The Sun. — London, England, 1831-06-22 00:00:00

inking from any hich he bad just fo that which he words which he g so distinct and 3 misunderstood. wed was that the any justification 'ound in the con. eceding evening. he would adopt Noble Lord had !ver seen before" nted report was it it reached his said the Noble rdships' speaker, iuse has a right ijesty I have the Ibly. I will be i a right to be 3 att6ittpttd, fot it with cries df in either House 3f doors." The inted report and lilt the King had lie saw fit, the [mons have con• 1 unprecedente I sure that any who were ac 'hich they were upon it that be 3ical terms the 3r whether they effect was the roin another, it hut the door in De, or whether, adjourn d him instead of the d hito3elf from iectfullytowards ad been his con his superiors, as had any, or his ntlernan, or he red to another. as knew him, He would not, against a par le historian bad rid. After the elf, their Lord.. se words.—(A is an off3n rew his hat on iuse in an un veil knew that tan the Horse e until he 'T- T, communi of the Black command the dance upon hip staircase." It had any right titleman Usher jW to obey the iurtesy, by the to hear what I bottom of the alked as swiftly iuld now conic domestic cala seemed to en- me, in remein bed the wounds arkness or the Noble Marquis ting anything i, with respect soine parts of who exposed most liable to on the other spare diet— care of them e poor natives, .tre the parties I the most fa. ad the Noble dy to patronise ighter.) With td ie,ued by the rd Mayor with per which had Court of Law, issued. Still sere Was some iination might and Mayor and ad taken upon la, the present Mayor to put !Lir.) Prevent ion of popular indon was ex )o or 700,000 of the Home- cent ? effect of popu- I from it; for y smote Whig a certain Bill, le, there was a illumination, sinclination to persecuted in unbounded joy lent, forgot to Lee was pelted. days? Dien ioble Friends. tell the people ) much sense ; : of such non- They had a ey had no right stify their joy. on what had he present dis t called. The Ld clothed his inced that so ck longer ; but 'oble Earl, for I side of that .alien away by her side of the it observation, he practice of ate into which he last Rana - fall into dis- Ise would re- But though seci, such re tration to meet pn ; for if he he fight, why vas one reason, t was the in th the other : it the more en he remem- n there were deeply affect f Parliament ; • measure did !nt a desire for was one upon rere unhappily .ordihips, who of the people, MI the repre irtually so in make the re consideration ion there was of deliberation niships to feel Lee ? Did not nle themselves F; , l them under rld that House which could r ? or should 4:21a , of a shade representatives of the King ? thmiselves to co• disorderly it unprofitable id r .ther recut former Par /leo atld every thing that was irregular situ unparliamentary, leaving the discuusion of the Bill referred to, to be taken up solely upon its own merits when that Bill came regularly before them. If, however, a'ter that caution they still persevered in pursuing the course recommende by the precept and example of the Noble Earl, it would only he for him to take part in their discussions as he best might ; and he assured their Lordships lie should do so as readily as any man could desire, but. at the same time as calmly as if he had not tendered the present advice. Much had been said of the use made of the Sovereign's name in time course of those discussions, and first with reference to what had been said relative to Government influence during tile late general election. He could venture to say, that never since the tevolutiou of 1688 had Government interfused less in election proceedings. Here and there in dividuals might be found who might affect to speak of their intimacy or connection with a particular department No one would be absurd enough to deny that such occur rences did always take place at general elections ; but he would repeat his assertion, that from the revolution of 168E3 to the present moment, there never had been less in terference at a general election. But the Noble Marquis appeared to have been very sensitive on the subject of his Parliatnentary influence and his Parliamentary affairs. Now lie would ask what business the Noble Marquis, as a Peer of Parliament, had to talk of his influence and con nection with the other house—what right had he to speak of his election interests? The Marquis of LONDONDERRY rose to explain. He had not said a single word about his election affairs or his election interests. The LORD CHANCELLOR had then misunderstood the Noble Marquis, but lie had thought he never bad heard words more distinctly, and some Noble Lords about him thought the same. With respect to the use of his Majesty's name, he thought it remarkable that the Noble Earl himself had, in his speech, named the Sovereign, and said that he might have given leave to his servants to bring in the Bill, but , might change his mind, or have advice given to him "3' other persons. He (the Lord Cancellor) knew that When his Noble Friends haul been turned out of power, on the question of Catholic Emancipation, which haul since been carried, some advice had been given to the Crown ; but in the present case there were no secret advisers, or if there were, they would be treated with scorn by an honest, upright, and straightforward Prince. If there had been any of these intrigues, all would have gone on smoothly, and there would have been no complaint of the use of the King's name. Was it unfair for a Minister of the Crown to say that the Sovereign approved of a measure which the Permitting his Ministers to propound it was a proof that he did approve ? But if it was right to tell truth, it was not right to tell a foul falsehood. Yet at the corner of every street, the King had been printed about, talked abo ut, sung about ; it was said, " You talk of dissolving the Peril tment, you cannot dissolve it, the King will not let you." Was that not using the King's name? But it ' va s a perfectly false and most foul slander of our gracious and paternal and most popular Monarch.—(Hear.) Iu 180 6 and 1807, in the period of " No Popery," the King's name had been used in debates both within and without Parliament. The Noble and Learned Lord concluded by a Pologizing for the time he had taken, and with repeating that he should be ready to enter upon the discussion of those subjects at time proper time. Lord FARNHAM rose, lout was at first inaudible, owing to the noise of Peers quitting the House. His Lordship referred to a supposed connexion of Government with the Press of the country. He would ask, was not the speech of to-day given in a mot ning journal before any Member of that H.-use had a copy of it ? was not this a strong proof that that journal was in the confidence of Go vernment, and did not that journal work upon the public mind in favour of a dissolution of Par liament? I low any person acquainted with Ireland could put such a sentence in his Majesty's mouth as that the disturbances in that country were not connected with political causes, when it was well known they arose Iron ) political causes, he could not imagine. The Noble herd then referred to the recent case of a Clergyman in Ireland being refused his tithes, and being told, if he dis trained he would repent it, did distrain, and on the day of sale was attacked by a mob. The Government should Put down these things by the force of law—( Hear, from the Ministerial bench) —and if the law was not strong enough, they might ask for new powers. There should be no compromise.—(Hear.) It was not Parliamentary for him to refer to a certain gentleman ; but suspicion might arise, and it was notorious that the power of that gentleman had been exercised in favour of Government at the elections by writings and lay personal exertions. There were many instances of the interference of Govern ment at the elections in Ireland, and if these instances were brought before Parliament in election petitions, he had no doubt he could substanriane them. Lord PLUNKETT should not have troubled the House except tor the observations which bad fallen from the Noble Earl and the Noble Baron who had just sat down. They either made direct assertions, or strong in sinuations as to matters of fact, with reference to Ireland, to which he was hound to give a most explicit and unqua lified denial. He believed the Noble Earl and Baron were convinced of the truth of what they stated. But with respect to the Noble Baron, he must take the liberty of saying that his mind appeared so deeply steeped in incur able prejudices with regard to Ireland, that the effect was worse than utter ignorance of the state of that country, and calculated to mislead the House. The Nible Baron was not applying his mind to the actual state of Ireland, but w as brooding over those measures carried into effect by the Legislature, which were c ilcula t ed to restore to Ire land p e ace, prosperity, and happiness, instead of that ill-fated system adopted by a Government of which the Noble Baron formed a p irt. (Here a yawn from the bench where the Dukes of Cumberland and Gloucester sat, and which had several times been heard during the Lord Chancellor's speech, interrupted the Noble and Learned Lord.) He was sorry he had disturbed tl e slumber of the distinguished person, whose voice lie could not say be heard.—(Hear.) What was the reason why there was excitation in Ireland ? Not be cause time measure he alluded to was carried, but be valise it had been ao long delayed. But for that delay, and the unfortunate declarations in that House, Ireland would have been different from what it now was. The Catholic Emancipation Bill should have been put on its proper ground, its intrinsic justice; whereas it was found neces sary to suppose that it was a measure conceded to a patti trtar party agitating Ireland, and Mr. O'Connell had the merit of carrying the measure, though it was, in fact, carried by the good sense and feeling of the people of Eng land. Mr. O'Connell was one of the great foes of that measure. Yet the people of Ireland were told, by the highest authority, that they owed the Catholic emancipa tion to him. Was it surprising that this man was armed with the power of mischief? They had'reversed the pro cess of canonization ; they canonized him fist, and made a martyr of him afterwards.—(Hear.) Mr. O'Connell bad pursued a course of conduct inexcusable ; and what was the charge now brought against the Government? That they had compromised with him. Time Noble and Learned Lord here detailed minutes of the proceed ings against Mr. O'Connell. By withdrawing his plea of Not Guilty and his demurrer, he admitted his offence, Which was a misdemeanour, and gave up the legal objec tion. The charge of a compromise, under such circum stances, was a serious charge, and ought not to be lightly Made. He declared that it was destitute of all founda tion whatever. Mr. O'Connell had a right to be heard in arrest of judgment; and upon the question being laid before the law officers of the Crown in Ireland, men of great ability and knowledge, they were of opinion that M point of law, the expiration of time Act of Pam liatnent rendered it impossible to bring Mr. O'Connell up for judgment. This opinion was confirmed by the opinion of the law officers in this country. He (Lord Plunkett) had hilly considered the subject, and was of that opinion : and if any legal person chose to make a question of it, he should he prepared to meet him. It had also been said that Mr. O'Connell had offended against the common law ; but the Power of the common law to take cognizance of the matter was founded on the statute, and of course expired with it. It would not therefore have been legal, constitutional, prudent, or wise, to have proceeded with the prosecution. But the Noble Lord had asserted that the prosecution haul he n dropped in consequence of a compromise with Mr. O 'Connell. If such a charge was true, it became the Noble Lo rd to make it matter of impeachment ; but he declared that House that it was absolutely and entirely false. He did not mean to say that the Noble Lord intended to abuse the House by making such a charge ; but he lamented that ‘ th e N o b le Lord had brought i t f orwar d, unless r _le had d ocuments to support i t. Th e Noble and L earned Lord then alluded to disturbances which had taken place in different parts of Ireland, which he denied had proceeded from political motives. It he Was 'said, purely a servile war, which had fortunately been put a stop to by ordinary means of (: law, without the aid of an y ex tr aor dinary measures. lie, however, advised the House to look to the causes of the evils w hi c h afflicted I re l an d. H e k new t h e presen t vernment were turning their a tt ent i on to th e su bj e ct. The " prin c ip a l ca use of these ev il s h e too k to h e super abundant population, and it was the d u ty o f a wi se Go• v ernment to make the resources of the country available for finding employment for the population, without time int roduction of poor laws which would be attended with i nt erminable diffi cu lti e s. But no good would b e d one f or reland, if they kept indulging themselves in prejudices which ought to be forgotten, and rot converting, with the sagacity of ruminating animals, their food into wholsome nutriment, but, with the perverted sagacify of misapplied ingenuity, converting it into poison ; going back to the past merely for the purpose of blighting the mercies of the Legislature, and looking to the future merely for the pur pose of forming gloomy anticipations. The Bishop of FERNS spoke a few words, which were not heard. The Earl of RODEN said that the Noble and Learned Lord would not have spoken of his Noble Friend (Lord Farnham) as a man ignorant of Ireland, and blunted by prejudice, if the Noble and Learned Lord had been ac qtriinted with his character. With respect to Ireland, he did not think that the statements in the Speech from the Throne were borne out by the truth. He considered the tranquillity of the counts , of Clare to be merely the tran quillity of gunpowder—it needed only the application of the torch to make it explode with fury. A great part of the peasantry were arming themselves every day. Toe question was then put and the Address agreed to, and ordered to be presented to his Majesty to•morrcw (this day.) The usual sessional orders were then moved by E Grtev, and agreed to. The Earl of SHAFTE.SBU ItY was chosen Chairman of the Committees for the 17th time. His Lordship shortly re turned thanks for the honour of the selection'. . . . Adjourned at Three o'clock to lialf-past Twelve to-day. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Jt - ter 21. At a Quarter to Four o'clock the House again met, but very few Members were present, and almost the only busi ness proceeded with was, the swearing in of new Mem bers, and for a considerable period the SPEAKER, sat in the Chair without any business whatever being transacted. At about Twenty Minutes past Four o'clock, The SPEAKER read the usual Special Orders, respect ing Clandestine Outlawry, Committees of Privileges, &c. many of which were agreed to; when that which Pre hibited the Interference of Peers at Elections of Members of Parliament was read, _ Mr. AUNT rose to give notice that he would to-more ow move to rescind that resolution. Ile did not wish to take Hon. Members by surprise, but he ha l taken advice, and he would move to-morrow to rescind it, and to substitute another. Lord J. RUSSELL begged to know what resolution the Hon. Member meant to propose to him in lieu of the present one. Mr. HUNT said it appeared to him that the resolution as it had long stood was perfectly unnecessary, for he would appeal to every Hon. Member if it was not notorious that Peers did interfere in elections. The Hon. Member then read his intended motion, which was, " that, it is a high infringement on the liberties and privileges of the Commons House of Parliament, and a gross invasion of the rights of the people, for Peers directly or indirectly to interfe:e in the election of Members of Parliament." That was somewhat stronger than the present resolution, and he meant to follow it by going still further. If his proposed resolution should pass, he meant to follow it up by adding a clause to the Reform Bill upon this subject to this effect—" And be it further enacted, that from and after the Ist December, 1891, any Peer who should be proved to be guilty of haring, directly or indirectly, interfered in the election of Members of Parliament should, upon conviction, forfeit 10,0001. and be imprisoned in Newgate for one year."—(Hear, and laughter.) Mr. Hunt said, Hon. Members might laugh but he wished to know whether the House was in earnest in passing their resolution.—(Hear.)—He then should propose that for the second offence such Peer should for feit 20,000/., and be imprisoned in Newgate two years ; and for the third offence to be degraded from the Peerage, and transported beyond the seas for life.—(Loud laugh ter.) —Hon. Gentlemen might laugh, but he begged to give notice of his motion for to-morrow evening. The original resolution then passed. When the resolution, empowering the Serjeant-at-Arens to take all strangers who might obtain admission into the House into custody, was read, Mr. HUNT addressed the House, suggesting the pro priety of not passing that resolution as being perfectly useless, for strangers were, it was well known, admitted into the gallery, and of course it was notorious that the order was infringed every day during the sitting of Par liament. He wished that there should be no order on the books that was not intended to be enforced, and there fore he suggested the propriety of not passing it. Lord ALTHOItP observed that there was business of more importance before the House ; and, therefore, it would be more proper not to discuss these orders now, as DU inconvenience could result at present from them, they having existed for centuries. Atter a few words from Mr. ATTWOOD, who said these orders gave the House a power of protecting itself, Mr. O'CONNELL suggested that the resolution should be so altered, as that the Serjaant-at- Arms should take any stranger into custody by the desire of any one in dividual Member. The resolution as originally prepared was then agreed to. On that resolution respecting the giving of orders to the constables of Middlesex and Westminster, to keep all passages and roads from Temple-bar to the House dear for Members, being read, Mr. Hume complained of the stoppage he had experienced to-day at Charing-cross. Lord ALTHORP begged to suggest that as short a period as possible should be appointed for the receptio❑ of pt ivate Bills. The 27th June was appointed for that purpose. His Lordship also proposed that no private Bill should be read a first time after the 4th July. In answer to a question put by Alderman Womb Lord ALTHORP said it would not be necessary to go through a second time all the different stages of the private Bills. All minutes of evidence and other documents taken before the Committees, should, in order to prevent unnecessary expense, be taken as if no dissolu- tion had ►aken place. Lord J. RUSSELL then rose to give notice, that on Friday next he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the representation of the peop'e iu England and Wales.—(Hear.) Alderman WOOD gave notice, that on Thursday week he should move for a reduction forthwith in all Go vernment salaries, in consequence of the low price of pro visions. The Hon. Member should also, on the2Bth inst., move for leave to bring in a pill to prevent the spread of canine madness.—(Hear, hear, and much laughter.) Sir It PEEL gave notice that he should shortly present a petition that had been sent to him from British residents at Canton, touching the state of the China trade. THE KING'S SPEECH. At a Quarter past Five o'clock, the Speaker said that the House having been summoned to attend his Majesty in the Lords, he had procdred a copy of his Majesty's most gracious speech, which to prevent mistakes he should then read. The SPEAKER having read the speech, a copy of which will be found in another column, The Hon. Mr. PELHAM ro , e to move that the House doh ies g e r r a v n in t g a , n on hr soblebaeldodvreedssbtyo hits Sovereign, itl,eop people.—(Loud cheers. dch s e ya er s s 5.3 His Majesty had stated, in his most gracious speech, that his reason far dissolving the late Parliament was," for the theplirpe of ascertainingo sense ep r of h expediency r's f a in the resin peoples tation. ' on ' Sir, I think that was a good reason ' for when I con sider that at a time wh e n every person out of doors i was in the exp ec t a tio n —th e ceitimate expectation-- of a Reform in Parliament, his Majesty's Ministers were defeated in this House by a msjority of only one, in reference to that Bill, and afterwards on a colla teral!nuigtt et eh—e pointlvmh measure by on o b n e l f y o r ae its small m e a o l ilildm:lij e or d it i y s , etTss t e h d us in d c ef o e in a consider these things, I do not indeed see how his Majesty's Minister s rs st could have advised the I t h ( e L o other u side, eer willputSovereigni to to the tak t e ion a . ny m o e t m h b er e o ep n . if the Ministers had, with the support with the confidence of his Majesty, resigned the people, office—(Hear, hear) — l will put it to ignl them to tell me who would have undertaken, with the con fidence of the people's support, to condu c t th e ent—(Loud chee rs from the Ministeri al Benches)_ove Govern_ in when every perso n out of doors was in expectation that the Reform Bill would be passed, and when I do not suppose that those lion. G entlemen would themselves have brought forward the same p lan.—(Loud cries of hear, hear.)_ I think the result, Sir, most triumphantly establishes the truth of what I have just said, and show' s in a very striking light the wisdom of his Majesty's 11- niaters. Why, Sir, out of the 82 English county m e ,_ hers that have been returned, '76 are pledged to support the Reform Bill. Out of 50 Members of the great towns, forty-two are pledged to its support; and I may be accused of vanity when I speak of myself, yet , when I recollect that although I was in this House representing only a small borough, and was ex _ I was called on by the pecting again to represent it, freeholders of one of tha largest counties in England, t o conic forward against my wish, against that of my family, to become their representative —in opposition to a gen tleman of much private respectability, who had been a long time Member of this House, and whose h father was a Member for the county before im.— I do say that my election for so populous anuen tial a county, is no mean pi oo f of the po pularity of the Reform Bill. It ought too to be stated that the Hon. Ex-Heinber for Cornwall, who gave notile that he would Move ad amendment on the Bill, and the Gallant Member who did move an amendment, were both rejected by a most triumphant majority on their appeal to their constituents.—(Hear, hear.) His Majesty is next please to state that " the assurances of a friendly disposition which continue to be received from all Foreign Powers, encourage the hope that, notwithstanding the civil commotions ch have disturbed some parts of Europe, and the cont,st now existing in Poland, the general peace will be maintained." Sir, that war exists in Poland I much lament. The cause of that war too is very distress'ng. But I believe that his Majesty's Ministers would not be justified in recommending his M jetty to follow any other course than that of r e . maining neutral.—(Hear, hear.) His Majesty next • refers to the discussions that have taken place on the affairs of Belgium. I think, Sir, these affairs have been at tended with difficulty, and are not yet concluded. But from, the prudence, honesty, and political integrity, with which they have been conducted,allowing the people their undoubted right to establish their Government as they think b e ,t calculated for their present and future welfare, a proper adjustment of the question may speedily be expected. His Majesty goes on to state that a series of injuries and insults have been received from Den Miguel, that fre quent remonstrancea have been made, which were not at• • tended to, but that a squadron having appeared before Lisbon, satisfaction had immediately been given. This, Sir, shows what firmness will accomplish. Diplomatic relations, however, with the Portuguese government have not yet been re-established. His Majesty next refers to the reduc tions in taxation which have been evade; and I am happy to say that the revenue has not been diminished to any thing like the amount that had been anticipated. This should encourage Ministers to reduce, so far as they can, the system of taxation generally. There is one thing which I cannot overlook, that those who have been relieved by this reduction are the industrious, the labouring clauses, —the classes on whom taxation pressed with unusual hardship. At the same time that there have been these great reductions, it is very gratifying to find that the national credit_ is still maintained, with the most scrupulous fidelity and exactness. This, Sir, is a principle to which in all my political conduct I trust I shall ever studiously adhere, the preservation of the national faith and credit. From all I can collect, our manufacturers are in a favourable state—per haps, their profits are not very peat—but I believe they are sufficient amply to pay the masters ; and if wages are not high, they are, I believe, high enough, to enable the labouring classes generally to live with comfort. The Hon. Gentlleman then referred to that part of his ilia jetty's speech which respected Ireland. He lamented the very great distress which prevailed in some dis tricts; he, however, trusted it was only temporary ; and hoped that something would speedily be effected to pre , vent the recurrence of such evils. Ile concluded with moving the Address. Sir JAMES JOHNSTONE rose to second the Address to his Majesty for his most gracious Speech. He begged to claim from the House that indulgence which had been claimed by the Hon. Member who moved the Address, and which the House was in the habit of extending to Mem • hers situated as he was, particularly standing as he did, the representative of the most populous county in the kingdom. --;Hear, hear.) The first point to which he should al lude was to that part of the Speech which referred to the situation of Ireland, and he thought great credit attached to the Ministers of the Crown, for their firm and judicious exercise of those salutary laws already in exist ence, without the pain of having recourse to martial law. The distress in Ireland was a subject of deep regret, but it had already awakened the sympathy of the people of England, and he had no doubt that the House would at an early period adopt measures that should prevent Ireland in future from suffering those periodical depredations, which it had for so many years experienced. In reference to o.her parts of his Majesty's speech, the Honourab'e Baronet regret ted that the appearance of foreign affairs and the out rages in atone part of Ireland had not enabled his Majesty's Ministers to reduce the military establish ment of the country, and he observed, with reference to the state of the revenue, that it was satisfactory to learn, that notwithstanding the remission of several duties, the last accounts exhibited an increase of the excise revenue, He was glad to hear that the accounts from the manufac turing districts showed that the condition of the labourer was improving. With reference to our foreign relations, he hoped that his Majesty's Ministers would continue their s) stem of non-intervention in the affairs of other States, as the best meaus of avoiding the miseries of war without compromi•ing our dignity or our honour. —( Hear, hear.) The benefits of such a position had been clearly exemplified by the manner in which England had lately enforced certain claims against Portu,sal. Poland also was waging a just war against the gigantic power of Russia, but the policy of England forbade us to unsheath the sword, except in our just rights. The Hon. Baronet then alluded to that part of the Speech which had reference to the cause of the dissolution of the late Parliament, and read the passage: Having had recourse to that measure for the purpose of as certaining the sense of my people on the expediency of a Reform in the Representation, I have now to recommend that important question to your earliest and most attentive consideration, confi dent that in any measures which you may prepare for its adjust. ment you will carefully adhere to the acknowledged principles of the Constitution, by which the prerogatives of the Crown, the authority of both Houses of Parliament, and the rights and liber. ties of the people, are equally secured." . _ . , These words left to the House the free and unfettered exercise of votes. On that important subject his Majesty recommended the attention of the House, and in agreeing to the address no Hon. Member would be considered as pledged to any particular plan of Reform—(Hear)— but he observed that if, previous to the dissolution of Parliament, any doubt existed with respect to the current of popular opinion, that doubt must now be re moved on referring to the present appearance of the House. The SPEAKER then put in the Address. Sir ROBERT PEEL rose. He had waited, he said, in expectation that some Hon. Member would have pre sented himself to express his sentiment on the important topics adverted to in the Speech from the Throne ; but as no Hon. Member had manifested a desire to rise, he could not permit the discussion to close without a few observa tions. It was satisfactory to him to be able to concur in the Address, because it was all times desirable that the first meeting of the House should be characterized by the absence of any acrimonious spirit, which might interfere with the prevaletece bf unanimity. It was especially de sirable at the poittnt moment that the House should be able to convey to the Sovereign the assurance of its sincere loyalty and respect, unmixed with those differences which must arise if a material division of opinion should prevail. Had his Majesty's Ministers not framed the Address so as to secure universal acquiescence—had they inserted other topics, or treated those introduced differently—had they endeavoured to extort from the House a pledge as to the course it would in future pursue, he was perfectly certain that they would not have failed to give those who were likely to oppose them an opportunity of considering the nature and extent of that pledge. Of late years, when the present servants of the Crown were out of office, an Ad dress had never been moved without reference to the an cient usage of communicating a copy of the Speech the day before it was to be delivered. As Ministers had the power of remedying the grievance of which they bad so often complained, they would not have failed in their duty on the present occasion. —(Cheers.) They had adopted, as it seemed to him, a much better course, by keeping the Speech and the Address as secret as possible, and by plainly avowing, as he trusted they would do, that they meant to Wedge no individual as to the course it might be ex pedient hereafter to adopt.—( Cheers. ) The Speech from the Throne was, as usual, divided into the two great branches of foreign policy and internal administration ; and many masons would induce him not to enter into the discussion of the former. First, he was not in possession of the necessary information ; next, in the present state of the continent it ought to be the object of every man, in office and out of office, consulting the interests not only of the country but of hutna:lity, to allow nothing to escape him which might, even by remote poss'bility, tend to contravene the object of Government in the maintenance of peace. A third reason for abstaining was, the absence —the necessary absence—of the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, who was peculiarly responsible, and ought to be present on any detailed discussion t' matters connected with foreign policy. It was well, however, for the House to mark the inconvenience to which it might be exposed by the necessity of waiting until the Noble Lord should be returned, when the writ could not be moved until a fortnight after Parliament had commenced its de liberations.—(Hear, hear.) Did not this, of itself, show the practical advantage of the Crown possessing some means of procuring the attendance in their places of its responsible advisers ?—(Cheers.) Debates must be sus pended upon foreign policy, until the Noble Lord should be returned for some populous place, since he would hardly think of knocking at Schedule A. or Schedule B. of the Reform Bill for admission.—(Cheers and laughter.) If the Noble Lord did avail himself of one of the small avenues to the House still open—if he did knock at Schedule A. or Schedule B.—if he did present himself as a repre s by the 01, i tati t ve w f o o uld rsosmilerelsy afford some proof,mallplacetob in the eabolishfei tog of the Constitution, of the advantage of preserving thew- —(Hear, hear, hear.). He knew it would be said, , that in future all Ministers were to be so popular, that they would of euurae be returned ; but the deliberations of the House ought to have reference to times when the present excitement had passed away, and he wished to provoke no premature discussion on the merits of the measure,— (Some laughter and cheers from the Treasury Benches). What he bad said, he thought had naturally arisen out of I the absence of the Nable Lord ; hut if he had trespassed, he would give the best proof that he had done so uninten tionally, by at once relinquishing the topic.--(anr, hear). Although he would not enter into any lengthened diseroi skm, he might observe, in reference to the foreign relations of the country, that there were some points on which be hoped that full information would be given. lie particu larly alluded to Portugal and Holland, two countries always looked upon as essential objects of British policy. It• rejoiced to learn from the Royal Speech that the great principle on which Ministers I ntended to act, was abstaining from all interference with Forei g n States on merely dom es tic matters : nothing but t h e ne c e ssit y of preserving the interests of other countr i e s could j ustif y air infrac t i on of that principle. There was o ne p oint especia:ly con nee e I with the affairs of Portugal, on which he trusted satisfactory explanation would hereafter be afforded, not merely for the sake of the interests of this country, but of the world ; he alluded to the demands of France—and he felt assured, that the present Government of that country, which, had so loudly protested against foreign interposition, would not itself improperly or unadvisedly set the ciample of inter ference with an independent Government on a matter relating merely to its own domestic affair s. lie could readily believe, from the previous conduct of P ortu gal , that a satisfactory e xplanation might be given; but the demand was for the la lease of a French subject, tried before a com petent tribunal, and punished by that tribunal ; and fur ther, that the Judge by whom he bad been tried should be dismissed. A case of necessity might be made out, bus at present it looked lika an interference with a matter merely of a darnestic kind. The fact that the Govern ment of France was strong, and that that of Portugal was weak and unpopular, did not at all diminish the danger of the precedent; and be almost hoped that a case of enormous delinquency might be made out to justify the proceeding. lie was not aware of any other topic in the Speech relating to foreign affairs that required notice; and those relating to domestic policy were such as could not excite much difference of opinion, with the exception, per haps, of the question of Reform in the lepresentation. Even here lie was bound to state that the Address in reply to the Speech was worded with so much proper caution that he did not see how any man could refuse his assent to it, whatever might be his opinions on Reform, or on the degree and extent to which it ought to be carried. He ' understood that Ministers did not mean to pledge any Member as to the course he might be inclined to pursue when the great subject was introduced on Friday next He should then be prepared to state and re-state his opi nions, and he was not disposed on the present occasion to anticipate or prejudice the discussion. He joined in the hope so well expressed by the Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Johnstone) that the debate would be conducted with that moderation w hich became a question of such difficulty and magnitude. At the same time, after the speeches of the Hon. Members, he (Sir R. Peel) should he compromising his ow❑ sentiments, and compromising the truth, if he did not distinctly avow that he could not concur with them in the approbation they had expressed of the last dissolution of Parliament. He (lid not mean in the slight est degree to question his Majesty's right so to exercise his prerogative, although some persons deeply read i❑ the Constitution had entertained doubts upon that point. He recollected that Lord Holland in the year 1807 had quoted the opinion of Lord Somers, that it was almost illegal for the Sovereign to dissolve Parliament during the Session ; but he (Sir H. Peel) was not disposed to question the right of the King, either while the Houses were sitting or at any other period ; neither did he wish to be understood as questioning the right of the responsible advisees of the Crown to recommend it to adopt such a course. He could well believe, with the opinions Ministers tntertained upon the subject, and feeling that they had not such a mak,' ity in the House of Commons as would enable them to bring their measure to a successful issue, that they felt them selves justified in appealing to the sense of the people. He did, however, question both the time and the manner in which the dissolution took place.—(Cheers.) Nor did he look upon this as a matter of light concern ; and foreseeing the times that were approaching, if a Reformed Parliament were to sit, he felt it incumbent upon him to avow his opinions however unpopular.— (Hear, hear, hear.) He might regret that they were adverse to the sense of the great body of the people, but no consideration of that or of any other kind should induce him tamely to acquiesce in a measure which he thought would be injurious, however small might be the majority by which he should be supported. Differing from the great body of the people as their wishes were evinced at the late general election, he should not less be the true friend ?f them and of his country if he fairly avowed his difference, and attempted to justify it. What had been the consequence of the dissolution at the time when it took place? Remission of taxes to a considerable amount hail been actually made without any Legislative authority, and under the mere responsibility of the department; and this precedent would not be deemed of light importance, even by many who had concurred in the propriety of the dissolution.—(Hear, hear.) Bad pi ecedeuts, although af terwards sanctioned by a majority, were at least as dan gerous as any other precedents. The duties on several articles had been relinquished, contrary to the expressed sentiment of both branches of the Legislature. He alluded to th e imposts upon coals and slates, and he believed also that the duty upon barilla had been remitted.— (Laughter.) It might excite a s mile, but such he believed was the fact. In opposition to positive to of Parliament, the several dep ar t me nts had taken upon themselves to remit the duty, a circumstance, in his opinion, not lightly to be passed over. It might be answered that bonds had been taken for the payment of the duty shou'd not Parliament sanction its remission, but in the mean time the retail trad e had been carried on as if the repeal had been made by law, and equity and justice would oppose the for feiture of those bongs. He would refer particularly to th e remission of the duty on slate ; and here it was to he ad bee not n made meeiy under unde ther thea uthroe: re sponsibility of a reso lution of the Treasur y . The sanction r observed, that othe r articles mi g ht thereb y be most ma terially influenced. Had the dissolution not occurr e d, tlitteys,eorfettnbiessioLgis l, have n n: might of those resolutio ns ( as we understood the Right Hon. Bar on et) was nit eq ual in authorit y to the laws of the laud, which had imp osed the duties.—(Hear hear, hear. ) He hoped, theref ore, that some ste p would be taken at the instance of his M a j est y 's Government, to obtain the pro per authority for the Acts to which they had resorted, and to diminish in some degree the danger of the precedent which was furnished by those acts.—(Hear, hear.) That danger was not diminished by their being acts of favour. What security could the public creditor have for the pay ment of his dividends, if the Ministers could dispense with the duties which the Parliament had imposed.—(Hear, heat.) lie (Sir R. Peel) thou gh t that the remission of those duties ought not to be lightly passed over, if it had given rise to no other inconvenience than the bad prece- Again he would ask, why had the d e nt. --(Hear, hear.) last Parliament been 'dissolved without the renewal ci that Act by which dangerous associations could be rut down. (Hear, bear.) He would say nothing as tu whether it wou ld have been wise not to apply that iaw, had it been still in force, but he certainly thought it was not wise to allow it to expire in the state of Ireland at the time of the dissolution.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that it was the duty of his Majesty's Government to have ap plied for its renewal nefore they dissolved the Parliament. He had another complaint to make on the subject of that dissolution. He thought it was incumbent on his Ma jesty's Ministers, when one of the subjects under dis cussion in Parliament was of no less importance than the t a o li th a e d p d e it a i la l nd in t e r a a n n s qu o i f llit e y xc o i f ti t n l g te c t o h t e mt p ry eop ( l i e la re modelling of the Constitution—it was incumbent on them, as men looking higher than to mere popularity, looking ti I I n :a r of trea t discontent, arising from prevalent distress), to avoid .) Ile thought it was consistent neither with public justice nor with fact to represent to the people that the cause of the dissolution was that the supplies had been refused by the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) Now, one of his Majesty's Ministers had expressly said—the meaning of his words could not be doubted—that his Majesty would b e justified in dissolving a Parliament which should have refused a Reform that w as d eman d e d b y th e u na nimou s v oice of the people.—(Einar, hear.) These were the words of a Noble Lord opposite. But yet an Hon. Ba ronet opposite (Sir J. Graham) said in a letter to his con stituents that the motive of his Majesty's Government was the necessity of dissolving a Parliament which bad re fused the supplies.—(Cheers.) If it were the fact that c l (H : F e em e r e l e tlhioea the believed nothing r tAehsithat ntl resolution tsthti t yo Ministerial aht such was really the motive by which the Ministers had R. 8 1 , actuated o e n! e vt n eiiileteipoonnt rat contrary, yne, s ' h o uec a e d e v s 4i believeds o in f g G hise fact te to be ebo t ey h n e t eh n ,as h t m e doi ( te S iyo i nr had. complainad: ectnoii icae Ihe:sa o tr f ol . i, — :::N ( ea l ont l ,t e do a es r ft , hedro h atun e t elaid.nr;)bt determination nTd ß ioh ut n could . not Thatsay tflhoen.2l3lasitonoeft Apwheth er svas a question statement e f n a t ct N . r — as correct. If the Parliament didreally • the supplies, stop the dissolution might b e • inst • ated. But, the mere adjourn ment of the considerati on f 0 any question whatever was not sufficient for such a justification. On such grounds no Parliament had ever before dissolved, He was suite S ire that the lion. Member for ;Siiddlesea had often moved the aljournment of important questions and of discussions upon the supplies on account of the lateness of the hour ; and he was also sure that the 1100. Gentleman would not be content that he should be ch urged with an intention, in so doing, to stop the supplie , . Surely, on the occasion of General Gascoyneas motion, there was no attempt to dole the supplies ; and if not, he tviti!d ask, was it consistent with fairness, was it consistent with the conduct of enligh tened Statesmen, to throw out amongst the people' that ad• ditional cause of excitement.—(Hear.) But he had the best authority for asserting, that the stopping of the sup plies had not entered into the consideration of the Ministers when the determination was taken that the Patliament should be diesolved. Ile referred to the letter of the Noble Lord opposite td his constituents, that they had so resolved upon the Thursday moenieg.—(l - I.ear, hear.) If the Noble Lord knelt. oil the Thorsd iy that he Was entitled to make that communication on that day to hi, 6mstituents, then it could not be the fact that the tesolufion was come to in 1 consequence of the House of Commons having stopped the supplies.—(Hear, hear.) Under such circumstances, he did not think it consistent with the duty of the Minis ters to add that cause of eeltaiternent to the question of Re form. He was unwilling to allude Ca what had been said by the Hon. Gentleman who moved the ddress. He wished to make allowances for the first performance of so difficult a task. But he could not avoid remarking, that he thought the Hon. Gentleman hardly had authority to make the statentent, that a maiotity of '72 gentlemen had been returned to the pfesent Parliament from the eountie., pledged to support the Reform Bill which had been intro duced to the last Parliament. If those gentlemen had really given such pledges, they would, he believed, find themseites in a very difficult situation, as no such Bitl would be submitted td that House.—( Hear, and a laugh.) He perfectly agreed in the recornMendation which they had received from the Throne, "to adhere carefully," in the adjustmetit of P.eform, " to the acknowledged pritteiples of the Constitution, by which the prerogatives of the Crown, the authority of both Hemet of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the people are equally secured." He thought that those words of his Majesty's Speech implied a delicate censure upon the other R-form Bill, and a corn- pliment to that which it wan now the intention of the Mi nisters to propose.—( Hear, and laughter.) In his opinion, that passage conveyed a just rebuke to those Who had for some time been telling the House of Lords, in no equivocal len jgaucatr a , n t d h taituttl:eiyf they o r e l f ( i ) l ng e d e r t a n n a y c e q i i n s c i e r s e c t e io n in o t n h e t the subunani mous demands of the people of England, they should be very soon swept away.—(Hear, hear.) if, therefore, he rightly understood the words which he had just quoted from the Speech, they were intended as a censure upon the former and a correplitnent to the future Reform Bill, as well as a rebuke to those who held menaces to the House of Lords. He would further remark, that when he found in one Speech a portion of a paragraph (and not the whole easelge) quoted from a former Speech, he looked upon that portion to be considered as one of parti cular importance. He of course viewed the Speech as the work of his Majesty's Ministers, and he had no right to complain of any man's plagiarism from himself.—(A laugh.) In the Speech which his Majesty addressed at the close of the last Parliament, he (Sir It. reel) read that his Majesty had been induced to dissolve that Parliament, " for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of his people in the way in which it could be most conetitationally ex pressed, on the expediency of making such changes in the representation as circumstances may appear to require, and which, founded upon the acknowledged principles of the Constitution, may tend at once to uphold the just rights and prerogatives of the Crown, and to give security to the liberties of the people." Now be saw with great satisfac tion, that those wards were almost literally copied and in troduced into the present Speech, considering them to ap ply to the Bill now intended. He hoped that their intro duction had not been fortuitous.—( Hear.) Ile hoped, thererore, that the new Bill would have some important differences from the one introduced in the last Parliament. He believed that the result of the appeal which had been made to the people showed that the opinions of the majo rity were at variance (we understood him to say) with those which he and others entertained upon that question. But if it seemed to him that the opinions of the majority of the people upon so important a subject were clouded with error, it was his duty to endeavour to remove that error.—( Hear.) When lie and other Members of that House differed from the opinions of the people, they were not bound to be the submissive slaves of popular opi nions. —(Cheers.) Although he and those gentlemen might be in the minority, they wet e not, there fore, bound to march with the Ministry.—(Cheers.)— , If their opinions were not popular, they were still bound to express them.—( Hear, hear.) If on any questions of great popular interest, too indiscriminate a use were made of the highest name in the realm, lie feared that it would ' be attempted in that way to compel the House of Corn mons to defer to the popular opinion, not because it was wise, but because it was prevalent and enthusiastically ex pressed. He spoke thus not in the spirit of faction, nor as one of a disappointed party ; but lie thought that at a time of great distress, when the springs of industry were depressed, it was dangerous to transfer the consequent dis• content from the true causes.—(Ht ar, bear.) The power which the Government possessed was intended not fur their personal advantage, but for the good of the country ; and he could not think that there was any more danger ' ous use of it than to make the people think that the Con- stitution of that House, or any other of the institutions under which they live, was the cause of the existing dis• tress —(Hear.) lie certainly knew from the results of the election, that the present Constitution of that House was unpopular—(Hear)—but he was not therefore bound to alter his course; on the contrary, he thought it his duty to the people from whom he differed, however he might incur their dislike, to point out to them what he considered the dangers of any measure. —(Hear.) They who held unpopular opinions were not on that account the less faithful servants of the people.—(Hear.) Lord ALTHORP (who was for some time inaudible, ' from the lowness of his tone and the noise of Members leaving the House) was understood to appeal to the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, anti who had concurred in the prudence of avoiding to introduce any topic, on the first day of the Session, which might lead to a difference of opinion on the Address in reply to the speech of his Majesty, whether, in that speech, they (the (H Mini) a s r t . e ) r s In ha d answering not m endeavoured tainenei. to Right avoid Hon. such Gentleman, top ic s— he had no intention to argue with hi I .: n r ot t ( h d, eicsapointsdiscuss those sffeet:rsheuinebtjh,ee subjects of t i B n h p ai i i n r in e n fe r r r e e , d p , ec i t n i n s g u c t h h ea Address. on that occasion would be inconvenient to the House and detrimental to the country.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had salt; that the absence of his (Lord Althorp's) Noble Friend, taat evening, was inconvenient. But the Right Hon. Gentleman must know that every Member ci his Majesty's Government held himself re sponsible for the conduct of the foreign affairs of the country, and that the absence of his Noble Friend could therefore not prevent the Right Hon. Gentleman from receiving an answer to any question which he might have asked.— (Hear.) Ile crud not think that the Right Hon. Gentle man bad stopped short in his speech without sonic other reasons for the interruption. He was happy to hear the Right Hun. Gentleman express his approval of the prin ciple of non-interference. He thought that the best pos sible rule for every country, according to strict justice and sound policy, was not to interfere in the affairs of another, unless in such cases as that of a neighbouring or an allied State being threatened with invasion. In the answer to time speech of his Majesty, care had been taken to abstain from the introduction of anything which could be supposed to pledge gentlemen as to their future conduct on the subject of the Reform Bill. As the Right Hon. Gentle man had appealed to the Ministers, he (Lord Althorp) had much satisfaction in saying, that acquiescence in the Address would not pledge Hon. Gentlemen on that ques tion.—(Bear, bear.) That Right Hon. Gentleman had alluded to the advice given to his Majesty by his Ministers on the subject of the dissolution. He had admitted, as indeed it could not be doubted, that his Majesty had the right to dissolve Parliament ; and also that the Ministers, being pledged to carry the measure of Reform, were justi fied in advising his Majesty to exercise that right.— (Hear.) But the Right Hon. Gentleman objected to the time and circumstances in which that advice was given. 'The first ground on which be rested that objection was connected with the remission of taxes, as the Right Hon. Gentleman says, without the authority of Parliament; that the Right Hon. Gentleman recollected himself and ad mitted that after sea-borne coals had been permitted with out payment of the former duty, it would, under the cir cumstances, have been impossible for Parliament to refuse its approval to the permission. The Right Hon. Gentle man must see that it had been practically determined upon by Parliament that the duty should be reduced. For, though an Act had not formally been passed, yet a Com mittee had voted in favour of the reduction, and that re solution had been reported to the House.—(Hear, bear.) There could, therefore, be no doubt, that the duty would be remitted, and it might thence be considered as prac tically, though not in form, remitted.—( Hear, bear.) The next point to which be should turn was the complaint respecting the Proclamation Act in Ireland, which, it was . said, ought to have been renewed before the dis solution. They (the Ministers) knew that they incurred a grave responsibility. But they thought that they could dispeme with that law.—(Hear, hear)...and the result had, since the dissolution, proved that they Were ris (Cheers.) Next it was complained that the d's lution had been attributed to a refusal of the supaliee Now, they should first consider whether the stipples were really refused or not.—(Hear, hear.) It was said that to move a re n fu a s d i j n o g ur t a h m e en su t p a p t lle i s iLe ( o H 'cl e o a e r k )_ eo b u t l l d t rtihotatbeit was an o o n rd a i s_ tnlieirinyasnetsee,tindeßrutwhheatwocuirledupninsttaint eteostwheasßthigahtt adjournment Hon.Gen- moved? Was not the effec t of that motion to go into dis cussion of a new measure of Reform, at that hour, so as to gire rise to speech after s p eech, with no other ob j ect debate firs than to put a of thevotefootm respectingri,thes theupplies(o representation Hrdo ?—(Cheers.) Gentle. Althorp) Aorp) The of the town of Liverpool.—(Hear- ) A man, then sitting opposites asked him whether, after the results of the motion of General Gas coyne, it was tiie intention of his Majesty's Government to persevere with the Reform Bill; to which he answered they would not.—(Hear.) He then ashes!, would the Parliament be dissolved, and that question he declined to answer.—(Cheers.) But did not the House well know what was his intention?—(Cheers.) He was not then going to assert that the adjournment was the cause of the dissolution—(Cheers) —but he would say that the way in which that adjournment was referred to, in connection with the dissolution, was this—that the success of the motion proved, that with the late House of Commons , the Ministers could not go on.—(Cheers.) If that motion was nut the cause of the dissolution, it was its justification. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Feel) said that the Speech had been cautiously worded, so as to avoid pledging gentlemen to support the Bill of last Ses sion, and that its language placed the gentlemen who were pledged to that Bill in an awkward situation. But they (the Ministers) did assert that the Bill which they pro posed last Session was such a measure as the Speech re comme.ndei. He would assert that there was nothing in the wording of the Speech which could justify the decla ration of the Right Hou. Gentleman, that a Bill on differ ent principles must be proposed.—(Great cheering and some laughter.) The Right Hon Gentleman had gone into a very ingenious verbal criticism of the language of the Speeches of this Session and the last; but if he would consider the words better, he would find that the coinci dence to which he had adverted was not so very impor tant.—(Hear, hear.) As to what had been said of the enthusiasm of the people, he (Lord Althorp) would be the last man in the country to refuse credit to the Right Hon. Gentleman for honesty of purpose and fidelity to his ditty, even when, as he had said, he had not the good fortune to be agreed with by a majority of his fellow-countrymen.— (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman said, that if, at any future time, in a season of distress and discontent, any attach should be made upon the institutions of the country, it would be popular after this precedent. But surely it was not that gentleman's opinion that the people of England entertained such feelings towards the institutions Of the country.—(Cheers.) There Was every proof that they were attached to those institutions—(Cheers) —but he should not therefore be surprised, if they should see room for improvement..—(Hear)--and when the improvements pro posed to them were favourably received, it was not to be inferred that propositions to overturn those institutions would be received with equal favour,—(Cheers.) It was not in the power of the Government to raise the strong feeling of the people on the question of Reform ; but whets the appeal made to them gave them the opportunity of ex pressing the feeling, they did so with enthusiasm.— (Cheers). He would not further detain the House, as there was no question upon which they would be called upon to vote.—(Hear). Lord MAHON thought that the conduct of the present Ministers on the dissolution of Parliament, and on every other occasion, more resembled that of candidates vestal the hustings than of prudent Statesmen. They had err tired upon office with promises of reduction amongst others, but the only reduction which they had perseveringly proposed was that of the number of the English repre sentatives, which, under all the circures'ances, he would call a red:cetio ad absurdum. He thought it a strange proof of the unanimity of the Cabinet, that the two Mi nisters should have given such opposite accounts of the c iuse of the dissolution ; and now, when they were pressed to explanation, they admitted that what they called the stopping of the supplies was not the cause nor the justi fication of their proceeding, though it might be hound sufficient to justify them. (The noise in the House frequently rendered the Noble Lord inaudible.) Notwithstanding alt _ _ that had bee❑ said respecting the last Parliament, he would say that there never was a legislative assembly equal to the late House of Commons in public spirit, iu wisdom, in talents, and in honesty. He expressed his re gret, that whilst he missed from the present House of Commons such gentlemen as Sir R. Vyvyan, Sir Thomas Acland, and Mr. Bankts, the late Member for Dorset, he did not see others who could supply their places. The suc cessor of the last-mentioned gentleman was one who now supported that measure of Ram m which he had denounced as revolution.—( Hear.) An appeal bad been Blade to the people, but it was not the appeal from Philip drunk to Philip sober, but from Philip sober to Philip drunk.— (Hear.) It was said that the people were satisfied with the Bill, but he denied the assertion. The apparent unanimity was occasioned, in one class, by an unnatural c talition between those who were led on by an unlimited de!erence to the supposed will of the Crown, and those who in their speeches and writings, and in all their pub lications, treated the Crown with little ceremony. Thera was another class desirous of improvement, and believing it to be necessary, who looked upon the present measure as too violent, but yet consider the Reformers too strong to be resisted, and who, therefore, look upon this measure as better than no Reform. There was a third class, equally consisting of those, be they numerous or few, who con template plans not consistent with the monarchical institu tions of the country.—(Hear, hear.) The Ministers had not gained to their banners the avowed enemies of the C institution.—(Hear, hear.) The radicals were nut satisfied.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Middle sex could not have satisfied the friends of the ballot and universal suffrage, had he said that the Bill would super sede the ballot, and render universal suffrage unnecessary ; but be cbtained their acquiescence in the measure when he said that it would open the way to those objects. He (Lord M ikon) did not pretend to be in the confidence of the radicals.—(A laugh.) He held no seat in their un holy Sanhedrin.—(A laugh.) But they spoke loudly for the apprehension even of the uninitiated. They said they only looked upon this measure as a good step to others which they desired more. It was of course not to be denied, that the measure of Reform had been declared for by the people at large ; but it was to be remembered, that the project had never been presented to them in its true colours, and, even had it been so, there was no time fur them to reflect upon tha qualities or merits, or rather de merits, of the measure. It only, then, remained for him to thank the House for the indulgence which had been extended to him, and to add, that the statement of the Noble Lord, so far from explaining to his satisfaction the difficult e+ of which the House desired an explanation, only left them involved in greater obscurity. Mr. HUME said, that although the Noble Lord had taken upon himself to define the class to which lie (Mr.: H.) belonged, it risight turn out that the definition was not altogether the most perfect of which the case admitted ; at all events he (Mr. H.) would at some future time take an opportunity of himself defining the class to which he did really belong. Passing, however, to the matters more immediately under their consideration, be would appeal to the House whether the speech of the Right Hon. Batonet below him, and the speech of the Noble Lord who had just sat down, were such as deserved serious considera tion, or called for any very lengthened reply ? The speeches to which he referred were made up of complaints that the King should have ventured to appeal to his people, never being able to deny that at the very moment when that appeal was made the Commons House of Parliament was most equally divided upon the identical question which gave occasion for that appeal. He confessed that he thought such a complaint exceedingly unfair, coming, as it did front lion. Members who in the last Parliament defied his Ma jesty's Ministers to adopt diet course for having pursued which was now made matter of the loudest and most bittern complaint. Ministers appealed to the people, having been laced to do so ; but did any one of the Hon. Members who had so dared therm go to any place where the election was popular, and, ascending the hustings with the Bill in his hand, make a merit of opposing that Bill ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Something; of the sort might have been done at Cambridge ; but had it been done in Oxfordshire; who did ;t in Dorsetsbire ? had it been done in any one popular borough ? [An Hon. Member near Mr. H. made some observation, which was not audible.] Yes, perhaps there might have been something of the sort, but it was to be recollected„ that one swallow made no summer—a rare instance miglit, perhaps, be found, but the principle was still the same, the general sense of the people was favourable to Reform; that was a position which no man in his senses would attempt to gainsay. Such having turned out to be the case, he could not but admire the candour of the Right Hon. Baronet below him, who had so frankly avowed, that in the result of the elections he was mistaken ; and being so , wh y did that flight Hun. dheard ? Baronet utter the complaints which the Hips r Did be de , Why complain of th at " Peal otcl the Phe" sire any thing bu t the t r uck desire that that h ouse should rep resent any thing j ) but the true sentiments he of the people? No man could be more anxious than he (me. H.) MR 19 see the atvituat 91 ilvf9ll3, if pchtiblr,