The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-22 00:00:00

nation of the most fertile soil of western Europe. Their prosperity has biiterto been mainly checked, and their enterprise rendered tinproductive, by the liability of their country to constant invasion in every general war— by its being 'what an old Eng lish lislr writer quaintly calls it, " the cockpit of Europe. The guarantee of their neutrality bp_ the Gnat Powers must in future remove this sourceOf danger and calamity. It must thus enable them to dispense with a numerous standing army and the maintenance of expensive fortifications. That they may no; be under the temptation of constructing ships of war, Antwerp is to be a trading port only, and not a great naval arsenal. This improvement of their affairs, in which their pride must learn to make sa crifices to their substantial security and happiness, must lead to such manufacturing and commercial prosperity, as must diminish the pressure of their legitimate portion of a debt, which they were enabled to bear to a much greater amount in less favourable circumstances. In point of fact, this portion of the joint debt now awarded to Belgium, and about which so much has been said, amounts only to 700,000/. sterling a year, while Holland, by the same award, with a less population, has to provide for the payment of 1,500,000/. Any objections, therefore, on the part of the Belgians to this distribution would appear to be unreasonable, if we are to believe the report current in official cir cles, that their Plenipotentiaries were empowered tii consent to an annual charge of 600,000/. on account of the common debt. It can scarcely be appre hended that a wise and prudent Government will again end .nger its own independence, and disturb the peace of Europe, by resisting the annual pay ment of 100,0001, when the award is made by five Powers who can have no interest in perpetrating an act of injustice or oppression against either party. We have been led to make these remarks, and to tender this advice, from no hostility to the Belgians, anti no partiality for the Dutch, but from a sincere desire for the secure establishment of a peace which is equally the interest of both ; and we hope that the Belgic Chamber, by their acquiescence in the arti cles of arrangement now submitted to them, will en .tleavour to atone for tireir previous turbulence—will allow their nation to be invested with the uneon• tested attributes of independence, and permit all the Governments of Europe without further hesitation to acknowledge their new Sovereign.—Times. The next best thing to taking, in the first instance, a wise course, is to abandon a foolish one. The at tempt to secure property from the destructive acts of incendiaries by legalising the murderous cont. i vence of spring-guns was a most absurd measure for any Government to adopt ; but it was worse the!, absurd in a Whig Government to have recourse to a measure of that description. If the Whigs were pledged by previous profession of political faith ter any improvement in the institutions of the country, they were most especially pledged to a reformed system of criminal jurisprudence. From the time that Romilly first applied his great and powerful mind to the amelioration of our sanguinary code, the 'higs took up the question as one deserving of being identified with their policy, and thenceforth the Reform of the criminal law in reference to the punishment of death became one of the cardina' articles of their Parliamentary creed. While Romill% lived, the leading members of the Whig party it Parliament at that time, some of whom are among the leadiug members of the present Administration. did undoubtedly support his propositions and enforce his doctrines with energy and talent. Earl Gres and Lord Holland, aided by the eminent abilitiee and accomplished eloquence of Lord Grenville. fought well the battle of enlightened justice in t h e Upper House of the Legislature, whenever any of the Bills introduced by Romilly into the House of Commons found their way to the hereditary legis lators of the land. In the Lower House, Mr. (now Lord) Brougham, with Ponsonby, and the Whig party in general, to whom, on this question, were 104ied Mr. Wilberforce, and the then -distinguished :Waster of the Rolls, Sir William Grant, gave the propositions ofßomilly a support always triumphant in argument, and sometimes successful in the nu merical superiority of a division. Since the time of the latter Sir James Mackintosh was constituted the leader of the question, and made one or two speeches of considerable power in its behalf ; but, as to and practicaleesults, the cause miserably languished, and nothing important took place until the decision of the House of Commons against the sanguinary Forgery Bill of Sir Robert Peel. As to the barbarous and cowardly practice of setting spring guns, it had been cried down by general con sent, and little did we think that the inhuman invention, which bad been abolished under a,. illiberal Government, would have been attempted to be revived by a Whig Administration. Ir. a country where the life of man has long been held too cheap, and where, in consequence of the readiness with which the Legislature sacrifices human life, murder has become so familiar as rio longer to startle us by its enormity, we did not ex pect that a liberal Government would have added to the judicial murders of the law other murders, no matter whether of innocent or guilty persons, by an apparatus of extermination, contrived for the pur pose of slaughtering human beings without the inter vention of Judge or Jury. Mr. Fifthly, on the low 42f game, justly says," better that it should be law ful to kill a trespasser, face to face, than to place engines that will kill him. In the firmer case he might avoid the danger, or struggle against it, or fly from it ; but, in the latter case, it is most pro bable that he can neither see, nor resist, nor escape from the danger. It is no answer to say such h person was a trespasser with notice—that person might be unable to read, or a stranger to the neigh bourhood, or a traveller in the night, or a WOlllOll, or a child, or an idiot, or a friend. The spring-gun cannot accommodate itself to circumstances," We were the first to expose the folly and iniquity of the Spring-gun Bill of Lord Melbourne—may its re pose be eternal !—Morning Herald. We call the particular attention of our readers to our report of the meeting of the county of Surrey, held yesterday at Epsom. The character and influ ence of several of the speakers give a weight to the statements made by them, which, at this important crisis, will go far to quiet the apprehensions of the country. We need hardly observe, that though the confidence of the people in his Majesty's Ministers is deservedly great, yet, notwithstanding the decla ration of Lord Grey, that he would support no Bill which was not quite as efficient as that of Lord John Russell, still, reflecting men, seeing no prospect of any change in the composition of the House of Lords, were unable to discover in what manner the suffrages of a majority of that body could be obtained by any other means than a departure from some important provisions of theßill already rejected. This difficulty was mentioned by Mr. Cobbett, who, io his usual forcible awl racy manner, endeavoured t, shoo , that the new Bill would in all probability dis appoint the expectations of the people. Mr. Leach had moved all address expressive of confidence in Ministers. " How did the matter stand ?" aaisl Mr. Cobbett, " Lord Grey, when he brought in that Bill, had said that he would stand or fall by it. He did not then say anything about an equally efficient Bill; and at the last meeting that they held at that place, the freeholders of Surrey and the county Members had pledged themselves to the bill—the whole Bill —and nothing but the Bill„ But Lord Grey had not fallen by the Bill, which he ought to have done; for, if he had resigned his o ffi ce on the Lords throwing it out, he would have been forced back OD the shoulders of the people—new Peers must have been created—Parliament would have been prorogued for a week—and perhaps a this mo ment, they would have been meeting in that very spot to return thanks for the carrying of the niezi. sure.—(Cheers.) But instead of this, they were talking of alterations and modifications. But mind this, they would not tell the people what those alterations and modification s were to be; and coul they believe—he did not—that schedules A and B would be left unimpaired.—(Hear, hear, and a cry of we do.') He would be content with this test—if Mr. Doti:ion and Mr. Briscoe, tile county Members, would pledge themselves to i abandon the Ministers, if the new Bill did not I contain the schedules A and B, he would withdraw ' his opposition.—(Cheers.) But be knew very well that they would pledge themselves to no such thing. They knew as well as he did that schedules A and B would not again he presented, unless the people bestirred themselves—(Hear, hear, and cries of No.') Lord Grey, according to his own statement, had not threatened the creation of new Peers. Then how, he would like to know, were the Ministers to carry the same Bill with the same Peers ?—(Hear, hear.) Instead of the whole Bill, it would be anything hut the Biil." Lord King at once met these difficulties in a fair and manly manner. " Mr. Cobbett (said his Lordship) doubted whether we were to have the same Bill again, and he (Lord King) must confess that there could he no question but that there would be great difficulty in passing the Bill, through what must, to say the least of it, be called an untractable assembly.—(A laugh.) But still there was room to hope that the Bill might be so modi fied as to bring it forward without any real alteration, in such a shape as should save appearances with the Lords a little. For instance, an objection that had been made to the Bill %las, that part of its .power was placed in the hands of Commissioners as to the division of the counties ; now, as their labours were in a very forward state, it might so happen that this question could be arranged so as to embody their labours in the Bill itself; this was one modification, and it was evident that many such might present themselves. Mr. Cobbett had asked the Members of the county to pledge them selves to schedules A and B. If Mr. Cobbett had called on hint, he would most willingly give a pledge to that (fect.—(Cheers.) He had never been more surprised or astonished than to find that any one could doubt that those schedules would make part of the next Bill. What would the Bill be worth without them ?—(Cheers.) It would be a mere mockery." Mr. Moberly, who followed his Lord ship, said " The Bill and the whale Bill" really meant the disfranchisement of rotten boroughs, and the enfranchisement of large towns ; and he had no hesitation in saying that nothing would satisfy him but schedules A and B and C and D. But, at the same time, he would not give any pledge, for it must he evident to all that it might be expedient to vary a little ! and, for the same reason, he hoped that the county Members would not give a similar pledge. Suppose that the whole Bill was carried with the exception of a dispute on one single town, would not the Reforming Members be fools, and worse than fools, if they were to say, no, because you will not give us this one town, we will reject the benefit of the Bill altogether.'—(Applause.)" Mr. Denison said, " schedule A was the gravamen of the Bill, and without it it would not be worth a straw.—(Applause.)" " Though (he added) he was a staunch supporter of the principle of schedule B, he begged to observe that he would again, if he had the opportunity, vote against putting Guilford in schedule B, for it had a most respectable consti tuency. This showed the difficulty of giving a de fined pledge." Mr. Briscoe, the other Member, said, " with respect to the pledge that had been de• manded of him as to schedules A and B, he should have no hesitation in giving it, if they wished for it." These declarations from men, who may reasonably be supposed to know well what the intentions are, are of great im portance. However, Lord King frankly admitted !hat there must be great difficulty in passing an efficient Bill through an untractable assembly. And thia is the pinch. The power of Ministers is the impulse giving by the people. A number of sir curnstances may take place between this and January to induce the refractory Lords to cling once more to the delusion, that the people may be baulked with impunity. The Dorsetshire election will not be without its effect. Should another turn out favourable to the Tories, it will add to the ef fect. The reasoning is monstrously absurd, no doubt; because, why is a Reform in Parliament called for, but for the very circumstances which have occurred in Dorsetshire ? The people are overpowered by certain families. The late election was the effect of slaves making one great effort to break their chains. If the people could do at every election what they did at the last, one great argument for Reform would not exist; and the late election was used as a handle in that senseby the Anti- Reformers. The people can already return what repre sentatives they please, they said, and what more would they have ? But a man will make a sacri. fice if he believes it will be the last, which he will not make with the knowledge that it will not save him from constant sacrifices in future. The people, then, ought to confide in Ministers ; but they must organise themselves in such a manner as to add the momentum necessary to enable Ministers to carry the Bill. As Cromwell said, " Read your Bibles, but sleep on your matchlocks." The Lords will only pass the Bill if they know they must pass it. Let the people be ready in January with such a front as to satisfy the untractable House that no Mi nister dare to refuse to the people such a Bill as that which Earl Grey would be ready to give to them. Dur'ng the interval much may be done in the for mation of Unions and Committees, so that, if ne cessary, the people may rise in their might, as if animated by one soul. A number of excellent ob servations were made by Lord King and Mr. Mo berly on the importance of Reform. " The question simply came to this (said Lord King).— the country must have a Reformed House of Commmons, in order that it might have a cheap Government ; and a cusp Government was now a sine qua non. England had long, suffered under the most profuse Government that the world had ever witnessed, and the only remedy was to have a House of Commons bound iu good and sufficient secu rities for the establishment of cheap Government ; and, that, he begged to tell them, could only be done by teems of schedules A and B.—(Cheers.) The question that the House of Lords had raised was, whether the privileges of that order had a right to stand in the way of such a Go vernment ?" " It was true (said Mr. Maberley) that the - Ministers had been defeated ; but had they shrunk from their posts ? They had pledged themselves to a Reform Parliament, and to a cheap Government.—(A voice—" They have not given us a cheap Government.")lt was true that they had not given the country a cheap Government ; but he would ask them whether that question, important as it was, ought not to give place to Reform ?—(Cheers)—and for this simple reason—let there once be Reform, and cheap Go vernment must follow.---(Cheers.) A reformed Parlia-, ment would be an all-sufficing check against the domina tion of any corrupt Ministry ; and he for his part woulti say—put aside any measure till the Reform Bill is carried, for that one Bill will ensure every other."—(Applause.) We cannot conclude our observations on this meeting without alluding to the unequivocal testi mony afforded at this and every other meeting, of the wish of the people to get rid of the BiShops as a part of the Legislature. With the exception of one individual, to whom we shall advert by-and-bye, all, all were loud against the Bishops. They have indeed by their conduct matured with an astonish ing rapidity the public aversion to their order. Mr. Leach, the mover of die addiess, observed— " There was one part of the House of Lords which they ought to look at with peculiar Jealousy—(Bear, hear)—that was the bench of Bishops—(Cheers and groans)—that bench had thought proper to vote both against the King and the people. Formerly they used to be celebrated fur supporting the King : Ow old favourite toast used to be Church and King.' Whether the toast in future was to be ' the King' only, he did not know ; but this he knew, that it would be impossible fur the Biahops to be of any further use in the House of Lords— (Cheers)-,--for, in his opinion, they ought never to be allowed to have votes there again.—(Cheers.)" Mr, Cobbett, adverting to the comments of Mr. Leach, on the conduct of the Bis'iops, observed, that " the Bishops formed one part of a body that took from the people a very large portion of their earninga--(Hear, hear)—and it was therefore fit that his Majesty should be reminded of the miscon duct of those Bishops, and the great mischief that they had done to the people; and after analysing the votes, he ca me to t h e conc l us i on th a t th e w hole failure was to be ascribed to the Bench of Bishops --(Hear, hear)—and therefore thought that their address to the King ought to touch upon the cora duct of the Bishops ; but Mr. Leach's address was entirely silent on that head." Lord King said, " As to the Bishops, he was no particular friend of theirs.—(Leughter and dicers.) He would wil willingly consent to turn those money-changers out of the Temple of the House of Lords, if he might call that House by such a name ; he therefore thought that Mr. Cobbett's address would have made a capital speech, though, at the same time, he did not think that it was quite the thing to Rend in an address to the Sovereign." Mr. Mabeily, though he also opposed the introducing the condem nation of the Bishops into an addris , , observed, " that they were all agreed as to the impropriety of the conduct of the Bench." The only individual who had the heart to say any thing for the Bishops was the Rev. Mr. Courtenay. " He regretted to find that a cry against the Ecclesias tical Bench was too prevalent.—(Hisses and laughter.) He trusted that they would hear him as a friend. One of the motives that induced him to say thus much was, be cmse he was convinced that any violence, or violent reso lutions on their part against a particular class would be injurious to the cause of Reform. It was for this reason that he must lift his voice against what the last speaker had said about putting down the Bishops.—(A cry of " We hope they will, though !") He admitted that he thought that the Bishops had committed a gross error re specting the Bill, and that they were under a gross decep tion as regarded the feelings of the people on the Bill.— (Cheers.) But only two days before he had been at a meeting at which the Primate was in the Chair, and he could not conceive of any one offering an insult to his Christian meekness—his amiable charity of temper.— (Groans---cries of " (111, oh !" and much laughter.) Well might the Rev. Mr. Courtenay regret to find the cry against the Bishops so prevalent. The Bishops, indeed, have proved the greatest enemies of corruption the Church (for the true Church and the Church of the present Bishops are quite dis tinct) has ever had. But it is amusing to hear a worthy Clergyman urge as the only reason why sen tence should not be pronounced against the Bishops, that he had been at a meeting at which the Primate was in the chair, and he was so meek, so meek ! Why this is equal to any thing in Le Sage or Field ing. It reminds us of the account of the worthy Saint Ambrose Lamela. Yes, yes, this is part of the stock in trade of all who wish to clear out the pockets of their neighbour. John Knox and John Calvin were not very meek, neither was Martin Luther; but the whole three, though frugal men, did not leave behind them as much as would furnish one dinner to his Grace's footmen. The allusion to the meekness of the worthy Prelate reminds us of the fable of La Fontaine, of the young Mouse, the Cock, and the Cat. The youth was on the point of salut ing the venerable Cat, the Cock, by crowing and clapping his wings, frightened him. Speaking to his mother of Tabby, he says, " He seemed so meek —he is velvety like us, has a long tail, a humble countenance, a modest air, and yet a brilliant eye." —" My son," said the old Mouse, " this mild-look ing personage is a Cat, who, under his hypocritical air, bears the utmost malice against all thy race. His kitchen is supported at our expence. As long as thou divest, be on thy guard against people with such looks."—Morning Chronicle. The session of Parliament which has just termi nated will be regarded by posterity as one of the most important epochs in the history of this country. At a moment when revolutionary madness was rag ing in many of the States of Europe, and, by a na tural and never-failing sympathy, exciting to a pitch of corresponding frenzy the more ardent and restless spirits among the population of Great Britain, the Ministers of the King thought they had discovered the suitable period when, as prudent Statesman, they might best appeal to the people upon the question of Parliamentary Reform, might cast into the arena of popular disputation whatever was supposed to be de fective or anomalous in the institutions of our country, might supply a new stimulus to democratic ambition, arid offer the prize of absolute political power as the reward of democratic turbulence. Tire appeal to the nation which was thus made by the Ministers of the Crown produced precisely such a House of Commons as might have been and (by the appellants at least) was expected from it—a Houseof Commons consisting for the greater part of the delegates of a thought less and ignorant rabble, who, rendered giddy by the delusive promise of supreme power, and furious by means of wilful and unprincipled exaggerations of those imperfections which must always be found in every human institution, threw aside during the period of the general election all the restraints of order and of law, spurned the salutary influence of rank, station, intelligence, or wealth, and refused to acknowledge the possible existence of public virtue in public men, unless in proportion to the vehe mence with which they proclaimed themselves upon the hustings the enemies of every established insti• tution in the State. In such a House of Common% an Administration which flattered the people with the prospect of great constitutional change, i n order to withdraw their attention from its own repeated practical blunders, and its own ma nifest incompetency to execute the actual and daily business of Government—of a constitu tional change commensurate with the blunders and the incompetency it was meant to conceal— found of course a large majority of confederates, bond like itself to the cruise of revolution, hound by pledges which the people in the moment of intoxi- cation had extorted from diem to join in the Mi nisterial conspiracy against the interests of the people. The Reform Bill, which engrossed the time of Par liament and the attention of the country during tits whole of the late Session, has been already ab et , dandy discussed. We shall now only characterize it as a measure in every respect worthy of the com bination of causes which gave it birth. Its authors tacitly confess that it could have conferred no prac tical and substantial benefit upon the nation, since, with a Legislature perfectly disposed to acquiesce in any proposal having practical and substantial ad vantages in view, they contented themselves with fighting for a theoretical Reform, while its oppo nents, comprehending from the first by far the largest part of the educated, intelligent, and reflecting classes of society, and including now, thanks to the efforts of the vigorous minority in the House of Commons, and the proud majority of the House of Lords, by far the largest part of the whole nume rical population, conscientiously believe it to have been a scheme pregnant with ruin to the country, the certain precursor of destruction to the Throne, to the Church, to the Aristocracy, to the property of the country; and thence of necessity fatal to all public order, all regulated industry, all social happi ness and security. The firmness, virtue, and pa triotism of the hereditary branch of the Legislature have rescued the country from the inetrievable • calamity by which it was threatened. The House of Peers has acquired a new claim to tire everlasting respect and gratitude of the British people, and has presented to the world at large a splendid and en during example of the unspeakable advantage which a nation derives from a Legislature, one branch of winch is by the nature of its con stitution superior to the influence of transient and accidental excitement. The Peerage of England was threatened with the effects of po pular indignation if it presumed to reject the insane, ruinous, revolutionary Bill. It nobly disdained the threat. It courageously performed its duty. Arid it has preserved its honour, its dignity, and its sta tion, not untouched, but elevated and improved. The Peerage is the object of respect and gratitude at this moment even to those who a month ago cla moured most loudly for the revolutionary Bill ; and that pernicious compound of sordid self-interest, low cunning, and desperate treason, is universally re garded with the feelings of loathing and of scorn which it was so well fitted to inspire. • The Reform Bill, which was intended from tire be ginning only as a screen to Ministers, and a pre . tepee for a general election, in circumstances favour , able to their friends and dependents, having been disposed of by a majority of the House of Lords, so large as to leave not the least doubt in any man's ; mind flat the ultimate fate of the measure entered - into the original calculations of its authors—that web of artifice and intrigue being now completely woven, the riddle of a revolutionary Ministry being' satisfactorily solved—it remains for us only to see what practical advantages the country - has derived from any other legislative attempt of its liberal Ad ministration, who, through the means of that Bill, enjoyed throughout the Session a degree of Parlia mentary power wholly without precedent. And here we lament to find little better, or rather some thing worse, than a total blank. Reform, retrench ment, non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations, were the three great pledges upon which the present Ministers entered into office. With respect to Reform they have defrauded the nation, by proposing a scheme which they must have known from the first they could not carry, and accordingly there is no Reform ; but there is what the Ministers like much better, a great additional number of their own personal and patty adherents in the House of Commons. As to retrenchment, nothing of the kind has been at tempted, or spoken of, or thought of. And the principle of non-interference has been beautifully illustrated by restraining Holland from repelling the injustice of Belgium—by sending a King to the latter country to swear that he would never recede from a certain national boundary, and then imme diately giving extensive territory within that boundary to the rival State—by endeavouring, in every underhand way that ingenuity could devise, to produce a Revolution in Portugal, and to de throne the reigning Sovereign of that country. The ordinary business of legislation has during the last Session been wholly in the hands of Ministers. To oppose any of their measures was certainly to incur gross misrepresentation and great popular odium. Such was their infallibility as legislators, that to offer opposition to any proposal of theirs was or could ite nothing but an unjust and insidious at tempt to get rid of the great question of Reform by a side wind. And with this extraordinary power what have they done ? They have reduced the duty upon the claret and champagne of the affluent and luxurious, and increased the duty upon the humble port of the middle classes of society ; while, by the very same measure, they have the further merit of violating the spirit of an ancient treaty, of gratifying the revolutionary Government of France, and of im proving the chances of a revolution in Portugal. In addition to this legislative exploit, Ministers, during the past Session, have carried through Parliament a Bill for altering the game laws, and another for the creation of a new Judicature in Bankruptcy. Of the former of these we cat► only say, that in the opinion of men who have devoted a great part of their lives to the consideration of the subject, and who, as Magistrates and as sportsmen, have an in timate knowledge of the subject in all its details, it is calculated to aggravate many and to mitigate none of the evils of the existing system. With respect to the new Bankruptcy Judicature, it is an emerge tion of the ingenious and fertile brain of the Lord Chancellor. Its effects can only be judged after a tolerably extended experience. All that is at pre sent certain is, that the . measure has excited the active hostility of persons whom the Lord Chan cellor himself would, upon any other legal Reform, have pronounced to be the least liable to error of all earthly judges; that in a department of judicial business, in which the quantity of busi ness to be done fluctuates from time to time in a degree altogether peculiar to itself, it substitutes for a tribunal which contracts and expands, to suit the emergency of the moment, another tribunal which neither expands nor contracts, but remains in flexibly and for ever the sante; and that it gives to the Lord Chancellor the immediate disposal of as much patronage as he could in the ordinary course of human affairs have expected to enjoy for the next ten years, and is to be attended moreover by a large increase to the retiring pension of that distinguished member of his Majesty's Government. We, how ever, give no opinion of the measure. That the public are to pay for it pretty handsomely is now quite certain. Let it therefore by all means have a fair trial, and, as to the addition to Lord Brougham's retiring pension, that is a thing which, were it ten times as much as is intended, we feel quite confi dent the nation will never be so unreasonable as to begrudge.—Morning Post. The accounts of the meetings from all places pour in on us in such numbers, that we are utterly unable to notice a tithe of them. The meetings of which we yesterday received accounts were—Belfast, on Saturday last, attended by from 6,000 to 7,000 per sons—(outside and inside the Court House) — Hull, on Thursday last; the Northern Political Union, and other Reformers, assembled on the Town Moor, on Monday last, to the number of from 50 to 55,000 persons ; and Birmingham, on Thursday last. Hampshire meets on Wednesday next. There are requisitions for county meetings in Warwickshire, Staffordshire, and Worcestershire. Our readers may remember that the poor foolish creature the Marquis of Londonderry, who pretends to accuracy of information respecting the North of Ireland, was pleased a week or two ago, to state in his place in the House of Lords that a re-action had taken place in Belfast. The meeting, on Saturday last, affords a glorious refutation of this calumny on the capital of the North of Ireland. We are un able, from want of space, to give an abridgement of the ample report in the Northern Whig. Of the cha racter of the meeting, given by that Journal, we must content ourselves with the following extract. After noticing " the glorious display of public feeling that was exhibited" on Saturday, that Journal observes We heel there such a combination of intelligence, wealth, industry, patriotic spirit, and numbers, as it was cheering to contemplate. The enthusiasm of the great multitude was astouishing. One soul seemed to animate the vast assemblage, and that soul beat high for Reform. The rejection of the Bill by the Lords, so far from having any chilling effect on the people of Belfsst, has nude them ten times more ardent in the cause, and more determined not to be defeated. The calumnies, too, which have, of late, been put upon our town, by the worst lees of a con temptible party, have been very useful. We are under great obligations to the Guardian, for the opposition at tempted to be got up. The insult offered to our town called forth, as one man, such a body of the sterling worth and strength of Belfast, including the tradesmen and me chanics—a most powerful and enlightened class—:as threw back, into their Dative insignificance, the worthless crea tures who had ventuted to come among honest men, that they might do evil. Well acquainted, though we were, with the feeling and spirit of this town, we certainly were not prepared for the splendid and sublime out-bursting of public spirit with which the meeting of Saturday pre sented us." At all these meetings the hatred of the Bishops seems to know no bounds. The feeling is not pure hatred, for there is mixed up with it an evident ex ultation that the Bishops have deprived themselves of all aid—that they have so contrived, that no man not as completely lost in character as themselves dares to say a word in their behalf. Thus, for instance, at the Newcastle meeting, a Mr. Larkin, a man evidently possessed of no ordinary powers of eloquence, observes : " how shall I n ow approac h t h ose grave and reverend Personages, the Bi s h ops —(L aug h ter ) —the creatures in big wigs and lawn sleeves, whom you so much admire and respect ?—(Laughter and derision.) I touch this theme with an exulting spirit. I rejoice that they have openly displayed their hatred to the people. I rejoice that they have record e d tl ;c i r votes against this great measure of popul ar lih er ty.—(Loud cheers.) I rejoice that the spirit o f ma d ness which precedes destr uct i on is upon them.—(Cheers.) I rejoice that they have preserved to the last the 'consistency of their character (Cheers)—that they have not d e generated from their pre decessors into one single act of public virtue. From the first establishment of the Church of England down to the ; present hour, they have ever been the slaves of avin ice, rest, not only voted but spoke of Canter bury, the millions of power, the oppressors of the p eo pl e , t h e holy allies of despotism and tyranny.—(Cheers, w i t h a 1 1 single the c cry of mouth-piece of Sir.") The Are bish ir. against the Bill. Never will that speech nor that vote be fot gotten. They will be engraved, not on tsbletti of stone or tables of brass, but, like the law of nature, in in delible characters on the hearts of the people, Th e d ay of vengeance and retribution is advancing with hasty and gigantic strides.—(Loud applause.) The Heavens are lowyring an the Ecclesiastical Establishments of this country. The clouds which menace its destruc• rion, and which, when they !pi - vet, will pour a tor rent of desolation on this hauglity and oppressive Church, are gathering fast. The storm, whose lightning will shiver to atoms the turrets of its episcopal palaces, and whose thunder will shake their massive walls to their very foundation, approaches fast.—(Loud cheering.) The hand-writing against this mystical Babylon is even now on the wall—(Great applause)—while its prelates are rioting in luxury, and reposing in fancied security, dreaming to the last, I'll warrant you, of benefices and translation.— (Cheers and laughter.) The enemy is at the gates—its fall is at hand—(Loud cheers)—and when it does fall, it will fall amidst the rejoicings of a people whom it has op pressed, and with whose liberties its existence is incom patible—swoln with pride, gorged with wealth, bloated with pomp and arrogance, its avarice unappeased, and its luxury insatiable.—(Tumultuous applause. )" At the Birmingham meeting, Henry Smith, E,q., the Low Bailiff, said— " He could not help expressing the indignation he felt at the rights of the people being set at nought by the whole weight of the Right Rev. Bench.—(Tremendous cheers.) He wished, instead of taking upon themselves the character of legislators, they would throw aside their robes and Par liamentary paraphernalia, and visit their flocks—the house of the mechanic, and the cottage of the labourer—and there see the vast mass of moral and religious degradation that was spreading through the land in consequence of bribery and corruption—(Cheers)—and after having don• that, he would ask them whether they felt satisfied—whe ther their consciences did not tell against them—in shut ting their ears to that precept, which tra: more on their lips than in their hearts, ---c Lord, deliver us from tempts. tion.'—(Loud and continued cheering.)" Mr. Scholefield observed— " With respect to the Bishops, a great many of them had got their mitres from their political pam phlets. There was the Right Reverend Bishop of Ely ; there was Dr. Coppleston, Dr. Phillpotts, and, though last, not least, the present Archbishop of Can terbury, who had actually out Heroded.Fferod—(Loud laughter)—for he had said no King could do wrong. There were also two brothers of the name of Sumner, and a great many more of the Right Reverend Bench who owed their rise to—he would not say what.—(Loud laughter.) But he would ask the meeting, did they ever find the Bishops doing their duty in the way they ought to do ai the apostles of Christ ?—(Loud cries of 'No, no.')" It is quite impossible that the Bishops should ever make good the ground they have lost by their vote. They have played like desperate gamestets, throwing theii: whole interest in the people on the chance of a single die. These are not the days in which Bishops can afford to play such pranks in the sight of heaven. They should not have challenged the public attention to their base history, unre deemed by a single virtuous act, except we call such their resistance to King James, though that wa , only after they had to choose between resistance and seeing their wealth transferred to the Catholics. From henceforth there will be no communion between a Church and State Hierarchy and the people of England. They have provoked theft doom. Mr. Joseph Parkes, who made a most able and eloquent speech at the Birmingham meet• ing, and than whom few men arc better acquainted with the state of England, entered into an analysis of the House of Peers, with a view to show the . almost insuperable difficulty in the way of obtaining the consent of that House to an efficient Reform : " He would not," he said, " be a party to delusion ; h, would not longer conceal his real fears that the country and the Reform Bill laboured under almost insurmountable difficulties - The House of Lords consisted of 411 Peers, and 199 voted against the second reading of the Bill ; 158 voted in favour ; 64 Peers did not vote at all ; of the latter number 20 might be absentees, insane, and minors. Therefore, there were 40 certainly di-affected to the Bill, who did not vote. Now it was notorious that of the minority, many Peers voted for the second reading inimical to the principles of the Bill, and who would have opposed its de tails i❑ Committee. Thus in fact, only about one-fourth of the Peerage was sincerely in our favour. Deny this gloomy fact who may, deceive the people in hid:rig it who might, he (Mr. Parkes) would not be a party to the delusion. How was such a critical situation to he overcome ? Would in trigue, corruption, fear, conviction—would any other causes or motives operate, in the short interregnum of the proroga tion, to reduce this formidable majority of their opponents. would they not he emboldened by their impunity Would they not again combine and intrigue when Parlia ment again assembled ? Would not the Bill be again thrown our, or more probably be smothered or torn in pieces, and rendered useless in Committee ? He again repeated, that be would not delude the people. There were but two modes of carrying this measure—by consti tutional means, or by means not strictly constitutional ; in other words he told them it could only be carried by more Peers or fewer. —(Loud cheers.) peated that he conscientiously believed that they would do the like again, unless their numbers were increased. If new Peers were not made he solemnly warned the House of Lords that it was "the last time of asking." He solemnly warned the Government that if it had not the energy to make the change in the representation re quired by the people, that the people would make it for themselves.—(Loud cheers-) He warned the Peers that in proportion to the fortitude and forbearance of the people would be the deluge of their fury, and retributive justice, when they did break front the moorings of their pa tience. If any Anti-Reform Administration attacked the Press, the liberties awl the lives of the people, revolution would and ought to come, and God forbid that be should be the last to join it.—(Loud cheering.)" The opinions of men like Mr. - Parkes will, no doubt, produce a great impression on the country. Of the intentions of Ministers we have already said we entertain no doubt ; but we cannot see our way as to the mode in which effect can be given to their intentions. We believe that a Bill with schedules A and B will be preset' ed by Ministers, but beyond this we know nothing. However, there is a spirit in Birmingham, in Lancashire, and Yorkshire, in Newcastle, and in Scotland, that ►s not to be trifle,l with. The men who address meetings in those parts do not speak in the tame style of the South:— " The King," says Mr. Larkin, at the Newcastle meeting, " has retained his Ministers. As yet, then, we will not abandon the humiliating and supplicating posture of petitioning for our rights, nor rise to demand them in that port and attitude which become the citizens of a free St Ete, and with that determination of purpose which will no longer brook delay. For a while longer, then, we will remain prostrate saves—humble petitioners at the feet of a Legislature which foots and spurns us from its thresh hold. For a while, we will crouch, and fawn, and sup plicate. Yes, while a hope of justice remains, we will be patient; we will endure our wrongs, embittered by insult, with fortitude ; but at the same time, with a sup pressed energy of feeling that will carry conviction to the bosoms of our oppressors that we have something within us which their wisdom ought to fear We have de manded Only our legal and constitutional rights, that the De mocracy should be reinvested with these privileges which t;ie Aristocracy have usurped, and that we should have a full, fair, and free representation in Parliament. This has been the full extent of our demands. If this be correct, which should prevail in the contest, the millions or the hundreds, the people or the peerage ?—(Cries of The people.') In which should the preponderance of power reside ? In an idle, vicious, and immoral Aristocracy, the companions of fiddlers and buffoons, the paramours of courtesans, and husbands of cast-off actresses, or in a brave, a gallant, a powerful, a laborious, an ingenious, and ►ntelligent people, from whom is taken the strength of our armies and the va lour of our navy—from whom our Legislators and Judges are selected, our Generals and Admirals appointed, and from whom, in times of peril and danger must be chosen the men who are to be the saviours of the country, the avengers of its wrongs, and its protectors against opines stun ; in short, in whom reside all the talent, all the energy, all the riches, and all the power of the nation ? (Cheers.) But if they will madly persist in their resistance to this act of justice to the people, it is plain that they will not long have to deal with a lawless mob, but that the standard of revolt will be unfurled in every part of the empire.— (Loud cheers.) The universal people of these realms will appeal from reason to the sword, and convulsively wrest their rights from tyranny and oppression. Mr. L. con cluded amid tremendous cheering by reading the resolution." —Morniny Chronicle. The Bishops are " catching it" in all quarters. A( a great Surrey meeting on Thursday their oppo sition to the liberties of the people formed the lead ing topic of reproach—at almost all other meetings such likewise has been the case—in several of the ward and parish meetings it has been strongly sug ges!ed that whenever any of them shall present themselves to preach, the congregation should imme diately leave the church—and, finally, we have now before us a copy of a requisition to the church wardens of St. James's, Clerkenwell,respectfully re questing, in consequence of the irreligious conduct of the Bishops, in respect to the Reform Bill, that they (the Bishops) shall not be again solicited to in the churches of that parish To use guage of an evening cotemporary (The . is, " in all these meetings, a spirit of set cided repugnance to the Episcopal Bench " inadvertent" vote on the Reform question , men of Birmingham hold the same langur men of Newcastle; the men of the with those of the North ; Ireland lo with Scotland ; all cla-ses, in short, out the three kingdoms ere equally strc' their reprobation of the officious—we mieh add, the unwarrantable—conduct of thr We do not mention these things for the holding up the Bishops to an additional port well-merited opprobium which has resuli their conduct; but as a persuasive to do v.' , Grey counselled them to do—" to set their in order"—to prepare to meet the s torm , which they are about to be visited, by a P course of living than they have hitherto . and abstaining in any interference in matters do not concern them. There have bee hope there still are, many good and pious whose affections were not set on the this world—who, in the true spirit of ►,ons of the church, did not spend its " in costly building.:, in sumptuous pomps, in feasting and banqueting in wantonness in enriching of kinsfolk, and hounds," as the venerable Dean Colet ha' but retaining " one part for themselves household, gave another to their poorer —a third to the repair and upholding of ments, and the fourth to the poor;" sadly have the times changed, " how has ;, become dim, and the fine gold as nothing! Bishops have become in a mariner "Princes earth"—they rarely intertningle with the clergy of the Church, or the flocks which the charge has been committed to while to their spiritual comfort we fear fewer to be fdund ministring in the than at any former period. The causes Of lancholy declension are not peculiar to the any more than to any other men similailY stanced. They are to be found in their fillse as legislators in secular matters, and in t grown wealth; and until their lute& former has been got rid of, and the latter divided among the poor, but working der that there is no hope of that thorough which is now called for from one end of the to the other.—Morning Advertiser. ft I Ret, , qAt, .c 4 %Ily el 109% C! cited to r •. o use the Phe Sun)t' 1- -I, of settle W in meh for it'LDB a p es tioc. imilslS, inguage al A NTS .'.. the Saudi re„er id keeps p, f or In „ hort thrr beet) t 4h,„, ale ' strenuou•ks— atm. [?, might 01 1 t . 1 . the 13:sk '4', MA the pure jet. letter il portion v,iect, f resulted If t sa , wa s I do what ping e eff et their 11°i'Poltrieog e storm' • falil_,ll by a more r t ) tai " h. e lc herto pii'*no4,l,d Placers ,fhtviihicl been, and,,ktlat thi pious'Biete, lifi4,;`,) the thieck,''or 'herb: rit of th e ti t I its reve e ar t i l ait; us ap pa lel 1:‘ Idlllt., in exeee, 44 4 IN e l islo, and keee't,,,. e a r ,, 6 1, ° , 4 , tlet bath I'Lltl,-;„tt4 oti: e !Ives anti t'—*,ecl-Tol over Cierglei,°,4l;4l of their 11,4tfAechit,c)r : but, alas 1 1 1, 0 4T,late i' tw has tbei,ft,Pyitarp,c )thing !" e:t)iriii.tß,,tt,4) Princes 0' ...),h4,,,rie it h the I ) °, testae ' i is generaOt t,S ted to thettblatkit fear there :: he present f1kt1441,!,a, ises of rili°„Pt,reti to the Vi''',,,i44l,ednee icll mils' ly eir , c i oktir 'th e ' io r r l it false 11°.0(6 'ti444ot in their : I tt.Vh , , er feretice P,rllti:e ost3 fitter beef' fAkijikeiltatlik clergy' ".ii,to4t-,e'aatC Jgh reforflilkj4tY's ;1,, 1, he " ...t a il ; iroehraeey ftliri,ll,oo,o ,11.)1"tilitlr,,,,.1,to,rili‘e.at,J.rfaiit, ENNA. , 1 0 ,,: h e I / 2 lh , c , 4 is capita,,,r 4 ' m a , to say, ir.o. Ist r. Nil irt o f tbre i el' Met ming 0 1 r y . t 100 The, roe 0, . 1 , f , ,. 3 : and tb tii"4, Me t, n ot CO 1) 1 ite th ate' i i ' 4 for a SOIIS tllif -.4i ' been 10,4 401, re. Sidpros" , f Le first ob ° , , ' e cholera „; f , aiparativelf ''')(--..,..„,, means itic'°9:' l' : 13 : . . oi l :: y ei t p t It a l e l: :', " 1 1 : 1 : , . 1a 4, 11,1 i l i e t y ll : I i . nd surrouty f , wide glaciit,e: ~ 'moderately '•l,:ri'll ll fide, though titt,.or sir and I ig4 4,N.41,,ru stories, as AtJ r t , i ' ii .t should nos e9-.4•4/V,ti'd lipletely 1 14 1 : 1 ,,at , 1 u wever, il j t -1 4 1, 1) „rZ e , beet itart °', - ':!ct oa a r t ea i N i gi rl u e ri n rd n;, ol:tittvtvi l aj r: l 4 t : i i , ;. RileUo SilrY revdile, of t t itiot,! le, too, it t!kilia ,at j r , sAe,' ,oti,:. 4 in Eurel; ich constitt','N,,,....... n t iled. P Gq b ; of E si. • . fr A, ITEHEAP. ,; -u,c, or and thit!);'f t),..t.i,,,A.1 Ilford, 10'`C.,t ti l g qLet ce t„'ict at person 9, ~,,t h , ti,., ist saturaNv 'Nit() As it o .° ‘ 1 l ''"o l ' ,„ lieo .., Al ii„.l',„ -kk TIIE CHOLERA AT VIEN The mortality from the cholera in this ea) the first month of its visitation—that is to 13th of September—amounted to no on deaths. But about the latter period, a storm having prevailed for the better part the disease broke out with the most alarmil the night of the 13th, and, in the course twenty hours, swept away eighty victims : cipally in the city. In one little street, n , above ten or a dozen houses, six persons night. The higher classes seem to have bee; singled out for the ravage ; and the Drs. Gassner, and Roehrig, were among the ' Since this alarming burst, however, the cl gone on with proportional fury : it is email Bail, though the deaths are still by no ine , able. If the local peculiarities of Vienna I account, it is not difficult to explain wl orders have particularly felt the severity 0 . 1 and also why the city has been its pa Vienna, the city, is small, compact, and suburbs, from which it is separated by a Nvl' streets are very narrow, and the houses amt But it is here that the higher classes reside, first floors are generally destitute of both air ar lower classes, meantime, enjoy the uppe r s t o : i, the more spacious and airy suburbs. It observation, too, that Vienna is almost cotnpi in with a chain of mount ins ; which, howl protect it front violent gales during the be s year, and especially about the equinoxes. in a severe form, is a constant resident at every autumn a malignant dysentery prey the mortality is considerable. The people, remarked, particularly the higher orders, are living. On the whole, it would seem to a' the future progress of the complaint, that has not been more severe; for few cities possess more of those elements which fomites of this direful malady.—London tll, The appeal case of the Marquis in the names of TRYON, BYRON, WHITE' SON, and NEWLAND, against HILLIAM, RR> voters in the palish of St. Michael, Stamfur determine the suffrages of thirty-three pe" before the Court of Quarter Sessions last occupied nearly the whole of the day. As it before that eminently-impartial tribunal tbe. Aldermen of Stamford, and as these most y' r o disinterested Judges had to determine each was, that neither argument, equity, nor law, "' t) prevail. —Stamford Champion. A correspondent says, " Every °ll screwing up cour ige and resolution to the full trb; endurance or resistance ; and if there is any °u t i l e statements made by commercial tr a vellers , le t' ! struggle will he speedily decided across the cone )0, banking-houses, rather than across green fields' i t s‘ cur in stating that the one-spun web of creth t ; 3 lo', is entang!ed every species of property in these ',II ij gins to relax on every side. If the Reforrn n' le et delayed three months longer, there will be litt le . 0 0 present order of things for its remedial °Ti lt : v et t ! : ready the tradesman and the travaler feel 6 ,ii e e suspension of business and the want of cow' Lincoln Mercury. O re FRANKENSTEIN.—A new edition, frer, revised by the authoress, with an introducti°ll,sidi; own pen, exi lavatory of the circumstances t e l ‘ d b eli l4. ' extraordinary romance owes its origin, and iti c ginal anecdotes of Lord BYRON and Mrs. Snt e t ' r appear, we understand, in the next nu wv o tit/ Standard Novels. " Frankenstein" has bee° rc,oo l (i by the most illustrious men here and on th e 0t . 4 t as example of which may be found In the t e te saNG's speech in the House of Commons on March, 1824, wherein he alluded in tero, 4 ly eulogy to the tale which he characterised to Dei of a child of genius." To "F ran k ens tein' oi,,e in the same volume, the first part of Sciilit story of " The Ghost-Seer." MURDER OF A CHILD BY I TS F h yr, ) l Last night RicuAan TURPIN, an Irish c oal-` s: / g t i ji brought to the Thames Police-office, 0 ,94 , 4 , if I wilful murder of his daughter, SUSAN Tvs Month. It appeared, by the evidence of fe l others, that he and his wife had been drink".esteli gin until the husband became much iti t()% to ' o c he quarrel ensued between them, and the wife , c her' it threats of personal violence, ran down stairsqj 010,0 liberately to o k up the b e d in whi c h the e bi tsve and threw it altogether out of the wina ° n 's c , i lthp e pt high. The child was killed by the tali , was taken int o cus t o dy by th e P o lice. In, r - es tn c->1 wept bitterly, an d sa id i t ap p eare d likes" He had no reco ll ect i cn o f w h a t h a d hapPl o iy PactruELL said this case afforded a mela l w ie be - 0 5 :0' of the evils of excessive drinking. „ it to 0 )1 4 clearly made out, and it was his painful du, 1 0,0 the prisoner f or t r i a l, on th e c h arg e of O fl-11 ,; his child. li e was i mme di a t e ly remove a the van. a s( o °) l , l ,,t t i l ti l ie e m O tin th inst. in Wyr B RI I 11 1 :1 11 -p S lace, M rs. NV'''. u itoV il' t iLit i l i i . c t hi i h n l. 4 of a son. „li`j c t il. l 0 ? Spencer Markham, of Clifton Rectory, county ef,„%rt., On the 18th inst. at S i i:i bl‘ d li b i'l a ti c 'll li tilli C el l l i l:a r D :r i c y. h o , f C tihiceslll4lo. ::) .osl o ( Charlotte, daughter of the late Sir J. L Kaye, "- Grange, Yorkshire.. 1 . is, On the 18th inst. at Furncux Pelham, bcr ~,, cl 5. Esq., of Liskeard, Cornwall, to Anne Sarah, 0 " e ti j 0. Hallam, Esq., of White Barns, Herts. , st f' , DI ED, . Tee' On the 20th inst. R. Nowell, Esq. of Essex-st 1 0 0 his 67th year. Ow Oil the lath inst. at Thuile, Oxfordshire, Mall, M i 4 3a' i kr i la On the 20thte . h, in sq. t. George of that p ßoots, Esq., of lace. Ct/' t he dor R eco rder of Kingston-on-Thames, aid more than 9 4. If ,' , P , on ly son of G. Meredith, Esq., of Nottingliaio-1.- _,., r i ng t o n-court, Worcestershir e . ill"' on the 17di inst. at Clifton, after a ling 13 , 13. ftoi At nin c i z s t s ir io o i r o r n o the l i ttl u o l f " .l Walker Esq. July \V N ' V S . .G. Mere & di f' cc On the Ifith inst. at Gloucester, Lavinia , wife 0 f Esq., aged 24, I ~- ,--- A _..-- ---__--..----__ _ ---, - -iis lit PRINTED AND PUBI,I'3IIEI, BY MURDO ) (li nos . SUN OFTICV, 11'2, STRAND, LO,S." C ) Ai r‘ I IE 3t iii Ad t ‘ i tou,' ,. _44 1"44 C ti2 li fht tt, 4 at, k u No t w 'PL E " Ikt.. • , 41, A 4 4 1 1 44, Ant !' 1 sq - th e k 4l, l l(iy -,% tt Y ° Lra.!'°l ' 4 eh a tt , e, lv IK 40 ti,°% , , bY -1 3 I 41z1 itt 4 1 ! 1 '1 14 , 6 ; t 41' 1 3 by tl IN 4 %1 i3, l . tt atc t 4146,