The Sun. — London, England, 1856-01-15 00:00:00

AMERICA. THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. [A. summary of the Message of the American President appeared in our impression of yesterday.] LIVERPOOL, MONDAY. The royal mail steam-ship Asia, Captain Lott, arrived this morning from the United States with the President's Message. The Asia sent in her mails by tug-boat. Weather very foggy. She brings 118 passengenrs, but no specie. Her dates are—New York, Jan. 1 ; Boston, Jan. 2 ; and Halifax, Jan. 4. The President's Message was delivered on the 31st of December. There was no balloting for the Speaker. The day was consumed in debating whether the Message should be received or not. By sending the Message to the Congress before the popular branch of that body was prepared to re ceive it, the country was taken by surprise. The President assigns as his motive for this extraordi nary step, that his conviction of duty would not permit him to postpone the obligation enjoined on him by the Constitution, to give information of the state of the Union. The pacific tone of the Message gave great satisfaction. Gold has been found in Chili. $lO,OOO worth was found in 14 days at Naciamento by an Ame rican. The steam-ship Law arrived at New York on Dec. 28th, from Aspinwall the 19th • on board one million and a half of treasure. The Indian war was raging. The fall of Sebastopol was cele brated in grand style at San Francisco on Nov. 26. The Peruvian Legislature is about to sell all guano in Chincha Islands, value $350,000,000. The steam-ship Star of the West arrived at New York on Dec. 29th, from San Juan 23d, with half a mil lion in treasure. Walker's Government was more popular. The Northern Light had been searched, and found to contain saddles, ploughshares, and types ; she sailed on the 26th for Nicaragua. The Central American imbroglios, between the United States and England, upon the Clayton and Bulwer Treaty, is the paramount topic of im portance. The Asia brought Capt. Griffin and crew of the schooner Sarah, of Halifax ; also an account by the master of the sinking of the vessel on the 7th Jan. On the 11th exchanged signals with the Africa ; and on the 13th passed the Baltic. West India dates, received up to Dec. 10, state that her Majesty's steamer Medea left for Antigua •, H.M.S. Cornwallis, Capt. G. G. Wellesley, arrived from Portsmouth. Her Majesty's steam-sloop Rosamond, Commander Crofton, sailed for Halifax. His Excellency Francis Hincks, Esq., the newly appointed Governor-General of the Windward Islands, was a passenger by the Curlew from Hali fax on his way to Barbadoes from Bermuda. On St. Andrew'it-day the usul church meeting was held. From Mexico we have dates to the 18th ; they state that Alvarez having resigned the Presidency, and retired to the south, General Comonfort has assumed supreme authority, and organised a new ministry. _ _ _ THE MESSAGE. Fellow Citiz3ns of the Senate and House of Representativws, The constitution of the United States provides that Congress shall assemble annually on the first Monday of December, and it has been usual for the President to make no communication of a public character to the Senate and House of Representatives until advised of their readiness to receive it. I have deferred to this usage until the close of the first month of the session, but my convictions of duty will not permit me longer to postpone the discharge of the obligation enjoined by the constitution upon the President, 'to givo to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.' It is a matter of congratulation that the republic is tranquilly advancing in a career of prosperity and peace. FOREIGN RELATIONS.—CENTRAL AMERICA. Whilst relations of amity continue to exist between the United States and all foreign powers, with some of them grave questions are depending, which may require Vie consideration of Congress. Of such questions, the most important is that which has arisen out of the negotiations with Great Britain in reference to Central America. _ By the convention concluded between the two govern ments on the 19th of April, 1850, both parties covenanted that neither will ever' occupy, or fortify, or colonise, or assume or exorcise any dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquitgeoftst, or any part of Central America.' It was the undoubted understanding of the United States, in making this treaty, that all the present states of the former republic of Central America, and the entire territory of each, would henceforth enjoy complete inde pendence, and that both contracting parties engaged equally, and to the same extent, for the present and for the future, that if either then had any claim of right in Central America, such claim, and all occupation or autho rity under it, were unreservedly relinquished by the stipu lations of the convention ; and that no dominion was thereafter to be exercised or assumed iu any part of Cen tral America by Great Britain or the United States, This government consented to restrictions in regard to a region of country wherein we had specific and peculiar interests, only upon the conviction that the like restric tions were in the same sense obligatory on Great Britain. But for this understanding of the force and effect of the convention, it would never have been concluded by us. So clear was this understanding on the part of the United States, that, in correspondence contemporaneous with the ratification of the convention, it was distinctly expressed that the mutual covenants of non-occupation were not intended to apply to the British establishment at the Belize. This qualification is to be ascribed to the fact that, in virtue of successive treaties with previous Sove reigns of the country, Great Britain had obtained a con cession of the right to cut mahogany or dye woods at the Belize, but with positive exclusion of all domain or save- 1 reiguty ; and thus it confirms the natural construction and understood import of the treaty as to all the rest of the region to which the stipulations applied. It, however, became apparent, at au early day after entering upon the discharge of my present functions, that Great Britain still continued iu the exercise or assertion of large authority in all that part of Central America com monly called the Mosquito coast, and covering the entire length of the state of Nicaragua, and a part of Cosca Itica; that she regarded the Belize as her absolute do main, and was gradually extending its limits at the ex pense of the state of Honduras ; and that she had formally colonised a considerable insular group known as the Bay Islands, and belonging, of right, to that state. All these acts of pretensions of Great Britain being contrary to the rights of the states of Central America, and to the manifest tenor of her stipulations with tho United States as understood by this government, have been made the subject of negotiation through the American Minister at London. I transmit herewith the instructions to him on the subject and the correspondence bet-veen him and the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, by which you will perceive that the two Governments differ widely and irre concilably as to the construction of the convention, and its effect on their respective relations to Central America. Great Britain so construes the convention as to main tain unchanged all her previous pretensions over the Mos quito coast, and in different parts of Central America. These pretensions, as to the Mosquito coast, are founded on the assumption of political relations between Great Britain and the remnant of a tribe of Indians on that coast, entered into at a time when the whole country was a co lonial possession of Spain. It cannot be successfully con troverted that, by the public law of Europe and America, no possible act of such Indians or their predecessors could confer on Great Britain any political rights. Great Britain does not allege the assent of Spain as the origin of her claims on the Mosquito coast. She has, on the contrary, by repeated and successive treaties, renounced and relinquished all pretensions of her own, and recog nised the full sovereign rights of Spain in the most un equivocal terms. Yet these pretensions, so without solid foundation in the beginning, and thus repeatedly abjured, were at a recent period rtvived by Great Britain against the Central American states, the legitimate successors to all the ancient jurisdiction of Spain in that region. They were first applied only to a defined part of the coast of Nicaragua, afterwards to the whole of its Atlantic coast, and lastly to a part of the coast of Costa Rica; and they are now re-asserted to this extent, note ithstanding engage ments to the United States. _ _ the eastern coast of Nicaragua and Costa Rica, the interference of Great Britain, though exerted at one time in the form of military occupation of the port of San Juan del Norte, then in the peaceful possession of the appro priate auth or iti es o f t h e C en t ra l A mer i can States,is now presented by her as the rightful exercise of a protectorship over the Mosquito tribe of Indians. But the establishment at the Belize, now reaching far beyond its treaty-limits into the state of Honduras, and that of the Bay Islands, appertaining of right to the same state, are as distinctly colonial governments as those of Jamaica or Canada, and therefor e contrary to the very letter as well as the spirit of the convention pith the - United States, as it was at the time of ratification, and now is, understood by this government. The interpretation which the British governnsent, thus in assertion and act, persists in ascribing to the convention, entirely changes its character. While it holdalls to all our obligation s , it in a great measure releases Great Britain from those which constituted the consideration of this government for entering into the convention. It is impos end°, in my judgment, for the United States to acquiesce iu such a construction of the respective relations of the two governments to Central America. To a renewed call by this g overnment upon Great Bri tain to abide by, and carry int o effect, the stipulations of the convention according to its obvious import, by with from the possession or colonisation of portions of the ‘; )3 1 ;ral American states of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, the British Government has at length replied —affi ing that the operation of the treaty is prospective only, and did not require Great Britain to abandon or contract any possessi 438 held by her in C en t ra l America at the date of its conclusion. This reply substitutes a partial issue, in the place of the general one presented by the United . States. Th e Bri tish Government asse s over the quest ionre , stion of the r i g ht s of Great Brit a i n , real p or s ur P o' 8( I in Central Ameri ee , an d • a' 4 "rnea that she hail elide Igh t - af, the date of the tre a ty. and that th ose l i g h ts com prehende d the pi oteetorebip of - the Mosquito lonians, the extenders j urie fiction ano htnita of the Belize, and the colony of the Bay Islands, and there upon proceeds by implication to infer that, if the stipula• tions of the treaty be merely future in effect, Great Bri tain liltby still continue to hold the contested portions of Central America. The United States cannot admit either the inference or the premises. We steadily deny that, et the date of the treaty, Urea t Britain had any possessions there, other than the limited and peculiar establishment at the Belize, and maintain that, if she had any, they were surrendered by the convention. This Government, recognising; the obligations of the treaty, has of course desired to see it executed in good faith by both parties, and in the di scussion, therefore, has not looked to rights, which we might assert, independent of the treaty, in consideration of our geographical' position and of other circumstances, which create for us relations te the Central American states different from those of any G iverntaent of Europe. . The British Government iwits last --toltitatutiCiti:6r, THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 15, 1856 although well knowing the views of the United States, still declares that it sees no reason why a conciliatory spirit may not enable the two Governments to overcome all ob stacles to a satisfactory adjustment of the subject. Assured of the correctness of the construction of the treaty constantly adhered to by this Government, and re solved to insist on the rights of the United States, yet actuated also by the same desire which is avowed by the British Government, to remove all causes of serious mis understanding between the two nations, associated by so many ties of interest and kindred, it has appeared to me proper not to consider an amicable solution of the contro versy hopeless. There is, however, reason to apprehend that, with Great Britain in the actual occupation of the disputed ter ritories, and the treaty therefore practically null, so far as regards our rights, this international difficulty cannot long remain undetermined, without involving in serious danger the friendly relations which it is the interest as well as the duty of both countries to cherish and preserve. It will afford me sincere gratification if future efforts shall result in the success anticipated heretofore with more con• fidence than the aspect of the case permits me now to en tertain. the purpose of receiving and considering a proposition which she intends to submit, for the capitalisation of the Sound Dues, and the distribution of the sum to be paid as commutation among the Governments, according to the respective proportions of their maritime commerce to and from the Baltic. I have declined, in behalf of the United States, to accept this invitation, for the most cogent rea sons. One is, that Denmark does not offer to submit to the Convention, the question of her right to levy the Sound Dues. A second is, that, if the Convention were allowed to take cognisance of that particular question, still it would not be competent to deal with the great international principle involved, which affects the right in other cases of navigation and commercial freedom, as well as that of access to the Baltic. Above all, by the ex press terms of the proposition it is contemplated that the consideration of the Sound Dues shall be commingled with, and made subordinate to, a matter wholly extraneous—the balance of power among the Governments of Europe. While, however, rejecting this proposition, and insisting on the right of free transit into and from the Baltic, I have expressed to Denmark a willingness, on the part of the United States, to share liberally with other Powers in compensating her for any advantages which commerce shall hereafter derive from expenditures made by her for the improvement and safety of the navigation of the Sound or Belts. I lay before you, herewith, sundry documents on the subject, in which my views are more fully disclosed. Should no satisfactory arrangement be soon concluded, I shall again call your attention to the subject, with recom mendation of such measures as may appear to be required in order to assert and secure the rights of the United States so far as they are affected by the pretensions of Denmark. in the most satisfactory manner, and with such expedition ! by our fathers, and transmitted to us ; and by no other as to warrant the belief that they will be ready for service means is it possible for it to exist. If one State ceases to early in the coming spring. Importaut as this addition to . respect the rights of another, and obtrusively intorno:A(lles our naval force is, it still remains inadequate to the with its local interests—if a p , rtion of the States assume contingent exigencies of the protection of the extensive to impose their institutions on the other, or refuse to fulfil sea coast and vast commercial interests of the United their obligations to there—we are no longer united friendly States. In view of this fact, and of the acknowledged States, but distracted, hostile ones, with little capacity wisdom of the policy of a gradual and systematic increase left of common advantage, but abundant means of recipro of the navy, an appropriation is recommended for the con- cal injury and mischief. struction of six sloops of war. Practically, it is immaterial whether aggressive inter- In regard to the steps taken in execution of the act of ference between the States, or deliberate refusal on the Congress to promote the efficiency of the navy, it is unne- part of any one of them to comply with constitutional ob cessary for me to say more than to express entire concur- ligations, arise from erroneous couviction or blind preju rence in the observations on that subject presented by the dice, whether it be perpetrated by direction or indirection. secretary in his report. In either case, it is full of threat and of danger to the POST-OFFICE. durability of the Union. It will be perceived by the report of the Postmaster- CONSTITUTIONAL REGULATIONS OF SLAVERY. General, that the gross expenditure of the department for Placed in the office of Chief Magistrate as the executive the last fiscal year was $9,968,342, and the gross receipts agent of the whole country, bound to take care that the $7,342,136 —making an excess of expenditure over receipts laws be faithfully executed, and specially enjoined by the of $2,626,206 ; and that the cost of mail transportation Constitution to give information to Coagress on the state of during that year was $674,952 greater than the previous the Union, it would be palpable neglect of duty on my part year. Much of the heavy expenditures to which the to pass over a subject like this, which, beyond all things at Treasury is thus subjected is to be ascribed to the large the present time, vitally concerns individual and public quantity of printed matter conveyed by the mails, either security. franked or liable to no postage by law, or to very low rates It has been matter of painful regret to see States conspi of postage compared with that charged on letters, and to cuous for their services in founding this republic, and the great cost of mail service on railroads and by ocean equally sharing its advantages, disregard their constitu steamers. The suggestions of the Postmaster-General on tional obligations to it. Although conscious of their ina the subject deserve the consideration of Congress. bility to heal admitted and palpable social evils of their INTERIOR. own, and which are completely within their jurisdiction, The report of the Secretary of the Interior will engage they engage in the offensive and hopeless undertaking of re your attention, as well for useful suggestions it contains, f orm i ng th e d omest i c i nst i tut i ons of other States wholly as for the interest and importance of the subjects to which beyond their control and authority. In the vain pursuit they refer, of ends by them entirely unattainable, and which they The aggregate amount of public land sold during the last may not legally attempt to compass, they peril the very fi sca l year, located with military scrip or land warrants, existence of the Constitution, and all the countless benefits taken up under grants for roads, and selected as swamp which it has conferred. While the people of the Southern land by States, is 24,557,409 acres, of which the portion States confine their attention to their own affairs, not pre , sold was 15,729,524 acres, yielding in receipts the sum of sliming , officiously to intermeddle with the social install sll,4Bs,3Bo. In the same period of time, 8,723,851 acres tions of the Northern States, too many of the inhabitants have been surveyed; but, in consideration of the quantity of the latter are permanently organised into associations to already subject to entry, no additional tracts have been inflict injury on the former by wrongful acts, which would brought into market. ho cause of war as between two foreign Powers, and only Tho peculiar relation of the general Government to the fail to be such in our system because perpetrated under district of Columbia renders it proper to commend to your cover of the Union. care not only its material but also its moral interests, in- It is impossible to present thi s subject as truth and the eluding education, more especially in those parts of the occasion require without noticing the reiterated but ground district outside of the cities of Washington and Georgetown. less allegation that the South has persistently asserted The commissioners appointed to revise and codify the claims and obtained advantages in the practical adminis laws of the district have made such progress in the per- tration of the General Government to the prejudice of the formance of their task as to insure its completion in the North, and in which the latter has acquiesced. That is, time prescribed by the act of Congress. the States which either promote or tolerate attacks on the Information has recently been received that the peace of rights of persons and of property in other States, to dis the settlements in the territory of Oregon and Washington guise their own injustice, pretend and imagine, and con is disturbed by hostilities on the part of the Indians, with stantly aver, that they whose constitutional rights are thus indications of extensive combinations of a hostile character systematically assailed are themselves the aggressors. At among the tribes in that quarter, the more serious in their the present time this imputed aggression, resting as it does possible effect by reason of the undetermined foreign inte- only in the vague declamatory charges of political agitators, Jests existing in those territories, to which your attention resolves itself into misapprehension, or misinterpretation, h as already been especially invited. Efficient measures of the ptinsiples and facts of the political organisation of have been taken, which, it is believed, will restore quiet, the new territories of the United States. and afford protection to our citizens. What is the voice of history? When the ordinance, In the territory of Kansas there have boon acts prejildi- which provided for the government of the territory north cial to good order, but as yet none has occurred under cir- west of the River Ohio, and fur its eventual subdivision cumstances to justify the interposition of the Federal into new States, was adopted in the Congress of -the Confe- Executive. That could only be in case of obstruction to deration, it is not to be supposed that the question of federal law, or of organi s ed resistance to territorial law, future relative p ewer, as between the States which re assuming the character of insurrection, which, if it should tained and those which did not retain a numerous coloured occur, it would be my duty promptly to overcome and sup- population, escaped notice or failed to be considered. And press. I che r i s h th e h ope, h owever , th a t the occurrence of yet the concession of that vast territ o ry t o th e i n t erests and any such unt owar d even t w ill h e p re vented by the sound opinions of the Northern States, a te rr it or y now th e seat of sense of the people of the territory, who, toy its organic law, five among the largest members of the Union, was in great possessing the ri g ht t o d e t erm i ne their own domestic insti- measure th e ac t o f th e S ta t e o f Vi rg i n i a and of the South. tutions, aro entitled, while deporting themselves peace- When Louisiana was acquired by the United States, it fully, to th e f ree exerc i se o f th a t r i g ht, and must be pro- was an acqu i s i t i on not less to the North than to the South, tected in the enjoyment of i i , w ith ou t i n t e rference on the for while it was important to the country at the mouth of part of the citizens of any of the States. the river Mississippi to become the emporium of the coun The south ern b ou nd a ry line of this territory has never try above it, so also it was oven more impo r tant to the been surveyed and established. The rapidly - extending whole Union to have that emporium ; and although the settlements in that region, and the fact that the main route new province, by reason of its imperfect settlement, w a s between I n d e p en d ence , i n th e St a t e of Missouri, and New mainly regarded as on th e G u lf o f Mexico, vet, iu f ac t, it Mexico, is contiguous in this line, suggest the probability extended to the opposite boundaries of the United States, that embarrassing questions of jurisdiction may copse- with far greater breadth above than below, and was, in quently arise. For these and other considerations I corn- territory as in everything else, equally at least an accession mend the subject to your early attention. to the Northern States. It is mere delusion and prejudice, CONSTITUTIONAL THEORY OF THE GOVERN- therefore, to speak of Louisiana as acquisition in the spe- MENT. dal interest of the South. I have thus passed in review the general state o f th e The p a t r i o ti c an d just men wh o participated in that act Union, including such particular concerns as the Federal were influenced by motives far above all sectional jea- Government, whether of domestic or foreign relations, as lenges. It was, in truth, the great event which, by corn it appeared t o me desir a bl e and useful to bring to the spe- pleting for us the possession of the valley of the Missia cial notice of Congress. Unlike the great states of Eu- sippi, with commercial aczess to the Gulf of Mexico, int arted unity and stren g th t o th e whole Confeeteration, and rope a n d A s i a, an d many o f th ose o f America, these P United States are wasting their strength neither in foreign attached together by indissoluble ties the East and the "war nor domestic strife. Whatever of discontent or pub- West, as Well as the North and the South. lie dissatisfaction exists, is attributable to the imperfections As to Florida, that was but the transfer by Spain to the *1 hum an nature , or i s i nc id en t t o a ll Governments, how- United States of territory on the east side of the river ever perfect, which human wisdom can devise. Such sub- Mississippi, in exchange for large territory which the jects of political agitation as occupy the public mind, con- United States transferred to Spain on the West side of sist, to a great extent, of exaggeration of inevitable evils, that river, as the entire diplomatic history of the transac . or over zeal in social improvement, or mere imagination tion serves to demonstrate. Moreover, it 'was an acquisi of grievance, having but remote connection with any of sition demanded by the commercial interests and the seen the constitutional functions or duties of the Federal Go- rity of the whole Union. vernment. To whatever extent these questions exhibit a Meantime, the people of the United States had grown tendency menacing to the stability of the Constitution, or up to a proper consciousness of their strength, and in a the integrity of the Union, and no further, they demand brief contest with France, and in a second serious war the consideration of the Executive, and require to be pre- with Great Britain, they had shaken off all which remained sented by it to Congress. of undue reverence for Europe, and emerged from the at- Before the Thirteen Colonies became a Confederation of mosphere of those transatlantic influences which sus rounded independent States,they were associated onlYhtreommunity the infant Republic, and ha 1 begun to turn their attention of trans-Atl an ti c or i g i n , by geogra phi ca l p os iti on , an d b y to the full and systematic development of the internal re the mutual tie of common dependence on Great Britain. sources of the Union. When that tie was sundered, they severally assumed the Among the evanescent controversies of that period, the powers and rights of absolute self-government. The muni- most conspicuous was the question of regulation, by Con cipal and social institutions of each, its laws of property, gress, of the social condition of the future states to be and of personal relation, even its political organisation, were such only as each one chose to establish, wholly with founded in the territory of Louisiana. - The ordinance for the government of the territory north out interference from a ny other. In the language of west of the river Ohio had contained a provi s i on , w hi c h the Declar a ti on of Independence, each State had " full prohluited the use of servile labour therein, subject to the power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, esta- condition of the extradition of fugitives from service due blish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which in any other part of the United States. Subsequently to independent etates may of right do." The several colonies the adoption of the constitution this provision ceased to differed in climate, in soil, in natural productions, in re- remain as a new, for its operation as such was absolutely ligion, in systems of education, in legislation, and in the superseded by the constitution. But the recollection of forms of political administration ; and they continued to the fact excited the zeal of social propagandism in some differ in these respects when they voluntarily allied them- sections of tho confederation; and when a second state— selves as States to carry on the war of the Revolution. that of Missouri—came to be formed in the territory of The object of that war was to disenthral the United Louisiana, proposition was made to extend to the latter Colonies from foreign rule, which had proved tobe oppres- territory the restriction originally applied to the country sive, and to separate them permanently from the mother situated between the rivers Ohio and Mississippi. country ; the political result was the foundation of a fede- Most questionable as was this proposition in all its con ral republic of the free white men of the colonies, conga- stitutional relations, nevertheless it received the sanction tutcd, as they were, in distinct and reciprocally i n d e . of Congress, with some slight modification of line, to save pendent State Governments. As for the subject races, the existing rights of the intended new state. It was re whether Indian or African, the wise and brave statesmen luctently acquiesced in by southern states as a sacrifice to of th=at day, being engaged in no extravagant scheme of the cause of peace androf the Union, not only of the rights social change, left them as they were, and thus preserved stipulated by the treaty of Louisiana, but of the principle themselves and their posterity from the anarchy and ever- of equality among the states guaranteed by the constitn recurring civil wars which have prevailed in other revolution. It was received by the northern states with angry tionised European Colonies of America. and resentful condemnation and complaint, because it did When the confederated States found it convenient to not concede all which they had exactingly demanded. modify the conditions of their association, by giving to the Having passed through the forms of legislation, it took its General Government direct access, in some respects, to th e place in the statute hook, standing open t o re p ea l, lik e any people of the States, instead of confining it to action on the other act of doubtful constitutionalty, subject to be pro- States as such, they proceeded to frame the existing Con- nounced null and void by the courts of law, and possessing stitution, adhering steadily to one guiding thought, which no possible efficacy to control the rights of the States, which was to delegate only such power as was necessary anti pro- might thereafter be organised out of any part of the ori per to the execution of specific purposes, or, in other ginal territory of Louisiana. words, to retain as much as possible, consistently with In all this, if any aggression there were, any innovation those purposes, of the independent powers of the indivi- upon pre-existing rights, to which portion of the Union are dual States. For object of common defence and security, they justly chargeable ? they intrusted to the General Government certain care- This controversy passed away with the occasion, nothing fully-defined functions, leaving all others as the undele- surviving it save the dormant letter of the statute. gated rights of the separate independent sovereignties. But long afterward, when, by the proposed accession of Such is the constitutional theory of our Government, the the Republic of Texas, the United States were to take their practical observance of which has carried us, and us alone, next step in territorial greatness, a similar contingency oc among modern republics, through nearly three generations curred, and became the occasion for systematised attempts of time without the cost of ono drop of blood shed in civil to intervene in the domestic affairs of one section of the war. With freedom and concert of action, it has enabled Union, in defiance of their rights as States, and of the us to contend successfully on the battle-field against stipulations of the Constitution. These attempts assumed foreign foes, has elevated the feeble colonies into powerful a practical direction in the shape of persevering etelea- States, and has raised our industrial productions, and our yours by some of the representatives, in both Houses of commerce which transports them, to the level of the rich es t Congress, to deprive the S .uthern States of the supposed and the greatest nations of Europe. And the admirable benefit of the provisiens of the act authorising the orgatii adaptation of our political institutions to their objects, satien of the State of Missouri. combining local self-government with aggregate strength, But the geed sense of the people, and the vital force of has established the practicability of a Government i ike the Constitution, triumphed over sectional prejudice and ours to cover a continent with confederate States. the political errors of the day, and the State of Texas re- The Congress of the United States is, in effect, that con- turned to the Union as she was, with social institutions gress of sovereignties, which good men in the old world which her people had chosen for themselves, and with have sought for, but could never attain, and which ire. express agreement, by the re-annexing act, that she parts to America an exemption from the mutable leagues should be susceptible of subdivision into a plurality of for common action, from the wars, the mutual invasions States. and vague aspirations after the balance of power, which Whatever advantage the interests of the Southern convulse from time to time the Governments of Europ e. States, as such, gained by this, were far inferior in results, Our co-operative action rests in the conditions of perm a _ as they unfolded in the progress of time, to those which nent confederation prescribed by the constitution. O ur , sprang from previous concessions made by the &mat. balance of power is in the separate reserved rights of t at , To every thoughtful friend of the Union ;to the true States, and their equal . representation in the Senate. Tha t lovers of their c sentry; to all who longed and laboured ft r independent sovereignty in every one of the States, w i t h the full success of this great experiment of republican in its reserved rights of local self-government assigned t o stitutions, it was cause of congratulation that such an op each by their co-equal power in the Senate, was the fun _ portunity had occurred to illustrate our advancing power damental condition of the Constitution. Without it the on this continent, and to furnish to the world additional Union would never have existed. However desirous the assurance of the strength and stability of the Constitution. larger States might be to reorganise the Government so Who would wish to see Florida still a European colony? as to give to their population its proportionate weight in Who would rejoice to hail Texas as a lone star, instead of the common cou nc il s , t h ey k new it was impossible, ono of the galaxy of States ? Who does not appreciate the unless they conceded to the smaller ones authority t o incalculable benefits of the acquisition of Louisiana ? And exercise at least a negative i n fluence on all the measures yetnarrow views and sectional purposes would inevit a bl y of the Government, whether legislative or executive, have excluded them all from the Union. through their equal representation in the Senate. e n _ But another struggle on the same point ensued, when deed the larger States themselves could not have our victorious armies returned from Mexico, and it de-- failed to perceive th a t th e same power was equally volved on Congrefs to provide for the territories acquired necessary to them, for the security of their own domes- by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The great relations tic interests against the aggregate force of the general of the subject had now become distinct and clear to the Government. In a word, the original States went into Perception of the public mind, whi c h a pp rec i a t e d th e ev il s this permanent league on the agreed premises of exerting of sectional controversy upon the question of the admis• their common strength for the defence of the whole, and Bien of new States. In that crisis intense solicitude per of all its parts, but of utterly excluding all capability of veded the nation. Bat the patriotic impulses of the popu lar heart, guided by the admonitory advice of the F a ther of reciprocal agg ress i on . E ac h so lemnly bound itself to all the others, neither i o und er t a k e n or permit any encroach- his Country, rose superior to all the difficulties of the i. , 1- . went upon, or intermeddli ng with, another's reserved corporation of a new empire into the Union. In the rights. counsels of Congress there was manifested extreme antago- Where it was deemed expedient, particular rights of the nism of opinion and action between some representative 5, States were expressly guaranteed by the Constitution; but who sought, by the abusive and unconstitutional me in all things beside these rights were guarded by the litni- Oloyment of the legislative powers of the Government, to tation of the powers granted, and by express reservation interfere in the condition of the inchoate States, and to of all powers not granted in the compact of union. Thus, impose their own social theories upon the latter; and the great pow er of taxation was limited to purpos es of other representatives, who repelled the interposition of common defence and general warfare, excluding objects the General Government in this respect, and maintained appertainin g t o th e local legislation of the several St a t es ; the self-constituting rights of the States. In truth, the and these purposes of general welfare and common defence thing attempted was, in form alone, action of the General were afterwards defined by specific enumeration, as b e i ng Government, while in reality it was the endeavour, by matters only of co-relation between the States themselves, abuse of legislative power, to force the ideas of internal or between th em and foreign Governments, which, becau se policy ent e rt a i ne d i n p ar ti cu l ar St a tes upon allied indepen of thei r common and general nature, could not be left to dent States. Once more the Constitution and the Union the separate control of each State. triumphed signally. The new territories wore organised Of the cireumstances of local condition, interests, an d without restrictions on the disputed point, and were rights, in whi c h a portion of the States, constituting one thus left to judge in that particular for theigelves ; great section o f th e U n i on , differed from the rest , and from and the sense of constitutional faith proved vigorous another secti on , an d mos t important was the peculiarity 1 enough in Congress not only to accomplish this pri of a larger relative coloured population in the Southern wary object, but also the incidental and hardly less than in the Northern States. important one of so amending the provisions of A population of this class, held in subjection, existed the statute for the extradit ion of fugitives from service in nearly a ll th e St a t es, but was more numerous and of as to place that public . duty under the safegu , rd of more serious concernment in the south than in the north, the General Government, and thus relieve it from obsta on account of natural differences o f climate and produe- cies raised up by tho legislation of some of the States. tion; and it w as f oreseen th a t, for the same reasons, while Vain declaration regardiog the provisions of law for the this population would diminish, and sooner or later cease , extradition of fugitives from service, with occasional epi to exist i n some St a t es, i t m i g h t i ncrease in o th ers . Th e 1 1 sodes of frantic effort to obstruct their execution by riot Peculiar character arid magnitude of this question o f l oca l an d mur der, c ontinued fora brief tie to agitate certain rights, not, i n ma t er i a l re l a ti ons on ly, but stil l more in so ' localities. Bu t the true principle of leaving each State and cial ones, cause d it t o enter i nto the sPec'a', stipulations o f Territory to regulate its own laws of labour according to the constitution. . its own sense of right and expediency, had acquired fast Henc e , w hil e th e General Government , as well by the hold of the public judgment to such a degree that, by corn enumerated powers granted to it, as by these not enume- mon consent, it was observed in the organisation of the rated, and therefore refused to it, was forbidden to touch Territory this matt er i n t h e sense o f a t tac k or o ff ence ; it was p l aced more recently, When, it became requisite to organise ilen, o under the general safeguard of the Union, in the sense of the territories of Nebraska and Kansas, it was the natural and l eg itimate, if not the inevitable, consequence of previ alldefence again s t e ith er i n v as i on or domestic vi o l ence, lik e other local interests of the several States. Each State ous events and legislation, that the same great and sound 1Manam........a * expressly stip u l a t e d, as we ll f or it se lf as f or eac h an d a ll o f Principle which had already been applied to Utah and ...._— es__ -- --- —--- • its citizens, and every citizen of each State became solemnly New Mexico, should be applied to them ; that they should THE LICEIFIELD BANK FAILURE.—it appears that the a". acrd ..r. Patent bound by li' s a ll eg i ance t o th e C ons tit u ti on, t h at any per - stand exempt from the restrictions proposed in the act re- ~. A , ~ -r ws indebted t o t h eiirm , f Pa .to tl• son, held to ser v i ce or labour in one State, escaping into lative to the State of !Nissen-i. an Co eene,, Lichfield, 50.0001. or 60 000/ ; a , years These restrictions were, in the estimation of many another, should not in consuence of any law or revile t ion thereof be discharged from such service or labour, but : thoughtful men, null from the beginning, unauthorised byeot liquidate-!, nTr. Go ene the Constitution, contrary to the treaty stipulations fur a 'Us at. length co , ripr.lte , f t, stop p.yment. H hi. , e0.,- should be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such ; 'tent byd the claim tea, the cession of Louisiana, and inconsistent with the equality stilted frierets :theta stoppl eg sorn four er fi , e yr r , servisee or labour might be due by the laws of his State. Thus, and thus only, by - the. feciprocal guaranty of all ,of the States.. ' I nee, and was a'sivieed to go eh, Coal min-s whi c h h t the rights of every State against interference on the part They had been stripped of all moral authority, by perrai n . ' ha, are t , be carred o'. far • h , benefit ~ t c.etlite r s. , another, was t he form of government established I to efforts to procure their indirect repeal through con- 1 A dividend of 12e. 6d. in the pound is expected. J tradietory enactments, They ha.l been procti,slly abrn gat,Nl by the legislation ittte.,,iim4 the rg.ioisatio, Utah, NO Ar 3ieX..;4:0, an .1 %V .s!tingt.on. If any ,i,altry re mained in them, it ,could have riv,-n taken way by the new territorial acts, in the form origin;dlY Pz °- posed to the Senate at the first session of the last Con gress. It was manly and ingenuous, as well as pa triotic and just, to do this directly and plainly, and thus relieve the statute-book of an act which might be of possible future injury, but of no possible future benefit ; and the measure of its repeal was the hid consummation and complete recognition of the princi ple that no portion of the Unite I States shall undertake, through assumption of the powers of the General Go vernment, to dictate the social institutions of any other portion. The scope and effect of the language of repeal were not left in doubt. It was declared, in terms, to be " the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the pebple thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." The measure could not be withstood upon its merits alone. It was attacked with violence on the false or de lusive pretext that it constituted a breach of faith. Never was objection more utterly destitute of substantial justifi cation. When before was it imagined by sensible men that a regulative or declarative statute, whether enacted ten or forty years ago, is irrepealable that an Act of Congress is above the Constitution? If, indeed, there were in the facts any cause to impute bad faith, it would attach to those only who have never ceased—from tke time of the enactment of the restrictive provision to the present day— to denounce and to condemn it ; who have constantly re fused to complete it by needful supplementary legislation; whe have spared no exertion to deprive it of moral force ; who have themselves again and again attempted its repeal by the enactment of incompatible provisions ; and who, by the inevitable reactionary effect of their own violence on the subject, - awakened the country to perception of the true constitutional principle of leaving the matter involved to the discretion of the people of the respective existing or incipient States. It:is not pretended that this principle, or any other, pre cludes the possibility of evils in practice, disturbed as politi cal action is liable to be by human passions. No form of government is exempt from inconveniences ; but in this case they are the result of the abuse, and not of the legiti mate exercise, of the powers reserved or conferred in the organisation of a territory. They aro not to be charged to the great principle of popular sovereignty; on the con trary, they disappear befoie the intelligence and patriotism of tho people exerting through the ballot-box their peace ful and silent but irresistible power. If the friends of the Constitution are to have another struggle, its enemies could not present a more acceptable issue than that of a State whose Constitution clearly em braces " a republican form of government," being excluded from the 'Union because its domestic institutions may not in all respects comport with the ideas of what is wise and expedient entertained in some other State. Fresh from groundless imputations of breach of faith again t others, men will commence the agitation of this new question with indubitable violation of an express compact between the independent Sovereign Powers of the United States and Republic of Texas, as well as of the older and equally so. lemn compacts which assure the equality of all the States. But deplorable as would b. , such a violation of compact in i , self and in all its direct consequences, that is the very least of the evils involved. When sectional agi. ators shall have succeeded in forcing on this issue, can their preten sions fail to be met by counter-pretensions ? Will not dif ferent States be compelled respectively to meet extremes with extremes ? And if either extreme carry its point what is that so far forth bet dissolution of the Union ? I: a new State, formed from the territory of the United States, be absolutely excluded from admission therein, that fact of itself constitutes the disruetion of union between it and the other States. But the process of dissolution could not stop there. Would not a.sectional decision producing such result by a majority of votes, either Northern or Southern, of necessity drive out the oppressed and aggrieved mino rity, and place in presence of each other two irreconcilably hostile coufe lerations ? •••• It is necessary to speak thus plainly of projects, the offsprings of that sectional agitation now prevailing iu ome of the States, which are as i practicable as they •re unconstitutional, andwhich, if persevered iu, must and will end calamitously. It is either disunion and civil war, or it is mere angry. idle, aimloss distur•eaece of public peace and tranquilli y. Disunion fit what? If the passionat e rage of fso. ieism and p rtisin spirit did not f rce the fact upon our attention it would be difficult to believe that any con siderable portion of the people of this enlightened country cool I have so surrendered themselves to a fanatic a' devotion to the supposed interests of the relatively few Africans in the United States, as totally to abandon and disregard the interests of the 25,000,000 of Americans—to trample under foot the injunctions of moral and constitutional obligation —and to engage in plans of vindictive hostility against those who are associated with them in the employment of the common heritage of our national institutions. Nor is it hostility against their fellow-citizens of one section of the Union alone. The interests, the honour, the duty, the peace, and the prosperity of the people of all sections are equally involved and imperilled in this ques tion. And are patriotic men in any part of the Union prepared, on such an issue, thus madly to invite all the consequences of the forfeiture of their constitutional en gagements? It is impossible. The storm of frenzy and faction must inevitably dash itself in vain against the un shaken rock of the Constitution. I shall never doubt it. I know that the Union is stronger a thousand times than all the wild and commercial schemes of social change, which are guaranteed, one after another, in the unstable minds of visionary sophists and interested agitators. I rely confidently on the patriotism of the people, on the dignity and self-respect of the States, on the wisdom of Congress, and, above all, on the continued gracious favour of Almighty God to maintain, against all enemies, whether at home or abroad, the sanctity of the Constitution and the integrity of the Union. FRANKLIN PIERCE. Washington, Dec. 31, 1855. After the reading the me sage Mr. CLAYTON made 801110 remarks relative to the treaty of April 19th, 1850,in order to show the people of the United States the strength of the position assumed by this Government relative to Cen tral American affairs, and the injustice of the position taken by Great Britain with regard to the construction of that treaty. He agreed generally with all that the Presi dent had stated, and contrasted the pacific character of this country with the aggressive policy always pursued by Great Britain. Mr. SEWARD inquired whether the ground taken by the President has allowed the British Government to take ac tion regarding the construction of that treaty, namely— That it was merely prospective in its operation, and had ne reference to the actual occupation by that country of the territory in question, was the understanding of the Government of the United States when the treaty was made, mr. Clayton then being Secretary of State. Mr. CLAYTON re:died that it was an entirely new con struction, something of which he bad never heard, He bad never dreamed of such a coneroction being given to the language of the treaty. Does any man suppose (Clayton said) that I. in the possession of my senses, entered into a treaty with Britain to allow her to remain in possession of the whole of this isthmus, merely because she had been in possession of it, and then signed a treaty to prohibit my own countrymen from taking possession, leavin g her to remain undisturbed ? What mcoal an American senatelave had in voting for it? Is it possible that any man can believe for a single moment such a view was in contemplation by the negotiations when it was agreel that " neither will occupy, colonise, fortify, or exercise domi nion" in Central America? Occupy means, first, to take possession, and, secondly, to keep possession. Great Bri tain agreed to do neither, also agreeing that they would no , exercise dominion there. He concluded by offering a reso • lutmn that the usual number of copies of the message and documents be printed,. and that 15,000 copies of the same i t a ddition be printed for the use of the Senate. Mr. CASs expressed his entire coacurrence with what had falien from Mr. Clayton, and his graifi,atioi, at the course taken by the President, and the view enunciated in the Message. In the whole history of diplitnacy there was nothing to be found at all comparable with the course of Britain regarding the construction of the Clayton-Bul wor treaty, and Central American affairs. Mr. WELLER commended the Message. Ho believed this country could never abandon the position she had assumed relative to Central America. However the people of the United States might differ on questions of domestic policy, whenever war menaced them they would be found acting in harmony and unanimity. The Message right be de• mnceil by pseudo-philanthropists, but it would meet with a • ordial response from every friend of liberty and lover of the Constitution and Union. _ . Mr. SEWARDanTotinceCil; was prepared to stand up and support the Bulger-Clayton treaty, and if need be, if the British Government could not be held to that treaty, he was ready to go further. He was ready for the assertion and practical maintenance of the Monroe doctrine. Mr. Clayton's resolution was then agreed to, and the House adjourned. THE QUEEN AND VISS NIGHTINGALE A fortnight ago, we had the gratification of announc ing the presentation of a splendid jewel by the Queen to Mies Nightingle, as a lasting testimony of her Majesty' , hi,=ll appreciation of that lad's noble efforts in the cause of Charity and Mercy, by coming forward to administer to the wants and relieve the sufferings of the wramded colliers of our Crimean army. We are now enabled to furnish a description of this graceful gift. The design of the jewel is admirable, and the effect no less brilliant than chaste. It is characteristic and ,aable matical, being formed of a St. George's cross in ruby red enamel, on a white field, representing England. Thi s is encircled by a black band, typifying the office of Cha rity, on which is inscribed a golden legend, "Ble,sed are the merciful," of course in allusion to the merit of Miss Florence, the recipient. The royal donor is ex pressed by the letters "V. R.," surmounted by a crown in diamonds, impressed upon the centre of the St. George's cross, from which also rays of gold emanating upon the field of white enamel are supposed to represent the dory ef England. Wide spreading branches of palm in bright green enamel, tipped with gold, form a frame ' work for the shield, their stems at the bottom being banded with a ribbon of blue enamel (the colour of the ribbon for the Crimean medal), on which, in golden let ters, is inscribed " Crimea." At the top of the shield, between the palm branches, and connecting: the whole, three brilliant stars of diamonds illustrate the idea of the light of Heaven shed upon the labours of MercT. Peace, and Charity, in connection with the glory of a nation. On the back of this royal jewel ig an inscription on a golden tablet, written by her Maje.ty, which stamps upon it a value inappreciable, as recoriing it to he a gift an i testimonial in memory of services rendered to her brave army by :hiss Nightingale. The jewel is about three inches in depth by two and a half in width. It is to be worn, pet as a brooch or erna ment, but rather as the badge of an order, the et pre cious from the manner of its confertileg—the ny , et sin gular in the merit of its receiver—the mo , f; illustrious in honour that has yet issued from the fountain of all honours —the Crown of England. bdif,ve the, credit of the design is due to the illus trious Consort of her Majesty, a! d we understand that it was manufactured by Messrs. Garrard, the Crown jewel lers. • RECRUITMENT. One other subject of discussion between the United States and Great Britain has grown out of the attempt which the exigencies of the war in which she is engaged with Russia induces her to make, to draw recruits from the United States. It is the traditional and settled policy of the United States to maintain impartial neutrality during the wars which from time to time occur among the great powers of the world. Performing all the duties of neutrality towards the respective belligerent states, we may reasonably expect them not to interfere with our lawful enjoyment of its benefits. Notwithstanding the existence of such hostilities, our citizens retain the individual right to continue all their accustomed pursuits, by land or by sea, at home or abroad, subject only to such restrictions in this relation as the laws of war, the usage of nations, or special treaties may impose ; and it is our sovereign right that our terri tory and jurisdiction shall not be invaded by either of the belligerent parties, for the transit of their armies, the operations of their fleets, the levy of troops for their ser vice, the fitting out of cruisers by or against either, or any other act or incident of war . A n d th ese un d en iable rights of neutrality, individual and national, the United States will, under no circumstances, surrender. In pursuance o f thi s policy, the laws of the United States do not forbid their citizens to sell to either of the belligerent powers articles, contraband of war, or to take munitions of war or soldiers on board their private ships for transportation ; and although in so doing, the indi vidual citizen exposes his property or person to some of the hazards of war, his acts do not involve any breach of na tional neutralit, nor of thethselves implicate the govern ment. Thus, during the progress of the present war in Europe, our citizens have, without national responsibility therefore, sold gunpowder and arms to all buyers, regard less of the destination of those articles. Our merchant men have been, and still continue to be, largely employed by Great Britain and by France in transporting troops, provisions, and munitions of war to the principal seat of military operations, and in bringing home their sick and wounded soldiers ; but such use of our mercantile marine is not interdicted either by the international or by our municipal law, and therefore does not compromise our neutral relations with Russia. But our municipal law, in accordance with the law of nations, peremptorily forbids, not only foreigners, but our own citizens, to fit out, withi n th e li m it s o f the United States, a vessel to commithostilities against any state with which the United States are at peace, or to increase the force of any foreign armed vessel intended for such hostili ties against a friendly state. Whatever concern may have been felt by 'either of the belligerent powers lest pri va t e arme d cru i zers or o th er ves sels, in the s rvice of one, might be fitted out in the ports of this country to depredate on the property of the other, all such fears have proved to be utterly groundless. Our citizens have been withheld from any such act or purpose by goo .l faith and by respect for the law. While the laws of the Union are thus peremptory in their prohibition of the equipment or armament of belli gerent cruisers in our ports, they provide not less absolutely that no person shall, within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States, enlist or enter himself, or hire or retain another person to enlist or enter himself, or to go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the United States with intent to be enlisted or entered, in the service cf any foreign state either as a soldier, or as a marine, or seaman on board of any vessel of war, letter of marque, or privateer. And these *allotments ate also in strict conformity with the law of nations, which declares that no state has the right to raise troops for land or sea service in another state without its consent, and that, whether forbidden by the muncipal law or not, the very attempt to do it, without such con sent, is an attack on the national sovereignty. Such b3ing the public rights and the municipal law of the United States, no solicitude en the subject was enter tained by this Government, when, a year since, the British Parliament passed an act to provide for the enlistment of foreigners in the military service of Great Britain. No thing on the face of the act, or in its public history, indi cated that the British Government proposed to attempt recruitment in the United States; nor did it ever give intimation of such intention to this government. It was a matter of surprise, therefore, to find subsequently that the engagement of persons within the United States to proceed to Halifax, in the British province of Nova Sco • tia, and there enlist in the service of Great Britain, was going on extensively, with little or no disguise. Ordinary legal steps were immediately taken to arrest and punish parties concerned, and so put an end to acts infringing the municipal law, and derogatory to our sovereignty. Mean while suitable representations on the Subject were ad dressed to the British Government. Thereupon it became known, by the admission of the British Government itself, that the attempt to draw re cruits ftom this country originated with it, or at least had its approval and sanction ; but it also appeared that the public agents engaged in it had " stringent instructions" not to violate the municipahlaw of the United States. It is difficult to understand how it should have been sup posed that troops could be raised here by Great Britain without violation of the municipal law. The unmistakable object of the law was to prevent every such act, which, if performed, must be either i❑ violation of the law, or in studied evasion of it ; and, in either alternative, the act done would be alike iDjurions to the sovereignty of the United States. Meantime, the matter acquired additional importance by the recruitments in the United States not being discon tinued, and the disclosure of the fact that they were prose cuted upon a systematic plan devised by official authority; that recruitingrendezvous had been opened in the principal cities, and depots for the reception of recruits established on our frontier; and the whole business conducted under the supervision and by the regular co-operation of British officers, civil and military, some in the North American provinces, and same in the United States. The compli city of those officers in an undertaking which could only be accomplished by defying our laws, throwing suspicion over our attitude of neutrality, and disregarding our terri torial rights, is conclusively proved by the evidence elicited on the trial of such of their agents as have been appre hended and convicted. Some of the officers thus implicated are of high official position, and many of them beyond our jurisdiction, so that legal proceedings could not reach the source of the mischief. These consideration; and the fact that the cause of com plaint was not a mere casual occurrence, but a deliberate design, entered upon with a full knowledge of our laws and national policy, and conducted by responsible public func tionaries, impelled me to present the ease to tho British Government, in order to secnro not only a cessation of the wrong, but its reparation. The subject is still under dis cussion, the result of which will bo communicated to you in due time. I repeat the recommendation submitted to the.last Con gress, that provision bo made for the appointment of a Commissioner, in connection with Great Britain, to survey and establish the boundary line which divides the territ , ry of Washington from the contiguous British possessions. By reason of the extent and importance of the country in dispute, there has been imminent danger of collision be ta een the subjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the United States, including their respective authorities in that quarter. The prospect of a speedy arrangement has contributed hitherto to induce on both sides forbearance to assert by force what each claims' as a right. Continuance of delay on the part of the two Governments to act in the matter will increase the dangers and difficulties of the controversy. Misunderstanding exists as to the extent, character, and value of the possessory rights of the Hudson's Bay Com pany and the property of the Puget's Sound Agricultural Company, reserved in our treaty with Great Britain rela tive to the territory of Oregon. I have reason to believe that a cession of the rights of both companies to the United States, which would be the readiest means of terminating all questions, can be obtained on reasonable terms ; and, with a view to this end, I present the subject to the atten tion of Congress. The colony of Newfoundland, having enacted the law required by the treaty of the sth of June, 1854, is now placed on the same footing, iu respect to commercial inter course with the United States, as the other British Noith American provinces. The commission• which that treaty contemplated, for de termining the rights of fishery in rivers and months of rivers on the coasts of the United States and the British North American provinces, has been organised and has commenced its labours ; to complete which there is needed further appropriations for the service of another season. SOUND DUES. In pursuance of the authority, conferred by a resolution of the Senate of the United States passed on the 3d of 3 / a rea last, notice was given to Denmark, on the 14th day of April, of the intention of this Government to avail itself of the stipulation of the subsisting convention of friend ship, commerce, and navigation between that kingdom and the United States, whereby either party might, after 10 years, terminate the same at the expiration of one year from the date of notice for that purpose. The considerations which led me to call the attention of Congress to that convention, and induced the Senate to adopt the resolution referred to, still continue in full force. The convention contains an article which, although it does not directly engage the United States to submit to the im position' of tolls on the vessels and cargoes of Americans passing into or from the Baltic Sea, during the continuance of the treaty, yet may, by possibility, be construed as im plying such submission. The exaction of those tolls not lining justified by any principle of international law, it be came the right and the duty of-the United States to relieve themselves from the insolication of engagement on the sub ject, so as to be perfectly free to act in the premises in such way as their public interests and honour shall demand. I remain of the opinion that the United States ought not to submit to the payment of the Sound Dues, not so much because of th e i r amount, which is a secondary matter, but because it is in effect the recognition of the right of Den mark to treat one of the great maritime highways of na tions as a close sea, and the navigation of it as a privilege, for which tribute may be imposes upon those who have occasion to use it. This Government, on a former occasion, not unlike the Present, signalised its determination to maintain the free dom of the seas and of the great natural channels of navl - Ration. The Barbary States hid fora long time coerced the payment of tribute from all nations whose ships fre planted the Meditei ranean. To the last demand of such Payment made by them, the United States, although suf fering less by their depredations than many other nations, returned the explicit answer that we preferred war to tri bate, and thus opened the way to the relief of the com merce of the world from an ignominious tax, so long sub. mitted to by the more powerful nations of Europe. If the manner of payment of Sound Dues differ from that of the tribute formerly conceded to the Barbary States, still their exaction by Denmark has no better foundation in right. Each was, in its origin, nothing but a tax on a common natural right, extorted by those who were at that time able to obstruct the free and secure enjoyment of it, but who no longer posssess that power. Denmark, while resisting our assertion of the freedom of the Baltic Sound and Belts, has indicated a readiness to make some new arrangement on the'subject, and has invited thAtoOvernments.interastedlAnolnding the United States, to be represented in a convention to assemble for FRANCE. I announce with much gratification that, since the ad journment of the last Congress, the question then existing between this Government and that of France, respecting the French Consul at San Francisco, has been satisfactorily determined, and that the relations of the two Govern ments continue to be of the moat friendly nature. _ _ _ GREECE. A question also which has been pending for several years between the United States and the kingdom o f - Greece, growing out of the sequestration, by public autho rities of that country, of property belonging to the present American Consul at Athens, and which had been the sub ject of very earnest discussion heretofore, has recently been settled to the satisfaction of the party interested and of both Governments. SPAIN. With Spain peaceful relations are still maintained, and some progress has been made in securing the redress of the wrongs complained of by this Government. Spain has not only disavowed and disapproved the conduct of the officers who illegally seized and detained the steamer Black Warrior at Havannah, but has also paid the sum claimed as indemnity for the loss thereby inflicted on the citizens of the United States. Inconsequence of the destructive hurricane which visited Cuba in 1844, the supreme authority of that island issued a decree permitting the importation, for the period of six months, of certain building materials and provisions, free of duty, but revoked it when about half the . period only had elapsed, to the injury of the citizens of the United States, who had proceeded to act on the faith of that de cree. The Spanish Government refused indemnification to parties aggrieved until recently, when it was assented to, payment being promised to be made so soon as the amount due can be ascertained. Satisfaction claimed for the arrest and search of the steamer El Dorado has not yet been accorded, but there is every reason to believe that it will be, and that case, with others, continues to be urged on the attention of the Span ish Government. Ido not abandon the hope of conclud ing with Spain some general arrangement, which, if it do not wholly prevent the recurrence of difficulties in Cuba, will render them less frequent, and whenever they shall occur facilitate their more speedy settlement. • MEXICO. The interposition of this Government has been invoked by many of its citizens, on account of injuries done to their persons and property, for which the Mexican Republic is responsible. The unhappy situation of that country for s me time past has not allowed its Government to give due consideration to claims of private reparation, and has ap e wed to call for and justify some forbearance in such mat ters on the part of this Government. But if the revolution ary movements which have lately occurred in that republic end in the organisation of a stable Government, urgent ap peals to its justice will then be made. and it may be hoped, with success, for the redress of all complaints of our citizens. CENTRAL AMERICA. In regard Jo the American Republics, which, from their proximity and other considerations, have peculiar relations to this Government, while it has been my con- stant aim strictly to observe all the obligations of political friendship and of good neighbourhood, obstacles to this have arisen in some of them, from their own insufficient power to check lawless irruptions, which, in effect, throws most of the task on the United States. Thus it is that the distracted internal condition of the State of Nicaragua has made it incumbent on me to appeal to the good faith of our citizens to abstain from unlawful intervention in its af fairs, and to adopt preventive measures to the same end, which, on a similar occasion, had the best results in reas suring the peace of the Mexican States of Sonora and Lower California. TREATIES. Since the last session of Congress a treaty of amity, com merce, and navigation, and for the surrender of fugitive criminals, with the kingdom of the Two Sicilies ; a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation with Nicaragua ; and a convention of commercial reciprocity with the Haw aiin kingdom, have been negotiated. The latter kingdom and the State of Nicaragua have also acceded to a declara tion recognising as international rights the principles con tained in the convention between the United States and Russia of the 22d July, 1854. These treaties and conven tions will be laid before the Senate for ratification. TREASURY. The statements made in my last annual Message respect ing the anticipated receipts and expenditures of the 'Trea sury have been substantially verified. It appears from the report of the Secretary of the Trea sury that the receipts during the last fiscal year ending Juno 30, 1855, from all sources, were 364,003,930; and,. that the public expenditure for the same period, exclusive of payments on account of the public' debt, amounted to 356,365,393. During the same period the payments made in redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, amounted to $9,844,528. The balance in the Treasury at the beginning of the pre sent fiscal year, July 1, L 855, was $18,931,976; the rece'pts for the first quarter, and the estimated receipts for the re maining three quarters, amount, together, to $67,918,731; thus affording in all, as the available resources of the cur- rent fiscal year, the sum of $86,856,710. If to the actual expenditure of the first quarter of the current fiscal year be added the probable expenditures for the remaining three quarters, as estimated by the Secre tary of the Treasury, the sum total will be $71,226,846, thereby leaving an estimated balance in the Treasury on July 1, 1856, of $15,623,873 41. In the above estimated expenditure of the present fiscal year are included $3,000,000 to meet the last instalment of the $10,000,000 provided for in the late treaty with Mexico, and $7,750,000 appropriated on account of the debt due to Texas, which two sums makes an aggregate amount of $10,750,000, and reduce the expenditures, actual or esti mated, for ordinary objects of the year, to the sum of $60,476,000. The amount of the public debt at the commencement of the present fiscal year was $10,583,631, and, deduction being made of subsequent payments, the whole public debt of the Federal Government remaining at this time is lass than $10,000,000. The remnant of certain other Government stock, amounting to $213,000, referred to in my last Message as outstandin g , has since been paid. I am fully persuaded that it would be difficult to devise a system superior to that by which the fiscal business of the Government is now conducted. Notwithstanding the great number of public agents of collection and disburse ment, it is believed that the checks and guards provided, including the iequirentent of monthly returns, render it scarcely possible for any considerable fraud on the part of those agents, or neglect involving hazard of serious public loss, to escape detection. I renew, however, the recom mendation, heretofore made by me, of the enactment of a law declaring it felony ou the part of public officers to insert false entries in their books of record or account, or to make false returns, and also requiring them on the termination of their service to deliver to their successors all books, records, and other objects of a public nature in their custody. Derived as our public revenue is, in chief part, from duties on imports, its magnitude affords gratifying evi dence of the prosperity, not only of our commerce,. but of the other great interests upon which that depends. The principle that all moneys not required for the cur rent enemies of the Government should remain for active employment in the hands of the people, and the conspicu ous fact that the annual revenue from all sources exceeds by many millions of dollars the - amount needed for a pru dent and economical administration of public affairs can not fail to suggest the propriety of an early revision and reduction of the tariff of duties on imports. It is now so generally conceded that the purpose of revenue alone can justify the imposition of duties on imports, that in re-ad jueting the impost tables and schedules, which unquestion ably require essential modifications, a departure from the principles of the present tariff is not anticipated. ARMY. The army, during tho past year, has been actively en gaged in defending the Indian frontier, the state of the ser vice permitting but few and small garrisons in our perma nent fortifications. The additional regiments authorised at the last session of Congress have been recruited and organised, and a large portion of the troops have already been sent to the field. All the duties which devolve on the military establishment have been satisfactorily performed, and the dangers and privations incident to the character of the service required of our troops have furnished additional evidence of their courage, zeal, and capacity to meet any requisition which their country may make upon them. For the details of the military operations, the distribution of the troops, and additional provisions required for the mili tary service, I refer to the report of the Secretary of War and the accompanying documents. Experience, gathered from events which have transpired since my last annual message, has but served to confirm the opinion then expressed of the propriety of making pro vision by a retired list for disabled officers, and for in creased compensation to the officers retained on the list for active duty. All the reasons whioh existed when these measures were recommended on former occasions continue without modification, except so far as circumstances have given to some of them additional force. The recommendations heretofore made fora partial reor ganisation of the army are also renewed. The thorough elementary education given to those officers who commence their service with the grade of cadet, qualifies them to a considerable extent to perform the duties of every arm of the service ; but to give the highest efficiency to artillery requires the practice and special study of many years • and it is not, therefore, believed to be ad v i sa bl e t o maintain, in time of peace, a larger force of that arm than can be usually employed in the duties appertaining to the service , of field and siege artillery. The duties of the staff in all its veriona branches belong to the movements of troops, and the efficiency of an army in the field would materially de pend upon the ability with which these duties aro dis charged. It is not, as in the case of the artillery, a spe cialty, but requires also an intimate knowledge of the duties of an officer of the line, and it is not doubted that, to complete the education of an officer for either the line or the general staff, it is desirable that he should have served on both. With this view it was recommended on a former occasion that the duties of the staff should be mainly performed by details from the line ; and, with a conviction of the advantages whieh would result from such a change, it is again presented for the consideration of Congress. NAVY. • - - The report of the Secretary of the Navy, herewith sub mitted, exhibits in full the naval operations of the past year, together with the present condition of the service, and it makes suggestions of further legislation, to which your attention is invited. The construction of the six steam-frigates, for which - ap propriations were made by the last Congress, has proceeded ETAS FORD-JAN. 11. The favourable change in the weather caused a marked improvement in the condition of the sample, and wheats, of which there was a fair supply, realised 2s per qr. more than last week, with a better trade. The other kinds of grain were also the turn dearer, and met a more ready sale. Wheat, white, old, per a. a. s. 6%, qr. 62 82 Oats, per qr 23 3 0 new.... 68 NO Peas, Partridge 39 41 te*i., old. 63 78 White. 4O Lo new.. ~61 76 Boiling 43 o 0 Barley 29 36 Dun 37 39 Chevalier 3. 38 Beans, Tick 36 38 Grinding 26 .3 H a rr o w ti c k s 38 40 Malt ...70 74 Mazagan ..... ..33 1 1 Chevalier .........72 76 Ditto, nuw...35 38 COLCHESTER- JAN. 12. A small supply of wheat, the condition is improved bf the change of weather, and the trade ruled brisk, at 2s per qr. advance. arley also Is to 2s per qr. dearer. In beans or peas nothing doing worthy of notice. Prices to-day were as foll'ow :—Wheat, white, 80s to 86s; red, 72s to 808 ; barley;36s to 448 ; oats, 26s tons ; beano Mazagan, 40s to 42s ; middle and small, 44s to 50s; peas, white, 51s to 568 ; grey, 40s to 445. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, dtc in the port of London, from the following pl the 7th to the 12th Jan., both inclusive. receive nits, frow t.; . ce , 8 Colchester. Harwich Leigh Nialdon 312 642 315 :03 401 90 1554, 315 1731 ;'1064 250 58j 35 1 22 327 KIRKCALDY-JAN. 12. We had rather large supplies of wheat and oats to-dal' but small of barley. Sales quiCk for everything, at an ad• vance of is to 2s per qr. on wheat and oats, and is. per qr. on barley. Wheat. Barley. Oats. I Beans. I First Second Bos Od I 41. s Od l 308 Od I Os 0(1 Third 64s Od I 34s Od 26s Od I Os "d GOAL MARKS rrloee of Coal per ton at '.-JAN. 14. the ,etutte the mart Walliend, &c. s. d. Bate's West Hartley 18 6 1 Davison's West Hartley 19 6, Holywell . . 18 61 Lougridge's Wst Hartley 19 6 North Percy Hartley _lB 6 'autield Noon l7 0 wield goal. Butes 17 0 Tyne Main 18 0 Walker Primrose l7 West Riding Hartley lB 6 Willington Hartley lB t . _ IBra (Idyll 2l 0 Frainwellgate l9 6 iiaswell ' 21 li 0 retton . ~..... „, 21 Kepler Grange 2l 6 .ambton 2O 3 Plummer .20 ! Richmund 2O ttliAsell'f• Hetton ~.., . 20 : south Hetton 2O ' -` , ti•wart's . ...... „... 2l 6 !..ilaradoe .. . .19 6 , Cassop 2l ' Hartlepool 2O 6 'Teugt , Hall ..;.. 19 ! Kelloe 21 • South Hartlepool 2O 6 Tees 2l 3 , I lerwentwater Hartley 19 ", Skiborwen Merthyr 23 : Birehgrove Graigol a • 23 " ' I Sold Wallsond Gosforth 19 3 Hatton l9 9 Heaton Hilda 18 Riddell Wharneii Ire l9 0 Met' Nlain ..... . .... 2O Bell l9 • Belmont l9 0 Allips at market.., 307 VABORNE MAILS. .Kninee that the mall* ars. ;,erii. :rom the General Poet.o ol riight—and M by the mor Pm. , t) THI Porn ~.►isp due V _ A em Jan. le ILiverpoo iLlyerpen. !Jan. $ 'Jan. 26 Cincotta Join. 6 !Dail) 'Jan. IS 'Jan. lb lOnc.rtoll IJs.a. lb ITa.Th.P. I ran. 70 liTir ,;.4110 ~Tsn°`." I Jan. 1 6 . f6 a t i hntmo Jan. 20 Jan. I, with di! •Youni Rabbet len° ; D tidoon), Wage, IS 'I Jt Miss Sta for Youu 64;Buy gale, Flirt, 51 Xt. Paci Sumo Lessons )I nm Ca and Piay a Fish I Sehoohn it—Ho w Young I a Gam SACK! Robb b4 d. r , _ nbleel Chi n an; 0 44 1 1 Noy teprel "r jeant D ewitt J F lunkey Faits, 4111 1awo odhop ' ll . ll pkii a / Iron atri tice' s tc E nzooth.. (Mel lo " 11 . great 1 l 'll ll of Jeal ous Seeking Th e Try 'Day when MO. 'n General h). Office, London.' IFvor, t•uerica(bylirit.pa , merica. by Uni t ta' ••acket) ......... - derica (by V S ` 9 ''' s :racket) . N ,:istralia (via Routh ..,mpton) • .• y I ~ tto (via Marseille.) ri Utto (via Cape of tios , d Hope) ............ N tt'rica (West CoMt) N t N tlexandria— ........M lahamas ;elgium ...........N ..............M Auenos Ayres ........ M "ape of Good Hope .N ;ape of Good Hope -14 'ape do Verds )eylon (see India) Ceylon —N. 21hatmel Isles ..N; Mon., Wed.,&Frl4.. ............ M j2d 117th of month Mina ;Once a month.... Constantinople . N , 11 ,13• 12 . 2 3A28 of in' Janstantinople 4th Sc 20th of mon. , ;ont. of Europe M As N Twice daily Cgypt (see India) France ........ M s Twice daily .. -iihraltar ........ k1' . 4,7. 17, 20. 27 .r•.. lreece (see India) Ireytown 2nd Sc 17th of mon.l Ilamburgh Sc Fridayl Ta.vonnah 2titi of the moy..tP Tolland ••••..•• • • .. yi Dal!Y • '• •.•• • •• :r .ori d u „ s mll7t t • 'the month. I.ndia (,laSouthampt.)lVl 4th 20,11, of !noo. ( via Marseilles)M 9th&2sth of month (onian lees (see India) 7, 17, &'47 of mon Ireland •• M Sr. N Twice daily ••• • • • 'dshon •• ea •• •• "MI , 9, 17,& 27 of ' l, • '4adeira •9th at the month Madeira !•;,23d o , month • • .. delta (see India) Malta 8.1 8 . 11c:8 Mauritius (see 1n..1.1a. .1:114t?'of ttif •Kanrltins Mexico .. r• ye •• •..•21; 2,1 e. ••=•• ' Soath...rwx. Jan. I • . P dl'lM ll2l3 t!lormer. Dover ' low Grinada 214 . 17111 'V Southampt fqew Zealand - 4 I; , , Varicat, ' . r . , „1 I:h l .7thflthorpto. 'SOI3: ( ' era i f ,11, • Fort Natal .. Veriouc port:. Uu.. LP Dover Tti.cany „ .7 , 3110211 P.•!- !• i ," • 0110,1!-. k 6 into sn r•leMer 3 , ti,tralin) • - We , •f.f. • • P0n , :..• kIF Wen ISoutham• Southampto Dovor 113 .1 1,„ :4, St o• 'A , nth rpm . 1 17th of the 11).4iiy 9th of the month.. 19th -• the , mont 9t! 0 , tb • cllo.,th When,ny vi rfte,,, :ititie, tall I , lt . : : • de' •72tteheA fm the lollowsm tt, of thc , itharrt; , ton).an4 the 1/, la Plyru.. •. (Dover Southampto, I Southamp t 4 Dover .... Sonthvoi.• o). 1 South I Various port ißouttimpto, Southampton ibouthampto, I Dovet . l gouthampto, Dover Dover ~, Southarni, ISouthamp, Loudon Bout hamptot, ,Dover .. . ',sni.n.h amp!, Pirrti , tl th • . (Dover .... Dover... I Doi.; bead Bout hami.to Sonthamp 0. Liverpool ,D ove , Jan. 40 BffARE MARKE7'B. LIVERPOOL, JAN. 14. STOCK EXCFLA NOE.—The tone of the market has bee" quiet to-day , and p r i ces are slightly improved. Grew' Western of Canada, 24k—South Eastern, 161, is & 9d. - "" Midlands, 63 London and North Westerns, 93i" Lancashire and Yorkshire, 7i 6—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, 2:;—La , caster and Carlisle (I shares), 6 P' --Eastern Counties, Bk—Luxembourg (Pref. 5 per cent' bonds), 3. MANCHESTER, JAN. 14. `, Toon Itxonetvols.—The market to-day has been doing a flut business, but prices are firm. Manchester, shatisid , and Lincoln, 231—Dover, 17—Leede, 76. BIRMINGHAM, Jex. 14. STOCK EXCHANGE. - The market was rather instil" to day, and stock generally in little demand. London sp a North Western s c l ose d a t 93 i —Midlands, at 62i—Sopsii Staffords, 2.18.9 d. Birmingham Canals, 90i to 911. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Ointment and Poo Superior Remedies for Bad Legs.—Mr. John Nix, of Billericay. Essex, informs Professor 801 l , way that Mrs• Mary White, of Venue, had been troubled wi•b a boa leg for more than 15 years, for the cure of which there appeared no remedy ; as she had tried various means without effect ; but, by his persuasion she commenced using Holloway's Ointment and Pills, previous to which for 16 weeks she was unable to cross the room ; tberd invaluable remedies, however, cured the leg in is Teri short time. Sold by all medicine vendors throughout the world, at Professor Holloway's establishments, 244, Strand, London, and 80, Maiden-lane, New York ; A. Sltampa. Cons'antinople ; A. Guidicy, Smyrna ; and E. Muir, Malta. BIRTHS. or A SON. On tin 10th inst., at Rawmarsh Rectory, Rotherham' Lady Mahon. On the 12th inst., at Douro-terrace, Bishopwearnmouth, the lady of John Scott, Esq. 41, A DAUGHTXR. On the 13th inst., at Dnke'4.hill, Bagshot, th• wif• of Thomas Andrews, Esq., solicitor. On the 12th inst., at 3, South•street, Brompton, J[st• Henry Foreman. MA RRTED. On the 12th inst., at St. John's, Notting-hill, Alexander King, only son of John Witt, Esq., of -iouthempton, to Ju is Eliza, only daughter of R. R. Chubb, Esq., of Ov ford-terrace, Byde-park. On the 1 'th ult., at St. Dunstan's in the East, London, Mr. James Weir, draper, Glocester-terrace, London, to Mary, eldest daughter of Jo Smith, Esq., merchant, and member of the Common Council of the city of London. DIED. On the 12th inst., at Betehworth House, Surrey, the Right Hon. Henry Goulburn, M.P. for the University of Cambridge aged 72. On the 23d ult., at Cairn. Colonel William Mayne, aids de-camp to the Queen. Brigadier commanding the Hydera bad Centitigent, third surviving son of the Rev. Robert Mayne. formerly rector of Limpaeld, Surrey, aged 36. On the 12th inst., at 3, Richmond-crescent, Barnsbury park, London, the Rev. John Branch, Baptist minister of Church-street, Blackfri•irs, aged 49; On the 12th inst , atWorcesterTark, Sung widow of the lat e M ar k C urr i e , Esq., aged ~ Elizabeth, On the 12th inst. Mr. Wm. Straker, theol og i ca l book seller, late of 3, Adelaide-street, Strand, aged 59. On the 12th inst., at No. 36, Lowndes-square, William Hawksley, Esq., formerly of the 12th Lancers, aged 60. On the 11th inst., at Richmond Villa, Battersea, Richd. .Toseph M ar ti n. l a t e o f Palsgrave-place,Strand, aged 72. Oh the 1 I th inst., at the Larches:Warwickshire, Andy. \lorries. Esq., retired Commander R.N., aged 75. pyinr..t.l an , P1ih 1 1 0 162.1 by KURD() irt)ryx. , ne Sun It 2, • Savoy, iu tiae eounti of middiegez, Tuesday. Jana* 15,1856. Ift. 2 Cf Alija awn, j Principe The c Gonduci Priest - Qninea ; . lerY, 101 41 4i* - 7 APPlicat accortur Doors Uorre Appth (Xcl Te '~~~~o !ate b o e Atio); !tires:. Alta YI Isduc EPI*O 'Aka Para[ Itech flical, . \lasi( . Shako Whicl tensii whicl • and p RAY B Jack E Little Ja rapt 44 0whor C.it and 14 4 1 1' Li oceision Tuddleki keens. • " They 1 The ."6 SPii b 1 , 0 ,7" 1 - 1 auC 4,04ei 1114 ritivit " - raw W4eht, ms' b .Parm iaard s t, Prom Perio d treat c, gb Toe RUi to 14 1, 1.. e el ..eV entt thihg.„ Zile Tv ? 4 , 44 41 Tv, e Ty Th e Tw The A. S olatter4 ? ° P't ke rQst _ Whai Ho w r egular •uatikr t regular Bwe( ax) . hu m __ hi ve Princii - -Arri 60EN The m ti ou _ Paton, Loral • World '7, 1, 0(16 , 11 14 on 1 to Be( TATE ft The , And not " Dr(