The Sun. — London, England, 1834-04-30 00:00:00

,;1 That the amendment proposed by his right hon. friend ' stated that Parliament had done every thing they could for itstated no resltaatidvote .It it stated that he would not for it ;b it such thing. It stated that the Parliament had 1)/id great attention to the affairs of Ireland. And who could d eny that it had done so ? The exemplary pat i ence with which, he was happy to say, the house had listened to 1 the present discussion, was a proof of that attent i on. He repeated th a t h e wou ld no t vo te for the amendment, if it de c l ared that every thing had b een d one f or I re l an d that it was possible to do ; but the amendment said no thatsuchi_ u thing, and no one who supported it was pledged by PP ' o ' rt to any approbation of the whole conduct of the Parliament towards Ireland. Ali. LALOR rose ;midst loud cries of " Question, ques tion ! Reply, reply ! O'Connell, O'Connell !" and the nois e was such throughout the hon. member's speech, that h~y few wor d s reac h e d th e ga ll ery . W e un derstood the A • gentleman to contend that there was scarcely a sha uow of trade cr commerce in Ireland ; that the inferences that t h e right hon. the Secretary of the Treasury had dra wn from his statement of exports and imports was en tirely fallacious ; and that Ireland before the union was in 4 condition of comparative affluence and prosperity. lir . E. RUTHVEN next addressed the house, but was ~, r eceived w i th tremendous shouts an d express ions of impa tlitee, so that his observations were not more audible than tct °se of th e h on. mem b er w h o p re ceded him. He con ended that those who asserted that Ireland was happy i ; : r d prosperous, and that her commerce and agrieul- 2re were flourishing, were wholly in error. He knew glet that was not the case from his own actual obser e'atitn, and from his own actual sense. (A laugh.) He ~IrnA Plained th a t th ose w ho had opposed the motion had not 4 . -tu the house o f the luxuries which -the English people 1- " e enjoying, while the poor Irishman was living on nothing jil t Potatoes and sour milk. The wages of the Irish work 'nen in every department of labour had been reduced to a mere pittance. He denied that the linen manufacture had im o • Proved in the north of Ireland. The turn of the spin ning - wheel was heard no more ; and his countrywomen th ere idle. (A laugh.) The poor were without relief, and a _ e le were no resident gentry to afford it. (The coughing ev uu other noises were so great, that we are unable to give s e r e v u e s t t n i h o f f e n sm; ost meagre outline of the hon. gentleman's ob- i still ) He was prepared to prove that Ireland was nrc ---er tng under the same corrupt system by which the 1 L ion had been carried. After quoting the opinions which h ; or d Plunket had expressed of the union in the Irish par . o 'r ee e s nt, the hon. member proceeded to read a list of the th • and places which that noble lord had obtained under a : u nion. It had been contended that if Ireland possessed ,l , arate legislature, that legislature would not be inde ruent. That he denied. If Ireland possessed a separate heegislature, he had vanity enoug . h to suppose that he should an independent member of it. (A laugh.) 1 Alr. WALKER rose amidst loud cries of "Mr. O'Con nell" and " Divide." The hon. gentleman said, that the „„ -e ason why he should suppo grt theoriginal motion was, be- I "'use he had seen Irelandgetting o wohe and worse every Year, because, after thirty-four years ,of connection :with Irel and, he could not find a period which could be called °he of good government, because her people were still without employment, and because the evils resulting from absenteeism which had been great before, had, since this union, been so aggravated, as to become absolutely into lerable. ( Question, question.) He thought that repeal would greatly enhance the prosperity of this country, as well as that of Ireland. - It was, however, in the power °t his M a j esty ' s Government, and of them alone, to super e`,to the necess i ty f or th i s step, and perhaps to d o away even with th e d es i re f or i t, b y a d m i n i ster i ng j us ti ce w ith t i e v t Lhands, and giving them good laws. (Hear, and Q fer4ine• Q,, ) . Englishmen and Irishmen ought to be on a per ', o i ghc :lay. There would be an opportunity in a few pri o : i 1 showing whether ministers meant to act on this so me r'whether Irishmen were to have good and whole ' Th e , or, at all events, equal laws with Englishmen. house E nglish and the Irish tithe bills were then before the of hi s ' a n(.l would furnish a good test of the real intentions Mr i llajesty's ministers. ( Hear. ) the 1 : B fl A'W rose, but there was so much confusion in ,' h oil. "guse that we could gather very little of what the evid ent an d karned gentleman said. To him it was a self prese Proposition, that the dissolution of the union at tilate r existing between England and Ireland must ulti --,..th_Y end in a dissolution of all connexion between them . 1.. ,_ at there could not be such a thing as an united king there was there was an united Parliament. It had been si l f f 2 , clearly an d unanswerably, that Ireland had not l and in one single instance by her connexion with Eng ' kna 4, Great uproar, and loud calls for Mr. O'Connell, gilt ti , ,i,vide, divide !") He should not have offered him ilea i the house, exhausted as it was, but that he had sabl e ,an, he prevailed in some quarters that upon this W aver( he had changed his opinion, or, at all events, was he A - . l : ln g in them. He was aware of how little importance individu a lly (Loud cheers), but at the same time vit t i ld not like Isis sentiments to be misunderstood on so of 1 rh e a question as that before the house. A dissolution in ~, union would end in a dismemberment of the empire, l og s hOl l that weak which was before strong—in the utter ti t i t ° ' Ireland to England, and in the entire ruin of that th ' a t a l T Y country itself. (Great uproar.) He must say ai en iere were great faults to be found with the govern even for they did n ot bear the scales of justice with an by fa r and, but at one time relaxed the power of the laws s !v rA ir r i r t t N o , 7 much, and. and. at another stretched them to undue 1 T -es of " Question !" " Divide !" and ' • CO ' ' • so w ' ROC AE . „ , - , IIE addressed the house, at least we sup table, i s : ,' tne hon. gentleman stood some time at the so t h we could not hear one word which fell from him, great was the confusion. Wer e % J AMES next rose, but the calls for Mr. O'Connell ge nt . h :° loud and persevering that the hon. and learned I Iv olip - ulan advanced to the table. Mr. James, however, 1 1 _ e not gi ve way, and we at length heard him say that t 6 ) :"°oght it rather hard that some hon. gentlemen were p 4 th "e allowed to address the house for six hours, whilst , ers sore not permitted to do it for six minutes. (Hear, Z t iti laughter.) He had listened very attentively to part b a , t he speeches which had been delivered during the de ' t,, - ' , and those which he had not heard he had taken the ell hle to read (Loud laughter) ; and he must Treasury, that no tior that speech of the talented Secretary of the n or e ctla t of the hon. gentleman the member for Belfast, hel„,:r i the brilliant oration of the right hon. baronet eessit y 0 7. , (sir R. Peel), had convinced him of the ne not cou,j;' fli tiouing the union. (Loud cheers.) He was (Ro ars of e(1, because he had been previously convinced 'iot my I,,aughter) because he was previously convinced, te rnent il ot.the necessity of continuing the union, but of ~itaertirnediluilmigsetnitb. more closely than ever by the speech of the er for Dublin himself. (Great cheering from heard a eriai, echoed by the repealers.) He never I I !? fact, counsel advocate a bad cause in a worse manner ; t ,Itie ed h n i _s speech of four hours had more than ever con- 1 .441 Ir e i in (Mr. James) that the union between England If and was wise, . la tic i l l • • C. o, ow -e, Just, politic, and expedient. lion cries of ~ YER supported the original motion, amid ato ; wad l e Question.' It was true, he said, that his c 4 , (II arned friend the member for Dublin was an agi hn„ear, h„ ear ,*) Yes, it was true that he was an agitator. l i `'• and sf• ) He repeated again that it was true that his ta Zr. ) y earned friend was an agitator. (Hear, hear, I ( fi t (I mlrt e s , it was true that his hon. friend was an agi ' t ar I I e nse shouts of " Hear"), and it was equally true ' ne inhe , •' r e ar, and Oh, oh) that the hon. and learned . that h th 1 - fa tf; °n• a ,, d ,e University of Dublin was another agitator, wb:"'T l whi c h `earned gentleman was the leader of another ivh4h woal,f, 4 rayed itself against this Government, and ,i on should arra y itself against every other government ,ha, question t are to grapple with ascendancy. (Ques t„e!hpion of ti . e ) That hon. and learned gentleman . was no , eh facy of Ireland.l:) ace, no representative of the chivalric aris o a very humble . (Qnestion, question.) He was . him ',t wi,, . ave i e n rswie v a id sc ul n , and did not complain per l'u'lrallY of the mble di n which ehe tee h d a : c 2 l oy been utihde ho cast upon the ‘% u t , t e l !hia. in n w ( h lie ch ar h ), but this say,n anthdatleatrhneerde N I In that party men of as large fortune 1,1;i,,0f a. long a line of ancestry (oh, o'hts good family, roamndhhciierimaels.seill,ofg.f liest , on") as the hon. and learned gentleman th: Impatience of the house prevented us r i ernainder of these observations. 1.4 p,°'CONNELL again rose to reply amid the gene- Af t t of the house, but `:!, '.\4l ( PREILLY insisted on his right to be heard, and ' e gig O'Con ne ll resum i ng his seat, said he had intend e d f la erta .w silent vo t e upon thi s question, as he had never f Pre in 'd a doubt as to the justice, necessity, and poli c y I h f a ly Z i ' v irig the union between England and Ireland, and a l) ten ,Dived from that intention, it was because pains Il e jnisre,,, t n in his absence to misconstrue his motives, a sh ould '''sent his Views upon the subject. (Hear. ) el d p l earrie - 4 tre nuously oppose the proposition of the hon. ti, r essi no . t _ernber for Dublin, and should concludesbay. t nu' t , a 110 , , . I kt I°ll between u for the long con.tinuance of the legi i It ` r • 0 , ,. the two countries. (Question.) whippear ed s ' # ' I ,NELL then addressed the house in reply.. sh o e ,w th e ',s' nirn that there were now two propositions in topi 4 j co - o arh:e . wa s agreed. The first was, compass the t oil :is Whij:Ts into the smallest possible _ that he 1 14'4' tha t ' tir, 1'24 to urge in reply (Hear); and the se I % :il•:''' h ar ,Is debate was and must be eminently useful. Pe ~ 3 in i t s 7/ It could not but be eminently useful, and N er , i ''' afr a i ri er .Y nature calculated to be more useful than Na" 's4i ~ ..4 . 1 t would prove. Let him—for this was a Dre sti l 'w i;' - ,' - `,.-let hm, without the slightest affectation, Mr e'm ha-fi'hieVy's2 Ministers, if they agreed, as he ti nt , at "'°11:1: did io-ree 'w . th the riht hon. member t a nce of -, t hey s to •°- - '• i - Englandof the . 0 rofk e , th e 1 . the importance to ; hat uni ' . : how egislative union between the two countries, ',earn ed ' l 4 vorntiwerful the demand for the dissolution of :3' n „ r tlttinb, i , ,„e, were it made, not, as the hon. and 1 ttir e pa t ~ of ~,"4. the University of Dublin had said, 1 4 1 :':4 e t a b il d lindi,i, t 't population of Ireland, but by its I ' 4 th at li "ed le. ( Hear, hear. )He was well t Ple , A . at the alias weakening h . , , li , -, i rca e ent., is own argument when he i 'ghis' e land • 1 , -I ld was made by a part only of the peo ' aft er liig th , init he (I'dnot 'wish to succeed by at all I ._ . e ii , t he ,„ 1 1 ' i / 1 1 , ,..t the,,t1.11,(11.; indeed, that would be impossible, If rt'4, it ' rsai i', en . L.t heard recently within those walls. If " iv. ' 'vas it ad of Ireland did not concur with him at 3 41 1, Lt, itI t c itir,.? '' 0 , 1 , ,, t possible that they might hereafter con ti l4 eti, fo °tad ti , t ` ue .-,anie cif playing us course against 4t the r this disccontinue long—another must be Y ha t t A ussiou must have shown the government not the hearts of the majority Of tilg ntll/1" rival population of Ireland. For proof that in the north of Ireland the disposition to repeal w as increasing, he need only appeal to the cazi , l:.l - .91 , 1 d:SeaSS:ollate speech of the hon. baronet who ;sa- , for I.cndonclerry. That showed how little th-- pool 1 , .; itna,gincti 1 government to have done for them, :aid if the disposition to which he had alluded had not spread further through the country, it was owing to the by-gone contentions of Ireland, which pre vented its different parties from coalescing and amalgama ting together. The government then had only this course to pursue. Ile did not want them to countenance one party more than another, but he had hoped that in the course of this discussion, they would have opened some of their views for the amelioration and relief of Ireland; that they would have developed some project of relief for the admitted misery of his country ; that they would have held forth some legitimate hope to be fulfilled at no re mote period; that they would have indulged the press ing expectation of the people, that they would buy up from agitation, if you please—for he cared not how they stigmatised him—from discontent, if you like it better, that on which it feeds and battens, the neglect of Ireland and the total want of measures to amend and improve its condition. (Hear, hear, from the repealers.) He had pro mised to condense his matter in reply, and he would there fore dwell no longer upon this topic. This discussion had proved, both by the silence of the government as to pro mised amelioration, and by their futile attempts to show the good which they had already effected, the weakness of the administration and the hopelessness of their doing any thing effectual for the benefit of Ireland. A great deal of the debate had been taken up in personal attacks upon him self. He appealed to the house whether, in bringing for ward this question, he had either said or done anything to provoke such attacks. It would be in the recollection of the house that in his speech of the unfortunate length of five hours he had not used one word of a personal nature. Yet he had been assailed ; and the worst of that was that it compelled him, reluctant as he was at all times to speak of himself, to say a few words in his own vindication. The first individual who assailed him was the hon. member for Belfast. Now, was there ever anything so indiscreet done by any government as wag done by this government in selecting that hon. member as the seconder of their amendment ? (Hear, hear, hear.) If he had desired to lessen the authority due to the propositions of go vernment, if he had desired not to give to their argu ments the full weight which reasoning deserved, he would have suggested to the hon. Secretary of the Treasury to take as his friend a fiery furious Jiartisan, to pronounce invectives against the religion of the tnajority of Irishmen, and to taunt their representatives, men at least as good as himself, with being mere political adventurers. Was the Government aware that the hon. member had, in a vio lently conservative speech, denounced the corporation com mission as an inquisition, and had assailed one of the com missioners with as little candour as veracity ? There was no man who had promulgated such republican principles as the hon. member, on the Reform Bill, on a pampered pre lacy, and on the dangers of an hereditary insolent aristo cracy ; and yet this was the man who was selected by the Government to be the seconder of their amendment—this was the man who was welcomed with enthusiastic cheers in assailing him. - He would not retaliate ; but he could jiist imagine —nay, he could well conceive frantic republi canism dwindling into mean, obsequious, and subservient dandyism. (Hear, hear, from the repealers .) He could conceive it foolish and frantic in the first instance, servile, sycophantic, and frivolous in the second, and calumnious and contemptible in both. ( Cheers from the same quar ter.) He could, he repeated, conceive such things ; and what was more, he could conceive that this person, who was to second the proposition of Government, and to expound all the good which they had conferred upon Ireland, should be the opponent of the commission for corporate inquiry. But he had been assailed in more than one quarter, and he would endeavour to get rid of his assailants as fast as he could. It had been said, that he had stated that there should be a bounty of 25 per cent. as a protection for Irish manufactures. He did not know that such senti ments had ever been attributed to him. The hon. mem ber must have met them somewhere where he was not. He was not aware that he had ever entertained them. If he had it must have been many years ago, for he was cer tain that he had preached sound doctrines upon that sub ject for the last two or three years. He had said that there might be an unnatural state of society, in which, from the operation of unnatural causes, a small protecting duty might be necessary ; but he had also said that it was a problem difficult of solution to find it so small as not to entice capital into that particular branch of manufacture to the injury of others. The hon. Secretary for the Trea sury had supposed him to say, and undoubtedly he did say, that it was necessary for the prosperity of Ireland that those who were proprietors of land in Ireland should not be proprietors of land elsewhere. (" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches .) He would not seek to btain a vote except upon conviction ; and he was convinced that they would never get rid of the evils of Ireland so long as the proprietor of an estate in Ireland was allowed to be the proprietor of an estate elsewhere. That might be an unpa latable doctrine in that house, butit was his conviction, and he would not shrink from expressing it. He was not fa vourable to the imposition of a tax upon absentees. That doctrine he had exploded. The Irish parliament had tried it for two centuries and a half, and had never been able to render it effectual. There was only one topic more of a personal kind on which he had any wish to offer a remark. An lion. member had been very facetious upon a speech which he (Mr. O'Connell) was supposed to have made at Kildare. Now, he denied ever having made such a speech ; that which he had said was not re ported ; indeed there was 'no reporter there. After stating what he did not say, it was scarcely worth while to state what he actually did say, but it was this, " that five or six persons should go up some fine morning to their represen tatives, to use an Irish phrase, with short sticks, and should return the same night." Another most serious charge had been imputed to him in friendship. It was said that his acts tended to separation, and from that an inference had been drawn as to his disposition. Now, he did not object to any man's canvassing his acts and show ing their tendency to promote a separation between the two countries. On the contrary, he courted and invited inquiry, for if it could be proved to him that such was the tendency of his acts, he would alter his conduct altogether. But if any man charged the disposition directly upon him as a fact, then he would say that it was a disposition of a traitorous tendency (Hear, hear), and he would designate it in the most unqualified terms as a falsehood. (Hear.) He had now done with his preliminary observations, and would proceed to the question as it had been debated. He made no apology—for he did not think it necessary—for having introduced into his opening speech a long discussion upon the right of the Irish nation to an independent legis lature in 1782. In another place, and under another admi nistration, a minister of the crown had spoken of Ireland as a portion of the British dominions by the right of conquest. Ile thought that that topic might be pressed into the debate!' He had therefore anticipated it, and, as it ap peared, had anticipated it successfully. No claim had on this occasion been erected upon that point, and the pro priety of continuing the union had been argued upon the merits of the Act of Union itself. Ay the Act of Union, therefore, the argument must stand or fall, and the house was therefore disembarrassed of several other points. He had then insisted upon the incompetence of the Irish par liament to create a new legislature, and he was convinced that he was right in that part of his argument, by the vain attempts which had been made by two able persons to prove that he was wrong,—he meant the hon. and learned members for Kirkcudbright and Monaghan. They had quoted the authority of Locke, and had referred to what had occurred at the revolution. They had shown that the Convention Parliament had done—what? As sumed the power of appointing a King ? No. Altered the form of the Legislature ? No ;—but that it had declared that the throne was vacant, and that the natural heir must succeed. The daughter of the reigning Monarch, in con sequence, succeeded, for the abdication of the King was complete. That case, therefore, could not be in compe tition with that on which he had taken his stand. The hon. and learned member for Kirkcudbright had im peached his authority in calling Mr. Burke and Mr. Saurin partisans, while the hon. and learned member for Monaghan had given the house what he conceived to be a special demurrer, and had insisted that the house was estopped by it. He only mentioned this to show the futility g o i f iteilin t a h l e ate. arguments which had been used by the able men who had met him upon the subject. Their arguments and applause,: his ro,n would the be . weighed by the shrewd and intelligent people of triumph m thx . ; hadbut the le t b n e o s t t r4 o i f in i i t :t t e h rs ey ex w p o e u et ld to h o a b v ta e i a n le rt made on their however, however great it might be, or fromthe authorize the p e s E ie r i:on t Ar it k e ed, which followed the speeches nation to the British Tarl ' i q question. There was nothing to f Ireland to dispose of the Irish any thing to authorize the British any more than there was parliament to dispose of the British nation to any oth l e t r is o h ntlie le t ::i f the globe. detain (Hear, hear, from the repealers.) the house long on the next topic—the means by not ch union was produced, for the corruption, the Iribe the horrible immorality then practised were too notorious, and and too generally admitted„ to require any comment. A; j to the fomenting of the rebellion, one of the means for bringing . about the union, upon that point he had been pe r _ fectly triumphant. " But why," said the right hon. baro net, " should Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereagh excite a re bellion in Ireland at a time when there was a mutiny at the j Nore ?" Did not that mutin y break out suddenly and un -1 expectedly, and, if so, what had its existence to do with the fnomightEnglish h ae Ministry did not foresee the o ! con jectured the outbreak of the rebellion. Could the union the rii utrienl7,lltihOn4h tThheey have been ever carried but for the rebellion committee an swer could be given to the report of the secret 7 . What of the Irish House of Commons, from which it appeared •• that a person holding the rank of colonel of the United Irishmen, had given to the Government monthly reports of their secret meetings from March, 1797 ? It was clear from this that Government were cognizant of the plot, and had it in their power to put it down. But the right hon. gentleman said " there were traitorous materials in Ire land ;" undoubtedly there were, otherwise there could pot have been a rebellion (Hear, hear) ; but those mate fials were not of a formidable nature. They existed to a certain extent in Leinster and Ulster, and pro alma twco skirmishes, in me cif which load O'Neill was killed, but the only really formidable occurrence took place in Wexford. These matters were encouraged, not re pressed, and the union was brought about by fomenting the rebellion till it exploded. He now came to those points which, by the consent of everybody, the house had mainly to discuss in deciding on the present question. It was said " it was no matter how the union was brought about,—the questions were how has it worked, and what would be the consequences of its repeal ?" The advocates of repeal stated that from 1782 to 1800 there was the strongest historical evidence of the prosperity of Ireland, and of the advantage of a domestic legislature. This had been con tested by the hon. Secretary of the Treasury, and his at- tempted contradiction was received with applause. What would be the effect of that applause when the debate reached Ireland ? What, but to convince the people of the entire ignorance of a British parliament with respect to the affairs of Ireland? The growing prosperity of Ireland between 1782 and 1800 was a fact too notorious to the in habitants of that country to be set aside by arguments or arithmetical calculations. Then came the question—what had been the state of Ireland since ? Had Ireland bene fited by the union? Those who said that she had, were bound to show that Ireland would not have arrived at her present state but for the union—that elements did not exist between 1782 and 1800 to carry her to her present condition, or even further. But he did not admit the prosperity of Ireland as represented by the hon. Se cretary. If there were not misery, distress, and destitution consequent upon the union, the Irish people would not press for its repeal. But if there did exist such misery, distress, and destitution, and their existence was notorious, of what importance were the hon. gentleman's columns of figures ? (Hear.) Talking of figures, the hon. member for Belfast dealt in arithmetical statements and returns which had no foundation in official or authentic documents—they originated in the fancy of a pamphlet-writer whom he should not even name. True, the hon. secretary had brought forward official returns,— documents for obtaining which he had peculiar facilities ,• but of what value were those documents, if destitution and poverty prevailed in Ireland ? (Hear.) The honourable member for Paisley had fleshed his maiden sword in an attack on the repealers, in which it was but fair to admit the hon. member had displayed equal talent and courtesy ; although unfortunately blaming personality in the outset, he had himself fallen into personality previous to the con clusion of his speech. He thanked the hon. member, however, for one admission : the hon. member said, " What signify calculations when opposed to appalling facts ?" A second Daniel come to judgment ! (Hear, and laughter.) Exactly so. What signified arithmetical calculations when opposed to facts ? and what facts had the house heard stated upon the subject? Did not the hon. member for Londonderry agree with the member for Cork, —in fact, did not every Irish member, with the exception of the member for Belfast, who deserved to stand, and did stand alone,—did not all talk of the poverty and distress which existed in Ireland? Was it not admitted, that in a country, for its size, the most fertile in the world ; in a country producing a superfluity of subsistence for its in habitants, human creatures were constantly perishing for want, and periodical famines formed part of the history of the land? Oh, little did the house know that, in part at least, agitation for repeal had been produced not by reli gious zeal or differences, but by actual want. This desti tution had been going on increasing in the capital, as well as throughout the country ; yet, to his infinite surprise, he had seen in the newspapers the hon. secretary's state ments of the prosperity of Dublin. (Hear and laughter, from the repealers.) The hon, `gentleman should not have insulted the starvation and misery of Dublin, by talk ing of its prosperity. (Hear, hear.) Such was the state of Ireland. Ought that to be its condition ? The union was to have produced incalculable benefits. Among other advantages, it was to give Ireland British laws—to take away insurrection acts and martial law. What was the fact ? Thirty-three years had elapsed since the union, dur ing twenty years of which period the Irish people had been depMved of the benefits of the law and the constitution. The union had given slavery to Ireland, and the last slavery was the worst--it still existed. Four baronies had beenlately proclaimed in the King's County under the Coercion Bill. Agitation (said the hon. gentleman) tended to produce poverty, and then he somewhat inconsistently quoted docu ments which proved the existence of great poverty and dis tress in 1779, before agitation was heard of. The hon. gentle man, whose speech was full of tables of exports and im ports, well knew how they were made up : he was aware that no oath being now required as to the cargo of vessels, the statements of what they contained were generally as fanciful as any thing in a romance—statements made to satisfy the revenue officers as soon as possible, and which had no relation to the actual cargo. But passing by this fact, which showed, however, that the hon. gentleman's tables were not to be relied on, the hon. gentleman admit ted that up to 1825, Parliament did nothing legislatively for Ireland. Notwithstanding this, however, the hon. gentleman talked a great deal of increasing prosperity, and spoke of the orient morning commencing in 1800, and in creasing in warmth and enlightenment till the present mo ment. How would the hon. gentleman's poetry appear— for such was his description—when it met the eyes of Irishmen in their darkness and misery, who would read it as an insult upon their distress? (Hear.) The gallant officer opposite frankly admitted the poverty of Ireland, and, as he had before said, the hon. gentleman stated that up to 1825, Parliament had done nothing for Ireland. Since then you had given us Catholic emancipation; but how ?—after twenty-nine years of an embittered struggle. The noble lord was totally misinformed about Irish history. The Irish Parliament passed four emancipatory laws down to 1793, the last of them being that which con ferred the elective franchise on Roman Catholics. If the Irish Parliament had continued to sit, complete emancipation would have been speedily effected, because persons would have been returned by the Roman Catholic voters who would have brought about that object. Indeed, the principal argument made use of to induce the Protestants to support the legislative union was, that the Irish Parliament would grant Catholic emancipation. The union gave us 29 years of agitation before we could obtain that boon. Did gentlemen think this was the first time he had been assailed as the promoter of agitation? For 25 years he had been constantly traduced by the writers of pamphlets, and six times a-week by the Dublin newspa pers. He had been an agitator then, he was one now. What was agitation ? In what did it consist ? In speak ing for a redress of grievances. You destroyed agitation when you redressed those grievances, in like manner as you put an end to agitation when you made tardy concessions to the Roman Catholics. He did not think that Parlia ment could now put an end to agitation. Their delay had created and .. continued differences and dissensions between the Protestants and Catholics of Ireland, of which the em pire had reaped the bitter fruits. You demurred us for 29 years ; and here, now, continued the hon. and learned gentleman, I arraign your legislative union, on the ground of its having been followed by 29 years of misery and dis sension. However, you yielded emancipation at length, when the universal Irish nation rose to break their chains, and those who had been lukewarm or apostates during the struggle followed our triumphant chariot-wheels into the centre of the British constitution.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") That crime and folly of unwise delay you had committed, and your tardy repentance was the only redeeming point of imperial legislation since 1825, up to which time, according to the hon. gentleman himself, nothing had been done for Ireland. The hon. member for Paisley said that the Scotch had received a miserable reform bill, but that the Irish was better. Now, look at the fact. The Scotch, with 2,000,000 of inhabitants and 45 representatives, got eight additional members ; while the Irish, with 8,000,000 of inhabitants and 100 represen tatives, got only an increase of five, one of whom was for the university. Which was better off, Ireland or Scot land ? Why did he speak of population ? Because it was according to that principle that representation was given in England. The Reform Bill was a proof of the injustice done to Ireland. If Scotland got eight additional members, we should have got twenty; and why did we not? Simply because we were Irish. You extended the elective fran chise in England. You left the 40s. freeholders untouched, and you gave four or five new franchises in England. In like manner you gave Scotland a new and effective fran chise ; you were bountiful to Scotland and England, but you had the presumption to insult Ireland by your in justice. (Oh, oh.) He did not speak of the present parliament ; it was the boroughmongers' parliament that gave Ireland her Reform Bill • but the present parliament had also been bountiful to Ireland in its way ; you gave us the Coercion Bill. (Hear, and laughter from the repealers. ) The hon. secretary talked of the prosperity of Ireland ; lie did not know whether the hon. gentleman had been lately in Limerick, but he would ask whether Limerick was prosperous? The hon. and learned gentleman had spoken of new streets and squares, and true it was there was a new square in Limerick, of which, however, the only tenant was a statue of the hon. gentleman. (Laughter.) Not a single house in Rice-square was occupied • the hon. gen tleman was its only inhabitant. (Reneweelaughter.) No doubt a man might make a handsome fortune by exhibiting the hon. gentleman's statue, the showman holding the hon. gentleman's speech in his hand and crying, " Walk in and see the wonderful West Briton in Rice-square." (Laugh ter.) On the second reading of the Reform Bill, there was a majority of Scotch and English members against the measure, but the majority of Irish members in favour was of extended sie t e e:ii p ux r rotle e ner p o ne. J. . n rated, and the bill was read a second time. The hon. member for Paisley forgot the bounty which l d m ed el.mi t sh o be S cro c: o tl or a r n am d teo in nrage tl f i h e rain ra : a a t : te ,oh r icice o h f omf b i u mg r h g at h nyb r e e t f h o pi r ni m T.eg wanted, but he kept snug in his pocket the m pared, but would not be produced ' till too late to carry it give n iidv t o en to,h taeven effect v countr y d on u u n r m i tnergy mention h o, elf sentiment,a thepi r r e as measure;bne n ud t t session. he said, The however,hon . meus hie sermo—this was not his (Mr. i t m h p at art o i f al ti adni ieh i o n n i ' s . tra m ti e o m n be o r f if we wished to reconcile Ireland to the union , we must justice. Non that 0' Connell's ) for Monaghan. Yet, notwithstanding this candid ad mission, that there was not one single consolatory word uttered in the course of a deb a t e o f s i x nights' duration, nor could the hon. member for Middlesex wrinc , from the house or the government any promise in favour of Ireland. That was the way to disarm him by doing justice to Ireland, not by pitiful and paltry newspaper pro secutions. (Hear.) But this was all that Ireland had gained by 34 years o union, lie appealed ti) all t h e worth and integrity and talent which surrounded him, and there was much : here was a gentleman high in the confidence of the Crown—high in the ranks of his pro fession, of stainless and unspotted integrity—an instrument chosen by the minister for the accomplishment of a great and important measure of reform ;—here was this indivi dual openly telling you that the union could not be fixed and consolidated because there existed a radical want of a fair, impartial, and equal administration of justice in Ire land. (Hear.) The poor and distressed Irish would hear of your figures of speech and arithmetic, of your great and brilliant speeches against repeal, and how you cheered and glorified them, how the hon. secretary and the right hon. baronet led the van, and how the gentlemen in the rear with the hon. member for Carlisle brought up the awkward squad ( A faint laugh from the repealers) they would hear of all this, and of the full and formidable phalanx which was congregated to-night, but would it satisfy Ireland, or put an end to agitation ?—far from it. The hon. and gallant officer, who understood political economy almost as well as he understood fighting, but did not love it half so well, had read part of a letter, in which he (Mr. O'Connell) proposed to take away from any new legislature in Ireland the power of making laws against the rights of conscience. Now, that was not an invention of his own—he could not claim the merit:of it, having only copied it from the United States. (So we understood the learned gentleman, who was occasionally indistinctly heard in the gallery in consequence of his dropping his voice at the close of a sentence. ) With respect to the present discussion, nothing could be better tempered. He did -not know whe ther he had succeeded.in effecting any change in the senti ments of the house towards him, but certainly the house had acted so as to alter his feelings towards it. (Hear. ) The manner of the discussion and the topics raised in the cou'ise of it could only do good. If the argument of his op ponents were sound and good, it would be duly weighed and appreciated by his fellow-countrymen, a shrewd and intelligent race ; bnt the extraordinary and overwhelming majority which might be arrayed against the motion would weigh quite the other way, and produce a feeling of irrita tion instead of carrying conviction along with it. He could have wished, therefore, that the hon. gentleman had not resorted to a call of the house on this occasion, but had contented himself with one of the ordinary majorities. The way to oppose a repeal of the union was not by im mense majorities, or by reviling the repealers and suggest ing improper motives as the grounds of their proceeding, but by fair argument. He had been unsparingly censured because, having given twenty-five years to the cause of his country, he was now paid by his countrymen for his ser vices. He gloried in that censure, and was prouder of that salary from his country than he could be of the greatest gift which the - highest monarch in the world could bestow. (Hear, from the repealers.) He would not, and did not, (.0 any act which he considered derogatory to him, and was not to be frightened or shamed by what might be said on the subject. (Hear.) The autocrat Nicholas, forsooth, would honour the man on whom he conferred his bounty, but the people of Ireland, he supposed, must be taken to degrade the man on whom they bestowed theirs. (" Hear, hear," from the Repealers.) Ministers would have a majority against him ; he called on them to follow up their triumphant majority by measures of justice and conciliation, especially now that they had it in their power to provide amply for every protestant clergyman in Ireland, whether he had duties to perform or not—to provide for all such individuals and their families, without having re course to the vicious system of tithes,—now, when they might go further and provide amply for the spiritual wants of the Protestants of Ireland, but without establishing a sinecure church,—now, when they were told that a fair, equal, and impartial administration of justice was wanting in Ireland. . Let not the Imperial Parliament, at this im portant juncture, stop him with imperfect reforms in the church and the law—do not offer a little paltry special jury bill, which might benefit the rich, but could not be of any advantage to the poor—a bill which only afforded justice to the man who could afford to give 12 guineas for its impar tial administration--do not this, but construct a system of fair and equal ju r y l aws , an d render it operative throughout the country ; purify the waters of justice, convert them from a stagnant and noisome pool into a living and salutary stream, dispersing happiness and security through every part of the land. Do this and more—follow up your this night's victory as you ought : if not, the misfortune will be ours--the crime be yours ! (Cheers from the Repealers.) The house then divided— For Mr. Rice's amendment.... 523 For Mr. O'Connell's motion 3B - Majority against the Repeal of 485 the Uni0n...... On our readmission to the gallery we found— Mr. II UME on his legs moving the amendment of which he had already given notice. The declaration contained in the amendment moved by the hon. gentleman was not sufficient. It would not give satisfaction to the people of Ireland. They were bound to do justice to Ireland, and they were bound to declare their determination to do so. He submitted that, in presenting an address to the crown expressive of their determination to preserve inviolate the legislative union, they should state explicitly the grounds on which they adopted such an address—they should state that the failure of the union as a measure of good, as far as Ireland was concerned, had hitherto arisen from the benefits of it not being properly and justly extended to that country, and they should pledge themselves to redress the grievances of which Ireland had at present so much reason to complain. It appeared to him absolutely necessary, and that was the great object of his amendment, that the house should pledge itself solemnly to redress without delay the many evils which now afflicted Ireland. He regarded the Irish Church Establishment as one of the greatest evils of Ireland—an evil so great, that until it was remedied, it would be vain to look for peace or happiness in that coun try. (Hear, hear.) They should pledge themselves to correct the abominations of that establishment. (Hear, hear," from the Irish members, and cries of " Oh, oh !" from other parts of the house.) That establishment, as it existed at present in Ireland, was an abomination. He thought that it would be rather bad on the part of a re formed Parliament to shut its eyes to such a fact. Con ceiving, therefore, as he did, that the expressions contained in the address moved by the hon. gentleman were inade quatecircumstances ofthecase,e iewouldlre the hon. , member instead e r t tfhe moved i t the, th following amendment.. e amendment which he had already read to the house. hon L . or g d en A tl L em T an HO , R he P m sai ad d e , t t h h a i s t a a m s f e a n r d a s m e h n e t u o n n der th s e t too d o t 1 0 - 1 n e of his hon. friend, because he conceived that the effect of the words contained in the address proposed by his hon. friend was to express a general approbation of the past conduct of former parliaments and of former governments with respect to Ireland. (Hear.) Now, he was ready to admit, that if the address proposed by his hon. friend did so express a general approbation of the conduct that had been formerly pursued towards Ireland, there were many members, a mongst whom he (Lord Althorp) would be in eluded, that could not vote for it. (Hear, hear.) But it did not express, it was not intended to express, any such opinion, and the plain sense of the words contained in the proposed address at once refuted such an idea. He (Lord Althorp) felt therefore perfectly prepared to vote for the address proposed by his hon. friend. That address stated, as the amendment proposed by the hon. member stated, that various beneficial measures had been passed for Ire land,—it also stated, as did the amendment proposed by the hon. member, that it would be the duty of the house to apply its attention to the removal of all just causes of complaint, a n im d pr t o o ve t m he en p t r . om l o t tio w n as of pla a i l n l w t - h el e l r - e c f o o n r s e i , clered re that the address proposed by his hon. friend anticipated the main points of the amendment proposed now by the hon. member, and those who would vote for the resolution moved by the hon. member, would not object to the ad dress proposed by his hon. friend. The only difference between them was, that the resolution moved by the hon. member contained more debateable matter, while it did not affirm a single principle that was not affirmed: in the address proposed by his hon. friend. (Cries of " Divide, divide.") Mr. F. O'CONNOR observed, that as the noble lord had admitted that there was so little difference between the address and the resolution, he could not see why the noble lord should not vote for the resolution. Mr. FINN said that he, for one, would certainly object to the amendment of the hon. member for Middlesex. He attributed the evils which Ireland had suffered since the union to the union itself. (Cries of " Divide.") Mr. AGLIONBY hoped that his hon. friend the mem beasereafmhoree 1: ( d l A i mi d r d l e. n e At s , e g x si oe w ni n o h u gy l t wouldhn a o t t p it r e h( s ie s i d f o o hn r oai obliged de diavffii s tr i om o , that t a s e ag in wah t i h inc a sh t t his wa s affirmed in the address moved by the hon. Secretary for the Treasury —namely, the necessity of the continuance of the legislative union between the two countries. If his hon. friend had proposed his resolution in the place of the two last clauses of the address moved by the hon. gentle- Man, then lie (Mr. Aglionby) would have supported it, but as it was, if it went to a division he must vote against it. Mr. HUME said that if by any interpretation of his a mendment, an intention could be possibly attributed to him of having proposed anything that would favour a separation of Ireland from this country, he should most undoubtedly consider it his duty to withdraw it. He had no objection, under the circumstances, to withdraw his amendment, The SPEAKER suggested to the hon. member, that purpose vi hi o s uidony alme would be probably better answered by allow ing the resolution t o b e negat i ve d, as it wou ld th en a pp e ar o n the Journals, w h ereas , if h e s h ou ld w ithd ra w it, he thus give an opportunity to ether members to propose Mr. HUME said he would withdraw his amendment, as he did not wish to deprive the hon. member for Kerry of the opportunity of moving the amendment of which he had given notice. Mr. MULLINS, after a few observations, which, owing to the noise in the house, were not distinctly heard in the gallery,. moved the following amendment That it is the opinion cf this house that an address to hi{ Majesty, having for its object the suppression of airy qUetion consistent with th e p r i nc i ples of t h e f ree const i tu tam o f t h e Bri ti,h.emp,re, without a pr,evious ingnirylnto, and report upon its merits, by a comnuttee of this house, would furnish a precedent highly prejudicial to the interests of any portion of his - Majesty's subjects reVeVlftilly seeking for redreqs of grievances; and at Va. r ance with those principles which this house, as representing the gi eat body of the people, is called upon to support," Mr. F. O'CONNOR seconded the amendment. Lord ALTHORP did not see that there existed any grounds for such an inquiry as the proposed by the amend ment. The address proposed nothlng detrimental to the interests of Ireland, but, on the contrary, it affirmed that which he was sure every rational man in both countries conceived essential to the promotion and preservation of their best interests—namely, the continuance of the legis lative union. (Hear, hear.) The amendment was then withdrawn. The address was then agreel 10, and vas orl . red to be communicated to the Lords to-morrow (this diiy) for their concurrence. BEER BILL Sir E. KNATCHBULL moved for leave to bring in a bill to regulate the sale of beer. Mr. IVARBURTON hoped that in the present state of the house, and at this late hour, the hon. baronet would postpone this important motion. Sir E. KNATCHBULL said that he had postponed his motion more than once in order to give way to other busi ness. He hoped, therefore, he should now be allowed to introduce the bill. Lord AL THORP hoped that the hon. baronet would be allowed to introduce his bill, under the circumstances he had stated, as there would be an ample opportunity for dis cussing it on the second reading. Mr. HUME said that a question in which so many in terests were concerned should not be hastily dealt with. The house should be cautious in adopting any changes with regard to the sale of beer, and in a matter in which thou sands and tens of thousands were interested, the grounds of any measure that might be brought forward should be in the first instance distinctly stated. If the proposed bill should be introduced without the grounds of it being stated, the second reading of it might not come on for a month or two, and in the meanwhile, the greatest alarm might prevail throughout the country on the subject. Lord HOWICK hoped that the hon. member for Brid port would not persevere in his objection to the introduc tion of this bill. That hon. member was aware that he (Lord Howick) agreed with him in principle, as to the im propriety of allowing any monopoly in the sale of beer, but it was impossible for any man to look at the present state of things without seeing that a necessity existed for some improved police regulations with regard to the beer shops. (Hear, hear.) He believed that the bill of the hon. baro net merely went to introduce improved police regulations on the subject. At the 'same time he was sure that the hon. member for Middlesex and the hon. member for Bridport would consider it right and fitting to endeavour to prevent the abuses which certainly had prevailed. In respect to the alarm which was said to be produced by the introduction of this bill, nothing was so likely to dispel that alarm as to allow the bill to be introduced and printed, which would enable the public to see the nature of the measure which was proposed. He hoped, therefore, that the house would allow the bill to be introduced. Air. ROEBUCK said that the house ought to watch the proceedings of the hon. baronet on the subject, knowing what his sentiments were. Mr. E. A. SANFORD supported the motion for the introduction of the bill. When the plan was before the house, it could be seen what it was, and whether it was likely to remedy the inconveniences of the present system. Colonel EVANS thought that the hon. baronet should state what was the purport of his measure. Sir E. KNATCHBULL said that, after the length of time which the late debate had occupied, he had not felt himself justified in entering into the details of the bill. He would, however, state the principal objects of it, and he thought it would appear that the hon. member (Mr. Roebuck) was not so well acquainted with his sentiments as he supposed. No proposition would come from him for curtailing the enjoyments given to the poor by the former bill ; but if, as it was generally acknowledged, there were great inconveniences existing under the present system, it ought to be the object of the legislature, by mild measures, to prevent them. He should submit in his bill the expe diency of requiring from venders of beer, in addition to a license, testimonials from a certain number of persons rated at a certain sum to the poo r, a certificate of the expe diency and necessity of a beer-house in a parish, and the fitness of the person who proposed to keep it. He also in tended that there should be some power of control over these houses in respect to the conduct of them. Earl JERMYN made a few remarks, the purport of which we could not collect. In answer to a question from Mr. GISBORNE— Sir E. KNATCHBULL said he proposed to leave it to the magistrates to decide the hour at which the houses should close. Mr. WARBURTON said, that when the clause was moved which required certificates, he should divide the house upon the question, because it was calculated to in t roduce all the favouritism of the old system. Mr. SLANEY supported the introduction of the bill. The house then divided, when there appeared— Ayes Noes Majority i , i favour of the bill —B5 • Leave was then given to bring in the bill. `JEPILSON obtained leave to brim - in a bill to alter and amend the a c t 5 G eorge IV., c . 74, ° for establish ing uniformity of weights and mea sures i n I re l an d. Colonel VERNER obtained leave to bring in a bill to empower the foreman or any other member of grand juries in Ireland (being a magistrate) to administer oaths to wit nesses. Mr. PETER postponed his motion to call the attention of the house to a breach of privilege committed by the Earl of Warwick. On the motion of Sir J. GRAHAM, the Merchant Seamen's Bill was read a second time, and ordered to Le committed on Thursday. On the motion of Lord HOWICK, the Justices of the Peace Bill was read a second time. COUNTY RATES' BILL. The bill to regulate the expenditure of the county rates, and funds in aid thereof, was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday next. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at half-past two o'clock. :IRISH MEMBERS WHO VOTED - AGAINST the REPEAL, of the UNION, Acheson, Viscount Corry, H. L. Martin, John Arehdall, General Daly, J. Maxwell, H. Bateson, Sir R. Dobbin, L. Maxwell, J. Belfast, Earl of Evans, G. Moyne% H. Bernard, W. S. Ferguson, Sir R. A O't allaghan, C. Browne, J. Fitzgibbon, Hon. It. O'kerrall, R. M. Browne, D. Forbes, Viscount i O'Grady, S. Carew, R. S. Gladstone, T. O'Reilly, W. Castlereagh, Visct. Hayes, Sir E. Oxmantown, Lord Chapman, M. L. Hill, lord Arthur Perceval, Colonel Chichester, Lord Hill, Lord M. Perrin, L. Christmas, W. Howard, R. Shaw, F. Clements, Lord Jephson, C. D. 0. Stawell, Colonel Co'e, Lord Jones, T. Stewart, Sir H. Cole, Hon. A. Knox, J. H. Talbot, J. Conolly, E. M. Larhbert, H. Tennant, J. E. Cooper, E. J. Lefroy, Dr. T. Verner, W. Coote, Sir C. Lefroy, A. White, S. Copeland, W.. Martin, T. Young, J. WHO VOTEI Baldwin, Dr. Barron, H. W. Bellew, R. M. Blackney, W. Blake, J. M. Butler, Hon. P. S. Callaghan, D. Finn, W. F. Fiugerald, T. . Fitzsimon, N. Fitzsimon, C. Galway, J. M. Grattan, H. La:or, P. ?ISH MEMBEI FOR the REPEAL Lynch, A. H. Macnamara, W. Macnamara, F.: Mullins, F. W. Nagle, Sir R. O'Brien, C. O'Connell, D. O'Connell, Morgan O'Connell, Maurice O'Connell, John O'Connell, C. O'Connor Don O'Dwyer, A. C. of the UNION. Roche, 1). Roche, W. Roe, J. Ronayne, D. Ruthven, E. Ruthven, E. S. Sullivan, R. Talbot, J. H. Vigors, N. A. Walker, C. A. TELLRES. O'Connor, F. Sheil, R. L. Against For ABSENT. O'Neil, General ----- Keane, Sir H.. Grattan, James DID NOT VOTE 3 Barry, G. S. French, F. Wallace, T VACANT. Carrickfergus Dungarvan Monaghan 3 105 • The Minority cons steel entirely of Irish Members, with the exception of Mr. J. Kt.nnedy, Member for Tiverton. LIST OF THE MINORITY Of 17 (Tellers included), who voted against the Introduction cf .a New Beer Bill. ENGLAND. Thicknesse, R. 'Fitzsimon, C. Aglionby, H. A. ,'Dkvyer, C. A. Childers, J. W. SCOTLAND Ruthven, E. Evans, Colonel Oswald, J. Vigors, N. A G i,borne, 'l'. Wallace, R Hawes, B. Roetaick, J. A, Strickland, G ELLE, a, IRELAND. Hu: e, Josepn 31ake, M. Warburton, H By an Act now before the House of Com mons, no freeman of the Vintners' Company selling wine by retail out of the limits of the city of London shall in future be exempted from taking out an excise license in the same manner as required by law in other cases. The same act also provides that any person convicted of drunkenness, either on view of the Jus tice, or on the confession of the paity, or on the oath of one witness, shall forfeit a sum not exceeding 205., or be detained in custody for a time not exceeding six /tours. _ _ _ A report prevailed yesterday that her Majesty was atboouhter illustrioust oleaveEnpgalraenn, thedtfora pge sh o or w t a perr.4ci period, visit on of Saxe Meiningen, who is said to h x a seriously in disposed. LIVERPOOL çOiriZT.O ; N MARKET, APRIL'2,B.. —To-Ay's demand for Cotton has been steady in cha-. ratter and rather extensive, the sales amounting to fully 3,000 bales at firm prices, Exporters have again taken to the extent o f 300 bales of American at Sd. to 814. per ib. The sales comprise 200 Pernams, .200 Maranhams, 100 Bahias, 100 Surats, and 9,400 Ame rican. COURT CIRCULAR. Their Serene Highnesses the Prince Ferdinand of Saxe- Coburg, and the Prince of Leiningeq arrived at Kensing ton Palace yesterday, on a visit to the Duchess of Kent. M. Van de Weyer, the Belgic Minister, and the Marquis de Miraflores, the Spanish Minister, transacted business yesterday at the Foreign-office. Viscount Althorp, Mr. Littleton, and Mr. O'Hanlon, of the Irish department, hal an interview with Earl Grey yesterday. Despatches were received yesterday at the Colonial-office from Lord Aylmer, the Governor of Lower Canada, and from Sir John Colborne, the Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada. The Duke of Devonshire had an interview yesterday with Earl Grey. Mr. Colquh .l oun, the agent for St. Vincent's, transacted business yesterday at the Colonial-office. FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE. ARRIVALS. The Duke of Devonshire, at Devonshire House, from the Continent; Hon. Edward Jerningham, in South Aud ley-street, from the Hague ; C. 11. M. Talbot, Esq., M.P., in Chesterfield-street, from his seat, Penrice Castle, Gla morganshire ; Lady Ramsay, of Belmain, and Miss Ches holm, at the St. James's Hotel, Jermyn-street, from Windsor; Dowager Lady Clinton, at Windsor Castle, from Brighton; T. A.B. Estcourt, Esq., M.P., from his seat in Gloucestershire ; the Earl and Countess of Craven, at their house, in Charles-street, Berkeley-square, from their seat, Coomb Abbey ; Lady Keneer M'Donald, at Ilaggett's Hotel, Dover-street, from Warfield House, Berks ; Mrs. and Miss Williams Freeman, at ditto, from Henley Park, Oxfordshire ; Sir Thomas and Lady Hare, at Crawley's Hotel, Albemarle-street, from Leamington, Warwickshire ; Mr. and Miss Strickland, at ditto, from Yorkshire ; Major Dixon, at Morley's Hotel, Trafalgar square, from Sussex ; Captain Smith, at ditto, from Dublin ; Captain Lovell, at ditto, from a tour; the Earl and Countess of Mulgrave and family, at- Fenton's Hotel, St. James's-street,- from Jamaica; Lord Brabazon, at ditto, from Dublin ; Colonel Moore, at ditto, from ditto ; General Governor Von Scholten, at Symmons's Hotel, St. James's-street, from the Isle of St. Croix ; Mr. and Mrs. E. B. Hartopp, at ditto, from Paris ; Col. and Lady Harriet Ford and family, at Batt's Hotel, Dover street, from Dublin ; Lady Munro, at ditto, from Rich mond ; Captain and the Hon. Mrs. Ainslie, at ditto, froM Scotland ; Sir Hew Stewart, Bart., M.P., at ditto, from Brighton ; Lord Frederick Fitzclarence, in Eaton-square, from Leamington, Warwickshire : the Marquis of Bland ford, at Grosvenor-gate, Park-lane ; Sir John Astley, Bart., M.P., in Regent-street, from Evelagh, Wilts ; the Rev. Horace Cholmondeley, in Somerset-street, Portman square ; Stillingfleet Cayley, Esq., M P., in Downing street, from his seat, in Yorkshire ; the Hon. E. M. L. Mostyn, M.P., and Lady Harriet, in Upper Seymour street, from Lord Mostyn's seat, Pengwern, Flintshire ; Earl and Countess De la Warr and family, in Upper Grosvenor-street, from their seat, Buckhurst, Sussex ; Sir Stephen Glynn, Bart., M.P., in Berkeley-square, from Hawarden Castle, Flintshire ; Capt. Fielding, R.N., in Sackville-street, from Lacock Abbey, Wilts ; Sir Joins Tyrrell, Bart., at the Regent's Parkillouse, from Boreham, Essex. DEPARTURES. The Earl and Countess of Lichfield, for Newmarket ; the Earl and Countess of Chesterfield, from Chesterfield. House, South Audley-street, for Newmarket ; the Hon. Thomas Dundas, M. P., for his seat, Carlton Hall, Rich mond, Yorkshire ; Robert Power, Esq., for Ireland ; C. Morris, Esq., from Morley's Hotel, Trafalgar-square, for New York ; J. Stevenson, Esq., from ditto, for ditto ; the Rev. H. Cholmondeley, from ditto, for Dorchester ; Messrs. Siberg and Steengracht, from Batt's Hotel, Dover-street, for Paiis ; Mr. and Mrs. John Mott, from ditto, for their residence, Half-moon-street ; Colonel anti Mrs. Buckner, from ditto, for Surrey ; the Rev. Thomas Mills, from ditto ; General and Miss Pierson, fritm ditto, for the Continent; Mr. and Mrs. Henry and family, frog‘ ditto, for ditto ; Mrs. and Miss Wood, from ditto. UNIONS. MEETING OF MASTER TAILORS. (Concluded from our Paper of yesterday. ) Mr. SeitanuE, of the firm of West and Sprague, of Burlington-street, then addressed the meeting. He assured them, on the part of Mr. West and himself, that nothing should be wanting on their part to facilitate the carrying; of the object of the meeting into effect. His partner had been urged by noblemen and gentlemen to use every pos sible exertion to put down these - unions, assuring him that they would lend their exertions towards the accomplish ment of so laudable an object. (Cheers.) As an instance of the determination to second their endeavours, he would only state to the meeting, that he had called upon a gentle man whose uncle lay dead in the house, for the purpose of measuring him for a suit of black, and upon his stating the. dilemma in which they were placed with respect to their men, he said that sooner than be the means of subjecting him to such insults, he would wear a yellow coat at the funeral (Loud cheering), and that he would induce all hi.; friends and connections, by adopting a similar course, to put an end to such gross conduct on the part of the men. ' (Cheers.) He entreated the meeting to recollect that the eyes of the whole country were upon them. It had fallen to their lot to be placed first on the gap ( Cheers), and he trusted that by their conduct that day they would show whatever might have been said of them that they were no logger the nicth part of men (Great chee r i ng ), but 900. in one, ( Tremendous cheering.) In conclusion, the worthy gentleman expressed in an emphatic manner his determi nation not to agree to the monstrous proposal that had been made him by his men, and sat down amid loud &leering. Mr. GUTHRIE, of Bond-street, stated that it was the determination of himself and firm not to succumb to the , demands of their workmen, and he had no hesitation its saying if the master tailors were firm to their own interests there could not be a shadow of a doubt that they would succeed. He begged to corroborate the statements of Mr. Sprague as to the anxiety of the nobility and gentry to aid them in their stand against the demands of their workmen, and in addition to the circumstances adduced by him, he. would state that a young gentleman, the heir to a peerage, whose father died only a few days ago, declared to him that he' would attend his father's remains to the grave in a drab coat and orange plush breeches (Cheers), sooner than the demand of the journeymen tailors should be complied with, at the same time stating that he would employ no person. who would consent to pay them, (Great cheering.) For his own part, he would give up his whole summer work, rather than put up with the demand made. upon them. (Cheers.) He hoped that the master tailors would unite, and enrol their names in a firm and perms_ ment union for the purpose of taking care of their own interests. (Cheers.) He knew something of trades' unions and their leaders; he knew that they were striking at the higher classes, through the sides of the members of the present meeting. Their attempts, however, woukthave no effect, but would ultimately fall with increased weight upon themselves. (Cheers.) Of the leaders of these unions, he would only say that they were the veriest cowards in existence—were frightened at their own sha dows. (Cheers.) Many of them absented themselves from town for fear of being treated with the inside view of a gaol (Cheers), and the sight of a Lifeguardsman would frighten them to death. (lAughter.) Mr. SEWELL, of the Commercial-road East., in support ing the resolution, begged to assure the meeting that the feeling of the trade at the east end of London was in ae, cordance with the feelings that had been expressed that clay, He was happy to see two gentlemen on the platforn‘ (Messrs. Stolz), as it had gone abroad that they were fa vofirable to the trades' unions. (Cheers.) Their presence, however, and the part they had taken in the proceedings of the day, would put an end to so foul a spender.. (Cheers. ) Mr. STULZ denied the statements that had gone forth with respect to his house being favourablefavourable to unions, amidst much cheering. The resolution, was their put to the meeting, and wax declared by the chairman to be carried unanimouay. Mr. Jollx MEYER proposed the 4th resoluti on , Mr. STOREY, of New Bond-Street, on semding the re solution, stated, that a few days since a :,, , oung friend of his, who had just arrived from Scotland, called to order some clothes, but upon being informed of the conduct of the jour neymen tailors, he stated tlutt he would rather walk through the streets in a kilt (Gat laughter) than that he (Mi:. Storey) should sutonkt to the exorbitant demands of his men. Mr. HARRISON moved the sth resolution, which was Seconded by Mr. CARTWRIGHT, and carried unanimously. A resolution, expressive of the gratitude of the meeting to the nobility and gentry, was agyoed to ; and after a vote of thanks to the chairman, a . r..ct appointment of a com mittee, the meeting broke up•. FORTHCOMINO NEW PUBLICATIONS. We are requested to state that the following New Works will not be published until Saturday next : LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF HENRY SALT, Esq., Fat S. His Britannic Majesty's late Cpusul. General in Egypt. By JOHN JAMES HALLS, Esq. 2 vols,. &vo., with two, Portraits. ROOXWOOD. A ROMANCE. 3 cols.l see how Ruin, with a palsied hand, Begins to shake this ancient house to dust. THE LIFE OF A SOLDIER. A Narrative of Twenty-seven Years' Service iu ca- rious Parts of the World, BY A FIELD-OFFICER, Richard Bentley, 8, New 13urliagtou-street. 1 4 0' Orders should be given inunediatety fo: tl e above works, to seenrn the delivery of copies 0.1 tl e day-ol publication, Agents fo acotland, Mes:rs. Bell and Pradfute, PAO:Lk:4 , 7h ivr irelaucl a Mr. Sohn Cumming, Dubin. nr : he \c of the x ad