The Sun. — London, England, 1842-03-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH_ 15, 1842 Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL presented some petitions from a number of Irish millers against the importatiOn of flour into Ireland. Sir W. CLAY presented a petition against the pre. sent Corn-laws. REFORM OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Fins. bury praying for a Radical Reform of the House o Commons. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. WODEHOUSE begged to give notice, that on to-morrow, he would move that a statement be laid on the table of the House, spewing the average price of barley in the years of 1838, 1839, 1840, and 1841 ; also for a similar return respecting the port of Stettin. Dr. BOWRING pursuant to notice, begged "to inquire respecting returns ordered during the last Session, as to the taxes in continental countries, especially those levied on land." He would take that opportunity of stating that he had no reason to complain of the want of courtesy and attention on the part of Government. He found them - very willing to give attention to any application of his. With respect to the returns, he had found them of a -eery unsatisfactory nature. The Hon. Gentleman was proceeding to state that on a subject of such importance as this, the Orders of the House ought to be promptly attended to, when he was inter rupted by cries of " Order, order, Chair, chair.". Sir R. PEEL said that several returns had been re ceived, Lnd others had not. Some of those returns which had been received, were not drawn up in a form to make them intelligible. The returns were not complete ; but he should examine those which had been received, and he had no objection to give the most perfect returns. . Dr. BOWRING made some observation respecting former returns, which did not reaah us. Mr: GLADSTONE would take that opportunity of stating that the returns respecting France (as we under • stood) should be laid on the table of the House in the course of this evening. On the motion of Mr. MACKINNON, the follow ing Members were nominated a Select Committee, to improve the health of towns by preventing interments within their precincts :—Mr. Mackinnon, Sir Matthew Wood, Mr. D'Eyncourt, Lord Ashley, Mr. T. Dun combe, Mr. Evelyn Dennison, Sir W. Clay, Sir R. H. Inglis. Mr. Beckett, Mr. Ainsworth, Viscount Sandon, Mr. Cowper, Colonel Acton, Mr. Vernon, and Mr. Kemble. decision condemnatory of the proceeding of the French • upon land at least to the extent of ss. an acre, Government. M. Gonzales , the President of the Coun- The Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir R. P ee l) w en t ' cil, on the 27th of February , declare d that the Bri- into the discussion, but there were n o groun d s w h a t ever tish Government had at first appeared satisfied with assigned by the Right Honourable Baronet as a reason the course t a k e n by the French Government, but that f or i m p osing a hi g h er rate o f d uty upon t h e i m- Lo Aberdeen had afterwards changed his opinion. portation of foreign corn, but the reasoning of the There could be no doubt that any discussion in Right Honourable Baronet being of such incalculable that House made on the Chamber of Deputies importance upon the subject, he (Mr. Ward) hoped that ought to be deprecated ; but if a French Minister he would to-night advert to some of the reasons which stated facts which affected the character of a British influenced him. Mr. M'Culloch said he believed that Minister, he thought they had a right to expect an ex- land was more heavily taxed in England than any other planation upon the matter. Now, he found that ; species of property in the country, and he assigned as a M. Guizot, on the 10th of this month, stated that reason for duty on corn, that it should be sufficient to he had official knowledge of a despatch sent by Lord ' counteract those burdens ; but that opinion was, based Aberdeen to our Minister at Madrid, in which . upon the assumption that land was more heavily Lord Aberdeen gave his full sanction to the pro- i taxed than any other description of property. Mr. ceding taken by the French Government. M. ; M'Culloch also said, " that so long as taxation Guizot added that he had too much confidence affected all classes equally, none of them had in the firmness of mind and in the honour of Lord ' any right to complain, but when taxation began to press Aberdeen, to suppose that he would retract that opinion. ' more severely on one class than on others, that moment His (Mr. Sheil's) question was, whether Lord Aber- ; the more heavily taxed class were entitled to equivalent deen had written any despatch to our Minister at protection." The question then was, whether land was Madrid, signifying his approval of the course adopted by more heavily taxed than any other species of property ? the French G overnmen t i n re f erence t o th e d e l ivery o f Th e quest i on was not whether the burdens on land in the credentials of M. Salvandy ; and whether Lord ' this country were greater than those of Prussia or Poland, Aberdeen, after having written such a despatch, had ! or other countries—they were to show that the land of expressed a different opinion to that which he originally 1 England bore peculiar burdens—not only that they were entertained. • 1 burdens, but that they were i m p ose d u p on th e l an d, Sir R. PEEL cordially agreed with the Right Hon. ; not merely for the benefit of those classes who were Gentleman in lamenting that the necessity did arise for ; subject to those burdens, but for other classes who were making references in that House to debates and discus- ! entitled to protection. Mr. M'Culloch's other argu sions which might take place in a popular Assembly in 1 meats went on to show that land was a species of pro another country. In order that he might explain the pert) , that could not be concealed—that it was more course pursued by Her Majesty's Government upon the visible than other species of property, and, therefore, subject brought under their consideration, it was neces- that it was more heavily taxed. Then, as to the sary he should enter into some details. What- speech of the Right Hon. Baronet himself (Sir R. Peel), ever opinion her Majesty's Government might have en- he said he preferred the principle of the descending and tertained or expressed upon the subject, had not ascending scale of duty on foreign corn ; however, the the slightest practical influence upon the course taken convictions upon that subject entertained by the Right by the Spanish Government. The Spanish Government Hon. Baronet at present appeared to be entirely new; he had taken its course upon its own sense of duty. Before did not entertain them to anything like the same extent the opinion expressed by her Majesty's Government had as he did in 1834. The question was at that time been received at Madrid the question was disposed of. brought forward by Lord Chandos, who drew a most M. Salvandy was accredited by the King of the French heart-rending picture of the state of the agriculturists to the Queen of Spain. The English Government had at that period, and stated that their condition was becom heard with great regret, that at a critical period a dif- ing worse every day. During the discussion of the question ference of opinion was likely to arise between the Go- in 1834, there was a great deal of talk and observation vernment of France and the Government of Spain about the burdens then borne, but they were not pre that might lead to an interruption of all diplomatic rela- cisely defined. Every speaker, almost, dwelt upon tions between the two countries. They therefore felt it the extraordinary extent of tithes, the poor-rtites, and , their duty,,actuated by a feeling of interest in the affairs other taxes, which, they said, would swallow up all the of Spain, to tender their advice to the Spanish Govern- profits of the land. There was hardly a subject that merit with reference to that possible case of difference. was not adverted to. Mr. Cobbett, who was at There had been recently in Spain an attempt made upon that time in the House, attributed the whole the Palace of the Queen at Madrid—an attempt upon distress which was then suffered in the coun her person, and there had been considerable excitement try to the standing army. The malt tax and disturbance in some of the provinces of Spain. was also adverted to. Lord Chandos represented the The deliberate feeling of the people of Spain malt tax then, as amounting to between 70/. and 801 in favour of the existing Government, enabled upon every farmer who had 250 acres of land. At that that Government to suppress the attempts in question time the Member for Lincolnshire said that the malt tax They thought it would be unfortunate in every view of was the most injudicious—the most partial, and unjust of the diplomatic interest between France and Spain should all taxes, and the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) upon it be suspended. They had very recently made pro- that occasion rode the storm most gallantly. The Right posals to the northern Courts, particularly the Court of Hon. Baronet pointed out what must be the inevitable Austria, earnestly recommending them to recognise consequences of the repeal of that tax—he said if it the existing Government of Spain, for the purpose of 'was repealed they should come to the property tax. giving stability to that Government, and through that The language the Right Honourable Baronet stability encouraging the people to apply themselves used was, that it was better to bear " the light to the pursuits of industry, and to the ordinary avoca- pressure of a malt tax than the dreadful scourge of a tions which marked a state of tranquillity ; and property tax." The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for they entertained fears, that if there should be an Dorchester, who was not then so nearly connected with interruption of the diplomatic intercourse between the Government as he was now, enumerated the burdens France and Spain, their eff or ts to induce the other upon land. Poor-rates, he said, pressed heavily, but as Governments of Europe to recognise the Govern- to tithes, there was reason to hope that something meat of Spain might fail. They therefore ex- would be done to lighten their weight. Then pressed to the Government of Spain a hope that it might as to the county rates, a reduction of • that be possible to reconcile these differences. The question rate was distinctly promised to the landed interests. arose upon the 59th article of the Constitution. That All the authoritieleon the subject had overruled the ar article declared that the Regency should exercise all the gument. The peculiar burdens which were borne by authority of the Queen, in whose name the acts of the the land were, even according to the Right Honour- Government should be performed. They suggested to able Baronet, only three—poor-rates, county-rates, and the Government of Spain that it might be pos- highway-rates, and for these it was contended that the sible that an arrangement should take place farmers were entitled to a compensation far beyond Bs. a which should reserve to the Regent of Spain quarter. All the other burdens had been removed— the whole of the authority which the insti- the tax upon farm servants, upon dogs, upon horses tution intended to devolve upon him, and should yet employed in agricultural labour ; and in those burdens respect the Royal dignity in what appeared to be rather that remained, and which the Right Hon. Baronet sup a matter of ceremony and etiquette than a substantial act. posed the farmers to bear exclusively, there had been a They suggested that these letters should be delivered to i great and grogressive diminution. In 1834 the amount, the Queen in the presence of the Regent, but that any according to the returns, was 6,879,0001. I n 1837 , i t was act of authority connec t e d w i t h t h e rep l y to those 4,144,7411., which sho we d a reduction of 36 per cent. But letters should be performed by the Regent. A in 1840 the diminution was only 26 per cent. If you course somewhat similar to that had been pursued went back a few years earlier, for instance to 1820, the both in the case of Greece and of the Brazils, amount would be found to be 9,685,000/. Now he asked when the Sovereign upon the Throne was a minor. In was it for the period of the larger or the smaller amount the case of Greece the letters of credence were delivered of the burden, the compensation was to be given ? to the Infant King in the presence of the Regent, and (Hear, hear.) If any compensation were given, it would were handed by the King to the Regent. In the case be a compensation for mis-spending—it would be to of Brazil, the Regent of Brazil issued a decree re- require other people to reimburse the farmers for hav quiring the letters of credence of foreign Ambas- ing allowed their poor-rates to run high.—(Hear, hear.) sadors to be delivered to him in the absence of But at all events the compensation could not be fairly the King. That assumption by him was resisted by distributed, and in giving it to the farmers you would the Courts which had accredited Ministers, and increase the burden of the towns. Look at the pro an arrangement was made by whim th e letters were portion of agricultural property to other kinds of property. delivered to the Regent, in the presence of the King. The whole rental of agricultural land was thirty-nine Before that advice, however, could be received by the millions and a half. The rental of other kinds of pro- Spanish Government, that Government acted upon its own perty was thirty-three millions and a half ; and the construction of the Constitution of Spain. He believed duty on corn, which was to protect the one, was a heavy that Government acted with perfect since r ity i n g i v i ng b urden upon the other, and greater than all the burdens that construction to the article of Regency. The Go- said to press exclusively upon the land. The vernment resolved, and the Cortes resolved, that it was railways were very heavily taxed. The agriculturists inconsistent with the Constitution that the Queen should could not say that they had done much to make rail receive the letters of credence, but that even that ways. But they took good care to tax them when any act of ceremony should be performed by the Regent line passed through a parish, and these roads were himself. They never questioned the perfect taxed highly to the poor-rates. In fact, more than right of the Spanish Government to place its one-third of the poor-rates were paid by property own construction upon its own Constitution ; and unconnected with agriculture. The land was further ye as he said before, the Spanish Government had lieved of part of its share of the burden by the shifting give that construction to the Constitution, and had acted of the population into the towns, which had amounted upon it before their a d v i ce was rece i ve d i n S pa i n. to 300,000 persons since the last ' census. The agri- They regretted that that construction was placed upon culturists had no more right to come to that House the article, entertaining a sincere desire to promote the wel- for compensation for their poor-rates at the public ex fare of Spain, and fearing that those consequences would re- pease, than the parish of Marylebone, or of Lam suit which had resulted from the diplomatic interference beth, had to come for the payment of their of France ; but they had never questioned the perfect rates out of the Consolidated Fund. Another right of the Spanish Government and the Spanish of the so-called exclusive burdens was the authorities, who were the superior authority, to county-rate. Now that impost was only the means decide this question for themselves.—(Hear, hear.) of providing for the administration of justice The advice was offered before they knew the con- and the protection of property and life. It struction which would be put upon the article, was no more:than the Legislature took care to compel the and no other Power had a right t o quarrel with boroughs to submit to. When the charter was given to the them for their interpretation of an article of their town which he had the honour to represent, the Secretary own Constitution. Their opinion, however, on this insisted upon a provision for a similar impost for similar subject had never changed. He (Sir Robert Peel) purposes. Therefore this was no exclusive burden knew not on what authority the Honourable Gen- upon agricniture, nor one which called for com tleman said that M. Gonzal ez st a t e d th a t there had pensation.—(Hear, hear.) Again, looking to the been a change of opinion on the part of the British proportion of arable and pasture land, it would be seen Government. Their opinion was that the ceremony that the compensation to the holders of the one would be might be performed by the Duke. They offered that direct injustice to those who held the other. The quantity suggestion to the Spanish Government, in ignorance of of pasture land was 14,000,000 of acres—that of arable the interpret tion which might be put upon the article land was 20,000,000.—(Here the Honourable Gen by the Spanish authorities. That report, to which the tleman was heard very indistinctly.)—With re- Right Hon. Gentleman had referred, with respect to an spect to the highway-rates, why the roads allegation of M. Gonzales, was entirely without founda- were the streets of the agriculturial districts, tion. M. Guiz•it was certainly correct in his and they had no more right to come to the public for the assumption that the opinions of the British expense of those ways, than the pt ople of the City of Government had undergone no change. He had now London would have . to come to the House answered, as well as he was able, the question of the for the disbursement of the lighting, paving, Hon. Gentleman. He trusted that the House would, as and cleansing, from the Consolidated Fund. But far as possible, abstain from these references. He ad- all the main trunks were supported by tolls. mitted that the Right Hon. Gentleman had drawn a just The highway-rate went to keep up the cross-roads which distinction between other cases and cases in which a were for the convenience of the farmers alone, and what question arose as to the conduct of the _British Govern- use was a farm without roads ? We could draw a ment. lie had confined himself to the explanation great portion of our supply of corn from Spain, but sought by the Right Honourable Gentleman.—(Hear. that there are not sufficient roads communicating between hear.) He had studiously avoided all reference to the agricultural districts and the sea ; and in Germany debates, whether in the Spanish Legislature or in the there was abundance of corn in the interior, but there Chamber of Deputies, believing that nothing had a were not sufficient means of conveying it to the coast. greater tendency to provoke feelings of ill-will, and to H e then came to tithes, which he said were not a excite mutual recrimination, than allusions towhat passed burden on the agriculturists. It was a co-proprietary. in the Legislature of other States.--(Hear, hear.) The farmers took the land subject to tithes, and they Lord PALMERSTON said he quit e agreed with the accordingly paid the less rent. He differed from man Right Honourable Baronet in deprecating allusions in in that House on the subject of tithes. He had his own y the Legislature of one country, to what might have passed views as to the purposes to which that . property should in the Legislature of another. B u t, a t th e s ame time, be applied. But he maintained, however, that it w as there was perhaps so me thi ng st ill more to be deprecated, public pr o p er ty, an d t h e payment was no ore a burden . which was that a misconception should go . forth to on the farmer than was the payment of his rent. Europe with regard to the conduct and opinions of the As for tithes, they were certainly a burden on the te- Government of this country upon political ques- nant, but for relief they should look to the Commutation tions of great importance.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Act now in progress through the country, not to the He thought, under all the circumstances, that import duties on foreign corn. But the landlords had it would have been an unworthy compromise. It was not no claims whatever to redress on this account. Church now, for the first time since the Government had come rates were also spoken of as a burden on land, but really into the possession of power, that misconceptions had their whole amount was miserable, not exceeding arisen, and had been repeated in foreign countries, as 506,0001., on a rental of 40,000,000/ ; one-third of this to the opinions and expressions of the English was paid by Dissenters. The Honourable Member for Government. He begged to ask the Right Oxford and his supporters called Church-rates a Honourable Baronet, therefore, whether it would be right of property, possessed by the Church from inconvenient in this case to pursue the course that had ancient times ; then they should not also call them a been adopted with regard to the conversation on burden on land for which they were entitled to com the occupation of Algiers, and to lay on pensation. In 1839 the amount paid by the land for the table of the House any despatches or in- poor -rates and county-rates was 5,412,685/., and de structions that had been forwarded to Lord Cowley or. ducting the amount of county-rates, the sum paid Mr. Aston, with respect to the difference between France for the poor and the administration of justice and Spain. That was how the position in which England by the land was 3,680,000/. Their share of the stood to France, for whatever might be the cause, it the was 534,946/., making the whole paid74oBul,n3t7oi. Ofi lgeal general l n t b a y xat t i h e e n, la am nded enn i t n i t n e g res t t e s was desirable that those contradictions that had been made with regard to the language of the English Go fse3n,OnOdo,oroeoryl., small proportion ; they paid would be vernment should be cleared up. Sir ROBERT PEEL said the Spanish Government •t would be but coming to the land tax op sh . shifted l had no other motive but to promote the wel land and houses fotl as u d the t h l a a t t latter it spr w an a g s fare of the country, and the interference of 1,11 w 7 a 2 5 4 1 the English Government was made solely from the fallent a x fo r on la e st iti year es 117,3411, of which there far°hadndin burden latter kind of property, on which so much of Ihe3 had been shifted, might same desire. His present impression was that the pro be said to have sprung up within the last 150 years. If the duction of the papers referred to would be an imy prudent course. Though it would do no injur land tax were now paid as it was on o a u g r d e b a e t to the English Government, yet it would be no advan which was 4s. in the pound, the aaiVon a n a t lly A i • m 1 tage either to Spain or France.posed, 8,000,000/. ; but, even in agricultural districts, Mr. SHIEL said the statement had first appeared in the Morning Herald and the Morning Chronic k. portion was paid by household property. Though his Hon. Friend the Member for Bolton did not procure the Sir R. PEEL said at the time the English Govern ment offered its advice, they were not aware of the con- returns he asked for the other night, we had still struction which the Spanish Government placed on some important data as to the pr o p ort i on the landed the particular arti c l e o f the constitution, but the interests paid in other countries toward s t h e b urdens of moment they were a ware o f it, they admitte ut d the State. The whole revenue o f P russ i a was its own interpr e t a ti on on t h e Ch arter. the right of th e Sp an i s h Government to p 51;000,000 of thalers, of which th e l an d paid EXC HEQUE R BILLS. as land tax 26,000,000, or more th an one-half. The Exch equer Bill s Bill passed through Committee. In Austria the revenue was 164,000,000, o f w hi ch the CORN IMPORTATION BILL—BURDENS ON ' Ind paid 87 000,000. In France the revenue was The House having resolved itself into Committee on milliard l and ' seven hundred and fifty thousand franc o s ne ; the land paid 359,499,000 francs.' In Belgium the the Corn Importatio n Bill, Mr.WARD brought said his motion on the 4 burdens" on land. He said he had some reason ;(; Ml' proportion paid by the land was also very large. n ii The land tax in England was not a fourth of the ar amount drawn from the poor man's tobacco, and not more than the amount raised upon that the motion of which he had given notice was, point of fact, necessary to any legislation on the pres'eniti soap. Then there was the window tax, which no one subject, and it was not his fault if he had not brought it would say was a peculiar burden on the land ; forward. He had taken the earliest moment open to the amount of the window tax was 1,400,000/., and him for the discussion, but he was disappointed in his of this the landowners paid, perhaps, one-third. hopes by the very unusual appearance of the benches If they took the taxes on horses, dogs, carriages, and ar opposite on that day, which arose doubtless from a very some a other taxes, Inorial bearings, the landowners were not the only class subjected to them. But if they gave them the excluisive natural wish to give the Right Honourable Baronet a contribution to the duties on dogs, game certificates, and day's relaxation before making his important statement. with horial bearings, this would be about 389,000 L, leaving, But the motion he had brought forward was absolutely direct essential to a consideration of the question. It was in -1,812,0002 as their share of the trinsically important, and it had acquired additional thatt a xation of the country. It must be recollecited importance by the opinions that had been lately was only the number of landowners and occupiers general taxation 187,000. expressed both in that House and out of it.—(Hear.) this the local_ and, The subject was very generally debated out of that to place some of class, they had also House too. Mr. M'Culloch went into the consideration of it very car e f u ll y, and assumed that there were burdens the land was exem pted from stamp duty, which was perty. He begged, therefore, to move—" That it is in expedient to impose any duty upon the importation of foreign corn, until this House shall have inquired whether there are Ay special burdens peculiarly affecting the landed interest of this country or any special exemptions enjoyed by that interest, and shall have ascertained their nature and extent." Mr. S. CRAWFORD seconded the motion. Col. T. WOOD (Brecknockshire) said he would only address a few observations, as the subject was so much exhausted after so many nights' debate, that if he at tempted to occupy the House at any great length, it would not be disposed to listen to him. Though the Hon. Member seemed to think that there were no peculiar burdens on land, and went through a long string of figures, in which he could not very clearly follow him, in order to make oat that the land was not very heavily burdened, yet he held in his hand a piper that had been laid on the table of the House, which he thought would show that there was one peculiar burden in which the poor of the country was deeply interested, and for which the land was peculiarly responsible. In 1826 it appeared that the poor rate was no less than 6,966,0001., of which 4,795,0001. was paid by land, and 1,814,0001. by dwelling-houses. He was unwilling to draw before the House any contrast be tween the manufacturers and agriculturists, and the burdens borne by each, because he did not stand up for the Corn-laws on the ground that the land was solely interested in the ques tion, but because he maintained that renters were deeply inte rested on Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman put out of his view the price of the cultivation of land in foreign coun. tries ; but a main consideration in the question was the price of production in foreign countries, and whether a multitude of labourers would not be thrown out of employment if the Corn laws were abolished. That is the consideration whioh regulated the Corn-laws for the last 150 yesrs. Hon. Gentlemen were mistaken in supposing that the Corn-laws gave the agricultu rists particular gains. It is not the object of the Corn-law to do that, but its object is, to prohibit foreign importa tion when the home supply was sufficient. That was its object for the last 150 years. In the year 1791 when the price was 51s. the duty was very large, but when it was 535. the duty was only 2s. 6d. If Hon. Gentleman only looked at the law, they, would find its character was to regulate the importation according to the home supply, and not to give agriculturists any particular favour. In the year 1815 a material change took place. and it was enacted that when the price of corn was ender 80s. foreign corn was prohibited, but when it was 80s. unlimited importation was permitted. He hoped the bonding system would never be departed from. It was one which required a gradual scale of duties to bring the corn gradually and smoothly into the market, and prevent a supply from overstocking the market. He thought the Right Hun. Baronet, in the measure which he had introduced, had endeavoured to hold the scales as evenly as possible between the whole of the interests of the country. However Hon. Gentlemen opposite might endeavour to retard the progress of the Bill lie believed that people out of the House were con vinced that the present system was the one most likely to hold out a fair prospect of a regular and steady supply of corn. The whole trade in corn aas suspended on account of the delay given to the Bill now before the House : so he had learnt that day from a gentleman from Mark-lane, and he was sure no greater injury could be done to our poor agricultural and manufacturing friends, for whom he was equally interested, that by de eying that measure.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. GIBSON did no t agree w i t h the Hon. Gentleman who last spoke, that we already had had'cliscussion enough. He (Mr. G. )=thought we had not yet had half enough of discussion on the burdens on land.—(Cheers,) We have had, indeed, a great deal about the sliding scale, and the fixed duty, and the various concerns of the landed interest, but on no one occasion vet had we had a solemn and grave discus sion as to the peculiar buydens on land.—( Cheers) The Hon. and Gallant Colonel surprised him by referring to the par rates so far back as the year 1826, to shew the heavy burdens on land. Why did not he refer to a later period?—(Hear, hear.) The rates were certainly heavy at a former period, especially in the agricultural districts, because the wages of labourers were paid out of the poor-rates—(Hear, hear) — and thus the traders and the occupiers of land were taxed to pay the farmer's labourers.—( Hear, hear.) The Corn.law question was fairly before the House, and the country was much indebted to his Hon. Friend, the Member for Sheffield, for the able statements he had made.—( Hear, hear.) They now asked what was the reason that restraints should be put on the Corn-law trade ?—( Hear, hear.) The onus of proving the receipts of these burdens, lies upon the Legislature—it was with them to show that there were peculiar advantages which counterbalance those burdens. The manufacturers contend that they had as good a right to produce corn and other articles with their looms, by inter changing their produce with foreign markets, as the agriculturists had to produce their corn. The manufacturers say they have as good a right to get a price for their goods as the agriculturists have to bring the produce of their fields to market. When the Legislature imposed burdens upon them, they were asked to show why they restrained them by sliding scales and other measures of that sort. The Hon. Member for Sheffield was right in saying that the peculiar burdens upon land in England constitute the grounds upon which these bur dens could be imposed. The head of her Majesty's Government talked of the necessity of being independent of foreign countries for the supply of corn—it was clear his own proposition could not be maintained by the reasons he had urged. In order to keep England independent of foreign countries, as the popula tion of England increased, so ought the protection to increase : the greater the number of the people, the stroger should be the forcing power. If it was otherwise, you must inevitably fall into the condition which the Right Hon. Baronet professed his anxiety to avoid,viz., into a total dependence upon foreign supplies of corn. The Right Hon. Baronet could not have any con fidence in his own measure. He (Mr. Gibson) did not wish to use improper terms, but he should say he could not believe that the Right Hon. Baronet had any confidence in his own measure—it looked as if the Right Hon. Baronet was merely pandering to the prejudices of the people.—( Hear, hear. ) The question before the House related, as the Hon. Member for Sheffield had stated, to the peculiar burdens upon land in this country, and not to the burdens borne by other countries ; because, if the House were to consider the duties imposed upon land in other countries, they should have a different Corn-law and scale of duty for each of those different countries. Their only desire was that the pressure of taxation should be distributed with justice ; if it were not so they were bound to explain the reason of it, and if possible to dis tribute it equally. They had the power of doing so ; it was absurd to say that they had not ; and of all means of making compensation, the most absurd was the grant ing protection, as it was called, because the commu nity was called upon to pay to an almost unlimited extent by such means. The Hon. Member for Sheffield was right in asserting, that the peculiar burdens borne by the landed inte rest, was the only ground upon which they could ask for pro tection. It was very well to talk, at Agricultural Associations, of agriculture being the great cause of national prosperity—it was very well to tell the farmers that ; but it would not do in that House, or among sensible men. It was idle to suppose that the safety and prosperity of this great empire, with our colonial possessions, depended upon keeping a few acres of dry sand, or wet clay, in corn cultivation.—( Cheers.) The pe culiar burdens upon land, were the only grounds upon which this protection could be justified; and if they refused this Committee, there would be good ground for the suspicion which existed, that they were legislating for their own pecuniary interests. Every one knew that, by increas ing the price of food, they increased their own incomes. at the expense of the community—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had admitted, by his constantly maintaining that all the distress was not attributable to the Corn-laws, that a small portion of it was so. Now what right had he by his laws to inflict even a little distress upon his country men. If they refused this Committee, they would justify the suspicions ent rtained of the motives. They had resisted the importation of corn from Canada—they had resisted the im portation of corn from Ireland • nay, at one time th e land owners in the nei g hb our h oo d of the metropolis had resisted the formation of turnpike roads, because the opening a communi cation with the counttj , would, by inducing competition, act unfavourably on their pecuniary interests. Seeing these things the people would be justified in suspecting that they were actu ated by the same motives at the present time, if they refused the Committee. He would say that this corn question was exciting a feeling among the thinking portion of the commu nity which had never been known in former times. Hon. Gentlemen mistook the matter if they thought there was not an earnest desire to have the Corn-laws repealed. People were beginning to feel, and to express the feeling, that you have a desire to degrade and depress the commercial and manufacturing in terest, people begin to think, and they have reson for thinking, that you wi.h to uphold agriculture by keepin g down trade —that you want t o e l ev at e one part i cu l ar class by depressing another. He would ask, if that was the feeling, whether it was not calculated to arouse the bitterest animosity between different classes in this country ? Was it fair or reasonable that they should always be seeking to secure power and position to a particular class by means of legislation, instead of endeavour ing to promote the general good, in which all should partici pate ? It was the feeling of this country that they were legis lating with a view to maintain one class in a particular position in the social scale by depressing the manufacturing inte rest. He knew that many manufacturers had upheld the agricultural interest, but he could tell them that this servile opinion was passing away and giving place to loftier views of what was due to the claims of industry and enterprise, and they would not be satisfied till they were placed on a lull, fair, and equal fJoting with other classes of the country, however high their rank, however elevated their station, or howeve r anc i en t m i g h t b e their claims.—( Cheers. ) Mr. DARBY said he was not sorry the House had been counted out on the night the Hon. Gentleraan had fixed for his motion, as it had obliged him to develope his views more fully. If it was the object of the Hon. Gentleman to prove that, if there were no particular burdens on land, there ought to be no Corn-laws, he thought he had mistaken the result of the Corn-laws in the Corn-laws themselves. But a small portion of corn could be imported at a time, and if they threw the corn land of the country out of cultivation, by reducing the price below that at which it could be grown, they would soom come to famine prices.—(Hear, hear.) The object of the law was to keep corn at a moderate price, which would en courage its cultiv a ti on on our own so il . ' The authority of the Import Committee had been referred to, but he would tell Hon. Gentlemen opposite that that Committee was of no au thority whatever. It had exceeded its powers. Why, the other day, Lord Melbourne himself declared that the report had brought to his mind nothing new, and had not influ enced any one of his opinions. Indeed the Noble Lord, the head of the late Government, said he was indignant at its being supposed that the report had caused any one of his opinions to be changed. If the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Ward) had his Committee, it should not be so narrow. The inquiry should be made a good deal wider.--( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gen. tleman said that the malt duty was paid by the consumer, and was, therefore, no burden on the land. But did not the Hon. Gentleman know hew much loss it entailed on the farmer, or how often they went to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to ask leave to steep the barley to give to their cattle and it was pe remptorily refused.? Did not the Hon. Gentleman think that the tobacco tax •affected the farmers, when he knew that tobacco was cultivated for a time in Ireland at a great profit, and was sup pressed because it interfered with the revenue.—( Hear, hear. ) But the object of the law was not to protect the farmers, or compensate them for their burcens, but to secure a constant supply of corn at a reasor.able price ; and if the law was done away with, then the price of corn would be raised to a famine price.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Jacob himself said, that if one tenth of the corn lard of this country were thrown nut of cul tivation, the deficiency could not I e made up from all Euripe. Dr. BOWRING thought that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had a right to complain that they were not al lowed to cultivate tobacco and beet-root, if they did not want to be protected by a high duty on foreign produce of the same kind. The Hon. Gentleman had referred to the Report of the Import Duties Committee. A great tribute had been paid to that Report by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), who had adopted its recommendations with respect to 750 articles. —( Hear, hear.) If this inquiry were gone into, Hon. Mem bers would find that there was no ground for alarm, on account of an alteration in the Corn-laws. It w as an undoubted fact, that in almost every other country but this, land was the great source of revenue. Mr. M'Culloch estimated that the land tax in France was equal to one-fifth or one-sixth of the whole revenue. From returns which he held in his hand, it appeared that the tax called the impot foncier, realised ten millions and a-half sterling, and the taxes of registration to seven millions sterling. The land tax in France amounted to fourteen millions of the whole reve nue. The land in this country was more productive than the land in any other country, and could bear greater burdens in paid by all except the landlords. The probate duty' for 1841 was 197,0001.. and legacy duty, 1,200,0001., not one shilling of which was levied on real property.- (Hear, hear.) The sale of lands, tco, was only occa sional, but the transfer of other property was perpetual, and personal property was always taxed in its transmission. On the transfer of landed property of the value of seven hundred pounds, and not exceeding one thousand pounds, there was a stamp duty levied of 9L, but on a transfer of personal property, in consequence of death, of the value of 8001., and not exceeding 1,000/., there was a probate duty of 221., in addition to the legacy duty. On a transfer of landed pro perty of the value of B,OOOL, and not exceed ing 10,0001., there was a sta:np duty of 851., which on a transfer of personal property of the same amount there was a probate duty levied of 240 L in addition to the legacy duty. If they took the stamp duty at 2,000,0001., the utmost that the landed interest contributed to the stamp duty was half a mil lion, leaving one million and a half to be set against what the landed interest were pleased to call their peculiar burdens. When they came to consi der the exemptions of the landed interest from taxations, they were really infinite. They paid no probate 'duty, they paid no legacy duty ; and since 1797 upwards of 81,000,000/. had been paid for probate duty and legacy duty on personal property ; and the House ought not to forget, that when the probate duty and the legacy duty were first proposed by Mr. Pitt, he in tended that both kinds of property should be equally -übject to it. The Bill to that effect had been brought in, and had been carr i e d t h roug h t h at House after immense opposition. It had been carried on the third reading by the casting vote of the Speaker, and had afterwards been dropped as a peace-offering to the country gentlemen, and since -that time no Minister had brought it forward. He (Mr. Ward) was sorry to find that even the Right Hon. Baronet did not consider himself powerful enough to propose it. He (Mr. Ward) had heard nothing of a proposal for the extension of the probate duty and the legacy duty to real property in the Right Hon. Gentleman's statement of Friday. Their exemptions from smaller duties were innumerable. The farmer paid no duty on the insurance of his stock ; every other species of propertypaid a duty on insurace. There was no window tax paid on farms under 200/, and there were none upon dairy win dows. -Upon a recent decision of the Judges he found .the houses occupied by bailiffs were exempt. He (Mr. Ward) had paid window duty for the house occupied by his bailiff last. year, but he should do so no more ; so that he should gain something from his re searches on this question, whether the country did or no. (The Hon. Gentleman here read the decision of the Judges in the case of Lord Middleton's bailiff, to the effect that houses occupied by farm bailiffs were exempt from win dow duty. Thee there was an exemption from tolls, for lime, manure, and agricultural implements ; there were no drainage tolls, and there, was no duty on -shepherd dogs. a There were, in sho r t, thousand things in which the fact of a man being a farmer exempted him from duties which he would otherwise have to pay. From examining the cases of - dispute respecting as sessed taxes which had come before the Judges, he found that not only had the house of a bailiff been ruled to be exempt, but a house occupied by a brick maker, who was also a farmer, paid no duty. As a brick maker he paid duty, but as a farmer he was exempt, and his exemption as a farmer covered his liability as a brickmaker. The same decision was given in the case of a wheelwright, a land-surveyor, and a cattle jobber, who, king also fanners, were exempted. Amongst a number of letters which he had received on the subject of his motion was one from a person in busi ness near Edinburgh. He said he was living at a little distance from Edinburgh. He occupied a house to which there were ten windows, and these were assessed at 1/. 10s. His neighbour, who had a house with fifteen windows, for which, together with land, he paid a rent of 1901., paid no duty. Again, for every 100/. he insured on his stock in trade, he paid a duty of three shillings to the Government. His neighbour being a farmer, was a privileged man ; he paid no duty. Again, he was assessed for his saddle horse 1/. 11s. 6d. His fortunate neighbour paid no duty. If his friend wished to have a public sale of his stock, he could do so without a license ; whilst he himself must employ an auctioneer, or take out a license, and upon every article sold he was liable to pay a duty of 5 per cent. He did not make these remarks for the purpose of instituting an invidious comparison between the farmers and the other classes of society; who were a meritorious class of persons, and deserved every encouragement.; but he could not see why there should be this distinction, why, if the principle were a good one, it should not be extended to the various branches of trade and manufactures.-(Hear.) At all events, those who enjoyed these exemptions had no right to complain of peculiar burdens. It was very easy to call everything a peculiar burden.-(Hear, hear, hear.) He had no doubt that before another year had expired, they would hear that the income tax was a very peculiar burden on the farming interest. -(Laughter.) Now he would call the attention of the House to the amount of taxes upon the farming interest. The local taxation was 4,336,0001. ; the general tax ation was 1,812,000/. ; 'making a total of upwards of 6,000,000/. Deduct 2,000,000 L, at least, for pro bate , duty and legacy duty, and 500,000 L for all minor exemptions, and 4,149,0001., was the total local and general taxation payable upon land with a rental of 130,500,000L-(Hear, hear.) He had taken some pains to obtain an account of some assessments paid in London,- and at a short distance from it. He found a farm which paid a rent of 323/. The poor rates upon that farm were 691. ; the sur veyor s rate was 17/. 3s. ; the Church -rates, 4/. ss. • making a total of 951., without the land-tax, w hi c h was 23i. Now with respect to property in London. In the parish of St. James's a house, for which 200/. rent was paid, was subject to a yearly charge of 17/. Bs. for local taxa tion. In Piccadilly, in the same parish, where the rent of a house amounted to 130/., the whole of the taxes came to 11/. 17s. 9d. He took a house in the City, the locality was Bishops gate-street, and the rent was 1201. The poor rate was 121. 10s. ; Church -rates, 71. 10s. although the occupiers were Dissenters ; Police-rates, 21. 10s. ; Assessed taxes, 12/. 10s. ; Consolidated rate and clearing rates, 2/. 10s.; Sewer rates, 3/., making a total of 42/. 10s. upon a hous e i n London, while the rental was Now, with this fact, how could they talk the peculiar burdens which a re felt on land, and ask for m ore compensat i on t h an Bs. of duty a quarter on foreig n corn ? H e did not see that there was a difference between these various o l f 2o/ t . species of property ; and he did not see how claims could arise upon one species of property that was not equally applicable to other species of property. He could not see on what groundi they were to compen sate one class at the expense of another, and that compensation to be given by a tax upon food. This was the simple ground brought forward in that speech, from which he had so largely quoted, entitling the, and of this country to a large-the word used was more--protection than would be given at an Bs. duty, as proposed by the Noble Lord, the Member for London. The effect of a duty was not to be calculated from the price raised upon foreign wheat imported, • but what was the price of the whole amount of corn consumed in this country. It was in point of fact the rise in prices on all food. If twenty millions of quarters of wheat were consumed at a duty of Bs., that duty would produce eight millions, and if at 4s. four millions. which was enough to cover the whole of the burdens which he could discover affected the landed interest. Fourteen or fifteen shillings duty, which was what the Right Hononourable Baronet contem plated to be the average, supposing the corn came in at 12s. to 165., that would add 15 millions to the price of corn consumed. This, too, was a tax for the benefit of the landlords ; for the public re ceived but a fraction of it. This had bean denounced by many of our public servants. He could riot quote better names than Hume, M•Gregor, and others, who were all unanimous in opinion, as to the effect of any duty being imposed on foreign corn. A Committee was but a preliminary step to any legis lation upon the subject of the Corn-laws. H e might be told that th e present was a matter, of mere political economy-of mere opinion -and :ha: it did not admit of being sifted by a Committee of that House.-(Hear.) But they had Committees upon subjects very analogous in their nature ; they had Committees upon the Import Duties last year ; he had found a very high authority for the motion which he had submitted to the House ; and which showed that it would be likely to be attended with the most useful practical effects, The authority in qnestion was that of the Right Hon. Baronet himself (Sir Robert Peel.) He found that in the year 1830, upon the motion of Lord Chandos, the Right Hon. Baronet recommended a Committee very similar to that which'he (Mr. Ward) then proposed to the House. The Right lion. Baronet on that oseasion complimented Lord Althorp on his determination to discontinne the charges upon the horses of farmers, and other bur dens which pressed upon agriculturists. The Right Honourable Baronet added that "he wished the Noble Lord would consent to appoint a Committee of intelligent Members of the House to consider the whole question of those taxes which bore directly or indirectly upon agri- . culturists ; and to inquire whether the whole system of local taxation, including the costs of criminal'' That pro secutions, county rates, &c. were fairly appropri himi ate (11 was a passage which very much confirmed Ward) in the belief that the Committee he now pro posed might produce great benefit to the country. Honourable Baronet -(Hear, hear.) The Right the agriculturists there as k e d f or an inquiry in favour of w asked for an agricult ur i s t s ; an d h e (Mr. Ward) no inquiry i n f avour o f th e o ther classes of the. community. then distressed-the other The agri cu l tur i s t s were classes were now suffering. He only wanted to arrive at the truth ; he wanted something tangible-something which could form a safe basis for legislation. He did not like to see a suspicion spring up in the country ; its preponderancein that Hous e; that one class, owing to was favoured at the expense of every other. Let them appoint a Committee of intelligent Members of that House, and they would thus, in any future discussion, be enabled to point out the peculiar burdens which pressed upon agriculture, while the country, on discovering their claims to protection, would be ready to acknowledge their justice. With these views, he had certainly felt justified in moving for a Committee before any further progress was made in the discussion on the Corn-laws. He felt his own inability to deal with it, as it involved many matters of detail which were always unpalatable to the House. But he did most earnestly beg the Right Honourable Baronet to promise to . grant them this Committee, for, if he did, he was perfectly satisfied, should it be fairly and impartially appointed, that it would lead to very useful and satisfactory results. His own opinion was, that there were no peculiar burdens on land-(Hear, hear) -except what were fair charges, in proportion to its value as property. When it was re membered that it had been stated frequently that the land exceeded in value all the other property of the kingdom, it was naturally to be expected that there shouldbe some charges on it more than on other pro- si hes fell upon the landlord in countries where there Wor e ; tablished Ch urc h, and was a great discouragement to To ture. But th e H on . G ent l eman wou ld say there nat ut e considerable alteration in the tithes as they were cods,. It The Right Hon. Varonet then read an extract from cardo, which stated the opinion of the writer, that the to were a great burden on the land, and justified a dut i e n 7` bl y shillings. This was the opinion of Mr. Ricardo- He bat tlO entirely wrong, and the Hon. Gentleman right, ~ 10 0, differed from the Hon. Gentleman. hat there It. Peeot# say, on the part of the landed interest, that there was nes Paths., upon him to resist that inquiry, as the result would be d ot vourable. But he could assure the Hon. Gentlemanl as 10; that inqui r y took place it would occu ra ther more u_s ; ie, days. Th e authority of the Hon. Gentleman was greidell without disrespect to the Hon. Gentleman, there vsrt, o sset equally great.—( Laughter. ) To what extent the ir u ti l Is e imposed upon land must be determined rather by ge _! teis tY toning, than taking the entire charge. Another huru se e Y, Hon. Gentleman had referred to was the poor-rate _7 O l stated that this bu r d en f e ll equally upon the trades„„w thi J ! landlord, but the H on . G entlemen mus t rernera'" o pel the recent alteration t oo k t h ose rates from the (efesrsell men, and they were entirely on the lan d.- i se d? Of late years, however, there had been a more equ a r.ra tee fi : apportionment, but if he looked to the amount of P s n e , es le , must say that a very large proportion of the a mount A t t est F upon land. When he looked to the returns he in n se d 0, 1826 the proportion of rates upon lands, houses, .":1 88, 001s species of property was, 4,523,000/. upon land; I , fse tenel upon dwelling. houses ; and 255,0001. upon o ill . g c l D ot e r and other species of property of that sort. He di. e boil those returns as an accurate statement of the relative re ern upon the different species of property to which v fill Then again there was the malt-tax—that was ley barley alone, the produce of the land, not less than 101 i t 0 1 annually. If such a sum was l ev i e d f rom one articj e ss e of very difficult t o say w h at amount of restr i ct i on there e s ee , land, for if a restrictive duty was imposed upon the land, it was just as great a restriction as if t d Isr upon the land itself; and after all the lengthened 0;04 discussions of that Committee it would remain hies ( e l induced Ii ' r These were the gen'ral impressions which „ t ersr e el R. Peel) to submit to the House that the presen t question was, whether he should postpone the Crir the fit indefinitely. The expression made use of IV, 007 Member (Mr. Ward) who brought forward tu e s crets„it that it might be a very " tedious business -Q oe so lt " Hear, hear")—so tit might be ave " tedious % (Sir s e the e g rr ip pl the Hon. Gentleman's motion was adopted, but e „or Peel) would ask the House to consider what the coun trJ it iot° o think of him, if he said £hat he would acquiesc e in e a t eitl i g ei which would postpone the measure which he had su spes e .e s the House, merely because a very plausible arguenenA, o l,ro in its favour by the Hon. Gentleman opposite.- -- (' - „ s selw e i ironical cheers from the Opposition.) Would it "" ate reo . , s he should postpone the Corn-law Bill—leave the , l hive, landlords and of tenants, and of men who del lo r e , from corn—in a state of uncertainty, until eli; nourable Gentleman opposite should, in three test f o e have his motion brought to a determination. ost slen" reasons, he (Sir R o b er t P ee l) s h ou ld g i ve his tusejesre.)l -- opposition to th e mot i on o f t h e Hon. Gentleman i Mr. STRUTT said there was a great deal of in es tioe d i t in the speech of th e Ri g ht H on. B aronet. The t ee it I ,iy not whether tithe w as a b ur d en on l an d , but whe".ee burthen on landh o ld ers . —(Ch eers an d counter ebeer e eis e , pr:o Right Hon. Baronet mus t h ave great l y changed :soliteLei within the last on e or t wo ye . rs , f or i t appears teat cesevir ago he entertained th e op i n i on t h at t h ose rates werensoj, upon land. On th e 24th o f J u l y , 1 840, t h e Right Or'ett rones delivered a spe ec h i n w hi c h h e state d th a t it o'4n ingly unjust that Dissenters should be expected to el OW rates, and why he sh ou ld now t urn roun d an d s ay tii„a ll ti , ought to receive comp ensa ti on f or th e burthens i n ' l 7 o oSis 0 0 them, by taxing o th er persons f or t h em, was m ost in., it p i From all that was said upon the subject this eves' thet a i most satisfactorily proved to the House, that hithertoeoise o r been no sufficient reasons s h own to j ust if y the ese v „We landowners and the imposition of burdens upon othl ese se t p the people of the coun t ry . Th e b urt h ens in ottilA poor-rates were increased generally in proportion er. etTp increase of population, and it seemed to him (A r ae y 9 most unjust that the landlords should now hoe, they upon Parliame n t f or re d ress, upon t h e groun d s ot. a 0 il great burdens upo n l an d. Th e b ur d ens to w hich is l3 to riet e r subject had been i m p ose d f or many success i v e er n be ee:o could be shown that all the old feudal burdens had antieSit witted for a specifi c t ax . S o th at even ta ki ng an view of the m a tt er ( w hi c h, h owever, h e did no t the n es dot take), and even in the wh o l e course o f th e debt ! , te t iet House he had nev er h ear d any w h ic h appeare d to im - s tikee been so very decidedly on one side of the quests that WA, upon his (the Oppo s iti on ) s id e , as t h e d e b ate 6f t or e, 'l,O (Laughter and i ron i ca l c h eers )—h e was quite es4b°, events, that a case had been ma d e f or i nqu i r y, alth „is it,: joe ) it was not easy to satisfy Hon. Gentlemen on the ° Pl s - 0 f r of the House.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was b e that his Hon. Friend's motion was too minute. . 4 .'" e "dal pealed to the House, whether, if it was shaped in be sag way, in order to meet that objection, it would not I d l er:0 1 terms of it were so vague and uncertain that it eon' s boo t y brought to a conclusion. Toe Right Hon. Baronet. Crolp something like that even as the motion stood at presen t ft to whole he would give his most hearty and cordial OW vo pt motion of his Ho n . F r i en d. Mr. CORDeSN b egge d l eave t o rem i n d the liniheel4 that immediately aft er th e Q ueen ' s S peec h had he el / light 001 4 he had taken the ea r li es t oppor t un it y t o as k the „lees 0 Baronet to state to th e H ouse w h a t th e spec ial .h tl ' i . gir , 4o 6 to which her Majesty' s Sp eec h re f erre d— t h e ant We to add, the Right Hon. Baronet was, that the proper tira e ote et, e , that inquiry was in hi s s p eec h i n th e d e b a t e ; the V is te ot i Baronet delivered his s peech an d did no t define ts est el burdens were—he was then again asked to stat e e e e sob ° ol were, and he declined to do so. Then the Hon. no f r:;:o Sheffield brought forward his motion, and inste e .'„ estire4 censured by the opposite party for doing so, as ,"- est fet 4 the Hon. Gentleman ought to have their thasn's' p eieel them an opportunity of answering those inquiries . gene reasonably expected they should answer. The 1 116 (Mr. Ward) gave notice of his motion for Thu e url,4 that day there were 30 or 40 Gentlemen on this ( sit e sition) side of the House, but the benches oPP ese vacant—the Members on that side of the House we t. ' Ite' p ei a, VI . away—(Laughter)—because he (Mr. Cobden) he ar e ter°,,y came down to the House at four o'clock, that it was " - es ) r i bo the motion of his Hon. Friend was (in vulgar parlan,o " burked "—he had observed that Hon. Gentler - 405i were constantly at their devotions in that House—(l' s —were on that occasion absent—even the Hon. B er ste erfr Member for Oxford, was nit at prayers on that e ,s A S ( Question, questine)—and now that the Hon. Gentl e d re , Ward) had brought his motion forward to-eighteane s hire there was a House, it seemed they were not to ilt e e if et o vi sion ; there was some reason or o th er w hy the IO ,if Baronet would not entert a i n th e question—some fibetievp C° to have been introduced lon g ago, but he (Mr. or 2 peeled to the Right Hon. Baronet and the countg e Int after what had taken plac e , it s h ou ld b e sa id that As 0 1 00 1 were anxious for the passing of the Corn-law Bill* per!' elf his constituents were concerned, h e cou ld say they mo p e opposed to it. He had th en a reso l u ti on w hi c h wore other agreed to at a public meeting h e ld a t St oc kport t" Isagb s et/ in the open air, with the Mayor in the c hair--( ' o prtY calling upon him to gi v e hi s mos t decided tell 10 to the measure.—(Hear, H ear .) H e won' 0 p ee Right Hon. Baronet and Ho n o ura bl e Gentle , 10, •-- opposite side of the H o u se , th a t h e h a d come there to be ei,s gee the wishes and interests of his co ns tit uen t s , and tha t h the:Ye, mean to bow to the behests o f th e ma j or ity win c e frev, Hon. Baronet might command.—(" Hear, hear, s teo Robert Peel.) The pri nc ip a l o bj ec t to-night bu t it s eaTes° that there were no special bu r d ens u p on l a nd, hut tee t 1 shown that they (the landed p ro p r i e t ors ) were exe o rby , he ri taxes, and that they were to be exclusively born sa e 09 classes. He could state the opinion of Frenchmer:,‘ 0,1 0 , for that.—(" Oh, oh," arid " Question, q ueetion• e i t ess o 'b, heard how Learned Gentlemen on the opposite side; to bo os i read similar opinions.—( Hear, hear.) The tal e s t s 0 land was now subject have been borne by it for „ r , ? }ears. He would state what the taxes were Ifrt ) d i e seet i o, the Conquest, when the whole of the taxes were s „ tita t ee, land. The Hon. Gentleman then went on to sh n " se ss ,Iv series of years the proportionate amount of tasc' eoe se ' t iOt t i fourths of the entire of the revenues of the land-- - " e La , reign of Anne, one-fourth—to the reign of Georg e re NIP fifth—George 11., one-sixth—for thirty years of , t g 0 0 8. V, George 111., one-seventh—from 1793 down to I S'l':,,,Otb, s 6 —and from that time down to the present, one twenty;, by whole revenue was derived from the laed.--( 11 , e the ti S, Then there is the land tax which had its origin ' n e tee til' services—the landowners were exempted, and the" 4, il_s A oo 4s. was put on instead—the tax levied first was sie-14 pound of the full year's value—it was regularly la se eteu, eo tax paid upon that valuation, but it was never re- olu alf - ot g 1692 ; that was not the system allowed in the .. .. oss larl taxes—the taxes paid on windows for instanceZe len d according to the valuation of 20 years ag . se nee °p e prietors had been exempted from their services uY the ir s ie made by them with the Sovereign to give u r o sert n otil; services for that tax, but they retained their services, which as Lingard said, was a dishonour t°P ai el ° l The irre!ularitiee of taxation were arguments ag as tlfi e d, tire..—( Hear.) No taxation ought to be levied uil e of the pressure were unequal, it was a proof that Gea ts eOf either to be abolished or reassessed. The 1- O n 'i s ed , e e , then showed th a t i n severa l o f t h e count i es of Bog , t 00 . 0 the land tax of 1815, as a gu id e o f taxat i on , was n?:sess 0 s di The highest tax was levied i n B e df or d s hi re , when it tig l i; and the lowest was le v i e d i n C um b er l an d, when , of PAd. 'I he parishes showed th e same inequalitYo ot to .. of In some it was I s . tid. an d i n o th ers it did n ot Inn vis u b s t I‘ I X than the one-tenth of a penny.—( Hear, hear.) a d tor e th .e l . r reason of that ? It was because some countiee 3 . ,, , 0 0 1. fY become rich and populous • but he would fro t ee e t o tha t a reason why the others should ' be exempt I; o pe 00 0; amuuut of taxation ? What said Adam s tste,,,elti, subject ? He said that " the subjects of every t t ee "s i ter; support the government as nearly as possible, i b r u john fo re , i W 53 a violation of that just principle and Ar ' e b e g tlit Chairman of the Board of Stamps, in his eviden i c B 36, , dot;{ committee of the House of Commons, in APr i !: s eueh e rae , ,;s the collection of the tax as three or four times as s tt Di': tee sum raised and paid into the Exchequer-essebieett°,,.os Whatever degree of attention may be paid to the„,s e n 4 ser r eo 'o4 House, it would be well discussed out of it. T hey 0. 4 the eve of new taxation, and the budget of the 0 . r no' o f the' r 9 .0 . would call the middle classes to a proper sense Teel F os duty, though it had no other good effect• hoo lcee_ bg s . lA , have fiscal discussions amongst the clays o f ak were t heii And when they discovered that the profits of st son rogue int ° ro sir s assessed, and that the inquisitors were to be s see e rog be ter houses, they would be inclined to inquire into the bentlises's the rentals of Hon. Gentlemen opposite. 0° 1 3 01.-- - i ta til, were scarcely aware of the powers of the Reform ilat seil, eo l2, hear.) They scarcely knew the powers Oven bY . ! to trit; o oF middle classes, because they were never eallet! . (T ed ebef_ e pte . but now that their pockets are touched he bV e r, un just w e / exhibit sufficient spirit to resist those who uph ui t bad l ee be down( Hear, hea-.) If the Right Bar t n h e e P ea r V and proposed a preperty tax to relieve utmost e l se t "Ai s of toe s si t n Ot. , (( A ll i e r . a • r , Cobden) hear) b uwouldt, when h loin e n finding n h d i i m n g t i o he th m e ean . . 11 ing classes were exhausted, and that they could ed to ap pts op s more taxation, the Right Hon. Baronet propose d thos e g ripe !,, wouldscrew to lo t o h k e umairdrdolwelyciluatsosest,hehemb,emlioepvoeldy that ot ~_r 7:14 a d ?) , kindred monopoly of sugar.—( Hear.) They " :oe tra d es he meant to get additional taxation. . o f th° .1 0 . , dification of the Right Hon. Baronet the means of H i n e c a r i e .. ajs s o f ; e_ it n iti et t heard anything better said ef the mo Hon. Gentleman that it was not quite se bad the 21 ' a e l° d that pes whichse t; system.—( . H — o ( u. Question, Gentlemen que s t o i l o p n o . s ) ite He adv th oc o a n t g e ht be lath 2 0 1 : • • because if the Corn-law was to, (elre le g susplctous, its repeal ought to be advocated by hi s Gott o ' e old den's) side of the House, and not by th e als i e h , a crd opposite. There was nothing in the law c el i e tess e d reconcile the country to it. So far as he was a (It: oc e re s e al t' eso sve c is the feelings of the manufacturing classes, they did test the measure of the Right Hon. Gentleman .- the ' silo restore them to prosperity, and nntil he put corn int_:' he reo` t i i e of persons generally, and not confined it to a fe_rv e ree fer not reconcile the feelings of the people to it, ° r on county contented.—(Cheers.) per , ' oe Lord WORSLEY said that having opposed- ny .os iest ti i s l of the Corn-laws, he felt it to be lis duty to e e b ;" es tes e ei motion of his Hon. Friend.—(Hear hear ) If it 11° e st press peculiarly on any clans, 'he thought to A we be only fair that means might be take° c oup to the taxation more evenly throughout th e . 00 O s , But it appeared to him th a t the object o f the m otion I consequesce. But if land here was taxed at th e same rate as in other countries it should have to pay at least 30 ,000,000/. In Switzerland they were taxed at one half of the expenses of the State. In Egypt the tax upon land fluctuated at from Bto 14 per cent. upon the value of the land. So f .r, therefore, from land being subject in this country to any peculiar hardship, all the evidence went to show that the history of the legislation of this country was a history of exemption from burdens.—( Hear.) It was but natural that the landed proprietors in this country should have turned the power they possessed to their own benefit. He could hardly blame them for it—it was the course of human nature. All that was now asked was an inquiry into the burdens which pressed in this country upon agriculture, and to which such constant reference had of late been made. Mr. SCARLETT was much surprised at the motion of the Hon. Gentleman apposite, which he must oppose, because he did believe that the land was subject to peculiar burdens, though the subject was an obscure one. It is the opinion of the French economists that the land ultimately paid all the taxes. The landlord being the largest proprietor was the greatest consumer of luxuries, and conse quently the taxes on luxuries fell on him; and this view was not the result of his own genius, but was derived from Adam Smith's chapter "On Revenue."—(Laughter. ) If the House went into Committee it would appear that the landowners bore all the burdens of the State.—( Laughter. ) As the price of corn regulated the price of all other commodities, if they re duced the price of it by one-tenth, they would reduce the income of the country by one-testtih. Mr. CHILDERS—There was a great distinction, of which they should not lose sight, between land and agriculture. It would be seen that every country in the world had borne burdens on land heaviee than England had done. We raised an immense revenne, it was true, but the land paid comparatively a very small portion of it. He could not discover anything but the land-tax, which fell exclusively on the land, and that amounted to but 1,400,000/., or abut one-fortieth of the whole revenue of the nation, while he believed the burdens on land were not greater than in other countries. In Holland it was not thought necessary to have protective duties on the importation of corn on ac count of the peculiar taxes on the land, and yet, though the importation into Rotterdam and Ostend was nearly free, the price was generally from 50s. to 555. They must distinguish between what were burdens on land and what were taxes on agriculture. Thus tithes levied in kind he believed to be a tax on agriculture. Under the old Poor-law, also, the system of labour rates, and of rour.dsmen, was a burden upon the farmer, but, by the Tithe Commutation Act, and by the New Poor-law Act, those burdens had been removed. The burden that at present pressed the most severely on the farmer was, in his (Mr. Childers) opinion, the Corn-law itself. The Corn-law inflicted the greatest injury on the agricultu rist, for, by holding out to him the temptation of an increased price, it induced him to crop his land improperly. If the Corn-laws were abolished, he doubted not but that agriculture in England would soon be equal to what it was in Scotland ; and .that the farmers, by adopting improved systems, would soon be able to defy foreign competition.—(Cheers.) Mr. G. PALMER would not accuse the manufacturing interest of being actuated by any desire to injure the agricul tural interest; but, on the other hand, he could not admit that the landed proprietors had any wish to starve the manufac turers. The two interests were mutually dependent upon each other, and whatever injured the one must eventually in jure the other. The manufacturer was merely a bird of pas sage—was here to-day and may be in Belgium to-morrow. lle should not be very far from the truth if he was to say that some manufacturers had embarked their capital in Belgium. He did not mean to say that they had no right to do so. They had a perfect right if the country permitted it. He would appeal to the manufacturers on the other side of the House, if a bale of cotton could not be purchased in Liverpool on a Monday morn ing and sent to Manchester, brought back to Li verpoo l , an d shipped on th e Saturday night? Could the agriculturist plough his land, and sow his corn, and reap it in th a t ti me ?—( H ear, hear.) Th e H on . Member for Salford (Mr. Brotherton) had stated that the manufacturer used to get Is. 9id. in the pound of cotton after all the expenses were paid, and that now he could riot expect to get more than 6i.d. Now he (Mr. Palmer) would like to know what he would say to the agriculturalits if he expected even a profit of bid. upon 5 1 / 2 d., the price of a pound of cotton. Cotton was purchased by the mann nufacturer at sd. a pound, and if he got 6 3 / 4 d. upon that he had no reason to complain. But there were other advantages. Now he (Mr. Palmer) would like to know how many times in a year of full employ the manufacturer turned his capital. He should say from seven to eight times a year, and oftener if there was a demand for goods. He did not merely turn his capital, but he worked by means of bills, a system carried on for the last twenty years by which, in the course of a week or ten days after his original purchase, he could go again into the mar ket, and purchase a fresh supply of cotton. Could the agricul turist do this? He (Mr. Palmer) would like to know how he could manage to work up his capitalmore than once a year, and that a real and not a fictitious one. If he got twenty or thirty per cent., he thought himself well off. The manufacturers of this country were like a great snowball placed in the middle of a large common. It was not with a view to promote individual interest, but it was from a conviction that the whole interest of the country, the existence of the security of the country, of pro • perty and credit, every thing depended on the produce of the soil; in fact, it was that which Almighty God had given to us to support life, and this was the real and only capital they had to look up to. He sincerely wished that, before this great measure had been proposed, there had been a committee appointed to inquire into not only what burdens were on one interest or the other, but what burdens were existing which required protection against foreign capital. Not that he would withhold the hand of good fellowship from his neighbour. Far from it, he would encourage foreign trade, but he would never sacrifice home property to any foreign trade whatever. If they were but true to themselves, no power on earth could injure them. What was the case of the administration of Mr. Pitt ? Did he not raise the interest of millions of the country. Did the country not thrive under it—was not every individual at the end of the war in a state of prosperity ? The Right Hon. Baronet would find in levying his tax that there is a great fa ling off in the wealth of the inhabitants. But he hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would succeed in his measure. He (Mr. Palmer) had not the slightest objection to the tax, and it would have his hearty support,lbut he would not attempt to dress his fish before he caught it. Sir R. PEEL said he wished to call the attention of the House biiefly to the time at which, and the circumstances under which, the motion of the Hon. Gentleman was made, he believed upon the fourteenth time that he had occupied this House—(Loud cheers)—in the discussion of the Corn-laws.— ( Hear, hear.) And as yet they were not allowed to go into Committee upon it. Some Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House who differed from the till, who objected to the principles and details of the Bill, yet who seeing the large majority by which that Bill had been carried—considering the sense of the House had been fully and fairly expressed—con sidering that the trade of this country, and especially the trade in corn —( Hear, hear)—was so embarrassed on account of the delay—seeing that that Bill was admitted to be a great improve ment on the present law—(Cheers)—by many opposed to it— seeing that they admitted that it was a mitigation of the exist ing evils, arising from the present state of the law, have come to the conclusion, perfectly justifiable in my opinion, that the the sooner the question was settled the better.—(" Hear, hear," and Cheers.) The question, in his opinion, for them to consider was whether or not there was a prospect of over ruling the sense of a majority of that House. If there was not, then they ought not further to protract discussion. Many Hon. Gentlemen having had the whole of last Session to con sider the propriety of this motion—knowing that the Corn laws were under discussion —foreseeing that they would be un der discussion, had full opportunity of appointing a Committee in the last Session. But the Hon. Gentleman permitted them to have thirteen nights of debate, one on the motion for the Bill, three on the motion of the Noble Lord for a fixed duty instead of a graduated scale, five nights debate on a subject identical with it, viz. an absolute repeal, four other nights since that, making altogether thirteen nights ; and on the fourteenth the Hon. Gentleman proposed that the whole of the Corn-law Bill should be suspended until a Committee shall have made its report. Now what he (Sir R. Peel) called upon the Hon- Gentleman to do was in fairness to adhere to his own notice. The object J this notice was not to mislead.—( Loud cheers and laughter.) If the object of it was to instruct the House and inform them what was the nature of the motion which "ought to be brought forward the Hon. Gentleman would not have had occasion to ransack musty speeches or looking for old debates in 18:34, but, after thirteen nights of debate, when the country was expecting the House would, at last, de cide what was to be the law regulating the importation of corn, the Hon. Gentleman came down and occupied their time, not with reference to the existing debate, but resuscitating old speeches of what the Duke of Buckingham had said, and what he ( Sir R. Peel) had said in 1834, and to satisfy the impatience of the country by reference to the proceedings of six or seven years ago. But he (Sir R. Peel) asked the Hon. Gentleman who had given so much time and attention, at last to make up his mind what his motion would be.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He ( Sir R. Peel) came down that night, presuming that the Hon. Gentleman would have given so much attention to the subject that he would have, at least, adhered to the notice he had given—a perfectly legitimate notice, which ran thus : " On the motion that the Speaker do leave Chair, to go into Committee on Corn Importation Bill, to move that it is inexpedient to impose any duty upon the importation of foreign corn, until the House shall have inquired whether there are any special burdens peculiarly affecting the landed interest of this country, or any special exemption enjoyed by that interest, and shall have ascertained their nature and ex tent." He (Sir R. Peel) asked the Hon. Gentleman to stand by his own notice. He asked the Hon. Gentleman to ask for leave to withdraw the motion, and adhere to his own notice..— ( Hear, hear.) Let him (Sir R. Peel) fairly understand whe ther the House was then to pass that Corn-law Bill, and pro ceed to its completion by that House, or whether or no it s h ou ld be pos'poned indefi n it e l y , until the Hon. Gentleman had formed his Committee. He (Sir R. Peel) asked the Noble Lord (Lord .I. Russell) who sat near the Hon. Gentleman, whether it was not consistent with the usage of Parliament, that he (Sir R. Peel) should ask for the notice being adhered to? When a notice was brought forward by the Hon. Gentle man for a Committee, it was competent to him to renew that notice, but the Hon. G en tl eman had expressly joined i ssue with him (Sir 11. Peel) as to whether they should go into Com mittee, or whether he should—perfectly fairly and legiti mately, he admitted—take the sense of the House on this question, that a Committee should be appointed to in. quire. Now, consistently and fairly to bring forward that mo tion, he had ample time, considering the discussion; but it was perfectly unusual for an Hon. Gentleman to give notice, and not to say one single word to those opposed to him of his intention to change that notice, and to make a whole speech, and then at the close of it to bring about a motion by with drawing that motion of which he had himself given notice. Whether this was fitting or not he'(Sir Robert Peel) wonld not consent to the supension of the Corn-law Bill, until such a Committee should have been appointed, and made its report. Putting that Report alt oge th er ou t o f cons id erat i on w h ether or not it .was fit to susFend that bill, they might depend they would not carry public feeling with them. ''hey knew in the last Session that he (Sir R. Peel) never attacked the Noble Lord with what amount of burdens there were; but what he said was, that the Noble Lord would labour under great difficulty when he proposed his Bs. duty to cover the burden on land: Ile (Sir R. Peel) said that the objection would equally apply to any protection, for if they were called upon to show the burthens, the objection wouid apply to a fixed duty. He dSir R. Peel) rested his proposition upon a combination of interest. He stated, in the first ilace, that in consideration of that pro tection, they must look to the 150 years that capital had been invested under a system of protection to agricultural produce. He (Sir R. Peel) stated, that nothing could be more unwise than to risk disturbing new interest by withdrawing that pro tection rapidly, without full consideration, and under which capital had been applied to the cultivation of land. He ( Sir R. Peel) stated, that any person was perfectly right to differ from him. He stated, as another reason, it gave protection whet e it was necessary to the cultivation of the soil, and the growth of domestic pi oduce, and to prevent dependence upon foreign countries. lie (Sir R. Peel) stated, that it was neces sary that protection should exist as an insurance against any possible calamity. He (Sir Robert Peel) had stated, that th ere were especially peculiar burdens affecting land, as compared to other great interest. The Hon. Gentleman ridiculed the notion of tithes being a burden. He wondered how any one could be absurd enough to suppose that tithes were a burden on land. The Hon. Gentleman was a great authority, but there were others equal to him, who entertained a different opinion. They wrote at a. time comparati ve l y b ar b arous. _ (Laughter and cheers.) lie would mention Adam Smith. What Adam Smith said was, that taxes upon the produce of land w ere really taxes upon rent, that they were paid by the landl or d, an d were considered as a land tax. The Right Honourable Baronet then read an extract f rom Ad am S m i th, which state d that the EXPORTATION OF COALS. Mr. G. PALMER gave notice, that when the ques tion of the duty on the exportation of coals came to be considered, he should take the.sense of the House upon it. IRISH SPIRITS. Mr. O'CONNELL, in an almost inaudible tone of voice, put a question to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, relative to the duty on Irish spirits; and he wished to know whether Scotch spirits were to compete with the Irish market ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the duty would now stand in Ireland as it did in England. NORFOLK RURAL POLICE. Mr. DUNCOMBE gave notice that in the course of a few days he should move for the return of all letters be tween the Secretary of State for the Home Department and the Chief Constable of Norfolk, or the chief con stabulary agent of Norwich, relative to the conduct of the rural police in that county. INCOME TAX. Mr. BARING gave notice that to-morrow he should ask a question of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, in order to ascertain the pro posed mode of enforcing payment of the income tax. Mr. BROTHERTON begged to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whether he intended to propose any modification in the mode of collecting the passenger tax on railways ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he had reeeived various proposals for changing the mode in hich the duty was at present levied ; and he had no objection to consent to an alteration, provided the re venue was not diminished. He had made a proposal on the subject to several parties connected with railways, to which he had as yet received no answer. Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, whether it was his intention to bring on the discussion of the Railways Regulations Bill that even ing, as he and several other Members had amendments to propose. Mr. GLADSTONE had no intention to proceed with the Bill before that day week. Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY proposed that leave of absence should be given to the Hon. Member for Wareham until the 15th of April. After a short conversation, the motion was agreed to. EASTER RECESS. Sir R. H. INGLIS hoped it would be convenient to his Right Hon. Friend, the First Lord of the Treasury, to state what day before Easter it was his intention to pro pose that the House should be adjourned. _____ Sir ROBERT PEEL trusted that the House would consent to sit to the latest possible period before Good Friday ; he would therefore propose that it should sit until Thursday week, as it would very much facilitate the progress of public business; he would propose that the House should sit on Thursday also ; that it should be Adjourned on that evening, and that it should meet again on the Monday week following. SOUTH AUSTRALIA. Sir GEORGE GREY wished to ask the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies, whether he meant to bring in a Bill for the regulation of South Australia, and when it would be ready to be laid on the table of the House. Lord STANLEY said that the Bill for the regulation of the Colony of South Australia was prepared, and he would move for leave to bring it in as soon as possible. It would be laid on the table of the House in the course of a day or two. The delay was caused by some tech nichal difficulties in preparing it. He wished to state that it was his intention to bring in the Bill as soon as possible. RURAL POLICE. An HON. MEMBER. wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whether it was his intention to bring in a Bill for the further regulation of the rural police ? Sir JAMES GRAHAM said it was not the intention of her Majesty's Government to bring in any Bill, either to repeal, vary, or alter the Rural Police Bill, but it was the intention of her Majesty's Ministers to bring in a Bill for the better regulation of parish constables. CORN IMPORTATION DUTIES. Lord WORSLEY wished to ask the Right Hon. Ba rmet, the First Lord of the Treasury, what amount of revenue he expected would be obtained from the corn importation duties? Sir R. PEEL was understood to decline answering the question for the present. They would enter into the whole subject on Friday next. THE INCOME TAX. Mr. C. BULLER wished to put a question to the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her Ma jesty's Governinent, which appeared to him to be ofcon siderable importance with respect to the House and their constituents, upon the subject of the Right Hon. Gentle man's proposal of an income tax. The Right Hon. Gentleman had mentioned the subject for the first time on Friday last ; and on Friday next he meant, as he had stated, to take the opinion of the House upon the reso • lirtion for the adoption of that tax. Now, as the subject was of that kind which would render it desirable that the opinion of the country with regard to it should be known before the House came to any decision, he wished to ask the Right Hon. the Speaker, whether,' according to the forms of the House, it would be possible if the House should agree in the first stage to adopt the Right Hon. Baronet's resolution, it would be possible afterwards to receive any petition from the people against the adoption of th e t ax ? The SI'EAKER, in reply to the question of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, said that it was 'against the rule.; of the House that any petition should be received against any tax which had come under the consideration of the House ; and therefore, after the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed his resolution, it would be impos sible to receive any resolution against the tax in question. EXCHEQUER BILLS FRAUD BILL. Lord J. RUSSELL wished to put a question to the Right Honourable Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, respecting the time at which he in tended to bring on the i discussion of the Exchequer Frauds Bill. It was desirable that the subject should be considered in a full House, and not at any late period of the evening. He wished to know whether the Right Honourable Gentleman meant to bring for ward the Bill to-night, and, if so; whether he meant it should take precedence of other business ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was his intention to suggest that the House should go into Committee that evening. He would take care that the Bill should be immediately printed ; and in the bringing up of the Report to-morrow, he would propose that the dis cussion should take place upon any part of the Bill upon which discussion might be thought necessary. But in the amendments he had introduced into the Bill he had endeavoured to obviate all, or at least many, of the ob jections which had been urged against it on its first in troduction. He was desirous that the House should go into Committee upon - the Bill immediately before proceeding to the other Orders of the Day. THE INCOME TAX. --- Mr. C. BULLER would put it to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, whether, after the statement which had been made from the Chair, he was still determined on proceeding with his pro posal of a property tax on Friday next. He would put it to him, whether it was not desirable that some more time should be given to the country for expressing its opinion upon a matter of the kind ? Sir R. PEEL said it has his intention to proceed with the resolution on F r i day next.--(Loud cri es of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) THE EXCHEQUER BILLS FRAUD. Lord RUSSELL said that it appeared to him that the course which the Right Honourable Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, proposed to take upon this Bill would be an inconvenient one; because if he were to take the decision upon the Bill to-morrow, there would be the same objection to his taking such a step as on this evening, inasmuch as there were other motions on the raper for to-morrow which would occupy t h e i r t i me till a very late hour. He thought it would be better that the Right Hon. Gentleman should appoint the discu'ssion for an early hour some other evening. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he would have the Bill printed on to-morrow ; and he would in the evening name the day he should think most convenient for its discussion. SPANISH DIPLOMACY. Mr. SHIEL wished to put a question to the Right Honourable Baronet at the head/a the Government, relative to certain events which had lately taken place in Spain. In order to make the question intelli gible, he would offer a few introductory observations. It was notorious that the French Government had sent M. Salvandy to Spain with the intention that he should deliver his c re d en ti a l s to t h e S pan i s h Qu e e n , The Spanish Government had unanimously come to a %NN, i 1 t I