The Sun. — London, England, 1834-06-06 00:00:00

‘!- .~ *; 1~~- ~V 1 i~ ~. ' THIS EVENING. ST. JAMES'S-PALACE, JUNE 5, 1834. PA ALIA:WENT. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. JOHN NORMAN, grocer, Dorking, Surrey BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. L-7 .2 !I :7 ;1 4 rr Y 4 N 15 ►" • SUN CE, Seren o'clock THE L ( ;.NDON GAZETTE The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knighthood upon Colonel Henry King, Companion of the Most Honourable Military Order of the Bath, Military Knight Commander of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order, and Lieutenant-Governor of the island of Heligo land. CROWN-OFFICE, JUNE 5. UsmikEß RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT CITY OF EDINCURGH.—Sir John Campbell, Knt., his Majesty's Attorney-General, in the room of the Right Hon. Francis Jeffrey, who has accepted the office of a Lord of Session and Commissioner of the High Court of Justiciary in Scotland. *DISTRICT OF BURGHS OF LEITH, POR:fOBELLO, AND IkIDSSELIHIRGII.—The Right Hon. kenn Archibald Mur ray, his Majesty's Advocate for Sxotland. WAR- r .)FFICE, JUNE 6. 4th Regiment of Light Dragoons—Cornet J. Vernon to be Lieutenant, `..,y purchase, vice Blake, who retires; H. St. George i'riaulz, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase vice Vernon, June 6. .1 lih Light Dragoons—G. G. Swinton, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Rose, who retires, June 6. 15th Light Dragoons—Lieut. G. W. Key, from t 1 e 16th Light Dragoons, to be Lieutenant, vice Jones, who exchanges, June 6. _ _ _ _ _ 16th Light Dragoons—Lieut. M. Jones, from the lEth Light Dragoons, to be Lieutenant, vice Key, who ex changes. June 6. sth . Foot--Major Lord C. Wellesley, from half-pay un attached, to be Major, vice G. Allan, who exchanges, re ceiving the difference, June 6. 16th Foot--Ensign T. Crawfortl to be Lieutenant, with out purchase, v. Archer, "de;:eaaed, Jan. 6; Gentleman Cadet Morris F. Ximenes, from the Royal Military Col lege, to be Ensign., vice Crawford, June 6. 39th Foot—Captain J. Wakefield to be Major, without purchase, vice Crotty, decased ; Lieut. J. Fitz Gerald to be Captain, vice Wakefield, May 27 ; Ensign J. Leslie, from . tht.! 45th Foot, to be Lieutenant vice Fitz Gerald; 2Eneas W. Fraser, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Stretch, who retires, June 6. 40th Foot—Ensign H. T. Bowen to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Child, who retires, June 6th • J. P. Max well, Gent., to be Ensign, by pu rc ha se , v i ce Bowen, June 6. 45th Foot—Gentleman Cadet R. Bates, from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, without purchase, vice Leslie, promoted in the 39th Foot, June 6. 65th Foot—Lieut. A. W. Cassan to be Captain, with out purchase, vice Butler, aproiuted Paymaster ; Capt. W. Butler to be Paymaster, vice Bates, deceased, June 6. 63th Foot—Assistant-Su r g eon C. B. Carneg,y, 31. D., from the Staff, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Burton, who exchanges, June 6. 70th Foot—Lieut. A. Gerard, from half-pay Unat tached, to be Lieutenant, paying the difference, vice La mert, appeinted to the 78th Eoot, June 6. 78th Foot—Lieut. J. R. Lamest, from the 70th Eoot, to be Lieutenant, vice R. APBeath, who retires upon half pay Unattached, receiving the difference, June 6. 90th Foot—Ensign E. T. Eyton to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Romilly, promoted ; E. J. Thackweli, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Eyton, June 6. UNATTACHEE.—Lieut. F. Romilly, from the 90th Foot, to be Captain of Infantry, by purchase, June 6. HOSPITAL STAM—Assistantant-Surgeon E. W. Bur ton, from the 63th Foot, to be Essistant-Surgeon to the Forces, vice Carnegy, who exchanges, June 6. WILLIAM TILSLEY and WYTHEN JONES, bankers, Newtown, Montgomeryshire. BANKRUPTS, WILLIAM KEY, linen-draper, lsleworth, Middlesex, to surrender June 19, at half-past twelve, and July 19, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Jones, Size-lane, Bucklersbury ; Graham, official assignee, Copthall-build ings. .I,k:IIES NEW3IAN, jun., corn-factor, Mark-lane, June 17, at one, and July 18, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, Abchurch-lane, official assignee ; Atkins, Poultry. FR.iNCI§IIIETFORD, mealtrian, Bath, June 14, at eleven, and July IS, at one, at the Christopher Inn, Bath. Cook, Bath. BARON DAVIES, clothes-dealer, Manchester, June 20, at ten, and July 18, at two, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester. Seddon, Manchester ; Johnson and Wetherall, Temple, London. THOMAS TURKINGTON and THOMAS WIN LAW, tin-plate workers, Leeds, June 18, and July 18, at twelve, at the Commercial-buildings, Leeds. Battye, Fisher, and Sudlow, Chancery-lane; Hargreaves, Leeds. THOMAS BARKER, tanner, Sutton Saint Edmunds, Liecoln, June 17, and July 18, at eleven, at the Peacock Inn, Boston. Bonner, Spalding ; Williams, Verulani buildings, Gray's Inn. SAMUEL PRUJEANE WRIGHT, painting-brush manufacturer, Christopher-street, Hatton-garden, June 16, at one, and July 18, at eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Bolton, Austin-friars; Waithman, Basinghall street. official assignee. JOHN WATSON, music-dealer, Calthorp-street, Grey's Inn-road, June 13, at twelve, and July 18, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Green, King's Arms-yard, Coleman-street, official assignee; Hudson, King-street, Cheapside. FRANCES PRITCHARD, upholsterer, Bath, June 113, and July 18, at eleven, at the White Hart Inn, Bath. Frowd, Essex-street, Strand, London ; Cruttwell and Sons, Bath. RICHARD GORE, merchant, Liverpool, June 18, and July 18, at eleven, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liver pool. Hampson, Manchester ; Holden, Liverpool ; and Adlington, Gregory, and Faulkner, Bedford-row, London. WILLIAM ALEXANDER OHMANN and JAMES COLQUHOUN KEMP, merchants, Liverpool, June 18, at one, and July 18, at one, at the Clarendon-rooms, Li verpool. Alawdsley, Doran's-lane, Lord-street, Liverpool ; Adlington, Gregory, and Faulkner, Bedford-row, London. JOsEPH LAWLESS, commission-agent, Manchester, June 17, at one, and July 18, at ten, at the Commis sioner's-rooms, Manchester. Makinson, Market-street, Manchester ; Adlington, Gregory, and Faulkner, Bedford row, London. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS. The house sat at four o'clock, for the purpose of proceeding with the further consideration of the War wick Borough Bill. Several witnesses were examined upon tue bill, and at five o'clock the further examination of witnesses was adjourned to Tuesday week. The Earl of ELDON presented several petitions against the admission of the dissenters to the Univer sities, and in favoui of the established church, from parishes in the counties of Gloucester, Suffolk, and Cambridge. Lord KEN YON presented petitions from parishes in Shropshire, against the abolition of church rates and other concessions to the dissenters. Earl BROWNLOW presented petitions from pa rishes in Leicestershire, in favour of the established church. . The Bishop of LONDON presented between 80 and 90 petitions from parishes in Essex and Middle sex, against the separation of church and state. The Bishop of WINC HE STE R presented several petitions from parishes in Hampshire, against the ad mission of dissenters to the universities, and the sepa ration of church and state ; also a petition from Cam berwell, signed by between 2,000 and 3,000 persons, for the prevention of Sunday trading. Lord FOLE Y presented petitions from the Dis senters of Bewdley, praying for relief. The Earl of ABERDEEN presented petitions from parishes in Aberdeen, in favour of the Esta blished Church. Several private bills were forwarded a stage. Several private bills were brought up from the Commons by Mr. James Ewing, Viscount Gore, and others. Petitions against the use of climbing boys were presented by Lord Suffield and the Bishop of Bath and Wells. On the motion of the Earl of ROSEBERRY, the additional Churches (Scotland) Bill passed through a committee, and was reported with a few verbal amendments. The House Duty Repeal Bill also went through a committee of the whole house and was reported without any amendment—to be read a third time on Monday. The Marquis of LANDSDOWNE presented pe titions from Stanfield and several other parishes in Wiltshire against the separation of church and state—also petitions from Grimsby and Swansea, praying for a redress of the grievances under which Dissenters labour. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said before the house proceeded to the order of the day, he was anxious to ask a question of the noble earl opposite (Grey) upon a subject that he had expected would ~ , '\ have been taken up by some noble lorNmore able to do it justice than lie was. He wanted to know Whether the administration was now formed, and upon what principles ? To that explanation he considered their lordships entitled ; and therefore it was that he, seeing no one else had done so, Was induced then to put the question. The administration was now either framed, or it was not ; if it was, then every one was well aware that it was formed upon principles of entire hostility to, and subversion of, the established church of the coun try. ( Hear, hear.) That proposition was fully proved by the secession of those members of the late aliMmistratiOn who had done themselves so much honour in withdrawing from a government which had determined to act in a manner that would draw upon them the maledictions of the entire count try. If such was the case, then their lordships would not fail to perceive that a strange and most anomalous state of things would instantly arise. Their lordships would all remember a speech which had been delivered by his most gracious Ma jesty to the Reverend Bench of Bishops ; it was a speech which ' every one exulted in, and which it was impossible too much to eulogize ; in fact, it was such a speech as was to be:expected from the mouth of so worthy and exalted a sire. ( Hear.) That speech proved that his Majesty was as firmly attached to the religious institutions of the country as he ever was, and as much so as some others seemed to be its enemies. Then they had on the one side an administratien formed upon principles of injury and persecution to the Cchurch of England, while On the otner hand (and he thanked God for it) they had the King as determined to uphold that glorious institution to the very utmost of his power. ( Slight cheering.) As the case stood in that most anomalous state, he felt himself bound to call upon the noble earl ( Grey) to afford that house and the country generally some explanation of it—they were entitled to know the real principles of those who were now in power, and he therefore now asked them whether they meant to violate the consti tution—to call upon the King— Earl. FIT ZW IL L I AM rose to order, and after same time was allowed to proceed. He said he wished to submit to the consideration of some of their lord ships, who had more experience of their forms than he had, whether the noble duke was speaking in a strain at all, or nearly conformable with those forms. The noble duke had promised not to make a speech, but to put what he had to say in the form of a question, but the noble duke had made a speech, and had asked whether the admininistration that was about to be formed was prepared to call on his Majesty to violate his conscience. ( Hear.) In a former part of his speech the noble duke had, as it appeared to him, rather intruded upon that principle, which held that the name of his Majesty was not to be introduced in debate. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Those two prssages of the noble duke's speech to which he had alluded appeared to him to make it a matter of grave consideration whe ther such a strain of addressing their lordships was quite consistent with their orders, which it was desirable to preserve for the purpose of maintaining the freedom and independence of debate in that house. Lord KEN YON said the noble earl opposite, for the purpose for which he had addressed the house, ap peared to have risen at the wrong time, because he had not risen when the name of the Sovereign was mentioned, but only when the noble duke had called on his Majesty's ministers to state what course they intended in future to pursue. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") Nnthing could be more proper than to call upon his Majesty's ministers to explain to the house whether the gronnds upon which they intended to proceed were such as would make it unfit for the house to place eonfidence in them. Earl FITZWILLIAM—I beg to express my gratitude to the noble lord opposite for his sanc tion to the course which I took. ( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and laughter.) Lord KEN YON— No, no ; I did no such thing. (Cries of " Order, order," and " Hear, hear," from the opposition . benches.) Earl FITZ WILLIAM—Then I am sure the noble lord will not go the length of saying this, that if it would have been right for me to have called the noble duke to order, while he was actually making use of the King's name, that I could not be very wrong in telling him of it as soon as he had begun the next sentence. ( Hear, hear. ) The Duke of NEWCA ST LE—I am perfectly aware that his Majesty's name ought not to be introduced in debate in this house ( Hear, hear) ; and it would be proper if,-in measures that are introduced into this house, the King's name was not made an improper use of. (" Hear, hear," from the Opposition benches.) but on this occasion I think I am bound to make use of the King's name, because it is absolutely neces sary for the protection of the King that his name should be -used ; and I beg to ask whether it is the intention of his Majesty's government to in duce his Majesty to forswear his most solemn oath. (Loud cries of " Order, order," and cheers from the Conservatives.) Earl GREY said, I certainly never can refuse the privilege to any noble lord of putting a question to his Majesty's ministers, nor shall I ever be unwilling to answer such question when properly addressed. I must however think upon the present occasion that both the question put is a very strange one, and the ground upon which it is put not less so. The noble duke first sets out with assuming that there is a discrepency . existing between the declaration of his Majesty's ministers and the con stitution of his Majesty's administration. With respect to the declaration alluded to I can say nothing, not having advised his Majesty upon that occasion, being in no ways responsible for that declara tion, not knowing by whom it was reported, nor on what authority it rests ; but this I can say, that if that speech declares his Ma jesty's determination to uphold the church. I am eertain that it expressed truly the feel ings and determination of his Majesty upon that important question. (Hear, hear, hear.) Give me leave farther to say that as to the inference which the noble duke appears to draw from what premisses I know not, that there is in the constitution of the present Administration something at variance with the determination of his Majesty to uphold the church, I must give to that the most positive con tradiction. The noble lord refers to the secession of some members of the administration. Nobody regrets, both upon personal and public grounds, that secesion. more than I do, but I am sure, on leaving his Ma jesty's Councils, upon grounds which they in their conscience, in honour, and in duty felt themselves com pelled to act, will give me credit, equally, for a sincere desire with themselves to uphold the security of the Protestant church. (Cheers.) More than this I will not say npon the present occasion, as pro bably we shall soon have—possibly in the course of this very ; night, an o portuaity of going more into the circumstances which are connected with it ; but I must protest, distinctly and decidedly, against any interpretation which that noble duke may put upon the changes which have unfortunately taken place in his Majesty's councils, that may lead to the con clusion, that there is, in those who may remain in his Majesty's councils, any other than a sincere desire to maintain, by such means as they may think best for the purpose, the purity, the efficiency, the dignity, and the usefulness of the esttablished church. The manner in which the question has been introduced I do not think is proper. He has called upon me to answer,this singular question, so singular that I believe it has not before come into the mind of any man to put,—" Is the administration founded upon the principle of forcing his Majesty's con science ?" Is it possible that the noble duke has thought upon the subject; and is it possible there can be any but one answer to it? ( Hear, hear, hear.) He may condemn the measures of his Majesty's Ministers as loudly as he pleases, but can he entertain the idea that any man here ever had, or ever would attempt, to put the slightest restraint upon his Majesty's conscience ? If any man had proposed anything in opposition to what his Ma jesty deemed to be his duty, as the Sovereign and father of his people, such a man could not remain for one moment in his office as an adviser of the Crown. ( Hear, hear, hear.) Having said thus much in answer to the question of the noble lord, I am ready to meet any charge which the noble duke or any other peer may be prepared to bring against me, and if his Majesty's ministers are unworthy of the royal confidence, the proper course for the noble duke to take will be to move an address to his Majesty to remove them. ( Cheers.) The Duke of GLOUCESTER presented petitions from several non-residents of the Universities of Cam bridge and Oxford against the claims of the dissenters. The E arl of WICKLOW said, in bringing for ward his motion his should not detain the house long, knowing the anxiety which prevailed not to hear his sentiments, but those of others in reply to such obser vations as he might offer. If any apology was due It was due to that country of which he had the honour of being a representative, that he had not had an op.. portonity of asking the noble lord for an explanation, which might have the effect of allaying the fears entertained by the friends of the established church, not only in Ireland but in England. (Hear.) He did not bring forward this question out of hostility to the_ministry, because he had always been desirous of supp4ting their measures, and ha had no intention to add to the embarrassments in which they were already involved. He thought he perceived a system of carrying on the Government in Ireland with more impartiality towards that country, and more energy in the Government itself. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") He had, however, been most lamentably deceived. (LIFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER resumed the Chair at twenty-five minutes past five. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. A message from the V Lords announced that their lordships had agreed to the Navy Pay Bill, the Bill relative to Friendly Societies, and 'several other bills. Their lordships also requested that that house would be pleased to allow William Tooke, Esq., to attend a select committee of their lordships, a p_ pointed to inquire into and regulate the practice of sweeping chimneys. On the motion of Mr. BYNG, the Staines' Bridge Bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. E WART presented a petition from the mer chants of Liverpool against the Court of Passage Bill. Petitions against the Poor Laws' Amendment Bill were presented by Mr. William Brougham, from St. George's, Southwark ; by Mr. Shaw Lefevre, from Basingstoke ; by Mr. Strutt, from Derby: by Mr. Hawkins, from Newport, Isle of Wight ; by Mr. Charles Tyrell, from Hackney ; by Lord Ebrington, from Witherington ; and by Mr. Gisborne, from the neighbourhood of Derby. On the. motion of Mr. HE ATHCOTE, returns were ordered of the amount of exports and imports of flour, meal, &c., in the islands of Guernsey, Jersey; and Man. Mr. P. THOMPSON, in answer to a question from Mr. A. Baring, said, that cases of imputed fraud respecting the importation of corn from the islands of Guernsey and Jersey had been enquired into, and be had from received the custom-house officers of those islands their opinions stating that they had no grounds for supposing that frauds of that description had been committed. He would further inquire into the subject. Mr. FINCH gave notice that he would move an amendment to the motion of the hon. and learned member for Tipperary on Tuesday next, respecting the Irish church. Lord A LTH ORP, in answer to a question from Mr. Goulburn, said, that if the house had no objection, he would propose that the house should sit on committee on the poor laws at the morning sittings on Monday and Friday next week. Up on the motion of the same noble lord for the house to resolve itself into a committee upon the Poor Laws' Amendment Bill. Mr. COBBETT rose, and was left speaking. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 5. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a peti tion from West Bromley, praying for protection to the Established Church. The Earl of H ADDINGT ON said the principle of the bill was good, but the details were capable of great improvement. It was a most reasonable thing that those who took upon themselves the additional expense of erecting new churches should possess the right of nominating their pastor ; but he did not see the necessity of passing an act of such an universal character as this. That, however, was a question which could be better argued in committee, and therefore he would not oppose the second reading. The Duke of HAMILTON said no one could more cordially agree with the principle of the bill than himself. It was most desirable, that where there was a disposition on the' part of the public to erect new places of worship at their own expense, every facility should be afforded to them. He should not oppose the second reading, but would reserve to him self the opportunity of diseussina , particular points in committee. _ _ _ After some observations from the Bishop of LON DON, the Earl of HAUDINOTON, and the Marquis df BUTS, the bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to morrow. The house then proceeded with the further exami nation of witnesses on the Warwick Borough Bill, and adjourned at a quarter past nine o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 5. The SPEAKER resumed the chair at twenty-five minutes past five. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. A message from the Lords announced that their lordships had agreed to the Merthyr Tidvil Small Debts, the Wisbeach Improvement, the Gloucester Gas, and other bills. Mr. Alderman WOOD brought in a Bill to Amend the 2d Will. IV., for granting certain powers to the General Steam Navigation Company, and a Bill to provide for the better execution of the office of Con stable in the City of London and its Liberties, which were severally read a first time. On the motion of Lord GRANVILLE SOMER SET, the Bridgewater and Taunton Canal Bill was read a third time and passed. Lord HOWICK brought up a copy of the report of the commission appointed to inquire into the state of religious instruction in Ireland, which was ordered to be laid on the table. COUNTY SURVEYORS (IRELAND). Mr. F. O'CONNO R said that a few nights ago he had asked a question of the right hon. the Secretary for Ireland relative to the appointment of county surveyors under the New Grand Jury Act. He understood that the appointments were in many instances most ob jectionable, and that there never was such a system of extensive jobbing known in Ireland. Mr. LITTL ETON could assure the house that the statement was quite unfounded, and he was satisfied that no more competent persons couldbe selected than those who had been appointed. The surveyors were taken from three different classes, and no persons had been appointed from the second class until the whole of the first class had been exhausted. He would repeat, that there was not a shadow of ground for the insinuation. Mr. F. O'C ONN 0 R said he would lay such evi dence before the house as would satisfy it of the cor rectness of his information. Mr. LITTLETON said if it was possible for the hon. member to procure a copy of the examination to which the candidates had been subjected, he would be satisfied that the most competent persons had been selected. Mr. CHAPMAN asked .a question relative to the stamp duty upon contracts for county work. Mr. LITTLETON said he understood that the commissioners recommended that the contracts should be exempted from stamp duty. Sir R. PEEL put a question to Lord Althorp, but the noise was so great that he was very indis tinctly heard in the gallery ; as we caught it, it related to the Irish Commutation Bill. He was apprehensive from the late period at which the session had now ar rived, without any thing having yet been done as to that measure, that the session would be allowed to pass away without any thing effectual whatever being done. He would be more than sorry for this, because he had himself intended, when the noble lord brought for ward his measure, to express his views upon it. and to submit a voluntary proposition of tithe commutation, not at all, however, as a rival, or in opposition to the noble lord's. Lord ALTHO RP was understood to say that it was his intention to proceed with the measure, that at present he could not name a day, but that the house should have previous notice of it. Mr. BARING, in a very low and indistinct tone, put a question upon the subject of the treaty between France and England respecting the affairs of Portugal, and wished to know whether it was intended that the terms of that treaty should be laid upon the table. Lord ALTHO RP said it was, but that some delay in doing so was occasioned from some formal infor malities in the preamble. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL gave notice, that on Thursday, the 19th of June, he should move for leave to bring in certain bills, among which would be a bill for amending the law between debtor and cre ditor, a bill for rendering uniform all acts relating to the laws of real and personal property, a bill to faci litate the enfranchisement of copyholds. and also a bill to bring all lands in England and Wales into free and copyhold tenure. NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES. Mr. ROBINSON rose to move that an bumble address be presented to his Majesty respecting the rights of British subjects to prosecute the fisheries on the coast of Newfoundland, and in all the bays, harbours, and rivers thereof. (Hear.) He had thought it right thus to change the form of his motion, and expected to obtain his Majesty's pleasure that the law officers of the crown should give their opinion upon the boundaries of those fisheries, so that British sub jects might know the extent to which they might safely proceed in this important branch of trade. He would endeavour to put the house into possession as shortly as possible of the grounds on which his motion rested. He would ask whether it was not incumbent on France, as they claimed an exclusive right in these fisheries, to show that the right had been ceded to them by treaties ( Hear, hear) ; for otherwise, as the sovereignty was in the British Crown, and had never been ceded, it was the duty of France to esta blish the right they claimed. The French Government had always shown itself anxious to promote their fishe ries, as might be seen from what had lately occurred in the channel, where they carried several British ships into port, in consequence of their encroaching upon the isheries of the French coast. He did not want the British government to go so far—he only wanted to be enabled to know what rights the British fisher men had. It was the opinion of the late Mr. Villiers, a gentleman very well acquainted with this subject, that the government of this country had never waved their rights to these fisheries, though it had been the policy of former governments of both France and England to discourage all collision upon the coast of Newfoundland. Both governments concurred in fixing certain boundaries for the fishermen of each, but the fish failing on the part allotted to the British, and there being no other resource than the coast of Labra dor, it became important to know whether this country had a concurrent right with France on the whole of the coast. The chamber of commerce of Newfoundland applied to the colonial secretary, Sir J. Mur ray, to know whether such were really the case, and that right hon. gentleman replied that the govern ment did not know what were the precise rights of the two nations. Upon this the Chamber of Commerce in Newfoundland, in June, 1830, fitted out a vessel to ego to that part of the coast of Newfoundland on which the French claimed an exclusive right of fishery, and instructed the master of that vessel to insist upon his right to fish, but, at the same time, to avoid all hos tile collision. It was but common justice to say that the master of this vessel executed the commission in trusted to him with singular zeal and discretion. He proceeded to the French part of the coast, landed, and stuck up a notice of his intention to fish ; upon which he was told by the French authorities that he had no right to do so, that the French had the exclu sive right of fishing, and that if he did not quit the coast peaceably, they must compel him by violence. The master, in order to fulfil his trust, served the French authorities with a protest against their pro ceedings. Just at this period a French sloop of 16 guns arrived, the captain of which asked the master of the English vessel what business he had there ; telling him that he had no right to fish on that part of the coast, because the right of fishing upon it had been ceded to the French by treaty. The answer of the English master was, that he had been sent there to fish, and with orders not to leave the coast, unless com pelled to do so. To this it was replied, that they must then compel him. Under these circumstances the master thought that he had fulfilled his mission, and left the coast ; having previously asked the captain of the French sloop of war for a copy of his instructions, which was refused. He ( Mr. Robinson) therefore called on his Majesty's government, and not on the House of Commons—for on a question of national law the opinion of the crown should be known—he called on his Majesty's government to require the house to address his Majesty, to take proper means for ascer taining what our rights were under the existing treaties, and having ascertained those rights, to maintain them. The subject was one of considerable importance. All parties concurred in the value of the fisheries in ques tion. America had, indeed, availed itself, to a great extent, and to our great prejudice, of our remissness. He contended, that it behoved his Majesty's govern ment to take such steps as should prevent British sub jects from being any longer in doubt on the point. If that were not done, if his Majesty's subjects were left in ignorance of the real state of the case. what was to prevent them, being three to one in number, from going to the French part of the coast, and compelling, by violence, the right to fish there ? God forbid that he should suggest any such proceeding ; but it might by possibility occur. What reason could there be for this reserve upon the subject on the part of his Majesty's government ? Were we upon such terms with France that our government could not venture - to give any opinion respecting it? He did not suppose that we were afraid of France. What was to prevent our ascertaining from competent authorities the real con struction of the treaties, and then promulgating it ? His Majesty's government had allowed the usur pation to go on by disusing the right. For his part, he was convinced that there was not a word in the treaties which conveyed to France the exclusive right of fishing on the coast in question. Not only had they no right of exclusive possession of the fishery, but the French were prohibited from remaining per manently on the coast ; and it was provided that they should go from France to the fishery, and at the end of the season return to France. All that, in his opinion, the treaty secured to the French was, a con current right to fish with the English. On what grounds, therefore, the assumption rested he did not know. If on usage, he contended that that was no ground, however long the usage might have been continued. If France had no right to the exclusive fishery, why allow her claim to it? Under any cir cumstances the time had arrived when the question I ought to be completely set at rest. Even supposing the Law Officers of the Crown decided against his ( Mr. Robinson's) opinion, there would be this ad vantage, that there would be an end of the discussion, and that both French and British subjects would know what the law was. He would detain the house no longer, but would move "that an humble address be presented to his Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to give directions that the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown should be taken as to the construction of the various Treaties between Great Britain and France relative to the right of ex clusive fishing on our part of the coast of Newfound land claimed by France, so that the fact ought to be ascertained, and instructions be given by his Ma jesty's Government to protect the British fisher men in the exercise of their just rights and privileges." Mr. P. TH OM SON did not rise for the purpose of opposing the motion, but merely to suggest grounds upon which he hoped the hon. member would see the propriety of withdrawing it; for although it might be expedient to take the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown on the subject, it was not necessary, and it might be inconvenient, to take it in the formal manner proposed by the hon. member. He wished he could agree with the view of the subject taken by the hon. gentleman, but having attended to it at various times, and especially when the question was brought forward by his amiable and lamented, friend Mr. Villiers, he was bound to say that, although he hoped we might be able to establish our claim, he had not the confi dence in the subject which the hon. member expressed. The hon. member had referred to treaties, but he ought also to refer to the declarations by which those trea ties were accompanied ; for it was only by such a con text that the matter could be determined. The house I was probably aware that this subject had been under the consideration of successive Governments in this country since the year 1783, and that various opinions had been entertained respecting it. Nay, on one oc casion two members of an Administration, one in the other house and one in the House of Commons, ex pressed opinions directly opposite to one another upon it. He mentioned this to show that the subject was one involved in considerable difficulty. The opinion on which he confessed he should be disposed princi pally to rely was that of Mr. Iluskisson, to whom, during the short time that he was in the Colonial Of fice, an application was made to assert the rights of the British fishermen by force, and his answer was, that he thought it inadvisable to enter upon an asser tion of the right, and that it would be better to leave the matter open to negotiation. He repeated these things, merely to show the difficulty of the case ; and he recommended the hon. gentleman to withdraw his motion, assuring him that attention should be paid to it, and that whatever might be the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown, every effort should be made to conclude an amicable arrangement of the matter. The hon. member said that the Americans exercised the right of fishing on the coast in question. If so, we ought certainly to enjoy the same privilege ; for the Americans must claim on our right, as established by the treaty of 1783. As he was informed, however, t h e Americans sent a frigate to assert their right, which frigate, after looking at a French frigate on the coast, sailed away. After what he had stated, he trusted that the hon. gentleman would withdraw his motion. Mr. ROBINSON observed that, circumstanced as he w as, the most advisable course which he could pursue was certainly not to press his motion. He trusted, however, that his Majesty's government would not allow the ques tion to go on in a doubtful state for an indefinite period, but that before the next session of Parliament something might ' be done finally to settle the question. Mr. BARING must say that the British fisheries, whe ther on the coast of Newfoundland or in the Channel, had not the attention paid to them which they formerly re ceived ; the consequence of which was that they were in a very declining condition. He could not help calling the particular attention of his Majesty'§ government to the condition of the British fisheries on the coast of Guernsey and Jersey. In former times the interests of those fisheries had always experienced the pe culiar care of government, and were considered among those interests which it was their especial duty to protect. He was sorry to say that was not the case at present, and that while the French government were cherishing their fisheries everywhere with the greatest possible care, the British government evinced an apathy with respect to the fisheries of this country, which, in his opinion, was highly reprehensible. Mr. TOWER adverted to the extensive labours of the committee which had formerly been appointed on this sub ject, and hoped that the result of those labours would not be thrown away. Before the next session of parliament, he trusted some decisive measure would be adopted, or that if it were not so, the question would be taken up by some influential member. He perfectly concurred in the opinion of the hon. gentleman who had just spoken, as to the neglect which his Majesty's government had mani fested with respect to the British fisheries on the coasts of Guernsey and Jersey. Mr. P. THOMSON wished to say a few words in ex planation. He denied that no steps had been taken in consequence of the report of the committee to which the hon. gentleman who had just sat down had alluded. On the contrary, endeavours had been made to bring the question to an amicable conclusion. By that committee, however, it must be remembered that no civilians had been examined. ...... Lord PALMERSTON said, that not only had a nego tiation been entered into with the French government on the subject, but certain limits had been fixed upon for the fisheries between the Islands of Jersey and Guernsey and the French coast. Those limits were as well known to the fishermen as any boundaries that it was possibl • to conceive. He was sorry to say, however, that in most cases in which the English fishermen had been seized by - the French authorities, they were trespassing beyond the line to which they ought to have confined.thomselves. Colonel EVANS observed that the English fishermen should be allowed to have larger boats, which would enable them to cope with the boats of France when they met with them. Mr. BARING said, the complaint was, that the poor English fishermen who went to fish, and who were driven by a gale of wind beyond the French boundary, were seized and carried ashore, while the French fishermen, under similar circumstances of stress of weather. were allowed to come into our harbours, and were protected. Lord PALMERSTON expressed his belief that the complaints to which the hon. gentleman alluded were in general very unfounded. RECIPROCITY ACTS. Mr. AGLIONBY, and other Hon. Members, presented petitions from Glasgow, from Exeter, &c., against the Re ciprocity Acts. Mr. G. F. YOUNG presented petitions from North Shields, London, Cardiff, Tynemouth, Newcastle, &c., to the same effect. Mr. YOUNG then proceeded to address the house. In 1823, the act of Parliament called the Reciprocity of Duties Act was passed, and under this authority there were, in the following year, many commercial treaties made with different States. The first of these treaties was with Prussia, and it was signed on the 2d of April, 1824, the condition as to duration being, that it should last for ten years certain, and until the expiration of a twelvemonths' notice to be given at any time after such lapse of ten years by either of the contracting parties. His object in bringing the subject before the house at this particular period would at once be apparent. ( dear.) The ten years had just expired, and if, therefore, those tvho made that treaty, or supported the act under which it was made, had by this time found that their expectations of mutual benefit had not been realized, if they wished to re trace their steps, they had the opportunity afforded to them at once of doing so. He always looked upon the principle of the act as most impolitic, but he could now go further and state, that where he had been told benefits were to accrue, evils had been the result ; that the distress of the shipping interest had been greatly aggravated by it ; and that those treaties which were originated by it had greatly discouraged the domestic shipowner, and been of most material advantage to the foreign one. He did not deny that the early national policy of England afforded no pro tection, by means of exclusive privileges, to the ship ping of the country. Until the reign of Edward the Third, commerce was free in all its operations. From that time, it continued for many years to be subjected to rapid transitions—to protection—to restriction—to neglect. In the first year of Henry the Eighth, protection was extended to the mariners of Britain ; and in the time of Elizabeth, those salutary laws were enacted in favour of the shipping interest, which might be expected from a monarch of such clear views, surrounded by minis ers of such masculine understandings. In 1651, the act passed which, as after wards confirmed by the 13th and 14th of Charles the Second, formed what had ever since been known as the navigation laws of this country. To the wisdom of that code he would bring the testimony of men, than whom none could be found who better understood their country's interests, or were more zealous in promoting them. To be Sure, he could find one exception in the right hon gentle man opposite—the Vice-President; or, perhaps, more cor rectly speaking, the President of the Board of Trade—who denounced these laws as prejudicial in their character, and unfavourable to the commercial interests of this country. The right hon. gentleman had brought forward Sir Josiah Childs in support of his opinion ; but he (Mr. Young) pledged himself that not one word could be found in that writer of any such tendency, and would therefore advise the right hon. gentleman, when he next quoted such an erudite author, to do it correctly. Mr. P. TIIO3ISON—I never quoted him at all. Mr. YOUNG—Then, indeed, you have been strangely misrepresented. It is so in Hansard. Mr. THOMSON—I never quoted him. I have been misrepresented. Mr. YOUNG resumed. He now came to touch upon some parts of the policy of the late Mr. Huskisson : and, as this was the first opportunity that had occurred of explain ing some misrepresentations which were abroad in refer ence to his onduct towards that much-lamented gentle man, he hoped the house would grant him a moment's indulgence. It had often been his fate to differ with Mr. Huskisson ; but this circumstance had never caused any diminution in the respect which he ever felt for his per sonal character, or in the admiration which he entertained fir his extensive information and profound judgment. Nor did he ever for a moment doubt the sincerity of that con viction which induced him to persevere in a policy which, however much he condemned, he was satisfied that lamented gentleman in his heart believed would work for the future greatness and happiness of his country. ( Hear. ) He ever regarded his character as one involving the attri butes of a real statesman—wrong, certainly, in his prin ciples—but of that vigorous intellect, that, had life been permitted him, would ere this have detected his error, and of that manly spirit that would instantly have acknow ledged it. He therefore had waited patiently, content with the natural development of events, and waiting the results of experience. But the prophet was gone ; and, though his successors had grasped at his mantle, he feared they had only succeeded in obtaining the outer and worth lhat garment. The spirit had soared above. The hon. gentleman then proceeded to explain various laws as to the regulation of vessels —that they should be navigated by an English commander—manned by a certain num ber of English seamen—that a certain number of appren tices should be on board, in proportion to the hands—that e dy of no vessels should be repaired in foreign ports to a greater amount than 201. per t n—and then proceeded to shots the high amount of duties which the - shipowners had to pay before they could start their ship—the machine which they had to 35 owo p r e k r ‘ c v e ,t n h t ... ; Casks were suctbj to requisites a to dutya duty 50 per cent. ; sails .to a duty of 30 per cent. ; copp er o f from of 21. 15s. per load ; live cattle were prohibited from being purchased at low prices, the duties being from 50 to 60 per cent. ; and so on with almost every thing which was essential to the shipowners' business. He did not com plain of duties being laid on these different articles—far from it ; all he complained of was the onerous effect—the unfairly onerous effect which they had on their pursuits. ( Hear, hear.) He only asked them to put their burdens equally—to be just in their distribution. In pursuance of this principle of justice, the legislature had in former times enacted certain protecting measures—that the coasting and colliery trade should be exclusively carried on in British bottoms—that no merchandise either of Asia, Africa, or America should be imported into England in any but Eng lish-built ships, and that no European merchandise should be imported in foreign ships, except such as should be brought directly from the original place of its' growth or manufacture. On these restrictions there had been material relaxations, which being coupled with the alterations in harbourage dues, and other imposts by which the British shipowner was also indirectly bene fited, had given the foreigner a decided and un warrantable advantage. These dues were also abolished by treaties made under the Reciprocity of Duties Act, and it was a point not unworthy the consideration of the house, that the alterations had been somewhat costly to t he coins try, the reductions having been made good from the conso lidated fund. The amount paid for this purpose since the year 1825 was no less in round numbers than 261,0001. During the last session of Parliament, an act was passed, authorising the Government to pay to the corporation of London the sum of 160,000 1 . by way of reimbursement for the repeal of what are called the package and scavage dues. He (Mr. Young) should not at all impugn that measure if those dues had been perpetual—if they were sure to be collected in time to come ; but a large portion of them were contingent on the continuance of the Reciprocity Act, and the treaties formed under it, which he really remain the sense of the country would not allow.toZ re pealedlong upon our statute-book. If, therefore. Part"' ad rchased the wculd before long—they would find th . ey_b had d a lar o e sum right in fee to levy duties --that they h Pal this act—as he did not doubt they oulth do, and of money for a perpetuity w hich was no perpetuity at all. The hoe. gentleman then went en at considerable length to describe the nature and effect of what were called the discriminating duties, and contended that they only followed out the old course of national policy. But these were done away with—other new principles were put into operation by Mr. Hiiskissont and the British shipowners, being incapacitated by hiimeaiiirbs, were told they must work on—there was to be free and open trade with the cheapest nations of the world, and if they could not compete with them, they must give up or slow their trade to lapse into the hands of their rivals. (Hear, hear.) i The eigenses of navigation had been greatly increased by these disqualifying enactments—of this there could be no • doubt. lf, however, any one was sceptical upon the poin t, I I let him refer to that volume of evidence to which he h ad before referred, and it was impossible for him not to be lieve the strong and concurrent testimony on that point . To show further the serials disadvantages which the ship' ownef in this, a dear country, had to encounter with tne shipowner of foreign cheap states, he would state tlia in the building of vessels in the North of Europe and Eng land, the difference was as 12/. and 81. per ton. English sailors received from 40s. to 50s. per month for wag" -- generally speaking, full 50s. ; foreign states only paid them about 255. ; thus, in this instance alone, having an advan tage over us of 100 per cent. In provisions the foreigner had a very great advantage, not only from the smaller cost of production, but from the habits and mode of living of the sailor. He thought it the height of injustice to take asa anxious e burdens.as not to I FI . N away their p ro t ec ti on , an d expose th em t o suc h co mpeti . tion as thi s . B ut t hi s was not a ll , f or t h ey were s ubject to heavy tax es th a t f a i r l y ent i t l e d t h em to t h e same protec tion which was gran t e d to ot h er i nterests t h at were e xposed to peculiar e e ar w y would house. ldnam ( name a fe H w e , ar th . )o ug c h a l in _le . could enumerate many, b u t h a yi ng muc h to go throng"' he was dles were subject to a duty of 120 per cent. ; tallow, 100 per cent. ; tea, 100 per cent. ,• manufactured skins, " rr cent. ; hats, 50 per cent. ; and on more important artic es, such as cotton goods, 10 per cent. ; muslins, 15 per cent. ; silks, 30 per cent. ; and linens, 40 per cent. In the 6th of George the Fourth, which contained a schedule o f pro hibitions on importations, there was an important clause which recited that they were imposed, not for the sake of the revenue, but for the due encouragenient of British navigation. It was rather anomalous that in the act passed last session to consolidate the Customs, this decla ratory clause was entirely omitted, and he must take that opportunity of stating that there were many other altera tions, and some f them of an thing but slight imfroportance. But he would for a moment revert to the point m w hich he had aiverged, and see what were the duties payable on minerals. The duty on copper ore was 150 per cent . ; 'r lead, twenty-five shillings per ton ; on manufactured chala, twenty shillings per ton ; on tin ore, twenty shillings F e l . ton, and on iron, twenty-five shillings per ton ; s° tax did indeed were all articles, that even the c hildren to 's t°Yd i not escape. Now he would challenge an y one finn I th e whole range of English industry any branch so wholly: so completely unprotected as the shipping interest. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") They annoyed them every way —they left them not merely defenceless, but completely at the mercy of others—they impoverished them —they crippled the m i n t h e i r nat i ve res ources —they destr o y ed their energies--and having thus treated thin —having thus incapacitated them, they turned them out to compete with the foreigner. (Hear.) They could not do it — they had tried it as long as they could — t he y h a d stood the ground as well as they could , and fought on fro m y ear to year, but all in vain. (Cheers.) They might still for a while turn a deaf ear to their complaints, but it would be only for a while, for the subject would press itself forward e ; it would force itself on their attention, speaking in a voic of thunder. (Hear, hear.) He presented this alternative to them. Let them be consistent, and let them be just si.; either repeal the Reciprocity Act, or place them in the - tuation in which they formerly stood, by giving the equivalent for the disqualification to which they had been o ,_ subjected. The hon. gentleman then proceeded teeV: a speech of Mr. Huskisson, a and dwelt particulatiited, passage wherein that right hon. gentleman had u compete'n that where commerce and navigation came into an tion, commerce should yield to navigation. That evaa,„ . admission most important, which, coupled with wha o t _ lei, e lowed, should weigh particularly on the attention f tn . f the tleman were to do much to benefit the navieation 0 cal care, and for which he introduced so many house. Concessions in the mind of that right hon. gen country, which seemed so much to be undo' his e c e' x.. ledge would n tensive changes. Now he (Mr. Young) we Le on himself to prove that our meeting foreiers, as, ilin our the reciprocity principle, granting them everytm agreturn, power and depending on their good faith for rcantile had, instead of benefiting, nearly ruined the me , , in navy of England. Foreign nations had not eels. al in their obduracy toe ards us, as promised, brit ladeent every instance increased the duties to a fearful n __ against us. The speech made by Mr. Huskisson .O,± the iutroduct.on of his measure went on to declar° that. if such relaxa ion did not take ploce this colt!'" try would be b nind to retaliate. Relax they did note and where was the retaliation? Nowhtrre 10 any cong" derable extent, and the evil was gaining ground, without tinAmeans being had recourse to to step its progress. Arne" and such rica, the sight hon. gentleman had declared, would increase her tariff, unless England would modify her system. The modification had taken place, but had the tariff decrea 01? Sad experience had told it had not. It was also said the United Netherlands, and eel bin countries in GermanY , would reduce their duties if we first set them the example.; we generously did so, but ten per cent. duty on English goods followed from 1826, and after three years sq_expe.s rienee, we were bound to retaliate upon them. 1 H This was the first falsification of the of t boasted r c r i e p li r e city system upon which Mr. Huskisson had so inu c 2, an i s h when introducing his bills. Then as to the 4, d more trade. Would that trade be found to be con ducte f a vourably than the rest towards us? Would the Spa niards,edo- form the exception in our favour? Let their cm._ duct answer his question. They were like the rest, iin e l tigatingly hostile towards us ; and he could state a fact which had come under his personal knowledge, which Spanish and English vessels had licy to our disadvantage. one alongside the been loading in the Thames together, . Peninsula' other, freighted for the same port in the Pene e , e. goods were brought across the decks of the r rig a might be taken as a fair proof of the workings of their po• Lsh vessels to the Spanish ones, and ship Ilene' , board for thrice the freight given to the e P one vessels ; and why ? Because Spanish vessels we r e n 0 applied to for the discriminatiug duties levied J ef 47. a de ships. (Hear.) The President of the Boar(' ' had been made cognizant of this ; but he :ithstand only temporary, whereas it was continuing, Fran ", from ing its great injustice towards our interests• extent of her her position in Europe, and from the great . re such as commerce, should not be overlooked in an inn. e did be he sought to introduce by his thus appearing as _...,d vil fore the house. The report of Messrs. Bowring ail in every Tiers, the commissioners sent to that country, vba e s tera tion gentleman's hands, and furnished a body l " of r, th i g u t repor t that could not be too highly appreciated. I houre P nr th, se principles of policy which our Gallic neigh rnieepre sued were clearly laid down, and subject to P °ose truths s ntation. It stated in a most edifying manner t . „ro w el watch the French considered ought to be the gre at ' 4eiee of their conduct. They said that was the riches t nee ee that exported more and imported less ; and in coneln e h e t they trebled the duty on English manufactures. ''' .14 tO ''-' ? had rin co t holding out the right hand of friendship promised Was tO Was that the expensive system of commerce that t e e ns? meet us in our intercourse with neighbouring na.„ her France was our neighbour, but her ke sem was al l „,; . ; r cial own favour. She did not extend the hand of c° ln ' - he ree• fellowehip to a country within sight of her own s tw ee ( Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman proceeded to hoped sidered it furtlilr from the report ; and in taking leave of n the gentlemen who represented the agriculturalitin.'_t_uie4 in that house would not be displeased at his ei n ee_ r il epo , thus to facts which were germain to their i " ~ (Hear, hear, hear.) Haying long s• tender his apologies for detaining the house h ars he _,.) but Prussia could not be over cooked. (Hear, , t e ne i an d That country, for which England hardotincee s he change , which principally contributed t° j i d other German states against which he complained— siihieenat endeav ouring to esta were actually at the present 1 nrxclusion of English goods. Wish a cordon for the total exclusion consummation, WO (Hear. ) This, to themaial friends (Laughter) with th e t" looked upon by our Ger i en e h article of salt, the princiea' greatest s atisfaction e . ountry , was conveyed but in triflin! export from this bottoms in fact, Prussian ve sse 4 e quantities in English proceeded so far, ohe nni-i oly and therefore all for Pr ussi ' salt was a ravel mono p i ~ . itwas for Englis i interests. As to Ameri ca ' o ssile and nothing bad been said that it would be found in' e P eg old true that it . . ff to carry the tariff int c ect. The tari 'ff had, " e to t bee" a d m it, been modified; but of what benefit had that clan ° England ? It had not been for England that theoseeerenees bad taken place : they only resulted from theist to had the entire trade, because in Prussia the vending an ° corn- ° between the southern and northern states• op poeiet e t° nearer home : the town of Stadt on the Elbe,o e ur .mmile . ' were obliged to pay a duty equal to Hamburg, although in Hanover, and subjeeseis po sing le f r eght, who was King of Hanover—all English, while the vessels of Hamburg were l' e n c i Ytnnuage, so much hear.) ng Notwithstanding the increas ; iorat.ngt an e d i i i rt i he boasted of, British vessels were det er- l WW l ' ne w that high character which they formerly a heel corny un ould foreign market. Our foreign trade h es , but he rf w ho tively ruined. These were s eri v o i u d s en c II:. r o e en - f g_ tlernen jot, substantiate them, and by the . . . t s ystem. (Hear. ) FKs were in favour of the reeiKracteVe the shipping interest' u i L l then, as to the distresse°e". body of evidence that c° 0 , would read for the boos, Honourablegentleman then P r e , T h e ion , oc k ~ not be dispniee• t h e testimony of Messrs. Bates, " a 01 ceeded to Dublin), Spence of ( Sunderland), Richinct e et, Astle of ( Anderson ( f South Shields), and V the North Shields), o to f wh i c h strongly corroborated his views. Next, . 10 nee o fall in freights, the hon. gentleman read the evidefer Messrs. Carter, Henderson, Nichol, Gray, Kirkin* de lay, Larkin, Lines, and James Aiken, which goe ,00 50 tails respecting the low average prices for the eo° l ,,, e 'etlr e of goods. The third point maintained by the hone r- eoae: man was the astounding loss of capital ves e! _te d ,: e rte f °- within the last few years ; and in support of ow -- liev:eneratirpet. (Heal:, I