The Sun. — London, England, 1856-05-02 00:00:00

o much rere not r Sebas woe the, a l , an d y from ky a fter ; . be fur 14th of rendes t oe of iieerved thst. ing 11 1 r uld 0" exPrells pose .iver be 011. ted the °ironer bat it A i° ,r 7 sa %lon g aoti00• th e :e with ilas on at• t Iry prr a hav e a for. 1.! .after re t° 1(1 3e ci" f Co n. -sal in; 043 of ;11 f sc : it oe' • roroP t o f O. for ys that w e l ch 3 t the i n 00 Xe r° ry d ir iera bor of the piaiw 3 cause n e n On grie!' )ate I° ' a bi ll ' bt sg ° ['carnet ad 13114 house' is Or as hal, ad no-, )la in of ►emb er ; 00110. of On e LOOM must become very limited ; and no doubt that is a theory very agreeable to a Ministry, from whatever party selected. To say that opposition is only to be justified by a division sufficiently successful to upset a Ministry, is to lower poli tical conduct to a selflsa and sordid standard. It is telling the people of this country that their Parliament is not to be an assembly where the relative merits of different principles of Government aruto be discussed and debated ; where the pulse - of the nation is to be felt ; and where the passions even of the people are to be represented ; but that it is to be a clever, well-organised, mechanical assembly, where nothing is to be considered but selfish consequences and the mere am bition of the individuals who are fortunate enough to obtain a seat in it, and where the distribution of power and enjoy ment are to be, in fact, the sole objects held-in view. It is not so that I have understood the character of Parliament ; it is not so that I have conceived the duties of opposition. (Hear.) There is a ready answer for a Minister to a captious and factious Opposition. Be will appeal, and, generally speak ing, not without success, to the independent feeling of this house, and if he is not supported here he will appeal without fear to the country. (Hear.) But so long LI we represent— whether our opinions be erroneous or not—a great force of public opinion on any question - which we bring forward, so long as we vindicate, though we.be a-minority —and it is the necessary consequence of our Parliamentary system that an opposition should be a min rite—the principles of Govern ment and the policy which we thinkright we are fulfilling our duty, and not all the swagger of a Mihistry, not all the flip pant taunts of its followers, will •deter us from taking that course which we believe to be founded on right and justice. (Cheer's.) No majority, however aceideutally gained, can de prive discussion of its consequences nor prevent the force of truth—if truth be on the side of our opinions—ultimately prevailing. (Cheers) It is thought, and justly thought, to be a very great inconvenience to have to address you, Sir, at the end of a long and protracted debate. Every public docu ment, which has been referred to as au oracle on the first night of debate has lost its inspiration in the course of the speeches which haVe been delivered. Every paper, Which was scarcely understood when first introduced to the notice of the house, has become worn and littnidar whin three or four nights of discussion have intervened, and all Vie arguments which are obvious have become obsolete. There is not an opinion which can be enforced, if it is just, which has not been examined, and all that is left to one who ad dresses you under these circumstances is the dreary duty of repetition.' There is, however, a counterbalancing advantage, which, were I as dexterous as the right hon. member for r..7ar lisle, I would make greater use of than unfortunately my abilities will allow me. There is this to be said, when we come to the conclusion of a debate the circumstances of the discussion have taken the relative positions of importance which they must ultimately occupy, but which when it com mences they unfortunately never can occupy. The principles which are of great importance when the debate is opened have found their proper position in men's minds as it proceeds, and at the end we have this advantage, that we see the real nestion at h sae divt sted of all those extraneouscircumstanci s which masses of documents and the ingenuity of speakers have cast around it; and we have therefore the opportunity of addressing the house, as briefly as I shall endeavour to do the present oceasion. What is the real point which we have to decide upon '1 The right kon. gentleman who has ad dressed the house with so much art has said that the subject under discussion may be divided under two heads—the con duct of the ambassador, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and the subsequent conduct of the Government iu the summer of 1855. These, he says, are the two points which we have to consider in calculating what may have been the causes which led to the fall of Kars. With great respect to the• right lien. gentle man, I cannot agree with him in that division of his. Ido not consider that the conduct of the ambassador is a moiety —certainly not a principal moiety— of the subject. Let us look a little at this question of the conduct of the ambassa der, because the observations of my hon. and learned friend the member for Enniskillen on this part of the subject have been very much misunderstood. I draw from them inferences quite the reverse of those which were drawn by the right honourable gentleman the member for Carlisle. (Hear.) When the fall of Kars was first known iu this coun try—l speak of circumstances notorious, lam sure, to mem bers on both sides of the house —there was undoubtedly an in stantaneous, feeling of sorrow and indignation. (Hear.) I hardly ever remember au occasion when our troops bad not been engaged and when our own immediate interests—in terests, at least, which the mass of the population would look upon as immediate—were not affected, on which that feeling was so deep and so prompt. (Hear.) What hap pened ? Mysterious whispers were heard from those who knew it was impoSsible to deny the nature and consequences of the catastrophe, and who, feeling how disgraceful and in jurious the event must be to the Governmen!, were anxious to palliate it as much as possible. It was darkly said, that if we only knew the truth we should find that the Government were perfectly blameless, that there was another influence at Work which had produced all the mischief. For a consider able time, in a most powerful and consistent manner, by the Most able machinery, th,e public mind was kept quiet by the intimation that there would at last be a revelation, that it 'Would at last be known, what was che criminal influence Which had caused the sad disaster, but that wo must wait for a time before the scapegoat was indicated. At last the fact was published, and the vapegoat was indicated by the same Machinery. Every means—l will not say which a Govern rnent s can influence, because we know that all Government, aro totally uninfluential—a Government never influences any body nor anything—but every means which power, ingenuity, and some feeling of despair could command was set to work to prove that it was the ambassador at Constantinople who Was the real cause of the disaster. Some days before this blue-book .was published we were told that 62 despatches, Addressed to the ambassador by Colonel Williams, had re- Ittained unanswered, and the people of England were asked whether an ambassador who left 62 despatches unanswered on so important a subject had sot betrayed his country I Public indignation was excited against Lord Stratford, and there was one of those strong but premature verdicts pronounced against him which are often as unjust as they are precipitate. I am not here to vindicate the conduct of Lord Stratford dt /Wenn with respect to General Williams. ,My hon. and learned friend doe; not bring Lord Stratford's conduct before the house to be branded by its verdict. Look at the resolu tion. What reference is there in it to that part of the sub ject ? My hon. and learned friend was neither able nor w 1 _ _ iing to defend the conduct of Lord Stratford to General Wil. ~. - --- -.---- ----- -- -- ------ limns, but in ilje volume. which cont,ins all the confidential correspondence between Lord Stratford and the Government, here is a passage which my hon. friend the member for Dor setshire said he could not believe though he had read it, in which the Secretary of State complains that he has appealed _.. often and often in vain, and continues to appeal in vain, to the ambassador. All the correspondence is placed before . the house—much of which it was not necessary to place before' us, according to the view now supported by the Government —and an amendmeNt was placed on the paper by an hon. gentleman whO sits behind the noble lord, which, if it had any object at all—there certainly are people who have no ob ject iu life, and for aught I know the member for Leominster may be one of them—(laughter)—was meant to divert the storm from the heads of the Ministry and to direct it ou the head of Lord Stratford do Itedclitfe. My hon. and lea ned friend was forced to go into the question of the conduct of Lord Stratford towards General Williams because the Govern- went placed the whole of that correspondence upon the.table. It was impossible to avoid giving au opinion upon the conducl of that eminent person, an TI I defy any person of a generous disposition, or who has a due regard to the public service of this country', to avoid expressing such opinion with the ulmost frankness, The conduct of Lord Stratford, as shown by the d)cuments which her Majesty's Government have placed upon the table, was indefensible. But the argument of my hon. and learned friend—an argument in which I perfectly con eur-,a constitutional argument, and, like all constitutional arguments, a just and generous one—is this—lf Lord Strat- ford has sinned so grievously, you did not recall him ; and therefore you, and you alone, are responsible for his conduct. (Hear, hear.) It was the unnecessary placing on the table of the whole of this correspondence with regard to Lord Stratford and Mr. Commissioner Williams which forced us to form the opinion which my hou. and learned friend ha :frankly and fully expressed. My lion, and learned friend refuses to include Lord Stratford in the motion which he _asks the house to adopt, because the Government, by not yo calling the .ambassador, has made itself responsible for his conduct. lam not surprised that a Cabinet Minister has, in a manner becoming one who occupies such a position, sanc tioned and adopted that constitutional theory. Why, sir, it there are any principles which ought to regulate us in . our oh ervations on public men, they are the two principles never to permit an attack to be made upon a particular Minister when we believe that the whole Cabinet is responsible for his con duct—(hear, hear)—a species of attack which I have ever re sisted: and which I hope I shall never sanction—and never to allow that. any person employed in the service of her Majesty abroad—however outrageous, however iniquitous, ho;vever ruinous, in our opinion, his _conduct may be—is guilty so long as he is not recalled by hor Majesty's Govern ment. (Hear, hear.) I suppose the noble lord (Lord Pal merston) will concur with me that these are the principles which ought to guide our conduct. Bnt, sir, I cannot agi • with the right hon. baronet (Sir J. Graham) that the conduct of Lord Stratford is by any means an important portion of the subjeetAuider discussion. It is not touched in the reso intion. . 4.- Sir J. GRAHAM—The nen-recall of Lord Stratford. Mr.' DISRAELI—But the non-recall of Lord Stratford is not referred to in this resolution. I think the question is - of a much simpler kind. Somewhat more than a year ago that happened to the Government of Lord Aberdeen which the President of the Board of Control (Mr. V. Smith) says we want to do to the present Government; It. was " upset." There is not the slightest wish to " upset",.the. present Government here. (Cries of " Oh, oh !") We are not the men for that. If we wanted to " upset" a Govern ment we should seek an artist on some of the benches behind the noble lord (Palmerston). (Laughter and cheers.) We art plain men, quite content to assert our opinions and vindicate cur principles. We are so silly, sooth, that we actually ex press in our resolutions that which we say in our speeches. (Hear.). But, sir, rather more than a year ago the hand of a very fine,artist " upset" (as the President of the Board of Control said) the Government of Lord Aberdeen. We had rr, idea that that Government was going to be " upset." We thought it was the strongest Government which this country ever possessed; and I suppose had there not been in the Cabinet one who was equal to the occasion it never would have been "upset." (A laugh.) Let me remind the house What was the ground on which the noble lord the member for London (Lord J. Russell) left that Cabinet and sealoc its doom. It was frankly expressed. The noble lord found fault • with the conduct of the war ; and mainly, specifically, par ticularly, and precisely with the conduct of the war in Asia. , (Hear, hear.) The hon, member for Aylesbury ha made a speech upon that subject, which reminds me that the hon. member (Mr. Layard) said the other night that he had been continually bringing the war in Asia before the house, and asked us wby we had not supported him,—in fact, spoke of us in language almost as contumelious as that of the Scotch members to-night. (A laugh.) I will take this opportunity of saying, on the part of myself and my friends, that we arc quite unconscious of the laclees of which the hon. gentleman has accused us. I perfectly recollect that the hon. member for Aylesbury was in the habit of giving notices of motions upon almost every night of the sesdon ; but at this mo ment I have no recollection that he brought forward one of those motions. (Hear, hear.) Constant visions I have 'of excited houses called together to hear the revelations of the honourable gentleman, and alm"st equally constant ones of Occasions on which—of course prompted by the most patriotic motives—he felt it his duty not to embarrass her Majesty's Government. (A laugh) That the hon. mem ber did once make a speech on the war in Asia, there is, I believe historic evidence, because that speech threw into a musing mood the noble lord the member for London (Lord J. Russell), and made him contemplate the position of his Cabi net, and his responsibility to his country ; and it was that speech, like the first move iu the " House that Jack Built," which ultimately destroyed the Government of Lord Aber deen. (Laughter.) Now, sir, why was the Government of Lord Aberdeen destroyed i It was because he did not elfi . ciently conduct, because he entirely neglected, the war in Asia. Well, that—to use an expression lately adopt e d f rom the German — is the " standing point" of this question. We have been told several times in the course of thi, discussion that we must look to dates. I will look to dates. At the °ad of January, 1855, the Government of Lord Aberdeen is destroyed by . a colleague, who of course, acted wider' some sense of responsibility, because he neglected the war in Asia. If you look to dates, you will find that about the same time General Williams was made a Turkish officer or the highest rank, was invested with the Ferik, was evidently contented with his position, and felt that at last he could accomplish all that he desired, and could achieve those great results which from the first he saw with so clear a ken were to be attained. Therefore, we started the year with great advantages. We ,had a Government fornied to carry on with efficiency this neglected war in Asia, and at the same time all these squab bles, jealousies, and misunderstandings with Lord Stratford— the evil effects of which Ido not depreciate, but mist ear nestly deplore, and think that they ought to be visited on Lord Stratford, and to which I think he cannot look back without regret and remorse—were terminated By a fortui tous combinatiou'we bad a Prime Minister —a modern Chat ham —determined to carry on with vigour the war in Asia, and all these local misunderstandings with which the Government of Lord Aberdeen had to struggle, and which would have been some excuse for them, had been terminated General Williams was in a powerful position, recognised by the Turkish authorities, invested with great powers, content, sanguine, determined to do his duty, and looking only to the gentlemen opposite to support him, and to give him an oppor tunity of at ainiug those great objects, which, had he been supported, his bold spirit, his mind, so fertile in expedients and resources, would undoubtedly have enabled him to accom plish. (Hear.) If that be a true representation of the p,:si tiou of affairs—and that it is so is proved by your own doeu ments on the table—l have a right to ask what did you (the Government) do? Talk to me no more of Lord Stratford. I admit all that I admit that his conduct was, as stated by my hon, and learned friend, indefensible. I think he may read these debates with profit. With regard to him I will agree to anything except the amendment of the hon. and learned member for Leominster (Mr. G. Phillimore) of which he himself was ashamed, and which was unjust, unconstitu tional, and unsupported by evidence. Yet lam told that it was at one : tune sanctioned by a very great authority. It would have beca a disgrace to the House of Commons. But now I ask you—you who were formed as a Government to conduct the war with effect and to prevent the continiance of this shameful negligence in the Asian army—you whe had the advantage of acting with a man who had been put in au intelligible, powerful, and satisfactory position—what have you done for the country ? What did you do for him ? This is a question which appears to me to be a very proper one for the consiteration of the House of Commons, and I believe that the people of Edinburgh are of the same opinion. (A laugh.) I believe that it is much more im portant that that question should be discussed, that some satisfactory conclusion of this involved controversy should be arrived at, that some determinate opinion should be expressed on this matter, than that the bill of the hon. member for Ayr, which the house would not meet to consider, should be introduced.' Well, what did you do for Gen. Williams? "• Did-you assist him with men? That is the most extraordinary feature in - this Case -- Webave been told that this debate has been prolonged for factious purposes, and that it is quite unnecessary that there should be any speeches upon a subject which is so insignificant and so petty. Nay, but ais is a great question, a. , :d one iu which the ho nour a the country is deeply involved. (Hear, hear.) Did you assist General L ill.ams ; and if so, when ? ( Rear, bear.) We have been told that you hid it not in your power to do so. I protest that, hail I not myself heard this excuse from the lips of Ministers of the Crown, and from those of the right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle—l say nothing oft the other members who like mu•kieg birds repeated the words of those high authorities—l shoald have found it difficult to be lieve that any man of position*ould have had the courage Aistand up in his placeaucl use such language. (Hear, hear.) We have been assured that all the energies of the nation were concentrated on Sebastopol, and that the stake was too great, the conflict too arduous, to admit of your undertaking any other. enterprise. That the stake was great I freely confess ; that the energies exerted were no greater than the occasion .emanded events have testified ; that mighty efforts were required to be made even by the leading nations who were enin.irked in the struggle is beyond all controversy. But what armies were assembled on that remote peninsula ? France was there, Imperial France—England was there, free and patriotic England—yh'it had by your side the Turkish army, a gallant band, whose valour had been proved on many a well contested field ; you had brow.: ht from the north of Italy a body of men, dauntless and intrepid, for whom I trust that the glorious des . _ . tiny is yet reserved of exorcising a high and salutary influence on the fortuces of their country—(hear, hear)—and not con tent with these assembled hosts, you had. entered into con veutions, enabling Austria to call up from the banks of the Danube all the chivalry of Hungary to protect your interests in Wallachia and Moldavia. (Hear, hear.) You were five nations allied in a common cause—England, France, Turkey, Sardinia, Austria. That'you were playing a high game, and that you had a great st ke iu Sebastopol, I do not for one noment dispute. But was there not another Power wha liad also a great stake in'that mighty fortress? (Hear, hear.) `dad not Russia everything at stake in Sebastopol ? (Hear, hear.) And did she no , , prove by her policy that she knew well how to gauge the value of the prize she set her heart ou n Asia Minor? (Hear, hear.) Now that peace has been. concluded, we can afford to speak of Russia with the respect and admiration due to the prowess, the valour, and the fore sight of which she gate such abundant evidence throughout the recent contest. (Cheers.) Russia, I repeat, had every thing at stake in Sebastopol. Her pledge was as grave, her interest in tbe - fato of the struggle as momentous as it is pbs sible for language to describe. Yet Russia could at the same moment defend Sebastopol and invade Asia Minor. (Rear, hear.) And now woare told that the combination of two such enterprises exceeded our powers ! What a tribute to our cou,try ! - What a compliment to our great and faithful ally ! What an enccuragement for these rising Sardinians ! What an animating reflection for Turkey in her future con- ids with the'Czalr tell her that the banded nations of luropo made common cause against Sebastopol, and that Russia, unaided and alone, net only baffled them f r en year, bUt sent an army of diversion to Kars, while you could not afford 900 guns to General Williams ! (Hear.). I will not • believe that we are s) fallen that the House of Commons will tolerate such a defence. I tell you that you ought to have sent forces to Asia Minor—however grave the responsibility that devolved onyou—however great the stake for which you were coutending-however arduous the difficulties that encompassed you. hoar.) Yes, even though you had not had these true and gallant allies by your side—even though you had stood against Russia single-handed and alone it Sebastopol, it still would have been your duty to have gent assistance to gen. - Williams hi tsii Mbior. We have upon the table of this house a desp etch Tiiimlbat heroic offi- cer, written about the time when the Ministry of the modern Chatham was formed on the principle of carrying on with vigour the war in Asia Minor. I believe I am correct in stating that that despatch bears the date of the very day on which the nobio lord took his seat as First Ministe r of the Drown. In that most interesting document Gen. Willia►ns gave you an.estimate of the forces necessary not only to se mire his communication with •Erzeroum, but also to de,troy the Russian army in those regions. It was no such extrava cant calculation ; it was less than 20,000 men. (Hear.) Yet this aid could not be grlinted. Our army was engaged at the siege of Sebastopol, and we are to be told that with all the resources of England as completely at his oommand as if he .lad been autocrat, with an enthusiastic nation ready to pour ;heir treasure into his exchequer, the noble lord at the head of the Government could not afford to send 20,000 men to the relief of the beleaguered garrison in Armenia It exceeds )clief. (Hear.) Say, if you choose, that as a matter of high ~,eliey you did not think it necessary to interfere ; say, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer had the intrepidity to assert the other evening, that the fall of Kars was neither a military nor political disaster—say that or anything like it, and, how ever the facts of the case may be, you will at least have a plausible case for argument ; but, in the name of com mon sense, and if you would not insult the intellect of the house, do not ask us to believe that you were prevented from vindicating the honour of our army in Asia Minor, be cause, forsooth, your energies were concentrated on Sebasto pol. (Hear.) On the treaty of peace which the right hon. hart. thinks so satisfactory I shall express no opinion, except to say in general terms that peace is a great blessing where war has been carried on so inefficiently—(a laugh) -e-and that for my part, aileron I have seen, I should be disposed to welcome my peace which is not disgraceful. I may be permitted, however, to observe that the right hon. gentleman appears to me to have quoted erroneously the only two articles or the treaty othe tooonwthraicohtinhhas contracting p artailelsuded. presumel should e h r e re sorry t t h o T s e u e rk a y y in favour of the Christians according to the stipulations of that.treat.y, nor can I believe that the forts upon the eastern coast have been destroyed as he supposes them to have een under the provisions of that document, The treaty, as I read it, does not at all touch those important places. This, by Tway of an episodical answer to the right hon. gentleman's own episode ou the subject of the treaty. Reverting to the question niore immediately under consideration. I will take leave to assure the right hon. baronet that, whatever the treaty may be—whatever humiliations its conditions may impose on Russia—whatever may be her sacrifices of terri tories, fortresses, or fleets, Russia is entirely compensated for all her.losses by this avowal of the English Minister in the presence of the English Parliament, that united Europe, when pitied -, against her, was not so strong as to be able to offer resistance to her simultaneously in any two regions. i;ut, if you did not send men for the relief of Kars did you send money? This is a question that has been asked on both side's of the house, and, if it be not satisfactorily answered, the right hon. baronet will not stand justified before the country in supporting the Government. I:.deed, I must take leave to inform the right hon. gentleman that the grounds on which he seems disposed to vindicate his vote are not such as are likely to find favour with the country. When he speaes ho is listened to by others besides those who are, as semble'd in this chamber. The people of England Watch with interest what falls from his lips, and when they are told that, in the opinion of one of the most experienced of our states men, a Minister is to be exempted from the penalty of his mis conduct—the censure of this house—merelybecauQe he happens to be an old comrade of the right hon. bait they will be amazed at the doctrine, and confess that they haeo.heard from him a sentiment' ell calculated to shake their confidence in public men. (Hear, hear.) But -I again ask did Ministers send money to General Williams ? Who will rise hi this house and assert that they did, Not one single piaster did they send. The soldiers of five nations were wanted—eve y man of them —at Sebastopol. Was the money required there also ? Were all the balances of the Exchequer likewise and of the banks needed at Sebastopol? The noble lord at the head of the. War Department should have known, if any one did, what are the sinews of War; yet it will not be asserted that he sent any supply of them. (Hear, hear.) On subjects - of fina .ce the Chancellor of the Exchequer is, of - Course, a high authority. Without meaning any disrespect to him, however, he must permit.me to say that I did not concur with him in thinking that the fall of Kars was neither a military nor a political disaster. I3utr on questions of finance, whatever our political opinions, we naturally listen to anything that falls from the right hon. gentleman with the respect due to his high posi oHme k o t n o tow s d t h e y v e i l h u a e t o a f o m y o s n o emy howeverand d o e s sm n o a t l pretend d t fo io r n a . m havectis ua Minister rei posed ) rjye ibc Chancellor nate carrying ? :lootft o wef advantage sT tiohtafaht ortaletfihaostdeni etvoheaypetip csNoevt t srh n iiatnani tGogtnehee Exchequer,ne ra ,Williams. supposing w " But,"e sayshad pro . hsettaoHnawcooeichitsist:hihtool doctrine l te d ch soalwi Commons. o e mlu he d a nv v ehs e r.a vh h (eeH a ab d ie.edae o ta.a, f hear.) The functions of au Opposition under our form of Parliamentary Government are clearly defined and intelli gible. Every Minister knows that the measures he intro duces, if they have weak points in them, will naturally en counter animadversion. The country per sistexpeoetsppoitsitibouottothere antagonisti c i l . s: i e mvnwith n fi t oil Confidence i c e e n a a. s - The legitimate remedy of any y ed be, to the tribu nalare limits to this resistance. and I defyy if ti ao a f t () any eli n feeling e o n! . t t ha commono f t imei in en a lopasy c pe o e.i u l a M o i Minister i p s tuebrlpublic lies opinion.in nu ; t i H m u a t t e I a maxim which the right hon. gentleman cannot _ controvert, that it is the duty of the Government of this country to pro pose all such measures as they believe to be essential to the public welfare, w ithout the least reference to what may b e the conduct of 'an Opposition. The assertion of a different principle is a libel on our institutions, and I say; " Perish our Parliamentary constitution if its spirit be such that iu a period of war—in a critical emergency—a Minister dare not avail himself of the national resources because he fears the criticism of an Opposition." (Cheers ) Yet we have been told in this debate that we are nor, to allude to the extraordinary doctrines advanced by the Minister in defence of his conduct ; and the hon. member for Edinburgh, accusing us of faction, says it is not of the slightest consequence that we should trace national , calamities to the . r source, and that the assertion of the most dangerous principle is, forsooth, to go unchallenged in the ; House of Commons. But if the position taken by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer was constitutionally so untenable, how does it work practically ? The noble lord at the head of the - THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENINGri MAY 2, 1856; Government introduced the Turkish Loan Bill to this hones. Its preamble, if I can recall the terms aright, declares that the loan is to be raised for the defence of the territory of the Sultan. Were you too late in bringing forward that measure ? 'lf se, what is your vindication of your tardiness? You charge us with being an obstacle to your affording the neces sary supplies to the Ottoman Porte. We are no such obstacle; but, whatever were our intentions, your bill was passed with promptitude. I ask you, then, what did you do with the loan? Did you furnish the Sultan with money ; and, above all, did you remit the funds in time? If not in time, why, then, was your proposition not made before? (Hear.) But what did you do? Your . .measure was opposed in this house on grounds which, on reflection, I still believe to have been sound and cbnstitutional. (Hear, hear.) Its policy, I think, cannet be too severely impugned. In any case, it could only be justi fied by the extreme urgency of the occasion. There are moments, I admit, when , even the constitution must be wrested to save an empire ; and if the noble lord, had by his sudden, crude, and unprecedented project, rescued the Asiatic dominions of the Sultan, he would have found that vindication which energy, and especially successful energy, has a right to obtain. (Cheers.) . But not a piastre of your loan went to the relief of Kars. The justification of the Go vernment is, that it was too late—that is the excuse given by one of their own members. Of its truth, however, lam not quite so sure. The first instalment of the loan was paid in the month of August ; and the wonderful victory of General Williams at Kars was gained at the end of September, But I will not insist that the money mist not have been sent too late. I won't be so severe as to deprive the Government of the immense vantage groun 1 afforded them by such a plea 1 —(a laugh)—although I may doubt its perfect accuracy. Yet, in either case, I ask what became of the money ? Have hon. gentlemen looked at the return for which I moved on the day that Parliament met ? At that date those millions, raised by appeals which, if sincere—as I don't for an instant doubt— could only be justified by the Minister's want of information and care, were absolutely lying idle in the Bank of England, not one-third of the sum having been transmitted to Turkey. (Cheers.) I don't for a moment pretend that the Turkish loan was necessary to have saved Kars. We all k !row the amount necessary to have done that. The sum that you raise as a testimonial to a successful railway speculator, the sum that every hour of our lives we are called upon to contribute for some meritorious but obscure instance of excellent con duct, would have saved Kars. (Hear) Why, sir, the Cabi net might have themselves subscribed the money.. (Cheers and laughter.) The Government of Lord Aberdeen was changed because the war in Asia must be conducted with vigour ; to achieve that object the noble lord (Palmerston) stepper? into power, I ask him, how has he conducted that war with vigour ? Did he send men or money to Gen. Williams ? I have, I think, disposed of the unworthy and ignominious plea that you were too much occupied with the siege of Sebas topol to be able to defend Kar i. If you bad - been attacked in your Indian empire, at the Cape of Good Hope, or in any of your other possessions, you would, of course, have; defended yourselves. But was this a British interest—did it less con cern British honour? (Hear.) Of all the arguments used in this debate the one nsost discouraging and depressing to the heart of the nation is th , t which says you were unable, with all the aid of banded Europe. to resist ths foe save at one point; and that he must be suffered to run riot elsewhere be cause your energies were absorbed in oppo ing him at Sebas topol. (Cheers.) I am told that the resolution before us applies strong language to the Ministry. An Administration of great responsibility having been displaced in time of war because it failed. to wage the conflict with adequate vigour, a new. Ministry is constructed for the special vigour, a now Ministry is constructed for the special object of correcting the omissious.of theirp redecessors. Yet, when a heavy disaster occurs on the very theatre of the struggle which they were chiefly bound to prevent, because, under such circumstances, I ask whether they sent men or money, and find that they did neither, I am to be told that I am supporting a resolu tion couched in strong language, since it accuses such states men of want of foresight and energy. (Cheers.) Where is the display of those qualities proved ? lam not addressing the right hoc. gentleman the member for Carlisle, because, although he is about to support old comrades, has, in a most crushing and effective speech, demonstrated that they have exhibited neither energy nor foresisht. (Laughter.) I am addressing the Government—the modern Chatham, the War Minister par excellence—and I ask him in all humility, where in this period of the new Adminis tration is foresight to be detected and energy dis covered ? (Loud cheers.) On thb sth of March General Williams sent to the Government of England an account of the 'force necessary to secure not only ,his safety, but his triumph. His deMand for aid was moderate, and might easily have been met; but how was it treated? The facts are in the recollection of the house, and I have no wish to pervert them, Why, sir, communication was bandied from public office to public o#ice, and tossed from one Under-Secretary to another. The two Uoder-Secretaries corresponded with each other from either side of Downing-street like two wooden puppets pulled by stings. (A laugh,) The principle of existence was not necessary to such beings. (Laughter.) TO accomplish such results vital power was not necessary. The dnineuia vagula Mandula—that evaneseent thing —animated not those mechanical and frigid forms. (Laughter.) I , ought to have been one of the grounds of censure of the Government that they should, with fatal accuracy, have published this correspondence—that they should Lave revealed to Sa:dinia, to which this country oluilit to be a model, that this is the mode in which our public business is conducted that they should have damped the rising energies of the Turks by showing that the great nation which has saved theta conducts its affairs in such a manner. Well, the Under-Secretaries communicated from either side of Downing-street, at inter vals of about a fortnight, the principal Secretaries animating them with instructions quite worthy of the occasion. The demand of General Williams was tossed back to Constauti- nople ; at Constantinople it was tossed back by our Ambassa- dor to tho Divan, and the Turks were asked to do that which British gold and British valour ought to have accomplished. I . _ them this question, a very simple one :--Was that energy ,ers and laughter.) Is there a man in this house who will that was energy? Will even the First Minister of Crown rise iu his place and say that it was energy (Renewed cheers.) Well, on the 3d of August, the War Minister of this country, which was then engaged in one of the greatest struggles in which we have ever em barked, was in his place in Parliament called —I will not say to aceouit, but to deep and serious reflection, by one who will be admitted, even by those who differ from him on general political question; to be a ripe and practised states man, and one eminently qualified to speak upon such a sub ject —thee Earl of Elleuborough. In the month of August Lord Ellenborough, in his p - laeo in Parliament, called the attention of her Majesty's Government to the state of affairs AI Asia, and asked for information with reference to our pelicy. The War Minister of Eng'and then assured Parliament that in the opinion of her Majesty's Ministers the power of the Porte was sufficient to maintain its ~ nthority and domi nions in Asia. Was that foresight ? (Cheers and ,laughter.) If, in Om first instance, there wa, ; a want of energy, was there not subsequently a want of foresight ? A new Ministry was formed upon the principle of conducting the war in Asia, and from the period of their formation - to the fall of Kars there was an interval of nine months. We find that at last the Porte, wearied with the energy and foresight of the Bri tish aoverninent—(a langh)—in its desperation rallied its . ... . . resources ; it made a final effort, and it offered a plan of ac tion for the approbation of the British Ministers. That pro ject of the Porte, after due deliberation, and after many councils, was described by her Majes , y's Government as an insane plau - (cheers)—but I find that a month afterwards the same project was adopted by her Majesty's Government. (Renewed cheers.) Well, is that energy and foresight com bined ? (Cheers and laughter.) We have had instances of _ . vigouree I f r g g e y e itut a is :n i d tehdr f ,e o ha r g e nt s d i t g foresight; we into fall e l loafy i; o ;K w awr fi se n d the finer qualities is have complete,prescience h and I We have been told. that we are not justified b. inc ei.) 1 bring ing forward this question, Wh what t b su jut, for weeks, and more I i n d m u a s y tr i o s u a s y fo r m o t n ii t i h s a o t n e ly nti r o e n su ? result Upon what subject hmasoretheorcecuhpeieedh publicllf t he misrepresentation sy and greater perplexity ? e this debate had been to show the true light in which question is viewed by this house and by the c oun t ry it would be an important discus sion, as it is one necessary to the honour and usefulness of the House of Commons. We have, however, been told by the right. hon. hart. wholast add night by the. noble lord Fessed the ho use , and th e o th er the debate, that in Opposite,another place when he tried t o su pp r e ss place they have shrink from the I diSeussion of this question, can assure the noble I , ,rd and 1 his colleagues that th ey are ver y much mieaken. There has been no disposition 'n - th 1 e other House of Parliament to shrink from the discussion, and the course taken in that hou se by a noble friend of mine was one which noble friend (Lord MalmesburY)plhhe could not avo id. My elieve, fully and entir e ly approves of the sentiments expressed hon. and loomed friend the member for Enniskill en (M r. t in the resoluti on o f my Whiteside), but that no bl e lord thought proper to include in his motion a declaration of opinion co nsider the effect of thi s question that it was exp e di en t t o peace. When my noble friend's hejie upon the conditio ns o f stated by a member of her Majesty's notice was given, it was Government that the treaty of peace would be brought before the house on Monday, and, after what I cannot but think that the injudicious intro duction into his motion of the declaration it was of course totally impossibl e for my I have menti one d, noble friend to pur sue the course he had originally intended to follo w . I d o no t think, however, that my noble fri en d w for the opinion of the other House of Parliamentill shrink from calling ' s ubject. I have now touched upon what I upon this conceive to be the . principal points for the eonsideratiou of the house, and it on ly of rem ains for me to refer to the naturemy hon. and l earne d f r iend's motion, to which I shall g i ve my support; and which I trust the house will not reject witholitdu think the terms of that motion aro perfectly justified, not merely by the arguments which have been submitted to the h o use, but by the admissions which have been made by her Majesty's Minister s them s el ves , and bythe unanswerable argum ents of the right hon. member for Carlise, l (Cheers and l au ghter) This motion has been brought forward honoura ble' and. learned friend the membe r for Enniskillen by my niskillen at the desire, and with the concurrence, of all those i who have th e honour of acting w it h h i m in public life. t sa id that my hon. f riend p reci p ita tely forced this s has been sub th e con sideration of the house. It is not the habit ject upon hon. friend t o force any subject u p on the consideration of my the house.- -He is, in my opinion, peculiarlY fitted to bring for of ward this question f rom the attention he has devoted subject, and from his intimate ac q uaintan ce and constanttothe t ercours e with that gallant officer who was so rudely rejected --or rather ejected—from the office whichhe h e ld by the p re . sen t Minister for Wa r . The hon, and learned au b roug ht forward his motion in a manlier which entirely geu - tle j m n s tilled the expectations of his friends, and I cordiallythank him for that great intellectual effort, wh ich fully sustained the amendments the reputation of thi s house. ( Cheers, ) Two have been proposed to the motion of my bon. friend —one an hon. and. l ear ned member opposite (Mr. J. Phillimor eue by e), and the other by my hon. friend the member for (Mr. K. Seyraer). .1 shall support the resolution o my hon, and learned friend (M r. Whiteside), the intr oduction of which to this house, so far as m y humble influence is conc ern d Ihave already sanc tioned. I wish it, however, to be uncle I r. stood that I have uo desire —so far as the for ms of the house are concerned —to sta nd in the wa y of the amendment pro posed by the lion, member for Dorsetshire. I approve of the motion of the hon. and learned member for Enniskillen. I have vindicated it, and I am prepared to give my vote in its favour. I know ver y well the objections that are brought aga i ns t motions which it is probable may not be carried i n this house, In my opinion those objections are founded Commons, fallacy. and I think that the House of en tirely on a or rather the Oppo sition, commit a great mistake if the limit the occasions upon which they ask for the opinion of this house to those cases only in which, as the President of , the Board of Control says, they may upset a Cabinet. (Hear.) Far from that, I think, upon every occasion of importance, where there are subjects which arrest public attention, and especially; subjects upon which the public mind is perplexed, it is the duty of the Opposition to assert the policy which they approve, and to vindicate the principles which keep them together ; and to comment upon and denounce the conduct of the 'Minister, if they think that that conduct is injurious to the interests and the honour of the country. (Cheers.) If the opposition relinquish that duty,—if the country have reason to believe that they shrink from performieg that office, if they take refuge in a scandalous silence because they think they may not put the Ministry in a minority, I can tell them that they will, in the long run, fall in public estimation—(hear)-_ and that this house, too, will, equally in the long run, - fall i n p u bli c es ti ma ti o n ; and that no greater blow to the pH_ vileges and reputation of Parliament and - to the influence of the HouSe of Commons can be levelled than . that it should be come a question whether or no the Opposition is influenced only by selfish and sordid sentiments of official success and Parliamentary triumph. (Cheers.) The noble lord opposite may not be of ray opin!.on. (Hear.) • I fear the noble lord is not of my opinion. (Hear) Nothing but sentiments contrary to mine—nothing but early conduct in public life, utterly op. posed to that which I have attempted to • deseribe,. would have induced the noble lord, with indecent exultation the other night, when he knew, and ought to have known, that the question had only been partially discusied, and had not even been decently discussed from his own benches—nothing but feelings contrary to mine could have induced the nobe lord to express himself in such a manner as he did the othet night when a temporary majority was obtained by him (He ir, hear ) I deeply fear that the noble lord is influ enced by very different feelings to mine on this sullied: (`‘ Oh, oh !") Well, I will.prove to you. These happy in terruptions, when one is sometimes nearly wearied with. a: lengthened discussion, are what one is not ungrateful for. (Laughter.) I remember a crisis in this country scarcely of less importance than the one from which we are now emerging. I remember.whea.this country was on the eve of a war with a country with which, of all others, I should most deprecate hostilities; not only from considerations of . material interests, but from moral considerations—l mean the United States of America. I remember when this Co Attry was on the eve of a war with th -)t great Power. Sir Robert Peel was then Prime Minister of England ; ho appointed a ne gotiator for that great emergency,bne admirably qualified for the difficult but noble task which he had to accomplish.. With a wisdom which can never be too much admired and appreci ated Lord Ashburton prevented a war—(cheers) —and he laid the foundation of what I trust will be an enduring peace, evep though the noble lord is Prime Minister of England. (Cheers and laughter.) Well, sir, when Lord Ashburton returned with an admirable treaty he was received with the gratitude of the country, and with the appreciation of all men who duly valued the importance of his labours. (Cheers.) But there arose in this country, immediately on his arrival, an organised attack upon what was called the Ashburton capitulation— au attack conducted with ample knowledge, prosecuted with unceasing vigour, and constantly impressing upon the public opinion of England that our interests had been betrayal and (Mr honour had been disgraced. Well, sir, in due time, when the sane feeling with regard to the A s hb ur t on treaty had been created as has now been created iu regard to the capitulation of Kars, and when Lord Ashburton was selected to 'be the scapegoat then, as Lord Stratford de Redeliffe was'selected in the present instance, due notice was given to. the Parliament of. England that this importantAuestion, involving, as a perplexed and frightened public - belieVed, the deepest interests of the nation,. and oae which concerned matters of charge against the Prime Minister f England scarcely short of t reason, would be brought under the consideration of Parliament by one most competent to discharge that duty. It was brought forward by one who sat on this side of the house and opposite this box; and he had that which neither my hon..aaddearaed friend nor myself can pretend to, accurate official experience, derived from long years of pa-session of office, powers of great eloquence, and unri valled knowledge of the subject. The noble lord recollects the time when he introduced the question of the Ashburton capitulation to the attention of the House of Commons. The node lord and his friends now sneer at long speeches when the conduct of the Ministry is impugned. But the noble lord on that occasion made a very loug speech, though I don't believe it was so long as the speech of my hon. and learned friend : it certainly Was not so entertaining; that, however, was not the fault of the noble lord, but of his subject. (Cheers and laughter.) Never were such charges brought against a Minister as were male on that occ .sien when the assembled Parliament hung on the accents of the noble lord, a most ex petienc.d Minister, with a knowledge unrivalled in diplo matic subjects, and who is now Prime Minister of England. They were charg .s little short of treason urged by the noble lord, master of speech as he is, in a speech of hours. But the noble lord is not a rash leader of a party. He can make a long speech, and can make charges. which no man has a right to mare who is not prepared to take the opinion of Parliament upon them. (Hear, hear.) Toe noble lord; did all this. The charges were hi-ought forward with all the pomp and solemnity of an indietnient; the debate was ad journed, and ho concluded his elaborate and leugtheued ha rangue, not by a raolstion, and in strong language, but by a motion for papers. (i.:heers and laughter.) Now I wish to contrast, for the instruction of the house, the e Ise of my hon. and learned friend and the case of the noble lord. I wish those who think it rash to speak in stroug language—l wish t ,ose who think it precipitate to express in a resolution that which they dare not say in a speech--I wish them to contrast the conduct my rash and impetuous friend—(cheers) — with the wary and circumspect conduct of the noble lord. (Renewed cheers.) I am certain that the noble lord who accuses statesmen of treason, and ends by moving for papers, must have conducte 1 his business much more warily than lie supposes my hon. and learned to be .doing when he with so much complacency prophesied what is to be our doom this evening. (Hear.) Sir, we may be defeated, but until the .numbers are really known it is not necessary for me even to believe in that, (Cheers and laughter.) But at all events this unexampled speech of my hon. and lea'rned friend will be fel-. lowed by an explicit motion, and I am sure my hon. and learned friend will have the support of a large and powerful party, while the noble lord may possibly be supported by those, who have made speeches against him. (Cheers and laughter.). That will be to reverse the position of my hon. and learned friend. But what was the position of the wary master of tactics on the occasion of which I have spoken I Why, on the second night of the debate the noble lord, strong with his blue books, and with his documents admirably arranged and tied up, this great statesni In, who would not enter upon any imprudent course, had the satisfaction of finding the house counted out. (" Hear," and laughter.) Therefore I think the noble lord, who took such an exulting tone the other night, and who seemed to suppose that ours is to be the minority and his the nAjority, ought to remember that, whatever our fate may b , it will be at least superior to that of the noble lord when in a similar position. (Hear.) The right bon hart, the member for Carlisle ha , said he could have wished that a pro posal had been made to pass a vote of thanks to General Wil liams, but that there existed no precedent for such a course I too, sir, wish that this house had proposed a vete of thanks to General Williams. I Loud cheering) I wish this house had proposed a vote of thanks to Geu. Williams in the sense of ex pressing their indigdation at the manner in which he has bele supported. (Cheers.) That was an idea which had occurred to others besides the right hon. baronet. (Hear.) But we, too, were stopped by routine. 'Mere was no precedent. I think it would have been wise if we had made a precedent— (hear)—and had proposed a vote of thanks to a roan who was the distinguished object of an admiring Senate, and had ex pressed• our sympathy with one who isan exile and a prisoner. (Cheers.) I think it is well, sometimes, that NV4 should slow our sense of the conduct of men who, though not successful, are at least triumphant There are heroes in adversity, and there are prisoners,not to say it profanely, who have proved even more than conqueror by their leading captivity itself captive. Wo have not been able to express those feelings, but at least we have done this—we have not taken refuge in a shame ful silence ; we have allowed to the people of this Country au opportunity of having their opinions and feelings repre*uted in this, their owe house ; and, whatever may be the fate of this division, we have had the satisfaction of expressing our sympathy with heroic merit, and with national honour. (The right hon. genteman resumed his seat amid loud cheering.) Lord J. RUSSELL—Though this debate has continued to 1 this late hour on the third night, I hope the house will in- 1 dulge me by listening to a few observations which I wish to address to them. I admired, in common with. others, the ability and the eloquence of the lion. and learned gentleman who introduced this motion, but. I own it did appear to me that admitting that censure may at any time be proposed, he chose with singular infelicity the occasion to propose it. If the war had gone on it would have been competent for the hoe. and learned gentleman to say that Turkey would suffer by the loss of Kars ; but the answer to any such language is, that the war is coueuded, and that Kars will in a few weeks be again bearing the flag of Turkey. Or, it might be said, in another view, that the loss of Kars had been injurious to the negotiations, and that the terms of peace bore testimony to the loss we sustained when Kars surrendered. Bat the hon. and learned gentleman, instead of following the example which has beim given in the other House of Parliament, did not wait for the introduction of the treaty, but on the very day that the treaty of peace was laid before the house, he in troduced this motion. Well, then, I must say upon the mo tion itself that the house will be disposed to view the war as a whole—that they whi consider its various parts, and whe ther, having undertaken to defend Turkey for the present, and to obtain some security for her for the future, those ob jects have not both been fully attained. With regard to the ag gression of Russia upon Turkey, it was evident that aggression might be made either on her European provinces or by means of a fleet from the Crimea, or on the eastern frontier. With regard to the European provinces, the heroic defence of Silistria, the gallant fights on the Danube, and, lastly, the occupation by Austria and the evacuation by Russia of the Principalities, secured Turkey on that side. But the next question was the means which Russia possessed in the Crimea. Lord Aberdeen's Government, after deliberaely considering in what manner the means of warfare on the part of Rus.ia might best be crippled, and the war brought speedily to ater mivation, decided that the mode of attaining those objects was to send an expedition to the Crimea. The sight hon. gentleman who has just spoken says he expressed his fear at the time of any such expedition. Well, no doubt that expe dition was of a nature to make it hazardous. For a time it did not succeed. The bombardment of the 17th October failed, the winter passed in privation and misery, the bom bardment of April likewise failed, the assault made on the 18th of June was unsuccessful, Well, then, I ask the house, such being the state of your expedition to the Crimea, under taken with the best troops of Great Britain and France, was it not the duty of the Government to endeavour by all means to procure the success of that expedition?--(hear, hear)—to encounter any risk, to press any object, rather than to allow that expedition to fail? The hon. and learned gentleman Who introduced this motion blamed the Government of her Majesty, and blamed the Emperor of the French for requir iug that, before any portion of the army was despatched from Balaklava and Eupatoria, the opinion of the generals should. be taken: I think that the allied Governments acted wisely in that respect— I think that they acted with foresight and with energy. What would have been the case had the assault • in every way failed, owing to the wens of troops at Balaklava? That was - the obvious reason, that was the pre vailing motive why an expedition was not sent earlier in order to cover Kars. I will not at this time enter into the military question, which has been most ably argued to night, as to whether the troops should have been sent in one direction, or in another to the relief of Kars. The President of the Board of Control says that the Government took military opinions before they decided that question, and therefore I think that disposes of a charge which might otherwise have seemed probable, that the Turkish authorities having decided in favour of an operation, they peremptorily • rejected it, and preferred another. We come then to the question whether taking iSebastopol and attempting to de stroy what they have. destroyed; the whole fleet of R uss i a, which had been so long a menace to Turkey, whether consis tently with that object they could obtain men and money for the purpose of sending to Asia. I heard these accusations of the right hon. gentleman, and of those who act with him, with a deal of astonishment, because I could not help think ing that our small army having exhausted its sever a l batta lions in furnishing troops to hold the lines of Sebastopol, it occurred to the Government of Lord Aberdeen to endeavour to raise a force of Swiss, and Germans, and Italians ; they thought that if 20,000 0r.30,000 of these tro o p s could have been collected at Constantinople who were not urgently wanted in the Crimea, there would then have been the means of sending the Turkish army to Erzeroum or to Kars, But what was the discouragement thrown on that plan—(hear) —what were the terms of contumely which induced the spit ited Germans for soma months to refuse to enlist in any such fordo, and thereby prevented that additional force being given to Turkey, and by whom was that discouragement made, and those terms of contumely used 1 By Lord Derby and Lord Ellenborough in the other House of Pardament, and the right hon. gentleman and his friends in this house. Well, then, it was desirable no doubt to send money to Turkey to enable Turkey to continue the war. A loan was obtained by her own credit in the first year of the war. In the second year, the whole of that money being exhausted, Turkey, finding it exceedingly difficult to support and pay her army, _ asked the assistance of the allies to support her credit. For my own part, I may have thought it would have been bet ter to have made a eubsidy to Turkey ; but Government were quite content to take other means to give assistance But when that was proposed in this house, and my noble friend the First Lord of the Treasury, going far beyond the usual language of ministers, implored this house to grant a guarantee because he said Turkey might fall to pieces if that assistance were not given, this house by almost a majority endeavoured - to defeat that object. And who were the fore most in endeavouring to - refuse that assistance ? Why the eight hon, gentleman and his friends: - I trust that whatever may be at times the injustice of public opinion, and I' think I am one of those who at timesheve suffered from that injustice —that in this couutry, and in every country ,vhere we can have any influence, there will be a free current of public epinion, and the representative institutions may gain fresh strength and excite increased admiration from the contests in which we have lately been engaged. - • Lord PALMERSTON—The right hon. gentleman has taunted me with the course which I thought it my duty to pursue on Tuesday last., lie has endeavoured to represent that it was my object to stifle discussion. Sir, I entirely deny that representation. Undoubtedly f thought that at the time at which the adjournment was moved there still remained time to carry the d scussiou to an end, and that it ,was more fitting to go on with it than to adjourn it till this evening. I certainly thought, and still think, that the divi sion which toot place on that occasion was not simply a divi sion on the question of whether the debate should bo adjourned, but that it deAared in a gieat degree the opinion which had .been formed by the members present as tb the question which is now under discussion, and I thiuk that the state in which we are at present is a state that has often boon proposed for Parliament—dividing first and debating afterwards. The speech of the - hon. and learned gentleman who made this motion was indeed a wonderful speech. (Hear, hear.) It was a .speech of great ability, as all speeches made by that hon, and learned gentleman must nseesearily be, (Hear.) It was a speech, however, which those who saw it, I s)y, not heard it, but those who saw it, must admit to be a speech which exhibited as much bodily activity as mental tcumen. It must have been gratifying to the friends of the hon. and. learned gentleman to see him continue for four hours and a half to exert so much power; but however cre ditable the speech was to the body auckyniud of the hon. and learned'getlran, it did little credit to the judgment with which it was, ceived. The hon, and learned gentleman be gan with a ' ii rtation upon the interest of England as con nected with rkey, with Affghanistan and with India, and 1 2 founded the tument by which he proceeded to eondemn the conduct of the Wivernment upon the assertion that by net at tempting operations in A sia we were neglecting the great interests of England in India. Why, if anything could be imagined more calculated to encourage those suspicions which the enemies of England endeavoured to engender as to the ob ject of Euglaud in the war, such representations were calcu lated to effect that purpose. The Russians endeavoured to instil into the minds of our allies that we were dragging them into the war for objects of our own ; that it was not the maintenance of the power of Turkey that we so much wanted, as that we wanted to defend our Indian territories. Cer tainly we engaged in that war not for the purpose of defending India. If England should be attacked we are capable of de fending ourselves. We do not want the alliance of any Power for the purpose of defence. England is able to defend her self, when attacked, in any part of the world. (Cheers) We and our allies, when we commenced the war, disclaimed any selfish interest. We bad European objects as important to our allies as ourselves the Maiutexance of the Turkish empire and the balauce of power in Europe. The speech, therefore, of the bon. and learned gentleman was calculated to give countenance to an opinion utterly inconsistent with the fundamental principle of the war. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman's address was certainly productive of one very singular and remarkable, result. A noble I ieud of his in the other house of Parliament, who had given notice of a motion of the same purport, whether actuated by the effect of that speech, or from whatever cause but certainly by a most remarkable coincidence, the very next evening abandoned his design. (" Hear, hear," 'and a laugh.) One portion of the hon. gentleman's speech then was devoted to an attempt to induce this house and the public to believe that the main object of the war was to de fend India agains', the attacks of Russia—an utter misrepre sentation of the policy of the war (Cheers.) Another and a great portion of it was devoted to the vituperation of Lord Stratford. Indeed, I may say the speech was a singular in stance of vituperation, right and left. (clear.) It reminded one in•some degree of the great explosion which took place in the French lines--up went rockets, shells, and c irtridges in every direction, killing and wounding friends all around, but none going far enough to reach an enemy. (Cheers and laughter.) The hon. gentleman devoted an hour and a half to the unmitigated condemnation of Lord Stratford ; hut re membering, perhaps, admonitions received in a morning meeting—(cheers)—he terminated his speech with praises of the nob e lord whom he had before represented as bein,gto tally unworthy to maintain the situation he held. (Loud cheers.) In fact, his main charge against her Majesty's Go vernment was for continuing Lord Stratford in his office of Ambassalir at Constantinople after he had neglected to an swer the letters of General Williams; and it was for that he held that we were deserving of the censure of Parliament. But the hon. gentleman was immediately answered by his noble friend who sits near him, and who said that the fall of Kars was not accelerated one moment by the omission of Lord Stratford to answer the letters of General Williams. And truly did he say that because the omission occurred in i 1354, and Kars did not fall till November, 1855. (Cheers.) , But I am perfectly ready to take my share of any respon sibility that may devolve upon those who did not think it right to recall Lord Stratford. (Hoar, hear.) No doubt we regret that from pressure of business Lord Stratford emitted those letters, and to give General Williams that comfort and encouragement whiCh he would naturally derive from letters received from the Ambassador at Co& stantinople But Lord Stratford did at Constantinople all that Gen. Williams urged him to do. (Hear.) No one who reads these papers can fail to arrive at the conclusion that Lord Stratford did everything that it was in the power of an ambassador to do in order to obtain for Gen. Williams the supplies and reinforcements he wanted. ( leers.) But when the hon. gentleman treats Lord Stratford so lightly, I am botind to say that of all men he was the fittest for the post lie occupied. (El ear.) He was beyond all men acquainted with the details of circumstances connected with Turkey, and he had established au influence over the Turkish Government which was of the utmost importance. Indeed auy govern ment that should have recalled Lord Stratford at that mo ment simply because he hat omitted to answer certain letters might hue boasted of their energy, but they cauld not be praised fur their foresight. (Cheers.) Sir, it is due to Lord Strat,ford to mention, in connection with that great act which has been recently obtained from Turkey, and which we may call the Magna Charta of the Christian population of the Ottoman empire, that when, in 1846, upon the termination of Sir R. Peel's administration I became Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Stratford was on leave in this coun try. At that time I thought it my duty to urge that he would continue to 'old his office and to return to Constaati nople. Lord Stratford did not belong to our party. He was a friend of Lord Derby; and it was Lard Derby who gave him the title which he wears witk se much honour to himself. (Hear.) Lord Stratford, then Sir Stratford Canning, said he would agree to do what I asked him upon one condition. And what was that condition ? Why, that he should be sup ported, nay, urged by the Government at home to those exertions which had been the great object of all his energies during the time he had been in Turkey, namely, the ob. taming of that equality between Christians and Malienimedaus which has now crowned his labours. (Cheers.) It was that honourable ambition which induced Lord Stratford to con tinue s long in a situation which under other circumstances he might have preferred to. relinquish ; and yet it was the moment when he wore upon his brie* that double coronet one granted to him by his Sovereign, and the other the result of his own honourable labours—that he was selected by a friend of Lord Derby to be the object of his vituperation. (Cheers.) But the mistake of the hon. and learned gentleman was soon discovered. Those who have followed him have al lowed Lord Stratford's conduct to pass without doing it addi tional injustice ' • and they have turned their batteries more directly against her Majesty's Government. A great attack has been made upon us because we did not send Gen. Wil liams reinforcements of men and supplies of money. In the first place, be it observed, it is a total misrepresentation of the right hon. gentleman opposite to say that we undertook to carry on war in Asia. We never hinted that we intended to carry on war in Asia. The Government of Lord Aberdeen had decided, and decidedly wisely, that in a war with Russia for the defence of Turkey, the .point to be struck at was Se bastopol, that that centre of the Russian power was aggressive against Turkey —and that until you strck a blow at the heart, all other attempts would be futile. (Cheers.) It was on that account tiat the Government of Lord Aberdeen declined to send an army into Bessarabia or . the Principalities ; for if there is one principle of war far more evident than another, it is that when you have a groat object to accomplish, you must concentrate all your power upon that object, and not to allow yourself to be tempted away from it by any collateral opera tions. The great object of the allies was to capture Sebasto pol, and to get possession of the Russian fleet. (Hear.) The right hon, gentleman says, " What a disgrace to Euglandancl. France that they should not be able to have one army in the Crimea and another in Asia, when 'Russia was able not only to maintain an army in the Crimea but to make a diversion in Asia." But Russia was defending herself at home. She had all her resources at hand, and she had an army, be it of 800,000 or 1,000, 1 100 men, 'ready prepared for the contest. On the other hand, England and France had to scud troops by sea to a great distance, and at the end of a,, long line of communication. It was therefore no disgrace to England and France that they were not able to employ as many forces in that quarter as Russia. No doubt the fall of Kars was an event greatly to be lamented—not for the mere fall of the position; for Kars his no great fortifications. Kars is not a town surrounded by Walls or natural defences ; but Kars is an important geographical position, which it is desirable that Russia should not occupy. Why wo lamented the fall of Kars was, that that gallant hero and his brave associates, who inspired such cotirage in the 10,000 Turks who held the town, that they andsthoso brave Turks should have become prisoners through faniine to men who could not conquer them in arms. (Loud cheers.) But we linew well that we must succeed or fall ; and' if we;succeeded, whatever Russia might have taken from the' Turks she must have eva cuated before she could obtain a peace. We had taken up the war to maintain the integrity of the Turkish empire; and never would we have sheathed tho sword so long as au inch of Turkish territory remained in the hands of Russia. (Loud cheers.) Therefore all tilt:Go arguments which aro founded upon the danger to Turkey which might arise from the loss of Kars are based upon a vale and groundless assump tion—an assumption which implies that we should have been content to make peace upon terms inconsistent with the very principle upon which the war Was commenced. (Hear, hear.) No doubt, when Gen. Williams first went in the ca pacity of commissioner to Kars, ho was not vested with those powers which were necessary to enable him to perform effi ciently the duties which devolved upon him. But every man that knows anything of Turkey must be aware of the insur mountable difficulty there is in getting military command for a European, more especially in Asia, because military com mand there gives a person control over pachas and the governors of provinces. (Hear, .hear.) What caused the fall of Kars ? It was the want of provisions and of a relieving force. Supplies werOmissing in consequence of the miscon duct of the Paella of Erzereum. It was noi. want of money, Money had,been supplied him to purchase provisions, and he had bought them, but he had neglected to pay the carriers to convey them to Kars ; and they had left them about half way between the two places. The result was that when the Russians invested Kars with a superior force of cavalry, they pushed on to where the supplies were lying, seized and de stroyed them. Had those supplies been properly sent to Kars by the Governor of Erzeroum they would probably havebeen sufficient to enable the garrison to hold out. Additional garrison were not required, for the garrison nitself to the last more than a match for its foes. had But troops ws f oa o t r the was required was a relieving force, to open a coin. munication with Kars. The lion. and learned gentleman; finding the case not very easy to handle, chooses, with that dexterity which belongs to his profession—to represent that as a disgraceful act of the Government which was, in truth, most deserving of approbation. He dwelt upon 'that de spatch of Lord Clarendon of the 13th of July. in which the noble earl on behalf of his Governinent expresses disappro bation of the operation foithe relief of Kars by Yenikalo and Kutais. I am not discussiug this question as a military man, but the lion. gentleman is likewise not a military man, and therefore my opinion is as good as his. But I will maintain against all comers that the arguments in that despatch are perfectly conclusive that the plan proposed by the Turkish Government was radically defective. The plan they pro posed was to land at Redout-Kaleh, and then to march against the rear of the Russians, for the purpose of drawing them away from Kars. Now, in the first place, the sea passage was longer, and a greater quantity of transports would be necessary. Then the country in which the Turkish troops would land was Christian, and they were Mahommedan. The population would thus be hostile to them. Besides, as the operation was only for a diversion, and not a permanent con quest, they would know that if they joined the invaders they must soon expect to feel the resentment of the Russian Go vernment. (Hear, hear.) The country moreover was in tersected with rivers, and was difficult to be traArsed by an army; it was one likewise in which animals for trans port were scarce. Finally, the route was long, and the army proposed to bo sent, as an hon. gentleman had observed, was a collection of odds and ends, without the regularity and com bined discipline of the Russian troops. If it had gone, it would probably have advanced a certain distance from the sea, the Russians would have attacked and defeated it, and would then have resumed the investment of Kars freed from all fears of being again interrupted. The plan of her Majesty's Government was that the troops should be sent by Trezibond, from which 10,090 men might have marched, according to Mr. Brandt, to Erzerourn in 10 days. The road was even practicable for artillery, for all the artillery at Erzeroum and Kars bad gone by that route ; but there were guns enough, so that was not material. Tho country was Mahornmedan ; there were in it plenty of animals for transport ; and it wwild even have been easy to raise a force of irregular horse, light cavalry being the arm which General Williams most required. Besides, if the movement for the relief of Kars had not suc ceeded, it would at least have made Erzeroum safe ; and the garrison of Kars might have retired to that city. Bat it is said you recommended a disgraceful course, the abandonment of Kars. We recommended no such thing. We recom mended that which we believed would have saved Kars, but which at all events would have enabled its garrison to fall back iu safety upon Erzeroum. (Hear, hear.) The brilliant imagination of hon. gentlemen suggests to them that if Kars had remained in the possesdou of Russia Constantinople might have been taken. But that would have been impos— sible, unless, indeed, the Russians had an army of Leanders to swim the Bosphorus. (Lau g hter and cheers.) Honour able gentlemen seem quite to have forgotten the existence of that famous strait; and that there was a Turkish, a French, and an English fleet close at hand, if by any strange accident the enemy had arrived at the short opposite Con stAntinople. But it is said, "You proposed this scheme for the relief of Kars at one time, and then you adopted one exactly contrary." But we did not adopt any measure. It was not an operation in which the British or French army was to take part. It was a propossal made to us by the Turk ish Government, and we stated our reasons why we thought it ought not to. be adopted. But when we were told that the council of war still held to its former view, it was not for us to maintain our opinion to the contrary. (Hear.) Then hon. gentlemen complain that we did not send the contingent as a part of the relieving force ; but the contingent was not in a condition to go. That was the opinion of General Vivian, of Omer Pacha, of General Simpson, and of every man who knew the state in which the contingent then was. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet (Sir J. Graham) has drawn a com parison between the Turkish Contingent and the Portuguese troops, whom ho described as the " fighting cocks" of the Peninsular army ' - and I have no doubt that th e T ur ki s h Contingent would have been tho same. (Hear, hear.) But my right hon. friend must consider time as well as men. W hen that Portuguese force obtained the designation which he mentions, they had been longer in organisation under British officers than the Turkish Contingent, which at that - - time had only just been formed. It has often been said that in the early part of the Peninsular campaign, the Portuguese battalion fled at the sight of shells in the air, but at the storm ing of San Sebastian, the bodies found most forward in the assault were those of the Portuguese soldiers, The change was effected, not merely by better pay and clothing, but was the result of better leading by British officers, and the greater confidence which they felt. So it undoubtedly would have been, with the Turkish Contingent. I have not the least hesi tation in saying that, if the war had gone.:on another year, we should have seen in the ensuing campaign the Turkish Con tingent behaving with the same courage as the brave Turks who had defended Kars, and adding fresh laurels to thoso Gained by their countrymen on the banks of the Danube. But at that time it would have been madness to expose the half-armed and half-clad Contingent to the attack of the Russl.an forces. That objection applied not only to their being sent as part of Omer Pacha's relieving army, but it ' applied also to their being posted at Balaklava, in exchange for the 12,000 Turks who had been some of the best troops in Omer Pacha's•army. 'Therefore it was out of the question to send them either to Redout•Kalch or to Balaklava- The Government very properly would not consent that the Turkish Contin g ent should form any part of those forces. Then the question was, whether Omer Pacha should be allowed to take from Balaklava those 12,00'1 Turks, who held an impor tant def nisive position on our line. It is said that a e might have een allowed to take away the force at Eupatoria, and that we were wrong in not doing so. Who commanded at Eupatoria? The French General d'Allonville. What right had we to insist on his relinquishinga part of the force which he thought necessary I (Hear, hear.) If that position bad been ours, would we have allo ed the French Government to dictate to us what the English Government should do and wlizt amount of forces should be retained there ? ( The main question was whether Omer Pacha f3,ould take the Turkish forces from Balaklava either to Trebizond or to Redout-Kaleh. Against that proposition General Pelissier and General Simpson protested ; they sail they could not spare a single naau7frozu before Sebastopol. And I must say I think upon the whole they were right. (Hear, hear.) Sebastopol was the great object of the whole campaign. Sebastopof had stood against us for a twelvemonth, and the great object was to conquer the resistance of Sebastopol. (Hear, hear.) We were quite sure if Sebastopol was taken, that we should get back Kars even if it had fallen. (Hear, he-sr.) But if we had been beaten before Sebastopol the calamity would have bceu great, and the object of the campaign would hair() been en tirely lost. (Hear, hear.) Therefore I think that no man, .takitg a review of the question at issue, can for a moment doubt that the Governments of England and of France were right in upholding the decision of the generals—that no troops of any kind should be taken from before Sdirtstopol until Sebastopol had fallen to the att tek of the allies. (Hear, hear.) The question, then, seems to 'no to resolve . ... itself into nothing: , ("Hear, hear," and laughter.) A censure on the Government is, in fact, a censure for having douo their best to get possession of Sebastopol, (Hear.) It is a censure for not having pursued a course which would en- . -- danger the very objects of the camp a i gn , an d b y so doing would defeat tho very objects of the war. (Hear, hear.) I am quite content to take my stand upon that issue. (Cheers.) Notwithstanding the deep sy'upathy which every man must have felt at the surrender of General Williams—the eon- qucror yielding to the conquered—l am prepared to put it to any reasonable man in the country to say whether the Government would not have been very much to blame if they had done anything which might interfere with the accomplishment of the great object for which the forces of the two countries had been for so many monthscontending. (Hear, hear.) Well, then I think there was n e ith er wan t of energy nor foresight it the course pursued. Thera is no want of energy in the speakers on the other side ; there has been plenty of energy in this debate. (Laughter.) But want of foresight I think there is (Cheers.) I perfectly agree with the proposition laid down, that the duty of an opposi tion is to oppose, which no man can for a moment deny. (Laughter.) It is perfectly true also that if the right hon. gentleman wants to keep his party together, he ought every now and then to bring them into action, although h e k nows _ _ beforehand that he will be exposed to agreat and disastrous defeat. (Hear.) If the right hon. gentleman has come - into action with a perfect conviction that he is going to be de feated. there is certainly no want of foresight as to that, but some little want of judgment. (Cheers.) lam the fi r st t o do usticeto the course which the right bon, gentleman and his. party have pursued during the war. With thoso exceptions which have been adverted to,,when Russian blood could not . . withstand the temptation, or a little opposition to giving Turkey money without which she could not move on--(laugh ter)—and attempts to prevent our raising additional troops to assist us in tho first operations of the war —those are trifling matters. which few joined in. But beyond that I am seri ously willing to admit that their course has been most honour able to themselves, and in perfect accordance with what was the general feeling of the country. (Hear.) They felt that the nation was engaged in a war which the whole nation thought just and right, and for which the people of the United Kingdom were prepared to make any sacrifices ; and they abstained very honourably from any real demonstration calculated to embarrass or impede the course of the Govern ment. (Hear, hear.) That was a course which was in per fect unison with public opinion, but which was honourable to them, and which, looking back to former periods of his tory, was always pursued by the gentlemen who sat o n that side of the house. But I think it quite naturd, when the war is over abroad, that there should be war at home. that opposition should revive, and resort to its natural function— that of opposing Government, and trying to turn the Go vernment out ; for there is no imputation on an Opposition for wishing to do that—it is the natural function of an Opposition: (Laughter.) And when they think they have the powor of dispossessing the Government, it is natural that they should from time to time take up subjects on which they think the people will go with them, for the purpose of keeping their party together, or keeping them selves alive. (Cheers, and laughter.) But I think they have chosen their time injudiciously. What is the moment they have chosen for this attack ? And though the right hon. gentleman professes to deal with it as a mere expression of abstract opinion, of course when a censure is proposed on a Government to C,e extent of saying that they have neither energy nor foresight, I do not know what other quality is to be left them, for certainly a Government possessing neither energy nor foresight is not one which the House of Commons would long like to see in their places. What is the moment chosen for this purpose ? We have brought to a close a war which has been carried on with admirable energy—(cries of " Hear, hear "). a war carried on at a great distance from these shores, with an army which was originaly sent out, though in small numbers, with greater expe dition, greater rapidity, and better equipped than any army of the same amount that ever left these shores. (Ho'' , hear.) It is but justice to the Duke of Newcastle to bear testimony to this. Th at army was in the first instance ex posed to great suffering; but since then, by the persevering energy of my noble friend at the head of the V Depart ment, who h s earned a title to the gratitude of the te country h for the successful energy with which he has followed p campaign, the army now in the Crimea has been brought to a state of admirable efficiency, health, and order, which renders it the admiration of all who see it. During th a t war, while, on the one hand, the Government showed th e utmost energy, we h av e, I think, not been deficient in fore sight in regard to the peace which we have conc l u d ed. Those who will take the trouble to look at the articles of peace will see that we hive foreseen all the matters upon which it was Possib' e to frame treaties, an d that, as far as political foresight could go, we have pr ov id e d against f u t u re danger to the Turki s h Empire. (Hear, hear.) I contend that the Government has, in the p rosecut i on of the war, shown groat energy, and that the stipulations of the p e ace have proved their foresight. (Cheers.) At that time, when the country at large is, I have no hesitation in saying, satisfied both with the results of the war and the peace that has been concluded, the hon. and learned gentleman steps in with a vote of censure upon the Government —a vote, I will undertake to say, not more at variance with the general feel ing of the country than the division of this night will show that it is at variance with the general opinion of the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) I think, therefore, that the gentlemen opposite, whatever may have been the energy which they have displayed, have shown very little foresight as to the result of this motion ; and I am satisfied that if they pursue that duty of opposing which is said to be the proper function of an opposition with no more judgment than they have shown with regard to the motion now under considera tion, the people of this country will be of opinion that the longer those gentlemen sit where they do the better will it be for all who arc interested in the welfare of the country. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And on that ground I go with confidence to the division that 'is about to take place. (Cheers.) Mr. WHITESIDE, who rose amidst loud cries for a "division," said that when the noble lord stated they had nothing to do with the war in Asia, he forgot that the Bluebook contained several despatches to GeneralWillbons, informing him that Asia Minor was to be the theatre of the war in the spring. General Williams had been sent out, as it now appeared; to learn the misfortune of your ally -yr - but not to assist him. (Hear.) The noble lord the member for the City of London, who was the means of making Una. noble lord Primo Minister, speaking on this very subject of the war in Asia on a former occasion, said, "'The war is Asia is a very important question, but 'could not get from Lord Aberdeen that support I hoped for when the subject was under consideration. (Cheers.) Was that the • way these noble lords thought to trifle with the people of Eug land ? (Cheers.) He denied that he had cast any imputa tion on the gallant defenders of,Kars, and the best proof of that was, that he had received a letter of thanks from their relatives. He spoke the conviction of hie heart when he said that the officers in Rare Williams. Teesdale, Lake, and Thompson, d eserve d the 'honour of the country fu more than her Majesty's Government, because they saved it from an ignominious peace. He denied that he had been asked by any one not to speak what he believed to be true of Lord Stratford. When he read the blue-book he said that no honest man could justify the conduct of Lord Stratford. He spoke the dictates of his heart whet he sail that Lord Stratford showed himself arrogant tS his inferiors and disobedient to his superiors in aloe, and if such conduct was to receive the sanction of Go. vernmant, their generals and ambassadors would In future be little batter than despotic tyrants. (Cheers.) But even when Lord Stratford's judgment got the better of his temper, and informed the Government of what they ought to do, the Government took steps to carry out his suggestions. Since he last ad dressed the house he learned that even without money General Williams could have procured provisions if he had had but the authority of the Ambassador. (Hear.) The pay of a Turkish soldier was 2d. a-day, and if the Govern ment had sent but 30,0001. to General Williams he would have saved Kars. (Oh, oh.) He did not know how many would vote for him on the present occasion. He counted on the support of the Administrative Reformers, but he believed they would prove mere mock reformers. (Cheers.) When areal abase w as pl ace d before thorn, they retained the abase, in order to maintain the men who were guilty. of it. (Hear, hear.) On his side they struck at the abuse and the men. (Oh, oh, and Hear, hear.) He was &don ished at the speech of the hon. member for Aylesbury, who defended not only the conduct of Lord Statford, but of Lord Panmure. He could not understand that politi cal morality wnich justified a misstatement of the truth. (Hear, hear.) If that was the hon, member's morality, it was not the morality of the gentlemen of England. (Cheers.) When suck questions were put, a Minister might preserve silence if he pleased, yet he had no right to say that which he knew not to be right. (Hear.) " But the age of virtuous politics is past, And we are deep iu that of cold pretence ; Patriots are grown too shrewd to be sincere, And we too wise to trust' them." (Hear, hear.) This question is now before the House. Whatever may be the result, we at least have done our duty, and it is satisfactory to feel, in examining this mi serable business, that it was not in the power of a Minis try to efface the glory of the past, for the mighty names of our Wellington and Nelson would ever keep fresh the fame of our military victories and preserve the lustre of our naval triumphs. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON rose to explain. The hon. and learned gentleman had entirely misconceived his remarks with regard to the war in Asia. What he meant to ley was that during the attack on Sebastopol, and until it was taken, they had nothing to do with the war in Asia. (Cries of " oh" and cheers.) He did not mean to say that after Sebastopol was taken acampaign in Georgia was not part of the plan of operatione. The house then divided on Mr. Ker Seymer's amend ment. For the amendment 52 Against it The house then divided on the original resolution of Mr. Whiteside. • For the resolution 176 Again! it 303-127 The announcement of the numbers was received with loutl cheers from the Ministerial benches. The other orders were then 'disposed of, and the house adjourned at half•past one. • PARLIAMENTARY DI VISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MAY I. FALL OF KARS. Motion made, and question put. The house divided—Ayes 176, Noes 303. AYES-176. Adderley, C. IL Evelyn, W. J. Montgomery, H. L. Alexander, J. Farnham, E. Sloore, G. Annesley, Earl of Farrer, J. Mowbray, J. R. Arbuthnott, Gen. H. Fitzgerald, W. R. S. Murrough, J. P. Archdall. Capt. M. F over, J. Naz+. Lord Batley, Sir J. Follett, 11. S. Na Jer, J. Bailey, C. Forester, Col. Newdegate, C. Baillie, H. Forst. r, Sir Geo. Newport, Viscount Baldock, E. 11. Franklyn, G. Noel. G. Ball, E. Galway, Viscount Nordl, Col. S. Bankes, Rt. lion. G. George, J. Northcote, Sir & 3arrington, Vist. Gilpin, Col. li. Oakes, J. lffateson, Capt.,T. Graham, Lord M. Ossulston, Lord Bellew. T. Grogan. Edward Parke, C. Bennet, Capt. P. GuernFeh Lord Pakington, Sir J.' Bentiuck, Lord H. Guinness, K. S. Palk, L. Rent luck. G. Gwyn, Vowel Peacocke, G. , Beresford, Kt. lin. W Haiford, Slr Henry Rept° is. G. iAernard, vist. Hall, General John Robertson, P. Bignold, Sir S. Ilmolton. Lord Claud Ruabout, (apt. G. Blake, H. J. Hamilton, G. A. Rust, James Itlitkeinor.., T. Hernia... R. • Shirley, E. Blatidford, Marquis of Ilanbury, don. S. Sibthorp, Major Bolder°, Col. 11. G. liandeock. 11. Elinijill, sir W. Bowyer. G Hardy, G. Smith, Abel Bramley-Moore, J. Hayes, Sir H. . Somerset, Colonel Buck, Col. Heathcoate, Sir W. Spooner, It. Buller, 9ir J. Henley, J. Stafford, A. Burrell, Sir O. Herbert, Sir T. Stanhope, J. Burroughes, 11. N. Hildyard, R. C. StApley, Lord burrov.'es. Robert Hume, W. Stflttkie, Le O. I Butt, G. M. Irton. S. Sti•scey, Sir H. Cabbelt, A. B. . Jolliffe, 11. Stuart, Captain Cairns. 11. Jones, Admiral Sturt, H. Comae, Sir J.R. Kell., Sir F. Swift, R. Cecil, Lord Kendall, N. Thesiger, Sir. F. Chandos, Marquis of Kennedy, T. . Tottenham. C. Christy, Samuel King, J. Trollop e, Sir J. Clinton, Lord C. Knatchbuil, W. Tyler, Sir G. Clive, Hon. It. W. Klught. F. ' Vance, John Cocks, T. S. Knox, Col. B. W. ' Vensittart. G. Cole, 11. A. Lacon, Sir E. Venter, Sir W. Coles, H. Langton, W. IL P. G. Vernon, V. Compton, H. C. Lennox, Lord A. F. Vyse, Col. R. Conoily, T. Lennox. Lord H. G. Walcott, Admiral. Corhally, M. E. Liddell, 11. G. . Wa:pole. S. Corry, H. T. L. Lindsay, Col. J. Warren, S. Cubitt, W, Lisburne, Earl Whiteside, J. Davies, D. Lushington, C. M. Whitmore. H. Davies, J. Lytton, Sir E. Wigram, Loftus T. Davison, R. Macartney, G. Williams, T. Disraeli, B. IsiacEvoy, E. Woadd, B. Dod, J. MacGregor, James Wyndham, Gen. Drax, J. MacMahon, P. Wyndham, IL I Mneombe, Hon. A. Maguire, J, F. Wynne, John Duncombe, Hon.W.E. Matins, Richard Yorke, E. Dundas, G. Manners, Lord J. Dunne, Colonel March,' Earl of TELL2II. Du Pre, C. Mena, Sir H. Jolliffe, Sir W. Maley. Viscount Michell, William Taylor, Colonel . r•~' NOES-3G3. Acland, Sir T. Fortescue, C. S. O'Flaherty, A. Acton, Joseph Fox, W. J. Oliveira, B. Adair, H. Freestun, Colonel Osborne, R. Agnew, Sir A. Gibson, M. Otwey, A. A lcock, T. Gifford, Earl of Owen, Sir J. Anderson, Pir J. Gladstone, W. Paget, Lord A. An trobus, E. CI ln . 0 , . - Palmer, Roundel! rt Atheon, W. Gordon, Palmerston, Viscount Baines, Tit. Hon. M. Gower, F. Patten, Col. Ball, J. Grace, 0. Paxton, S' J. Baring, H. Graham, Sir J. Pechell, Sir G. Baring, Sir F. Greenall, Gilbert Peel, Sir R. Barnes, T. Greene, John Peel, F. Bass, M. Greene, Thomas Pollstt, A. Baxter, W. . Gregson, Samuel Perry. Sir E. Beamish, F. Grenfell, Charles Philipps. .T. Beaumont, W. Greville, Colonel F. Phialmore, J. G. Beckett, W. Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir G. Phinimore, R. J. Bell, J. Grey, IL Pigott, F. " Berkeley, Sir M. Grosvenor. Ld.-R. Pilkington, J. Berkeley, Hon. H. F. Grosvenor, Earl _ Pollard-Urquhart, W. Bethell, Sir It. Gurney, I. IL • Ponsonby, A. Biddulph, Col. R. M. Hadfield, George Power. N. Biggs, W. Hall, Sir Benjamin Price, W. Black, Adana Hankey, T. Pritchard, J. Bland, L. H. Hanmer, Sir John Ramsden, Sir Z. Bonham-Carter, J. Harcourt, G. G. Raynham, Yiscount llouverie, lion. E. P. Hardinge, Hon. C. Ricardo, 0. Brady, J. nestle, Alex. Ricardo, S. Bramston, T. W . thistle, Archd. Rice, E. Brand, H. B. W. Headlam, T. Rich, H. Brocklehurst, J. Heard, J. Richardson. J. Brockman, E. D. Ileathcote, G. Ridley, George Brotherton, J. Heneage, Geo. H. Robartes, T. Brown. H. Heneage, Geo. F. Roebuck, J. Brown, W. Herbert, H. Rolt, P. Bruce, Lord E. Herbert, S. Russell, Lord J. Bruce, H. A. Hervey, Lord A. Russell, F. C. Buckley, Gen. Heywood, J. Russell, F. W. Bulkeley. Sir R. Higgins, G. O. Sawle, C Burke, Sir T. Hindiey, C. Scholelleld, W. Byng, G. H.C. Hogg, Sir J. W. Scnbell, Capt. Cardwell, E. Holland, E. Scrope, G. Castlerosse, Vie. Horsman, E Scully, F. Caulfield, Col. J. Howard, C. Seymour, H. :lavendish, C. C. Howard, Lord E. Seymour. W. D. Cavendish, G. C. Hughes, W. • Shafto, R. Challis, T. Hutchins, E. Shee. Serjt. W. Chambers, M. Hutt, W. Shelburne, Earl Chambers. T. s Ingham, R. Shelley, Sir J. Chaplin, W. Ingram, H. Sheridan, R. Clay, Sir W., Et. Jackson, W. Smith, J. B. Cobbett, J. Cockbarn, Sir A. J. E. j Jo er h m ns Yn to;ie ß . t .l . Ila • • • Earl Smith, R. Collier, R. P.eSomm%try il it. Jioen.nsir W'. Colvile, C. R. Stafford, Marquis Cowan, C. Kersh a w, th i i t i i s . g on , e ffj . .. Sir J. Cowper, W. King, L. Stanley, W. Craufurd, E. H. J. Ki n gscote, Capt. R. Steel, John Crossley. F. Kinnatrd, A. a Strickland, Sir G‘ LKairbko'uNcVhe. re,R t.H ol . llB S t u nt ill t v t' an. il lijohasi l"; • Currie, Ralkes D D Dea a : lk sie e r. i . ' n.s h i i r E i a l . d it. F. Laffan, Capt. R. Sutton, J. Langston, .1. H. Talbot, C. Denison, E. Langton, IL G. Tancred. IL LL Lee , a eg Y lai W . a l a : . A C . I . I . Thompson, G. Lemon, Sir C. Thornely. T. ip d: ee e rnrii Dent, , Sir J . B E .. De Vert, S. E. Tuombill, W. The, W., Dill wyn, L. L. Lewis, Sir G. C. Tomline. G. Dlvett, E. Lindsay,W. Trani, G. Drutnlanrig, Vis. L owe, R . Liebrldge, Earl Drummond, H. Luce, T. . Vane, Lord IL Duff, G. Mackie, .I'. Vernon, G. Duke, Sir J. Mackinnon, W. Villiers, C. Duncan, Viscount aleTaggart, Sir J. Vivian, H. H. Duncan, George 14 nen, W. • • Waddington. D. Dundas, F. Marjorlbanks, D. walmsley, Sir J. bungarTan, Viscount Marshall. W. Walter, J. Dunlop. A. Martin, J. Warner, E. East, Sir J. Martin, P. Waterpark, Lord Ebrlngton, Viscount Massey, W. Watkins, Col. Ellice, E. Milligan, H. Watson, W. Ellice, E. Drills, T. Wells, W. Emlyn, Viscount Milner, W. M. E. Whatman, J. Esmonde, J. Mitres, R. Whitbread, S. Estcourt, T. V itchell, T. A. Wickham. H. Euston, Karl of Moffat, 0. Wilkinson, W. Ewart, W. Monck, Vis. Willcox, B. Ewart, J. Moncridff, J. Williams, M. Fagan, W. Monsell. W. Williams. W. Fenw ck, IL Morris, D. Wilson. J. Fergus, John Moatyn, E. F e r g uson, Colonel 31 owatt, F. rerguson, Sir it. Mulgra...e. Earl Of Wl'wrwillisner::AnSg.it:Cnvv.l W. Sir ll' Filmer, Sir E. Muntz, G Wrightson, G. • Wyndham, W. Fitz Gerald. Sir John Napier, Sir C. Will' M' Fitzgerald, J. Norreys, Sir D. Fitzroy, Henry North, F. Foley, J. H. O'Brien, P. Forster, Charles O'Brien, J. Forster, John. O'Connell, J. .. -~ ?MM. Ilayter, W. Berkeley, G. C. The Berlin wool fair wilt be held this year from the 21st to the 25th of June. LThimzst EAF TEN CONCLUDING, PASSAGES IN TN/ . LIFE OF MRS. MARGARET MAITLAND, OV SuawYnnm —Wairrns Br IIae4ELP.-1 VoLuni.—We are glad to observe that a new and cheaper edition of " compri end in a single volume, has just appastred: 'l4 this f. srm the work will doubtless heooms extragaelY popul: ir. The 4 thenceum, in its notice of this istigestimg book, n ays:- -"The concluding series of Paasak"lntlto . Life of Mrs. Margaret Maithind' is to 'our thinking sup nior to the beginning, and this we take to he about . the ,/ most satisfactory compliment we can pay the a'• Aboress. Thera is a vein. of simple good sense send r ,loos feeling running throughout for which no milq can fail to be the better." r e