The Sun. — London, England, 1861-08-03 00:00:00

_EATRE•ROYAL, HAYMARKET. I Lessee, Mr. J. B. Buastunc. THIS EVENING. the performances will commer.3A with anew Ballet, BACCHUS AND ARIADNE. Miss Fanny Wright, the Leclercqs, Mr. Webster , &c. After which, a new Comedy, entitled MY LORD AND MY LADY ;r, It Might have been Worse. Mr. C. ews Mr. Andrews,o Bu th Mr. c k s tone, Mrs. Charles Maews, Math Mrs., Wilkins, &c. Followed by COOL AS A CUCUMBER. Mr. Charles Mathews. To conclude with TURNING ence THE 7. TABLES. Comm at ROY AL PRINCES S'S THEATRE.- Lessee and Manater, Mr. A. Harris. r _ TH IS EVENING, the new comic drama, entitled A HOMESTEAD STORY, Messrs. Ryder Shore, and Miss M. Harris. Followed by HAMLET. Hamlet, Mr. Fechter. Sup ported by Hermann Vezin, Ryder, Meadows, ac. ; Misses 'Heath, Itleworthy, and R. Leclercq. NEW THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHI.- Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster. Reproduction of the great drama of "The Dead Heart." THIS EVENING, the great Adelphi drama, THE DEAD HEART. Messrs. B. Webster, J. L. Toole, Fisher, Billing ton, Eburne, Smith, Romer; Miss Woolgar and Miss Kate Kelly. To conclude with (17th time) THE PRETTY HORSE BREAKER. Mr. .T. L. Toole, Mr. Paul Bedford; Miss K. Kelly, Miss Woolgar, Miss E. Thorne, Miss Laidlaw, and Mrs. Chatterley, Doors open at halt past 6—Commence at 7. CANTERBURY HALL AND FINE ARTS GALLERY. Verdi's New Opera, UN BALLO IN MASCHERA, arranged and conducted by Mr. Jonghmans. Mr. Levy on the cornet-a-piston. Mr. Wood and his talented little Son, the best Negro Delineators of the (lay. The extraordinary comic duet, "The Nerves," by Messrs. Harvey and French, the most grotesque performance in London. Mrs. Lawrence and Mr. Marshall in several New Songs written expressly ler him, including the " Excursion to Brighton." Admission, dd. ; Stalls and Balcony, Is. RETURN of SAM COWELL to ENGLAND, who will shortly appear at his old quarters, after an absence of five years. RE-DECORATION of this Magnific-nt HALL, executed by Mr. William Sanderson, of Lambeth, under the direction of Samuel Field, Esq., architect, is now completed. This popular Place of Amusement now surpasses its former grandeur, and, with the FINE ARTS GALLERY and SPACIOUS PROMENADE, forms the MOST ELEGANT PUBLIC BUILDING in the WORLD. Considerable im provements have been made in the VENTILATION and LIGHTING. T " 0 X F 0 R D, B, OXFORD-STREET. This noble building being now completer!, its architectural beauty, elegance of ornamentation, and brilliancy of lighting render it one of the sights of the metropolis. Open Every Evening. The programme is varied, and includes Selections (by a full company of principals, powerful band, and chorus) from " Macbeth" and " Un Ballo in Masehera." both operas by Verdi, the composer of the day—The wonderful Solos on the Cornet-a-Piston of the renowned LEVY—Scotch Duets by the Misses Stuart. and other vocal and instrumental music of the highest order. Conductor, Mr. F. Jonghmans. The Comic portion of the entertainment is support (t ed b y Mi s s r Green, Messrs. Sam Collins , Harvey, and French he, W. H. Wieland, E. Marshall. and W. Randall. Admission, Hall, sixpence ; Balcony and Stalls, one shilling. Private Boxes, 10s. 6d. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tats DA-T. —Morning, 11h. 30m.—Afternoon. h. m. To-mosatow.-Morning, 12h. Bm.—Afternoon, 12h. 34m. -- 'I:I:C — IELt.-611N OFFICE, AUGUST THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 76—highest since noon yesterday. 55--lowest this morning and during the night. 62—this day at noon.' 7.7 :13.4.noltrrzu-29.89. WlND—Westerly—strong fresh breeze ; with du' showery weather. Afternoon, cloudy. F, 11361. i. • - , . 444 , „ , A . •er 4 • DI E " 0.3 THE SUN. LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 3, 1861. In Lord HERBERT—better known among his contemporaries as the Right Hon. SIDNEY HER BERT—England has without doubt lost one of her leading statesmen. No orator—but a speaker en dowed with admirable debating powers. No genius —but a man gifted with very rare abilities, and those natural abilities enhanced by the acquisition of various refined and, potential;acoomplishments. For many reasons this deceased servant of the Crown stood forth conspicuously among the most eminent men of his time. A Patrician by birth, he was at the same time one of the wealthiest of British Commoners. Possessing intellectual powers of more than ordinary capacity, he was personally noticeable even in his bodily form and features as one of the most hand some men of his generation. Every one admired him, every one liked him—more or less accordingly as people had the opportunity of know ing and appreciating his excellencies. Added to an which, he possessed, over and above his natural and acquired gifts, that amiable source of popularity, a desire to please. When we have said this—adding that SIDNEY Lord HERBERT was in his nature the very soul of honour, and through out his career the very incarnation of industry— we have said everything. It is the merest exaggeration of paneygric in Lord HERBERT'S regard to maintain, as some have main tained ever since his illness had so increased upon him as to compel him to resign his War Secretaryship, as some are insisting upon it now that this lamented statesman has been snatched from us prema turely to the grief of us all—that in SIDNEY Lord HERBERT we have lost one who was almost safe to be Prime Minister of England. That ho had very many of the qualifications re quisite to make a good administrator—to make a first-rate administrator—there is not one amongst 'us, we suppose, who would care for one instant to deny. But as to Lord HERBERT being all but as a matter of absolute certainty a Future Pre mier' /711 3' nobody ever dreamt of such a notion until the late War Secretary's retirement from office was known to have been rendered inevitable by the breaking down (by reason of overwork) of his fine and even apparently vigorous con stitution. To reason, a , that way while Lord HERBERT'S reasoned, in 'n-ERBERT's strength was rapidly fading out, was , as we thought at the time, the veriest extravagance. Seriously to maint ain t he fact have been thus, now that th is accom p lis hed administra tor has passed from the world's scene altogether is the merest posthumous adulation. Besides ths sole reason adduced for thus looking upon SIDNEY BERT as—if only his health had been spared to him a few years longer—the inevitable Prime Minister of England in the hereafter, is a reason to that end that as such is absolutely no reason whatever. argued gravely that he had the manifest "making' of a Prime Minister about him, for inasmuch as he exercised. over all who approached him such a glamour of personal fascination ! We have yet to learn the t the possession of this peculiar attribute is one of the essentials, is one of the distinguishing marks of a First Lord of the Treasury. Viscount MELBOUI INE, we believe to be the only in stance isi modern times in which the possession of this pa rticular fascination was in any way re cognizabli?—and in that aspect we take Lord MELBOUR. SE'S instance to be entirely exceptional. Remember Ing at the same moment that the most enthusiastic and infatuated members of the late lame nted Lord HERBERT could never aream of claiming for the latter more than a merest tifilic by comparison of the witching Sharm a arc' splendid abilities latent in the heart and brain of Lord 'MELBOURNE. As for the rest of our tnedern Premiers, we don't know that there is much illat can be said about any one of them in the wxy of exciting sentiments of personal affection among those who approached them. Even wit?n the present Premier, one of the most popular of our Prime 3 liniaters,cne of the most generally admired, it is certainly not thus. It cannot for one instant be pretended to have been thus, again , n w ith that dreary entity kuwn in Mr. DisRAELI'I politi cal novel s as th is Arch- Mediocrity. gr. PITT'S refrigerati ng hauteur and isolati on. ire matters of hi s t ory. So It i 8 indeed, may we say', , have already \ beeome the phlematic coolness and insouciance of Lord JOHN, hen - OMM to — be rightly designated only as Earl RUSSELL. As to the late Sir ROBERT PEEL, the great Sir ROBERT, it was a subject of general remark throughout the chief part of his public life, how lonely the man was even amongst his colleagues, how devoid he appeared to be of those alluring charms that win for their possessor the solace of intimate personal friendships. It was only eventually when this political PROSPERO had broken his wand and descended from supreme power voluntarily—it was only to wards the close of his remarkable life that the ice seemed to be broken through in his regard, and that even the great masses seemed to be suddenly inspired towards him with feelings of almost personal affection, certainly of the very liveliest, of the most grateful and ardent admira- tion. But—as Prime Minister—Sir ROBERT PEEL had never at any time been known to exercise upon those who approached him this strange personal fascination that is now being so preposterously talked of, as evidencing, in Lord HERBERT'S in stance, such an especial aptitude for the acquisition of th© post of the Premiership! That Lord HERBERT was an able and laborious, a patriotic and a devoted Administrator, not one Englishman amongst us all is there but will ad mit. But that he had about him the making of a Prime Minister, that had he lived he must cer- tainly have become Prime Minister, we for one have never for one instant recognised. And— simply out of a feeling of complaiBance while listening to those hyperboles of eulogium—we are certainly not going now to affect to recognise it. The death of the Dake of BUCKINGHAM recalls vividly the days of the Reform Bill struggle. The name of CHANDOS is almost as much associated with it as that of RUSSELL. The latter gave to the counties the vast increase of members they then ob tained; but the former converted that increase into the means of landlord ascendancy. Up to the time of the Reform Bill no class of electors had been more independent, on the whole, than the county freeholders. The Reform Ministry, by dividing counties, thus creating eighty-two instead of fifty two constituencies, and increasing the members re turned by counties, from ninety-four to one hundred and fifty-nine, intended to increase the number of Liberal aristocratic members. They were sure of preference for aristocracy by freeholders, and they equally hoped to secure many more members re turned by really " Free and Independent Electors" —they expected that Whig liberalism would be strong in the counties. It was the Duke just deceased, then Marquis of CHANDOS, who changed all this. His celebrated " Chandos Clause," gave over all the expected liberal county members bound hand and foot to the Tories. Whether even he fully realised at the time the greatness of the Tory victory he had achieved, may be doubted. Lord ALTHOBP did, and predicted that the increase of the county representation, com bined with the CHANDOS constituency, would ren der the bill the most aristocratic measure which had ever passed the House of Commons. Lord JOHN RUSSELL himself declared that he intended by the Reform Bill to secure the ascendancy to the landed aristocracy. But he had meant it for the Whig aristocracy—the Marquis of CHANDOS handed over its aristocratic benefits to the Tories. Even worthy JOSEPH HUME was deceived by the idea of increasing the number of electors ; so were many liberals with him ; and despite Lord ALTIEORP'S warnings, joined with the Tories in handing over the counties to the latter. At first the zeal of Reformers was sufficient to give a large working liberal majority. But as early as the Parliament which was assembled in 1835, under the auspices of WELLINGTON and PEEL the mischievous effect of the CIANDOS clause became apparent. Lord JOHN RUSSELL himself, though re turned in 1832 at the head of the poll for North Devon by more than 500 votes, and not having been op posed at the general election, at the single election consequent on his accepting the Home Secretary ship was rejected for an insignificant Tory by a majority of more than 600. Lord PALMERSTON, in like manner, who in South Hants was in 1832 nearly 400 ahead of the Tory candidate, in January 1835 was 240 below him. In fact it has been recog nised since that election, that with the rare excep tion of Liberal landlords having the ascendancy, or of manufacturers predominating in the district, the Reform Bill placed the counties with their 159 members in the hands of the Tories. It has been equally acknowledged that the Duke's clause was the deed of transfer. We have come indeed now to regard this fact as not only an accepted ene, but a hopeless one. In the counties the Tories are to walk the course with the fifty pounds tenants-at-will as their body guard. A very efficient one too. In round numbers they are just about a third of the county con stituency—about one hundred, out of three hundred thousand. As there was before, of course, a large Tory constituency, the addition of one-third all well in hand on the Conservative side, settled the question. Every English county is, in fact, a close borough. The number of electors is indeed paraded by Mr. DISRAELI, and those who talk after him, as a reason why yet more members should be assigned them. It would seem to re quire the honourable gentleman's imperturbable gravity not to laugh outright while making such a demand. No one better knows what indeed his chief has confessed, that to predict the result of a county election it is necessary only to know the politics of the landlords. They command, directly, one- third of the vo t ers , an d can natura ll y i n fl uence a lar ge number willthe rest, shou l a d nd be n d o i o so n b e ey s e u d p . The Crt... NDos supposes it possible that their of clause extends their power in the most barefaced way ; it gives a v o t e t o b u t ver y small occupiers, and does not even req u i r e the slight independence c reated by a l ong l ease—Xso d serfdom.nte a T ENA NTS AT WILL. Th e word s seem intend ed to describe agricultural ignorance and course the majority of the tenants have larger hold of them, not a great many, ings, and many length er The peculi ar But it is a great mistake long - leases. e r c o o n c f c e u r p a tainoyathainn a to suppose that even a larger a lease of ordinary like independence on the vot . position of every agricultural tenant is such that he cannot afford to differ from his landlord at the polling-booth. It is wholly unlike that of a tenant • of a house in a town ; the farmer's land, improved generally by him, and warmly competed for by others, he must retain if he can, or make large sacrifices. And to leave his farm because he has acted independently is about the worst recommen dation he can have in seeking a new tenancy. It really is not the fault of the farmer that he is poli tically subservient. To cherish the game which devours his crops, and to vote as his landlord does, is each of them as much a sine qua non as to be a good farmer and a good ratepayer. For this most melancholy corruption of the counties we never heard more than one remedy suggested. No liberation from the landed incubus is possible but through the Ballot. The political slaveholders resist it just as American slaveholders ,now resist the limitation of slavery. The power, T THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, AUGUST 3, 1861. unworthy as it is, is yet sweet to them. But we ' hesitate not to say that it is the bane of national pro gress and the greatest political curse of the day. It reduces to political nonentities our fine race of modern yeomen. They never venture to think. Reflection with them would be remorse. In taking a farm they subscribed, by compulsion, to all the articles of their landlord's faith ; and the man whose status and livelihood depend on sub scription, religious or political, dares not inquire. It would be fatal to his peace, The man is just departed from us who gave the first great blow to the Reform Bill, who, in fact, maimed it in its passage through the House; but we fear the mischief he did will long survive .him. Were the Reformers of England awake their first effort would be to bring the CHANDOS clause beneath the Ballot. The working of that clause has compelled man y a disappointed Liberal candidate to point with threats to the known remedy—and the adop tion of that remedy would be infinitely better than the repeal of the clause, even were that possible. We do not, indeed, desire to lessen the number of voters, but we desire, as the foundation of political liberty, that every man should not merely have a vote, but should—" do his own voting." From such different points of view may the same facts, the same persons, the same events be regarded ! Sir GEORGE BOWYER wished to know last evening in the House of Commons from Lord PALMERSTON " whether he (the Premier) would use his influence to obtain for the people of Naples fair play—deliverance from the tyranny under which they were placed, and the opportunity of deciding for themselves, without the interference of Piedmontese soldiers, whether they would be under the Piedmontese government or not ?" Whereto Lord PALMERSON quite as frankly replied, " I can assure the hon. baronet, with great satis faction, that the English Government will do no such thing." The noble Viscount adding, "We hope that the vigour of CIALDINI and PINELLI will succeed in restoring security in the disturbed districts, where alone these outrages are committed ; that the wretches who perpetrate them will receive their proper punishment, in the course of no great length of time ; and that the population will be relieved from the misfortunes that have been brought on them from Rome. And I have no doubt this is the general feeling in the Neapolitan territory. lam convinced they are fully sensible of the benefits that have accrued to them by having exchanged their own Government for that of Sar dinia, instead of continuing subjected to the ruinous despotism under whisk they have so long groaned." In the estimation of Sir GEORGE BOWYER and of a " select few" in this country the insur gents who are in arms in the north of Italy in opposition to the Government of VICTOR EM MANUEL are the loyal champions of FRANCIS 11., the " rightful" Sovereign. In the estimation of Lord PALMERSTON and of considerably more than a "select few" in this country, these same insurgents are lawless wretches and infamous brigands. Sir GEORGE wants to know, as we have seen, whether Her Britannic MAJESTY'S Government will interfere in any way between the Neapolitans and the Piedmontese. And Lord PALMERSTON an swers just as plainly as he is asked the question —Certainly not: her MAJESTY'S Government in tend to do nothing whatever of the kind. They only hope CIALDINI and PINELLI will succeed in putting down the " brigands," and that those wretches " themselves will meet in the end with an adequate amount of punishment. And so forth. Surely, if anything further were required to that end—the very discrepancy of these opinions (opinions arrived at here in a foreign country in regard to the self-same facts, events, and individuals when regarded from totally different points of view), the startling contrast, we say, pre sented to our notice by these diametrically opposite opinions must serve to demonstrate once more and conclusively the wisdom latent in the principle of Non Intervention. THE " NONITEUR" ON ENGLISH ARMA3I.ENTS. The Moniteunin its so-called London correspon dence, says:— " The disapprobation which the late speech of Lord John Russell has met with in England generally is in some de gree reflected in the observations presented by Mr. Disraeli daring the debate on the demand of Ministers for a sup. plementary credit for the augmentation of the number of iron cased ships. Mr. Disraeli declared that he by no means believed in the design attributed to France of aiming at naval supremacy ; and he expressed the desire that, by maintaining relations of a mire intimate nature with this Power, the Governments of the two countries might come to an understanding on their respective mari time establishments, so as to put an end to the feeling of disquietude which is constantly revived, and which occasions so much expenditure. The country and the House of Commons share largely in this respect the desire and the sentiments of the hon. orator." APPROACHING MARRIAGES.—The Lady Evelyn Stanhope, only daughter of the Earl and Countess of Ches terfield, is about to marry the Earl of Carnarvon.—A. mar riage is also arranged to take place between Sir John Acton, Bart., and Miss Augusta Ellis, youngest daughter of the late Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. Augustus Frederick Ellis, and niece of the present Lord Howard de Walden. The Queen will hold a Privy Council at Osborne on Monday nest. His Excellency the Danish Minister will leave town in a few days for Denmark on leave of absence. Cap tain Falbe will act as charge d' affaires until his Excellency's return. The Earl and Countess of Cawdor have left town for Stackpole Court, Pembrokeshire. The Earl •of Hopetoun has arrived at Long's Hotel. The Countess Dowager of Cawdor has left town on a visit to Lady Grenville at Dropmore, near Maiden • head. Lord and Lady Worsley have left Portman square for a tour on the continent. Viscount and Viscountess Palmerston will leave Cambridge House on or about the Bth instant for Broad• lends. Lord and Lady Norreys arrived in town on Wednesday from visiting Countess Frances Waldegrave and Mr. Harcourt, M.P., at Dudbrook House, Essex, and have since left town on a visit to Sir Robert and. Lady Throckmorton at Coughton Court, Warwickshire. Colonel the Hon. F. H. and Lady Emily Caven dish leave town early next week for Stackpole Court, Pembrokeshire, on a visit to the Earl and Countess of Cawd or. ---- --- • Mr. Dion Boucicault (the popular author of" The of 12, the s daughter Colleen Bawn), and Mrs. Boucicault, and family , are stay ing at the Royal Albion Hotel, Brighton. Tell wa E CAMBRIDGE MURDER.--The inquiry in this case renewedyesterday. hterof3ir. s CShaarpamhaAn, the nnChparpinnicipa Chapman, l a girl witness be wit ness.. against Pilson, the prisoner gave evidence which con flicted with that of h er mo th er . It was evident, however, from her obtuseness and confusion of dates, that little weight could s attached to any of her statements. Vari ous other under es followed,t but their evidence throws little new light on the circumstanc es of the murder. Another person, however, was put uc day, he being pointed out by Mr surveillance during the Mrs. one o f the ii e be e remembered me n who were ill-using the deceased Chapmano thea common. s w as the friend of the girl Coe, who, i t m threa t e ned " to set some ono on" to the deceased cead for accus ing her of robbing him. Pilsen was a g ain re manded. THE 1101' PLANTATIOY S.—ROCHESTER, Aug..-- A marked impro vement has taken place i the bine is daily g i v ing promise of a- better yield, althoughgetting strong er the crop nil l p wii b e co nsiderably below that of a v era;ze years. With the exception of the low, and consequently cold a and wet plantations, the plant is doing much better, and is rapidly coming into burr. Much will depend upon the weather for the next month. Should the next few wePlcs be hot a great deal of the past m ischief may be remedied, the hop being essentially an autu mn plant, and rejoici in plenty of sunshine. Already, however, the worst fears are entertained that the crop will not exceed that of last year, many growers complaining that the bine is fading . away from the combined attacks of vermin, rain, and cold. The duty, which had been quoted at £120,000, has now rP• ceded to £ 100,0 00 : and it is even thought it will not reach the latter figure. DEATH OF LORD HERBERT. Death yesterday cut off in Lord Herbert one whom nature had intended for a Prime Minister. It is quite certain that, had he lived, he would be fore long have attained that honour, if not by virtue of extraordinary intellectual qualities, yet by force of character, by charms of manner, and by aptitude for business. He was one of the most winning statesmen of his time, and, by the aid of a great social quality, rose above men who were on other grounds superior to him. What was most remark able in him was his anxiety to do everything well. His labours were unceasing; he never spared him self; he gave up life and luxury for toil and trouble ; and if he did not die in harness, it was in harness that he earned his death. It was not merely in the fulfilment of duty that he was thus self-sacri ficing; he was equally unsparing of himself in the dischai ge of those social observances which men usually bend to the convenience or humour of the moment. With great manliness of character there was curiously intermingled an extraordinary desire to please. He studied and strove to please, and heightened by all the arts of style the natural at- tractiveness of his character. He had in his favour every social advantage—high birth, a great estate, a happy home, a handsome person, irresistible man ners, many accomplishments, a ready address. He made the most of all this, so that his good nature seemed to be always overflowing, his frankness to be always unbounded, and his power of pleasing to be always undivided. So he won upon all comers, and won most upon those who knew him best. Men would give up to Sidney Herbert what they would grant to no one !else. He inspired no jea ' lousy; for his superiority was less the result of bril -1 liant parts than of that indefinable charm from which there is no appeal. Add his power of work and of public speaking to his rare power of making friends, and you have the possible Prime Minis ter. That power and love of work, we grieve to say, has killed him, as it has killed many another statesman, before his time. He gave up the en joyments of wealth and a brilliant home for the great game of politics, and has been known to pass a whole summer and autumn in London with only perhaps a day and a night at Wilton. He drove a good constitution too hard, and at Christmas last began to feel that sentence of death had been passed upon him. There is some reason to think that even then, had he given up all work, he might have re covered. All that he did was to leave the House of Commons and to try the comparative repose of the peerage, still !retaining his office as Minister for War. The consequence has been fatal. He dies of overwork at the age of 51—a great loss to so ciety, a still greater loss to his party. Sidney Herbert was born at Richmond in 1810, _ . the second son of the eleventh Earl of Pembroke, whose title he would have inherited had he lived. His mother was the only daughter of Simon, Count Woronzow, so that in blood he was half Russian. He was educated at Harrow and at Oriel College, Oxford, where he took his degree with honours in 1831. In the following year he entered the House of Commons as member for South Wilts, which con stituency he represented from the date of the Re form Bill to the present session, when he passed to the Upper House. He began as a Conservative, and his maiden speech was delivered in 1834, against the second reading of a bill to admit Dissenters to the Universities. Four years later we find him take the lead in opposing Mr. Grote and the ballot ; and from this period to 1841, he took an active part, under Sir Robert Peel, in battering the lame Go vernment of the Whigs. When Peel entered upon office Mr. Herbert was appointed Secretary to the Admiralty, and so remained until, in 1845, he was made Secretary for War, with a seat in the Cabinet. Thus it was under Peel that he had the first train ing as a Minister in military affairs. But his con nexion with Sir Robert Peel's Cabinet was chiefly interesting for its influence on his conduct as a disciple of Free Trade. The doctrine of Free Trade was the Peelite bond of Union. They opposed it hand-in-hand, and they were converted in a lump. ' Theoretically, indeed, the principles of Free Trade had long been accepted by our statesmen, and Mr. Sidney Herbert even before Peel's rise to power could taunt the Whigs for their presumption in claiming to be the , riginal discoverers and owners of Free Trade principles—" those principles having been enunciated years ago by a Cabinet of which Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Peel were prominent mem bers." But the policy which was allowed in theory was in practice qualified with exceptions; Mr. Herbert refused to accept Free Trade as an in flexible mathematical rule, and practically Protec tion was the order of the day. Towards the close of 1845 came the new order of things. Slowly, but surely, the light had been breaking in upon Peel. The commercial reforms which he had introduced forced him on, during a season of great distress, to the total abandonment of Protection. The point is worth notice in this article, because, in the spring of 1845, Mr. Herbert was put forward by Sir Robert Peel to oppose Mr. Cobden's motion for a select committee to inquire into the e ff ec ts of the corn laws on the farmers. When that motion was made, the usual speakers of the Treasury bench were silent. Peel never opened his mouth, but laid the burden of reply on the Secretary for War. The doubt had then entered into Peel's mind, and instead of taking the responsibility of reply upon himself he laid it on a young Minister I —a member of his Cabinet—whom he had not yet admitted into his innermost confidence. Some ten I months afterwards Mr. Sidney Herbert had to eat 1 his own words, to declare that Mr. Cobden was right, that he himself was wrong, and that Free 1 Trade in corn is the only wise policy. Nor did he find any reason to repent the course he then took. When taunted long afterwards with the suddenness of his conversion, he said,—" To the latest day of Imy life I shall feel a pride in the course I then took. I It is true, that we were exposed to much obloquy ; I it is true that we were exposed to much misrepre sentation, and that we had to make a choice,—a difficult one at any time, and a bitter option to take—a choice between party ties and the feelings of personal honour, as wrapped up in party ties, on the one hand, and the welfare of the country on the other ; and if those principles for which we then sacrificed office, and have undergone since what I admit to have been a necessary political ostracism, are to be attacked, no effort shall be wanting on my part to do my utmost to maintain those princi ples, and to preserve unimpaired, unreversed, un revised, and unmodified the blessings which T believe to have been given by those measures to the great body of my fellow countrymen." The ostracism of the Peelites ceased when Lord Aberdeen's Government was formed. In that Ad ministration Mr. Sidney Herbert returned to his old post as Secretary for War. How the War De partment broke down under the pressure of the Russian campaign is an old story which need not now be revived. Mr. Sidney Herbert's reputation has survived that disaster. Whatever his faults or the faults of the sys'em which he administered no one has ever accused him of deficient industry or a lack of sympathy. While the Crimean disaster was still the subject of controversy Mr. Herbert was for a few weeks Colonial Secretary in Lord Palmerston's first Administration, but when two years ago Lord Palmerston had to construct a Cabinet for the second time the War Department was handed over to undoubtedly the best man for the post, the Minister whose loss we are deploring, and whose conduct as Secretary for War, a few years bacic, gave rise to much angry criticism. It is an unwieldy, half organised department, but Lord Herbert, so far as his health would permit, was getting it into a little order. His term of office has been signalised by three great events—by the crea tion of an imposing Volunteer force, which he has had to organise and control ; by the amalgamation of the Indian with the Royal army, which he has also had to superintend ; and by the ascertained pre-eminence in the field of our rifled cannon. It , Elizabeth, daughter is net likely that, for years to come, another Secre- zea1. 846 Lord tary for War will, in time of peace, have to deal with General Charles Ash any changes that can be compared to' these. He was fully alive to the magnitude of the questions 'hid' he had to decide, and no Minister could have six children brought to bear on them more intelligence or more Herbert married on the 12th of August, George Robesrt , four 'C ot e latehe leaves s e on a ur d , t by whom d of tn Lieutenant ughters, his eldest son, Her bert), having completed his eleventh year last , month. a C n . harl w es e (no a w Lord LAT EL T NEWS. TURIN, AUG. 3. The Nationtilites of to day says :—"lt is said ,hat Signor Scialoja, is about to resign." NAPLES, Ato. 2. The Archbishop of Naples has left for Civita Vecchia. Bourbonites continue to be arrested here. PARIS, AUG. 2. The Temps of this evening publishes a despatch from Rome announcing that the resignation of Mgr. de Merode is certain and imminent. The King of Sweden will arrrive at Havre on Monday next. PRAGUE, AUG. 2. Last night the Jewish quarter of this city was the scene of fresh disturbances, in which several persons were wounded. The synagogues and some houses were damaged, and much property was carried off. Forty-five persons were arrested. VIENNA, AUG. 2. The conference between the European commis sioners and the chiefs of the insurgents at Suttorina has led to no result. Nevertheless, hopes are enter tained that a conflict will be prevented, and that a peaceful settlement will be arrived. FRANCE. BOURSE, August 2.—The reduction of the rate of discount by the Bank of England has given a little animation to the market, and a fair amount. of business has been done at improved quotations. Threes, for the Account, Eire now at 68f 15c., and Four-and-a-Half per Cents. at 98f 10c. Railway Shares also buoyant, and somewhat higher. The following are the last quotations :- 4t per per Cents ... 98 Credit Fonder ll9O Do. end month.... 98 101 Belgian 4 3 per Cents Do. end month 6B 201 Roman Bank Shares 2885 --; Austrian Credit Mobilier.... 631 25 Spanish Threes — Do. Account 682 591 Home Debt .. RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans 1405 .. 1406 2b Northern 970 971 25 New ditto Lyons and Mediterranean 993 75 .. 995 Geneva 347 50 347 50 Southern 602 50 .. 602 50 Western Eastern Sardinian Austrian Lombard 520 .. 521 25 HUNGARY. A letter from Pesth, dated July 30, says :—ln order properly to appreciate the Hungarian ques tion, it is highly desirable previously to know what the Hungarians would be willing to accept in.satis faction of their claims, and how far their demands are compatible with the interests of Europe in general. As regards the first point, it would have been easier to define it before recent events — and especially the last most injudicious and unfor tunate rescript—roused angry passions and dis couraged that moderate party which it would have been wise of the Vienna Government to lean upon and conciliate. Had the diploma of the 20th October been taken as the basis of an arrangement instead of as the arrangement itself, and had it not been already in part vitiated by what is known as the February patent, it is by no means improbable that before now the differences bet ween Austria and Hungary would have disappeared, and the Empire would already be benefitting by the financial and other advantages that assuredly would be the result of such a desirable adjustment. I have lately heard the opinion expressed that the Vienna Cabinet, looking upon the pending difficulty as a sort of bargain to be driven, thought it wise and expedient to offer ridiculously low terms in reply to the high ones demanded, with the idea that this would produce an abatement by the opposite party. Such tactics as these may, perhaps, be advanta geously resorted to in horsedealing, but it is a ques tion whether they can profitably be applied to a case like the present, and, at any rate, the mark has been overshot. The rescript, far from being viewed as affording a hopeful opening for amicable negotiation, has given offence by both its tone and its substance; it is looked upon as a moral buffet inflicted on the Hungarian nation through its Diet. The repudiation by the Emperor of a constitution sworn to by his predecessor, the statement, dis proved by historical facts, that there had never been a real union between Hungary and Transylvania, these and many other ill-judged and incorrect passages have caused serious exasperation, and greatly discouraged that large and influential party, which, while bent upon obtaining justice for Hungary, is scarcely less desirous of maintain. ing the union with Austria ; and this brings us to the question of Hungarian demands and European interests—how far are they compatible? The British public, absorbed by its domestic affairs, is apt to make rather broad views of foreign ques tions, especially when their scene is remote, and it would not be surprising if an idea prevailed in England that a complete separation from Austria is the real object, secret or avowed, of a large portion of the Hungarian nation. Such a belief, if it exists, I think I am justified in declaring quite unfounded. I have sought in vain among men of all parties for evidence confirming it. In Hungary, as everywhere, many shades of politi cal opinion are to be found, but (and I speak more particularly of the Chamber of Deputies, which I believe fully and fairly to represent the feelings of the nation, and which certainly so far possesses the people's confidence that they would readily sub scribe to its acts) in Hungary, with the exception of here and there an individual who may entertain extreme views, there cannot be said to be more than two parties;and that no impassable gulf exists be tween them has been proved by the manner in which they have been drawn together by the rescript. It would seem as if the differences between them were far less in principles than in mode of action I and in the degree of confidence as to how much it may be possible to obtain from Austria at the pre sent crisis by the legal means afforded. The action of the one party has been more conciliatory. of the other more abrupt. The former system, as we know, has recently prevailed in the Chamber, but it finds little encouragement in the way in which Vienna has responded to its endeavours to open a path by which Austria and Hungary might ulti mately attain an adjustment of their dissensions. But in neither of the two parties does there exist a perceptible section desirous of completer sepa ration from Austria ; and all the information I obtain induces a belief that such a project does not, among the people, fiud a proportionably greater number of supporters than in the Diet. There may be anger at vexatious proceed ings, towards military tax collectors, in dignation at refusal of rights, but I am constantly assured, not only by the moderate party, but by members of the Left, that if the proposal of entire separation from Austria were to be put to vote by universal suffrage an extremely small per centage of the subjects of the King of Hungary would pro nounce in its favour. Such, at least, was the opinion before the unfortunate rescript appeared. The pre sent moment, when the nation still smarts from the reception of that severe blow, would be ill chosen for the appeal. The truth is, that there is a strong feeling of loyalty to the Sovereign deep rooted in the Hungarian heart—so strong a one that it has survived much injustice and much wanton provoca tion, and still exists after the wholesale executions and cruel punishments that followed the war of 1848-9, and after the countless vexatious and systematic official worrying that marked the 11 subsequent years. Men there are, whom it would be easy to name, were it prudent so to do, whose personal sufferings and ill usage have filled with unappeasable hatred of the Austrian Government ; well-born and accomplished gentlemen who were compelled to servo long years in the ranks of Ph© 3 Austrian regiments, marks for every humiliation, and who were even forced to act as officers' ser- vants in order the more to degrade and drive them to despair. Others might be pointed out who, for no other crime than that of defending in arms their country's rights, were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment in places where it would have been cruelty to lodge the vilest malefactor. I could tame one who, when he emerged, a very few years since, by Imperial clemency, film the damp cell in which he left his health—coming out, still a young man, toothless and almost crippled—made application for the restoration of his estates. It was at last granted ; but, on going to take posses sion, he did not recognise his domain. It had been swept bare, and the earth alone remained. Great droves of cattle, vast stores of wine—the wealth of his fields and the produce of his vineyards—all had disappeared. One may well imagine such sufferers as these irreconcileable to Austria, and disposed to take the Debreczin declaration of inde pendence for their programme. But although such victims of an unrelenting despotism are but too numerous, they form bat a speck in the great body of the nation, and probably not many of them would allow their personal resentments to prevent their acquiescence in an arrangement ac ceptable to their countrymen in general. In short, if my observations and information be correct, the number of Hungarians who, for personal or other motives, desire a total separation from Austria, is insignificant as compared with the bulk of the na tion. Of course it is quite in Austria's power to augment that number by perseverance in such ill judged measures as the recent rescript to an in definite extent, and until the cry throughout the whole land shall be for an independent Hungary, or even, if necessary, for the as yet vague scheme of a Danubian confederation, in preference to the ancient union, which, it must admitted, has lately received some very rude shocks. Complicated and difficult though the Hungarian question undoubtedly be, I cannot but think that it would take no long time to arrange it, if Austria would but act with common judgment and good faith. I base this belief on the great moderation I observe on the part of all political men here, no matter of what party. There are most favourable elements to work upon excellent foundations whereon to build up a strong and durable structure. Here we have a desire of conciliation and a wil lingness to yield all that can possibly be given up without vitiating constitutional rights and sinking to the condition of an Austrian province. We find a decided feeling of loyalty to the house of Hapsburg ; an absence of any antipathy of race towards the Germans or other nationalities com prised in the Austrian Empire; a conviction, which I constantly hear. admitted, that total sepa ration from Austria would be disadvantageous to Hungary. Surely all these favourable feelings and circumstances ought greatly to lighten the task of those Vienna statemen who profess to seek con ditions satisfactory to the Hungarians, and whose laborious and intelligent researches have as yet resulted in nothing better than the rescript of the 21st July. The Emperor Francis Joseph, it is reported to have been said by one who very lately conversed with him, looked pale and careworn, and spoke most anxiously of the affairs of Hungary. This is perfectly conceiv able ; people look anxious with much less cause fol. care than the Sovereign has who is too feeble to direct his own policy, and who is cursed with foolish counsellors. With the unready and the obstinate, the most favourable moments glide by unseized, and that which yesterday would have been easy, to-day is difficult, and to-morrow will be impossible. Hopes were not highstrung in Pesth during the days that intervened between the presentation of the Deak address and the receipt of the rescript; little was expected of oar Vienna Cabinets, and people were prepared for an unsatisfactory reply, although not for one so entirely displeas ing as that which was sent down. The disap pointment was discounted, and if (such being the state of feeling) there had come some small con cession, some evidence of a friendly spirit of straightforward dealing, and of a real wish to conci liate, the effect would have been wonderful. A very few steps in advance, taken in a frank and cordial manner, would have won many hearts and smoothed many difficulties. The principal guaran tees demanded by the Hungarians before entering upon the favourable sonsideration of conoeoGions desired at Vienna, are their own Parliament and responsible Ministry. Until they got at least that, rest assured that they will yield nothing and prove wholly unmanageable. There is a tenacious and calm resolution about this people which is not to be overcome by persecution and against which the bayonets of Austrian legions and the thunders of Austrian Chanceries will be alike in vain employed. If the Emperor will do them justice, they say, they will go far to meet him, and he need look no further back than to the wars against the French Republic and -first empire for proof of Hungary's devotion to his house. If he refuses them justice, they are men who know how to bide their own time, and fight their own battles. They are prudent and patient, as well as brave and liberty-loving, and in these qualities, and in the conviction of right, they confide for ultimate suc cess. They would much rather attain their ends through Austria's wisdom and goodwill than by her folly and in spite of her power; they still trust that her increasing necessities and perils will com pel her to come to terms; but, if these hopes be frustrated, we may be pretty sure that when next the cannon sounds in Europe it will not be long in finding echoes on the Danube. Has Austria no friends to warn her that the path she treads is leading her to irretrievable ruin, or is she really, as Lord John Russell lately informed us, of those to whom no counsel, however wise and friendly, can without offence be proffered ? There surely never was a Government that stood in greater need of good advice —were there only a chance of her following it. On the verge of bank ruptcy, keeping her discordant parts together only by means of an army out :)f all proportion with her resources, hated in her Italian provinces, sternly opposed in her Danubian Kingdom, with many enemies abroad and little sympathy elsewhere, she stands, a painful example of the effects of bigotry and mismanagement, with her prestige at its lowest ebb and her prospects utterly gloomy. Austria's vitality, however, is proverbial, and she yet has time to save herself, but it is very short and fast dwindling, and, unfortunately, past experience scarcely justifies a hope that %he will profit by it ere the sand runs out. SPAIN. The Madrid journals of the 29th ult. state that the Bishop of Cuerca, in whose diocese Loja is situated, had sent an address to the Queen, de nouncing the insurrection in that term, and pro testing his devotedness to her Majesty. The judges, rnunicipalities;and inhabitants of numerous towns had also forwarded similar addresses. At Cordova the heat was so intense that it was impossible for people to leave their houses even in the evening. The Constitutional affirms positively that there is no truth in the statement that the Government intends to interdict the circulation in Spain of foreign journals hostile to its policy. A MAN KILLED BY A MAD BULLOCK.—Last even ing information was forwarded to Mr. Wakley, the coroner for West Middlesex, of the death of a man who had been gored and trampled on by an infuriated bullock near the New Cattle-market. The animal, it appeared, had been hunted and driven about, until at length, breaking away from its bondage, it ran through the immediate neighbour hood, followed by an immense congregation, until it at length furiously and suddenly attacked a man who was passing by, and knocked him down and trampled on him. The animal then left the unfortunate victim of its rage, dashing and charging at several other persons, who only escaped a similar fate by making a precipitate retreat into the nearest sheltering places. The beast eventually, having somewhat spent its fury, ran into an unfinished building as a place of refuge, where, after much difficulty, it was se cured. The injured man, in the meantime, was conveyed to the Great Northern Hospital, King's-cross, where Air. Wallis, house - surg eon, rendered every assistance th a t . sa understood, w medical skill could sugg est, but owi ng to the exten s i • ' te d d to juries inflicted on th e head and th e collar -bone being ‘ein broken, the shock to the sy stem defied all human efforts, and the unfortunate man gradually k until er s t h put i will :eil en re his suffering. An inquiry, it is n d into as to the better future regulati o t1.),9 market, ° f Vhttia sent to .FALL OF AN AEROLITE. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. Sir,—l was this clay a witness of the fall of an aerolite of, I believe, unprecedented size. As I was driving my wife and children in the vicinity of up house, a rushing sound, gradually increasing in intensity, made itself heard, until at last, with a roar and a scream which still seem to ring in my ears, a flaming mass plunged itself into the road at the distance of a few yards from my pony's head. My wife and two children were naturally much alarmed, so I directed some haymakers who were at work in an adjoining field to dig for it while I drove to a friend's house close by. The pony br eke out into a profuse perspiration, trembled all over, and showed every sign of the greatest terror. On my return to the spot, after an absence of about 20 minutes, I found that the labourers had succeeded in disinterring what proved a most magnificent aerolite, of such a sire end weight as I do not believe to be on record. ?a shape is an irregular ellipse, the major axis being 111 inches, the miner axis 7 inches; the weight is 83*lb. The men who dug it up informed me that it had buried itself nearly Gft. in the g round , and was redhot when they reached it. Indeed, when I returned it was too hot to be touched with impunity by the naked hand. While cooling, the crystals assumed, while constantly changing, th e most beautiful prismatic hues. Its specific gravity I have 9atisfactorily ascertained to be greater than that of iron, but from the imperfect means of test ing at my command I am unable to determine the exact ratio. At the moment of its fall the sky wa s perfectly cloudless. A strong smell of sulphur was diffused immediately after the descent, and I have found several crystals of that element in the caviti es on the upper surface, which have escaped abrasio n from the soil. Perhaps some of your numerous scientific correspondents will be able to state whether I am right in my opinion as to its being the largest on record, in which case I will present it to whatever museum may be deemed the most appropriate ; otherwise I shall deposit it 111 the library of the Mechanics' Institute at Lancaster. I remain, your obedient servant, AUGUSTUS H. DENIEIALI. Chorley Rectory, near Lancaster, Aug. 1. THE PAPER DUTY REPEAL. A deputation emanating from the Prr : ss Associa tion for the Repeal of the Paper Duty waited u pon Mr. Milner Gibson, M.P., yesterday forenoon, at residence, in Hyde-park-place, to present an address thanking him for the exertions he had made to obtain the repeal of the duty. Among the deputa tion were Mr. R. Chambers, Mr. S. Lucas, Mr. E. Levy, Mr. J. Francis, Mr. T. Hunt, Mr. D. N'• Chambers, Mr. T. Sanderson, Mr. W. H. Ashurst, Mr. J. Whitaker,_ Mr. Partridge, & c . Mr. ROBERT CHAMBERS, having introduced the deputation, said—Mr. Milner Gibson, I a ppear be fore you at the head of a deputation of the News" paper and Periodical Press Society, for the purpose of presenting to you a resolution at which thei lately arrived. The address, which was elegantly engraved on vellum, having been read and presented, Mr. GIBSON, in reply, said it was very gratifying: to him to receive that flattering mark of approval of the efforts he had made in the cause. B u t the tact was, the repeal of the paper tax would never have been carried if it had not been supported hi the best minds of the liberal party in this country'. Many persons no doubt looked with indifference on the question, but those who carefully w e ighed it came to the conclusion that the fiscal burdens on the press produced the worst moral c ffects. The met who took those views were generally the leaders °.` opiniou, and gradually among t h e lib era l sect i o n of the community there was formed a sufficient am ain , . of public feeling in favour of the repeal, and this feeling, with which the Government sympathised , had brought about the result. The deputation then retired, and proceeded t o the residence of Mr. Ewart, M.P., in Cambridge" square, for the purpose of presenting an address to that gentleman. Mr. Thor n t on H unt i ntro duced the deputation. The address acknowledged the great efforts Mt Ewart had made to secure the freedom of the press , • nd thanked him warmly for having made them. In reply, Mr. EWART acknowledged the coraPl i meat in suitable terms. SZATE OF TRADE. MANCHESTER, Aug. 2.—The market has become much quieter since Tuesday, both in piece goods abd yarns, and the amount of business now going on is of a very limited character in both depart ments. The lessened animation of the Liverpool cotton-market has naturally an influence here, and nearly all parties are at present disposed to await the next news from America before entering into further engagements. The price of cluth is very firmly maintained nominally, but scarcely any sales are made. Both spinners and manufacturers keep stiffly to the lately advanced quotations. As the result of last waeles extensive husincss pnrchabcr o have for the present satisfied their wants, and many sellers are also sufficiently well engaged to b e indifferent about additional orders just now. LEEDS, 2d.—The trade report of the Leeds Chain ber of Commerce for the past month contains the following statements :—"WoollenTrade—Businc iig in the warehouses has been rather more brit since the date of last report, partly 413 ' account of Canadian and German purchasers- Many French buyers have also been in the war" ket. For the home trade goods suitable for thw' autumn consumption have been i n f a i r demand' Wool—The sales which comm ence d on J u ly 18 ha l e e gone off so far with very littl e a n i ma ti on a t Prie u e averaging from id. to 3d. per lb. redu c ti o n from t'e, previous series in May. Th e grea t es t d ec li n e is ° t second-rate and inferior Syd ne y woo l s , t h e smalles t on Cape and unwashed A us t ra li an . Fl ax an d I urn; —The new erop of fl ax h as su ff ere d f rom exc essiv e rains in France, Holl an d, ' an d B e l g i um, w hile production in Russia is evidently less than in 1 :4 " vious years, which is a ccoun t e d f or pr i nc i pa llY i l o consequence of the unsettled con di t i on of the neWic emancipated serfs. Prices of flax, therefore, r u high, notwithstanding th e d u l ness of trade in lirlfn;; yarns, and piece goo d s . L eather.—Dur i ng past month a marked improvement has taken Pl uc k in the aspect of this department of trade, the detnat having slightly revived in the early par t of is month, and continued up to the present time 01 , e ; rably active. Iron an d Machine Trades.—At t- r 0 various forges in this district the usual amouut activity prevails, and in the general machine auf tool-making departments a sat i s f actor y arnourt.. o , work has been execut e d. P a p er M an r.facture. f There is a decided improvement in this branch o n . our local manufacture, several large orders having been given by dealers in anticipation of the creased demand expected when the repeal of ti le duty takes effect." CONFESSION OF S l TLIE ILXh STOLV MURDERER, YesterdrAy (Friday), George Smith, who was sell' tenced on Monday last, by M r . J ust i ce Wil l e s, at Derby, to be hanged for the murder of his fat her ' at Ilkeston, on the Ist of May, made a full writte n confession of his guilt to the high sheriff of the county (W. T. Cox, Esq.), and the Rev. A. li.o o o ' incumbent of Birkenhead. Th e a b ove ge ntleta a a had a lengthened interview w i t h t h e pris oner and Thursday, but he would not th en sa y an ything, a n d _ told them to come again on Friday. They a' n 8 ingly went yesterday (F r id a y) a ft ernoo n, at °-1,8 o'clock, and after an earnes t conversat i on with t Rev. Mr. Knox, and prayer had been offered UP; the wretched culprit said he would make a cle e l breast of it, an d con f ess hi s gu ilt. H e then st', w 1 1 ., that he went t o N o tti ng h am on th e Ist of May O the express purp ose o f p urc hasing a pistol wi t '; which to shoot his father ; that he took the pitnt ! home, loaded, and found his father lying on th! sofa; that he could not then summon resolution to shoot, although he measured the distance of WI head with the pistol. He put the load e d po • to; into the drawer, left the house, and went to 0, 0 Queen's Head public - ho use, an d got a quantity' c'' drink. He then returned home for the purpose 7 shooting his father, but the latter had gone 0 h ; and he (prisoner) again went back to the pub l ' i tit house, partook of more drink, and had a qua rr- t w ith a man. He then returned h ome f or the la s time, and unfortunately found his father must aitting,°.l: a chair, ds f aoo t i; n i eyt Kobu s e a l i 01 withv o ae t to ey h oi h un i ev() hours b rg e e t t, youbetter--but tbhuet wniogr r hs o et t : i s mga h ,et e : a a,a d lGni resting on his hand. go .tity; then thought he would make art end of the matte— ahnd, with the loaded pistol in his hand, w ent i t-r hind his father's chair and shot him through head. b 3" The confession was a wr itt en one , a nd sigle A - t , the murder er . H e was very ca l m an d penmen after he had made his confession. TI . TE LIVERPOOL DOCK WARETIOUSES.—A t the meetmg of the Mersey Docks and harbour Board yester• day,. it was reported that the most approved appliances for the prevention and extinction of fire are in existence at the . Liverpool Dock Warehouses. It was stated that the labour: ing men were regularly searched, and that the internal doors were closed nightly, though not bolted, and tan! every precaution was taken by means of water-pipes anci.. hydrants, under police supervision, t) prevent fire. It . w . " Mated by Mr. Arnold that they possessed greater fseihtteg for the purpose at the Liverp ool Dock 'W are houses t han s either the owners of property or th e auth o rities in the GOY of the recast, great ftre iu 4011d011t %ha.. For on) 423, ) 1r0( Posit 2 8 . 1 Th e at 4 tress The Real the Ivin B 1 1 4aci Grea land Pro v 15s. Ve ry they lark, Ala Sto( Pet ~Pet to- k