The Sun. — London, England, 1861-05-08 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT , HOUSE OF LORDS-YESTERDAY. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. Earl ST. GERMANS presented petitions in favour of legalising marriage with a deceased wife's sister. Lord HATHERTON presented a petition in favour of vote by ballot. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Dewsbury, Batley, and Heckmondwicke Water, Bishopscastle Railway, Great Northern Railway (purchase of Hertford, &c. Railway), Kilkenny Market, Llantressant and Taff Vale Junction Railway, and Midland Railway (new line) bills were read a second time. The South Essex Water, Caledonian Railway (Ruther glen and Coatbridge branches) Alva Railway, Clifton and Durdham Downs, Kilrush and Kilkee Railway and Poul nasherry Reclamation, Bradford and Leeds Railway, and Morayshire Railway bills were read a third time and passed. WILLS OF PERSONALTY_ BY BRITISH SUB- JECTS BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Lord LYN DHURST rose and said he regretted not being present at the second reading of this bill. He thought the measure was one of great importance, and therefore he should offer a few remarks to their lordships respecting the bill. The decision that had been come to in the case of Bremer and Freeman, in which the question of domicile was involved, had produced a very great im pression on the other side of the channel, and if a noble friend who was now in the south of France was present, he could confirm that assertion. In the case he had referred to, he believed the amount of money involved was about £lO,OOO, but the costs in the case could not have been much less than 5,000. A g ain there was another case whi c h had lately been decided. It was simply a question of whe ther the domicile was in England or Scotland, The evidence i n the case amounted to 15,000 c l ose l y printed pages, the arguments of counsel in Scotland lasted ten days, and then it was brought to the House of Lords upon appeal and was continued for much the same amount of days in that court, and the cost must have been enor mous. He thought some alteration was absolutely necessary. The bill was one that was much required, and the misapprehensions that existed with respect to it were because its provisions were not fully known. It did not at all alter the provisions of a will. It only related to the form in which it should be made for the future. He knew that the noble lord (St. Leonards) below him had made some objections to this bill, but then the bill of which he had been the parent relative to wills was one of the most complicated pieces of legislation that had ever been before their lordships. He thought if this was adopted a most laudable and noble object would be accomplished. Lord ST. LEONARDS denied that he was responsible for the bill to which the noble lord had referred. He had no more to do with it than any agent out of their lordships' ' house. He had, however, been instrumental in carrying a bill of which he felt proud, because since it had been in existence not a single Englishman's will which came within its provisions had ever - been questioned. He did not object to the principles of the bill, but what he objected to was the manner in which domiciles were settled. He looked on the law of domicile as the law of nations, and unless we could get other nations to agree with us we could not alter the law. Lord CHELMSFORD said as it was agreed to refer the bill to a select committee he would not trouble their lord ships with many observations, especially after what had fallen from Lord St. Leotards upon the necessity of such a bill as this. In order to show the necessity for some such measure as was now proposed, he referred to the case of Bremer v. Freeman. Nothing could be more helpless than the position of an English testator in a foreign country in the present state of the law. The theory of the English law was to favour the testator, whom it regarded as inops consilii ; but surely no person could want council more than an English testator in a foreign land, when it was impossible for him to determine for himself whether he had acquired a new domicile or not. His noble and learned friend (Lord Wensleydale) suggested a very extraordinary method of get ting rid of the difficulty by making a will in both ford s. Lord WENSLEYDALE —No, I said make one will so as to suit both. Lord CHELMSFORD said this would not diminish the difficulty, seeing that they would require a very learned friend to see that they complied with the English form, and a 'very learned foreigner to tell them what the foreign forma required. The noble and learned lord eoncluded by ex pressing the gratification he was sure their lordships all felt in hearing the voice of their noble and learned friend (Lord Lyndhurst) once more--(hear, hear)—and after the power ful observations which that noble and learned lord had ad dressed to them, he (Lord Chelmsford) did not think it necessary to add anything further. The LORD CHANCELLOR said they were all rejoiced to see in his place the noble and learned lord who began this discussion—(hear, hear)—and who had brought his groat capcnricnuo, and learning, and talent to bear upun the subject. He thought this was a bill which ought to be referred to a select committee, in which, he trusted, its details would be carefully considered. Lord KINGSDOWN, in reply, observed that the bill had two distinct objects, one of which had no connection at all with international objects. It altered the present law, under which many of their lordships were unable to deter mine whether they were domiciled in England or in Scot land, though upon this it . depended by which law the dispo sition of their personal estate was to be distributed. It was not desirable that the settlement of this question should in volve the heavy expenses which it now involved. The only object of requiring forms at all was to be sure that they had the genuine intentions of the testator expressed in the in strument; and that could not be in the least degree affected by the question as to whether a man was domiciled on one side of the Tweed or the other. The present law involved a mere wanton expense, for which there was no necessity whatever, and produced at times the greatest hardships, of which their lordships had recently had an illustration in a case which had come before them for decision. This bill would give validity to many wills which were now invalid, and would avoid the expense of inquiry into domicile where domicile was not material to the genuineness of the will, After a few words from Lord CHELMSFORD, The bill was referred to a select committee, and their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER to'k the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. • Tho Lords' amendments to the Shrewsbury and Welch pool Railway Bill were considered and agreed to, and the bill was ordered for third reading. The ti hezystwith • and Welsh Coast Railway Bill was read a third time. The following bills were considered and ordered for third reading :—Blyth and Tyne Railway, Clitheroe Gas, Cole ford, Monmouth, Usk, and Pontypool Railway, Greetwell District Drainage, Leeds and Ealand Road, Limerick and Foynes Railway, and Ross and Monmouth Rail% ay. The Macclesfield Gas and Thames Embankment bills were read a second time. PETITIONS. Several petitions were Pmsented praying that affirmation may, in certain cases, be substituted for oaths in law courts; for and against the repeal of the paper duty, against the abolition of the church rates, in favour of legis lation on the subject of the salmon fisheries, against the Parochial Assessment Bill ; in favour of the training of schoolmasters for middle-class schools ; from the inhabi tants of the town of Aberdeen against the bill before the house relative to the subject of fishery : &c. THE PAPER DUTY. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER begged to give notice that instead of including the paper duty in the financial bill, ha would, in order to be more regular, move the repeal of that duty in a preliminary resolution to morro win committee of ways and means, and thus it would F 0 compressed in the financial bill. ARMY AMALGAMATION (INDIA). In reply to Mr. H. SEYMOUR, Sir C. WOOD said he .was. expecting despatches from India by the next mail relative .inthe progress of army amalgamation in India. ASCENSION THURSDAY. Mr. S. ESTCOURT asked the noble lord at the head of the Government whether he intended to bring on the usual motion for committees of the house not meeting till two o'clock on Thursday next, being Ascension -day P Lord P ALMERSTON answered in the affirmative, and moved a resolution to that effect. The motion was then agreed to. T HE FORTS AT SPITHEAD. Sir M. PETO asked th e Secretary of State for War if the Government intend e d to procee' stead of Spithead ? d wi th the forts in the road - Mr. BARING said that the works in proceeded with, and the paper s question would be moved for by the hon. tly on th e t it tl e . baronet last week would be I , .id shor • RAILWAYS IN INDIA. • "Sir XL PETO asked the Secretary of State for India what steps the a svernment intended to take consequent on despatch from India, ativ.4 the 22d Februarylast, in wratehr it was stated that " a state of Llri. e . q possible, or probable, in which, in the event of &nab •-m- b e i ng sup _ plied from home, in anticipation, to carry on the rau...,„.„ works, the Government of India would have no alternative but to order their abrupt and complete suspension?" Sir C. WOOD said that the apprehensions entertained relative to this subject were totally unfounded. He had not the slightest intention to allow the railway works in r . ndia to be stopped. They had been carried on fully last year, and there had been expended on them that year £8,300,000 Mr. H. SEYMOUR inquired if the right hon. gentle-. man (Sir C. Wood) proposed to carry out the railway to the cotton districts in India. Sir C. WOOD said that such was his intention. BELLIGERENT RIGHTS, Mr. WALPOLE expressed a wish that his hen. friend the member for Liverpool would postpone the following motion, which he had on► the paper:, "That, in the opi nion of this house, the subject of belligerent rights at sea is at present in an unsatisfactory state, and deserving of the serious attention of her Majesty's Government lio considered that after what had bean stated by the GO. vernment it would not be advisable to bring forward this question at present. Lord PALMERSTON said he entirely concurred with the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Walpole) in the view he had taken of the inexpediency of discussing this question at the present moment. The house would bear in mind what the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs stated last night, namely, that the question involved in this mo tion was one of a very grave and complicated character, and that it was under the consideration of the Government, and therefore they could not enter on it at the present time. If the motion was persevered in, it would be impossible to make any other reply than that the Government could not afford any information on the subject. Mr. HORgFALL said that, agreeing entirely in what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman and the noble lord, he would postpone his motion to a future occasion. BARON DE BODE. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL appealed to his hon. friend (Mr. Denman) to postpone his motion, which was on the paper, for a select committ ee t o consi der the matters alleged in the petition of Baron de Bode. It would be necessary for him to prepare himself for the consideration of the subject. Mr. DENMAN said that he was very reluctant to postpone this motion. He considered this sub ject could be best considered in a select com mittee instead of in a full House of Commons. He agreed, however, on the personal grounds stated by his hon. and learned friend, for he admitted that it was neces• sary that that hon. and learned member should be in a position to watch carefully anything that he (Mr. Denman) said on the subject. He would, therefore, consent to the postponement of the motion. (Hear, hear.) lONIAN ISLANDS. Mr. MAGUIRE moved an address for copy of papers and correspondence relative to the mission of the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone to the lonian Islands, as Lord High Commissioner Extraordinary, in Nov., 1858. The learned member entered into different details relative to the present political position of the lonian Islands, and con demned the conduct pursued by this country towards these islands. He asserted that the result of our policy, instead of attaching the people of these islands to British rule had quite the opposite effect. He cited different authorities to show that the inhabitants of these islands were desirous of being annexed to Greece. He did not believe that the Government of the day had done anything wrong in sending Mr. Gladstone, as Lord High Commissioner, to these islands to institute an inquiry into the state of those islands, and to report thereupon. What he wanted to know was the character of that inquiry, the manner in which it had been conducted, the report that was made, and the recommendations which that report contained. The right hon. gentleman was hailed with en thusiasm by the islanders of all classes. He now asked, was not the desire for nationality universal amongst the community ? That statement had been denied, and it had been asserted that that feeling was not general ; but he referred to the manifestations which had emanated from the different islands in support of what he alleged as to the strong feeling that prevailed for the re covery of national independence. The hon. member next adverted to some of the replies of Mr. Gladstone to certain addresses from the inhabitants of those islands, in which he rebuked them for their desire for nationality. The right hon. gentleman objected to the form in which they expressed that desire, and they then addressed a most respectful memorial to her Majesty setting forth their wishes. He also alluded to a speech attributed to Mr. Gladstone in the public journals. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER denied that he had made the speech in question. Mr. MAG ORE said that was an additional reason why the house should be placed in possession of what had really taken place. Mr. CONINGHAM seconded the motion. Mr. GLADSTONE said that on grounds which were per sonal to himself, and with tke approval of his colleagues, he should beg to be excused from voting on the motion if the hon. gentleman went to a division—(Mr. Maguire : Most certainly.) But he was desirous to commence what he had to say by explaining to the hon. member that he thought he was under some degree of misapprehension with respect to the intention of the Government. It was not their intention to accede to the motion, but the grounds upon which they declined were not so extensive as the hon. gentleman sup posed. It was by no means because they regarded it as within their view of their duty to withhold all information on the subject. The information in point of fact which the hon. gentleman required, divided itself into two classes. There was a series of papers termed reports, which it was his (Mr. Gladstone's) duty to send home from the lonian Islands, and which bore immediately upon the constitutional question. Those were documents which ran over a great deal of history, and contained much free comment and detail upon men and things. Some part of them were of a nature which would probably make it inconvenient at any period to produce them. The greater part might, perhaps, be pro duced, but on account of those containing comments of that nature, and on account of the opinions entertained by those who were now responsible for the peace and order and go- VOTZtmeni . of +lto iclando, ho thought it n.,t cleanable at the present period that the reports should be laid before the house. But it did not in the slightest degree follow that it was necessary to withhold from Parliament all information. For example, the hon. gentleman thought that this corres pondence must contain evidence with regard to the state of feeling in the islands, and he likewise observed, with great truth, that proposals of much importance were made by him (Mr. Gladstone), in the name of her Majesty's Government, to the lonian Assembly, and that Parliament was entitled to be informed of that proposal. As to the cor respondence, his hon. friend the Under Secretary for the Colonies would shortly tell the house that he was perfectly prepared—only exercising a discretion in regard to any par ticular part where reservation might be required—to pro duce the correspondence, and give all the evidence in his power to supply in regard to the state of feeling in the islands. As to the proposals which were made in the name of her Majesty to the lonian Assembly, the hon. member, great as bad been the trouble and pains which he had taken to acquaint himself with the history and details of the sub ject, had been so unfortunate as to miss one great and im portant piece of information which appeared to him (the right hon. gentleman) to be the most vital and material of all. Because both the proposals which were made to the lonian Assembly and a very full address delivered to that assembly in the name of the British Government by him self, and containing the whole sum and substance of the re ports, that was as to the recommendations which they con tained, not only might be produced, but were published in every journal at the moment when they were made known to the assembly, and unless his memory deceived him, they were the subject of free comment in the other House of Par liament. He thought the substance of the information for which the hon. member was desirous, except the reports, could be, and would be laid before the house. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman had entered into many matters of interest and importance. He agreed with him that we were not to suppose—because the population of the Seven Islands occu pied but a very small space in the public eye, therefore we could afford to deal lightly with their concerns. The cha racter and reputation of England must be dear to all alike, in great matters and small, and small as were the islands themselves and the immediate interests connected with them, yet from a variety of circumstances a very consider able portion of hist , rival interest attached to them and their concerns. And undoubtedly their affairs were from time to time under the eyes of the people of Europe in a much greater degree than might be supposed from a mere descrip tion of their position and importance. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman said that a protest was published in answer to the despatch of Sir J. Young signed by 10 of the principal men of Corfu, and that that protest was the origin of the mission to which he had referred. There was, however, one conclusive reason why that should not have been the case, and that was that the protest was not published, nor the despatch upon which the protest was grounded, until he (Mr. Gladstone) had left for the lonian Islands. " Post hoc ergo propter hoc" was not always the best argument, but certainly " ante hoc ergo propter hoc" would be a good deal weaker still. (Laughter.) He referred to this, in point of fact, because it would, he believed, have been absurd for the hon. baronet the member for Hertfordshire to have pro jected, or himself (the right hon. gentleman) to have un dertaken that mission after the feeling of the people of the islands had been vehemently excited On the subject of oandunion with Greece by the publication of the despatch was protest. But it took place not only after the mission nor h d i i m d he repent Having arranged, but after he was far on his way to Corfu. undertaken that mission, he could not easily with draw;t he member for erlepe se nt of anything which hail the effect of placing simply rendering that testimony relationship with the hon. baronet Hertfordshire, of whom he was bound to say, him to do, that even the brilliancyiinony which experience enabled (the Chancellor of the Rache , of his genius was in his less conspicu (chsersdn)esAs of his character conspicu ous than the thorough high-mindedness opinion, narthfrom and conduct as a public man. theplea sure which he had in dealing with the hoe: course, anet when the representative of the Government—dud, spoke of him he meant to make no invidious distiwtionnbhee be- tween Sir E. Bulwer Lytton and the Government which concurred in his proceedings—there was another and main reason which appeared to him all important in such a matter. He confessed it was not his opinion, viewing the state of the institutions and government of the lonian Islands antece dently to this period—it was not his opinion that the position of that country was altogether clear and satisfactory. Hewes n " '""enine in the hope that in the state of those islands it would be practicable to a. ~hat might be desired, but he was sanguine in the hope and expectation that, with the support of the right hon. baronet and the Government then in power, it would be practicable thoroughly to set right the character o f England by offering to the people of h islands instituti ons founded on those p of freedom to sees which were so inexpressibly dear was the object with w hi c h he v d to undertake mission, and with what e ff ect they might be able in time to j u d ge . The hon. member seemed to think that blame was due to the late or to the present Goverment for not pro ducing those papers, because papers of a similar character had been produced in the case of Lord Durham, who went out to Canada. But the case of Canada was quite different, for Lord Durham did not go out to Canada to eonsult a people possessed of free institutions, but to consider the case of a country where all institutions had been brought to a stand-still by positive rebellion, The work of reconstruct- tion in Canada remained with the Parliament of this coun try, and therefore it was necessary that Lord Durham should supply them with the means of forming a judgment. The act of union was the result of that operation. But here, on the other hand, the result of the mission, whatever it might have been, was to be effected in the islands themselves. It consisted of certain propositions made to the local authori ties, and as these were declined on the spot, and there was no occasion for a reference to the Parliament of England or for raising an issue in this country, the analogy of Lord Dur ham's case did not hold good in the present one. The hon. member spoke thatnight so strongly as the enthusiastic and almost ungovernable advocate of nationalities and freedom f —(laughter)—that he hardlyknew whether he was the same member he had lately heard on the subject of Italian freedom and nationality. There was no thermometrical point from zero to boiling heat that could give the amount of difference between the hon. member boiling and over-boiling to -night as the advocate of nationality, and that representative of liberal sentiments who occasionally addressed the house on Italian affairs, and supported the Papal and other, as they considered them, bad governments of Italy. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman might say that this was an " argumentum ad hominem," and that any inconsistency on his part was no justification for inconsistency on the part of a Govern ment. He admitted that that would be true if there were inconsistency on the part of the Government, and to that point he should now address himself. The hon. gentleman said that great popular excitement pervaded the islands, and that it threatened the public tranquillity. He had no information as to the present feeling in the islands, but as far as he had seen when in these islands, it was not possible to convey a more gross and entire misrepresentation. (Hear.) He did not hesitate to say that the sentiment of these populations was one of general contentment. (Hear, hear.) At the same time he would frankly state what he believed to be the fact with regard to their desire for the realisation of their nationality. Prince Metternich had said of Italy that it was a geographical expression, meaning that it could not be a political one. On the contrary, the lonian Islands were mere fragments scattered along the coasts of Greece, and were brought together into political union by circumstances entirely exceptional. Under these circum stances they did entertain a strong sentiment of nationality, and desired the day when the Geeek race might be again united. (Hear, hear.) It grieved him to the last degree when he saw that sentiment on the part of those long un happy and often oppressed people treated with ridicule and scorn by persons in this country. (Hear, hear.) For centu ries, in the most unhappy circumstances, theseeople were subject, in one form or other, to foreign domination, and he did not think that, their retaining the memory of the glorious origin from which they were sprung—that free sentiment which was the great sign of national, political, and even moral life, and the best hope and pledge of their future destiny—should be made the butt for wanton, cruel, and he must say dastardly ridicule. (Cheers.) That was not the tone, at all events, in which he should speak of that senti ment which he admitted existed amongst all ranks and classes, but in a different form. It was entertained by the people not as a sentiment which made them miserable, but as one of hope which they should be glad to see realised when the proper occasion offered. It was traded upon ac cordingly by the worst and most corrupt part of the popu. lation. But these were not the masses of the people, who, he must say, appeared to him to be an amiable and good people, singularly refined and courteous, not difficult to govern, any thing but estranged in sentiment from the English Throne and nation, but, on the contrary, entertaining warm feelings of respect, regard, and even gratitude towards this country. (Hear.) It was a mistake to suppose that they would pre fer union with Russia or France. He believed they would prefer to be connected with England rather than with Russia, notwithstanding their unity of religion, or any fo reign country whatsoever. But demagogues—and he must say that amongst the worst of those demagogues were num bers of those who professed a particular feeling of friend ship to England—took advantage of this sentiment, and used it as a means pf producing excitement for their own selfish purposes. Amongst the upper classes were a number of gentlemen of great respectability and high character. While on the one hand he must admit that he never met any one of this class who did not say he hoped they might be reunited to the stock from which they sprang (hear, hear)—he must on the other hand say,,he had never met one who said that the period had not yet come for realising that object. Prudence taught them that there were practical objections of an insurmountable kind to the union with Greece, and those gentlemen deprecated in the highest de gree all those precipitate measures which, under the influ ence of popular zeal and excitement, were fomented for sel fish purposes by selfish individuals. (Hear, hear.) Such he believed to be a true representation of the sentiment of Hellenic nationality. With regard to the character of these people, it was distinguished, especially in the upper classes, by one fault—a fault that was frequently found in countries long oppressed, and in a subordinate position—the fault of moral cowardice. The consequence was that it was difficult to obtain a free and honest expression of opinion in these islands, and of course it became more difficult to obtain such an expression in proportion as the public feeling was ex cited. It was quite true, as the hon. member said, that the Archbishop and clergy of Corfu expressed e desire to him when he landed there in January, 1859, to be united to Greece, but the despatch which led to the excitement was published in the month of November, and the pressure of the public feeling was so used by the politicians that they were left no choice in the matter. (Hear.) He did not know how many members of that house belonged to that important body, the Anti •State Church Association, but if these gentlemen transported themselves to those islands they weuld find the most perfect religous equality prevail ing there. He believed that there was not so pure an ex ample of a voluntary church to be found on the earth as existed in these islands. Ireland furnished by no means so pure an example of a church supported by voluntary,con tributions. There were no endowments whatever. The priests were selected for the parishes without the interven tion of the bishop, by the vet s of certain lay bodies at tached to each church, who were frequently very nume rous. In the few instances where there were endowments there - was also patronage, but these were exceptional cases. These priests, with few exceptions, were men of small attainments in point of education, but they were intensely identified with the people in feeling ; and when the popular sentiment led in the direction of nationality, it was for them to follow—for folluw they must, sooner or later. He had made no such speech as that to which the hon. member re ferred, and what he quoted was probably some unauthorised gatherings of private conversations. But as regarded what was stated about Thessaly, Albania, and Candia, he adopted the sentiments advanced, as far as he could gather them from what the hon. member quoted. The hon. member made an attack on his noble friend, and called upon him to apply to the lonian Islands the sentiments and policy he adopted towards Italy. It was not for him to enter upon a defence of his noble friend, especially, as had been stated by the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Disraeli), as the policy of his noble friend had never been challenged in that house. (Hear.) But he would venture to offer a defence —where none was needed—and show why England, with out any selfish feeling on her part, ought not to follow the suggestions of the hon. member. He would admit that they must be prepared to apply in their own case the same prin ciples which they urged for the adoption of others. But the application must be varied—not indeed by the consideration of selfish and separate interests, but by considerations of pru dence and policy in connexion with European and general interests. The question was, What was their duty with regard t' the J onian Islands ? They found al tides in news papers stating that they were of no advantage to England. Others might hold a different opinion, and the hon. gentle man asked, "If t hey are of no advantage, why not give them up ?" Some persona were of opinion that the possession of Corfu was of great advantage as a military position, and that great public influence attached to the possession of the pro tectorate of these islands. For his own part, he was rather disposed to agree with those who thought that England had no selfish, separate, or peculiar interest whatever in the re ' tention of these islands: It was entirely in his view a ques tion connected with her character and her duty, with the exact and regular fulfilment of the obligations which she contracted towards Europe, when, for the benefit of Europe, she undertook that protectorate, because it was deemed to be safest in her hands. Why not, said the hon. member, appeal to the powers of Europe to release us from the obli gations we contracted ? But as a preliminary to that, it is necessary to be convinced in their own minds that it was for their benefit that they should be so released, and that was the view of the question which the hon. member had entirely overlooked. He seemed to think that the whole question was disposed of when it was admitted that England had no separate or selfish interest in the matter. The hon. member quoted as a sentiment of his, that as long •as Thes saly, Albania, and Candia were in political relation with the Turkish empire, it was a matter of serious risk to separate the lonian Islands from the British protectorate. It appeared to him that both on that ground, and for another still more sulsstantial, there would be very serious risk in such separa tion. The hon. member said, " Unite them with free Greece." In the first place, he had no evidence that free Greece wished for the union. He believed the opinion in Greece was very much divided on the subject, and that the laws, usages, and condition of the inhabitants of the islands were so different that public opinion was anything but unani mous as to the desirability of the union. At all events, no prima facie case for the union had been made out. Then had the hon. member considered the state and condition of free Greece itself ? (Laughter.) He was not going to in dulge in any general invective against Greece, knowing the great difficulties which Greece had to contend with in the establishment of her freedom, and that it was associated with one of the most illustrious names in the history of Eng land —the name of Mr. Canning—which was as much re vered in free Greece for the services he rendered to the race as it was in E ngland itself, the country of his birth. But at the same timewi o t y h e o rn utzte o i r in so g ve i r n e t i o gn an of y G c r ri e t e i c c e is , from criticism of the conduct of the G a ll the information at s command, h e did n o t believe his tl:at the political condition of free Greece was so consoli dated, that its laws and institutions were so matured, that it wa s a state to hold itself up as a nucleus and rallying point for the scattered members of the race. His belief was, that under the present Government it was far better for free Greece to look after her own concerns than to look after the concerns of other people. (Rear.) He believed it would be a crime against the safety and tranquillity of Europe as connected with the great eastern question if Eng land were to do what the An member recommended, and THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 8, 1861. to propose to the powers of Europe to surrender the lonian Islands for the purpose of uniting them to free Greece. Did the hon. member consider the bearing which that union had on the condition of the European provinces of Turkey. (Hear.) If we were to resign our protectorate, and to giv e full effect to the principle of nationality as laid down by the hon. member, were we then to say to the people of Thessaly, Al bania, and Candia, you shall remain, not under a Christian protectorate, but under a Mahommedan sovereignty, and your desire for nationality shall remain unfulfilled ? (Hear.) There was therefore a political bearing of this question which the hon. gentleman in his new-born zeal for nation alities had entirely overlooked. But his zeal for nationali ties had made such rapid growth—he was so promising a pupil in that school=-that when next the Italian question came before, thehouse he entertained the most sanguine ex pectation of his aid. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Looking to the state and position of these islands—seeing that Corfu was only separated by a narrow channel, which in some Points was not wider than two miles, from the Turkish ter ritory, they must be convinced of the great risk of acceding to the policy of the hon. gentleman ; and indeed it would be hardly compatible with good faith to Turkey to allow Corfu, under present circumstances, to become a part of Greece. People might differ as to the practicability or de sirability of maintaining the Turkish empire, but what• ever was done with regard to that great question should be done on principle, with forethought and a conscious ness of what we were about, not by piecemeal measures, which would bring into operation a source of dis turbance which would tend to perplex the Eastern ques tion, and the whole of Europe as connected with that gigantic question. (Hear.) If, therefore, in his humble conception of what was right he declined to accede to the annexation of the islands to free Greece, it was not that he denied the application of the principle of nationalities, but because in respect to this protectorate they stood as the guardians of a public and general policy, and must do what was best for the general interests. (Hear, hear.) He wished to say a few words as to the actual condition and institutions of the lonian Islands, because the belief was that they enjoyed a free Government because they were under the protectorate of England ; and any Englishman who understood the nature of the institutions of those islands would even dignify them with the name of a free Government in the same sense as we understood it. It was the very opposite of a free Government. It was a strange and iucongt uous mixture of materials which re quired reconstruction. (Hear, hear.) In Dominica there was perfect liberty of the press, and that was a great item of freedom when it came in its own place and time ; but the possession of entire liberty of the press when it did not stand side by side with Parliamentary institu tions was a very doubtful benefit. (Hear, hear.) Now, with regard to the franchise, the population of the islands was nearly2so,ooo, and the number of enfranchised persons was not more than between 6,000 and 8,000, and therefore it could not be said, if they went wrong, they had been ruined or corrupted by universal suffrage. (Hear) Well, there was, on the other hand, a power which had existed in that country for several years, and though that power might not have been exercised of late it was a thoroughly despotic power, and was vested in the Lord High Commissioner, who had authority to lay hands on any man, separate him from his family, and banish him to any portion of the lonian territory. It might not, it was true, be considered a very great hardship to transport a man from one side of the country to the other; but the contrary was the fact. These seven islands had other islands appended to them, in which perhaps only a few • fishermen would be found to reside. Now, when an editor of a newspaper—(" hear, hear," from Mr. Maguire, and a laugh)—was employed in preparing an effective leading article—(a laugh) —he might under the lonian law be seized and sent to one of those solitary places, and kept there so long as it pleased the parties who had him taken up. That was one of the things which he (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) was commissioned entirely to abolish. Then, as to the Assembly, it was not at liberty to take the initiative— it had no legislative means of influencing the Government, nor had it any power over the public purse. If the As sembly were Suspended the Lord High Commissioner had power to raise the revenue of the country and expend it as he pleased. So that a free Government as it was understood in this country did not exist—it contained the theoretic elements of one, and that was all. (Hear, hear.) Now, as to the question of the ballot, which was supported by a large party in this country, a friend of his who had always supported it told- him that if it were carried 99 out of every 100 electors would insist that the way in which they voted should be made known. (A laugh.) In the lonian Islands all men were for the bal lot, but nothing could be more injurious than the operation of that system among them, because their greatest misfor tune and curse was their want of political and moral cou rage. (Hear, hear.) It was not difficult to ascertain the existence of that evil. The Assembly, consisting of 42 gen tlemen, met in a hall the galleries of which contained some thing like 1,000 persons, who more or less interfered with freedom of discussion, and influenced their decisions. (Hear.) But that was not the worst of the evils in their system of government. One fatal characteristic of their ir sti tutions was that every - member orthe - Amerrably-Trairalede.a, salaried officer ; and of all the changes proposed to he intro duced into our constitution he prayed that such a system as that would be the last. (Hear, hear.) In general, where payment was proposed or given to Members of Parliament, as in America, it was to reimburse them for the expenses incurred ; but in the lonian Islands it did not stop there, but ran through the whole municipalities of the islands, and the consequence was they had got a system the most corrupt that it was possible to conceive—namely, the fre quent elections of paid officers—(hear, hear)—a system enough to eat out the hearts of all men. (Hear, hear.) In his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) opinion, payment of any kind to members of parliament was bad ; but there it was carried too far, and produced the most lamentable consequences. (Hear, hear.) It exceeded two or three times over the amount paid to the members of the Greek Assembly who met at Athens. It was after all but a just retribution on the peo ple of this country, because, when the protectorate was first assumed the system of the government was founded on a policy of silence ; the members of the Assembly were nominated and well paid, and when the time came to elect them, the earn; system had to be continued ; hence the hopeless corruption of the civil government under which the people suffixed. In no case was that exempli fied more than in the fact that though the whole cost of the military defences of those islands was borne by England, yet the inhabitant; were heavily taxed to provide for officials who had nothing whatever to do, and superinten dents who did even less. (A. laugh.) He believed that in the first instance England shrank from giving the lonian Islands a constitution, and that her policy was intended to go no further than to give them a general security for life and property. It appeared to him, however, as a commis. sioner, that though they were bound by European con siderations to prevent any expectations on their part that this country would surrey der its protectorate, they were bound to give them a free constitution. He honestly confessed that he desired the well-being of these islands— (hear, hear) —and in his opinion free institutions would work well, because they would bring out all the best elements of the people, which were now absolutely smothered beneath the profligacy and corruption that existed. No present system had created such an extraordi nary mass of private interests—so many big jobs and little jobs, that they had more to contend with in endeavouring to effect improvements than if they left it as it was. The very men who now adhered most closely to the system of corruption, and proclaimed themselves the fast friends of England, would be the first to turn demagogues and cry out for annexation with Greece the moment they endeavoured to introduce political improvements and interfered with the pastures on which they fattened. (Hear.) The lonian Government were offered to enjoy full power over the public purse, and wonld ultimately command an influence over the Executive Government, and they would in every respect have been secured in person and property. Those were the terms offered, but unhappily refused. Having trespassed so long on the patience of the house, he did not intend to say anything personal to himself, although be might say that, having been entrusted with a mission, it might have been a matter of regret to him that his mission had failed. He believed that their refusal of the advantages offered them placed England in a right position before the nations of Europe, because it showed that whatever evils prevailed in those islands, it was not the fault of England, but in spite of her honest endeavours to cure them. (Loud cheers.) Mr. CONINGHAM supported the motion. Mr. LAYARD denied that the lonians were at present worthy of what was termed "nationality," and ridiculed the idea of their being a great people pining for a free con. stitution, and deserving of it. He believed that if a strong declaration were made by England that she had no idea of transferring the lonians to Greece, the inhabitants would cease agitation, and apply themselves to developing the re sources of their country. Mr. WHITESIDE asked what was to be done with the lonian Islands. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had re presented their present system of government as a tissue of absurdity and corruption, and there had left it. Mr. M. MILNES was gratified to find that a subject of go much interest and importance had been brought under the notice of the house. He could not understand why the report of Mr. Gladstone should have been kept secret so long, but he hoped that when it was published it would have a salutary effect upon the future of the lonians. Mr. MONSELL expressed his hope that the inhabitants of tho lonian Llands would feel, after the discussion of that evening, that the English Parliament really sympathised with them, and was anxious to see them enter upon a course of self-improvement. Mr. C. FORTESCUE having described the nature of the papers which the Governraent were prepared to furnish, Mr. MAGUIRE said he would accept the proposal of the GGvernment to give as many papers on di.e subject as they could obtain. lle assured the house that nothing was fur ther from his intention than to say anything disrespectful. All he intended to say of Sir H. Storks was that he was a brave and gallant soldier, but that he had found himself in a very critical position, and was really bewildered as to what he was doing. He hoped and believed that the present dis cussion would do no injury in the lonian Islands, and he for one felt very well satisfied with the turn the debate had assumed. Lerd PALMERSTON—I think the hon. gentleman has shown a very fair and candid spirit in the course he has adopted, and on the part of the Government I thank him very much. lam convinced he will find that the papers when they are produced will give him all the in formation he is justly entitled to ask. I also concur in thinking that the course which this discussion has taken must do good in the lonian Islands. It will, I trust, con vince the people of those islands that on the part of her Majesty's Government, on the part of the British Parlia went, and on the part of the people of this country, there is no feeling in regard t, them except an earnest desire to contribute to their happiness and prosperity. And I hope that they will be impressed with the conviction that we are so strongly anxious to promote their happiness and prosperity that nothing would induce us to consent to inflict upon them the serious injury and evil that would arise from their annexation to the Kingdom of Greece. (Laughter.) For it is very well t) talk of it as an object of desire to the people of the lonian Islands ; but, if gen tlemen knew the present condition of the kingdom, the discontent which there prevails, and the indications which have been recently manifested of events which certainly are inconsistent with internal tranquillity, I am sure they would think that in the interests of the lonian Islands her Majesty's Government have judged rightly in declining to comply with the wish expressed for their connec tion with the Kingdom of Greece. We are discharging a duty fixed on us by a treaty, and imposed upon us by a due sense of regard to the people of the lonian Islands, in steadily refusing to co':.ply with that request. I trust the people will concur with her Majesty's Government in endeavouring to effect internal improvements in the con dition of the islands—improvements of which their condi tion is susceptible—and I assure the hon. member and the house that if this discussion shall in any way contribute to facilitate such arrange uents, we shall thank the hon. mem ber for having originated the discussion to-night. (Hear.) The motion was then withdrawn. Leave was given to Mr. Sergeant:Proorr to bring in a bill to amend the constitution, practice, and procedure of the court of the Island of JerSey, which was described, in the short discussion that ensued, as the very worst in the whole world. Mr. S. ESTCOURT obtained leave to bring in a bill to require all friendly and assurance societies to render to every member thereof, or person depositing money therein, a copy of their annual accounts. TRAMWAYS (IRELAND ] ACT AMENDMENT BILL. The house then went into committee on this bill. Col. DUNNE moved that clause 2 be struck out. Mr. BUTT defended the clause. The house then divided, when the numbers were— For the clause 157 Against it Majority The clause was then agreed to. Colonel DUNNE took objection to the construction of 1 clause 3. Mr. BUTT moved that the chairman report progress. Mr. HENNESSY, amid loud cries of " Question," ex pressed himself much surprised at the course taken by his hon. and learned friend in proposing that the chairman re port progress. His hon. and learned friend had charge of this bill, and by an arrangement with the Government he very strangely handed it over to their management. No Irish bill ever yet received fair consideration from her Majesty's Government. (" Oh I oh I" "Hear, hear," and cries of "Go on.") If his hon. and learned friend would give something like a reason for reporting progress he should be happy to support his motion, which at present ho could not but consider opposed to Irish interests. Lord N AAS said he thought the opposition to the bill was most unfair, especially on a Tuesday night, which was always supposed to be devoted t o the measures of individual members. He hoped the hon. member would proceed with his bill. Mr. BUTT observed that hon. gentlemen opposite were extremely mistaken in supposing he was not desirous of going on with the bill. (Laughter, and cries of Go on.) If he could be assured that the house would patiently dis cuss the measure on that occasion, he should be quite ready to go on with it. Mr. WHI rESIDE hoped the bill would be allowed to proceed. It was a short one, having only five clauses in it, and the house appeared to be in a most amiable mood to entertain it. After a few words in the same sense from Captain JERVIS and Sir F. GOLDSMID, Colonel DUNNE said that the hon. member for Youghal was not treating the Irish members on that side of the house fairly. He had got a clause oarried for which he was anxious, and was now ready to give way when there was no occasion for it. The business on the paper was' not so pressing that the bill could not be proceeded with then, and there would not be many such opportunities available for the purpose. Lord R. CECIL said there was more than met the eye in this proceeding. (Cries of Oh, oh, and Hear, hear.) It was evidently the view of the Government to leave to private members the dinner hours in the house when the house was usually empty, and when the house filled, and business of interest was brought forward to t• au rne inooonn. poooll.lo on 6bose. members ,ho Moro be easily pressed, so that the Government might easily occupy all the valuable hours of the sitting. It w a s there fore the duty of the house to restrain such a p rocee di ng , which concerned not merely such m em b ers , b u t every i n - Fto dependent member. (Oh.) It was aof piece with the de vices which characterised the budget from end to end— (cries of " Oh, oh," and " Hear, hear")—a device in which it was proposed to wreak the vengeance and spite of the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the House of Lords—(Opposition cheers)—a device mei e worthy of an attorney Phan a statesman. (Opposition cheers, and cries of " Question.") If the right hon. gentle man chose to press the constitutional question of the bud get, he might do so, but he (Lord R. Cecil) was sure that in the end it would neither increase the right hon. gentle man's reputation, nor aid the conduct of the measure he had in hand. (Opposition cheers.) Mr. CONINGHAM said that the speech they had just heard was an unjustifiable and unwarrantable attack upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he retorted that the Opposition were only endeavouring to make use of the bill under discussion as a means of delaying the progress of the budget. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI said that there had been a great deal t unnecessary beat imparted into the present discussion. (Hear, hear.) He did not think that the Government were t') blame for wishing to expedite the public business by every means. He ted the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, in no spirit of unnecessary hostility, the course which he thought it most convenient to follow. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer did not acquiesce in his sug gestion, and ho was quite privileged to adopt his own view upon the matter. But at the same time it was necessary to consider the circumstances under which the present discussion arose. This was the first, night upon which the new rules for the regulation of public business had been brought into operation, and he thought it was most desirable for the interest of the Govern ment and the maintenance of the good feeling and good temper which ought to exist amongst all parties, that no collision should be allowed to take place, and that the con duct of the Government should not be subject to suspicion. He entirely acquitted the Government of any design to take advantage unfairly of the power which the new regu lations gave them. Without wishing to pursue a Puritani cal or hypocritical course of criticism, he could not help snaking a few remarks upon the conduct of this evening's business. If the Government could have whispered in the ear of the hon. n ember for Dungarvan that he should not bring forward the lonian question, some time might have been saved. (Hear, hear.) Then again, if they had not happened to travel into Jersey and discussed the nature of the laws existing there, they might have been able to make better progress. The postponement of the question of belligerent rights was placed on high public grounds, but ho thought it most unfortunate that that question had not been brought forward by the hon. member for Liver pool, and he entirely dissented from the reasons advanced for its postponement. Ile thought that so moderate a motion, couched as it was in such temperate language, would at the t time have formed a wise text, one whioh would be greatly to the advantage of the people of this country if the discussion had been taken. But he did not charge the Government with being ac ' tasted by any other feeling than that which arose from a deep sense of duty. (Hear.) He could pardon the Minister for urging the postponement of the hon. member for Tiver ton's motion respecting the claims of the Baron De Bode, which had been discussed for the last thirty years without any person being able to understand it. (Laughter.) Then on the subject of the Danish claims, with respect to which it was evident the Government had avoided discussion, their conduct, he thought, might be viewed without any suspicion ; but when they came to the question before them, a practical question, not like the lonian question, or the Danish claims, or the Baron De Bode's case, but a practical measure of reform, deeply interesting to the people of Ire land—(oh, oh, and laughter)—brought forward by a gen tleman who seemed to possess the confidence of her Ma josty's Government—(Opposition cheers)—a question in which, by the majority that had voted on the first division, the house had shown its interest ; and when they remem bered that this was the only night on which independent members could bring forward questions of interest, he thought it most unfortunate that the Government should endeavour to seize the occasion for the advancement of any measure of their own. He hoped the house would not sanc tion the motion for reporting progress, which the hon. gen tleman so deeply interested in this bill had moved—(great laughter)—and he recommended that it should be with drawn, that they should proceed at once with the bill in committee, and not allow so interesting and important a measure to be delayed. (Laughter, and hoar.) Sir G. GREY said the right hon. gentleman seemed to be under the impression that this practice had beer r brought on for the first time that night, but the usage had. been uni verse], that under the circumstances the report should be brought up on Tuesday, the resolutions having been agreed to on the previous evening. He wished it to be understood that there was not'ling at all novel in the course which was at present pursued, and which had unnecessarily brought some severe strictures from the noble lord (Lord Cecil.) Mr. B ENTINCIi said there was no precedent for the proposed eourse of proceeding, and ho for one ()nay hoped that members on his (the Opposition) side of the 'noun w h o were determined to defend the rights el priYaty Menaberp, would persevere in their opposition to the chairman report ing progress. (Hear.) Lord PALMERSTON said the proceeding now going on was quite unprecedented. He had often seen hon. gentle, men on the Opposition side of the house at a late hour of the night proposing to report progress, in opposition to the hon. member who had charge of the bill, but he had never known the proposal of the gentleman who brought in the bill to ref ort progress meet with opposition such as had been exhibited on the present occasion. There must cer tainly be something peculiarly interesting in this Tramways Bill to have brought together so large an assemblage, no doubt in the interest of Ireland. (Laughter.) As the hon. member who had charge of the bill wished to report progress he hoped there would be an equally large attendance on the: next evening upon which the bill should be further debated. (Laughter.) The committee then divided, when the numbers were— For the motion Against Majority The house resumed, and the CHAIRMAN reported pro gres S. PRINCESS ALICE (QUEEN'S MESSAGE). The report of the committee upon the Queen's message was brought up, and leave was given to bring in a bill to carry the object of the resolution of the committee into effect. SUPPLY The report of the committee of supply was brought up and agreed to. WAYS AND MEANS. Upon the report of the committee of ways and means being brought up, Mr. DISRAELI expressed his hope that at that late hour the noble lord would not proceed with the discussion. Lord PALMERSTON thought this was quite as im • portant a matter as the Tramways (Ireland) Bill. (Cheers and laughter.) Lord J. MANNERS said they had heard about twenty minutes ago that a bill of such importance as that relating to theltraraways Pet Ireland ought not to be proceeded with at half-past 11 at night, and he wanted to know why the same principle did not apply in the case of the resolutions upon the budget. (Cheers.) Mr. LONG moved the adjournment of the house. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the course the Government were taking was the regular, usual, and, he believed, invariable course; and he did not himself recollect any instance where, in regard to a resolution agreed to in committee of ways and means, the practice pursued was not to appoint the report for the next evening. He did not deny the right to discuss any measure, and particularly a financial measure, at every stage, but at the same time it was usual for the house to have much regard for public convenience, and for the interest of trade and commerce in dealing with matters of this description. It was true an lion. member had given notice to call attention to the course which the Government proposed to pursue with re gard to the financial resolutions, but he must be permitted to say that this objection had no relation to the stage with which they were at present concerned, and the notice raised no issue whatever. It was quite open to the hen. member to submit a motion to give effect to his objections, but the proposal of the Government i t this stage was the usual course, and he trusted that if a division took place upon the adjournment a majority of the house would be prepared to mark its sense that the Government had not departed from the ordinary practice. (Cheers.) Lord R. CECIL stood aghast at the audacity exhibited on this occasion by the right hon. gentleman and the Go vernment. This was the stage at which the Government took power to adopt a course of financial legislation unpre. cedented for half a century. (No, no.) It had hitherto been the practice to divide measures of finance into separate bills, and send them up separately to the House of Lords. But now, for a special political object, to avenge a defeat and to win the doubtful votes of a special political section, it was intended to depart from the practice invariably pur sued for half a century. And yet the Chancellor of the Exchequer told them that there was nothing unusual in what the Government proposed to do. (Cheers.) Half past twelve at night was not an hour at which to open a political question. This was no less a design than that of altering the constitution of the country. He (Lord R. Cecil) readily admitted that the design would be utterly futile, and that it would leave the constitution just where it found it. The power of the House of Lords would be entirely unaltered. But whether this were a wise, just, and politic measure or not, it was a question of far too great importance, affecting as it did the constitution itself, to he taken at that hour of night. (Opposition cheers.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer had endeavoured to persuade the house that it was only an ordinary routine proceeding, whereas it was one which required the deepest deliberation. Sir G. GREYsaid the noble lord had been singularly un fortunate that evening—(cheers)—in the display of his utter ignorance of the forms of the house. The language which the noble lord had used was such as he would not characte rise, because he supposed it was within the strict rules of parliamentary debate. (Cheers and counter cheers.) His language, however, was such as happily they had heard from few hon. members. (Ministerial cheers.) The noble lord was tmpressea wits rae idea. that a s reat attack wax, in tended upon the privileges of the house, and what he said was that there was a direct design in the resolution proposed by his right hon. friend. Merely as the organ of the com mittee his right hon. friend was entitled to some respect even from the noble lord. His right hon. friend had pro posed the resolution merely as an organ of the committee, and therefore the charge of misconduct attempted to be thrown upon him was utterly unfounded. The noble lord charged his right hon. friend with conduct only becoming an attorney, and he then accused him of attempting to sub vert the privileges of the House of Commons. If the noble lord had only been acquainted with the forms of the house, he would have known that this was the only motion which could have been put from the chair on this occasion, the only motion, not differing in one word from that which had been put from the chair after a committee of ways and means, viz., that leave be given, &c., and then that a bill or bills be passed in accordance with these resolutions. These were the terms of the resolution put from the chair. The house would not be precluded, by adopting that resolution, from taking a course different to what was taken last year. It would be open to the noble lord to take an objection at the proper time. But this was not the proper time ; and no course which the noble lord could take upon this resolution could effect the object he had in view. (Cheers.) Sir J. PAKINGTON said he thought the language of his noble friend the member for Stamford might be attri- I buted to his not unnatural excitement, caused— (cheers and counter cheers)—by the unusual course which had been adopted by the Government in pressing forward this motion at this hour of the night. The Chancellor of the Exche quer had very emphatically contradicted the statement of the noble lord the member for Stamford when he said the course of the Government was without a precedent for the last 20 years. Whether or not the right hon. gentleman was literally right in that contradiction, the right hon. gentleman was utterly unable to state that the course the Government was about to take was not an unusual course. Upon the statement of the right hon. gentleman himself it was evident that some hon. members on this side of the house were desirous to express their opinions on the course taken by the Government. Hon. members were bound to suspect the Government, when they endeavoured to hurry on business in this indecorous manner, and prevent hon. gentlemen behind him (Sir J. Pakington) from being heard. He could not help hoping the right hon. gentle man would see the importance of not pressing forward this resolution. The house then divided on the motion : " That the house do now adjourn," and the numbers were : For the adjournment .. Against it Majority ................ . The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he did not think there would be any advantage to the progress of public business in endeavouring to force further the pro posal of the Government, if there was any disposition shown by the minority to allow them to proceed in the usual course. (Hear, hear.) He should therefore pro pose that this order of the day be adjourned until Thurs day, and he thought there was an especial advantage in that arrangement, as ii would enable the noble lord the member for Stamford to reconsider the vocabulary he had employed. (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. DISRAELI said he was glad the noble lord (Lord Robert Cecil) had received this public acknowledgment from the Chancellor of the Exchequer of his power of ex pression. He listened to the noble lord both last night and to-night, and never heard more constitutional opinions ex pressed in more effective language. (Oh, and cheers.) He hoped the noble lord would be prepared on Thursday night again to take that part in argument which distinguished him. He was glad that the right hon. gentleman had at last seen that it was better to defer to the reasonable wishes of the house. It might be very well to bully a colleague —(hear, hear)—but if there was a body of men in the world who would not be bullied it was the British House of Galli mons. Financial measures of this great importance had never been placed before tho house in this form before—a form which abridged the privileges of the House of Com mons, a nd abolished the power of revision of the other house. If all these measures had been brought in in different bills, the income tax, tea and sugar duties, and paper, there would have been at every stage of the bill an opportunity of discus sing each question. Surely the house ought to have ample opportunity of discussing these questions. (Oh.) They might say "oh," but when he was stating a sound consti tutional doctrine he was not to be answered by an " oh." It was no uncommon thing to discuss a resolution on the re port. He remembered the right hon. gentleman himself (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), speaking on a report on a resolution on the tea and sugar duties; but whether the right honourable gentleman did or did not, it was a notorious fact that it was the custom to discuss a re solution on bringing up the report. To endeavour at one o'clock in the morning to prevent a discussion on the report of a resolution appeared to him as unwise as it was uncourteous to the house. The lion: mem ber for Sligo had given notice of a motion he intended to bring forward on the report. Ho had no right to assume that these measures would be placed before them in a form that he thought unconstitutional and impolitic. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer said the state of track demanded that the measure relating to the paper duty should be passed immediately. Last year, however, the right hon. gentleman kept that question open for three woutha, and uo ohe then heard of the inconvenience to trade. They knew that the measures would not come into operation for some time ; and as to the income Viz the right hon. gentleman could propose it in a separate bill. The house then adjourned at five minutes past 1 o'clock. IHE CENSUS RETURNS. The following are the census returns of several of the principal boroughs and towns in Yorkshire :-At Barns ley in 1851 the population was 17,885; in 1861 it was 14,916. At Bradford, in 1851, the number was 103,786 ;in 1861, 106,203; Batley, in 1851, .+,318; in 1861, 14,364. Beverley, in 1851, 8,915; in 1861, 9,650. Bingley, in 1851, 13,434 ; in 1861, 13,249. Bradford, in 1851, 103,786 ; in 1861, 103,203. Bridlington, in. 1851, 5,839 ; in 1861, 8,508. Brighouse, in 1851, 3,278 ; in 1861, 4,557. Calverley, in 1851, 4 892 ; in 1861, 5,556. Cleckheaton, in 1851, 5,173 ; in 1861, 6,231. Dewsbury, in 1851, 14,090; in 1861, 17890. Doncaster, in 1851, 12051; in 1861, 16,408. Driffield, in 1851, 3,963 ; in 1861, 4,382. Drighlington, in 1851, 2,740; in 1861, 4,274. Goole, in 1851, 5,001; in 1861, 6,267. Halifax, in 1851, 33,582 ; in 1861, 37,008. Haworth, in 1851, 6,848 ; in 1861, 5,896. Heckmondwicke, in 1851, 4,540; in 1861, 6,339. Harrowgate, in 1851, 3,678 ; in 1861, 5,567. Hull, in 1851, 85,502 ; in 1861, 96,509. Keighley, in 1851, 18,258 ; in 1861, 18,815. Knaresborough, in 1851, 4,879 ; in 1861, 4,848. Leeds (borough) in 1861, 172,258 ; in 1861, 207,134. Morleyin 1851, 4,822; in 1861, 6,835; Northallerton in 1851, 2,970; in 1861, 2,854 Olds decrease is partly owing to the difference in the number of prisoners in the House of Correction; in 1851 there were 186 prisoners at the time the census was taken, but in 1811 there were only 100). Ossett in 1851, 6,266 ; in 1861, 7,950. Otley in 1851, 4,751; in 1861, 4,712. Pudsey, in 1851, 11,603; in 1861, 12,887. Rotherham, in 1851, 6,816; in 1861, 12,094. Saddleworth, in 1851, 17,799; in ]B6l, 18,629. Scarborough, in 1851, 12,844; in 1861, 18,350. Sheffield, in 1851, 135,283; in 1861, 184,779. Shelf, in 1851, 3,419; in 1861, 3,065; Skipton, in 1851, 5,044; in 1861, 5,451. Sowerby Bridge, in 1851, 4,633 ; in 1861, 5,384. Thorne, in 1851, 7,501; in 1861, 7,133. Wake field, in 1851, 16,990 ; in 1861, 17,601. Wilsden, in 1851, 3,451; in 1861, 2,888. Wyke, in 1851, 2,910; in 1861, 3,016. York, in 1851, 36,302 ; in 1861, 40,151. Except in one or two isolated instances the above returns show a great increase of population throughout the manufacturing dis tricts of Yorkshire. A good deal of astonishment, not to say dismay, continues to be excited in the Eastern Counties by the stationary or declining numbers of the popplation revealed in the census returns. The fact is now established beyond all doubt, that the figures from the purely agricultural districts will ex hibit scarcely any increase. A few further illustrations of this fact, derived from returns published on Saturday, are appended : 1851. 1861. Cambridge .. .. 27,803 .. 26,351 Newmarket .. 3,356 .. 3,261 Linton .. .. 2,061 .. 1,831 Mildenb all . . 4,372 . . 4,043 Somersham 1,653 .. 1,621 The returns from agricultural villages might be given almost ad infinitum, but they point so conclusively to one result that it is scarcely necessary, to reproduce the figures. The emigration to the colonies and the States of America has been principally from the rural districts, and hence the re sults now apparent. Agricultural wages must be advanced, and the condition of the struggling classes must be gene rally improved, if employers and capitalists wish to arrest the emigration which has checked the progress of popula— tion in the district. The census returns for Rochester and Chatham, which in reality form one town, were published yesterday. The population of Chatham has increased at the rate of 24 per cent. during the last 10 years, the population in 1851 being 31,416, and the returns for 1861 showing it to have increased to 39,162, viz.,-21,631 males and 17,531 females. The total number 4)1 troops and other persons connected with the Government departments in Chatham on the night of the 7th of April, including convicts, was 9,058. The population of the city of Rochester has increased from 15,411 in 1851 to 16,996, viz.,-8,138 males and 8,858 females, the increase being at the rate of 10 per cent. The gross population of Rochester and Chatham is returned at 56,158, which does not include the officers and seamen be longing to the various vessels of war at Chatham. The returns of the population of the different parishes comprised in the city and borough of Bath give a total of 52,509, being a decrease of 1,739 as compared with 1851. The returns for Clifton give the following results :—Males, 7,772; females, 13,603—majority of females, 5,931; total, 21,375, being an increase of 3,753 as compared with 1851, and 7,198 as compared with 1841. The returns for Bristol are not yet complete, but those made up show a large in crease. The population of Bridgewater is 11,928, being an increase of 1,045 in the last 10 years. Weston •super-Mare has nearly doubled its population in the last 10 years. The rapid growth of this place is remarkable. At the census of 1801 the numbers were 187 ; in 1811, 350 ; in 1821 above 600 ; in 1831, 1,310 ; in 1841, 2,105 ; in 1851 about 4,400, and this year nearly 9,000. The population of Frome is now 11,150, being a decrease of more than 700 since the last census. COUNTRY MARKETS. NEWCASTLE-UNDER LYNE-MAT 6. At this corn market there was a limited show of wheat. The trade was inactive, and prices were about equal to the rates of last week—white making 60s to 68s red b4s to 635. The demand for barley was firm, and not much changed in value. Oats were in steady request, with a firm sale, from 24s to 27s per 24 stone. Beans made ex treme prices, from 44s to 60s per qr. LEEDS-MAY 7. Our market to-day was fairly attended by millers, but the trade in wheat was of a most limited character, at barely last week's rates. Beans, barley, oats, and other articles unaltered. SLEAFORD-MAY 6. The attendance was moderate to-day, with a very fair supply of wheat. Trade slew, at the rates of the previous week. White wheat ruled at 57s to 61s, red 56s to 56s per qr. Barley in rather inactive demand, 30s to 36s ; oats in dull demand, at former prices, 22s to 30s; beans from 44s to 58s ; peas, —ste —s. LYNN-MAY 7. There was a moderate attendance. The supply of wheat was an average one, with a slow business. Good sorts realised previous quotations; inferior hardly so dear. Bar ley in small supply, at the prices of last week. Oats were firm. Beans moved off freely. Old white 56s to 60s I Old red 48s to 54s 8ar1ey,..... 28s to 44s Oats .22s to 26s Beans .3Bs to 44s I Peas 48s to 54s NORWICH CATTLE. The show of store cattle to-day was large. Sales dull. At the close more than one. fourth remained unsold. Scots, 4s Od to 4s 6d ; shorthorns, 3s 6d to 4s ; Irish, 3s Od to 3s 6d ; Devons, 4s to 5s 6d (estimated weight when fat). Fat beasts a large show, and sales brisk, at 8s Od to 8s 6d per 141 b. Sheep—There was a good supply of sheep in the pens. Fat sheep, 8s Od to 8s 6d per stone; prime, 108 Od. Pigs—A fair supply. Store pigs, 18s to 25s ; fat pork, 7s 6d to 8s Od per stone. THE PLYMOUTH DEFENCES.—It is said that the line of fortifications north of Plymouth has again been altered, and will now be carried out to Crown-hill, above Knackersknowle. This being a higher level, will form a stronger position. It is also rumoured that the fortress inside the breakwater is not to be constructed. [ADVERTISEMENT.) Yllls and medicine invariably ag o avate and perpetuate diseases ; their annoyance, dis appointment, and expense may be avoided by persons in indifferent health sending only their address to E. S. Barry, Esq., 77, Regent-street, W., London, and they will receive gratis and free by post the " INVALIDS' OWN IIIDE," or Natural Restorer, without medicine or ex p-nse, of perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, and refreshing sleep, to the mostenieebled,insuri e n r lai Insuring complaints, nausea, indigestion (dyspepsia) , constipation, liver nausea, epilepsy, paralysis, debility, nervousness, palpitatiot., cough, asthma, consumption, dropsy, flatulency, diarrheas, dysentery, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds, noises in the ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria., neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpi tation, heartburn, headache, despondency, cramps, spasms, sinking, fits, bronchitis "Unquestionably the safest Guide to health BIRTHS. BooTir.—On the 6th inst., at 15, New street, Spring gardens, the wife of G. Sclater Booth, Esq., M.P , of a son. HAYNE.—At Constantia-terrace, Sheerness, the wife of Leonard H. J. Hayne, M.D., R.N., of a eon. MOELSON.—On the 6th inst., at Brighton, Mrs. George Moulson, of twins. BE . 01 141 RI ins suc ply at ] S} Lie Mem BY II L' and 1 laws inex) the , trrits Ho Point Th istree ro —_. 8' 'elle: iMpo LOC tiona abort Th origi with tie by m Vate] iron Orgy into rant move then Ever MOT pare Inve very inosi less than ance Dot, cw or( nci oil, C Eire MARRIAGES. ELLERY—ORAM.—On the 7th inst., at the parish church, Stoke Damerel, Devonshire, John Ellery, Esq., of East Stonchouse, merchant, to Fanny than, elder daughter of Samuel Oran), Esq., of Devonport. NEWTON—DoDD.—On the 2d inst., at Ipsden Church, William, eldest on of Mr. W. Newton, of Crowmarsh, Oxon, to Sarah Emily, youngest daughter of Mr. W. J. Dodd, of 'Talley, Oxon. O EATHS. BRETT.—On the Gth inst., at Cheltenham, Major-General Richard It. W. Brett, aged 62. CorrAm.—On the sth inst., George Cottam, of St. John's Cottage, Wimbledon, aged 74. FLEMING.—On the Ist inst., et Nice, Edward Fleming, Esq., of Belleville, co. Cavan, son of the late Lieutenant- General Fleming., C.B. HUNTER.—On the Gth inst., at Leamington, John Hunter, Esq., late Captain 3d Light Dragoons, aged 74. MALCOLMSON.—On the 6th inst , in Gloucester-square, James Malcolmson, Esq., of Campden-hill, Kensington, aged 58. WAItDE.—On the 4th inst., at Blackheath, Lieut.• Colonel Walter Ward°, aged 46. WAKEFIELD. —On the Ist inst., at Eastbourne-terrace, Captain Edward Wakefield, late of the 15th Hussars, age d 60. LONDON : Printed and Publiahed by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN °ace, No. 112,Strand, In the Precinct of the Savoy, In the County of Middlesex WeGiakridAYl May 81