The Sun. — London, England, 1827-07-07 00:00:00

paid to, the i n dividual makingthe seizure, over and above his share of the general distribution.—And if there shall be more than one person, such tenth part shall be divided and distributed amongst the persons actually making the seizure, or present thereat, and co-operating therein, over and above their respective shares of the general distribution, in the following proportions, viz. To the sea lieutenants, captains of marines, and masters, ten shares each. To lieutenants and quarter-masters of marines, second masters, pursers, surgeons, boatswains, gun ners, carpenters, mates, and pilots, nine shares each. To assistant-surgeons, and all other persons (ex cept mates and pilots) comprehended in the said ge neral scheme, under the denomination of the first class of petty officers, eight shares each. To all persons comprehended in the same scheme, under the denomination of the second class of petty officers, seven shares each. To 1.1 able seamen, ordinary seamen, landmen, marines, and all other persons, six shares each. Eighthly.—And it having been found expedient, for the more effectually carrying on the said service on shore, to increase the number of sea lieutenants, and to diminish the number of mates and midship men employed therein ; and it being therefore ex pedient, in order to give an adequate proportion of seizures to the lieutenants, that an apportionment should be made of the shares of seizures amongst ;the commissioned and warrant officers, and first class of petty' officers, employed on shore as aforesaid, dif ferent to v. - hat is proposed in the general scheme before set forth, it is further humbly submitted to your Majesty's so,:_sideration, That the three-eighth equal parts appointed by the said scheme to be si',stributed amongst the said three classes (after the dedue:.;on of one-tenth part, 11 as above proposed), shall be unit .and, being e sub divided into equal parts or shares, shalt :he distribut ed in the following proportions, viz. To each individual in the class of sea lieutenOltss five shares. To each individual (except assistant-surgeons) in the class of warrant-officers. including mates and pilots, three shares. And to the assistant-surgeons, and each indivi dual in the class denominated the first class of petty officers (except mates and pilots), two shares. And that in all other respects, save as herein ex cepted, the distribution of rewards for the detention of smugglers, and for seizures under the laws relating to the Revenue of Customs, shall be made accord ing to the general scheme before set forth. And to prevent any misunderstanding of these re gulations, it is further most humbly proposed, that all the officers and crews belonging to any of your Majesty's ships or vessels employed in the service usually denominated the Coast Blockade Service, and on the muster-books of which ships or vessels the persons stationed and employed on shore shall be borne, shall, whether actually on shore or afloat, be considered as part of the force employed on shore within the meaning of these regulations. Ninthly.—ln case any difficulty shall arise in re spect to any of the regulations hereby proposed, and not herein sufficiently provided for, the same shall be referred to me, or to the Lord High Admiral, or to the Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, and my directions, or those of the Lord High Admiral, or of such Commissioners as Aforesaid for the time being, thereupon shall be final, and have the same force and effect as if herein stated. Lastly. With regard to the preparations of the lists for the distribution of seizures. I beg most humbly to pfopose, that the Captains and Commanders of your Majesty's ships ad vessels of war shall, on making any seizure, transmit as soon as may be, or cause to be transmitted td the Com missioners of the Navy, a true and perfect of the names of all the officers, seamen, marines, soldien'S and others, who were actually on board of his Ma jesty's ships or vessels of war under their command at the time of the seizure, and also those who were absent on duty at such time; which list shall con tain the quality of the service of each person on board, together with the description of the men taken from the description books of the capturing ships or vessels, and their several ratings, and be subscribed by the Captain or Commanding Officer, and three or more of the Chief Officers on board. And the Commissioners of the Navy, or any three or more of them, shall examine, or cause to be examined, such lists by the muster books of such ships and vessels and lists annexed thereto, to see that such lists do agree with such muster books and annexed lists, as to the names, qualities, or ratings of tbe officers, seamen, marines, soldiers, and others belonging to such ships and vessels ; and upon re quest shall forthw i t h g rant a certificate, signed by any three or more of them, of the truth of any list transmitted to them, to the agents nominated and appointed by Ole seizors; and also, upon application to them, the said _Commissioners shall give, or cause to be given to the said agents, all such lists from the muster books of any such ships and vessels and an nexed lists, as the agents shall find requisite for their direction in making u t distribution o ch the parties and en titled to share in the pro of s rewards seizures, and shall be othersslise aiding and assisting to the said agents in all such Ma: ters as shall be ne- cessarv. And whereas by an Order in Counejl, dated the 30th of September, 1825, your Majesty ins graci ously pleased to declare and direct that the bounty in respect of the crews of piratical - ships and vessels given by an Act of Parliament, made and passed in the eixth year of your Majesty's reign, eh. 49, enti tiled, 64 An Act for encouraging the capture or d e struction of pirati cal Shi p s and Vessels," and the produce of all ships, vessels, boats, goods, and other props-sty of and taken fro m p irates, and also the bounty in lieu of salvage given by the said last mentioned Act, should be paid, divided, and distri buted in she manner, form, and proportion, ex. pressed in tbe said Order in Council of the 23d day of June, ltQals hereby proposed to be revoked. I do, therefor, further most humbly submit, whether your Majesty will not be graciously pleased also to revoke the said Order of the 30th rectat of Sep tember, 1 825 , and further to declare arid di th the produce of all such ships, vessels, boats, goods and other property of, and taken from pirates, and likewise the several bounties payable under the said l as t mentioned Act, in respect of the crews of such piratical ships, vessels, and boats, and also in lieu of salvag, or in any other respect, shall be paid to and divided atsid distributed amongst the ffi ocers, seamen, marines, soitsliers, and others, who shall have been actually on boas'd any of your Majesty's the ships or vesse ls of war, or hired armed ships, at actual taking, burning, or ot::envise destroying of any ship, vessel, or boat, manned by pirates, or persons en gaged in acts of pi rac y, i n she same manner, form, and proportion, as is ex p res sed in the general scheme herembefore proposed for the distribution of rewards payable under the laws for the prevention of smuggling; save and except that no flag-officer, or other person not actually present at the capture or destruction of the pirate vessel, shall be entitled to share is any distribution of the bounty in respect of she crews of such pirati cal ships, vessels, and boats. , d And whereas by a nother Order in Council the fourteent h dal of March, one thousand e a i ted ght hundre,:,l and twenty-seven, your Majesty was gra ciously pi s ,ased to order and direct, that the pro ceeds, bounties, and other sums of money, payable under an Act of Parliament, made and passed in the fifth year of your Majesty's reign, cap. 113, en titled, " An Act to amend and consolidate the laws relating to the abolition of the Slave Trade," to the commanders, officers, and crews of your Majesty's ships and vessels shou ld be distributed and divided according to the inks and regulations directed and provided by the said Order inCouncil of the twenty third day of June, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-four, which is hereinbefore proposed to be revoked; I do, therefore, further most h um bly pro pose, that your Majesty will be graciously pleased also to revoke the said Order in Council of the four teenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred And twenty-seven; and further declare and direct, th at all and every the proceeds, bounties, and other whjii! shall become payable to the officers, seamen, marines, and soldiers, on board your Majesty's ships and vessels of war, or hired armed ships, under and by virtue of the said Act to amend and consolidate the laws relating to the abo lition of the Slave Trade, in respect of captures and seizures made under tile said Act, shall be divided and distributed amongst such officers, seamen, ma rines, and soldiers, in the same manner, form, and proportion, as is expressed in the general scheme hereinbefore set forth. His Majesty having taken the said report into consideration, was pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to approve thereof, and also of the scheme therein submitted for the future distri bution of seizures amongst the officers, seamen, and marines of his Majesty's Fleet. And the Right Honourable the Lords Commis sioners of his Majesty's Treasury, and his Royal Highness the Lord High Admiral, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respec tively Appertain. JAS. BULLER. MEETING AT MANCHESTER. On Wednesday, at 11 o'clock, pursuant to a re quisition signed by 260 gentlemen of the first res pectability, a public meeting was held in the Town hall, Manchester, " to consider of the propriety of expressing, by address to his Majesty, or in such other or further manner as might be deemed ad visable, their sentiments on the present state of the corn laws, and on the circumstances which led to the abandonment in the House of Lords of the Bill in tended to amend them." The Meeting was very numerously and respect ably attended : George Neden, Esq., the Borough reeve of Manchester, was in the Chair. After the Chairman had read the requisition call ing the Meeting, Mr. G. W. WooD said, that the attention of the people of Great Britain had been often called to the st ,.ate of the corn laws, and they had hitherto had to addres7 the Legislature under somewhat unfavourable circumstansnes; but those under which they were now assemblea were materially different. On for mer occasions they had to contend against his Ma jestv's Government, a:7d against both Houses of h i s Aqiesty's Government and Parliament ;but now the House of Commons were with them, and all that they had to contend with was the .douse of Lords. —(Hear.)—And they might now hope that their exertions would be of some benefit to the interest of the country. The corn law passed in 1815, was the first which acknowledged the principle of a total prohibition of the importation of corn from foreign countries : previously to that time, there was, indeed a duty exacted, but that was the first time that the principle of a total prohibition bad been acknow ledged. That law was passed at the earnest request of the landholders, at a time when the price of grain was low. Since that period the corn law had been much discussed, and was allowed by all to be defec tive. The law as it now stood prohibited the im portation of corn until the price should rise to 80s. per quarter, and then the ports were thrown open, and any quantity of corn might be imported. The consequence was, as had been well described by Lord Liverpool, that grain was excluded until it rose to a famishing prise--until our people were starving; and then it was admitted without any re striction, there was a glut in the market, prices fell, and our agriculturists were completely ruined. This was the effect of the present corn law. But they were told that it was necessary for the farmers to have remunerating prices, and he was one of those who desired that every individual in this country should have remunerating prices for his skill and labour; but believing it to be beyond the power of any legislative body to secure that, he (lid not see 711 y the landed interest should be s so well provided for, while' therest of the community were left to shift for themselces. He had endeavoured to ascertain what had beenheldtotz.aremuneratingprice at differentperiods. In 1774, 48s. pe ; quarter was assumed a remune rating price, after wte'ch a free importation of foreign corn might take place. There was, indeed, a duty beyond that, but it was merely a nominal duty_of on. per quarter. In n - ut the remunerating price was stretched to 545. In 1804 the matter was again discussed, and again an advance was made to 665. In 1815 it was raised to 80s., where it now stood. Thus it had been raised from 48s. to 80s. during the period between 1774 and the present time. He had been curious enough to inquire the prices obtained for cotton twist during the same period. He could not ascertain the price so far back as 1774, but in 1804 he found that the price of 40's mule twist had been 3s. 5d.; in 1815, 3s. 4d. ; in 1822, Is. Bd.; and at the present time, Is. 3d. So that whilst the remunerating price to the agriculturist for his corn had risen from 48s. to 80s., the price of cotton twist had fallen from 3s. sd. to ls. 3d.—(Hear, hear.) —It seemed, from what he had stated, that the remunerating price was capable of indefinite extension. In bad seasons and bad harvests, there was an enormous rise of prices, an immediate rush of importation, and then the prices WA, and the farmer, who in times of high prices had at a considerable expense made much of his land arable, could not obtain remunerating prices; the landownerscould not obtain their rents; they applied to the Parliament, and Parliament advanced the re munerating pricee---(Hear.)—ln a country whose population was still on the increase, while the extent of country was limited, as the people increased, there would be an increased demand for corn and they must either send for it from abroad, or grow it on still poorer and poorer soils, till a remunerating price would be asked for grow ing corn on Blackstone Edge, after being covered with soil carried ap from the neigh bourhood of Manchester.--(Loud laughter.)-- The great question was, shall there be high rents or low rents ? It was a question between the land owners and the people at large.—(Applause.) — He would not be understood to underrate the country gentlemen ; for many of them he had a great respect, but he could not approve of their increasing theirin7 comes at the expense of the body of the people. These arguments which lied been made use of by the landowners had not been satisfactory to his Majesty's Government, nor had they ever been so to him. That law which had been first proposed to the Ca binet by Lord Liverpool, and brought forward by his Majesty's Ministers, and defeated in the House of Lords, was somewhat different from the old law; it substituted for an entire prohibition, turning on the pivot of 80s. per quarter, a scale of duties as the price fluctuated, and turning on the pivot of 60s. It pro ceeded on a calculation made by Lord Liverpool, and proposed that a duty of 20s. should be paid when corn was at 605., being 30 per cent. over and above the expenses of importation. He was of opi nion that the price fixed was too high, and the flue tuation in the amount of duty too great; but, view ing it as a change from the old law, he was happy when he saw it brought forward, and wished to see it passed. This pleasure had, however, been denied; the measure had been defeated in the House of Lords, and he thought it the duty of the people to come forward in support of the Ministers.—(Applause,)-e-It was on these grounds that he put his name to the requisition for calling the present meeting. He was unwilling to reflect on the conduct of individuals, but there were circumstances which, unless they closed their eyes, or were deaf to the signs of the times, could not fail to strike every person as peculiar in the defeat of the late measure. It had been expressly stated by the Prime Minister, in bringing forward the measure, that it had been drawn up by Lord Liverpool; and Mr. Canning, when bringing it forward, held in his hand a brief, which contained that Noblemans views of the subject. The measure had been by Lord Liverpool submitted to the Cabi net, and was to have been brought forward as a Cabinet measure, and they knew that no measure could be brought forward as such unless it had the support of a majority in the Cabinet. They were told this measure was approved of ; and then came the extraordinary fact of five of those Ministers join ing the opposers of the measure, and being institi mental in its defeat.---(Hear.)—With motives he ' had nothing :to do, but the fact was certain very extraordinary. Then, as to the mode; it was done by an amendment, moved by one of the ex-Minis ters, who said, that in doing so, he had the appro bation of a distinguished member of the House of Commons, and also one of his Majesty's Ministers. He (the ex-Minister) had submitted to that gentle man a clause, which showed that he was entirely igno rant of the measure, and that from him no good could he expected. The purpose of the clause was, that corn should be brought out of bond only in the order in which it had been brought into the warehouses,—that B should not be:allowed to dispose'of his corn and take it out of bond, until A had disposed of his. This was found to be ridiculous, and it was abandoned; and instead of it, it was proposed, that an importer of foreign corn ,should be allowed to bring his corn out of bond, having first obtained the permission in writing of all those who had imported before him. To the gentlemen who surrounded him, and who were acquainted with commercial transactions, he (Mr. Wood) thought this would seem ridiculous enough. It would he equally judicious to enact, that no manufacturer who comes to our market should be allowed to sell his calicoes until all the calicoes which had passed the toll-bar before his, shonld be disposed of, or until he had obtained the signatures of the owners of them to a permit, allow ing him to dispose of his.—(Loud laughter.) This proposition was found not to be practicable, and was therefore abandoned. But another was substi tuted, which had for its object the cutting up of the warehousing system. He hoped his Majesty's Mi nisters would be more successful in their exertions at the next meeting of Parliament; but it was the duty of the people to come forward and declare their sentiments. He had expressed an opinion of his Majesty's Ministers, and begged also to e xpr ess his approbation of the hoice which his Majesty had made of a Prime Minister. The men now in office were men eminently qualified to direct measures which would be beneficial to the country at large.— We had seen the Prime Minister, as Secretary of State, relieve us from the trammels of the Holy Alliance,—give the sanction of the British Govern ment to the independence of the South American States,—shield with the powerful arms of Britain our ally Portugal,—enter into negociations with France, for the evacuation of Spain by her armies, —and we had seen him zealous in the cause of hu manity, negotiating with Portugal and Brazil with a view to putting an end to the disgraceful traffic in slaves.—(Applause.) It was the duty of the people to support such a Government as this. It had been, of late, fashionable to throw out sneers against the Prime Minister, more particularly in meetings, miscalled Pitt Clubs ; but let it not be supposed that the opinions of a few Cheshire `Squires were the opinions of the people of England. —(Hear, hear.) His Majesty's Ministers had the whole body of the people along with them. Mr. Wood concluded by proposing the first resolution, which was seconded by Mr. Taylor. Mr. SHUTTLEWORTH said, though the new sys tem of corn-laws, which has been defeated in the House of Lords, is not calculated in my opinion, nor in the opinion, I believe, of any disinterested and in telligent person, to benefit the consumers of corn, yet it was probably the best measure which the Mi nisters, in the circumstances of their situation, had any chance of carrying into effect. If the public had manifested an earnestness and intensity of feel ing upon this subject in any degree proportioned to the greatness of the interests it involved, then, pro bably, a better measure than that which has now failed would have been proposed and carried. We might then have seen a system of corn-laws esta blished, which, however objectionable, would have been more consistent with justice, and the necessities of the country, than that whose highest recommen dation is the rhetorical, and, with submission I will say, the senseless panegyric which Mr. Canning has pronounced upon it—" That it cast the balance of principle in favour of trade, and the balance of price in favour of agrieulture."—(Cheers.)—ln what manner trade is to receive an advantage by having a " balance of principle" in its favour, I am unable to comprehend, though I have heard that there are some neonle who know how to turn nrincinles to: profitable account. Those sane and sober congre gations to which my friend Mr. Wood has alluded, and which assemble, in this neighbourhood particu larly, under the denomination of Pitt-clubs, say that Mr. Canning can do this—(Laughter)—they say that he has made a trade of his principle.— (Laughter.)—This important fact so creditable to the talents of that gentleman as a man of business —(Laughter),—is vouched for, I believe, by all the Pitt-clubs of the kingdom, in number amounting, I understand, to not less than three or four.—(Great laughter.)—We who have the supreme felicity o f knowing the constitution of these clubs—who know that they are under the high and dignified manage ment, not only of the Cheshire Squires, Mr. Wood has mentioned—(Laughter),—but of the political parsons of the same county—(Continued laughter), and of another Squire from that most civilized of all places, Hulton-lane-ends.—(Great laughter and cheers.) —We who know these things, do not hesi tate to give to all the statements that proceed from them the most boundless credence.--(Continued laughter.)—We believe, therefore,—most powerfully and potently believe,—on their grave and weighty authority—(Laughter) , — t hat M r. C annin g , for sooth, can trade in principle—(Laughter); and on this belief I expect we shall soon be prepared to re quest that Right Hon. Gentleman to let us into the he secret of the business, in order that, as under tondo corn laws it seems we are to have something with principle, we may be, as he is said to be, quite up to the best mode of disposing of it. (Laughter.) —lf a system of corn laws is to be persevered which compensates for a balance of price to a,gricu " ture, by giving a " balance of principle t o to have it will be Duite necessary that we, who are the trade share of this most equitable partition, should know what to do with this surplus principle —(Cheers);—for, unless we receive with it direc rade, tions how to make it profitable, 1 fear that w e are so deficient in refinement that we shall be apt to underrate its value, and to think that it would be just as wise to give, "caviare to the vulgar''- --t° those who would much prefer to that delicacy a mess of frumenty, or even what is called stif dick—( Grea t laughter),—as it is to bestow upon us this prizeless and be-praised principle.—(Great cheers.)—The loss of a measure, the essence of which Illr. C an ning thus described, is not in itself calculated to produce any feeling of regret. It is the cause of that loss, and not the loss itself, which renders the subject irn portant.—(Much cheering.)—That any ame n d m ent of the system will be permitted, unless the p u blic come forward to demand it, no observer of the re cent conduct of that body to which I have alluded can for one moment believe. It must be no w ob vious to all, that it is vain to expect from that body any spontaneous movement in favour of the people. —(Cheers.)—Lord Chesterfield, somewhere in his letters, earnestly advises his son never to walk quick, for to be in a hurry, he tells him, is the habit of tradesmen and low people of that description (Laughter), quite derogatory, therefore, to a person of rank. Persons of rank have taken his Lordship's e good reason advice, and are never in a hurry, exc e p t, indeed , when, like tradesmen and low people of that descrip tion, they happen to be in pursuit of t heir own in terest (Laught er ), an d then, we hay to know that they can be in quite as vu l gar a hurry a s others.—(Cheers and laughter.)---B ut thes e oc casions of personal interest excepted, — no matter w hat may be the emergency, no matter how pressing the necessity for un a hour ago, speed,—they can pre serve the mos t genteel l ftoldreoudom from f e haste— “ , Your Lordship's heel was on my toe-- And now ! your stick is in ray eye : Sir ! remove them—by and by. There may be some among those whom I have now the honour to address, as we know there are many such in the country, who are so deadened in their feelings, and wh o are so blinded by their fondness for lords and gentility, that to them the hee l an d stick of a lord in such situations would be neither an obstruction nor annoyance.-.-(Laughter.) Such, ; •;,k however, is not my temperament. I have the mig fortune to be less happily constituted than are these my blind, passive, and satisfied brethren ;—(laugh ter)—to me, therefore, a " by-and-by " removal of a grievance --a genteel absence of all haste in the process—does not appear quite the perfect mode of treating it.—(Applause.)—lf, therefore, the ques tion now at issue in this country, instead of being what it is, related to a purpose of universal and un mixed good to all of every class and station in life, — if there were no partial interests opposed to its ac complishment, it would still be desirable that the public should meet and exert themselves to quicken and impel its course, and not leave its cons u m ma ti on to those a l one w h o , like the legislating aristocracy of this country, have the means and a station in society which effectually removes them from all immediate dependence on the public prosperity,—(Applause.) Every town, village, and hamlet should meet, and declare itself on the subject, and thus give effect to those measures which the Government contemplates in their behalf. (Cheers.)—Mr. Canning has called for public discussion and support on this question, and the public interests require that when the pro per time arrives that call should be powerfully an swered.—( Great cheering.)—With respect to the system of Corn Laws which has been proposed, I for one have witnessed its abandonment, as far as its own merits were concerned, without disappointment or mortification. If the public had done its duty, that scheme, I am persuaded, would never have been proposed. The fate which has attended this project, such as it is, shows, however, more decisively than the loss of a stronger and better measure would, the necessity there is for increasing the influence and power of those by whom it has been urged, by the fullest and strongest demonstrations of popular sup port.—(Cheers.)—Let that important sanction be given by the people, with a spirit, seriousness, and energy, becoming the occasion, and then we may hope that the efforts of the Government for the public good will be rendered irresistible (cheers); then may we hope that other interests than that " order' to which Lord Grey belongs, and for the privileges of which he tells us with the ridiculous pompousness of cockered vanity and self-conceit he " will lay down his life" (cheers), will be recognised by the State; then may we hope that all which is injurious to the pretensions of this and every other " order" will gradually give way to the just claims and rights, and interests of an honest, laborious, and high-minded, enlightened, and determined popular tion.—(Much cheering.) J. C. DYER, Esq. proposed the second resolution. Mr. FREDERICK LILLY proposed the third reso lution, and spoke at some length in favour of free importation, at a moderate duty. Mr. THOMAS HOPKINS contended, that it was impossible to secure to the farmer a higher rate of profit than capital afforded in other employments; and he thought that they who contended that it could, knew that it was impassible, and that they brought it forward merely to keep the real cause of agricultural distress out of view. That cause was the necessity of fulfilling contracts made when com modities were of a higher nominal value. Mr. Hop kins then went on to show, that it was impossible for the landlords and farmers, or for any other class, to fulfil their engagements, unless prices were high ; and that a reduction in the price of corn would only aggravate the pressure of distress. This doctrine was not very favourably received by the meeting, and called up Mr. JOHN LEES, who, in a speech of some length, combated Mr. Hopkins's opinions. Mr. JOHN E. TAYLOR would not stop to combat Mr. Hopkins's very peculiar views, though he would have no objection to discuss them with that gentle man over a bottle of wine. But there was a popu lar view of the restrictive system, which he would briefly state. If by corn laws we could obtain only one quarter of wheat for six pieces of calicoes, and if some other country was willing to give us the same quantity for four pieces, he could not see why we should lose by accepting it. We should obtain the same quantity of wheat, and have two pieces of cloth to exchange for something else. But the landowners did not permit elie imperreeetimx of mac necessary in exchange for another. They imported their own food, their own drink, their own furniture, and their own clothing; and to be enabled to do this, they required of the people to purchase every part of their produce at a high rate. Mr. RICHARD POTTER rose to oppose the 4th resolution. The preceding speaker (Mr. Hopkins) had endeavoured to prove that high prices were essentially necessary. He (Mr. Potter) could not reply to his arguments, because he did not understand them ; but he would say, with a venerable friend in the body of the room, if the annual expences are so high, " reduce them." In order that you may judge as to whether what has been said of the proceedings in Parliament is justifiable or not, and whether there has been any just ground of complaint, it is necessary to lay before you a few extracts from those proceed ings, for which purpose I have written them out from ' a paper remarkable for its accuracy in giving debates; the papers are in my pocket, and any one desirous of seeing them is at perfect liberty so to do. In June 1822, five years ago, a Peer of Parliament, a Minis ter of State, said, "he knew, and he declared it plainly, that the only immediate remedy for agricul tural distress would be found in a large increase of the public expenditure." We were then expending about 60,000,000/. a year. At this time over-pro duction and abundance were, by the same Lord and others, assigned as the cause of the distress. In this idea the late King of France joined, and stated the same in an address to the Chambers, thus im piously making the bounties and blessings of Provi dence an evil.—(Hear, hear.) --In February 27, 1827, Lord Teynham, on presenting some peti tion from Kent, (exclusively an agricultural eounty,) " observed, that they were sent in because Mi nisters said they wished to collect the sense of the country; and it was now evident that the sense of the country was decidedly opposed to any alteration." " The French revolution (continued this sapient) commenced by the introduction of a free trade in corn,: by which it was hoped to overturn the altar, and to annihilate the throne, and he called upon their Lordships to resist a doctrine which had been hatch ed in that school." When his Lordship speaks of the sense of the country, &c., he must have forgot there is such a county as Lancaster, containing towns like Manchester, Liverpool, Bolton, Burry, &c. &c., and the West Riding of Yorkshire, containing Leeds, Sheffield, Huddersfield, &c. &c., Birmine:Lzsm end such kinds of towns, aye, even London itself. As other members of that Right Hon. House, have got the idea into their heads about cheap corn produc ing discontent, treason, and sedition, it may be as well to bear what they say. On the 22d March, Lord Redesdale, on presenting a petition respecting the corn question, said " That it was only wonder ful that corn should be sold at'its present reduced price in this country, which was only because the farmer was satisfied with a less profit than the ma nufacturer. The whole system of commerce was now changed, unlike the merchants of former days, who,habited in their velvet caps and square-toed shoes, dwelt with their clerks at the counting-house in the city, our modern merchants resided in Portland place and Portman -square; and such were the mul tiplicity of their engagenients, that it was with difficulty they could get to their counting-houses in time to sign their letters, of which they could know nothing, as they were prepared by their con fidential clerks. It was this extreme way of carry ing on business, that required tin extreme profit be yond that which in former times sufficed." (Laughter.) May 15, the same Peer (Lord Redesdale) proposed a series of resolutions; in introducing them he spoke for near three hours , and of course must or ought to h a ve said a good deal. Amongst other observations l ic Much of the increase of the price of grain was c aused by the increase of great cities, and the luxu rious habits in which the present generation indulged. It was very unjust that their Lordships should be called upon to injure the agriculturists, because the manufacturers, by the introduction of machinery, had been enabled to dispense with many of their work men, or at least to reduce their wages, and thus put it out of the power of those poor people to purchase • , for the produce of their labour the tame quantity of corn as formerly." Now it has generally been con sidered, .that the increase of great cities, as his Lord ship terms them, is a national benefit, for instance, Manchester and Liverpool. If Lord Redesdale knew this, how he would lament the great increase which has since taken place of coaches and horses on that road, and the luxurious habits of the inhabitants of the two towns. On the 24th of May the House of Lords went into a committee on the foreign corn bill; "the Earl of Resslyn opposed the bill, not less from its direct tendency to injure the agriculture of the country,than from its indirect tendency:to injure the manufacturers." In the same debate Lord Redesdale opposed the bill, 1" as one made on a vicious principle--that of equa lity of prices ; and as one based on a false sys tem—that of free trade." If the Earl of Rosslyn's statement is correct, how dull must the commercial interest be not to perceive it ?:Now, when the prin ciple of free trade was applied to manufactured goods, such as silks, &c., it was thought a good one; but the moment corn is mentioned, an alarm is taken, and it is condemned. I agree with these Peers that Ministers have gone too far, unless they will go further, by making the principle more general. We now come again to the revolutionary idea. On the 7th of June, " Lord Redesdale contended, that the effect of the bill would be, year after year, to de grade agriculture, until it was finally ruined. After denying that the price of provisions had the slightest influence upon the manufacturers, he complained of a voice which had gone forth in another place, al though yet unnoticed by any body, that the landed interest must be put:down. This wasu frightful threat, and it could only be carried into execution by a dread ful conspiracy. Such an attempt would be revolution ary, and the language was that of the London Corres ponding Society." His Lordship was very properly called to order, but soon resumed in the same strain, and continued by expressing his hope, " that the Noble Lord (Holland) would not call him to order merely because he stated his disapprobation of the language of the London Corresponding Society. Liberty, equality, and no corn laws,', was its motto; and such were the terms repeated and re-echoed by the enemies of the landed interest. The whole plan, indeed, was ridiculous and wrong. It was impossible to conquer nature ; and if it were attempted so to do, " the winds and the rain would laugh them to scorn, and the frosts and the snows would hold them in deri sion." I assure you this is a correct copy of his speech, and those who understand it have a quick conception. Ido not say he uttered these words; but this newspaper so reports them, and of its correct ness I have no doubt. On the subject of prohibi tions, some of their Lordships speak out for in stance, in a debate on the 12th of June, Lord Colchester " expressed satisfaction at the amend ment (the Duke of Wellington's) which had been adopted by the House, and which, in consequence of the apprehensions entertained of great importations of bonded corn, expressly prohibited the admission of bonded corn under a certain price. In that instance the House had acted fairly and plainly. They gave the agri culturists the only protection they could have, that of a prohibition. The present Bill allowed the importa tion of more or less corn, on the supposition that the manufacturers could not obtain more favourable terms in this country for their produce. This was barter ing away the corn grower for the mere advantage of the manufacturer." Lord Redesdale must again be brought before you, but you will be relieved by being informed it is the last time, at least to-day. On the same debate he says, "he supported the amend ment, not because it was a sufficient protection for the landed interest, but because it approached nearer the prohibition they were entitled to." I have no doubt, gentlemen, some of you are now mentally uttering what was loudly exclaimed in the House when the Duke of Wellington's amendment was first carried, "Bravo, my Lords." Lords Redesdale and Colchester say that the landowners are entitled to a prohibition. On this a simple question arises— Why are they so entitled ? Can any one answer me ? June 22.—The proceedings on this day in the Lords are somewhat curious; most of the gen tlemen now present, no doubt, are aware a bill Wwn before them Corr Vierrabghtillg - .mode or taking the average price of corn; they rejected a clause to include " England and Wales," then one to include " Great Britain and Ireland," actually leaving the Bill a nullity. Any one looking over the proceedings of Parliament might easily furnish a number of similar sentiments, but you have heard enough to convince you of the justice of Lord Milton's remark the other day in the House of Commons, who " alluded pointedly to the un fortunate event " that had occurred in another place, " where extreme ignorance of commercial principles and little sympathy with thelpeople pre vailed." Sir J. Newport says, on the same day (18th June), and I think you will agree with him, " that the amendment to the Corn Bill (which caused its loss) originated in, and was supported by, factious motives, and tended to exasperate the people." I put it to you, whether the late proceedings and speeches in Parliament have been for the public good. If you think, after what has been stated, they have not, then I contend that what has been written and spoken of them has not ex ceeded the bounds of free inquiry, fair discussion, and manly remonstrance. Lord Grey,—and I re gret, and you must all regret, that such language should have been used by such a man,—Lord Grey has hinted, that a repetition of language calculated to bring the order, as he terms it, to which he be longs into disrepute, might subject the parties to banishment, but such a threat will be treated by the country with the contempt it deserves, and have no effect upon you. If, however, his Lordship, and the order by which he says he will stand or fall, should proceed to extremities, those of us who are fixed upon, will at least have the consolation of knowing they will travel in good company,—to wit, Lord Milton, Sir J. Newport, and even the Right Hon. George Canning himself. And, said Mr. Potter, emphatically, he had no doubt, there were Englishmen—aye, and in that room too—who were prepared to make any sacrifice for their country's good.—(lmmense applause.) Mr. WANKLYN (who was one of the constables last year) although desirous that the corn laws should be modified, disapproved very much of the language that had been used when speaking of the Lords. The country was at this moment the envy and admiration of the world.—(Loud laughter.)— The Pitt Clubs had been calumniated by Mr. Wond. man in the crowd—Speak to Mr. W0c,,.. 4 in private about that, over a bottle of wine. —(Loud laughter.) Mr. WANKLYN—The Pitt Clubs did not support one part of the Constitution against another. They united together to support the whole Constitution. He exhorted the meeting to reject with horror lan guage which could only tend to uproot the whole Constitution.—(Loud hisses and peals of laughter.) —Mr, Shuttleworth had said— Mr. WOOD—Mr. Shut tlevvorth has left the meeting. Mr. WANKLYN—Then I hope you or Mr. Potter will tell him what I say.—(A laugh.)—Mr. Shuttle worth had basely said= Mr. PRENTICE—BaseIy I Basely ! No, Mr. Chair man, I cannot allow such language to pass unnoticed, particularly when applied to one who is absent. Mr. WANKLYN-4 did not mean to aptly the term to any thing in Mr. Shuttleworth's conduct, meant nothing personal, Mr. BROOKS then stood forward, and said he had been at meetings of the working classes six times more numerous than this, and was surprised that greater decorum existed amongst the poor workm en than here. Mr. DAVID HOLT moved the sth Resolution, and Mr. 3. E. Taylor, the 6th. Mr. R. H. GREGG, in moving the 7th resolution, made an excellent and manly speech, h u t t o w hi c h our Reporter could not do justice, as he was com pelled to send off his dispatches. Mr. Gregg sat down amidst immense applause. Mr. SMITH, of Strangewarthall, subsequently Addressed the meetini,,and deserbed the miseries of . „ I, the poor, occasioned by the high price of food, in most pathetic terms. The address to the King having been read, and ordered to be signed by the borougbreeve and con stables, the meeting broke up. The proceedings occupied four hours. . , CATHOLIC AFFAIRS. (From the Dublin Freeman's Journal of Thursday.) Yesterday a Separate Meeting of Catholics took place, to complete the arrangements for the Aggre gate Meeting, which takes place this day. Several additional resolutions were proposed. The one of leading interest that was agreed to was a resolution proposing a Deputation, consisting of Messrs. O'Connell, Sheil, Most Rev. Dr. Murray, and Dr. Kenny, to proceed to Eng land next summer, and to make to the people of England an exposition of the just claims of the Catholics of Ireland, and to lay before them a statement of the unmerited wrongs and sufferings to which they have been unjustly sub jected. - A warm discussion took place upon the resolu tion submitted on a former day by Mr. Dwyer. It was supported by Mr. H. O'Connor Mr. Therry, and Mr. O'Connell, who d ec l are d himself a sup porter of the present Administration. - After a slight modification by Mr. O'Connell, at the suggestion of Mr. M‘Dermott and Mr. M‘Logh lin, the resolution was agreed to. The Aggregate Meeting takes place this day, in Clarendon-street Chapel, at one o'clock. The following are the resolutions alluded to :- I.—That the marked and particular thanks of the Ca tholics of Ireland are eminently due, and hereby offered, to our valued friend and countryman, Nicholas Purcel O'Gor man, Esq., for his long-tried public spirit, his devoted pa triotism, and important services ; and that he be requested to continue to act as Secretary to the Catholics of Ireland. 2.—Resolved that it is the unalienable right of every man to worship God as his judgment and his heart direct; that neither Legislatures nor Society are entitled to restrict that right ; that its infringement, if attempted, may con vert unworthy men into hypocrites, and good men into martyrs, but can never produce a beneficial result; and that such infringement is attempted, and persecution in troduced, whenever peculiar honours, wealth, and rewards, are distributed by the State to the upholders of certain doc trines and forms, while exclusion and inconvenience inflict practical punishment on those who to those doctrines and forms conscientiously refuse to conform. The above was the first resolution at the 16th Annual Meeting of the Protestant Society for the Protection of Re ligious Liberty, held at the City of London Tavern, on the 12th of May, 1827. S.—That we do petition Parliament for therepeal of the Test and Corporation Acts in England. 4.—That we do petition Parliament for the full, entire, and unqualified emancipation of the Catholics of Ireland. s.—That we feel deeply indignant and disgusted at the conduct of Lord Manners towards the people of Ireland, and in particular at his conduct to Sir Patrick Bellew, and many other Catholic Gentlemen qualified and entitled to hold the Commission of the Peace. I cory litth ticul whir knO' was rner, &Itta his cone Imp pe Reni Sanl Lop' Gov. Ditti 4 pc Coy. Cha /top t 6.—That a petition be forthwith presented to his Ma jesty, imploring his gracious intervention in preventing any illegal processions in Ireland on the ensuing 12th of July. 7.—(Said petition being read)—That it be now adopted, signed, and forthwith despatched, by the Secretary of the Catholics of Ireland, to the in order that the same may be laid before his Majesty with all convenient speed. B.—Resolved that it is the opinion of this Meeting that Provincial, County, Baronial, and simultaneous Parish Meetings, be held all over Ireland, for the purpose of peti tioning for civil and religious liberty throughout the Empire. 9.—That we deeply deplore the temporary absence of our beloved and brilliant countryman, Richard Sheil, Esq., and that we ardently hope for the restoration of his health, tire and the resumption of his talented and efficient exertions in the cause of his oppressed country. 1101 10.—That a petition be presented to Parliament for the repeal of the Vestry Bill. 1 1. —That a petition be presented t o P ar li ament for the Ac c repeal of the Tenantry Act. 12.—That the cordial and sincere thanks of the Ca- 4 011 tholics of Ireland be returned and conveyed to Sir James Scarlett (his Majesty's English Attorney-General), and to the liberal and enlightened Members of the English Bar, c o l t who have, by their petition lately resented to Parliament, nobly attested their devotion to the sacred principles of civil and religious liberty. B,—That the marked and grateful thanks of the Ca tholic body be most respectfully presented to the venerable' and good Judge Day, for the liberal, patriotic, and truly Irish sentiments, recorded by him in his late letter to Da niel O'Connell, Esq. 14.—Resolved that, sincerely congratulating the people of Ireland, and the British Empire at large, upon the se cession from office of the wen by whose counsels and con duct this country was distracted and oppressed, and, look ing with gratitude and respect to the public profession. and former conduct of the distinguished persons to whom the Administration of the State is now entrusted, we feel warranted in expressing our confident hope and expectation that the patriotic intentions of those illustrious personages will be carried shortly into full effect by the peaceful estab lishment of the principle of freedom of conscience. The following is the original resolution, of which the above is an amendment:-- Resolved that we rely with confidence on the fair inten tions of the Administration ; and we feel convinced of their earnest wish to facilitate the emancipation of the Catholics, and to forward the cause of civil and religious liberty. 15.—That it is the opinion of this Meeting that it would be useful and fitting for a deputation of the Catholic body of Ireland to attend, during the next summer, in Eng land, for the purpose of explaining the wants, wishes, and principles of the Irish people. tea( Ka FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Gazette de France, dated Thursday, July 5.) " CONSTANTINOPLE, JUNE 10.—The garrison of the Acropolis having long struggled with numerous privations, has surrendered by an honourable capi tulation granted by the Seraskier; and for the due performance of which hostages were given on both sides. As for Lord Cochrane, who is said to have al ready lost two ships, little is said of him, and no great things are now expected of him. His famous Proclamation has had a bad effect on the Greeks themselves and their friends. " Nothing positive is yet known. respecting the negotiations of the European Ministers. Freh in structions for M. de Ribeaupierre are expected from St. Petersburgh. (BY EXPRESSI) 44 JUNE 11.—the Porte has fast received by a Tartar, the news of the capitulation of the Acr o p o li s . The Seraskier has granted permission to 30 officers, who were in the fortress, to retire, with their arm;, All the others will lay them down.---Oazette of Augsburg. th T e u l n i s t , h Penis, JULY 4.—The Alfricaine corv e tt e , w hi c h left Algiers on the 24th of June, has arrived at Tou lon. It brings word , that the advice boat Le Vokan, arrived , off Bona fromo and there met the Arte denn ' where the events at Al.. giers were already known.., On the 18th, th e F renc h res iding at E OM were ecoming n embarked. On the 19th, the fort La Cole was eva cuated. ,‘ The coral fishers are convoyed by Le Vokan and Le Art es i enne to L eg h or n, and these ships then proceed to Toulon to land the pass.- ''" :fgers an' ricaine abeen isatche to i their eff ec t s . B e f ore the arrival Ira) of L'A Algiers the Ma r ie There:'.' rt Bor,h! it wag to k° from tha t d place to p Tunis d o learn `.'Tether the Algerme corvette had put in thee on its retu rn t o Alexa ndria, If th e corve tt e h a d no t appear e d, t h e Mane Therese was to wait for it= passing. " Rear-Admiral Ri g ny had been informed by 12. Aurore of the state of things before Algiers. o, - w e find the following paragraphs in the Pre- curseur of Marseilles : Lord Cochrane, whose nephew (Mr. Sutton has arrived on board the Unicorn frigate, aff irms that the affairs of Greece are far from being desperate, and that his zeal in this sacred cause is still as ardent as ever, but that it is greatly in need, C fl o ir c rn hr s an of the assistance of Christian nations, and the ce: on _ passion of Christian sovereigns. gev:erots sen timents th tim " en L t o s r w d hCicohcharnainmeahteigthhley commander'sextols the of the aqua. drons of the European Powers ; Wren of c ewe nian COaS cc IC hi hi. 414 lb ,