The Sun. — London, England, 1831-02-15 00:00:00

zt--- ARMY CONTRACTS. COMMILSARIAT DEPARTMENT, TREASURI CHAMBERS, FEB. 1, 1831. NOTICE is hereby given to all Persons de sirous of contracting to supply 7 1 hi BEEF and MUTTON, :RapYLand ist I s Fo rces in Cantonments, Quarters, 4 44 1 : 118,_ rracks, in the under-mentioned Counties and p rd Gloucester (includ kttow d) etc luHunding the ing the city of Bris b O f ger- tol) (44 .0, kbdit c Hams Hereford Be (includ- Hertford c ," ti town of Hunts 4 1' t) Isle of Man Isle of Wight Billy) Kent (including Til-. C kv y) Derr r lantl bury Fort, in the bev Y il County of Essex) I k e Lancaster Leicester r har. Lincoln tiofyli(:nclucling Middlesex e lld is ) ive of Monmouth rfi I ltbu Cex i n - t,Y Fon) Northampton i.,tarl several Counties in North Britain. m the islands of Alderney, Guernsey, and Jersey. it; R : i t the deliveries are to commence on and for the Ist next ; that Proposals in writing, sealed tei ve 44 ,, d 'narked " Tender for Army Supplies," will he re ttfi" a t this Office en or before Wednesday, the 2d day rp 4 4 1 but no ne w ill b e re ceived after El e ven o'clock da y. b.°Potal s mutt b e ma d e separate l y f or eac h C oun t y d , 4tl and, e xcep t f or t h e C oun ti es com p r i s i ng N or th It 4ll Wales, all of which must be included in One e (4 t; likewise the Islands of Alderney, Guernsey, anti 1 4,1 )' ; at also the several Counties in North Britain ; 41,4:1th Proposal must have the Letter which is an ti( t o the Tender properly filled up by two persons h i t ltty ° , " Property engaging to become bound with the ttrii,.7 n deting in the amount stated in the punted kttr u 'ata, for the due Performance of the Contract; Proposal will be noticed unless made on a felted " Tende r , and the prices expressed in words ket? l K t h ; and should it so happen that during the iy i ,t na aace of the Contract no troops shall be supplied to lil t la e of the same, th e Amount of the Stamps on the 1r44,,..4*et and Bond, paid in the first instance by the Con will be refunded to him. bfC l:t • Printed Forms of Tender may be had at this 4844 bet ween the hours of Ten and Four, and of the 4 : 44 Masters in the Islands of Guernsey, Jersey, and tr l a nd Persons making offers are particularly requested 6'erve; that th Supplies and Accounts are in future v 'a'le according to the Calendar Months. (Northumberland ;in. clucl,ng the town of Berwick-on-Tweed) Nottingham Oxford Rutland (Salop Somerset Stafford Suffolk Surrey Sussex' Warwick Westmoreland Wilts Worcester York North and South Wales. NOTICE TO ARTISTS. NI-41.4 Works of Painting, Sculpture, or Ar ehitecture, intended for the ensuing . EXHIBITION „ Liy LOYAL ACADEMY, must be sent in on L ky ' t he 4th, or by Six o'clock in the Evening of TUES IS;,,the sth of April next, after which time none can be received. 1 416,1 Regulations necessary to be observed tnay be oh '. tit th e Royal Academy. HENRY HOWARD, R.A. See. 'iti r ;:`''Y Possible care will be taken of works sent for but the Royal Academy will not hold itself account case of injury or los. DISSES OF THE SKIN. Ihtads Y Was publi E sh A ed, the Thiid Edition, corrected and enlarged, price A PRACTICAL TREATISE on the 15s. in board, of th e i r D ISEASES of the SKIN, arranged with a view to tip s . co nstitutional causes and local characters, and in- Ivh it t ' li g the substance of the Essay on these subjects to ~plan P the Royal C o llege of Surgeons awarded the Jack- heoi rize. By SAMUEL PLUMBE. Surgeon to the Royal Metropolitan Infirmary for Stet Children, &c. tOci 4i * 1 . Comprises those Diseases which chiefly affect kc a l 'figure the face, together with Ringworms of the Stall e d Head, &c. Nt e PrcAy, Scaly Tetter, Dandriff, and other Chronic aa e , tk r , -4 "utions of a salutary influence on the Constitu -4 Eirl active character. 5, I t ch, the Humid Tetter, Mercurial Eruptions. Iy the 'eorbuti c Eruptions, Thrush, Purpura, Scorbutic 6, ; 5 , &c. p rl Ish Skin Disease, Warts, Syphilitic Psoriasis, &c. t46 - 1 , 44 d for T. Cadell, Strand ; and Mr. Blackwood, -uUrgh. 4 Of whom may be had, gem Essay on Ringworm of the Scalp, and Scalled Third Edition, price 3s. Gd. in boards. \'ke e i n 4j a Popular an d Impartial Estimate of the value of tl °H, price 3s. Gd. in board.. ISseril..Pslluuarri re b . e has removed to No. 7, Bedford-place, i ' - '`‘STIC IRON and WIRE FENCE, itot, pleasure grounds, and ornamental walks, 4 , 4 41 1441 e5, gates, v er andas, balconies, galleries, and bed i"tftil' Wi th every article in iron and wire, ornamental and ' in anufactured by CATO and SONS, 39, Holborn • qitl)Posite St. Andrew's Church. The Nobility and k r • are respectfully informed specimens are submitted 14 4 1 t 5 • 51*e tion. Wire work for libraries, aviaries, phea lh:e4l4) dairies, larders, and store-house windows. lan klnti h W ire blinds, portable wire coops to protect phea 4tt'l " rtt ry, & c. from rats and vermin. Noblemen and 4 11 favourin Messrs. Cato with orders will have Ncirlatepds.with g punctuality and despatch. Improved ` WEST INDIES. 111kIl LE ESTATES in the ISLAND of TOBAGO, in the WEST INDIES, f o r SALE. Wit L . n ‘j )3 E SOLD BY PUBLIC ROUP, Ri l ll l t he Royal E xc h ange C o ff ee - ro om, Edinburgh, on 1 -14 ebar s the 9tk day of March next, at Two Afternoon, 41 ,L ESTATES of ARGYLE and IN :!)ke ' E RNWE, 4 advantageously situated in the said * 4) the negroes, buildings, sad whole stock on I 41'1 1% 41 r t atestinv inventories of which will be exhibited. re 1111 R GYLE ESTATE consists in who's of about ir e •,; 44 reel acres of land, one hundred and fifty of which pletur 114 d 6r elLt eer one hundred in negro pro v i sion land and 44 d about t wo h un d re d an d fifty acres in mountain Ish: 4 , 4l twood. 41 1r i d 4N VERAWE ESTATE consists of about nine 'r e land fort ' lit acres; one hundred and twenty . ii:lZstir-eere ( Y• a - n e es ig and cultivation two hundred acres tit tui . a nd.negro provision ground, and the remainder tlsated land of wood and brush. 1 ', 4U 1: 11 ,r 44 Argyle Estate there are upwards of x o e n n e 'teej t ,,"" .netroes, sixteen mules, seventeen working o are , tle,,:l7lght pasture cattle, besides sheep. There 'itt'4"'ff-house and out-buildings, a set of works e.on •kise' tt mill with water-wheel, boiling - house , curing t,,tf Liter"hail rum-cellar, and mule-pen, besides many 9eis ites. I Nter r , 4 the Inverawe Estate there are upwards of one Fitirt aki twenty negroes, ten mules, eighteen oxen, ld I tet 's a n !" , , besides sheep - and other stock. The bui '4414 U f a dwelling-housr,kitchen, and out-buildings,. 4riesslitl' water-wheel, and boiling-house and utensils, 8-house still-house with liquor-vats and rum-cellar, i; Qop t l ie- Pett, besides various other appurtenances. ;, - ; 44 1 , of the inventories, and every requisite informs 144 .$ be furnished by Moncrieff, Webster, and Thompi :,:4l',Vtßerasi,aob Palace-yard , Westminster ; 111‘Dougal , ,A l‘ ,.. ragge, Solicitors , Parliament - street, Lon ell ~,gor, Alurrav, and M'Grigor, Writers; or 44 : . 1;y 4 4l`Cioun, Glasgow ' • James and Laurence Macmillan and Grant, W. S. Edinburgh. j)-tt• NORRIS'S FEVER DROPS. t 4S Celebrated Medicine is allowed to be „ 1 7 4 t t 14','Perior to any other remedy in all cases of Fevers, 4 ha: h t ,'"te, S 1 Fevers, commonly called Nervous, 4t ite ' e ver, and aw A g nd all those Disorders which * lts obstr ted ues, - a iration. In hot climates, ''"zzes andulte perspiration. Complaints are very prevalent, tr% 4 1. : 41 1Y in the Weet i l a n a d a ies al America, these Drops, 414 4 stelletee successful experience, proved to be in did tea They rod •e perspiration in the must gentle 4144 ner Pend at 'tltrt giving the Patient the least I° , ti k : 4 _,'"te or tan' easine w a l s These Drops, gives agreeably 11,410;,Iirection in the ' several and distinct cases, not a se has ever come to the knowledge of Dr. hay tie ', 1 , 1 4 'which they have failed to cure. Purchasers are o„rrie" „t° sbaer;e that the genuine preparation of 41. 1 1 u s , ' - ' r ePe, will have engraved on the Stamp, `414-ae Norris Moire." Mr. Norris Moore has vas- Y k 4 ti ; :r•anl3eP S (St with Mr. Edwards, 67, St. Paul's Church ` Ste adli ger, Oxford- s t i ee ; e posite Bond-street, 11 7111 ; ng, t the entrance Oxford-street , Exchange, ri es the ale of the above Medicine. 9d• 11 s•, an d i n Family Bottles 221. each. i?t,iettel.o M. ONLY.-- Public money ought tot' Dour with the most scrupulous consciousness of ihm e ; rtii l .s t is not the produce of riches only, but of the p t th,Cg of labour and poverty. It is drawn even tit itterness of want and misery. Not a beggar 4, or • sties Peri in the streets, whose mite is not in that %.2'crt/er. :No. 11,990. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The public will see, and perhaps with pleasure, that the tax upon the transfer of property in the funds chiefly, for there the offence was chiefly taken, is frankly given up by the Noble Chancellor of the Exchequer. If there were nothing else in this but the indication of a ready dis position to comply, as far as possible, with public feeling, we should hail the act with approbation. If Lord Althorp were in error in proposing the tax,—of which a retractation is not, in every case, a decisive proof,—it is evident that he took the best means of informing himself ; for he consulted the Governor of the B4nk, and was by him assured that there would be no objection to such an impost. It has been said that Mr. Horsley Palmer only spoke in his individual character. That is true: Lord Althorp did not consult all the Directors of the Bank of England, nor those of the East India Company, nor of the several Insurance Societies; but of an host he took one who ought to be the best informed, and asked his opinion on a private subject. What could he do more? We are sorry we have so often occasion to speak on a topic of faith and common honesty, and still find some unwil ling hearers. We do not know that a tax upon the trans fer of property—that is, its passage from hand to hand— is a tax upon the property itself; at least the matter will bear debating ; but we know that if the first had taken place, the other would not have been long in following ; and then, as a matter of public faith, how stands the question of a tax on the funds? The country, for in stance, requires a loan, and it says to the forthcoming lender—" If you will supply me, I will pay you so much interest, without any deduction whatever ; and I will never lay any tax or impost upon that interest, to assist me in defraying my other expenses." The bargain is struck upon those terms; and the interest, in the confidence of that solemn engagement, is bought and sold among thousands of different persons. How cau the debtor, then, in the face of that engagement, dare to tax the fund thus created and appertaining to his creditor? It is, however, neither necessary or fair to dwell upon the impropriety of a tax which has been candidly and promptly abandoned. In order to supply the deficiency occasioned by the withdrawal of this tax, the Chancellor of the Ex chequer will still keep the duty on tobacco and that on glass undiminished : the reduction of the first could not have made 10s. a year difference to the most inveterate smoker and snuff-taker, and enough of it (in fact half) would have remained to remunerate the , :muggler : the reduction of the glass duty would have been useful, as it must have tended to improve that important manufacture. As the intended reduction of the tobacco duty was 1,400,0001., and the estimated produce of the transfers only 1,200,0001., we do not clearly see why the aban donment of the latter scheme makes it necessary , to pre serve the glass duties as well as those on tobacco.— Times. The intelligence from Ireland cannot surprise any one who has watched the proceedings of Mr. Daniel O'Con nell, and who has had common sense enough to appre ciate the character of that mean and arrogant, but hence forth no longer formidable, or even troublesome, bully. Looking at the recorded lives of Inca who have en titled themselves to notice by the mere pertinacity of their endeavours to do mischief, it certainly does not occur to us that we have ever met with one more distinguished by the combination of those vices which render a political adventurer at once an object of hatred and con tempt, than this same Ex-agitator of Ireland. The moral merits of vanity and selfishness have served for many year to put in motion that intellectual property of the Learned Gentleman which was most worthy of employment in such a cause—a sleepless and inde fatigable, but rather short-sighted, cunning ; while another and not less conspicuous feature of the learned gentleman's moral temperament--viz., his extreme aver sion to every sort of suffering in his own person, has made him notoriously incapable of extricating himself, with the least pretence to spirit or dignity, from those predicaments (and they have not been few) into which his ambitious or malignant impulses have betrayed him. In truth, had not Mr. O'Connell's paroxysms of fury been followed, and pretty severely though secretly punished, we guess, by more than equivalent agonies of terror, he might have gained a reputation which be need not now aspire to,_ that of being a desperate and somewhat dangerous intriguer against the public peace. Mr. O'Connell, be it remembered, in his Parliamentary office, or with his breakfast mob about him, had things all his own way. Lord Anglesea's pro ceedings against him and his under-agitators were ille gal—tha proclamations were pure tyranny, substituted for law, and in defiance of the Constitution, by barefaced power ; and Mr. Stanley, if we mistake not, was to be impeached, or something like it. Well, the learned per son was arrested, and had the satisfaction of abusing the Magistrates for sending common thief-takers to his house; but day after day he and his papers rung the changes on the certainty that he would defeat the prosecution. Well again—he demurred—an expedient, it was conjectured, for delay ; but the project tailed, and he was suffered to withdraw his demurrer, and to plead " Not Guilty," by which means he would have a Jury to attest his innocence and to trumpet forth his triumph over Lord Anglesea and the \% higs. But Mr. Attorney-General Blackburne has got a stern straightforward way with him. He is " a sort of fellow that won't be denied." The Learned Agitator seems to have an instinctive dread of measuring blades with this arch thief-taker—the King's Attorney- General. The day of trial approaches ; and how does the Learned Repealer of the Union prepare for it ? Why, to be sure, he shirks— there's no game in him. He " demurs," in plain Eng lish, to the combat. The sage—the Liberator—the ex pounder of the laws—the counsellor of the people.— " Whatever you do, my well-beloved and tribute-paying countrymen, obey the laws; listen to me—be ruled by my advice—be led by my example—obey the laws, I tell you ! fur thus, so sure as the sun shines at midnight, so sure will you chase the vile Saxon from our shores, and overthrow the usurped Empire of Great Britain." Alas, for the patriot, the lawyer, and the sage ! He with draws the plea of " Not Guilty," as he had before withdrawn the demurrers ; and what, then ? Why he cries " craven," as all who thought any thing about him expected he would do. He pleads guilty to that breach " of the laws" from which he had interdicted the people. He confesses to having himself committed that breach " of the laws" which he told the miserable mob, the deceived and pillaged populace, could alone prevent " the repeal of the Union,"—that " repeal" without which the " first gem of the sea" can never regain her lustre. This revolutionist is now at length disposed of. If the mob of Ireland cannot, or will not, see in its true colours the robe of contempt which envelops him, may the perverse idiots be plagued with O'Connell and his gang, and their plots, and boastings, and pusillani mous flights from all real daoger, until doomsday : we can invoke upon them no more appropriate curse. Let the public judge what species of creature this is, from the fact to which we have before adverted,—viz. that Mr. Staunton, of the Dublin Morning Register, is at this moment under prosecution for a libellous letter, bearing the signature of "Daniel O'Connell" which prosecution the Attorney-General bad promised to forego, if the writer of the letter would declare himself! The writer skulks, and the faithful journalist suffers. Yet another fact. It is announced to the starving poor of Ireland, that thole of them who had not subscribed to the O'Connell tribute, by the collection of which at the chapel doors the Sabbath and the place of worship were both sonic timeago insulted—that the starving peasantry, we say, may still have the privilege of paying up their arrear of tribute for the benefit of him whose disturbance of the peace and property of Ireland has chiefly caused the pre sent wretchedness of her people—it is actually published in the Morning Register, that the 20th inst. is to be a second tribute Sunday ! The plague of demagogues was unknown to Egypt.— Times. It is a curious fact, that the French Minister of Finance and the English Chancellor of the Exchequer presented, this year, their respective budgets on the same day,— namely, Friday last. The amount of the estimated ex penditure, in both cases, is not very different, the English expenditure being 46,850,000/., and the French 1,177,151,035 f., or about 47,000,0001. sterling. In almost every thing else the points of contrast in the two budgets are more remarkable than those of resemblance. Our proposed supplies this year, for instance, vary very little from those of the last. The expenditure in France, on the contrary, has been raised more than 8,000,0001. sterling, or nearly a fifth. The interest of the debt, both fixed and floating, in France, together with the civil list and all ether permanent charges, amounts only to 358,000,000 f., or somewhat more than 14,000,0001. sterling, whereas ours exceeds 30,000,0001. Our sinking fund is reduced almost to nothing, whereas the sinking JOHN LON' •e Mr. Alderroallr: day, by Mr. 3. endered b ate in' o f Netvgate,,,,,y, ins ; b u t the Without a c coo?' More die agist.l:2: is Clerks (retsin_ a the party nseqv ow atteson, co I against him. 1,0 sa id he 9n P r, 11 e ring thus o,r3iYtr. postponing b' a nd Mr . I was so ; , on the ot h er ao intention to L"' in Len signed th e ~•c ae s i veyed back to " UARKE I REX. o- ats s, - to 31 9 - ...- 3 6 476 *" 40 97 96 4% ) 0: , d. d. s• d ' '5 . 6 36 4 0 59 43 49 5 9 33 - A 1 0 n • 36 4v 0 4 24 / 2 6 _ _ S 0 9 74 9 50 70 10 60 84 , 0 5-8 72.1.-! IKET —Fe b ' li tin e ^ ' ' ' 6s. fiBs. eo 75 5 . tin e 4 7 66, to 70 5 . tine aD 535. 6601 to 7 ' "6Dt "E 17s. 735. to .! ' ;43. 685. to 4-• font ` .: kis. 735. to "). fine A •••• 41s. to 45 5 . 1111 375. to 4( ?" 00 5 5 33e. to au°' ' fine to , five • 451 to 4' s ' one 395. to 4 15 * firle,"' . 28s. to ; One yp -5. '2Bs. to 60e m o, —5..255. to rP" ,14t1JAey . te r a t 175. to 395. :; e r 48s. tine 5 0 * 361. Os. 38/. 0'.." LETS. ats. 13e311 , •_, 26 2 I 2 6 „a" — 2'2 26 28 36 V 06 23 19 91 26 36 33 oi 30 3_ 5 k 30 21 28 throtighout_t2.:_•:, ItKET.- —Feb. t 4.• 0 ,1 al at this daY C o r. vance of !2s. I), ) was 35., and • 2 retail. li ll er Stone of 14 1 L • .(/ ; 0atmea1........ id ditto ............ , ymeal. ............ lt E s large t o -daYr t er prices, ex reP s• Pease. 0! ,) Id 50s da 1/el 46s (ki 44 1 kl 44s Oa Ms, &C. t° '' s Butter, lb. F. j 0 r, per cu t. , per doz. 0 0 `, l traw(kp:.) 7 ," gat Ditto,.. , zy Ditto , per 1 KET.—Feh. V. 0 , „. ate, per 2141 t, ................ 140 ............. cans, per :200%240 ish ............. :ish .............. 0 C, Scottish •0 neat, per 1401 b. 4 0 r, per It K ETS. ogt ,, : t; rley, 13i. 14 , -Barley, 1 . 23. 0 0 1 rley, 134. Od.- - ;,pt Od.—BarleY," ' , 13s. Od. to 0.41 Barley, -- - s• ad, " to &I.—Pork, )d.—Barley , - -Barley, 123. to Lmb, Od. Tol ,GENCE. h last ThursdY • 'age Standar, , a m onth ° :heshire, the seat,' 'ed a reinarkibiii, • the highest treepi, I was. mortally' c‘r,°,i it was a sea 557,0: fol. in form and Fiireti t of the o ther , t c 'e t ' This gre3 . History Societi',lfr: iseum, it bei lis „,Be °d the society 1 0 1 j the ma il aia rf ,' ' hours a f te r Ji In one of 00 g:) stop e tliorolV an d tha th ws On Tuesday its usual level, ruary, r j . : l ' 1 Monday a th considerable p,! to such a height) et these vesselg pt r, sub;icling r IftS V • l OND, 4:341 -A Second t PUtaiShed, eficter',l principal Cbas Or) niises to h old aU re ram e 3 f i historie.tl e idual exc. elleoc;cf!( ;h annals, and de I ful period in °dl. is with Ow st°ti6 record of G r p,tbello the yoke wag be 0 - 1 , peOp!e• to ef f , ages wilereWit arY away ` o 0 au thor on .°,... j o r eV ° 1! i tive Irish of t' go, ill b e enabled t:. ,1 io° in that dis triet Lglish Oucen• l l f t ) `" •ent, the la d y o TY of R. J. 1": 46 t . I).bt gor Lurc h, the Sir Thomas V' I), Ileining, ng, of the ~ of Grave't" yo A o r, .00 1 h Broniltonpton, N:naryßo, . Pc' f Ile'' 4 ld e nly, the ~1/4t, mi. S.. itif i hitt, of Pe,v1;121000,44 i ie late Gel , . - 04.0 •y-le-Stra+, •ye Pringle, q iila C . ' 3 the East 111, , • , 4 T , V . * :vt " URDO YO 4,... CAIN!) 1,0"(P°. - - €---7 fr .. , .... 4 , 41 , V) , I;,11 , 0 ~;k 4 ) r ,t a iii . ..„ .s. 1 , -- " 4 ' / ~., -! c 1inu 4:,7:11,./ e . , ,f,.3). 5...... - - r ,, - - - ; 1 , ' ,sO .-,' c 7 -, --, 6 i i---7, 4 , r/ ~N ~s 0 10 r" l'„N , • * - 4` ..- 1 ' '----- 11,-*\ . \\,, ..,. , 4 4 , rg- --, ke 'I ( t ~,....,,..._.., 1 , ,i ~ • _, , 4 WA . lit , , -,:*. 1! iad.lifr :, (I lt tf?-- '-'" I T_ tta LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 15, 1831. `uncl of France amounts to 8 1 ,000,000 f. , or 3,200,000/. being about a third of the interest of the debt. In the French budget of the Interior, we have charges for the support of the clergy, for the administration of the pro vince., for roads and bridges, and other items, which would have amounted formerly to 8.000,000 f. a year, none of which are paid out of the British Treasury. In the Misistry of Justice we find an expense of 48,000,000 f., or nearly 2,000,0001. sterling, a very small portion of which figures in the general expenditure of Great Britain. Nothing can be more strikingly con trasted than the pay of our Judges and that of the Judges in France. The provincial Judges in France live upon 1,200 f., or 50/. a year ; and even the Paris Judges have salaries only of 6,000 f., or 2401. The Counsellors, or Judges of the Royal Courts. enjoy salaries of 2,500 f. a year. We need not mention the difference between this allowance and that of the English Judges. The difference is as striking between the numbers of the former and that of the latter. It is pleasing to see the amount of money devoted this year to internal improvements in France. Prince Polignac had intended to apply the savings resulting from a proposed reduction of the Five per Cents. to Four, to internal improvements. The funds have since fallen to such an extent, as to render any hope of such a reduc tion very distant, but M. Lafitte proposes to apply nearly 2,000,0001. sterling to the making and repair of roads, —a most necessary object, for the roads of France are now in a disgraceful state for a civilized country. The manner in which the French Government intend to pro vide ways and means for the extraordinary expenditure of 219,773,7001. (or nearly 9,000,0001.), is by treasury bonds, and the sale of wood on the Government domains. We looked with some interest to observe whether the new Government of France had (rude any change in the provisions for the church, and are happy to find that no spoliation of the inferior clergy is proposed in the Minis ter's speech, whatever may be done by members of the Chamber. The Cardinals and Prelates are, however, de prived of the allowances formerly granted them above the stipulated salary of Bishops.— Times. The duty on transfers of stock has been abandoned, as we stated yesterday it would be. " The Governor of the Bank of England (said Lord Althorp) told him there would be no difficulty whatever in the collection—none in making the distinction between the two species of sale. And when it was said that the Bank could not have given the extensive accommodation it (lid in 1825, under a duty, be had simply to declare, in reply, that every accommo dation might have, in like manner, been given if the tax were in operation. Neither did he admit that anything which he had heard the other night in the least tended to convince him that in laying on this (hay, he would be committing a breach of the public faith.—(Hear, hear.) If he had suspected that such would be the case—if he had the least idea of it—he would be the last man in the world to advance the proposition.—(Cheers. ) But he thought then as he thought still, that the tax might have been imposed without any breach of public faith.—(Hear, hear.) However, after• the opposition the measure had met with in that House, he certainly would not persevere. The opposition he met with was such, that he should have at least great difficulty in persevering, and therefore he thought it right to take the first oppor tunity to relieve the public from suspense.—(Hear.)— His Lordship had, in fact, no alternative, after the oppo sition he encountered ; and he has therefore acted wisely in at once abandoning it. The consequence of this aban donment is the retaining of two of the taxes proposed to be reduced or repealed—those on tobacco and glass. °• With respect to tobacco (he said) misconception prevailed as to the motive of the Government in proposing the reduction. It was not as a relief to the poor, but to diminish smuggling, and add to the consumption. The reduction upon raw tobacco to Is. 6d. per lb. would have annihi lated smuggling on the coast of Ireland, where it prevailed to a great extent, because the profit would he so very trifling as to render the risk too great for the smuggler." We had imagined that the reduced duty would still afford a sufficient temptation to the smuggler ; but this was only conjecture. The tax on the transfer of land is to be abandoned, as well as that on stock. As it was to be expected, various objections were started last night to several of the commutations. With respect to the duty on raw cotton, it was said, that it would exclude the low priced cotton of the East Indies. The Cape wine had its advocates. Lord Howick showed that the wine was the most unprofitable of all the branches of industry at the Cape. " Was it not much better (he said) to check it at once, and to turn the capital employed on it into more productive channels ?—(Hear, hear.)_ That capital had long ago reached the maximum of profit which it could attain, except by the adulteration of other wines. He did not think that any one could suppose it was right to uphold a trade by poisoning his Majesty's subjects. For one bottle of Cape wine, sold as such, there were twenty disposed of in making up an in!erior article under the name of other wines." The Canada timber trade, too, was brought forward. There is not one commodity which may. sot be obtained if we only disregard price and quality, in some of our own pos sessions. But, as was stated by Mr. Spring Rice, " It was also important to bear in mind that much timber came from Canada, which, in fact, was not American timber. It was largely shipped from the Baltic, and having arrived at Canada, it acquired the character and privileges of Canadian timber, and that was a species of fraud which ought and would be put an end by the duty in future to be imposed." We suppose the shipping interest will contend that they ought not to be deprived of the profit reaped from the double conveyance from the Baltic to Canada, and from Canada to England. The great strength of the Opposition, last night, lay i n the repetition of the declamation as to the breach of faith with the public creditor. Though Lord Althorp, in the most candid manner, announced, in the very com mencement of the discussion, the determination to aban don the tax on transfers, Mr. Goulburn and his friends would not abate Ministers a single sentence of their long, prosy arguments. Mr. Powlett Thomson observed, that the country could not hope to be relieved by cornmuta• tion of taxes, so long as the expenditure of the country continued to be what it is. The country is eager, how ever, for a reduction of expenditure ; and let us hope that further reductions may be made.—Morn. Chron. It sometimes happens that a Minister out of office is more enlightened than a patriot in place. Much drink ing of the cup of power, like copious draughts of the cup of intemperance, has a sort of intoxicating effect on most men's minds, which disturbs the clearness of their perceptions. It is, therefore, we presume, that during the long course of years in which Sir Robert Peel was in office, he never could perceive the hardship and mi sery which the coal tax occasioned to the poorer classes of society ; but, no sooner is the chalice of Ministerial en joyment removed from his lips, than he seems to look on human affairs through a clearer atmosphere. He sees distress, of the existence of which he had previously no notion, and laments the sufferings of the poor with a kindliness of sympathy f or w hi c h the w or ld (lid not g ive him credit. Many a time have we endeavoured to bring under his view, and that of the Administration of which lie was so prominent a Member, the oppressive consequences to the industrious poor of this very coal tax, of which, at the moment of its removal by his successor, lie has detected and exposed all the evils. He no w tells Parliament where petitions against that tax had often been read and co nsi gned to oblivion, while he was Minister,parliasmvietlniotuta t h e:ic b iting a passing remar k—h e now tells knew of no o ne c i rcumstance which would produce greater benefit, whether physical or moral, to the poorer classes, than whatever facilitated their obtaining a sufficient supply of coals at a moderate price. He was of opinion that the relative difference, in regard to the amount of physical comforts enjoyed by the poorer and wealthier classes in th e coun t ry , was more felt in the increased ability of the latter to purchase a suffi ciency of fuel than in any other circumstance. To subject the poorer classes to such difficulties in o bt a i n i ng so neces sary an article as fuel did seem contrary to all principles of justice and go od policy." Who could have sup posed, that heard these sentiments, and had not known the previous career of the Right Honourable Gentle man, that he had been for many years in office without once opening his lips before to denounce this oppressive tax, of which he now exposes the injustice and bad policy in the language of generous indignation. We have not unfrequeutly spoken of the immorality of our present syst e m of taxation, and we have instanced the coal tax as peculiarly immoral. Now what does Sir Robert Peel say touching this view of the subject ? He says, " the difficulty of procuring sufficient fuel affected the moral condition of the poorer classes. At all seasons fuel was necessary more or less, and in winter the poor must have fuel to enable them to go on with the labour by which many of them gained their subsistence. If they had not the means of purchasing it they naturally betook themselves to pilfering from the woods and demesnes of their wealthier neighbours--and this, besides confounding right and wrong in their minds, necessarily created a degree of ill will between those whose property was stolen, and those who were of necessity compelled as it were to turn pilferers. A state of animosity was, therefore, engendered between the. poor and rich, by the difficulty which the poor found in obtaining a supply of fuel." Now why did these cogent and unanswerable objections to a coal tax occur to the mind of Sir Robert Peel, on this occasion, for the first time? Why did he never suggest them to former Chan cellors of the Exchequer, who had been his colleagues, and more especially to his friend Mr. Goulburn ? In truth, there is something about the " Opposition side" of the House which has a wonderful effect in illuminating men's minds upon the actual state of the country, and the inju rious consequences of various foolish measures of the col lective wisdom, which appeared to be perfectly unobjec tionable when seen through the " golden mist" that enve lopes the Treasury benches. We trust that, if Sir Robert Peel should ever find himself again on the seat of power he will recollect that a bad system of taxation may demo ralise a people, and that there are crimes for which the dolinquent deserves pity, and the legislator punishment.- -Morning Herald. Our readers will see with regret, from the proceedings of the two Houses of Parliament last night, that the small tax proposed to be levied on funded property has, in con sequence of the opposition offered to it in the City, been abandoned by his Majesty's Ministers, and that the taxes on glass and tobacco must be continued. For the adoption of this course we were not assuredly prepared ; sad much as we are inclined to give credit to any Minister who shows due deference to public opinion, we must be frank to own that, in the present instance, his Majesty's Ministers have been but too ready to yield, and have yielded, not to public opinion, but to the interested manoeuvres of a junta in the City, who get their daily bread by deal ing on the Exchange, and whose business in this way might have been affected by the proposed tax. The Go vernment ought to have stood firm to its proposal, and shown its determination to release industry from its tram mels, and increase the comforts of the working classes by increasing their employment. The country would have supported it; and from all that passed in either House of Parliament, we see no reason to doubt that it would also have found ample support in them. The proposed con tinuation, in consequence, of the tax on glass will be, . . . if not a serious evil, at least a serious diminution of an attainable good—a serious drawback on an increase of em ployment—and a serious obstacle to the improvement of a manufacture in which we are excelled by almost every country in Europe. The abolition or diminution of the tax would have given rise, not only to an increased consumption, but to corresponding improvements in the quality of the article. So also with the tobacco trade. The duty, as every one knows, is extravagantly high, and has given rise to an enormous system of smuggling, which would have been in a great measure done away with by a reduction of the duty. With respect to the condemnation of the consumption of the article, the Chancellor of the Exchequer had nothing to do with it. It may be useful or it may be hurtful ; and the only facts that he had to deal with in considering it were, that tobacco was consumed to a great extent, and principally by the working classes, whom it was his object to relieve, and that the high duty upon it was not only a great burthen upon them, but led to smuggling, and a consequent ',de terioration of the public morals. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, therefore, determined to abandon as much of it as he conceived could well be spared from the receipts of the Exchequer ; and we would fain hope, notwith standing his unwilling desertion of the land and fund tax, that he will still be persuaded to continue the reduction. We have no doubt that the modified, would be as pro ' ductive to the Treasury as the high, tax. In addition to the above taxes, it will be seen that a discussion was got up on Cape wines, and Canada timber, and on the most senseless grounds. With regard to the former, they may, or may not, be taxed ; for the public generally cares nothing about the matter ; but with respect to Canada timber, the sooner its importation ceases the better. It possesses no one quality but cheapness to recommend it, in comparison with the Baltic timber.-3forn. Advertiser. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF COMMONS. NOTICES OF MOTIONS AND ORDERS OF THE DAY WHICH STAND IN TIIE ORDER-ROOK FOR. THE PRESENT WEEK. TUESDAY, FEB. 15, NOTICES OF MOTIONS. 1. Mr. Alderman Waithman—Resolutions relating to the Trade and Manufactures of the Country. 2. Mr. Hobhouse—Bill to repeal the Laws relating to Appren tices in Cotton and other Factories, and in Cotton and other Mills, and to make further provisions in lieu thereof. 3. Lord Viscount Althorp—To refer Papers and Accounts relat ing to Windsor Castle and Buckingham Palace to a Select Committee. 4. Lord Viscount Althorp—Game Laws. 5. Mr. Dominick Browne—Petition from the Western part of Ireland, relating to the want of food in that district. 6. Mr. Trench—Bill to amend the Irish Election Acts. ORDERS OF THE DAY. 1. Wigan Election Petitions—Ballot for Committee at three. 2. Wexford Election Petition—Ballot for Committee at ten mi nutes after three. 3. Game Bill—Committee. 4. Arbitration Bill—Second reading. 5. Roman Catholic Charities Bill—Second reading. WEDNESDAY, FEB. 15, ORDERS OF THE DAY. 1. Heritable Infeftments.(Scotland) Bill—Second reading. 2. Turnpike Roads (Scotland) Bill—Second reading. 3. Settlement of the Poor Bill—Thir d reading. re s a O p n plication of Corporate Funds the Public Accounts. THUR SDAY, FEB. 17, NOTI CES OF SIOTIONS. to the purpose s of Election of Members to serve in Par t?". Sir M r . 11ry Evans—BillPar ntoll etlec , ted Th b a ) ; liamene. etTalini°dCmands the attention ci this the ti c O o a r t r h u s p i t n s l t ' a a t r e lia o - f S. Mr. Robert Grant —Removal of Civil Disabilities from the Parlia ment now pending. House. Browne—Bill to 5. Mr. Dominick empower Catholic Bishops in Ireland to accept Conveyances, in fee simple or by lease, Jews, unless previously to them and their successors, of lands not exceeding a certain number of acres in each parish, for the building of 4. Mar t tes ß o o f ro C u h g a li nt o l o f s T,l Catholic Churches thereon, for Mensal purposes only. ORDERS OF THE nay. 1. Carlow Election Petition—Ballot for t ommittee at three. 2. Truro Election Petitions—Ballot for Committee at five mi nutes after three. 3. Winche.isea Election Petition—Ballot for Committee at ten minutes after three. 4. Land Tax Commi,,,ioners Names Bill—Committee. 5. Evesham Elect ion Committee—S p ecial Re p ort to be considered. 6. Building Act Amendment Bill—Committee. FRIDAY FEU. 18, ORDERS OF THE DAY. 1. H ous e to be called over. 2. I ., anzies Regulatiin (Scotland) Bill—Second reading. 3. Tailzies Relief (Scotland) Bill—Second reading. 4. Tailzies Amendment (Scotland) Bill—Second reading. 5. Labouri n g Poor Bill—Second readin g. 6. Liability of Landlords Bill—Second reading. 7. Colonial Trade Bill—Second reading. NOTICE OF MOTION. Mr. Williams Wynn—Army Estimates. (In Committee of SuPPIY) NAsU DEFORMITIES.—A mong the many, which at the West end are called improvements, we learn anot h er monstrous t erm i nat i on to a real i mprovement h as been, after considerabl e cav illi ng, a d opte d b y t h e sage issioners of the W oo d s an d F orests . Th e open i ng from Carlton-terrace i n t o S t. J ames ' s P ar k , i nstea d o f a grand entrance for carriages and pedestrians, it is at length decided shall be a bro a d i m i tat i on o f t h e passage b etween D e vonshire and Lansdow ne H ouses , by th ree flights of stone steps, in a reg u l ar gra d at i on o f d escent, f or t h e easy re duction of the overgro wn popu l a ti on o f thi s vas t metro polis. The model of the proposed improvements in the ot C n n area of the late Royal stables, at Charing-cross, bar, at length, reached the office of the Woods and Forests; and, it is expected, will shortly be submitted to the inspection o f every architect and man of taste in the kingdom— Ministers being determined that, in future, all public works shall have the advantage of public competition of talent and estimate.-- Sunday Times. A GOOD SIMT.—On Monday last Mr. Smarr, of Trengwainton, killed 26 brace of snipes in 41 hours. APPALLING DISTRESS IN DUBLIN.--It is our melancholy duty this day to state a fact which is of the most heart-rending nature. From the inquiries which have been made within the last few days into the state of the poor in that district of Dublin known as Francis-street parish, it has been found that out of a population of 25,000 persons, there are 6,000 in a state of absolute want. In part of that district several human beings of blth sexes, of the ages of 14 and 15 years, were found completely naked, and huddled together in corners of the rooms, in the vain endeavour to retaiu some heat in their bodies. —Dublin Morning Register. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY 14. Petitions were presented by various Noble Lords, fcr the repeal of the malt duties, the revision of the corn lawL, Parliamentary Reform, and reduction of taxation. Mr. BARING, and others from the Commons, brought up a request from the flou•e of Commons, for permission for the attendance of the Lord Chancellor before the Select Committee on the salaries and emoluments of public offices. The LORD CHANCELLOR, after reading the re quest, observed that he was anxious to inform their Lord. ships of his wish to be allowed to attend the Committee. It would greatly relieve his mind on the subject which he should have to propound to their Lordships to-morrow evening. On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, leave was given to Lis Lordship to attend the Committee to-morrow. The Duke of NORFOLK presented a petition from Sheffield, praying that House to grant a full and efficient Reform of Parliament. The town of Sheffield had at the present moment a population of more than 80,000 persons. Its' trade and manufactures were eve!) , day increasing, and it certainly could not be contended, on any principles of justice, or on any theory of the Constitution, that a town of such importance should be without representatives, while places containing scarcely twenty inbalaitioats returned two Members to the House of Commons. Several other petitions were presented to the same effect. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM obser►ed, that he had heard, from common report, that it was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers to put a duty on the transfer of stock, and he should therefore take this opportunity of giving notice, considering it a measure that was in direct breach of the public faith, that when the Bill for carrying this measure into effect was brought be fore the House, he should consider it his duty to call the attention of their Lordships to it, in the hope of inducing their Lordships to express an opinion upon a measure which he considered was one of the most revolu tionary measures ever attempted to be brought into Parlia ment by any Ministers. Esrd GREY said, that it was quite clear that the Noble Lord had no need to give the notice be had done, as no Bill, either upon this subject or any other, could be brought before the House without being brought under the discussion and notice of that House. Before he gave the Noble Duke any answer to his question he begged to inform him that he could not sit there and hear it stated by any . Nohle Lord that measures which were brought forward by his Majesty's Government were of a revolutionary character— or a breach of faith. If he thought the measure deserved the appellation given to it by the Noble Duke, be should have been one of the last men to have consented to its pro posal for the consideration of Parliament. So far from considering it of a revolutionary character he, at the time of agreeing to its proposal to Parliament, believed it to be the one best calculated to promote the gene ral interests of the country, and to give an activity to the industry and perseverance of its manufacturers. His Majesty's Ministers, knowing how necessary it was to re lieve the industrious classes of the community from some of the taxes that pressed so heavy upon them, thought the best course to adopt was to resort to this tax. In taking off some of the taxes his Majesty's Ministers had been anxious to impose others which would operate with but little pressure on the public interest, and would not affect the industry of the country.—On every principle of justice and sound policy, therefore, he did conceive that he was at liberty to make these alterations, and that there was nothing either inequitable or unjust in attempting to transfer a portion of the public burthens to a species of property that had hitherto been free from all the difficul ties and misfortunes which necessarily attacked the manu facturing, the commercial, and the agricultural interests of the country, and which had, on the contrary, greatly increased in value and advantages throughout all the changes which affected others.—(Hear, bear.)—lt ap peared to him, therefore, both fair, just, and equitable, that the fundholders should begin to contribute something to the relief of the burthens which pressed on their fellow subjects, and he could not agree that in doing so he was guilty of any breach of faith to one class more than to the other.—(Hear.) —ln what did the true interests of the fundholder consist ? Why, in the prosperity of every other class in the empire—(Hear)—and when he proposed the reductions of taxation for which the duty imposed on transfers was to have been one of the equivalents, lie could not doubt that the fundholders would benefit by those re ductions i❑ a proportion commensurate with the whole of the sum of which they were to be deprived.—(Hear.).— It was said, however, by the Noble Duke and others, that the tax on the fundholder would be a breach of faith. He admitted there was an Act of Parliament which would bear a construction in support of that assertion ; but there were circumstances of some importance to be adduced in a consideration of that question. He was not one of those who meant to justify one breach of faith to the public creditor by a preceding breach of faith, but it was impossible not to see that this tax was a species of propetty tax; and could they then avoid looking back to the time when a large property tax was imposed on all the funded property, as well as every other kind of property in the country..—(Hear.)— The country had a right to call for an imposition of a tax on the property of every class of the people, and it bad not escaped his attention that there was at this ♦ery mo ment a general call for the imposition of a tax on pro perty.—( Hear. )—He, however, was one of those who had a very great objection to the imposition of such a tax in times of peace ; and he had therefore given his consent the rather to the imposition of a duty on transfers, a]- though many of those who now opposed it, and who com plained that it was a tax on property, would hare had no objection to a direct tax being imposed on all descrip tions of landed and funded property.—(Hear. )—lt was for the reason he had already stated, and because he thought a direct tax on funded property would tend more than anything else to drive capital out of the country that he gave the plan his cordial concurrence, and entertained a hope that it would be adopted. A strong impression had however been produced against the principle of the mea sure elsewhere, and difficulties, not anticipated at the time it was prepared, had been suggested as to the practicabi lity of carrying it into effectual execution. From the nature of the transaction to which any discovery of the intentions of the Government would give rise, it had been found impossible to consult those who weir generally well acquainted with the details of such a measure ; but the Noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had the authority of one of the first mercantile men in the city—an authority, the force of which every Noble Lord would at once recognise—as a sanction it the practicability of the proposition.—(Hear, hear.) Looking, however, at the difficulties which it is said would attend the collection of such a tax, and he must ho nestly say, looking still more at the very general feeling of dissent which had been expressed both in and out of doors, his Noble Friend had, he understood, given notice of his intention to withdraw it.—(Hear, hear.) A Noble Friend near him asked who was the authority at whose recommendation his Noble Friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) brought forward the plan, and he had no he sitation in saying that it was the Governor of the Bank of England. Having said thus much, be could reply to the Noble Duke, that there was to be no such tax imposed as that to which the Noble Duke had with so much eagerness expressed his hostility. He confessed, however, it did grieve him to be deprived of the resource which he anti cipated from this tax, because it would he necessary for the Government to abandon the contemplated reduction of some of those taxes, which could not, in the present state of the public finances, be justifiably given up. He repeated he was sorry for this, because, if the financial measures of his Noble Friend had been allowed to go on, such relief would have been afforded to the commercial and manufacturing interests ofthe country, and such an im provement might have taken place in the revenue, that Go vernment would probably have had the satisfaction to come down next year with the proposition for the repeal of many other taxes.—( Hear, hear,) The result would create much disappointment, but the fault was not theirs. The Govern ment had exercised, and would continue to exercise, their utmost endeavours for the relief of the burthens of the people; but their resources were unfortunately limited, weakened, and curtailed by the objections taken to that tax which they had thought it just and equitable to pro pose. He could say no more than that be was at all times ready to meet any attack which the Noble Duke might think proper to make on the measures of the Government; and although that Government had met with difficulties in the accomplishment of an object which they considered most desirable, they were determined to persevere as long as Parliament was willing to give them its aupport.—. (Hear, hear.) The transfer tax, he repeated, was with drawn, and the Noble Duke would have no opportunity to make the opposition which he had threatened.—(Hear. ) The Marquis of LONDONDERRY expressed his re gret that any measure which was intend e d to impose on landed and funded property its fair proportion of-taxation, and that too at a time when every hour showed the con dition of the Government and the country to be becoming more critical, should meat with opposition. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM congratulated th e House on the withdrawal of the tax to which he had thought it necessary to allude, and begged to know if he was to understand the Nohle Earl as saying that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had no I ther opinion than the in dividual one of the Governor of the Bank in favour of his plan ? . Earl GREY said, that he had not used the words " ap- probation of the plan." His Noble Friend had consulted the Governor of the Bank, and received an opinion from him that there would be no difficulty in collecting a tax on transfers ; but he did not say he expressed approbation of that plan. The Earl of WINCHILSEA was very far from show ing the feeling of congratulatio❑ expressed by the Noble Duke ; on the contrary, he regretted rruch that time (hill- culty of collecting such a tax had compel' d the Govern_ ment to withdraw it, as it was the general opinion of all classes that the fundholder should be compelled to contri bute his share to the support ~f the state. It was said that there was a breach of faith in taxing the fundholder. He saw none, but he did see a breach of faith towards all other classes, in taxing them for the exclusive benefit of the fundhohh-r, and in compelling them to pty twen , y shillings for every thirteen shillings they had borrowed.— (Hear, hear.) He could not but think that a well-mo dified income tax would be mo.t beneficial to the Govern- Meat, as well as most grateful to the country. Lord FARNHAM said, it seemed to him extremely inconsistent to contend that the holders of property in money should not be compelled to contribute anything to wards their own protection. Ilis objection to the tax just abindoned was, that it must he considered a tax on the transfer of property, rather than on the property itself._ For his part, he shou'd he glad to hear of the proposal of a direct tax on all property, funded as well as lauded, acid . . even on all mortgages, so that the produce would he of such an amount as would enable the Government to re- peal all the assessed taxes and the land tax. The time was fast approaching when they might again he required to make great exertions to preserve their country. All Europe was arming ; and although the Government of this country was, as perhaps it ought to do, resting on its oars, yet it was plain that they could not go on without a thorough alteratio❑ cif that system of taxation which had to, long been carried on. Lord ELLENUOROUGH took the opportunity to observe, that the Noble and Learned Lord (Lord Brougham) had b , en opposed to the property tax in the other House of Parliam;nt, and he recollected well the speeches he uttered en those occasions. Judging from them, and from the opposition be offered to that tax in time of peace, he anticipated an equally successful objec tion on the present occasion. He rose, however, to ask the Noble Marquis opposite (Lord Lansdowne), in the ,bsence of his friend, the President of the Board of Trade Lord Auckland), what was the return of the resolution imposing new duties on foreign timber. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said be really could not answer, as the resolutions were not yet drawn up. Lord ELLENBOHOUGH took it to be a great prac tical error that they were not ; but surely the Noble Mar quis was able to state the substance of them, as the nature of the alterations must be known to hint as one of the Members of the Government. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE really could not venture to anticipate the statement which would be made by his Noble Friend in the other House on this subject ; but the moment that statement was made, 1w should b e most happy to give the Noble Baron every information in his power connected with the duties in question. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the Noble Baron (Ellenborough), good butnouredly no doubt, but somewhat sarcastically, had t iken an opportunity to allude to his speeches delivered some time ago elsewhere, with a wish of probably inducing him to resume them in that House, and in the sime spirit; as the Noble Marquis had once been Chancellor of the Exchequer, he seemed to wish bins to assume the same character in the place of the Noble Lord who held that office. It was quite true that he had expressed himself during the debates in question an enemy to a property tax in time of peace, and he repeated now that he still continued to hold that most hateful impost as wedded to the mother of all burthens, the parent of all ' evils, the promoter of all mischief and all misfortune—he meant equally hateful war. lie, thei efore, now, as he had always dune, declared himself adverse to this tax, unles4 in time of war, and repeated his opinion that a property, or rather an income tax—for they were very different—must be held impolitic, and opposed to all the ti tie principles of finance. When the Noble Lord (Farnham) said that a property tax might be imposed instead of other direct taxes, he did not know that an equal property tax might not be very properly made the subject of consideration, if circumstances should arise to call for it, but such circumstances did not appear to him to exist at present. Circumstances, no doubt, might arise, in which it might be mater of justice as well as policy to raise the necessary taxes in a manner different from that in which they were now raised. But he most positively denied that the tax on the transfer of stock would have been any breach of public faith towards the fundholders, and it was not on that ground that it was abandoned. It would have been no very great hardship on the fundholders, as a body ; for out of the 600,000 fundholders, 580,000 were annuitants, who placed their money in the funds with a view to allow it to remain there as a source of annual income, and, therefore, very seldom made any transfer; and, in point of fact, no alarm was felt among the great body of the fundholders, and no transfer had been made on account of any such feeling. It had not been considered, that a tax on the transfer of funded property was at all more olijectionable than a tax on the transfer of landed property, and that was the whole of the measure. And, indeed, the Noble Lord, a kinsman of the Minister of 1793, could not, with any con sistency, object to the tax in question on the ground of faith, unless he was prepared to admit that the conduct of the Minister of 1798, who had imposed the income tax, equally on funded and landed property, was guilty of a breach of faith ; for there were words in a preceding Act of Parliament equally strong against such a measure as the words of the Act now alluded to. But in 1798; it was agreed on all hands that the funds should not be exempted from the income tax. It was, in his opinion to be lament ed, that the difficulty in the collection should have made it necessary to withdraw this tax, which, he was assured, would have been beneficial to the fundholders thetthelvrs, who would have shared largely in the advantages which manufactures and commerce would derive from being set free from other taxes. It would have been highly desir able to have a tax on the transfer of funded as will as landed property, so as to enable them to repeal taxes which bore heavily on the freedom and energy of manufacturing and commercial industry. Whether some other means might not be found to make up the deficiency, he did not know ; but there was great reason to believe that these taxes must still be retained. But he repeated that the ground of breach of faith was not the cause of the aban denmeut of the tax. But when the Noble Lord said that a property tax might be imposed equally on funded and landed property, he should pause on that in the pre sent circumstances of the country. The Noble Lord knew that at the titne when a duty of 10 per cent. was imposed on income, whether arising from funded or lan - led pro perty, the ocuntry was at war, anti there was no fear at that time that those who had capital in our funds would sell out and place it in the French funds, considering the loss they would sustain in the rate of interest, and the risk which they would run of losing their capital.— But how did the case stand now ? Here they were sitting in a place where there were many landholders and few stockholders, and a disposition would natu rally exist to impose taxes on the funds in proportion to those on land. But they would not now lay the flattering unction to their souls that the property would then remain in the funds of this country in the same manner as during the war. They ought to consider that there was now a free communication between England and France, and that Paris was as near to London as Yorkshire, and that the Three per Cents. there might be purchased for 60 francs, while the English Three per Cents. were at SU The stockholder was a man of no country—here to-day and there to-morrow ; and if a heavy duty should be imposed on the funds corresponding to the duties on land, the consequence would be that the capital would be taken away to another country. After such a tax should have been imposed, there would be little inducement to the fundholder to allow his property to re main here, when be might so easily transfer his capital to the French funds, on which no such tax had been im posed, bat which remained in the same state as before. There was a broad distinction, therefore, between the tines and circumstances, arid that was a strong reason fur not resorting to a measure now which had been found iu 1798 of such easy execution. But he had seen no ohjec tion in that view to the imposing a Lis on the !I slet- of funded property. Now, however, it was to betowiht and he feared that the two taxe s which ' repealed in consideration of this Las Lun: s ts r t e ill be kept up) PRICE 7D.