The Sun. — London, England, 1827-05-18 00:00:00

• --~- i , , ADMIRALTY OFFICE, APRIL 24, 1827. NOTIC E is hereby given, That a SES -i- SION of OYER and TERMINER and GAOL . DELIVERY, for the TRIAL of OFFENCES committed on the HIGH SE AS, within the .lurisdietion of the AD MIRALTY of ENGLAND, will be held at JUSTICE HALL, hi tine OLD BAILEY, LONDON, on TUES -I,tDAY, the 29 t h day of May next, at Eight o'Clock in the rni 'lg:--And a ll Sh er iff s, G ao l ers, and Keepers of " 4 ° ,, 5, in whose custody any Prisoners, charged with OTences committed on the High Seas, or within the said Jurisdiction, may be, are hereby required to transmit a copy of the Commitment of every such Prisoner to Mr. 13icKNELL, • the Solicitor of the Admiralty, on Spring Garden Terrace, London, in order that the necessary mea sures may be taken, for removing all such Prisoners .to His lajesty's Gaol of Newgate,. for trial at the said intended SeSsiOn : And all Mayors, JustiCes, Coroners, and other Officers, before whom anyluquisitions, Informatiops, Ex aminations, or Recognizances, may have been taken touch lag anyluch Offences, are required to transmit the same forthwith to Mr. Tnomas SHELTON, the Clerk of Ar raigns of the High Court of Admiralty of England, at his "ice, at the Sessions House in the Old Bailey, London. J. W. CROKER. . . .. . ....- , . - • 11 '' ~ ' 1 ,i ', . •:' , 3 • ~.. .,:,- . ...-1,, , c i , - !, 4 ,, , r11410N ,- ( p - . ~,. pa,... ;4 E 09 ~ (11111 1 ". f' `..- c . MA. , 1 1....0.A.) 1.-,1 1 ,, 4,. • ~. Alt , 0 - - 41 :z., -. , . . , ~.. . ..._. ... _,..„.. t . .v. „,„.„...,.. ... -0 - ' ' te - ;ffi vet, • l'f. 4,:, ,f, s.. Ale ...'• '.." • i '', 1 , . o' . - .:-. s ••• ' tib -••• ••.. i .. 1 - 11% .. '• • ( '.4'•:-°'--- 'll% ...', (-' ' • \ i 'N ,- -V • •r . ;;., 3. . . . 4 7 - 4 ir .: . - . k . e . , 4 1 . 10 , 4 „ -‘ ‘ .l:4- 411, ,plies,l-- 4 /0 4v , , .. , e, 7 . - , , , ,.. ) . -- --- 7 - ' .. ....: ‘ ;•% .... -, . • -- VSO . -- 3 .. .1' „jallitHeAri lOW litao3 1 -4 tCI 4 , := ,-,....., ; N . IL. 40 V ~ 0,....1, s "' I r 'Mi 4 FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 18, 1827. No. 10,8'23. PRICE In. PUBLICATIONS. few moments on the attention of the House, while he stated the motives which induced him to refuse his confidence to the present Administration. Of the difficulties ex perienced by the Right Hon. Gentleman now at the head of his Majesty's Councils, in the formation of a New Go vernment, he knew nothing but from Newspaper authority ; but he was not equally ignorant of the reasons which occa sioned a dissollution of the late Cabinet. The basis lon which the existing Government rested could only be Catho lic Emancipation. This day was published, elegantly printed in Bvo. price Bi, iu boards. T HOUGHTS on the VALUE- of FEEL, INGS in RELIGION. By JOHN JOACHIM SPALDING, A Dignitary in the Consistory of Berlin in the last Century. Translated from the German, by ARTHUR B. EVANS, A.M. Rector of Coln Rogers, Vicar of. Barnwood, and Head Master of the Cathedral School, in Gloucester. The LORD CHANCELLOR interposed, and asked the Noble Earl, if it were his intention to conclude by making a motion ? Earl MANVERS believed he was in order. The ques tion before the House was whether the petition should be laid upon the tahle.—(Cries of ", go on, go on.") VICTUALLING OFFICE, M A y 8, 1827. T HE Commissioners for Vict ualling his Majesty's Navy, &c. do hereby give Notice, that on THURSDAY, the 24th instant, they will be ready to receive Tenders in writing, (sealed up), and treat for One Hundred. Thousand Gallons of WEST INDIA RUM, Fifty Tons of NEW OATMEAL, Four Hundred Sacks of kiln-dried Household FLOUR, Fifty Tous of COCOA, Four Hundred Quarters of Kiln-dried PEASE, Five Tons of RUTTER, and Ten Tons of CHEESE. To be delivered into his Majesty's Victualling Stores, at Deptford, one half of each species by the 10th, and the other half by. the 30th of June neat' • Samples of the Oatmeal and Pease, of not less than three quarts, and of the Cocoa of net less than three pounds we i ght each, w ill b e required to be produced with the Ten sfor those articles. conditions of the Contracts may be seen at this London : printed Tor T. Cadell, Strand ; C. Hough Gloucester; and W. Blackwood, Edinburgh. This day was published, In 3 vols. post octavo, price 1/. 11 s . 6d. b oar d s , T HE YOUTH AND MANHOOD OF CYRIL THORNTON. Have I not heard great ordnance in the field, And Heaven's artillery thunder in the skies ; Have I not, in a pitched battle, heard Loud 'larums, neighing steeds, and trumpets clang? " Taming of the Shrew." Printed for William Blackwood, Edinburgh ; and T. Cadell, Strand, London. The LORD CHANCELLOR observed, that he had in terrupted the Noble Earl, because he thourlit that the question regarding the petition had been already decided. --,(Fl's Opposition side of the House again called upon • Lord Manvers to proceed.) Earl MANVERS—That vital change in the principles of the British Constitution—the removal of 'disabilities from Catholics—is the only link which connects the other wise discordant parts of the Administration together.— With this impression, and after having resisted this impor tant question, if not by my voice, at least by my vote, in every shape in which it has appeared, for the last 25 . years, 1 trust I shall,not be stigmatised as acting from factious motive—(hear, hear,)—if I feel it impossible to afford my humble support, under existing circumstances, to the present advisers of the Crown.—(Cheers.) Lord DE DUNSTANVILLE spoke in a very low tone. lie proceeded to state, that he had heard from good au thority, that the distinguished individuals who had seceded from the present Administration felt no objection to con tinue in office under the present First Lord of the Trea sury, excepting on account of the Roman Catholic Ques tion. He felt much regret that they had felt necessary to retire, but he could riot therefore refuse his confidence to their successors. It seemed that the Opposition now formed, or in a course of formation, had a strong objec tion to being termed factious ; but when he saw hostility declared before the new Ministers had waamed their seats, and before it was known what was to be approved or what resisted in their measures, he could give it no milder epi thet.—(Cheers. )—One objection to the Government was this—that the Secretaries of State for the Home and Fo reign Departments were only provisionally appointed.— Of the fact he knew nothing : they had been selected by his Majesty, and their stay iu office would probably be re gulated by their own inclination and their Sovereign's pleasure.—(Hear.)—He knew comparatively little of either Noble Lord, hut it was in• the power of any Peer to move an. Address to the King upon the subject, and to set the matter at rest. His (Lord De D.'s) confidence would be given to the Ministry until he found that they did not merit it, and he would support them particularly on the Catholic Question, because, in his conscience, he be lieved that tke welfare of the empire depended upon con cession. —(Cheers.)—As a true and zealous Protestant, he was satisfied that more proselytes would be made by conci liation than by resistance. ARCHBISHOP WAKE'S CHURCH CATECHISM. This .day was published, handsomely printed in one volume Bvo. price 9s. in boards, THE PRINCIPLES of the.CHRISTIAN RELIGION explained in a brief Commentary upon the Church Catechism. By the Most Reverend Father in God, WILLIAM, LORD ARCHBISHOP of CANTERBURY. A new Edition. Having the various proofs from passages of Scripture to which reference is made through the work, either subjoined to the quisLions and answers, or interwoven with them. By the Rev. FREDERICK TWISLETON, LL.B. Prebendary of Hereford, and Domestic Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Hereford. . Printed for 1. Cadell, Strand, London ; J. Parker, Oxford; and Deighton and Sons, Cambridge. -Each Tender mustopecify the Price in words at length, and be delivered bef ore O ne o 'Cl oc k on t h e day appointed; andthe persoho makes the Teder, or some p his b ehalf nan n st w attend to answer n when called forerson ,on. M. WALLER CLIFTON. Trade; an engagement with the Honourable East India Company, to Sail on Ist June next, FOR CALCUTTA, TH(With liberty to land P assengers at MADRAS), E Fine First-Class Ship, YORK, then H ENRY R. WILKINSON, C omman d er . B ur - R 500 Tons. L y i ng i n t h e E ast I nd i a Export Dock. as ver y superi or A ccommo d at i on for Passengers, anti will Carr y an experienced Surgeon. J er For Freight or Passage apply to the Commander, a t th e usalem Coffee-house, Cornhill ; or to B UCKLES, BAGSTER, and BUCHANAN, 33, Mark-lane. . . REPORTS of CASES in the HOUSE of LORDS. This Day was published, by T. Cadell,_ and J. Butter- worth and Son, London, and William Blackwood, Edin burgh, Vol. I. of CASES DECIDED in the HOUSE o f LORDS, on APPEAL from the COURTS of SCOTLAND, from Feb. 21, 1821, to July 17, 1823. Reported by PATRICK SHAW, Esq. Advocate. TROYAL ACADEMY, SOMERSET-PLACE. HE EXHIBITION of the ROYAL vol. 11. Nits I. 11. and 111. of CASES DECIDED in the HOUSE of LORDS, on APPEAL from 'the COURTS of SCOTLAND, from Feb. 22, to May 26, 1826. • ACADEMY is now OPEN. Admieeion (from Eight o'Clock till Seven) J. Citalogue )s. H. HOWARD, R.A. See Reported by JAMES WILSON, of Lincoln's Inn, and PATRICK SHAW, Esqrs. Advocates. These two sets of Reports are intended to form a con nected series from Feb. 1821. Those of 1824 and 1825 are' in preparation ; those of 1824 to form the Second Volume of Mr. Shaw's Reports, and those of 1825, the First Volume of the Reports, by Messrs. , Wilson and Shaw, which are to be continued. CHRIST ON THE CROSS. PAULO ANGREZINI be g s to inform able the N o bi lity and Gentry, that he has at a consider sth ex pence obt a i ne d and fitted up his Exhibition of Mr. i;:bviErt'S Colossal M ar bl e Fi gure o f CHRIST ON o pen to a n d ot h er Work* of Art, which are now T en to public view, and he hopea to meet with the f ,„ their kind ‘joud patronage. No. 209, Regent-street, avour near t- street.—Ad rn i t tance ls. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, MAI , 17. OF Ti . JOHNSON, (HE COLONIAL COFFEE-HOUSE, NO. 90, STRAND, DIRE CTLY OPPOSI TE SOUTHAMPTON-STRpeT,) tsGS le ave to return t h an k s to h is Friends L , and the Public, for the patronage tile) , have hitherto , ; and, at the saute time, to inform them, e l l , he will, for thitir accommodation, open the above as a J HOU SE, on SATURDAY next. op hi s . as sures them, that every exertion shall be made "nferrrt to merit that support which they have always 4c• th at e "h I W, by providing the best Meat, Vegetables,be procured, and Beds at moderate charges. The LORD CHANCELLOR took hie seat on the Wool sack at Four o'clock. The Duke of BEAUFORT presented petitions from the counties of Gloucester and Worcester, against any altera tion in the Corn Laws. Lord •LDON presented a ?ithilli T r petition Worn the Middle Ward of Lanarkshire. The Earl of ABINGDON presented several similar pe titions from parishes in Buckinghamshire, as did also Lord Redesdale, from several parishes and townships in the North Riding of Yorkshire. Lord ELDON presented petitions against any further concessions to the Catholics, from Taunton, the Isle of Portland, and the parish of St. Martin's, in the Borough of Leicester. The several petitions were all laid on the table. Mr. DRAPER, from the Treasury, presented a Return of the quantity of Indian Corn, imported since 1820. BRIGHTON. SIX LOTS of BUILDING GROUND for N t y,. . ° L ET, ne ar WESTERN - STR EET, BRIG HTON , t o t, ' r Y - eight years, at very low Ground Rents. These earo are most desir a bl y s i tuate d at t h e W est en d o f Brighton, hoo,lnanding Sea Vi ews , and in the centre of a `neighbour T he of the highest respectability, and daily improving.— alo ne ticinity of the O r i en t a l G ar d e n s t o thi s property wou ld ,h p 1; r ender i t of importance to Gentlemen wishing to 1, 1 ; ea lxtal at th at f as hi ona bl e B at hi ng-place. Istu• 85, c n rticulars to be had of M r . H u d son , H ouse A gent, , eapsid AA A ...____ N iIi STORICAL and PRACTI c C i A eet L . Nitli TREATIsE on SYPHILIS Gonorrhea, Pain°4l.Wealtness, Strictures, Eru p tions, and Nocturnal rob."' a° frequently mistaken for Rheumatism. 1 cases, are illustrated by a variety of highly interesting lon e l :, i s with the Miseries of a secret Vice, so 'l th, 4° tuThaPpily pursued' by the youth of both sexes n . ness li g i th e °fie it will be found the unfailing source of Ba!re , t e ether have its ravages fatally developed by a distressing tes i ' h at l„ o ,, f de bility, which, if not timely remedied, term Irbil , P°t enre ; these are its remote and ultimate effects, v e a ff in t e i a c o t u s s , •NervenBtltriptions, loss of Muscular . Power, and stages f A" Complaints, usually characterise . the earliest . ° li i 4B Most destructive ' and insidious habit, for the core of . I f v l 4 . li ch a mode of treatment, the result of long and succe l si!.. atl4L ac tl,ce, and at on, isafe, sPeedy, and effectu o a n , th i e s evils 1 1 the Author. With concluding remarks reaultl•ng from attempts at Self Cure. li y 0 , ,Principi is obsta ; sero medicine paratur. C. R. COURTNY, M.D., Robert-street, Adelp t. l k , ti r 'tted for the Author : Published and . sold by Suth i er- P at '°- 9, C arlton -street, Edinburgh ; Sherwood and Co., walerk:..oster-row ; Onwhyn, 4, Catherine-street, Strand .; Alar a " ? Ø, High Holborn; Chappell and Son, Cornlull , tr ool l :' ,‘'.37, O xford -street ; Chapple, 94 , , Pall .mall ; i ll to w ' "Per a Arcad e ; and may be had of all bookseller. A il and country-. of t h e ' l liongst the numerous Medical and Surgical Works Ny.,,ii„?.Y, we consider that written by Dr. Courtenay, on t , f , rth",,,.and other frequently fatal complaints, to be worthy h tte 4 illoglest encomium s , and justly deserving the serious / 3. ,, ° of all those person s who . may unfortunately A l' .c ° to be afflicted with the tnaladies which form the 11;17 , /e s tof this very interesting publication. The luminous . taken of these diseases, together with important and winegs of excesses, entitle this work to great praise ; Written xtnviatt add as a further recommendation, that it is Literary rteviewluch delicacy and morality."—lnspector and UROPEAN co , v , . E INSURANCES, ''•PANY, FOR LIFE ti le ' s - • of ANNUITIES, and ENDONVAIALE and PURCHASE sud'OTHERS. Established Ja ENTS for CHILDREN 10, Chatham -place, Bla ckfriara. nuar Y' 18 19. Office, No. patestuxx-r. EDWARD BERKELEY E PORTMA,N, VICE-PitltsinZNT. -"I. I‘l.P. . Sir CHARLES FORBES, Bart, I<l P. Si r Joh n William P. Call, Bart. I Peter still, E sq. n Rent, E J, G. N. i G. J. Sullivan, Eaq Harris, E N . l Thomas 'Wilson E, ' "'"nefit Hue, M.D. -, sq. J o b , , -0 neat, Es q . John Poingdestre, Esq. 'toles tolland, Esq. Wi11;1m Sargent, E gg . Th „. ° loss H. Call, Esq. Frederick Silver, Esq •', Q. Ifarris, Esq. G. J. Sullivan, Esq. il• Paxton Jervis, Esq. John Thoyts, Esq. e v• Fla. Le Breton h l~NAGEdward Wright, E sq. tuo DIRE cron — JOHN CLARK, Esti. Antazous--T. Bent, Esq. J. H: Sptirling, Esq. tiA J. Wilson, Eeq. -111cuas---Mesars. Bosanquet, -Pitt, Anderdou, and Co. 78, Lombard -street ; Sir William P. Call, Bart., Arnold, and Marten, 25, Old Bond-stieet. PHYsicIAN—T. Thomson, M.D. 62, Conduit -street. ~.‘. SoLicrroa.—Win. Spike, Esq. Temple. this Cotopany continuo to effect Life Insurances at re ducad premiums, which may be paid at g r a n t Annually, at the option of the Insured ; to grant Annuities 04 single or joint lives ; and t o advance Money a'•°Perty, on A.nnuity Secured on Freehold, Copyhold, or long Lease.: hold Piopevty, or on Money in the Fundy. TheAssureti and Annuitants with this Company par.. tieipate Perikually in the profits. DIRI !TORS. MISS TURNER'S MARRIAGE. Lord ELDON presented a petition frona.Edward Gibbon Wakefield, stating that the petitioner had heard with our prize of the presentation of a petition to their Lordships, praying that leave might be given to bring in a Bill to annul the marriage which had taken place between him and Ellen Turner. The petitioner complained that be had not been served with a copy of that petition, and expressed his conviction that he would be able to disprove some of the allegations contained in it. The petitioner prayed, that in case their Lordships allowed such a Bill to be in troduced, he might be allowed to appear at their bar, either by counsel or personally, to oppose it. But as the petitioner was now conaned in Newgate prison, it would be impossible for him to attend without an order from the House, and he therefore prayed that their Lord ships might be pleased to make an order, directing the pe titioner to he brought up to their Lordships' bar, at such times and upon such occasions as their Lordships might think fit. „The petition was ordered to be referred to a Committee of the whole House. Shortly afterwards, on the motion of Lord REDES DALE, the House resolved itself into a Committee. The Clerk having read the Petition of William Turner, as well as the petition which had been just presented, Lord GROSVENOR rose. He had not the slightest personal knowledge of Mr. Turner, but from all he had heard he was induced to believe _him to be a man of the very highest character. He sincerely pitied that gentle man, and in order to do him the promptest justice, their Lordships ought not to lose a single moment in acting upon his petition. It was impossible to conceive the distress and agony of mind in which Mr. Turner with all the tender feelings of a father, must be placed.—(Hear, hear. )—Under these circumstances the Noble Lord thought that if there existed already no precedent, they ought to go out of their way and establish one. But he was, however, happy to hear that there was a preee&nt by which they might be guided. lie alluded to the case of Miss Wharton, which occurred in 1691. In that instance, force had at first been used, and the lady afterwards, by great persuasion, had been Induced to consent to the mar riage. In the present case, although " - no actual force bad been resorted to, there was unquestionably a moral force. But whatever difficulties he might bare felt on elis part of the case, they were removed, and his mind greatly relieved, by the remark which had fallen from the Noble Lord who lately filled the office of Lord Chancellor, and whose opinion must necessarily be entitled to great weight. That Noble Lord said, that in many instances, fraud was equiva lent to force, and he (Lord Grosvenor) considered, that ifever there was a case in which fraud should be so interpreted, it was the one then before their Lordships. Justice should be rendered to this young lady, and it would be only real justice, in proportion to its promptness. He had been informed that the Ecclesiastical Courts would grant no relief in the present case, inasmuch, however, as the young lady, whether married or not, could not be called as a witness. Now if their Lordships were to act on the suggestion which had been thrown out, and pass a law for ,the purpose of legalizing her evidence, this would cause a long delay, and perhaps such a law should be prospective. If it were otherwise, it might be opposed on the ground that it was ex post facto legislation. Un der all the circumstances of the case, he implored their Lordships, as speedily as the forms of their H ouse wou ld admit, to declare null and void the marriage, even though it were raid according to the laws of Scotland.—(Hear.) Lord LAUDERDALE said, that no man could read with greater horror the proceedings of Wakefield than he did, and no man could more sincerely wish that the poor young lady should be released from her engagement than he; but he had a duty to perform, which was superior to any appeal to his feelings. It was, that as a Peer of Parliament, he should guard the laws of his country, and the proceedings of that House, and pre vent them from running forward into a dangerous precedent. And if ever there was a case in which it would be dangerous to establish a precedent, it was this —where more than in any other flew were likely to give way to their feelings. This-was a tenfold reason why their Lordships should consult their judgment, and that only, if their object was to do their duty. His Noble Friend mast ad mit there was no precedent for the present proceeding, for, in truth, the case of Campbell and Miss Wharton furnished no such precedent, for. there,' the very moment the mar riage was performed, • Campbell absconded from the jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Courts of the country. This was a most material distinction.—(Hear, hear.)— NoW,• if lie understood the principles upon which the High Parliament interfered to give redress, it was this,—that as the ordinary tribunals could give no relief, the party injured should apply to Parliament, as the last resource for a remedy. This was exactly the case of Campbell, who bad fled the country, and could not be brought within the jurisdiction of any Court. What a material distinc tion from the case of Wakefield ! On examining the petition of Mr. Turner, he saw one allegation as to the laws of Scotland, namely, that no Court in that .coun try' •could absolve a vinculo Mairimonii, and there fore that he could get no remedy from Parliament.— When the Noble'Lord saw that assertion he was inclined to doubt another which followed it in the petition, and which stated that the evidence of the young lady was not admissible in 'an Ecclesiastical Court. He, for his own part would give no credence unless he had good legal authority on the • subject, for most certainly he would not rely on . the declaration of a party; but, if the law were so, he thought the wisest course would be to pass an Act which would leave the admissibility of such evidence to the discretion of the Judge.— After some further observations he Lid, that perhaps he had attended too much to the proceedings on divorce bills before that House, and was disgusted with the man ner in which they were conducted. He therefore implored the House not to establish a precedent which would open the may -to great abuses. The pre sent was a case of gross fraud. There might come forward some other case of minor fraud ; and their Lordships having interfered in the first case, would proba bly be induced to interpose in the second, and so they would proceed gradually. and step by step, until they would be called upon to give relief in every instance where a man happened to run away with a lady of large fortune. With respect to the allegation in the petition that the Scots Law could not dissolve a marriage, he begged'to refer their Lordships to a hook of very high au thority on the subject—the work of a Mr. Hutchinson. In that book there was a case mentioneed, in which Allan, a schoolmaster at Edinburgh, married a young girl who was under his care as pupil. The case occurred in 1703. The girl was turned of twelve, but it appeared that undue influence anti 'fraud had been used in bringing about the marriage, which, however, had not been consummated. The marriage was subsequently dissolved, although it hpd been performed by a clergyman. This false assertion as to the law of Scotland created a 'doubt in his mind as to the petitioner's (Mr. T's.) version of the law of England, when he stated that the Ecclesiastical Court could not receive the evidence of his daughter. The Noble Lord performed a painful duty, but in 'conscience and honour he felt himself bound to oppose this dangerous prece dent.—(Loud cries of hear.) Lord REDESDALE said, that the present was a case of extreme difficulty, that relief ought to be granted in some way or other, if the facts set forth in the petition should be proved. If it were to go before the Ecclesiastical Courts, it would remain iu them for three or four years—indeed for a much longer period. Allusion had been made to the case of Miss Wharton : now it so happened that his own family was connected both with that of Miss Wharton, and the gentleman with whom she had been subsequently married. The Noble Lord was, therefore, in possession of much of the family anecdotes, and of the private history of that case. He also had the notes of the proceedings, but these were not, perhaps, quite perfect ; for their Lordehips must know, that at that period notes were not taken cor rectly, nor with the same accuracy as at present. Indeed it was generally admitted that the notes of the Brandon Peerage could not have contained the full evidence taken in that case. It was true that Mr. Campbell had gone abroad immediately after the marriage, but it was to France, and there he,was well known, and might easily be cited ; indeed, to the best of the Noble Lord's recollection lie was an o ffi cer i n the French service. He was also a brother of the Duke of Argyle, So that there could 'be no difficulty in making him out. The Noble Lord de fended the precedent in that case, and said that if their Lordships waited until the Ecclesiastical Court should de cide in this case, it was very possible that one or other of the parties might die in the mean time, and if so, the marriage could not be dissolved-*--(Hear, hear)—so that the surviving party would have all the rights which could be derived from the most valid marriage, and thus, Mr. Wakefield, if he survived the lady, would reap all the fruits of his crime. Lord TENTERDEN then recapitulated nearly the whole facts of this case, and commented very strongly upon the base motives from which this conspiracy had arisen, namely, lucre and gain, and upon the cruel frauds which had been exercised to put it in execution. His Lordship then entered into a long explanation of the law, in which a crime committed by fraud wall punish able in the same manner as one committed by force ; but his observations being almost inaudible below the bar, we could not catch their bearing. His Lordship then alluded to the case cited by the Noble Lord (Lauderdale), in which he differed from him in some points, but even admitting, a 3 he did, that she (Miss Turner) could not be examined before the Ecclesiastical Court, it would be against all justice, and the intention of all laws, that he should for a day be allowed to designate her as he himself had heard him, by the degrading title of his wife.— The circumstances were extraordinary—the crime was extraordinary, and, in the Noble Lord's opinion, the measure for redress should be extraordinary ;, and he considered that their Lordships should let this defendant know, and should let every body know, that if they should, for the sake of lucre, commit such a crime, as the present, either by fraud or force, that they ought to be deprived of all possibility of repeating it. The Earl of LAUDERDALE rose and explained some parts of his former speech, which had been misunderstood by Lord Tenterden. The question was then put whether leave should be given to bring in a Bill to annul the marriage of Edward Gibbon Wakefield and Ellen Turner—lt was agreed to unanimously. Several petitions were then presented from Agricul turists against the Corn Laws. CATHOLIC CLABIS. Lord FARNHAM. proposed to lay upon the Table a petition signed by 20,800. Protestants of Armagh, against further concession to the Roman Catholics. THE ADMINISTRATION. Earl BIANVERS, on the question, that the petition do lie upon the Table, hoped to be allowed to trespass for a The Earl of ABERDEEN. wished to make a few ob servations on the situation in which recent transactions had placed the Administration of the country. It was difficult for any Noble Lord who had supported the late Cabinet, to avow decided hostility to the present, seeing that the decla ration had been so repeatedly made, that it was formed upon the principles of Lord Liverpool, unless that hostility were founded upon personal objections, which, for one, he (Lord Aberdeen) disavowed. He might, indeed, follow the example of some Noble Lords, whom he now saw opposite, and, by way of contrast, resist a Government - on Lord Liverpool's principles, as they who had formerly opposed it, at this moment as heartily gave it their assistance._ (Hear, hear.)—Such, however, was not his notion of con sistency, though it might be theirs. He had heard of a coalition, and it had been pronounced disgusting. and un gatural ; but he apprehended that it was a great mistake to call it a coalition ; in the proper sense of the word, no coali tion had taken place. A ,coalition was the union of two parties meeting upon equal terms, where the respective systems, political principles and opinions are duly and equally weighed, and -mutual concessions made. The connection recently formed might be called an accession or an adhesion (for that was the more usual phrase) ; and the principle of that adherence he took to be the same as that which would govern the accession of any Noble Lord, or other individual in the country. Not only had it been re peatedly declared that the present Government was formed on the basis of Lord Liverpool's Administration, but the Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of it had asserted that lie adhered with unabated affec tion and fixed determination to the principles of Mr. Pitt. . The Noble Secretary of State opposite had also declared that he should consider himself and his colleagues disgraced .if they deviated from them.—(Hear, bear 0— The Noble Lords. who acceded, therefore, to the Right Hon. Gentleman's Administration, and who consented that he should give impulse and direction to the whole system and march of Government, and who, in order to accede, had gone over to the other side of the House, must of course have known upon what terms they so consented to give their countenance and support, and all objections must resolve themselves into -Considerations of a personal, nature. Report indicated that the Noble Marquess oppo site (Lansdown) either actually formed, or was about to form, a part of the Administration; and he, least of all, would suppose that he (Lord A.) felt objections of that nature to him. On the contrary, no man could be 'more willing to acknowledge his ability to serve the Crown or the People in any capacity. A good deal had been said of late on the singular manner in which some of the appoint ments had been filled up—that a Provisional Government had been formed by provisional arrangements. He thought more importance had been attached to this circumstance than it really deserved. It was doubtless in the power of the Crown to limit the period of service of its advisers, as it did that of its troops—(Cheers and laughter)—and the House had not much reason to complain of this exercise of the Royal prerogative. If .the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs were only provisionally appointed, so much the worse for the country. No man who knew his ability as well as he (Lord A.) would entertain the least doubt of his capability to fulfil the duties of his situation at all times and for all time, whether permanently or vice rially.—(Cheers.)—There were, however, •some circum stances in the formation of the Government, which com pelled him to withhold his entire and undivided confidence. He alluded particularly to the situation of that question, which had for many years occupied so much attention. He admitted that he had never been able to bring himself to view that subject---as to its importance, its advantages, or its dangers—in the same light 'in which it was looked at by many others. He had always thought that there had been great exaggeration on both sides. For many years he had supported the claims of the Roman Catholics of Ire land ; but in consequence of various occurrences of late years, his support had gradually become more reluctant. Nevertheless, that support which he had hitherto given, he should probably continue to give, unless he saw some ex traordinary reasons for changing the course he had pur sued. That the Noble Lordt who formerly occupied benches on that side should have gone over to the other side of the House certainly did excite his surprise, espe cially when they had done so knowing, as they must. have l i known—for it was not attempted to be denied—that the Administration which they were now supporting had been formed under a species of engagement, that the question on which they professed to feel so much interest should not be made a Cabinet measure. That engagement was the more curious, inasmuch as it afforded a very strong reason why those Noble Lords should net support the present Admi nistration ; for in Lord Liverpool's Ministry, the majority of the Cabinet being in favour of keyping the law regarding the Catholics in its existing state, it was out of the power of the minority to make it a Cabinet measure ; but here,' the majority being in favour of the alteratio n o f th a t l aw , and the Nobl e L or d s giving it their support because of that circumstance, it was natural to expect that they would have required that majority to undertake for the success of that question ; and if ~e4e majority refused to do so, that they would not feel sufficient confidence in such an Administration to have given it their support--(Hear, hear.)—These Noble Lords affected a great anxiety upon that question, and yet they consented to its postponement, for it was postponed ; and by that postponement a want of confidence regarding it was mani fested ; so that it could no longer be doubted that its suc cess was less probable now than before—(Hear, hear. ) There were other matters, besides those to whiclsabe had referred, that induced him to come to that opinion; and in stating what these matters were, lie knew he was:touch- Mg upon a subject that was somewhat delicate, but the necessity and importance of the case seemed to him a full justification for so doing. lie alluded to the report of the speech of a Fright Reverend Friend of his, and addressed by that Right Reverend Gentleman tnthe Clergy of his dio cese. Their Lordships might probably have seen that 4peech, but he had reason to believe that all the particu !ars contained in it were substantially correct. In that speech were contained many cogent arguments against the probability of the success of the Catholic Question. Now, he should wish any of the Right Reverend Gentlemen to inform him how the arguments in that speech could be reconciled with the conduct they might be called on to pursue, under the present Administration. Whether they were responsible for the arguments contained in that speech, or whether they were, in fact, the authors of those argu ments, he was not quite certain ; but still that speech had not been uttered on an occasion wanting either in solem nity or character. He asked the Riglt Rev. Bench oppo site him, whether the Government had not acted upon those arguments, and. postponed the consideration of the question in consequence of their urgency? If that were , 4) , then he asked then\ whether they did not feel the dan ger to be more remote than under the Administration over which Lord Liverpool had presided ; and yet it would seem that that danger could not be so remote, since his Noble Friends had gone over from that side of the House, because they said that they expected a probable and a speedy determination of the measure in their favour. How could these two contradictory opirritns be reconciled with each other ? Either the promise of a neutral Administra tion was intended to be kept, or it had been made merely to delude their Lordships ; and the Noble Lords from that side of the House had gone over to the other, acting upon the Jesuitical maxim that such conduct was proper, because the end justified the means.—(Hear, bear.) The ques tion regarding the Catholics was said to be an important one. He thought it possessed less importance than many were inclined to attribute to it; but in this instance it in volved the honour and character of public men, which he thought of the utmost importance. Their character and honour, in this case, he thought they had rendered very questionable; and, under these circumstances, it was not to be wondered at that he could not afford his entire confi dence to an Administration formed as this had been. (Hear.) The Earl of ABINGDON apologised for troubling their Lordships at this moment, which he did for the purpose of denying, in the most positive terms, that those who sat on the side of the House with him formed any part of what might he called a factious Opposition. He trusted that his conduct would not be considered in that light. All his life he had been a strenuous supporter of the Government He had been so from feelings of loyalty and attachment to his King and Constitution—to the Constitution as esta blished in Church and State ; his support had also arisen from the conviction, that the principles upon which they had acted were the best calculated to maintain both Church and State.—(Hear.) He was, therefore, of opinion, that a departure from those principles would - endanger the wel fare both of Church and State. With these sentiments, how was it possible for him to sit on the other side of the House, and to pledge himself to a concurrence with an Ad ministration whose principles it was impossible to ascer tain ? On a former occasion, when he had spoken upon this subject, some thought he had stated too much—some notenough—and some there were who thought he had stated nothing at all.—(A laugh.) He had therefore risen at this moment to explain his intentions, and having done that he should trouble the Lordships no further. Lord HOLLAND and some other Noble Lords rose at the same moment, but the cry for his Lordship became ge neral, and he proceeded:—lt has always been my endea vour to abstain from troubling your Lordships with any ob servations at any time, except upon questions at the mo ment under your consideration, or likely soon to be brought before you for discussion ; but it is the fashion now-a-days, since the Recess at least, to introduce discussions totally ir relevant to the consideration of any subject, involving no general principles on which it would be likely that your Lordships' decisions should be required, but only making profeisions of faith on the one side, or examining into pro fessions of faith on the other; not only with respect to the Government, but to those individuals who are connected with it, or intend to give it their support. It has hap pened that recently I have changed, not so much my corn pany as my seat, and some observations have been made upon that circumstance; and I am put upon my trial, not for any opinion I have expressed—not for any vote I have given—not for any principle I have entertained, but for the seat I have thought fit to occupy. _(Hear, hear. ) I am called on to explain why I have changed my seat, and why those who have acted with me have changed their seats at the same moment. It has been said, that I and my Noble Friends have hitherto disagreed with his Majesty's Government. That is not strictly true ; though if we had disagreed upon all questions, our dis agreement would have been much more strong with those who have quitted his Majesty's service, than with those who have remained in it; yet are we charged with incon sistency by those who have quitted that service—a charge which I again deny. It seems to me, that in point of con sistency our case and their own arerearly similar ; 'for if they claim the merit of - consistency in opposing a Govern ment with which they find fault, surely we have our equal claim to that merit in supporting a government which we see approaches most nearly to those principles we have so long advocated. The Noble Lord who spoke last but one put the question of our conduct upon that of Catholic Emancipation, and seemed at a loss to comprehend the course we have pursued, as he supposed that the present Government would act with regard to that question upon the same principles as those which had distinguished the Administration of Lord Liverpool. Now, I hold that not I to be exactly the case.—(Cheers from both the Opposition and Ministerial benches.) I say, my Lords, that I hold that not to be the case, because I do not think that the present Government holds, entirely, the same principles as Lord Liverpool's Government did.—(Hear.) I have always heard it stated, that a person most inimical to the Catholic Claims was at the head of that Government. ( Hear. ) One of two things is true—either it was as I state, or it was not ; I am alluding to what has been stated as one of the reasons for the resignation of those Noble Lords who have lately quitted his Majesty's service; of whose resignation I do not complain, since it will be better for my argument if what they have done be founded upon right reasoning--and I say, that whether the general principles of' Lord Liver pool's Government are to be departed from or not, this I know, that the present head of the Administration differs so far at least from Lord Liverpool, that he is not inimical to the Catholic claims.—(Hear, hear. )—The Noble Earl who lately addressed your Lordships, seemed to suppose that those who were favourable to these claims, and who now gave their support to the Government, ought to haVe required, if they had been dealt fairly with, that as there was a majority in the Cabinet, the Govern ment should be pledged to concede the Catholic Question ; at least this appeared to me to be his opinion, when he called on me to explain why I sit here, and why, with out the certainty of carrying that question, I give my sup port to Government? My reason is shortly this—that without any such absolute pledge, I can forward the debris which I have long supported. What, my Lords, on the one hand, is likely to be the consequence of my taking my seat on this side of the Hous&..-(I beg pardon, my Lords, for speaking so much of myself, as if I were a person of such great importance) ; what, I say, is likely to be the consequence of that change of my position, and what, on the other band, would have been the consequence of my remaining on the other side of the House? lam willing to try the propriety of the change I have made, even upon the Catholic Question alone; and I say, that when I had reason to believe that that Government, which was com posed of individuals, to whom I felt I could unite myself upon that question, might not have been constituted, as it now is, without my support, and beyond this, that those to whom lam opposed upon that question, might then have formed the Government, I was justified in affording that support which would answer, if not the immediate success, at least the ultimate advantage of that question which I had so long advocated, and would prevent the adoption of those measures which, throughout my political life, I had opposed, deprecated, and lamented.—(Hear, hear.)—The same arguments, therefore, upon which Noble Lords on the other side maintained their consistency, are sufficient- to prove the consistency of my Noble Friend and • myself:—(Hear, hear.)—l say, therefore, that we are not fairly without a test of the consistency of both parties, and Noble Lords upon the opposite side of the House can easily determine, if they please, whether a majority of your Lordships can justify their opinions by your own, and can afford to place your confidence in his Majesty's Ministers: Those Noble Lords have been called a factious Opposition, and they seem jealous of the expression ; but I think I may assure them, that when they have sat there a little longer, they will not be so jealous of the use of that expression.— At present, however, Ido not wish to fix it upon them. I am willing to believe that there is nothing factious or uu- constitutional in their conducfp , but tinusr*yi tbit front what rhave observed of improvement illey impatient. .." • . I will apply to them an mprovement or a 'tale of Doctor Swift made by a .Noble Earl who lately held. a blue ribbon, and as that improvement seethe to me much better adapted to the purposes of my argument than to those to which-his Lordship applied, must be •allowed to quote it upOn this occasion. The tale, as he stated it, was this : About 26 years ago a complete change of a very curious kind occurred in this country; all the men were changed into women, and all the women into men ;: in that change the maids of honour became officers Of the Blues, and-the officers of the Blues were converted into maids of honour. —(A laugh.) The Noble Earl said that those officers of the Blues who became maids of honour, though they might at first walk with "too great manliness of step, and in other respects conduct themselves- rather indecorously for elegant and delicate females, yet; On the whole, at the end-Of a fort night or a month, they became as respectable, as decomui, and is genteel as the real maidstf honour had been' before them ; hut that the maids of honour who had beedine 'Officerei of the Blues were converted into such a set of trouble some, impatient, quarrelsome persons as had never been peen before ; theygive themselves up so much to swearing, brawling, blaspheming, and drinking, and were so constantly At the head of troops of blackguard boys, kickitig up such riots, that there was no place into which they went that it was not' eared they would destroy.—(A laugh.)—Such was the description which-the Noble Earl gave of the change ;a the maids of honour; and -that description, I think, I may apply to the Noble Lords opposite, although I am quite unwilling to describe their conduct hy- the term fac dous.—(Hear, and laughter.)—l say, -my Lords, that I will not call them factions, because I hold it to be their un rlonbttsl privilege, as Members of Patliament, to enforce their opposition to the Administration in every cOnstint; rional way ; and I only wish that in doing so they would ,ring the matter to a plain issue, by putting a direct gees ion before the House, instead of adopting means which I link derogatory to the dighity of the House, and to men engaged in the service of the country—l mean the course sow employed of throwing dirt upon one -another, without toy definite object. I am required to explain what :re the principles of the Administration, and how fiar. they are engaged to act one way or the other, and .0 what extent my Honourable Friends and myself tgree or disagree with them. That question will be best answered by our conduct ; but as it is put with a view of .aisting imputations upon us, I will answer these impute- ions, by asking, in my turn, what vote have I altered__ what opinion have I changed—what principle have I abandoned, since I quitted my former seat ? I answer 'teen seated on this side of the House, nor the first i n . tone .—(Ch eers .) —Thi s i s n o t th e fi r st ti me th a t I h ave .which I have supported Ministers in whom I thought I ould place confidence. When last I was seated in: this dace, the queStion of Catholic Emancipation (a term .vhich custom has rendered convenient, but which in itself i consider to be improper) had lately been moved and re ected in both Houses of Parliament, and an Administration .vas then formed, that intended to pursue a lenient, prudent, ,nd a conciliating syttem, and to keep that question at est for the time. So far, therefore, that Administration vas similar to the present; yet, when I then sat on this .ide of the House, I was not taunted with inconsistency, although I felt, at that time, as strongly as I do now, the im tortance of conceding:what • • d Catholic Emancipation. --(Hear, hear.)—l do no. o say that I will not, ither in this House or out o. -very thing I can that i think calculated to - forward , ermination of that mestion ; and I ask whether I shown have been forwarding t, when, by my hesitation to support the present Govern nent, I should have been assisting in the attainment of tower by those who entertain, what I am willing to admit is t: constitutional, a sincere, but, at the same time, an ire ieterate opposition to the success of that question ? Those who entertain the strongest opinions against the concee-- ions claimed by the Roman Catholics are now no longei ?art of tilt Governrnent.—(Hear.)---The Noble Earl wh-, eecently addressed your Lordshipsoupposed that my Noble Friends and myself bad been •in constant opposition to Lord Liverpool's Governnient. In that opinion he was ncorrect ; for I must say, that for the last three years, here has not been one division in this House, on which I lave voted, without having the honour of the concurrence tf the Noble Earl at the head of the Council ; and I think I may add, that with-the 'exception of divisions upon the Catholic Question, there -have only been two within that -ime in which I have been oppoted to Lord Lh'erpool him elf.—(Hear.)—lf the Right Hon. Gentleman, now at the lead of his Majesty's Government, adopts, in many cases, -he same principles which I have long advocitted, must 1 ,ppose him, because he does not agree with me in all ? dust Igo to him, and say, "Di you renounce-the opinion, Titi formerly held regarding the principles of Mr. Pitt, with which I never can concur, for if you do not, I never .an support your Government." I say, my Lords, can oi to him, and put these questions, and insist upon hit Leveeing with me in every thing, before I consent to afford rim any portion of my support? I say not ; and I further assert, that if men always pursued such a line of conthee, lisagreements could never end, and all Administration, would as much resemble a rope of sand, as did those Noble .ords now sitting on the cross bench, who, when they re ired from his Majesty's Councils, declared that they has 'ot acted in concert in so doing.--(Cheers.) I agree in he opinion stated by a Noble Lord, who had held office ,early forty years, and who for some years had thought of .esigning before he could positively make up his mind ipon the subject—(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—that the eight of resignation is a sacred right, belonging to a 11inisier—a right which he may at any time exercise, aid which I should have been sorry to have prevented ny of those Noble Lords from exercising at any time hey might have thought fit.—(Hear, and laughter.)--- I am at a loss to conceive even, on what grounds the \loble Lords opposite differ from myself, since I do not by uy change of seat pledge myself to support the Govern- vent in all cases . whatever, and since, in supporting a atntinuation of that foreign policy which has been pursued , hr the fast three years, lam only supporting that to -which those Noble Lords themselves must be supposed to have riven their full concurrence so long as they continued Members of Lord Liverpool's Government.—(Hear.)—. 'half the difference between those Noble Lords and myself a small, it must be at least equally small between the recent Administration who continue those measures, and ny Noble Friends and myself, who hays so frequently be-. ore that period pressed them on the attention of the Go, :ernment. When I consider what has recently been 'he policy of Government with regard to the Corn Laws, ,vith regard to the Commercial System of this country, and herrelations to Foreign Powers, I cannot for the life if me help thinking that these measures would not have tappened to have been adopted, if the Right Hon. Gentle nan had not been in the Go, eminent ; and that if he ,hould be no longer there i a different line of policy would inmediately be pursued—(Hear, hear.)—There are cer- Ainly some:subjects on which I differ from that Right Hon. ientleman ; one of these is the subject of Parliamentary leform ; yet I know no right which any body possesses to dl me, that because I differ from him on that subject, owe no right to support him on any other. I for med a part .I the Government twenty years ago ; .and although I then from meld the same opinions that I do • now upon the su bj ec t o f SlC t e m. deform, yet I did not then think it necessary to suornit that mestion to the House. I have supported it fr om th e t i me o f len y t jen early, n upon 4; and Ideclare, a yout ) h; Ihavealwaysdift.ere T hrei Eight H fm in all lie bottom of myheart, that I shall not vote differently upon that subject in whatever part of this House I may take ny se a t.— (Cheers.)—Agraeing, therefore, as I do with the present administration upon many measures, I shall support them in all.those measures in which we do con ; but I shall not be influenced, by my change of seat, o support measures with which I - do' not agree.--(llear, hear.)---I differ from the present Opposition in many things, but in none more than in- the coarse they are ne , e dursuing, in which crimination on one side will lead to recrimination on the ether; neither Of which can be in '-lulged - in without lowering the 'character and honour of those who employ - such means in the eyes of the (Hear, • hear.)—But when I hear, as I have heard, a Noble Duke calling the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of 'of the Administration the most profligate politician he ever heard of, -I - cannot avoid recolleeting that that Noble Duke has for some time supported that Right Hon. Gentleman • is Minister for Foreign Affairs, and as the manager of the affairs of his Majesty in the House of Commons. That he has supported that Right Hon. Gentleman is true ; he has supported the Administration regularly, I cannot say cordially, because lately I must acknowledge I have wit nessed in him some coldness, especially upon that topic on which I for one have given the Right Hon.. Gentleman my cordial, disinterested,' and uniform support..—(Hear.) -1 confess that, looking at all these circumstances, I cannot conceive how those Noble Lords can find fault with us, who are convinced of the necessity and importance of carry ing that question, for the support we are willing to give to a Government favourable to. our view of it, when they must kitow that We do so because we conceive we shall serve our warn principles better by supporting the present Government thawbropposiogit; and,- thereby risking the formation of a Govermisent entirely opposed to us upon thatenbjeet. Ido maintain, my Lords, that lam hot te be °hailed with inconsistency fdr iupportiug the Right Hon. Gentleman, because I withheld my support from him. during the two last years in' Which, he wag a Member ot Lord Liverpool's Aduiinistration—au Administration, a. head of which, and the majority of which, by ttiir opposi.