The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-13 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, Ocroviaz 11!. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a petition from the vestry of Marylebone against the Vestry Bill. Lord CLONCURRY presented a petition against the Irish yeomanry corps, and a petition from a parish in the Queen's county, against the exaction of tithes. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a petition from the parish of St. James, against certain parts of the Vestry Bill. Lord KING presented a petition from the borough of Petersfield, in fivour of Parliamentary Reform. A Message from the Commons communicated that the Act for the better preservation of the Peace, and the Act for the better Auditing the Military Accounts of Ireland, ul passed the Lower House. Upon Lord CARBERY's moving that the Embank ments (Ireland) Bill he referred to a Committee up stairs, we understood the Lord Chancellor to say, that there would be time for passing the Bill this Session, as it was not intended that the Bankruptcy Court Bill should be allowed to be postponed to a future Session. After a conversation between the Duke of Leinster, the Marquis of Westmeath, Lord Plunkett, Lord Cloncurry, and the Marquis of Lansdowne, the House went into a Cummittee upon the Bill. The Bill was then considered in Committee, and several verbal amendments were agreed to. The House having resumed, on the question that the re port be received to-morrow, — The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that in the mean time he would take care to make himself fully acquainted with the provisions of the Bill, which he had nut had an opportunity of doing before. This Bill, he understood, had undergone a severe scrutiny in the other House, but nevertheless, seeing the state in'which other Bills had come tip from thence, it would be necessary to look into it. The report was then ordered to be received to-morrow. REFORM.-POPULAR EXCITEMENT. The LORD CHANCELLOR said—l beg, my Lords, to present to your Lordships a petition from the Magis trates and inhabitants of the town of Peterhead, in Scot land, in favour of the Reform Bill. In doing so, lam anxious to avail myself of the opportunity which I was prevented, through a mere accident, of taking advantage of last night, to say a few words on this subject. I take this opportunity to declare, that I consider it my duty to state, in the face of your Lordships and the country—a duty which devolves upon me, not merely as filling the situa tion which I do in your Lordships' House—not merely as being at the head of the Magistracy of the kingdom—but a duty which devolves upon me as one of, I wil! venture to say, the most constant and sincere friends of the great measure of Parliamentary Reform,—l repeat, my Lords, that I feel it my duty thus publicly to state, that the wit of man could not possibly devise any course of pro ceeding more calculated, beyond all others, to put in jeo pardy the passing of that great measure, than proceed ings of violence or outrage against the persons or pro perties of individuals.—(Year, hear.) Whether such in dividuals differed from the public opinion or not, with re gard to Reform, signified not one straw. A breach of the King's peace, whether committed against the person of any Noble Peer, against the person of any Member of that or of the other House of Parliament, or against any individual whatsoever—any such violation of the public peace, under the present excitement that exists with re gard to this great measure, should be universally consi dered and set down as the worst species of enmity that could possibly be employed for the purpose of preventing the success of Parliamentary Reform.—(Hear, hear.) The people, who are jealously, anxiously, and devotedly desirous for the passing of that great measure, should not permit themselves, on account of any temporary disap pointment in that respect, to be betrayed into proceedings which could alone be expected from the bitterest foes to the success of that momentous measure which they bad so much at heart—they should not allow any temporary defeat which their hopes and wishes may have experienced, to drive them into a course of proceedings inconsistent with the public tranquillity, and destructive of the peace of society. I call upon them as their friend, and as the friend of Reform, not to give way to any such unfounded disappointment. 1 tell them that Reform is only delayed for a short period ; I tell them the Bill will pass,—that the Bill must pass,—that Bill, founded on exactly similar principles, and equally extensive and efficient as the Bill that has been just thrown out, shall, in a very short period, become part and parcel of the law of the land.—(Hear, bear.) Let not the people, I repeat, indulge in any degree of disappointment, for they may rely upon it, that through the exertions of their friends in the Ministry and their friends in Parliament, such a measure shall ere long be passed. But if the King's peace shall he broken, and if the friends of Reform will not also show themselves to be the friends of public order, the success of that measure which they all so much desire may not he attained.—(Hear, hear.) I now give the people this advice,—l give it to them not so much as that of the head of the magistracy in the kingdom, but I give it to them as the friendly advice, the sincere and honest admonition, of a zealous and ardent advocate and supporter of efficient and rational Reform,—l tell them that riot, violence, or outrage, cannot promote but may de feat the success of such Reform,—that it is not by such means, or by the adoption of such proceedings, that his Majesty's Ministers or their friends in both Houses of Parliament would ever desire to see the triumph of that cause secured ;—a triumph which, if good order and tranquillity be maintained, must follo w almost immedi ately, and that the only way by which the people canpos sibly frustate that measure consists in breaking the King's peace."---(Loud cheers.) Lord WHARNCLIFFE rose to express the great satis faction he derived from hearing the sentiments of the Noble Lord on the Woolsack. Assuredly, if any thing could tend to impede the a dvancement of Reform, it would be attacks on persons or property. He hoped that the people of Eng land would understand this. For his own part, he had op posed the Reform Bill, and how he should act with res pect to any other measure must depend upon the circum stances that might come before that House. But while he made this declaration, Le would again state emphati cally, as he bad stated last session, that he was convinced the time had arrived when the question of Reform in the Commons' House of Parliament must be taken into serious eonsideration.—(Hear, bear.) As to the precise measure of Reform, there might be a difference of opinion; but the measure which seemed hest calculated to insure the safety and prosperity of the country should have his hearty con currence.—(Hear.) SPECIAL CONSTABLES' BILL. The amendments to this Bill were agreed to. The House adjourned at Seven o'clock. ROUSE OF COMMONS, OCTOBER 12. DUBLIN ELECTION. ESTCOURT presented a report from the Dublin Election Committee, declaring the sitting Members to have been duly elected, and the petition against their return to be neither frivolous nor vexatious. Mr. GRATTAN a,ked Mr. Estcourt whether it was his intention to lay the evidence taken before the Com mittee on the table of the House, and to move that it be printed ? Mr. ESTCOURT said, that it was not his intention to do any thing of that kind. Such a course was only pursued when a special return was presented, and in this instance there had been no special return. Mr. GRATTAN then gave notice, that he would to morrow move for the production and printing of the evi dence taken before this Committee. Sir G. SKIPWITH presented a petition from a club in Birmingham, praying the House to extend some relief to the distress of Ireland. LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE. Mr. G. RYDER presented a petition from Wilmington and other places, praying. that Protestant soldiers might not be compelled to attend or take part in Roman Catholic ceremonies. Mr. O'CONNELL called the attention of the Hon. Member to the language of the petition. He hoped that it was not insulting to the Catholics of the empire. He hoped that an inquiry would be made into the subject matter of this petition, as he was opposed to all violations of freedom of conscience, either among Catholics or among Protestants.--(Hear.) Sir J. NEWPORT read the petition, and said that its language in designating as impious the ceremonies of the Catholic religion, went, he thought, a little further than the House would tolerate. He should certainly oppose the printing of such a petition. Ciptain GORDON thought that the House ought not t o be too lynx eyed with regard to such petitions. After a few words from Sir R. INGLIS, Mr. HUNT, and 111 r. ROBINSON, the petition was laid on the table, but was not ordered to be printed. Mr. J. WYNNE VOA Sir R. 13A.Trsoll presented similar petitions from Sligo and Coleraine respectively. Mr. RYDER presented a petition from Hemel Hemp stead, in favour of certain Hindoo Christians. REFORM.—POPULAR' EXCITEMENT. Mr. RUTHVEN; hi presenting a Petition from an ag gregate meeting of the freemen and freeholders of the town of Galway, for an extension of their elective franchise, took occasion to observe that he believed that the peti tioners would get all their player if the Reform Bill for Ireland were ,c4ir.6eaf 1-6.tllee,tock occasion to comment severely on the conduct of the Bishops in voting against I the Reform Bill, and expressed his surprise that men, whose whole lives ought to be dedicated not merely to the pleat:11111g, but also to the practice of peace, good-will, and charity to all mankind, should have so forgotten their sa cred duties as to have given a vote, which more than all others was calculated to spread dissatisfaction and disaf fection throughout the country.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He was convinced that after the public-spi rited decision to which the House of Commons had come a few nights ago, and which had spread such great satisfaction throughout the country, the Reform Bill might now be considered as good as carried. He was convinced that the Bill must be passed, by the peace able manner in which the people had conducted them selves that day, in a procession, which, though its num bers rendered it formidable, was deprived of all terror by its quiet, and tranquil, and regular demeanour.—(Cheers.) Sir H. HARDINGE was astonished to hear the Hon. Member's declaration that the people had that day con ducted themselves in a quiet, and regular, and peaceable manner; when it was notorious that a Noble Friend, and a near connection of his own, in coming down to the House, had, in the most cowardly and dastardly manner, been struck off his horse by a shower of stones---(Loud vociferations of " Hear," from the Opposition)—and been so wounded as to be obliged to be taken to his own house in a hackney-coach.--(Hear, hear.) Now lie ad mitted, that though many honest and respectable men might join in these processions, nothing could be more illegal, or, indeed, more unconstitutional, than this mode of bearding the King in his very Palace.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) He contended that this system of letting the people assemble, and march about in processions of large masses, to present their petitions to the King, mist, if continued, lead to great confusion.—(Hear, hear.) Ile could assure the House, that he should not have yen ! tured upon any observations on the present occasion, ! had he not heard the Honourable Member for Down , patrick talk of the peaceable conduct of the people.— (.' Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) The peaceable conduct of the people ! Where was it to be found ? Was it to he found in the attacks which the populace were making day after day on the windows of the Duke of Wellington?—(Loud cries of hear.) It was un necessary for him to speak of the services which that Noble Duke had rendered his country; and if that Noble Duke and his Noble and Gallant Friend, the Marquis of Lon donderry, were adverse to Reform, why should they not have the same liberty to declare their opinions against the Bill which other Noble Lords had to declare them in fa vour of the Bill ?—(Hear, hear.) 'What, however, must the country expect, when it found Ministers in the Cabi net corresponding—(lmmense cheering from the Opposi tion)—with the Political Unions of Birmingham and Manchester?—(Continued cheering.) As he saw in his place the Noble Lord who had rendered himself famous— lie would not use the other word, for he did not think the Noble Lord deserved it—by the introduction of this Bill of Reform, and as he had seen in the public journals the correspondence of that Noble Lord with the Political Union of Birmingham, be would avail himself of the present opportunity to offer a few comments upon it. The Noble Lord s iid, that " he acknowledged with heartfelt gratitude the undeserved honour which had been done him by 150,000 of his countrymen."— (Loud cries of " Hear" front the Opposition.) The Noble Lord, alluding to the rejection of the Bill by the House of Lords, then added, that " though their projects were obscured for a moment, he trusted that it was only for moment—(Great cheering from the Ministerial benches) fur it was impossible that the whisper of a faction should prevail against the voice of the nation."—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He said that use of language like that completely identified the Cabinet with all the political unions. --(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Yes, the Cabinet was identifying and leaguing itself with the politi cal unions ; and the Noble Lord in calling the decision of the House of Peers the whisper of a faction, encouraged the passions and feelings by which such masses of men were unfortunately actuated. He again repeated the decla ration, that when he entered that House that evening, he had no intention to address it at all; but when he was told that the processions of that day lied passed off peaceably and orderly, and when he saw a letter from the Noble Lord expressive of the heartfelt gratitude which he felt for the vote of thanks which he had received from a meeting of 150,000 persons, which the Noble Lord on the Woolsack had described as guilty of sedition and a capital felony, he could not understand on what principles this Government was conducted.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) He hoped that Hon. Members would not be deterred—be at least would not himself be deterred— from the honest discharge of his duty, by the dastardly attacks which any portion of the misguided populace might make upon him.—(Great cheering from the Oppo sition.) He did not mean to say that the Noble Lord opposite had either originated or sanctioned such attacks, but this he must say, that the Noble Lord adopted a very extraordinary way to allay the temper of the people, when he entered into a correspondence with them, and declared his heartfelt gratitude for the thanks which they had be stowed upon him.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Lord JOHN REgSELL begged to trespass for a short time upon the attention of the House, whilst he said a few words in reply to the extraordinary attack which the Hon. anti Gallant Officer had just made upon him. lle was not disposed to defend himself from that attack, be cause he made allowance—and he was sure that the House would do the same—for the irritated feelings under which the Hon. and Gallant Officer rose. He was sure that the Hon. and Gallant Officer must be hurt by the occurrence of that day—an occurrence which, he assured the Hon. and Gallant Officer, no man regretted more than he did —he alluded to the attack which had been made on the Marquis of Londonderry, and to the severe injuries which he had received on his head from a shower of stones.— (Hear, hear.) He lamented the occurrence of such an outrage ; and he agreed with the Hon. and Gallant Officer that it was most disgraceful to those who had been cowardly enough to perpetrate it.—(Hear, hear.) He also thought it right to say, that if there was any continuance of such outrages, they could not be looked upon in any other light than as acts of hostility against all good Government, and that they must alienate the minds of all sober and respect able men from the cause of Reform.—(Hear, hear.) He also agreed with the Hon. and Gallant Officer, that the attack on the House of any Noble Lord was base and dis gracefud—(Cheers from both sides of the House)—but much more base, and much more disgraceful was it, when the attack was made on the House of the Duke of Welling ton, to whom the country was so much indebted for past services. —(Cheers.) In defence of those outrages he would not say one word, either in palliation or excuse.—(Herr. As to the manner in which the lion. and Gallant Officer had connected these outrages with his (Lord J. Russell's) letter to Mr. Attwood, he would only observe that the Hon. and Gallant Officer had not laid any substantial grounds to in.. duce the House to think that the language he had used in that letter, had led to any breach of the public peace.— (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The Hon. and Gallant Officer had charged hint with having corresponded with the Political Union cf Birmingham. He would not at that moment enter into the question of the propriety of engaging in such a correspondence, but in this case no such question could arise. Mr. Attwood, the banker of Birminghem, had written to him stating that there had been a great meeting at Birmingham, at which he believed 150,000 persons were present. He would not say that the meeting was so large as Mr. Attwood had represented it, but it certainly was a large meeting, and that meeting had thanked his Majesty's Government for the manner in which they had conducted the Bill through the Commons House of Parliament. In such a resolution on the part of the meeting, he saw nothing un constitutional—nothing inconsistent with the rights which as Englishmen they possessed, anti, more especially, no thing inconsistent with that right which they had enjoyed from their ancestors—he meant the right of pronouncing an opinion upon the conduct either of Government or of the Opposition. He had, therefore, thought it was a duty which be owed to the people of Birmingham and himself, to express his gratitude to them for the vote of thanks they bad given to his Majesty's Ministers generally, and to himself individually—(Hear, bear)—and he had yet to learn that there had been anything in the conduct of that meeting which ought to lead him to refuse accepting a vote of thanks from it.—(Hear, hear.) He saw no rea son why he should say to the thousands who had been awaiting with interest the result of this Bill, " You are unfit to be consulted by the King'e Government, and I therefore repudiate your praise." On the contrary, he thought that lie might notice the loyalty and good sense of the people of Birmingham ; and he imagined that, when lie stated that the success of the Reform Bill was only de ferred for a time, but was still certain, he was expressing a sentiment, which, so far from leading to tumult, would induce the people to wait with patience for the introduc tion of that measure to which they attached so much ita portance.—(Hear, hear.) He had undoubtedly said, and he now repeated the assertion, that " it was impossible that the whisper of faction should prevail against the voice of a nation."—(Great cheering from the Ministerial benches.) it was a sentiment which lie had expressed on first receiving Mr. Attwood's letter, and he now saw no reason either to retract or withdraw it.—(Great cheer ing.) He thought that the number of those who sup ported the Reform Bill, compa re d w i th the small number of those who opposed it, justified him in stating that the ,Reformers were the nation,-.-(Great cheering (rem the Ministerial benches.) lie thought, be repeated, that the Reformers (lid constitute the nation, and that the greater part of the opponents to the Bill did belong to, and might justly be denominated, a faction.__ (Cheers from the Ministerial benches, re-echoed back from the Opposition benches.) Such being his sentiments, he could not think of retracting any expression in that letter. He was sorry that it did not meet with the appro bation of the Hon. and Gallant Officer; but he could not give up :his opinions to please that Hon. and Gallant Member, It was his most earnest desire that the people should conduct themselves in a peaceable and orderly man ner at this crisis. —(Hear, hear.) If they did so conduct themselves, and would only avoid all violation of the peace, he felt confident that nothing could prevent this great measure of Reform from being passed speedily into a law.__ (Great cheering.) He was sure that the country would soon have the satisfaction of seeing the two Houses of Parliament agree in the expediency of a measure which he considered necessary to the preservation of the Constitu tion, and to the consolidation of its most important in terests.--(Hear, hear.) Sir H. HARDINGE said, that he was not aware that be had used any language :which the Noble Lord could justly complain of.—(Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL thought that he bad a right to complain of the conduct of the Hon. and Gallant Officer, who had coupled his letter with the attack on the Marquis of Londonderry—an act which was not of his commission, and for which he could not be considered responsible.— , (Cheers.) The Hon. and Gallant Officer had said that he was not surprised at these outrages having been c immitted after his (Lord J. Russell's) letter was pub lished. He put it to the House whether the language which he had used, when speaking of the Anti-Reformers as a faction, was not much less strong than that which was ordinarily used in political warfare—(Hear, hear)—and than that which had been used by the opponents of all Re form during the discussions on the Reform Bill ?—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Sir H. HARDINGE said, it was intolerable that the voice of a majority of the House of Lords should be called the mere whisper of faction.—(Hear, hear.) That ex pressio❑ the Noble Lord bad made use of; and from the use of that expression it was impossible for the Noble Lord to escape.—•(Hear, hear.) In using that expression the Noble Lord had identified himself with the different political unions. —(Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said, that his expression did not mean to include all the Peers who voted in the majority ; he only alluded to a small and self-interested portion of their Lordships.—(Hear.) Sir R. VYVYAN contended that his Hon. and Gallant Friend had never said that it was the intention of the Noble Lord to create these outrages. All that his Hon. and Gallant Friend bad said was this,—that when he saw two Cabinet Ministers corresponding with the Poli tie.d Unions of Birmingham and Manchester, it was not too much to connect their letters with any insurrectionary movements which might take place in any part of England. He did not mean to say that the Noble Lord meant to ex cite such riots as had occurred in various parts of the country; but those riots were the inevitable consequence of the letters which the two Noble Lords opposite had written.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He was sur prised that the Noble Lord should have corresponded at all with the Political Union of Birmingham. That Union was formed in the year 1830, in consequence of the Houses having refused to make any inquiry into the dis tress of the country ; and yet the Noble Lord was among those who had voted against the institution of such inquiry. No later than last week, the Political Union alluded to had transmitted a memorial to Earl Grey, distinctly declaring that the Reform Bill would be incomplete as a measure for the pacification of the country, unless the currency ques tion also should undergo revision. —(Cheers from the Op position.) This, then, was the sense of that body, to which the Noble Lord stated seriously his opinion, that the rejection of the Bill would be a public calamity.— (Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) How long, lie demanded, was so anomalous a state of things to con tinue ? How long was the majority of that House to come to decisions contradictory of that of the Lords ? He would ask if, in the event of a prorogation, and lilinisters con tinued in office, which he hoped they would—(Laughter) —it should become necessary to take measures for the coercion of the violators of the public peace, whether the Noble Lord would exercise to the fullest extent the powers with which he was invested by the Constitution for en forcing obedience to the law ?—(Hear, hear.) Hon. Members smiled when he expressed his hope that Minis ters for the present would remain in office ; but he did hope so, knowing as he must that a tremendous responsi bility would be attached to their tenure of power for the ensuing three months. The Noble Lord, in his reply to his notable Birmingham correspondent, he perceived, had condescended to notice the often-repeated threat of re ' sistance to the payment of taxes—assessed taxes, of course, for no other, he presumed, could be contemplated—and implored the parties who thus menaced him not to disturb Ministers by putting ouch a threat in execution. If they did, he could not pay the dividends, as the people of Bir mingham might soon find, so that it would be eventually as broad as it was long. This was certainly the first time in which a Minister of the Crown had ever committed himself to a correspondence of such a nature, and he most sincerely trusted it would also prove the last.—(llear.) As to the letter of the Noble Paymaster of the Forces, he wished only to make a single observation upon the meaning which it was intended to convey. The Noble Lord denied that he meant to stigmatise the majority of the Lords by the phrase " whisper of a faction," as put in opposition to the vote of the nation. Now, if the Noble Lord did not allude to the majority of the other House when he made use of that expression, b e begged leave to ask him who it was that he did mean ? (Cheers from the Oaposition.) Nay, how was it that he had remained in office a moment longer after thus identi fying himself with such a body as that of Birmingham, by writing to their President a letter of this description?— ' (Cheers.) Again, he asked, whom or what he meant by the language to which he had resorted ? Did he mean to notcc the fact that sums of money had been promised and paid to particular Noble individuals for their votes ; did he mean to acknowledge that certain balls were to be placed higher or lower on certain coronets, and that balls were also to be taken off altogether and strawberry leaves sub stituted in some coronets as a reward for the partisanship of their wearers ?—(Loud cheers.) Did he allude to the bench of Bishops who . were now so reviled for their oppo. sition to the Government, although it had always hitherto been the fashion to vituperate them for habitually paying court to the powers that be?—(Cheers.) Surely, by op posing Ministers, those Right Rev. Prelates could gain nothing, at all events, whatever they might have lost. But was the Noble Lord quite sure that the voice of publi c opinion was really in favour of this Bill ?—(Hear, hear.) The contest which was now proceeding with such vigour in the county of Dorset, he thought might at least induce them to be a little diffident as to the correctness of their assumption in the affirtnative.—(Cheers from the Opposi tion.) Had they any right to talk of the voice of public opinion as being exclusively in their favour, when the Anti-Bill Candidate at this moment had brought as many votes to the poll as his opponent ?—(Cheers, and cries of " More.") If more, the case was so much the stronger ; but if as many, it was sufficient for his argument, which was,- that the country was at least divided upon the ques tion, and that was a sufficient refutation of the asset tion of gentlemen opposite—(Hear)—that a contested election would be attended with the same results in every other county in England, if opportunity were afforded for so extensive a demonstration of opinion.—( Hear.) Did the house remember the triumphant chuckling of the Press at the approach of the election for Dorset ? No Anti- Reformer, forsooth, could think of coming forward, and yet Lord Ashley, who had not declared himself till two days before they went to the hustings, occupied his pre sent station upon the poll after more freeholders had voted than perhaps had ever before been polled upon any similar occasion. —(Hear.) Once more he demanded what party the Noble Lord meant by the expressions in his letter.— But he wished also to direct the attention of the House to the processions of that (lay through the streets of London, consisting of crowds with white ribands tied on their arms on which were inscribed the words " national union."-- Had not these unions been in existence prior to 1793, and were they not suppressed by the interposition of the Le gislature, and were they not also put down in like man ner on their revival in 1819 ? Ile was prepared to main tain that those who entered into this so-called Reform combination did not in fact amount to one-half the res pectability of the country—(llear, hear, from Mr. Hunt) and ha would therefore now call upon the Government to yield, since it became thus apparent that their position was untenable.—(Hear.) That day the Marquis of Lon donderry was waylaid a second time, and severely wounded by their supporters.—(Hear.) Those who were taunted as mock-reformers had been described as unfriendly to the extension of the liberties of the people. He denied the charge.—(hear.) The mass of the community he did not think were incompetent to form an opinion as to the best mode in which a legislative assembly should be constituted --(Hear, hear.) It was too hard, however, to urge that the opponents of Ministers were hostile to all improvement merely because they happened to be adverse to this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped that Government after all that had passed, would see the propriety of so modifying their late Bill as to make it a safe measure, which would not scare and alarm the advocates of our an cieut institutions; and he was glad to perceive that Mi- ' nisters already evinced symptoms of a disposition to abate sotnewlaat of their demands. Ile hoped, therefore, that they would then bring in a Bill which would in effect secure the just prerogatives of the Crown, the authority of both Houses of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the people. At present he could not forbear complain ing of the system by which it was sought to make con verts to Reform. Handbills this day were placarded through the town, fringed with black, and bearing the names of the majority of the Lords, who were thus pointed out to the vengeance of the public, and marked as fit objects, if necessary, for the knife.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) In no one instance did ha see the police in terfere to prevent the circulation of such documents ; but Ministers, he concluded, were but too happy in their pros pect of advantage from any contingent riots which it was likely would ensue.—(Cheers.) Lord ALTHORP said, in reply to the Hon. Baronet's attack upon him, for having written a letter to the Bir mingham Political Union, that he had written no letter whatever to the body known under that title.—(Cheers.) He certainly did acknowledge to have addressed a letter to the chairman of a public meeting at Birmingham (con sisting of 150,000 persons), expressing his sense of a vote of thanks with which so large a number of his fellow countrymen had thought fit to honour his public conduct. —(Hear, hear.) How the Hon. Baronet might feel upon such an occasion he could not pretend to say, but for his own part his feelings would be very different from what they had been hitherto if he could be indifferent to the ap probation of an assembly of Englishmen.—(Near, hear, hear.) He valued this testimony to his character as highly as it deserved, and he was not the man to disdain returning a courteous answer to such a communication nor could he think that in so doing he had acted in a man ner by any means unworthy of his station.—(Hear, hear.) In acknowledging to the chairman the honour thus con ferred on him, he had taken the opportunity to recom mend that gentleman to use his influence for the preven tion of acts of violence, or illegal and unconstitutional excesses. He had also stated that the rejection of the Re form Bill was a great calamity, for as a calamity his col leagues and himself had considered it.—(Cheers.) He denied that the letter so written , could be said to have placed him in opposition to the House of Lords, for his assent to the introduction of the measure itself had un happily placed him in that predicament already.—(Hear, hear.) Ile did not desire to interfere with the just privi leges of the Lords ; but if their Lordships bad privileges, so also had he.—(Cheers.) The right of expressing his personal opinions appertained to him in common with every other Englishman ; and no assembly whatever, be it Lords or be it Commons, should deprive him of it.— (Cheers.) But how the letters of his Noble Friend and himself could be said to encourage riot, he was totally un able to divine. The gentleman to whom he had addressed the letter in question differed, indeed, with him upon the subject of the currency ; but it was a little too much to bring that forward as a reason to dissuade him from thank ing him, and the assembly of which he was the organ, for the vote of confidence with which they had honoured him.— (Hear, and laughter.) The speech of the Hon. Baronet be could not help saying strongly reminded him of a similar speech in April last, when Ministers were also told that the opinion of the country was against them—(Hear) —and that they would discover the truth of the prognostic. Hon. Gentlemen opposite now told them that they had no right to assume that the country at this moment was in their favour. Now, really in reply to such statements, he could only express his regret that any one at the present crisis, after seeing what he had seen, and hearing what he had heard, should still indulge in so miserable a delu sion, when an unprejudiced man must at once acknowledge that the country, in fact, was all but unanimous in favour of the Reform Bill.—(Cheers.) In conclusion he should only add, that this attack appeared very unfair and un reasonable, so far as his noble colleague and himself were affected by it, and he should never regret having respect fully answered the cordial, and to him most gratifying, assurance that lie bad conciliated the good opinion of so many of his fellow subjects.—(Hear.) Sir R. VYVYAN disclaimed having used, on a former occasion, the precise language which the Noble Lord had ascribed to him. Mr. G. BANKES did not mean to call in question the Noble Lord's discretion in having answered the letter alluded to in the manner be had described, but the case of the Noble Lord beside him was entirely dissimilar.— (Hear)—and he did not hesitate to pronounce that Noble Lord's conduct to be indiscreet and reprehensible. He, moreover, could not refrain from expressing his regret, that the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack should have expressed, through inadvertency, an opinion, that it was lawful for large bodies to repair in procession to the Palace, for the purpose of presenting petitions to his Majesty. It was against the law, and they all saw that day the practical result of its repetition, for a Peer of the realm had already been severely wounded by the rioters in the public thoroughfares.—( Hear, hear.) He did not mean to assert that those who actually walked in the procession were the mob, but most assuredly their procedure of neces sity produced it. He was himself a witness to the demo lition of Lord Bristol's windows, next door to the very house in which the Hon. Member for Middlesex met the populace by appointment, in order to put himself at the head of the procession. They smashed the windows by way of amusement, while they were detained waiting for the Hon. Gentleman, who was to act as their principal. But he had risen chiefly in order to notice the letter al ready alluded to, which had been written to the Chair man of the Birmingham Union by the Noble Lord oppo site. In that letter the Noble Lord, in his opinion, had sought to throw a direct stigma on the majority against the Bill in the other House,—a majority which had tri umphantly thrown out the Bill in spite of the late creation of additional Peers for the avowed purpose of carrying the measure.—(Cheers, ) Lord EBRINGTON rose to order. The Hon. Member was irregular in thus describing in that House a proper and legitimate exercise of the Royal authority. The SPEAKER decided that it was no violation of the rules of Parliament to allude there to the exercise of the Royal authority by a creation of Peers, if that exercise was proper and constitutional. The Noble Lord by in terposing appeared to assume that it was not so.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Mr. BANKES then went on to describe the present state of the contest in Dorsetshire, and stated that by the latest accounts that Lord Ashley was ten a-head on the tenth day of the poll.—(Cheers.) No one could under take to predict what might be the ultimate result of the election, but his argument was sufficiently established by the closeness of the contest. That it would be carried in favour of Lord Ashley would be most certain, were it not that many who had been well-inclined to support him, were deterred from coming forward by the fear of injury from incendiaries, which prevailed not only in Dorsetshire, but all over the country generally, and was every day in creasing.—( Hear.) Outrages were now in progress in two counties, and it could not be disguised that the letter of the Noble Lord had contributed to augment them.— Gentlemanll as follo follows d (j) ll ; e i a ?n rtfe ß7 l i t tles g s r el atitude, the un deserved thenbegff ea t read hear,"t acknowledge letterwithd no.") o honour done me by 150,000 of my countrymen. Our prospects are now obscured for a moment, and I trust only for a moment.—(Cheers.) It is impossible that the whisper of faction should prevail against the voice of a nation."—(Cheers.) He would tell the Noble Lord that he preferred the whisper of his (Mr. G. Bankes's) faction to the clamour of his mob."—(Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL said, that as so pointed a call had been made upon him to explain in what sense he applied the expression which had given the Hon. Gentleman so much uneasiness, he did not hesitate to state that he had not contemplated the majority of the Lords in the phrase so often referred to. The other House had undoubtedly as good a right to reject the Bill as they themselves had to agree to it, and he was far from disputing that they were perfectly entitled to vote which way they thought proper. __(Cheers.) But there might be factions in Parliament no twithstanding, which looked is their own interests and promoted their own ends by opposing the Reform Bill—. (Hear) —and he would also add, that the conduct of cer tain gentlemen in opposition on General Gascoigne's mo tion, fully illustrated the truth of the assertion.—(Cheers.) Hon. and Learned Gentlemen had likewise talked pretty often of the wicked and profligate designs of Ministers in introducing this late measure of Reform, and it appeared to him that lie might with equal fairness make use of a word so common in the English language as faction.— (Laughter.) That grave and learned person, Dr. John son, had defined Whig by the word faction—(Cheers from the Opposition) —and explained Tory, to signify a sup porter of the Constitution in Church and State.—(Cheers repeated.) He, however, might call a Whig, one who de sired to reform abuses in the Constitution ; and a Tory, one who resisted their attempts to bring about that desir able object. With respect to the recent creation of Peers, it was only necessary to observe, that a similar increase had been made at the Coronation of George the Fourth, and the Honourable Gentleman was entirely deceived if lie imagined that they had been made to fa cilitate the success of the Reform Bill. If a motion were brought forward for an address to the Crown requesting his Majesty to abstain from this exercise of the Royal pre rogative, he apprehended that very few would be found to come forward and support it. The Hon. Baronet seemed to think that Ministers were inclined to take advantage of the disturbane..s which be anticipated as likely to ensue in the present excited state of the country ; but really it was not easy to understand in what way Ministers would gai❑ by such proccedings.—(Hear, hear.) It was their duty to assuage and suppress them by every means in their power, and happy was it for them that they could not charge themselves with the responsibility.—(Cheers.) At the same time he could not imagine a more ungrateful task than that now imposed upon Government, which had first given its sanction to a measure of so much importance, and was thus afterwards constrained to coerce the people into acquiescence in the decision which thus retarded, for a time, their just and reasonable expectations.—(Cheers. ) He (lid, in his conscience, believe that the retirement of the present Ministers, so far from allaying the evils that they all so much deprecated, would only tend to their further aggravation.—(Cheers, and cries of " No.") He begged leave furthermore to add, that in his opinion no advantage whatever could be derived from the continuance of this discussion. After the explanation which he had given, he should be sorry if the House thought that any blame attached to him ; and he only hoped that an angry discussion might not arise in the present state of public feeling. Mr. GOULBURN concurred in the observation which had fallen from the Noble Lord, that it was the duty of every one not to add to the excitement which at present prevailed out of doors ; and he trusted that, whatever re marks might fall from him, they would not be attended with such an unfortunate effect. The Noble Lord (the Paymaster of the Forces) had vindicated one paragraph in the letter which had been brought before the attention of the House, on grounds which he considered most extraor dinary—(Hear, hear)— extraordinary, if assumed by any Member of that House, but ten times more extraordinary , when assumed by a Cabinet Minister, of whom the tran quillity of the country ought to be the peculiar care.— (Cheers.) lie was not present when this discussion com menced, because in attempting to reach the House he bad been overborne by an assembled multitude. How had the Noble Lord attempted to vindicate that part of his letter in which he spoke of " the whisper of a faction prevailing against the voice of the nation ?" The Noble Lord had forsooth referred the House to Dr. Johnson's definition of the word " faction." Did the Noble Lord really see no difference in the use of that word by an individual writ ing a dictionary, and by a Cabinet Minister ? The avoids of the Noble Lord, if unexplained, would naturally seem to apply to the majority of the House of Lords ; and lie thought that the Noble Lord must be sensible of the indiscretion into which he had been betrayed ; but he could tell that Noble Lord that it was useless to try to escape from that indiscretion by a reference to a lexicographer.— (Hear.) The Noble Lord said that he did not mean to designate the majority of the House of Lords as the " whisper of the faction," but be understood the Noble Lord to state that part of the majority were factious. Was it, he asked, proper for a Cabinet Minister to hold up to the multitude of Birmingham, that part of the majority of the House of Lords were influenced, not by their own conscientious opinions, but by factious motives ?—(Hear.) And to whom was the Noble Lord's letter addressed ? To the chairman of a meeting - of 150,000 persons, who, at the time the Noble Lord was writing, had not met to depre cate the actual decision of the House of Lords on the Re form Bill, but to induce that House to pass it by a display of numbers, and by employment of threats. The Noble Lord might wish to prevent excitement, but he had taken an unfortunate course to secure that object.—( Hear.) An Hoar. MEatunst stated to the House that he wit neased in the course of the day the demolition of the win dows of Apsley-house by about twenty boys; and that a large multitude, very quiet people no doubt, looked on without attempting to prevent the mischief. He believed that no blame was deserved by the police, as he understood that every possible arrangement had been made to secure the public peace. He said that he had listened with great s itisfaction to the explanation offered by the Noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), with respect to the letter, which he had written ; but he confeased that he had not derived equal satisfaction from the explanation of the Noble Lord (the Paymaster of the Forces).—(Hear.) That Noble Lord had insinuated that the majority of the House of Lords were a faction ; and had talked of a fac tion existing in the House of Commons. He asked the Noble Lord whether he had never heard of a Government being carried on by faction 2---(Hear, hear.) Sir C. WETHERELL—The Noble Lord has said that 1 called the Reform Bill a profligate measure, and he in a manner challenges me to repeat the term. I certainly said that it was jacobinical and revolutionary, and there fore, perhaps, the inference may be that it is profligate; but, in the course of the many discussions, I did not use that word. Such expressions as I did employ I am not disposed to withdraw, and what I have said I usually stick to.—(Cheers.) I beg leave to observe, that never on any occasion did I cast out the slightest imputation against the abilities or conduct of the Noble Lord. At present lam dragged into this discussion—l am dragged into it by the Noble Lord—and being dragged into it, I must say that two more improper letters, bearing the signatures of Cabinet Ministers, were never written than those signed Althorp and Russell.—(Cheers.) I give my opinion on them not as a volunteer, but because lam dragged into the discussion by the Noble Lord. If he addresses himself to a lawyer—if, indeed, Ministers have a lawyer among them—(Hear) —he will be told that a meeting cf 150,000 persons, assembled under certain sym bols of concert, according to the undoubted decision of con stitutional lawyers is a misdemeanour. What are the facts ? After the rejection of the Bill by the House of Lords, two of the King's Cabinet Ministers are minded to write letters to the Chairman of a public meeting ; I was not in the House when the question was put regarding the letter of the Noble Paymaster of the Forces—l did not hear the accusation, but I heard the defence, and that defence seems to me most unfortunate. If it were written from in advertence (a word, by the way, not unknown to the Cabinet)—in a moment of haste, and in the overflowing of the gratitude of the Noble Lord for the support offered to him and his friends, he might have told him so ; but no, he deliberately enters upon his defence, which turns out to be not a satisfactory answer, but a metaphysical sophistica tion. Then he taunts us, forsooth, with being Tories, and he tells us how Dr. Johnson defines the words " Whig" and " Tory ;" but if the Noble Lord quote one page from Dr. Johnson, I may be allowed to refer to an other, and elsewhere I find that great authority giving it as his opinion, that the "Devil was the first Whig."— (Cheers and laughter.) The Noble Paymaster of the Forces went into other topics, which I shall not pass over, as I mean this night to give notice of a motion.— Among other things, he tells us that he hopes the debates this evening will preserve the tone of moderation of the other night. Let me ask the Noble Lord whether he alluded to the speech of the Hon. and Learned Member fur Calne, whose sentiments were so heartily adopted by the Ministers ?—( Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gen tleman toll us, among other moderate sentiments, that the law did not depend for its virtue and efficacy upon its own vigour, and that it was merely a dead letter, unless supported by the strength of public opinion ; in other words, that public opinion is the law, for law is not the law without it. That doctrine, I remember, was vehe mently cheered by his Majesty's Ministers—by the adhe rents, I may call them, of the Honourable Member for Caine, although, perhaps, I may not call them a faction : he contended and they admitted that the arbitriuni popularis aura was the only law of the land. Then the Noble Paymaster of the Forces, with his milk and water executive Government— his lemonade and orgeate Ministry—talks of the destruc tion of the Palaces of the nobles of the land; when he spoke of the acts of violence and insurrection against Peers of the realm and their property, surely he might have picked out a little stronger phrase from his vocabulary , than the admission that it was the duty of the public autho rities to calm the popular excitement.—(Cheers.) I say that it is the duty of Government to suppress and to punish—to exert the strong arm of the law in its full force; and I refer the Noble Lord again to his dictionary to find some form of words that may convey that such acts of criminality shall be met by adequate and condign pu nishment. I say, and I say it without fear of contradic tion, that Government have connived at the acts of vio lence encouraged by their own organ, the leading journal, the Tintes, which has been daily exciting and irritating the people. I remember that the Hon. and Learned Member for Caine told us the other night, that the law officers of the Crown were but as rusty nails ; it seems but too true, that they are as insufficient as they are decayed ; and when the Bill for giving a retiring pension to Mr. Abercrombie, Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer in Scotland, shall come before this House, I shall beg leave to tack his Ma jesty's Attorney-General by way of rider to it.—(Cheers and laughter.) Sure I am, that no man better deserves to retire, although whether he deserves a pension for re tiring may be another question. I think that the country would not lose much by paying him for dispensing with his services.—(Laughter.) When I see these excitements and provocations to violence and burnings in papers that are friendlylo Ministers, I can only suppose, by no great stretch of fancy, that the office of his Majesty's Attorney- General is vacant.—(Hear, and cheers.) Out of doors, I know that there are many who distrust Government at the present crisis ; and in doors, I for one, in a tone as high as I can raise, will assort that I distrust it. Ido not see opposite—yad, I do see oppo s it e —(L aug ht er ) — t h e Right Hon. Under-Secretary for the Home Department, against whom no complaint can justly be made for what i t Rdoo , ineen liar; he has eith e r said or I lone in connection with th e 8 i • cilihorren(( Bill. I entertain the highest respect for the talents_ i s ,'prat ttuiti,:t firmueas of mind of the Noble Lord at the head ot , i , ) ,, lj'ety's (;uv office ; but, let me ask, dpeLaerdtmaetnt,Naortitdingpii:arillilapisiasintneoltligence of wh at 11 ! , j -e u es 414 b " time the Forces recommend merely calmness and soothing-!Yee,ol; guage of .:, for the popular irritation, if Woburn Abbey had been!) i_i sit w i th _l l , 1 ap preb , i 5 Ar. ? Ea , the Noble Lord's ancestral mansion would, of ' aPpro • '- occasion some trifling ripple upon the glassy surface. excite' vinr , . down instead of Nottingham Castlyee.t rTealceb:sttrhueetlit:eir';o(ll, 'l'.li'attihill:7l: 'lanc e ll or ' of I temper, however he may talk of moderating Publi c e e Cb a i r ment and calming tbe public mind. • the flig ht An H tet an ,niv ° ,, un d t e ry y , t, Lord J. RUSSELL-I know not whether ,1 9, 00 . A Hon. Gentleman heard me, but what I said was tu tcs , ;e g_"age 1, 54 that the attack upon the house of the Duke of Weillug eot 4 , t ,hough t th would the Noble Paymaste 0, , their utm, and other similar transactions, nothing could indue t ole F r i et _ge u se of du to palliate or excuse.with t he 't rata s° Sir C. WETHERELL-I do not quarrel WI re , }, rt er a tl words of the Noble Lord, but I maintain, that i f Gnv a e sce ti 4; a ncl h ( ment have not been exciting these proceedings, The 1 ` .....he k JUSt i a ,i, a , been conniving at them.-(Hear, hear.) e th at “e Lord, in his most improper letter, tells the peni le a bees , lefe e ° P1)0 logic-this the unstatesmanlike princi tranquil, not because you will break the law, but „ t ole •I b o _ astle to they lit' .e . d ' , team you will defeat the Reform Bill. This is the resPe dere , h, e "t s eas i s n iore h t e to , ' k fr og liction of duty-for I can use no less forcible expressetoo i ott,l l : o TasE v contained in the two letters to the illegally Birmingham Union.-(Cheers.) I have felt called 1; the r l f th e ea, m to e s n a t y io thatsup suppress (nliostticirobnafindeeein; and de what is of GI 4,• . copiedttauil not believe that the public confide in them : on t i pi' h e , 3 1 -it tinied trary, lam persuaded that my opinion is the g ene.; co, 'erasuread eon,, nion, and that Ministers will use the disturbances as tnents th at h vehicle and means of carrying their Reform 13 ,! 11-- ae ( siobl e , Mr -- il,., el lee cheering)-and in proof I vouch the letter 01 t" 0 4 110 1 0 T'Uilli Lord. Having become acquainted with what bag, ip re : e n s a ti to t - N g iIl o , e t d t o i n n on g to h i ct a e m mo , ef , i t t na l i my s m oa tn y i do i n n d t ior e nt n i t i ty i h o intention-s whisper b I i fecaitr.al y wla s y a d Y ont i oy t 0 7 r; ~ ,, ,llaed ! r e: et hx eeexcite u et ii ii: Y elri t 1 that Ministers will boldly, manfull 'and energetics ) 1 01 h e d ° Ple s o „ t suppress these scandalous and anti-social outrages' ii, they f, ad bee lieving it I will say it, and saying I will adhere tether tva, 041 wha he constitutional powers in their hands to control' lie they ehelarationg principle--thiscotbns lie:: (Cheers.) I cannot regularly move at present, an d ' ~, 0 Itreo ' s u ,'h a e h ro pert),.„ ill Itterai ' l oli s , addressfi o n re b , u I r n s it l n i o a g l t l i:i eo g : i give nreo Nottingham notice wn pr t a a ili t g l tcthraaisltlt,laet,o-stmipieeocylw, 01 i, 5 iorl 44 1ti 0 .ve .: 1 sue C r u trag e : 1 1 , a la i n ; may be issued to try the offenders concerned ill t " e , c) ef b ig - ; at alra e disc Grace the Duke of Newcastle, and in other diser7or ; 1 1 e that ll e i 'g to ti that neighbourhood. I came down to the il , u Lord h3' IC ' a4 4 eir °pi t purpose of giving that notice ; but as the Noble o ao ! ve t ai cit 114 4 called upon me, I have shown that lam readY 0 . ) ,..i0 el aYto th l eOce 1 him. lam ready to state in strong terms...4lle, 0 04 a „ l3f tea use him. unmeasured terms-(Hear)-in strong and tic ui rs , -s ittis° i ; ; i th a ' •: e tabl terms-(Hear, hear)-that Government, in P e L, otbe r „ - "ghte s - , "tire the attack not only upon this House but upon °c o g irr t r ece hi ` 'tol e House of Parliament, and upon the property of Pe i od istl' the 0.---..( dividuals, have yielded to the most illegal threa ts le o S,f e I t i i , iti n u . bi ke of midation, at the daily propagation of which Miur e b, i t tb e 1 atla - ,.1 purposely and sedulously connived. I have 41 41 ` "Ir . a ''ti p f ,-,'" to Duke of Newcastle's mansion has been burnt O A P i t tli e L'ea ;use w , because he voted against the Reform Bill; a ° "(p e ob lie 1 4 0 i, ts ° s 1 Noble Lord know, that by a happy convertibility' e tio ,;ilr if use e ueh ; opinion, which changes with the utmost rapidi t Y,, 3 :o ",e i n t 1 ; 4 : 0.-- Y ( a . 1„ !: ea out the possibility of eontroul, the attack e;, - pre' ) 1i ! ... , th„ f , - -oni Woburn Abbey may not be long postponed. i ' n ' t edi hr „ iL,,,,e i t he lie the Duke of Newcastle's property has been dei e " o : l oe t , ~;1 4g t,i d "e 1 cause he is the enemy of Reform :to morrow t he t ( f ien ' 1; s ueli i ell 'i of the Rus-els may be assailed, because they ° hi , LP, sh e ar, h ear -lu gU to it.-(Cheers.) I need not remind the N°[o.ll) $",, ti 'en ~1 . ) that there is a vast body out of doors who 10 0 1 ' ,alio' arl who WI much contempt on his 101. clause as Ido two, °e e l; Al' ii?he e -4 at measure : proximus ardet Ucalegon, and r ro vijt , ° to V th aeli aln a e rt.ed st bey, Althorp house, and Lindy, may be the ti e) - cike a . 14 4 a l Ada •11 0 Y sacrificed.g toted til Ad d re ac e , Sir J. WROTTESLEY spoke to order, 00 the 'Srleeel Ghat . 1 s to his that the Right Hon. Gentleman was ointiog °lit - The!4'"at'lvi 4 pitch t he f %id i l to be the objects of popular fury P at io 11, eeli a @ The SPEAKER concurred that such ruig"" . ins Res o g of effec . t, and that it was consequently out of order. lot tPe„ it 4 14a,,i 'rn Li Sir C. WETHERELL-I do not appreheud , ri t f V I k st ' li e o ' f llit Y people-the tide of the mob-the " turbid 11°71:14':A or4tiifetted"eit! -will need my information if the at any fo til " led' .- a t ler e ,: --- -i should have a spark of fire for any of those ' u P ir ope t -41 (1 s e l fi - ,` of a fabrics : but I think the objection of Hon' ; ' - ',, t ; 13 t li v . h ieh h '" 011 would have come with much more fitness du e ' hi ", "ilt o . 141 .,,i 5 ir l 'ad speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for C i rio '',ed l e tke l o ; e ar, former night, for whose incitements he seems d' ° e; o sjO re I } i . a last Oh have much charity.-(Cheers.) I was going t° a - s oot e ~ 'i11..-„ -e i wil Government not to act on the iderior principle ,' ro a te ty " ° .") NI ," 10 e ing popular passion and calming irritation, but 3t ° cot ma the a s i take offenders into custody, and to punish thend 0 ,pr , ,or e r t z coadjutors,,,,h, i i, this yn s p hm u en se l ) hereafter purpose that their te it,those w ou ldi opponents veh,o,e remind matri(e: 8 t the in;oiawrn Noble dof,ryti he,i.a( to L y i tiri r oi e : :: : ::$10 ( o : r t 10 1 1 1 11, i . to l: e_e a l ti q rhie t ,ie t v is lteovf: le, je change . in the wind of politics will blow the agu e f r j gel e ; 4 114 Th e 'ss' ad ( : 1-1 ' lution begins no man can tell where it will end, oci r o pals ' / t t he f e . '„ ei ttld property may be sacrificed to the alternation of P io ', O r h vsa a - 'gs fury ; and every man who thinks differently fr° o t o e p! 1181 4tiel such a point may have the brains of a coxcomb, b 1 " b ere • i tal i , ) a vi the intellect of a man.-(Cheers.) 1 00 ti , ea 400 ,I, Mr. STANLEY-I am sure the House wil l fee ser c a , 4t urha r , u tla no man connected with the present Administratiov;iios hear„ er the eea., ing his Majesty at a time of peculiar d a nger-'7 3 : t gaitt e° Ghat)-aa y a „ t 't when, I will venture to say, no other Adatin'fijeol (i i b a d ere could be formed that would possess sufficien t c' ei safe e ; h at i '4 ') 4 bl in the country to carry it through its difficulties 743 0 1 wh rejected cheering)-could be expected to restrain the fee ' l e to he tl indignation which now agitate my breast at the oui r oar, waeco llii ql attick of the Right lion. Gentleman.-(Cheers.) v Orr , 1, ' , e th o ' for ever unneces , ary for the satisfaction of the e° ll , ejv h iff i ," it e'l4 .--.. s a e p s t v however impossible it may be to convince the Rig f ,,,,ir th p 's(ch f s , - iit Gentleman, I may say, for one and all of their ; 5 0' 4 ...,, Y Wer e -eel • of the Administration, it is dice to our characteor ste t f ei lle ar.) 4o t ; filling responsible situations, to repudiate, as ut i v re ° hel l g eo worthy of him to have made, and of us to eu"" y ; K L e I, y ,t itle 1, imputation that lie has throw ' out that We 113 4 441, t 11 " ' PNa , ro e t plied sh Y, couraged the outrages to which he adverts. Sir C. WETHERELL-I said that Mitii'te'" I ti ' Pted l an d id toe, nived at them.-(Cheers.) 4 . the , 4 I. e ' t e a t Several AIEMBERS-Promoted them. ,i i i.,i ‘o ex .t bed . t Mr. STANLEY-If any man had told ru e s ` f P., err P l aiii 4 ' Right Hon. Gontleinan, upon this or ur n • It 'r , P' ei : , tile v iolt h - 7 topic, in the utmost violence of political and P r ' re gi t 0 ......tior i h " would have so far deviated from calm and trea in '%,; bj H OO Nt 1 41 pressions, I certainly should not have believed, P.,'IJII,j 0 . 01 6, tio 6 P that lie should profess to abandon all restraint---sl,l°,'" id i,, 'ste el ~,- i of using stronz and unmeasured terins--A":4001 ‘',410-I:°Pee4b" astonish me.-( Hear.) These, too, from the beg l- 1100.,‘ Lord - kttio ) ,., l i gti n iiiiiinielet m y,ivt y pi ?iue punished. Government i iit i lli u ileee d d u l. s aa e u dl s: dps u p r l ei a ( osi l l isu l the end, were directed to such a perversion of the o otb't `a.(1 1 e onll - the case, and of the speech of my Noble Friend, . Oto, theft 'ar.) xi edimga l: ty, , it a vt r eNet i so i bp i i t iale . aenrvadetFeb H , e. eiine e eannidegea c tin : saf : o3:yre P; de6 : foye a 9 o 0: ei t c " ° 1;;0 , el t i i.} i(1i a 4; 1 ,,,,f,i ill , .. v:: : :: P oz i 1 i nt e aik ; i tt the popular excitement, and that these were ./ 1 1 0 0' 1 01 . 1 "or/ but burnings had been commenced, before any iu div air' i tvii r'eße sec been attacked, to a gentleman who had been the it itself fe e li l ' il h gly r' pe t 4 of a great political meeting, and at a time wbe: f e . ,, ,, i l 'eto, R : ti oto t t r duty, not only of the executive authorities, bi l ' i t o t , Ph th` i, Y;r l g 80 . sincere lover of his country, to allay irritatiou u e 'b e eri; e l. % i v t ooki ' li the 1, vent the display of popular excitement.--O duch c hl ic ti'i e " lii ii -0n • The subject was to prevent that exhibition of P ll re jee 0 if ti 'tera ii .,,e ing which might be natural)atrheexpßerehdt ag ft o e n r . tb o e e p o il a e ) ° :t oi s ( , 11 1 , 11 " , (i t e . i a l it ' t of the Reform Bill. Next objects to the course of argument if ar g uriien? iie itrep, l „ , peo'epz , 7 hearr , , called-which is confined to a single line in "jog vpir hot the --(ii my Noble Friend. A letter was received, 148 ; tlie,ati the ~ f t , large body of people had been collected--41°..0bab".:00 () lit 7,, , p1e :, as, I believe, they had an undoubted rightopprliaeitpee, minghain Political Union-but of 150,0 ! ~oest'la Wh • d o ,: "' b l i e 4 • t ~ at ~, ra s convened to express their sentiments on a P t ' to d°' is' eo "id • }i s m htera slot nine letter conveyed to my Noble Friend tbe 10 le h ot taie pe g able abl e of his conduct, and they might have added (ift :Dri o ~,,l' pith - ,,„ - bte r e ,, culated to allay the spirit by which be throughout displayed. is it disputed th' t V Otl i 1) , naeli ' Dlie h e i been excited and that my Noble Friends r e P na ehe °' s ct l i 'tt 4 , 4 ° po w theme al i t r t hco e soi di Qtr, 4714%4? were produced ? Its object was to Pretidefeud'nold _dart ththat It of illegality which no man can palliate or c ont r :" , : 4 1 isI i e Port which are, perhaps, more difficult to Il e c,:t le i flit - 'glita a lh en I , than open violence. The Right Houou rgb , rea teo e ' o ,o l I , e. 'unt e 'Ale says that my Noble Friend should have •••' o ,,,,efli rlig ti 'laj est Y) (14 ; terrors of the law-that the full power man theL t t he h'o, o 1 1 :' , 11 j wool, should have been enforced ; and pa man but ore e is ,ii , Y a n -4 PPoa, Hon. Gentleman ever supposed that whe n be enf er i •tr °I. til (it herr I arose the full power of Government would not the ir d i t) hut, p ave The object, in the first instance, was to all pree t , , hot ait i' l t ti ititi e. tion which might lead to breaches of the law . t be ,i,•/' 4 ' t zt k_ cif wh a that there would be any necessity for enforang ail 10' er i 0 1 tip pt : e weetii &pre a e t c ip t he i f ;jeo t ' i li tl i oe l' r eopi e its rigour would have been to eilcourage e tt l ! s. li „ A li I f th e ti th at the Right Hon. Gentleman so justly anything degrading, unwise, or intemo • erat the P erve g r '! Pew' '1 of my Noble Friend-any justification for _. to . ep _L„ ~e the of it by the Right Hon. Gentleman ? If 0 0 4 ,a , tt , e st . :•-(1/ ea Friend had said, " we must use calm languUgem o f ;',/ bei tk gig g l e ' burning or c attle "er , al deavour to allay excitement," after the , ht goo', 1 , d ( - 0 41,1 tingham Castle, and other outrages, the Ilt,g t „ ace asy ee l ., _ thr au , tleman would have had some pretence for i t9 , '„ iite es i v e o ,„ ‘„t _si t :e ee .; But, Sir, the time is not long past when ac . e e ' tve re but I l io n I, ' lot, tot risrn were rife in the country, and when it 0 2 „ o gee'. to "rest e P ( ; ) !' whi misters, who not only did not suppress tho! s :_ ceo l e i, k, t , n jod _ e, abandoned their posts, and left it to their _e aitie a P t 0,14,, 'll had the g o. controul the tumults which had already s _/ . ' t do o loo , (11,4.4 given height. Those successors did controul and r i b y !,. Skid 4 ,) Nv `,_' incendiaries ; and are they now to be attou•linet_., it" . , 4 hand fu l ', Gentlemen opposite, in the face of the co t_T v ie charge of encouraging and conniving at acts 1."