The Sun. — London, England, 1856-04-12 00:00:00

directed especially to inquire into the commissariat and - maintain his own views, and set forth his reasons and aegis. the supplies of the Briti s h a rmy in the Crimea, and they tics , without mains , a ccusations against me, because I am having reported th a t th e d ea ths, including those at Scu ! guilty of wishing th e state to assist in the great work of edn tari and elsewhere, appear to amount to 35 per cent. of ; one Cation ? To show this gentleman's inconsistency, he says in one passage that I have concocted at Vienna and Berlin this the average strength of the army present in the Crime a . from the let day of Feb-, 1854, to the 30 th new-fangled scheme of despotism ; and then he says that I of April , ought, in 1831, to have revealed my whole plan, which I have 1855, and they having reported that it seems te be clearly kept enuniagly concealed from that to the present time, and -established that this excessive mortality is not to be at- that I ought to have produced in 1839 that scheme which in tributed to anything peculiarly unfavourable to the cli- another page he says I did not concoct till 1855. (Hear.) He male,but to overwork, exposure to wet and cold, impro- b r i ngs f orwar d other charges which are w ith ou t th e l east per food, and insufficient shelter from inclement weather, . foundation. When last year I came from Germany—where I 'it will be the duty of the court now sitting under Sir A. had certainly very little time to devote to the subject of edu- Woodford to examine into these specified charges. cation either at Berlin or Vienna—(a laugh)—l begged the Mr. F. PEEL did not conceive it was th e prov i nce o f right hon. baronet opposite (Sir J. Pakingto n ) no t t o f orm hi s the commission to inquire into the cau ses o f th e salami- scheme upon any continental mod e l ; f or I never t h ought any of the continental m o d e l s wou ld b e a safe gu i de for ties which befel the army, except in so f ar as they might us . (Hear.) On the other hand, in the year 1839, although be involved in charges against certain officers, which ewes in favour of a plan of grants by a committee of Privy • charges were being investigated by the commission, and Council, I did not propose a complete scheme,. lent I always for which purpose the commission was specially ap- reserved till a future time the task of completing what was pointed. then only partially begun. Let me observe, however, that in • . BOYS IN THE NA VY. 1839, I wrote a letter to the Marquis of Lansdowne to which Col. HARCOURT ca ll e d attent i on to the non admis_ the noble marqui s re f erre d i n his speech in that year. I plo sion of boys from th e un i on h ouses into the navy. posed that a Committ ee o f P r i vy Council should be formed to Sir,C. WOOD r a id th a t on a f ormer occas i on h e gave consider elle:tatters relatin g t o education, and to distribute the a straightforward a nswer to t h e quest i on o f th e h oe. an d grants which mi g ht be made by Parliament from time to time. Lord Lansdowne, as he truly said in that speech, ob 'gallant gentleman, which was the tno general order had jetted to the former part of this sentence, and he requested been issued by the Admiralty against admitting boys that a committee of council should be appainted for the pur from workhouses into the navy. He inquired if such pose of distributing the grants. What lam now roosing order exist e d, an d h e was t o ld no , an d th a t no such is in effect to restore that part of the duties of the co p mm p ittee, order had existed or did exist, and that was the answer and toendeavour to frame same plan accordingly, by which he gave the hon. and gallant general on a former occa. the Government and the Parliament might act, in order te sion, o bt a i n w h at I consider a very great end. And now, sir, I THE LIVERPOOL CUSTOM-HOUSE CLERKS. come to the resolutions which I have had the honour to . pro- Mr.pose. My right hon. friend (Sir J. Graham) and, I think, HORSFALL called the attention of the house . to right hon. gentleman the member for Oxfordshire (Mr. the a statement of the Secretary of the Treasury respecting Henley) objected to the first on the ground that it was pro. . . the Custom-heuse establishment at Liverpool. The hoe. posing to do what the Government might at any time do, and member said that previous to the recess he put a question that therefore if we agreed to it we shouldbe taking what was to the then Secretary of the Treasury respecting the properly the business of the Government intoour own hands. salaries of the clerks of the Long-room at Liverpool and - Now, sir, in the first place Ido not think that it has ever been the answer he then received was unsatisfactory. the The laid down in this house, and l am sure it would be entirely hon. gentlema n comp l a i ned of the manner in w hich inconsistent with the practice of thi s h ouse t o say, th a t th a t Secretary to the Treasury had treated a memorial that which may be done by the Government may not become the was forwarded to him by himself and colleague, relative subject of advice from this house. My right hon. friend would lay down an entirely new max i m — a max i m w hi c h , to the salari es o f th e lower grade of clerks i n th e long if he appeals to me, I must pronounce a most unconstitu room of the Liverpool Cuitom-house, the receipt of Costal one—if he held with respect to any advice or any pro which was not answered by the hon. gentleman. He position relating to the conduct of the Government that it was also complained that subsequent applications were made a sufficient bar to any such proposal to say that the Govern to the Treasury, and an answerreturned that the subject ment could itself do what was suggested, and that therefore d had been inquired into, and that the salaries of the clerks silence was only required. But in the next place, with regard had all been raised ; and he denied that the Treasury to this particular proposition, it appeared to me t hat it w a s f going so far beyond the usual functions of the Committee o f any done more for Liverpool than they had done for rivy Council on Education that either the Government must any other port in the kingdom, and said that it was bring forward a special proposal before the estimates on this Liverpool which had done more for the Treasury than subject, or else that some member of Parliament should have any other port in the kingdom. It was of great im- a proposition which he would undertake to state to the house. portance that the clerks in the Liverpool Custom-house The sum and substance of the plan which I have proposed is should be properly and fairly remunerated, and the men , this: from 1829 to the present time, the proposition which I chants and manufacturers of that place, and also those made to Lord Lansdowne having been accepted in the form to of the manufacturing districts of Lancashire generally, which I have adverted, the state of things has been as follows : considered the clerks were entitl e d t o th e f ur th er tors i - Wherever parties iu any pl ace h ave w i s h e d t o b u ild a school and have applied t o th e C omm it tee o f C ouncil to assist them deration of the Treasury. By re t urns h e i n t en d e d to the committee had q uestions. , great of all asked th em various uestions: ask for that evening, he sho u ld b e a bl e t o s h ow t h at great injustice was done to th e c l er k s w i t h regar d to They asked them whether they had procured a permancut their pay and merit by promotion, defended the cond uc t o f the Treasur had endowment, whether a com m itt ee of mana gement een Mr. WILSON b een formed, and othe r que s ti ons w hi c h were thought necessary for -y the public interests to be put. Those questions having been from the want of inattention brought against it by the satisfactorily answered, a grant was awarded in proportiouto hon. member, and said it was the usual practice to re- the subscriptions and endowments that were provided. The ceive applications from clerks in the Customehouse with school having been once built, and scholars having begun to regard to salary or promotion, through their superiors, attend; the Committee of Privy Council sent down inspectors, and hoped the house would not interfere with that salu- and in accordance with the subsequent minutes of 1846, they - tary regulation. At all events that they would not have awarded to pupil teachers, apprentices, and cer;aiu sanction the interfere nce i n suc h cases, by memb e rs of schoolmasters, variou s w ages a nd a ll owances. But there they port o f . , er n and others interestedinthe Parliament and m oha ts been built in the parish of A, but they do not inquire whether port of Liverpool,. During the past three years, there had been great ch anges ma d e i n all grades in the Car- in the adioining - parishes of B, C, and D, there isany school. They Committee of Council coufine themselves to the applications Government had lately sent down there to inspire into which are made to them. Now what I propose is, that that the coenplaints alleged, had produced a favourable re- plan shall be extended,and that by means of additional officers pOrt, in which it was stated that the officers themselves to be called sub-inspectors, the committee of council, and fin were satisfied with the working of the system. ally Parliament itself, may obtain information as to the state DESECRA.TION OF THE SABBATH. of education in any place and parish in the Uzited , Kingdone. (Hear.) The house will see that that is a great object. The Mr. NAPIER. presented a petition from Portsmouth, . grant of the Privy Council, by which 540,000 children are re stating that the petitioners were fearful that there would ceiving daily instruction, has been a most useful and national be a repetition of the order on Saturday next that was work ; but it would be a very great extension, it woulain fact . ivied on Saturday last, viz', on the following day, Sun- enlarge the whole object of the Committee of PrivY Coencil, . • day e ehe men at the dockyard were to attend to work, if. hey were not only to make grants to-those places in which and the consequence was, that upwards of a thousand there arc schools, but would inquire int* the deficiencies of . men were so employed, - contiery to their consciences, in 'other places. (Hear.) Well, it appeared to me, sir, that if the preparation of gun-beats for the approaching naval I did thus much; if I only proposed that thus much should be review. (Sear,)- That could not be called a necessity, done by those sub-inspectors, I might he ask ad,'e Whats and such -- conduct t en d e d t o Su bj ect the house to the the me an i ng o f thi s expens i ve machinery—o f . t h is h ost of -0 " Pal` arge o 4 lt would be, as the right h onoura bl e b aronet f hypocrisy in conn i v in g at such proceeding for officers ? says, a mere sch eme f or th e sa k e o f pa t ronage, if the enjoyment of the rich, whilst they refused the Mu• when you had ascertained the defect you did not proceed Semen National Gallery,- and such like institutions to be further and apply a remedy, I therefore considered vaii , opened on Sunday for the working classes. - ous means by which the evil might bo remedied. In the . - - BUSINESS OF' THE HOUSE. first place, what wilL naturally- occur to us is this, namely Sir Si. J. PAKINGTON ; ' b e f ore ' t h e Speaker put, the that the sub-inspectors going to all the parishes in the king ' Motion foe the adjournment of the house, appealed to the anddom and having each a division which he could easily visit, noble ' which he coild in the course of the y ear superintend, ' lead at the head of the Government tusay whether, they would recommend to persons having property in - no. he considered it-to the advantage or di sadvantage of the &awe PaSishes, or who were likely to be zealous in this be business of the house that theepresentpraetice of allowing half. that thershotild build school houses where they were . desultory debates on the motion for the adjournment of wanting ; as had already been done in 4,000 or 5,000 places; , the house should continue. They - had had eight sul , jects or, that they should improve the shoots where improvement debated in that way and much time occupied, and he was needed. - - Now, sir, as far as that goes; Ido not sea how thought the Government ought to interfere and step it, the plan can be accused of having anything of a despotic cha and confine those members to' the old practice of asking ratter about it; and that would be the plan which would , questions without making speechee. (Hear.) generally be Carried into effect, as it has been done mst exten- Lord P.A.LMERSTOIT said that he was in that unfor• siiely since 1839. But there might be places, and there wolf(' tunatn pee-Alen th a t h e cou ld not d o anything without be places, in which the subscriptions cou ld. no t b e o b ta i ned; and in those cases there would b e a p ower i n the ratepayer the assistance of th e h ouse. H e ent i re l y concurred with to levy a rate forthe purpose of esteblishiug school*: ; Theta 'the right hon. baronet that the abolition of the present might be places iu which there would be no such 'wish for practice was very desirable. (Hear.) education ; places in whic'ehilden might still not be sent The motion for th e adjeurninent of the house t o M on - - to school, and in which the h people r might remain in total igne day was agreed to. ranee. I propose that there should be a certain authority - ED UCATION. —A.D JOLT ItN ED DEBATE.. lam not now discussing the details of th e reso l n ti eue — to The house havieg r eso l ve d it se lf i n t o committee on the re. compel a rate t o b e ma d in places like th a t. I l oo k f ur th er, solutio ns regar d' ng e d ucation, te see if th ere are any means wh i ch might be used for _ _ - the purpose of promoting education, and I find that there are Lord J. RUSSELL rose and said--I read the other d a y in large sems, semen( which were expressly left by pious feun the newspapers an account of the examination of a witness be- dere for education,' the whole amounting to several thot sand pounds, I find that there area l so o th er c h ar i t i es, wh i ch have fore the Crimean Board o f I nqu i ry, now carry i ng on, in which Lord Licari having asked the ques ti on w h e th er h e would not been frequently referred t o as b e i ng use l ess or even injurious, and I propose th a t th ese s h ou ld b e applied to education. be surprised at his s t a t emen t, th e w i tness replied, " I am not What would be the state of the cse ? Wen these various surprised at anything." Th e na adnarari state of mi n d i s means were used, you would hae - e a a great inc h rease of schools. exceedingly philosophical, and I will endeavour to attain to There can be no doubt whatever that in a vast number of c it ; bnt I ow n th a t I was muc h surprised at the speech of my cases they would be support e d, as a t present, b y grants front right hon, friend th e mem b er f or C arlisle, That Mr. Baines the Committee of Privy C ounc il, b y su b scr i pt i ons, and I y schoolpew,. Th ere would be a great number of place s should support the I oluntary principle is not surprising, but where new schools of that description—church schools, that my right hon. friend, after having sat on the Education British schools, Wesleyan schools, and others—would be Committee of the Privy Council, should come here to proclaim founded; and the present system would thus be vastly There ex the voluntary. p r i nc i p l e . t o. o b tain the cheers and applause tended. But still th a t s y s t em wou ld , no d ou b t, b e incomplete. , . would probably b e some 15 , 050 or -16 , 000 ec i reols of of those wh o a te supporters of the voluntary that character; there would be a much smaller number sup principle does,. I confess, surprise rue. Now lot us con- ported be a rate, and there would like ;vise be some places in sider a littl e wh a t this voluntary principle is In the which the rate would be imposed by authority. Well, then, first place, it is a principle which has nev er b een adopted. sir, I must sa y Id o not see the casdeur of those who repre by 11;10 `nation. There was no republic, before republics were sent this plan as being a Government monopoly, or as being destroyed—of Holland, of Genoa, and of Veeice—whi c h h ad a despotic system ; nor do I see the justice of those phraseS not some kind of establi s h men t for ' the purpose of inculcating which Mr. Baines, who is a somewhat hot-headed adherent to religion and merality. In all the • countries of Europe there the voluntary system, has made ute of with respect to it, and are some-establishments for this purpose. We differ from the which my right hon. friend, hitherto the supporter of State United States of America in that we have aechurch establish: assistance, has repeated after him. Having thus sketched the ment,antl no school establishment.- On the other b an d , i n gene r al plan I propose, I next come to the various matters I Amsrica they had a school establishment, but they had not. a have stated in the resolutions. - I 'state in the , first, which is church establishment, (Hear.) One thing, however, Ido now before the committee, " that in the opinion of this house maintain, viz., that it is tire duty of a government, it is a it is expedient to extend, revise, and consolidate the minutes part.ofits functions, to endeavour to teach somewhat of our of the Committee of Privy Council on Education." The right dateretolGot and man to the young o• to the adult,. (Cheera) lion. gentleman (Mr. Henley) objects to that resolution The voluntary - principle has (lone great-things. It has built 'because the mode in which the extension is to be carried out churches and chapels ;• it has communicated religious - know- is stated in the fallowing resolutions. That is undoubtedly ledge ~i,o Millions, , But, be it observed, that while the the case. The righthon. bad. (Sir J. Pakington), for whose voluntary principle , is perfectly consistent 'with the principle assistance lam very grateful, says that it is not necessary to of an .establishment —while the principle., of an .establish- specify the number of the agents to be employed, or to state ment en ,y exists ands while ,the vo l untary principle may all that England and ' Wales should b e divided into 80 divisions, the time belie great force, as , we h ave seen of late years in Well; sir, I felt that if I did not specify the number of sub this...i . , eountry—e is„not poesibleron the other hand, to wain- inspectors it would•have been said, What is your plan ? Are tale theivolatitary pr;nciple; te make that' the pririciPle of you going to have 20 or 200 of these sub-inspectors ? I your state, And.at the - sante time to maintain the principle formed my calculation as to the number of Oub-inspectOrs on of an establishment. —The principle of ateeetahlishment does two date. One was the divisions of the counties in England not exelude voluntary effort ; but if you proclaim the votive- and Wales, one of which seemed to be sufficient to employ tasTnribeliple yon elo exclude the 'principle of an establish. , the lebours of one sub-inspector. I took also another element merit. (Hear.) Well, then, the' voluntary principle comes into my consideration, the number of schools which were exit to this, as Lnevelleard it -stated, and as I often see it ill us . mine d by theinspectors at present; iu other words, about trated in the v e t ee.o ethi s house, namely, that while you may 250 for each. But there would be an important difference: support the criminal law, whil e you may use the gaol and At present the inspector-has to post dowa by railway and the gibbet for the purpose of punishing offenders, while you have flys waiting f..r him to take him on to the next school ; maythaye been knocked down by the staff of the constable or but under the p lan proposed all the schools w ou ld b e i n cut by the sabre of the sillier, you shall no t b e a l lowed to districts, and the inspectors would be able to inquire teach any religion's truth or to enforce any' ; moral prim- into their condition thoroughly, and without hurry. ciple upoti 'the' Minds either eta young or old in this They would. be able to furnish most valuable informa copntryt (Cheers:) Sir,' it appears to me that is departing Lion to ' the inspectors, which would ultimately far from .the'4itty of- a government. Let its suppose a case. reach the Government and the house. I have no particular L e t ue, suppose a 'criminal were broueht before a judge, fancy; however, f or thi s numer of ; and as that that ; Pate judge .in' Parsing' sentience upon him were 1 b so her for Oldhd m proposes to leave in the word " hell church," to say s . ``Xon e have violated your duty -to - God and which occurs subsequently , rnan,'"Aialthat the c r i m e- le i were t o reply, " I lull sorry if I i s t o b e slid about sub-inspectors ectors in one resolution. It would haviiiireiiired Aiiiinfit these laws, but there was no institution 'hen stand thus, namely—" That it is expedient that there in mycOnnts.y 711101 taught me that there . was a Goad ; I should be sub-inspectors, and that Eneland and Wales should never heaf.l iVliaCtilec laws were; I was kept from school he divided into divisions for the purposes Of education," w%en I was piling ; I was not allowed by my em pl oyer t o re (hear) Th a t wou l d perfectly fulfil my object: Tile re:o!a eeive any' e deeeti,n t e reed it is mit any fault that I•stand here tionS go on to say, "hat the Committee of Privy' Courich before yotrfor reelable; lees of whlchlnever heard." (Cheers ) should have. power to form in each division school di-trios, hie, it awiearataine that :in such a case, althoegh,the judge eonsistii gof single or united parishes, or earLs of p •rishcs." woul daleelotehtellleeuot ha . reePollsible for 'ibe neglect, yet I. am told that it would be objectionable to unite parishee. that i tlea Jee,gielfeinlre would be guilty if the neglect continued,. I have no doubt that there would.. be a good deal of jealousy a .n" " ju t Siscw perfectly well that there were nunierous chil upon that score ; but the right hon. gentleman opposite has °e'en . thisenuntry who were in the ease which; 'I have truly observed, that parishes are often too smll to have sta.ted sSand - eepee.,b.e .a t at work by their employers not schools He has mentioned a' case in which a - s parish had only err' we CU 7 cU3 4 but on see' nil.. so that they could onlysfir; children in it; and; of course, it would be impos not aftenil eien, teiss e ebe y .; l 7 9ol - s . which-cohniVes at such 7 1 s• say, , sir, that a State eilyle to make that a school district. The next resolution some effieient iikires tOproval a state of thin •$ and doos not take alludes-to the moans of education, and that lathe end of those a remedy, neglects one of which refer to obtainin g information. The remaining resole , most serious and . solemn duties sir, lam not saying that this hous e • (Loud cheers.) Now, teens go on to provide means. The right hon. gentleman op hes neglected its duty . ; poeite (Mr. Henley) objected very much to that resolution by and here,again I ant struck with thei Iron. friend. My right hon , friend rneca°dnlistch of my right the commissioeers en charitable trusts, with regard to those Baines, where he shows what has been deanne ext ra ct from Mr. fuutis which are sow useless or injurious to .the community. education by, efy right lion friend the member for Coventry, who followed as he sli,S, 'the volantaryprinci e le ; whatera: made sinee tfie year in s ; and how it stands at trews it has him, objected exceedin g ly to a particular scheme, which has a momeie; , 13 ut be it observed that during the periresent been laid upon - the table of the house by these commissioners 1818 tgero has been, .according to the essay lat e l y pnbtli.ssiactc P o r t, with respect to the charities of Coventry. He said that no by one most intelligent of the iespectors of sehOols Mi t le4, unneetvo millions voted. by this house for th.e elieli scheme had ever been thought of before in this countey. Templenete:N t N i - ell, I must beg my right hon. friend's- pardon. lam not purpose7gnproneoting edecation. Nor is that all. It is shown ie. originator of this scheme. I looked yesterday at a ee -I,vhich I fully remembered to have read on this subject, by Sir , Teletuttieworth that the contributions of Chun- omen alone a 4; punt te neelerer than 800,0004 per annum, and that 'elienritt•l commissioners who ware appointed to inquire into among the Persone who are theenostactiee supporters of edit- 1833. Teolt.iciuste, and who sat from the year 1837 to the year cation are the- clergy of, the Established Church. Had it not and the co rd i t was at the head of that commission ; been for, the. income which they derive from the-establishment, read, and I wi l lr i°n•ers state in their report—it is too long to t seemitC.Tnee that loss would have been forth for the state that tie r,ftetreet trouble you with a long extant—but they church schools, and the glorious results which et th e community ; jte charities a hich are positively injurious purpose,Pf flowed from them.,, e ' llear.) I had a letter only the small sums of moneyhaththey produce a scrambling for the have . - account of the even lead to • er ich are given away , and tha t the other day trope &clergyman giving me an '_ _c, __.riotous n e a roce esdngs ; that they charges Of his income of3soisa ci year. Those - burdens, to while - c smll tr uaT f mou n t ; and that it would be mostalu'eseeflceeforinte the schoole y I,argely con tri i ien..e d , I:euced itte 70 h /. Tl i s ofi e te n r 1 edhcation. 4na ß a L onfotthenl could be applied to the purpose of e had tlema n runs, not :reduced. to . poverty, because it is f lof these commissioners on ly this—uot only was this the report Sources of income; but I mention this to show that did , and a • ppiovect by Lord Brougham Ms to who not sign the funds deriVe4 from th e establishment that those set . , origins l report, but th ' obtained: which are boasted of by the advocates: of th e - w ai n ,. Chancellor, in a statement made in the Hou e se present Lend tary princiPle, as if they flowed solely and entirely from that April, 1853, proposed "to give to the board —the Lords in right hon friend the member dealing with tire charities hr four instances re power of principle.. send then comes my • —nanely first for Car ige, who was a in Der of the ' thwernment which where the object of the charity had 'wholly felled, 'and ;',.. proposedigestnte for education, and who, having filled the elis: had become impossible to carry it into e ff ect; s em 11 ;" tinguiehed .offieer of Secretary of State for the Home Depart- wheke the object itself had not failed, but where it relent— which am man ever filled with more ability—has him. failed of doing what might be supposed to have been the in . those been a meneber of the Committee of Council which made tention of the founder, or tended to the encouragement of those grants,, keyiag been all that, he now comes forward as pauperism or immorality ; thirdly, where two or mere eha the trunipetenonthe voluntary principle. (Cheers and laugh- rities existed for somewhat similar purposes, but the funds of t ee .) Sit, I will new refer a little to' some personal charges neither was sufßeisett for its own object, but when united which Mr. Ihsiiie;l has mede against me. lam not Pine they might do good; fourthly, where in the case of charities to make any eharges,against hire. lie is the son ora man which had been founded above sixty years—it was not pro whom I very greatlrrespected for his honest and consistent ( posed to touch modern charities —it was found that the result eouduct, . both As tere.conductor• of sanest respectable news- i expected was totally inadequate to the funds aied to it ; paper iu the . north„ of England and as a member of this 1 OU3C.. in each of these cases it was proposed that the bo ppl and might He is th e b ro ther o f .a right hon. gentlernah for whom I have . 1 sanction a different application of the funds." This was the. always eutertained the•highest regard, and with whom I have 1 proposition of the Lord Chancellor, and I think it was a most the happ(ireSs generally to agree on s °laical subjects. lam i eneellent one, but it was sunk .in a place where, I regret to not going say a word against Mr. Baines; but knowing say, many excellent things a re Idste—a select committee of that he it sal: of the voluntary principl e ; and that I i tee House .of Lards. (A. laugh.) It went into a select am n "* - 1 - 14,1*Ate ,of . that principle ,why sh ould he not : committee and it never came out again. (Hear, hear.) I . - i . . am not the person, therefore, who originated this scheme.; It was the proposition of Lord Brougham and the Chari table Trusts Commissioners; it was the proposition adopted.' by Lord Cranworth and introduced by him, in the name of his :colleagues, into the House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) But more than this. My right henourable friend complains with regard to Coventry that ',many of the smaller charities are affected. Well, the commissioners of inquiry state that in many eases these funds are exceedingly small, and that they have been applied in aid of the poor rates of the parishes in which they are situated. They say that this is an illegal appli cation ; but they don't recommend that the Attorney-General should be directed to prosecute the parties, because the funds of the charities were not sufficient to bear the expenses of the application to a court of law. (Hear.) There has been a case lately which was sent to me from a newspaper, in which au application was actually made by a clergyman to a county' court, iu order that a charity which had been used for the pur pose of diminishing the poor rate should be expended for the purpose ofeducation. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman oppo site said, " Well, that may be the case, but in the case of Co ventry many of the freemen would have had to be relieved out of the poor rate were it not for these charities." (Hear.) That may be so ; and that may be an excellent reason for the members for Coventry wishing the funds not to be ap plied as, the commissioners recommend ; but for gentlemen who are rather strict as to the' intentions of founders being compiled with, it does seem rather an odd reason to give. I believe that the right hon. gentleman opposite, from his general principles, as wall as from what I have heard from him in this house, is one who stands strictly by the inten tions of founders, and would not allow any provision for what is called a public benefit to be made by Parliament ; but I must say, if the great founder of these charities in Nottingham, Coventry, and elsewhere, Sir Thomas White, who lived two or three centuries ago, could be told—" Your intentions, no doubt, were that the freemen of Coventry should have the right of voting at elections, and should be Saved from being disqualified by the receipt of parochial re lief," I think he Would be a good deal surprised at being told that such were his pions intentions. (Great laugh ter.) Mr. Ellice says—and far be it from me to contra dict him—that at Coventry these charities do no harm, that they are applied to gratuities of various kinds, but that the people of Coventry all derive great benefit from them, and that everybody approves of their application. He tells us, likewise, that the management of the poor-law is so wise at Coventry, that the commissioners, who made groan changes in other places, did not think it necessary to interfere with Coventry. My right hon. friend says and he is quite right to stand up for his constituents—that they are so wise, and good, and free from the infirmities of human nature, that that which p educes evil everywhere else maybe harmless at Coven try.' (Cheers and laughter.) It may be that the indiscrimi nate applic ttion of charity, which in other places produces pauperism and immorality, produces nothing but wealth and industry in Coventry. (Renewed laughter.) It may be that the old poor-law, which did so much harm in so many parishes in the country, is in Coventry a source of unmixed benefit. (Laughter.) "To the pure all things are pure ;" and therefore iu Coventry none of these objections may be felt. But lam speaking of what is required in general, and I say that in general it would be a great blessing to the country if these mall chari ties could be applied to some useful purpose. I quoted on a former occasion the Dean of Hereford ; and many others, cler gymen particularly, have declared that pauperism and immo rality have been the cons quence of theee money gifts in small proportions, and that it would be a great thing if they could be well applied. I see by the report of the trustees of one of these charities, that they are so afraid of offending any body that they divide the money into sixpences, and give six pence to each person. Therefore the worst as well as the best, the mist dissolute as well as the most industrious, get this small dole ; and it is impossible that that good should be done -by it which it wis intended to produce. (Hear, hear.) . I really believe, if we applied these small sums to a purpose confessedly useful, that the founders, if they could know all the cireumstaelces, and see as we see, would be glad of such an apelication as is proposed. I think it is in fact nothing but a superstition, when everything else is changed— when even private property, by the laws of this coun try, may be altogether sold and dissipated —to say that you will stand by the letter of these original foundations, as to which it is quite clear that the original founders themselves would not have maintained that purpose —to say that you will, is spite of the injury it produces, maintain so mischievous a distribution of the charity. Haying gone through these pro . positious with respect to the commissioners of charitable trusts, I quite agree with Mr. Ellice that in any bi 1 for this purpose e the enactment should be most carefully guarded that you shouldtake care to touch only those charities which can be .fairly ascertained to be useless or mischievous, and that the purposes which you propose to apply them to should be clearly beneficial to the community for whose benefit these funds were originally designed. But that is certainly not to be all done by a resolution. I wished only to point out the principle on which I proposed to act. Igo on, in the 7th resolution, to provide that the ratepayers should hive the power of taxing themselves. I need not, I think, make any observations upon that proposal at the present moment. Igo on next to propose that, after a certain eeried, nearly, two years hence, the quarter sessions should hav ethempuoowhefrauolft has s o b s e in e g n a fo ra un t d e i w n it a h p t a h r i i s sh ; or school I scho d o o l dis trict.notknow where the authority could be better placed, in a manner more conformable to the existing law. At the time .I made the proposal I was'not aware that, in some of the States of America, Massachusetts especially, a parish might bo and a parish has been indicted for not having a school open during a whole year. I think that the objection to this authority is, that, it would perhaps be too sparingly exercised; it might be difficult to persuade magistrates in quarter sessions t im pose such a rate. But it would only be in extreme cases that they would have to do it. There may be a district where almost every parish for ten miles round has got a school, and the schools are all flourishing ; but one parish may be a nest of pauperism and immorality, where there is no instruc tien whatever, where the inhabitants never go to church or ~chapel, and where it would be most useful that there should be a 'school. I think that in such a case the quarter sessions might exercise that power. I then propose that a school committee, where there is a rate, should appoint the schoolmasters and schoolmistresses, and make regulations for the management of the school. If you impose upon all the inhabitants a rate,,l confess I.do not see ho 7 you can do otherwise than give to persons selected by themselves the di rection and management of that rate. Sir James Graham is perfectly right in saying that the school depends upon the schoolmaster, but I know no reason for distrusting the rate payers of this country when they have a school. They might be vary unwilling to have a school at all; but if they once had a school I should out doubt their discrimination in choosing a person fit to manage that school. Of course the regulations of the Committee of Privy Council with respect to qua lification would apply to those masters and mistresses ; and, if they were inefficient, the grants usually' made would not be made to that school. That would be a great reason for the appointment of good and sufficient persens. Now we come to that great difficulty, the religious question. It has been said that if you have any school sup ple, ted by a rate, whatever regulations you may make, that school will become a secular school. The evidence which I have upon this subject, which is from many schoolmasters, is that though this difficulty is a difficulty serious enough in this hou&S—serious enough among various denominations and moue the various theorists upon education who contend upon it—yet that in practice there is very little difficulty in the matter. lam told—and I have heard it for years, so it is nothing new—that where the Bible is read, where the Cate chism 4 taught, or wherever any other formulary is used, if the children are told, and if their parents arc tolde" There is ne e impulsion here ; if you choose to take away your children duriug the religious instruction do so," that when the liberty once given and, avowed; there is seldom •any repugaance in allowing the children to remain duriug religious instruction, that there are very , fe v who ever go Away; and in that way the religious difficulty is got rid of. I have heard that repeatedly from masters of schools and from ministers of religion in a high position ; and 1 believe it to be the case. I think it is an error to argue the question as though all those children at present fa the schools up to 10 or 11 years of age, Or, as I propose, not Mere than 15 years of age, should neces sarily be taught every point of each particular eyeed, that those points on which the Protestant theologian and the Roman Catholic theologian would argue together those points of church government which the clergymen of the Church of England and the Presbyterian minister might dispute about that all those questions on which a man has his own opinion, aed. pro'xibly a very conscientious opinion, must be brought into the school with the children, and made matter of centre ve seal teaching. I own that does seem to me au excess of religious zeal, perhaps even of religious animosity, which ought not to be exhibited. I have heard it stated, over and over again, that we are so peculiarly situated that that which a is wers far all other people will not answer for us, that that which you can do over the whole continent of Europe and on the continent of North America you cannot do in England. I should be very sorry to think that that is the c %se ; because, if so, it would seem to me that our' religious animesities must be more bitter and our want of Christian charity greater than in any of those countries. (Hear.) I have always teld, and I have often avowed it in this house, that• the teaching of the British and Foreign School Society is the best for the people of this country. (Hear.) They teach the Scriptures —they give what thiy consider a plain interpeetation of those Scriptures while they are teaching them. They de not merely have them read, but they deduce tre meaning from the words. It is a well-known doctrine of our own Church that nothing need be held as an article of f I,h which is not either plainly contained in the Scriptures or which cannot be proved thereby, (Hear.) I cannot, there fore, think that that mode of teaching of the British and Fo reign School Society ought to be distasteful to the Church of Eugland. Bet unfortunately, although King George 111 , and his son the Duke of Kent, eke father of her gracious Majesty, we. e both instrumental in setting up, favouring, and patro nieng the British and Foreign School Society, and although for some time that society carried on the struggle unaided, yet I think, most unfortunately, that question of the necessity of the Church Catechism in the schools was introduced; and from that time the Church Catechism has been considered ne cessary, net so much on account of its containing anything which others would refuse to agree to, as for the purpose of making a distinction between Church ,sehools and others. (Hear.) Where the school committee of any parish shall think it necessary that the Church Catechism should be taught, I am quite willing, thetigh it does not agree with my opinion, that the Catechi sm s h ou ld b e taught in that school.' e - C But I do consider it necessary, on the ground of religious li berty, that those children whose parents do not approye of -.their learning the Church Catechism should not be require i to learn it, and should not be excluded from the school on ,that account. The noble lord (Cecil) seemed to me to be speaking somewhat irreverently of the Holy Scriptures when be Fail that Christians differed so much that no thing but a pure theism was left. Ido net think that that is a correct description. It seems to me that the Scriptures con thin very plain and forcible lessons —that with regard to the love of our neighbours, to our duties to our neighbours, to the forgiveness of injuries —with regard to eur many moral duties —with regard, above all, to our duty to God, the language of Scripture is more plain, more emphatic, and illustrated by ex amples which go more to the heart of man and the child of tender age than any of those' foriamlaries "welch, since the 16th century, have been invented in order to distinguish be twe ni the different sects of the Christian world. I therefore hold that though it is quite necessary that a man who belongs to one particular church should knew the reasons why that church differs from others, yet I cannot think that a bey or girl, at most 14 years old, should be compelled to learn those differences, but should rather be allowed to continue, at Jeast until that time of life, in the common bond of Ceristiau . charity. (Hear, hear.) I hear persons belong. lug both to the Church of England and dissenting bodies say that such a person holds such a eeligioe ; and they say that if the British and Foreign, the Church of England, and the Ro man Catholic schools are supported by grants from the Privy Council, you are supporting different religious. I entirely any the justice of that application of the word. And I have good authority on that subject. Towards the end of the life of that pions and zealous preacher, John Wesley, some one told him that his nephew Lad changed his religion,and become aßo pilm Catholic. He replied, " I will not have it said that he otb: thing," e go " cle (gear.) religion;H e d id not hehas tbi think k changed tbet ah personi his ehlaungdi changing mode his IttioatnliitiyghttoiP sata ; Ho b it ;t ir, :el a i i :i on is not that—it is quite a different opheon and mode o h f ad worship from one denomination of Chris- T h ereby changed his religion, but that ev :l t in w tr a o s du n c e e e the school canunittees ca:e ' i e rr ss e a i ry igio fo u r s h te is ue s b a l l n v g a . ti vv on e . h(laiveearthelsfetchuartitybet:et the B w il e e need le ,:f l not l be br read ad eu d apprehensive teu g b t that in the schools. We have, if the y think fit, the Catechism, or such other Christian formulary as they shall think necessary to introduce. We have the security—and you can Lave no better security—of the general religions character of the people of this country. (Hear.) If you have not that; your foundation altogether fails. (Hear.) My heght hon. friend said that I was exactly copying the plan of Massachusetts ; and when he appealed to me, I was forced directly to contra dict him. The plan of Massachusetts, and the plan of New York, as I have read in various accounts, is this : that in 201:111) schools, an extract or portion of the Bible is read for purposes of devotion, but in most schools it is not read at all, and in order to evade any difficulty upon this subject, the les sons that are given in the schools arenot based upon the lessons or the precepts of Christianity. This is the mode of teaching iu Massachusetts ; and in a report that I read lately —I am not sure whether it referred to Massachusetts or New York—it was, said that in many of the schools the reading- of the Scrip tures was forbidden by the school committees. Such is their_ opinion ; and we have the testimony of many eminent men that the Christian character of the country is yet preserved. But Lt is not preserved in those schools; that is not the cha racter of those New England schools; and I propose that it should be preserved in the schools of this country. You will have the denominational schools in numbers; you will have the Church of England scholels to a very great extent ; you will have the Wesleyan schools and others; and you will have these schools supported by rates, much fewer in number, id which portions of the Bible will be read every day, and such other instruction given as the school committee shall think proper. But it is urged as a conclusive objection against my scheme that one sect may gain the superiority one day in a* certain school, anethe on another day, and that in the end it will become a secular school. This is a somewhat chimerical apprehension, and one that does not seem at all justified by any fact that we have. But at all events you should compare such an eventuality with that which at present exists. (Hear, hear.) When lam told that there is a danger, if we adopt this system, that the schools may in time, by some process or other, and by the hostility of the different sects to each other, become secular, and that thereby the religious charac ter of the schools may be lost, t compare that with many of the facts which we have before us, facts which have been stated by Sir ohn Pakington, and which are open and ought to be familiar to all the members of this house. 'I mean facts such as these : That a boy, being put •in prison for some offence, is asked if he knows his duty to God, and says that he never heard of God. He is asked if he obeys the laws of Christ, and he says that he never heard of Christ. And when asked what he did on Sundays, he says that he was employed in the stable of the farmer, and was not allowed to go to school or to church. (Hear, hear.) You have returns like those of the Rev. Mr. Clay, showing that there are hundreds, and I am sorry to say thousands, to whom the most common elements of religion, not only of tke Christian religion, but even of natural religion, aro alto gether unknown. (Hear, hear,) And then you tell me— You shall not have schools ; you shall not teach these children the Bible ; you shall not teach them Christianity because there is a danger that, at some day or ether, these gchools may be perverted, and may adopt a secular charac ter." (Hear, hear.) I say, I would rather face that danger. (Cheers.) Opposed as I have been to secular education, I confess-that these who have received secular education are far mere likely to imbibe religious principles than those who aro left in this deplorable and brutish ignorance. (Cheers ) Such, therefore, is my view, with respect to the religious teaching of those schools which are to be maintained byre e. There is another provision which respects the employment of children and young persons who are employed by others than the owners of factories. Ido not well understand how this provision can bo called oppressive and despotic when, ever since 1a35 or 1836, a similar provision has been in force with respect to the 35,00 e children employed in factories, who can not receive employment unless they attend school for a cer tain period up to thirteen years of age. The law consecrates that principle that, with regard to children up to thirteen years of ago, this compulsory method shall be used for taking care of their education. And if this is wise and beneficial for 35,000 children, I say the principle is the same when you extend it to 2 /0,000 or 300,000 of the same age. If it is despotic and oppressive with regard to the 35,000 it ought to be done away with. If, on the other hand, it is right and useful, nothing but practical difficulties should induce you to refrain from applying it in other instances. (Hear, hear.) Tbat there are practical difficulties I am quite willing to admit ; and those practical difficulties aro very great. I mention in the resolutious that the certificate should be only given half-yearly, in order that there may not be that continual vexation to which my right honourable friend has referred. But, although the provision should be guarded, I think it would be a good and wholesome provision that timers and others employing young persons should—l will hardly say compel, but allow them to go t• school. I have a letter from a lady, who is well acquainted with the facts, stating that the employers in her neiehbourhood, a mining district, objected to the children going to school because they got so fond of it that they were less willing to go to work. Another letter informs me that a farmer refused to give anything to a day school, because, since the Sen lay-school had .been established, he found that the birds, which ate his corn, had very much increased, the boys being no longer employed all Sunday in keeping them off. (Laughter.) With such oases as these, it is no harsh provisio 1, but a very fair one, that the employers of these young persons should be made to give them some kind of education. Of course you would take care to adapt the pro visions to their particular circumstances ; you would not give them half a day at school and the other half day in the fields ; you would have certain days for school, and by that means, instead of diminishing, you would increase the employment of these young persons. My right hon. friend says the mas ters would at once leave off employing them. I own I can not think that. If an employer gives 4s. a-week to one of these boys and is told that he must give 4s. 2d., and that the 2d. is for the school, is it to be believed that he will never, employ th it boy afterwards, however convenient it might be to him to have his services for 4s. a-week ? That is clone by a noble lord in his colliery ; it is done by these factory owners ; and I do not see why what they have done should not be imitated elsewhere. We know that many factory owners have not only complied with the letter of the law, but have established excellent schools by their own benevo lence and liberality. The passing of that law has been an in ducem 'nt to them to take greater care of the young persons employed in factories than they had ,done before. I cannot think, thee, that this provision will be any hardship. I come to another objection, on which my right hon. friend h as con , jt r d up all kind s f horrors. He says there will be a dread ful increase of the influence of the Crown, and that the Secre , tary to the Treasury will have the appointment of —I know not bow many thowannelg of oohoolmasters. Sir J. GRUlAM.—Thirty-fivnthousand. Lord J. RUSSELL—The Secretary of State for the Home Department may have the appointment of two or three at Pentonvil'e and elsewhere, but that number would not be in creased, and the Secretary to the Treasury would not have one of these appointments. If a measure founded on my re solutions were to pass this session, the patronage of the See retaiy to the Treasury would not be increased by the appoint ment of a single schoolmaster. They would be appointed as they are at present in the Church and denominational schools, by the school committees. There would be some increase of patronaze certainly. There would, be from 80 to 12J---per ha is 120 altogether—sub-inspectors to be appointed; no very formidable amount of patronage, and a patronage which I think might enable my nob e friend the President of the Council to do that which would be grateful to a number of very honourable and hard-working men, and at the same time useful to the country. I allude to the schoolmasters who have been many years in that occupation. There is no work more.hard than that of a schoolmaster—(bear)—there • is none more important : there is none which carries with it comparatively so little honour and advantage. (Hear.) And seeing that a schoolmaster who is employed 12 or 15 years in that laborious occupation can hardly ge to any other employ ment or profession, I should he glad to see some of these men employed as sub-inspectors of schools, and• I believe they would be about the most intelligent men that could be sent round to organise schools and point out where they were altogether deficient. Thera is one other point in respect of which notice of a motion has been given by an hon. member, on which I will say a very few words. It is with regard to that large class of our young population who are neither at school nor at work, and many of whom are wandering about destitute in our streets. I think that much might be done by exteadiug the grants and the rules of the Committee of Privy Council with regard to these schools (Hear.) When I look at the large sums in the estimates under various heads, I own I am sorry to see so small a sum under the head of industrial schools. (flear, hear.) So long as the Committee of Council were endeavouring, by educating a por tion of the count -y, to furnish a model of what should be, I think they were quite right in being very strict with respect to the qualifications of schoolmasters and the condition of the scho ds. But when you come to industrial schools, there is mane a practical man who would net stand an examination, and who would be completely thrown on his back by the questions that are proposed,- yet who, if placed over one of those schools, would be intelligent, would be kind, would watch over the welfare and improve the morals of the chil dren, and lead them to elementary notions of religion in a manner that would be a great benefit to the community, though he might not come up to the requirements of the pre sent reg nation . (Hear.) If we go much further than this we get into the department of the poor law, and we must either provide or not provide for the temporal existence, for the fold and shelter, of these little outcasts. I remember see ing one poor wretched boy in Newgate, who said he paid 2d. ani ;lit for his lodging. The magistrate asked him how he got his 2d. He said, " I gat it by holding gentlemen's horses, or any odd job," The magistrate said, "But if you can't get it that way 1" " Then (he said) I get it any how." I knew very well what the " any how" meant. But if you take that child and keep him at school all day, and he afterwards goes to find shelter, he will net have his 2d. to pay for it ; and you must either be exceedingly harsh and severe to him, or you must incur the danger of extending your poor relief to classes who are not properly entitled to it. My right hon. friend below roe (Mr Baines), who las so long and so creditably to Mm self presided over the Poor-law Board, know this question a vast deal better than I do. lam quite ready to entertain the question, but I do not venture, with' the doubts that have about it, to make any formal proposition on the sub ject. I think that it would be exceedingly useful to make more greats to the industrial schools, to make them more liberal, and to rather enlarge the rules upon this subject ; but beyond that; and beyond that which has been already done with regard to reformatory schools, and which will be still further done, I cannot say that I have any plan to pro pose on the subject. I have now gone through these various resolutions; and I must say that I do not think that an at tempt made, independently of the Government, to extend the education of the people of this country by means of the State, is one deserving Of any great blame or reprehension. The resolutions may be ill adapted to this end, or they may, many of them, be creditable. I w ill sa y at once, as I sh ou ld no t wish the latter of these resolutions to cause great opposition and contention in this house, and p flaps be rejected, whe n they might meet w ith a h appier f a t e on ano th er occasion, .. that I shall not propose to the committee to go beyond the fi ef r s t t h fi e v e e e m o f ia t i lhe e s e e to reF a o m lu e t n ie d ns t . he I s e p e r e o e p d o s r e e s t o o l u a t s i k e i h a e t consent I have stated, and to agree to the first five of the resolutions, which sanction tie prine'p'e, in the first p'ace, of extending, consolidating, and revisin g the minutes of the Committee of Privy Council, and which next sanction the appointment of sub inspectors, thereby to ascertain what is the real state of the education of the country. Valuable as was Mr. Horace Mann's report on the educationsl census, it is impossible in that manner and by that mac Amery to get at the real value of many of the schools in that list. I believe that many of these schools andascholars are merely nominal. We may find by further inepiry that they are better than I have supposed ; we may find that they do not deserve to be maintained; but it will be of great importance to ascertain those facts which will form the groundwork of an elementary measure. And now let me say that, note ithstanding all the objections that are made, I do believe that the extension of the education of this country, that an endeavour to make it good, is an object which ought to obtain the attention of this house, and that we ought to look to the bestmeans of effecting it. It is said that the proposal' is a despotic one. I consider that it is one tending to extend the freedom of this country. (Hear.) We have been told by the poet in his description of the Country Church— Perchance in this neglected spot are laid Some hearts once pregnant with celestial fire, Hands that the rod of empire might have swayed, Or waked to ecstacy the living lyre. But knowledge to their eyes her ample page, Rich with the spoils of Time did ne'er unroll. Sir, it should be eur object that that impediment should be removed, and that "knowledge should unroll her ample store" VENINet, APRIL 12, 1856. fo the young of the country, however humble •s-r- coaiiition. (Cheers.) To: se w u humble elation may, iiiivin, fleet eis:eo„.. ; - , , - the village school, afterwards rise to some higher position of life, and reach those prizes and honourable employments which, in a free country, ought to be the reward and gift of genius audhonesty. (Cheers.) I cannot conceive that we should shut out those prizes and honours from any part of the community, but from which, as it has been said, we do effec tually exclude them, as long as we continue to deprive them of ev ry means by which they might rise from obscurity. (Cheers ) But there is a higher consideration than this. I hold that it is the duty of the slate, of the Christian state, to promote the cause of r.ligion and morality—(hear hear)—and I can not believe that we s h ou ld continue in that position which I have described in the former part of my speech, that we should use nothing but terror, that we should exhibit nothing but the means of punishment, that we should not unfold and open to all the people of the laud the sacred volume, and give them the opportunity of being industrious and virtuous here and happy hereafter. These, in my opinion, aro endeavours not altogether separated from the duty of the State. If I have been told of late that such should be our object, that we should confine ourselves to the narrower duties of the state, and that we should leave every man to promote education as he may, I recollect that in the same voice and in the same tone I heard in other years what I thought a sounder lesson. It is ex pressed iu language so much better than any I could use, that I beg leave to quite to the house the words which were ad dressed' to the house on the 28th of Feb., 1813, by one who not only held high office, but a high office which connected him closely with the internal condition of the country, by one who was eminent for his powers, his abil ty, his information, and his capacity for directing and ruling the state. (Hear,) He said: "All the material powers of this nation have been developed and improved in the most remarkable manner—the entire people, individually and collectively, appear to have been en grossed with this grand object ; and the moral condition of the multitude has, as it seems to me, been most lamentably 'neglected. It is with peculiar grief and mortification that I say this; but I cannot but bear in mind, that while all the other governments of Europe, warned by the melancholy events which darkened the latter years of the last century— warped by those sad lessens, directed their earnest, teeir un ceasing attention to the moral training and religious education of their people, England alone, Protestant Christian England, neglected this all-important duty of giving her people that training, that education, which so intimately concerns not only their temporal but their eternal welfare. It may safely be asserted that this most important subject has been neglected he this country to a greater degree than in ally other civilised nation. I must say that I think recent events in the manufacturing districts are pregnant with solemn warning. I quite agree with my noble friend in what he has states to the house on this topic. The law, it is true, has been triumphant, everything like violence has been subdued ; and, in justice to the people of this country, I must add, that though their sufferings, their privations, their disappointments, have been great, yet even in those cases where there has been a breach of the law committed, that breach has not been accompanied by acts of cruelty or of re markable outrage. The police and the soldiers have done their duty, the time is arrived when moral and religious instructors must go forth to reclaim the people from the error of their ways. The harvest is abundant, but the labourers are few ; it is time that the good work should be begun in earnest ; it is time that a better seed, the seed of sound morality and Chris tian truth, should be sewn in the hearts of the people, and it must be the care of the nation—of the Government, with a view to the future peace, the future destinies of this country, to take this most serious subject into their anxious considera tion. I can truly say that I have directed my thoughts to this question more anxiously than to any other. I know well the eifficulties of it, and if I can but induce the house, in the tem per which at this moment pervades it, on this one subject, to lay aside all party feelings, all religious difference, to endeavour to find out some neutral ground on which we can build some thing approaching to a scheme of national education, with a' due regard to the just wishes of the Established Church ou the one hand, and studious attention to the honest scruples of the Dissenters ea the other, in ray judgment we shall be con ferring a greater benefit on the people whom we represent than by any course of policy which can be adopted, and for myself, I will say that all party, all personal consideretious wih I gladly lay aside could I but hope that I might be made the humble instrument of proposing to the house anything approaching to a seheine which should lead to the happy con summation I desire with the sauctiou of the Legislature." These are eloquent wends. They are the words of my right hon, friend at a time when he had not become a disciple of the voluntary system—(cheer's) —because he has read those two pamphlets—(laughter) —which seem to have obliterated all that reflection, and wisdo e, and information which he formerly received from long pondering on the subject, and from his minute acquaintance with the reports Le obtained from every part of tee country. But sow appear those two pamphlets. They seem to have swamped every trace of his former reflection and information. I shall not attempt to add to the extracts I have read, which I think must be gratifying to the house from the sentiments they contain. I have the same wish now which my right hon, friend then entertained I do not feel disposed to apologise to the house for bringing the subject before it, for I have at heart the welfare of this great country, and I do trust that the cause of education will prosper, whatever may be the fate of the resolutions before the house. (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY said lie was quite sure ha only expressed the unanimous feeling of the house when ho said that not the slightest blame, but rather the greatest credit, attached to the noble lord for the manner in which he introduced his series of resolutions. Whatever opinion might be entertained with regard to the resolutions themselves, whatever objections might be entertained to portions of them, the house would appreciate, and would not fail to recognise, the motives which had actuated the noble lord iu the course he had taken. Un daunted by previous failures —failures of the Government with which he had been connected—he had brought forw , rd the subject with renewed energy, and, he was bound to say, ' with r: rowed ability. While he (Sir G. Grey) was bound to say that every plan submitted to that house revealed more plainly than that which had preceded it the immense difficulty there was in dealing with the subject, he did net think that the discussions 'which had taken place vere useless, or de void of any beneficial result, for they directed the attention of the country to a question which must ultimately be set tled by the voice of the country. (Hear, hew...) Such reso lutious as those proposed by the n .ble lord called attention to individual responsibility in the matter, and in many cases it led to a most decided course of action. There was not a person in that house, and he believed he might say not a person in the country, who would net say that education was a blessing, and who d d not desire to see it extended ; but when hon. gentlemen maintained that all that was necessary to promote the cause of education was the voluntary system he held that that was a position that could not ba for a mo ment entertained. He (Sir G. Grey) had listened with the deepest attention to the eloquent speech of the hon, and learned gentleman the member for Midhurst (Hr. Warren), who adverted in very glowing terms to what had been done in despotic as well as in liberal states for the Kenn,- ' tion of the cause of education, adverting particularly to the religious element, which in this country had created so much discord and so many differences. The noble lord who had introduced the resolutions had given some countenance to the views expressed by the hon. and learned gentleman. He (Sir G. Grey) thought that persons who held those opinions, and who brought forward these examples, forgot that in despotic States religion was not excluded from schools, but that on the contrary, the teaching of the religion of the State was ren dered compulsory, while in the New England States religion was entirely excluded, nothing but purely secular matters being taught. He believed that this country was not pre pared for the adoption of either of those courses. Ho in troduced this matter with very great regret, because he did not wish to throw any impediment in the way of those who were most anxious—and he s:lared in that anxiety—to see education mere universally diffused throughout the length and breedth of this country, and who wished to see all those difficulties removed. The statement which had just been m ido by the noble lord, as to the course he intended to take In reference to the resolutions, very ranch narrowed the ground of differ euce between the contending parties, for to those parts of the resolutions in whic the greatest difficulties presented them selves, the noble lord said he would not ask the sanction of the house. The only resolutions ueou which the nonle lord insisted were those which insisted upon .the consoli dation of the acts of Committee of Privy Council, and the appointment of inspectors throughout the coun try. That being the case, it would be unnecessary for him (Sir Grey) to trouble the house with attain. , what were the views of the Government; but still, he thought it his duty to state briefly what course the Government would have taken if the nob e lord had proposed his resolutions as a whole. With regard to the motion of the right hon. gentle man the member for Oxfordshire, he would remind the house that these matters were not meter discussion in a committee of the whole house, in accordance with any rule that com pelled the house to deal with them in that way, but simply because it was considered the more convenient plan to deal with them in that way. To the motion, then, of the right hon. gentleman the member of Oxfordshire, the Government could not have given its assent, preferring as they did agree ment to a certain extent with the resolutions of his noble friend (Lord J. Russell); (oily, however, to a limited extent, for there were some portions of them which they would have met with a direct negative. To the fi rst resolution, " That in the opinion of the house it is desirable to extend, revise, and consolidate the minutes of the committee of council on education," her Majesty's Government would, without any hesitation; have given a hearty and cordial assent. It had been said that that resolution would absolve the Government from that responsibility which was now a portion of its duty. It would certainly strengthen the hands of the Government, but it would not reduce their ditties —on the contrary it would rather add to them. The right hon. baronet having adverted to some statistics connected with education, pro ceeded to refer to those resolutions which referred to rating, remarking - that as far as they Were voluntary there could be no possible objection to them. With regard to the appoint ment of inspectors he thought it very desirable that the best returns should be had, but how to obtain them lie considered a very difficult and delicate operation. If that information were to be obtained b ysub - iuspectors, be did not think there could be any difficulty in the otnmittee of Privy Council procuring that information for itself. Inspectors should have full power to enforce the information they required, otherwise it would be perfect y valueless ; and he was afraid that nothing short of an act of Parliament would secure that beneficial re sult. With regard- t i the resolution extending the powers of the Charity Commissioners, he need only say that her Majes ty's Government entirely concurred in it ; and the Lord Chancellor had introduced a bill into the House of Lords on the subject. He (Sir G. Grey) aid not see how any man c-oild object to the restoration to their proper use of funds now useless and injurious. There were many old charities which had fallen lute obscurity, which were decidedly inju rious, and it was one of the objects of the noble lord's reso lution to amend and strengthen them. Adverting again to the resolution in reference to rating, the right hon. baronet stated that a committee had - sat Upon the subject for several sessions He was aware of all the difficulties that surrounded this question, and principally of that difficulty which was in volved in the permission it afforded o chihiren to withdraw frem that' religious teaching to which their parents objected. He could not help thinking that this would at last lead to the estabiishineut of a purely secular system. (Hear ) Such a system as voluntary rating would be practically useless. His noble friend (Lord J. Russell) gave power to the quarter sessions to impose a rate where it was deemed necessary, but he could not see that, under all circumstances, a compul sory rata would be beneficial. There were strong reasons against giving persons the right to impose a compulsory rate, and ho was afraid it would not he attended with any benefi cial results, while it would create a vast deal of hostility end opposition, (Hear, hear.) With regard to the question of religious instruction, he deeply regretted that that was a difficulty which every one had to encounter in endeavouring to establish a system of education. But there were advan tages arising from religious differences wh . c I ought not to be overlooked, for they had stimulated the establishment of many schools which were most useful, and which would not other wise have been formed. (Hear, hear.) If schools were to be established by rates, he thought the proposition of his noble friend the best which could be adopted, but cer t • - —limy 'in many districts the ratepayers wou ld entertain strong objections to such a proposal. With regard to the enforce ment of the attendance of children, many difficulties would arise, for where they were greatly dispersed they were in a totally different position to factory children. With respect to the last resolution, he thought nothing could be more useful than adult schools, and any encouragement which could be given to such schools was well deserving the attention of the TT end w t, and exteed tee ineetis of edueateen. ;Hear ) Mr. HENLEY said, as Lord J. Russell had withdrawn all his resolutions, except those relating to inspection and parti tion, he would withdraw his amendment, and renewit on the second resolution being submitted from the chair. Some objection was taken to this course by Mr. GLADSTONE and other hoe. members, and the discuQsion was continued by Mr. E. ei 11,1,, who contended that the plan of Lord Johu Russell would neutralise and destroy the voluntary system altogether, whereas it should be the object of all to endeavour to make the Government, and those who acted on the volun tary system, to go on harmoniously together. He could not agree with the noble lord, whom he understood to say that secular educatien was better than no education at all; he doubted much if it would be beneficial for a man to be edu cated without religion. lie felt thankful to the noble lord for having withdrawn the most objectionable of his resolu tions ; but it would have been more satisfactory to the house, and more grateful to the country, if he took the whole of them away altogether. Sir S. NOIiTHCOTE considered the whole plan as ivade. quate to the wants of the country. Mr. ti. DRUMMOND thought it quite vain for the state to undertake the education of the people. The state bad a right to deal with th,se who violated the laws from the want of education, and the best mode of doing so would be to send those who offended least out of the country, and the greater offenders out of the world. Mr. MILES was sorry that Lord John Russell had not teems the opinion of the house upon his whole scheme, feeling that some good would come out of it, ani believing that they could not rely upon the voluntary system for the education of the people. Mr. GLAD ' , TONE s , .id he was not satisfied with the position in which the house was placed, for he was not satisfied that the house ought to agree to the first r esolu tion, while oe the other hand its reject on would seem to imply that they were not very anxious for the spread of oducalion. He complaiued of the way in which Lord J. Russell had abaridei,ed the ereatee part of his resolutions when he feared that his adherence to them would subj , ct him to a defeat, and he could assure his noble friend that however satisfactory it might be to him to escape a defeat, it was not equally satisfactory to the house to be deprived of the opportunity of rejecting them al ogether. lie be lieved the results of these resolutions, if they could be acted upon, would be very different from those anticipated by his noble friend, and, if they could not be acted Upon, that alone was a sufficient reason why they should not be entertained. He believed the effect of the scheme of his noble friend would be the destruction of the voluntary system, for the voluntary schools could not be expected to maintain a competition against those schools which would be supported by rates. With respect to the resolutions compelling employers to pay for the schooling of young per. eons between 9 and 15 years of age, he viewed them as a tax upon wages, which it was within the compass of pos sibility that circumstances might one day justify, but which were not only now . uncalled for, but he could not even conceive the period at which such a step could be coins necessary. Mr. DISR kELI said—l venture to express a hope that, considering the importance of the question which has en gaged the attention of the house, the house, notwithstand ing the unexpeAed turn the debate has taken, will not be put at the mercy of the painful misconception that must .ttencl its conduct if a division is pressed upon this subject. Let ore recall the house to the sense of its position. We have had the attention of the most important questions that could be brorght before us, by one of the most dis tinguiehed members of this house, by a statesman, by a en in whom we all respect however widely we may differ frOm him, by one whit has occupied the highest position in the ceunels of his Sovereign, and who has, with all possi ble pomp a A ceremony, demanded. the opinion of the r'arlisment of England on the subject of national educa tion. Let us refit - et for a moment upon what has occurred since the noble lord first introduced this question. After having given all due warning of the circumstances under which it has been introduced to our notice, the noble lord at ereat tr ngth —but not greater than the importance and exte t of the übjeet demanded—and with a degree of detail of wi ich he show, d himself a complete master, placed before us h's views of a question which had cursed such profound diTerence of opinion. He geve us due time to consider his eropesal, and at the proper period a right hon. member of the house, who had shown that he had give- the question all the stu ly its importance demanded —I mean my hon. friend the member for Oxfordshire— expressed his opinion upon it lest night, and s 'belted the judgment of this house upon the whole question. The debate which ensue], though deeply interesting from the nature and importance of the subject, was, however, con fined to afew hon. members. My right horn friend expressed his opinion. The right liOn. baronet the member for Car-- isle also expressed his opinion, in a manner which showed that he had given a long and a deep attention to the subject, and gave the house the advantage of his views of the propositions of the noble lord. We all came down to the house this night—the debate having been adjourned, the Prime Minister giving way to its paramount importance. and postponing other important business to its conclusion—we came down every ono of us prepared to express his opinion either by word or by vote upon a subject the magnitude of which, as a whole, cannot be exaggerated, and on which the people of this ceuntry, after the antecedents of the proposition, had a right to ex pect an expression of our opinion. Well, whit has hap pened ? The debate has been suddenly terminated, suddenly cut short, and a finger, as it were, pressed on the neck of every hon. member. Who has done this ? Is it those who have been opposed to the opinion of the noble lord ? On the contrary, it is the noble Ird himself. The noble lord took the opportunity of making many ngenious observa tions on the debate of the day proceeding, ant eseecially upon the speeds of the right hon. member for Carlisle— ebservations which we all listened to with that respect which is due to everything which falls from the noble lord. But what was the object of those observations ? It was— and I appeal to the candour of the house to bear me out — it was virtually to withdraw the resolutions which the noble lord had proposed with such pomp and circumstance, after so much preparation, and to terminate the debate, which had only just commenced. I am at a lose to conceive whit has been the cause of this conduct on the pert of the noble lord. The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford has told us that the noble lord must have taken this course from the unmistakeable want of sympathy with his views which has been manifested b 3 this house. That may be the case. But the noble lord replied this evening to the speech of the right hon. member for Car lisle, and in so doing quoted a considerable extract from a speech of that right hon. gentleman on the subject of edu cation delivered many years since in this house. I was then a humble member of this house. I repeat I was tnen a humble member of this house. (Laughter.) I know not why the fact excites the risibility of hon gentlemen. I was then a humble member of this house, and I listened to that speech with the interest which its eloquence inspired, and which its weight and importance commended ; hut in these days it was not the necessary consequence of a speech— even of that right hon. gentleman—that a minister of the Croon,or a personage in the position of the noble lord, should withdraw his resolutiens because of that speech. (Hear:) In these days we did not shrink from conducting e deb to upon any sabject to a conclusion; and when a proposition was brought forward, even a speech of the right hon. gentleman's would not prevent a debate on such an im portant question as national education arriving at its leoi inlet° termination. I will not now presume to enter on the g ne-al question, though I was prepared to do so had the debate proceeded as I, in common with hon. members on both sides of the house, had anticipated. But I think the noble lord ought to act frankly and fairly to the house in the matter. (Hear.) The noble lord has, of course, a right to the indulgence of the house when he may require it ; but after all that has occurred—after having given I no:ice at the very commencement of the session on a sub ject of vast national importance—after announcing that he should solicit the attention of the house to this subject —a subject, after all, not less than a proposition to substitute a new system of education for thesystern which now prevails in this country —after all this, when the noble lord, not choos ing to encounter the issue of a debate, withdraws the real substantial portions of his proposition, I cannot help say ing that I think the noble lord would act more frankly and courteously to this house if he withdrew all his resolutions. If instead of withdrawing the seven resolutions, which in volve the essence of his scheme, and reserving the other five, which are of little importance, referring as they do to forms rather than to substance—he would act, I repeat, more frankly and courteously to this house if he said, "The poli cy of my resolutions does not appe tr to command the sympa thy of the House of Commons, and therefore, having had the opportunity afforded me of bringing them forward, and also of vindicating them from the attacks of powerful opponents in this house, I think it more prudent., as well as more respectful to the home, to ask permission to with draw them altogether." (Hear.) But what is the condition in which the ? noble lord n ow p l aces t h e house by the co . he le ,ourse Las taken The house is called up on b y th e noble lord to ciecide upon five resolutions only when the state of the benches on both sides of the house shows how ready hon. members have been to give their opinions on the whole question—(hear) ---,ill it will go forth to-morrow to the country that the pompous division upon an indefinite num ber of school inspecsors, which we are now waked to come to, is a division on t h e great question, what system of educ ttion shall prevail ill England r (Hear.) I cannot be lieve that my right hon. friend (Mr. Henley) will persist in his amendment es he is re) doubt satisfied with the ad mission m tr , e by her Majesty's Government and the noble lord. He would not be doiugjustice to his cause if he per sisted ie his amendment ; for he very fairly celled upon the house , o coeeider the resolutions as a e he!te, and the conduct of the Government nd the feeling of •the house show the accuracy and wisdom of my right hon. friend's judgment. I our sure it would not be nivisable to have a division on the five resolutions of the noble lord, which, threigh minutely objectionable as they are, nevertheless are modified by the concess'on of the noble lord, and I hardly think the noble lord e ill ask the house to divide on these infinitesimal differences. It would hardly be worthy of the dignity of the house, when assembled so solemnly and with so much ceremoey, to be called upon to divide upon the question of having sub-ins e , eters or not. I hope the noble lord, with thet respect which the house must feel for him, will feel that the best coarse is to yield to the common sentiment of 'these benches, and, to use the diplomatic language of the right. hon. baronet the mem ber for Carlisle, make a clean breast of it ; and, - having given up the roost vital points, that he will not trouble the house to divide, after the house has shown that they do not sanction the educational toliey of the noble lord. I hope the noble Ind, in order that the public shall not be deceived or deluded in the matter, will say, I w ill agree to withdraw the whole of the resolutions, though convinced I am right, yet e qua ll y certain the House of Commons believes I am wrong." That 'appears to me the beet for him to ask the how.°rse f'er the nobltoe ldoirvide d to t o ake. It will be wrong n his resolutions, or that we should go into the l o bb y on theta, and cousume three-quarters of an hour iu deciding a question that ought never to have been i n t ro d uced to our notice. i To do this would be making a mockery of discussion and division, ancl I hope the noble lord will not, from any mistaken no tion of the necessity of mainteining rep..tation, put the house to the mortification of t , king a division on his resolutions, but will cons, nt to withdraw them all, for the noble lord must see that in his scheme he has mistaken the spirit of the age and the character of his countrymen. Nothing, then, could be more graceful and dignified on the part of the noble lord, after having virtually aban doned his plan, than fur the noble lord to consent to with draw his eesolutione. Lord J. RUSSELL, with great deference to the right lion. gentleelari (Mr. Disraeli) and the right hon. baronet (Su. J. Graham), should atterni t to do what he conceived to be best for the cause of education. He did not consider himself bound to tak e the advice of those right hon. gentle men, because if th e reso l ut i ons were defeated b y a vote of that house, there would be an end to a scheme which he be!ieved was a useful one. He very well recollected that in Iq9 a great storm was rai,ed on, ace runt of a miscon ception relative t., roirmal schools. Nemerous petitions were presented against the Government measure, and much clamour wasrai ed, feuridedon misconception. Go verntneut thought fit to withdraw that part of the proposal, but did not think it advisableto withdraw the wholeof the scheme. Tho measure was cartieci ja,.:that house by a majority of . . pit , 11L :it t he the Lira House of Lyres. An address was presented in state to the Throne. The scheme, however, was proceded with, and that very scheme was the plan now in existence, and in such successful operation that the house wished it to be continued. The cry now was that his proposal was an en tirely new scheme. His opinion was that his proposal was only to extend the existing system, and to make it, by ad ditional tuitter, more complete. He did not think it would be advantageous to the cause of education to expose his plan to defeat by a majority of that house. If thet were permitted, it could not be brought in for some time by Go vernment in the shape of a bill. He thought it, would be better for the cause of national education not to have a di ision on the whole scheme. With respect to the resolu tion before the house, it was of great importance that thi house should affirm or otherwise its desire for extension, for that must lead to investigation. The right hon. gentle man (Mr. Henley) made an objection as to the form, but that was easily got over. On those grounds he thought it desirable the house should come to a decision en the reso lution, and he should take the sense of the house upon it. He was certainly disappointed that his whole scheme had not been more favourably received, but he felt confident that the people of this country were anxious to seethe na tion in possession of a more complete system of national education. Viscount PALMERSTON hoped the right hon. gentle• man (Air. Henley) would waive the amendment, and allow the house to come to a vote on the resolution of the noble lord. He thought that course was more consistent with the importance of the subject. Mr. HENLEY had no objection to withdraw his amend ment (No, no). He had very little feeling one way or other. The • first resolution of the noble lord was of very little im- Retance. It rested entirely with the house whether he should withdraw his amendment or not. The question was then put, and the committee divided on Mr. Henley's amendment. Ayes 260 Noes 108 Majority -102 The announcement of the numbers was received with loud and repeated cheering. The Baukruptcy (Scotland) Bill was passed through committee. DRAFTS ON BANKERS BILL. This bill passed through committee. PARTNERSHIP AMENDMENT (No. 2) BILL. Mr. LOWE moved the second reading of this bill ; but Mr. SPOONER having objected to its being proce3ded with at. that late hour (a qtairtsr-past one), the second reading was postponed until Monday next. MIDLAND GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY OF IRELAND. Mr. BELLE - W . m, ved for a select committee to inquire into the circumstanc,3s connected with the advance of s sum of 5')0,00,1. to the Midland Great Western Railway of Ireland Company, pursuant to the statute 12th and 13th Viet., c. 62; also into the application, or not, of said sum of money to the purposes to which it should have been applied under said statute; also into the allocation of the tr.ffie profits and expenses since the opening of the line from Athlone to Galway, with a view to fix the amount of the repayments to be raised from certain baronies in the county of Roscommon and from the county of Galway. Mi. WILSON opposed the motion, upon the ground that the subject of it was more fitted for the consideration of a court of law than for investigation in that house. The motion was then negat ved without a division; and The house adjourned at half-past one o'clock. Country Markets. LIVERPOOL—AI:gin 11. The market to-day was not so well attended to-day, and only a moderate business done in any artiele of trade. G md samples of wheat and flour were so firmly held that the extreme prices demanded were paid. Indian corn Is to Is 6d per qr. lower, and the demand not up to expects dons. Oats, catmeal, barley, beans, and peas were up held in price, but the required demand was wanting. WAKEFIELD —APRIL 11. A fair show of wheat ; fine qualities are net plentiful, still the dull and inactive state of trade enable buyers to make purchases at is per qr. reduction for the beat sorts, and fully 2s on the lower sorts, from last week's rates. Barley scarce, and fully as dear. Oats and shelling as before. Beans rather lower. No variation in other articles. EXETER —APRIL 11. CORN.--In our market wheat may be quoted from 8s 3d 9d. Malting barley, 4s 6,1 to 48 9d ; grinding do., Or Od to Os Od. Oats, 3s 4d to 3s 6d. Beans, Os Od,*o 0 Od. Peas, 00s Od to 00s Od. FLOUR. —Fine, 50s Od to 51s Od ; seconds, 48s Oa to 99a rid per sack. CATTLE.-.. Fat oeef was sold at from 9s 6d to 10a 3d per score ; fat calves, rld to 6d per lb ; barrenners, 6s to 6% 6d per score ; cows and cadvto, 121. to 171. —a • butchers' calves, to —d per lb ., rearing calves —s to ' s each. Sheep, ewes and lambs, 1/. 14s to 21. 5s per couple; ewes. 6d to Old ; wethers, qd to hq.t ; lambs, 1/ La each. Pigs. large size, 458 to sl s ; second siza, 24s to 30s : slips, ...is to 10s ; suckers, 6s to 12a. Rough fat, 3id per lb. Pork carcases from 108 Od to ns Od per score. BRISTOL SUGAR —APRIL 11. There has been a fair deinand for sugars this week, the transactions reported consisting of 6,00 j mats of Manillas, 2,500 mats crystalised Mauritius, and 500 hh Is. West India ; about one-half of the fitter being Barbados. of the new crop, the condition of which is superior to the usual run of early importations. Prices mostly well supported. Refiners' produce continues • to meet a moderate but not active demand. Rum is still nuinquired for, but price. are without change. a.—APRIL 11. the close of the market. Walleend, &c. 0. l'. Framwellgate lB 0 tietton l9 6 3tcwart's • 19 6 Hough Hall 17 6 south Kelloe 18 6 Birchgrove Graigola 22 0 ISold ... . .... ... 21. COAL MARKS Priem of Coal per ton at s. d. llolywell. . ..... 16 6 Taufield Moor l4 3 Walker Primrose 6 Wallsend, Su: /laden l7 6 Wharneliffe l7 6 Eden Main 18 6 1 Ships at market_ 21 SBABORNE MAILS. (2 , 1 ingrates that the mails are .ent from the General Post °Mei the night—and Mby the morning —despatch.) tmeri ca( by loit.i,t,cl, .;,. Everyffi F,:doanydo.n...* Liverpool c .. Day mien ma ‘.-- ~ • • ' From whit Wnea 0017NTRI.Ei. in General Post- Port AEpril d ng ue ,Rad. : l l - ------ --_— ___ --__ tmerics. fby United Sts packet) , 1 , ,, .• •• ••• - Liverpool &merles. (by U. Sta,,e oacket) .... :, ...f.: •• ••• • • • SOutharunti l. kustralia (via South- . ampton) .... i)itto (via Marseilles) l't, Ditto (via Cape of Goedi jl3d of the moot! - Plymouth .. Hope) •• •• •• •• •• ••241 4. rle3 Wes t C oast) . .• .. tfacertta A. •'Xatvlria..... • •. - .l . 1 8, 4,4 , ti 30 0 ' Dover .... A 1 exandria..........145jth & . 20 th of zmi -ISouthamptool • '&ahamas Brazil ..............mj9th of the month. • South- April 16. BuelloSAyreS•....: .. 31 , 2 th of the :flout, .. South ampto i mist: ui April 16 • 7apo .it fioua Hope ..2C Various Port Uncertai n Cade- of Good Hope .../ :laic de Verdi' ...7' 19th of the moot} Southampton (see InlIa) Ceylon ...... .... „„ ~.t. Channel 151e4..,... !, iMon.,Wed.,&lFri• Southampton Tu•Th.Sat _. Chili.. ................ 'it j2d & 17th"( Mont • Bouthampto China ... coot 4 nstantinople ...... , Itth jTwieo daily .... 'Dover & 200 of mot ,Southamptor; ...... TvricedallY . of Europe M iii I: Egypt (see India) I . ~ France ........ 3a & N ,Tw!ce daily —.•-:: Dover .... . Twicedidly llbraltar ..........m 4,7, 17, 20, 27 : f tr. Southamptot. 4reece (seo Tnfila) . .... Ircytown .......... m 2nd & 17th oT mon Southampton .. Funhurgh ...........N ;Tuesday & Frida,London . lavannah .......... mj2nd of the mortl lSoiatiaraptou 'May 2 17t..1 r 'the month. Southampton 16thotmo IDlland .•..••...•..3' Dal , Y.• • • • • • • •• • • IDover ....... Dalis 20th of mi.n. Plymouth •..4 & 20 111 (via Marseilles i Nt 12thlk 26th of montli Dover .... .. 1 a l,) t ri ta du (v r i t a s So . u . gia . m — pl.;lt;lith ''' mita mien isles (see India: j 7, 17, & 27 of mon D0ver...... , !eland ... ~.. —M & N I rwiee daily ...• .. Hobo head ...ITwieedally ib,,............... !.! i 7,9, 17, & 27 of oi. SouthamptoniApill 17 b o n a .......• ...141 41 of the /nom Southampton :4 ie , sa .... ....... ~.. 23d of month •• • Liverpool ... 't to (see India) 'alts. . , .. .. . ..„. ~s, s. is, & 28 . 91 - 1 - 1111 Dover .0 on .. 4, mo. 20 kuri tins (see ludi n t aurttins ....... . N J I4I J I et the mow! OXICO ........._._ Xf i' 4 ' 1, 4 tho ninr.is o__..__ . ;1410. ijoutl Jade of 000(1 Hope ::mode Verds c10, , 10n (see India) Cey10n....... • •• Channel . Chin. Constantinople o :onstantinople ....... Cont. of Europe M N Egypt (see lnale) France 4lbraltar .......... 4reece (see Ttulla) 4reytown • • ..ht ilunhurgh vonnah .......... M ElDlland El)nduras .... • • . (mho (viaShuthampt.)sl India (via Marseilles ;\t Lillian lees (see India: Ereland N Lisbon .. • • • • • • • . Wadeira .......• q4leira •• sf ta (see India) /iits • • ins (see lnlie Aaurttitis ........ N ,14111 01. the mow! stexioo l'.'! monl, SouthampteniApril 16 ,sthlsth2Sthornsort ;Dover .ißy private of .. Various port NOW . 4rlttlatia 1 21 1 k 17th of montr!Boutharnptol. I Pa il Mate , stlllsth2sthotinnti. Dover ...... Uncertain New tthl7tll27thotion. Oaf(tham pton ( r ). 7 , '` , "7 4 to lath of moit. osnitharnpton ay private ship... Variousairily ports Uneertaill isth I !s th2s tho'm lti.tiover. Tacany .........Nl.St l ifth2sthotinoL. Dover ...... veneztiei , . .... 26 i2dtt 17th of month Southampton 1 & 16 mo n Van Diemen's toknd (se , kastralia) We 3: • ..M 12d Bo 1 7th o I month £ 4 outhamptenl l&lamon BIRTHS. OP e SON. On the 10th inst., at 67, Cbarlwood-street-west, grave-road, the wif e o f M r. W. M. Troll o p e , so li c i tor, of 26. Parliament -street. On the 11th inst., at Clapham-common, the wife of A. T. Hewitt, Esq. 01' A DM:MR=B. Piccadilly, th e On the 11th inst., at 13, Dover-street, wife of H enry Lee, Esq. On the 10th inst , at Amwell, Herts, the wife of Capt. G. G. Randolph, R.N. MARRIED. On tho 28th November, 1855, at St. Peter's Church, and afterwards at the Catholic Church of St. Francis, Mel bo urn e, Australia, Michael Prendergast, Esq., barrister at-law, eldest son of Michael Prendergast, Esq., one of her hfejesty's Counsel, to Jane, youngest dmighter of the late Laurence Cruise Smyth, of Snugboro', in the county of Meath, and Abbeyfeale, in the county of Limerick. Eaq. On the 10th inst., at Fulham Church, Mr. William E. Whitelock, of the Strand, to Maria Ellen, second daugh ter of Mr. Radclyffe, of Frith-street, Soho-square. DIED, On the 10th inst., at 16, Sutton-place, Lower Cla J. B. Duncan, Emi., barrister-at -law, M.A., aged 40. pn On the 10th inst. 52 Mr. Georg e C om f ort, of 92, Fetter lane, Holb orn, aged . On the 9th inst., at Belgrave-terrace, St. John's-wood, Mis. ElivLbeth May, aged 66. On the 9th inst., at Frenchay, near Bristol, General John Greenstreet, 11,E.1.C.5., aged 75. On the 9th inst., at 4, Chandos-street, Cavendish-square, the second son of Dr. Pollock. On the 9th inst., at Winckley-square, Preston, Susanna, the second daughter of the late Henry Fielding, Egq,, aged 62. On the 3d inst., at Southampton, Chas. W. D. Hellyer, of 7, Arundel-terrace, Islington. ....------ LONDON: Printed and Published by MURDO YOU.NO, of No. 112, Strand, Printer,, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, is the amity of Saturday, April 12, 1866. Guild} April, Res, Sir Ge lation a Bill withot perties them 1 Acts had be Sir Ge their i ,two Cr vestiga acquitl tion in high c( dour ti inissior Alth • elate x second • abunda stitute nary fo In 1 prone Central upon tl sions, acconat City Jt Kent, i . come d It was Act the pire s 1 hisbrel Sion; y portion and the eompac , present tion to Notm " the C magisti to have the raa4 men, yi . and ye. are, ho' - by the The] constru COMMiE believe honour: tice of i Notes inereasi ter qual self-gov yet this and She to vest The I of Cons, function ' them fr a Bill la date the the disc The I ration t report, market; and to althoug] under • kets wl The • rnetage which -el chequer has bee] and act: a large from th repeater have col thousan in erecti borrowe wise rai loway, commis: prison This ( properti under tl peer, or as a prit and pros of corpo preambl out corn of grope wait on] tudi Dar ing all c principl This ( and rer speech, effected stitnt io] Commo: ment fo sewers v Jitrisdiel effect o' powers, The the reL have ilk becessar and this With a 1 grass of eiple any the enti AR' a Piston, IL Lauri Mi end Cos Camille, Private Charge. Perform, DB, IdUSEti and mod a Venus, new seri Itnpor tar ture, ani The BE made to The Mu: Lecture! and a ! course o Admissii Valuab T°, S renown %TATE rendere tut log AD E. Ever; FL BEN they cli Buntin Rick prices. Orde Duke-m I ing Binds, it not 1 entire], or app for sta on the Frank Sand I Royal Rotate Plena S' ►" Is a n t onset caelou are pr errors etre :ti • *die hares 01a vl 13 the untori evitat eargai