The Sun. — London, England, 1831-07-06 00:00:00

e Bill. What Lye a constitu he country at the qualifica were long or That was the The object if the people ; )f God. For rking its way, the civilized ,n the subject, accident ; but wing and uni ; the present ;ensive system apprehension. its of power; additional mo igher the pri d they became which they anxious were h they would by the oppo- The respon iine of society afety valve to r.—(Hear.) to a measure threatened the the poor and right ? Why -er classes to Jy of the corn d as if it had England had ery thing had e name of his ed in further he King, the rds which had g the people. ike they must, not only that hem were fal had,been pro hey and their st privileges by their fore gn a tried, ad )nary, and pe- examine what rplicable to the ich, if it were ;ainst Reform. is property— fundbolder, or ar, hear.) It ; and if it he man in order ik up the very is measure be ranchise is not refore, to give . at the earliest e franchise be Eed upon the and robbery. gn of Henry rider, and the intro:luced by e merit or de -1 the best and never treated : of all the (k -ook under the it Henry Vane ag Parliament Clarendon de ing ought to n. Lord Oa s, who leaned questions, be made by a tints. This, hod ; this that Cromwell at civil war, and .re now called et peace, and undisputed as The only eir ad Clarendon, we find in the bear.) [After Hand and lie )s. freeholders, f the elective were most. ea- For the sake of all other in knowledge and hear the sane-. at which is not th the institu perty will con far, hear.) If together, take Hear, hear.)...- hieh we heard stake nor,. .7 1 M‘ unable baronet he Act of 1829 5. freeholders of equally urgent,, awever, beware of property 'on . dering the elec.; - r to discuss and nt at the pre.. mber here paid rech last night, with the French order to shew without founda e analogy, and ce are alike. I en remotely re rolutionary par malogy between 'amber of Peers —as a kind of nothing in the France which d no root in not give the —( Hear, hear.) ;ument against flow great, itnw admired OfJan ; will you then many and auch that England'i!‘ as far from-de• tryins that she owes much of her greatness arid prosperity to the form of- ber Government ; but government and so ciety are cause and effect—they re-act on each other. No doubt the Government of the Czar Peter did much fo' Russia; hut would it be an argument against giving het free institutions, that despotism had procured her civiliza• tion ?.—(Much cheering.) The whole of history show, that all great revolutions have been produced by a dis proportion between society and its institutions ; for while society has grown, its institutions have not kept pace and accommodated themselves to the improvements. Whet, we are told of the admiration of distinguished fo reigners of all ages for the Constitution of Eng• land, it seems to he thought that their applause has been bestowed upon the SAM institutions which, in the lapse of eenturies,have undergone no change. Phillip de Commines said that the English were the test governed people of the world, and when Montesquieu gave them the same praise were both writers speaking of the same institu tions? Certainly not. The history of England is the history of a succession of Reforms; and the very reason that the people of England are great and happy is, that their history is the history of Reform.—( Ile rt., hear). The great Charter, the first Assembly of Parliament, the Peti tion of Right, the Revolution, and, lastly, this great mea sure—(Cheering and counter cheering from both sides), — are a:I proofs of my position—are all progressive stages in the progress of society ; and I am tully convinced that every argument urged against the step we are now called upon to take might have been advanced with equal justice against any of the other changes I have enumerated,— (Cheers). It is the principle of " Hume's History," as every body knows, that the Stuarts governed better than the Tudors ; but suppose any man had risen in the Con vention Parli orient and said; " How great and happy we are—we have ten thnts as many inhabitants, and merchants ten tittatsl is wealthy as under the Tudors : we have been angst admirably governed--we are not slaves under the Dey of Tripoli, but free subjects of a generous Monarch, and why should we change?" The answer is plain If we had been the slaves of the Dey of Tripoli, we should not have known better, but the change in our situations bas educated us for improvements in our institutions.— (Hear, hears) At the present moment we everywhere see society outgrowing our institutions. Wherever we turn our eyes we behold a nation great and civilized—with a soil cultivated to a degree of fertility unknown to other countries—with the perfection of all discoveries in physi cal science, to promote the conveniences of life—standing pre-eminent above the civilized world in everything that depends upon the skill and intelligence of individuals, or combinations of individuals—and yet, with laws and institutions that little command the respect and ad miration of mankind. Our roads, our bridges, our steam-engines, our manufactures, our modes of con veyance, our demand for labour, and our rewards of ingenuity, surpass those of any nation in the ancient or modern world, and extort the admiration of rival States ; but, let me ask, are foreigners equally sTuck with the excellence of our legislative enactments—with the modes of conveying land or of conducting actions—and with a Penal Code that seems purposely contrived to puzzle and ensnare.—(Hear, hear.) These are matters in which the legislature has shown its skill, as our manufacturers have shown theirs, but with a far different result. Let us contrast our commerce, wealth, and perfect civilization, with our Penal Laws—at once barbarous and inefficient— the preposterous fictions of pleading—the mummery of fines and recoveries—the chaos of precedents, and the bot tomless pit of Chancery.— (Tumultuous cheering.) Here we see the barbarism of the thirteenth century coupled with the civilization of the nineteenth, and we see too, that the barbarism belongs to the Government, and the civili zation to the people.—(Cheers.) Then I say, that this incongruous state of things cannot continue ; and if we do not terminate it with wisdom, ere long we shall find it ended by tyranny. Because I think we have arrived at the point when a change is both wise and necessary, I sup port this Bill with heart and soul ; and I shall be proud to the last hour of my life, of the part I have been able to take in this great act of reconciliation between the state of society and the condition of its institutions. We were told in the last Parliament that this is not the Reform for which the people petitioned ; and if it be not, looking at the manner in which it has been received, nothing can prove more decisively the blest effect of seasonable eon cession.—(Loud cheers.) Never was there so signal an example of that wise policy which conducts the great re volutions of public opinion to a happy and peaceful con clusion, and renders the very act of extended liberty the security for social order.—(Hear, hear.) It is not strange if the people, denied their reasonable claims, should be come unreasonable ; or if repulsed by those who ought to hear them, they flew to demagogues. We have seen how excitement was cret.ted, and we have seen too, how it may be allayed. The true secret of the power of agitators is, the obstinacy of rulers; and liberal governments make a Moderate people.—(Continued cheers.) Did we not see in the beginning of the last Session, the Prime Minister declare that there should be no Reform, and what was the consequence ? The people were excited to such a state, that 1 believe a dissolution of serial order was at hand.— (Cheers.) So near at hand was it thought, that the Mi nister of the Crown did not dare to show his Sovereign in his capital.—(immense applause and confusion.) I will ventute to say that there is not a nation in the world more sincerely or more just'y attached to the person anti Go vernment of their King than the English, or more dis posed to strengthen the hands of the public authorities in the enforcement of the law. Ido not, however, wonder that a measure which removes discontent should excite the hatred of two classes—the friends of corruption and the agents of sedition. All who love abuses because they profit by them, and all who take advantage of disaffection which Ames occasion, are naturally leagued against a Bill which, by making the Government pure, renders the people attached. Those who stand at the two extremities of political opinion play into each other's hands on an oc casion like the present: the friends of despotism on the one band are furnished by Jacobin agitators with pre ttxts for oppression ; and _Jacobin agitators on the other hand arc provided by the friends of despotism with arguments against Government. I am rejoiced to ace that the people of England know how to appre ciate the monstrous coalition between the enemies of all order and the opponents of all liberty.—(Continued cheers.) England has spoken, and spoken out, from every part of the kingdom where the voice of the people was allowed to be beard ; it has been heard from our mightiest seaports—from our provincial capitals—from our populous counties.—(" No, no," answered by (nice of " heir, bear.") As far as my calculations have gone on the late returns, from all those situations a suitable answer has been returned to that truly Royal voice which demands the opinion of the nation.--(Cheers and counter cheers.) --Here we are now nearly all Reformers—all Reformers in some sense or other—in some degree or other; fur not One Member has declared himself opposed to the principle of Reform ; at least, some hint has been thrown out that be is not adverse to all change ; and I most thoroughly and cordially agree with the Noble Paymaster of the F or ces; that, like the Scotch army, the enemies of Reform have placed themselves at the mercy of their adversaries. Their arguments and their abuse might, however, he equa lly directed to all Reforms, for all might be asserted to be revolutionary, anarchical, and demoralizing. It has been said that the Reform Bill introduced for England is not the Reform fur which the people petitioned. Will that Reform Bill which is to be proposed by the Hon. Gentleman opposite be that Reform for which the people have petitioned.—(Ch! ers)? If this Bill, now brought forward by the ancient friends and advocates of the people, he not the Reform which is consonant with popular feeling, what will it be if brought forward by those who have been always opposed to popular feeling, and who can adduce no reason for presenting it except in timidation?—(Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Altibo rough, and other Hun. Members, have complained of cer tain anomalies in the Bill. They object to the measure, that it gives one county twelve Members, while a larger has got only ten—that such a town as Brighton is to have only one Member while another less considerable is to have two. This maybe an excellent argarnent against the de tails of the measure ; but it cannot in the slightest degree affect- the principle. Will they bring forward an amend inent to remove _these anomalies? Or do they mean to assert that a new rule of three sum is to be worked upon the occasion of every census.—(Hear, hear.) If not, why do they censure the Bill because it contains anomalies ? (Hear- ) But, after all, it contains fewer anomalies than existed in the present system.—(Cries of " No, no.) I speak with arithmetical precision. In the proposed sys tem there is no disproportion so great—none which can make up the difference between Old Sarum and ',Handles ter.--(Loud cheers and laughter.) Hon. Gentlemen op• p o ite would, in my mind, do better in answering argu ments than in interrupting speeches.—(Hear.) If there be anomalies, it is you, and not we, who are bound to propose the remedy—so that— . E a ch fair burgh, by'numerly free, sha ll depose its Members the Rule of Three." (Hear, hear.) • It is asked by the 'Hon. Gentlemen on the other.side, will thin Reform be final ?—( Hear, hear.) In return, I ask you, will your Reform be final ?—(Hear.) The SaMe,"and .stronger reasons against a Reform being final, apply themselves to any you would make. Last year,'when there was a question of giving representatives to the grea testinanufacturing towns in the world, the same argument was; breught fi4wartl. It was said this would only be the prelude to •greater changes. :This Reform ou'd nut be final ; how, then, could you peter - f to say hat any Reform you propose would he final? Now, Sir, if I am asked my opinion, I do declare that this Reform if our's is final ; hut that any which fell short of it would not.—(Cheers and laughter ) When I say final, I mean hat it will be final for that space of time to which we cm 'ook forward, and for which alone we can attempt to legis iide.—(Cheers.) In the course of one hundred yearr. Are miy chance to have docks as extensive as thou Liverpool in the Hebrides ; and a manufactu. ing town as large as Manchester in the count) of Galway. The same cruses are still in action, which. , n many places, have converted hamlets into great towns, old barren heaths into corn-fields and meadows. For a country so altered and improved in its condition, re cannot pretend to legislate; all that we can do is to set •hose who shall then exist the signal example of the mode rid spirit in which such a Reform as their circumstance , equire should take place.--(Cheers.) In the only way, het efore, in which a public man ought to have the *of* , inal I use it ; and thus I declare this Reform Bill will h e iiial.—(Cheers.) But as to the other Bill, if the Hon. fientlemen opposite could succeed in any branch of at 'egislature in throwing out this measure of ours—if the% could succeed in displacing the present Administration— and if they could succeed in obtaining a House of Com mons which would support the new Ministry, I ask them vhat they would do? Sir, there can he no difficulty it •Oreseeing anal describing the progress downwards. First, here would be a weak Reform—a Bassetlaw Reform— Cheers)—worthy of those who, when a delinquent b,,- .ough was to be punished, refused to transfer the fran .hise to a populous town, but threw it into the neigh- ,outing hundreds—(Cheers)—worthy of those who re (used to give representatives to the three greatest manufac turing towns in the world—(Hear)—a R••form fraught vith all the evils of change, and not a single benefit—a Reform depriving the Government of the foundation of prescription, without substituting reason and the public Ltood—a Ileform which would unsettle all establishments, cahoot appeasing discontent or opposing disintegration— . Reform by which the people would be encouraged and exasperated—encouraged by the sense of their own im portance and the evident effect of their power, and exas perated because what they obtained was not what they had demanded. Then would come agitation—libels would abound—the Press would be excited—and demagogues would harangue in every street.—(Cheers and laughter.) Sir, I say this is no age—this is no country for the war uf power against the war of opinions.—(Cheers.) Tu proceed. Those enemies to the public quiet—agitators and demagogues, who would be driven back by this Re ,brm Bill to their proper insignificance—would become truly powerful, till, at the last, the law would be evaded and opposed till it became a mockery, and England would be reduced to the same condition in which Ireland was placed at the end Of the year 1828.—(Cheers.) Then !midst the cheers of the Whigs, who would be occu pying their old place on that side of the House, and the grief and dismay of the Tories, some Rights Hon. Gentleman would rise from these benches—a did, on the Ist of March, the Paymaster of the Forces, to propose that Bill on which the hearts of the people are fixed. Then would we flatter ourselves that ad had been done ; but not so. That gratitude and de light with which the measure would be now received, could no longer exist when the materials of agitation are ready. They would fi❑d themselves in the condition of those in the old stories, who evoked their friends. They _ ....-- _ . . derive a temporary—a fleeting benefit ; but it is on con dition of surrendering themselves to their possession. The Noble Lord opposite spoke of the Day of Sacrifices. Let hint remember it was afterwards named the Day of Dupes, not because it was a day of sacrifices, but of sacrifices de layed too long. It was because the aristocracy refused Reform in 1783 there was revolution in 1789.—(Cheers.) But we need not go far to see the danger of delaying ine vitable concessions. Let us look to Ireland.—(Cheers.) Is not one such instance, if made practically, enough to convince one generation?—(Cheers.) I feel that some apology is due for the tone I have assumed; I fear that it may be deemed unbecoming in me to make any personal application to Members of this House.— But sure!) , I may, without reproach, address myself to their honest fears. It is well to talk of opposing a firm front to sedition, and of using vigorous means to put down agitation. Those phrases are, and very properly, when they refer to some temporary excitement—to some partial disturbances, as in 1780—to stifle which the show orforce and determination on the part of a Government is alone needed. Then it is well to show a bold front; but woe to the Government that cannot distinguish between a nation and a mob—(Cheers) —woe to the Government that thinks a great and enlarged movement of mind is to be put down at a moment —(Cherry.) This error has been twice fatal to the Bourbons; it may be fatal to the Legis- lature of this country if they should venture to foster it. —(Cheers.) Ido believe that the irrecoverable moment has arrived. Nothing can prevent the passing of this noble law—(Laughter)—this second Bill of Rights.— (Long and continued laughter and cheers.) I do call it that second Bill of Flights; and so will the country cad it; and so will our children.—(Cheers.) I call it a greater charter of the liberties of England. Eighteen hundred and thirty-one is destined to exhibit the first example of an established, of a deep-rooted system being removed without bloodshed, or violence, or rapine—all points be ing debated—every punctilio observed—the peaceful in dustry of the country never for a moment checked or com promised—and the authority of the law not for one instant suspended.—(Loud and continued cheers.) These are things of which we may well be proud, if they continue to us the blessings which we now enjoy. These are things which make us look with confidence and good hope to the future destinies of the human race.—(Cheers.) h.se are things that enable us to Lark forward to a long series of tranquil and happy years, in which we shall have a popular Government and a loyal people ; and in which war, if war be inevitable, shall find us a united nation— (Checrs)—of years pre-eminently distinguished by the progress of arts and science, and of knowledge generally— by the diminution of the public burthens, and by all those victories of peace, in which, more than in the most splended military successes, consist the true prosperity of States and the glory of Statesmen.—(Cheers.) Sir, it is with those feelings and with those hopes that I give my most cordial asstent to the measure, considering it de sirable in itself, and at the present moment, and in the pre sent temper of the people, indispensibly necessary to the Reform and to the stability of the empire. —(The Hon. Gentleman re-umed his• seat amidst loud cheers, which were continued for some moments.) Mr. W. BANKES next addressed the House, but no complete sentence of his speech was audible in the gallery. We understood him to differ with the last speaker as to the interpretation to he put on the words of Lord Clarendon, quoted by a Noble Lord, and to observe, that that Hon. Gentleman had not proceeded with that caution to prevent ill blood arising in the debate which lie had himself re commended. The lion. Gentleman bad, in the words of Cromwell, observed, " The Lord bath delivered them into our hands ;" and he (Mr. Bankes) exclaimed, " The Lord deliver us.out of their hands!" He opposed and ridiculed the line which Government bad drawn respecting the re presentation throughout the country, and commented upon it as partial. Touching the Bill itself, he declared it was framed not according to what the people wanted, but to what was useful to Ministers, as enabling them to draw the Radicals to their assistance. As to the provisions, he felt doubt and difficulty in speaking, lest, in directing him self to any one, he might be told it had crept in by inad vertency ; but lie begged to ask whether the three Mem bers allotted to Dorsetsbire were to be for the whole county, or each for a separate district, and how the franchise was to he exercised by the constitu ency? With respect to the representation, he obsirved, it was well to know not only who were the electors, but lvlio were likely to be elected ; and deeming that persons of birth and property would cease to enjoy their natural in fluence, and be excluded, he considered it a matter much to be lamented, as an assembly, constituted as the House of Commons was thus likely to be, would nut properly dis charge its duty to the nation. In Spain, he remarked, the cause of the Constitution might have triumphed, if men of property and respectability had held place in the Cortes, which, however, was unfortunately composed chiefly of miserable jobbers. He concluded by saying chat he felt no personal bitterness towards the Ministers, but had rather not indulge in any, than share that bitterness of sorrow which must hereafter affect the proposers of the measure if it should prove successful. Anc4 alluding to the state of the country, the tranquillity and prosperity which prevailed, and the effect which he considered inevitable from the Bill, he compared the Constitution to a vessel, sinking like the Royal George, in the most afflicting manner ; not the vic tim of the storm in a sunless ocean, where no aid was near —but on a bright and beauteous day, and in the presence of thousands of spectators. Lord ALTHORP--In ri-ing to follow the Mon. Speaker who has just e ntertained the House with his wit, and to follow the speech of my Hon. and Learned Friend who has electrified the House with his eloquence— ( Loud cheering)—l feel that Ido so under circum stances of considerable disadvantas i t s o o m n yse n l l f e ; t l o int ad l dr f eeess l some observations to the House on the topics which have been introduced into these two nights' debates. Before I go further I should wish to make some observation% . upo n the L,,r e d r c it Clarendon. t es Ge t n h t a le t mLaonrdupConl Ir t e h t e iti o un pin ci l i o n n bet. t Ikea as an authority in favour of` the present measure. fig statement, however, is not very different in solid:mee aid effect from that made by my HOn. and Learned 7 riend ; for when Clarendon says 'that ninny persons '.nought that such and such change would lie good, and 'es not deny their opinions, I think it may fairly be reposed that he admits those opinions to be true— (Tear, hear)—and his conduct as a Minister to such a wing as Charles the Second, cannot be brought as an eswer to that supposition. The Hon. Genth man also eys that if we look back to the Reform of MSS, we quit cease to claim any merit for moderation, by saying 'rat we could not do less ; and he asserts that, in fact, ee were not pledged to go so far as we have done. We lo not expect, of course, Sir, that Hon. Gentlemen on eat side of the House will attend much to our authority o such a matter ; but still I think I can show that we race done no more than we were bound to do. We se) could not do less, not because we were pledged by our revious conduct to do as much as we have now done, but ecause we felt we could not do less for the satisfaction er e country.—(Cheers.) We were pledged to a measure of :.form, and when we did bring it forward, we telt that we should be trifling with the feelings of the country if .e measure was not such a one as we had good reason to lieve would satisfy the wishes of the country.—(Cheers.) We have, therefore, brought forward such a measure, and re have the gratification to find that it has satisfied the eiuntry.—(Loud cheering.) The Hon. Gentleman who .as just sat down, has said that the only reason we brought .re a Bill on a plan so extensive was, that we wanted the support of the Radicals.—(" Hear, hear," from the • )pposition.) Sir, we wanted the support of the people of .tiglarri—(Cheers)—and if we had not proposed a mea ure likely to satisfy them—if it had not been a full and omplete measure—we should but hive continued in the euntry those tumults, and that division which it was our deject and our earnest wish to remove.—(Cheers.) In the •oune of the debate, I have had the pleasure of hearing the speech of the Noble Lord, the Member for Wootton Basset. fn those who know him, that speech was of course hut the accomplishment of previous expectations. I, who did tot know him, must call it a speech of great promise. —(Hear, hear.) In the course of that speech lie Wok eccasion to remark on the at ate of foreign countries, and .specially of those in which the attempt has been made t•i follow the ex iniple of this country. He said that thoeft. attempts had failed, and he attributed those failures to one cause. He did not think that the cause was the true rne. The Noble Lord said it was owing to the attempt -o set up three distinct branches of a Legislature, and to naintain an actual and complete separation between them, so that one should exercise no controul whatever over mother. Whereas, I should think, that from his know edge of fareign countries he must be aware that the 'allures be alludes to must have proceeded from the state f society in those countries being unfit for the immedi ate and successful establishment of a system like our own —he must he aware that the estimation in which the nobility have been held, and the degradation into which the people have been thrown, were grounds enough to induce any one to expect that the fist attempt to found liberal institutions would be attended with frequent dianges, and would not at once appear to be likely to be successful. 1 should say then, that the failure of these attempts is attributable to the endeavour to apply the in stitutions of this country to those places to which they are not suited, but not to the theory of keeping the three branches of the Legislature perfectly free from the controul of each other. However, supposing that to be the case, is that an objection to this measure ? Will this measure preserve a complete distinction between the three branches of our Legislature ? The Hon. Member behind me has stated truly, that the influence of the Aristocracy could net by possibility be destroyed. We may observe how impossible it is to destroy that influence, by the elections which we now see take place in county representations, or in elections in the neighbourhood of smaller boroughs. How is it possible to suppose, with out a complete change in the feelings of the people, that that influence should not continue? Sir, it will continue, but in a legitimate way.—(Clieere.) If I were to describe the effect of this Bill, I should say, that the legitimate in fluence of the Aristocracy wool I be increased by it.— (Cheers.) There are some individuals among the Aristo cracy who have now a greater degree of power than they will have under this Bill, hut that does not apply to the whole mass of the Aristocracy. They will have their due weight, and in a much more regular, more constitutional, and better manner than at present.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Newcastle has made a curious statement with regard to our disfranchisement of the small boroughs. He says that we are about to disfranchise them unconvicted (that I admit with respect to some,) but not only uncon victed but undefended. The last position I must deny— (Hear, and laughter)--for if ever I heard a defence gal lantly and obstinately made with respect to any one thing, ' it is the defence made for these boroughs.—( Hear, hear.) He supposes that the reason why we disfranchise the non residents is, that they might be dangerous to us. That is not the reason. In the first place, the influence possessed in some boroughs by certain individuals who can en a'e freemen, thereby overpowering the choice of the real inhabitants of the town, is one of the reasons for this die-. franchise:neut. That is an influence which ought not to continue.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman says, that when we disfranchise non-resident voters, we still allow one class of them to remain by giving votes to warehouse men in cities. He is mistaken again there in the reason for the disfranchisement, and for the exception. Tee great expence incurred in conveying the non-resident freemen to the place of polling is one of the reasons for our disfran chisin. them ; and it is because the owners of these ware- houses are men who are likely not to require that expence to be incurred, that we do not object to continue the right of voting. An Hon. and Gallant Friend of mine has ad. dressed the House in a speech which I admit contains one of the most plausible objections to time measure, namely, that it will have the effect of diminishing in this House the influence of our Colonial possessions, and of our posses sions in the East Indies. With respect to the colonies, and their influence generally, I do not see, from the expe rience I have of the places for which those gentlemen most devoted to Colonial affairs hold their seats, that there is any danger whatever that the colonial interests will not be fully represented. And with respect to the East Indies, although there may be something in what lie stated, I think that lie carried the matter a gre it deal to far. Great elite. tinctions have often been gained by service of this country in her East Indian possessions, and when a man comes home with a reputation of having well served his country in India (1 tnay appeal to my Gallant Friend lahnself as an example), his name becomes too well known far him to find much difficulty in obtaining a body of constituents to choose him for their representative. At the same time my Gallant Friend must be aware, that even under the present system, scarcely any man obtains a seat imme diately on his return. But, even if this were not the case we should still have the power to gain the necessary inforina ' thin. As it is the interest of this country to maintain her possessions in the Colonies, it is her interest that they should be governed well, and it will be the wish of this House to see that they are so governed.—(Hear, hear.) Not only tvill a Reformed Parliament wish to see them governed well, but it will have a positive interest in their good Go vernment, in seeing that the people are happy, and that everything is done to promote their prosperity and encrease attachment to the mother country.—(Hear, hear). When this country has the right of freely electing its re presentatives, 1 do not think so ill of my fellow-country men as to believe that they will not wish to see that pri vilege extended to the utmost degree in their power. Ido not, therefore, think that the Colonies are in danger from this measure. On the contrary, I think that their interests, and the interests of every class of the community will be promoted by it ; for all classes will then have their full share in the decisions of this Mouse.--(Hear). There is only one thing more on which I wish to say a fete weds. Having stated that we look not only to what constituency is to be formed, but to what representatives are likely to be chosen, and what will be the consequences, in the latter respect, of the Reform Bill, the Hon. Gentleman supposes that no person of rank and station will boelected. Ido not know on what ground he founds that opinion, or how he finds it justified by elections for counties or populous places. lie says that the Spanish Cortes would have -done more good if the Nobles of Spain bad consented to be Members of the Legislature. If it was the want of the consent of the nobility themselves, which prevented the Dvitties from having the advantage of their presence, 1 do not think that such an evil would be likely to exist here-- (Hear, hear)—and if be looks to the elections of some of the largest counties, where the middle classes have the greatest influence, particularly during the last election, he will see that they are chiefly represented by Members of the aristocracy. From my experience I should say that the people have, happily for us, an attachment to the ' members of the aristocracy, unless the members of the aristocracy act in such a manner as to destroy their con fidence.—(Hear, hear.) To such members of the aristo eracy I should not wish to see the doors of this House thrown open. If they do not use their advantages for the benefit of their fellow-countrymen—if they w ill 'not set an example of good, but of evil—the loss to the country in not admitting them here will not be hea v y — (Hear, hear.) As the question has already been s o abl y discussed, I do not wish to trouble this Home further by my obseivations.—(Hear, hear.) Sir G. MURRAY, after some noisy discussion s about adjournment _ had .subsided, stated, that be thought this was a matter which ought to be treated with temper and moderation, for it was a question of too much importance l'or party spirit to be mixed up with it. His objection was to the unnecessary extent of this Bill. It was said that the people were dissatisfied with the House—but the act was, that Hon. Gentlemen opposite first cast obloquy on the House, and then asserted that the people were dis satisfied with it. Those who said that this House was unworthy the confidence of the people, afforded in their two p e r s ons a full contradiction to that statement. A Noble Lord opposite haul been asked whether this measure .Mould benefit the mass of the people, and whether it would :ever the price of provisions? and he answered that the puesrion was irrelevant. He stated that it would be a more perfect theory of representation. He (Sir G. Mur -.v) did not rate that advantage very highly. That Noble seurd was somewhat in that respect like the Hon. and Learned Member for Kerry, who, after drawing a fright ul picture of the misery of Ireland, finished by saying es should support the repeal of the Union. No prac tical evils were shown to exist, nor any indisposition of the House to remedy them if they did. As lie was op posed to the repeal of th e Union, because it would lead to the dismemberment of the empi r e , so he was opposed to dtis measure, as he believed it would destroy the Constitu tion.—(Hear.) He should oppose the first, even if the lion. and Learned Member for Kerry could dissolve the Parliament, and bring over the whole of the Irish Alern hers pledged to vote for the repeal ; lie should pursue the same course on the Reform question. It was said that this measure would secure the stability of the throne. He believed that it would shake the Monarchy to its founda tion. It was said that it would strengthen the authority of Parliament ; he believed it would be an effectual instru ment in the bands of the democracy, and would only em barrass the Griuvernment. Ministers might say they did not apprehend this. True ; their system was one of citri c ssion, and so they obtained popular favour; but by con ceding this, they would only increase the demand on them. —(Hear.) It was said the country had been improved by progressive changes. He agreed that it had, but then these changes were gradual, and not sweeping, and there fore he should oppose this, as he thought these changes night only to be gradual. The Speech from the Throne had recommended them to legislate upon acknowledged principles. He wished them to be defined. He believed that one of them was the existence of three separate parts of the Legislature, so blended, that while each acted as a check, it acted at the same time as a support to the other. It was to this blending that we owed the blessings of this country, and he believed these blessings might be conti nued without risking this great and dangerous innovation When, by the operation of this Bill, the Monarchy should be left alone and unsupported, and the House of Lords would have to struggle for the maintenance of its privi leges, with no influence beyond its own decisions,—if, under such circumstances, the House of Commons should he employed in extending the principles of democracy, lie (Sir George Murray) thought that both in theory and practice the Constitution of England would be effec tually destroyed.—(Cheering.) He could see nothing in the some extended constituency of 101. householders to be enfranchised by the Bill which was in any way calculated to give the House a greater power or disposition to legis late for the benefit of the whole community than the pre sent House of Commons possessed.—(Cheers.) In an swer to his Hon. and Gall unt Friend, the Noble Lord opposite had said, that under this Bill, introduced by the Noble Lord, the Colonies would be as effectually repre sented as if they sent to the House representatives directly chosen by themselves. Would the Noble Lord deny that, in that argument, he was supporting the principle of virtual representation.—(Cheers.) In support of that argument of the Nettle Lord, it had been said that the Co lonies would derive no advantage from choosing such a representative as Sir John Malcolm, acquainted with their circumstances, their interests, and wants, because all the knowledge of that learned person, respecting them, was contained in his books.—(Hear, and " a laugh.") It had been said that when his Majesty's Ministers had re solved that a Reform of the representation was necessary, they were bound to go the whole extent of this Bill, in order that the question might be set at rest, that there might remain nothing more to be demanded.— But, he asked. would the Bid bring us to that ulti mate point.---(Cheers.) For this part he thought that it would not, but that they would still be called on to contest still further demands.—(Loud cheers.) He would adtfit that, in one of the remarks of the Noble Lord, lie thought lie saw something like arrogance.--(Cheers.) Something, at least, which did not show good sense or sound judgment.—(Cheers.) He alluded to the reference made by the Noble Lord to the former times of trouble and danger; and he would confess that he, for one, felt far from gratified at the Noble Lord's allusion to the disasters of his country.—(Great cheering.) He was sure, how 'ever, that the Noble Lord would not be the Crom well of that Revolution, which his measure of Reform was preparing for his countrymen.—(Repeated cheering.) He thought, indeed, that the Cromwell of that coming period, be he who he may—(Cheers)—was, at this moment, exult ing in the progress of the Noble Lard's Reform plans.— (Renewed cheers.) Whoever that individual might be, he was, perhaps at that motnent, saying, in the words of Cromwell and of the Noble Lord, "The Lord bath de livered them into my bands."—(Great einem ing.) Who ever he might be that, should personate that character— (Herr, heir)—he would not appear upon the stage until the fifth act of the drains. When the fabric of the Con stittitirm should have been pulled down, and its materials scattered and broken, that person would probably attempt to form a new House of Commons, and he would do so, with this condition, that no Member should enter it who was not prepared to act upon the dictation of the Usurper:—(Cheers.) For they might depend upon this, that despotism had always the same character, whether it was exercised by an individual or by an agitated populace..--(Chners.) If that individual would allow a House of Lords to exist, be would take care at least that a person should preside there who could find an opportunity to administer to the Members of that House Lords, " A Friendly Ad vice. " — ( Cheers. ) What might be t he character he (Sir G. Murray) would say.undertake o to But of this he was con fident, that, in the present House of Lords, there was too much magnanimity to al l ow its determinations to be go n o t o f s such a House of yenned by an influence so mean.—(Cheers.) Honouring that House—not merely from respect to the individuals of whom it was composed, but on higher grounds—for its utility to the country—.for its support of the liberties oh the people—lie was confident that 'it could not be in fluenced to abandon its duty by the mean advice which had been given to it.—(Cheers.) He would not forget that, at the commencement of his address, he ha I pledged himself to the House that he would not long occupy its time ; and be should therefore abstain front other obser vations which he should have thought it his duty to offer were he addressing them at an earlier hour. He con eluded by assuring them that he opposed the Bill; not through prejudice or party feeling, nor through dislike to moderate Reform, hut because it prepared the way to those dangerous revolutionary measures by which be saw other nations so much shaken.—(lmmense cheering.) Colonel SIBTHORPE then moved that the debate should be adjourned to Thursday. When the laughter, cheers, cries of " divide," and " Friday," subsided, The SPEAKER . said —Who seconds the motion? Mr. HUME moved that the debate should be adjourned to this day. Lord ALTIIORP had no objection that the debate should be then adjourned to this day, on account of the lateness of the hour, and be thought that the discussion might be gone through at the next fleeting of the House. But he thought a longer postponement, under all the cit.- entinstances, indecorous.—(Hear.) Colonel SIBTHORPE (amid loud cries of question) said that the interval of a day was necessary for the con sideration of the arguments which had been adduced ; but, as the House seemed averse to the postponement, he would withdraw his motion.—(Hear.) The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Two o'clock. A CHANGE IN THE BREED.—Fifty years ago the Whigs were Fox-hounds—now they are Grey hounds.—New Sporting Magazine. PORTRAIT OF T. C. GRATTAN, ESQ.-- Tue Monthly Magazine, for July, contains, among various other interesting Papers—l . . Living Literary Cha racters, No. VII. The Author of High-Ways and Bye- Ways, (with a fine Likeness, engraved on steel, by Thomp son)-2. The Irish Elections-3. On the Choirs Mur bus, and on the probability of its visiting the British Islands by Davin Uwins, M.D.-4. Recollections of Mrs. Siddons-- .5. The Assembling of Pat liament :—the Prospects of Par ties ;lithe New Reform Bill, &c.-6. The. Convict, by L. E. L.-7. The Irish Church Establishment-8. My Pension, by Th omas H aynes ß ay l ey -9. Th e Q uaran tine, by the A ut h or o f '` C onstant i nop l e i n 1828"--10. .The Months, h Horace Smith-11. Sketches of the English Bar—Sir Ch ar l es W et h era ll - 12. S onne t, by William Y Wordsworth -13. First and Sccond Thoughts—l 4. The Poet's Old Age—ls. Paganini---16. Monthly Commen tary :—Al arm i ng Progress . o f I ntell i gence ; Quackery ; c.• & State 111axims; . Beauties of British Justice; A Curiosity in Malignity . & THE REVENUE. No. 1. A BSTRACT of the NET PRODUCE of the Itevaisue of Gnea'r BRITAIN, ill the YEARS ended July 5, 1830 and 1831, dis tinguishing the Quarters. ...›. ..., ~, .7-: r,r,7,- .-i xtl 2 — > o-v 5 5, ,-4, 2 p. , ;., 5! ... s :4 gg a = , -- , , z ..v 7- 7,7-.. q •,..g. ?.;-: : 1 " . 0 ..a 7 .r. go, , e2.5' a 2 , 2 t .5_ t .. - .4 .•*g ' g F.,'::f-a-s ' . ',7; , g.2E-;;-,...2: 6 ,' 8 :-‘ .. , .titrle, .. -3 P.' , 7 ' , ','"?„t , Z ;V4 i 4 ~.g e a;,.. gi - :-• . z 4 -- F . D . vc - ,1 - e l -•-: r , = = ,s,- 2 2. = wg 0 0 5 p.,: z- g• rg" 5 .•-: E: r .'• x a .-:1 _ I f. m x E , !,.,., 9; 0 . Er :-..- z -.1 1E; m :, ;3. 5 E . : ' F ' =' g ' : - ..1 4 :: - 3 ri l 1,- , m r; ~ ~ •;.-, F..... , t , ',l ,;. E., ',l.z . E -.-, 3 m E. pk- 3 . : 4. e .... -4 ..,- - ~,, :-... 0 5. 0 .7; I , : „ . 41 ;., I ,-.' - :..,. f• 3 , , v ~ 5 . 3 i n ?... 7: . ' 'B' . :-; r, <A ~.r. • 2 , ,"5 F F ., ;,... .5: 2 § : : ~., ;,, : ~;1 . _ LET: ID •-• S'-',. , ,) . 4 :i. l '- g ...,..... c.: Co ...11,. ? ...„ , p..t.• L. 5 , 5 „ ~ ~..,..= ...- , ,-.....,.... •; e t 1 , X ?.: • ' ' 1g i; is :71 L• • ' .-, E :,-, E'. : ; la US I 2: :6 .5 E z , - O. x.' —t 'g ~.., - .4 f:.... ••.„.„ ~, , p It, , z., - :• , .-4. - ~.i•-• § • ~• s v3 - E z 1 - 3 P 23 .5 , :1 ... . . a.,.. Cu , ...,....,,,,„ c ....,z 7 , 13 ~. _ _,l . . -$.,. ca atv "cz, -- - cp -..... i,.z•-• x-, tz ~.• f] I V . 5 ., I 4 ~t...„*. Pa EEks = a e;M .... __ '4 ~., -,.......,, :- .. c f7D ca tc , ,•; . =' 1 ,IT , ,P .7 ,:c5,:- ~ 7- ..6; - .: tp..- ~, to p.... , -12 4- ::-'1 'U t I — .5 5 — ... 4 .P"' , . t , ".. -" L o c, ...I .•-• CP V. :0 C"..., "-- .. o-,-.: ..., ... ...zi f-, 5 5 1.1 1".?: 2 . P ... , f2''' ,- . 3' :93 .43 g ,- . -- f.-:' v, 4F! R ilpFil 4tB zl- gz,e, FGA .. . c.:. ..1 ...:: 4. CD CD = .-•.-- . C .--, co •-• .2, ,P ..r. — S , P c:) X '‘ k. b ??., .., if, - sw., -- 6'. - :3 'mom t. - C. . c 4 l P I , --1 " 0 P.: - : - .9D5- g ' t l.-- s - . FIE s . -7.. - -., . ...1 ...1 ~..7 •-• t. ../ Set...Z2 , COCO. SE I . ..... : 3 I ,:1 7 .5 175 ..,, -....,-,, , ~ 4: "': .:. .2'-' ..L . ? .....-: - , io ;-. - .4zl'D ..PZ. o • . F 'l,.l.zgl t, 2 , '',' 5 , 12 , g' ..-1D f-. 7 ›. '..4 5 ot '', , -,ti .-, E 2 , 'Z''. .....:'-• ro''. t 77 ...7) .? ,', ..c , -;.- .5 15 . 4" :4 , 5, ..: 4 5 ,4 G. " 1 U 2F2 7.7, k? --:, E 2 ti t , :' g3l - .5, --i cp*, ,1 ~,J , ,1. , ..: - . - -6.:5 pj - se 6.- - tF6 I ',5 -7 . L 9 i cgs E.-.., - F 6 - 4 , • _,.:,--• - ........ _ A> IA 4.. ...... .1 , ..P ~.,' :. ? r...= C. E , 6,01 KE 2 g:, - E. i . X .- "6=-4 "tz,";,% . El ,-' 1.1 230 e c4.' u a w a ges , ::, F: L,. ABSTRACT of BRITAIN, in 1830 and 1531, thereof. Customs Excise Stamps Post Office Taxes Miscellaneous No. 11. the NET PRODUCE Of the REVENUE Of GREAT the YEARS and QUARTERS ended sth July, sheaving the Increase or Decrease on each head Years ended July 5. 1830 I 18:31 i f1,385,P49 17,083,179 6,624,501 1,337,000 4,938,581 349,427 16,367,295 15,644,559 6,5 0 4,213 1,397,017 4,935,7' 9 272,662 46,717,737 J 45,061,4:5 Deduct Increase Decrease on the Year Quarters ended July 5. 1839 1 1831 :1,985,995 3,745,865 3,757,15(1 3,332,097 1,891,471 1,630,109 311,000 358,006 2,045,297 2,018,931 47,796 48,99'2 11,838,709 1 11,141,050 :It Increase 'ase on the Quarter No. 111. INCOME and CtIARGE of the CONSOLIDATED FUND in tl:e QUARTERS ended July 5, 1830 and 1831. Quarters ended July 5. INCOME. Customs • 3,757,149 Excise Stamps 1,691,170 , Post Office 311,00 Taxes 47,736 4 Miscellaneous £2,456,383 3,332,tha 1,63 ~tO9 358,006 2,016081 48,99'2 11,tt38, /07 Tontine Mo^ev 11,518 'Po Cash brought from Civil List : Hereditary Revenue brought to Con- solidated Fund , To Cash brought to this Account from the Ways and Means to replace the like sum issued out of' the growing produce of the Consolidated Fund : in Ireland, for P u blic Services E 191,667 :339,473 12,1)42,917 1 10,255,890 Quarters ended July 5. X 1,9•22 81,953 89,123 8,434,982 *231,480 191,4e3 94,705 135,543 9;.N 1,196 2,761,721 12,(4:?,917 675,890 1,691;kii X 1,572, 81,3 , 6 89,123 8,097067 623,848 515,604 8'1,11`3 112,816 9,610,000 675,894) I 0,25,890 4,38•2,9 10 9:5,696 IP] Customs Excise Stamps Post Office Taxes Miscellaneous CHARGE. Exchever Annuities South Sea Company Bank on their Capital Dividends National Debt Trustees for the payment of Naval and Military Petisi;ns Civil Li ar Pensions Other Charges Surplus Exchequer Bills issued for the Conso lidated Fund, at Jan. 5, 1831, and paid off out of the growing produce of the said Fund in the Quarter ended sth July, 1831, after deduct ing 400,0001. cancelled by the Com. missioners for the reduction of the National Debt, per Act 11 Gco. 4, c. Surplus at July 5, MI Issued out of the Consolidated Fund, on account cif the Supplies granted for the service of the year 1831 Total sth July, 1831, to be provided for by an issue of Exchequer Bills charged on the growing produce of the Consolidated Fund in the Quar ter ending the 10th October, 1801... 5,378,636 FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT. War-Office, July 5. Ist Regiment of Life Guards—Lieut. S. A. Bayntun, from half-pay unattached, to be Lieut. vice C. B. Codrington, who ex changes, July 5. 6th Regiment of Dragoon Guards—Cornet C. J. Trueman, from the 9th Light Dragoons, to be Cornet, vice Lally, who re. tires, June 5. 9th Regiment of Light Dragoons—Lieut. A. C. Williams to be Captain, by purchase, vice Lord Harley, who retires ; Cornet H. W. Legard to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Williams; Cornet D. L Campbell, from the 16th Light Dragoons, to be Cornet, vice 'frueman, appointed to the 6th Dragoon Guards, July 5; F. Gerard, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Legard, July 6. 10th Light Dragoons—Lieut. C. H. Nicholson to be Captain, by purchase, vice Kennedy, promoted ; Second Lieut. Eton. H. A. Saville, from the Rifle Brigade, to be Lieutenant, by pm chase, vice Nicholson, July 5. 13th Light Dragoons—Staff-Assistant -Surgeon J. Clark, M.D. to be Assistant -Surgeon, vice Thomson, deceased, July 5. 16th Light Dragoons—G. W. Key, Gent. to be Cornet, by pur. chase, vice Campbell, appointed to the 9th Light Dragoons, July 5. Ist Regiment of Foot—Staff-Assistant Surgeon R. Torrie to be Assistant -Surgeon, vice Steele, deceased, July 5. sth Foot —Ensign T. Connor to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice May, promoted ; R. A. H. Kirwan, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Connor, July 5. 16th Foot—Captain R. Ellis, from the 46th Foot, to be Captain, vice Bentley, deceased, July 5. 46th Foot —Captain P. Coultman, from the half-Pay, to be Captain, vice Ellis, appointed to the 1 6th Foot ; Assistant - Surgeon ' W. Smith, from the 41st Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Urquhart, deceased, June 5. 47th toot—A. Mitchell, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Wyatt, who retires, July 5. :slit Foot—Lieutenant-Colonel C. Synge , from halfpay Un attached, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice S. Rice, who exchanges, July 5. 57th Foot—Lieut. T. F. Richardson, from half-pay 95th Fooi, to be Lieutenant, vice S. Robbins, who exchanges, July 5. 67th Foot—Captain K B. Brooke to be Major, by purchase, vice Snow, who retires ; Lieut. I. Elton to be Captain, by purchase, vice Brooke ' • Ensign C. C. Davie to be Lieutenant, by purch a se , vi..e Elton ; S. Snow, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Davie, July 5. Rifle Brigade—R. D. Fergusson, Gent., to Le Second Lieute nant, by purchase, vice Saville, promoted in the 10th Light Dra goons; July 5. UNATTACHED. Brevet Colonel E. Darley, froth the 58th Foot, to be Lieut.- Colonel of lneantry, without purchase, July 5. Brevet Major 4..,Kennedy, from the 10th Light Dragoons, to be Major of Infantry, by purchase, July 5. Liekitenant,C. May, from the sth Foot, to be Captain of In. f•antry, by•purchase, July 5. MEMORANDUM. Th, 'rider med ()dicers have been allowed to retire under-nientioi from the service, by the sale of unattached commissions : MajoF A. Lokt, half-ppy Permanent A,s26tant-9,llaitei-master- Increase. 'Decrease. 77,754 1,438,6'20 2,87'2 76,70' 60,017 61017 1,716,'299 60,017 1 .654i,2 Increase. Decrease. 211,130 45,053 61,63-2 47,006 I . 28,316 1,196 48,202 745,861 - 45,209., 1 697,659 9,84.2,568 11,344 2,5!3 f“Nieral ; Captaili T. Moser:, retired full-pay Pth Royal 'Cetera Battalion, July 5. Cuinniiission by the Lord Lieutenant of the county of Middlesex Peter Laurie, Esq. to be Deputy Lieutenant. Whitehall, July 2, 1831. The King has been pleased to nominate the Reverend St. Vincent Love Hannnick, M.A. to the Ministry, of Brunswick Chlpel, in the parish of St. 31arylebone, in the county of middie4ex and diocese of London, vacant by the death of the Reverend William Fawssett. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. SAMUEL RAMSDEN, Colne, Lancashire, cottonananu - Cacturef. BANKR UPTCIES ENLARGED. JOHN BENNET, Birmingha m, corn-dealer, from Jul y 1 to 'inv. I. at one, at Wilday's Royal Hotel, Birmingham. THOMAS BURTON, BratiAraftl, Yorkshire, shoemaker, from !Illy 12 to August 2, at eleven, at the Court-house, Leeds. BANKRUPT. , DENNETT LODGE, Poole, ironmonger, to surrender JUT i.l, 27, and Attgust 16, at eleven, at the London Tavern Ina, ,'sole. Pr.nrinton, and L o ftus, New Inn; Parr, r oole. THOMAS TIMIWELL, Trowbridge, Wilts, franker, July ^2, 1',3, and August 16, at f trelve, at the White Lion Inn, Bath. .:gan and Waterman, Essex-street, Strand; Luxford and Way, ':rad ford, Wilts. JOSEPH DRAYTON JENKINS and JOHN JENKINS, Monmouthshire, coal-merchants, July IS, 19, and ‘iigust 16, at roe, at the White Lion Inn, Liverpool. Blower, Lincoln'sl Leman and Son, Bristol. WILLIAM MAS HOUGHTON, ‘Valcot-place, Lam thentimber -merchant, Jrdy )5, 19, at twelve, and August 16, at the Court of Commissfoners. Dods, Northumberland street, Strand. • THOMAS MARTIN and RICHARD FREEN MARTIN, London-wall, wool-brokers, July 12, 19, and August 16, at two, at the Court of Commissioners. Hindman and Goddard, Basing hall-street. JOHN MUDDELL, New-street, Covent-garden, hosier, July at three, 19, and August 16, at eleven, at the Court of Com missioners. Aston, Old Broad-street. HENRY TRIGGS, Sofa-row,' Hampstead-road, copperplate ?rinter, July 12, at two, 19, at three, and August 16, at two, at , he Court of Commissioners. Sturmy, St. Saviour's Church yard, Southwark, JOHN CASH, Liverpool, tailor, J01y22, 23, and August 16, t eleven, at the Clarrnclon-rooms, Liverpool.. Morecroft, Li. ,erpool ; Chester, Staple-Inn. JOHN MORN' ILLE, Wakefield, horse-dealer, July 27, 28, aid August 16, at eleven, at the Sessions-house, Wakefield. tatlibone, Crown-court, Cheapside ; Janson, Wakefield. JOHN ALVES, Norton-street, Fitzroy-square, July 12, at eleven, 19, at twelve, and August 16, at eleTen, at the Court of Commissioners. Roberts, Millman-street, Bedford row, London. DIVIDENDS. R. Gibson, Great Surrey-street, Southwark, grocer, July 19„ at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners—B. Baines, Canter bury, bookseller, July 26, atone, at the Court of Commissioners —W. Chapman, Greek-street, Soho, draper, July 26, at nine, at the Court of Commissioners—J. E. Were, Bedminster, Soma setshire, tanner, July 26, at one, at the Court of Commi,sionen, —J. Scott, Bread-street, Cheapside, shawl-warehouseman, July :2, at one, at the Court of Commissioners—R. and W. Wythes, Birmingham, grocers, July 26, at eleven, at the Court of Com missioners—lt. Leach and W. M. Poussett, Ctiv Cross-street, dealers, July 26, at eleven, at the Court of Commissi oners—T. and . Neville, Doddiughurat, Essex, farmers, July 26, at three, at the Court of Commissioners—E. Marshall, Liverpool, grocer, July 28, at one, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool— J. and J. R. Ray, Clare, Suflblk, bankers, July 28, at eleven, at the Half moon Inn, Clare—T. Edwards, Liverpool, spirit-dealer, July 26, at twelve, at the office of Mr. Ho l den , L iv erpool — T 7 011ey, Clare, Suffolk, maltater, July 27, at twelve, at the White Hart Inn, Clare—H. Hinder, Leeds, victualler, July 26, at twelve, at the Court—house, Leeds—J. Giles, Leeds, stuff-mer. ehant, July 26, at eleven, at the Court-house, Leeds—J. D. Sweetapple, Godalming, Surrey, inealman, August 10, at the Swan Inn, Alton, Southampton. C ERT IF IC ATES—JULY 26. J. Gray and W. I'. Norris, Bristol, wine-merchants—W. Storke, 'Leftwich, bone-dealer—J. Chambers, West Keal, Lincolnshire, draper—J. Coutis, jun. Notting-hill, Kensington, baker—J. Baker, Britriscombe-Port, Gloucestershire, coal merchant—J. Gillgrass, Morley, 1 orkshire, woollen cloth-manu*. facturer—W. Willement, Colchester, crape-manufacturer— J. Boraman, Store-street, Bedford-square butcher—J. Buckler, Packer's-court, Coleman-street, Blackwall hall-factor—NV . F..arnes, Fullain Bridge-yard, Knightsbridge horse-dealer—W Grcavcs, Sherborn-lane, printer—F. Spencer, Leeds , drugg ist—. I. Harrison, Creek-wharf, Hammersmith, coal-merchant—A. M. Greig, Crewkerne, Somersetshire, wine-merchant. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of Tuesday.) The Committee appointed on the question of Molasses being ased in breweries and distilleries :-Mr. Poulett Thomson,• Mr. Zharles" Calvert, Mr. Keith Domslas, Mr. Western, Sir 0. Clerk s Slr. Warburton, Mr. Burge, Mr. Stuart Wortley, Mr. Robe r ' G I ' ou M lb r U F ri7, w it e l i r l . -& Ba x l - .. Fergusson, Mr. Bernal, Mr. Currie, Mr. Courtenay, Mr. Boleti Baring, Mr. Mr. Trail, Mr. Hobert Gordon, Mr. Callaghan, Mr. Frankland Lewis, Mr. Evelv, investigation go nethro through takes . ne place, vr :on, Mr. Irving, our, and Sir William Foles, Bart. Five to be a quorum. A sra i Hope, Denison,r he Act of Parliament allowing Foreign Sugars to be used in, he Refineries, and the produce exported, expired this day, and viii lt is Ileged that there have b en extensive frauds - on paying the iutie n s ° , t a e d renewedtlie Sugars,untiuntil having an ess of efining, yield a greater proportion of refined goods than antici •ated. There are frauds also upon the bounty on the exported' soods, and that the frauds at Liverpool and Glasgow are very xtensive, and are also considerable in London. • HOUSE OF COMMONS RESOLUTIONS, 4th of July, on' the Customs' Acts.-Repeal of former Acts to take place from the Ist of March, 1831 :- Coals exported to British Posses sions (except Guernsey, &c.) the ton Bd.-Small Coal 4d. To any other place in a British ship 3s. 4d. ......... in a Foreign ship 6s. Bd. That the additional duties on Barilla, in respect to quantity of Alkali, takes efltet from the 25th of May, 1819, and from the East Indies from the 10th of August, 181./4. That all duties paid Barilla used in bleaching linen be drawn back from the sth of January, 1830. The duties on natural Alkali from the East In dies, 22., takes effect from the 14th of Dec., 1830, Wax an additional duty of 30s. per cwt. Cotton duty ss. 10d. per cwt.; from British I,ossessions 4d per cwt. SUGAR.-Die business in Sugars was greatly facilitated last week by the importers accepting prices tid. to Is. per cwt.. lower ; the buyers came eagerly forward, and purchased to the extent of 3,500 hogsheads and tierces. The Stock of West India . Sugar is now 42,599 hogsheads and tierces, which is 16,325 more than last year. The stock of Mauritius P 23,430 bags, being 11,370 more than last year. The delivery of West India Sugar last week 3,405 hogsheads and tierces, being 1,971 more than last• year. The delivery of Mauritius 6,184 bags, being 2,363 more than in the corresponding week of 18:30. This day at public sale 515 hogsheads, 70 bags, 10 tierces. British Plantation Sugar, 156 hogsheads Barbadoes, 516 casks, 19 boxes, Porto Riau Sugar went off heavily, and generally at lower prices"; the estimated sales by irivate contract 1,000 hogsheads and tierces ; the prices still rather lower, and a great heaviness over the Market. The request for low refined goods revived considerably towards the close of last week, the prices are 6d. to Is. higher; the tine goods are in good supply, and a shade lower. FOREIGN SUGARS.-By public sale last week 1,800 chests Havannah, about one-half was white; the prices 325. 6d. anti 355. for good to fine white; the other half yellow, sold at 19s. 6d. to 245. good to fine yellow.-80 chests Pernams, middling to good white, 21s. 6d. a :Ms. (id. There were rather more inquiries for drazil Sugar by private contract, on account of the great reduc tion in the prices. EAST INDIA SUGARS.-There were few purchases of Ben gal, Manilla, or other East India Sugar, last week ; Mauritius sold Is. lower; brown 425. This day 351 bags Mauritius Sugar sold at full prices. MOLASSES.-The prices of Molasses are rather higher ; Eng lish 225. 9d. a 235. ; West India 225. a 21s. Average price of Sugar ii. Os. 51id. per cwt. COFFEE-All descriptions of British Plantation Coffee ad.; vanctxt 2s. a Os. last week, good ord. Jamaica 48s. a LOs. tine ord. soloury Havannah 455. a which was 2s. above the previous prices. This day at public sales 225 bags British Plantation Cottee, 510 bags Brazil, SOS bags East India. The sound Brasil' • sold at 405., which is rather lower ; the others went off at full prices, good ord. mixed Cheribon 345. a 395., good Sumatra 295. and 345., tine ord. Demerara 325. 6d. Triage 48s. • RUM, BRANDY, and HOLLANDS.-This afternoon, the Market for Rum is again very depressed, and purchases about • proofs Is. sd. Brandy and Geneva unvaried. HEMP, FLAX, and TALLO W.-The Tallow Market is little varied, the late sales are chiefly at 41s. Hemp and Flax arc held for higher prices. SILK.-The Italian Market is steady, although we have but little doing. Chinas are heavy at last sale's prices, and Bengals without inquiry. COCOA.-Cocoa is rather lower ; 275 brls 31 bags of Trinidad 245. 6d. and 28s. OILS.-'The late advance in Oils is firmly maintained ; large sales of Rape Oil are reported at 361. for forward delivery. • INDIGO.-There is no alteration in the demand or in the rices of Indigo. WOOL—There is little doing in Wool, the holders are firm in their expectation of higher prices on account of the interrup-, Lion of the quarantine, and the trade are waiting for supplies; the latter purchase on a very limited scale. COTTON.—The public sales of Friday consisted of 1,0(X) bags East India, the whole sold at full market prices; about 300 weic Surats grown and dared by a new process of the East India Com pany, which sold generally .5%d. a 534 d., curiously fine a ti!,id. By public sale 2.13 0 Bengal, mid. to fair 4 Nd. a 410. ; 500 Surat very ord. to fair 4d. a 414 d. ; 330 ditto per East India Cons Noy 5! id. a By private contract .i6O Surat, very ord. to good fair 4d. to 4 3 ,4 d. ; 40 Pernams, good fair 7 /id..., 9') lloweds, mid. to fair 534 d. a 51.0. This day 171 bags Brazil Cotton sold in bond at 57; d., a fair market price. CAJUNTRA CORN bIAR.KIiTS I)URING Wheat. Barley. ; Oats. , Beans. Per Quarter. s. to s. a. to a. a. to a. a. 'to a. Boston., — 62 31 23 Gainaborough 64 28 40 Grantham 60 69 36 40 25 . 29 38 44 50 66 28 34 18 25 32 35 . 1-lorncastle,-- —... 60 C,6 30 40 21 27 36 40 Lincoln - . 63 66 44 46 22 28 40 42 Spilsby 56 64 OS 36 22 28 38 4 8 Stamford CO 68 40 45 tel 21 37 70 3U 33 22 30 36 44 LEWES MARKET.—JuIy 5. White Wheat (per quarter) J:3 8 oto £3 10 0 Red ditto 3 6 0 3 8 0 5 0 1 17 0 LEWES MARKET.—JuIy 5. White Wheat (per quartet) J:3 8 oto .0 _ Red ditto _ Oats, New Oil Cake, New 17 0 1 114 0 V 2 • 0 opa lh ►n 6 ] -8.0 1 16 0 iousand. :y____ NORWICH, July 2. . • . Wheat (per qr.) «. 625. 675. 70s. Beans kpertir.) 38s. 425. Barley 30s. 40s. 49.5. ?ease, Grey-. 40s. 445. Oats 265. 325. 345. Flour, fine (per sack) 50s. Ws. CAN I'ERISU RI, July Wheat, white.—...-- 70s. to 735. ---. Uld —s. to —s. —ti Os. to 70s. -- —s. to —s. Barley, Malting 335. to 445..,. Grinding.. 30s. to 3•ds. Oats ..._ 258. to 235. -- Uld —s. to —s. Beans 345. to 425. Old--- —B. to —s. t'ease —s. to —s. 355. to 40s. MANCHESTER, July 2. W heat, ptr 701 b. 9s. 9d. to 10s.I'd. Red 95.131. to 9s. 6 c l . Barley, per 601 b 5 0 5 3 Oats. 4 0 4 2 Beaus, per Imperial quarter Pe.tse, 'White, per Imperial bushel 5 0 - 5 a Malt, per 6 Imperial bushels 4B 0 51 ° 0 Flour, per Sa3k f 2801 b. . 5O 0 EDINBURGH MEAL 51ARKET..,June 3 We had a large supply Of Oatmeal at this days market, .!:ich met w.t:i a very dull sale at a reduction of 2s. on the sack, :nal 2d. on the stone. Barley and Peaserneal at last twee e . Imp wek's p . rhxs. Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp; -- Per stone ot First Oatmeal ... £2 5 0 First Oatmeal .......... 2 £0 2 4 Second ditto 2 3 0 Second ditto 0 0 Barleeal BarleYmeal 0 1 In . 1 14 yrn Persenimal. ............. ,-114 0 Peaserneal 40 0 1 10 ..... (4...1,1).--,..w. .. 6,er ci , yi... 14,..-4d, *vs.-43,4'20,5. at 1240. Ir Dedu,