The Sun. — London, England, 1831-04-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We may congratulate our friends, and those of the real and pure Constitution of England. The cause of Reform looks cheerily! Indeed it is triumphing. What Dryden calls the " royal plant," the true British oak, like some of the productions of warmer not happier climates, is now seen to yield the fruit along with the blossom—fruition along with hope ; while in most places a successful termination of the struggle is looked to with confidence. In . Dover it has actually terminated successfully. This is a mighty victory. The Lord War den (now the Duke of Wellington) used to return both the Me m b ers for that borough : one was lost to him some y ears ago, but now the second, his Grace's and the Anti- Reform candidate, Sir John Reid, after a tw enty _ four hours' trial of his strength, has been defeated by Captain Stanhope, of the Royal Navy. Elec. tors "of England, imitate the gallant men of Dover ! This is the first place where the parties have been in the field together. We accept the result with joy, as an omen of the whole The election fur the city begins this day : the result cannot b e doubtful. An overwhelming majority on the first evening w ill soun d through the whole island, as well as the sister isle, with talismanic power. It will influence all the other elections. Dover has returned the first Re former: what borough, city, or county, will router the second ? One of the Wigrams, and, we be lieve, another anti-Reformer or two, have been down to take a look at Norwieh, and have retired in hopelessness. The reports from the counties are most favourable, and we have the surest proof of the despair of our adve r s ar i es i n t h e i r a b sur d fury and exaggeration. A broken window or two on Wednes day night (where there were no candles), by some of the glaziers' apprentices, or by boys employed by the ultra-Tories, is represented as a positive riot in London. We have seen illuminations before, and never saw one more general, or more peaceable.— However, let the parties aggrieved bring, as Lord Castlereagh, of Constitutional memory did, their losses before the eounty, arid they will be remune rated. By the way, some dirty boys were observed coming out of an Under ex-Secretary of State's house, having received money. What does that mean ? While we thus almost riot with pleasure on the happy view of our affairs, we must recommend caution with zeal. There are plenty of men of wealth and property to be found to undertake a con test with partial aid; and such men ought to be selected and supported. We have heard of a person being proposed for Weymouth,—a gentleman con nected with a periodical publication. Whatever may be his merits as the manager of a literary chronicle, we should say that such a man is not the man we want. We speak with no unkindness, but we say decidedly, that such a gentleman has no political claims, at such a crisis, on the British public.--Times. The communications by yesterday's mail from Ireland were in the highest degree satisfactory. Long after it had been given up on all hands that a disso lution of the late corrupt and refractory Parliament would be fraught with the happiest consequences, in so far as England only was concerned, the friends of Reform were tormented with fears, founded on the representations of intriguing Tories, that the effect of such a measure would be to throw Ireland into fatal 6onfusion, and to em barrass his Mejesty's Government by a conflict between Irish parties, little short of civil war. With unfeigned pleasure we perceive, by accounts from every part of the sister island, that instead of political exasperation and outrage, or any tendency to occurrences of a nature inimical to the authority of the King's Government, being likely to spring from the late dissolution, there is the best prospect that the ensuing election will he distinguished by good temper, and indeed by unanimity, beyond most others on record. There is not a whisper heard about " repeal of the Union" from north to south of Ireland. Another and more pressing interest has ariaen to occupy the people and to animate their exertions, and the cause of Reform appears to have roused a zeal arid ardour amongst our western brethren, as encouraging to the wishes of all honest men as is the spirit which now circulates throughout London. It is to the credit of Mr. O'Connell that he has lately addressed a letter to hie countrymen, deprecating in the most earnest manner, on this oc casion, the mixture of any unseasonable disposition, be it what it may, with their eagerness in support of his Majesty's Ministers, on whom rests the burden of the great measure of Reform. The Learned Gentleman dissuades the Irish electors from perplexing themselves or the candidates with any condition but the one—namely, that they shall vote for the Reform proposed by Government. If there be right feeling in such a course, there is sound judgment also ; for just in proportion as the leaven of old Toryisin—the old overbearing, boroughmon gering, anti-popular leaven—prevails in the general policy of England, to the same extent will that illiberal spirit to which Ireland may trace so many years of civil and religious persecution, domineer over the councils of her local Cabinet. The Peels, arid Gouiburns, and hydra-headed Beresfords,—the desperate enemies of English freedom,—are of the very faction through whose tyrannical intolerance the people of Ireland have been so alienated from this country, and so often and so easily seduced into rebellion against the British Crown. We say, there fore, that if the Irish seek to be well-governed, they must fling off the vile sway of the oligarchy, and make common cause with the bulk of their English fellow-subjects, who have precisely the same in terests to consult as themselves, and, in a great mea ewe, the same grievances to complain of. But we end as we began, with congratulating the friends of freedom here, that the cause bids fair to profit so largely by a reinforcement of useful represen tatives from Ireland, and to suffer nothing as to reputation from arty unworthiness in the means of acquiring for us that immense ad vantage.— With regard to England, we must state at once, as a matter to move the public indignation, end through it to operate as a warning to certain rotten boroughs, that there is reason to apprehend the return to Par. liament of Messrs. Berries and George Dawson, for the Government borough of Harwich. Little need be said upon the political integrity of a man, who, having sat under a Tory Government for a particular borough, could so adapt, or rather pervert, his re sources of patronage to his own personal views, as to establish upon that systematic manoeuvre a direct personal interest among the freemen of the borough, adverse to that of the patron under whom they had hitherto exercised their right of election, and nomi nated their successive representatives. Nothing can more fully demonstrate the pernicious consequence of suffering one faction to enjoy for half a century the power of distributing Ministerial patronage, or the aggravation of such a license, caused by the vicious amount of the patronage so monopolized, than the fact that Messrs. Henries and Dawson, by dint of the obligations entailed upon the miserable burgesses of Harwich, through a long course of Tory bribery, which those two Right Hotspur- Able Gentlemen can now no longer carry on, have be en ena bl ed (as we fear they have) still to secure their s ee r s , and to convert th a t privileg e , Which ou a ht t s of long since to have been with drawn both from and from their petty corpo ration, into a m them e perpetuating against the country at l arge a hostof similar abuses. This species of danger in other c!ses must be watched e and warded off in time. his y insurgent The liber a l p atron must extensive tv i assal If such a .not be bearded b thing were possible as an n sv ut mutinous return of rotten members, f or boroughs which t h e patrons were patriotic and honest of men,oroti tire re sult might be such an autocracy of c l ose as would leave the people of England no inoresil'igae borough in their own Government , or controul upon its actions, than the Chinese or Russians possess ov er t h eir re spective Emperors; and that in our own island we !mold be subjected to a sort of foreign rule. But as the Swisi Guards were unpalatable to the French nation, and were at last extinguished by them, so will Englishmen not endure for another twelve month -these mercenary satellites of corruption. should the borough-guards prove too troublesome " It is determinA to return the two Reform Members for Kent free of expense. Perhaps, for the information of other counties, it may be proper to state their plan of proceedingo; The whole county is to he divided into small districts, each containing two or mere parishes ; a committee to be appointed for each district, to canvass it, and to take to the poll, in the cheapest manner, by local sulist:Tiptions, of such freeholders as are unable or unwill ing to incnr the expellee of going there. In this manner the subscribers wii; have the management of their own funds, and all extravagant expenditure may be avoided. It is considered that by this plan a contest may be con ducted at g, much less expense than hag been hitherto supposed." We trust that those ports of Kent near the me tropolis, which are to reeei7e 17 the Reform Bill the privilege of returning Members, wi!! not be be hind the eastern and central parts. From the great extent of Kent, communication between the extre mities is difficult ; acid thus the men of Dover and Canterbury are often in ignorance of what is doing at Greenwich and Lewisham. This ought not to be. The individuals who are now bestirring them selves in the good cause at Woolwich, Greenwich, Deptford, and Lewisham, ought, without loss of time, to communicate with the men of Rochester and Canterbury. We understand the want of this communication from the metropolitan par s of Kent was felt on Tuesday, at thu meeting at Sitting bourne, This must not he. We regret to hear that the good cause is likely to suffer for want of Reform candidates in the counties of Denbigh and Montgomery. S ure l y t h e R e f ormers o f these coon ties are not to b e di spose d o f as chattels of the House of Wyonstay. The cause is now a host in itself. Poweiful as the Wynn family i s , t h e cause against w hi c h they have trusthavearrayed th e m se l ves i s st ill more powerf u l. Reform will not fare worse in %lee than in England, To-day comes ,- , ~nsy to be otherwise dealt with, a fresh dissolution of Parliament (it would be found less difficult than the recent one) must be hal recourse to without scruple ; and at oil risks, even that of requiring a bill of indemnity for Ministers, no writ should be directed to certain descriptions of close boroughs, but a Parliament be assembled representing those places where election was not a wretched mockery and farce. No necessity, however, we may all as sure ourselves, will or can exist for such strong ex pedients, if Englishmen be but true to their countiy. Repudiating, disdainfully, the unjust ends of our antagonists, let us imitate their skill, and energy, and concord. Let us subscribe liberally, and choose our agents anxiously,—let us canvass all who come within our reach, acting by every man as a friend who pledges himself to Reform, and toss all other question to the winds;—let no man listen to any terms of compromise—split no votes—require every thing, or accept nothing. A half Reform i no Reform—a half Reform in the actual state of England might emperil every one of our insti tutions. Our advice to our countrymen is—" Be not nice critics upon those portions of the creed of any candidate which do not touch upon Reform. But on that be precise, and rigid, and.inexorable. We must have a majority of 100 Members to put the country out of pain.—Titnes. The first blow has been struck. Dover has had the honour of routing the first of the boroughmon gers, in this great war for the rights and liberties of the people of England. The election came on yes terday, and two reformers, Mr. Poulett Thomson and Captain Stanhope, R.N., have been returned. Thus the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports has seen, in one of his own holds, how much more wil lingly the people obey the call of King and country than the mandate of a proud domineering faction. The great misteke of the boroughmongers (which is one that men who keep bad company are but too apt to fall into) consists in supposing that conscience is a mere old woman's fancy, and that money is al ways all-powerful. In ordinary times, when the people saw no prospect of the question of Reform being carried, they did not make the profession of Reform a sine qua non at elections. They might see no such mighty difference between A. and B. as to render it necessary for them to make any sacri. flees to ensure the one rather than the other. For the same reason, they might deem it unnecessary to continue, year after year, presenting petitions for Reform, when there was no !prospect of its being carried. The inaction of the people is no proof of their abandonment of principles once entertained. However, during periods when no great prin ciple is in question, money may certainly do a great deal. The people are not disposed to waste their strength in unavailing conflicts; and hence, where there was no great cause to fight for, the boroughmongers had a clear field. But when it has been made evident to the people that they hare only to put forth their strength to gain the day—when it has -been made evident to them, that it rests with themselves whether Reform is or is not to be carried—that the King and Ministers, so far frem throwing obstacles in the way, call upon them for their support—that the cause of • loyalty and the cause of Reform are one and the same— then all indifference is at an end—the people iden tify themselves with Reform, and give themselves up heart and soul to it. The insolent borough monger who tells the people, you are a pack of miserable devils, whose opinions on all subjects, if followed, would involve the country in ruin—and the only way by which your suffrage can be rendered harmless, is to let it be at the command of the highest purse—will find, to his cost, that his money will have no effect in counteracting the indignation inspired by his propositions. Once awaken the conscience of the people, and the vile bribe is viewed as the wages of infamy. The freemen, when asked by the Duke of Northumberland, the Duke of Newcastle, Sir Robert Peel, or any of the worthies who have contributed so liberally to the stock purse, to make himself infamous, by assisting to deliver over his countty to them for pillage, listens to the proposition us he would to a propo sition to sell to them the honour of his daughter or his wife. The freemen of Dover scorned to pollute themselves with the accursed thing. Sir John Reid was instantly driven off the field. The beginning of the election was the termination of it. Public in dignation manifested itself in a way which is to be lamented, though we cannot be surprised at it. The splendid carriage with which Sir J. Reid thought he could dazzle the freemen of Dover soon be came an unsightly ruin. We would advise the Anti-reformers to avoid the risk of these con tingencies by stealing to the field of battle, arid attracting as little attention as possible. Their cause is necessarily not a little odious at this time, and it will not be rendered less odious by the at tempt to take the understandings of the electors captive by the ostentious display of splendid equi pages. Matrons of a certain description would be more likely to succeed in their base purposes, by shrouding themselves in an humble garb, than by seeking to dazzle beholders by their finery. The cause of the anti-reformers is sufficiently odious without their insulting the people by the spectacle of a wealth, the price of the liberties of the people; for every anti-reformer ought to be considered as en gaged in a struggle for the power of pillaging the people. We are far from wishing that they should not be taught, by an expression of indignant feeling, a valuable lesson for their future guidance; but we trust that Englishmen, with their accustomed good nature, will allow anti-Reform candidates to return in better plight from the field of their discomfiture than poor Sir John Reid has been able to do. The people of Dover have slmwn themselves worthy of their position in the vanguard of Reform. They have just cause to be proud, and the people of Eng land will receive in good part. the recommendation which they have so well entitled themselves to give—" Reformers of England—imitate the example of the men of Dover—go you and do likewise." The victory at Dover naturally suggests the great county in which it is eituated. The county of Kent has, as we have already stated, determined to return two Reform Memb ers, Mr. Hodges and M r . Rid er , free of expense. The following vety sensible account of the plan adopted by the Kent reformers has been sent to us by a gentleman much looked up to it that county ; - • on the struggle in the City and in Southwark, which we trust will not be a long one. The Reformers arc fortunately unanimous, and it is only by the splitting of votes that Mr. Ward can have any chance of success. The example of the metropolis will be another example to the country. No reformer, will, we hope, give a vote, on any consideration, for any but a reformer. There is no being half righteous in such a case. Let electors only reflect, if each of them vote for three Reform candidates, and give the fourth vote for Mr. Ward, that gentleman may thereby be enabled to throw out a reformer. We cannot take leave of our readers without noticing a strange address to the freeholders of Surrey, from Mr. Henry 'Drummond. We are far from wishing to confound this respect able gentleman w ith the herd of those who quarrel with the Reform Bill in whole or in part. M E , Henry Drummond is a truly religious and conscien tious man, who does not thank Ciod, like certain Saints, that he has been permitted to exert hims e lf successfully in th e cause o f b r ib e ry and perjury, Mr. Henry Drummond loathes boroughmongering and boroughmongers, and would not, we are sure, for the princely revenues of Durham, London, or Carve,- bury, stain hi s sou l w i t h the approbation of t ra ffi c in the cons c i ences o f men . Y et M r . H. D rummond, with the best intenti ons i n t h e wor ld, is exerti ng hi s abilities to perp e t ua t e t h e system which produ ces all the abominations he so much loathes. We attribute this to no unworthy motive, but to an in ability, with all his acuteness in single branches of a question, to judge correctly of a subject in all its bearings. " I have ever (he says) advocated a Reform of the 1 - louse of Commons, because abuses had crept into that body, and the sale of seats was notorious. I lamented the systematic refusal of the Government fur the last thirty years to rectify this abuse, because a tremendous reaction was sure to be the result, whenever the people, finding the pressure of the public debt past further endurance, aggravated by being compelled to discharge in gold debts that were con tracted in paper, should be ready to adopt any scheme, however desperate, which might speciously, but deceit fully, offer them the prospect of relief. I was not content with vague terms, but I specified as the essential details of Reform, first, the extension of the right of voting for some one place to all resident persons of property, let that property consist in what it may, (a point, by the way, which is but indifferently managed in the Bill) : secondly, the disfranchisement of non-resident voters ; thirdly, the reduction of expense of elections by taking votes simulta neously in parishes, (arranged by the Bill in a less efficient mode); fburthly, the shortening the duration of Parlia ments from seven to three years, agreeably to the Gone stitution of 1688. I objected to the ballot, but probably without sufficient reason : and it might safely be granted wherever poor voters desire it, in order to screen them selves, in the discharge of their duty, from the interference of the rich. This would have been a substantial and a safe Reform. The people were resolved to have some Re form, and no Government would have been supported without it : the declaration of the late Ministers against it evinced their ignorance of public feeling on the subject, and drove the people to despair ; and the present Ministers were entitled to the thanks of the country for bringing forward the question at the first moment of their aseum ing the reins of Government. The Bill they introduced ought to have gone into a Committee, because the prin ciple of Reform was thereby established : it was ably drawn for effecting its object ; and its defects might have been remedied by alteration of the schedules. That places like Cotton and Old Sarum should cease to send Members, is right ; because, being altogether without inhabitants, their charters have necessarily died out, and the King should be advi , ed to issue writs to theni no more. That the franchise in other towns should not be limited to particular streets, as in Guildford, but be extended to all the inhabitants, is right ; because no one is injured by another enjoying the same privilege as himself. That Boroughs whose franchises have been notoriously bought and sold, should be disfranchised, is right, because they have acted contrary to law ; and Members should be given to such towns as Birmingham and Leeds, because great in terests have grown up in them ; but it must not be for gotten that the most populous places are often the most corrupt, and that no scheme whatever can ensure honesty and purity." Here then we have a man ready to give a vote to all persons of property, of whatever kind, to dis franchise non-resident voters—to have votes taken simultaneously, to limit the duration of Parliament to three years—and even not unwilling to give the ballot, to screen poor voters from the interference of the rich; and yet unwilling to disfranchise places without a population sufficient to ensure an inde pendent suffrage, because, forsooth, populous places are often the most corrupt. "It is obvious, (he adds) therefore, that I entertained a strong predisposition to receive favourably the plan which has been propounded by the Ministers, the greater part of which is unexceptionable; and that I had no wish to cavil at trifling faults. But since they have resolved to compel us to take the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the without any modification, it becomes us to pause before we submit to this dictation ; for to seize upon the charters of unoffending towns, as they propose, is a viola tion of all law and equity, which, like any other act of tyranny, msy indeed be effected by brute force, but which leaves no deed, nor title, nor privilege, nor property, in the kingdom, secured on any durable basis ; and, henceforth, all we possess is held on the precarious tenure of popular sufferance, ready to be sacrificed whenever a Ministry, sufficiently profligate, shall be wiling to retain power by pandering to the passions of the mob, and to perpetrate an act of spoliation under the very guise of public expediency. Nor does the integrity of some, and the experience of others, of the present Ministers afford a rational hope of even a transient respite from a speedy repetition of such acts, since they have suffered themselves to be hurried by colleagues, famed no less for the unsoundness of their judg ment, and the recklessness of their principles, than the brilliancy of their talents, into a desperate plunge, by a false representation to their Sovereign that the Commons had refused the supplies, on a complicated preposition, novel even to themselves, which least of all required haste, if it did not peremptorily demand the most cautious de liberation; and who, instead of calming the violence of a suffering and irritated people, the only conduct of wise rulers, have rather fomented, for the sake of taking ad vantage of, their delirium, in order to delude their igno rance into the acceptance of a new Constitution." In this last quotation lies, we fear, the secret of Mr. Drummond's opposition to the Bill. Mr. Henry Drummond hates bribery and hates corrup tion, but he thinks that large properties should com mand the elections, and he has a suspicion that the extinction of small boroughs would, along with the extinction of bribery, produce a diminution of the force of mere money in elections. " The heart of man is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked." How Mammon peeps out in his factious address. Mr. Henry Drummond would admire Re form, so long us its accomplishment should be at a distance. Many objects enchant ut a distance, which look ugly on a near approach. 'This righteous man has not a word of d'sapprobation to be-tow on those who were manoeuvring to defeat the Bill by a sham debate on the Liverpool election, in order to prevent the question of supplies from coming on, and to open a door to faction in the House of Lords, but he is all indignation at the attempt to call this manoeuvre a stopping of the supplies. This staunch Reformer, in the days when Reform was at a distance, is all sensibility now—" guiltless corporations," when he sees them about to be disfranclsised. "He was no hypocrite, not he, when he avowed himself for Reform—and did not, under the mask of renovation, secretly in tend revolution ;" and his charity is equal to his sincerity when he declares, that Ministers " have suffered themselves to be hurried by colleagues, famed no less for the soundness of their judgment, and the recklessness of their principles, than the brilliancy of talents, into a desperate plunge, by a false representation to their Sovereign, that the Commons had refused the supplies," &c. Bravo ! We expect after this to see Mr. Henry Drummond addressing the electors of Surrey in the-columns of the John Bull, and discovering that slavery has its advantages. This comes of having more sail than ballast.—Morning Chronicle. There is no one point on which the enemies of Reform more strongly rely than that of urging the people into excesses during the excitement of the contested elections, and that of being able to turn round upon the country, and point t o suc h excesses as among the blessings which are to be expected from " mob Government." Independently, then, of the fact that violence never yet aided a good cause, we would strongly urge the people every where not to give their enemies such a handle as an exuberance of feeling, ill directed and ungovernert, is likely to arm them with. When, therefore, we hear of an anti-reform candidate's carriage at Dover being broken to pieces, and, at another place, of a person in a similar capacity having three coats loin from his back, we do not hesitate to say either th,t such acts must be committed by the enemies of Reform themselves, or that 'those who commit them are playing the game of their opponents much more effectually than the latter can do with such cards as they have in their own hands. We do not deny that the people themselves have a , difficult task to perform—that en all subjects, and upon all occasions, to temper zeal with discretion is what individuals, and still more large bridles, cannot easily accomplish. But the most formidable diffi culties are often overcome by a moral conviction of the indispensable impor atice of their being conquered. On this occasion we %you'd strongly impress upon the people that conviction. The real friends of Re foim have two opposite descriptions of persons to guard against—the first, the enemies of all Reform, and the upholders of all abuses ; the second, those who would avail themselves of moderate Reform only asa step-ladder to the wild overthrow of all ex isting institutions. Against the machinations of both these parties the honest Reformer should steadily oppose himself. lie should define in his own mind, as the Bill has defined, what the true prin ciples of Reform should be ; these he should pursue with undeviating earnestness, but at the same time cautiously guarding himself against beim, betrayed into excesses, which, we have already said, will au swer any purpose but his own.—illorning Herald. Again we beg most earnestly and solemnly to impress upon the Gentry and Clergy of England the stupendous importance of the struggle in which we are now engaged. Our forturres, perhaps our lives—the precious rights, far dearer than our lives, which our ancestors died to obtain for us, and dying bequeathed them to their children—are all staked upon this eventful cast, and here await their final sentence. If, at this crisis of their fate, one effort is relaxed, one resolve unaccomplished, one duty to our religion and our country unperformed—if all our faculties, both physical and moral, arc not tasked to the utmost stretch to meet fearlessly this wild invasion of our best inheritance, then indeed have our fathers bled in vain for us—then indeed is the destiny we court our only worthy recompense. On Wednesday night, the first of mob supremacy, bands of the lowest ruffians, with the connivance of our liberal Ministry, arid under the authority of their still mere liberal Lord Mayor, paraded the principal streets of the metropolis, destroying the property of its most peaceful inhabitants. Strange and unusual clamours re-echoed through our streets —loud denunciations of vengeance rung within our ears—joyous anticipations of the " three days of July" seemed almost realized—life and property, un protected by our legitimate defenders, appeared to be prostrate under the feet of a brutal rabble ! Such are, the first fruits of our promised Reform ; this is the calm and deliberate appeal to the reason and judgment of the whole people of England, which, at the dissolution of Parliament, his Majesty's Mi nisters solemnly promised to make, to obtain their dispassionate opinion on this momeutous ques tion.). The chief Magistrate of the City, but yester day the whining deprecator of the people's indig nation —now, by the people's grace, the lordly arbiter of our lives and property, thinks p ro p er to ordain a gener a l ill um i nat i on , and with the permis sion, or at least the tacit acquiescence, of the Noble Secretary, places in imminent peril the lives and property of those who are not content to obey his shameful edict. Electors of England, is this to be the protection to which, as peaceful and as loyal subjects, whatever our opinions, we are for the future to look forward ? Is this the calm dispas sionate appeal you have been so solemnly promised Or is it part of one general system of intimidation to prevent you from listening to the dictates o. reason—to prevent you fromr soberly weighing, and, justly appreciating those rights you are now called upon to sacrifice—to dismay you from the maintenance of those rights by the appall ing 'prospect of popular fury, instigated by the wretched puppet in the City, and secretly connived at for tit's purpose by his Majesty's Government ? Judge for yourselves; be firm, be resolute, be patient; above all things be unanimous in support ing the tried friends of peace and order against those who seek to make their gain from tumult and inno vation. The best and noblest in the land are eager to join cause with you : the University of Cam bridge, emulous of the fame of her sister University, bursts asunder the yoke which has so long oppressed her; the aggregate of learning, of science, and high moral worth, dispersed through every province of the empire, with ability calmly to consider the best interests of the country, and courage to promote them, even in a case where her own privileges are specially protected—zealously espouses your cause. Be firm then, and be victorious.—Morning Post. GENERAL ELECTION. DOVER. Last night a numerous and highly-respectable meeting of the out-dwelling freemen of this town --and port was held at the Bee-hive Tavern, Leaden hall-market, to congratulate themselves and the mutiny upon the return of the Right Hon. C. P. Thomson, :Aid Captain Stanhope, R. N., as their representatives in the ensuing Session of Parliament. Mr. NrcoL, the Chairman of Captain Stanhope's Committee, was unanimously called to the Chair, and said that he congratulated himself upon the ho nour of presiding at a meeting of his brother fret , - men on an occasion so extremely gratifying to the reformers of England. Notwithstanding that the Ministerial plan of Reform would, if carried, dis franchise the out-dwelling freemen, and the present be the last time that they, as freemen of Dover, would be privileged to vote, they had manfully and gloriously stepped forward, at great personal sacri fices, without the slightest probability of any com pensation. This sacrifice was made for the public good. Their conduct would doubtless be infectious, arid the boroughmongering faction receive its.death blow. It was indeed a gratifying circumstance that the first election ousted an enemy to Reform, and returned two of its advocates. He concluded by proposing that the Members be requested to dine with them before the assembling of Parliament,which was carried unanimously, amid the most rapturous applause. The healths of the Members were drank with nine loud and long-continued cheers. Thanks were voted to the chairmen of both Com mittees (the chairman and Mr. Luddington) and Mr. (Tuthill, the secretary of the new Member's Committee, which having been acknowledged, the tnee:ing dispersed. Many of the freemen had their houses splendidly CHESHIRE. MEETING OF FREEHOLDERS AT MACCLESFIELD. On Wednesday last a meeting of the freeholders of Cheshire, resident in the town and neighbour hood of Macclesfield was, agreeably to public ad vertisement, held in the Guildhall, to consider of the best means of securing the election of two gentlemen to represent the county in Parliament, who would give their support to the measure of Reform pro posed under the sanct i on of his Majesty and his Mi nisters. " . "w. 13. DICKENSON, Esq. was called to the chair, and stated the object of the meeting. He then went over the main arguments in favour of Reform, con cluding by urging the freeholders to give their sup only to such c an did ates as would pledge them. selves vote for th e Bill , the whole Bill, and nothi ng )Pttothettt ( Bil . JOHN RYLE, Esq. expressed in energetic terms, his decided approbation of the ministerial plan. 1 . 11031 AS GRIMSDITCII, Esq., in a neat speech tarred great caution i n t h e choice of representatives, and the obtainment of a positive pledge that they would vote with Ministers. Sir J. T. STANLEY, Bart., mentioned the names of I ord Viscount Belgrave and George Wilbral:am, as fit and proper persons for their suffrages, on condition that they would pledge themselves to con tinue their support of the Reform memuce, as pro posed by Ministers. —( Loud cheers.) The Rev. J. R. BROWNE, being called for, forcibly ridiculed the boroughmongers and Anti-Reformer s . The Rev. W. MORRIS spoke in favour of the mea sure. A series of resolutions were then proposed and carried by acclamation, and a committee of about thirty of the most respectable inhabitants of the dis trict was appointed in order to give them full effect. The Chairman attempted to procure a vote of thanks for Mr. Egerton, the late representative for the county, who voted against the Bill in opposition to the wishes of his constituents, for his exertions for their benefit in other respects; but strong disappro bation being expressed, he very prudently aban doned his intention. It was determined to receive Lord Belgrave and Mr. Wilbraham with a public procession, arid to in vite the co-operation of the freeholders of Stock port, Congleton, arid other parts of the county. It is not at present known who will be the can didate started in opposition to these gentlemen, but it seems probable that one of the Cholmondeleys or Sir Philip Egerton will be the person so to be ho noured. A declaration has been signed by upwards of 150 of the freeholders of the county resident in Con gletoa, within the space of a few hours. In consequence of the " Cheshire declaration," as advertised in the Macelesdield courier, and Herald of Saturday last, we, the undersigned, the Mayor, aldermen, capital burgesses, freeholders, and trades men of the borough of Coßgleton and its neigh bourhood, think it our duty thus publicly to express Our sentiments on the plan of Reform, introduced by Lord John Russell, on behalf of his Majesty's Nlinisters, in the late Parliament, and to declare, that so far from regarding that measure as being dangerous in its principle, or in its tendency destruc tive to the welfare and prosperity of the country, we consider it well calculated to benefit the country, and to restore the confidence which a loyal people are always anxious to repose in the Crown and Go vernment; and therefore we do hereby express our determination to support, by every constitutional means in our power, such candidates only for the representation of the county in the ensuing Parlia ment, as shall pledge themselves to support such measure of Reform. - - TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. (From the Dublin Morning Register of Tuesday.) London, 23d April, 1831. Beloved Countrymen,—The period is come when you can prove to the world that you deserve liberty. The time is come to show that you appreciate and merit the blessings of rational freedom. The enemies of Ireland ; the old inveterate enemies of Ireland, have, in their malignity and contempt, prophesied that Ireland would be a scene of confusion and riot at the now approaching elections. They have called for military force, for violence, for blood. The miscreants ! Peop'e of Ireland ! I know you well. You .will falsify their prophecies. You will show the falsehood of these caltur. nice. You will disappoint their sanguinary wishes. Y, u will exercise what is left to you of your franchises with de termination, but with firm tranquillity—with devotion to Ireland, but with peaceable demeanour with honesty, but in quietude—fearlessly, disinterestedly, but inoffensively, and without turbulence. Our most gracious Monarch, the most popular King that ever sat on the British throne, has wisely and bravely determined that the representation of the people should be purified—that bribery, perjury, and corruption shall be terminated—that the boroughmongering faction, who have long been as an incubus on the people, shall be scattered for ever—that the people shall be heard in their own House of Parliament, and that the peculating crew of job bers, who have voted the money of the people into their own pockets, shall be crushed and degraded for ever. God bless the King !—God bless him who designs to do good to Ireland--to the people of Ireland. Let us assist him and his manly 'and wise Ministers—let every discord cease—let violence and turbulence and—let the swearing of illegal oaths be put an end to—let every man be considered as an enemy wiles will continue to be guilty of any one breach of the law. We want redress—the people want redress and relief—let them take my advice— I never gave them advice but for their good—let them assist me to enforce the law—!et them stand by the King, and we will put down all the enemies of the King and the people—we will put down all the real rebels against the King and Ireland. There ought, in my humble judgment, to be but one principle of action throughout Ireland at this approaching election. It is this—to return, free of expense or trouble, every man who has voted for that great charter of liberty, the Reform Bill. Make no inquiry beyond the one ques tion_., The Reform Bill." Whoever voted for that ought to get the entire popular support—whoever voted against it, ought to be loaded with the entire popular odium. Let nobody deceive you, and say that I am abandoning my principles of anti-Unionism. It is false—l am decid edly of opinion that the repeal of the Union is the only means by which Irish prosperity and Irish freedom can be secured. I will shortly publish my plan for such repeal, which will, I think, prove to the people of England, as well as of Ireland, that the objects I have in view will not only secure content and comfort to the people of Ireland, but place the connection between the two countries on a basis of the most perfect security, and also of the utmost utility to England. But it is only in a reformed Parlia liatnent that this question can be properly; coolly, and dis passionately discussed. Let us, then, rally in favour of Reform. Let us rally for the Reformers. Let us form in each county a " Royal Reform Club," under the auspices of the revered name of our beloved Sovereign, King William the Fourth. Let the " Royal Reform Club" take special care that no RefOrtner shall be disturbed in his re-election. Let the people take care that no man who voted against the Re form Bill shall be returned. People of Ireland, listen to my voice—listen to the voice of an affectionate, a devoted friend. The Tory faction, which support Peel and his party, desire to see Ireland involved in confusion and blood. I desire to see Ireland restored to peace, prosperity, content, and freedom. I wish to see her people well fed, well clothed, merry, and prosperous. People of Ireland, listen to me. Pro testants, Catholics, Presbyterians, Methodists, Dissenters— Irishmen of every sect and persuasion, listen to me. Behold your King—our King —our revered King— standing forward to give constitutional freedom to his people. To put down monopolizers and oligarchs, ane. all that base and peculating crew that feed and fatten on the vitals of the poor, and are the real causes of all the misery of the peop!e. That faction which taxes, and cesses, and tithes, and fleeces, and skins alive the people. Let us, then, stand by the King. Let us return to Par liament the King's friends—the King's party—and the party of the people—the Reformers. How anxiously do I desire to have no other question put at the ensuing election but this one--this only one: Did you vote for the Reform Bill? Listen to no ex cuses—no hypocritical pretences—accept but one answer. Whoever says, I did vote for the Reform Bill, vote for him ; whoever cannot say he voted for it, reject him with scorn and indignation. People of Ireland —be tranquil_be quiet—cease from all local disturbances; 1 advise you-1 implore you ; you have often received my advice as if it were a command. Why, then, I command you to obey the law—to be quiet —to desist from outrage—to begin once again to hope for protection and free4om. Be guided by your friends— disappoint your enemies—confide in your King—and as sist me to obtain, without bloodshed or crime, the long lost liberties of Ireland. So shall the brighter days smile on our beloved.native land ; so shall sweet peace and cheering plenty smile over Our green plains, and we shall be able to exclaim, with truth— Erin, oh Erin ! thy winter is past, And the hope that lived through it shall blossom at last. I am, beloved countrymen, Your ever faithful and obedient servant, DANIEL O'CONNELL. We have reason to believe that Lord ANGLE SEA has written to the Government his assured conviction that there is no cause whatever for alarm, with respect to Ireland, at the approaching elections. This removes the only ground of fear which cJuld possibly be entertained._ Brighton Gazette. An agent of Mr. HUNT'S, who is now in Dublin taking (driers for his " matchless," has declared, that prior to Mr. Howes attack on O'Corizi ELL, he was successful beyond his expectations in getting orders, but that since he has completely failed.—Freenian's Journal PUNISHMENT OF DEATH.-FORGERY LAWS. We cannot forbear returning to this subject. The perusal of the admirable report submitted • to the public meeting held on the 9th March, the Lord Mayor in the chair, must carry conviction to every unprejudiced mind. We must admit that Sir Robert Peel appears to us, to have been mistaken, or manifestly inconsistent in the course he pursued on this question. In the debate which took place in April, 1830, he is reported to have said, " I shall remit the capital punishment in various cases, where there seems to prevail a serious difference of opinion upon the propriety of its infliction"—and after such avowal of " his rule of conduct," he complacently opposes the abolition of capital punishment " for the forgery of all documents which represent money," by which he declares he means bank bills and notes. How can Sir Robert Peel maintain that no serious difference of opinion exists upon this subject ? Has he not petitions from bankers, merchants, and pro fessional men of all descriptions, for the abro gation of those cruel laws ? Has he not the declared opinion of the most eminent men in the Houses of Lords and Commons. It is a fallacy, and will be said to be a pretence, to uphold a system of paper credit at the expense of civilization. We contend that the views of Sir Robert on this subject are contradictory and nar row. If it be necessary to outrage the best feelings of humanity to maintain the credit of the Bank of England, that establishment cannot be on a sound basis—but we assert, that other punish ment less than death would be more effectual, not only for the protection of banks, but of so ciety. Criminals would not be permitted to escape—and impunity (often through the ex treme severity of the present law) would not lead to the commission of crime. We have that opinion of Sir Robert Peel, that we anticipate he will yield upon the subject, and not emulate the Duke of Wellington upon the question of Reform, by declaring against all Reform, in op position to the declared opinion of, we may say, the entire people.—Dublin Morning Post. THE MARKETS. GENERAL AVERAGE PRICE OF BRITISII CORN, For the Week ended April 22, 1931, made up from the Returns of the Inspectors in the different Cities and Towns in England and Wales, pet Imperial Quarter. Wheat......— 10cid Oats 278. - 4(11 Beans--.... Ms. 6d. Barley —.4ls. Bd . l Rye 425. 2d.1 Pea5e.........—.395. 4d. lIIPLRIAL AGGREGATE AVERAGES OF THE SIX WEEKS PRECEDING. Wheat.. ..'Ns. tid I Oats 265. 2d. Barley-- 41s. lid.' Rya 425. 5d.1 41s. Id. DUTIES ON FOREIGN CORN. Wheat-- 6s. Bd.l Oats -- 7s. 9 d.1Rean5..—....115. Barley—..-- Is. Od.l Rye • 6s. 6:1.1 Bs. Od. SOUTHL MARK ET—Aril 9'.7. In this day's market, AL which exhibited but a moderate supply, and was not eery numerously attended by London or country buyers, each kind of meat experienced a dull sale, at the fol lowing prices per stone of Sib. to sink the otTals : Beet 3s. 4d. to 4s. 4d 4s. 6d. to 6s. Od. Mutton 3 8 5 0 Pork 310 410 Lamb . ss. Bd. to 7s. Od The foregoing' quotations are Pork 2d. per stone lower than on this day se'nnight ; prices of Beef, Mutton, Lamb, and Veal, stationary. A considerable number of the Sheep, Lamb, and Beasts, were driven away unsold. ENVES MA RKET.—April 26. 3s. 6d. to 4s. 4d. Veal ..........—.... 4s. 4d to ss. Od. —4 4 5 4 I Pork 0 0 0 0 Lamb ss. 6d. to 6s. 6d. A moderate supply, and a steady trade. RUMFORD MA RKET.—April 27, s. tl. to s. d. s. d. s. d. Beef 3 2 4 2 Veal 4 4 5 8 Mutton 3 8 4 8 Pork 3 6 4 8 Suckling Calves from 14s. to 31s. ; Quarter old Pigsl2B to 16s. each. Lamb-- ss. 6d. to 6s. Bd. Supply rather limited, and trade dull. .ton 4 4 COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK, ~. Wheat. Barley. 1 Oats. 1 Beans. ----- ----;---- ,---- Per Quarter. a. to a. s. s. s. t o Blandtord ---, 68 27 s. to B. 43 Brigg 65 70 34 40 20 24 35 40 Cambridge—...—. 72 41 ..... 21 —. 33 C!iaril 64 72 32 40 20 24 34 38 Huntingdon,,,,,,,,,, .58 74 34 43 22 29 36 42 Long Sutton—. 62 73 35 37 21 30 37 40 Louth Lynn—. . 62 72 32 44 22 30 37 40 Newark . 72 77 37 47 25 30 37 47 Nottingham --.... 76 81 al 48 24 31 42 44 Peterborough ~—. 62 76 34 48 20 30 38 42 Plymouth ............. 70 81 33 48 26 34 38 50 Pontefract 68 42 20 48 Slea ford . . . 65 70 36 38 22 28 41 43 Uppingham ..... 68 76 38 46 2tl 30 36 44 Wisbech. . 1)6 75 24 24 28 37 40 LEEDS CORN MARKET.—ApriI 26. Wheat, Norfolk and 8111161 k, 6016. --- York. and Lincoln. 601 b. Barley, Norfolk and Sutlblk ................. —.... Yorkshire and Lincolnshire Grindi ng Bean. 631 b. 36 6 ( 930 ' i s tt t oo o 47 7 03 6 is ;1 1 , 4 to 44 7., 28s. to 30s. 395. to 475. g 32.5. to 345. nglish 14d. to 15d. perm. 365. to 375. per load. gn, —J. to —/. per last. Bean. 63lb. Oats, l'otatoe --111ealing, Foreign 1:3%e1. to 143 d. Et Shelling Rapeseed, English, 30/. to 32/ Foreit LI VERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE.—ApriI 26. WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b. Red ---- Scotch, Welch, and Manx -- Irish, White 8 6 9 0 ------- Red BlO 9 0 ------ Foreign lO 4 10 9 OATS, English, Welsh, an d Scotch, per 451 b 4 2 4 4 Irish —,--. Foreign 3 7 3 8 BARLEY, English, Maltin g , p er I mp. quarter 4l 0 47 0 —. Scotch and Irish, per 601bs. Feeding 4 0 4 8 BEANS, English, per Imperial quarter 44 0 48 0 Irish, &c. Foreign PEASE, English, per Imperial quarter 46 0 48 0 Foreign FLourt, English, per 2801 h. 52 0 54 0 Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 2401bs 33 0 35 0 INDIAN CORN, per 440111. RYE, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending April 25. Wheat. Oats. I Barley Flour. Oatmeal. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. 'Foreign, Brls.[lnsh,&c. Scks . l Loads. 10,132 11,315 1 542 3,971 I 303 1,683 CATTL. AN ACCOUNT OF CATTLE IMPORTED INT E O LIVERPOOL FROM APRIL 18, TO APRIL '23, BOTH DAYS INCLUDEP. Cows. Calves. I Sheep. I Pigs. I Horses. I Mules. :157 1 12 5851 977 1 1 0 REFORM.—This day was published, No. LXXXIX. of the Quarterly Review.—lt contains Articles On the Reform Question—ll. On the West India Question—lll. On Mr. Malthus and Mr. Sadler's Views of Population and Emigration—lV. Cap tain Beechey's recent Voyage round the World—V. On Sanscrit Poetry, and the Hindu Draini—Vl. Captain Basil Hall's Life and Professional Adventures, just pub lishe,l—Vll. Buonarroti's account of Robespiei re, Babeuf, and the French Revolution, &c.—A few copies of the extra Number published in February, containing the Ar ticle on Reform, may still be purchased. Twelve English County Members and one Scotch, who opp sed the measure of Reform, have already, we understand, resigned their seats.—Brighton Gazette. BI TH S. On the 28th inst. in Dover ß -street, Piccadilly, Lady Jemima Eliot, of a son. On the 23th inst. at the seat of her father, Sir Hugh Dillon Massy, Bart. in Ireland, the lady of Capt. Felix Smith, of the Queen's Bays, of a daughter. On the 22d inst. at Elm Grove, Southsea, Portsmouth, the lady of Lieutenant and Quarter-master Hewett, Royal Marines, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 27th inst. at East Derehani, 'l'. M. Dickens, Esq., late Lieut.-Colomi in the Royal Engineers, to Louisa, daughter of I'. Smyth, Esq., of East Derehani. At St. George's, Hanover-square, J. R. Allen, Esq. of the Inner 'lemple, barrister, to Lydia Augusta Watson, only child of J. Watson, Esq. of Leamington, Warwickshire. On the 28th inst. at St. George's, Bloomsbury, John Edridge, Esq., of Pockeridge-house, Corsharn, Wilts, to Mary Ann, eldest daughter of the late S. Yockney, Esq., of Upper East Hayes, Bath. On the 29th inst. at St. Helen's, Bishopspate, Mr. A. Godfrey to Elizabeth, second daughter of th.s. late Mr. 'l'. S. Williams. DIED. On the 27th inst. in Southampton-row, J. Pattison, Esq. in the 69th year of his age, and late one of the Lirectors of the East India Company. On the tad inst. at Walworth, Wm. Adcock, Esq. aged 37. On the 11th of January, on board the Euphrates (when at Ha O r ' e ' , anchor its Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope), on his passage ° England, C. Dawes, Esq. of the Bengal Civil Service. On the 28th inst. in Devonshire-street, Portland-place, Mrs. Anne e of J. q on the 27th inst. at common,Ham Surrey, Ann, the wire of G. S. Story, Esq. aged 56. the 26th inst. in Westbourne-place, Chelsea, Mrs. Mary 'HINTED AND PUBLISHED IV . MIJRDO YOUN 0, AT TH4 51.1,1 OrrltT, 112, SLR AND, LONDON. . IT i s in; intnitedia 'aPence Where S AT raven, C The folk That Caodidat That to enabi That teill sit d to the pi That gal Meet ,b aVertl I o'clock The ( That eminent] Grote, E Which h ant ()hie' object hi cnoopicu TO TI Bitrr !lAN, itEpRE Londe —.---_. 24, O n TdiTß vv you thi, tiv es i n triumpl: measur ( our pat affordin . Wobi TI . r 1.1 T. -,epretk Belie public I *utedne elt for m Kt UOpf TO'TF ,•_ A' to onfi !4;:i rel 6 entlet the soie ih e to theii a lifyinl Porti a% !tilt me - Qtlei T' quene e the ti n .41C ( toglaku fo r E xi Poi.