The Sun. — London, England, 1861-07-20 00:00:00

Ronal interest in the Galway contract. He had merely brought the petition forward on public grounds, and because he had a right to present it. (Hear, hear.) On Monday next he would move that the petition be referred to a select committee. Mr. HOPE said that as reference had been made to the Galway contract, he would only state that as a member of the committee, the view which he took was favourable to the continuance of the contract, and he would remind his hon. friend the member for Harwich (Captain Jervis) that he made several motions for that purpose, but they were not acceded to by the committee. (Hear, hear.) f After a few words from Mr. B. COCHRANE, which were inaudible in the gallery, Motion agreed to ; petition ordered to be printed. NEW SOUTH WALES. Mr. MARSH asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies if any petition to her Majesty had been received from the inhabitants of the district of the Clarence and Richmond rivers, praying for separation from the colony of New South Wales. Mr. C. FORTESCUE said that the petition was on its Way, and was expected to be received in a few days. THAMES EMBANKMENT. In answer to a question, Mr. COWPER expected that the report of the committee would be completed next week. No time should be lost in laying it on the table along with the evidence. ISLAND OF SARDINIA. On the motion that the house resolve itself into a com mittee of supply, Mr. KIN GL A.KE rose to ask the Secretary of State' for Foreign Affairs whether the Governments of Italy and France continued to deny that the King of Italy had enter tained a project for ceding to France the Island of Sardinia ; and whether the truth of any such denials was confirmed or shaken by the information which her Majesty's Government might have received from other quarters ; and moved for copies of any further correspondence, which might have passed respecting the cession to France of the Island of Sar dinia. He said that in consequence of recent acts of the French Government he felt it necessary to bring this ques tion forward. It was essentially an English question, quite as much as the cession of Nice last year was's. European question, and was one, therefore, which was well worthy the atten tion of that house. If it were merely a question of the ac quisition of land by France he should not have said a word, but his belief was that whoever secured the possession of the Island of Sardinia would thereby acquire the control of the Mediterranean. (Hear.) That was the opinion ex pressed half a century ago by Lord Nelson, who, in his cor respondence, again and again returned to the subject. In one place he said, " What a noble harbour 1" In another, "It would hold our whole navy." Again, "No fleet could pass it; Malta not to be named with it; worth three of Malta." In another place, " the King of Sardinia can't keep it, and if France gets it she will have the command of the Medi terranean." "We must not even risk its falling into the hands of France." (Hear, hear.) He was indebted to Mr. Forester's excellent work for these extracts. It was singu lar that Lord Nelson mentioned that Lucien Bonaparte was then endeavouring to exchange Parma and Piacenza for the Island of Sardinia. If Lord Nelson then considered that the possession of Sardinia by France would be injurious to Eng land, how much more so now, when India was a re cognised possession of the British Crown, and our way to it was through the Mediterranean. In that sea our com munications must be neither imperilled nor held on suffer ance. (Hear.) The first Napoleon was most anxious to make the Mediterranean a French lake, and he was justified in attempting to do so, for at that time he waged flagrant war against England; but now when we were at peace with France such attempts bore a different colour. (Hear.) Let them consider what France was doing at this moment. ,She had secured so much of the Mediterranean coast, either by actual dominion or by dominant control, as that the ships of any other power must run a gauntlet in passing through. Spain had got Tetuan, Tetuan controlled Tangier, and the possession of Tangier by a hostile power rendered Gibraltar insecure. France had secured the African coast up to Tunis, so that nearly the whole seaboard was directly or indirectly under her control. The noble lord the Secre tary for Foreign Affairs had last year written a spirited de spatch to Sir J. Hudson, stating the rumours he had heard and desiring Sir James to get distinct explanations from the Turin Cabinet, and a formal engagement that no further cession of territory would be made. To the requisitions of 43ir Jas. Hudson, Cavour replied by referring to a speech he had made in the Chamber, in which he declared that even the temptation of acquiring Venice would not induce him to cede another inch of Italian soil. Now, independent of the equivoque in the expression, " Italian soil," which might not include the island of Sardinia, this reference to a speech went far short of a regular despatch, and as now Cavour was unhappily no more, we have no engagement whatever. The noble lord had also written to Lord Cowley, and his lordship applied to M. Thouvenel, when the latter replied giving a positive denial—Lord Cowley called it an abjuration—adding that it was preposterous to suppose that France would risk a war with England for the sake of a barren island. These despatches long since were laid upon the table of the house, and therefore the opinion of the house might be said to have been invited on them ; and he must say he thought they were somewhat to blame for not pay ing more attention to the purport of those depatches. The despatches left off in a very unsatisfactory way, and there was nothing in them which tended to show the anxiety had been removed. The result was, that since the spring cir cumstances had arisen which gave strong ground for sup posing that France had been advancing towards the attain ment of its original object—the annexation of the island of Sardinia. (Hear, hear.) In considering what foun dation existed for such a supposition, it was fair to regard the anterior positions of Sardinia and France, or, as he might term them, the buyer and seller. These were the two Powers that created so great a disturbance in Europe last year with respect to Savoy and Nice. The island of Sardinia was undoubtedly a great temptation to France, and France doubtless possessed the means of so tempting the King of Sardinia as to induce him to surrender the island, actuated by similar motives to those which induced the surrender of Venice. To try this question by its probabilities, if such an engagement had actually been entered into, what might they expect to find ? They might expect that the people of the island would be disturbed by the notion that they were to be surrendered to France ; that preparations would also be going on in the island for that wonderful pic2e of legerdemain which imperial states men were accustomed to call a plebiscite. Then, a little later, there would be an imperial denial of any intention to effect such a transaction ; then that the King of Sardinia, em boldened by the vehemence of that denial, might really sup pose he was a free man and assert his intention to hold his own ; but then the next day he would be rebuked by France for daring to imagine he was free and could refuse the ces sion. Now he (Mr. Kinglake) was prepared to say that all this, and more than this, had taken place. An agitation had already been set on foot in the island of Sardinia for the 'Purpose of inducing the people to believe they must neces sarily and inevitably become French. One of the leading newspapers there wrote in the same painful terms as those which were so distressing last year in the case of Nice— the writer hoping and fearing, but apparently con vinced that by some process which could not be prevented, the island was to be ceded. Even the 'humble officials of the Government believed that the Sardinian uniform they wore would be the last of the kind they would ever possess. He should be glad to hear from the noble lord what accounts he had had from the English consul at very unwiseimagine Cagliari. He thou g ht it would be to that the fears of these p eop l e were noelemeutfor our con sideration. There was an insti nc t i n the people of a country ty in which transactions of this kind w ere pending that taughtr them to know what was going to happe n , an d in this case he considered that the sensations of the victim were very worthy of considetation. (Hear.) No one could h ave b een less acquainted with what was going on in Europe than the humble shopkeepers of Chambery or Nice when that annex ation was in contemplation, and on the other hand no one could have been better acquainted with such affairs than the noble lord at the head of the Government, yet it was very true that the humble men to whom he had alluded possessed at that time an instinct which told them with more truth and certainty than the noble lord had been able to attain, that they were about to be annexed to France. Passing from the island of Sardinia and proceeding to Turin he con sidered that in speaking of the agreement which it was sup posed had existed between Count Cavour and the Emperor .of the French, it would be wrong to treat that as a mere rumour. Of the sources of that rumour he knew nothing, and he would, therefore, not advert to more than ac tually came within his own knowledge. He would beg the house to bear in mind that Count Cavour, with a sensitiveness which he (the hon. gentleman) thought honourable to him, was accustomed to flinch from avowing the full extent and nature of the transactions that took place with reference to the annexation of Savoy and Nice. It was also peculiar in Count Cavour that he was very much in the habit of giving half confidences to people. For instance, he would instruct a man acting under him to such an ex tent only as he thought necessary for the man's guidance, and no further. Having premised these points, he would state to the house what he believed to be true with regard to the extent to which Count Cavour was engaged in negotiations for the cession of the island of Sardinia. Count savour had put himself in communication with a gentle tree, whose name, if mentioned, would b e we ll known to " Majesty's ministers, and to Europe generally, but whose Mme he (Mr. Kinglake) was not at liberty at the present anorcient t o d* . to obtain Permission ,although he believed .. he should ' be able her Majeetv• mon to mention it, if necessary, to one of 8 ta rn a i k uisters. Count Cavour had desired this gentleman to dinia with a view to certain inquiries in the island of Bar- ; there making t: ascertain what progress France was island. Not in hounnatnTat ar rangements for the cession of the instructions were addrallY' the gentleman io whom these you made with th e ne Z o d t . s eid, " What progress have a zion? la the island to be ceded ?" ount Cavonz's the French C is always preoeingtelt hitherto "The Emperor of th d erio tel h ave h e ld ou t." Well, the gentleman thus instmet e t Sardinia and then ascertai ned that went to the i s l an d of t he People had been worked upon in the way he (the h on. : a r ia ) ; adding had de- scribed, and he also ascertained that t ad he vanceci p m rooe — en' t he Re would r ul as the this island to the French empire had forming of two committees of annexation. tell the house who this person was who bad been perform ing ing this singular duty, because perhaps his hon. friend the member fq Toanworth would not be unwilling t o b ear the him from canvassing the conduct of the Government in re : ference to such matters, and that the consideration of our own interests ought to be paramount in the House of Com mons. (Cheers.) His hon. friend had omitted to refer to a very striking expression in the lioniteur representing what M. Thouvenel called the imperial policy of France. M. Thouvenel addressed a report to the Emperor in June 1860, in which he said that the imperial policy was guided not by ambitious intentions, but by ise sentiment pr nsr e e v sp e e y c a t n in ee g ,,3 tt d h ee u r— [theadded originalthat his was Majesty had obtained th a t guaran t ee future-- from the friendship and gratitude of a sovereign. It was precisely this system of guarantee which was adopted in the annexation of Savoy and Nice. M. Thouvenel said that when important changes were taking place in Europe France was entitled to that guarantee which was indicated by nature. There was one short sentence which always occurred in M. Thouvenel's despatches, which he would read. It was.this, " We recognise the King of Italy, but French troops will continue to occupy Rome so long as the interests which brought France to Rome are not covered by guarantees." What was the meaning of that ? The words " covered by guarantees" evidently meant continuous annexations of different portions of Europe to her dominions. How full had been the denials of the Sardinian Government on this question. Three times in the constitutional Chamber at Turin it was emphatically denied that Sardinia was to be annexed to France—twice by Count Cavour and once by Baron Rica soli. To an interpellation addressed to him in the Sardinian Chamber in Oct., 1860, Count Cavour said Italy was now in the hands of statesmen who would give practical effect to it, and that the great principle of nationality was the corner stone of their political edifice, and that it could never be carried out by the cession of a single spot of the national territory. But he unhappily said precisely the same thing as regarded the cession of Savoy and Nice to France. (Hear, hear.) In March, 1860, at the very moment when the King of Sardinia made the solemn declaration, on his throne at Turin, to a deputation from Savoy, that the ties which bound his destiny to Savoy were too ancient to be rent asunder, Count Persigny, then French ambassador in this country, stated that the annexation of Savoy and Nice was determined upon long before the Italian campaign. Again, on the Bth of April, 1861, in reply to an interpellation, Count Cavour gave a most formal denial to the rumours of an intended cession of the island of Sardinia to France ; but, unfortunately, the same terms were used in regard to the cession of Savoy and Nice. (Hear, hear.) The country required that the Government should not listen to these verbal denials when they had so many precedents which showed what was their true value. The other day, in Jane, 1861, Baron Ricasoli made a very remarkable and a very bold speech in the Sardinian Chambers. He said that the Government were aiming not only for the defence of the national territory, but also to complete it, and to restore " ses limites legitimes." " I have heard speak," be said, "of a cession of territory, but permit me to repel with pro found disdain any such idea." " These words," said the report, " were spoken with great energy." " The Govern ment," he continued, " will not cede an inch of Italian ground ; no, absolutely, no." These words were followed by loud applause. If they could believe that Baron Rica soli would act up to that statement,they would be satisfied, but the danger was that he would eventually fall into the toils of the French Emperor, that he would be unable'to resist the propaganda now being carried on in the beautiful island of Sardinia. He believed that he and his hon. friend had proved that these expressions were not to be trusted, and he urged her Majesty's Govern ment to be active and vigilant in the matter. He had ven tured to approve the noble lord's policy of non-interven tion in the affairs of Italy, and if that policy had not answered all their expectations the fault was not with them. That Italy was not tranquil was solely owing to the presence at Rome of the French army. (Hear, hear.) That army was maintained there not for the purpose of protecting the liberties of Italy or the authority of the Pope, but solely for the purpose of ensuring to the French Em peror some ultimate guarantee by the cession of territory at Sardinia or elsewhere. Rumour said that the noble lord the Foreign Secretary was about to leave the house for an other place. He was sure he expressed the opinion of every gentleman in the house when he said that by that removal the house would lose one of its greatest ornaments. (Cheers.) But on public grounds he did hope that the country would not be deprived of the services of such an enlightened and experienced minister as the noble lord in the office of Foreign Secretary. He did not like to hear so much as they some times heard of the disinclination of this country to go to war. The noble lord the other day told a deputation that, although it was quite true that Spain had acted with great insincerity, and given ample cause of war, he doubted whether the House of Commons would respond to a call for war upon those grounds. He quite concurred with the noble lord in that doubt, but why should their indisposition to go to war be, constantly published. God forbid that they should ever go to war on trivial grounds, but they must all know that the force of a Government depended, not upon first courting and then avoiding war, but upon the dignity of its policy by which it avoided the possibility of war. That was the course he wished to see followed by the Go vernment. If we manfully maintained the policy that we thought best for the country, there was no reason why we should immediately fly to arms to vindicate our position. He hoped the vigilant attention of the Government would not be withdrawn from this subject. The island of Sardinia u as included in the great national movement of Italian liberty. Her Majesty's Government had acknowledged the Kingdom of Italy, and the cession of Sardinia to France would be an infringement of the principles upon which that acknowledgment had been made, a contradiction to the principles of Italian unity, and an outrage and an in sult upon Italian independence. (Hear.) He asserted, more over, that England would be obliged to interfere to prevent the cession of Sardinia to France if it were to be attempted, and he took the libel.ty to tell Victor Emmanuel, as a man who took a deep interest in the progress of Italian liberty, that if that island should be ceded to France, the cession would strike such a blow to the maritime power and the legitimate commercial influence of this country, that it would have the effect of alienating from Victor Emmanuel the confidence and sympathy which the people and the Go vernment of this country had hitherto manifested for the interests of Italian independence. (Cheers.) Mr. B. COCHRANE was delighted to hear from the hon. baronet and the hon. gentleman that they thought the question of the cession of Sardinia was an important one to this country. These foreign questions ought to be viewed in their bearing upon English interests. The hon. gentle man and the hon. baronet had urged that there was a secret understanding between Count Cavour and the French Go vernment that Savoy should be ceded to France. Count Cavour's conduct must therefore have been most extraordi nary, and he marvelled at the eulogium passed the other day upon Count Cavour by the hon. gentleman. Did the hon. baronet go to the full extent of the policy shadowed forth by Baron Ricasoli in his late speech ? Sir R. PEEL—I do decidedly. Mr. B. COCHRANE said that Baron Ricasoli, in his speech, had referred to Rome and Venice, and had concluded by saying—we will go to Rome hand in hand with France. The hon. baronet, must, therefore, approve of that policy, but he should like to know what was the opinion of her Majesty's Government respecting it. He fully believed in the existence of a secret understanding between France and Italy with respect tD the cession. He dwelt upon the dis turbed state of the south of Italy, and said every care should be taken to prevent the peace of Europe from being broken. He wanted to know what advice was being given at the present moment by the British Government to the Sardinian Government, and what was their distinct opinion with re spect to the policy of the Sardinian Government. Mr. BENTINCK said that Europe was now in a state of armed truce. The disturbing influences at work were as great as ever, and they had been much aggravated by the principles of international law which had of late been laid down, and continual questions of annexation were arising. He believed that if a more vigorous, consistent, and intelligible line of policy had been followed by the Government, they would have heard no more of this question of the annexation of Sardinia. The noble lord at the head of the Government and the Foreign Secretary had attacked Lord Derby's Go vernment on the ground that their policy had weakened the alliance with France and shown too great a preference for Austria, but it had since turned out that France, not Aus tria, was the aggressive power, and the noble lord (Palmer ston) had been obliged, in a celebrated speech, to declare his distrust of France, and to admit that he had been deceived by her. He attributed much of the mischief that had been done to the despatches of the noble lord (J. Russell), espe cially that of the 29th Oct., in which he opened the door to every species of aggression and spoliation. If the treaty of Villafranca had been executed, Savoy and Nice would not have been handed over to France. The noble lord would not, to prevent that accessicn, consent to the use of force ; but he had not acted consistently, because he did not object to force being used to subjugate Naples. Everything be tween France and Sardinia wasa subject of mystery. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord had received notice from M. Thcu venel that as the treaty of Villafranca had not been fully carr iedrior t y. he out, Fran ce wou ld requ i re a f urt h er access i on of appeared ter- It principle of the to ballot-box him th at t h e w noble e lord decide the fate admitted that of nations. (Hear.) ere the ballot-box he was e on hopedtoen stop, el l h e eivnse inobledetaarp:ohvhi that tat l e orsch:.rh)ediFaww7ooanuunell and give the house de (HearN full information was in occupation of Coasi ca , Nice, c Rome, and he believed not one of these places would be g iven up by the French Government. ( Mr. STIRLING thought the hon. member for Bridge water deserved the thanks of the house for bringing this question forward. When the hon. member made his state. had proven but vea everything to be true, and let ters ments last yfar, it was said the y were nct well foun ded, and t la h t e te h r f lT n. tl m m e t nb ei they must have been passing between the n oble l ord the Foreign Minister and Lord Cowley j ust at the time when r then were stated premature; those dubious answers were given by the noble lord. And at that time nothing was too contemptible or presumptuous to state against the Government of Lord Derby. (Hear.) But what had been done during the past two years ? Why, Franco had entered into a treaty of commerce with England for ten years, and France had acquired in perpetuity a large tract of m :., ,, intaltions country and sea coast on the Mediter ranean, which w0u:, 4 ., be Useful in enabling her to develope her great resources at Toulon. 'Would 0 18 noble lord and his colleagues allow the French Government to take pos session of the island of Sardinia ? If any attempt of the kind were made the Government ought in cligtinct terUi; odium of being considered one of the detective force em ployed in such a cause. Pursuing the analogy, he might say that the gentleman who was constructing these com mittees of annexation was a gentleman well known to the police, for he was no other than M. Pietri—the very man who conducted the universal suffrage system organised in Savoy and Nice. (Hear, hear.) Leaving Sardinia and Turin, and coming to Paris, he found that towards the close of the session one of the bureaus was engaged in con sidering what we should here term the naval estimates. It was remarked by one of the deputies that they were so enormous that the ports of France would be clearly insuffi cient for the reception of so great anavy. The representative of the Government thereupon stated that that was very true, but France was engaged in negotiations which would have the effect of putting her in possession of additional ports in the Mediterranean. He would like the noble lord the Foreign Secretary to inform the house, if he could, what ports those could be if they were not those of the island of Sardinia. One other fact still remained to be told. An in quiry had been ordered into the capacity of the port of Cagliari for vessels of war. Now he thought, taking all these matters into consideration, that he had succeeded in showing, if not that an agreement existed, at least that there were most serious grounds of apprehension and anxiety. (Hear, hear.) Not long since Baron R icasoli had addressed to the Sardinian Chambers a speech declar ing that not an inch of Italian soil should ever be ceded by him. He (Mr. Kinglake) believed that almost at the same time renewed and positive. denials were male by the French government to her Majesty's government of any intention to annex the island of Sardinia, and that those denials succeeded in inducing a complete belief that no such intention did exist. Under these circumstances he believed the idea was for the time real l y ad j ourned, and not wishing to create any unnecessary di s turbance by any discussion in that house, he had refrai ned from bringing the question forward. But it seemed that no sooner had the denials of Baron Ricasoli and the French government had the desired effect than the same process that was pursued last year in reference to Nice and Savoy was again resorted to. The F renc h government returned to its enterprise, and the Patrie, an organ of the government, published a distinct rebuke addressed to Baron Ricasoli for venturing to say that he would not cede one inch of Italian soil. The honourable gentleman then quoted the article in the Patrie. He believed the matter did not end here, for unless he was very much mistaken, M. Thouvenel addressed an official note to Baron Ricasoli complaining of the fact th a t h e h a d re p u di a t e d th e idea of ceding territory to F rance . B e y on d thi s , h ow e ver , the spirit in which th e F renc h governmen t was di s p ose d t o ac t in this matter was well laid down in the Revue Contempo rain, a paper which had not only been founded and sub sidised by the French government, but which evidently received its inspirations from the same source. That paper said France hoped to possess some day the island of Sardinia, which was mere French than Italian. The article went on to say that the French government would not refusef:Sardinia, if it were courteously offered, especially if the people on being consulted were to answer as unanimously as in the annexation of Savoy and Nice. M. Fietri, however, discharged his duty so efficiently in the case of Savoy and Nice, that the number of votes in favour of annexation considerably exceeded the whole number of voters, and no doubt if this annexation of Sardinia were carried out, he would again discharge that duty with unfail ing energy and success. (Hear.) He thought he had said enough to justify that anxiety on the subject which he had endeavoured to convey to the house. It was unsafe to rely in regard to this matter upon the moderation of France. Ho did not believe that when the Emperor of the French used moderate expressions he always misrepresented him self. On the contrary, he thought there were times when the Emperor desired that things should pass off as quietly as possible, but the truth of the matter was that having en gaged in transactions of this kind he always succeeded in interesting a number of other persons in his schemes, and though personally willing to recede, he was driven forward by his own ideas fermenting in the minds of other men. He proceeded to the annexation of Savoy and Nice upon the suggestion addressed to him by a mere soldier, not of a very character, and not competent to advise him on the state of affairs. On his mere suggestion that his credit with the army would be imperilled if this transaction did not take place, he at once gave way. Now, if a similar suggestion were addressed to him -by the French navy—and nothing was more probable—in favour of the annexation of Sar dinia, it was absolutely necessary that he should be sustained in his determination to resist any such appeal by the care tainty as to the light in which such cession would be regarded by this country. We must not trust either the moderation of France or the firmness of Baron Ricasoli, or any other Italian gentleman. A firmer or more honourable man than Baron Ricasoli did not exist, but he very much doubted whether he had yet come into the full possession of all the humiliation which awaited him as legatee of Count Cavour. He did not yet know all that Count Cavour, had agreed to do. ( Hear.) It was to be hoped that Sardinia' would never be annexed to France. He did not believe that the noble lord at the head of the Government would ever let history say of him, that whilst he was Prime Minister in a time of peace there was endured such a displacement of the naval power of the countries of Europe as should be grievously prejudicial to England, endanger her communi cation by way of the Mediterranean, and make a great stride towards placing France in possession of that control of the .Mediterranean which had been the main object of the Bona partist policy. (Cheers.) The hon. member then moved for copies of additional correspondence which might have passed respecting the cession to France of the island of Sardinia. Sir R. PEEL, in seconding the motion, said he could well understand the grounds which had induced his hon. friend to bring the question under the notice of Parliament before the close of the session, because it was quite evident from the repeated denials respecting the alleged cession of Sardi nia to France, that there was and must have been some foundation for the apprehensions which alarmed Italy and Europe, and England in particular. This was a question which directly affected this country. It affected the power of England, inasmuch as it was to be looked upon in a dif ferent light from the annexation of last year. England pro tested as one of the great powers of Europe against the an nexation of Savoy and Nice, but she was not directly con cerned in the matter. As regarded the buccaneeringannexa tion of St. Domingo, it was quite evident that America's misfortune was Spain's opportunity, but the cession of the island of Sardinia affected this country immediately. It was a matter of the greatest possible importance to us, and if there were grounds for these apprehensions, and if this annexation were accomplished, it would strike the most severe blow against the maritime power and legitimate in fluence of England which had been inflicted for 50 years. That naval supremacy for which Nelson and other great men fought, bled, and conquered, would be imperilled, and the position which every English Government had taken up was that the independence of the island of Sardinia was essentially necessary for the commercial interests and the naval power of Great Britain. Sardinia was the largest island in the Mediterranean. It was larger than Sicily. (Mr. Roebuck—No.) He quoted from a book lately pub lished, but at all events its position was most remarkable. It spread down from Corsica to the centre of the Mediter ranean ; it was half •way between France, Spain, Italy, and the coast of Barbary. It was the half-way house for France, and bad two magnificent ports—Maddaleni on the north, and Cagliari on the south. The language of Nelson on the subject could not be too emphatically impressed on her Ma • jesty's Government. Nelson wrote to Lord St. Vincent in Dec., 1803. He said " Sardinia was the finest island in the Medi erranean, that its harbours were fit for arsenals, and capacious enough for the whole navy." Again, in 1804, he wrote " Sardinia is worth 100 Maltas. It has the finest man-of-war harbour in Europe." In the same year he wrote another letter to Lord Hobart, in which he said " Sardinia is the sumraum bonum of everything valuable to us in the Mediterranean." These opinions of Lord Nelson were cal culated to cause serious apprehension as to the dangers re sulting to this country if Sardinia were seized by France. But there was something in the way—there wore treaties. littlewhich value ; but there was a distinct treaty reemlation thetethrebatoyunodf L th o e nd is o l n an t d e o w f h S i a e r h di F n r ia an t e o e S , a E v n o g y ian l d n: H l7 o 2 l o la , n b d y: Savoy, and S a a o r a di i n t i w a:w a e e re d p d arties, Spain gave up the island of Sardinia, Sicily, which she hold e e to Savoy, and Savoy gave up Naples, which thou underbecame e the . treaty of Utrecht, to was canfirtethede b kingdom of the . Two want y ed the treaty of Vienna, I Sicilies. This treaty but the Emperor of the French I of Vienna. He demanded that satisfacttio onof annul Europe, the treaty he hoped Europe would not interfere. Thi s treaty wrtso a w nd o ver, the charter paper of Europe, and with ou t the consentil of the great powers, they could not allow one power to mo nopolise the authority of doing all this, There was only one gentleman in that house who supported the policy of Louis Napoleon, He referred to the hon. member for Birmingham who blew hie trumpet so loud the other night at the Man sion-house, and he regretted his absence on the present oc casion, as he was very anxious to address some observation s to him. He was the only man in the house who applauded the conduct of Louis Napoleon. He heard with pain and grief the hon. member say " Perish Savoy," and that the possession of Savoy was worthless. Later in the year he said the map of Europe as regarded the limitation of states was not worth one moment's consideration. He (Sir it. Peel) never heard before such a socialist view of the rights of the people. (Hear, hear.) Happily it was not shared in by the people of this country who wished to maintain that balance of power which was just, legitimate, and honourable. (Hear.) They were dealing with a sovereign who was a i subtle and designing man, and it was continued watchful ness of his proceedings that he would urge upon her Ma jesty's Government. He asked the Government whether they had any just and legitimate grounds for apprehension in regard to this matter? He should be inclined to accept the denials which had been given but fur the repeated proofs they had of the principles of =Lien which influenced not only Louis Napoleon, but the Imperial policy of France. The unfortunate position of affairs in Europe at that ow ment was a confirmation of the danger which resulted from the policy of Louis Napoleon, and was their justification for bringing the matter un e •eler the notice of Parliament, In 1814, xvhen animosities arose between France and Morocco, the Government of that day urged sspon the House of Corlimons the necessity of not alluding to that question, which agitated the public mi n d. L or d P a l merston said that so far from being tongue-tied, no considerations arising from persons or parties in foreign countries should debar THE SUN, LONDON,' SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 20, 1861. to tell France that such accession would not be allowed. (Hear, hear.) And such a course on the part of the French Emperor would create throughout Europe the greatest dis trust and suspicion. (Hear, hear.) Had it not been that the treaty of commerce was entered into at the time of the trick (he could call it no better name) in reference to Savoy and Nice, he should have said it laid us under some obli gations to France. But in addition to these things, did they not owe to the Emperor of the French the Russian war, and their present great expenses for the navy and the army ? He thought that France cost this country some thing like fifteen or sixteen millions a year, and they ought to ask the question, how long this game of beggar my neighbour was to go on. He hoped the noble lord would firmly and decidedly oppose this cession of the island of Sardinia, and that those naval armaments, which we were now bound to maintain and keep up, might some day be used to prevent a balance of power in the Mediterranean. Lord J. RUSSELL--I must say 1 think the hon. gentle man who has just spoken shows a very considerable forget fulness of facts. In the first place, with regard to Savoy and Nice, it was during the Government of Lord Derby that my hon. friend the member for Bridgewater informed me that he had received information to the effect that in return for the assistance the Emperor gave to Sardinia in the war with Austria the provinces of Savoy and Nice were to be yielded to France. Did I urge him to bring that as an accusation against Lord Derby's Government ? What lad • vised him to do was to go to Lord Malmesbury, and apprise him of the information he had received. He did see Lord Malmesbury, who made inquiries on the subject at Paris; but if Lord Derby's Government had thought that it was a question on which England ought to go to war with France it was for Lord Malmesbury to declare that resolution on the part of Lord Derby's Government. Lord Malmesbury did not take any such course. And when the war was impend ing Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury were quite unable, although they made efforts in that direction, to prevent that war from taking place. Dlcl my noble friend and I re proach the Government of the day for the course they pur • sued ? These were arguments that might have been used to show that the efforts of the British Government might have averted that war ; but it seemed to me that it would not have been just to say that any recommendations could prevail in that state of things, and accordingly 1 never uttered a word of reproach of Lord Malmesbury, in con sequence of the course which the Government then took. I think all the time we were in opposition with reference to foreign affairs my noble friend and I shewed very great forbearance in regard to the conduct of Lord Derby's Government. 1 have always said in this house and to this day I am ready to say that I think Lord Malmesbury was a very efficient Minister of Foreign Affairs, and that the general course of his policy was a right policy to pursue. (Opposition cheers.) Both in this house and before my constituents I defended the course of neutrality he pursued in regard to the war. There were some things said bt Lord Derby at the beginning of the war which I did not approve, and those words were explained away in a speech made by Lord Derby at the Mansion-house. I have nothing to re proach myself with in the course I pursued in regard to his Government. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman who spoke last but one has certainly somewhat mistaken the facts, because he said that, although I talked of the invalidity of universal suffrage in regard to Savoy and Nice, I never said a word as to the invalidity of uni versal suffrage in regard to Naples and Sicily; and therefore there was inconsistency on my part. Now, if the hon. gen tleman will refer to my despatch upon that subject to Sir J. Hudson, he will find that I distinctly stated that, with re spect to Naples, Sicily, Umbria, and the Marshes, the taking of the votes by universal suffrage " appeared to have little validity," and I went on to show that they had little validity. If gentlemen will come forward and enter into long disquisitions for the purpose of attacking the foreign policy of the Government, they should take a little more care and not state as facts what are totally remote from the real truth. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the main object of this debate it is, no doubt, a very important one. (Hear.) With regard to the question of Sardinia, I entirely admit the importance of that island, and I have in despatches repeatedly expressed my opinion that the annexation of the island of Sardinia to France would be 'a great dis turbance of the territorial distribution of power in Europe —(hear)—and would affect the distribution of power in the Mediterranean. It may be an object of desire and ambition to an ambitious power; but I must put in the balance the consequences—the very grave consequences which would follow from any attempt on the part of France to annex the Island of Sardinia. It is not a transaction which could take place merely between the Emperor of the French and the King of Sardinia. It must put an end at once to any intimate alliance between this country and France. (Loud cheers.) At the same time I must say it is not my opinion that the Government of the Em peror of the French will attempt to annex the Island of Sardinia, seeing the grave consequences that would ensue. What has happened in the present spring is nearly as follows :—About the month of April, I think, there ap peared in a journal published at Cagliari an intimation that French agents were active in the Island of Sardinia. Soon after that there followed a despatch sent by Sir James Hud son, from her Majesty's Consul in the Island of Sardinia, saying that he believed there were French agents busy in the island, although he had not, I think, then any very accurate details on the subject. Further inquiries were directed to be made, and the inquiries so made by the consul, who has been many years there and is a most intelligent man, conveyed very conflicting information. There was one person described as having been to several places and having spoken of the benefits to be derived to the island from annex tion to France Other accounts stated that no such attempts had been made ; and men who knew the island said that very few persons indeed had been spoken to on the subject. Then there came what might naturally have been expected--an appeal, firstly, to the Government of Turin with respect to these rumours. They were in the first instance denied by a telegraphic message from Count Cavour. Soon after Count Cave ties death Baron Ricasoli stated emphatically what has been read as part of his speech, but he stated it verbally to Sir J. Hudson—viz., that Italy had no intention of yield ing an inch of her territory ; that there was territory which ought to belong to Italy which did not belong to her, but that there was no territory which she possessed that she was ready to give up. (Cheers.) My hon. friend who brought forward this subject said that when Baron Ricasoli spoke of Italy and of Italian soilhe might not have included the island of Sardinia. At the same time my hon. friend stated his belief that Baron Ricasoli is a man of character and of honour— (hear, hear)—and that he would not violate his word. Sir, all that I know of Baron Ricasoli, of whom, although I have had a very slight personal acquaintance with him myself, I have heard others speak who have had much in timacy with him, confirms that description. He is a man, perhaps somewhat proud in his manner, less conciliatory in his bearing than Count Cavour ; but he is a man of the highest honour, the highest patriotism, with an honest am bition to acquire a name in Europe by contributing to the establishment of the independence of his country. (Hear, hear.) But if he said he would not give up an inch of Italian soil, and was afterwards found engaging in in- trigues with the view of transferring the Island of Sardinia to France, I should say that he was one of the meanest equivocators that ever existed. (Cheers.) Equivocaticn, I am convinced, forms no part of his character, and that such a thing would never enter the head or be shown in the conduct of Baron Ricasoli. (Hear, hear.) We have always spoken of the soil of Italy as of course including the island of Sardinia, and have never had a contradiction to that statement. Well, I believe the Baron Ricasoli does not intend to give up the island of Sar dinia. On the other hand, when we have applied, as we were bound to do, tJ the Government of France on the subject, they have not only given the most positive contradiction to the rumour, but when M. lhouvenel was told that there were French agents, perhaps busy voluntary agents, in that island, he said he would write at once to the consul to dis avow any such agency—to put an end to any such meddling there. (A laugh.) Well, an hon. gentleman has asked what is the use of obtaining denials. Why, I think, if I had not asked the Governments of France and of Italy what was the truth with regard to those rumours I should have been accused, and very properly accused, of neglect ing my duty in that respect. (Hear.) Sir, I admit—one must admit—that in the present state of Europe, and seeing what has passed during the last three or four years, it would be very unwise in the Government of this country, very unwise also in the Parliament of this country, to rest in a blind confidence that there would be no aggressions, no annexations, no ambitious projects entertained. (Hear.) The Emperor of the French is very powerful. Everybody sees the great power that he has. But, at the same time, if it was his intention, as I believe it is his intention, to pre • serve the peace of Europe and remain upon the most friendly terms with England, I am not at all sure—l cannot rest in any perfect confidence that the state of public opinion in France, that the state of opinion in the French Cham bers or in the French army, might not in a most sudden manner alter the whole policy of the Government. (Cheers.) That has happened with past sovereigns of France, and I think we should be very unwise if we thought we had a security that it should not happen again ; and, therefore, what my hon. friend the member for Bridgewater said—and the hon. baronet the member for Tamworth spoke in the same tone—was that there were two things which we ought to do :—ln the first place we ought to be very watchful with regard to the events which are taking place in Europe. (Hear.) Those events, be it remarked, are not altogether connected with the policy of Sovereigns and of Courts ; it isnot merely that this Sovereign has shown too much am bition and another has disregarded treaties. There is much more in the condition of Europe than that statement of itself wculd imply. There are great movements going on in differents pirts of Europe of which the rnovament in Italy was perhaps only the first great movement of popular bodies a n d o f who l e nat i ons discontented with the Govern ments und er w hi ch they h a ve lived, asking for b e tt er forms o f government, and l oo ki ng out f or a id b y w hi c h they may o bt a i n them. Why, what result s f rom suc h a state of thi ngs ? What but uneasiness, proceeding perhaps to civil convulsio ns , t o i nsur rection, to wars, and p ro d uc i ng changes of sovereignty and of possession among the Powers of Europe. Well, then, I say that that alone, without im puting ti any Sovereign designs hostile to Great Britain, r o e u s g p h ec t t t t o t, beve.iNvryatecvhefl, that•tvh y t t 4 1 o y s s p h i a o n o e l d i n b e r g o i p l vigilant wn and t h I that alone is a reason why the G overnment of this country nt Bu trust that neither my noble friend nor I have our eyes en tirely shut to that which is going on around us, and that 11 we shall not idly neglect the interests of this country when ever they m2y be threatened with injury. (Cheers.) At the same time, to be continually expressing suspicion, to be , making the whole state of peace uneasy, would, I think, be not only a puerile, but a very mischievous policy. It ought to be our endeavour and has been our endeavour, wherever these threats of war occur, rather to compose the differences which exist and strive to reconcile those among whom dis cord is arising, and promote peace between them. The hon. baronet who spoke second in this debate bas alluded more than once to the question between Spain and Morocco. Our endeavours have been directed on the one hand to inducing the Sultan of Morocco to keep faith with the kingdom of Spain, and on the other hand to inducing the Spanish Go vernment to press their advantages is such a manner as may make reconciliation possible. And when gentlemen speak in a tone, as if Spain was constantly acting in a spirit of agree sion and that the Spanish policy must be confounded with French policy, I must own that my view is a very different one. (Hear, hear.) I think it should be our policy to favour and encourage the spirit of independence which prevails among the various nations of Europe. (Hear.) And there does prevail among the Spanish people as high a feeling of independence as that which exists in any other continental country. In the last century, owing to the War of the Suc cession, there was a family alliance between France and Spain, and whenever you found yourselves at war with France you also found that a war with Spain immediately followed ; but there is no such family connexion at present. Spain, which has been long weak, is recovering her strength ; and that she should take her fitting part and fitting place among the Powers of Europe is a thing not to be checked and dis couraged by Great Britain, but is rather a matter to be fostered by Great Britain as long as her own honour and interests are not interfered with by that Power. My be lief is that both the Queen of Spain and her Prime Minister are favourably disposed towards this country. I have al ways endeavoured to assure them that we have no wish in consistent with the greatness and dignity of Spain, and that they might rely on our friendship on any question in which they may be concerned. Look again at Italy. Gen tlemen are very fond of representingltaly as a mere follower and vassal of France, and after her long contest with Aus tria she owes much to the army by which she was enabled to obtain a victory that she could never otherwise have ac complished. (Hear.) But notwithstanding these obliga tions there are many matters in which she must rely upon her own spirit, and to the hand of her own sons she must owe her real independence. It is they who, like Harmo dius in giving liberty to Greece, must, in the noble lines of Word sworth,— " Give the gift which is not to be given By all the blended powers of earth or heaven." It is not in the power of France to make Italy ; it is she herself who, by her own strength and patience and wisdom must build up her independence, and if she does not do so, all the Powers in Europe cannot do it for her. (Cheers.) What we have done has not been to assist in this work, but to require that other Powers should not prevent it from being accomplished ; and the Emperor of the French has held the same language with regard to intervention, he would not allow foreign Powers to interfere in Italy. But while such has been hi 3 policy, there has been among the subjects —per haps in an even greater degree among those who are opposed to his dynasty—a feeling that the creation of an independent Kingdom of Italy, with many millions of subjects, pursuing its own policy and following out its own destiny, was an obstacle to the greatness of France. You trace that feel ing in speeches, and in all the pamphlets and publications in France ; they hold that it is a mistake for France to assist in forming a strong Italy. That I hold to be a great mistake on the part of French politicians—(hear)---and I believe that the jealousy which is thus shown will diminish the influence which France naturally possesses in Italy. But still it is not now in the power of France to prevent the kingdom of Italy from being constituted, and when it is constituted we shall have an additional security for the liberties and independence of Europe. (Hear, hear.) It was one of the recommendations addressed to us in the course of this debate that we should be watchful with regard to all changes which might take place in Europe. With that re commendation I perfectly agree ; we should be to blame if we did not act in that spirit. The hon. gentleman and the hon. baronet added another recommendation, that while great armaments were going on in Europe we should not disarm. That piece of advice I consider as sound as the other. (Hear.) It is a great misfortune for England, and it is a great misfortune for Europe, that such costly arma ments should be kept up in time of peace; but we should not remedy that if we were to disarm—(general cries of "Hear, hear")—and to leave other nations to increase their preparations. I trust that no shortsighted view of our inte rests, no narrow spirit of saving with regard to any particu lar tax, will induce this country, in the present state of Europe and the world, to maintain a navy and an army which are not adequate in all respects tO the position we ought to occupy. (Loud cheers, especially from the Opposi tion benches.) Not merely the greatness, but the very safety of this country is concerned in her state of preparation. So far from increasing the probability of war, as some have thought, I believe the knowledge that this country is strong is not only advantageous for our interests, but is a weapon in the hand of every other power that seeks for independence and for liberty. (Hear.) The knowledge that this country is able, and in a just cause is ready to assume the offensive, at the same time that she prizes the blessings which result from peace and the prosperity of her own commerce and manufacture, is, I believe, a guarantee for the independence of nations, and a security at the same time for the peace of Europe. (Hear, hear.) And now, sir, let me add, in the same spirit in which I have spoken—that of discounte nancing needless and irritating suspicions—that I think it my duty not to agree with the motion for the production of papers at the present moment. When the Government think that any public benefit can be gained by the produc tion of papers on this subject they will not hesitate to do so; but I hope the house will confide so far in us as to be lieve that we shall not neglect any opportunity of meeting in the proper manner any dangers which may arise. (Cheers.) Mr. STANSFELD expatiated at considerable length upon the policy which, in his opinion, the kingdom of Italy should pursue—a national policy, apart frcm any foreign alliance—and explained the basis upon which that policy should rest. Sir G. BOWYER condemned the foreign policy of the Government; he considered that it was accommodated to the state of parties in this country and to the securing of votes, and that its effect had been to lay Italy at the feet of France. He was glad to see the Chancellor of the Exche quer looking at him—(laughter)—because he was the chief offender in this respect. The hon. member gave a fearful picture of what he represented to be the present condition of Southern Italy. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I am bound to acknowledge without delay the compliment my hon. friend has paid me. He has gone so far as to designate me to the house under what I consider the highly honour able title of the chief offender. If I thought my hon. friend really knew who are the revolutionary party in Italy, I should disclaim his compliment, but I am glad to be called the chief offender in promoting the designs of those he de signates the revolutionary party—(hear)—for they are, in my conviction, the friends alike of freedom and of order. (Hear, hear.) But my honourable friend does me a great deal more than justice—he calls me the chief offender in the presence of my two noble friends, whose influence, authority, experience, and services entitle them to the withering denunciations—(a laugh)—of my hon. friend op- I posite in a far higher degree than I can ever possibly aspire to. But if we are to speak of the true revolutionary party— 'if we are to speak of the agencies which produce disorder in states and disgrace society, then I tell my hon. friend who is the chief agent of the revolutionary party, and who has done the most to favour it—it is himself—(cheers) and those whose cause he so consistently, and so courageously, and at the same time in manner and temper so inoffensively re commends to us—they it is who have been the great pro moters of the revolutionary movements and agencies in Italy. The hon. member deals with matters of fact, and partly with matters of argument. His matters of fact are these—that all the people of Southern Italy are repenting of what they have done in permitting and taking part in the ejection of the Bourbon family. And my hon. friend comes and claims as usual implicit reception for his facts, though they are in entire contradiction to the papers lately laid on the table, which contain no indication whatever of this popular sentiment. (Hear, hear.) But my hon. friend is perfectly ready with his remedy, which is to denounce the papers written by the diplomatists of England as the productions of understrappers and underlings, and calcu lated to blind the country. He therefore asks us to accept his unsupported assertions without evidence to credit them, in direct opposition to those statements which we receive from authorised agents of the executive government. Then what was his main argument ? Because you have taken an active part by giving your moral support, because you have induced the Italian people to regulate their own con cerns, by this atrocious act of conspiring in favour of the liberties of that oppressed nation, you have forfeited all right and title to contribute anything to the balance of power and to the maintenance of the peace of Europe. That was the pith of the argument of my hon. friend. I think that if the hon. member for Bridgewater (Mr. King lake) had heard the speech of the hon. gentleman, and the compliments that had been paid to him, he would have listened to them with a sort of chilled sensation. (A laugh.) The hon. member does, I think, occasionally take a gloomy and suspicious view of the progress of events in Europe. But I confess that if there are any indications that grave and serious event was contemplated—l mean the cession of Sardinia to France, such indications of a trustworthy nature are unknown to me. Then I must allude to what fell from my hon. friend on the subject of the French alliance. When he finds the Government of England conspiring with the Government of France for unworthy purposes, then let him denounce the alliance; but I venture to think that one of the merits of the alliance is that it can never be turned to unworthy purposes. For whenever one country attempts to substitute selfish and aggressive purposes for those which are conducive to the general good, at that moment the other country is sure to become the first witness against it, and the rupture or weakening of that alliance will tend to its destruction. But, in point of fact, whx is, the hon. member for Dundalk so jealon,a ef can alliance ? If England continued to troops to Rome, or to maintain the liour. bons at Naple s , with what show of demonstration would he trumpet forth the le wonderful merits of the French aliance. His censure amounts to this. It i a clear and certain de_ • Plontstration that the effects, of t.lle sllishce are vn the wilolo r • / —in part impaired from causes upon which I need not dwell—conducive to those objects which were considered beneficial, but which he considers detrimental to the inte rests of mankind. The charge which the hon. member brought against the two noble lords for having pursued a party policy with regard to Italy, is one which is un founded, and even refutes itself. But in other parts of his speech the hon. gentleman himself betrayed his conscious ness that it was not a party, but a national policy, which had been challenged by no party in this house, but a policy which represented the general and cordial senti ments of the people of this country. (Cheers.) The ad miration with which I have listened to the speech of the hon. member for Halifax (Mr. Stansfeld) was somewhat qualified by the tone of that speech, and the somewhat narrow grounds on which he based his advocacy of the Italian cause. The hon. member wished to speak on behalf of what he called Young Italy, My hope for one is that Young Italy has grown a little older. I confess I think Italy has hitherto shown herself too young for the manage ment of public affairs. The points of the policy of Young Italy were the events of the year 1848 and 1849. I think that the agency of an older and a wiser Italy is now mani • fest in the better, sounder, and more beneficial direction which has been given to the course of affairs of that country during the last few years. I confess I can find no evidence in support of the statement of my hon. friend with regard to the prevalence of popular dissatisfaction in Italy. No such evidence certainly is to be found in the official papers. It is clear, however, that the 600 men to whom my hon. friend referred were soldiers who had been imr rudently disbanded under what, I fear, was the influence of Young Italy. Some 10,000 or 12,000 men have been sent back to their homes—if homes they k ad—after their former habits of life had been broken up by military service, and naturally amongst them were to be found a mixed aasemblaga of bri gands and political partizans, who constitute a terrible source of public disorder, but furnish no proof of any popular dis affection. Then my hon. friend says the Italians must not rest from making daily efforts to proceed on the road to Rome and Venice. But do we really advance the cause of public liberty when we add to the difficulty of its rulers, and sitting at ease within those walls, dictate to them the rate and pace at which the Italians are to proceed. With respect to the explanation which I offered to the house last evening, and did not complete, what I wished to state was, in the case of the administration of the lawin Modena, I had reason to believe that the youth Giardini was not executed. I also wished further to state that punishments were inflicted upon the inhabitants of Modena by the operation of an ex post facto law, directed against offences committed by youths under 21 years of age. This I am about to prove from documents, as to which the evidence is perhaps not quite conclusive. But in the year 1859-60, very shortly after the expulsion of the Grand Duke, there was published at Mo dena a work, the statements of which have, as far as I know, never been contradicted, whilst, if they are false or forged, the fraud can readily be exposed. In everything I only spoke upon the authority of documents which were open to the world, and if in any particular instance I misunder stood them I am sorry the correction was not given earlier. Upon the point in question, it is true that capital punish ment was made applicable by an ex post facto decree to youths of tender years charged with homicide. Sir G. BOWYER—Of what age ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I will tell you presently. (Hear.) In September, 1857, the Duke of Modena aprointed a military commission in his capital to try offences by military law. The action of that commis sion was not confined to offences committed after the date of its establishment, but it was authorised to deal with offences which had been committed for a very considerable period—l think two years, or more, but at all events a con siderable period—before it was thus established. Those offences were in the first instance put under the action of military law—and it was stated, I should say, that persons capitally condemned should be executed within four-and twenty hours. (Hear, hear.) On the 7th of October, in the same year, the military commandant, whose name did not much resemble an Italian but sounded more like an Austrian one, was authorised to apply capital punishment to cases that would have been t-übjected to the action of the ordinary tribunals, and embracing cases committed long before by youths under 15 years of age. (Cheers.) A law resembling our rule of king's evidence, which was not previously the law of the country, was also introduced— and it was provided by the same edict that soldiers (under the military command of the judges) should be specially qualified to appear as witnesses. (Hear, hear.) I am very much obliged to the house for the manner in which it has listened to this explanation. (Cheers.) I sincerely wish it had been in my power to make a general retractation and abandonment of these charges, but there is no possibility of any inference of that kind. This book has been published, and has been open for inspection, part of it for a year and part of it for more than two years, but, so far as I am aware, no denial cif its authen ticity has ever been given. (Cheers.) Mr. LAYARD said it was his conviction that Count Cavour had never intended to deceive England. (Oh.) Hon. members might laugh, but he believed that the noblest trait in Count Cavour's character was his love of truth. He had seen his earliest letters, and nothing had struck him more in those letters and in Count Cavour's subsequent career than his love of truth. (Hear, hear.) Take the case of Savoy and Nice. There was no doubt that when he met the Emperor at Plombieres a discussion took place as to the cession of Nice and Savoy; for he (Mr. Layard) had seen it in his own handwriting. What he (Count Cavour) said was, that the Emperor, after he had discussed the probable campaign in Italy, stated to him that if Lombardy and Venetia went to Piedmont he should, as an Emperor of the French, not as Louis Napoleon, but as a French sovereign carrying out a natural policy which had existed for a long period, insist on the surrender to France of Savoy and Nice. Count Cavour gave no written engagement or verbal pro mise ; but ho stated that when all that was accomplished, the Emperor might appeal to the people of Savoy and Nice, and if the population expressed a wish to be united to France, the matter should be considered by the King of Sardinia. That agreement, such as it was, had never been denied by Count Cavour. It was known to many persons, and it was told to him (Mr. Layard). After the peace of Villafranca was concluded, without any cession of territory, the Em peror resigned his claim to Savoy and Nice; and that re signation was stated in so many words, not only to Count Cavour, but to other persons who had told it to him (Mr. Layard) as having heard it from his own mouth. After those events, however, which united the Duchies, the Legations, and the Grand Duchy to Piedmont, the Em peror revived his claim. The honourable member (Mr. Kinglake) said that Sir James Hudson stated on the 10th of February that Count Cavour said there was no intention on the part of the King of Piedmont to cede the territory of Savoy and Nice, and he (Mr. Layard) was satisfied that the count had then no intention whatever to mislead. Until the middle of February the Emperor himself did not intend to demand the cession of those provinces. Count Cavour still resisted, and until about the 23d of February he refused to listen to the Emperor's demand, and Count Benedetti then went to Turin to put a pressura upon Count Cavour, and threatened that if the cession was nct made by March, in time to announce it at the opening of the Legislative Chambers, the Emperor would march his troops into Tus cany. About the 25th of February Count Cavour ceded, but with the greatest possible pain and reluctance. He had to choose between the sacrifice of a great scheme and the loss of the two provinces. He believed Count Cavour Was justified in what he did, for he yielded to dire necessity. The punishment of the Emperor of the French for the course he had pursued had already fallen upon him—he had forfeited his word and honour. Count Cavour had gone to his grave, but a more honourable, honest, and truthful man had never lived. Mr. P. HENNESSY denied the accuracy of the right hon. gentleman's denunciations of the Duke of Modena, and quoted several extracts from the blue-books for the purpose of showing the disaffected state of the South of Italy, and the little reliance to be place on the right hon. gentleman's statements. After a few words from Mr. KINNAIRD, the motion was negatived. MERCHANT SHIPPING. Mr. LINDSAY asked the President of the Board of Trade to state what were the intentions of the Government with regard to the Merchant Shipping Bill ? Mr. LIDDELL said he knew that considerable disap pointment existed among the shipping interest that this great subject had not been dealt with in the present session, and he suggested that it would be convenient that a bill should be brought in that it might be discussed during the recess. Mr. GIBSON said it was the intention of the Govern ment to have given effect to the remaining recommenda tions of the committee, and for this purpose two bills were brought in, one for the abolition of passing tolls and for the termination of certain dues that were levied on shipping, and the other was for the amendment of the pilotage laws, and on questions relating to the liability of shipowners, and so forth. Having but a limited portion of the time of the house at his command he thought it better to proceed with but one of the's° bills before he attempted to proceed with the other ; but the other bill was prepared. Now it was obvious, from the various important subjects with which the house had to deal, that a matter of this kind could only occupy a certain portion of time, and with every desire to pass the measure he really had not found himself able. With regard to laying a bill on the table of the house, with out• intending to proceed with it, ho had great doubts whether such a course was advantageous to the public in terest. The house would be impatient of the explanations of a measure which they were not to proceed with, and he thought it was not fair to any measure to throw it on the table of the house without those explanations which Were calculated to meet objections. On that ground, and al so because it was a com plicated measure, and th a t during the recess more conside ration might g,. be given to it, he thought it better not to introduce a measure t his session, bat h • wished N to A aALLEN. N s T k a questi on o f th e hoped it might be p ossible to introdu ce it early next session. THE 3 C o A rt SE NE O s F a idL helleEljis Judge-Advocate with referonee t o the Allen, late of the 6 2 d Regiment. case of Li eutenant lIY.ADLAM said in the Mutiny altioatrens - would be mule toprevent Act of this year hose taken by Lieut. Allen at such proceedings as The SPEAKER then left a future time. into committee of supply, the chair, and the house went but the Ch •reported r - grO4 wi th out pnY airman p o vim b e ing taken. THE PENSIONS (BRITISH FORCES) INDIA BILL. On the second reading of this bill, Sir IL WILLOUGHBY complained of the way in which the bill had been brought forward, and of the late hour at which the right hon. gentleman the Secretary for India proceeded with it. Sir C. WOOD explained the objects of the bill. SUPPLY. The report of the committee of supply was brought 11P and agreed to. THE METROPOLITAN GAS ACT AMEND3IOI BILL. This bill was read a second time. SALMON FISHERIES (SCOTLAND, Sce.) BILL On the motion for going into committee on this bill, , a Mr. ROBERTSON opposed th e bill, w hich he said w ow have the effect of placing the salmon fishing in all the rivers of Scotland in the hands of a limited number of large Pro prietors. The measure would encourage poaching, an d g t Y rise to great dissatisfaction among the people of Sco tlan " , ! and he hoped that his hon. friend who had charg e of 1, would not press going into con mittee. • Mr. KINNAIRD was also in favour of delay. t , e The LORD ADVOCATE said that as almost a u ".; Scotch members thought that the bill ought to P° B thi s year, and as it was the best they were likely to get, it 1 0 not his intention to postpone the measure. The house then went into committee upon the bill. Upon the first clause, t Mr. ROBERTSON moved that the Chairman rog er progress. The committee divided, and the numbers were-- For reporting progress l4 Against it 431 The clause having been agreed to, the it BLACK moved that the committ ee b e cou nted; ---h„ 3 it being found that only 33 members w e re p r esent, on t"; return of the Speaker the house was counted, wh ell c i members only were present, and the sitting was ausPeu — As at twenty-five minutes past two. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL—JULY 19. There was a small attendance of th e t own and c°-nntri eta il trade at this morning's market ; f and we had only a r P 0 business doing in wheat ; sales or best sorts at TuesdaY_. rates, inferior 2d per cental cheaper than late quotatiotli:t Flour was in fair demand, at 6d per barrel less moneY , good sorts were scarce. Oats and oatmeal rath e r ste l ''"a Beans, Egyptian, declined 6d to is on the week. Peas:l o barley at Tuesday's prices. Indian corn varies laci', o condition, and irregular in value—new mixed Arae ri vt ranges from 27s 6d to 28s 6d per qr, and prime old brag 29s to 29s 6d. WAKEFIELD—JULY 19. „ A The supplies of grain at market to-day were moderate s. The wheat trade is inactive, at about l as t wee k's 1 0 L' The weather has been very unsettled, and occas i ona llY s°ip- e 0 heavy showers. In beans, barley, oa t s , ar4 d s b t ellizig change in value, with a dull sale. EXETE •JULY 19. The corn market was again very quiet. g Oa I Wheat, white .. 7s Od to7s 6d Barley.., 4 s Od to us 6 i Ditto new .7s Od to Os Od Oats ... 3s Oa to 35 Flour, fine, 44s to —s ; seconds, 42s to —s pe r sack. CATTLE. ere There was a small supply of cattle to-day, and prices also the same as at the f a i r on W e d nes d ay. Pork carcases $ in small supply. ~ , i 1 Fat beef,p score, 12s to 13 s 0d Ewes, per lb .... 60 to b a Pork carcases,doßs to lls 6d Wethers, d 0...... 7a to, Lambs, per 1b.......8id to Od Fat calves, do ...50 to y " Rough fat, 4d per lb. DERBY SMITHFIELD—JULY 16. ao The market was well supplied w ith f a t b eas t s to- d, The demand was good, and high prices again obtail a e to A large supply of sheep and lambs, in good request, s t , er e prices. The supply of c a l ves was l arge. F at pigs " a good show, and of excellent quality. + 61 d Beet 7;d to 71d Veal Mutton ... 7d t o 74d P or k Lamb Bld to 9d Rough fat, 4s 8d per $-- " tos e ' Hides, 3d to 41d ; calf skins, 5d to 6d. BRISTOL SUGAR—Jury 19. The market for raw sugars has bean very active this Wet and very large sales have b een e ff ecte d on th e spot taAeg. cargoes to arrive for orders. P r i ces i s hi g h er this lbo Refiners' produce has sold freely at 6d to is advance. demand for rum is very trifling. COAL MARK (rem of Coal per Ton at ET—JULY 17. the dose of the market a, s• s. d. Holywell 15 6 Tanileld_Moor Butes l3 0 Carway and Duffryn Malting Do. Anthracite 21 6 West Wylam l4 0 Wylam l5 6 Buddle's West Hartleyl6 4 Lambert's West Hart ley 16 0 West Riding Hartley 15 0 Ships at market Walker Primrose ..... Walls End. 6 Hough Hall .•..19.19 0 Hartlepool.. ••• • . 6 .1/ 6 Thorpe .. ' 18 6 Relloe •.. • • . iS 6 South KeHoe.. • ' . 16 9 Bell.. ..... • ••118 Trimdon Hartlepool • 26; sold, 26. THE MAILS. MAILS DUE. Australia, Ceylon, and Mauritius (via Sou.th ampton) .. .. .. .. ... . July I .?* Do. ( v i a M e rse ill es ) Aug. - 1 4 2. Brazil and Cape V er d s .. .. Aug Buenos Ayres, Monte Video, &c • . • • Cuba and Mexico .. .. .. :. :: Jul I' 9 ' Canada, &c. (via L'd err y) .. .: .. July ---' Cape of Good Hope, &c. ~ .. . Aug. l' China, Penang, and Sin ga p ore (via S'a•mpt,cn) July ',,'-; Do Gibraltar (via Southampton) .( .. via. M.ars.iilles) July ,: l a a. ,‘: India(Calcutta), Ceylon, &c. (via Southampton) July ,V. Do, . (via Marseilles) July , ' G India (Bonak.y), (via:Southampton) . .. July 2 ' . JulY 2° ' Do. (via Marseilles) .. .. 21 Lisbon July Malta, Egypt, and Aden (via South am pt on ) .. July , 1 -- )0, Do. (via Marseilles) .. JulY o ` i 'Vigo, and Oporto .. .. .. .. .. July ` ‘ ,l', United States, California, &c. .. . July 1 0. Western Coast of Africa, Madeira, Teneriffo .. Aug' n 'o West Indies and Pacific. Cartha gena , C u b a , & c . Julp"' lie d The "gentler sex" at 60 look with complacency on whiL 4. e , e r, tresses, but to youth it is a calamity ; remediable, hove' 1 0 by Herring's magnetic brushes, &c., of which D r . gals remarks " I regard them as the mo s t per f ec t bruo' ii, e hitherto made, as respects their mechanical construet_.,l° and their-magnetical action.'" They are the remedy for hair, neuralgia, rheumitis'ou, AT N.B.—counterfeits being made. Offices, 32, E asinghall-street, London. [ADVERTISEMENT];-^lt is ever a pleasing duty °' journalist to int ro d uce to his readers some new discovery calculated to benefit that vast portion of our fellow- O .Z. tures, which has th e strongest claims upon our symPs t lids It is with thi s feeling, that we call the attention of invs c i g to the following txtracts from Du Barry's interestl;o report of Cures without medicine by Du Barry's Rera l .,,, e iel Arabica Food. C ure N o . 52 , 422 . —B r id ge h ouse , Fri 11 , Surrey, 3d April 1854. I have suffered these 33 years c ds , tinually from diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver de • rangement, deafness, singing in the ears, constipation , re' bility, shortness of breath and cough, which have been 4 . 0 , moved by your Revale n t a A ra bi ca . My lungs, liver, se'et, mach, head, a n d ears , are a ll r i g ht , my hearing Per f and my recovery is a marvel to all my acquaint Dr James Roberts. Cure No. 36,418. Rev. Minster of cramps, spasms, and daily vomitj Avoid Pills and Medicin es : th e y invariably aggravate ant, perpetuate diseases ; their annoyance, disappointra,c a d and expense may be avoided by using Barry's which, at a few pence per day, saves 50 times its cos , 0 . other remedies, removing effectually-, wi th ou t pu rgnl constipation, indigestion (dyspepsia) 'ner vous , bilious "to liver complaints and all their consequences. Certifies No. 36,418. We find it the safest reme d y. A n d re W re MD., F.R.S., Dr Harvey, Dr. Wurz er, Dr. Shorlaud , Campell. Let invalids avoid the feQ rful dangers of sp f rious and injurious imitations offered under a vari et Yth ° o false pretences. Nevill's imitations are prohibited by agates high Court of Chancery under a penalty of £5,000 ag7 ce s Alfred Hooper Nevill and his agents ; and the Pr ete t pit that Nevill has a patent for Arabia Food and r' e ` fa ire. Barry's are connected with such patent are utterly Barr y No canister is genuine without the name 8arrY,V.,,,,. 0 „ u or. and Co., 77, Regent-street, in full, onthe seal ana " — " Li st Shopkeepers who attempt imposition in one article W lly, expect to be distrusted in all others. Packed ill t ins/ TM 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s, 63, ; 51b. lls.; 121 b. 225. ; 241 b. 40s. e _ t and 60 a: B q s 160, 0 ,,, 121 b. and 241 b. canisters are sent carriage fr ee d Co. 7, l‘ u. of Post-office order by Barry Du Barry an d Co Abl9 lo on mil!, gent-street, London; Fortnum Mason, ef • 60, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapsid and grocers, bard-street; 330 and 451, Strand; 49 , p);.1 hopsgsA, street; Batty, 16, Finsbury Pavelnen. , pipe and Is.ino• William-strew' tea-dealers; Petty, Wood, and - City; at 127 Hush B olborn BIRTHS. s N s V e y ll n di . a K ni- e p rr la , c E ,e sq l3 . :lf f ; of daughter. w ED/L —On the 13th inst., at Clifden, Galway, the wife Commander Whitmarsh Webb, R.N ,of a son. e. K :t ß o ß nlTo O na n re th , WEST bury, l' 4 • vv Mrs. Algernon West, of a son. On the 18th inst., e th n e th w i i n fe st s uf lt it s u , at Wembley Orchard, Pll-' MARRIAGES. rlet BOORD—MACKINLAY.---011 the 18th inst ,at S.. -,.". e pu Regent's-park, T. W. Boord, Esq., elder son of ' ° a - r et Boord, Esq., of Upper Hyde -park-gardens, to lqafrbite , elder daughter of T. G. Ma ekinlay, Esq., °- gent's-park -gardens. WAY—PARRY. --On the 18th i Tust at Trinity Ch ht J Tunbridg e - we ll s, the Rev. John Hugh Way, v!.c urc ot daub Henbury, Gl oucestershire, to Caroline, second d""b of the late Rear-Adiniral Six- W. Edward Parry. DEATHS. BL ACKBURNt.—On Saturday, July 20, in Upper Broo/t; street, Grosveno - r-square, Anne, wife of John Relay" Blackburne, Esq., of Hale Warrington. BAWBAGE.—Or. the 17th inst., at Bishop's Tawton, Wm. Berry B a bb age, E sq ., 111.11.C.5., late of he Kent-road, aged 27. BORRADAILE.—On the 17th inst., at Bangalore,_Colopel Alfred Bortachtile;Madras Light Cavalry, - aged 69. BITOKLAND.—On the 17th inst., at Sunbury, Middlesex' G. W. Buckland, Esq., M.R.C.S., formerly of Shaftes bury, Dorset, v.ged 64. GLOSTER.—On the 19th inst., at Knightsbridge, Colon el Thomas Gloster, late 61st Regt., aged 74. HALE.—On:the 18th inst., at 4, Cannon-street, Ford Esq., aged 80. HART.—On the 17th inst., John. George Hart, Esq., Stout, market, aged 76. LoNoorr : Printed and Published by 3IUnDo -YOU,,G, No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TIIE SUN Office, No, 112,5": f in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County Ott ) 41441 satur Sigh July 2 0 , 1861. -Vol burl and chef the( l ins 1V hox E thea seem till Opel Alt( M. j X( e 6 1 r Trot a.m. the the al Wit Ci be i Pam at 1( the (14s. Stra Broi itf; una UST int( Pay .Pa 7.