. I ! seems that the certa i nty of this agreement, adde d to the representations of the Austrian Internuncio, bS made some impression on the Divan. It is eve n affirmed that the Reis Effendi appears more posed to compliance than he has hitherto done; • circumstance which, if it should be confirmed, migh i tend to inspire the Divan with more pacific ideas,'`' the news which has been spread for these three days of a considerable advantage gained by Lord Cochran e over a part of the Turkish feet. The Franks, how' ever, have not yet received any authentic intorno' tion on this subject. " The Porte has not yet published any 64 1 official respecting the victory of Redschid Pacb b before Athens—a silence from which the friends of the Greeks are perhaps too much in a hurry to / 111 1, f that other news of an unfav c ur a ble n a ture h as sine been received.—Augsburg Gazette. LIES OF THE DAY. " PARIS, JUNE 24.—The Courier Francais.-- 1 f morrow will appear, in the Monite ur , t h e f ata l o rt nance of the censorship, a thre a t en i ng pre l u d e to tv individual persecutions, vengean ce , an d wicked !," `: tempts (attentats) of all ki n d s w hi c h t h e &eV °. whom the Ministry obeys has long meditated. " A Journal of the South.—For nearly this vve e :4 an important piece of news has maint a i ne d i ts g rou at Madrid—viz., that the affairs of Portugal are °J the point of being terminated by the intervention France, Russia, and Austria; that the English W l l withdraw their troops ; that the Infant Don Mile : will come to reign in Portugal witho u t con dition s and that the Emperor of Austria will give him 0 of his daughters in marriage." (From the Journal de Debats of Saturday.) _.„4 PARIS, JUNE 22.—The Session has ended. has it produced ? Every one knows—the late M of the Press ; a Forest Code, which does hono r' o , M. Martignac ; the Jury Law, which will long ",,„ nour the Chamber of Peers; a Militar; Code, munsterfar snemaii.t e ncf incapacity ; the disgrace of the French Academy'' the deprivation of some men of talent; the suPP,,, ° ,f ' and honour of th e Restoration • the remarkable bP' 5O ,. of ingratitude st ruc k aga i nst a Royalist who had o f enticed twenty years of misfortune in the eaus°, lo Royalty ; the blow of vengeance and rage ori of coffin of an illustrious old man; the dirbanding the National Guard; the affair of M. Recamieris ll fg i t t the e twh d i monthslls af mi ut ot ssi tfuhrp ge o en, n a acroneefdm lostt dreams ri e netas D o: uk tsbh ue e o tf p d ttr e hhoee D s prc o ee u rmei st ey e mao andvrsbi r l l a nj e pg . ( . 11 t 0o 0 whole people, many painful feelings, uncertaisti PRIG/ el IRISH 1 Bask Stock .24134 Consols, 3 per sent. ..... Gov. Stock, 334 per oent. 9034% Ditto, New 4 per Cant. Gov. Deb. 334 per sent ...92 13t) 4! Royal Canal Stock .. 27% Grand Canal Stock City Deb. 4 per cent. - Ballast Ottice Deb. 4 p. et, - ITOCES, JUNE 23. St. Patrick Maur. (par 'M• I Royal Irish Ditto ~. ,.....•••• National Ditto ............ Patriotic Ditto ...............• / Hibernian Rank .............. Provincial Ditto ..... .... / "loyal Irish Mine .......... Imperial Mine ................ Mining Co. of Irela .d •••/ Commercial Buildir •• M, - ^ I . i;';'l4 , . 1. .- ..' , % • . • -4"- A 4114 ' 10.1.0tTylaitk d ellal II 'A LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 26, i 627. A rumour is circulated in the City, that LoS Cociiß ANE has been taken prisoner bI the Turks. It may be a mere Stock-jobbiri manoeuvre. three months ha Lords, and that the new Corn It will be perceived that the Corn Average!, Bill was passed, last fled shape, is likely to meet with no serious or position—the motion being • division. The Duke o f W T• - 11.4INGTON Stir ported the Bill, and read some farther O r ' ' respondence between his Grace and Mr. Il e ac ting dishonourably in KissoN , the effect of which certainly is to r e ' move a ny impression of the Noble Dulcd, the matter, though is y s fi to rat leg s i p s e la e t e e h on afte th r e h C is or e n ece Q ss u l e v sl . necessarily fixes on him the charge ot ut ter t in jo e n o . mp l e n ten h c i from the Cabinet, his Grace gave unansvor ing fboere been its neg ißl a i t i i lt : h' r e e e d i read that without tttsohhua'nntsn:cldt :is:( ; , i : able reasons for not commencing an uncevfil ifs career in a new profession, after having risen t° the head of another, though in the face of bj , own warning he embarks in opposition to a 0 1eij ; sure sanctioned by himself as a Member of theigt, Cabinet, and ultimately succeeds in throwing it ° v That this is a coincidence which Mrs. C A N - Dot /, 11 would pronounce extraordinary, no o ne s'i i II deny ; but the Noble Duke has got very ye 'l l out of the scrape, and we sincerely trust he '44131 not get into a similar one. The possession O. vigorous mind and sound judgment is not sti 6 cient to constitute a Statesman, without 0 1 ; degree of study and preparation, and thong ,l the want of these cannot be urgecl again' . t his Grace, when he confines_ himself to th s profession which has acquired additional lust re '' if that were possible, from his splendid deeds'