The Sun. — London, England, 1834-12-23 00:00:00

PRICIiS OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Ana Stock .................».. 223 2 k i i 1 New 5 per Cent — *per Cent. Red 0 1!4 1, 5 1 India Stock shut 3per Cent. Cons —.- .... . shut Ditto Bonds lB 20 pm. 4,4 per Cent. South Sea Stock — Ditto Red. v...99%4% Old Annuities —. New 3% per Cent. ........ shut New Ditto — CAssented — 3 per Cent. Annuities, 1751... 4 per Cen t tDimented — Exch. Bills, .tl,OOO .37 36 38 pra. Bank LongAnnuitiesto expire Ditto .600 36 38 pm ,". Jan. 3, 1860 — Ditto Small 36 38 pm. (let. 10, 1E53 16 13-16 Ditto Commercial - 42 pm. Jan. b, !RM....." Ditto Advertised pm. Jen. 5, 1880 lank Stock for Account — April 5, 1880 lndia Stock for Account 2438 Jan. 5, 1870 • Consols for Opening 024 !fi PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS tustrian Bonds Belgian Bonds Ditto Account eazilian Bonds ....... Ditto Account 78% Buenos Ayres Bonds Ditto Account "'Milian Bands Ditto Account ..... Cot rnbian Bonds. Ditto Account Coturnbisiclierds, 1821 9 Ditto Account 1238 9 Dani.h Bonds !:itto Account Greek Bonds Ditto Bonds, 139:1 ....... -- Date Account Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent t)itt• Account ri per cent. Ditta .Account. Neapolitan THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Peruvian Bonds Dit • Account Portugues•lionds...... ..... Ditto Account Ditto New Bonds 86 Ditto Account 8614%%Mi: Prussian Bonds Ditto Bends, 1822 — aussian Bonds, 181-2 — Ditto Account — Ditto sletalilc ... Spanish ISonds 55 4% 1 4 Ditto Account ...55 1 iM 4i ~ , c ,, , i Ditto Bonds, 1533 — Ditto Account — French, 5 per cent... f. —c. 4 per cent........... —f. —c. 3 per c-nt. —f. —c. Exchange —f. —e. Dutch, 24, per cent. 50% 5 Ditto Account n 4Ti 5 Ditto, 9 per cent 9U%% Ditto Account" 9gN we 42 . 4 PRICES OF SHARES TIIIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK, aid. Aiglo Mexican Minin g Company pg. P g. at 5/. pm.) 100 I:razilian Imperial Mining Co. (Issued at 5/. pm.) 20 D.tto St. John del Rey f:ata Bran a Mining Company . Per share. 71fi MAILS. Arrived. Due. Arrived. Due Arrived. Due, ..- Amerim 0 1 France - 0 u Lisbon 1 li Brazil 6 names Ayres... I 1 Hamburg u • Mexico ..... 1 0 Carthagena. II 0 flollai:d I Oublin Ol I Jamaica 4, Flanders Ol C Leeward Islands 0 1 Waterford....... 0 HIGH. NV t AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW. Morning h minutes :Liter 8. I Evening. minutes after HAMBURG, Nov: 26, 1.834. HEINE, BROTHERS, Contractors, for the Great Lottery, pnblished and drawn by authority and under guarantee of the Hamburg Government, beg to inform the public, that the 65th Lottery of 10,000 Tickets will be drawn on the 13th of March next ; and Tickets arc now selling at 102 marks bane», or 81. The prizes are lof 100,000, lof 50,000, lof 30,000, 1 of 20,000, 1 of 10,000, 2 of 5,000, 4 of 3,000, 7 of 2,000, 20 of 1,000, 40 of 300, and 1,500 of 102 marks, which 1,578 money prizes are altogether stated in marks banco, and payable without any deduction whatever; 4,000 tickets being delivered gratis to theholders of the 2,000 first-drawn tickets, as per scheme; those purchasing *no ticket, at the trifling cost of 81., may obtain three prizes : and thus, if fortune prove favourable, gain 180,000 marks banco, at the present exchange, equal to 13,000/. sterling. Owing to the gratis tickets, the number of tickets en sal. is a very limited one, so that, of course, they will be cleared off very ra pidly, and a rise in price occur very soon. Those desirous to pur chase at the present first price of N., aro requested to direct, by one of the first mails, but only for whole tickets, to the above named contractors, Heine, Brothers, in Hamburg. Those remitting a 10/. note will receive an order for the balance of 21., together with the ticket, by return of mail; en the other hand, those preferring to pay Heine Brothers' draft for the cost, are recommended to pay such draft immediately when presented. A full scheme, and every desirable information, being always sent with the tickets, those giving orders will only have to write a line, ordering the ticket or tickets, adding the money, or an order for the sc:ne, or stating the made of payment that may be more convenient to the orderer, and giving their full and plain directions, to secure the safe receipt of the communications. Those honouring Heine, Brothers, by purchasing, may depend on the strictest secresy, as to their taking a chance or getting a prise; such being the undeviating rale of the old-established and most lucky Office. THE WESTMINSTER REVIEW, No. XLIII. for January, price 4s. will be published on the 31st inst., containing-1. John Hopkins on Political Economy 2. Miss Aikin's Court of Charles 1-3. Toryism in Rome. No. 1, Destruction of Universal Suffrage-4. Votes of Members of the Reformed House-5. Enharmonic Organ-6. Irish Labourers —7. Practice of the Criminal Law of Scotland-8. Effect of En dowments--9. Free Labour in Puerto Rico-10. Germany-11. New House of Commons--12. Process of obtaining Patents-13. Central Criminal Court--14. Algerine Commission-15. Contre Equcte. Par l'Homme aux Quarante Ecus-16. Present Pos ture of Affairs.—Addition to Enharmonic Organ, List of Books, &c. ________lfimpkin and M ars h a ll, S tat i oners ' -court, Ludgate-hill. THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE. THIS EVENING will be presented the Comedy of THE ROAD TO RUIN. Old Dornton, Mr. W. Farren ; Harry Dornton, Mr. Vining; Gold. finch, Mr. Harley; Sulky, Mr. Bartley; Silky, Mr. Blanchard. Widow Warren, Mrs. Glover; Sophia, Miss Taylor; Jenny, Mrs Husby; Mrs. Ledger, Mrs. Broad. After which, the New Interlude, called REFLECTION. Mr. Somerville, Mr. Cooper ; Augustus Villiers, Mr. Brindal. Mrs. St. Aubyn, Miss E. Tree ; Mary, Mrs. Humby. Te conclude with the New Fares, called TAM O'SHANTER. Tam o' Shanter, Mr. W. Farren ; Souter Johnny, Mr. Bartley ; Da: id, Mr. Webster; Roderick Allan, Mr. Brindal. Dame o' Shanter, Mrs. C. Jones; Maggie, Mrs. Fitzwilliam ; Jeannie, Mist, Murray; Mrs. Macklewhee, Mrs. Broad. THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT-GARDEN. THIS EVENING will be presented the Grand Dramatic Poem •f MANFRED. Count Manfred, Mr. Denvil ; Chamois Hunter, Mr. Webster; Abbot of St. Maurice, Mr. Warde ; Manuel and Herman (Dependants on Count Manfred), Mr. Younge and Mr. Duruset ; Arimanes, Mr. Howell. Spi rits and Destinies tributary to his will—Vesper (Spirit of the Air), Miss Poole ; Orcus (Spirit of the Mountains), Mr. W. H. Payne; Thammliz (Spirit of the Waters), Miss Kenneth; Baalim (Spirit of the Storm), Mr. F. Cooke; Nox (Spirit of the Shadow of Night), Mr. Wieland; Omorasdes (Spirit of the Elements), Mr. G. Bennett; Astaroth (Spirit of the Earth), Mr. F. Sutton; Nemesis (Goddess of Vengeance), Mrs. Vining ; Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos (the three Destinies), Miss Lee, Miss Murray, and Mrs. Cheater; the Phantom of Astarte, Miss Clifton; the Witch of the Alps, Miss E. Tree. After which, the Historical Opera of GUSTAVUS THE THIRD; OR, THE MASKED BALL. Gustavus the Third, Mr. Warde ; Colonel Lillienhorn, Mr. Temple ton; Captain Ankarstrom, Mr. Seguin; Oscar, Miss Shirreff; Chris tian Engleheart, Mr. Bedford. Madame Ankarstrom, Miss Betts ; Ar•edson, Mrs. Chester. LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER Ws, We have all along stated our belief that the late change of the Ministry had but one object, namely, to atop the march of Reform. This belief, we are well assured, has been shared by every one who has the amelioration of our national institutions sincerely at heart. Were it possible to rivet the conviction more firmly, that effect has been produced by Sir ROBERT PEEL'S " Address." Of the general c6racter of this ambi-dexter production we have already expressed our opinion. We have described it as a composition, art fully contrived to hide insincerity under the specious and imposing appearance of frankness, and to lull to sleep the well-grounded suspicions of the reformers, by the copious use of a phraseology common to them with their adversaries, but to which each party attaches a very different meaning. We shall now, for the sake of a little amusement, draw the attention of our readers to the manner in which the Right Hon. Baronet handles one or two of his leading topics—first observing, that were there no other criterion by which to judge of the merits of the piece, the raptures into which it has thrown the Tories would be a sufficient reason for every Reformer to look upon it with the greatest distrust. No one can have read this memorable specimen of political shuffling without being surprised at the appa rent alacrity with which the Premier professes to under take "the correction of proved abuses, and the redress of real grivances." To those who are ignorant of his history and eharaeter, this may sound fair and honest. By those who are acquainted with both, but who wish them to be kept out of view, it is extolled as the height of candour and frankness. What more can you desire ? exclaim the sly old Tory stagers. What more can you desire ? grinds the new-toned instrument in Printing House-square. Now we desire, in addition to this, to know what Sir ROBERT means by " abuses" and " grievances," for by his definition of these terms must the question be decided how far he is a Reformer. This information he has not given us directly, for there is nothing direct in his nature; but we have data sufficient to lead us to a just conclusion. Not far from the beginning of his address we find the following statement :—" I say at once that I will not accept power on the condition of declaring myself an apostate from the principles on which I have heretofore acted. At the same time I never will admit that I have been either before or after the Reform Bill, the defender of abuses, or the enemy of judicious reform." This passage will, we think, supply us with a key to unlock the cabinet of precious curiosities. Sir ROBERT says he has not changed his opinions, and that he never defended abuses, nor ever opposed judicious reforms. Does he suppose that the senses of the people of Eng land have been so steeped in forgetfulness, that every trace of the past is banished from their remembrance ? What has the whole course of his political life exhi bited, but an almost uninterrupted struggle to de fend what they considered " proved abuses," and to oppose what they held to be " judicious re forms ?" To sum up a volume in a few words— Who more strenuously defended the rottenness of the boroughmongering system, through all its corrupt ra mifications ? Who more strenuously opposed the Reform Bill, and all the measures arising out of it, Ciat have been introduced into the House of Com mons ? The boroughmongering system was, there fore, not a "proved abuse," and neither the Reform Bill, nor any Reform to which it has led, a " judicious reform," in Sir ROBERT'S acceptation of these terms I His standard of measurement and that of the people will, we apprehend, be found not altogether to accord, and we would therefore humbly recommend that an adjustment take place before the parties proceed to strike the bargain—it may save a world of trouble hereafter. Now, lotus see how the Right Hon. Juggler attempts to trick the people out of Church Reform :—" With re gard," he says, " to alterations in the law which govern our Ecclesiastical Establishment, I have had no recent opportunity of giving that grave consideration to a sub• ject of the deepest interest, which could alone justify me in making any public declaration of opinion." Is this the language of a man who has made up his mind to grant any measure or degree of Church Reform ? Is it not clear from this, that pluralities and non-residence, to say nothing of other nuisances which are destroying the Establishment, are not in the list of Sir ROBERT'S " proved abuses." Would any one even suppose that he had ever heard of such things in his life ? He has not had time, forsooth, to study the subject T It is too deep, too recondite a mystery for an ordinary under standing to fathom. Less than a life-time is a period quite inadequate to decide whether an Ecclesiastic be endowed, ex-officio, with the faculty of übiquity ; and to solve the still more embarrassing problem, whether the stall-fed pluralist should be allowed to fatten at his case, to wallow in affluence and idleness, while the industrious and faithful labourer in the Christian vineyard—the man who bears the heat of the day in his master's service—has not wherewithall to provide food and raiment ? Truly, it is no easy matter to determine whether such a state of things be consistent with the principles of a Church which boasts of her Apostolic origin. Ail 1 Sir ROBERT, Sir ROBERT 1 is not this spinning the thread too fine ? The resignation which Mr. D. W. HARVEY has found it necessary to tender to the electors of Col chester is one of those timely hints which accident sometimes suggests of the machinations of an approach ing enemy. A petty private wrong has often the effect of bringing about a great public good. It is not unlikely that this Tory victory will do much to open the eyes of slumberers : another such might ruin Tory hopes utterly. Mr. HARVEY'S services in the cause of Reform deserved a better return ; but it is for his late consti tuents to reconcile to their own conciences this deser tion from their long-tried friend. Yet after all, per haps, the good people of Colchester ought not to be lashed, for a base abandonment of their honour, in the hour when most its maintenance was wanted. Their defection has been forced ; they are surrounded by Tory snares, and they cannot help themselves ; the Corporate net has entangled them, and, like Sterne's starling—they can't get out. Poor creatures Iwe must pity, not despise them. Can we blame the Tories for maintaining one of those blessed institutions whose very corruptions enable them to exist thus in greater strength ? Rather let us sigh for poor corrupt human nature. With the word independence on their lips, the worthy electors of Colchester, under the Tory yoke, are in as debased a state of vassalage, as their fore fathers were of old, in the times of the Anglo-Saxons. " Let every man (so ran one of their laws) know his team of men, of horses, and oxen." It is by means of some of those. venerable institutions, as handed down to us by our forefathers, that the Tories know their teams of men. How goodly, in Tory eyes, are Corporation team-marks. Mr. HARVEY tells them that a struggle is now open ing, involving this problem—whether the people, as the sole source of political power, shall govern them selves through their freely-chosen organs, or whether this great nation is to live and move at the capricious will of an hereditary Oligarchy? In the degraded state of " villainage" (the old term) which seems to charac terize Colchester, it matters very little perhaps what Mr. HARVEY took the trouble to tell them. But Mr. HARVEY might have gone further with equal safety ; the problem is now in course of solution, and the en suing elections will be the demonstration. The Oligarchy thoroughly despise the people ; they would use them as they use their horses and their oxen —for their own exclusive purposes. Will the country become one large Colchester ? Will the people con sent to be trafficked in, and used, as best beseems the pleasure of a master ? Perhaps their nature is too generous and confiding ; they cannot believe that any wrong, any degrading subjugation, is intended ; the Tories look so kindly upon them, their aspect is so friendly, their words seem so gentle and proper, that they cannot think evil is meditated. Such is the value of coaxing : who has not seen a cunning stable boy, sieve in hand, wandering about a paddock with cautious step, and soothing voice, enticing the lively four-year-old to the concealed halter ; the hypocritical rogue shakes about the oats so invitingly, and his approach seems to have in it so little of alarm, that the animal suffers itself to be caught at last. What is the consequence ? freedom lost, and the spur and the whip just in proportion to the trouble spent in the catching. Just so now come the Oligarchy by their agents, the Tories. Sir ROBERT'S words are shaken up alluringly before the people. Reform is their choice food, and here is a present feed for them, that looks vastly inviting; yet let them but be chirruped on to dip their noses into the measure, and the halter will be about their necks as sure as fate. It will be of no use to wince then ; the more they kick, the tighter will be the curb. They should have retained their liberty while was in their own keeping. We are aware that there is a spirit of trustingness abroad, which leads the cool and dispassionate part of the community to slight the apprehensions of Tory power, which its opponents so energetically proclaim ; to infer that the opposition is unreasonably violent ; to consider th e a l arm as spr i ng i ng f rom exa g gera tion, and the bias of angrypartisanship. It is to such persons that the Liberals now chiefly address themselves ; they are exhorted, because in them do the Tories most con fide for assistance, and from them do they most look for succour in the on-coming struggle. Of such per sons we would ask, have not the Tories already had the " fair trial" they now solicit ? Have they not, thrOugh long years of mismanagement, well nigh ruined the country ? Is our commerce flourishing ? Look to the people—to the middle class tradesmen (not to the princely wealth of a score or two of overgrown capitalists—they are the exception), but look to the mass of the people. Are they not ground down by taxations levied to pay former monstrous extrava gancies, and to be still exacted only to support them in perpetuity ? Look to that disgrace upon the intelligence of the country, the Pension List— that List which was swelled up under Tory power, at a time " when the discretion of the Crown was unfettered by law, and the expression of any opinion on the part of the House of Com mons." Look to our Ecclesiastical Establishment, its magnificent Bishops and squalid curates, and the vile abuses which beset the Church, and all the appoint ments under it. Are the Tories different from what they were ? are not their "principles" the same ?—have they abandoned one iota of their creed ?—are they not "staunch to the back bone ?"—and can they in power do otherwise than what in power was before done by them ? Has. not Parliament, since they lost power, been undoing all they did while it was their's ; and is it likely that they will prove untrue to their own cause if they can again exercise power. The Whigs were disgraced by the people for their slow moving upon Reform questions—is it likely that the Tories ;vill move with more, or as great, celerity ? As con sistent men they cannot, as honest men they dare not maintain office, contrary to the wishes of the people, to whatever prerogative they may be indebted for being placed there. To the people the Tories are odious; many a battle has been fought, and often has the peace of the country been disturbed by the encounters. May the fight about to come on be decisive, and that,it may be so, let everybody come forward with a helping hind : it is of no use to waitand see whether the negro will turn white—a little thinking will show that such can never be, and no fair trial need be given. Let them say at once the thing is impossible, and settle the matter for ever We are assured that a letter is in town from Madame MINA, written by the desire of the General, confirm ing the news of the victory obtained by him, and stating that the whole of the country expressed the greatest enthusiasm on the defeat of the Carlists. The Paris Papers of Sunday have been received, from which we learn that the Court of Peers is resolved to make an example of all who are implicated in the political intrigues of April. To silence the insolent clamours of the press and people, the Court, on Friday last, modestly voted itself competent to try, convict, condemn, and punish, by the infliction of every penalty allowed by law, all persons accused of conspiring against the established Government, and reigning dynasty of France. At the time of moving this con stitutional vote, there were present one hundred and forty-three Members, of whom only five voted the Court incompetent. Thus a Star Chamber is esta blished in France. The people are no longer subject to trial by their Peers or equals, but by an assembly which is above all law, and which may at its own option dispense with all the legal forms observed in the established Courts o Justice. It is of no consequence that the Court nominally confines its jurisdiction to crimes of conspi racy ; in France every brawl may be made out high treason. The police understand these things. Let it only be whispered in certain ears that the Government would gladly rid itself of a troublesome Editor, or any other political character, less remarkable for prudence than honest frankness, and the saucy intermeddling adder in the walks of Royalty shall have his head bruised by the potent heel of the Peerage. In a word, France is now governed by an absolute KING, who Las merely to issue his commands to the Peers, and they will be obeyed, relate they to what they m ay. By order of the Court of Peers several new arrests have taken place in Lyons, and several members of that tribunal have declared that they will not cease to pu nish, till they shall have purged France. It remains to be seen whether the people of France will submit to the domination of this self-constituted Court. We shall hear more about it ere long. The present Go vernment of France is better adapted for the meridian of Barbary than any other country we know of ; and judging from the past, Europe would not go into mourning were its illustrious head to prefer a rural residence near Algiers, to the occupancy of a palace on the banks of the Seine, even were he ac companied in his exile by two thirds of the members of the new Star Chamber. The other accounts furnished by these Journals are not important. On Saturday the Chamber of Depu ties rejected a motion for granting M. DUPIN, the President, a salary for the period during which there had been a prorogation of the Chamber. The Papers state that a regard for economy had nothing to do with this vote, the object of the Chamber being to mark its dissatisfaction with some recent proceedings on the pact of the President. Our readers will bear in mind that M. DUPIN opposed the present Administration. This is the real secret of the vote. The meeting of Cortes' bondholders, adjourned to yesterday, has terminated by a compromise of the points at issue between them and the Spanish Govern ment, the creditors, in effect, signifying their acquies cence in the terms proposed. What chiefly conduced to this more favourable feeling, compared with the last meeting, was the explanation furnished by M. Jabat, during the interview with the Committee, a n d i t ap peared, further, that it is intended the first dividend on the converted stock shall be paid in May next. M. Zulueta, a Spanish merchant, is the gentleman appointed by the Government to reside over t h e commission for conv er ti ng t h e Cortes' bonds, and the other deseriptions of Spanish securities, into the new stock. The consequence of all this is, that the Com mittee of the Stock Exchange, the assent of the English creditors being thus officially declared, will now rescind their resolution against the admission of any new descriptions of Spanish stock to quotation in the official list. Thus this important question has at last been disposed of, after a struggle of eleven years. The greatest praise is due both to the Committee of the Bondholders and that of the Stock-Exchange, for the upright and consistent manner in which they have at all times throughout the struggle upheld the inte rests of the bondholders, never suffering party interests to shake their determination, or any personal advantage I to influence th e i r conduct. The General Steam Navigation Company's mail meket, the Columbine, from Hamburg, arrived off the Custom louse yesterday, at four o'clock F.M. COURT OF EXCHEQUER. -(THIS DAY). DICAS V. LAWSON. The pleadings having been opened by Mr. PETERSDORF, Mr. LEE stated the case. He said the action was brought against the proprietors of the Times, for three libels upon the plaintiff, an attorney, of thirty years' standing. The first was contained in the Times of the 4th Dec., 1833. The Jury might remember that the plaintiff in that month had an action against the late Lord Chancellor. The libel complained of was in the shape of a letter, purporting to be from one of the Clerks in the Secretary of Bankrupts' Office, denying all the statements made by Mr. Dicas' Counsel upon the occasion of that trial. In consequence of that letter, Mr. Dicas thought it right to write to the editor of the Times, first of all denying that he had ever brought 84 actions against the sellers of newspapers, and then denying every statement contained in the letter from the Secretary of Bankrupts' Office. Every one would at once expect that that letter would have been inserted, so that the antidote might be as widely circulated as the poison. That was not done; but another libel was circulated upon the occasion. In the paper of the 9th Dec. appeared a " Notice to Correspondents," which stated that they had received a letter from Dicas, &c. " He cannot spell his mother tongue, having spelled fallacious with only one L." They concluded by stating that " the latter paragraph con soled them for being compelled to read one of Dicas' letters." The next was contained in the publication of the 11th of the same month, and purported to be a letter from a lawyer, which contained amongst other things, the expression of " dirty work," applied to the then late action of Dicas v. the Lord Chancellor; and further stated that he (the plaintiff) was not kept in prison upon the order of the Chancellor, but from the operation of the Insolvent Laws. The Jury could not for a moment doubt but these were libels, and he was instructed by the plaintiff to say that he did not wish for damages, but merely to put a stop to the persecutions of the press. The publications were admitted and put in. The alleged libels were read, as well as several letters from Dicas to the Editor of the Times. Frederick James Williamson, a clerk to the plaintiff, proved that Dicas was admitted a Solicitor in 1803. Cross-examined by Sir JOHN CAMPBELL—Had been in the employ of Dicas for seven months. Dicas had brought only six actions for defamation in that time. Had never heard him say how many actions he had brought against Counsel. Knew that he had brought an action against him ( Sir J. C.) under the advice of Counsel.—( Laughter.) It was withdrawn, as well as one against Mr. Thessiger. It was not likely that they ever would be tried. Had never heard Dicas say that he had been twice a bankrupt, or that he had written to the Lord Chancellor for money. Had never heard him say anything about his practice in Stockport, or Holywell, or Manchester, or of his being imprisoned in Lancaster Castle. Was present at the trial of Dicas against Bengough, when there was a ver dict for the defendant, also at the trial of Dicas and Lawson, when there was a verdict for the defendant again. He knew of one farthing that he had got from a jury.—( Laughter. ) Napoleon Aldridge, clerk in the Master's office of King's Bench, proved that the plaintiff was admitted as an attorney in 1803. The clerks of the Common Pleas and Exchequer proved his admission to these Courts. The Right Hon. Lord Brougham was then called upon his subpoena but did not appear. Thomas Barnes, the editor of the Times was also called in like manner ; he was also absent. These ceremonies created much laughter. Williamson, the clerk, proved the application of the libels to the plaintiff. Cross-examined—He was not aware that he wbuld be called till he was put in the box. Lord Brougham was to have proved the inuendos—that was all that was to be required of him. Sir JOHN CAMPBELL then rose to reply. He said if the Jury bed never before heard the name of Dices, they had that day seen that he was a man destitute of anything like the common Proprieties of life. Let them only mark the manner in which he had treated an illustrious nobleman late at the head of the iaw. For the purpose of disgracing him in the eyes of the public, he had caused that illustrious nobleman to be called by the officer of the Court upon a subpwna, and that without offering the slightest evidence that it had ever been served. The intention was clear, because the plaintiff well knew that the Noble Lord was hundreds of miles from that place—his intention was to disgrace him by making it appear that lie had fled from and disobeyed the subpoena of his Majesty. Let them also look at what it was the Noble Lord was called to prove— merely that which had been done by a paltry clerk who had known the plaintiff only seven months. Taking that alone as a specimen of his character, he would ask whether it was possible to lower it in the opinion of any one. He subpoena's the man who held the Great Seals—he would keep him dancing attendance here for the purpose of proving that these alleged libels apply to John Dicas, gentleman, while the business of his own Court was to stand still, and the public time be wasted. Was it not strange that Mr. Lee should be instructed to say, that that action was brought for the mere pur nose of saving the plaintiff's character, while not even one witness was called, to show that by the loss of it he would be the greatest gainer. It was clear to him ( Sir J. C.), that nothing that could be said of him could possibly make him worse ; that he had not called one witness who could tell them whether he had ever been an inmate of Lancaster Castle, and if so, through what honest means he had become so. He was glad to see some signs of returning shame, for he had struck out of the declaration a passage, wherein he had said that he had carried on his business with reputation. Mr. LEE objected to that line of argument. Sir J. CamrnaLt.--Well, then, I am at liberty to say this, that he does not now dare to say, as on former occasions, that he does carry on his business with reputation. After some allusions to the difference in law between written and oral slander, the Learned Counsel went on to say that costs were the pabulum upon which a certain kind of vermin fed—vermin of the most loathsome description, and he trusted that the day was not far distant when the law would be altered, so that when a Jury thought no damage had been done to a man's character by giving a farthing or other small damages, the infliction of costs would not be put upon the defendant. The plaintiff sits down in the morning, looks over the news papers, and if he sees a paragraph with the word " Dices," he cries " Hurrah 1 an action. I shall get a farthing damages, and pocket the costs." Let me examine these alleged libels, and ask whether it was the intention of the writers to injure Mr. Dicas, or to do him a service. Mr. Walters' main ques tion, after reading the first of these libels, is amusing. He asks---" Is this all 2 " And so he may ; for it is impossible to discover wherein the libel lies. The Learned Advocate pro ceeded to read the second paragraph complained of, in which Mr. Dices is accused of spelling wrong the word fallacious. This paragraph was amusingly commented on by the Learned Gentleman. He said, no doubt Mr. Dices is well acquainted with the word fallacious, and not only with the English word, but that from which it is derived, falo, &c.--I deceive, I de ceived, and I will deceive—and besides, it is not very libellous to accuse a man of being a bad orthographer. Many great men have not been able to spell correctly. Marlborough could not spell, and Napoleon, who had been in almost as many actions as Mr. Dices, could not spell! The Learned Advocate proceeded to shew that the publication of the whole of the letter, of the suppression of part of which Mr. Dices complained, would have subjected the defendants to an action by the proprietors of the Satirist. In that part of the letter which was suppressed, the proprietor of that jcurnal was called ironically a veracious and respectable gentleman. With regard to the third article complained of, he contended that it was nothing but a fair comment on the conduct of the plaintiff in bringing his action against the Lord Chancellor ; and, in conclusion, he emphatically observed, that no threat of an action on the part of Mr. Dicas would prevent him ( Sir John) from doing his duty to his client. In summing up, Mr. Baron PARKE said that the Jury had to decide with regard to the first publication, whether or not there was any thing which would lead to the conclusion that the defendant was insolvent. He had much difficulty when he read the passage first, to discover what was complained of, and nothing which had been brought forward during the proceed ings had removed that difficulty. With regard to the second publication, they had to decide whether or not the assertion, that Mr. Dices was not acquainted with the orthography of his mother tongue was injurious to Mr. Dicas' character, and whether the Times was not justified in suppressing those parts of Mr. Dices' letter which would have exposed them to actions for damages. If they found the first to be the case, they would then have to judge whether or not it was a fair comment on a letter which, by writing it for publication, Mr. Dices had made public pro. perty. With regard to the third publication, he was bound in point of law to state that nothing had appeared in evidence to chew that the defendants were justified,from what had taken place on the trial Dicas v. the Lord Chancellor, in imputing insolvency to Mr. Dicas, and asserting that he had written to the Lord Chan cellor to extort money from him by offering to prevent the trial from taking place. In the record of the trial referred to, it did not appear that these circumstances were brought for ward in evidence, and the defendants had not, therefore, any right to make them public. He was bound in point of law to say, that the Jury should give the plaintiff a verdict, and damages on this issue, but to what amount, after what they had heard, they would be able to determine. The Jury consulted for a few moments, and returned a ver dict for the defendants on all the three issues. . ‘ -A:-• •• - V4'' 1.44,...-t'ti • A2 - : - r - s•-• - • , - . s.i . • ~;,. - - cw.• _ T 3, -.'' . ~. _,... . . ,A P. 62,...` -ter f T iiv 1 1 / 4 ,, •• .-•• ..... 1116.14 • --.-.. k - . ~.. -r.*are oi k - -..A.L---....,_..„.....,i_:!,.;.... ..,..y .... • r.,.,.. - ' - ' 7 75: .. ' ,:::.,:: • . EU ..zivix. VIE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1834. THE FUNDS.-CLOSING PRICES. BRITISH Bank Stook 2241: 3 per Ce:,t Red 9iN, 3 per Cent Cons — :; 2 per Cent. 34; per Ce:it. Red 991.4 New 3'4 per Cent IfiOx i 4 per Cent. Assented Dissented — Long Annuities to expire Jan. 11 , 40 1 7 1-16 Oct 185:) Jan. 1860 — FUNDS. India Stock Ditto Bonds op pro South Sea Stock Ditto Old Annuities Ditto New Annuities Ex. Bills, 10.1 /.... ..... f;fi I , itto 500/ '3B no. Ditto 50 , 1 33 pm. Bank Stock for Act. India Stock for Opg. Consols for Op' 'VA 1. °REIGN FUNDS. I Portuguese Bonds, 5 per cent. Ditto, New Ditto 135% Prussian, 5 per cent. Russian Bonds, 5 per cent. Ditto, Metallic Spanish. 5 per cent 54% Ditto, 1823 — French, 5 per cent Exchange French, 3 per cent Dutch, 2 , percent. — Ditto. S per cent . . L'9% Austrian, 5 per cent — Belgian, 5 per cent — Brazilian Bonds Buenos Ayres, 6 per cent - Chilian, 6 per cent —, Columbian, 6 per cent ... — Ditto, MI I :11 Danis - h -- 7614 1 Gree', Bonds, 18:25.5 per tent. i !‘ ) l i e t x t, i ) c , a r , 825 5 . pr pe ce r i c it en , t l . ...... ....... 4 - 2% Peruvian, 6 per cent ..... . ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET.—The market on Monday was again very dull, as it usually is about Christ mas ; yet rather more busin'es s was done than on the previous Monday, especially in fine qualities. Prices were the same as last week.—Manchester (ivardian. LITERATURE. THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER. BY TRH Rev. JOHN VENEER, LITE RECTOR OF ST. AN- DREW'S, CHICHESTER. Embellished with Engravings. London. Kelly, Paternoster-row. 1834. Most cordially do we recommend this edition of the Book of Common Prayer, which we trust will find its way into the hands of every Member of the Esta blished Church. The engravings with which it is em bellished are very beautiful, and we rejoice to find that our best Divines are not averse to their introduction in such a work. Surely it was a dark and mistaken piety which first led to the banishment of all traces of the Fine Arts in the service of the altar ; and very happy are we to observe that the Church begins to entertain this opinion. Nothing , is bad because it has been abused ; and with re gard to engravings in prayer books, the time is past when they could have been dangerous. Even an illuminated missal would be now a very innocent temptation to the worship of created beings. Besides the engravings, which are very numerous, and very beautiful, this edition of the book of Common Prayer is enriched with a variety of notes, and a concise history of the Liturgy, which renders it invaluable to young persons. The notes have been carefully selected from the works of the most approved Ecclesiastical writers. THE COMIC KEEPSAKE. EDITED IND ILLUSTRATED BY .ALFRED CROWQUILL, ESQ . London : F. J. Mason, West Strand. A capital companion for the Christmas log and the jug of nut-brown ale, which herald the gay festivities of the " twelve days." Most of the embellishments are full of humour, and the letter-press is one great pun from beginning to end. " The discovery of the Pole," representing an unfortunate old gentleman, whose hat and wig prefer going with the wind—" a match, with a little brimstone," in which a poor fellow appears undergoing some wholesome chastisement, in flicted by his wife—" northern expedition," or a Laplander pursued by a bear"—" raising his mother's spirit," or a young rogue drinking out a bottle over his mother, who appears to have been before-hand with him in the work of elevation—are all excellent. " Giving the first blow," blowing a penny trumpet, is equally good. " Waiting for a chop," is not quite so laughable an affair. The headman with his axe gives one an uncom f or t a bl e feeling. The other em bellishments are not quite so much to our taste ; we think the artist might have taken more pains with se'veral of them, which are in truth not so carefully executed as they ought to be. Some of the rhymes are as rich in humour as if Porson had strung them. THE HISTORICAL KEEPSAKE. A. Series of Original Historical Romances, .founded on im portant and interesting events in British History. Lon don : F. J. Mason, West Strand. A very handsome Christmas present for good boys and girls. The volume is embellished with fifteen very fair engravings : some of them from original de signs, and others from paintings of the old English masters. The stories are well to!d, and the subject of them is always interesting. We know of no prettier school-book. A JOURNEY THROUGHOUT IRELAND, During the Spring, Summer, and Autumn, of 1834. BY HENRY D. INGLIS. London. Whittaker and Go., Ave Maria-lane. We never read a truer, a more impartial, or a more valuable work on Ireland than this. It can hardly be said to be interesting in the common sense of that word. It is neither so luxuriant in description, co pious in expression, rich in anecdote, or graphic in detail, as some previous works by the same author ; and yet we are persuaded it will be read with all the avidity of a fairy tale. Hi s so l e a i m was to tell thc truth in plain, intelligible, unostentatious language ; and it is but justice to say that he has been pre-emi nently successful. Those who take up this work in expectation of finding it a superior description of Road-book, or an improved edition of Ledwich's Irish Antiquities, will be greatly disappointed. Its excellence—its interest—its utility---will be found in the correct view which it presents of the present state of Ireland, without a shade of the colouring of party, and with the absence of every prejudice which blinds men to the excellence or the defects of those among whom they sojourn. We confess we felt surprised, and very agreeably so, at most of the conclusions to which Mr. Inglis arrived, from what he witnessed and learned in Ireland. There is hardly an evil which afflicts that unhappy country which he has not traced to its real proper source, and pointed out the most effectual means for its removal. He conceals nothing ; and many of the Irish landlords, and clergy of every religious persuasion, have reason to thank him for the celebrity he has obtained for them. Others, again, have not been so fortunate : he has fixed a mark upon them, of which they will find it troublesome to rid themselves. The Archbishop of Cashel, and the Parish Priest of Cahir, are among the latter. A pre late who " is universally disliked, even by those depend ent upon him, and of the same religious persuasion" who " does no good;" and a priest who "refuses admittance to the celebration of Divine worship on the Sabbath to all who cannot contribute money," and who did " strike a man with his stick several times, and knock the hat off his head," for merely passing the chapel gate with out giving what he did not possess--an offering in coin, are both richly deserving of exposure. Of the Archbishop of Atmagh Mr. Inglis speaks in very different terms. His Grace, he states, is a pattern of charity to the clergy of his diocese, supporting at his own expense a fever hospital, and otherwise—ex pending his entire income among those from whom he derives it. There is something unnatural in discover ing that many of the best Irish landlords are English absentees, as Lord Lansdowne, Lord Pal merston, the Duke of Devonshire, Lord Stanley, &c. ; whereas, some of the worst landlords are noblemen on whom Ireland and her poor have strong claims, as Lord Limerick, Lord Donoughmore, &c. In most of the large inland towns Mr. Inglis found on an average, about one-twelfth of the population who could not obtain employment of any kind ; and of those in constant work the average wages throughout the year without food, was eight-pence a day, for the sup port of the labourer and his family I In some places four-pence a day would be thankfully received, but there was no employment to be had even at that rate Mr. Inglis attributes a very small share of the misery which he witnessed in Ireland to voluntary idleness among the labouring classes. He found them every where willing to work, when they could find work to do, even at the very lowest pittance of wages ; and in all districts where work of any kind was to be obtained, he found them peaceable, comfortable, industri ous, and without any part of that display of family feud, and religious rancour, which have so long been the disgrace of Ireland. The main — cause of the evils which afflict Ireland is want of employment for the poor ; and the only way by which employment can be obtained, is by the esta blishment of a wholesome system of Poor Laws. Mr. Inglis is of opinion that in the event of every system of such laws being repudiated by the legislature, a remedy might be found in making parliamentary grants for the drainage of . bogs, the cutting of canals, and the cultivation of waste lands. This remedy would be very partial indeed. The women and children could not earn any thing by the mere drainage of bogs, and as for the poor artizaas in town unused to such work, they would be starved before the brisk ness of trade consequent upon such improvement s would extend to them its benign influence. The only efl - ctual means of removing the whole mass of misery is b: a system of Poor Laws. And here it may b e necessary to m a k e one o b servat i on, f or t h e purpos e °'c removing an apparent discrepancy between our ad' vocacy of a poor law for Ireland, and our support °f the English Poor Law Amendment Bill.—Without 3 poor law it is almost impossible ever to establish ma' nufactures in an agricultural country. The Aris" tocracy both fear and despise commerce, and will not encourage it when they can safely avcid it. Now, th e moment the poor have a legal claim for support on the soil, it becomes the interest of landlords to provide them with work. No Noble Lord will feed a thousand of his tenantry for going idle, if 11 the outlay of a few thousands of pounds he el put them in a wa y o f support i ng t h emse l ves , and doubling his rent-roll at the same time. His firs t study will be to establish some branch of manufactme c i suited to the soil an d s it ua ti on o f hi s proper ty, and capable of giving work to the young and old on his estates. Every stream that can turn a mill will be turned to sonic account—every mine that can 1 1 worked to advantage will be opened—and every eat' that can abridge distance and curtail expense in th e removal of the produce of labour, will be cleansed, widened, and repaired. So far Poor Laws are blessing, and a necessary one, to the peasantry of a° -agricultural country. But from the day in whic h manufactures are completely established, a compulsory system of Poor Laws become as potent for evil as i t was before for good. As much has then been don e for the poor, a 3 can be done for them without undoing all that was done before. The State coach is then 14 the top of the hill, and it is not a propelling power , but a drag, that is required to keep it from overturning in the descent. This view of the subject of Poor Love is, as far as we know, original ; but we think not on that account the less worthy of the consideration of the Legislature. In the last chapter but one of this work, Mr. Ingli s has a very valuable disquisition on the inquiries prose' cuted by the Poor Law Commissioners in Ireland. A 5 he was furnished with a list of the printed queries, 11e has drawn up a report, which we presume to think 15 as worthy of the consideration of the Government 0 any which shall be presented by the Parliamentary Coin' tnissioners. We give it entire, and recommend it t° the attention of the ensuing House of Commons " I, Henry David Inglis, acting under no superior orde r° „! holding no Government comm i ssion ; w ith no en d to 5 01 '; and no party to please ; hoping for no patronage, and fearinb j ro censure ; and with no view, other than the establishment t ti truth, having just completed a journey throughout Ireland, and having minutely examined, and inquired into, the con°, l : tion of the people of that c oun t r y, d o h um bly repor t t hat t° l ; destitute, infirm, and aged, form a large b o dy o f th e populati on of the cities, towns, and villages of Ireland : that in the judg ; :Went of those best qualified to know the t ru th, three-four th pai is of their number die through the effects of destitution; tither by the decay of nature, accelerated, or through diset s e induced, by scanty, and unwholesome food,—or else by t' attack of epidemics, rendered more fatal from the same causes; That the present condition of this large class is shocking foe humanity to contemplate, and beyond the efforts of poc a 'a beneficence to relieve ; and is a reproach to any civilized a lt o , christian country. That the individuals, w h ose c h a rity P r o f longs for a little the existence of these miserable o bjects , o their compassion, are not the individu a ls th roug hout t' country, whose improvidence, harshn es s, sor did ness , a nd II; beet, have contributed to swell th e mass o f pauperism,--nd those who possess the chief p ro p er ty i n th e t owns ,— no r th n se " who are the best able to help th e i n di gen t : an d t h a t, in t he ,. circumstances, it becomes an imperative and a sacred cliMi' te , alike urgent by the de m a n d s o f humanity, a n d th e ran o , merits of religion, to provide by legislative enactment, for 0 4 support, on equitable principles, of the aged, impotent, infirm poor of Ireland. " That the condition of the agricultural labourers thr0 ,1 1, 6 out Ireland, is scarcely less deplorable than that of the CI P : o ., to which I have just all u d e d. Th a t th e su pply of labour calculably exceeds the demand for it ; that but a very sin t , proportion of this class are able to find constant employmen that a large p ro p or ti on are unemployed during one half of th; whole year : th a t t h e wages of labour, even to those w ho er e fully employed, do not afford the means of healthy subsist ence : that almost the whole of this class live on the ve r y a verge of starvation ; and that thereby hourly. additions 8 1; made to the ranks of impotent pauperism : that neither w t : power nor the will of private individuals to give employine u n iy is able in any degree to arrest this progress, or change ,„ condition: that an unemployed population is dangerous to,teoa peace of a State ; and that the pow e r of re stl e ss or vc . c, K eiv men to inflame the passions of the people, is derived s°', e , h e from the condition in w hi c h th a t p eop l e are pl ace d : that _l ose disorders of Ireland are not owing to Popery, since in ti t 0 4 districts where the people find employm e nt, Catholic 3.„.0 Protestant are alike comfortable ; while in those whcrc,t,P e people are unemployed, Protestant and C a tholic are o .c is v miserable : th a t th e diso r d ers o f I re l an d are no t in any g i s , degree the result of absenteeism ; since, with few excePt ° , o -, it is impossible to guess, by the conditi on o f the peoa n .` ol , whether the landlord be resident or absent. That absenteet4 in so far as it is an evil, is but a result of more imPerr i ;, causes of evil : that the real, and only true so u rce of the ' v . orders of Ireland, is want of employment : f or a lthough disturbed state of the country acts injuriously u pon the in ce ! e h ment of capital, and upon residence, this is itself but a re', he of want of employment fo r the people : an d a lthougli b ir eee rack-rents of Ireland produce incalculabl e misery, to originate also in want of empl o y men t,—th e on ly cause 0. _ competition for land, which places the power o f oppression d, the hands of its owners. Th a t milli ons o f acre s in Ire l uic h are reclaimable by the agency of those very materials in Ireland the most abounds—human labour, and limestone of that since such is the condition of the lahouring classes t is Ireland, and such the means of improving th a t condition, it the duty of Government to en coura ge th e cu ltiv a tion of w oe lands, and the improvem en t o f husbandry, by such eaten to public works, as will facilitate this end, and as will, h' f i r e meanwhile, give employment to the people; and, that in to event of the landowners of Ireland neglecting or delaYiligter take advantage of these facilities, by reason o f want of er, t he prise or want of capital, it w ill th en b ecome th e duty 0 . r , State to take upon itself the right of operating upon div e , claimable wastes of Ireland—fair comp e n s ati o n being gig, and to colonize those wastes for the benefit of the people- to Before we take leave of this work, we anain beg recommend it to the attention of all those who %Nis'll to be made acquainted with the real state of IrelW icl. We do not express an opinion of its merits, resting f e it the rumours which prevail in the metropolis of th, United Kinadom. We know Ireland and her poP well—quite as well as Mr. Inglis ; and our knosviedge is founded on experience, fully equal to what lie has had during his journey. CAMBRIDGE ELECTION. foun d CAMBRIDGE, DEC. 22.—The Tories have at lettgth f °t ljr. champion in the shape of a W e lsh B arr ister, nam" no d KNIGHT. By way of a paradox to his name, wevvec°t t he him by torch-light. In his speech he declaims *en: t he Whigs, but never expressly s t a t es w h e ther he belle ve° Fje country at large (even the Tories) are of his oPin i°ll ; t er, I will resume hi s canvass t o - morrow , and being a barri. r u l er hope we shall h ave some thi ng more l um i nous in hi ° acquaintance. PORTSMOUTH, DEC. 22. We are all alive here electioneering. Vice-Admiral d Charles Rowley, K.C.8., a L or d o f the Ad:niralty, Arn.v.cd Groom of th e Ch am b er , i n f u lfil men t o f his orders , . r d i by here to-d a y to take the town by storm ;he was r eceive half the Navy List of Half-pay Officers, all expecting P :c> d i s te tion or appointments, and having promised an iree l f leis change of Naval uniform, the tailors to a man were ;k in the train. Previous to his c om mencement, something 1.--e ((Aiming bill had been issued:— Dec- 9 ' 2 " " Rowley's Committee - room , Gentlemen,—Sir Robert Peel has told you a long you - - • • - Y you s hoe d of course, it must be all right, and all that it is needful yo: , bat know. I therefore desire you to read it, and unde rstand say—ditto! ditto! ditto ! " Yours, as you be behave, " C. ROWLEY, • w e, Joking aside, the Gallant " A Lord of the Admiralty, and there,, if there are any--all the Dock-yard, few voters as they haver" t right,iffi c e a r Member t m o b o e l r a f t o e r . P o A r tisinatorth it . at, , number—all the Half-pay, devoid of votes as they are --811 t a ' tailors, apostates as they may be—all the Tories, furious vs they show themselves, cannot succeed. Like his friend Da"sc fol l the Secretary of the Admiralty, who is already defeated _ Devonport, Sir Charles will be in the rear. For himself, too regret this ; he is a gentlemanly, brave fellow, but a little Ili': much of the quarter-deck for a Member of Parliament : a i l still more, unfortunately, he has taken the wrong course On u commencement of a political life at 70 years of age• ~ pal- Curteis and Baring are secure for the b orou g h, as sr- b merston and Staunton for the county. Hector, a thorouf,'. Reformer, will succeed at Petersfield. ~•. ~_ Il it GR Lc for t h e pu %very gen ., TheCF Tends re bemseive 1 r• ST nts recei Mr F r 'kted . the Ref 44AA on n sil l hbl ive2; to Am id rr (11 1 g : 01 ; ) groll/ CI