The Sun. — London, England, 1842-03-12 00:00:00

measure is wise and necessary ; and those are the main proofs of the conclusions to which considerationl hare comewhich subject jteo its c various after the details, I best am sure that every Gentleman must feel the impossibi lity of my affording any estimae for drawing any sa f e upoPcoul thed g i or unerring conclusions upon the matter. But I f ee l i t my duty to give to the House the best estimates I can form, and to state the grounds upon which I have come to the conclusion at which I have arrived. In 1814, which is the last year in which we have had income assessed in Great Britain, the amount of property so as sessed was about 173,000,0001. The property taxed was comprised in five different divisions or schedules. The Schedule, which was entitled Schedule A, contained the into three clas ses -- t h e rent of land, the Tax, which was derived- from land, and was P di r v o i pe dea rty rent of houses, and the rent derived from tithes, mines, qnarries, canals, and other sources. Assessed propertyjn respect to th e ren t o f l an d was 39,400,0004 ; the rent of houses 1 9 ,260,000/ ; profits, tithes, mines, and coals, 4,470,0001., making a total of the property derived from land 60,135,0001. Schedule B contained the rent of land in respect of what was held by the occupying tenantry. 'The amount of income in respect of this assessment was 38,596,000/. Schedule C contained an income de rived from the public funds and similar sources amounting to 30,000,000/. Schedule D contained an income derived from the profits of trade &c., amount ng to 38,310,0001.. Schedule E contained an income from public offices amounting to 11,744,0001. Coming to schedule A, the assessment on the rent of :land was 39,400,0001., but I cannot doubt that the assessment at war prices must have had considerable effect in reducing the price of land.—(Hear.) If to that be added the effect produced by the restoration of the currency in respect to which opinions greatly varied, I have no doubt that it considerably increased the rental of land.—(Hear, hear.)" But when I look to the progress of agricultural improve ments—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches)-- the effects of the application of science to land, I cannot but entertain the opinion that the present rental of the land must be equal to what it was in 1814 ; and, upon the whole, it being difficult to form any esti mate, resting on a perfectly satisfactory basis, I will as sume 'the rental of land at present to be equal in amount to the rental in 1814, viz., 39,400,000/. I do not know that I am acting in ocOneur• rence with the feelings of the House—(Cries of " Hear, hear ")—in entering into these details, and giving calculations with respect to the proposal I intend to make.—(Hear„ hear.) The rent on houses in 1814 was 16,260,000/. The' estimate of property in respect to to the rent of houses in 1814, was, as is stated in schedule B, 16,260,000/. In order to calculate the revenue which _I _can derive from thme per cent. on the rent of houses, I find hat, in 1814, the number of houses was 2,231,000. In the present year I found the number of houses had increased from the number in 1814, 3,460,000, and if the value of the increase of rental, has been in proportion to the increase in number, I shall be justified in esti mating the amount of the income from the rental of houses at 25,000,0001. I can take the proportion of the rental that was valued to the house-tax in 1814, and compare it with the valuation made for the purpose of the pro perty-tax in the same year, and I find that a calculation made on that proportion will give nearly the same result. A calculation founded on the relation which the charge to the house-tax will bear to the property-- tax, will. give the present amount of rental 25,000,0001 Taking, therefore, one estimation or the other, I think I shall not far err in making the calcula tion of the present amount 2f rental from houses at 25,000,000/. It is, I think, the best estimate I can take. Now, with respect to the increase from tithes, there can be no doubt whatever, as far as I can form a calculation from the information of the Tithe Commissioners, that the annual amount of tithes is 3,500,0001. I find that the dividends from Railroad Companies, from canals, and other sources of income of a similar kind, amount to about 3,429,000/. I do not think that the annual profit arising from mines and iron works, &c., amounts to more than a total of 1,500,000/. I will then recapitulate the amount esti mated in schedule A. First, The rental of laud, 39,400,0001. ; the rental of houses, 25,000,0001. ; tithes, shares in railways, mines, and other sources, 8,400,0001.; and thi - will give a grand total of income, in respect of which the tax is to be assessed, subject to the reduction I have referred to, of 72,800,000/. But then I propose to exempt all incomes under 150/. a-year---(hear, hear) — that will make an immense difference. And I must deduct on that account not less than one-fourth of the total of the assessment, deducting that one-fourth from the produce of the tax which I have calculated on, from the gross income of Schedule A: I find it will amount to I,6oo,oool.—(Hear, hear.) I deduct one-fourth in respect of inc sof 150/, and I estimate the total at 1,600,000/. Schedule Bis the rent of land in respect of occupation. The sum assessed in that respect in 1814 was 38,396,000/ In that year the value of the tenants' occupation was assumed to be three-fourths of rent, and ' I take it now at one-half. I assume, then, that the rent of land th a t I can touch by my assessment to be reduced to 26,000,0001., on account of the reduc tion of from three-fourths to one-half. Then, I may apply, as cases of entire exemption, the income of all tenants who derive profits of less than 1501. a year, and on that account I must make a further reduction, so that upon the whole I cannot calculate upon a greater amount of duty than 150,000/. from the occupying tenants. Now see what the effect of this will be, that as I calculate the profit at only half the rent, I am sure that every teat* who pays rent of less than three hundred pounds. a year is exempt- altogether, sinless he has other resources. I now come to Schedule Ct . Schedule C comprises the income from public funds and securities. The capital assessed in 1814 was 30,000,0001. The pay ment of interest and dividends in 1841 amounted to 29,400,000/. Now I think thCre cannot be a question that I ought to deduct the whole amount of pay ments on account of Savings' Banks. 'I must, therefore, on that account, make a deduction of one million, which gives me a net income, assessible to the property-tax in the public funds, of 28,400,000/. To that I must add for the dividends on Bank Stock, and Indian Stock, and Foreign Stock, the dividends of which are payable'in this country, the amount of 1,500,0001., making the total amount for the year 30,000,000/, .the amount in 1814. But again I must apply a deduction on account of all incomes being less than 1501. I deduct one-fourth on that account, and the amount which I esti mate as the produce of my tax upon the public funds will be 646,0001. Schedule D, in the year 1814, contained the incomes arising from the profits - derived from trades and professions ; and here I must confess that it will be a most difficult thing for me to form any estimate under this head, which shall at all approach to the truth; but I find that the total amount of export and imports in the year 1814, as compared with the total amount of imports and exports in the year 1842, is as 86 is to 138, and I find that the declared value of the exports in 1814 as compared to 1841, bears against the ratio of 45 to 51; but on the other hand, of British shipping in the year 1814, there were employed only '1,990,000 tons, while in 1841 the amount was 3,292,000. I must form some es timate, although I admit that I have not sufficient data, but I do not think that the income de rived from the profit of trades and professions during the present year will be found to fall short of 6,000,000/. Here again I must' deduct one-fourth on account of the exemption of all incomes under 150/. a year, which will give me a net amount of 1,225,0001. as the produce to be derived from the proposed tax on the profits of trades and professions. Schedule B includes the incomes of all public officers. In 1814 the income of all the public officers amounted to 11,744,0001. On account of the great reduc tions in our establishments which have since taken place, a great -reduction must be made from the income of public officers. I do not think I can safely estimate the amount of income derived from public officers at more than 7,000,000/. in the present year, instead of 11,744,0004, which it was in 1814. Now, if from that 7,000,000/, I deduct one-fourth on account of the exemption for incomes under 15th a-year,,l shall have available for. the purposes of taxa tion a sum of 5,250,000/. This will give a tax of 155,000/ a year. I - vill now recapitulate the total amounts of m, estimates, to explain to the House what I expect to de rive from my proposed duty on incomes. From schedule A I estimate the amount of my receipts at 1,600,000/. From schedule B 'estimate the amount of my receipts at 150,000/. From schedule Cat 646,0002 From schedule D at- 1,220,000/. And from schedule Eat 155,000/., making a total aggregate estimated receipt of 3 , 7 71,000/.—(Clieers.) I Hill now state whit are the views of her Majesty's Government with respect to the duration of this impost, if it should meet with the sanc tion of the llouse.—(Cheers.) I trust that Parliament will confirm this measure. In order to give the oppor tunity of a full experiment, I trust that Parliament would not be unwilling, in case of necessity, to continue the duration for a period of five years.—(jlear.) But there may be, as there have been before, and of which I do not despair, those revivals of commercial property--(Hear)—which, coupled with the measures I am about to propose, may make Parliament naturally anxious to reconsider this subject at an earlier period than I have mentioned ; they may wish to have an opportunity of fixing the duration at an earlier period than five years. And though I myself trust, in case the experiment should not succeed, that Parliament would not hesitate to prolong the duration, I think it just, in the first instance, to limit it to three years—(Hear, hear)—that is, to give Parliament the opportunity of sanctioning it at the expiration of three years.—(Hear, hear.) The sth of October will be the first half year. Sir, I come now to consider a matter, intimately connected with this, of great importance. 'the position of Ireland in connection with finance. Sir, in my opinion, if war shall arise, if there should be some great contest which shorild call this country to come forth and protect her own, I should not hesitate to ex py r e ss would opinion t cei hi rs ; l o r o e is l i a tti n ot d, contributeoughtiv when en I t a o m contribute, he r full proposing share and, earet al:)xn I , believe,tl 1 n a confined in the first instance to the period of three jr ti e r a e r e s, p ssel r i e c n eo t t h , e l a m m u o s u t n o t f c o o t' re f e e x r e c n e e c d e ur tl s t e at eo t n a s x ide d r oe w s it n h o to the public interest, whether it be desirable that tax to Ireland. I must bear in mind that it is a tax to which Ireland has not been hitherto subject ; that it is a tax in respect to which, for the levy of it, no macginery whatever exists in Ireland —that one advan tage here is, that I could raise it with less trouble than any other, the machinery being complete. With respect to Ireland, there being no assessed taxes, that machinery. is defective • I should have to broach it for the first time and I should have to apply a totally new machi nery I should h ave to apply to Ireland these taxes if th e public necessities should require it ; but there is in the present state of society in Ireland something so peculiar that makes the devising of the machinery for that country a matter of great and serious considera tion. At the same time, as no part of the empire will be more benefited by the measure which I am about to propose, than Ireland—as Ireland is united Chemical operations. Salt now enters into a variety of manufactures, the importance then of giving salt to the working classes at as cheap a rate as possible, is quite apparent ; and, therefore, -my opinion is, that it would be unwise in you to revive the duty upon salt on account of its extensive use in manufactures, almost of every description. If you re vive the duty upon salt it would interfere materially with the progress of those manufactures--it would aftbrd opportunities ofcommitting frauds,and it would materially check the increase of the revenue in other respects. I do not think that I need argue much against a revival of the &ties upon salt, and leather, and wool.—(Hear, hear.) Well, shall I then resort to a tax upon locomo tion ?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Shall I increase the tax upon railways ?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.).. I confess that nothing but hard necessity would in duce me to derive a revenue from these sources. —(Hear, hear.) In the present state of this coun try, it is of great importance to facilitate communi cation, and the transfer not only of commodities but of labour.—(Hear, he a r.) S ee i ng th a t immense social advantages result from th e f ree dom of communication afforded ation afforded by railway s , which advantages are not_ 0 less important, bec a u s e th e y are not immediately b servahle—(Hear, hear)—l should with great reluctance and regret see any proposition brought forward for an increased taxation upon this mode ofconveyance.—(Hear.) Shall I then propose a tax upongas ? (t aughter.) I should be equally unwilling to impose a tax upon thi s product of industry, which is as i mportant nearly as the other ; and I shall therefore place gas in the same cate gory with railways, with salt, leather, and wool ; and I freely own, that seeing the difficulties which I have to . supply, I should be very unwilling to raise the necessary amount of revenue from any of those sources.—(Hear, hear.) Well, Sir, shall I look for any portion of This revenue to those miserable, dribbling measures of taxation, which occupied the attention of provincial Chancellors of Exchequer ? or shall I resort to those subjects which afford occupation and amusement to persons in small communities, who, having found that pianofortes and umbrellas were untaxed, fancied that they had made a discovery equal to that of Archimedes —communicate their Eureka to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and expect a per centage for their services. —(Hear and laughter.) Sir, shall I take this opportunity of discouraging -all those financiers, and endeavour to show them that those who devote eight or ten hours of study daily to finance, must know as much of it as they? There is another ex pedient which was brought forward by my predecessor, and to which I think it is my duty to refer. Shall I hope for an increase of revenue from diminished taxation ? But let me entreat you to remember the extent of the deficiency, and the proof which I have offered that it is not an occasional or casual difficulty for which yoti leave to provide. Sir, no man has greater confidence than I have in the ultimate tendency of the reduction of taxation on great articles of consumption, but after having given to this subject the fullest consideration, I am come to the conviction that it would be mere delusion to hope to supply the de ficiency by diminished taxation on articles of consumption. 1 have a firm confidence that there is such buoyancy in the consumptive powers of this country that we may hope ultimately to realise, perhaps, an increase of revenue from diminished taxation, but it requires a long process before that end can be accomplished, and as I said before, I have the firmest belief that the adoption of any such plan as that vv hich was proposed by the late Government, or the adoption of any other plan for raising the revenue by diminishing taxatiou will not afford any imme diate relief, or any resource upon which you can count for the purpose of supplying your deficiency. Sir, I have paid very considerable attention to the effect which has been produced by the remission of taxation on articles of great consumption. Ido find, in many cases, that elasticity which gives you, after a lop: e of time, an increased revenue, but I find in almost every case, without exception, that the interval of time which elapses before the same amount of revenue is received is very considerable.—(Hear, hear.) Take the case of wine. In 1825, the revenue derived from wine was 2,153,0001. You reduced the duty from ss. 9d. to 4s. 9d. the gallon. In the next year there was a fall ing cif of the revenue from 2,150,0001. to 1,400,0001; in the Wtfxt year the revenue was 1,600,0001., it was then 1,700,0001., and the following year 1,500,0001., It has never recovered. Of course, I know that this may have been affected by other causes. All I wish to show is, that . the decreased taxation did not lead to increased revenue. Take the case of tobacco. Previous to the reduction there was a revenue of 3,3V8,0001. The duty was reduced from 4s. to 3s. In the following year the revenue fell to 2,600,0001. In the next year it was 2,800,000/, it was then 2,900,0004, then 2,800,0004, then 2,700,0004 and again 2,900,000/. Take the case of coffee, and lam quite wil ling to admit it presents the most favourable case to prove that diminished taxation will tend to increased re venue. You dimished the duty upon coffee from ls. to 6d. in the pound. You had then, in 1824, a revenue of 425,000/.; in the next year it was 326,0001; it was then 339,0001.; and in the second yearafter that the full amount of revenue was realised, and it has increased ever since. Coffce, which is the most favourable of the instances that can be adduced, took three years before it could realise the former amount of revenue. Hemp you reduced from 9s. 2d. to 4s. Bd. The consequence is, that hemp has never paid one half the amount of duty which it did at the former rate of taxation. Rum you reduced from 12s. 7d. to Bs. 6d. ; Silt the case of rum is a some what favourable instance, as upon it there was an increase. Sugar you reduced from 275. to 245.. Tha revenue from it had been under the former rate 4,896,0001. ; it -then fell to 4,600,0004, then to 4,400,0004. ; it was after wards 4,500,0001. ; but has never since paid the same amount as formerly. During six years after the reduc tion it did' not recover. But I need' not go through the whole Of 'these articles in detail. Tobacco, hemp, sugar`; glass, mart, soap, paper, and above all newspaper duties, and the duties on advertisements-- in all these cases there has been a considerable reduction of duty. toffee and Rum, on which there had been an increase, did not, within a period of five or six years, recover the full amount of duty. Therefore, Sir, I say that upon that ground lam justified in coming to the conclusion that in the' case of the present deficiency, with which we have to deal, and which it is necessary to supply, you cannot look for that supply to the mere adoption of duty upon articles of consumption ; that if you resort to that, as a means of supply, you must make up your min& to continue that system which I thought you were desirous to avoid, Viz., loans and other devices for the 'purpose of supplying the revenue. Sir, I trust —I won't say that I have convinced you that none of these measures ought to be resorted to Lut that I explain the ground upon which they could not be brought to bear for the purposes of the revenue. Sir, I will now state what is the measure which I shall pro pose--which I shall propose under a sense of public duty, and a deep conviction that it is necessary for the public welfare—a deep conviction that the present sacrifices which I call upon you to make, will be amply com pensated, not only in a pecuniary point of view, but much more by the effect which they will have in maintaining public credit, and the ancient character of this nation.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, it is my duty to pro pose that instead of looking for taxation of consumption —instead of reviving the taxes upon salt and sugar—it is my duty to make- an earnest appeal to the possessors ofproperty—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches) —for the purpose of repairing the deficit in the revenue, which we have now to remedy. I propose for a time—l make the proposition, as I have said, that I have never had occasion to make a propo sition with a more thorough conviction that it was for the best interests of the people of this country—(Hear, hear)—l propose that for a time, to be limited, the in comes Of this country shall be called upon to contribute a certain sum for the purpose of reme dying this mighty and crying evil.—(Hear, hear.) I - propose - that the _INCOMES of THIS COUNTRY SHALL BEAR A CHARGE NOT EXCEEDING SEVENPENCE IN THE POUND —NOT AMOUNTING TO THREE PER CENT. —being a charge of Two POUNDS EIGHTEEN Snit, msos AND FOURPENCE, for the purpose not only of supplying the deficiency of the revenue, but also for the purpose of enabling me, with confidence and satisfaction, to propose those great commercial reforms—(Cheers from the Opposition, met by renewed cheers from the Conservatives)— vith regard to the condition and changes of this country, which afford the hope of reviving com merce, and of effecting those improvements in our manufacturing interests which will react on every other interest of the community, even in a narrow and pecuniary point of view, by the diminished prices of articles of consumption; will be a direct compensation for the pecuniary charge imposed on every individual, but which also, by relieving them from the necessity of contemplating • and considering those mighty evils to which I have alluded, will afford more Than ample compensation.—(Hear, hear, and cheers, during which some interruption took place from an Hon. Member.) I do hope the Hon. Gentleman will eive me his patience.—(llear, hear, and cheers.) Looking . to former taxes on income, I find that in the year 1798, when the prospects of this country were most gloomy, the Minister had the courage to propose, and the public had the fortitude to adopt, an income tax amounting to 10 per cent. In 1803, that income tax continued, and until the close of the war. After the peace of Amiens there was an income tax of 5 per cent. ; it was raised in 1805 to 6 per cent. ; in 1806 it was raised to 10 per cent., and so it remained until the end of the war. Now, Sir, I propose that the duty to be imposed on prop ertyshall not exceed th ree p er cent. I propos e t h at the tax should amount to 7d. in the pound, which is about the aum I have stated. On former occa sions incomes of 601. a year were exempt from any tax ; and incomes of from 601. to 150/. were subj ect to a reduced rate Ishall propose that any income under 1501.,,ahr yareaLeasha,ll be exempt from the tax.—(Loud cries of In former income taxes, in re s p ect to tliat , p o tion of of the charge which was d er i ve d from the oc cupying tenant, the occupation of land in Great Britain' was estimated at three-fourths of the rent. It was admitted, I believe, that that estim a t e was too high— (Hear, hear)—and that the raising of the profit to three-fourths of the rent was an unreasonable increase. I propose, therefore, that in respect to the occupying tenant the occupation of land shall be estimated at one half, instead of three-fourths, of the rent. 1 believe that reduction to be perfectly just—it is the redaction which was contemplated in the year 1816, when Lord Bexley proposed a renewal of the property tax. I believe that was the proposal which Lord Bexley intended to carry forward. I believe the reduction to be perfectly fair ; and that rent has increased in respect to the value ofland, in the ratio which would render the reduction just. I propose, and I see no grounds for taking a contrary course, that all funded property, whether heAd by mer c, chants of this country or by foreigners, shculd •be si `l:" railarly charged to the extent—(Hear) —l propose in 'respect to other property. Such is the nature of the * ---- cPT''Positl which it is my intention to bring forward, with F o „..the full and unanimous concurrence of my Colleagues, -6 et . and with}the deepest conviction , on their parts, that the terial of manufactures that shall exceed 5 per cent. That in many cases is merely nominal. In respect to the duty on articles partially manufactured I shall propose a considerable reduction.—(Hear, hear.) Speaking generally, and not with regard to indi vidual articles, I propose that the duty on articles partially manufactured shall not exceed 12 per cent. With respect to the duty on manufactured articles, speak ing generally, I propose that the maximum Auty shall not be more than twenty per cent. I do not mean that this is to be applied to all. I am only speaking now of the general principle, for there are particular articles to which I shall call the attention of the House at another time, and which may not be included in this maximum duty. The course we have pursued is this. We have arranged the whole of the tariff under 20 heads. For instance, under the first bead we have included live animals and provision of all kinds. In the second, we have included all -articles that be raised under the name of spices. In the third class are included all sorts of seeds. Under the 4th head, all sorts of timber and Wood for fire. Under the sth, all ores, minerals, masts, and all those articles which enter into manufactures. But in order to relieve my self from the necessity of going through all the immense details, I propose to lay before the House the amended scale of the tariff.—(Hear, hear.) It is all prepared. It is arranged as clearly as possible under twenty different heads, classed as nearly as could be done under articles of the same kind.—(Hear, hear.) The schedule will contain five columns, the first having. the name ; the second, the present rate ; the third, the amount of duty actually received during 1840, as contained in the Report of the Import Duties Committee ; the fourth, the proposed rate of duties to be levied on articles imported from foreign countries ; the fifth, the proposed rate of duties on those imported from the British colonies. It appears to me that I cannot lay before the House in any clearer or more comprehensive way what we intend to propose.—(Hear.) I cannot now attempt to go through the whole in detail hear.)—after the great labour which the dis charge of my duty this night required, and the fatigue of the House—(Hear, hear.)—but here is the paper arranged, here is the whole of the tariff arranged, under twenty different heads ; and on Monday morning all engaged in commerce and mannfactures will have an opportunity of seeing what is the amount of the new duties which her Majesty's Government have to propose. Speaking generally, I may say that on 1,200 articles it is proposed to reduce the duty on 750—upon all those which enter into manufactured articles as their chief constituents. There are 450 articles in respect of which, on comparing the present rate of , duty with the cost of the article it does not appear necessary for the interests of commerce, and the interests of the consumer, to make any difference ; but of 1,200 arti cles, on 450 it is proposed to make a reduction of duty, and in many cases, a very material one. Now there are some very material articles in respect of which we do not propose to make any change, partly from considerations of revenue exclusively, and partly from this motive ; we found on entering office, that there were negotiations pending with many States respecting the fOrmation of commercial treaties. We have done all in our power to continue those negotiations which we found on foot, and we have entered into negotiations and communications in , respect to them, w ith man y o f t h ose S tates. We have I at this moment a Treaty pending, commenced under the auspices of the Noble Lord opposite, with Portugal, and had it not been for recent events that have.disturbed the re pose of that country, itwould by this time have been rati fied. We have pending communications with Spain, for the purpose of forming a commercial treaty with that country, and strongly urging on Spain the policy of an increased international com merce. I cannot say more than that the proposition has been favourably received. We have negotiations also pending with Sardinia, and with Naples, and nego tiations for a commercial treaty are also pending with some of the South American States. We have intimated to France our earnest desire to resume negotiations for the conclusion of a commercial treaty with that country, founded on terms which I believe would be reciprocally most beneficial, and would have a ten dency to strengthen our amicable relations. That treaty was nearly concluded by the Noble Lord opposite, and I wish it had been carried into effect at that time, for I do believe that France, bath morally as well as commer ',4ally, would have derived great benefit from it.— (Loud cheers.) . There is, all prejudices apart, an opportunity to each country of benefiting their industry by relaxation of the present system of commercial in tercourse. I know not which country would gain the most, but this 1 am quite sure, that they would gain a benefit ; I do not attempt to estimate what each country would receive, but lam convinced that the benefit one country would gain will re-act on the other to an extent which will prove the value of just and sound legislation. I say nothing with respect to any probable period at which the treaty with France may be carried into effect, but my conviction is that considerable benefit will be de rived from it, and I hope that the public mind will support the Government in endeavouring to obtain such a treaty. While th :se treaties are pending, there are several articles which would enter into the discussion connected with them, in respect to which. I advise the House not at present to make any alteration. With respect to brandy and wine—take the case of brandy and wine—l won't discuss .the question whether it would be wise or not to make a remission of duty without reference to respective benefits ; but when we make a remission of duty, we ought to do our utmost to, procure from that country remission, causing a corresponding advantage. it would not be wise to diminish the whole of a satisfactory negotiation, by refuting a remission of du ties on certain articles. I do not propose any reduction on the amount of duty on brandy and wine, cherish ing the hope that that duty may be relaxed on these articles, when a corresponding relaxation of duty is made on our manufactures by foreign Countries. So, again, with respect to various Fruits which formed the subject of negotiation with foreign Powers, I propose t o retain the duty upon them, not for the purpose of facilitating negociations profitable to British Commerce. I don't think that it is necessary to specify the articles on which we propose to retain • the duty, because those different articles appear in the schedule. These various reductions—th e removal of pro hibition—the relaxation of prohibitory duties—the reduction of duties on articles such as ores, having may,e buoyancy of trade. Thes e a tendency to remove the bu r d ens upon commerce, and various to reductions increase the buoyancy in my opinion, be made, conferring great and far more than pro portionate advantages iii the manntactures of this country, without increasing the risk of a greater loss to the revenue than about 270,0001. Sir, I have been now speaking of the reduction of duties on articles which enter largely into our manufactures. I now address myself to the question of the reduction of duties on the great articles, of consumption. Sir, the chief articles of' consumption to which those du ties apply are the articles of sugar, coffee, and timber. (Cheers from the opposition.) With respect to the article of sugar, I wish it were in my power, consistently with truth to state to the House that her Majesty's Government could recommend an alteration in those duties. Sir, I will not deity that if we were not embarrassed with these questions, it might be of great advantage to propose a reduction in these duties—(Cheers from th e Opposition) —not a measure like thot proposed by t h e Right Honourable Gen fortleattihle re duction d re l io y ear, bnut of to the duty on sugar, the bring f orwar d a mea surealso in a corresponding proporti on on sugar, the pro duce of f ore i gn possessions. If you did reduce the duty on s u g ar , I trust you wou l d endeavour to make produce of British possessi ons , and a reduction that reduction in such a manner as should lead to the considerable ultimate increase of the consumption, with a considerable diminution of the charge to the con sumer. I believe that when you do reduce duties on articles of general consumption such as sugar, you should do so in such a manner as to give the profit and be nefit of that reduction —not to the retail dealer-- but to the consumer.—(Cheers.) But I cannot consent nor can those with whom I act consent, to permit the importation into this country of sugar, the produce of Brazil and Cuba, without making some stipulations with respect to the state of slavery in those countries. I am bound to say that I still retain the opinion which I expressed last year, that it would 'not be for the honour or character of this country, considering the peculiar nature of the cultivation of those countries, considering the peculiar con dition of slavery in sugar producing countries, mere especially i n C u b a . —(Ch eers. ) I do not think it would be fur the honour and character of this country to admit a competition :of slave produced sugar with other sugar the propuce of the British possessions. Again, I would ask, is it politic to admit a reduction of the duty on sugar, the produce of British possessions, without admitting foreign sugar into competition with it? I greatly doubt the policy of such a measure.—(Hear.) If the competition were free, then I think it would be greatly to the advantage of the West India-Proprietor to encourage the consumption of sugar by a conderable reduction of duty.—(Hear, hear.) But while the supply of sugar, whether from the East Indies or the West Indies, does partake in any degree of the character of monopoly, I run afraid of. the conse quences of reducing the duty on British Sugar. 1. am afraid that if the supply were limited there would not be a reduction of cost price to the con sumer—(Hear)—but merely a compensatory bonus to the West India producer. I therefore do not in the slightest degree perceive the advantage of reducing the duty on sugar, but after having given every consideration to the subject, lam not able to communicate views differing generally from those I expressed last year. There aro some circumstances from which I find con solation in the adherence to these rules. I find that in the year 1841 there had been a material increase in the consumption of sugar from British possessions ; the supply has been much greater then that which was calculated upon, The amount of sugar taken for home consump tion in the year 1840—ending sth of January, 1841— which I call the year 1840, was 4,035,000 cwt. ; the amount of sugar taken for home consumption in 184Y2 was 4,888,000 cwt. The quantity of sugar which hr ,d been ca l cu l ated on for home consumption was, durit:g the year 1840, 3,594,000 cwt., the amount calculated for home consumption during the year 1841 iv: As '4,058,000 cwt. The gross amount of duty -re ceived of sugar, in 1840, was 4,465,0001. The gl.•oss amount of duty received in 1841 was 5,120,000/., sr.• that without the admission of foreign sugar, the irscrease of duty has nearly corresponded with that wh;.ch w as calculated on by the Right Hon. Gentleman. 'J.herc has been a considerable increase of consumption. I think I may say that the consumption of last year L eas greater than that of any preceding year. Mr. HAWES--Not calculating the popu ration. Sir R. PEEL.—No; lam calculating the entire amount. The amount of sugar for British consumption in die total exceeds the consumption of any preced.`ng year. sir, of course it is important to form the best .urinate with this country, I think Ireland ought to bear a fair proportion of that impoSt 'which I am about to levy on this country.—(Hear, hear.) But if I find the means of raising from Ireland anything of an equivalent to the amount of that which Ireland might be expected to contribute under the property tax, I should certainly not be reluctant to raise that tax by other means. Now I think I can suggest a mode by which Ireland can con tribute towards this impost, without any serious injury. —(Laughter, and confusion at the Bar.) I can assure Hon. Gentlemen that I still have a very extensive field to travel over, and if they will permit me to pro ceed with as little interruption as possible, I shall tres pass upon the House for a much shorter period.—(Hear, hear.) I can, as I already stated, raise a fund in Ireland very nearly equivalent to the. property tax, perfectly consistent with her interest, and without imposing any, serious burthen upon that - country. What I pro pose to do is this proposelto levy a duty of ls. a gallon upon spirits in Ireland ; and I do affirm, that to the Irish people, and to Ireland itself, that will be of great advantage, and that a considerable revenue may be derived by that means, not only with out inflicting the slightest injury upon Ireland, but that it will be a positive advantage. I must first shortly call the attention of the House to the state of Ireland as 'compared with England and. Scotland. In England there is a duty of 7s. 10d. a gallon upon spirits ; in Scotland there is a duty of 3s. 10d. a gallon upon spirits ; in Ireland the duty is only 2s. Bd. a gallon. Now if it was possible to equalise the spirit duties in the three countries a great advantage would be derived, particularly with respect to Ireland. It would be of the utmost advantage to place all articles of produce, of the three countries, which are the constituent branches of this great empire upon pre cisely the same footing, and to do away with all the system of duty and draivbacks which are so prejudicial to immense establishments, and great frauds in the three kingdoms ; and so far from Ireland suffering any disadvantage from increasing the duty upon spirits there, as I propose to do, the di minished rate of duty upon that article in Ireland, as com pared with England and Scotland,is a decided disadvantage. Sir, as I said before the duty on spirits in Ire land is 2s. Bd. per gallon. In Scotland it is 3s. Bd. Now what is the consequence ? The Scotch distiller, who exports spirits into Ireland in .bond, pays 9s. Bd. duty when he chooses to take it out. The Irish distiller has no such advantage, and the practical result has been that Ireland receives a large supply of spirits from Scotland, and sends no quantity whatever to that country.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I could give no stronger proof of the evil that arises from having different rates of duty in the three countries. Ireland seems upon a superficial view of the matter to have an advantage from the drawback upon malt.. But it is no such thing. The Scotch distiller has no drawback upon malt in England. But when he sends to Ireland he has a drawback of Bd. in the gallon. That again tells injuriously upon Irish distillers, and h e wou ld hi mse lf d er i ve a positive advantage from the equalisation of the duty between Ireland and Scotland. It is important, however, to ascertain how much revenue we can expect to obtain from this increase ? No one will deny that the consumption of spirits is a fair subject for taxation, and that a duty on spirits will encourage the Consumption of other articles of Excise taxation. The consumption of Irish spirits last year was 6,500,000 gallons. The consumption of . spirits in that country had decreased exceedingly from the sth of July, 1839. to the sth of July, 1840, and the people, with a sur prising and extraordinary constancy, continued to ab stain according to their pledge.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But Sir, I am' sorry to say, it appears that the observance of the temperance pledge is in some districts relaxing ; far from that or from some other cause there has been an increase in the consump tion of spirits from the sth of July, 1841, to the present time. I have inquired minutely as to the probable effect of one shilling additional, and I am convinced that it did not encourage illicit distillation, nor dis tress the Irish distiller, as it would only help to bring him 'on a level with the Scotch The other source, from which I wish to derive some income from Ireland, making, with the former, an equivalent for that which I might hope to raise from a property tax, is a source perfectly legitimate, and in its operation will, to a certain extent, fall upon property. I propose, in respect to the great mass of articles, particularly in re spect to all those which are connected with property, to equalise the stamp duties in Ireland with the stamp duties in this country. At present they are the same in each country upon newspapers, upon marine insurances, upon protests, and upon foreign bills of exchange. I pro pose, however, not in all cases to increase the stamp duties,'--(Hear.) I propose - to Ariake no addition to the rate of duty in Ireland upon advertisements, or upon leases which are just falling tn. I propose to reduce the duty upon charter parties in every part of the United Kingdom from 355. to ss. I propose to reduce the du ties upon bills of lading in Great Britain and Ireland from 3s. to 6d. I propose to increase in Ireland to the English level those stamp duties which affect property, and which may be considered a contribution from Ireland equivalent to a contribution on account; of property. I calculate the produce in Ireland on account of the equali sation of the stamp duties, at 160,000/ Adding 160,0001. for the stamp duties to 250,0001. to be derived from spirits, you have the increased revenue from Ireland amounting to 410,000/. ; and I have the firmest convic tion that I shall thus be imposing a wiser and better im post under present circumstances, than if I attempted to devise a new duty, or to impose a property tax. At the same time with respect to absentees from Ire• land—(Hear, hear)—l propose they shall be subject to the property tax payable in England. Whilst living in their native country, these persons may avail themselves of the state of the law in this respect in that country but whilst residing in thii country without any call of public duty, I think their income ought to be subject to the tax levied in this country. Sir, there is one other duty which I mean to impose. At present there is a duty imposed by the law of 4s. per ton upon coal exported in foreign ships. At the time that duty was imposed the policy of the law was, of course, to obtain revenue. But there is no duty imposed on coal exported in British ships. Now the operation of the reciprocity treaty has been to exempt foreign ships from payment of duties which it was originally contemplated should be paid on the export of coal. I mus t say I cannot conceive there is any more legitimate article on which to impose a duty than upon coal exported from this country—(l speak of a reasonabie and just tax)—on an article produced in this country—an article which is a necessary element of menu factures, contributing by its export to increase the competition with our own manufactures ; on such an article I think it is just to raise a reasonable amount of duty. It is important to consider the rapid in crease in the quantity of coal exported from this country. In the year 1831, the quantity of coal ex ported amounted to 356,000 tons; and the duty received was 50,000 L In 1833 the quantity exported was 448,000 tons ; the duty received was 64,710/. In 1839, the quantity of coal exported amounted to no. less than 1,192,000 tons. In 1840, the quantity was . 1,307,000 tons, but instead o f realising an income of 64,0001. from the tax, as in the year.lB33, the total amount received was only 6,900/. I don't propose to increase the duty. I will not attempt to prohibit the export of coal, but I propose that the duty which it was intended to levy on foreign ships, shall be really levied—that the duty of 4s. per ton, the original amount of duty shall be levied on coal exported from this country, whether in British or foreign ships. If the duty shall be paid on the same number of tons, I shall have an income from this, I think, perfectly legi timate source, of 200,000/.—(Hear, hear)—not an incon siderable increase or revenue, and operating, too, as very few tuxes do, as an encouragemet t to native industry and domestic comforts.—(Hear.) Now here, Sir, having stated to the house all the new taxes I mean to impose, it may be convenient that I should re, iew the aggregate amount.—(Hear, hear.) Of course lam speaking of what I propose for the year ending the sth of April, 1843, for I propose the new taxes shall operate from the sth of April, 1842. I calculate (but there is one.exemp tion which I must make, and to which it is necessary that the House should give its sanction at the earliest possible period in a Committee of Ways and Means), I cal culate that I shall have from the income tax 3,700,000/. ;—I am dealing only with aggregates— from the stamp duties in Ireland 160,000/. ; froin spirits in Ireland 250,000/. ; from the duty on the exports of coal 200.000/—making on the whole an amount of revenue receivable from ne w im posts, of 4,380,000/. From this increase of revenue, from this aggregate 0f4,380,000/. Ihave to deduct the estimated deficiency of expenditure for which I must provide by actual vote in the House, and which amount is 2,570,0001., leaving a surplus, in round numbers, of about 1,800,000/. But the House will bear in mind that this deficiency arises in the vote for the year, and that I have to add to it .an excess of expenditure on account of the expedition to China, and which cannot be less than 800,000/. Whatever addition the position of affairs in India may require us to adopt during the present year will also operate as a deduction from that estimate ; but for the present, with these reservations anti snbject to these deductions, I think I can calcu late upon a surplus of 1,800,0001., after allowing for the excess of expense on account of the actual votes. But having that excess, in what manner do we propose to apply it ? I propose to apply it —or at least a considerable portion of it—in the manner which I coaceive.would be most conducive to the general inter est of the country, and most consistent with the public feeling and opinion, by making a great im provement in the commercial regulation of the coun try,--(Hear, hear.) I propose, in addition to that im provement in our commercial regulations, to make an abatement of the duty on some of the great articles of consumption. Sir, I look at the tariff, and I find that it comprises not less than one thousand two hundred different articles subject to a vary ing rate of duty. Sir, during that interval which I have required for inquiring into the condition of the country, I can say that each individual article of the national tariff has been the subject of careful conside ration. In the case of each article we have attempted as well as we could to determine what is the proportion of the duty in each case to the average price of the ar. tide, for the purpose of ascertaining to what extent it might be desirable to make reduction in any par ticular duty. Sir, the measure which we . shall propose will include, in its general principle, a complete review of those various articles, and a general alteration in the duty on them. The measure will proceed upon two p ri nciples—observe, I am speaking now of general results, will and of nd not of partic u l ar d e t ai l s —th e measur e proceed in it s genera l pr i nc i ple, upon the ground, firstall of alte r i ng prohibition in every case, and relaxing pnodlisetcho:dilawa material l tory t a n a tvuerrey— tent. In some cases, I_ 3', upon the ground of reducing ' the duty x merely nominal du% ) , al f i o r the purpose considerable(ne o ar f shall propose to retain a l it n ifor n m o ati c o a n se, rath o c r: hstatisticale a r e ) scarcely in any , case, shall I with any view to revenue. propose to. Juaiutaiu a duty upon the raw ma- THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 12, 1842 we can of the probable supply of sugar for the future ; aad in this respect, too, I would say that the prospect of our success is great. I find by the returns that there was in London on the sth of March, of British Plantation and Mauritius sugars in warehouse, 410,000 cwt., and I find there was, in the outports, 48,000 cwt. of sugar, being a total of 890,000 cwt., the expected import of sugar in the year ending April, 1842, has been estimated by those, on whose judgment I am disposed to rely, are 2,400,000 cwt. ; 800,000 cwt. from the Mauritius ; 700,000 cwt. from the East Indies ; add to that the 500,000 cwt, that were in the warehouses, which make a total for consumption for 184.3 of 5,490,000 cwt. Now the quan tity of sugar taken out was 440,000 cwt., and that would leave a large surplus above the largest consump tion. I do not say that that is in itself a conclusive, argument against the competition with foreign sugar ; but, at any rate, it appears to me that it is fit for her Majesty's Government to retain' the opinion which I had expressed last year, and by anticipating that, by a reduction of prices, an increase of the reve nue would be the result, without resorting to fur ther duties. These were the grounds on which I brought forward this measure. There have been questions raised in respect to the, application of the measure which I propose. Efforts were made to lay the foundation for the gradual abolition of slavery. On the success of which the Noble Lord opposite calculated, but unhappily has been disappointed. There has been im putations, then, upon the humanity and good I: fait's of England, and the continued efforts which she made for the abolition of slavery. With a view there fore to thoseobjects—by the admission of foreign sugar, I must say that I am unwilling, to en courage cultivation or encouragement of slave labour. These are the grounds upon which I adhere to the opi nion which I expressed last year. Unwilling to reduce the duty, her Majesty's Government propose not to dis turb the existing rates. With respect to two other articles of great consumption, coffee, and timber, he thought that reductions in those would not be more aaceptable than those which he bad laid down. He was sorry to say, that in the consumption of coffee there had been a a great decrease. Tne quantity of "coffee en tered for home consumption. in die year 1840,.was 28,780,000 lbs. In 1841, it was but 28,421,000 lbs. In 1840 the amount of duty paid was 920,000/. In 1841 it was 808,000/. It is scarcely necessary to remind the House that the duty upon coffee directly imported from foreign ports is ls. 3d. per pound, imported direct from British posseSsions; it was said 6d. per pound; imported from British possessions, within the limits' of the East India Company's Charter, it is 9d. ; the effect of this is that a considerable quan tity of foreign coffee is exempted from the duty, as it is sent from Brail and Hayti to the East Indies, from whence it is imported to this country as East Indian, and subject to a duty only of 9d. • Now, Sir, I think that if we make a reduction of the duty upon this article, instead of spreading the reduction over three different classes, we should place it on a simple and intelligent basis, and make the reduction such as to benefit the consumer ; it is my intention, therefore, to propose that there shall be but two duties, I propose to reduce the duty on coffee, the produce of British possessions, to 4d. per pound, and the duty upon th e p ro d uce o f all foreign countries to Bd. per pound. Now I proceed to calculate the probable amount of loss of revenue on acccount of that reduction. The revenue received in 1841 from coffee, the produce of British possessions, at sixpence in the pound, was 483,0001., vary ing duties of one shilling and twopence, 427,0001., making a total amount of revenue of 891,0001. I think it hardly necessary for me to go through all the calculations.—(Hear, hear.) Assum ing, however, that the loss of revenue would in the first instance be 237,000/., but that there would be an increase of consumption to the amount of ten per cent. The probable loss of revenue - upon coffee will in fact be 171,0001. Now I come to another article, the article of timber. lam now considering in what way, with the greatest advantage to commerce and to manu factures, I can apply the amount of surplus re venue to timber. Sir, in determining what shall be the duty on timber, we are embarrassed with the consi deration of the proteetion and interests of our Canadian possessions.—(Hear, hear.) The present rate of duty on foreign timber is 555. per load, But the duty upon timber at present is levied in a very complicated and unfair mode. If you look to the average. amount of duty upon foreign timber, uniting the duty upon deals, .staves, and lark-wood, I apprehend the aggregate amount of duty, upon the average, would not exceed 41s. per load. —(Hear, hear.) The duty on Colonial timber is 10s. a load, the average duty might perhaps be calculated at Bs. or 9s. per load. Now it ap pears to me to be of the utmost importance first, that if you do make a reduction of the duty on timber, it shall be such a reduc tion that the consumer shall be certain to derive benefit from it ; and, secondly, that you should make your reduction in such a way that in the peculiar posi tion of the Canadas, knowing the importance which at tached in the Canadas to the timber trade, you should not suddenly, or indeed at all, affect their interests. I think if the HouSe would consent to it, a mode can be devised of affecting that object ; but if I am correct in supposing that the aggregate amount of duty on foreign timber does not exceed 41s. per load, the scope in which we will have to act is limited. Various measures have been proposed to effect the object which I have in view ; but of these measures none were likely to afford the slightest success but the one proposed by her Majesty's Government last year, namely, the reduction of duty on foreign timber, and the in crease of the duty on Canadian timber. Now I am going to propose a plan totally different, and in stating this case let me be allowed to say that I am not influenced by party bias ; that I am desirous of avoiding as far as I can, such a paltry 1 object as recrimination, which must sink as nothing compared with the immense . importance of the subject, of which lam treating. I do not think that the Inca ' sure proposed by her Majesty's Government last year, would have been attended with benefit to the consumer. Having the surplus to deal with, and wishing to deal with it in the best possible manner for the generaLad vantage of the consumer, I have considered in what way, without injuring the Canadian interests, that advantage could be accomplished. This is not so plausible as it might be. It may be repre sented to the working classes that there is a great reduction made in the tariff, from which no benefit shall be derived to them, But surely benefit must un questionably accrue to the working classes by re moving the burdens which press on the manufacturing interests. Now, Sir, as I believe the aggregate average of duty on foreign timber does not exceed 41s. per load, I propose that a reduction shall be tarried to a sufficient extent to benefit the consumer I propose that the present duty on foreign timber, as distinguished from deal, shall be reduced to 30s. per load. 'For the present year, that is the year ending the sth April, 1843, I shall propose that the duty on deal shall be reduced to 355. But I shall propose a total change in the mode, of collecting the duties so as to place all the shoees of the Baltic upon the same footinss I believe the mode of taking the cubical contents will be much better than the present system. But so far am I from intending to injure Canada, that I propose to confer a great and permanent benefit on her. The Committee of 1835 recommended that no immediate interference with the produce of Canada; and I believe Lord Sydenham held out this eipectation. I said last year we ought to wait and see how the ener gies and resources of Canada would develope them selves under new circumstances, and I still think that we should use the utmost caution, and beware of any measure that would suddenly interfere with the interests of Canada. Now what I propose, far from having any injurious tendency, will confer a positive and lasting benefit on the Canadian, and will also be of great and immediate benefit to the consumer here. With this view, I propose that in the year beginning the sth of April, 1843, the duty on foreign timber shall be reduced to 255. ; that on deals, from the present duty to 30s. ; that on bark to 205.—(Here the Right Hon. Baronet was so much exhausted that there was much difficulty in catching his emphatic words in the gallery, but these were the periods we understood him to name.)—This proposition will have the effect of greatly encouraging commercial enterprise, while it ac knowledges a due regard to our present relations with Ca nada. Now, I must say that with respect to this article of timber, and considering our peculiar position in regard to a country with which I trust the most friendly inter course and communications on our part will be long maintained, Ido think it is desirable to act upon the principle so far as you can safely apply it with reference to the general interest, to trust Canada in respect to timber, as if she were an integral portion of your own empire.—(Hear,, hear.) The distance at which she is placed, and the cost of bringing her timber here, necessarily subject timber to some disadvantage ; and if the duty upon foreign timber is to be - reduced to 255., and the duty upon foreign deals 305., it appears to me that you have no 'alternative but to export timber from Canada at an almost nominal duty.(Hear, hear.) You would otherwise be subjecting Canada to a ruinous competition ; if you inquire into the condition, of Ca nada, as compared with other countries, and if you apply that principle of a reduction of the duty upon foreign timber whic ) a I propose, justice to Canada will require that the duty you may levy upon Canadian timber should be almost merely nominal. I prodose. therefbre, thr,t the duty upon Colonial timber shall be reduced to ls., the duty upon deals and lathe -wood to 2s. Of course this great measure cannot be adopted without ' incurring a risk of loss. I say at once that the adoption of this measure will produce a loss, but with my views, having made a reducti on on other articles which enter.into the elements of manufacture. I cannot COr leeive a more beneficial reduction, than the reduction en foreign t imber. — (Hear,'lrear.), And I estimate the total loss incurred by the reduetion on timber will be 600,000/. If it be the wish of the House, I will go th roug h ale calc u l at i on — ( C r i es of " No, no")--but if it, be not I should be glad to be spared the trouble.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, there are two—only two other considerable reduc tions to which I wish to call the attention of the House,but I cannot help thinking that with respect to both I shall have the unanimous consent of all. There are at present cer tain duties levied on the exportation of British manufactures, contrary, as I think, to sound prin ciples, which amount to a sum of 108,000/. Thes duties are imposed on exports of woollen goods and yarn which are sent to the places with which we have no treaty of reciprocity. The duty on woollen amounts to 30,0001., on linen yarn to 4000/., on silk manufactured goods to 4,800/., and on manufactured Iron to 24,0001. On other articles, such as earthenware and glass, the duty was 8,500/. ; on provisions, 2,8001. amounting in the entire to 81,9001. There are other articles of minor importance which amountto about 20,000/., making on the whole a total of more than 100,000/. ; I propose to remit altogether the duty upon the export of British mannfactures.—(Loud opposition cheers.) There was then a loss amounting to that sum. There are other different classes of duties, which I think are : • imposed unjustly, and to the removal of which Hon. Gentleman has told us his own opinions, that In . a portion of the surplus ,is to be applied. , the course of six years there will be a debt incurred °f At present I think that, considering the very difficult 10,000.00 U Why, in 1814, the account of the Commis' the competition in. which stage_ c o a el ic a a re mimed with ; sary-General alone was 10,000,000/. ; and in 1815, of railways, it i s no t f or us to ma k e t h at comp e titi on still ' subsidied painted to the German Powers, independoent_,, more difficult, by subjecting them to an unjust and par-' the expenses incurred fora& own troops, was 10,00. ,O.,01).l.. dal taxation. NOW - , • aa' I said before, I am un- I Lord Bexley, in asking at that time for a, property,,tr willing to impose any new rate of tax on for a few years more, said that the addition td the Mull locomotive carria ges , b u t I p ro p ose a r em i s sion of those 1 debt in the course of four years was 160,000,0001, • on stage coaches, and on g r oun d s whi c h I think are j refer to this fact as a justification of our tiredviewsotce. just and fair. At present railw a ys p a y one-eighth of a I state of the country last ear.— Hear hear.) But ,v 71 . penny per mile for every paaa el iger i t ol d s pe a king of the I sideriog that it is a very different thing . for a Go ..r r e t . present year, without flattering myself rot the future, ' ment to come forward and state that it refrains from I propose no addition to that amount. But if we coin- calling on the country for great exertions and sac 0 . : pare this with the amount paid by stage coaches, Ido , in' the way of taxation, ' and for independent A t ". ( 7 0 not say that the railway duty is too low, but that the 1 hers of Parliament when called on for them—(Hear' rate on the stage coaches bears a great disproportion ! exertions to be parties for a repeal of I to it. For instance, a stage coach, if licensed to hear, and cheers)— Ido not say tins as indicating that had carry more than s i x p ersons, pa y s a penny miles must necessarily acquiesc e a t once i n t h e pl a n that it' more than ten, 2d., if mo re th an sixt ee n, 3d. Then in ; ken this night developed to us—but I only mean trat ia , st addition to that, there is the licence duty of ss. ; still ' strongly feel the difference between our situation there was no such corresponding duty on railway car- I year, and the gravity of the quotients which ads shall riages. I propose, with respect to stage coaches, u I now have to consider.—(Hear.) The Right Mast! r,,,, 0 i , unitOrm mileage of 3d. per mile, and I prop o se that proposes aninconse-tax whichshall amount t 03,70 0 0 1 0., the licence duty in cases of coaches liceticed for more and on the whole taxation of the country and w_ thet . than six passengers be r e d uce d t o 3 5 ., whil e I propose j land he calculates to raise 4,381,000/. Then in !mo te _ to take off altogether the sassesse d t axes on the coalh- I part of his statemeot, he explains how he will devot e tii : men. This, if asssented to by the House, will lead to a loss ! part of the surplus to improvements in the tariff ° Aye in the revenue of 61,0001., but a loss which I believe can be country, and to taking off some of the most o l'Pr e ' lie , vindicated on principles of strict justice. Then I pro- of the public imposts. Sir, I am most happy t c e o ida pose, in addition t o thi s re d uct i on, to take off the pro- knowledge and with less res erve th an I s hall IP A , gressive d u ty l a t e ly i mpose d on j o b carr i ages, of wh i c h to approac% other , parts of his plan, the wisdom ; 1 ; e grievous complaints are made, and that will lead to a loss soundness of the views he has here laid down. .. ions , of 9,0001. making a total loss on accountof these coasches principle that it is desirable to get rid of prohilT, tor y 0f70,000/. I will now again shortly review the whole finan- and to diminish duties that have a nrehl w e ay cial arrangements I have brought to the attention of the eff ec t, that principle we all on this side i_ reit House. The estimated deficiency in the present in- and cordially agree with—(Loud cheers)—and C a p, come of the year ending the sth of April, 1843, can assure him that the more these principles °r e f t h e will be 2.570,00 a. The reduction of the various plied, the better it will be f o r the future :situation e o f ' articles of the tariff is the 750 articles I have alluded to will not entail a greater loss than 270,0001. country.—(Cheers.) With respect to the a pplicatien_,,, those principles, I cannot speak at present as to the 7: t ; The loss to the revenue from the reduction of day en or 760 articles on which the duties are to be imp ,11.. ose. l cotton will be 170,000/. From the reduction of duty on we can only have the details on Monday, I 'll timber it w ill b e 603,000/. The loss .from the mere l y rem i nd the House that the Right Hon. Baren et ~ repeal of the export duties ' on articles of British manufacture will be 100,000/. The loss is, in this respect, in unison with the aentimenta the fa; Government advised her Majesty to matte 01 1 i ce for the revision of duties on stage coaches will sth of August last.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") 1 ' la id 'be 70,000 L; making the total charge of 3,780,000 against I recognise the soundness of the principles l he that. I have to set the estimated revenue which will 'down by the Right Hon. Baronet, I almost regret that, he be derived from new taxes, which I cal- has not more extensively applied them, I mean to L l en culate at 4,300,000/., an d w hi c h w ill leave most important ar ti c l e of sugar.---(Hear, hear.) 11 ", t , a surplus of 520,090/. to meet the increased the Right Hon, - Gentleman was prepared with resn e ': estimates which I ma y h ave t o propose on account of to the two articles of *algal' and timber to make a S aeri, , the year, to meet the ch a rg e wi t h respect to Chi na, and lice of 600,000/. of r evenue , it would, I think, be d b e tter i a to meet any incre ase d re d uc ti on o f d ut y w hi c h I t may to make the sacrifice on sugar than on timber, ° i e be necessary to propose on account of the cornple- my opinion he would lose nothing more by It. to don of commercial tr e atie s With oth e r co unt ri es. Right Honourable Gentleman then adverten i ,, • Sit, I believe I have now concluded the task which fhe Opitlinnd lie expressed last year, res P i e: , 1 as 1 I have undertaken. (Loud cheers.) If I have ing• slavery, and observed that every T ear „ re , 1 been enabled clearly:Land I aimed at no more— creating a monopoly in sugar that did not exist belu dis , r if I have been enabled clearly and fully to develope The object was in former days to Support our West 111 ho the view of her Majesty's Government, lam greatly in- colonies. Have the West India colonies furnished 4, e , debted for my success in so doing to the kind and large quantity of sugar to which the Right Hon. Ge l patient manner in which the House has listened to long, man had referred to=night ? By no means. The imper,, o , and, I am afraid in some respects, tedious details. tion of sugar from the West India colonies, during " t 0 I have laid before you without reserve the whole of the last year, WAS, I believe, inferior in quantitli_.,A plans of her Majesty's Governtnent.—(Cheers.) I have the importation of the year before. Where ~1 7 0- i given you a full and explicit account an un- been the increase then ? The increase had been It'i or reserved, but I hope at the same time an unexag- th e East Indies, which a few years before asked 1-15 s ll Berated statement, of the financial embarrassments an equalization of duty .with the West Indies, upon it in which we are placed. There are occasions which I those principles of free trade which they now thin" tii , can well conceive, hi which a Minister of the Crown may their interest td opp ose.—(Hear, consider it consistent with firm and with good policy to 'hear.) Every Y e e ,,, that you go •on refusing to foreign sugar ''' o pause before he proposes to the Legislature , entrance into the British market, leaving bo s, the adoption of measures. which he may be - prohibitory duty on foreign sugar, you do i gf lieve to be abstractedly good. He may have to encourage the growth of this monopoly of lt d l . , encounter a difference of opinion with colleagues whom in the East Indies, and thereby interpose great b l ot he may esteem and respect. lie may believe ectliseien= unity itt the way of a regular and sufficient supply. 1 : ff tiously that it is for the public interest that the Govern- may say to us in the course of two or three year 7 ,4 ment of which he is a member should retain power ;he may you pass such a measure as that. proposed—t o , not choose to hazard its existence by proposing measures which he may not ultimately have the power .of carry- may say that " this great . article of pr o 1 has grown under the protection of your legislation , ' 5l l ing. He may not choose to hazard the agitation of tile you are obliged now to take our sugar, although it M t country by the discussion of measures which may not ultimately succeed—Meat, and cheers =and he did be dearer, because you yourselves have forced the poufgress think it better to abstain from proposing :measures, of that su.rar by your legislation." Upon this t abstractedly good, than t o i ncrease the evil of therefOre, I very mu c h regre t th e d eterm i na tiotl ith o which the Right Hon. Gentleman has come. ' 11 ' ..te d further agitation for what, although he may deem it right in principle, it is impossible to carry. respect to the whole of these plans, I have already str4 o „, But there are occasions—and this is one of them— that they are far too important—Hear, hear)----tn 11.1 0 , me to give any decided opinion ( with respect to th e of on which a Government can make no compromise. There are occasions, and this one on which it is its I am glad to find that the Right Hon. Genticin 0 although he has not taken the views which we did 1 1 1 .1° bounden duty to give that c o un se l t o t h e L eg i slature this subject—l am glad to find that he is willl4 which it believes right to undertake—the duty of pro- to pay - so great a homaev to sound principles ' l ris posing the measure which it believes for the public the question. lam glad also to find that his measure is advantage, and to devolve upon the Legislature the one of such great importance that it must either be : 0t responsibility of accepting or rejecting those measures. cepted or rejected as a great change, and that it is ' .O , I have performed on the part of the Government rii, one of paltry detail.—(Hear, hear.) I think, in the P ay duty.—(Hear, hear.) I have performed with the full sent situation of the country, whatever views we Pray weight and authority of the Government, that which I take upon the subject, that the Government has 1 /...,, C , believe to be conducive to the public welfare ; I now de- worthily as the Government of a great country, ilarl volve upon you that duty which properly devolves on you posing its measures upon the principle it has done ' of maturely considering, amid of finally deciding on the can only assure Hon. Gentlemen, that without ‘,'_ 1 adoption or rejection of that measure.—(Hear.) Sir, we reference to the conduct of that Ministry of which live in an important era in the annals of human legisla tion ; there may be a natural tendency to lessen the for , - formed a part, we should endeavour, on this 5 .„ of the House, to the best of our ability, to , nk magnitude of the crisis in which we live, and those par- that judgment upon the subject which we shall tn,: o o ticalar events with which we are encompassed; but I . most useful to the country—(Hear, hear)—and we s" ice think it impossibl e t o d en y th at t h at per i o d i n w hi ch our support whatever measure we may think likely to iii , lot and the lot ofaur fathers has bee n cast, n , that period which the most contentment to the people at large, and to Li st is identified with th e fi rst out b rea k o f t h e French revo- tain that high character for this nation, which I t. ii . lution, has be en one o f th e most memora bl e per i ods that every Member of this House is equally anxious to niqoi, the history of th e wor ld ever saw. The course we have ta i n, whether he sit upon this side of the House or ul' pursued since that period will attract for ages to conic the other.—(Cheers.) the contemplation, and, I trust, the admiration ' Mr. O'CONNELL said that he coul not help soil: of poSt er i ty .—.(ll ear , h ear.) The period may be divided that in much of what had fallen fro the Right 1.1 `! into two of alm os t e q ua l d urat i on - 25 years of a conti- Gentleman upon that part of the subject in which be i eis nued contest, the most momentous that ever engaged the most immediately interested, he had his humble aPP r° ; energies of n a ti ons , an d twenty -fi ve years of profound bation.—(Hear, hear.) He agreed 'entirely with tii t European peace by which our sacrifices , were Right Hon. Gentleman in thinking that there could wi t rewarded.=(Elear, hear, hear.) Sir, there will be be a more legitimate source of taxation than ardea d a time when those countless millions who will spring spirits ; and if the Right Hon. Gentleman had prnr. s s e ,,, • from our loins, and who will raise new nations in now un- a taxation which would amount to a practical prohibitll;ie . peopled lands—living underthe same laws and institutions lie should have gone the entire length with them. :`'''. o which we enjoy —speaking the same language in which we would recollect at the same time that there were corrector convey our thoughts—l say the time will come when those of the Chancellor of the Exchequer called s mugi rt el i , countless millions will view with pride and admiration the The great danger was, that by increasing taxaor gic it example which this country has set of constancy Ireland, they gave a stimulus to smuggling and ' le a and firmness.—(Cheers.) They will view with pride distillation, and there was no vice connected with r _ . , . : „. and admiration our glorious successes by sea and land, gling that was not exaggerated by private distillaoo,';eof and our determination to uphold our liberties and in- Were they going to introduce that additional ingredient dependence—(Cheers) —by which we have been enabled of mischief into Ireland ? He was anticipating tha t .;1;u -to ensure the deliverance of Europe. Now at the con- present session would pass over without anytning n J i, ,, elusion of those five-and -twenty years of peace I am rious to Ireland, and he thought there was somettul• now addressing you, and laying before you those finan- the state of the Irish Government that rendered it v ery, cial embarrassments ; and I may confidently believe undesirable to introduce such distillation. There W 3 - s : ° o that you will look to the example which has• been set siderable smuggling at the time of the reduction of t b ce d you in the previous period of vital struggles—that you will look those difficulties boldly i n th e f ace , and that on spirits ; and if the Ri g ht H on . G ent l ema n redu i ,, the amount, instead of raising it to the amount he mi d you will be prepared to make the like sacrifices for the intended, illicit distillation would be utterly put an jar purpose of maintaining the independence, of increasing to. The Right lion. Gentleman alluded to the 5 .0 , 4 the strength, and perfecting the institutions, of this free country. You will bear in mind that this is no casual lion of time Irish distillers. He (Mr. O'Connell) ',be or occasional difficulty. You will also bear in mind glad the Right Hon. Gentleman at last discovered : a d wrongs inflicted on the Irish distillers—and, he w c ° o 6 that there arc indications among all the other classes say, inexcusable wrongs—for he never beard an ex a y, of society of increased comfort and enjoyment, indica- given for the increased difficulties thrown in their w ire . tions of i ncreased prosperity and wealth ; and Concurrently . with these indications exists a mighty evil, which has —(Hear, hear.) The Scotch distillers sent spirits Wi l de land in bond, and the Irish distillers could n e t he been growing for the last twenty-five years, and from I the same in return. He was bound to p"Y the which you are called upon now to-extricate the country. , If you have, as I believe you have, that fortitude and entire amount of the duty on spirits as it came from constancy, of which you have set an example, you still, and send it to the warehouse—that was, to e core will not consent, with folded arms; to view the an- die entire quantity that the cask contained—but 1,1 , e ,... the spirit entered into consumption there was a cons i T ee l nual growth of this mighty evil. You will able diminution ; and notwithstanding, he was ob s i wa s not reconcile it to your consciences to. hope to pay for the entire quantity, even for that w hich _ O 4 for relief from diminished -ta tation you will not in existence.—{Heal; -=hear.-} The English ;` 3li , not adopt the miserable expedient of adding during peace, Scotch distillers were free from that iMpositions ,s _ and in the midst of these indications o f wea l t h an d in- what were they going to do with I re l an d ? The}' 100 rhe y y creasing prosperity, to the burdens which posterit will endure--you will not prevent the © ev il to ga i n sitch gi- hit her some way or othe r . —(H ear , hear.) : ta x must find something to tax. Th e i r income t he gande strength, that it shall be far beyond your power in Ireland would be a total failure ; and as to taxing to ,Apply a remedy. If you do permit this evil to con- Irish tenant with a profit, that, they would admit, 1 0 ` sin g tinue—you must expect the severe, but just judgment be like taxing moon-shine.—(Laughter.) S"PPtille° of a reflecting and retrospective posterity. Your conduct they were right in placing taxes on the Irish dis, o i a will be contrasted with the conduct of your fathers, —and they were made the scape-goat for all taaat ie o as under difficulties infinitely more pressing than these. Ireland—were they right in taxing, the entire In ? They will turn to the mutiny of the Nore, to the re- - bona d y hellion in Ireland, and foreign disasters, and admire the thy in bond, or what was to be put in (Hear, hear.) Distillation was, unhappily, tli, w as bouyant vigour that could submit with cheerfulness source of productive revenue in Ireland, but 't o re , and confidence to the imposition of necessary burdens, falling, and he " hoped that it would fall 111 b y whilst a property tax of 10 per cent.. was hailed with As it was, in addition to their capital and o utlay' t o murmurs by the present generation. But I will no t b e - their plan they charged them an additional duttioer: lieve that you will subject yourselves to thi s con t est . that. This was not acting justly by the Irish distill of My firm belief is that you will feel the necessity of pre- they were not to answer for the 511 44 . serving inviolate the honour of the country ; that you the - rest of the Irish people, yet they were In ti ", jo is will not throw away the means of reducing, in the most them do so. He hoped that before the re pou f legitimate manner, the burden of the public debt, by re- were passed, some attention would be paid to the o g c ,'_v d o. ducing the interest upon the debt. My confident hope situation of the Irish distiller. The English and S l : .e t t. ° l alori e and belief is, that now when I devolve this responsibi- tillers pay nothing more than they did before; the oe l . t . l t le 012 C., lity upon you,_ you will prove yourselves worth of the mission with which you have been entrusted too, on themanufactured. The next article.... . were selected to pay an additional dut and a pr t Pe' the quantity they _ o ta,• as - the representatives of a mighty and use- Ri e ght Hon. e G e e e n i tleman had mentioned was the staroP .. r ee• d gl sorry that this had been his ren by ful population(Hear, hear)—that you will not 'i fhere wa w s as e a x habit n in y lreland of saving immediate exlll s t it., tarnish that honour which it is your duty to cherish, as 2 abstaining from using stamp; and using plain papers an stamp the must glorious inheritance ; that you will not impair to encourage the practice to increase the f the that reputation and character which, in proportion as duty. Besides, the House was not aware o f t i m e the empire of opinion supersedes and predominates over importance of this consideration, that man)! ( i e t a nd , the empire of physical force, constitutes for every people, most hideous outrages that had been committed in s a by but above all for the people of England, the main in- some of the most atrocious assassinations had bee!l e cii." ontr act , .„; ... struments by which a powerful people can reel hostile the landlord availing himself of the fact, that O il ,'',,,," 1;401 aggraision, and maintain extsnded empire. ' the Right between him or his family and the tenant bad b a ef os _ar froo - be,. 4j ! ,: ; Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amid loud cheers.) unstamped paper. The murder of the Sheas • _ ... %„,i, t . ' Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, whatever. may be the . . tenants, .••• ,ei opinion which the House may ultimately entertain on landlords took advantage of it, put in other ts transaction of this kind. A contract was not stror. ,i i. ey . the plans brought forward by her Majesty's Ministers, no one in this House can entertain any doubt either as were assassinated by the outgoi s n e g a _tenan. of T .v h ie u w s . it -I; : j i . oen s : p t ortan a t s bniyoond of the m ere oom fi 1 point pensatiens for the i l i t he to the importance of those plans, or as to the ability with that the difference between the stamp dety the n te raio which the Right Hon. Baronet has brought them two countries was always calculated as one part dthe Gentle: t .v3 _ under the consideration of the HOuse.—(Hear, hears) b e t ween th em . H e h a d heard loud cheers fr9m o -•-- best° , - 3 :. !r, Sir, I should not think I were doing my duty—indeed men opposite, echoed by some on this side, rhe e. _wel t . Eilf t ':l" ti io i I would hardly think it would be consistent with the something about making Ireland pay her .h n fa t - r he nary y taiked th b° ,t, - le! expectation of the Right Hon. Gentleman and the 11 , 1 - lish burdens ; they cheered that, t nisters of the Crown, in bringing forward plans so claiming equal rights with the ybardens E ntitled t important as these are now for the first time—that He thought that a fair ri sh h a ts ring with England. But Gentlere I should refrain from giving my opinion as to the to a fair share of the g t financial tebbery that was committedo3o;ed course nosy proposed to be adopted. I shall, I: f n a il l i y i Union.forgot the At the time of the Union, England ° e on Englaonfdbnthew when not cheer i c alr. : . , however, make but two or three observations upon the nature of the measures which the Right Hon. Baronetaccount of her debt, was 17 , 000,00 '' 1 • " ire h that " ; England, on . proposes. The .. .itight Hon. Gentleman has referred to and it was one of (he declarations of Lord of e tlE t er i g sh debt , ri. 46 000 3' 000/ , and Ireland only 1,000,0001. The :4 11 7 tiv ; the plans of the late Government, and places them in land should hear none of the propor t i a i t o e n_ h d () to t e conquered P e 7,,jd a light which, without any intentional misrepresentation ought she. Those were the term ite s& on his part, conveyed hardly a correct view .of the prin- It was a e taxation. She did be_ s i x . ! cipies upon which we acted in the redaction of bear seventeen million tb s e of u s o e i p o. Union, but latterly she had boortnewas 1 the duties adverted to, for the measures of former for some years af t ter part.of the terms of t aret tinion that England sear it of this the difference in the stamp du t y to years are hardly similar to the measures proposed millions o T nl o y , b n e n( sure there was an income-tax amounting last year. On that topic I only mean to say that I may hereafter wish to make a few observa- , t t h i re b e ere eight millons short of what she ought they Zikediteer tions. The nature of' the measure now proposed by the ; s s e uld, therefore, request Hon. Gent f lemen t ,.w i he t n o t h hi Y nk " of t _ P Wirt. millions and a hilt' to be imposed upon Eagland ea Y_7 kle Right Hon. Gentleman is to call upon the country to Ireland bearing her lair stproportionantlyconramtltztaecrOpon Ireland ba d make great exertions by direct taxation, in orderlo,make fraud which had bee er etrated. He hoped the Righte Irish the revenue equal to the ex Penditure- ' Now, the late think of that v iolation nent o ' f the terms of the Union whicli co . Government did not think it advisable, upon a view of been so constantlyld consider - the difficulties under which tl 1 " the whole situation of the country, to call upon Gentleman lab w orred, and in the tame of the Irish distillers ,00, it for greater exertions. The Right Honourable distillers against 5 d 0. the plan. The increase of the st a tny d ' c 7 in , Baronet, in the latter part of his speech, Pr otl e d add to the burdens of the commerce and t t h_e e l, e n ast o bi? has, I think, somewhat exaggerated 'the nature of the terest ' of Ireland at the very time when they were the an d PP occasion which we are now called on to meet. We did to bear the burdens. It was proposed to tax the ere dini e i ' ll ' isb - i eoii not consider last year that the occasion was at all similar income of Ireland at the very time that they f I w relaud II till r e ' to any of those occasions of 1798, or still more of the the income of the landed proprietors late period, on which occasions the countr r 3 was justly. fiat to diminish in. and fairly called on b ' Government- ke great wise in itself, but one calculated at of t h di. y, to ma measure for the introduction of foreign revisions -- a i s ion . s . --a . ,_re in e e r: i e . sacrifices, and undergo great exertions. The Right sof the landed proprietors of Ireland. On behalf ~~ I'Qtili . _ Sue