The Sun. — London, England, 1831-05-23 00:00:00

half of your great Minister, to the applause of after ages, and to the institution of festivals for the last ing celebration of his name." In conclusion, there fore, such a stranger will reply to our question as to the real purpose of " Pitt Clubs," by assuming that they have been established and maintained for the honour of Mr. Pitt, in a spirit of pious gratitude to that Statesman, by those who have ever been en thusiastic in the cause of negro liberty—of Catholic emancipation—and of Parliamentary Reform. To disabuse him of the flattering err or into which he had been betrayed by his own con siste n t and 16gical reasoning, but total ignorance of En g lish faction,— to satisfy his mind that the name of Mr. Pitt had been set up as a rallying cry by the bitterest foes to the abolition of the slave trade and of Catholic emancipation, as it is now about to be by the enemies of Reform, and of a Reform fou n d e d on that very principle , viz.—the disfranchisem ent of nominative borough s, which Mr. Pitt him se lf recommended, —so to disbttse him, would, we repeat, be to open up the most frightful view of fraud, and impudence, and meanness combined, that ever disgraced any people. However, we have said that the impending Pitt Club exhibition would be left to the underlings, and deserted by the leaders. Sir R. Peel, indeed, with his accustomed shrewd. ness, which he never laid aside but on o ne occasion, —when dri▪ ven to despair by the di s sol u ti on of the late Parliament,—has so hedged off from the whole party of thick and thin "anti- revo l ut i on i s ts," that if we may j▪ udge from his sp eec h a t t h e Tam worth dinner, it would no way surprise us to hear that Right Hon. Gentleman get up and second Lord John Russell at his next introduction of the Reform Bill. The opposition benches seem already to have given Sir Robert a severe sickness of the stomach. The following is the extract of Mr. Pitt's speech above alluded to. It was spoken on the 18th of April, 1785, as an introduction to the Right Hon. Gentleman's cum ?notion for Reform,—a motion which was rejected even 46 years ago, by a majo rity of only 74 in a House of 426 Members : " But in the borough representation the changes hail been infinitely more common. Gentlemen had undoubtedly read, that of the boroughs which used formerly to send Members to Parliament. seventy-two had been disfran chised—that was to say, that the Crown had ceased to summon them at general elections to return burgesses to the House of Commons. After the restoration thirty-six of these boroughs petitioned Parliament to be restored to the exercise of their ancient franchise; their prayer was granted, and to this day they continue to enjoy it. But the other thirty-six, not having presented say petition on the subject, had not recovered their lost franchise. Upon this he would be bold to say, that considering the restora tion of the former, and the continued deprivation of the latter, the spirit of the Constitution had been grossly vio lated, if it was true (but which he denied) that the ex tension to one set of boroughs of the franchise of returning Members to Parliament, and the resumption of it from others, was a violation of the Constitution. For if the numbers could not originally have been constitutionally increased, so they could not constitutionally have been diminished. But having ben once diminished, to restore them might by some be said to make an innovation; and if the Parliament had any authority to restore the fran chise, the principle of restoration ought to have been ex tended to the seventy-two boroughs, and not confined to one-half of them. Here, then, it appeared manifest, that the whole was governed by a principle which militated directly against the modern doctrine, that to do what had been constantly done for ages, by the wisest of our ances tors, was to innovate upon the Constitution. The seventy two boroughs in question had discontinued to return Mem bers because they had fallen into decay. Thirty-six of them afterwards recovered their franchise, when they re covered their former wealth and population ; but the other thirty-sir, not having renovated their former vigour and consequence in the State, remained to this day deprived of the franchise which had been taken from them, when they lost the wealth and population, on account of which they had originally obtained it. " Why, then, was there a greater objection to any change in the representation of certain boroughs now, than there had been in former periods? Why were they more sacred now than the thirty-six boroughs which had been disfranchised, and which had no share at present in the representation of the country ; the arguments that in fluenced gentlemen against any change at this time, w o uld have rqually operated against the thirty-six bo roughs which bail from time to time been extinguished, as well as against the Game number, which, having been abolished, were, from a change of their ciicurhstances, re instated in their privilege. In those earlier periods, such was the notion of representation, that as one borough de cayed, and another arose, the one was abolished, and the other invested with time right; and alterations took place from accident or caprice, which, however, so far as they went, stood good and valid. The alterations were not made by principle ; they did not arise from any fixed rule laid down and invariably pursued, but they were founded in that notion which gave the discretionary power to the Crown—viz., that the principal places, and not the de cayed boroughs, should be caed upon to exercise the right of election."— Times. The Northampton election is at length at an end. An address from Mr. Wickham, chairman of Lord Althorp's committee, to the freeholders resident in London, which our readers will find in our advertis ing colurrmQ, announces that Mr. Cartwright and Sir Charles Knightley have resigned. After the decision in the case of the Northampton freemen, to have prolonged the contest would have been vexa tious, for it is obvious that the freeholders are ex hausted. In this address Mr. Wickham adverts par ticularly to the services rendered by the freeholders resident in London. With the best disposition in the world, however, to forward the cause of Reform, many of these freeholders must have been unable to defray the expence of conveyance to and from Northampton, and this must have been a heavy tax on Lord Althorp's purse. The non-resident voters, throughout the present election, have displayed, with few exceptions, an excellent spirit, and it has been owing to them in not a few instances, that the Re form candidates obtained the victory. Still one of the great benefits of the Reform, will be the freeing candidates from the ruinous expence of conveying distant electors to the poll. Many and many an estate in this country is now at nurse on account of election contests. With Northampton the English elections close. In Wales there is but one remain ing—Pembrokeshire, and that will soon be over.— Morning Chronicle. The Standard admits that the Tories may be re garded " as all but totally defeated." It is instruc tive now to listen to the attempts to ascertain the causes of this signal failure. Our contemporary assigns a great many accidental causes, which, how ever, he thinks, would have availed little but for the signal blunder committed by the Tories of not meet ling the Bill by " a safe, effectual, and gradual plan of Reform. But tpen, unfortunately, the Tories had just declared that so far from Reform being ne cessary, the wit of man could devise nothing equal to the representation as it now exists. The Tories in general wished to Reform, and as the Quarterly Review distinctly stated, to concede that any Re form was necessa r y , was to concede to the Re formers their principle, All the Tories being averse to Reform on principle, it became no easy matter to argue on how much should be conceded, in order to render the Reform something in appearance, and let as good as none. In vain our contemporary rails " the want of union among the Tory party. they had been united three months ago, they could have devised a plan of safe and effectual and gradual Reform which would have been adopted by the House of , Commons, and approved by tins country, and sent the W w hi e g ' s to another twenty-five years of retirement. length upon this had intended to speak at Pula:s ee : l it as . et this moment our observations might have e p b omted at Sir Robert Peel, with whom we often at variance, and whom views , unfortunately too s, as disclosed at the Tamworth dinner, are stronglyew pe r s t e b d to those f e present, the which we hold; we must theleforeo decline a more particular examination sub ject.' But the want of union among the Tories was the necessary result of their having been driven from their principle. The principle on which alone the Tories could consistently unite was, that a cer tain number of families should be able so to in fluence the elections as to command a majority in the House of Commons. The moment this prin ciple was departed from, the Tories ceased reventto exist► If a Reform be conceded w ith a view to p still more extensive Reform, the former must still proceed upon a recognition of the principle, that the House of Commons ought not to represent a certain number of families, but the nation, and a more extensive refor mat i on i n accordance with the principle so recognized would necessarily follow the first. No wond er , th e refore, that the Tories were disunited. They who detested the principle of Reform, and saw danger in the House of Com mons respecting the nation instead of a certain number of individuals, said to themselves, if we cannot now maintain ourselves in the power we pos sess, we shall be less able when the mass of pro perty in the country has more share in the returns. The rock on which we stand is boroughmongering. Once admit that a rotten borough is an evil, we must prepare to abandon all rotten boroughs ; for if the people extort one from us, that one will aid them in extorting more. The Duke of Wellington is the last of the Tories. His principle is, that the people ought not to choose the House of Commons, but merely to have a voice in it, and indirectly to in fluence the votes. This is the principle of the Uni versities, and the Clergy. They are opposed to all Reform, no matter how slight, which flows from a recognition of a right in the nation to choose the guardians of the public purse. Sir Robert Peel, after his speeches at the Tamworth dinner, will be as much an object of dislike to the Universities and Parsons, as he was after voting for Catholic Eman cipation. He is, in fact, no longer a Tory. Bit by bit, he must abandon every one of the principles on which he opposed the Reform Bill. There is no halting between them and the principleof Reform—between naming representatives for the people, and naming representatives by the people, there is no middle course. At present the representatives are partly chosen for the people, and partly by the people ; but a Reform diminishes the number of the former, on the ground that representatives ought to be chosen by the people. he principle is not weakened by this concession to it; increased power will, on the contrary, give increased effect to it. We must come at last to a state of things in which the pro perty, and intellect, and industry of the country de termine the elections. But, as Mr. Bankes sensibly observed, the best course, now that Reform is car ried, is to submit patiently to the new order of things. A real aristocracy will now prevail among us. Property must always possess influence, in the hands of those who deserve to have any. In fact, the influence of the rich will be increased, be cause they will be compelled to prove their title to it by merit, and the homage which is paid to desert is always more willingly paid than the homage which is paid to mere wealth without it. The cor ruption of the poor, through the exercise of the franchise, has been one of the great means for sup ping the principles of the nation. With a Reformed Parliament we shall have a deserving gentry and a more moral people. We shall all benefit, and none more than the rich, who always lose by a system of exclusion.—Morning Chronicle. Our readers are aware, from the publication of the Recorder's report to the King in Council, that two men, named George Widgett and Jelin Broach, are selected, from among the number of persons ca pitally convicted at the Old Bailey Sessions in April last, to suffer the extreme sentence of the law. There were eighteen persons who received sentence of death at that Sessions; and we presume the two cases in which the Royal mercy does not interpose between the unhappy criminals and the exterminat ing severity of the law are the two worst cases in the calendar, otherwise the selection must have been made either in a spirit of partiality or caprice. Now, what are really those cases in which it is thought nothing will satisfy the ends of justice but the shedding the blood of the offenders? One is a case of sheep-stealing—a crime against property, which undoubtedly deserves to be severely punished, but which is not, under any circumstances, an offence which justifies the sacrifice of human life. Recollecting, as we . do, the opi nions which the leading members of the present Ministry entertained of capital punishments when out of office, we were not prepared to expect that they would have advised the King to withhold the prerogative of mercy from any of those inferior offences which a vindictive and barbarous system of legislation made capital, and which, although they constitute serious violations of the rights of pro perty, are not accompanied by any of those circum• stances of atrocity or terror which distinguish vio lent and sanguinary crimes. There are persons who assume the name and pretend to the intelli gence of legislators, who, whenever it is proposed to abolish any of our sanguinary laws, express their alarm at the dangers of innovation upon the ancient arid establisSed system of English criminal juris prudence. This is an alarm which betrays as much ignorance as it does obduracy of feeling. Most of our sanguinary Statutes are themselves only inno vations on the ancient law of England. How long is it since the Legislature called in the assistance of the executioner to put down the offence of sheep stealing ? It is only since the 14th year of George 11. that capital punishment has been inflicted for this crhne ; and we believe it will be found that, notwithstanding the sanguinary examples that from time to time have been made, the capital law has had no effect in diminishing the amount of depredation in this way—nor, indeed, is it to be wondered at; for, as in the case of every violation of the law, where the penalty greatly ex ceeds the offence, humane and conscientious people would rather bear with the injury than prosecute. Many offenders escape with impunity ; while those who occasionally fall a sacrifice to the rigour of the law excite the compassion of the public, whose na tural sense of equity is too strong for the artificial morality of the law, and who sink their detestation of the crime in their sympathy for the offender, who unjustly suffers beyond the measure of his guilt. No man dies the death of the murderer for sheep-stealing in France, or even in Russia. Is such property less secure in those countries, or is human blood more sacred ? As to the offence of John Broach—that of stealing in the dwelling-house property above the value of five pounds—under what law is he sentenced to suffer? Under the Statute of the 7th and Bth George IV.—one of Sir Ro bert Peel's Acts for the amendment and ameliora tion of the Criminal Law. Previously the sum necessary to render the offence capital, or the mini mum price of human life, was forty shillings, so that Sir Robert Peel, in his enlightened and compre hensive view of criminal legislation, went to the trouble of repealing the original Act, on this sub ject, of the 12th of Anne, and devising and carrying a new enactment in its place, which raised the value of human life by the amount of three pounds sterling! This is a specimen of the sort of altera• tion which the Lancashire Solon regarded as im provement. It would have been well if he were half as chary of the lives of his fellow-creatures as he is of the old walls and green mounds of rotten boroughs. The late lamented Sir Samuel Romilly —the ablest lawyer, and at the same time the most humane legislator of his day—considering that put ting the crime of stealing in the dwelling-house to the amount of forty shillings on a level, in point of punishment, with the most atrocious acts of violence and blood, was not to be defended on any principle of policy, morals, or sound justice, brought in a' Bill to repeal the Act altogether, and to make stealing in the dwelling-house (of course without breaking or violence) the _subject of a secondary punishment. He twice carried this Bill in the House of Commons, and it was twice thrown out in the House of Lords, who, unfortunately, have been always much more ready to give their sanction to innovations of severity upon our Criminal Law than to those of judicious lenity and temperate jus tice. When Sir Samuel Romilly introduced this Bill and others to ameliorate the penal laws, not by a huckstering alteration of a few pounds, but by a real change of principle, he was supported by the pent as r e well L as oe y C ot ha ht ir d e i l s lo ti r ng a u nd ish S e i d r J m a emneisnlYa the House e of Commons, and by Lords Grey and Rolland in e th a e us H e ofo o u f se thein Lo ma rd o s r i a N n v t l , t s o t s a e tio n n a s m wes we select be the preFent Ministry. Yet it is un h_l e a r r a they hold in Ministry of which Lord Grey is the Premier, and Lord Brougham the Lord Chancellor, that a sheep stealer, and a man convicted of stealing some articles of value in a dwelling-house, are ordered to suffer death. We hope that the public will come forward with petitions to the throne to pray for a commu tation of the sentences of these unhappy men, and that the disciples of Romilly, now in the days of their power, will not, upon reflection, think it right to have recourse to the old sanguinary system, which, when in opposition, they so eloquently con demned.-111-orning Herald. There is now no longer any doubt of the Reform Bill being carried to its fullest extent in the House of Commons, and that the House of Lords will pass it entire is almost as certain. Indeed we under stand that the great boroughmongers have given up all idea of opposition as perfectly useless, and that even the Duke of Newcastle has expressed himself to this effect. It is also clear that the Bill will be brought before Parliament as soon after the assem bling as possible; and the probability is that it will become part and parcel of the law of the land in the course of a few weeks. Such being the case, the question natgrally suggests itself, will the Par liament be dissolved immediately after the passing of the Bill, or will his Majesty's Ministers dispose of any of the important business which now presses for consideration with the House of Commons as at present constituted ? It is truly observed by a Sunday Paper, that " the state of Ireland, of Eng land, and of the Colonies, demands the serious attention of the Legislature; and if we are riot much mistaken it will be necessary that the Par liament of this country should express a de cided opinion with respect to the affairs of some portion of the Continent. The death of George IV., and the bickerings of party, deprived us of all benefit from the Session of 1830. The Session of 1831 was abruptly terminated by a neces sary dissolution; and there is now a long arrear of business to be disposed of, which cannot longer be delayed without the most serious injury to the public service. When it is considered, therefore, that the passing of the Bill must and will be immediately followed up by a new election to give it due effect, it becomes a matter of great importance that such an election should teke place as soon as possible, in order that the real and pressing business of the State may be brought under the consideration of the real representatives of the people. We have heard, indeed, that it is proposed to despatch same of this business even after the Bill is passed by the House, constituted as it is at present. We cannot, however, believe this. Such u proceeding would be an insult to the people, arid a tacit admission of the arguments of the Anti-Reformers, that, when the country can elect such a popular House of Commons as we are now about to have, no Reform is required. A dissolution and a new election we consider to be evitable before the termination of the autumn." We agree with the writer of the above remarks as to the serious injury which will arise to the public ser vice by delaying the long arrear of business to be disposed of; but we by no means think that a dis solution and a new election are inevitable before the termination of the autumn. It should be recollected that, before the provisions of the Reform Bill can be carried into effect, a great many important regu lations are to be made, and these, we should imagine, will necessarily occupy some months. The coun ties, for instance, will have to be divided into elec toral districts. The number of voters in the small boroughs will have to be increased from the neigh bouring districts, and the electoral lists throughout the United Kingdom must be made out ; a work, of itself, we should imagine, will occupy a consider able time. Under these circumstances, ssfe think it would be highly improper to delay the necessary bu siness of the State, seeing that the House of CoM mons just elected will be in effect a reformed House. As for the argument of the Anti-Refortners,that,when the country can elect such a popular House of Com mons as we are now about to have, no Reform is required, it is, like all their other arguments, more sophistical than true. The present election has been the result of extraordinary excitement—an ex citement which it would be neither desirable nor pos sible to raise upon ordinary occasions. If, indeed, it were true that a Parliament like the one about to assemble could be at all times elected under the ex. fisting system, the argument of the Anti-Reformers would be perfectly just, and the conduct of the Go- vernment, either in dissolving it or retaining it for a few months, would have no effect upon its validity. But it is not true ; and no persons are more aware of this than those who employ it. The questions for the consideration of Ministers, as to an immediate dissolution of Parliament after the carrying of the Bill, are—first, whether the public service will be injured by a delay of business ? and, secondly, if so, whether the House about to be returned will suffi ciently represent the opinion of the country as to en title it to despatch such public business? Now, in our humble opinion, this question must be answered in the affirmative, and therefore we see no necessity for an immediate dissolution. Let the Reform Bill be once carried, and, if we mistake not, we shall find that even the close-borough Members will become wonderfully patriotic.—Morning Herald. The Northamptonshire election has reached its close in the return of the " Reform" candidates, a result brought about by means entirely worthy of the great cause in which the Government is embarked. With it terminate the elections for England and Wales; those for Scotland and Ireland are nearly concluded ; and it is now unhappily but too plain that the House of Commons about to assemble will con. rain a considerable majority pledged to " the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill." This result may be traced to various sources ; and first among them, in fearful prominency, is seen the " bludgeon and brickbat" system—the system of mob intimi dation and terror. Till now we would not have believed that atrocities such as those which have disgraced many districts during the late elections could be associated with the name of Briton; still less, that men of education and intelligence could, in effect, give their sanction to these murder ous excesses, perpetrated in the King's name ! and consent to be raised by such means to a seat m a deliberative assembly. How have these practices contrasted with the:language held by our gracious So vereign on the dissolution of Parliament I-- with the desire he then expressed that the calm and dignified sense of his people might pronounce on the most momentous and vital question that ever was sub mitted to the decision of a nation ! " I have been induced to resort to this measure for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of my people, in the way in which it can be most constitutionally and authentically expressed, on the expediency of making such changes in the representation as circumstances may appear to require, and which shall be founded on the acknowledged principles of the Constitution, and may tend at once to uphold the just rights and prerogatives of the Crown, and to give se curity to the liberties of my people." Has any respect been paid to the paternal advice and wishes of his Majesty ? Has the end been at tained which his Majesty desired ? Are the atrocities of Boston, Banbury, Dorchester,Wigan, Lanark, and last not least, Dumbarton—are these and numberless other examples that could be adduced, to be regarded in their effects as expressions of the sense of the people ? Are these the means by which our liberti es are to be " secured ?" Does liberty consist in lawless outrage and intimidation, whereby candidates are deterred from approaching a hustings, and electors from proceeding to the poll ? Is this the constitu tional mode by which changes in the representa tion" are to be effected, or "the just rights and prerogatives of the Crown" to be upheld ? Doubt less, upon revolutionary ma x i m s, up on the maxims of our Marats and Robe s pier r es, these questi▪ ons might be answered in the affirmative; but we are not yet to look to them fora decision. In nearly all those places where ferocity and murderous violence has shown itself, the sense of the people has been stifled; it is not the sense of the constituent body that will be heard and have weight in the delibera tive Assembly of the Nation, but the base passio• ns of reckless and criminal men, who have no connec tion or sympathy with the elective body; who have nothing to lose, but who hope to gain by a radical change, and therefore supported such change by in flicting every species of brutal violence upon any who dared to appear as its opponents. Nor has me nace and the terror of example done less for " the Bill" than actual outrage; to select two instances out of fifty, it cannot be doubted that, at such a crisis as the present, one Constitutionalist at least might have stood a successful contest both for Westminster and Middlesex. In places again where outrage was not to be apprehended to any formidable extent, the Tories have too easily given way to despair. Here is another source of the partial triumph of radicalism. It is now pretty well ascertained that had Mr. Ward stood the contest for the City he would not have failed ; the resignation of that gentleman, in hasty compliance with the advice of some of his friends, dispirited the Tory party throughout the country ; while the retirement of Sir E. Knatchbull from Kent, and of Sir T. Acland from Devonshire, was not less unfortunate. The results of the contests for the counties of Buckingham, Salop, and Huntingdon, and the formidable stand made in Essex and Northampton, sufficiently shew what might have been effected had the exertions of the Consti tutional party been more general and vigorous. In the result of the election for Cornwall, and in other instances where those exertions have been signally unsuccessful, we see the third great source of the numerous votes that have been gained to " Reform," or, rather, to the Bill. Here the coup d'etat has done its work. An appeal was made to the people at a moment of unusual excitement—an excitement raised by false but plausible statements—exaggerated hopes held forth that can never be realised—extravagant pro mises that can never be performed. Such was the expedient put in force; it is one which has been pointedly denounced by wise and honourable men and against which all wise and honourable men must ever raise an indignant voice. An artificial excitement, which a few months would have cooled down to the ordinary temperament of reason, was hastily seized upon, and the result is before us. But the elec tors who have contributed towards it, already, we have reason to know, begin to see the deceit that has been practised, and, when their error becomes fully manifest, they will not hesitate to appeal to that power in our happy Constitution, through which they will be enabled to reverse or modify their precipitate judgment.—Morning Post. The Reform expounded in the celebrated Bill is now so plainly to be the law of the land, and has been already so fully discussed and commented on, that it becomes scarcely necessary to allude to it, save as a great experiment, the result of which we look to with confidence as likely to realize all the wishes of its supporters. In the mean time, we are glad to see that some of the most strenuous oppo nents of Ministers, either gained over by argument, or satisfied by the conviction of expediency, have declared their determination to give the measure their support; arid there is every reason, therefore, to believe that the Bill will pass through the House of Commons with little discussion, and still less al teration, and be carried up the House of Lords, backed by a majority which it would be highly dan gerous and impolitic to resist. All accounts agree, that this majority will amount now to something above one hundred and sixty; and when it is recol lected that it will contain nine-tenths of the county Members, and all those for open boroughs, and that the Opposition will be composed purely of the re presentatives of the close boroughs, whose interests are to be affected, we think it scarcely necessary to hazard a conjecture with respect to the ultimate triumph of the Government. .There are many reasons, independent of our wishes for the accom plishment of that long-desired object—the Reform of Parliament, which render it a gratifying circum stance, that no time will be frittered away in unne cessary and unavailing discussion. The state of Ireland, of England, and of the colonies demands the serious attention of the legislature; and if we are not much mistaken, it will be necessary that the Parliament of this country should express a decided opinion with respect to the affairs of some portion of the continent. The death of George the Fourth and the bickerings of party deprived us of all benefit from the Session of 1830. The Session of 1831 was abruptly terminated by a necessary dissolution ; and there is now a long arrear of business to be disposed of, which cannot longer be delayed with out the most serious injury to the public service. When it is considered, therefore, that the passing of the Bill must and will be immediately followed up by a new election to give it due effect, it becomes a matter of great importance that such an election should take place as soon as possible, in order that the real and pressing business of the State may be brought under the consideration of the real represen tatives of the people. We have heard indeed that it is proposed to dispatch some of this business even after the Bill is passed by the House consti tuted as it is at present. We cannot, however, be lieve this. Such a proceeding would be an insult to the people, and a tacit admission of the arguments of the Anti-Reformers, that when the country can elect such a popular House of Commons as we are now about to have, no Reform is required. A dis solution and a new election we consider to be in evitable before the termination of the autumn. — Observer. The success of Reform may now be considered as certain as any thing in the course of human events ; and the only question is, how the Tories will submit themselves to the measure ? Though we have been promised a fight for it, we do not tremble at the thoughts of a rebellion; for however excellent the populations of Gatton, Old Sarum, St. Michael's, Beeralston, &c. may have been as con stituencies, they would make but a sorry figure in a campaign against the nation. If matters came to the worst, we should hear, without dismay, that the Duke of Newcastle had declared war, in the name of the Short Parliament, at Newark; that Lord Exeter had flung the scabbard away at Stamford ; that Mr. Bankes had hoisted the black flag at Corfe Castle ; that Lord Calthorpe held Bramber for the boroughmongery ; that the electors of Gatton were in open insurrection, and coming up to town with the most desperate purposes, in a taxed cart; that Sarum, in arms, was booked for the box of the Salisbury Fly for Basingstoke, where it was to effect a junction with the Haslemere army, 60 strong 1 (deserters and decrepid excepted) and beaded by Lord Lonsdale in person. Such movements as these may be dealt with by binding the Lords and leaders over to keep the peace, and putting the rebellious forces into the stocks and cages, wherever the posse of old women and children may succeed in capturing them. Somewhat more serious would be an insurrection in London, which would not fail to attend any turbulent movement in the country, namely, that of the seventy Commissioners of Bankrupts, who would, with Lord Eldon at their head, take possession of Guildhall, formally depose the Chancellor, league with the attornies disaffected by the County Courts' Bill, put themselves in com munication with Lord Lyndhurst in the Exch e quer, and prepare to charge the people—as such a body only knows how to charge. This is the worst com bination we can anticipate ; and London cannot do better, at such at such a conjuncture, than leave it to the schools to imitate the glory of the youth of Paris, and quell th e treason . Nay, the child ren i n arms, if properly supported by their nurses, as we doubt not they would be, might suffice to put down the sedition. But on these extremities we do not reckon—indeed, we are decidedly of opinion that there will be no civil war ;' for, on c ons id er i ng t h e materials for rebellion, we find that there are not more than two thousand disfranchised electors who could, by the remotest possibility, be moved to take the field. In leaders, it cannot be denied that they would be very disproportionately strong • and the rebels of the United Kingdoms might Muster four thousand rank and file, that is, a man of rank for every file (in the Newgate sense of that word). If these malcontents were concentrated, it would obviously require the force of a sma ll c oun t ry town to subdue the disaffection of the empire, and bind these turbu lent spirits to keep the peace. But we reckon on better things. The enemy, so desperate when the issue was less certain and immediate, are now dis covering signs of tractability. They will listen to reason —we see they will. Instead of drawing the sword, they will scarcely whisper " no" to the Bill. Many will make a virtue of necessity,—which, hard as it is, is the only thing of which a certain sort of man Gan make a virtue. With the exception of Lord Eldon, we really cannot calculate on any Tory's losing his head for high treason ; and our readers re member that we have always prophesied that fate of that noble and venerable, but too factious Lord. We drop a tear at the thought of his learned head over Temple Bar; but it cannot be helped—his star has sto ordained it—the star in the very tail of Cancer. For Lord Londonderry we have no fears. He has a plea which in any case must save his head. The Duke of Wellington, having won as many battles as he has fingers, is a peaceable man ; and the rest of both Houses will submit with a good grace, according to their different fashions ofconces sion. The New Parliament will indeed be a House of Reformers—how can it be otherwise, when there is scarcely such a thing as an Anti-Reformer to be found in the land ? Formerly, says Burton, there were only seven wise men in the world, and now there are not as many fools. Formerly, we could count the Reformers on our fingers; now, there are not as many anti!—nay, a little finger for the great Duke of Wellington tells off the corps. He is Alpha and Omega of the faction. He is the excep tion to the nation—the great unconverted. The rest are all Reformers of one degree or another. There are the moderate Reformers, the Reformers, and the Ultra-Reformers. By Ultra-Reformers let it not be supposed we mean the Radicals—no such thing; we mean a new party that has ari s en, of which Sir Richard Vyvyan is the head, and perhaps the tail too, as an Irishman would add. The Standard, which should know the Baronet's opi nions, states this fact; and as we have always pleasure in quoting from so ably-written a paper, we shall give its words : S r Richard Vyvyan is a Reformer, was a Reformer, and, if returned to Parliament, would, we doubt not, be a more efficient, perhaps a more extensive Reformer, than any of Lord Grey's Cabinet. When the Cabinet Bill was brought forward, and when Sir Richard opposed it, not because it was a Reform, but specially because it went to ruin the farmer, the fisherman, and the miner, we know that he was commonly charged by the Ministerial party with entertaining plans of Reform too wide and too wild for the present time; with an extravagance of doctrinism thet would make population in too great a degree the scale by which representation should be adjusted—with, in a word, going almost as far as Granville Sharpe, who, it will be remembered, was for giving impartially a represen tative to every fifty thousand of the people, wherever inha biting." Sir Richard's Reform would appear from this to have been like the sense of a certain sort of people who are said to have it, " though they never show it." The Bill does not go far enough to serve for the present content of one, who is of a mettle to " pluck bright honour from the pale-faced moon," but not to seize it at arm's length. He will keep before us, and vociferate before us, just as a charac ter, not to be mentioned with the Honourable Gen tleman, outscreams his pursuers in the cry of " stop t hief!" " The fastest thief," says Burns, " cries loudest fie." There is a course for these faint, hearted ardour-pretending suitors, which, we regret, cannot be taken with :sir Richard. When a lady asked what she should do to punish an urgent old libertine, the answer was—" grant him what be asks." Sir Richard would feel rather awkward if the Reform were granted to him, which the Stan dard declares he solicits, and would most assuredly reproach the angry gods with having listened to his prayers. The moderate Reformers will make the body of the opposition, and offer desultory, teazing resistances to the details of the Bill. The mode rates are composed of the " Little-as-need-be" and the " Bit-by-bits," What these parties would not do, is better understood than what they would do. The East Retford debates showed us the very slen der amend which was too much for them. When the Scotch laird was told that his servants were grievously discontented with his family dinner of half a sheep's foot a day, the answer, with a gene rous air, was, " An they grumble at half a sheep's foot, e'en let 'em have a whole one." This laird was a Moderate Reformer—an extremely Moderate Reformer, for conjoining the " Little-as-need-be" with the " Bit-by-bit" character, he went far be yond any of our improvers by scruples, in the libe rality of his concessions. When an evil is on all hands admitted, it is for the wit of Tories only to perceive the virtue of moderation i❑ the improve ment. Sick Tories don't ask moderate cures—they don't insist on •" Little-as-need•be" and " Bit-by bit" alleviations of suffering. When their houses are tumbling down, they don't order moderate re pairs, nor when their ships are sinking, do they re commend moderate pumping. The moderation of their remedies is only for the State, whose rotten ness is their profit. But all this is sufficiently well understood. Sir George Murray, in a speech at the Perth election, which has been praised as elo quent by those who have a taste for varnished, hacknied fallacies, repeats, for the thousandth time, the observation— ." That the existence in this country of men of wealth, possessed of considerable political influence, and of corpo rate bodies, accustomed to pursue a line of conduct of their own in political matters, without being carried away by the impulse of the moment, was one cause of our being free from those fluctuations to which France has been so subject. The object of the present day seems to be, however, to alter this state of things, and to render the House of Com mons more exclusively subject to popular controul. It is said the representatives of the people are too slow in con forming themselves to the general will of the nation. For my part, I consider this one of its best characteristics, that it is not liable to be immediately acted upon by every popular impulse. It is owing to this that every interest in the country can be patiently heard before a decision is come to by which it may be vitally and permanently affected." The House has certainly been as slow in remedies as Sir George Murray, or any of his political deno mination could desire; but there has been no simi lar tardiness in mischiefs. The Debt was of won drously rapid growth; and corporate bodies, with " their line of conduct of their own," served as no check to it. States liable to popular influence are not affected with frenzies of extravagance. Again : the change of the Six Acts in our laws was not re sisted by the bodies whose bias against innovation is supposed to be so certain and so useful. Nor in any one instance, in which a new system has been injurious to the purses or the liberties of the people, have the corporate and borough influences offered any cheek to its course. When their commended backward tendencies might have stayed the advances of profligacy, and the e ncroac h ments o f a tyrann i c al spirit, they had no such operation —nay, their weight was given to further the mischievous intention. The chief interest now belonging to the Reform Bill respects its treatment in the House of Peers. The conduct of the Lords on the Queen's trial fur nishes the clue to their probable course on this occa sion. A stand cannot be made in that House against the King, the Commons, and the country. Ii the event of the worst, the exercise of the King's pre rogative of creation would overbear the obstinacy of faction or fanaticism—whose temporary success would be the destruction of the Chamber, and whose display would be of irreparable damage to its strength. —Examiner. _ The consumption of Indian opium in China, from the Ist of April, 1830, to the Ist of January, 1831, was 15,145 chests, valued at 10,083,302 dollars, which, at the exchange of 4s. per dollar, gives 2,016,6601. HARMLESS ENJOYMENT OF DIGNITY.- Daring the last few days a gentleman, availing himself of a strong resemblance to the late E:4IPEROR, both in person and features, has ..mused himself with parading about the town in high military boots, a grey redingote, and the ne ver-failing c ocked hat, with his hands behind his back, while the vagabond boys of t he town run after him, shout ing 4 . ViverEinpereur !" which he acknowledges with smiles of complacency, and a nose daubed with snuff. Speciateur of Dijon. Per Quarter. CAI lible fiexham Morpeth—...— Penrith Sheffield Winchester Per Bushel. Coventry Newcastle (Staff) Northallerton Stafford Swansea Warwick Per 8011. Barnardcastle........ Durham .....,................. Richmond --..... Stockton-- Aberdeen ....„, 8erwick.,...,.... Coldstream .... Cupar ............... Dundee .--- Elgin —...—....... Inverness..... Kelso ---- ' Kirkaldy.-- Perth The size 50 66 40 44 42 45 54 76 52 60 58 63 s•' 58 41 48 42 70 50 60 of the in 4 C. to 8. 22 29 26 28 - 34 23 ili s. ti. s. d. 20 28 36 40 49 53 33 40 36 40 29 33 22 26 80 94 56 76 70 90 70 80 28 30 25 211 40 42 38 40 19 21 34 35 29 36 45 43 28 34 :hout the S. to a. 35 50 52 36 3S 47 42 46 s. d. v. d. 00 00 56 60 50 60 59 fib 72 g 6 00 0 0 73 76 00 110 106 116 110 11 6 00 00 UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE. 1 OXFoRD, MAY 20.—0 n Saturday the 7th inst. the Rev. G. 11. Clifton, B.A. Scholar of Worcester College, was elected a Fellow; aNd Mr. R. Muckle• stone, Commoner, a Scholar of that Society. On Friday the 13th inst. Mr. Chas. Badham was admitted Scholar of Wadham College, and on Mon day the 16th Mr. Errol Hill was admitted Scholar of New College. The Classical Class-list for Easter Term is as follows : CLASS 1.-Thomas Adam], Christ Church ; Robert Browne, St. John's ; Henry Churton, Baliol; Thomas L. Claughton, Trinity ; Herbert Kynaston, Christ Church ; Robert F. Wilson, and Samuel F. Wood, Oriel. CLASS ll.—Charles Balston, Corpus ; Charles Bunyon, New College ; Archibald Cameron, Pembroke ; George Cason, Brasenose ; George Clarke, University ; George Deacon, and Frederick Holme, Corpus; Walter Kitson, and William Pennefather, Baliol ; Charles Penny, Pem broke ; Francis Popham, University ; Henry G. Randall, Queen's ; John G. Richards, Corpus ; John C. Robertson# University ; Thomas G. Simcox, Wadham ; Edward Ste phens, Exeter ; Richard E. Tyrwhitt, Brasenose; Wil liam H. Whitworth, Corpus; John Williams, Jesus; John P. Wilson, Magdalen. CLASS lll.—William Boyd, and Daniel Brent, Univer sity ; John S. Broad, Edmund Hall ; Francis C. Brooke, Christ Church ; Frederick Burgmann, Trinity ; Henry Carey, Worcester ; Edward W. Foley, Wadham ; James Gillman, St. John's ; Charles Green, Christ Church ; Edmund G. Hughes, Worcester ; George Kempe, Exeter ; Henry Moncrieff, New College; Francis Moore, Christ Church ; George N. Simmons, Trinity ; William Vincent and Henry Walker, Christ Church. CLASS IV.—John Barrow, Wadham ; Edward Bigge, University ; Thomas Creaser, Pembroke; John R. Er rington, Worcester; Salisbury Everard, Baliol; Jahn Fisher, BrAsenose; Robert Gray, University; Edward Hardwicke, Queen's ; Edward Harland, Wadham ; Henry Hebson, Queen's; Arthur Isham, Christ Church; Charles King, Magdalen; Forster A. Al'Geachy, Baliol; John Mytton, Brasenose; Charles G. Orde, University ; Ho garth Swale and George Whidborne, Queen's. An Ordination was held in the Chapel of Sr. Mary College, Winchester, by the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Hereford, on Thursday se'nnight, when the following persons were ordained : DEACONS. Mr. Jeffery Ekins, LL.B. Mr. Robert John Rolled, A.B. and Mr. C. H. Bayly, A.B. New College, Oxford. Mr. J. R. Brown, A.B. Emmanuel College, Cambridge. Mr. A. Stewart, A.B. St. Alban Hall, Oxford. Mr. W. P. Evans, A.B. Trinity College, Dublin. Mr. George Pinhorn, A.B. St. Edmund Hill, Oxford. Mr. John P. Taylor, examined Student in Civil Law, Lincoln College, Oxford. PRIESTS. Rev. Henry Le Alesurier, A.B. New College, Oxford. Rev. Walter Macguire, A.B. Trinity College, Rev. Morgan Jones, A.B. Jesus College, Oxford. Rev. Robert Armitage, A.B. Worcester College, Oxford. Rev. John Purton, A.B. Trinity College, Oxford. s. to s. 42 33 31 32 40 42 38 43 s. (1. r. d. 46 50 48 54 60 66 36 46 59 69. 46 50 46 50 100 110 90 100 90 100 90 100 23 27 19 21 19 21 28 33 28 30 20 26 21 24 20 23 25 32 19 22 lies th roug I ECCLESIASTICAL PREFERMENTS. The Rev. T. Brayshaw, B.A. to the Rectory of Addingham, near Skipton, Yorkshire, vacant by the death of the Rev. J. Coates. The Lord Bishop of Peterborough has instituted the Rev. Edward Griffen, B.A. to the Vicarage of Wilbarston, and to the Rectory of Stoke Albany, both in Northamptonshire, void by the cession of the Rev. R. Vevers ; patron,. the Right Hon. Lord Sondes. The Rev. John Dufton, M.A. has been appointed domestic Chaplain to the Earl of Mu!grave. The Rev. T. P. White, Curate of Droxford, has been presented by the Lord Bishop of Winchester to the Rectory of Exton, Hants, void by the death of the Rev. John Baynes. The Lord Bishop of Hereford has conferred the Prebend of Pion Parva, void by the death of the Rev. Francis Coke, upon the Very Rev. the Dean of Hereford.—The Prebend of Norton, void by the death of the Rev. Canon Russell, upon the Rev. Rev. John Clutton, jun.; and the Vicarage of Dil wyti, also void by Mr. Russell's death, is conferred upon the Rev. J. Morgan, Vicar of Goodrich. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Barley. Whs. Beans. s. to s. 52 72 58 (8 - 67 48 70 s. d. s. d. 76 90 70 90 11 0 11 6 70 93 90 94 89 93 90 100 ISO 21 0 ,15 0 18 0 'l7 0 20 0 [l7 9 19 6j WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.-May 20. Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Sufßilk 58s. 655. to 71s. fine 743. Lin. and Cam. sBs. 655. to 695. fine 735. Yorkshire 58s. 635. to 665. fine 70s. - White 625. 68s. to 735. fine 775. - Foreign, Red 583. 645. to 70s. fine 735. White...-. ......... 625. 688. to 725. fine 765. Barley, Norfolk and Suflblk - Lincolnshire 29s. to 345. tine 383. - Yorkshire Wold 335. to 375. fine 40s. - Foreign -s. to -s. fine -s. Beans, - New 355. to 395. fine 41s Oats, Potato 27s. to 31s. fine 335. - Poland -s. 265. to 295. fine 31s. - Frkzland and Small -s. 245. to 28s. fine 295. - Mealing l6d. to 15d. per Stone. Shelling 353. to 365. Od. per Load. Malt 44s. 473. fine 50s. per Load. _. ~ Rapeseed .... SCO' 28/. Os. 334 Os. 334 Os.per Last. CII MARKETS. Wheat. Barley Oats. Beans. !Oatmeal. 29 34 24 26 25 27 29 22 32 35 32 35 3'2 34 I 27 5:9 27 39 21 24 insure vari EDI NI3U lIG II MEA We had a middling supply of which sold more readily than fo the same as formerly. Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. First Oatmeal Second ditto 2 3 0 Barleymeal 1 14 0 Peasemeal ll4 0 Pot Barley—No. I, per cwt. 14s , MARKET.--May 17. Oatmeal at this day's marketi ,r some week's p as t ; pr i ces still Per Stone of 141 b. Imp. First Oatmeal £0 2 4 Second ditto Barleymeal... ...... Peasemeal 0 1 I° .-2d. 165.-3d.2os.—Peall 245:, EDINBURGH CORN MARKE'r.—May 18. `We had a small supply of all kinds of Grain to-day, excep t Oats. Wheat and Oats sold readily; Barley and Beans rather flat. Wheat Is. down on the top, and Is. 6d. on the average- Barley 2.5. rd. down on the top, and 3s. 4d. up on the average. Oats also Is. 4d. on the top, and Is. up on the average. Pease and Beans 2s. up on the top, and 3d. down on the average. Wheat. Barley. 1 Oats. Pease. Beans. First 72s Od 39s 0.1 32s 8.1 44s Od 44s Od Second 6os Od 3,is Od 28s Od 42s Od 42s Od Third PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &c. B e ef, per 1b.... Os. 4d. to Os. 7(1. Fresh Butter,lb.s.lod. to Is. 1d• Mutton 0 6 0 8 Salt 0 9 010 Veal 0 4 0 8 Ditto, per cu t. 74 0 0 0 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per doz. 0 7 0 0 Lamb, per qr. 3 6 5 0 OatStrawpcp'.) 9 6 19 0 Tallow, cwt.... 36 0 38 0 Wheat Ditto... 9 0 9 6 Quartern Loaf 0 9 0 0 Barley Ditto 7 0 7 6 Potatoes, 17t1b. 0 0 0 6 Hay, per 1 2 1 BIRTHS. On the 20th inst. in Guildford-street, Mrs. G. Rivington, of a daughter. On the 20th inst. at the Priory, Wandsworth-road, Stara , Mrs. S. Page, of a son. On the 19th inst. at Hatfield Broadoak, Essex, the lady of the Rev. J. R. Hopper, A.M., of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 21st inst. William Henry Fryer, Esq., late of the Rifle Brigade, to Helena, youngest daughter of 0. H. Auriel, Esq. for' merly of the South Gloucester, and First Dragoon Guards. , On the 21st inst. at T wickenha m , the Rev. 'l'. B. Whitchtirl. to Jane, the third daughter of Alex an d er H atfield, Esq., ° Twickenham. On the kith inst. at Brompton, Henry R. Beaumont, Esq. sol i of the late T. It. Beaumont, Esq., of Bretton Hall, in the county of York, to Catherine, daughter of Sir George Cayley, of BroMP ton, in the same county, Bart. On the 21st inst. at St. George's Hanover square, B. 14 ' Wilmot, Esq., M.D. of Hastings, to ' Maria, youngest daughte r of the late Edward Colman, Esq., Sergeant at Arms to the HOU 6C of Commons. I. On the 20th inst. in the 21st D year ED of his age, William Bedw e ll Andrew, of Paradise- row, Stoke Newington, third sun of the l ate T. H. Andrew, of Moss Hall, Finchley. eil 3 On the 18th i ns ,. at York-street, Portman-square, K Pyne, daughter of the late T. Price, Esq., of Ardmoyle, count; Tipperary, and relict of the late H. Pyne, Esq. C* On the 14th o f March, at the Cape of Good Hope, 14 • Wilde, third son of E. A. Wilde, Esq., of College-hill. On the 17th i ns t . i n Castle-court, ity, in his 30th year, Richard Tyndale. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT O S SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDO N . A the .‘?. the I secor if bitan bled, our I pers( ment with plan Mini Mak mean been ascei step peop dire( Maj, imp , jest) prof and Rye agr( wa, ben low E•q den Lon tad spec Ma' 38 40 40 44 48 --* 143 44 _ ...., :ountrY. I I I