The Sun. — London, England, 1831-06-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Paris papers for some days past contain some important ande iiking addresses to the electorild collegesbs4iiisidi ties for the approaching Chamber. reef A m,ooff the rest, alte find one from General Lafayette, whiCh May be regarded not only as the expression of his individual opinion, hut as the manifesto of his poltical party. The old General has been the type of revolutionary patriots for the last 40 years. He has never deserted the banner which he at first raised, though it has been exposed to numerous tempks•s,—though it has been soiled by the best blood of France, and often dragged in the mire by his less consistent followers. His sentiments have re mained unchanged amid all the changes of his fortune, whether at the head of the National Guards of Paris during the first revolution, or driven into exile by the revolutionary cannibals,—whether in the prisons of Olmutz, or in the Capital of North America as " the nation's g uest," —whether persecuted under the Bourbons, or triumphant at the second revolu tion. He has always professed himself a republi can, and has declared the United States his political Paradise. To this profession of faith he still ad heres, though he is willing to accept of a monarchy for France, provided the throne be surrounded with "republican institutions." The old General does not inform us how that throne is to be protected in such a neighbourhood and placed on such a basis,—where the Monarch sees no support around him, but is destined to stand apart from all the world, like George Stilites on his elevated pillar in the Egyptian desert. He and his p ar ty, however, are quite decided that there shall be sto privilege but that of Majesty—nothing hereditary but the Crown. They all pronounce against the transmissible honours of the peerage, pledge them selves to exert all their might to abolish such dis tinctions, and consider the revolution of July as incomplete, while what they regard as a monument of feudal barbarism or legislative absurdity is allowed to remain. In looking at the numerous list of can didates who have already declared against the here ditary nature of the upper Chamber,—ia reading the addresses of the most popular men in France, intended and calculated to impress the electoral col leges with these ideas,—in observing the very gene ral demand of pledges hostile from the deputies on that subject,—in seeing that the bar of Paris, with M. Mouguin at its head, have, after a solemn deliberation, pronounced by a great majority the same opinion as the Republican electors,--and in counting the very small number of votes which have dared to acquit the peerage,—we are led to believe that the doom of this institution is already sealed. The approaching Chamber of Deputies will most likely again resolve itself into a constituent assembly as it did last year when it made the charter, and will vote the abolition of the hereditary honours of the whole Peerage by the same authority as it voted the expulsion of all the Peers made in the late reign. It cannot be denied that this measure (which we are sorry, in the present state of popular feeling in France, to consider inevitable) is of a revolutionary character, and must lead to some important results; but a little reflection or explanation will show that it is of far less moment than a similar change would be in this country, or titan a person ac quainted only with English institutions would suppose. In France there is no great landed aris tocracy—no donani terree fastidiosi—combining extensive possessions, ancient descent, and great local influence, with the power and privilege of hereditary legislation. Before the Revolution of 1789, the Nobility, though they enjoyed here ditary distinctions, and sometimes possessed consi derable estates, exercised, as a ekes, no political power. Those of them who could reside in the capital became the splendid valets of the Court, or engrossed the chief posts of the army ; and those who remained in the provinces could carry on a petty oppression against their tenants, or plume themselves on secondary honours in their chateaux ; but with the exception of the noblesse of the robe, who occupied the place of Judges in the 12 or 13 Parliaments of France, they performed no legislative or judicial functions. In the memorable sitting of the National Assembly, on the 4th cf August, 1789, even their profitable privileges of frivolous titles were sacrificed on the altar of their country, in a fit of enthusiasm, and from that time till the reign of Napoleon all hereditary distinction was abolished. When the Bourbons returned, Louis XVIII. acknoNyledged the titles of the nobility both recently created and of ancient date, by an article of the Charter, and erected the pensioned senators of the empire—associated with some of the emigrant Noblemen—into an upper hereditary Chamber. Thus a peerage was formed by a mere dash of the pen,—a peerage without for tune, dignity, or influence,—a peerage often. depend ing for support upon a few hundred pounds, con ferred by the Government,—a peerage that had no root in the soil ; an Upper House without an aris tocracy,—a political distinction without any social eminence,—an institution created like a Ministerial Board, without any of the elements out of which a hereditary legislature could be constructed. The t numerous successive Ministries which have occupied and abandoned place since the restoration, have been added to this original mass of mediocrity, and along with their official supporters have swelled the num bers of the Chamber without increasing its respec tability. Accordingly, its proceedings have had little or no influence on public opinion—its support was of no use to the Crown ; and leert year, in the im portant business of electing the new dynasty and establishing guarantees for the national rights, its concurrence was never solicited, nor its resistance deprecated. In England the aristocratic order exists independent of its legislative privileges, and the English nobility wo ild still be powerful by their immense estates, though they were never to meet or deliberate in their House at Westminster. Poli tieal power is only added to a body—the growth of ages—who would enjoy great influence and con sideration though Parliament were abolished to morrow. While in France, on the other hand, the Peers are nothing out of the Palace of the Luzern bourg—there are nothing in fortune—nothing in the saloons—nothing in public pageants—nothing even at Court. The hereditary power of concurring in the manufacture of laws is not of itself sufficient to raise such a corporation in public estimation, while it offends that republican equality of which every French liberal boasts_ establishes a privilege to which they all object—and smacks of that feu dalism which they pretend to have outgrown. With such sentiments as these of an ineeisotion like that which we have described, the abolition or the French peerage would not appear to be a very alarm ing event. The French never object to personal honours or distinctions, however high, which are the rewards of merit, or the remuneration of ser vices. They are ready to pay homage to the baton of a Ma rs ha; of France, And delight to see the cross of the Legion of Honour on the breast of an emi nent member of the Institute; b4i.t: they object to those distinctions whch come by birth--which ap pear an exclusive privilege—exalting the parties to rank which they never merited, and assigning them the performance of duties whieh they are un eble to discharge. A body of senators, elected for life from amo ng the persons most em i nent f or ta lents, eloquence, political capacity, and administra tive experience, would, we are persuaded ' have more influence among o ur nekhbo t tirs, than such a h hereditary Chamber of Peers as at against the existence of which the French liberal party now protest.—Tintes. It has been usual on the discussion of publicode ques tions to recommmend temper, caution, moderation ; and certainly those qualities a re necessary, or a useful, in the arrangement of an y g reat act of st legis lation : yet we are not sorr y to see cons ider able warmth displayed on the question of the Reform Bill. It is a proof that the parties are in earnest; and, moreover, the rubbish must be cleared away before the repairs of the building are commenced, and the owners of the rubbish, who swear it is a good marketable material, do not like to see it bar rowed off unceremoniously, With Thep the temper first showed itself. The borough-hucksters arc like the craftsmen at Ephesus, and, like men et ery where whose craft or trade is attacked, they cry out with one voice, " Great is Diana of the Ephesians !" " Great is the good of the rotten boroughs !" The old story of the old Lord Falmouth and the Minister of the day is denied, though consigned to everlast ing remembrance in the Diary of the renowned Bubb Doddington. Perhaps, also, it will be denied that Cornish boroughs were ever bought and sold, and offered as bribes to Ministers for places. If people choose to deny these things, we say let them : they will not benefit the cause by their own charac ters for veracity, if they adopt so preposterous a course. The bringing up the report on the King's speech last night led to an agreeable declaration in the House of Commons, which was, that though a slight deficit in revenue had been noticed in the Speech from a considerable repeal of taxes, there was no intention to impose any new one, retrench ment effecting the purpose of making the revenue equal to the expenditure. Sir Robert Inglis, on dis cussing the Speech, expressed regret that a more religious turn was not given to it by some allusion to the providence of the Supreme Being in earthly or public affairs. This is matter of some delicacy : that sacred name may lose its due reverence by the too frequent use of it.—Times. We insert, under the brad of Ireland, in the re port of the Roscommon commission, in the account of the Newtownbarry affray, and in the excellent letter of our Clare correspondent, " A Military Officer," facts which demand the most prompt and and anxious attention. We speak of Portugal, and Spain, and Naples, and Russia, as miserable and ill governed countries, where the mass of the people are oppres , ed by the privileged orders,—where no regard is paid to the interests of the people by their immediate superiors,—where distress provokes to acts of lawless violence, and, in its turn, the turbu lence which misery occasions is punished by military execution ; but does any of these benighted and ill governed States present scenes of distress so ap palling, or examples of social disorder so frightful, as those which occur almost every month in some parts of Ireland ? In what other country do we hear of periodical returns of absolute famine in the midst of an empite abounding in wealth ? In what other country are we told of the wretched peasantry picking up the almost decomposed seed committed to the earth, to appease the intolerable agonies of hunger, at the hazard of disease from its unwhole some nature, and with the certainty of destroy ing their future means of subsistence ? In what other country do we find whole provinc, s sup ported, or proposed to be supported, by the begging-box sent round among their fellow subjects at the distance of several hundred miles ? In what other country do we find rent and tithes levied by troops of cavalry, and blood profusely shed by the poor peasantry fighting in defence of their little property, while resisting the awards of that law which they reckon their enemy, as well as its armed executors ? The details of the sanguinary affray near Ferns are not yet sufficiently known ; but, according to accounts, it would appear to de serve the name of a massacre, nearly twenty being killed, and double that number wounded. We pro nounce 110 opinion on the conduct of the yeomanry on our present information. Probably they were under the lamentable necessity of killing their fellow citizens in self-defence; but we repeat that Europe does not present an example of a state of society so completely wretched and disorganized as that where the scenes to which we have alluded are of such frequent occurrence. We, who have done so much to stimulate the benevolence of the English nation towards the poor starving peasantry of Ireland, cannot be suspected of any desire now to check the current ; but we beg to ask, with one of our cor respondents, why the remains of the subscription of 1822 are not made available for the relief of the distress of 1831 2—Times. The discussion in both Houses on Tuesday night was chiefly remarkable for the want of judgment displayed by the Opposition, and the singular dis proportion between the disposition to find fault with Ministers and the ability to do so effectively. No thing could well be more ridiculous than the perti nacity with which Lords Ellenborough, Londonderry, &c., endeavoured to create a debate out of a petty matter of form, which ought to have been arranged in a whisper across the table. Lord Wharncliffe was ashamed of the waspishness of his friends, and read them a lesson on temper, from which we fear they are not likely to benefit. It was allowed on all hands that the Address was unobjectionable. Lord Mansfield, who, we suppose, is to lead the Opposi tion in the House of Lords, said—" There was nothing in the Speech on which it appeared to him that Parliament was called on to express decided dissent." Lord Wharncliffe, in like manner, ad mitted that there was nothing in the Address which called for amendment, Sir Robert Peel, in the Commons said as much. But still a variety of to pics were dragged into the del:ate—the illumina tions of the Metropolis, the abandonment of the Prosecution of Mr. O'Connell, and the thrice-told tale of the affair of stopping the Supplies. This last was the gubject on which the Opposition bad determined to display all their strength. The im portance attached to it was ridiculous in the highest degree. There could be no mystery as to the cause of the dissolution. The House of Commons were sent about their business, as every one knows, not because they refused Supplies, but because the Reform Bill could not be carried ; and the success of the motion to delay the Supplies; was riot, of course, the cause of the dissolution, but a very good justification of it. The discussion on the Writ for Liverpool was purposely staved off in order to have a pretext foe an adjournment at one o'clock, that the business of the Supplies might be postponed. In short, the House was unmanageable; and Ministers having to consult the safety of the Empire, appealed from the House to the nation. The result of the election has provel that there was no sympathy between the House and the nation; for wherever the people had a voice, they gave it in favour of candidates pledged to support the Reform Bill. e were astonished that se sen sible a man as Lord Wharncliffe should fall into such gross inconsistency in describing the effect of the statement of the Lord Chancellor oa the elections. " With good sense and much moderation (he said), the Ministers had said nothing in praise of the disso lution; if they had, no power on earth should have kept him from moving an Amendment. * # *. When that event opeuTred, he had heard with astonishment the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack say, that he had never yet heard that the Crown cu ht not to dissolve Parliament, particularly when the Housii of Commons had thought fit to take the unprecedented and extreme step of re fusing the Supplies. He must say, that an assertion more contrary to fact he had never heard in either House of Payliament, He said the House of Com mons had not refused the supplies—they made no attempt to refuse the supplies ; but a motion for ad journment was carried on a very different motion. He knew that the Ordnance Estimates stood for the evening; but no motion concerning them was before the House. H:3 must say, that the offence with which the House of Commons was then charged — for offence it was—had a great influence on the elec tions.—(A laugh.)" It is paying .s high compli ment truly to the people of England, to suppose that the circumstance had a great influence on the elections The people of England being anxious for Parliamentary Reform, saw that in the late House of Commons the Bill could not be carried ; and all they considered in The elections was to re turn Members who would ,effectually support the 1 3 ..0 111 . . They h ave fi xe d t h e i r e y es a tt en ti ve ly on th e ti se of Commons, and, having set their hearts on the Reform Bill, the conduct of Members was ap proved of or condemned by them, as it tended to aid Minist ers i n carrying it. not t.The delaying the sup plies for one ni g h t W 4 r the condemned per .se, as because the object o e manoeuvre was to further the views of thg opp onents of the Reform pivot on whi c h all Bill. The Reform Bill was the hinged. It led to the strength of the factious opposition in the last House, and it has led to the strength of Ministers in this. lied there been no Reform Bill, no attempt would have been made to delay the sup• plies. It was as a means that the step was viewed by the people of England. They condemned it because it tended to frustrate the object they had in view, Reform. Any other step by which the Opposition might have sought to frustrate Reform would have equally told against them in the elec tion. But, indeed, it is useless to waste time on such quibbling. In the course of the night Earl Grey made a memorable declaration respecting the minion of Church and State :—" The Noble Earl ( Winchilsea) had," he said, "asserted that there were among the supporters of Reform in that House men who uniformly held opinions hostile to the Church of England. Now he (Lord Grey) was a Protestant and a member of the Church of England, which he believed to be the best church in the world ; but when the Noble Lord talked of the neces sity of an intimate unian between that Church and the State, he (Lord Grey) was compelled to say lie recognised the necessity of no higher union than the protection which was due to that Church to support its Ministers in the proper discharge of their duties. If the Noble Earl meant, by the union of Church and State, that reciprocity which gave the Church protection and support in return for the zeal and attention with which its Ministers dis charged their duties, and the superior merit of the religious instruction which it afforded the people, he was prepared to agree with him ; but if the Noble Lord meant a political union—if he meant to make the Members of the Church of England parties to the support of political power—he would tell him that the Church had very seldom exercised that power with advantage to themselves, and often with great detriment to the public—(Hear.) In the number of the Edinburgh Review for June, just published, there is an article on Political and Vested Rights, in which the writer adverts to the part which the Clergy have acted during the last election, and on former occasions when the Government was honestly inclined. " A collected opposition (says the writer) by the Leaders of the Church against a measure of pure political reformation, must tend to gene rate most suspicious inferences and unavoidable bit terness of feeling. Such an occurrence would therefore seriously endanger the present prospect of confining within its proper limits, and of peace ably accomplishing that species of Reform which the end and the popularity of the Ecclesiastical In stitutions of England absolutely require. # There are strange rumours in circulation of the course in meditation by the Bishops. In what hopes are they indulging ? * * Coke and Seldon establish, by sufficient precedents, the vail dity of a Bill, although every Spiritual Lord should have voted against it. In case the venerable Bishop of Norwich cannot get a Proxy, his presence, never theless, we trust, will save us from the nece•sity of solving the debated problem, by what style an Act of Parliament should be entered which has been pissed (as was the Act of Uniformity, Ist Eliz. c. 2.) with the dissent of all the Bishops." " God forbid," adds the Reviewer, " that the English na tion should be driven back to retrospect, to those fatal periods of clerical disaffection to the Constitu tion ! It is painful to remember the temper with which George the First was welcomed by the Church of England, when his Parliamentary title to the Throne was the only objection to his person, and the formation of a Whig Ministry the only grievance of which the Clergy could complain.—Morn.Chron If the Peers of Great Britain believed the Re form Bill to be that dangerous and dreadful thing which some of the professed organs of aristocratic sentiments in the Press describe it to be—if their Lordships thought that this Bill, if once admitted among the Statutes of the realm, would have the effect intended to be produced by the revolutionary gunpowder which Guy Fawkes deposited in the vaults of the Parliament-house, and would blow up the Monarchy, and scatter the House of Lords to the winds, whenever the hand of Democracy applied the match—it is not possible they could have ex hausted their energies and wasted the greater part of their time, on the night of the opening of the new Parliament, in a discussion upon a point of order. There are persons who might infer from this proceeding, indeed, that some of their Lord ships were more anxious to find a Parliamentary method of " killing time" than of saving what some writers call the " expiring Constitution." We were indeed glad to find, after hearing the " din of battle bray," as we did, in those Jour nals which had long preluded, with brazen trumpets, the approaching conflict between the Lords and the country upon the Reform Bill, that soinno cent a subject of discussion as a point of technical form had been the principal cause of disagreement between the anti-reformers and their antagonists in the House of Peers. This most strongly proves that the sentiments of the majority of the House, touching the Reform Bill, have been most grossly misrepresented. Surely, if they believed that all the glorious institutions of our ancestors were to he levelled with the dust—if they thought that the Throne was on the edge of a precipice, and the Con. stitution in danger—we think too highly of their patriotism to suppose they would have acted like those theologians of Antioch, whose minds were as minute as their dispositions were pugnacious, and who doomed themselves to a ludicrous celebrity by fiercely discussing shadowy distinctions while the battering rams of the enemy shook their walls. That " points of order" are most proper subjects for discussion in the House of Lords we do not for an instant mean to deny ; but we do deny that they would be proper subjects for discussion if there were a plague raging in the land, or a civil war, or if a foreign enemy had landed on our shores. It would then be right to say, as Ages:laus did of the laws of Sparta, after the field battle of Mantinea, " Let points of order be suspended for a day." Yet have not the writers against the Reform measure predicted that it would bring more evils on the land than plague, pesti lence, or famine, civil tumult, or invasion ? Have they not described it as a thing subversive of all good governnient-,-of ad national prosperity—of all social order; a calamity under which the Crown is to lose its dignity—the State its grandeur—the Church its sacredness; while King, Lords, and Commons, are to bow down beneath the sceptre of a wild democracy ? Did they not impute such sentiments as these to the Lords ? Did they not state that their first proceeding in the new Parlia ment would be to pass a vote of censure on those who advised the King to dissolve the late Parlia ment ? And what was their first proceeding? A discussion whether the Address of thanks to the King for his Majesty';; " most gracious Speech" should be voted at once by the House, or he adopted upon the previous sanction of the Committee ! It is well the Lords have more good sense than their fiatterers.—Morning Herald. The German Papers announce officially the death of the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian forces in Poland—the General Diebitsch Sabalkansky. The event occurred on the 10th instant, at the head quarters at Kleczewo, near Pultusk, and about 30 miles north of Warzaw. The Field-Marshal is stated to have fallen a victim to the cholera morbus; but from the manner in which his demise is an nounced, it is not impossible that his fate has been hastened by disappointed ambition and a broken spirit, if not actually precipitated by his own hand, as it was first reported. He had eaten heartily and drunk deeply the day before, as he was used Co do ; and " full of bread and hot with wine," retired to rest—but before morning, was found in a situation which denoted the immediate approach of dissolu tion; and, it is said, that the dreadful malady, which certainly works out its mission by the most sum mary process, had seized upon him for its prey. It is singular, however, that he was the only individual at head-quarters who was thus visited by the plague. As to the influence which this event may have upon the fortunes of the campaign it is yet too early to form a decided opinion, and may be now unimportant, or it may be worse, for the removal of Count Diebitseh may only give place to a 1111 C, cessor of greater energy, and unfortunately, greater talent. The late Generalissimo was a man unfitted by bodily infirmity and sluggish habits for discharg ing the duties of an efficient head of an army op posing so active and indefatigable an enemy as the Poles. He was never capable we are told, of ap pearing on horseback through the campaign, and was obliged to be carried, even to the field of battle, in an easy carriage, and in this unmilitary position was seen at the first attack upon Praga. There are instances of some of the most renowned Generals directing the shock of armies from a litter upon the ground; but the Russian General did not possess the commanding talent which could indemnify for the want of personal activity. Count Diebitsch had already lost every thing but his life in the campaign. His reputation as a General was quite gone ; for from the commencement, he had never once succeeded in any military point which he made, and his credit with his master was alreadyundermined by the intrigues of some who were jealous of his influence, and the machi nations of others, whose nefarious practices belaboured to expose. The leader of a Russian army, it is said, has more difficulties to encounter from the dishonesty of commissaries than of any other in Europe ; but, in the present case, the obstructions, we are sure, were multiplied. Even with the troops by whom his name was regarded at first as a " tower of strength," the spell was broken, and the title of " Passer of the Balkan," instead of being an honour, had become a burden and byword for the jeers of his associates. Little seems to be known of Diebitsch before the Turkish campaign. He was by birth a Ger man, and after trying his fortune in several services, en tered that of Russia. He was employed by Alexander, but was never a favourite with him. He served against Napoleon in his invasion of Russia, and in the subse quent campaign of the Allies in France; and is said to have made some suggestions as to the plan of operations which determined the armies to march directly upon Paris. His successes on the coast of the Black Sea can never be seriously mentioned by any military judge as a test of merit, for against the Poles he has shown the greatest incapacity. The brief notice which we have received of his death, ventures to praise him for his humanity— a volunteer offering to his memory, perhaps of private friend ship, but a hazardous experiment upon the credulity of the civilized world. Diebitsch was the unreason ing tool of a tyrant in the most unholy of causes, and his associates a pack of savages but one degree removed from cannibals. History, perhaps, will de duce his character more from the evidences which the wasted fields and slaughtered population of Po land furnish, than from the matter-of-course eulogy of an official document, or the warmer panegyric of a professional partisan. The late Commander-in- Chief is succeeded by Gen. Toll, another German, and who is said to be a man of enterprise and skill. But we trust the triumph of the Poles is already secure.—illorning Herald. The Ministers have contrived to elude the blow which would probably have deprived them at once of the power they are incapable of wielding, by cautiously divesting the King's Speech of every feature that might by possibility have furnished oc casion or opportunity for moving in either House an Amendment to the usual Address, in the verbal echo of the sentiments contained in the Royal Speech. The language in which the forthcoming project of Reform is described, or in which, to speak more accurately, the subject of Reform is re commended to the attention of the Legislature by his Majesty, is precisely such as the most moderate Reformer would have wished to re-echo—precisely such as the least rash even of the conservative party, who admits the expediency of entertaining the subject at all, would have desired to employ. What the new project of his Majesty's Ministers for remodelling the Constitution of the House of Commons may be we cannot pretend to conjecture; all we can at present venture to say is that the lan guage they have put into the mouth of the Sove reign upon the subject accords but ill with the scheme of sweeping alteration which they thought fit to present to the lust Parliament, and in favour of which clamour and riot were excited in every part of the country during the progress of the late general election. The truth is, that in order to avoid certain defeat in at least one House of Parliament on the very first day of the Session, his Majesty's Ministers have thought it expedient to knock under to their oppo nents. The same views of expediency will, we have no doubt, repea'edly recur to them in the course of the Session, unless the measures they may have to propose for the future should (which, as the age of m'racles has gone by, we deem scarcely possible) be framed with a degree of wis dom arid prudence of which, whether in opposition or in power, they have hitherto afforded us no glimpses. The aspect of the House of Lords on Tuesday was such as must have convinced every spectator that the Opposition constituted a very decided majority, and that Ministers were already condemned to a very signal discomfiture, had they not averted it in the only possible way; to wit, by the adoption of the language and sentiments of a large division of their adversaries. 'Whe ther the language and conduct of his Majesty's Ministers are henceforth to be in unison re mains to be seen. What is certain is, that any measure for the adjustment of the question of Reform, which adheres " to the acknowledged principles of the Constitution, by which the prero gatives of the Crown, the authority of both Houses of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the people, are equally secured," must be something very different indeed from " the Bill, the whole Bill, arid nothing but the Bill." The impossibility of an amendment to the Address divested the de bates of Tuesday night of much of the interest which would otherwise have appertained to them. To characterise them in a few words it is only ne tcieressaarcyc to u se s r a s y of t I that they es c t o y r rs is n , s o t n e r s t e p of a p r t of l a in statements of the most notorious facts, and on the part of those Ministers and their supporters of little besides evasion, subterfuge, and trick. One or two . things occurred, however, in the progress of the dis cussion in the House of Lords, to which we feel it to be our duty to advert more specifically. The complete reunion of the Tory party was proclaimed by the Earl of Winchilsea, who in his usual manly and straightforward manner explained those particulars in the character and conduct of the present Ministers and their friends which render it impossible for him or any ether adherent of the British Constitution to support them in the possession of political power. One of those particulars was their uniform advocacy of every opinion and every measure tending to dis. sever the connection between Church arid State. These expressions, proceeding as they did from one of the most honourable and conscientious men that the British Peerage can boast within its ranks— from a Nobleman who was disposed to support, if he conscientiously could, and who in fact did sup port during the last Session the present Ministers of the Crown ;—from one of whom, more truly per haps than any other Member of either House of Parliament, it may be truly said that his party is his country, and that he knows no other—these expres sions, proceeding from such a source, are calcu lated to make a deep impression upon the public rn ind t . hey ßu si t nk ye in t t , o i i m ns p i e g r n t i r fi n c it an a c s e th in ey co u m n p q i u u e i s s t o i n on :v b it l iyl are, t i re attestation of their truth furnished by the reply of t h e first Minister °fare Crown. Earl Grey, in his place de s in the House of Lords, thought%petsereee,ol willing )11l benefits el Cei n i E t ehwgfidua ar e troslse c bh e more r efd i etaa instruction y a ndi t obedience te d ohsyfts p r at from t sub scribe aea eulno t t p g t he yt u o oe n o p s i i f li o a el fl y n t iu i n lt e w el :h er ut i ee c n :h uo :o fr n n e i e f x xf t b o t a o ei ri r r n te t scr ibe it. But if he meant a political connection between the Church and the State, then he could not agree with him ; for he thought that when the Church interfered with politics it was seldom with advantage to themselves, and often attended with great detriment to the public. Could the Earl of Winchilsea have desired a stronger confirmation of , his words than is afforded by this declaration of the Premier ? We hops that after thin, Lord Winchil ea, or some other Peer, thought it necessary care fully to examine the Address about to be presented to his Majesty, in order to ascertain that the Roman Catholic Mover and Whig Premier, who cor co ted it between them, had not, among their other 2 cad vertencies, omitted all mention of the `• Lords Spiritual," as a component part of the addressing body.—Morning Post. IRELAND. ROSCOMMON SPECIAL COMMISSION. Patrick Russel was put to the bar, charged with attacking with fire-arms, &c., the dwelling-house of John Mahudy, in March, at Ballagh, in this county. John Mahudy examined by the ATTORNEY-GE NERAL —Liv es at Banagher ; his house was attacked in the month of March; a noise awoke him, and he was called up to open the door; one had a pistol, an other had a pitchfork ; witness had a pitchfork also. The party continued to throw stones at him; heard a shot, and saw the man who fired; a ball entered his door, which the sergeant of the police took out. When the pistol was presented witness was inside, at the other part of the house ; a man was passing by the door suddenly, when he struck him with a pitchfork ; the party said they would go and strip the house. His son had another pitchfork, and he said, " Take the ladder, and go up on the loft, and make no noise, and, as he strips the thatch, wick him." Heard the noise, and saw the light coming in where the thatch was stripping ; the party said they would make a speedy dish of it, and set the house on fire; saw straw and light coming across the field, vi hen he went to his family and told them to pray for their souls, as the house was going to be set fire to. Has five children. A woman, with two children, in the house, prayed for mercy; they took her out through a window, and then the house was set fire to under the eave round the house. The neighbours were called by the woman outside as the party went off, ar►d came to his assistance. It was on the 23d of March, in fine weather and a clear night. His house was attacked four different times; came to look for a shilling for people in prison.' Witness identified Pat Hussey as one of the party; he was throwing stones; knew the prisoner before that ; he lived near him. The direct testimony was supported by the sub sequent witnesses for the prosecution, and had not been repelled or weakened by the evidence for the defence.—Guilry. There are three more for trial for the same offence. The prisoners are protracting their trials by not joining in their challenges. Gibbons was put to the bar, charged with having, on the King's highway, with force and me naces, demanded fire-arms from the Messrs. Morow. From the evidence of the direct and cross-examina tion the following face were elicited : The prosecutors, two respectable individuals re siding at Roscommon, had been on an island in the river Shannon fowling, and on their return, within two miles of Roscommon, had each double-barrelled guns. Two men in their shirts, with breeches only appeared before them, and said, " Stand and de liver." The assailants and the assailed presented mutually, but did not fire. The assailants asked the assailed, were they looking for the policeman who had wounded one of the peasantry the previous 25tli ult. ? After some altercation the parties sepa rated, and no further injury followed. A boy, whom the assailed had met on the road, said one of the white-shirt men was named Brenan. He was ar rested in the darkness of the night, and some doubts then were shown by the Morows as to his identity until the following morning, when they identified him from amongst three men. For the defence, a man named Brenan had been in the house with Gibbons for an hour, and the assailed, Morows, were passing the door, when the dog barked, which brought them out, and it was only then they learned of the attack, the prisoner being in his own house at the time. Bridget Conry deposed having been in the house and getting a drink of milk, and that the prisoner was there during the attack. Duffery, a man aged 77 years, was also in the house; the prisoner was not outside the door. One or two of the Counsel for the Crown here indulged in some gesticulation, which excited great warmth on the part of Mr. BLAKENY. He protested against this unfair mode: he saw a system of en trapping witnesses going on. His client's witnesses might, perhaps, be ridiculed as wearing frieze coats; but he challenged the Crown to impeach them. He had witnesses of respectability to sustain their character. He deprecated a " laughing practice." The ATTORNEY-GENERAL rose--When Mr. Blakeny said he had no imputation against the At torney-General, from him he expected fair play. Mr. Kelly, a gentleman of rank in the neighbour hood, gave the prisoner an excellent character. He believed good and bad characters were implicated in the disturbances. The JUDGE charged the Jury.—Guilty. The O'Connor Don has addressed the county, and has claimed the indulgence of not personally canvassing, owing to the late event of his father's death. Captain Lloyd has also addressed the county : he has Lord Lorton's interest. DUBLIN, SUNDAY.—I have just seen a gentleman who arrived this day from Newtownbarry, in the county of Wexford. lie states that yesterday several inhabitants of that town were distrained for arrears of rent ; that they resisted the bailiffs, and succeeded in res cuing a great part of the goods seized : that the police came to the assistance of the Sheriff's officers, and were also obliged to retreat ; that in the mean time the Newtown barry Yeomanry turned out and reinforced the law autho rities, and came to a regular pitched battle with the people, whose numbers amounted to about two thousand ; and that after two or three hours' hard fighting, the battle ended, leaving twenty.three of the people, and six of the yeomen, killed, and upwards of 120 of the unfortunate peasantry. desperately wounded. My informant states that be saw them lying in heaps about the town ; and that the scene strongly recalled to his memory the melancholy period of 1798. Newtownbarry principally belongs to Lord FARN HAM (formerly Colonel BARRY.) We know bow nobly the freeholders of the county acted on the late contest. They threw overboard the influence of landlords, the threats of agents, and nobly acted for themselves. The causes assigned for yesterday's seizures are so preposterous, that I cannot credit them until I learn further intelligence on the subject. —Morning Herald Private Correspondence. THE CHOLERA MORBUS.—More favour able accounts arrived yesterday, respecting the progress of the cholera morbus in Riga. The following is an extract of a letter from thence, dated Riga, June 6 :—" The epi demico envnse gdl rf h tse e odu r s e ftai airi the first teofiosgnr. est ott t h h ise e nar y. w :k a te n iop e ani t o aeci n neo al ) two i,f o s au i s d ree e dr s x , opt t a eros n esre d es wi( t a h leine e i sdk weeks it e thi di cal ainl l is m o co that the cholera is likely to be the scourge of the whole of Europe, this or next season, and that no country, not even excepting Great Britain, will escape. It may be therefore well to be on your guard ; live temperately, avoiding all sorts of fruits, vegetables, salted meat, and fish, and every thing which is acid. Should the disease leach you, the effectual antidote against the symptoms is a wine-glass full of good brandy mixed with forty drops of laudanum, which every one ought to have about him, ready to swallow on the first twinge of the stomach : nearly every one here now carries these things about him, both as a preventive and a specific." BEN HYAM THE TURK.—BEN HYAM the Turk, who was committed from Queen -square Police office to Kingston jail, for not being able to find sureties A o l f a s h t r a a l f t - e s s o , v a e f i t e e i r g has, tapr i o t s e se c e u ni te s, a f h e e n e r n a 1 e se u n i t ai fo r o r bb b e y d hi the m week's imprisonment, and liberated after entering into his own recognizances, in the usual manner, to app ear at t h e Surrey bunch Sessions fer te a authenticity prosecute. et,ti e tty of the lt statement, th at llvAat is said, but w e cannot was liberated by the directions of the Secretary of State. A GREAT MORAL LESSON.—To-day (Sa turday) the Duke of WELLINGTON, according to annual custom, presents to the KING a tri•coloured French flag, as the trophy of hi career and the symbol of what vva , " put down "at the battle of Waterloo. On the same day, and on all other days France presents a thousand tri coloured flags t.) all the world,,_ Toiler, CHOLERA SIORBITS. On Tuesday night a Supplement to - the Londoitl Gazette mai published, containing the following dofi &ilments : " BY THE KING.-A PROCLAMATION. " WILLIAM, R. " Whereas alarming accounts have been received that in dignant and infectious disease has spread aad extended! itself to parts of the coasts of the Baltic, and to other: places; and whereas we feel it to he incumbent upon us CO employ such means as, under the protection and favour of Divine Providence, may be best calculated to guard our loving subjects against the visitation of so dreadful a cala mity, we have thought fit, by and with the advice of our Privy Council, to issue this our Royal Proclamation ; and we do herein, by and with the advice of our said Council, most strictly enjoin and command all our loving subjects, and more especially those residing at any of the sea-port towns, or in any other places on the coasts of this king dom, whether they may themselves be liable to quarantine or otherwise, as tl ey tender the preservation of their own lives, and the safety and welfare of all the inhabitants of this kingdom, most scrupulously to observe all the laws of quarantine which now are or may hereafter be in force, and all orders made by us with the advice of our Privy Council, or by our Privy Council under the authority thereof, and particularly most carefully to avoid any corn- munication with any ship or vessel, or with any person or persons coming therein from the Baltic, or from any place to which by our Royal Proclamation, by and with the ad vice of our Privy Council, or by our Orders in Council, the laws of quarantine are or may hereafter be extended, or with any boat or person therein coming from or having been on board any ship, until such ship, vessel, or boat, with the crews and persons on board, and the goods, wares, and merchandise imported therein, shall have performed their quarantine in such places and manner as ate or shall hereafter be directed in that behalf, and until they respec tively shall have been duly discharged therefrom; and we do further strictly exhort, enjoin, and command all magis trates and persons in authority, and all our other loving subjects, without loss of time, to give information to us, through our Principal Secretary of State for the Home Department, or to our Privy Council, of any person that they may know or believe to have offended against any of the said laws or orders; and we do hereby warn all per , sons whom it may concern, that we have given the strictest order for enforcing with the utmost rigour the most punctual observance of the laws of quarantine, and all the orders, rules, and regulations relating thereto, it being our firm determination, upon serious conside ration of the great extent of misery and calamity which a single instance of improvidently neglecting any of these regula tions may bring upon our loving subjects, to cause the severest penalties which the law has provided or may pro vide to be inflicted upon all those who may be guilty of any offence against the same : and whereas it is also necessary to take the utmost precaution to prevent the spreading of in fection, iu case the said malignant disease (which God in his mercy may avert) should unhappily manifest itself in any part of our United Kingdom, notwithstanding the precau tions taken to guard, against th e i n t ro d uct i on t h ereo f ; we have thought fit, by and with the advice of our said Council, to take measures for the establishment of a Board of Health, to consist of men able, learned, eminent, and • experienced in the study and practice of medicine, together with persons most capable, from the knowledge of the ports of our Kingdom, to afford assistance in the forming of re gulations respectively applicable to the local circumstances of the said ports, such Board to be authorised and directed to prepare and digest the best rules and regulations for the speedy and effectual adoption of the most approved method of guarding against the introduction and spreading of in fection, and for purifying any ship, or house, or any place, in which any contagious disorder may have manifested itself, and to communicate the same to all magistrates, medical persons, and others of our loving subjects who may be desirous and may apply to be made acquainted there with : and we most strictly enjoin and command all ma gistrates and persons in authority, all medical persons, and others, our loving subjects, especially those within the ma ritime counties, to give immediate notice to us, through our Principal Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment, or our Privy Council, in case any person or persons should be attacked with any disease attended with new and uncommon symptoms, such as to afford ground for apprehension that such disease is of the same nature as the disorder called Cholera Morbus, prevailing in several parts of Russia, and elsewhere, in order that the most imme diate and effectual measures may be taken, as well for affording due and necessary assistance and relief to those afflicted with the sante, as for preventing the contagion from spreading amongst our loving subjects. " Given at our Court of St. James's the twentieth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and thirty one, and in first year of our reign. " GOD save the KING." " COUNCIL-OFFICE, WHITEHALL, JUNE 21. " His Majesty has been pleased to establish a Board of Health, to prepare and digest rules and regulations for the most speedy and effectual mode of guarding against the in troduction and spreading of infection, and for purifying any ship or house in case any contagious disorder should unhappily manifest itself in any part of the United King dom, notwithstanding the precautions taken to guard a;ainst the introduction thereof, and to communicate the same to all Magistrates, medical persons, and others, his Majesty's subjects, who may be desirous and may apply to be made acquainted therewith. " The said Board hold their meeting at the Royal Col lege of Physicians, and is composed of the following per sons, : " Sir Henry llalford, President of the Royal College of Physicians, President. " Dr. Holland, Dr. Maton, Dr. Turner, Dr. Warren, Dr. Macmichael, Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians. " Sir T. Byam Martin, Comptroller of his Majesty's Navy. " Hon. Edward Stewart, Deputy Chairman of Board of Customs. " Sir James M'Gregor, Director-General of Army Hospitals. " Sir Win. Burnet, Commissioner of Victualling Office. " Sir William Pym, Superintendant-General of Qua rantine. " Dr. Seymour, Fellow of the Royal College of Physi cians, to be Secretary to the said Board." ON PLANTING.—The Society for the Dif fusio❑ of Useful Knowledge, having completed the publi cation of that excellent work on the Horse in the Farmers' Series, Lunounce a first number " on Planting Forest Trees." DUBLIN, JUNE 20.—Saturday being the Anniversary of the Battle of Waterloo, there was a review and mock fight in the Park. The troops were reviewed by his Excellency the Marquis of ANGLESEA, who came on the ground at ten minutes past three o'clock. Imme diately upon his arrival the different Regiments formed in line of battle, viz., the 70th Regiment formed the main body. They were flanked by two detachments of Lan cers and some Light Artillery. The Highlanders took possession of a wood, but after a few volies retreated upon the main body, keeping up a hot fire all the time. Their retreat was covered by a party of Lancers, who charged in fine style. The main body then fired five or six dis charges, and likewise fell back, the retreat being covered by a tremendous fire from the flanking artillery and some of the Bth Hussars. The artillery, in a few minutes, wheeled round and again flanked the 70th. The Rifles advanced, and, supported by the L inters, kept skirmishing, while the Highlanders were falling in with the 70th.— The Rifles then fell back, and cavalry and infantry, flank and line, commenced a thundering fire that almost deafened us. After keeping it up for about ten minutes, the dif ferent regiments left the ground with the band playing and colours flying in all the pomp and circumstance of glorious war. We heard of no accident.—Freentan's Journal. RTHS. On the 22d in s t. i n St. Jamß I es's-place, the wife of Archdeacon of a daughter. On the 21st inst. in Southampton-row, Mrs. Frederick Skey, of a son. On the 18th inst. in Caroline-place, Mrs. Edw. Addison, of a daughter. MARRIED. toVi'Saizr,a Henrietta, widow On the 21st instant, at Mangotsheld Church, Gloucestershire, by the Rev. Robert Brodie, John Fryer, eldestl Thomas a o s f William erton Hall, in the same Fryer, Esq., of Wimborne, Dorset, to Mary, eldest daughter of Christopher Harding, Esq., of Milyerton-lcalge, Somersetshire. On the 16th inst. at Coniscliffe, in the county of Durham, by ( h ii i s ; n fa ioc t fli h at e hr r thesoc Wrightson,k ße t v x . c J h a a m iE, ; se siF ( o )f p ci London,, d county. DIED. E J. li ß za a , co w t : fe Es o ci t . s o f. Jones,Por Esq., of Greek-street,. - n the 12th Dr. Meiklejohn, Professor of Church History in the University of Edinburgh, and Pastor of A bercorn. gao o i ii trt t el h ,te e t,l l 9 9 Gt t h h roi i si ls 4 : .n . ao ll gr. a esd r sog ric am t r, t e , i.r t i h e e hi sk i ' d if ix. e .d of , Be 011nasis the 17th inst. at Cari s b rooke, Charlotte, daughter of Edw. E On th ' e 18th inst. at Devizes, E F. Bourke, Esq., late of Penn House, Amersham, aged 38. On the 18th inst at 'rwickenham, aged 76, Mrs. Eardley Wil mot, widow of the l a t e J. E. Wilmot, Esq., of Bruce Castle, Tottenham. On the 19th inst. Lucy, wife of Mr. E. H. Medlicott. On the 18th inst. at Clifton, P. Elliott, Esq. On the 17th inst. .1. W. Dixon, Esq., of the Terrace, Wal worth, only son of S. Dixon, Esq. On the Itith inst. in. Norton-street, Wm. Harris, Esq. in the 72d year of his age. 'ANTFI) AND PußLislin, uv MURDO YOUNG, AT TUB 117 > , OFFICK, 11; 61RANR, LONPPifr / / Tw•o Family place, a hi Residence, MIL SE NESDAY, Ju is Tbrte Lot Shoubridge, terrace, Reg( bridge, Esq., highest respe May be had. Vontains suit' i - l l tranee-hall tory and bill' and seconttar marble cilium and ale cella four -stall at, for a term of 011 tl No. N, in i tWeire accom 'ends a suite doors, with 1 anti ttatuary L 'r'om, bark sleepin g a,p u dotnestie, C)r 90 years, will expire Esq. at 315 A LEA Kensington, 1 051. per an Descripti fourteen dad Shoubtid square ; an 1 !" . Y, near t be obtained. Valuable Fr situated i county ; Pleasure rural Bui Arable, vigorous and Und varieties. VI II. to the ensuing a desirable and tithe•ft ettuated in eating and mile by a fi road, to t Where four the mat ke market-40 v% and 32 onl It comp veniently a famil y, an d the delight: country. ooach-hou s Allinsion is park-like g a small she extension a Planted wi plants ant plantations their shad) Lance. 'lt I 've, and Estate inc Pasture, genial to t men's cots placed. To be of SHOE "'any bun rents arisi The Ni for gentle' Nports. growth, a water, wl rea r i ng a , by foxhou Lot 2. hous e , ar capital p, village of at the 101 l The "El are now i of Messrs, at the ne Simp The Cro. Acre•, Privili Living eultur, of the MR at the I L to (ur Private CROW] and 'rid justly ce: Conta Of the ri in Linci good far the occu pally un ducing e upwards TWE Lot I BUILD into Bev per am house and belt Lot 1 log toga building annum. Lot : taing tc cultural per ann Lot Land, c tages, t altoget} Lot; tending of land the Ili! and qu fines to Lot the Ll' House least 11, the pu year. Lot tle oec an ext( varioth be had 67 , 4