The Sun. — London, England, 1861-01-23 00:00:00

am.arraß , T'ATZ, UNITED STATES. fray the Correspondent of the Morning Post.) BOSTON, JAN. 15. Vr thout asserting that the dangers that threat en a this country are over, I can say that affairs bay e experienced a marked improvement during the fir? ,t week of the year; and this, notwithstanding, ae veral acts of violence were perpetrated during he week's course by the excited portion of the population. The chief cause of the change is the apparent determination of the Federal Government to do at least a portion of its duty, and this deter mination is mainly attributable to the absence of some of those malign influences which for a time Tilled at the White House. South Carolina made a great mistake when she withdrew her congres sional delegation from Washington. Had she kept ber senators and representatives there, their bold ness and resolution would have sufficed to prevent the President's conversion to a sense of his duty His weak mind was overcrowed by the fierce minds of men like Keith and his colleagues, who put him under the screw, and kept him there ; but when they had left, and Secretary Floyd's pilfering had been detected, so that he also had to leave, the President fell into better hands. Mr. Holt, who .... _ took the place made vacant by Floyd's withdrawal, supports the Union : and General Scott's influence is on the increase, and is ever exerted on the side of the law. Secretary Black, too, has thrown his weight into the Union scale, and gives advice not materially different from that which his predecessor, General Cass, gave, and which led to the latter's loss of his office. The union party—liaThiis obtained the upper hand in the councils of the President, and as it is strenuously supported by a strong Democratic "pressure from without," the effect has been greatly to encourage the public. The Northern Democracy have made the discovery that they were playing a bad game by sup porting the disunionists, and now they are be coming as loyal as they would have been had the secessionists been arrayed against Breckinridge in stead of Lincoln. They never intended that the disunionists should triumph, and they never sup posed that the Southrons meant more than to frighten the Republicans into an abandonment of the fruits of their late victory. So that when South Carolina went out of the Union they were startled ; and when she proceeded to seize the pro perty of the United States, actually stealing 25,000 muskets that were in the arsenal, and a cutter, and throwing garrisons into Forts Moultrie and Pinck ney, they revolted against the rebels, and are as ready to fight them as are the Republicans. Even the New York Herald calls for the assembling of 60,000 militia at Washington, to be employed in protecting the federal capital and in securing the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, the said army to be drawn in equal proportions from the border free States and border slave States. Ido not wish to be uncharitable, but I believe that one reason why the Democracy are now so ready to support the Union is, that they think they have inserted a wedge in the Republican party, the driving home of which shall rive it to pieces, and so leave the way open for a Democratic restoration at an early day. They aro not far wrong. The Republican party is divid ing on the question of concession to the South. The sincere portion of the party, men who are of anti-slavery sentiments in their hearts, have deter mined that, with their consent, slavery shall never be allowed to spread over this continent. They refuse to consent to the repeal of the personal liberty laws, and declare that they shall ever oppose the admission of any more slave States into the American Union, even if the conseqences of their opposition should be that Union's destruction. The other portion of the party, who are perhaps as honest as the ultras, urge the repeal of all the personal liberty laws, and are ready to admit 50 slaves States into the Union, provided the South will spare the Union to admit anything. The meeting of so many Northern Legislatures last week afforded oppor tunities for retiring and incoming Republican go vernors to aid their views, and take sides on this question, whether the victors shall vote themselves the vanquished or not. Governor Morgan, of New York, goes for submission to the South, and would grant it very near all that it demands, in apparent unconsciousness that, if his policy should prevail, other demands would be immediately brought for ward. Governor Blair, of Michigan, is for retain ing the personal liberty laws ; and so is Governor Washburn, of Maine, with the proviso that, if they contain unconstitutional provisions, those provi sions should be removed. In Massachusetts, which is held by the South to be the representative State of the North, the division of opinion in the Repub lican party was illustrated in a very strange way, involving an entire departure from the procedure of 80 years. Onr State polity dates from 1780, and in all that time no retiring governor has ever thought it proper to make an address to the Legis lature. But Mr. Banks thought it expedient to depart from the practice of all his predecessors ; and so, on the 2d of January, his Excellency delivered a valedictory, as the papers call it, to the new Legis lature. In this address the retiring but not very modest governor " laid it on thick," the objects of his praise being himself and his works. Evidently he agrees with Mr. Thackeray, who assures us that if we only praise ourselves often and vigorously the world will at last take oar estimate of ourselves, and vote us good or great, according to our ambition. Bat Mr. Banks would not have been guilty of an in novation for the simple purpose of telling the world how high an opinion he has of himself, though he "improved the occasion" to that end. He had another end in view, and was but the mouthpiece of the Conservative Republicans of Massachusetts. Knowing that the new Governor would not recom mend the repeal of the obnoxious law, or in any other way give encouragement to the principle of slavery, the Conservative Republicans prevailed upon the old one to do the work they thought ne cessary ; and they found the task of persuading him to be a very easy one, as he agrees with them in opinion and purpose. Accordingly, after praising Massachusetts as the greatest and best community that ever existed on the face of the earth, and himself as the greatest and best man in Massa chusetts, he intimated that even this perfect State has one defect, which is the personal liberty statute. With considerable hardihood he declared that the law ought to be repealed, whether it is constitu tional or not, because it is of an irritating nature —a sort of cantharides blister on the American body politic. There aro several other irritating things in Massachusetts, according to the ideas of slaveholders, and all of them much more fiery than the law that is so offensive to the Conservatives. It is the general dislike of slavery that exists here, and the action consequent on that dislike that move the South to that " wrath which grows from fear ;" and unless we are prepared to abandon our opinions, to muzzle the press, to destroy free speech, and to indict and punish abolitionists—as Mr. Everett recommended us to do in 1836, he being then our governor —any such legis lation as that suggested by Mr. Banks must be entirely useless. This the departing gover nor well knows, and he never expected any thing to follow from his recommendation except this : it will raise him in the estimation of that faction of the Republican party which, it is now supposed, will predominate in the Lincoln Ad ministration,; for his ex-excellency has by no means given up his political purposes on assuming the post of &rector of the Illinois Railway Com pany It is not his practice to give up an:ithing that is likely through its retention to I,ay. Three days after the valedictory of Governor B a nk s was delivered, Governor Andrew wa s inaugurated, a n d he strongly recommended to the Legislature a course flatly in opposition to that so eloquently urged by his predecessor. He would have the per sonal liberty law maintained. I think his views are more in. accordance with those of the people of the State than aro those of Mr. Banks; and he received 1°4 ' 1500 11°teft ' l aat November, while Mr. Banks w as never chosen by more than 00,000. The Legislature will soon take the matter in hand, and then we shall see whether we are to gi back down" at the suggestion of office seekers; or to maintain our old position. What makes most strongly against the purpose of the repealers is the fact, well known to all men, that if all the personal liberty laws of the country were removed from the statute books on the same day, their removal would have no more effect in staying the course of the secessionists than a Quaker Sezmon would have in persuading the King of Dahomey to ( ease sacri ficing to the manes of his father. We of the North would humiliate ourselves in ♦ain shr uld we fol low Mr. Banks's counsel. Had President Buchanan, at the beginning of the troubles last November, announced his intention to maintain the Union, and sent a military and naval force to Charleston, at the same time calling upon the Northern States to repeal their obnoxious laws, the policy now recommended would probably have prevailed ; but it is now too late to be of any practical value, even if there were no principles involved in the question. . _ As an evidence of his intention to enforce the revenue laws, the President has appointed Mr M'Kibben, of Philadelphia, collector of the port of Charleston, Mr. Colcroft, the former collector, having taken service under the new nation of South Carolina. He would have to set up his office on board of some armed steam-ship, which should bring-to every vessel attempting to enter, or which should succeed in leaving Charleston,: for there is not an acre of land in South Carolina on which a national office could now be set up. When Mr. M'Kibben's appointment was sent into the Senate for confirmation, the Republicans were desirous of acting on it at once, and proposed to go into secret session, all appointments being considered with closed door; but the Democrats, who have the majority, refused, and adjourned. Nothing had been done in the matter up to the time that I write. The President's refusal toy recognise the officia character of the South Carolina commissioners snr. prised those gentlemen, who were astonished to find that he had become a changed man. Their work is over for the present. The South Carolina Conven tion has adjourned; but its president is authorised to call it together whenever he may see fit to do so. If the accounts from Charleston are trustworthy, the Carolinians are besieging Fort Sumter, and will soon open fire upon it; but nothing that comes thence by telegraph is to be relied upon. The State troops are much exposed and are overworked, and consequently are suffering from illness in con siderable numbers. The poor fools are in a fair way to have all the disagreeable incidents of war, but none of its glories. The sinking of vessels in the channels that lead to Charleston harbour is intended to prevent the sending of men and sup plies to Fort Sumter, but it will also keep every thing in the harbour that is now there, and prevent the entrance of foreign vessels. The condition of South Carolina is a strange one. Although she claims to be an independent nation, yet she allows the Postmaster of Charleston to in form the Postmaster-General of the United States that he holds himself personally responsible to the Federal Government for the revenues accruing at his office ; and consequently existing postal arrangements are to be maintained. This is held to be a virtual abdication of that sovereignty which was resumed so eagerly in December. The Florida Seceding Convention met at Talla hassee on the 3d of January, but instead of taking the State out of the Union between breakfast and dinner, as it was expected to do on the day of its meeting, the Convention did not perfect its organi sation until the sth ; and then, after some moderate discussion of the secession question, it adjourned to the 7th. Perhaps one of the reasons why Florida is not ready to jump out of the Union can be found in the following paragraph, which I take from the Albany (N.Y.) Journal : " Before Florida entered the Union she issued a million or two of dollars of bonds which were taken by English bankers. They were never paid, nor was payment of them ever assumed by the general government. A commission was appointed to examine the matter a few years since, which sat in London, but finally concluded that nothing could be done for the creditors, as Florida, while a mem ber of the Union, could not be coerced to pay. But if Florida goes out and becomes an independent nation the bondholders will probably ask the Bri tish Government to compel payment of these claims by armed force. Mississippi has a similar prospect before her in regard to .176. r bonds. Here are two wars laid out for the new Southern Confederacy, in addition to its danger of civil and servile ones." Should Florida secede and become a nation, you will be able to collect these moneys at a small cost. A sloop of war with transports enough to hold a regiment of infantry from Jamaica—gentlemen of black faces and in red coats and white fronts— would settle the business and the bills in a week. Mississippi might be a harder party to deal with, but she could be whipped into an admission of justice in a month. The report that some North Carolinians had seized Fort Johnson, on Cape Fear River, is not confirmed. The State Government is moderate, and if anything has been done of a lawless cha racter it is the work of a few individuals. The Georgians have been active, and have seized Fort Jackson and Fort Pulaski, which were built to de fend the harbour of Savannah. The first-named fortress is not a post of much importance, having but 14 guns mounted ; but Fort Pulaski is strong, and has 150 guns mounted. It is named from the Pole who took so prominent a part in resisting the spoilers of his country, but who had to leave that country, and who entered our service in the Revo lution. He was killed in that attack on the Savannah lines, made October 9, 1799, in which General Prevost and Colonel Maitland gave us and our allies, the French, under General Lincoln and Comte d'Estaign, so complete a licking—the same affair in which Mr. Joseph Willet lost his left arm. The Georgians also seized a revenue cutter, but Governor Brown ordered it to be returned to the national authorities. I shall not cumber your columns with accounts of what congressional committees and caucuses have not done. They have done nothing. The following despatch from Washington, under date of the sth, gives the details of the last attempt to get up a compromise, and this was rejected by the Republicans on the 6th : " The committee on the part of the Border States —Crittenden, chairman—held their second meet ing last night, and at twelve o'clock adopted the following resolutions :—Recommending a repeal of all personal liberty bills; that the Fugitive Slave Law be amended ; for preventing kidnap ping; and so as to provide for equalisation of the commissioner's fee, &c. ; that the constitution be so amended as to prohibit any interference with slavery in any States where it now exists; that Congress shall not abolish slavery in Southern dockyards, arsenals, &c. ; nor in the district of Columbia without the consent of Maryland and the consent of the inhabitants of the district, nor without compensation ; that Congress shall not in terfere with State slave trade; that a line of 36.30 shall be run through all existing territory of the United Stat es ; th a t i n a ll north of that line slavery shall be prohibited, and that south of that line neither Congress nor territorial legislation shall hereafter pass any law abolishing, prohibit ing, or in any manner interfering with African slavery, and. that whenever any territory contain ing s u ff icient population f or one mem b er o f Con gress in any area of 60,000 square miles shall apply for admission as a State, it shall be admitted with or without slavery, as its constitution may deter mine. The committee represented at its meeting M iryland, Virginia, Missouri, North Carolina, Texas, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Delaware, Arkansas, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. The present intention of the Republican members is to press forward the regular business of the ses sion, and not waste time on impracticable compro. miss schemes. The belief that an attack will be made on Wash ington by a collection of armed rowdies, headed by ex-Governor Wise, or by some other lawless fellow, wh? is ambitious of that kind of notoriety which so many Spanish-American generals have won, is on the increase; but men are less alarmed about it because Government shows a disposition to uphold the law. It is understood General Scott is paying particular attention to this matter, and that such a force will be assembled at Washington as must be more than sufficient to keep off or strike down the vagabonds who shall attempt to seize the city. The militia of the district of Columbia is to be put in good con di t i on, and a competent so ldi er—Captain Stone, a v e teran, who has seen much service, an d who ' a , character for determination—has been app o i n tea inspector-general. A small force of regulars cou ld be assembled also, and THE SUN, LONDON WEDNESDAY EvENING; JANUARY 23, 1861. these men, headed by officers of rank and cha racter, such as Lieut.-General Scott and Major- General Wool, would be able to give a good account of any rowdy army that could be got together. Goveinment might assemble 800 regulars at Wash ington, including marines, and perhaps half as many seamen, by stripping the Northern forts and navy-yards of nearly all their men of all arms. No men could be taken from any Southern fort or yard which have garrisons, or are not in possession of the secessionists. There may be 1,500 men of every description in posts of the South, and in cluding the garrison of Fort Sumter. There are 10 companies of regulars in Fort Monroe, which is the nearest great military point to the capital of any importance; but they could not be moved, as that is one of the national posts which Mr. Wise and his crew of Catilinarians purpose stealing. We feel the want of a regular army very much indeed. Were there 5,000 available men within the reach of Government I fancy Mr. Buchanan would act in a manner to satisfy all reasonable men. With half that number at Washington, and the rest employed in garrisoning the principal Southern forts, the secessionists would be effec tually bridled. They could do nothing, and would be glad to have things restored to the state they were in three months ago. It is because nothing, or next to nothing, has been done adversely to them and their designs that the secessionists have been so very bold. They struck out because they did not believe they could encounter a courageous foe. It is a fortunate thing for the country that the Governor of Maryland, Mr. Hicks, is not only a firm friend of the Union, but also a man of energy and courage. He resolutely refuses to call the Maryland Legislature together, as from the eharacter of that body it is inferred that its action would be most prejudicial to the cause of the Union. Being so near to the national capital, Maryland's action is of the extremest importance. If she and Virginia should remain faithful, we may not only weather the storm, in spite of the timidity and ignorance of the pilot, but do so without expe riencing any essential injury. The Legislature of New York met on the 2d of January. and on that day, and as if anxious not to lose a moment of precious time, Mr. Spinola, a member of the Senate, and one of the stoutest Democrats in the nation, introduced resolutions authorising the State Government to raise 10,000,000 dole. and 100,000 men, if needed, to sup press rebellion and to maintain the integrity of the American Union. The proposition was favourably received, and it expresses the sense of the North. Men of all parties appear to be getting over the stupefaction that so long prevailed, and to be preparing to do their duty. This nation is. like England, a somewhat heavy and ponderous body, not easily moved, but, when once roused, capable of performing great deeds. Letters from the South confirm what I wrote you weeks ago, namely, that the power of the secessionists is in their control of the mob, the wealthy classes being opposed to them, but unable to act because of the system of terror that prevails. Bold action on the part of Government would help them, and enable the Union men to organise ; and not the least of the evils that have flowed from the President's cowardice is, that the men of property at the South, believing that they had nothing to hope from Washington, have given way before the blast got up by the rabble under the lead of dema gogues. We have stories from the South to the effect that a want of food is felt there ; but as the same sort of stories are sent South about the North, and as I know the latter to be lies, I am not in clined to place much faith in the former. LIVERPOOL, MONDAY EVENING, The Royal Mail steamship Canada, Capt. Ander son, which left Boston on the 9th instant, and touched at Hylifax on the 10th inst., arrived in the Mersey at 4.15 tnis afternoon. A telegraphic summary of the Canada's news has already been published. We take the following telegrams from the Boston journals of the 9th instant, as showing the latest phase of the secession movement, when the Canada left Boston. A Washington telegram of the Bth inst.-says :- 4. Mr. Thom peon, the Secretary of the Interior, re signed to-day, on the ground that troops had been went to Charleston by the steamer, Star of the West, when, as he alleges, there was a distinct understanding on the 31st December that none were to be ordered south without the decision of th• Cabinet. " Rumours of an attack upon the steamer, Star of the West, are rife, creating intense excitement. Nobody can give any authority for them." (The late telegram via Halifax, already pub lished, states that the Star of the West was fired upon by the Carolinians, and that she conse quently did not land her reinforcements.) " The reports that orders have been issued by the British Government to consuls at the ports of seceding States to refuse certificates of clearance to English vessels is denied. It is said that Mr. Bunch, the British consul at Charleston, recognises the de facto Government by granting such certi ficates. "Agents of southern States continue to arrive for the purpose of purchasing arms. The government for the present refuses to sell to any State or private parties. An agent from Mississippi starts for the north to-morrow to procure arms, although it is said the supply there is not abundant. " A number of the leading Secessionists here are urging upon Governors Hicks, of Maryland, and Letcher, of Virginia, the necessity of demanding of the President an immediate removal of the United States troops from Fort Washington. " The armament of Fort Washington is in excel lent condition, and preparations have been made for firing red-hot balls that will burn any vessel which may attempt to pass the forts for hostile purposes. "The Naval Department has received information this morning, that the revenue cutter Dobbin, lying in Mobile harbour, has the United States flag flying with the Union down, and the Palmetto flag flying at the mainmast. This act, on the part of those having the vessel in charge, is considered open revolution before the secession of the State of Alabama." The Bth of January being the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans, was devoted to a great con sumption of gunpowder all over the Union in honour of General Jackson's victory; and in most of the Northern States in honour also of Major Anderson's course at Charleston. The occasion was also seized in the New York State Senate to pass a resolution to present a sword to Major Anderson. General Jackson's proclamation against nullification was also read on the motion of Mr. Spinola. A Washington despatch of the Bth states upon reliable information that- Senator Cameron has declined a seat in Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. Two hundred men, with 130 horses, left For Leavenworth for Baltimore on the 7th. THE EXECUTIVE. The correspondence between the South Carolina Com missioners and President Buchanan appears in the Charles ton papers,. having been submitted to the Convention in secret session. It consists of three letters, +he first dated Dec. 29, from the Commissioners to the President, in which thy demand AS a preliminary to all negotiations a disapproval by the President of the act of Major Anderson in seizing Fort Sumter; the second, dated Dec. 30, from the President, in which, while admitting that Major Anderson acted without express orders, he yet refuses to repudiate the act (we give this document in full in another column) ; and the third, dated Jan. 1, in which the Commissioners attempt to refute the allegations of the President's letter in which he justifies Major Anderson's conduct. Tbis last letter the President returned to the Commissioners widi the following endorse ment on its back :—" This paper just presented to the Pre sident is of such a character that he declines to receive it." IMPORTANT ARMY MOVEMENTS. THE REINFORCEMENTS FOR FORT SUMTER. (From the .New York Times, Jan. 8.). Farther investgation respecting the expedition for the relief of Major Anderson, has elicited the fact that Colonel Thomas, the Aide-de-Camp of Lieut.-General Scott, came on from Washington and peraonally superintended tho embarkation of the troops which were destined for the re inforcement of Fort Sumter. They consisted of 250 artil lerists and marines, with ample supplies of provisions and arms, and were put cn board of the &ar of the West, in the lower bay on Saturday night, so as not to attract atten tion. It is stated that a movement had, last week, contained the sanction and support of several wealthy merchants of this city for sending relief to the gallant Anderson, and that a large amount of money and materials wore contri buted, and a steamer selected for the purpose. On Satur day the parties who were at the head of the movement were informed that the United States Government had under taken to send stipples and men to that post, and that con• sequently their patriotic services would not be required. - - FURTHER MOVEMENTS OF TROOPS. BAIMMORE, Monday, Jan. 7. The soldiers which arrived to-day from Carlisle were cavalry, and not infantry, and in number were 60. They were on their way to Harper's Ferry to protect the arsenal. a petition of citizens of that State, which was referred to the Judiciary Committee, requesting Congress to authorise a National Convention to meet at Philadelphia on the 4th of March. Thirty-three memorials asking for the submis sion of the Crittenden resolution to a vote of the people were presented by Mr. Bigler, Pennsylvania. Mr. Crit tenden then spoke at some length in favour of his proposi tion, and was followed by Mr. Toombs of Georgia, who made a characteristic speech, full of " fire and fury," gene ral dissolution, and the "tramp of armed men"—conclud ing with a declaration that if the South was denied her rights " she would invoke the God of battles, and trust to Him for security and peace." The Senate then went into Executive session, and subsequently adjourned until Wed- nesday. In the House, Mr. COBB, of Alabama, in correcting a state- ! ment to the effect that ho was present at a conference of the Alabama and Mississippi delegations on Saturday, and had sent home a telegraphic despatch advising immediate seces sion, declared that he hoped something would be done to save the Union, and called upon men of all par ties to make efforts to do so. Mr. Etheredge, of Tennessee, asked leave to submit a proposition substantially the same as that agreed upon by the Committee of the Border States on Saturday, but he did not succeed in obtain'ng a suspension of the rules. [We give this proposition below.] Mr. Adrain, of New Jersey, asked leave to offer a resolu tion approving of the bold and patriotic act of Major An derson in evacuating Fort Moultrie and occupying Fort Sumter, and pledging the house to sustain the President in all constitutional measures to enforce the laws and preserve the Union. After an ineffectual appeal to Mr. Adrain from Mr. Barrett, of Kentucky, for a withdrawal of the resolu tion, a vote was ordered on a motion to suspend the rules for its reception, and resulted 134 for and 53 against sus- , pension. The resolution was then put upon its passage, and received 124 votes, while only 53 were cast against it. The scene in the house during the calling of the roll was a very exciting one—almost every member as he cast his vote, for or against the resolution, giving his reasons for so doing. The motion was almost exclusively supported by Northern members ' • nearly all the Southern members present voting against it. The Washington correspondent of the New York Herald says—" The vote upon the resolution approving the course of Major Anderson, and sustaining the President in not re calling him, is regarded by the Southern men as indicating a majority favourable to the passage of a force bill. They are intensely excited this evening, and threaten vengeance if a force bill is attempted to be passed. The Republicans also regard it as showing a majority in favour of such a measure." THE NEW COMPROMISE PROPOSED. BORDER STATE CAUCUS. WASHINGTON, Jan. 5, 1861. The Committee of the Border States, including Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, and North Carolina, from the South, and New Jer sey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, &c., from the North, to-day agreed upon propositions for an adjustment of pending difficulties, by amending the Constitution as follows :- 1. Recommending a repeal of all the Personal Liberty bills. 2. That the Fugitive Slave law be amended for the pre venting of kidnapping, and so as to provide for the equali sation of Cie Commissioners' fee, &c. 3. That the Constitution be so amended as to prohibit any interference with Slavery in any of the States where it now exists. 4. That Congress ehall not abolish Slavery in the South ern dockyards, arsenals, &c., nor in the district of Colum ba without the consent of Maryland and the consent of the inhabitants of the District, nor without compensation. 5. That Congress shall not interfere with the inter-State slave trade. 6. That there shall be a perpetual prohibition of the African slave trade. 7. That the line of 36 deg. 30 min. shall be run through all the existing territory of the United States; that in all north sf that line slavery shall be prohibited, and that south of that line neither Congress nor the Territorial Legislatures shall hereafter pass any law abolishing, pro hibiting, or in any manner interfering with African sla very ; and that when any territory containing a sufficient population for one member of Congress in any area of 60,000 square miles shall apply for admission as a State, it shall be admitted, with or without slavery, as its constitu tion may determine. We read in a Washington letter : The compromise proposel by the Committee of Border States is not accepted by the South. The South will not consent to leaving the Territories south of 36 deg. 30 rain. to be free or slave as the people may elect, believing that, by leaving the question open, the scenes of Kansas will be re vived, and the country overrun with anti-slavery people, through the agency of the Northern emigrant aid societies. They demand the unequivocal recognition by the North that slavery shall exist in territory South of the proposed line, until it shall be divided into States, when, in their sove reign capacity as States, they may alter or confirm their status in regard to Slavery, In other words, all territory North shall be considered free, and all South slave, unless the people shall choose to change the condition after their government shall be clothed with State authority. Nothing else will be accepted by the South; and, as false impres sions may be formed from the favour in which the proposi tion of the Border Committee are received in some quarters, it is proper that this explanation should go before the coun try as soon as possible. A REPUBLICAN CAUCUS. The Republican members of the House caucused in the Post-office Committee-room again on Jan. 5 upon the pre sent state of affairs—Speaker Pennington in the chair. There was a full attendance. The unfinished business of the day before was resumed, being the report of Mr. Hale of Pennsylvania, from the sub-committee of the border States, who said that he believed the members of his committee representing the border slave States would agree to his jproposition. that all the t,rrttocy of the United Otates norm of 36 deg. 30 mm. should be free, and all south of that line to remain as it is with liberty to the people to organise into States whenever they please, with or without slavery. He was of opinion that it might be better for the north to take this proposi tion than to precipitate the country into war. Mr. HOWARD, of Michigan, said he objected to any com promise. Mr. LOVEJOY, of Illinois, speaking of the malcontents of the slave States, and the proposed compromise of dividing the territory between freedom and slavery to the Pacific, said—" There never was a more causeless revolt since Lucifer led his cohorts of apostate angels ag ainst the throne of God ; but I never heard that the Almi ghty proposed to compromise the matter by allowing the rebels to kindle the fires of hell south of the celestial meridian of thirty-six thirty." This outburst of the eccentric member from Illinois created a deal of sensation and some movement. Mr. DAWES, of Massachusetts, moved that no vote be taken on any of the propositions, and that the caucus ad journ sine die, which was carried. The caucus was fully attended, and was harmonious at the close against all compromise. SOUTHERN CAUCUS. The Senators of those Southern States which had called Convention met at Washington and adopted the following resolutions :—First—We recommend to our States imme diate secession. Second—We recommend holding a Con vention at Montgomery, Alabams, on a day not, later than the 15th of February, and establishing a Southern Con federacy. Another resolution was passed, considered confi dential, but understood to pledge the Senators to remain at Washington, and defeat army and navy appropriations, and other bills, if proposed. of the United States, to "retake tkem, without regard to the blood or treasure that may be expended." PRESIDENT BUCHANAN. The following is President Buchanan's reply to the Commissioners from South Carolina : Washington City, Dec. 30, 1860. Gentlemen,—l have had the honour to receive your corn munication of 28th inst., together with a copy of your full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina, authorising you to treat with the government of the United States on various important subjects therein mentioned ; and also a copy of the Ordinance, bearing date on the 20th inst., declaring that " the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved." In answer to this communication, I have to say that my position as President of the United States was clearly de fined in the Message to Congress on the 3d inst. In that I stated that, " apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations hitherto existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere Executive officer with the power of recognising the dissolution of the Confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to the recognition of a foreign de facto government—involv ing no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings." Such is my opinion still. I could; therefore, meet you only as private gentlemen of the highest character, and was entirely willing to communicate to Congress any pro position you might have to make to that body upon the subject. Of this you were well aware. It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possess the power, as to prevent the inauguration of a cis :1 war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forts in the har bour of Charleston, and I, therefore, deeply regret that, in your opinion, "the events of the last twenty-four hours render this impossible." In conclusion, you urge upon me "the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbour of Charleston," stating that "under present circumstances they are a stending menace, which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience shows, threaten speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment." The reason for this change in your position is, that since your arrival in Washington, "an officer of the United States, acting as we (you) are assured, not only without, but against your (my) orders, has dismantled one fort and occupied another—thus altering to a most important extent the condition of affairs under which we (you) came." You also allege that you came here " the representatives of an authority which could, at any time within the past sixty days, have taken possession of the forts in Charleston har bour, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we (you) cannot doubt, determined to trust to your (my) honour rather than to its power." This brings me to a consideration of the nature of those alleged pledges, and in what manner they have been ob served. In my message of the 3d of December last, I;stated in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina,tthat it " has been purchased for a fair equivalent, by the consent of the Legislature of the State, for the erec tion of forts, magazines, arsenals, &c., and over these the authority ' to exercise exclusive legislation' has been ex pressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt w!ll be made to expel the United States from this property by tbrce ; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency, the responsibility for cont,equerces would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assonants." This being the condition of the parties, on Saturday, Bth De cember, four of the representatives from South Carolina called upon me, and requested an interview. We had an earnest conversation on the subject of these forts, and the best means of preventing a collision between the parties, for the purpose of sparing the effusion of blood. I suggested, for prudential reasons, that it would be best to put in writ ing what they said to me verbally. They did so, accord ingly, and on Monday morning, the 10th inst., three of them presented to me a paper signed by all the represen tatives from South Carolina, with a single exception, of which the following is a copy : To his Excellency James Buchanan, President of the United States. In compliance with our statement to you yesterday, we now express to you our strong convictions that neither the constituted authorities, nor any body of the people of the State of South Carolina, will either attack or molest the United States forts in the harbour of Charleston, previously to the act of the Convention, and we hope and believe not until an offer has been made through an accredited repre sentative, to negotiate for an amicable arrangement of all matters between the State and the Federal Government, provided that no reinforcements shall be sent into those forts, and their relative military status shall remain as at present. JOHN MCQUEEN. M. L. BONHAM. W. W. BOYCE. LAWRENCE M. KEITT. Washington, Dec . 9, 1860. And here I must, in justice to myself, remark that at the time the paper was presented to me I objected to the word " provided, as it might be construed into an agreement on my part, which I never would make. They said that no thing was further from their intention—they did not so un derstand it, and I should not so consider it. It is evident they could enter into no reciprocal agreement with me on the subject. They did not profess to have authority to do this, and were acting in their individual character. I consi dered it as nothing more, in effect, than the promise of highly honourable gentlemen to exert their influence for the pur pose expressed. The event has proven that they have faith fully kept this promise, although I have never since received a 14ne from any one of them, or from any member of the v. n Lao euL. t, w Itsuu w 14 IN 1/3 determination ' and this I freely expressed, not to reinforce the forts in the harbour, and thus produce a collision, until they k had been actually attacked, or until I had certain evidence that they were about to be attacked. This paper I received meat cordially, and considered it as a happy omen that peace might be still preserved, and that time might be thus given for reflection. This is the whole foundation for the alleged pledge. But I acted in the same manner as I would have done had I entered into a positive and formal agreement with parties capable of contracting, although such an agreement would have been, on my part, from the nature of my official duties, impossible. The world knows that I have never sent any reinforcements to the forts in Charieston harbour, and I have certainly never authorised any change to be made "in their relative military status. Bearing upon this subject, I refer you to an order issued by the Secretary of War, on the 11th inst., to Major Anderson, but not brought to my notice until the 21st inst. It is as follows MEMORANDUM OF VERBAL INSTRUCTIONS TO MAJOR ANDERSON, FIRST ARTILLERY, COAIMANDING FORT MOULTRIE, S. C. You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War that a collision of the troops with the people of this State shall be avoided, and of his studied determination ,to pursue a course with reference to the military force and forts in this harbour, which shall guard rgainst such a col lision. He has, therefore, carefully abstr!ued from increas ing the force at this point, or ta - ing any measures which mi jht add to the present encised state of the public mind, or which would throw any (Imbt on the confidence he feels tha'. - , South Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain possession of the public works, or interfere with their occu pancy. But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may possibly disappoint these expectations of the Govern ment, be deems i., proper that you should be prepared with instructions to meet so unhappy a contingency. He has, therefore, directed me, verbally, to give you such instruc tions. You are carefully to avoid every act which would need lessly tend to provoke aggression, and for that reason you are not, without necessity, to take up any position which could be construed into the assumption of a hostile attitude; but you are to hold possession of the forts in this harbour, and if attacked you are to defend yourself to the last extre mity. The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack on, or attempt to take possession of either of them, will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them which you may deem most proper to increase its power of resistance. You are also authorised to take similar stops whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act. D. P. BUTLER, Assistant Adjutant-General. Fort Moultrie, S.C., Dec. 11, 1860. This is in conformity to my instructions to Major Buell. JOHN B. FLOYD, Secretary of War. These were the last instructions transmitted to Major Anderson before his removal to Fort Sumter, with a single exception, in regard to a particular which does not in any degree affect the present question. Under these circum stances it is clear that Major Anderson acted upon his own responsibility, and without authority, unless, indeed, he had " tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act" on the part of South Carolina, which has not yet been alleged. Still, he is a brave and honourable officer, and justice requires that he should not be condemned without a fair hearing. Be this as it may, when I learned that Major Anderson had left Fort Moultrie and proceeded to Fort. Sumter, my first promptings were to command him to return to his for mer position, and there to await the contingencies pre sented in his instructions. This would only have been done with any degree of safety to the command by the con currence of the South Carolina authorities. But before any step could possibly have been taken in thiti direction, we received information that the " Palmetto flag floated out to the breeze at Castle Pinckney, and a large military force went over last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie." Thus the authorities of South Carolina, without wailing or ask ing for any explanations, and, doubtless, believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had acted not only with out, but against my orders, on the very next day after the night when the removal was made, seized by a military force two of the Federal forts in the harbour of Charleston, and have covered them under their own 114 g instead of that of the United States. At this gloomy period of our history startling events succeed each other rapidly. On the very day, the 27th instant, that possession of these two forts was taken, the Palmetto flag was raised over the Federal Custom-house and Post-office in Charleston; and on the same day every officer of the Customs—collector, naval officer, surveyor, and appraiser—resigned their offices; and this, although it was we'l known from the language of my Message that, as an Executive officer, I felt myself bound to eollect the revenue at the port of Charleston under the existing laws. In the harbour of Charleston we now find three forts con- fronting each other, over all of which the Federal flag floated only four days ago ; but now, over two of them this flag has been supplanted, and tie Palmetto flag has been substituted in its stead. It is under all these circumstances that lam urged immediately to withdraw the troops from the harbour of Charleston, and am informed that without this negotia tion is impossible. This I cannot do—this I will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in any possible contingency. No such allusion had been made in any com munication between myself and any human being. But the inference is that I am bound to withdraw the troops from the only fort remaining - in the possession of the United States in the harbour: of Charleston, because the officer there in command of all of the forts thought proper, without instructions, to change his position from one of them to another. At this point of writing I have received information by telegraph from Captain Humphreys, in command of the Arsenal at Charleston, that "it has to-day (Sunday, the 30th), been taken by force of amps." It is estimated that the munitions of war belonging to this arsenal are worth half a million of dollars. Comment is needless. After this information, I have only to add that whilst it is my duty to defend Fort Sumter, as a portion of the public property of theUnit,ed States, against y hostile attacks, from whatever quarter the way come, by such means as I possess for this purpose, I do not perceive LIQW 049124 a defence eau be owitrued uac melocc NNW CONGRESS. The congressional proceedings on Jan. 7 related almost exclusively to the great question agitating the country, and were extremely interesting : la the Senate, Mr, Tut Excx, of New 'Jersey, preseuted THE NORTH. We read in the New York _Herald despatch from Washington : Memoria!s are still pouring in, signed by thousands of all political parties, urging upon Congress to adopt Mr. Crittenden's Wan of adjustment. Senator Bigler received upward of 30 petitions this morning, some of them 30 or 40 fet long. The people in the North are becoming aroused. MR. LINCOLN'S CABINET. (From the New York Tribune.) Tho latest information which has reached us respecting the composition of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet indicates that the various departments will probably be filled about as fol lows : State Treasury SALMON P. CHASE, of Ohio. Attorney -General EDWARD BITES, of Missouri. War SIMON CAMERON, of Pennsylvania. Navy Interior P. M. General Mr. Seward and Mr. Bates have both accepted the posi tions which have been offered them. We say they have both accepted, though there is some doubt with regard to Mr. Seward. We presume, however, that Mr. Lincoln had reason to suppcse that he would accept before he made the proposition. We sincerely trust that he will not decline. There are few men in the country who could conduct its foreign relations with the ability, dignity, and tact which Mr. Seward would bring to the duty. It is not necessary for us to add here that we place no confidence in the Wall street reports, which attritute to Mr. Seward a secret com plicity in the Crittenden Compromise. Such reports are, as we believe, without the loot foundation in truth. THE SOUTH. SOUTH CAROLINA.—Vo read in the New York Times of Jan. 8 :—We have reports from Charleston by travellers which indicate the existence of much distress there. The troops who have volunteered and presented themselves for service are encamped in unhealthy situations, and, in con sequence of rain, swamps and miasma, are suffering from disease. No vessels loading, no business doing, women weep;ng, and men overcome by sickness, and the city in the hands of a mob, is the bulletin travellers present of the condition of things at the present time in Charleston. M is sis st PPl.—The Mississippi Convention also organised OR Jan. 7, and took the ptelimmary steps towards imme diate secession. (A subsequent despatch by telegraph reports the passage of th 3 secession ordinance.) JACKSONVILLE, MISS, Monday, Jan. 7.—The Governor has ordered the Artillery to prepare ball cartridges. The delegates to the Convention are unanimous for secession. LOUISIANA•—Hon. Piarre Soule made a speech at New Orleans a few days since, urging Louisiana not to take any hasty action in regard to secession, but to stand prepared to act with her sister slavetolding States. Nothing but such united action, he said, mild command for the movement the respect of Europeannations. NEW ORLEANS, Monday, Jan. 7.—The secession ticket is triumphant. All th. Senatorial delegates, and all but four on the Represertative ticket, are elected. The city has been carried by over five hundred majority. The following is an extract from a letter to a member of Congress from Louisiana from an influential source : We all agree on dissoluion or separation, but we disagree on mode. Propel ty latly valued at sixty thousand doliars in New Orleans sold:a kw days ago for nine thousand dol lars, on 12 months' time, GEORGIA, WAsHinrox, Jan. 7.—One hundred and four counties have beet heard from ; seventy are for im mediate secession, tweny-nine for co-operation, and five divided. FLORIDA, TALLATIAfSE, Jan. 5, 1861.—judge M'Ghee, of Madison, was electk permanent President of the Cow. vention. The morningaession was consumed in perfecting an organisation. Dvri.g the afternoon resolutions were offered declaring the right of Florida to secede, declaring the cause of its exercise and the duty of the State to pre pare it. Adjourned till Monday. TENNESSEE.—Hon. Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, has written a very strong letter, denouncing in the most emphatic terms the secissim movement—declaring it to be nothing but rebellion, and proclaiming the duty of the Elena Eaocutive, iu case of the captwe of any of tb. forts ........... the city of Charleston. With great personal regard, I remain, yours very respectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN. To lion. Robert W. Barnwell, James H. Adams, James L. Orr. "SECOND LETTER OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE PRESIDENT. " Washington, D. C., Jan. 1. " Sir,—We have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of ycur letter of the 30th of December, in reply to a note addressed by us to you, on the 28 th of the same month, as Commissioners from South Carolina.l " In reference to the declaration with which your reply commences, that your position as President of the United States was already defined in the Message to Congress of the 3d inst. ;' that you possess ' no power to change the re lations heretofore existing between South Carolina and the United States,' muth less to acknowledge the independence of that State,' and that, consequently, you could meet us only as private gentlemen of the highest character, with an entire willingness to communicate to Conjress any propo sition we might have to make—we deem it only necessary to say that the State of South Carolina, having, in the exercise of the great right of self .government which under lies all our political organisations, declared herself SONO • reign and independent, we, as her representatives, felt no special solicitude as to the character in which you inight recognise us. Satisfied that the State had simply exercised her unquestionable right, we were prepared, in order to reach substantial good, to waive the formal considerations which your constitutional scruples might have prevented you from extending. We come here therefore expecting to be received as you did receive us, and perfectly content with that entire willingness, of which you assured us, to submit any proposition to Congress which we might have to make upon the subject of the independence of the State. The willingness was ample recognition of the condition of public affairs which rendered our presence necessary. In this position, however, it is our duty, both to the State which we represent and to ourselves, to correct several im portant misconceptions of our letter, into which you have fallen. " You say 'lt was my earnest desire that such a dispo sition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possesses the power to prevent the inauguration of a civil war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Federal force in the harbour of Charleston ; and I there fore deeply regret that in your opinion the events of the last twenty-four hours render this impossible.' We expressed no such opinion ; and the language which you quote of ours is altered in its sense by the omission of a most important part of the sentence. What we did say was, But the events of the last twenty-four hours render such an assur ance impossible.' Place that assurance,' as contained in our letter, in the sentence, and we are prepared to repeat it. " Again, professing to quote our language, you say,— ' Thus the authorities of South Carolina, without waiting or asking for any explanation, and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had acted not only without, but against my orders,' &c. 'We expressed no such opinion in reference to the belief of the people of South Carolina. The language which you have quoted was applied solely and entirely to our assurances obtained here, and based, as you well know, upon your own declaration, a declaration which at that time it was impossible for the authorities.of South Carolina to have known. But, with out following this letter into all its details, we propose only to meet the chief points of the argument. " Some weeks ago the State of South Carolina declared her intention, in the existing condition of public affairs, to secede from the United States. She called a Conven tion of her people to put her declaration in force. The Convention met and passed the Ordinance of Secession. All this you anticipated, and your course of action was tho roughly considered in your annual Message. You declared you had no right, and would not attempt to coerce a seced ing State ; but that you were bound by your constitutional oath, and would defend the property of the United States within the borders of South Carolina if an attempt was made to take it by force. Seeing very early that this ques tion of property was a difficult and delicate one, ou mani fested a desire to settle it without a collision. You did not reinforce the garrison in the harbour of Charleston. You removed a distinguished and veteran officer from the com mand of Fort Moultrie because he attempted to increase his supply of ammunition. You refused to send additional troops to the same garrison when applied for by the officer appointed to succeed him. You accepted the resignation of the oldest and most eminent member of your Cabinet, rather than allow the garrison to be strengthened. You compelled an officer stationed at Fort Sumter to return im mediately to the arsenal 40 muskets which he had taken to arm his men. You expressed, not to one, but to many of the most distinguished of our public characters, whose testimony will be placed upon the record whenever it is necessary, your anxiety for a peaceful termination of this controversy, and your willingness not to disturb the military status of the forts, if commissioners should be sent to the Government, whose communications you promised to submit to Congress. You received mad acted on assurances from the highest official autho rities of South Carolina that no attempt should be made to disturb your possession of the forts and property of the United States, if you would not disturb their existing condition until the Commissioners had been sent and the attempt to negotiate had failed. You took from the mem bers of the House of Representatives a written memorandum that no such attempt should be made, ' provided that no reinforcements should be sent into those forts, and their 'dative military statue shall remain as at present.' And although you attach no force to the acceptance of such a paper—although you considered it as nothing more in effect than the promise of highly honourable gentlemen' — as an obligation on one side, without corresponding obliga tion on the other—it must be remembered (if we were rightly informed) that you were pledged, if you ever did send reinforcements, to return it to those from whom you had received it, before you eiecuted your i esolution. You sent orders to your officers commanding them strictly to follow a line of conduct in conformity with such an under standing. Besides all this, you had received formal and official notice from the governor of South Carolina that we had been appointed Commissioners, and were on our way to Washington. You knew the implied condition u nd e r which we cam C, our arriv»l wits notmea 10 you, and an hour appointed for an interview. We arrived in Washington on Wednesday, at 3 o'clock, and you appointed an interview with Ili at 1 the next day. Early on that day (Thursday) the news was received here of the movement of Major Ander son. That news was communicated to you immediately, and you postponed our meeting until half-past 2 o'clock on Friday, in order that you might consult your Cabinet. On Friday we saw you, and we called upon you then to redeem your pledge. You could not deny it. With the facts we have stated, and in the face of the crowning and conclusive fact that your Secretary for War had resigned his seat in the Cabinet upon the publicly avowed ground tii.at the action of Major Anderson had violated the pledged faith of the Government, and that unless the pledge was instantly re deemed ho was dishonoured, denial was impossible.; seek did not deny it. You do not deny it now, but you seek to escape from its obligation on the grounds, first, that we terminated all negotiation by demanding, as a preliminary, the withdrawal of the United States troops from the harbour of Charleston ; and, second, that the authorities of South Carolina, instead of asking explanation, and giving you the opportunity to vindicate yourself, took possession of other property of the United States. We will examine both. " In the first place we deny positively that we have ever in any way made any such demand. Our letter is in your possession ; it will stand by this on record ; in it we inform you of the objects of cur mission. We say that it would have been our duty to have assured you of our readiness to commence negotiations, with the most earnest and anxious desire to settle all questions ihetween us amicably and to our mutual advantage, but that events had rendered that assu rance impossible. We stated the events, and we said that until some satisfactory explanation of these events was given us we could not proceed ; and then, having made this request for explanation , we added and. in conclusion, we would urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbour of Charleston. Under present cir cumstances they are a standing menace, which renders ne gotiation impossible,' &c. ',Under present circumstances What circumstances ? Why, clearly the occupation of Fort Sumter and the dismantling of Fort Moultrie by Major Anderson, in the face of your pledges, and without explana tion or practical disavowal. And there is nothing in the letter which would or could have prevented you from de clining to withdraw the troops and offering the restoration of the status to which you were pledged, if such has been your desire. It would have been wiser and better, in our opinion, to have withdrawn the troops, and this opinion we urged upon you, but we demanded nothing but such an ex planation of the events of the last 24 hours as would restore our confidence in the spirit with which the negotiations should be conducted. In relation to this withdrawal of the troops from the harbour, we are compelled, however, to notice one passage of your letter. Referring to it, you say, ' This I cannot do. This I will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in any possible contingency. No allusion to it had ever been made in any communication between myself and any human being.' " In reply to this statement we are compelled to say that your conversation with us left upon our minds the distinct impression that you did seriously contemplate the with drawal of the troops from Charleston harbour. And in sup port of this impression we would add that we have the posi tive assurance of gentlemen of the highest possible public reputation and the most unsullied integrity—men whose name and fame, secured by long services and patriotic achievements, place their testimony beyond cavil—that such suggestions had been made to aild urged upon you by them, and had formed the subject of more than one earnest discussion with you. And it was this knoti ledge that in duced us to urge upon you a policy which had to recom mend it its own wisdom and the might of such authority. As to the second point, that the authorities of South Caro lina, instead of asking explanations, and giving you the opportunity to vindicate yourself, took possession of other property of the United States, we should observe—first, that even if this were so it does not avail you for defence, for the opportunity for decisime was afforded you before those facts occutred. We arrived in Washington on Wednesday; the news from Major Anderson reached here early on Thursday, and was immediately communicated to you. All that day men of the highest consideration—men who had striven successfully to lift you to your great office, who had been your tried and true friends through the troubles of your Administration —sought you and entreated you to act—to act at once. They told you that every hour complicated your position. They only asked you to give the assurance that if the facts were so—that if the commander had acted without and against your orders, and in violation of your pledges—that you would restore the status you had pledged your honour to maintain. You refused to decide. Your Secretary at 'War, your immediate and proper adviser in this whole matter, waited anxiously for your de cision until he felt that delay was becoming dis honour. More than twelve hours passed, and two Cabinet meetings had adjourned, before you knew what the autho rities of South Carolina had done, and your prompt decision at any moment of that time would have avoided the subse quent complications. But, if you had known the acts of the authorities of South Carolina, should that have pre vented your keeping your faith ? What was the condition of things? For the last 60 days you have had in Charles ton harbour not force enough to hold the forts against an equal enemy. Two of them were empty—one of those two the most important in the harbour. It could have been taken at any time. You ought to know better than any man that it would have been taken but for the efforts of those who put their trust in y our honour. Believin g that they were threatened by F ort Sumter especially, the people were with difficulty restrained from securing without blood the possession of this important fortress. After many and reiterated assurances given on your behalf, which we cannot believe were unauthorised, they determined to forbear, and in good faith sent on their Commissioners to negotiate with you. They meant you no harm—wished you no ill. They thought of you kindly, believed you true, and were willing, as far as was consistent with duty, to spare you unneces sary and hostile collision. Scarcely had these Commis sioners left than Major Anderson waged war. No other wards will describe his action. It was not a peaceful change from one fort to another ; it was a hostile act in the highest sense, and only justified in the presence of a supe rim- enemy, and in immin en t p er il. H e abandoned his position, spiked his guns, b urne d hi s gun. carriageS, made preparations for the destruction of his post, and withdrew under cover of the night to a safer position. This was war. N 9 rani v91i14 htiyo Inbred, wit 491,0 yor POsoln e) t/A64 any officer could have taken such a step, 'not only without orders, but against orders.' What the State did was in simple self defence ; for this act, with all its attending cir cumstances, was as much war as firing a volley ; and war being thus begun, until those commencing it explained their action and disavowed their intention, there was no room for delay; and even at this moment while we are writing it is more than probable, from the tenour of your letter, that reinforcements are hurrying on the conflict, so that when the first gun shall be fired there will have been on your part one continuous, consistent series of actions, commencing in a demonstration essentially warlike, sup ported by regular reinforcements, and terminating in defeat or victory. And all this without the slightest provocation ; for, among the many things which you have said, there is one thing you cannot say —you have waited anxiously for news from the seat of war in hopes that delay 'would furnish some excuse for this precipitation. But this 'tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act on the part of the authorities of South Carolina,' which is the only justification of Major Anderson, you are forced to admit ' has not yet been alleged.' But you have decided, you have resolved to hold by force what you have obtained through our misplaced confidence, and by refusing to disovow the action of Major Anderson have converted his violation of orders into a legitimate act of your executive authority. Bo the issue what it may, of this we are assured, that, if Fort Moultrie has been recorded in history as a memorial of Carolina gallantry, Fort Sum ter will live upon the succeeding page as an imperishable testimony of Carolina faith. " By your course you have probably rendered civil war inevitable. re it so. If you choose to force this issue upon us, the State of South Carolina will accept it, and, relying upon Him, who is the God of Justice as well as the God of Hosts, will endeavour to perform the great duty which lies before her hopefully, bravely, and thoroughly. " Our mission being one for negotiation and peace, and your note leaving us without hope of a withdrawal of the troops from Fort Sumter, or of the restoration of the statu quo exieting at the time of our arrival, and intimating, as we think, your determination to reinforce the garrison in the harbour of Charl eaten, we respectfully inform you that we purpose returning to Charleston to-morrow afternoon. — We have the honour to be, sir, very respectfully your obe dient servants, 4( H. W. BARNIVELL, if I. H. ADAMS, Commissioners. " JAME,s' L. ORR, " To his Excellency the President of the United States." The following is the endorsement upon the docu ment : "Executive Mansion, Wednesday, 3.30.14 " This paper, just presented to the President, is of such a character that he declines to receive it." FROM THE GAZETTE OF _LAST NIGHT. .....J. ~, ~....,‘l. ...... ....... ST. 'JAMES'S PALACE, JAN. 18. The Queen has been pleased to appoint William Stokes, Esq., M.D., to be one of the Physicians in Ordinary to her Majesty in Ireland. CROWN-OFFICE, JAN. 21. MEMBER RETVRNED TO SERVE IN TH E PRESENT PARLIAMENT. County of Pembroke—George Lord Phillips, Esq., in the room of the lion. John Frederick Vaugb an Campbell, commonly called Viscount Emlyn,now Earl , Cawdor, anni• moned to the House of Peers. WAR-OFFICE, PALL-MALL, Lilt. 22. Royal Regiment of Artillery—Second Certain Thomas Henry Pitt, from the Supernumerary . List, to be Second Captain, vice Brabazon, deceased ; Lieutenant Charles Dalrymple Gilmour to be Second Captain., vice Noble, who resigns. The undermentioned gentlemen Cadets from the Royal Indian Military College, at Addiscombe, to be Lieutenants, viz. :—Alfred Edward Turner, James Fox Brough, Charles Wigram Long, Ed ward Stedman, Herbert Frederic Gairnes, Henry Haugh.ton Hardinge, Arthur Napier Pearse, Charles Henry bir ragge, William John Rose Harrison, and Wyndham Hughes Hallett. Corps of Royal Engineers—The undermentioned gentle men Cadets from the Royal Indian Min try College, at Addiscombe, to be Lieutenants with temporary rank, :.—Bellow Charles Pye, Ralph Rhenins Evans Brockman, Andrew Abercrombie Jopp, Robert John M'.Jlure, William Arthur James Wallace, and Bindon Blood, BANKRUPTS. Daniel Robert Richards, boot and shoe manufacturer, Birkenhead. Charles Robertson, baker and flour dealer, Liverpool. Joseph Radcliffe, butcher, Dobcross, Yorkshire. Thomas Phillip Ponton, grocer, Wrexham, Denbigh. shire. Thomas Flood, woollen manufacturer, Gomersal, York shire. John Rogers, draper, Merthyr Tydfil. Thomas George Tomkins, bookseller, 163, Strand. John Risley, dealer in shares, Lombard-street, City. Charles Watson, grocer, Great Yarmouth, Norfolk. Robert Lang, farmer, Forest Farm, near Scorton, York shire. Walter Elliott, grocer, Bedminster, Dorsetshire. SCOTCH BANKRUPTS. William Lyon M'Phun, builder, Glasgow. John Campbell, Esq., Edinburgh; James Campbell, draper, Ayr. James Duncan, watchmaker and jeweller, Dumfries. Robert Brander general merchant, tossiemouth. COUNTRY MARKETS. BRISTOL—JAN. 22. Our market at present is rather at a stand, in expecta tion of the arri►al of grain vessels. Foreign wheat a trifle in favour of buyers. English wheat out of condition is to 2s down. LEEDS—JAN. 22. OUK market to-day was fairly attended by millers, but business was of a slow character. Wheat must be noted at 2s decline upon the rates of last market day. Gocd barley was easier to buy. Oats and beans held for less money. NEWCASTLE-UNDER-LYNE-JAN. 2L At this corn market there was a fair supply of English wheat. The trade was inactive, and prices were is to 2s under late rates—white wheat making 62s to 765, red 54e to 70s. The demand for barley was slow, and continues the same in value. Oats were in fair supply, with a steady sale, from 24s to 32s per 24 stone. Beans scarce, from 40s to 68s per qr. LYNN-JAN. 22. A moderate supply of wheat to-day, which was in fair demand, and prices is to 2s lower. Barley in slow request, at rather lower prices. Oats were disposed of in favour 'of the seller. Beans less firm. Old white 56s to 62s I Old red 52a to 66s Barley. 3 Bs to 46 s I Oats.. Beans .48s to 56s I Peas 4Bs to 54s THE MAILS. MAILS DUE. Australia, Ceylon, and. Mauritius (via South ampton) .. .. Jan. 18. Do. (via Marseilles) Feb. 12. Brazil and Cape Verds .. Feb. 4. Buenos Ayres, Monte Video, &a. .. Jan. —. Cuba and Mexico Jan. 28 Canada, &c. (via L'dorry) Overdue. Cape of Good Hope, &c. .. Feb. 1. China, Penang, and Singapore (via S'ampton) Feb. 1. Do (via Marseilles) Jan. 26. Gibraltar (via Southampton) .. Jan. 25. India (Calcutta), Ceylon, &c. (via Southampton) Feb. 1. Do. (via Marseilles) Jan." 26. India (Bombay), (via Southampton) .. .. Jan. 25. Do. (via Marseilles) .. Jan. 19. Lisbon .. Jan. 21. Malta, Egypt, and Aden (via Southampton) .. Jan. 25. Do. (via Marseilles) .. Jan. 19. Vigo, and Oporto .. Jan. 21. United States, California, &c. .. Jan. 23. Western Coas t of Atrica, Madeira, Teneriffe .. Feb. 10. West Indies and Pacific, Carthagena, Cuba, &c. Jan. 28. EADTERTISEmENT.3 Pills and medicine invariably ag• gravate and perpetuate diseases; their annoyapce, dis appointment, and expense may be avoided by persons in indifferent health sending only their address to E. S. Barry, Esq., 77, Regent-street,' W., London, and they will receive gratis and free by post the "INVALIDS' OWN GUIDE," or Natural Restorer, without medicine or ex pmse, of perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, and refreshing sleep, to the most enfeebled, insuring the removal of indigestion (dyspepsia), constipation, liver complaints. nausea, epilepsy, paralysis, debility, nervousness, palpitatiot, cough, asthma, consumption, dropsy, flatulency, diarrhoea, dysentery, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds, noises in the ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpi• tation, heartburn, headache, despondency, cramps, spasms, sinking, fits, bronchitis —"Unonestionably the safest ant& to health" [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Pills and Ointment. — Return Home. —The anxious eyes of parents frequently dis cover in their children, on their return from school, many irregularities or disturbed functions which require correction. No medicine is so well adapted for removing all youthful in firmities as the celebrated pills and ointment discovered by Professor Holloway. These pills purify the blood, strengthen the stomach, stimulate the liver, and act as mild aperients. The ointment is as useful in external complaints—as ulcers, sprains, tumours, abscesses, glandular swellings, and erysi pelas. These remedies suit both weah and strong. A mani fest advantage of Holloway's preparations is that they cannot be wrongly applied, unseasonably administered, or used too long. They cleanse, correct, restore, and invigorate every human organ. BIRTHS. LAMBERT. —On the 21st inst, at 41, Green-street,W, Lady Lambert, of a son. MELLISII.—On the 19th inst., at 16, Westbourne-street, Hyde-park, the wife of Lieutenant-Colonel Mellish, of a son. ' WsrunnEnn.—On the 21st inst., at 2, Queen's.gate gardens, Kensington, the Lady Isabella Whitbread, of a son. MARRIAGES• MERCK—BURRIDGE.—On the 19th inst., at Remington parish church, Mr. George T. Merck, of South Mo!ton street-, London, to Louisa Imogen, Youngest daughter of the late Mr. William Burridgo, of Mrllbank-street,West- minster. Oa the 22d inst., a t All S o uls' Waldegrave, WALDAIRAVE-.-110THES. — t C o h t u h r e e h c , o L u a n n t e g s h s ar f - B p l o aggo e , s. the Hon. Gem DZATHS. BAwltArdNiZ ne ar icE the 20th inst., a t Merleton Villa, . 7 E ° d n inburgh, John Al exa nder Ballantyne, Esq., prin ter , Edinburgh, ag e d 44. CHAPPELL.—On the 21st inst., at 80, Charlwood-street, west, W a rwick-street, Rear-Admiral Edward Chappell, aged 69. pAusoNs.—On the 20th inst., at Exmouth, Devon, Retd. R e ar-Admiral R. W. Parsons. aged 77. G AL E. —On the 22d inst., a t Hill- r i s e, Richmond, Surrey, JamesTrrxO EG.—ale' sen., Esq., age d 68. cirA n the 19th inst., at her residence, Shrub bill, Dorking, the Right lion. Lady Elizabeth Jane Wathen. LONDON : Printed and Published by WEIRDO YOUNG, No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, No. 112,Strand in the Precinct of the Savoy. in tbe•County of_Middleo o uefigay, January 23, MI, GIB To }A t are see offs, wit ete, Ito at I th , a wat 'rep tae be:t lity Its 4 the beii lua rais islis i inst 1 3 0 r, in si as 1 the th e eba inst in. a Con the] Wor lab( to P Pen call 'aai the The Lcr Rol RON F e 13, 11,