The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-13 00:00:00

be Itefo talents ead of dolt at bo the 11 ° IYrnaster 0 ;hing-sY fi l been berg, truetion app reben, c f race o iblic excite' the R i g ht was tili v weilingtc ° ' induce 1 -1 ineen liarisin ?—(Cheers. ) It is impossible to expres s abhorrence which every man I els at su e !, sets; ""d! Inest unjust for any nia d to charg e the Mcinbetsol Li s It 1 arrest Goverioneut with being indiffei cut to them.,v.. an :Juld be time enough for any Irian to make so .11Ln%! put .tlisation when he should have seen that they did t the '1 their utmost force to repress them— using only of the kt,guage of persuasion, and not availing themselves . •ans with which the laws and the Constitution had po led thera--(Hear, hear.) I. length Mr. PERCEVAL was sorry he could not approving letter to eancellor of the Exchequer had given, of his hear') the explanation which the N . o g b o le t il e ord the Chaircnan of the Birmingham meeting.—("e--;• ]angry An Bore MseartEit thought that too much o b gn t a g e , h ail been used in the course of that discussion._ f e thought that it might, perhaps, have been better his avoided i ()hie Friend (the Paymaster of the Forces) " ii o ' 4 e of so offensive a term as " faction," as a small )la,rt;a.thercidesig ' h design ate d th e opposers of Bill all which his Noble lei 4l] ian'eant- to hads no doubt ti s i m at a_ al and had that he that a c e just Wishes of -5 beers, hoofsilieth t of people.--Hear, lember for 11 phaeratry. hear.) He e againstivoi a opportunity of assuring the H . on.. A the county r at that the p r ogress of the election in . .ons of borset was not to hetaken as a test of the opinions ' ' A e f °r4.4,ftr,,large upon the quedstitobneofatteekr upon Lord. i tarry, fidondztt‘al OR he w.itnesse len of eer ? it as a very bad speee f the trail • The town had been Iwhiceli6tteedGnovpenrnnment proposed to take i copied by lawless an d i °m h° one end to the other a all those h 4 ninded mob, ready t€, attack the th:o had conscientiously opposed the ofmolsitverscv.olu_tioant.a.ray_ l'a'ore that had ever been proposed to the British P i' 11S;.--iitIebilleterw.r)e lx"epr",:Titlioos of theg dispositions of the people as, regretted that persons who entertained e ' exe ** i t t e d t b,,Y, t he last spea - ker, sho d u id hl b t e ak t e b s i Xeep t sae, ,41 --(Hear. ) Nor painso nk inu an c y n thing, h e , "egguage, could be more calculated . to urge tban he cili,e(olprire to a vehement expression of their feelings , th, ) . " ii 4 , a tion of the non. Member for Corfe C ._ ast ( l i e je t a ll .. a . ; ta t f,,a' become less desirous of Wa g „,; 41 what did that Hon. Gentleman infer t e h r at b t e h fc e r r e e bee n " 1 , 0 4 a change of opinion ? Had there ever on any qetell vuch proofs of universal agreementl they In als o? aigte : Was it ever before known that a district of the metropolis had been L i dosed, sh a o n p d a affottlin inasess had been suspended, for . the purpose of that th u g to the inhabitants an opportunity of nzie"asl Wa s n 1" to were unchanged, and that ? their What ever vici,t Itabated, but had been increased d ay to t°ll'ellee had been committed, of t e close, pas not to be attributed to the concoursegreat t utation from Londonderry," al. I,„,ite!Fectahle persons who accompanied the P ilight:s4 address to the King. No individual s d u e ffe t red the in the pro te , ! niolestation from those who took p if t 1 Na---(Cries of " the Marquis °I. Lwn.en-ndt luvii.)th csii ',e i b n u )l l 'e of Wellington," " Lord Bristol," from the 0 with the tht 4'ddr 7e4ebes•) The deputation which atha of to t o to his 1+ he were not to be charged t 'li e m c ' se who crowded about the Houses of Parliament. Nia n - "Ns Were always assembled upon remark f t u le se oc n: tardss' s uch as the visits of the King 4.art.."„(11!ar.) tilt the real cause of such manifestations to the House kh ,; 'eehng upon the part of assemblages of theto peoplethem. ~.ate irritat' , sil It to I log language used in referenceenraged tl at should be ? t l i t 4 s g u t , iild )tehaltVo4ered that they were bloody-tniud e d fellows 11,,,,111 languagre excite the anger of any set of . ine W n a re ' s i n c - I d d ithe--,_''ruear.) Ile had thought that the day la ti g to ea, who had attained the age of the Ho n n '' . l G p entle- e h "carp°°.iast addressed the House, could allow themselves b a tli ied so far by their passions beyond the ou b n e d r s of f ihti4eawluientarY discretion. (Hear.) If any number t the Addreasi,_° a,rcornpanied the deputation that day tr) sue], :',4i5 Alalesty had allowed themselves to with the hat il,'`l;tteb of 'fu 'y as that Right Hon. Th e fee(l!°4l have been. said of them.—(flear,ianG,rleenlaugh.) tli e R efo 'ng of the people in consequence of t ie nn i a ection of iaralle!ed la una'„i_t4.' 13 ' 1 by the Home of Lords, st staio ofe_tY.iitn the history of England,. and ( nucle discretion onitata,:fi,stede:sl orrizt,)haul Nothingtl,ere been th e spirit . of fa r ctio n n al wa l a neve i r, in such km seelfiSithof a Patty engaged in the if,urtsiiiiittio,el lla)uguage tylii e b h' °lleets, could have drawn hiro, e had that Member who tpulte-I(Hear, haar.) Did not the Hon. 6 . 4 Olr, Tr night heard from Hon.or Members near } a iy,,, ie Iv , . , evor) designate the 11 ' 41 -... a h i ''.;" nn Man had ever before peo h p e l a e rd of ap E o n li g e l dt in t d o and " No, °°•") wa,:T"Nuinded mob ?_(Hear, hear, Wh en the 1. t to be wondered that they fore them? No kan niore I Put elf 4°4 a ealumuY can • )e e done to the k at . ldn he eould the violence s b hould be enrage , cl 1. 1 'us of Londonderry. regret (Oh, oh, and hear, hear.) a ' repeated ,1 than ..5 did , .list 40 man could regret it morecontrary to the-s-o4,llear, hear.) Nothing " be m could more e be people, and wgotee which he had always given to Itt° the"fe.i. tlld add, that nothing could be more ethemselves. w as ' 'rigs of the great mass of the people was to be near that no opportunity of excitement . contrary Pied h,, e `'9 ; for the House had been that wh . lle o ( e .o c n u : tainenol"iholenteliscussion about two letters, willclt'ritiing. disturl)4,te:lt objectionable, and afterwards aho,n)t Why, Ivere they '•---(Loud cries of " Hear, hear. " Hear, heara)....„! not trifling (ehement shouts of ared to tshat hatiWtere they not trifling, he asked, c?",'Pent ? (Ileat.) tae they in times of less general excinim who Lad ..)pied Wheotne did not wonder 'it the efforts of those e. `,",the Lill, to retain their unhallowed pou.g,i to aeoa,'°°aed around him rhohat House, Wer „ .t for the tenacity of se persons .—( Hear, of the kopelec. nose who sat around him the representatives denied he saw enough 5,...(c."-i(elleers, and er:_. of He s f that ~, " They are.") they were e'0") There had been too many preolior Peers. he y ot,4,ttThey were the delegabtesbolafmaedf for manie ii'seLintif some, e iusvdigenattt People then t s o a: their rights with l'e caY5t45.1,4441141 of men ."' 'le,n they tre faction ? And hhearde 4PPlied t}-11' t hat he was soYrry the Noble Lord 7 1 ' 1 7_ _ t _ tell-INN t" term faction to that small party should have e Heu 44101 iiiiii.o "Plain away his words. —(Cheells;) I:and L ear - beedatuoved of the course adopted by the ).:rxpltio 4::l;manberhf.or Al d horn ugh , i w i lo didbaveis a i c , . Hon. 1 how- f time oatlio:46t* what eTsge N ‘ N v 'a h s 'e t l l ' ie l r ic e ( m q,p h ;is e d to the voice s o_ *--.Whiitg ,4t Werehisper of a faction ?—(Loud cheers.) , :,:, the 19 9 Members of the Mire_ 'td tl 5-4 . the '`ICI Alembers of that House who ted Bents6,l' wishea of the eople and who had disaloPow.,,, Whole 4:te!, bot a very snP•all l ' ction as compared to, ric:, ;"(IlLord 'uil,;:in ? lle, therefore thou ' ght, that the er l\ ,, O . s u e ': e e a a r.) 'l,°,t rightly have designated them otl)ion i that `l4e 1 3,,, 0 ,t.le thought the Hon. Members upon ~... 11151 „ler: "t41O) side, had adopted the most tu%. Oder; 1,1) that could be devised to produce m theyi NlOiyq ot he would not, therefore, say that.., Possible th at 4t the Mischief • nor did be think . i . said, who 4,, • ' } iuk whal. lic : man could really i i . e _ _ of t_he pre,ttlatet,l.sed Lord Grey and the oilier :Alenit r n s , of 'yeeili!irgly Pet, Itdrninistration of conniving at outrages,'Vith what c'ecirig eouihitting, them.....-(llear, hear.) so b ase l y , aPyin, ().4e supposed that they should act _ . . e Iti th of tl° „.11,1gil a station and eejoying the confiden`, tvauld 4 : '` 4 l', and of ,and nat; in ?—(Cheers.) What ' C'etltlernen ventyee 'to 4'l6terßO. if the y 4..41 uot enjoy the cinlidenc'e of the people , and ( 1 1( a 'e t . 1 7' nut be shntqd be glad to know who wools criedf say that his Majesty'st 11 b eat; i, " "' ), Would the lion. Gentleman who the People) ` l4, ' or his friends, njoy the confidence of it bat the7.(liedr, and laughter•) On the contrary,_ was f 'elings of littithe peep',att, that in the present state of the -, . noses t „ t . d• ....e.ctsh,ey co_uhl scarcely ventur e to show their , both sides.) Woat _,:'.,,) --Criernendous cheering from . Hon, hi,,,,, 441 that state of feeling arise from ? Did Ministers had h°eera around hie suppose that his Majesty's the lien en, able to ins that degree of horror with wine ? With 11,1)' regarded Airee party opposed to the Ministers, and con, eii, meh they would reg ard an, Party that should now, chee:sr'ltti': power in theirs tead ? And if not, what we re these d id all th°4?---(elleers, ar.d a laugh.) To what more did the at the Iron. Gentleman complain e d of amou!i._,, ht.riglish:_poolataneou expression of that feeling with ye t th r 4 , g4 t , emettelt?pat reyard those who deprived them of their 141144)', declari ' 's g th e been , held in all parts o f l_ trzsiy wouhi rrieitneeleroest,nopeoltinti:teers Could any " people that his al. 4118111)Pose that tho se la npireeestinnts had been occasion e d of iheY Other than the spontaneougs and unanimous feelin.g 4 hil ppot ° .P l e ? Illind must they be who assent to such 1144, '',...1"' Blind Ml:a Close- around him be, and !g -nanle to ttoi'eou.7l what passes throughout the country, andu they tuPpose., 41114 f, from the lessons of experience, if part tr ti e . that such spontaneous manifestation on the tlio!„, l'e°Ple had occur red onl b time C o nnivance of the the ~l-el•a• The public interest Y that is, the interest of rc,,,,renPle The ....re ' th—t order and peace should tt,,‘°"“ssr,.l-lear, hear.) * / rcliiu:Coeuldanot hesitate to say, that al ; but Ileitsllt,trug.gle at lee,Ent Leing (tarried on was unequal . . catcher tliould there be a doubt that the siruggle roust i t I b ee rs ,s. 4°ogh. Considering the situation in which the tonvi_7o"e PiaCed....(Clieers):—he only wished to carry st un licpti.nii to .their minds.( Hear, hear.) In the Sues terested which they had to decide, they were not . disu - Porto ie Jud ges. They Were personally interested in sup , 14w t,,, th e ell borough system ; and un fortunately, th flie4;.! given them the power to decide in their own case 7 and a J 1., When the eace of the country waa endangere , " a "f"1 of naenP faction —could stand out against !the wishes of twenty millions, it was not to be wondered at that exasperating conduct and offensive language should lead to violent results.—( Hear, hear.) Ile heard HUH. Gentlemen calling on his Majesty's Ministeis to put down the rioters, and to . prevent the acts of incendiarism, as if those gentlemen themselves did not know, of their own ex perience, that it is impossible to prevent those occurrence , which suddenly arose from accidental causes of excitement. They had occurred in all periods of our history, and at no time lead they been more frequent than in October last, when his Majesty's present Ministers could scarcely be blamed for them.—( Hear, hear.) Why did not the Hon. Gentlemen near him come forward then to accuse the Government which was then in power?—(Hear.) 'Was it because the objects of the incendiary's rage were then only corn-stacks, and farm-houses, and barns? Were these of no consequence ? But now, when an old castle, or rather the occasional lodging-house of a Peer—for it was magnified, to give greater importance to the outrage —when the hem of the garment of the Duke of New castle was touched, the Government was held responsible for not having prevented the accident. To make so marked a distinction between outrages upon the property of farmers, and those committed upon tile property of Peers, did not seem to him to be equal justice to the high and the low.—(Cheers.) In tile large assemblage of his country men which he had that day had tile honour to meet, there were men as distinguished for talent and property as any man in that House ; and their sole anxiety was tee preserve tranquillity. He could not, therefore, patiently hear them accused as rioters, and the Government blamed for not publishingproclamations to prevent their assembling. Mr. TREVOR said that the lion. Member for Middle sex had misrepresented Lim. He had not said that the people of England were bloody-minded ; and he would take shame to himself if he had been betrayed into the use of such language towards the great body of his country men..—( Hear, hear.) What he had said was, that the Peers who had opposed the Reform Bill were exposed to the violence of a bloody-minded snob, urged on by an in flammatory Press.—(Hear.) But he did not accuse the people of England of sympathizing with that mob. If the Hon. Member for Middlesex had witnessed what he (Mr. Trevor) saw at the gates of the King's Palace, he would not deny that the mob was bloody-minded. Their cries were, " Cut his throat—kill him." Had the Hon. Member witnessed the conduct of that snob, his own sense of humanity would have prompted him to respond to what he (Mr. Trevor) had said respecting them.—(Hear.) Mr. C. GRANT had listened to the discussion of that evening with the deepest regret. He was sure it was the wish of every Member of that House to prevent popular excesses, and he should have expected] that after all that had passed it would have been the earnest endeavour, as he was sure it was the sincere wish of every gentleman, to avoid any thing that could tend to excite the people. —(hear, hear, hear.) He had, therefore, heard with great pain and regret the language which lead fallen from Honourable Members upon both sides. He was sure that the indignation of the people of England, who habitually held the law of the land in the highest respect, would be excited to a high pitch when they heard that a Peer of the realm had beers violently attacked because he had done his duty as a Peer, according tee the conviction of leis own mind.—(Hear.) For his part, he himself felt such indig nation : and he, therefore, deprecated the language which he had that evening heard from some gentlemen in the heat of debate. He would implore Hon. Gentlemen not tee forget so much their own honour and feeling, as to as cc ibe to men in high station a deliberate connivance at the atrocious acts which had recently been committed. How could any gentleman of generous feeling and noble thoughts attribute to his Majesty's Ministers a base conni vance at popular excesses, which every man must deplore? —(Cheers.) He knew that many topics lead been argued which naturally provoked retort and recrimination. But would the House permit him to implore them to close the discussion for the peace of this great metropolis, arid for the tranquillity of the whole country, and for the sake of eve: y feeling which could move the heart of man.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that the majority of the House would agree with hint in the propriety of bringing to a conclu sion a discussion which which was so far from being likely to promote the peace of the country. —(Cheers.) Mr. HUNT said, that notwithstanding the admonition which the House had received From the Right Hon. Gen tleman who had just sat down, it was impossible for any man, who felt for his country, to sit silent on Cleat occa siou.—(Hear, hear.) For his part, he would not consent to do so after the language which he had heard from time Hon. Member for Middlesex. 'What was the fact? A Member of the other House of Parliament, the Marquis of Londonderry, in coming down to do his duty to-night, as a Member of the Legislature, had been grossly assaulted by a cowardly mob. I3lood had been shed. A Peer had been wounded. And the Hon. Member for Middlesex would leave seat forth to the country that all this was ac cident. Was not that an encouragement to mobs to vent their anger to the utmost upon all those with whose opi nions they did not agree ?—(Cheers from the Opposi tion.) The Hon. Member for Middlesex did not content himself with saying that the attack upon the Marquis of Londonderry- was an accident, but he called the fires in Nottingham trifling occurrences.—(Bear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman compared those outrages to the burning of corn stacks and farts-houses, by a peasantry driven to desperation by hunger. But he (Mr. Hunt) had risen to reply to the Right Hon. Member for Windsor, who, with a great degree of anger and indignation, had accused lion. Members upon that (the Opposition) side of the House, of a perversion of facts. He (Mr. Hunt) did nut think that they had perverted one fact. But he would ask the Hon. Member for Windsor, did not he attempt to per vert facts ?—(Cheers.) Did he not say that the letters of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and of the Paymaster of the Forces had not been addressed to the Birmingham Union, but to the gentleman who presided at the meeting which voted thanks to those Noble Lords? Now he (Mr. H.) must say, that that was a perversion of facts.— (Cheers.) He did not go the length of accusing the Mi nisters of conceiving at the atrocities committed lately, nor of any thing which might have been done by the multi tude assembled that day ; but he would remind them that the meeting at Manchester had been violently dispersed, on the ground that so great an assemblage of the people was dangerous to the public peace. The Hon. Member for Borouglebridge had ace-used the Government of conniving at the present riots. Whether there might or might not be foundation for that charge, there could be no doubt that the Press had put forward threats of the • vengeance which should be executed upon such Peers as might oppose the Bill. Had they not heard that the Peers were to be put in schedule A if they did not agree to pass the Bill? and some Latin quotation had been used about strike at the fact.—(Cries of quote, quote, quote.) Hon. Mem bers might call on hint to quote, but lee begged to inform them that he had forgotten more Latin than most of them had ever learned.—(Great laugleter.) He made no pre tensions to being a literary character. It was a long time since he went to school, and he was not one of those who kept up classical reading—he made no pretension to being a quoter of Latin. But to turn to matters more im portant. A good ground of complaint had been made against the Government. It is for suffering the Press tee proceed in their mischievous course of reviling and holding up to public vengeance Peers and Members of Parliament. lie was perfectly ready to admit that the people in some pirts of the country, and about the metropolis, were in a state of great excitement ; but did that justify the Govern ment in asserting that the nation was unanimous in their support? Did not the conduct of the people of Dorset shire falsify such a statement ; and was it not plain enough that even in time county with which the Chancellor of the Exchequer was himself connected, there did exist consider able difference of opinion ? And surely no man could call the late election at Dublin an unanimous declaration in favour of the Bill. He did not possess sufficient influence over the people to delude or to deceive them ; but the lion. Member for Middlesex certainly possessed sufficient influence for that purpose, for he succeeded in persuading them that they would derive more advantage from the Bill than in his conscience he believed would ever accrue front it.— No doubt those who collected great multitudes were re sponsible fur their conduct in so calling theirs together; and those who previously furnished the means of excite ment to meetings to be afterwards called, were likewise re sponsible for results. He would again say, that he thought it most extraordinary that any Government should have allowed the public Press to run the length which the Press in these days lead gone; and if this state of things went on, where would it stop? Thee Right Hon. Member for Windsor might laugh, but matters might soon becom e serious. It might be all very well for a time, but sooner or later Ministers would regret the turbulence which it served their present purpose to permit—the time might come when it would put their noses out of socket. Heil) , the state of things was alarming, and not eas il y understood. At time very moment when the Duke of Newcastle's place was being destroyed the military nitre parading the streets of Nottingham, but would not march to its rescue, leaving no orders to that effect. Since then a rumour had gone abroad, that the people were prooeed ing to lielvoir Castle with the same purpose. If they allowed the present state of things to continue and grow worse, they must in the end call out the military. Did he, therefore, advocate acts of violence? Quite the con trary ; but he then, and at all times, vet) , much ques tioned the prudence and expediency of large bodies of men going up to the King for the purpose of pre senting petitionsa—it bore the appearance of intunida ' ion ; and in the year ISH, at the Spaflehls meeting, when it was proposed that the whole body of those pre stint should go up to the Prince. Regent with au address, i would have been agreed to but for hint ; he owed it to I; own safety, and to his own character, not to implicate himself in any such proceeding. He had some influence in those days, and he prevailed upon the meeting to give up the design of proceeding in a body to the Palace. He really thought the time had arrived when Ministers might be satisfied with the expression of public feeling to which recent events had given rise, and they ought now to adopt some means for protecting person and property in this metropolis. He had understood that Commissioners Mayne and Rowan had given directions that no man Should be struck on the head sinless he were detected in some act of violence, endangering life. For himself, he had no fears—he had lived to little purpose, if he could not venture amongst his fellow-citizens, unarmed at the same time. If he should encounter violence from a multitude —though Ir 2 had but one life to lose—he should defend that life—he should not die without resistance. Mr. GEORGE LAMB said, that as much of the cen sure conveyed in the speech of the Hon. Member for Preston appeared to attach itself to the dep:rtment with which he was connected, he trusted the House would per mit him to say a few words; indeed, he could not allow the present conversation to close without making a few observations. However unmeasured the language used by the lion. Member for Preston—and it would be difficult to find language more unmeasured—he trusted that to remainder of the discussion would be conducted in a spirit, and with a calmness of language more befitting the dignity sfthat House. He confessed he was yet to learn, for he did not know, what acts or what omissions of his Majesty's Government had procured for them the censure which they had that night encountered. The Hon. Gen tleman had said that they had permitted or connived at the proceedings of the rioters—that they were thus in directly parties to the violence. Upon that he was pre pared to join issue—he challenged inquiry into every one of the acts of the department with which be was con nected. He thought that Hon. Gentlemen ought not be fore trial to express suspicions which, after examination, might prove utterly groundless. A complaint had been made that the military were not called into activity on a late occasion, but the fact was, the means were not so completely at hand as had been represented. As to the tendency to violence which was now abroad, he hoped that it would soon be put down; but he must be allowed to say, that it was far from the best mode of effecting that object for Hon. Gentlemen to come forward and say that the Government connived at, or permitted, any such pro ceedings; to send forth to the public anything of that sort could not but he attended with the worst effects. Sir C. WETHERELL—I did not use the word Connive. Mr. G. LAMB—WeII, connive or permit, the differ ence was unimportant. As to what the Hon. Member for Preston had said respecting the rumoured death of a police constable, it was without foundation. On the whole, then, Government thought it much wiser to allow those men to approach the Sovereign, than to put any restraint upon their proceedings, for restraint i❑ such cases might be worse than perfect freedom. Lord STORMONT defended his own friends from the imputation of being adverse to the liberty of the subject, and concurred in all that had been said in reprobation of the letters written by the Noble Lords opposite. Sir GEORGE WARRENDER thought there ought to be a special commission for the purpose of bringing . the rioters to trial. Colonel TRENCH having been an eye-witness of the procession in which the Hon. Member for Middlesex took so distinguished a part, wished to state what came under his own observation. For a moment the carriage of the Hon. Member stopped, and he wished to catch his eye, but he endeavoured to do so in vain. His standard bearer preceded him, and was most industrious in giving direc tions to the assembled multitude. In compliance with those directions—issued by a man apparently of a respec table station in society—in compliance with those direc tions, the procession went along Piccadilly, preceded by a white flag, with these words—" King, Commons, and People !" When the party came to Devonshire House, their leader desired them to shout, and they did shout most lustily. When they came opposite the Duke of St. Alban's they also shouted, but more feebly. As he saw them then advancing towards Hyde Park-corner, he con clud.d that their object was to proceed to the Duke of Wellington's, and he therefore eodeavoured to get before them, for the purpose of apprising the family, but without success. He observed, then, the leading portion of the pro cession proceeding in the most orderly and regular manner, consisting of respectable-looking men, well dressed, walk ing four and four abreast, arm in arm. Having entered Hyde Park-gate, they opened, as it were, their files, and permitted another body to advance, consisting, not of boys or of youths, but of full-grown men, who being well provided with stones, proceeded to break the windows of the Duke of Wellington's house. To beaure the breaking of a few windows was no great matter; but it was most distressing to see a force organized for the purpose of in sulting an illustrious man, whose deeds had so largely con tributed to make the British name immortal, and whose conduct, whether in public or private life, adorned human nature.—(Cheers.) At this period of the proceeding he looked in vain for the standard-bearer. He had disap peared, but the business of the procession appeared to go on with the most perfect regularity, it being obvious that the previous varied arrangements of its chiefs were com plete in all their parts. Now, it bad been said by Hon. Members, that it was most injudicious to witness such proceedings as that; that it would be unwise to restrain the ebullition of popular feeling. At first no danger was apprehended, and no precautions taken by the shopkeepers ; but at the moment of which he spoke the tradespeople began to have some apprehension for their property, and to bar ricade their windows, for which purpose carpenters had been in many places employed. That, then, was the his tory of the procession so far as it came within his observa tion ; and be could not help expressing some regret that the Hon. Member fur Middlesex had not followed that Clay the example set by the Hon. Member for Preston, ou the occasion of the Spafields meeting, and, instead of leading the people in a tumultuous approach to the Pa lace, have dissuaded them from such a course, and un dertaken to assure them that their petition should be presented at the Levee. When he found an angry and irritated mob resolved to press forward, be should have left nothing untried to induce them to return, and en trust their petition to the hands of their County Mem bers. He should have done that instead of exhibiting him self in such a procession as that which broke the windows at the house of the Duke of Wellington. There were a body of men who bad been without food all day, and who might probably have gone into public-houses, and become intoxicated. All things considered, they did not do so much injury as might have been apprehended ; but never theless that was no justification of their leaders, for in such circumstances tbe worst effects might have been anti cipated from men in that state of excitement. The Hon. Member for Middlesex then would have done himself more credit by endeavouring to restrain the people than by in dulging in the love of that paltry triumph which such an occasion afforded. The mob might have been brought that day to the Palace of the King for a purpose appa rently quite innocent; but the time might arrive when they would come in equal numbers for a very different purpose, and the time, perhaps, was not very far dis tant when a Jacobin Club might overawe the proceedings of that House. And as the Hon. Member for Preston had told them respecting his meeting of 2,000, there might be places where every one of the questions mooted in the House of Commons might be previously discussed and decided, and where such discussions would not only materially affect the conduct of Honourable Members out of door, but also in that House. It was well known that the question on the Bill was put nega tively and affirmatively in that assembly, and that the Hon. Member for Preston came down to that House fol lowed by thousands. The time might not be very fir dis tant when proceedings of that nature might assume a very dangerous character. Such,was the state of things brought on by a very unfortunate conjuncture in public affairs. It was really not worth the while of Government to adopt the course which they had done; it was not worth their while to stoop and condescend thus for the little paltry tri umph of making a few credulous people believe that they ware a Government of the people, and were sustained by popularity. The question of Reform was one which was decidedly popular, and with that they ought to be content. Mr. HUME—Jbere is scarcely one word of truth in the statement which the House has just heard, and so far as I am concerned it is utterly untrue.—(Loud cries of " order.") I mean that it is altogether a mistake on the part of the Hon. and Gallant Officer who has just spoken ; was not in Piccadilly with the procession. Colonel TRENCH-.=l did not say that I saw the Hon. Member in Piccadilly ; I saw him with the procession in Pall-mall, and when be passed me, I saw him forming part of that procession which I accompanied up St James's• street and along Piccadilly. I went with what I call his procession, and he, I presume, went to the Levee. • • Mr. HUME—My Hon. Colleague had two petitions to present ; I went with him to meet two deputations, and ►our deputations of those that went along Piccadilly joined us at the time that we went to meet the other two. In stead of being any party to those bodies approaching the Sovereign, my recommendation to them was, to pursue a totally different course, and to intrust their petitions to the two County 'Members; I met the deputation in the manner statoal, and for the purpose; I have described, which 1 conceive to have been the fittest course for me to have pursued.—(Hear, bear, bear.) It would Lave been the course which, unadvised, 1 should have pursued, but the request of Lord Me'bourne rendered me, it possible, still more ready to adopt it. There is a mistake in sup posing th a t there were any flags or banners in our part of the proc e s s i o n—they came from the city, or from th e o th er side of the water—twenty-five of the carriages and all the men on horseback, came front the parish of Newington. If there be any fault in taking the petition and conveying it to the King, that fault is mine--the events that have occurred are most unfortunate ; no one deplores them more than I (1o; and I beg now to add, that when I spoke of the outrage committed as an accident, I did not mean to undervalue its importance—l meant merely to describe it ac an occurrence unconnected with the business or pro ceedings of the procession—it was not premeditated in the slightest degree, that must be perfectly obvious to the most casual observer. _ . . Colonel TRENCH (With much warmth)—As to the first part of the speech of the Hon. Member for Middle sex, I shall return my thanks for it elsewhere. What I have stated is not an untruth, as be has dared to affirm. Mr. HUME—I thought I fully guarded myself; the statement I said was untrue so far as I was concerned.— Nothing can be plainer than that the Hon. and Galant Member labours under a mistake. Sir G. WARRENDER—There is clearly a misun derstanding in this matter. My Hon. and Gallant Friend, who is the best natured man in the world, will, I am sure, see that the Hon. Member for Middlesex could have meant him no personal disrespect. Lord STORMONT thought that the Hon. Member for Middlesex ought to retract what he had said. The SPEAKER—The moment the expression was used I felt it was out of order, but almost instantly the Hon. Member for Middlesex retracted it in the most marked and effectual manner, anticipating any exception which could he taken to it, by saying that he meant to impute nothing but a mistake. In the same manner he explained his application of the word accidental to a gross outrage. Colonel TRENCH, though as ready as any man to re sent an offence, could not but be satisfied with the explana tion given. Colonel SIBTHORPE related a conversation lie had with a delegate from a Political Union, who met him in the lobby, and also mistook him for a Reforming Member. Mr. MABERLY said that the Anti-Reformers had brought the proceedings of that day on themselves; for they would have it that there was no feeling among the public iu favour of this Bill, upon which the people had as sembled for the purpose of telling those Anti-Reformers that there was a feeling among them in favour of the Bill. —(Cheers.) His firm belief was, that the people had so assembled with the strongest intention of keeping the peace.—(Hear, hear.) The Government had been blamed for not preventing these meetings ; but if it had, he would venture to predict that the day would have terminated very differently from what it had.—(Cheers.) Mr. PAGET said that after the taunts that had been levelled at the people by the Anti-Reformers, they had no other course to pursue but to assemble in large bodies— (Hear, hear)—aud for any one to say that they were ready to embrue their hands in the blood of their fellow-citizens, was a most gross libel.—(Cheers.) The petition was then brought up, laid on the table, and ordered to he printed. ELECTION OF LIVERPOOL. Mr. BENETT moved the second reading of the Li verpool Franchise Bill, on the understanding that it would be impossible to go through with it this session. The Bill having been read a second time, and its com mitment having been ordered for that day three months. Mr. VERNON moved for a new writ to issue for the election of a Member for the vacant seat in Liverpool. Mr. WASON moved, as an amendment, that no new writ should issue till fourteen days after the meeting of the next session of Parliament_ Mr. J. CAMPBELL opposed the amendment. Mr. BENET T was of opinion that it would he no hard ship to postpone the issuing of the writ during the recess. Mr. GISBORNE supported the issuing of the writ. The King's writ had issued since the corrupt election com plained of, and of the return to the King's writ no com plaint could be made. Mr. EWART supported the issuing of the writ. The great mercantile transactions of the place required that another Member should be afforded to it as soon as possible. Mr. GOULBURN would vote for the amendment, although he admitted the inconvenience of keeping Liver pool without one of its Members. Lord ALTHORP had previously voted for the issuing of the writ ; but that vote had been overruled by the House, and he had felt bound to yield to that decision. But he did not conceive that that decision was to bind bins for ever ; .unil though he admitted that there were difficulties in the case, still he thought, upon the whole, that the most a ivisable course would be to allow the writ to issue. Mr. C. FERGUSON opposed the issuing of the writ, having been on the Committee, and having there heard evidence given of the grossest corruption. Sir RICHARD VYVYAN said the vacancy was caused by accident, and he could not therefore vote for the sus pension of the writ. Lord INGESTRIE said he also should support the motion for the issuing of the writ. Sir GEORGE WARRENDER had refused to vote for the issue of the writ for Erg Retford for three years, and fur the sake of consistency, therefore, he must vote against the issue of the writ for Liverpool. The corruption at Liverpool had been very great. Mr. HUNT declared that he would vote against the issue of the writ. This motion would show the Reformers in that House in their proper colours to the public. Mr. D. W. HARVEY said that the resistance to the motion was intended to de lude the p eo p le, and h e s houl d vote for the issue of the writ. Mr. WRANGHAM would not canonize a system of corrupti on , by issuing the writ. He should oppose the motion, being willing to apply a remedy to every indivi dual case of corruption. Mr. 'VERNON supported the motion, because he would not leave, without some compulsory cause, 5,000 burgesses without adequate representation. If not in that, in the next, Session of Parliament, there would be most impor tant questions agitated, in which Liverpool was deeply con cerned—such as the East India question; and he thought that on suc h important occasions Liverpool ought not to be without a representative. The gallery was then cleared for a division_ For the motion 93 Against it 67 BANKRUPTCY COURTS' BILLS. 3,lajority —t26 BA On the m otion of the SOLICITOR.GENERAL the House resum e d the adjourned debate on the Bankruptcy Courts' Bill. The SPEAKER read the question before the House, " That I now leave the Chair." Mr. WARBURTON approved of the principle of the Bill, but did not think it possible that it could be allowed to pass in its present state. He was persuaded that if it were so to pass, it would occasion great disappointment to the mercantile world. The Bill w ould have the effect of su bjecting the estate of the bankrupt to great expences. He afro objected to the number of Judges of which the proposed Court was to be composed. One Judge would be better than four ; and he would recommend to strike off the three Puisne Judges, and add that number to the Commissioners. The number of appeals likewise which easu itthe to authority a Co the Bin permitted w ou ld b e atten d e d w i t h t h e greatest in convenience. He thou g h t the such it House ought not to adopt lrin o li f tte a e above nyindivi s d t u ai a r e individual b n t i l . t that powered to call before i t p ro f ess i ona l men for the purpose o f their being examined on t h e su bj ect. If the Bill should no t pass this session, h e wou ld move i n the next session to refer it to a Com m i ttee a b ove stairs.—(Some Hon. Members exclaimed, " M ove now. " ) He would not move then, becau se h e thought that would be an unfair Mode of getting rid o f the Bill. Mr. JOHN SMITH expressed his regret that any one who was so well k nown to b e most conscientious in his a shouldtil re refertin conduct as his Hon. Friend should oppose this measure. He entirely differed upon the subject from his Hon. Friend. Ile by no means anticipated that the Bill would occasion s o much expellee as his Hon. Friend supposed ; and en tered into a variety of details to show the evils attendant en the existing system (evils which repeatedly c Wed forth the execration of the commercial world), and the advan tages which would result from the establishment of such a tribunal as that which the Bill proposed to provide. He had no objection to a Committee, if his Hon. Friend would undertak e to manage it ; but he feared he would find the greatest difficulty in his way. Mr. FRESHFIELD was convinced that no Commission of any magnitude could be worked with such machinery as was proposed by this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. HUNT ho pet. that the Ministers would not press a Bill of this consequence at the advanced period of the session. It would be an expensive measure, and he for one could not see what benefit the suitor would derive (tam it. Although the Lord Chancellor himself might not sell the patronage created by this Bill, yet there were such persons as Lord Chancellor's secretaries, and other of ficers through whom appointments to the new offices could be obtained. Mr, GEORGE BANKES Raked why this Bill should he now pressed, when it was acknowledged on all hands there mast be a supplementary measure? The appoint ment of these Bankruptcy Judges was a great instance of patronage. He did not mean to say that that patronage would be the subject of aale, but it would be the means of political power, especially when vested in the hands of one man. He defended the conduct of th e lists of the London Commissioners, and said that, if there was any evil in the system, this Bill would not remedy it. He should adopt the suggestion of the Hon. Member for Bridport, and should move, as an amendment, that a Se lect Committee should be appointed to inquire into the provisions of this Bill. Sir C. WETHERELL supported the amendment. This was an experimental Bill, but the experiment would be attended with great expence, for all the Judges appointed by this Bill would be entitled to retiring pensions as soon as their judicial labours might be found necessary to have a termination. The Bill, too, was expensive in another respect, for the salaries would begin at once, though the du•ies did not commence till Jan. 1832. Some of the officers appointed under this Bill would be sinecurists just as much as those Tellers of the Exchequer whose offices bad recently been abolished. He had seen the lists of the persons intended to fill these offices, and he asserted that their appointment was to be made a means of political patronage. It had been said that this Bill had the appro bation of Mr. Justice Biyley. Now, lie had received this morning a letter from that Learned Judge, declaring that this Bill had not his approbation,—(Hear, hear). He en tered at large into the minor details of the measure, and especially complained of the immense emoluments the offi cial assignees might derive from their situation,. He also dwelt upon the great increase of expense to parties, and upon the comparatively little satisfaction they would de rive from the decisions of the new Court, without the power of appeal to the highest judicial authority. He argued also, that it was impolitic to separate bankruptcy from the Court of Chancery, and he quoted in his favour upon this point the evidence of the present Solicitor-Ge neral before his appointment to that office. He urged that the principal objection even to the present system was, that it produced too many issues to be tried in the ordinary Courts of Law, and that the present measure would infi nitely increase this evil. After dilating upon the ex pences of the new system, lie pronounced an eulogium upon the " master mind" of Lord Eldon, and called the attention of the House to the inconsistency of those who formerly had contended that the arrear of business in bankruptcy was owing to the slowness of the Lord Chan cellor, and now insisted that it was necessary to relieve him from that part of his duties. It was the ill-fortune of Lord Eldon to be a Tory Chancellor, and the good fortune of his present successor to be of opposite principles. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL refused to notice an) I of the personal and party topics introduced by the Right Hon. Gentleman, and argued at some length that the Bill was a great improvement upon the old system, especially in the present complicated state of the commerical affairs of the country. This Bill which had been represented as cutting at the root of the old system, was merely a mea sure of reformation and improvement, and would save ex pense both to the country at large and to the debtors and creditors immediately interested. The expense which the country incurred by maintaining a separate judicature would be entirely done away with, while the expense to those interested in bankrupt estates would be considerably diminished. Ile would not attempt to defend the Lord Chancellor from the vulgar attacks which had been made tip.in Min, but would say, that several cif his efforts to re form the administration of the laws deserved the gratitude of the country. After some conversation, the further discussion of the ' Bill was adjourned to this day. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Hall-past Three o'clock. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. " Eyes have they, and see not." These miserable Tories. The bulk of them, we are of opinion, do not know that they live and eat amongst a people now in a state of universal movement. All the counties are up, and all the cities, and the metropolis leads them, and the House of Commons has, by an immense majority, concurred with the people, in opposition to the Lords. Yet are we forced to listen to the matchless imper tinence of some persons, who either deny that there is any ani mation discoverable throughout the community at this moment; or that, if there be any, it is excited by the public Press ! If facti be good for any thing, the country from north to south is under one paroxysm of astonishment or indignation at the defeat of the Bill. So imperfectly were the inhabitants of distant counties acquainted with the " good working" of the present Constitution, that they were ignorant enough to believe it altogether impossible for the Lords to reject the nation's prayer. They were undeceived by Saturday morning's event, and have since required all the moral restraint that could be posed upon them by their most discreet and virtuous advisers, to prevent them from breaking into acts demonstrative of that resentment, which the contempt manifested for the feelings of the whole United Kingdom had produced among nineteen. twentieths of its active and intelligent population. If the people be not powerfully moved, how comes it that the House of Com tmenontss—thweepeomepalen—thhaats m bee ig n ht p y re p v o ai r l t ed ion upo of n it to w p h a ic s h , t r h e a a t ll u y n r u ep su r a e i (though we acknowledge most salutary) vote, which restores the Ministers to more than their original influence, and consigns to despair an Opposition which, had Englishmen not felt deeply upon this question, would ere now have been reinvested with the long-enjoyed—and, in the judgment of the majority of the people —the long-abused—powers of the Treasuryßench. Is it the Press that has done this? Some persons pretend that the people have been excited by the Press, and not by the defeat of thelteformßill. Then what has been the instrument through which the Press has wrought out :the excitement ?—what its topic?—what the alarum-bell of which it has so effectually availed itself ? Why, nothing but Reform ! It has appealed to the people, by their eagerness for Reform in Parliament, to support . the reforming Ministry,—to declare their patriotic sentiments, l imit to respect the laws. Now suppose the Press had adjured the nation, by its esteem for Toryism, and its affection for close boroughs, to come forward with petitions against the Reform Bill, or denun. ciations against Lord Grey's Ministry, and pledges of support to Lord Mansfield, or Lord Ellenborough, what would have happened ? Who would have been moved, except by contemp. tuous laughter? If the Press had been writing up Lord Ellen. borough for the last twenty years, does any man but the Noble Baron himself conceive that it could have written him into the public love or confidence ? or that any effects would have followed, except an absolute distaste for the art of printing itself, on account of the uses to which it had been made subservient ? If Iteform be made an engine for excitation by the Press, it must have already a hold upon the affections of the people. There is no escape from such a truth as this. To act upon men's minds, there must be a pre-existing lever. The Press cannot stand upon nothing. See what has really happened upon this very subject of Reform. Another Press than the liberal Press has all along been toiling, and bubbling, and appealing, and conjuring, and denouncing, and exhorting. Its activity has been incessant, its malice exemplary,—its argument, though absurd, most la borious,—its wit weighty. Never was the cause of regular Toryism served with more zeal, or more characteristic means, than by certain journals (we shall not trouble ourselves to point them out), whose names, if forgotten elsewhere, must of course be known at the. Stamp-office. And what success have these champions met with in the service of bad government ? Have they produced no popular excitement ? None. Are they obeyed—or listened to—or looked at—or heard of ? No. They are destitute of that article of first necessity—readers ; except, perhaps, such readers of their trash as may first have been the writers of it. The truth is,:that for the newspapers to have had any influence whatever in animating the people upon the Reform question, that question must already have attaohed to itself from different sources—namely, the common sense and natural feelings of society —an extenih'e and powerful charm. The Lords generally, we . are sure, do not entertain the opinions on which we have commented, but are already awake to the consequences of their own deplorable error. They un dervalued the resentment of the people. They aught first to have rechained them. As in the case of the Irish Catholics, who by the acquisition of a limited amount of freedom had been taught the value of more, and had been vainly resisted iu their cqpstitutional efforts to obtain it ; so in the case of the British nation itself, the rapidly and wide-spread intelligence of the last fifty years has exhibited, in full glare, the vices of a selfish, prodigal, corrupt, and wasting system of domestic and colonial policy,—has proved to the people that thoy never can reckon safely on an upright administration of public affairs, until they shall have secured to themselves a real, instead of only a nominal, contralti over the choice of those who man them,—and has, at last, created an unconquerable 44iire fbr Reform throughout the whole action of the Gov.zilment, such as no set of Ministers can ever henceforth oppose with success, until they shall first have repineged the whole British natioe into that darkness and brute indifference to gerseralroucs, , .±ohich had favoured the stealthy march of encroachment upon their common liberties. The die is now cast ; the people of England will have the Bill which their King and Ministers have .43repaiAt to them, and nothing less.—Times. The peaceable conduct of the people, notwithstanding the studied efforts made to betray them into violence, is only what we should have expected from their habitual good sense, good feeling, and reflection. Indeed those journalists and dema. gogues who were most vehement in their ttreats of revolution made it appear, upon their own showing, that revolution was impossible. They stated that the whol e p eop l e were of the one way: of th i n ki ng ; and that, supported as they were by the King and, the existing Administration, they were only prevented from `having that Parliamentary WhlCh they desired by a few Noblemen. How, filet', ()Mid there be a revolution. The aabbtleheretp popular word revolution, in its political sense, means a change of cIY, n fo g re a e t w t h p e ul K ar i or of the whole subsisting frame of Government, cftbcted l e e n t o people eth — e r t e 'ThereExecutive s ere ß h u a t ve tho b u e g en h the ,orn therefore, no possibility of revolution, because there was no dtbGheyori t r ' yg e o r r a n c tno e r epeionpslteanheae‘s' have been r ahbolre violence. The . outrages at Derby and at Nottingham, and the pcpepal attacks in 1.911 , 4011 tome of the Noble 0 14 4 * revolutionize.ep But u c a en nents of the Reform Bill. hav'e not been the work of the people. They are the worst enemies of Reform who indulge in stuh excesses—for they disgrace a just and rational cause by the most wanton . and criminal, and tyrannical application of brute force. Such disturbers of the peace must either be the dupes of treacherous instigators, who hope Reform will be im peded by outrage, or ruffians of desperate habits, who care nothing about the political question, but think the crisis favourable for the more congenial operation of pillage and de vastation. The breaking open the gaol and letting out the criminals, and breaking indiscriminately the windows of the respectable. inhabitants, whether Reformers or Ant i- Re formers, prove what a mere rabble it was that commenced the disturbances at Derby, which the military have quenched in blood. The burning of Nottingham Castle, too, was a brutal and barbarous act, only worthy of the followers of a Tyler or a Cade. Reform has nothing in common with in cendiaries and men of blood. It repudiates them and their acts. Its great object is improvement—their's destruction. We regret to see any portion of the London Press tending. itself at this moment to the instigation of the worst passions of the rabble, by publications denoting the Members of the majority in the House of Lords as objects of popular vengeance. We do not suppose the papers that pub lish those things have any intention of pointing out certain Noblemen as objects of personal violence ; but such is their natural, if not inevitable tendency. Even the Book of peace— the book of our religion, has been ransacked for the purpose of profanely applying passages in the sacred writings to purposes of malignant mischief. In an Evening Paper of last evening appeared the common version of the 58th Psalm, applied to Lord Mansfield, and other Anti-Reform Lords. One verse, we need hardly tell our readers, runs as follows : The righteous shall rejoice to see Their crimes such vengeance meet, And Saints in persecutors' blood Shall dip their harmless feet. Is it right or decorous in a respectable paper to profane even a bad translation of any part of the inspired writings by such an application ? Can fanatical violence serve any just cause ;or does Reform stand in the need of the practical zeal and pious works of a political St. Bartholomew ?—Morning Herald. We have reason to believe, though we cannot take upon our. selves to state positively, that Lord Palmerston has resigned the important office of Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Any change in the present Ministerial arrangements is perhaps, un der all the circumstances of the country, not much to be de sired; but of all the changes that could have happened, the retirement of Lord Palmerston was the one least likely to be attended with any injurious effect. Lord Palmerston was never popular, either in the House or out of it : he acquired his po litical education in a bad school; and though it was his good fortune to have succeeded such a Foreign Secretary as Lord Aberdeen, he did not derive all the benefit which he might have derived from that circumstance, by attending to the simple process of reversing his Lordship's example. In the case of Portugal, indeed, the policy of Lord Palmerston exhibited ars advantageous contrast to that of his predecessor, whose speeches in condemnation of that policy are, perhaps, the most conclu sive evidence in its favour. But the case of Poland was one in the treatment of which those rival Statesmen seemed to agree—for even political animosity could not force a speech or a sentence in favour of Poland from Lord Aberdeen, though night after night he, wasted hours in the defence of Don Miguel. But if Lord Aberdeen was silent, the people of England—the people of Europe—have spoken out : they have shown that they regard the treatment of Poland as a blot upon the character of the age; and their voices will yet be raised, in a tone more decisive and indignant, when the accounts of those transactions come to be wound up, and public opinion, en. lightened by a full knowledge of all the circumstances, shall pronounce its irrevocable fiat upon the actors and the act• —. Without, however, discussing this system of our foreign policy under the guidance of Lord Palmerston, we may safely under. take to say that the Ministry will lose nothing by his retire ment. On the contrary, if his retirement from office could be fairly interpreted into a change of system, the Ministers would soon find that very loss is not a disadvantage, as they must have discovered already that a few flowery speeches made in opposition are not conclusive evidence of the possession of talents sufficient to conduct the affairs of a great nation in perilous times.—Morning Herald. In all times of political excitement the mode of expressing approbation or disapprobation will vary according to the cha racter of individuals. The wise and the well-informed will conduct themselves in a reasonable manner, while the ignorant rabble will give vent to their feelings in an irrational and per haps mischievous manner. When Noble Lords and Hon_ Gentlemen complain of the occasional excesses of mobs, and endeavour to hold the Ministers of the day accountable for them, they should first show there ever has been a period of strong popular excitement in this country in which the dregs of the people have not indulged in excesses against the more marked individuals of the side to which they were opposed, and that, Ministers have encouraged in any way the present ex cesses. The peculiarity of the present excitement is, that a. people, under circumstances which would have driven any other to madness—namely, the spectacle of 199 men, most of them actuated by base and dishonest motives, oppos ing themselves to a nation, all but unanimous, and avail ' ing themselves of their power to prevent such a Reform in the representation as would secure that nation against the moat horrible abuses, should bear the loss of a measure, on which their hopes were set, with a patience almost without ex ample. In the present day not a hand has been raised, not even a stone-has been thrown in that town, in which, forty years ago, , clergymen from the altar vowed that if the virtuous Priestly were brought to the stake, they would apply the first brand to it, and in which Magistrates even directly stimulated the assas sin and the incendiary. Were we to go further back to the Oxford riots, we could show heads of Colleges even, so far abus ing their trust, as to encourage the youth placed under their care to commit the most disgraceful outrages. But on an occa. sion when the people have been stung even to madness by their disappointment—when in a letter from one of the best informed men in Birmingham it is stated that " the indignation here approaches to madness—nothing but a reliance upon the Minis.. ters prevents an universal rising of the nation from instantly taking place," there has been hitherto less outrage than has been displayed on almost any former occasion of even moderate general excitement. Accounts of the mode in which the intelligence of the rejection was received have now reached town from the most distant of ou r great seats of industry,G ktagow ; and no disturbance of any moment has taken place throughout all the range of the country between the northern line and the metropolis, except at Derby and Nottingham, The excesses at these two places are much to be lamented ; they are condemned by all respectable people ; but while we lament them, we consider the accusations founded on them against Ministers and against the Press, to display very little of either charity or justice. The conduct of Lord John Russell and Lord Althorp was arraigned last night by Sir Henry Herdinge, because they corresponded with Mr. Attwood,' the head of the Birmingham Political Union, ex pressing their gratitude for the vote of thanks at the great meeting of 150,000 persons, and because, in alluding to the re jection of the Bill, Lord John Russell expressed his hope that the disappointment would be only for a moment, " for it is impossible the whisper of faction can prevail against the volt e of a nation, " " What," exclaims Sir Henry, " are we, I say, to expect, when these individuals (the Anti-Reformers), their persons, and property, together with those of other d'a. tinguished persons who happen to hold similar opinions, are exposed to the fury of the naali ?—(Loud cheering.) What are we to expect when we find Ministers—and Ministers of the Ca binet too— (Hear, hear)—corresponding with political unions?" It was alleged in answer; that the correspondence was not with Mr. Attwood as leader of the Political Union, but as chairman of a meeting of Englishmen. But, after all, it is certain that the Political Unions have not contributed materially to the peace of the country, by repressing irregular move ments ? We verily believe that Mr. Attwood and the other leaders of the Political Union have:done great service to the country, by the exercise , of their influence at this crisis. But Lord John Bushell spoke of a faction, foraooth If his Lord ship had inanited the people of Birmingham, by giving the 199 crtajit for honesty of purpose, and added, " finding that a raajority of men, actuated ,by what I am sure are the purest motives, have rejected the Bill, I deem it my duty to bow to their decision, and to abandon office with my colleagues, to make way for men enjoying the confidence of this Honourable Majority,"—would this language have contributed to the peace of the country ? 'aVe have no hesitation in saying that it would instantly have thrown the country into anarchy, and roused the peoplo to make one grand effort to do justice to thentselves, We rejoice that Lord John Russell had the good sense to speak of the Majority as they ought to be spoken of, t.eeause in showing that he shared the opinion of the nation with regard to the Lords, he inspired the people with the hope that Ministers would not desert them, and that the victory would yet he gained by peaceable and orderly means, To speak of tte majority as they ought to be spoken of—to describe the ,Host of them as selfish and factious men—to speak with detestation of the conduct of the Bishops, is mercy to these ob. jects of the popular dislike ; for it is only a belief that that deter_ tali is really felt by Ministers and their supporters, that there is fie sympathy whatever with those who would expose the country to the danger of anarchy for their selfish ends, that can give the people the patience to support their disappointment. " Where ls the faction. (exclaimed Sir Richard Vyvyan) I Is it to be found in the Bench of Bishops—(Hear, hear),..-who have been so much abused ? They at least have been hitherto accused of the habit of laeing in accordance with the powers that be.— (CheerQ This is the first time that they have been accused af voting aga i nst the Administration—a vote by which they had everything to l ose ai d not hi ng to ga i n.— (H ears hear.)" Aye, Sir Richard, they may have blundered, as many men do, in Matters of gain and loss—but did they think that they would have every thing to lose and nothing to gain ? They specu lated upon a if report be true, they did more thais speculate-01U endeavoured to ensure that fall by deceiving Ministers unto a belief that they were with them, in order that, b Se-posing in a false security„ the desertion might leave them at the mercy of their enemies. While you are op p os i ng them iii front, disappointed, but they thought their we will eon l C. ll ,it'Y up behind there and trip up their heels- Th e e e ser al3tr xe l 7,vteimbeeewPould so endear them to those forwhom they obtained the victory, thg there would be no longer any talk of putting houses in rude;—that odious word to the rich Dignitaries of a rich Chtuell., 50- R. Vyvyan is too acute a man, surety, to have recourse to a miracle when a phenomenon can be ac e co a u h, n a te l, Or natural way. He allows that the B i j a a rc s antt sureia been subservient to the powers that be , a° , • o. - - , for popular rights. and to secure the b in short, a love of suppose that a hatred of fraud and corru: e i o_ic a:Mg t re t taLd e who have an interest in ` f i n iquity—but then; for once, righteousness anti ?hatred 0 a not to be subservient t.! . Si Richard could only have satisfied the Bishops that they would not sue p - ceed in their attempt to tri p u the heels of the Mi n i stry, r ' Mintsters•lf the vote which will occupy s? prominent a place in tilc,