The Sun. — London, England, 1834-04-25 00:00:00

..----- . . , . / )--- , .. r / .- : ,...... 71 -,/ ~....//' / ~,, . . _/ , ...../...,--..../. ,_....e,..„.,./ ( ( • <L, _ ‘/---- .....,.. - L rgrA * - .... r...:',,-.:,,,., ..t.-17:,:vc71..11::.:::4) - s -,,,N ..... , el. i 4 77. .... 1 ; m„...s - $:-:,. i..A . --• • - iff, . \\‘‘-' ~,-'; r, , , , ::- _\;:,'•.; ~.-A ~., --vt,N,:: •••••,:_. , - i , . 4. . t , „1t 5... 4;X •0 • -. 7 v .... .c-...,, - ..' .......-,. ',.... - • a - tp ri - -.-,L.Z,e-4•42,t),,,_, '4 A , - - ic,,A,,1,a.-.:--.;..4 % ,, ;6 1 „ , , , : -,qol,Ny --,:re, -„,--. 7 ,• , - .. /7 Zli, C' LAST INDIA HOUSE, A r m 23, 1834. 1 1H E COURT of DIRECTORS of the EAST INDIA COMPANY do hereby give Notice, Th a t a QUARTERLY GENERAL COURT of the "'" Lail . C OMPANY will e held at their House in Leaden on WEDN b ESDAY, the 18th June nest, at Eleven &clock in the Forenoon, for the purpose of de ck' • I ng a Dividend from Christmas last to Midsummer next. r. That th e T RANSFER BOO K S of t h e sa id C O M 5 411 . 1 . I'S STOCK will be SHUT on THURSDAY, the t u lone nekt, at Three o'clock, and OPENED again "liiikanav, the 15th July followinEr. 6 1 '1" that the DIVIDEND WARRANTS on the said STOCK, due on the sth July, will be —a uY to he delivered on AIONDAY. th e 7th July next. PETER AUBER, Secretary. LONDON, FRU) EVENING, AF9 2.5 1834. (No. 12,987.) 713.) 4 - 6 T 13; 1 N (1 11.'4 kij bt • SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. warrant. The noble lord then withdrew the clause, and the bill was reported. The house then adjourned to Monday. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. AU fABLE SOCIETY FOR A PERPETUAL AS. REII SURANCE OFFICF, JEANTS" INN, FLEET STREET, LONDON. IN °TICE is hereby given, '1 hat it is intended p re (purmant to Votes of two General Courts) to t s !" a PetitiGn, under.the Seal of this Corroration, h M‘jest tt a New Charter for altering the 1i her of declaring the an ANNUAL DIVIDEND and for lipurpo•es; that a Draft of the proposed New Charter t the Office for the Inspection of such Members as be d , airous of further information ; and that a SPE ticaL GENERAL COURT for taking the same into con !ltym will be held on Tuesday, the 6th of May next lal4 g , at one o'clock in the afternoon precisely. THOMAS GALLOWAY, Register. April, 1534. HOUSE OF LORDS, Ap r il 24. Mr. BARING and others from the Commons brought up a message from the Commons, requesting that Lord Ellen borough might be allowed to attend the committee upon sinecure pensions, which was allowed. Lord PLUNKET presented two petitions from places in the county of Dublin, for the repeal of the union. The noble lord stated that he could not agree in the prayer of the petitions. • THE LONDON GAZETTE HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the chair about a qUarter after five, When a message from the Lords wasbrought up, request ing to be furnished with a copy of the report and evi dence on which the borough of Hertford was disfranchised; also requesting a conference with the Commons on Monday next, respecting the saving of expense in the printing de partment. Ordered. Lord OSSULSTON presented a petition from an indi vidual, named William Nickson, against the General Re gistry Bill. Mr. GLADSTONE brought up the report of the com mittee on public charities. Mr. G. F. YOUNG presented a petition from the free holders of Tynemouth, against the General Registry Bill; also from the dissenters of the same place, for relief from their grievances. Mr. C. O'DWYER presented several petitions from the counties of Mayo and Monaghan, for the repeal of the union. THIS EVENING. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition from the bankers, merchants, &c., of Belfast, against the repeal of the union. The noble duke most cordially con curred in the prayer of the petition. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented several petitions from congregations of Dissenters praying for a removal of their grievances. - Mr. SPRING IlicE and others from the Commons brought up the Hertford Railway Bill, and the Exchequer Offices Bill, with the Lords ammendments agreed to. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved that the resolu tion of the library committee, respecting the painting , of the house, be agreed to. The motion was agreed to without dissent. TlieEarl of WINCHIL SEA presented a petition from the inhabitants of Oxford and Cambridge, against the granting of degrees to dissenters in those universities. He also complained that the Government half allowed most improper publications to be published in defiance of the law. Viscount MELBOURNE said their lordships were well aware of the bad effects of the publications referred to, as was also the Government, but after consideration they had thought it better to leave the matter to the Stamp Office than refer it to the Attorney-General. After the presentation of a few other petitions, the bills on the table were forwarded a stage. HE NAVAL and MILITARY GA -11140, ZETTE of to-morrow, April 26th, will contain, v et Other highly interesting articles, Plan of the Go- Ofe l 'ot for the employment of a number ,rif General att a T' - --Character of the late Lord Rminey, by his pre "'limy and Lieutenant-General Mundy—East India Charter, and Prospects of a Free Trade-- '. "'"l4 the Line—Lettere from Sir Howard Wog' is to from Admiral Sir L iwrence Ilidsti ad, ke tor—Letter 11, ' ll .-- s Plan of Retirement for Post Captains R.N.— Olati on o f a S ta t eme nt mad e by Vi ce- Ad m i ra l P age— Ittice4 and Public Honours of the D u k e o f W e lli ng t on — It 'llioir s of m a j..r-General Sir William G. Douglas and Hiirdyman—Servic es and Public Incomes E I tventy.tbree Colonels —With all the Naval and Military, % . , 4 t Indi a , an d g e ner al n ews o f the week. lit rutslished by W. Thom as , at the office, 19, Catherine eet, Strand, and forw a rded by all Newsmen, postage free. L AIIDNER'S CABINET CYCLOP/EDIA. mon thly l f Volumes, small Bvo , 6s. each, in c l o th. V/N7iNn‘,l%ll' I, forming Vol. LIV. of the above, IUFACTUR ES IN METALS, ke, V ol. 111. ; containing TIN, LEAD, COPPER, to u y • . "'iberl April I. EUROPE DURING the MIDDLE AGg s Yoi. in. ;Zh" I, TREATISE on GENERAL GEOGRA , By W. D. COOLEY, E 1.., \T . :11 1 : Longman and Co. and John Taylor. • r ti On Tio , sday next , t h e 29-h, N o . XXV I. of[lit FoR. - EIGN QUARTERLY RE: 41. VIEW. , CONTENTS. A. Sp , 11. , ANISH pAiNTERS i -U?(IIPARATIVE MORTALITY of DIFFERENT 1-1. l'llli-l atI ' S AT n i d ° ZRRESPONDENCE of DUPLES IV, sxolB- lIORNAY. V. 1,7F-DisH PERIODICAL LITERATURE -I .AUSTRIAN GOVERNME,I and FIALIAN VI ie t VEER A Ls. VI ir. -itIIYoLoGY. VI I RINe , AU'S TUTTI FRUTTI. t P9,S'r i pl ', l l ( 9U ' EliiC ,Av E COMMUNICATION iE h s e . tween k•N‘r• IX. Juo p .,- , b and FOR i• lON CO I'ISII ,I. ioxi',AL SYSTENI of BRIEIs.m.. INDIA. Xi cou,"„ANTHOLOGY. XII. Nixlbiii,.titt,y'S TRAVELS in MACEDONIA. xi tl. RAArRy:s-r..R'S GOTHICO-TEUTONIC DICTION. Xlv . M pl: \ kiN/D IC s. ELANDIC HISIORY of ;the FAROE 4 T S I L ID E I s r MEMOIRS of the ITALIAN REVOLU f Ism seellanrous Literar;lnt e nig e nc e from Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, &e. $ O A L Iliellter and C o . (l ate T reuttel, Wertz, and Richter), lis; n 7 ll 'squa re ; and BI ark, Young, and Young,T Young, 2. a -111 '" e4- at tr e:, Covent garden. Si of Ivh ° l ll may be had com,hete Sets an'y all Bonkueller. ; and Singh: Numb •rs 441 Jou rn a l . _____t F„ - 1 0 „-ER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF THE SOCIETY 'ult THE DIFFUSION OF USEFUL I KNON . HE LEDGE. ~. On th e Ist of M a y, will h e pu ,Itsh, E GALLERY OF POR'T ' R A ITS, P....: N". XXIV , containing Portraits and Memoirs of cPta, C hucer, and Sobieski. ortra l' s Number, puhlished Monthly, consists of Three ttlpyi n ' ,. ' with accunpanying Biographical Memoirs, c v e r . • ~re4e. winhpeonsiz497ofa,tzegp, twenty-Jour pages co lett pti. nf each Nurrther is 7k ' ll l he present hal f-a-c rown. la' oet tvo. The Number c o mple es the Third Volume, Ivoreh, as also the ttv Volumes, with Tw , nty- Po rtraits " preceding to, and Zilloirs may now he had, . l'i, ' 14 'und in fancy cloth, and lettered with gilt tops. 4,l,conten's of the present Volume are as follows :- 4. , lie , ti t l;:z d . , le Joh li n a Hun r t r e a r n , k P li e n t , rarch, Burke, Henry Schwartz, Barrow, 1 441 ettli r . ts p r' Ha 'e, • ' R brandt, Dryden, La 'r C antu no garth Galileo, etn 1321 a. IT ' j 0 n Canova, Chaucer, -.aim,: er, t ass°, B en ohs I Ilp , /v i m ' ttp.v",,ll M AGAZINE, Part XXV., price 6d. l'Y 1 CLONEDIA, Part XVI , price 9. -13 ndon : Charles Knight, 22, Ludgate.street. tt• On the lot of May will be published, 4 E PART 11. OF 11 '''' MUSICAL LIBRARY. A i)d work app ors i n N um b ers, every Saturday, ill ta Price Pifirpence. O n t "ti , ly Pa r t s , conta i n i ng 3 6 pages o f M us i c, he sa t eweil i n a W rapper, Price Is. 6d. me bsy will also b e p u bli s h e d, p r i ce 6d., sewe d OPpO,O Wrapper, to be continued Monthly, ___ 'IIENT TO THE MUSICAL LIBRARY, No. 2. ktP l e 111 r iv Also, hi the -I„k‘JRLY COMPANION to the LIBRARY 4 . 1 1 ~ ;;CVSPAPER. "'Arts I , IL, and 11 1 . 111,-; k li . ,l ' i ," e " , "aeiV e d in a Wrapper. ley; io*,`, t hutigh not unmeaning, change has been 4 1: 44 ' " e t itle of one of the divisions of . this work. Dt l ti l ' h ° s i f f , ll The Printing Machine—a Review for the t)s r :'n to the it " The Pi inting Machine: or, Corn- Tee4ity i t ; s e Lib rary ." This change has been rendered 6q Y -Li h . ' s in our plan of pubhca ton. grit, t th, c .nge "tii tiallge contemplates a more frequent issue of to the toi t , ''' (4. 'a rt" i achine, the second is preparatory \V -Pat ' in4 ' t s :', en . anp - anion to the Library," with " The f q , e at e ,in .t", Newt.paper" in one Monthly Part. should t 4l l, ' 1 . 4 effiej e '4 ' that " The Printing Machine" t'ile InA i ' d nt I' e u amnion to the Library,"—whether Ake;': A14,:14.al Pura l ha l ;er of books, of the Book So , c , i . e . t i y i. , 'll;ht- e4 lled rm r ., Ina titutes, and even of those esta li . ' i ls o -4 h ti.,c4 ` - ' il cul ,, t' ig " which have had so much in oitCt.%tie"„e,, ta stes of those who are the natural guar. ' 4l ' roust-'4"tiO o f cur children. To affect this l' re it ati t i. increase our limits. Our . subsc . ribersre I t'll' •Pri nt . w e have no di ffi culty in meeting wishes .their , ~ as t,ll, R i . l :l l.nt lit t e ng i Ara chin e , or Companion to the Library, ''' f f° ue "hi' led t.vice in each mon h, in its N r 'urp ' l n of t 's it Nee. W eray.f ou r pages, and et % ru e i 1 ; 4 a)e R :„ l a olave 'nolher reason for !ranking this slight '' hi r — i n tri t i 1. titl e . a, Th Priming Machine" has the Piet 'rh o e ti ' . e ab4 l' ,, h t i'ete of popular instruction in .. vie . t i v . ,. n an a d i, , • l np, to . Port under the same literary dint. i NI, Y Idetitia t cht to the Newspaper." The change cam her 1 ' Ain N il l ~, being published h 1,4, -nth e works. The one i - art l• Th,!,,at'd the other once, will cost tog• them. One : I ,:k i ati 'v te h _iela 4' i ' ill . b? stitched together in a Monthly thpan,'• Thi s ,be issued at the same time as the 'II,. '°O t o a' in will bear the title of the e ' Monthly 1 1 : 111 e ()N . tht Libraly and the Newspaper." Each trl4"ithl'etlYl,thataltrtheon,e hundred and torty 7 fnur columns. ' t he e„vfiti a , , Monthly Companion to the Library 2 ti l -"" of Air` r i' . front the commencement of the year iht ' -" (I' '' to b e a" ' tr uly fo• in two similar Monthly Potts k '4 It l tiedpubli on th e First of May, we have t4c,4l'his, aPsilment the Printiut a Machine, being No. I : tal ly Well al every past :•aii butt,. number of both ,ondot:. Putchaaed separate,y. tilt'is..l•44 ar y ' re e ce b t arl " Knight, 252 , Lo ;,:ate-atreet, 'Mu of thu fv, peen all booh•el:er 5 t...t,d wholesale by y Maitia.ne." WAR-OFFICE, APRIL 25, 1834. 9th Regiment of Light Dragoons—Lieut. F. Willis to be Captain, by purchase, vice Pringle, who retires; Cor net T. Porter to be Lieutenant, ty purchase, vice Willis ; Ensign A. Spottiswoode, from the 14th Foot, to be Cor net, by purchase, vice Porter, dated April 25. Ist or Grenadier Regiment of Foot Guards—Lieut.- Colonel A. Lord Templemore, from half-pay Unattached, to be Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel, who exchanges, April 25. 20th Foot—Ensign G. Hutchinson to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Cates, deceased ; Ensign C. U. Tripp, from half-pay 12th Foot, to be Ensign, vice Hut chinson, April 25. 40th Foot—H. F. Valiant, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Balfour, who retires, pril 25. 44th Foot—Captain A. Horne, from the 47th Foot, to be Captain, vice Burslem, appointed to the 94th Foot, April 25. 47th Foot—Lieut. W. O'Grady Hely to be Captain, by purchase, vice Pennycuick, promoted, April 25 ; Capt. C. F. B. Jones, from half-pay unattached, to be Captain, pay ing the difference, vice Horne, appointed to the 4th Foot, April 26 ; Ensign W. C. Caldwell to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Haly, April 25 ; Gentleman Cadet D. West, from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Caldwell, April 25. 94th Foot—Captain G. J. Burslem, from the 44th Foot, to be Captain, vice J. Meek, who retires upon half pay Unattached, receiving the difference, April 26. UNATTACHED Captain J. Pennycuick, from the 47th Foot, to be Major of Infantry, by purchase, April 25. MEMORANDA. Major T. Fortye, of the 7th Royal Vet. Bat., has been allowed to retire from the service, by the sale of an unat tached commission, he being about to settle in the colo nies, April 25. The half-pay of the under-mentioned officer has been cancelled from the Ist instant, inclusive, he having ac cepted a commuted allowance for his commission : Adjutant W. Kelham, half-pay Southern Feficible In fantry. The half-pay of the under-mentioned officer has been can celled from the Bth inst., inclusive, he having accepted a commuted allowance for his commission : Lieut. E. Davenport, half-pay 89th Foot. The half-pay of the under-mentioned officer has been cancelled from the Ist January, 1834, inclusive, he having accepted a commuted allowance for his commission : Ensign Angus de Fountain, half-pay Unattached. The half-pay of the under-mentioned officers has been cancellcu from the 25th instant, inclusive, they having ac cepted eOmmuted allowances for their commissions : Lieut. E. F. Dayrell, half-pay Unattached ; Lieut. D. Macfarlan, half-pay 68th Foot ; Lieut. R. L. Orlebar, half-pay Royal Staff Corps ; Lieut. J. Booth, half-pay Bth Garrison Battalion ; Lieut. F. Baynes, half-pay Ist Foot ; Lieut. W. Spencer, half-pay 20th Foot; Comet W. Kelly, half-pay 7th Dragoon Guards. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of the Tower Hamlets. W. Beetham (and not W. Bgethont, as inserted in the Gazette of Tuesday last,) Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant. WHITEHALL, APRIL 12. The Lord Chancellor has appointed William Nichols Maxey, of Bewdley, in the county of Worcester, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. WILLIAM STEVENS, jun., auctioneer, Old Jewry. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. PATRICK DALY, bricliayer ' Liverpool. BANKRUPTS. JOHN HARRY GREEN, bill-broker, Finch-lane, JOHN ALLSOP, wheelwright, Helper, Derbyshire. CHARLES WYATT, innkeeper, Banbury, Oxford. DUNCAN DOUGLAS, baker, Wiiitechapel-road. JOHN ROBINSON, boot and shoe-maker, Bridge street, Westminster. JOSEPH HANSOM and EDWARD WELCH, builders, Birmingham. ROBERT ATH OW WEST, draper, Leeds. WILLIAM LEWER, news agent, Wellington-street, Strand. GEORGE HARRIS, corn-factor, Winchester-house, Broad-street. GEORGE HOCKNELL, Stone, Staffordshire. WALTER WATSON, timber-merchant, Saint Asaph, Flintshire. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS. The Bute Ship Canal Bill was read a third time, and passed. On the motion of Lord ELLENBOROUGH, the Ex change of Lands Bill went through a committee pro forma, and was ordered to be printed. The Bishop of CHICHESTER presented petitions from parishes in Sussex for the better observance of the Sabbath. BEER HOUSES. On the motion of Lord KENYON, an humble address was ordered to be presented to his Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to order that there be laid before the house all communications made to the Secretary of State for the Home Department, by county magistrates relative to the evil effects produced by the Beer Bill. The Bishop of LINCOLN presented petitions from dif ferent parts of Lincolnshire for the protection of the esta blished church. Lord SUFFIELD presented petitions from Norwich, and several other places in the county of Norfolk, for the better observance of the Sabbath. The petition from Norwich was signed by no less than 3,529 persons. Lord TEYNHAM, in presenting a petition, took the opportunity of defending himself from the attack made against him last night by a noble earl then present, with reference to a case in which he had been con cerned in the Court of King's Bench. On the case being mentioned by the noble earl, the learned lord on the woolsack, stated that this house ought not to take cognizance of the subject, as doubtless a new trial would take place. He could assure the house that every exertion would be made on his part to obtain a new trial, and he had no hesitation in saying that he should then be enabled to refute all the calumnies that had gone forth against him. The Earl of WINCHILSEA regretted that the subject had again been brought forward in that place... He did not intend to take any further notice of the matter, and all he would say then was, that it was a most unf ortunate affair. Petitions in favour of a better observance of the Sab bath Day were presented by the Bishops of London and Lichfield and Coventry, and by the Earl of Roseberry, to the same effect from the presbyteries of Stirling and Skye. GREY presented several petitions from dissenters, complaining of the grievances under which they labour, and praying for relief. The Duke of GORDON presented a petition from the parish of Forres, against any alteration in the present system of church patronage in Scotland, and se veral from places in Scotland in favour of the alliance be tween Church and State. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented petitions from pro testant dissenters residing at Taunton, York, Huntingdon, and several other places, praying for relief, and the better observance of the Sabbath. The Noble Earl also presented a petition from the dissen ters of Bramley, praying for relie, and amongst other things for the separation of church and state ; and that the bishops might be removed from the House of Lords. Earl CAMDEN presented petitions from several places in Brecknock, for the better observance of the Sabbath. Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented petitions from pa rishes in the West Riding of York, praying that no alte ration in the corn laws might take place. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from a parish in . the county of Sussex, complaining of the evils of the beer shops.—Referred to the committee ap pointed to consider the Beer Act. The Marquis of WESTMEATH presented a petition from the justices of the peace of the western district of the county of Westmeath, complaining of the present state of the law affecting Fin shops. The Bishop of EX? TER presented a petition from Exeter for the better observance of the Sovereign. ENGLISH AND IRISH JUDGMENTS B 1 LL. On the motion of Lord WYNFORD the bill was l•ead a third time and passed. OLD BAILEY BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR informed the house that it was his intention to withdraw the clause in this bill re lative to throwing open the Court of Common Pleas, his Majesty having been pleased to do so by his Royal Admiral FLEMING presented a petition from a parish in the county of Stirling, against church patronage in Scotland ; also from Dumbarton, against the Dumbartoql Roads Bill ; and from the hand-loom weavers of the same place, praying for relief. Colonel DAVIES presented'a petitition from Worcester for the better observance of the Sabbath. Mr. BISH moved for some returns connected with lot tery contracts. Sir J. SCARLETT presented a petition from Norwich for the better observance of the Sabbath ; also a petition from the same place against the General Registry Bill. Mr. GROTE presented a petition from Great Parnell, against tithes. Mr. 'HARDY brought up the report upon the Bribery Laws Amendment Bill. The hon. member then presented two petitions for the better observance of the Lord's Day. Mr. GUEST presented two petitions from Merthyr Tidvil, against the Small Debts Bill. Mr. WM. ROCHE presented a petition from the guild of carpenters of Limerick,praying for arepeal of the union. Mr. FITZ SIMON presented two petitions from Swords and Malahide, and from Garrestown, county of Dublin, praying for a repeal of the union. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET presented a petition from Monmouth, signed by 1,900 persons, against the se verance of church and state. Also i petition from the traders of Newport, praying for a repeal of the light-house duties. Lord JOHN RUSSELL presented a petition from the dissenters of Merionethshire, praying to be relieved from their disabilities. REPEAL OF THE UNION. On the order of the day being read for resuming the ad journed debate on the repeal of the union, Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY begged to ask the noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he would postpone the second reading of the Poor Laws Amendment Bill until that day fortnight. . . Lord ALTHO‘RP said that as it was desirable the bill should be forwarded during the present session, he could not assent to the proposition of the honourable member. Sir HENRY HARDINGE complained that the second reading of the bill had been moved after the termination of the discussion on the repeal of the union, at a Tate hour last night. Thore were several individuals who wished to take a part in the discussion of the bill brought by the noble lord, and he ( Sir H. IL) complained of the unusual proceeding that had taken place last night. Some conversation also took place respecting the Foreign Enlistment Bill, during which some hon. members corn complainod that it was introduced at such a late hour last night. Lord G. SOMERSET wished to ask the noble Chan cellor of the Exchequer whether if the Irish debate was eoncludcd to-night the poor laws would be introduced immediately thereafter. Lord AL THORP was understood to reply in the affir mative. The order of the day was then read for resum ing the adjourned debate on the Repeal of the Union. Mr. RUTHVEN said that he was quite aware that this question was not an acceptable one to the house ; and though he would not detain it by hia speech to the extent that other honourable members had gone, he felt he must do his duty to his constituents and country. The repeal of the union wasmaking rapidpro gress in Ireland, so much so that, even at public dinners for charitable purposes,it was impossible to repress thefeel ings of the Irish people in demanding a repeal of the union. He did not say that Ireland was the most charming picture in the world; no such thing. But Ireland had natural advantages, and she did not receive justice from a British House of Commons. Partial laws were bad the same administration of justice should be extended to all parts of Great Britain. The Coercion Bill had been passed without affording Ireland tne power of resisting it in impartial discussion, b ecause o f th e p r eponderance of English representativestheunionu.as t i i n ie an on l l m y p :e r m ia e l d P y a f r o l i r am lr e e n i t a . lo: The Th re e pealo f ques tion could dot be kept back. Eight millions of people were calling for it, and it could not be delayed. (Hear. ) The state of Europe was one in which there were a great many particles of a highly combustible nature. The state of France not quiet. Another th ree d ays m i g h t ar i se which might make a change, and another revolution in France. Ireland had been looked upon as a vulnerable part of Great Britain. The Irish Parliament was not one of that execrated and corrupt bodies that had been described by the right honourable Secretary for Ireland. The parliament here before it was reformed was not free from corrruption, neither were its ministers exempt from that serious imputation. The difference, he contended, between the Irish and the Imperial Parliaments was not so great as • some people seemed to imagine, for the Irish parliament had its own habeas corpus, and the controul of its own Exchequer. There was, no doubt, great corruption in that Parliament, and Ireland had ever been governed by corruption and the bayonet. If however the bayonet were taken away, Ireland would be lost [to this country. Absenteeism was also a bane ; even the Irish Secretary was absent from his duty the greater part of the year. To suppose that Ire land could prosper under a shadowof was impossible. Catholic emancipation was refused one year by an immense majority, and granted the following year by au equally large majority ? Why then should they despair of repeal ? (LErr SPEAKING.) WHOLESALE GIN DRINKING.—It has been stated by the keeper of a liquor-shop at Green wieh, that many of his female customers swallow no fewer than 40 glasses of gin per diem. He also states that they bring their children with them and gradually initiate them in the practice. The conduct of the trades' unions is exciting very great attention throughout the country ; and it will be seen from the letters of our London commer cial correspondents, that considerable alarm is felt in the metropolis from the suppo3ed effects of the unions on trade, and that there is an expectation of some legislative interference on the subject. Delicate as this matter is, we feel it to be our duty to declare our opinions frankly. We think, then, that the trades' unions have in many instances been very greatly to blame. The men have combined, in the first in stance, for the proper object of keeping up, or perhaps of raising the rate of wages; but when they had felt their power, their views extended, and the persons who were the secret managers of the unions have often wantonly abused that power ; and have, in many parts of the kingdom, insolently dictated to the masters, not only as to the rate of wages, but also as to the persons whom they should or should not employ, and with whom they should or should not deal, and have almost taken out of their hands the management of their own concerns--thus inverting the natural order of things, and making the servants masters. In some of the unions, perhaps in most, secret oaths have been taken, contrary to law ; and everywhere turn-outs have en deavoured to intimidate the workmen who chose to work at lower wages than the unions demanded. We are convinced, therefore, that the trades' unions have done some mischief, but that the mischief has fallen more upon themselves than upon the masters ; and one unfortunate effect has been, that the payments of the men to the union have absorbed all the money that it was in their power to spare, and that when a time of slack trade. comes (as at present they have no savings to fall back upon), they will, therefore, be reduced at once to a state of destitution. The question then arises—ls this a subject for legislative interference ? We think not. The law is already strong enough to punish those who administer illegal oaths, and those who annoy or intimidate either their masters or their fellow-workmen. The law properly allows men to combine, but it requires that they should respect the freedom of others, and punishes th em if th e y a tt empt to control that freedom. If the men make unreasonable demands, the masters have the power to refuse com pliance ; and if the former combine to gain additional strength, the latter are equally at liberty to combine for mutual protection..—Leeds Mercury. i EXCHEQUER OFFICES BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, The LORD CHANCELLOR stated that he could not permit the bill to be read a second time without making a few observations upon the liberal conduct of the Marquis of Chandos, who had volunteered to give up his interest in that office, to which he had as undoubted a right as any mem • ber of that honse. The noble marquis for the course he had adopted was entitled to the thanks of their lord ships, and he trusted that his example would be followed by many of their lordships. (Hear. ) The bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed; and their lordships adjourned till to-morrow at half-past six o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 24. The SPEAKER took the chair at twenty minutes past five o'clock. Captain DUNDAS presented a petition from the market gardeners of Deptford, in favour of the New Southwark Market Bill. Lord ALTHORP said, that as the important question respecting the repeal of the Union was to come on again that evening, he hoped hon. members who had motions on the book would allow the adjourned debate to take pre cedence. Sir R. INGLIS said he hoped the noble lord would have influence enough with his right hon. friend (Mr. Grant) to induce him to postpone his motion respecting the civil disabilities of the Jews. Lord ALTHORPsaid, tint - his right hon. friend had consented to postpone his motion. The second order of the day was then read for calling over the names of defaulters at the call of the house on Tuesday' last, when the hon. members themselves ap peared, or a satisfactory reason for their absence was given. REPEAL OF THE UNION, On the order of the day being read for resuming the adjourned debate upon Mr. O'Connell's motion, Mr. METHUEN rose and said he had a question to put to the hon. and learnedmember opposite (Mr. O'Connell). He (Mr. M.) understood from the reports in the public papers, and from hon. members who were present, that on the first night's debate the hon. and learned member expressed a wish to put one of the members for Wiltshire into the witness-box to bear testimony as to a conversation in which he either took part, or which occurred in his hear ing, during the debate on the Coercion Bill. The question he wished to put, and which he was sure the hon. and learned member would answer, was, which of the members for Wiltshire he alluded to, or at least, whether he (Mr. M.) was the member ? said he could not object to answer the question, although it was wholly inapplicable to the hon. member. He (M r . O'C onne ll) had spoken of a member of that house, and not of one of the members for Wiltshire. He would, however, ask the hon. member for Wiltshire (Mr. Benett) whether he did not recollect having heard a similar sentiment addressed to him (Mr. O'Connell) in the library? Mr. BENETT said that he had not the slightest re collection of having ever heard one word on the subject. Mr. O'CONNELL said he would have appealed to the hon. member had he been present, though it appeared his recollection would not have borne him out. The order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate was then read, and Mr. E. TENNANT rose for the purpose, he said, of seconding the amendment of his right honourable friend (Mr. Spring Rice). He felt no inconsiderable degree of satisfaction that the hon. and learned member for Dublin had brought this question before the house, be cause it was the only proper course which that honour able and learned gentleman ought to take. From whatever motive the hon. and learned gentleman had adopted his present course, whether it arose from the in fluence of party spirit, or was induced by the increasing in telligence of his followers, it could only be a matter of great satisfaction to the people of Ireland that this question was now to be discussed in the proper arena, and that it would no longer be exposed to the bombast of itinerant agi tators and hired declaimers. ( Cheers.) He wished to come to the close examination of the merits of this question, and to expose the fallacies of the hon. and learned gentleman, so as to convince those of his followers in Ireland who could listen to reason, of the emptiness of his arguments, and also to teach the besotted multitude that this was a matter which the good sense of that house would never concede. ( Loud cheers.) The result' of this discussion would be the more important, because the Irish peasant would be scarcely induced to contribute his money for an object which was impracticable, and if money once failed, the house might rely on it no more would be heard of the repeal of the Union. (Hear, hear, and cheers. ) In taking part in this debate he must trespass on the in dulgence of the house, which as an Irish member he might, perhaps be entitled to claim, and more especially as it was not his custom to occupy considerable portions of the time of the house. If in the present instance he should ask more than an ordinary in dulgence, he trusted the house would recollect that it was a more than ordinary occasion. The main proposition seemed to him to be this—that Ireland enjoyed before the union an unprecedented prosperity, and that it was attributed to her domestic and independent parliament ; and that the evils which now exist were the consequences of the abolition of that parliament. Now, on the contrary, he contended that the Irish Parliament never was, and never could be, an independent Parliament ( Hear) ; and that the prosperity, if such prosperity existed, had its origin in other causes. And lastly, he would show that Ireland had experienced since the . union, a mea sure o f i m p rovemen t— a pro gressive increase of prosperity, as well as dignity and national importance, which she never could have ob tained under any other government. ( Hear, hear.) It had been the fortune or the misfortune of Ireland, whether it was the one - or the other was not the question now to be discussed, to be placed in that particular posi tion which naturally connected her with Great Britain. Had she not been placed within sixty miles of the shores of Great Britain—had she been situate by nature far off in the midst of the Atlantic, and remote from the other states of Europe, she might have been left to her own resources; but her importance to other countries being comparatively insignificant, and being situated, as she was, in a position which united her by innumerable connections with England, and rendered her bound up in the happi ness and prosperity of Great Britain. (Hear, hear. ) When England was awakened to a consciousness of that object, and when the consequent conquest of Ireland in the reign of Henry the Second had taken place, Eng land set herself about establishing the connection between the two countries. (Hear.) There were but two modes by which that could be done—the one by force and violence, the natural result of conquest, and the other by granting to Ireland such a constitution as would leave a controlling check in the hands of the Bri tish Government. (Hear.) The first mode had been tried from the sth to the 12th century through that mess of blood and anarchy which the hon. and learned mem ber had so forcibly described. It then gave way, and Ireland received the shadow of a constitution, with one crown, and one executive dependant upon Great Britain. The object of that policy had been to divert the Irish from massacre and rebellion to a system of legislation, or rather a farce of legislation. The Irish parliament arrogated to itself the making of laws to bind Ireland, but by the statute of Henry H., commonly called Poyning's Act, no matter could be introduced in the Irish House of Commons, until it had received the sanction of the British Cabinet. In the year 1782 the Irish people, with arms in their hands, and with the Irish Parliament, taking advan tage of a moment of English debility, forced England to ameliorate their condition. That period was considered the time of Irish independence; England was obliged to cease , from dictating laws, and also to repeal Poyning's This had the appearance of independence ; it was called the era of Irish liberty—her golden age. He (Mr. Ten nant) was really astonished to hear the advocates for the repeal of the union, and the honourable member for Dublin especiallj, asSeet that the Irish oh , tained independence. Na; . nothing ever was' more foolish or more delusive thn the „pageantry cif incle , pendence which was boasted of new /. -in reference to f6f time. English interests and Engeth influence were al predominant Over the Irish parliament as trio Irish influ ence would fain be over the British parliiinent at present. If the Irish Parliament had been con sidered independent, why was it that the great seal of Ireland was not to be a test of Royal assent to an Irish act of Parliament ? (Hear, hear, hear,) The Irish Parliament could never carry an act into effect without having the Great Seal of England attached to it, and it was always at the diScretion of the English Govern ment whether they would periiiit that j act to be passed and carried into effect or not. (Hear, near.) There was not a member of the Irish Government was not liable to be impeached before the English Parliament, even while Ireland was considered to be separated from Eng: Land, and yet this was what was called the independent Parliament of Ireland. The Irish parliament were not at liberty to pass the commonest set—not even a common turnpike act, a common police act, without being tinder the surveillance of the English Parlianient. To all this degradation the Irish Parliament submitted, and still it called itself independent. The very Speiker of the Irish House of Commons, from whom the learned member derived so many arguments in favour of his speech, had not failed to say that the Irish Parliament was inferior, neces sarily inferior, to the English. It was shut out from one of the noblest fields of legislation that could possibly give dignity to any parliament--it was completely excluded from all ex ternal legislation. In the passing of all its acts it was compelled implicitly to follow the dictates of the English Go vernment. It could hold no intercourse with the other states of Europe without the consent of the English Parliament. The hon. member contended that the supposed independent parliament of Ireland had exhibited the greatest hostility to the mother country, and, however repugnant to her feelings, this country was compelled to submit to taunts from them. So imbecile was that Parliament, that when the Earl of Buck ingham was required to deliver an address to the throne he refused, alleging that his oath of office prevented him from doing it. It was notorious, that of the 300 members of the Irish Parliament, a great many were placemen, and the majority of the remainder were merely nominees of the aristocracy ( Hear, hear, hear), who were re turned without the least shadow of an election qualifica tion. Even Mr. Grattan condemned them, and yet the hon. and learned member for Dublin attributed the prosperity of Ireland to her independent parliament. It was well known that, from 1782 to 1785, Ireland laboured under extreme commercial and mercantile distress ; her manufacturers were then distressed, discon tented, and turbulent—so much so, that in 1784, she was compelled to adopt the celebrated measure of non-impor tation to England, and in 17.85, she was obliged to make commercial propositions. She continued to labour under extreme distress by the restrictions which were per petuated by the jealousy between the two countries, which fell with a very peculiar weight upon the manufac tures, as well as the commerce, of Ireland. What was the prosperity of Ireland, three years after that boasted year of her independence, 1782? The British Parliament, with a generosity worthy of them, passed certain commercial resolutions, and sent them over to the Irish Parliament, for their concurrence. Mr. Foster, in sub mitting these resolutions to the Irish House of Commons, said that they could not go on as they were, that the spirit of commercial jealousy was roused and was increasing, that a separation of interests between the two countries would produce a separation of connection (Hear, hear, hear), to which every loyal Irishman must look with ter ror, and that it was utterly impossible for Ireland— and he wished hon. members to attend to the words of that able and learned man—to compete with Eng land in a destructive war of bounties. (Hear, hear. ) In 1782 it was said that no case of difference could arise which could disturb the harmony between England and Ireland ; yet, three years after, Mr. Grattan himself was obliged to acknowledge that an interruption to trade arose because it was impossible to preserve the interests of commerce without forfeiting independence. (Hear.) To such an extent did the incompatibility of the two go; that Mr. Flood declared if a demon from hell arose and wished to effect the separation of England and Ireland, he could not have better means for doing so, than the propositions which were then made in the English House of Commons ; and which propositions, though they were carried, seemed so incongruous to the mi nisters, that th dared not ground a measure on them. (Hear.) There was an open and confessed point of difference which could not be arranged ; and what was to extricate gentlemen from the dilemma in which the occurrence involved the two countries? In the mad ness of patriotism a cry was made " Perish our trade but live the constitution." What was it that could remove the difficulties in which the two countries were placed ? Nothing but a union which would identify the interests of both and banish all apprehension, by removing the power of dictation. The union was the only proper re medy for Irish advancement and English apprehension, in order to place both, countries on the same basis. England made many concessions at that period to Ireland, and the result of these concessions was rapidly felt. He (Mr. E. T.) was satisfied, from the inquiries he had made on that part of the question, that the statements of the advocates and the opponents of the measure, upon that point, had been greatly exaggerated. (Hear, hear. ) One party represented her as in a state of complete desti tution and want, and the other held her up as a political phenomenon of improvement. He was satisfied that Ire land had made considerable improvement since that period, at the same time he would say that that improvement was as nothing compared with what it had been since. The honourable member then went into de tails of the exports of Ireland as compared with those of England and Scotland during the existence of the Irish parliament ; thence showing that while the exports of the latter were quadrupled, those of Ireland had de creased in proportion. He might observe the results of a comparison in every branch of revenue or trade ; the post-office, the stamps, or the customs of Ireland, all tended to the same result, and exhibited either a decrease or a scarcely perceptible improvement, whilst the rest of the empire was advancing by the most surprising strides to the pitch of prosperity. Her independence enabled her to enter freely into foreign trade, but what was the fact? Even in this boasted period of her prosperity, so totally was she destitute of capital, shipping, or enterprise, that instead of availing herself of the foreign trade thus thrown open to her, she actually imported from Great Britain, in 1799, nearly 1,500,000 tons of foreign produce, produce which England allowed her to have duty free, and on which she afterwards raised 350,0001., by subjecting it to taxation at her own ports. It surely would not be said that her independence could have extorted this any more than it could have caused the opening of British ports to her agricultural produce and her linens, of which England received on an average of three years to 1798, no less a proportion than 35,000,000 of yards out of 40,000,000, which she exported, and not only allowed her a bounty of 35 per cent., on these, but actually secured to her the British market, by subjecting those of all other countries to an import duty of 25 per cent., thus taxing herself about 65,0001. per annum to support the Irish linen trade. The whole trade of Ireland with England at this period did not amount to more than 1-9th of the entire trade of Great Britain with the rest of the world ; yet so far from her con tributing 1-9th to the British revenue, her contributions were not 140th in proportion to her commerce ; the whole Irish duties in 1768 amounted to but 47,0001. whilst those of other countries were nearly . 7,000,0001. But there remained one other inquiry still. If inde pendence did not secure to Ireland external dignity—. if it failed to promote internal prosperity—did it in sure to her domestic tranquillity and happiness ? He (Mr. Tennant) did not allude to the distant years of her history, when her parliament was trammelled and fet tered—he did not allude to the Whiteboy outrages of 1763 or 1766, for these occurred before the constitutional era of 1782 ; but did that independent parliament secure the country against the recurrence of such prwdial outrages ? On the contrary, so far from this being the case, we had, in 1785, the Whiteboys of Munster, and, in 1786, an ac tual civil warfare in Armagh, under the very eye of the independent parliament, which lasted till it had rooted out the Roman Catholic population, and sent them abroad to disseminate dissatisfaction against a government which per mitted such outrages. In 1792 and 1793, in Louth and Meath, in Limerick and Roscommon, in Leitrim and West meath, there were perpetual risings and disturbances, whilst, during the same period, various bands ruled undis turbed in various other districts, under the names of Hearts of Oak and Hearts of Steel, Houghers and Carders, Peep of-Day Boys and Defenders, spreading terror and dismay over whole provinces, and exhibiting, though on a minor scale, the atrocities and bloodshed which political agitation had again revived, in the Whitefeet and Ribandrnen of the present day. For nearly twenty years we manned the navy with our malcontents, and peopled New Holland with our Irish outcasts ; and to crown the whole, we had the sanguinary and destructive rebellion of 1798—a civil war in which were perpetrated some acts of fierce barbarity for which the annals of human ferocity could scarcely afford a parallel. Such were the symptoms of our domestic happi ness under a domestic legislature. As to perfect and dis tinct independence, he (Mr. E. Tennant) left that alto gether out of the question ; for he believed it to be perfectly impossible to preserve the connexion be• tween two countries of unequal powers aria resources, such as Great Britain and Ireland, without sacrificing in some degree the independence of the weaker one. Be tween two countries on a perfect political equality in every respect, to whom union or separation might be equally a Platter of choice or convenience, we could conceive the idea of such a junction continuing for a time compatibly with the perfect independence of both ; but in the case of two nations of different powers., compelled by their mutual necessities to form a Connection, that connection must always be in a greater or less degree—one of patronage on the , part of the more powerful, and of dependence on that of the weaker state—dictation on the one side, and of ac quiescence tit the other. And how long may we suppose that a Government such as this political abortion of one Government with twd perfectly independent legislatures—a " Most delicate manster with two voices," could exist in the present state of feeling in Ireland? May we not conclude, with her jealousy "of all dictation, her im patience of all control, that in some moment of spleen or passion, or possibly of caprice and delusion, under the in nuence of some vociferous patriot, she might conceive it incumbent on her dignity, not only to express ;sat to main tain her opinion, and thus precipitate a separatiam, and pziasitalv hoatiin.Les between the two countries? (Chet; s• ) Ire-late!, re know, submitted, though reluctantly, to tha: dictation of England for nearly seven centuries ; but it was during a period when her spirit was unformed and her reScweeg as yet undeveloped. C!ouist we suppose that with her present excited feelings she would calmly submit to it now ; and yet raralvr the two countries distinct to-morrow ? He (Mr. E. Tennant) maintained that the continuance of the connection was impossible without such submission eel the part. of Ireland. In more than one instanc e filet proceedings of the Irish Parliament very nearly hurried the country to the verge of separation when thus imper fectly conjoined before. She had scarcai obtained the concession of free trade, in 1779, when onr of its very first fruits was a motion in the Irish House of Corn. mores to declare war, single-handed and apart from Greet Ftritain, against a country, not only at peace, but actually in Alliance with England, for an alleged injury our national cot/imam - -He referred to time case of Por tugal, which hat; been alluded to by the right hon. gentle nian (Mr. Rice). On that occasion Sir Lucius Crßtiew proposed in the Irish House td send an armament at onee to chastise in order, (as he sail) to show to the world that Ireland "had vigour and resources' to maintain all he rights and to astonish all her enemies." This blustering proposition ei/tE , rejected ; but was it not a paasible case that it might hatt been carried, and that Ireland, a con federate part of the British empire, might have been placed in the singular position of decMring war against a country at peace, and in alliance with the rest of the kingdom ? He maintained that on the regency qvcstion there was an actual and literal separation of the two kingdoms. At that period the only bond of union between the two countries was their common executive, the King of England. It was a fact, all mention of which was sedulously avoided in the present agitation, that Ireland was herself the first to propose an incorpollting union of the two countries ; that for nearly two cries England perseveringly rejected it. (Hear, haat') Independently of the circumstance of Irish representatives having sat in the Parliaments of Edward I. and Edward 111., and the disposition manifested towards an union in the time of Cromwell, it was a matter of record, that in the reign of Charles 11, in a report of the Board of Trade to the Privy Council of Ireland, it was expressly recommended that endeavours should be used for the union of the kingdom under one legislative power proportionably, as had been heretofore done in the case of 11 ales. This report was said to have been drawn up by Sir W. Petty, who, in his " Anatomy of Ireland," written some years sub sequently, confirmed the same view by the expression of his own individual opinion. The suggestion was of course disre garded then ; but again, in 1703, at the moment when the Scottish Unionwas in contemplation, the Irish Parliament pe titioned and petitioned in vain, for a similar incorporation, the English ministry being resolutely opposed to its concession.. These entreaties were resumed in 1707, when both houses addressed the Queen, with similar success. As these ap prehensions of England wore away, and as she adopted by degrees a more enlightened policy, the penal laws were gradually relaxed, and an incorporate union was proposed and adopted by both countries in 1799 ; and now came the question, had this union realized the intended object ? Had it (to try it by the same test) secured the external dignity or promoted the internal prosperity of Ireland ? (Cheers.) As to the question of national dignity, he should, of course, be here met by a direct negative a for there could inhere no dignity in a motion which was stated by the opponents of the union to have - been utterly " anni hilated" by that measure. But on the same principle Scotland must likewise have been " annihilated," when she, in 1707, ceased to be a distinct kingdom, on being incorporated with England ; and by a parity of reasoningy if the mere fact of incorporation, by destroying distinction, involves extinction, England herself must have been anni hilated when she became incorporated with the other two. So that, according to the doctrine of the repealers, the whole empire must at this moment be ideal, and exist; like the universe of Berkeley, only in the imagination of its inha bitants. ( Cheers.) It was a delusion, therefore, to assert that when two nations unite, they surrender or annihilate their rights ; they did not surrender, but, on the contrary, they interchange and combine them. What a proud gratification must it have been to every Irish member who conscien tiously gave his support to the bill of 1829, which con ferred upon the honourable and learned member fur Dublin, and his Roman Catholic colleagues (Hear), the distinction of a seat in that house, that he was enabled, by the act of the union, to contribute his aid to what he considered a great measure of national and politi cal justice—a gratification which he could never have en joyed as a mere member of a local legislature. (Cheers.) Did the hon. and learned member himself (Mr. O'Con nell) feel no emotion of Warrantable pride when he two years ago lent the aid of his powerful talents to restore the constitution, and reform the abuses which time had in flicted upon the representation of this house; and did it never strike him, then, that this was a triumph which he could never have experienced as a member of an Irish par liament? For his (Mr. E. Tennant's) part he shsukl never fail to regard it as a proud distinction that he had himself been enabled, during the course of the last twelve months, to contribute by his vote to extend the blessing of freedom from the confines of India to the remotest shores of the Atlantic, to liberate the Hindoo, and to strike off the fetters of the African. (Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Tennant) need not ask whether Ireland has experienced an increase of prosperity since the union ? After the comprehensive and conclusive statement of the right hon. the Secretary of the Treasury (Mr. S. Rice), it was to tally a work of supererogation to attempt to enter into any further proof upon a subject where every circumstance was an evidence. This, at least, was a department of the in quiry in which declamation and sophistry were of no avail. Every statement, which could be looked upon as authority, proved that, during the last thirty years the prosperity of Ireland had been the greatest in aay interval of her history. During this space her shipping trade had been doubled : 1801. 1831. Inwards 711,242 tons 1,420,382 tons Outwards 703,7) 7 tons 1,073,545 tons Her imports and her exports have been increased in a like proportion. 1801. 1825. -. Imports £4,621,344 £8,596,785 Exports £4,064,545 £9,243,110 Her cotton trade has been actually created since the enactment of the Union, whilst its rival, the linen trade, instead of decreasing, has been nearly doubled -1800...36,112,369 yards 11830...57,947,413 yards Her exports of corn have increased sixfold -1800 379,679 qrs. I 1826 ... 2,226,774 qrs. And that of live stock no less than tenfold— 1800 19,891 head. 11826 195,807 head. With these evidences of external traffic had we no con clusive testimony of the growth of internal comfort in the home consumption of the country ? The importation of coals since the Union had risen from 360,000 tons to nearly 900,000. The consumption of wine and spirits, of tea and sugar, had been more than doubled— 1800. Wine and Spirits-4,295,498 gals. Tea 1830. 9,137,015 gals. 3,887,955 lbs. Raw Sugar 226,936 cwts. I 342,701 cwts. And that of coffee had been actually twelvefold increased -1800 73,370 lbs. I 1830 898,363 lbs. The town of Belfast had afforded, perhaps, the most strik ing, though by no means an insulated, example of such commercial advancement as promoted by the Union. The quantity 28,421 tons burden. At the Union, in 1800, they were 8 56 in num ber, and the ton nageaanted oft to shipping 76 vessels‘ vh o i f eh en tered the port in 1786 amounted 67,855, an increase of about one-third. They were last year 2,600 ships, with a tonnage of 264,377, being an , ta a t n i o d n qu si a l d ic r e up t l l e ie i n U q n u i a o l n itit t y o . t ( r l i v e le ar, t hheeara.m)ouAntt the the union, there was not a cotton nor a flax mill in augmentation Tarb o e e f n r Belfast, and the cotton trade now gave occupation to up wards of 10,000 looms. (Loud cheers.) And taking the receipts a customs and excise as a fair test of the produce of home manufactures and foreign trade, they affbrded a most singular evidence of the comparative influence of union and independence: The custom-house receipts were, in 1782, 60,000/. Twenty years afterwards, in 1800, when we had a full experience of the influence of a free constitu tion, they were 62,6681., showing an augmentation of but 1-30th in all that period. The union took place in 1800, and five years afterwards they were 228,645/. They were, in 1820, 306,2631., and were at this moment upwards of 400,0001., showing that the trade of the north of Ireland had actually doubled in every period of five years since the union. These were our proofs of the prosperity ; these were the considerations that rendered us attached, and warmly attached, to British connexion ; these were the blessings that we have derived under the union ; and look ing to these, all we ask from the hon. and learned gentle man, in his own emphatic phrase, that he will " let us alone." _ . " We seek no change, and least of all such change As he would bring us." (Hear.) Whilst he (Mr. E. Tennant) contended for this singular increase of national prosperity, he by no means asserted that the unicn was its direct and originating cause ; he did not say because the two were concurrent, the one was con sequent►al. The source of Ireland's prosperity was British Just published, in Bvo., price 6s. in cloth, E SIGNS, DISORDERS, and MA NAGEMENT of PREGNANCY ; the Tre4t 0 1 7,,t0 be adopt e d d ur i ng and after Con fi nement ; and e z Management and Disorders of Children. Written P t essly for the 11 , e of Fern des. And By DQUGLAS FOX, M.R.C.S., Sae of the Surgeons to the Derbyshire Gtwral Infirmary. Longman and Co Derby : Mozi.y and Sons. 1,4; ;t: