The Sun. — London, England, 1834-06-24 00:00:00

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HENRY POWNALL, E s q., o f Sp r ing : Grove; to allow himself to be put in nomination, at the ensuing Election. LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, , JUNE 24, 1834. TO THE ELECTORS OF THE BOROUGH OF FINSBURY. (No. 13,038.) (PRICE %i)•1 GINTLEMEN t TN compliance with the request of a most respec -1 table body of the Electors of yoUr 13ormigh, I have consented to offer myself as a CANDIDATE for the vacant seat in your representation. The principleS on which alone I could genie forward, and the importance of the defebee bf which, at the present crisis , fern), the enlY motive which could indhCe „tt l stick a step, are those of a firm attach- Meiit t he Constitution in Church and State. At the same time I beg to add, that I am fully sen sible of the need of—and shall be happy to co-operate in effecting—many reforms and ameliorations in our ex isting institutions. But in the removal of abuses, and in all other alterations, my main object would be to in crease the strength a nd efficiency and the usefulness of those institutions. In attention to your local interests, and in indefatigable endeavours to discharge the general duties of a represen tative, I trust I shall not be found wanting. Unconnected with political party, I will endeavour at all times to regu late my conduct rather with reference to measures than to the individuals front *honi they emanate. The Wnitness of the period which will intervene be tdreen this and the day of election, will preclude the possi bility of my waiting personally on every Elector ; but I trust that this will plead my excuse; and that the import ance of the occasion will induce those exertions on the part of the friends of those principles on which I come forward, which cannot fail to ensure success. I remain, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servant, H. POWNALL. order that the plaintiff might have , an opportunity of amending his case. Counsel were then called in upon the Warwick Borough Bill, who examined witnesses up to half-past five o'clock, when the house resumed. ESTABLISHED CHURCH. house of a saying of Queen Elizabeth, " that her subjects were her best guards." He "would end his complaint by moving for a copy of any order that had been issued, by which the principal avenues of that house had been lined with armed troops and police on Tuesday, the 24th of June instant. Mr. H. BULWE R seconded the motion, as he did not think the inquiry would be altogether useless. He had seen several gentlemen stopped, and be himself had been twice stopped, and very insolent and brutal language had been used by the police. Tinder those circumstances be thought the matter ought not to pass without notice. the honourable member for Coventry, because he thought that the using of disgusting language a much graver offence than the other. The orders to tl , e police were distinctly that they were not to interrupt members of that house, which was abund yin y proved by the Gallant Colonel himself, for it appeared that immediately upon the areal -fit-lee of the Inspector, the obstruction ceased. If the gall.. ant Colonel would give up the number of the offending policeman, he no doubt would be reprimanded for his mistaken zeal. If there had been no police there, there would have been many more and much graver complaints, because, in such a case, the obstructions, though perhaps of a different nature, would have been mach greater. Petitions in support of the Established Church were presented from parishes in Cumberland and North ampton, by the Bishop of Durham ' • from Plympton and other places in Devon, by Lord Rolle ; and from places in Warwick, by the Duke of Wellington. COUNTY RATES. The Duke of RICHMOND, as chairman of the County Rate Committee,_ laid upon their lordships' table the first report of the committee, which was ordered to be printed. The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented a petition from Sir Harcourt Lees against the claims of the Dis senters, and in favour of the established church. The noble Duke also presented a similar petition from a clergyman in the West Riding of Yorkshire. CLAIMS OF DISSENTERS. The motion was then withdrawn. ESTABLISHED CHURCH. Petitions for protection to the Established Church were presented by Sir R. Ilvaus, the Marquis of CIIANDOS, and Mr. MARRIGT. KILMAINHANI HOSPITAL. Mr. O'DW YER alluded to a notice of motion relative to Kilmainham Hospital. (Hear, hear.) He 'then wished to ask only for an assurance from the right hon. gentleman that the intention to abolish that establishment had been abandoned. He was !lost anxious to meet the wishes of the ;ight hon. gentleman, but it would depend upon the answer he got whether he could do so or not. Mr. E. ELLICE said, that in consequence of the very generally-expressed opinion against the plan, it had been determined that it should not be abolished. (Cheers.) With respect to the removal of abuses, he could not see thot a committee of that house would be so efficient as the persons who were on the spot. Mr. O'DWYER said he was most sorry that the explanation of the hon. secretary was not at at satis factory. The Marquis of CHANDOS presented Et . petition from Uxbridge against the beer act, and one from the same place against certain clauses in the Poor Laws Amendment Bill. EAST INDIA HOUSE, Juxr, 18, 1834' • 'THE COURT of DIRECTORS of the EAST INDIA COMPANY do hereby give Notice, That they *ill be ready, on or before the 25th instant, fie Proposals for PURCHASING by PRIVATE CtiNTRACT, the Company's Bombay Teak-built SHIP " BUCKINGHAMSHIRE," of 1,468 Tons Registered Measurement, now lying in the East India Docks, with all her Stores as she came from Sea, exclusive of Provi sions, it being - understood that the Company are not bound to accept any such Proposal. The Proposals to be delivered to the Secretary, at this House, on or before Twelve o'clock. PETER AUBER, Secretary. ROYAL ACADEMY, SOMERSET HOUSE. THE EXHIBITION OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY IS NOW OPEN. Admission (from Eight o'clock till Seven), One Shilling. Catalogue, One Shilling. - HENRY HOWARD, R.A., Sec. lit - .lli-SUANT - to - a Decree of the High Court of Chancery, made in a cause of BETHELL against PONTING, the Creditors of JAMES BETHELL, late of High Hurst, in the Parish of Chipstead, in the County of Surrey, Yeoman (who died in the month of May, 1833), are forthwith to come in and prove their Debts before Sir Giffin Wilson, one of the Masters of the said Court, at his Chambers in Southampton-buildings, Chan cery-lane, London ; or, in default thereof; they will be excluded the Benefit of the said Decree. ELDERTON and LUCENA, 40, Queen -square. REMOVAL. -4R. WALTER PATON, WRITING MASTER, REMOVED from DEVONSHIRE STREET, to 57, CHARLOTTE-STREET, Portland plaCe. Mr. Walter Paton is chiefly employed in giving lessons in writing, arithmetic, and the use of the globes, in ladies' schools, and families of distinctioh. He also receives private_ pupils at his new residence. Young gentlemen intended for commercial pursuits are thoroughly grounded in the principles of book-keeping, and are taught the most elegant and concise forms of merchants' accounts. During the 'last 17 years Mr. P. has executed all the most important ornamental writings for the Honourable Corporation of the Qty of London. The Royal Academy, and the public companies, such as freedoms' votes of thanks, addresses, &c., the practice of which he still continues. It frequently happens that votes of thanks (which require to be ornamen tally transcribed on vellum, and framed and glazed) are granted to individuals for distinguished services by muni cipal and parochial bodies •thro - righout the Kingdom. These bodies will find an advantage in the execution of their orders by addressing them direct to 57, Charlotte street, Portland-place. London. SECON k rr SUN OFFICE, seven o'clock. THE LONDON GAZETTE THIS EVENING. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, JuNz 18. The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knighthood upon Hugh Pigott, Esq., Captain in the Royal Navy, Companion of the most Honourable Military Order of the Bath, and Knight Commander of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, JUNE 21. Corp. of Royal Engineers—Gentleman Cadet J. C. Burmester to be 2d Lieutenant, with temporary rank ; Gentleman Cadet Ogle to be ditto ; Gentleman Cadet C. MiCausland to be ditto, dated June 9. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. JAMES BOULTING, Jun., nuiholder, Wells, So mersetshire. ROBERT JOHN TURNER, money-scrivener, Nor wich. BANKRUPTS. ROBERT COWAN, schoolmaster, Plumstead, Kent, to 'surrender July 2, at one, and Aug. 5, at ,twelve, at the - Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, Pancras-lane, offi cial assignee ; Nokes, Woolwich. THOMAS HODSOLL, pictUre-dealer, Garnault plthe, Spa-fields, July 7, at one, and Aug. 5, at eleven, - -at the Court of Bankruptch. Edwards, Pancras-lane, of ficial assigne ; Constable and Kirk, Symond'r Inn, Chan cery-lane. ROGER WHITEHEAD, attorney, Liverpool, July 18, and Aug,. 5, at one, at the Clarendon-Rooms, Liver tool. Blacistock, Bunce, and Vincent, King's Bench alk, Temple, London • Curry, Liverpool. tHARLES WHYBOROIJG H, victualler, Manches ter; July 10, at ten, and August 5, at two, at the Com missioners'-rooms, Manchester. Appleby and. Charnock, Gray's Inn, London ; Oliver, Manchester. SOLOMON COHEN, factor and jeweller, Binning ham, July 4, and August 5, at one, at the New Royal Hotel, B irm i ng h am. N orton and Chaplin, Gray's Inn square, London ; Harrison, Birmingham JOHN JAMES, innkeeper, Blandford- Forum, Dorset shire, July 7, and August 5, at eleven, at the Greyhound Inn, Blandford-Forum. 'Dean, Guildford-street, Middle sex. . _ FIEILBY LEE, soap-boiler, Selby, Yorkshire July 4, and August 5, at two, at th e Ki ngston Hotel, Kingston upon-Hull. Hicks and Marris, Gray's Inn-square, Lon- Holden and Galloway, Hull. SAMUEL CHAPMAN, cotton-spinne r , Hurst, Lan cashire, July 10, and Aug. 5, at ten, at dornmissioners'- rooms; Manchester. Adlington, Gregory, and Faulkner, Bedford-row, London ; Claye and Thompson, Manchester. EDWARD ELAISALL DAY, surgeon, Bristol, July 8, and Aug. 5, at one, at the Commercial-rooms, Bristol. "• 'like and Whitmore, Bedford-row, London ; Bridge s , Bristol. EDWARD GRIFFIN, surgeon, Erdington, Warwick • te, July 4, and Aug. 5, at twelve, at the Union Inn, Holme, Frampton, and Loftus, New Inn, London Parker, Birmingham. THOMAS UNT, scissor manufacturer, Sheffield, "V I, and August 5, at one, at the Court of Bankru p t cy. Abbott, offici al assi gnee, King's Arms-yard, Coleman street ; Trehern and White, Leadenhall-street. JOSEPH WALSH, cotton-manufacturer, Warrington, Lancashire, July 11, at ten, and August 5, at two, at the Be ner, Bedford -row London ; Nicholson, Warrington. Manchester. Gregory and Faulk- JOHN 1311LAIER, merchant, Hart 1, Durham, July '25, at eleven, and Augu s t 5, at one, at the Commissioners' Room, Newcastle-upon-Tyne Williamson and Hill, Verulam-buildings, Gray's_inn: castle-upon- Tyne. London ; Ingledew, New- WILLIAM WILLS, builder, Exeter, July 15, and August 5, at twelve, at the Half Moon Inn, Exeter. Clowcs, Orme, and Wedlake, King's-Bench-Walk, Temple, London ; Laidman, Bampfylde-street, Exeter. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS. ”ifs house met shortly after four o'clock. P°l/ VELL'S DIVORCE BILL. -Witnesses Were bein exam i ne d upon this bill, when the - LORD C HANCELLOR inquired if process of outlaweY had been served upon the defendant, and upon being informed that it had not, the. h ouse upon the- Ch!tileellOr; d r ecommendation of the Lord or-ere- the proceedings to stand over, in The Bishop of L L A ND A FF said. that in presenting petitions intrusted to him against the claims of the Dissenters he was anxious to redress, what his opinions were and the ground upon which be intended to support the prayer 'of the petition, and he begged to state that he was not actuated, and neither were the petitioners actuated by any ill=feeling towards the parties against whom the petition was directed. (Fear.) The first ground .he took was agaiast the admission of the Dissenters to the degrees of the Universities ; secondly, and which he believed was indisputable, that religion was an essen tial part of education, and that the admission of per sons indiscrinately, without regard to their religious opinions was destructive of that principle, for it was. impossible to contend, with any degree of truth, that persons could be admitted, of various religious persuasions, without abandoning that most sa cred branch of education—religion. ( Hear, hear.) In his opinion it was most desirable to make religion a permanent branch of education. (Hear, hear.) He wished to see religion and education go hand in hapl. The LORD CHANCELLOR agreed with the right reverend prelate that nothing was more desirable than that education and religion should go hand in hand. No man concurred more than he did in the course adopted by the Universi ties of Oxford and Cambridge, and King's Col lege, to admit no persons but those who belonged to the church within their walls, but that was no reason wby the Dissenters, a large and oppulent body, should not have a University for themselves, and it was no reason why the Eondon University should be closed against Dissenters. In his opinion the man who would say that it was unfair to found a university for Dissenters was more fit for a musuem than rational society. ( Laughter.) The Bishop of L AND AFF begged to correct the noble and learned lord : he had never made any ob servation against the London University. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that over the way (Westminster Abbey) they had heard duetts and trios, but it was general in that house to speak one at a time. As he had said before, local parties agreed in every respect with the sentiments of the church, he advised them to go to King's College but where they did not they had surely the right of being educated at the London University. The Bishop of L A NDAFF was sure that the strictures of the noble and learned lord upon the address he had made was founded upon an inattention of the statements he had made. .He had brought no,charge whatever against the London University. The Duke of WELLINGTON considered that nothing could be more inconvenient than discussing subjects of the importance of the present upon the presentation of petitions. He should have thought that the noble lord on the woolsack would have extended his protection to the Universities rather than cavil with the sentiments expressed by the right rev. Prelate. The LORD CHANCELLOR must say, if the noble Duke had acquired logic at the Uni versity of Oxford (hear), he had not acquired the faculty of attention. If the noble duke had at tended to what he stated, he would not have made the observations he had done. With respect to the charge made by the noble duke against him of raising a debate on the presentation of a petition, he had only to say, and he was sure the hon. duke was not aware that the right rev. prelate had attacked him in his own words. He bad always been a great friend to the London University, though he was, perhaps, not so great a man there as the noble duke was at Oxford. He had no doubt that his presence at Oxford would not have created a greater sensation of astonish ment than his Royal Highness' presence at their meetings at the university. ( Hear, hear, andlaughter.) He believed his Royal Highness had been invited to attend ( Continued laughter), and although he had not attended, he (the Lord Chancellor) had no doubt but that the university had had the illustrious Duke's good wishes, as far at least as his conscience would allow him. On one occasion, however, when there was an illustrious branch of the Royal family present, and when his noble friend the Secretary of the Home Der art ment were present also, upon that occasion, and upon a former occasion, when all the subscribers were together, he had mentioned Oxford and Cambridge in terms of the greatest respect. He asserted that as a fact, and that toention was received with applause, end the mention of Oxford produced not one indistinct expression of disrespect- on that occasion. They ordered things on the bnnks of the Isis, for when certain individuals were absent, and in the . cool of those shady retreats of the Muses, who haunted that classical stream, in the morning, when the mind was perfectly free from vapor,• except that of theological controversy, and po litical opinion, —upon the occasion of the late in stallation, unrestrained by the presence of noble and illustrious Dukes, Doctors in Divinity, archbishops and bishops—unrestrained by any such presence, when mention was made of certain names,— very harmlessly and innocently—an ancient and established practice, of which he was the last per son in the world to complain, was resorted to on that occasion. He would say nothing of it, except that it consisted in naming certain individuals, for the purpose of expressing feelings of respect or disrespect towards them ; and as those ' -games were mentioned, those feelings got vent in the most convenient form. (LEFT SITTING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER resumed the chair at twenty minutes past five. Sir E. KN AT C HBULL presented several peti tions from places in Kent, in support of the Esta blished Church. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. On the question that they do lie on the table— Col. WILLIAMS rose and said he thought he was perfectly in order, in bringing forward a complaint of a breach of the privileges of that house, which had occurred that morning. On coming down to the house he had been interrupted, and prevented by troops and police, who lined the different avenues to the house. He had endeavoured to get through the soldiers, but was prevented, and he had then pro ceeded beyond the door of the house, supposing there would be no obstruction there, but not finding that to be the case he had returned along the line at the rear of the troops, and finding no other means of en tering the house he attempted to pass through the police. In doing so he was told by the police that he should not pass. He told them his name, and that he was a mem ber of the House of Commons ; the answer of the police was, " It does not signify, you cannot pass here." ( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") This created some disturbance, and called the attention of one of the superintendents, and on his (Colonel W.) repeating what he was, he superintendent said, "___- _cer tainly he must cross." He ( Colonel NV il liams) could not help thinking that it was an obstruction, which should not be allowed, that the principal avenues to that house should at any time be lined with' troops, or that the members should be obliged to come to their duty through bristles of bayonets ( Criesof " Oh, oh"), and in avoiding these, to be stopt by the truncheons of the police. The occasion for which this army of troops was drawn out was well known ; he thought the troops were called out much too often, and he would remind the Lord HO WICK regretted that the )10. member for Coventry had experienced any inconvenience, but at the same time he thought that those persons who were responsible for ,the management of the police force had reason to complain. ( Hear, hear.) If, instead of bringing forward such a formal complaint, the hon. member had preferred his complaint to those persons. (Loud cries of " No.") Hon. members might say " No," but the house, he was sure, would agree with him. ( Loud cries of" No.") This might be a case of . individual misconduct, and in so large and numerous a force, he was sure the house would agree with him, and the members of the committee upon that force would more particularly agree with him, that there was every disposition on the part of the inspectors of that force, as far as possible to check, in the most decided manner, every possible base of misconduct. When this case was brought under the attention of the house, hon. members had not the power of learning►, at the moment, what might be said on the other side. If the hon. member for Coventry had furnished him (Lord Howick) with the particulars of his complaint, he (Lord Howick) would have made a point of learning what might have been alleged on the other side. ( Hear, hear.) He thought it would save the time of the house, and would be more satisfactory to the members of that house if the hon. member had made his complaint to the Commissioners of Police, by whom at the moment, it would have been investigated, and if there had been any misconduct, it would have been discovered, and the individual who was guilty would be at once dismissed. (Hear, hear, and cries of " Oh.") With respect to any inconvenience that might have been suffered today, he (Lord HOwick) had been in the place alluded to by the hon. member only a quarter of an hour or twenty minutes after the King had arrived, and he (Lord Howick) had not found the slightest difficulty in getting into the house. He regretted that any hon. member had suffered in consequence, and he should take care that the matt& should be strictly inquired into. Mr. H. BULWER, in explanation, said that he was not the member who had brought this complaint forwards, he had merely stated what he had himself seen. He did not think it becoming the dignity of a member of that house to go hunting after the noble lord opposite when he had a complaint to make which was not of a personal nature, but very nearly touched the character and dignity of the house itself. (Loud cries of " Hear.") Mr. WARBURTON' said he came down to the house about ten minutes before the King went to the Abbey, but, like the noble lord, he met with no opposition. However, the positive evidence of two individuals would not contradict a negative. He recollected that a noble lord on a levee day met with interruption in Pall Mall, and made that a matter of complaint to the house. In his opinion the proper place to make such complaints was in that house, and in the presence of the Speaker, who was the proper guardian of the privileges of the house. ( Bear, hear. ) ott Mr. O'C 0 NNEL L did not think hon. members should be sent to apply to public constables or any police authorities. The Speaker was the fit person to appeal to. ( Hear.) Were hon. members to be interrupted in their duty because it was thought proper to open a music shop over the way. (Laughter, and cries of " Order.") _ . """An HON. MEMBER—It is a ceremony. mos Mr. O'CONNELL—I don't care for that. It was no ceremony necessary to tae State. It was no royal prerogative ; if it had been, they would readily have honoured it, while they preserved their own privileges at the same time. Hon. members were not to be running after police commissioners, however well paid, to make their complaints. If the privileges of the house had been broken in upon, they were to be vindicated,by;the Speaker, and hon. members were not to turn round to any body else, whatever their office or rank. The SPEAKER rose and said, that as he had been appealed to, he felt it necessary to make a few observations to the house. He would premise that he was quite sure the hon, and learned gentleman did not wish him to give an opinion on his case. The hon. and learned member had distinctly stated what every one would subscribe to, that the privileges of the house should be maintained by the house. The Speaker was the servant of the house, and if the honourable member did not choose to take a different course in making his appeal to the house, it would certainly have become his duty as the Speaker to bring the matter before the house ; but as to preserving their own privileges, it had never yet been the practice to throw so heavy a burden upon the Speaker in addition to his other duties. The hon. member, no doubt,adverted to the sessional order for keeping the avenues of the house clear, and that was the duty of the high constable. ( Hear.) With respect to anv act by which the liberty and privileges of the hon. members were infringed, upon, either accidentally or intentionally, it seemed to be certainly a fit subject for inquiry, which no doubt the hon. member would be able to effect. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said there could be no doubt that if any member's privilege had been in fringed, he had a full right to bring it before the house. The only question was, what course thehon. gentleman would think it right to pursue. From what had been stated no doubt some police officers had interrupted the progress of some members of the house. The inquiry then would probably have to be, whether that had been done by officers totally unacquainted with their duties, or from an intention gravely to in fringe on the privileges of the house. Whatever course might be adopted he thought the ho nourable gentleman would in all probability refrain from making any motion until a statement could be made of what the circumstances attending the obstruction were. (Hear, hear.) If it arose from mere ignorance, the hon. gentleman would take the course which would seem right to him against those who had ignorantly offended. If, on the other hand, the obstruction had arisen from intention, it would certainly be right that the house should take some step on the occasion. Mr. ROBINSON did not think the house had entertained the question as it ought. He him self had experienced great obstruction on his way to the house, not by the police, but by the , soldiery. The police he had found on this, as on all other occasions, most respectful. ( Hear, hear.) There was, however, a file of soldiers on each side of the road opposite the House of Commons, which was impenetrable. If the way from Bridge-street had been left entirely to the police, he was sure that no grounds of complaint would have existed. When he applied to the police to assist him they ex pressed their willingness to do so, but neither they nor he had been able to penetrate through the soldiery. Mr. BULWER did not think there had been any intentional obstruction, but he thought that steps ought to be taken to prevent intentional obstruction hereafter. He felt disposed to withdraw his motion. An HON. MEMBER stated that on coming down to the house in his carriage he had experienced obstruc struction, but, on stating that he was a member of Parliament, and on his way to the house, an opening was made, and he was allowed to pass along without further obstruction. Colonel WILLIAMS said that as hon. members had stated they had experienced no obstruction, it seemed it was to be inferred that he had not been obstructed. He had stated minutely the facts. He had stated the progress upwards and downwards, and detailed the outrage that had been committed upon him. He saw no occasion whatever for having any street in this town or country, much less the great avenues leading to Parliament, lined with bayonets. ( Loud cheers.) Lord HOWICK acknowledged the truth of what had been said by the hon. and gallant colonel, for he had paid some attention to the complaint of In answer to questions by Sir C. BURRELL, Mr. SPRING RICE said that Mr. Walker was at present collector of customs at that port. With re spect -to the second question, he understood that charges had been brought against that gentleman in 1825, he thought, in conclusion, thas no objection would be made to the production of the Treasury mi nute, or any other papers called for. Sir CH ARLES BU RR EL L said that the charges against that gentleman had been of a very serious nature; and he begged to give notice, that on Wednes day next he should move for a copy of the Treasury Minute of December 1825, containing the charges against Mr. Walker when acting as Government agent at Berbice. - The ATTORNEY-GENELAL in answer to a question, said that he intended that the bill for the al teration of the law of real and copyhold property should be printed and circulated this session, and would be proceded with as early as possible next session. Sir J. SCA RLEtT, at the suggestion of Mr. S. Rice, postponed his motion respecting the affair of Tripoli. Mr. LITTLETON, in answer to a question from Mr. Herries said that he was extremely anxious to proeed with the Irish Tithe Commutation Bill that night, if honourable members who had prece dence tyould allow him to do so. Mr. WART said he did not think he would be justified in postponing his motion. DISTRESS IN IRELAND. Mr. SIIE IL asked the Secretary for Ireland whether he was' aware that in the South of Ireland, particu larly in the county of Tipperary, there was extreme distress. He could state that in several districts of that county the distress approached to actual famine. Mr. LITTLETON said he was not aware that dis tress existed to the- extreme stated. He was aware that a considefahle increase had taken place in the price of food ; but he did not Clink there was any reason to dread a general famine. Mr. O'CONNELL and Mr. O'REILLY bore testimony to the extreme distress that existed in various parts of Ireland. Mr. ENVART then rose to bring forward his /no thin, and was speaking when we went to press. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE (THIS I3AY.) (FTIOM IVIYS ) DEAL, JUNE 23.—Wind S.W., light breeze.—Passed by Eliza, from the westward, for London. Arrived from river and remains the Faith, Jackson, for St. Kitt's. PORTSMOUTH, JUNE 23.—Wind W.—Passed by the Alexander, Waugh, from Calcutta. PLYMOUTH, JUNE 22.—Wind W.—Passed by the Louise, Duhantilly, from Mauritius ' • and Charles Kers well, Wells, from the Cape of Good Hope. Off port the Esther, Clarkson, from Sydney ; and Surrey, Veale, from Van Diemen's Land. FALMOUTH, JUNE 22. —Wind W. N. W. , fresh breezes. —Arrived the Betsey, Knelm, from Pernambuco ; and Minerva, Kechler, from Jacme l. DARTMOUTH, JUNE 23.—Arrived off port the Min dingo, Burgess, from Jamaica. from , Sydney; from Van Diemen' s L an d ; R oya l Ad m iral, PoRTLAND, JUNE 23.—Arrived off port the Louisa, Sera u d, from Trieste. H ASTI NGS, JUNE 23.—Arrived off port th e William, Hodnett, from St. Vincent's; and Charles, Milne, from Tobago. ISLE OF WIGHT, JUNE 2 3.—Arrived the Sir John Rae and Cuxhaven, Windt, from Savannah. Cowls, JUNE 23.—Arrived the Emperor Alexander, Hur s t, from Batavia ; Jones , Ingersoll, from Rio Janeiro ; and Nordlvsits, Haaseroop, from Rio Grande. DOVER, JU NE 23. —Arrived off port the Frederick Huth, Turner, from Lima. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, June 23. JEWS' RELIEF BILL. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER then rose to move r the second reading of the Jews' Relief Bill. The noble marquis prefaced his motion with several remarks ; but, owing to the indistinct manner in which he spoke, we were rarely able to catch their purport. Nothing but the vexa tion and disappointment he had felt at his noble friend having declined to bring forward the question had induced him to undertake it. The object of the bill was to give to the Jews the same civil privileges as were enjoyed by other subjects. One objection to the bill was that Jews ought not to be - allowed to legislate for Christians, but that was surely a chimerical objection, there being so few Jews. Ile quarrelled with no man for his• religious opinions; ,he hoped he never should, and he thought the principle ought to be generally adopted. lie contended that the Jews were not inimical either to the' established religion or the government of the country, and in support of his assertion he quoted from the writings of a Jewish rabbi declaring that such conduct and proselytism were foreign to the Jewish doctrines. As the law at present stood it presented an obstacle to the conversion of the Jews, whereas were they emancipated that difficulty, and an important one it was, would be removed. The noble lord, after a few fur ther observations, in which he introduced a quotation from Jeremy Taylor in support of his motion, all of which were inaudible, concluded by moving that the bill be read a second time. Ou the motion having been put from the woolsack, The Earl of MALMESBURY rose to oppose the second reading. He opposed the bill because of the great inconveniences that would result from it, and of the vio lence it would offer to the scruples of many, of himself among others. He thought that the present bill would, while it conferred no benefit on the Jews, or tended to the better discharge of the business of the Parliament, have a tendency to alarm the apprehensions of many supporters of the Protestant establishment throughout the country. There were two strong objections to the measure. The first was, that it would be thought extraordinary by the country if the legislature, to whom the people were accus tomed.to look up with deference and esteem, were to admit within their body a class of men who considered the Saviour as an imposter, especially when that legislature was considered a Christian assembly, taking the gospel for the basis of all their legislative measures. The arguments advanced in favour of the Catholics and Dissenters could not be advanced in support of the present bill. The Catholics and Dissenters were placed in a materially dif ferent position from the Jews, for, though they did not exactly assent to the professed doctrines, formalities, and discipline of the Established Church, yet they were Chris tians, believing. in most of the great essentials of Chris tianity, and in a divine mission. He could not, then, give his sanction to a measure that would tend to strip the legis lature of - its Christian character, and make if a medley of belieVers and unbelievers. He had a second objection. The faith of the Christians was confirmed by the existence of that extraordinary people, cut away froul the rest of mankind by the fiat of heaven, and scattered over the earth without a locality or a home. ( Hear, hear.) People so marked out by the Almighty as evidence of the truth of Christianity he did not think fit to be admitted within the legislature of a Christian country. The Jews, too, from { their habits and their peculiar predilections, should be held inadmissible. Their singular appetency for the acquisifon of money, and the harsh use they made of the power that acquisition gave them, should in the estimation of every • fair and deliberate reasoner on questions of legislative ex pediency operate as a strong - disqualification. (Hear. 1 To use a solitary illustration out of many, in Poland they contrived to secure mortgages on most of the property of the country, and, by the facilities those gave them, to buyupin times of scarcity most of the corn of the country, and so, by shipping it off to foreign ports, to aggravate the distress of the people, while they were realizing large properties for themselves. Most of the calamities that for a long series of years had fallen on that country were attributable to the Jews, who had contrived to possess themselves of the greatest pertion o' the property of the country. (Hear, hear.) Poland was, no doubt, a wretched country ; but its wretchedness could be ultimately traced to the influence of the Jews. They were not a class of people whose oc cupations were similar to those of other people ; and neither should their claims be taken into the same ac count. They were never seen at the plough or the loom, or ascending the ladder, or engaged iu any laborious mechanical occupation. They were, too, a people, and that fact was worthy of - the consideration of an assembly of Christian legislators," especially marked out by Providence as deprived of the: privileges and p;iwer of other people.. The Jews were not no* suf fering the same persecutions or deprivations that they formerly suffered; there were now no burnings, no muti lations, no proscriptions; they enjoyed the same privi leges and immunitiesas other British subjects, so far as regarded the security of life and property. Besides all that, they did not in a body demand further concession. On the contrary, they were generally contented w ith th e i r present privileges. - Ninety-nine out of every hundred would, he was persuaded, prefer` to be left as they were. (Hear.) If the bill passed there would be Jews in Par liament. Suppose there were among them men of talent., erudition, and ambition, as it. was likely there would be, and that by concert among themselves or a junction with other parties they might procure the election of a Jewish Speaker, then let their lordships look at the consequences of that event. Not to speak of the influence that event would give them, suppose, as was lately the case, that the House of Commons sat on Saturday, the Speaker would be prevented by the doctrines of his. religion from pre siding. He could not, in fact, act.. Their lordships had heard much of late of the observance of the Sabbath Bill (though on that point he would incidentally observe that it was one which it would be much better to leave to every man's own conscience), and, if it were introduced into the House of Commons containing an intermixture of Jews, those persons would be bound by their religious scruples to oppose any interference on the subject : they could not have two Sabbaths. (Hear, hear.) But he would.go farther, for the present principle had necessarily an ulterior .tendency, and ask how, if they admitted Jews, could they refuse Mahoinetans? (Hear, hear.) Once unchristianize Parliament, and there was no limit to con cession. (Cheers.) If they admitted the Jews, in com mon justice and consistency they should admit Mahometans. The Earl of WINCHIL SEA felt bound as a Christian and a member of that house to oppose the bill. He re gretted that the noble marquis took so narrow and isolated a view of the measure, and did not consider the character, the situation, and the aim of the parties who were the ac tive moverseaf the question. If the noble marquis looked to the real designs of those partieS.--if he considered that they had other views than an 'abstract love of toleration or of justice—he would no doubt pause before he lent himself to those designs. (Cheers.) That was not a question purely Jewish, for it did not emanate from the great body of that, people. The fact was, that the really religious portion of that community were utterly indifferent ; and he stated a notorious truth, about the question. (Loud, cries of " Hear.") The question was got up and pushed forward by individuals of different religions, and for ul terior aims, beyond the simple act of extending toleration. The noble marquis said that he had heard no argument against the measure. But he (Lord Winchilsea) would confidently say ,that t ,he . heard no argument for it, either from the noble marquis now, or from - any other at any . other time. (Hear, and a laugh.) The noble marquis said there were but few Jews in the country, and that no apprehension could be entertained from the ex tension of further privilege to them. But their number was not what was to be taken into consideration so much as their influence, and the consequences that would flow from it, together with the precedent that would be. laid down for further inroads on the constitution. Chris tianity was a part of the law of the country, for the law was founded on Christianity, said emanated from it, while at the same time it was calculated to support it. He should be sorry to see the house deviate from the principles of Christianity. What respect could the coun try have for the house if it swerved from Christianity, and disregarded that power and that institution for which the people offered up their prayers? Ile was not in fluenced by any hostile feeling to 'the Jews, for if they had not the full enjoyment of property and liberty, no one would be more disposed to give them the fullest toleration on that head than he would. But it was a very different thing to support a measure that would unchristianize the country. (Hear, hear.) He for one would not lend himself to a pirty (and he was sure the noble marquis, if he were aware of the real objecti of that party, would not lend himself to them) whose de sign was to impose on well-meaning- men. Considering that the objects of that party were sinister and decep tive—that the present bill was not called for by the great body of the Jews in this country—that it was calculated to sap those Christian foundations on which our institutions and our whole system of legislation rested, he would give it his decided opposition. Lord BEXLEY, who spoke from the cross benches, in a tone quite inaudible in the gallery, supported the bill. The Earl of MALMESBURY explained. He said that Poland was a Jew-ridden country, and that the power of the Jews there was exercised to its detriment. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY rose to oppose the bill. He was sorry that the present bill was brought on after the decision so lately" come to on the question. The house having negatived a similarproposition, he hoped the question would be suffered to rest for years. The noble marquis dwelt much on certain objections raised against the bill. But many of those objections had no weight with him. He objected to the bill on a principle of conscience, and on the ground of religious scruples. (Cheers.) This was a Christian country ; the legislature was Christian, and it would bedegraded in the eyes of the country if the people saw measures relating to the vital interests of our in stitutions and of the church, one of the Most venerated and essential of our institutions, passed by persons who were not Christians. Persons who were not Christians were not fit to pass laws for a Christian country. The laws of the country were founded on Christianity ; all acts of 'the le gislature should be regulated by that principle ; and no act should be opposed to it. Those who supported the admis sion of the Jews to the Parliament of the country could not understand Christianity, at least they could not be said to support Chri4ianity. (Hear, hear.) Parliament be fore removed the disabilities of the Dissenters and the Ca tholics, and by the removal of those disabilities the legisla ture ceased to be Protestant. But it did not follow that because the disabilities of certain sects of- Christians were abolished the house should now consider (and 'during the discussion on those claims it was never said that Pasha-. ment should consider) that it was to go forth and make men who were not Christians participators in the privileges extended to those Christian sects. ( Hear.) The arguments advanced in support of the Catholics and Dissenters were not at all applicable to the Jews. (Hear, hear.) When the Jews conscientiously disbelieved Christianity, and ac cording as they were conscientious unbelievers they were the more determined enemies, he (the Archbishop of Can. terbury) could not conceive on what principle of expedi ency or justice they could be admitte&into a Christian le gislature. The Catholics might have scruples, the Dissen ters might have scruples, on certain points of doctrine or discipline ; but the arguments "founded on the admission of the Catholics and Dissenters into a Protestant Legislature, notwithstanding these scruples, could not apply to the ad mission of the Jews, who did not entertain scruples of that nature, but disbelieved the great essentials of Christianity and were hostile to our whole scheme of religion. (Hear, hear.) The noble marquis had failed to bring forward one tangible or solid argument in favour of his motion. On what grounds could noble lords justify the advocacy of the bill. If they could show that it was an'act of justice there was an end of the proceedings. Could they maintain their advocacy by any law of the land—by any proceeding of Parliament? Could they rest it on any necessity, or even expediency? 'Where was the advantage—where the "Cui bono?" (Cheers.) It was said as a reason for granting the claims of the Catholics that from the numbers, the in telligence, the unanimity, and determination of that body, it would be dangerous to refuse the concession of their claims, and many supported that concession on the ground of State expediency, if not necessity. But could that ar gument be advanced in the present case? Surely there was no danger in refusing the claims of the Jews, and no good was pointed out by conceding them. Their number was not great, and- they _Were not united in seeking for this new privilege. = ear.) Believing, as he firmly did, th a t the blessing of heaven rested on this country while it continued Christian;he could not be sup posed bigotted or superstitious if he' opposed the admission • ,‘,o ‘ i V / i t iiin l s te ;gati,t , ;go; t lo4,ini a itgiesuttitei ( d:l: ll jontta la ,iyv r 3the ,. 7ti h t.:o7r e l ar 4r,:t ..! / 2 t were, tr e t ye d d did not tseyn possessed o m the pl 5' o f the of vanoi :thfr , an t i e o c n o j u n l e d i t ss lr se p e od s n a ' u t r ht l a l t o i atn :t in Ch o P e n t r n r h :i t ; P :m -tenig w aesn o hi t Lfcr oar ystray' The Jews did not labour under ally 'Cc - 'al or:At_sltio of property or liberty. They we • oaq :iwed to"46.ett their attention .to any one pursui rtis 10dgfillt ex posed to the severities they were formerly exposed to in this coun‘ry, and were new exposed to in other countries. The bill then could be no advantage to them. (Mar.) If then the bill were no gain to them—if they were no unanimous in taking this boon—and that was a considera tion their lordships should never lose sight of—it was much ,setter to leave them to their quiet occupations, and, under the tari;jngs of that Providence which extended its pro tection over tiitarri, better leave them to their peculiar desti nies, and that condition in which Heaven placed them. That VVis a course which would involve no disregard for religion, and french on none of our existing institutiona l and one that ittinld not affect the principles of civil free, dom. (Cheers.) If emincipatie;.• of tha- Jews conveye d the idea of slavery, that 'vas not a fair assumption. They' laboured under no more disabilities than the clergy of the kingdoin, They were perfectly fret, and there was neit&zr reason nor pcilicy in granting them new power. (rfear.l The right reverend prelate expressed, in conclusion, his decided opposition to the bill. The Earl of RADNOR said the right rev. prelate asked what good could it do to grant the claims of the. Jews, and said, that if they were numerous and powerful, he would ;rive way. The answer was, that the good was in doing justice to a loyal body of men; and as they were neither numerous nor powerful, no danger could result from grant :Jig their claims. He (Lord Radnor) would grant these elaimS on the principle of Christian charity, for he read 'the gospel with different feelings from his noble friend op posite, though he gave him credit for his religious scruples. His noble friend should recollect the parable of the good Samaritan, and the injunction of our Saviour, " Go thou and do likewise." Thev would not surely be less Chrktian by admitting Jews to Peliatamt. The Babylonians were not less Babylonians latte 4-. Daniel held a high office among theta, Hit noble :IChend aid the Jews were & standing miracle, and he would theiefore exclude them ; but their admission to the legislature would not render them less a standing miracle-. It was said Christianity was a part of the law of the land. ,No doubt there were acts of Parliament about the church ail the liturgy ; but how was Christianity connected with laits relating to the army and navy ? was said the Jews were already io, possession of legislative privileges.legi i s n latk- r e liamt.ntabo h p a e t tic rem ns in i d n ed A h in im eri o ca f a n co rn mp b l e a i in ng t represented. An hon. membet got up andssaid that, they were represented by the member for Kent, for they were a part of the parish of Greenwich. (hear, and-a laugh. ) If there was any danger to the church tube apprehended from giving power to the Jews, that danger existed al ready, for they could now vote for parish aces, and-even for a Christian vicar. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY explained. The Marquis of WESTMEATiI said he had net in , tended to say a word on this subject, and he should now only trouble their lordships with one or two observations. He did not think that there was much of Christian charity about which so much had been said by the supporters of this measure, in doing any thing that would have the ef fect of unchristianizing parliament. In opposing the pre sent bill, he wished it to be understood that' he did not do so from any unkindly feeling towards .the class of per sons to whom it referred, and indeed in the vote he should • give he felt that he should only be acting in accordance with the wish of all orthodox Jews; for he was convinced that they themselves did not desire the advantages which this bill intended - for them. - The Marquis of WESTMINSTER having shortly re plied, a division took place, when the numbers were — Contents—Present 24 Proxies —36 50 —l3O Majority against the second reading of the bill --92 The house then adjourned. • Non-Ccintents--Present Proxies HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 23. IRISH TITHE BILL. . . Mr. O'CONNELL'S speech, concluded from our Second Edition of last night. Government is now turning out with its land tax, and call ing upon horse and foot, artillery, and marines, to sup port it. Why does it advance in this -way to the aid of-the church ? Has it not done enough already for the church ? Prior to the reformation there did not exist a single statute for the collection of tithes. The temporal power never in terposed. In the reign of Henry- the Eighth, acts-were passed on the subject l and in the whole, before the uniou, there were thirty-one statutes to enforce the payment of tithes. From the union to the present day, there have been eleven making a total of forty-twolitatute-s on behalf .or the church. Ought not the fact that, after the passing of forty-two statutes, tithes are not as well paid as when no statute at all existed to make some impression ? Looking at the history of our country, and at the nature of man, ought not that single fact to be decisive of the question? You have forty-two statutes to compel the payment of tithes, and tithes are still unpaid. Before the reign of Henry VIII. there was a combination and a union between the people and the clergy : - the clergy were the clergy of the people ; the people got a value for their tithes, and they paid them freely as wages for services rendered. Is that so now? I ask any man is that so now ? You have issued a commission--a sort of roving, cruising commission, to obtain information, to inquire into the Lord knows what, and to obtain answers the Lord knows when. Dis turbances have prevailed, and will continue to prevail, and this servile war will rage with more and more intensity until we have arrived at the dull and sullen period when the de termination to resist the payment of them shall become fixed. I do not like to be recounting these things, but it is my duty to do so ; and there is a great deal more which it is my duty to say that I do not choose to allude to even in passing, lest may be thought to entertain a wish to re vive the feuds between the different sects ; but this I am bound to say that the dreary stories of blood and crime which blot the annals of Ireland arc mainly owing to the forcing the Established Church upon the people of Ireland. I will concede that the Protestant religion is better than the Catholic--I will concede it by way of argument—God knows, I do not think it so, for if I did I should not be t Roman Catholic—but I will concede it for the sake of ar gument, and I ask every one who hears- me whether the Protestant Church in Ireland was not mixed with blood and crime, and fed with the tears and misery of the people during a struggle of 300 years ? haying now conceded for the sake of, argument that the Protestant Church is better than the Catholic, I look only to the temporalities of that church--and without going through it stage by stage, one hurries through it more quickly. But let me ask why the treaty of Limerick was not complied with ? But I will not ask such questions, for I have one fact to state—and let it be said or not that the Irish are carried away by the miserable deception of juggling priests. I have this fact— that it was the attempt to establish Protestantism in Ire land, which has created the misery and wretchedness of that miserable country. I come now to the house, and I implore the rational and thinking portion of the English and .Scotch gentry to take into - their real and serious consideration the state of the Irish Church. I im plore them to consider if it ought not to be shorn - of the powers which it so long has held of scrambling for property—a power which has had such disastrous conse quences. I call upon them to say whether the people of Ireland should not at last beconsidered, and measures taken to procure them peace and contentment • When the sub ject was before the house on a former occasion, the right hon. gentleman who lately filled the office of Secretary for the Colonies and I commenced the discussion of it with feelings of asperity. If he had remained in office I should not now allude to that,.but I will now ask him if I did not then lay aside all feelings of a personal nature ? ( Hear, hear.) I will ask him if I did not throw myself upon the house with the view, the sole object, of getting a sound and practicable measure for the pacification of Ireland? I then stated, as I now state, that the legislature had pledged itself, by its address to the throne on the occa sion of the rejection of my motion for the repeal of the union, to do something for Ireland by way of compensa tion for the loss of that motion. I then said that the house was pledged to listen to the great complaints of Ireland, and to give them a practical relief. (Hear, hear. ) No one was more ready at that time than the noble lord to acknowledge that tithes were in Ireland a sub ject of great complaint. I took that admission, and I . then threw myself on the consideration of the house, and I called on you to put that pledge practically into effect. (Hear.) I called on you to show that your pledge was not merely the verbiage of triumph—that it was garbage thrown to slaves by the anti-repealers. ( Hear.) I called for a diminution of the amount to be levied as tithes, and how am I now answered ? There is not one word said in this bill of diminution—no ! five years must elapse before one farthing will be taken off. At this time, when Ireland is in a state of agitation—when her political fever is hot upon her—the remedy is to be postponed—five years are to elapse before the slightest application is to be made for her relief. (Cheers.) I did at that time venture to mention a plan, suggested to me by an hon. friend behind me, for the reduction of the amount of tithes, which I thought would be available. I will not repeat- it at pre sent, for it is needless to do so ; suffice it to say, that the King's ministers have rejected it. They have brought forward their own plan, and, alas ! for Ireland, no reduc tion is to be made ; and now the people of Ireland are dis contented with us, whose plan is rejected for allowing tithes at all. (Hear, hear.) You say we are the agitators in Ireland—l deny it. It is not our breath that gives vi tality to the discontents in Ireland. The -fire there burns within itself; and the convulsion conies from the feeling of that volcanic matter which is engendered by causes of just complaint. (Hear, hear.) No. We have fallen into dis repute for what we have done. We are assailed for allow ing the continuance of even.a rortion of the tithes. Do we, the representatives of Ireland, say that the people are right in thus wishing for the total abolition of tithes? No , I say the landlord should have no bonus (Cheers); but