The Sun. — London, England, 1825-06-03 00:00:00

TUE LONDON JOURNALS. DAILY Extractsfrom the Morning Papers, June 3, 1825. [.nrE TIMES.] THE DECCAN A11.,311% The cruel case of the ['idiom Army, debarred by some means or other for more than seven years of the Deccan prize-money, so nobly earned, and amounting to no less, by calculations now before us, than 5,000,0001. sterling, has been frequently alluded to in this journal'. We do not know that any subject ever occasioned us deeper pain, or, so far as India is concerned, more serious alarm for the interests of the military service. A pamphlet has just appeared, under the title of Observations on the Services and Claims of the Jirmy of the Deccan, the perusal of which has, we confess, very far from diminished our uneasi ness, but has, by reason of certain circumstances which it discloses, added to that sentiment no small portion of wonder, mingled with disgust. The war out of which the claims of this brave army grew terminated in the overthrow of Ilolkar, and of the Rajah of Nagpore, and in the entire conquest and appropriation of the territories of the Peishwah who had reigned at PoonaL From the dominions of this Prince alone is said to have been added to the Com pany's treasury a net revenue of nearly 700,0001. sterling per annum. Large booty was won by our troops, who neglected to secure it, but march ed from one victory to another, and left the spoil to be seized by the civil officers of the East India Company for its benefit. The Crown became a nominal competitor with the Company ; but it was for the sake of the army, the party to be substantially benetitted. The real question, therefore, was between the Army who had fought, and the Company, whose agents had fol.; lowed, and seized the fruits of their valour. The Crown, in March 1523, appointed the Duke of- Wellington and Mr. Arbuthnot, of the Treasury, trustees, nominally for the So vereign, but in fact on behalf of the Army, to " ascertain and collect the booty ; and to " furnish a scheme for the distribution of it," on a principle previously recognized, viz. that the captors were entitled to every thing, and the Company to nothing, in the shape of prize-mo ney. The Company, however, began by refusing: to send in accounts of the spoil in their possession, when required by the trustees to do so, in Sep tember, 1823. It became, from that and other causes, essentially necessary that the Commander in Chief of the Deccan Army, and the prize-agents whom he and it had appointed, should supply whatever information they were possessed of to his Grace and Mr. Arbuthnot, who of course were quite ignorant on the subject, relative to the na ture, the amount, and supposed repositories of the property sought to be recovered . .. Heavy com plaints,however,are made of the sharp and.unloolt 7 ed-for conduct observed by the trustees towards the agents for the army, with whom, as appears from the book above referred to, they early declined the free communication solicited at their hands, by those whose interests it was understood that they had been appointed by his Majesty to watch over. The General of the Indian Army and the prize-agents equally complain of having been kept in profound ignorance of the points into which the trustees carried their examination, of the channels through which it was prosecuted, and of the adverse claims and pretensions put forward' by the Company, and of the materials which the trustees possessed for resisting such of them as might be unreasonable.. The question,linwever, is not yet at rest : the Company are, on one hand,. said to be striving to wrest from their own de fenders the reward of their exemplary courage ; the Trustees, on the other, are not accusedof any great zeal or.affection for their own clients ;. and the miserable men who toiled and bled, and wasted health and spirit under a burning sun, are! now enduring whatever aggravation of wretched.; ness can be inflicted on them by ungrateful masters and ungracious protectors. Mr. Arbuth not, however, has not been altogether idle. We read, within a few pages of the end of this pamphlet, that Mr. or Master Charles Ar buthnot, son of the above Right Honourable Trustee, has been associated with a Mr. Archi bald Campbell, in the business of agency to the Trust, thereby entitling, themselves to some of the good things to be got out of this extensive and complex concern, but with what advantage to it, over its previous arrangements, does not appear The Duke of Wellington used, in better dayS, to hold up his hands against jobbers. What spell is over him now ? The •pamphlet is well worth attention. [moaNtso The proceedings on the Duke of Cumberland's Additional Annuity Bill last night were curious, and similar to what took place two or three years ago on Mr. Lamhton's Reform motion, which was disposed of by nine o'clock - in the evening, while Mr. Lambton was dining with Mr. M. A. Taylor. A debate on the second reading of the Duke's Ad ditional' Annuity Bill was fully expected ; and in that expectation. many Member. paired off to go home to their dinners, &c. agreeing, to return by ten o'clock, thinking that they should then be in time for the division. About nine o'clock, the Chancellor of the Exchequer Moved the second reading of the Bill. Nobody rose- to oppose it ; all talking on the subject appeared to be at an end ; whereupon a division was forthwith called for. The gallery was ordered to be cleared for a diviSion ; and the doors of the House, according to the usual custom when a division is about to tale place, were rocked by the Sergeant at Arms. There is a 44 division bell," as it is termed, which is rung as a notification to those Members who may be in the neighbourhood of the House; but as the Serjeant at Arms forgot to rail out 44 clear the gallery," which gives warning fOr the ringing of the division bell, the said bell was not rung. Thus the doors were locked, and excluded many 'Mernbers. Six Members, hoWtiver.„ got into the lobby, leading directly to the. flame, namely, Sir G. Shiffner,. Mr. W.• WU- IiRmS, Mr. Astell, Mr.Cust, Mr. Freemantle, Gordon, but as the door or the house vas locked by the Sergeant, they. could not get iu to take part in the division. They complained of this exclusion through the grating of the door,' to the Sergeant, who thence conveyed the com plaint to the Speaker. Mr. W. Williams, in par ticular, was very earnest to gain admission. He was told he must withdraw. He said he would not withdraw, he would remain there, even if taken-into custody by the House for it.— Eventually they were let in. Then the fact was communicated to the House, and some debate took place on the subject, but the particulars we know not, as strangers were still excluded ; 'however, the six Members were brought out of the llouse, by the Sergeant at Arms, previously to any division taking place, left in the Speaker's Secretary's Room, leading from the lobby, and there kept excluded till the division was over. The Home then divided :—the numbers were, 159 for the Bill, and 48 against it; majority in fa vour of the Bill eleven. On the outside of the lobby, there were between 20 and 30 Members locked out. They had run from the Coffee house, hoping to get in before the locking of the doors for the division, but they were too late. Had the division bell rung, as it ought to have done, and would have done, if the Sergeant at Arms had given the usual signal to the Mes sengers in the Lobby, that the Gallery was to be cleared, those twenty or thirty Members would have been in the House at the division. Many of these were Opposition Members ; and it was said' that a considerable majority of them would have voted agaiiist the Bill. In such case, the proposition would have had a still narrower escape than that of the very modest majority of eleven. Indeed', the opinion was given by those a little conversant in numbers, that in such case the Bill would have been thrown out. [BRITISH PRESS.] The Paris Journals continue to be fully oc cupied with the details of the Coronation. The Morning Papers of Tuesday are filled with the extracts from the Eloile of the previous meeting, which we published yesterday. We observe with much pleasure that general satisfaction has been given by the terms of the Coronation Oath. The royal promise to govern conformably to the laws of the land, and to observe faithfully the Con stitutional Charter, is a sure guarantee for the repose of France, and for her future prosperity. There remains no doubt of the solidity of the political institutions of the kingdom. The ex treme parties on each side will be deprived of all hope of subverting them. The Royalists must aban don eh ei r design of restoring absolute power, and the Liberals will have no prospect of success in shaking the established order of things. The fu ture struggles of party, therefore, in France, will be assimilated , to those of our own country. The questions will be, Who shall guide the Councils of the State ? Whaf shall be the principles of ad ministration ? The extension of the royal clemency to the political offenders now suffering punish ment or in• exile, ie•tt measure well adapted to• produce the most• salutary effects. This is indeed " closing the wounds of the Revolution."' By another Ordinance, all the persons in confinement under the laws for punishing the abuses of the press are pardoned. The coronation began with the least excitement of public feeling that could have been expected , from such a people as the French ; but we uncterstand that the state of public opinion has undergone so favourable a change, that the return of Charles X. to his capital will in all probability be hailed with ac clamations as cordial and unanimous as those hich welcomed' his first entry into• Paris-as PIIBT.I C LED.c,IOI.I The Foreign Journals, including the French, which arrived yesterday, contain no news wor thy. of particular mention ; and this• dearth of important matter, instead of terminating soon, is likely to continue a - considerable time. It would indeed: require peculiar powers of vision to be able todiscover at this moment imall Europe, with dig. single and slight exception of Greece, any imme•- diate cause of alarm. We mention this circum stance with the greater satisfaction r because pease-, besides its- usual benefits, is aslivourable to the cause of good government,. as war, generally speaking, is unfavourable to it. Weil:lye another source of gratification in noticing it,. because it is attributable in a great measure to British influ ence, and. is one of those noble triumphs, of which our diplomacy may boast so many of late. A few month ago the political shy was- rather cloud ed ;. but the clouds were soon dispersed by the skill, firmness, and tact, that so eminently cha racterize the actual managetneqt of our foreign affairs : the recognition of SUuth America did not even produce a ruflie on the political waters. , The meeting at Milan, much as has been said of it, is likely to lead to results equally innoxious, and it may be seen from the influence which this country now exercises on . the affairs of the world, what effect one maw may have upon. the interests of even such an-empire as this. [MORNING POST.] In the House of Commons last night, the At. torney.General introduced a Bill to repeal the Act generally called "- the Bubble Act," on the ground that it was " lie trusted that Honourable Members would go along with him in abolishing an Act, the provisions of which no one could understand ; but which went to inflict the penalties of prcemunire, the heaviest of all penalties, on those offending against it. There was another reason in fa. 'your of his motion,- which was, that many va. !Liable commercial institutions, especially Insu. ranee Companies, were illegal by the pre sent interpretation• of certain parts of that Act. There was since 17W, when it was enacted, but one - prosecution under it, and no one knew precisely the ground upon which it ' proceeded. Before the year 1720 no such law had been found necessary,!and it was plain that since that period, from its having never, except in the case he had mentionvd, been put in operation, that it had not been found necessary. One of the provisions which he should propose in his new Bill should be to make it a part of the conditions in granting a charter, that the Mem bers to whom it applied should be answerable for debts of the Company to the full extent of their property. Leave was granted to bring in this Bill, after Mr. Huskisson had expressed his conviction that it would obviate most of the difficulties now connected with Joint Stock Com panies, fix the law on a known footing, and con fer a great benefit on the commercial world. — The 'louse then went into a Committee on the Judges' Salaries Bill; when, on the motion of Mr.Williams,the retired allowance for the Puisne Judges were raised from 3,1001. to 3,5001. ' per annum. The Chancellor of the Exchequer then proposed that those for the Master of the Rolls, the Vice-Chancellor, the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, should be 3,7501., which was agreed to. These Officers must serve fifteen years, according to a former Act of Parliament, before they can retire on their allowances. The 13111 for granting an additional income to the Duchess of Kent, was next read a second time, with per fect unanimity ; but on that respecting the Duke of Cumberland, a division took place, when the second reading was carried by a majority of 59 to 48. [MORNING CHRONICLE.] The conduct of Committees on Frivate Bills , was again canvassed in the House last night. The subject was introduced by Mr. S. Whitbread, who stated that the Westminster Oil Gas Com pany Bill, after a long and laborious inquiry in a Committee, had been got rid of by a number of persons, most of whom were interested in the Coal Gas Companies, and not one of whom had attended for a single hour during the progress of the in quiry, coming on the last day and voting against the Bill. Mr. T. Wilson, Mr. W. Smith, Mr. Tremayne, Mr. Calcraft, and Mr. Sykes, all agreed that some reform in the manner in which private business was conducted in Com mittees was absolutely necessary. Mr. Little ' ton expressed his astonishment " that any individual, sho had the slightest pretension to the character of a Gentleman or a man of common honesty, could venture to conduct , himself in the manner in which a number of the Committee bad acted." And Mr. J. P. Grant thought it remarkable, 44 that though there must be a great number of Members in the House who were on the Committee, and who now heard their conduct reprobated in no very flattering terms, not one of them had ventured to give any contradiction to the statement of the Ho nourable Member for Middlesex." This is al together a very pretty expose. It would be curious to ascertain at what expence of coal gas shares these members were purchased.— If we could ascertain this, by dividing the shares by the Members holding them, we might discover the average price of an Honourable Member's virtue for an hour, for the opera tion of repairing to the Committee and voting could not last much longer. IT the system re- 1 main unchanged, it might not be amiss to devise some expedient to save unnecessary trouble to parties who have need of each other. Various expedients have been resorted to in different countries for facilitating social intercourse. In this country we are not behind our neighbours. Witnesses in Westminster Hall had their mark; in the neighbourhood of Chancery-lane those ob liging gentlemen who were ready to swear as bail to any amount, have their sign. We say nothing of those more palpable markets in the Lobbies of the Theatres. Why should not the men who are ready for Committee work hang out their sign as well as their neighbours? Voting without hearing any part of the inquiry is easiest done ; but it is probable that, to save appearances, it will hereafter be deemed expedient that one or more of the sittings should be attended. For this, of course, an additional price is but fair. If all who are procured were to enter the Com mittee at one time previous to the day of voting, it might excite alarm in the other party ; and to obviate this difficulty, they might take their turns of attendance, two or three only at a time. [NEW TIMES.] Onr Paris Correspondent gives us the chit chat of that capital on the topics of chief interest there—the Coronation, its balls, and its ban quets; but we grieve to find how little interest is felt there on the main and important point to which the Coronation itself should be made subsi diary—we mean the loyal attachment of a people to their Sovereign. Somehow or other, the un bounded popularity which the King of France enjoyed on his accession to the Throne has been suffered to• evaporate into indifference or less amiable feelings. How does this happen Charles X. is not less amiable or less gracious, than the Count D'Artois. lie has done no per sonal act which betrays the slightest asperity or love of arbitrary power. Aluch, no doubt, is to be ascribed to the native fickleness of the Parisians. Buonaparte knew them well, and cha racterised them well, in his caustic manner, when he was told in 1814 that they had pulled down his statue from the column in the Place Vendome. What have they put up in its place ? asked he. A white flag,was the reply. " Pooh, Pooh !"said he"it should have been a weathercock."lndependentlyof Parisian levity, however, there have been causes over which, perhaps, Charles X. had no controul, that have conduced to this change in popular feeling : nay, he has perhaps suffered in some respects by acting from the most laudable motives. Genuine liberality made him relax the restraints on the press, and thus give free course to endless attacks on his Government, which recoiled upon himself. Sound views of Finance prescribed the reduction of the Rentcs but that transaction rendered thousands hos tile to the Ministers, and, consequently, chilled the warmth of their loyalty to the Monarch. Justice itself dictated an indemnity to the emi t grants; but the people who had,. directly or in directly, to pay that indemnity, were not over pleased to be made just per force. Finally, the piety of the King made him, perhaps, too prompt to listen to some persons who Were, or pre tended to be, actuated by religion. Our Cor respondent notices the prominent piety of Mari. shat Soult, who was not always known fot religious zeal while, on the other hand . , the genuine orthodoxy of M. de Rochefoucaalt has been carried to an extreme bordering on the ridiculous. The old spirit of infidelity, which armed itself so strongly with wit and sarcasm, is not dead in France, nor indeed does it sleep. It seizes upon these points of absurdity, and uses them to weaken the reverence of the people for their Sovereign. It cannot be denied that the law against sacrilege, and the absurd Legend of the recovery of the Sainte Ampoulle, are things unsuitable to the predominant feelings and sen timents of the present age : and the mixing up the King's name with these circumstances, causes a part of the discredit attaching to them, to re flect back upon his Majesty. Such are the causes which appear to us to have contributed to pro duce the too evident diminution in the popularity of Charles X. and we mention the fact with re gret ; for we believe him to be a Ptince of the mildest dispositions, preserving a grateful re membrance of the hospitality shewn to him in England, anxious to promote the best interests of France, and a sincere friend to the general peace and tranquillity of Europe. FOR THE SUN. MR. EDITOR—If we may judge from the tone assumed by some of the Foreign Official Jour nals, we must conclude that the enlightened and public spirited policy now pursued by the Bri tish Government is not such as meets the appro bation of the Holy Allies. In this, there is no. thing calculated to awaken the astonishment of any one who is acquainted with the political dogma of this novel and anomalous alliance. In its principle, it stands forth the avowed enemy of political freedom, nay even of national independ ence, since it hesitates not to interfere with the internal affairs of whatever State is not sufficient ly powerful to resist its imperious mandates. In its object, it is avowedly opposed to every pos sible improvement ? in any existing form of Go vernment, and stands forth as the ready protector of tyranny and of oppression, and the most de termined opponent of liberal and patriotic prin ciples. In its tendency it must, should it always prove, - successful, oppose the general improve ment of the human intellect, and strive to preserve the grovelling ignorance and the men tal degradation which can alone secure its bane ful existence. Thus bent upon eradicating every possible nom tion of independence and political liberty, the Holy Anies have not hesitated to march their armies into the territories of some of their neigh bours, and to compel others to rescind the Con stitution Charter, the latter had had the wisdom of conceding to their subjects. Such an inter ference in the domestic concerns of nations, no minallyAndependent, have scarcely been very palatable to the Sovereign, and must prove highly unpleasant to his people. However desirous a man may feel to secure the peace and happiness of his own family, he chooses, naturally and rea sonably enough, to be master at home, and to procure the above objects of his wishes by the means he may think proper himself to adopt. But where the power effectually to resist such an unjustifiable interference is wanting, it must be borne as best it may. The Holy Allies may therefore command implicit obedience to their high and imperious mandate, and as long as they can enfore, obedience, all may go on well. But, unfortunately for them selves, and most fortunately for mankind, the very same power that once stood forth and opposed an effectual barrier to , the overwhelming torrent of Jacobinical and revolutionary prin ciples, and as resolutely stands forth as the friend of national liberty and independence. The Holy Allies seem fully aware that in order to secure the permanent existence of their own favourite system, the voice of Liberty must he effectually silenced. They know full well, that the prin ciples they would support, are in direct opposi tion with those adopted by the great majority of their respective subjects. They feel, that no thing less than the utmost of their united strength can possibly keep down the spring of patriotism, which it is their chief object to com press, and the reaction of which, should it once he let loose, they have every reason to dread. — They had, indeed, allowed that the arbitrary measures they had adopted, the mutual aid they were ready to afford one another, and the im mense military force placed at their disposal, had banished from the face of Europe this much dreaded spirit, as well as the more liberal and en lightened opinions it had generally disseminated. They had indeed nearly done so ; but, to their no little terror, they have seen it burst forth, not only in the land where it once blazed with its utmost splendour, but also in climes where, as its very name was scarcely known, its eventual existence might almost have been deemed pro blematical. The policy, on the part of England, of now acknowledging the political existence of the new States both in North and in South America, is at the same time bold, liberal, and masterly. It is such as becomes the Cabinet of a great nation, of a nation that has proved its own immense po litical force, and feels conscious that to its com merce it stands principally indebted for the very eminent rank it now holds amidst the powers of Europe. Criminal, indeed, would be the Mi nister who conk! for one momemt lose sight of the commercial interests of this country, that by pur suing a different line of conduct, he will, most probably, awaken the jealousy, mar the policy, nay, perhaps even incur the open displeasure of some neighbouring powers, I am w illi ng to allow ; but firm in the consciousness that his country will applaud and support him, and strong in the rectitude of his own intentions, he will fear. lessly pursue the policy which he feels confident is most beneficial to the country, whose councils he is appointed to direct. 'l'rne it is, that the Holy Allies, who seem disposed to consider each step towards prudence as an encroachment upon their legitimate authorities, must feel both vexed and alarmed when they see the dangerous principles of independence which have made their appearance in the lute Spanish Colonies, sanctioned and openly acknowleged in the face of Europe, guy, in the face of the Holy Alliance, by the British- Cabinet. They must feel vexed, because principles which they dread and hate, are approved by a power over which they can exercise no controal whatever- They must feel alarmed, because the progressive dissemination of such principles necessarily dermines the tower of strength reared by them for the support, and as the last strong hold, of their own darling system of absolute authority. Emperors and Kings, and. Ministers of State, will no longer assemble in Congress, and there deliberate upon the alarming posture of affairs, and endeavour to prop up, as best they can, their tottering edifice. But neither their mighty names, nor their wise deliberations, nor their equally sagacious decisions, will be able to undo what is done, nor induce the British Cabinet to abandon the only line of policy it ought to pursue. As there has been nothing rash nor inconsiderate in its decisions, so there will be nothing waver ing nor weak in its operations. The British Ministers have entered into a path which they know must lead to national prosperity, and they will not be induced to turn aside either by the threats or remonstrances of Monarchs who do not hesitate sacrificing the best interests of their sub jects, provided they can secure their own abso lute authority. It is somewhat remarkable that the political system of the Continental Cabinets is completely changed, thanks to the Holy Alliance. There was a time when alliances were formed, but they had for their object the maintenance of the once celebrated balance of power, for the preserva• tion of which, the plains of the Netherlands and of Germany have been frequently drenched with . blood. But now, the case is altogether different. It is not their ambitious neighbours that the So vereigns in our days consider as enemies, it is their own liege subjects. It is against these that alliances are now formed. In these dege nerate days they are considered as no longer having any interest in common with their rulers ; they are looked upon with a jealous eye ; they are not permitted to express their free and un biassed sentiments, and the most formidable mi litary force is set over them for the purpose of repressing the least spark of patriotic feeling they may chance to be impudent enough to display. Thus, is the relative situation which should ever subsist between Sovereign and subject virtually and unfortunately changed. They no longer stand in regard to one another in the rela• tion of father and of children, but in 'that of master and of slave. The subject is made sensible that he is placed under constant coer cion, because his Ruler, having no confidence in his fidelity, thinks him ever on the point of throw ing off the yoke, and this very circu►nstance ne cessarily tends not only to awaken within him a spirit of disaffection, but moreover to familiarize his mind with the idea of rebellion, which is thus kept continually before his eves. This fatal principle is the main spring of the modern' system. of politics. It is one withering in •its immediate., anti dangerous in its probable and remote effect* upon society. There is not one which threatens more fatal consequences to those who have thought fit to make it the basis of their political conduct. It roust inevitably lead, sooner or later, to a dreadful and deadly struggle between the Sovereign and the People, which may once more shake social order to its very foundation, deluge Europe with torrents of blood, and ter minate in the final destruction of the b?ggotect partizans of absolute power. CHESTER, MtY 31. POLICE REPORT. A. P. FORESTALLING AND REGRATING.-The Utlsi• ness of the Court was for a short time stopped by the sudden appearance of 1111.LioTT, who immediately addressed the Micron : Mr. FOLLIOTT.—Mr. Mayor, I beg to claim your Atten tion for a short time, but if you have any particular busines% before the Court I will wait, for I am not in a very great hurry. :11r. MAYOR.—We will hear what you have to say now, 3lr. FOT,LxoTT.—Very well, Sir, I will not detain you more than three. minutes. I dare say, Sir, you and other gentlemen have heard of the laws against forestalling. God Almi g hty ha lately visited us with blessed .weather, and it is therefore 114- pardonable that the gifts of Providence should be done awaY with by the act of man. There are new potatoesin the market —I wish it, however to be understood, that I am not much of an ePicure,—•-there are new potatoes, Sir, in the market, and I went to the woman who had them, and asked her at how much a pound she sold them ! " Why," says she," they are three pence-halfpenny per pound, but I have sold then) to this woman," pointing to a woman near her, " and she asks five pence for them." Is not such a circumstance, Mr. Mayor, Of great consequence to the poor, and should not such practices be prevented ? It is not my intention to make - a charge against' the parties, but only to request that you, Sir, will - bear it in mind. The MAY Ott.—You had better make a regular charge against them, I.llr. FoMott. Mr. FottroT T.-Oh, no, not for the world ; for you ate no doubt aware, Sir, that the offence is punishable, I think by fine and imprisonment, and were I to proceed' against them, they might be sent,-as Mr. Hanshall there emphatically terms it, to quod '(a loud laugh in the Court.) Sorry should Ibe to bring the ladies—the fair sex here, to have their purse-stringS opened. I would not entertain the thing for a moment: ' But I think when the private gentlemen of Chester give. tbeiihctive aid to the Magistrates—and God knoWs there are very few ac tive ones in Chester—the Magistrates should attend to thera' . Although you, Sir, may not get a piece of Plate, like Alden man Morris, by exerting yourself in :your high office, you ik obtain what is much better than all the plates in the world--tmean the approbation of your own heart. • Mr. For.LIOTT then. left the room without further We l mony.—(Chester Citrant, May 31. ) BIRTHS. On the Ist inst., the lady of George Marx,. Esq., Iledfaid' place, of a daughter. - On Sunday, the 22d ult. - in Great Portland-street, the 1M 1 of Lionel D. Eiiot, Esq., of a son. MARRIED. YesteidaY, at St. George's, Hanover-square, David Scots' Esq., of the Bengal Civil Service, to Mary Anne, eldest daug! ter of William Crawford, Esq., of Upper Wimpole-street. • On the 26th ult., at St. James's Church; Dovor,, Geol'e William Ledger, Esq., to Elizabeth, second daukliter of Jahn' Shipdem, Esq., of Dovor. Qn Thurselay, the 2d inst., at Chelsea Church, Mi. Thornag' Druce, to 'Amelia Eliza, eldest daughter of the late I% K. Rei d ' . Esq . ,. of Chelsea. N esterday,• the 2d inst., at St. Miry, Woolnoth, Lombard . " street, the Rev. Robert Philip Blake, of 'Wilmington, SusSeS/ to Anna Maria, eldest daughter of the late It'rn.-Bissett, .Estl• • DIED. On Tuesday, the 31st ult., aged 56, Hannah; the wife of 111 6 •Forth, of Oxford.street. •, • On Thursday, the 2a inst., at his house "in Green:stseel tirosvenor-sqlutre, Charles. Walshaw, Eq., late of Ashic" . lodge, Surrey, in his 72d year. Printed andPubb. bed for the PROPRIETORS, at the seto thrricb:, No. 112, Strand, by J. B. CARS,TAIRS•