The Sun. — London, England, 1856-07-26 00:00:00

.. ...........en an..., en nee. think it right to answer the frank and fair criticism which six chief clerks, at a salary of 1 1 0001. a year each ; and six may offer on the course he has pursued. The noble lord, junior clerks, at a salary of 350? each. That bill was in the first place, cannot say to-night that it is his opinion f illowed immediately byanother with relation tothe Courts we have legislated enough, and that there are no pressing o f Inankruptcy and Insolvency in Ireland., which was intro. questions of great importance which require our attention, diced on the '2oth of February. It constituted twojudges bec a use the noble lord has voluntarily, in this session of with sentries of 2,0001 a-year each, a chief registrar with Par,iament, intro owed to our notice not only questions 600/,, a chief clerk with 5001., two assistant registrars with of g r eat importance, but, as I think I shall be able to 4001. ; and conferred 'he power of petsiorting off, at the full sho e , a greater number of questions of great importance ; salary of 1,2001., a gentleman who was once a member of tha n probably any Minister ever introduced to Parliament. ! this house, and who has held his present office fur a space (Ha e r.) Nor aan the noble lord avail himself of the second ' only of two years. The effect w h ich these bills p roduced plea - that this country being involved ice war, and in a was of a startling character. At first it was supposed that i considerable struggle, Parliament had no right to expect they were an ingenious means of compensating the sister that any of these legislative proposals should have been i country for the failure of the Tipperary - .Bank. (A laugh.) mail eto them, because the noble lord at the commence- That was the popular view of tree case, as it was brought went of the session, when the country was in a state of before us. On the 17th of July that bill was abandoned. war, advised her Majesty in her gracious speech, while she But this is not a solitary case in Irish legislation. en bill thanked her faithful Commons for the devoted manner in with regard to the juries of Ireland was iutroducetl on the which they had supported her in the struggle, to recom- sth of February, and on the 27th of June it was aban mend them to give their attentive consideration to many doned. Again, a bill with respect to juvenile offenders subjects of internal importance. (Hear.) Nor can the noble in Ireland was introduced oa the 4th of February, and on lord avail himself of the third plea that, though the state the 27th of Juno it was abandoned. The bill to deal with of war might have terminated, important negotiations for the metropolitan police of Dublin was also introduced peace were the reason why he could not bring forward on the Ined of April, and on the let of July it was legislative measures of importance, because, besides the :abandoned. Thus we see that five great measures of measures which, in a tiro, of war, the noble lord recom- legal reform in England awl an eqiiel number in Ireland mended her Ande s ty to ean our attention to, and after were introduced by her Majesty's Government, and that those negetietiees for peace had commenced, he added every one of those measures has been abandoned. (Hear.) other me &sures, that are not of sec indaey imp finance, on I admit—because I wish to state the case fairly for the which he solicited the consideration of Parliament. (Hear, Government—that there were two measures passed with hear) Therefore I thi n k I need not argue the question, respect to the reform of Irish law which I think will prove whether legislation on important questions is necessary or to no highly hen- finial ; but I believe that they are both not, because, so far as the Ministry are concerned, they founded upon measures which were introduced by my hon. are my principal witeesses that legislation, and legislation and learn-al friend the member for Enniskillen (Hr. White on a groat sc .le, is necessary. (Hear, hear.) We need not side). ( Hear.) I have now gone through those four great apemen. to a state of war as an apology for the coneuct of subjects which were referred to in her Majesty's Speech the Governeneut, nor to negotiations for peace, as an ex - 1 frcm the throne ; and I have pl ace d b e f ore th e h ouse w ith, cure for their behaviour, bee tuee it will be shown to the I hope, no rhetorical efforts, what has been the result of house in the course of my observations that, iu a time those projected measures of the Government. But her of war, the noble lord recominendel her Majesty to invite Majesty's Government have iutroducen many other am our attentive consideration to teeny qaestious of internel sures which cannot be included in any of the categories men mproveineut, and that when negotiations for peace corn ti glee in the Royal Speech. Let us see what has been the meuceti he iutrthinced further and, if p mesible, still wore f ate of those measures. First, there is a bill for the super important measures. I wish to guard myself in a state- annuatiou of the members of the civil service, which is a went of this kind from any 1 sago age that woul i savour in very difficult question, and which has been under the con the slightest degree of exaggeration. I have stated that siderateon of the Executive for more than 20 years, and has the noble lord has, in the course of this session, introduced taxed the utmost efforts of successive Chancellors of the to our notice mentions or ge at impertence, aid perhaps a Exchequer. I had the matter before um, and I proposed greeter nu neer of meeeu , ee of greet import:an .e than pro- to take action upon it; I know that the right hon. gen ()ably any Minister that ever occupied that bench. I tlenian who was my immediate succeseer gave his utmost think I seen be able to substantiate that statement with. attention also to it, and that the present Chancellor of the out mentioning any measures the inag nettle of which, Exchequer is a perfect master of the subject; yet so diffi when I refer to them in detail, will speak for themselves, coil is it that the Government have fount themselves un hut yet of secondary iuteres compared to the principal able to grapple with the question. That bill was intro features of the legislative scheme of this year. Let me duced on the 15th of February. On the 18th of July it ?amine the house now of some of the principal subjects was anandoned, anti thus were terminated all the hopes of that have been brought under our consideration. We that most meritorious and ill-used body of her Majesty's have been asked, in the filet place, to construct a high eet vents. There is another question with which her Ma court of appeal the highest court of appeal in the last in- ' jested Government determined to deal; and this, again, is steauce. Aml will aukuowledge that this is a question which no now question, but one which has long engaged the at may be deecriteed as the greatest of legal questions. lii all tention om Parliament. I mean the reform of the corpora. couutries it may be described as the greatest of legal queer- tion of the city of London. That question has been before tions ; bat in this country it is more than the greatest of P n:orient more or less for the last 20 years. There have legal questions, because it is also the greatest of constitu- been, if I rah rlhet aright, two royal , ommissions to in tional vestione, because, in having to consider the crea- 1 VerolgAte the subject, and never were there more ample tion and constitution of a high court of appeal, we have, estates-tale ready upon which legislation could be founded. from the nature of our iuetitations, not only to fulfil that Tne position of the Government with respect to that ques great object, but we have iuci ientally to consider even the tion was unusually favourable and advantageous, because very elements of a Senate, or rather of an Upper Chamber. a colleagee of the noble Turd, a Secretary of State, and one We have been called upon this year to consider a new law of of the most distinguished members of the Cabinet, had partner-hip, framed spun new principles and auapted to been one of the Royal Commissioners in the last investiga this advanced age, winete should facilitate the application tion. Her Majesty's Government having resolved at last of capital to commerce in the most commercial country in to settle this important question, they had the advantage the world. We have been called upon to consider the whole of possessing in the Cabinet one who was completely maw. law of divorce and an important change in the law of mar- ter of the subject. They had, therefore, such facilities for riage. We have been called upon to consider the whole drawing up a measure so completely adequate to the occa discipline of the church ; the testamentary jurisdiction of sion, so well matured, and so perfectly adspted to the cir this country ; the police of the country ; a reform of the curnstanees of the cue, that the moment it was announced most ancient, the most wealthy, and the most powerful that they were about to lay a bill in reference to the sub municipality, intimately connected with the history and ject on the table there was a general belief in this house, liberties of Engleiol ; the superannuation of the whole civil iu the city, and, I may say, in the country, that at service of the country ; the criminal appropriation of trust. last ! this great reform would take place. But what property ; the education ofa wholekingdom • the retirements has been the result of that measure ? It was intro of bishops from their sees, and last, but not feast, thecorrect duced on the 4th of February, and on the 20th of means of ascertaining the most important produce of the Jhne it was abandoned. I have here another catalogue empire by a system of agricultural statistics. Why, Sir, of measures to which I must advert at the risk of wearying these are not light questions. They are not only among the the house, because it is of the utmost importance most grave that concern a State, but they involve the very that we should accurately know the data on which the principles upon which society itself is based. Sir, Ido not conclusions we may arrive at must rest. A bill for the know that loan pier,* the legislative scheme of the Ministry local management of the metropolis was introduced by the more fairly before the house than by referring to the Speech President of the Board of Works. He is a man, one would from the Throne met the commencement of the session, and suppose, who knew what he was about, and yet this bill reminding the house of the propositions that then, upon the which was introduced on the 28th of February, on the highest sanction and authority, were submitted to our con- 9th of May was abandoned. I willnow proceed to a depart sideration. There were four measures, or, I would rathersay meat over which another officer—the President of the four series of measures, which, in the heat of war, her Ma- Board of Works—presides. That tight hon. gentleman jesty recommended toourattentive consideration, TheOret-- was originally a member of the profession of Mars, I be which was the simplest—applied to the assimilation of the Have, and he was therefore not to be daunted by the fed mercantile law of England and of Scotland. The second lure of his colleagues. He was resolved to show a martial was that improvement in the law of partnership, founded courage befitting his situation, and when he introduced altogether upon new principles,and aiming atthe increased his bill on public health on the 26th of May, he would not application of capital to commerce, to which I have already abandon it. He demanded battle—and the bill was re referred. The third was a measure which was to relieve the jested. (A laugh.) But lam sorry to say that after this mercantile marine of this mercantile country from charges fitful blaze of valour the courage of my hon. and gal of great weight under which it had long laboured, and lant friend seemed to evaporate. On the 26th of May he against which it had long complained. The fourth series of introduced a burial bill, which on the 12th of July measures, and perhaps the most important, consisted of he abandoned. He also introduced, on the 7th of largo and extensive reforms, first in the law of Great Bri- March, a vaccination bill, which on the 10th of tarn, and next in the law of Ireland. These, Sir, were the July was abandoned. I have referred to the efforts which measures which at the commencement of the session—in a were made by the President of the Poor-Law Board to time of war—were recommended, to use the language of the amend the Poor Law, but I did scant justice to the legis gracious Speech, to the " attentive consideration" of the lative enterprise of that right hon. gentleman, for I find House of Commons. How have we dealt with these four that, besides the two efforts which I have mentioned, the series of measures? With respect to the first question—the right hon. gentleman introduced a bill on no less difficult a assimilation of the mercantile law of England and Scotland subject than pauper removal. That bill was introduced on —I cheerfully admit that the Government may be consi- the Ist of April, and on the27th of June it was abandoned. tiered fairly to have redeemed their pledge. A measure There werta bill of the Government which aimed todealwith to change the mercantile law of Scotland has now passed, a difficulty which many Administrations have had to en- I believe, both houses, and a measure to change the mer. counter—the claims of the coalwhippers of London; That cantina law of England was introduced in this house. It bill was introduced ou the 28th of April, and on the 4th of contained, indeed, rs principle of the most dangerous kind, July it was abandoned. I will shed a tear over the fate of which aimed at terminating the necessity in commercial the bill which was to settle the site of the National Gal transactions of written contracts, but the practical sagacity lery. It was introduced on the sth of June, and on the of the House of Commons and the protest of the whole 12th of the same month it met a fate which I deplore. It commercial community saved the country from the d e n- was not abandoned, but it was dealt with in a manner gars of the unfortunate proposition. That portion of the which did not permit us to see more of it this Reagan. bill was defeated, and the measure so amended was passed. There was a bill introduced with respect to the Dulwich We may therefore adroit that the Government on the charity, which demanded legislation; it was introduced on whole, have fairly redeemed the pledge th e y ga v e with re- the 17th of July, and on the 21st of July it was abandoned. spect to the first series of measures mentioned is the giaci- The Queen's Colleges iu Ireland outl i ve the attention of ous Speech. How, sir, did we proceed with regard to the the Government; they introduced a bill on that subject, improvement of the law of partnership ? What were the and ou the 15th of July that eves also abandoned. The fortunes of that great bill which was to be founded upon education of the people of Scotland hid long engaged the new principles, which was to be adapted to this advanced attention of the Government, and this year they introduced and enlightened age, sad which iii this peculiarly corn- a bill which • eerybody thought, from the spirit of the Lord mercial country was to facilitate the application o f Advocate, from the uncompromising tone which seemed to capital to commerce? lam b-aund to admit that there was animate his interesting rhetoric, was sure to be persevered every evidence of sincerity on the part of the Govern- wish. But no ; it was introduced on the 9th of April, and went with respect to this second head, for on the first on the 27. h of June it was abandoned. There is another day we met—the Ist of February—the important measure bill before me, scarcely second to any of these in import was introduced by the Vice-President of the Board of auce—l mean the Agricultural Statistics Bill, which met Trade. After diecussiou—after being amended and re- the same melancholy fate. It came down from the other printed on the 25th of February—en the 10th of March house; it was never brought on here, but was abandoned. that measure was abandoned. (Hear, hear.) But her Now, sir, I ask any gentlemen in this house—l care not Majesty's Government, determined to deal with a question where they sit—whether they be votaries of Conservative which they believed to be of paramount importance, lost Progress, as we are, or whether they be disciples of Liberal no time in profiting by the discussion which had taken movement, as hen. members opposite I suppose are, or place, and on the 7th of the ensuing month a second bill to ought to be—is this a satisfactory state of affairs? (Hear.) ' amend the law of partnership and to accomplish all those I ask those hon. gentlemen who take a great part i u our groat objects which I have enumerated w as i n t ro d uce d by business, and who are habitual attenders here, whether, ' the right hon. gentleman. I find that this second bill was before this clear and accurate statement which I have laid introduced in the 7th of April, and on the 14th of July I before them, they were aware of the extent and imp or t- find it was abandoned. Here we have an i m p or t an t su b. ante of the egielative failures of the present session. Not ject recommended to our "attentive consideration" ire the wishing to understate what the Government had done, I gracious 'Speech from the Throne, and not only one, bill mentioned that they had passed two measures which dial brought in and abandonecl by her Majesty's Ministers, but not come within the group of measures to which I referred a second bill on the same subject introduced, and aka aban- at the commencement of wy observations. One was with doned. That, Sir, is a very remarkable and unfortunate respect to the retirement of bishops. I regret that that catastrophe for any department to experience; but I would was a measure which did not deal with the question, and take the liberty of reminding the house that it is not which, therefore, has settled nothing. It really is not a peculiar to the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, measure which settles the question of the retirement of hitherto thought to be so particularly unfortunate in his bishops. It is a private and personal arrangement, and legislative enterprises. (A laugh.) I find that the Preen settles only the retirement of two individuals; anti though dent of the Poor-law Board was not touch more successful. the question is one which raises considerations of the 1 On the 3d of April I find that functionary introducing a highest interest and importance, none of them are die- I bill for the amendment of the Poor Law, and on the e 3 I posed of in that bill. (dear, hear.) The County Police 1 of Aay I frail that :near ire abandoned. I find the game Bill was also pas ed by the Government. That was an ex- Minister, profiting equally by his experience, on the 23i1 of cellent measure, and 1 have no wish to depreciate the merit May introducing another measure on th e same subject, and of the Government in passing it by, reminding them that on the 10ite of July I flee that measure also abooloneti. the subject is one which had long engaged their attention, ( A laugh ) H ere we h ave two Mi n i sters i ntrot l oc i ng bills ;an d respec i ng w hi c h a very mature measure was intro upon eubants of the highest moment, and riot only failing duced by the Go iernment of Lord Aberdeen, when the in their efforts to carry their measures, but recurring again noble lord opposite was Home Secretary. I make that to the experiment, and again encountering failure. observation only for the purpose of showing that though (Cheers.) But, sir, this double failure is not peculiar to the me-Isere was important the house was prepared for it, the Vice-President of the Board of Trade and the Preside° t and the discussion of it 'fist not greatly occupy the time of of the Poor-law Board. The Irish Government, repro . te e house We cannot, therefore, be surprised, I think, Bentsen I believe, by the Chi ,f Secretary of the Lord-Liete. at the ere at die- atiefaction and discontent which had and tenant, introduced on the 15th of April a bill to regulate deny arisen—more I believe out of doors than here, and the lunatic asylums in Ireland, aryl on the 21st of which is, therefore, mom edangerous—with the manner in May I find that measure abandoned. (Hear.) But th at which public business has been conducted this session. I right hon. gentleman also, not losing heart, two days after- frankly admit that the house and the country were per war& introducen another bill on the sane subj ec t, an d on feetly prepared to treat the Government with the utmost the leth July I tied that second measure on the lunatic indulgence in the matter of legislation. Inasmuch as they asylums of Ireland also abandoned. (Cheers Anil laughter.) had just terminated the war in which we were engaged, I have mentione,i these cases incidentally to illustrat e , an d and as a considerable portion of their time had been taken in some degree to soften, the position of the Vice-President ep in the protracted ne g otiations for peace, they were in of the Board of T ra d e ; b u t th e resu lt i s t h at upon three e position to appeal to the indulgenc e and confidence of subjects of great moment three tlieisters try their hand at Parliament. It they had said, `• We are engaged in these legislation, tail in their efforts, not , lisheertermed agem make crest affairs, and therefore you mast not expect us to at the Attempt, an I :are ae der s efneaftled. (Chasers.) So much, tempt to deal with any ef these great questions which sir, for the taw of partnership. Let us now lo kto time must ultimately be settled by legislation," no one would third subject mentioned in the gracious Speech. What was have murmured. But it is not in the power of the Govern the fate of the great measure which was to relieve the whole , uent now to put forward that plea. Having duly conei mereantile marine of Euglend from those local dues and dered their own position, anti having greater advantages passing tolls of which it had so l i ng complained e Here, for ascertaining it then we c• uld hey-, they resolved to sir, I main afr a id I shell net rind any of the colleagues of tb e draw the attentive cons;neretion of Parliament to a variety Vice-President of the Board of Trade to be hi s equa l s i n of the rued important subjects which can engage the atten uneeleance. (A. leash.) On the 4th F e b. the right hon. a im o f a L.:gislaturo. They hey., held out to the coun gentleman introduced a bill to accomplish the ur nee cries those expectations, •nd they e et be surprised mentioned in the Royal Speech, and on the 26th P s f P F b that the ctmuntry is distpp a eioted. a lf a l t t, were merely I find that measure abandoned. (Hear.) Wll of o e me . e question of transient disippointment I would not have now to the fourth series of measures which were e ' refe c ireel made there observations; but I cannot help feeling that to in the Royal Ste ech. The first of these related to the the tine come coe when the house would do well calmly improvement of the law of Greet Britain. and it a p pears to consider what bas been the cause of a state of affairs so far as I can ascertain — th a t fi ve measures were brought which all must regret, which is most mortifying to us forward with that praiseworthy object; and when I refer as a legislative assembly, and which cannot bo to these details I think that hon. memb ers on both shies very satisfactory to her Majesty's Ministers. It is to will • gree with we, that no Minister ever y e t introduced ascertain that cause, and not to make a bill of indictment to the notice of the house subjects of such deep interest :against th e G overnmen t, t h a t I w i s h t o engage the atnen and much extensive application. First, there were a bill to tion and the consideration of the house to -night, trusting establish e juriedictiou in the matter of won, and Aden. .hat, in the course o f discussion, suggestions may be made nietration. That bill was introduced o n th e 4th of March, which may ultimately lead to the devising of some remedy and our the 10th of July it was abandoned. The next bill for this evil state of aff • Now, sir, it cannot he said was the great measure to found an appellate , jurisdictio n ~ hat thi s catastrophehas '"r b s e ' en occit:notien by the forms of in the last instance. It was brought from the Lords on thehouse. Ido notbelieve that even theyoun er memberfor the 9th of June, and on the 10th of July it was aban- Larnbetti—(a laugh)—will riseland say from that, fro his pro doned. The third measure related t o a sub j ec t of no round experience of the form e o f the house, he can state that leas importance than the law of divorce, which was intro- they are the real c ause o f thi s great catastrophe. ( - Hear.) deiced to us on the 4th of July. Let me remind the house Hon, gentlemen who have studied the forms of the house of the circumstances under which that bill came down to know very well that, from the yearlB4Bto the present time, us. After great difficulty it had passed through the house there has been an habitual, but gradual and prudent, cur of Lords, where it had been subjected to the c riticism of tailment of those forms—so much so, that those who have some of the greatest intellects of the country, and it dealt well considered the subject, and who know how mach wis successfully with most of those great points which are the tom and experience is embalmed in our forms, rather ap. opprobrium of our law of marriage. That bill was intro- prebend that there has been too great a diminution of those deiced into our house on the 4th of July, and on the 17th guards against precipitate legislation, than believe that we it was abandoned. (Hear.) The next measure of legal facilitate the conduct of public business by the dirninu reform related to a subject which is a disgrace—l hesitate :ion of their number. Nor do I think there is any one not to say —to this civilised and enlightened age—it dealt who will for a moment pretend that protracted debates or with the criminal appropriation of trust property. I can t on g speeches have b roug h t a b out this result, because since conceive sib su bj ect more deserving of the attention of I have sat in Parliament I never remember a s ess i on w hi c h the Government th an this. The most iniquitous ilaS been more remarkable than has the past session for consequences have for a long series of years resulted the absence of debates of great length—(Hear, hear)—or from the state of the law upon this subject; and lam in which gentlemen who are in the habit of addressing the bound to say that, speaking upon the highest authority house at the length to which they are entitled by their without which I should not presume t o a ll u d e t o th e ques- °log tense, their knowle d ge , and their standing and their ex tion—l believe that wh a t is taking pl ace i n thi s country rience in this house, have trespassed so littl e upon t h e at almost every day renders it s till more necessary that a bill tention of M r. Speaker. (Hear, hear.) It is not the forms of this kind should pass. (Hear, hear.) That bill was of the house, it is not the freedom and amplitude of dis abandoned on the 21st of July. The next measure—the suasion, then, which has occasioned this lamentable state of Church Discipline Bill was not abandoned, but it was in- :affairs. Whitt in it ? I will state what I believe to have trodnceJ into the other house, and there r e j ec t e d on adivi- been the cause, and I beg that the noble lord a nt i hi s Dion : so that none of these five important projects o f law, colleagues will not suppose th at in stat i n g it 1 mean to which no one can d en y d e se rve d th e d eep and attentive con- say anything in any way personal to themselv es , h u t e ineratio mite nof Parliament, were passed. (Hear, h ear .) I will the reverse. (A laugh.) I believe that this now allude to - the measures proposed with a view to reform- tenure of legislation is mainly, if not entir e ly, t o in" , the law in Irel and, in order to see whether we h ave S ae attributed to the fact that the noble lords and right h on . been more fortunate, there. Soon after Parliament met a gen tl emen who now form th e Ministry cannot command a bill was introduced I 'l the Government for the reform and Parliamentary majority. In the general conduct of affairs re-eonstruetion of the Court of Chancery in Ireland. That eespect is paid to the gentlemen who occupy that position measure proposed to create two Vicc-Chancellors at a salary —a position which they obtained, in my opinion, with all *13,5004 each, to be appointed 117 the Lord -LieutenaLt h onour, and in a manner which, so far as the noble lord THE SUN, LONDON, SA:TtIII,DAY _EVENIfqG, JULY 26, 165 e (Lord Palmerston) is concerned, does the utmost credit ro his spirit and promptitude. (Hear.) There is on the part of the house great willingness to discharge its functions of supply. Whatever money is wanted for the public service is cheerfully granted. If the noble lord, when at war, wants troops, they are given to him. If he is engaged in negotiations and requires forbearance, it is yielded with equal readiness. Whether be prosecutes war or makes treaties, he can count upon the support of the house ; but when you come to the other functions of a Minister in a legislative assembly, I say that the measures of Govern ment, when prepared, are not intrusted to such a confiding majority as can only exist in this house when founded upon traditional connection or identity of principle. The noble lord and his colleagues, when they introduce mea surei upon these great subjects, are never sure that those measures will succeed. There are two consequences of the most injurious character which result from that circurn sta.nce. It is a great evil that Ministers who think it ne cessary to legislate upon subjects of paramount importance should fail in their attempts at leg islation ; but th e re i s another evil inevitably consequent upon this to which I attribute much of the present disaster. The moment that a Government is habituated to defeat, the moment that its members find that the chances are that the measures which they propose will not succeed, that moment their measures cease to be prepared with that scrupulous exactitude, that fineness, that finish and maturity of preparation, which character i-e the measures of a Government which upon the introduction of a measure to Parliament feels all the respon sibility of legislation. (Hear.) Thus it happens that it ends in the Ministry so circumstanced obtaining momentary po pularity or making a transient reputation—if reputation you can call it—by dealing with a variety of subjects, so that the country may say, Hare is a Government of men of business; see what they deal with ! These are the men that we wanted. They are going to construct a court of appeal. All the questions which 300 years have not solved are about to receive their solution from these practical men. The law of di eorce is to be reformed. The law of matrimony is to be improved. The law of partnership is to be adapted to an enlightened age and the wants of great commercial community. All those great subjects to elide I have adverte i at the commencement of my obser vations, and with which the thought of the country has long been engaged, are at last to find a settlement and h solution from men of business, who, irrespective of party consideration, are determined to show what can be dune by those who are animated only by a desire to pass wise and satisfactory measures. When Parliament met, it was an nounced by a high—although anonymous—authority, that a new era had set in in the history of the English Parlia ment ; that struggles for power and place were to cease, end that we were to have a body of Ministers who were essentially practical men—men of business, who were to deal with the difficult questions which had twilled all pre ceding Ministries. We were told that " measures, not 'nen," was to be, in future, the principle of our political life ; and very shortly after that we had an illustration of the new system in the introduction of the Partnership Bill of the right hon. gentleman. (A. laugh.) But, Sir, in what does all this end ? After six months of idle phantoms and of empty visions it is no longer "measures, not men," but, unfortunately, men without measures. (Laughter.) If it be true—and I cannot believe that, when pondered over, there will be many who will doubt its truth -that this un fortunate state of affairs arises from the Government being unable to command a Parliamentary majority, what is the remedy which is before us? In the first place, I shall be met with an objection which is perhaps not much raised iu this house, but which is heard in every part of the country, alike in the saloon and in the market-place—s" this is all the con sequence of the Reform Bill." (Hoar, hear.) One of my friends near me says, " Hear, hear," and that shows how popular and how plausible is this idea. Well, is the Re form Bill the cause of this state of affairs, because, when there is a great difficulty, there are always many specious explanations alosA„ and the question is, although specious, are they true ? It is 24 3 ears since the Reform Bill came into operation, and certainly during 14 years out of those 21 you have had the affairs of this country administered by Ministries of almost every shade of opinion, who have commanded large and compact majorities. Lord Grey, who represented the high Whigs, had not only a large and commanding majority, but a majority of which the only fault was that it was too large. Lord Melbourne, who re presented what was called" Whig Radicalism," but which in more courteous parlance we will now call " Liberalism," Lord Melbourne for five years carried on the affairs of this country with a sufficient majority, even in a Parliament which had been called together by his rival. Certainly the 6th and 7th years of his administration were not distin guished by great strength, but that was attributable not so much to the want of a majority as to a circumstance which I am sure the friends of Lord Melbourne have now lived long enough to regret—that he clung to office beyond the time at which Parliament would tolerate it. When he left office Sir R. Peel appealed to the country as a Tory and Conservative Minister. Was there then no command ing majority ? There was a considerable and ample majo rity, which allowed Sir Robert Peel to carry on affairs ; and, therefore, it does not appear to me that there is any truth whatever in the popular statement that the Reform Bill is the root of all this evil. (Hear, hear.) But, then, it may be said that this state of things is to be attributed to the fact that parties are broken up. It is a favourite topic to talk of the " dislocation" of parties. " Parties," they say, " no longer exist because there are no longer distinctive principles among public men." That also is a very current opinion ; but is it true ? (Hear.) For the interest of the country and for our own honour, let us pause a moment to inquire whether it is true. Sir , I shall not venture to make any observations on hon. gentlemen who are members of this house. It is my happiness to think that I have personal friends on both sides of the house, and the question is of too great importance to de pend upon the opinions of individual members on either side. But, if I look to the country, if I look to society in the genuine sense of the phrase, I mean to the society of classes in this country, I do not find that parties are ex tinct. (Hear, hear.) When I listen to men who have paramount influence with great masses of the community, I do not find in their conversation anything to lead me to the conclusion that distinctive parties have ceased. I find two great classes and bodies of opinion which I think I may fairly represent by epithets which, though not very happy nor very precise, have yet passed into popular ac ceptation—the epithets Conservative and Liberal. I hold that these are two classes of opinion which are perfectly distinct, and in most instances entirely opposed the one to the other. Let me, that I may the more clearly explain my meaning, briefly advert to some points in which I think that that distinction is particularly manifest. I wish to speak with perfect respect of both classes, for each is repre sented in this country by numerous bodies of men. Each is supported by numbers, intelligence, property, and, in a word, by "respectability" iu the true and legitimate mean ing of that phrase. But the dissimilarity of these opinions is very perceptible. For example, I hold that to be a COD servative principle which regards the Parliamentary settle ment of 1832 as a satisfactory settlement. I hold that to be a conservative principle which, without any blind or bigoted adherence to the doctrine on all possible oocasious, believes that tampering with the suffrage is a great evil to the State. (Ironicalcheersfrom the Ministerial benches.) I believe I am right in maintaining that that is a conser vative principle which holds that the due influence of pro perty in the exercise of the suffrage is salutary and bene ficial. (Ironical cheers from the same quarter.) I think it is a conservative principle which holds that in any representative scheme the influence of landed property ought to be sensibly felt. I hold that to be a conservative principle which would maintain in• violate the union between Church and State—(a deri sive cheer from Mr. Hadfield), and which would not only preserve but expand the ecclesiastical institutions of ties country. I hold that to be a conservative principle which maintains that the establishment of the Church should be respected, and that the Church itself should not be the stipendiary of the civil power. I hold that to be a consei vetive principle which would maintain the Established Church in Ireland—(ironical cheers from the Ministerial benches)—believing that it is perfectly reconcileable with respect for the rights and privileges of all classes of her Majesty's subjects in that kingdom. I hold that to be a conservative principle which would cherish and protect all hereditary influences, because they are opposed to a crude centralisation, and because they are the source of a power at once beneficent and economical. I hold that to be a conservative principle which would respect venal- ,ble corporations—(laughter from the same quarters)—and up hold a free mag istracy throughout tho couutry. The ironi cal cheers of th e hon. gentlemen opposite convince me that I am right in this estimate, and that, there is a body in this country which, though I had scarcely expected it, is even represented in this house, and which holds opinions exactly the reverse of what I have stated. (" Hear' from the Ministerial benches.) The cheers from the Miuisteri benches show that there is in the country, and even in this house, a body who believe that the Parliamentary settle ment of 1832 ought not to be maintained, seeing that it arrests the progress of a cause in the advancement of which they feel an interest—a body who believe that what we regard as the wholesome influence of property on the suf frage ought to be prevented—a body who, instead of che rishing and encouraging, would check and repress the netu ral influence of lanced propertyon Parliamentary represen tation. I have no fear of misrepresenting the opinions of hon. gentlemen opposite when I say that there are among them those who look with suspicion on the union between Church and State—who, if they bow telt, do so becauseit is already established—who are not in favour of expanding, and scarcely in favour of maintaining our ecclesieseic sl institu tions—who would be glad to see the Church the cdpendiary of the civil power -who are opposed to hereditary Mamie° -- who, iustead of a free magistracy, would haven wagistracy constructed upon principle , which they regard as more pre cise and rational, but which, in our opinion, are not so favourable ti the preservation of public liberty in this country. Ido not fall out with hon. gentlemen for enter taining these opinions; but their assent to my exposition of theca shows that I am right in the supposition that in this country there are two great parties, and that those parties have distinct principles. (Hear.) And if Igo to another great branch of public life—to a subject which years ago did not attract much of the attention of Parliament, but which now absorbs it, to the injury, as many believe, of those measures of internal improvement to which her Majesty made allusion in the Speech from the throne—l mean the • general question of foreign affairs, I find, if not in this house, at least throughout the country, opinions quite opposed to each other. (Hear.) Nor is this en unimportant conside ration, for, upon the prevalence of ono or other of these classes of opinion the whole form and aspect of the history of this country may be said to depend. I have always thought with respect to foreign affairs that there were three great questions on which it became any man who aspired to be a statesman in England, as well as any Parliamen tary party which incurred the responsibility of supporting such a man, to have clear and precise ideas ; and these three are—the Russian empire, the Austrian empire, and our relations with the United States of Ames ice. There is, no doubt, a class of persons who have always looked with great jealousy on the existence and policy of the Russian empire, and when we went to war the object —the avowed object of that party—which they upheld with energy, eloquence, and earnestness, was the dismem berment of that empire. (Hear. hear) For my own part, I have ever been of opinion that the dismemberment of the Russian empire was not an object which any states man ought to propose to himself—that such dismember ment, even supposing it to be attainable, could not be at tained oth erw i se th an by one of thole l ong ware which must fatally exhaust the energy and .indelibly tarnish the character of this country, and that, even if such dismem berment did take place, we might find that the ultimate result would be to disarrange the balance of power in Europe in a manner prejudicial to our interests. On that question, however, there are manifestly two opinious, each supported by a powerful party. Take sein the case of the Austrian empire. It is a conservative opinion to hold that the maintenance of the Austrian empire is necessary to the independence of Europe, and, if so, essential also to the civilisation, and even to the liberty of Europe. But surely there is a contrary opinion. (Hear.) Surely therein iii this country a great party who hold that, through the dismem berment of the Austrian empire, very great political ad vantages might be obtained, not for this cenntry only, but. for the world and for mankind. (Hear.) This leads us to a question which has recently engaged our attention---the condition of Italy. Just as the dismemberment of the Russian empire involves the question of the restoration of ' Poland and Finland, so does the dismemberment of the , Austrian empire include, the independents Of Hungary and the emancipation of Italy.. Artl We to be told that upon these subjects there is no distinct policy in the country? Do we not know that to-iaorrow we might be called upon in this house to give our votes on questions such as these, and that up an them depend the position and influence of the nation ? (Hear.) I hel it to be s renseeeetit'e opinion hat, if we or arty other Poteet thoiii , l forcibly interfere in the affairs of I:tslv with the vie v of changing the politic al , ettlement of that country, the result would be one of those protracted wars which would fatally exhaust this country, and which, even supposing it to be succes , ful, would le we Italy, very possibly , not in the posse s s i on o f A us t r i a , but under the do mini .n of some othe r Powe ras lit ti e na ti ona l . Look next to yourrelationd with the United States. What is your policy with respect to that country? There are those who view with the utmost jealousy, and regard in a litieious spirifthe progress of the United States of America —who think that any ad vancein their power or any expan sion of their territ3ry is opposed to the commercial inte rests, and perhaps also to theipolitical influence of England. Sir, I am not of that opinion. I sin of a coutrary opinion. (Hear, hear, from an hon. gentleman on the Ministerial si le.) I don't mean to seer that on the question of the United States there is a division of opinion equally well letined with that which prevails on other questions. I can therefore understand the cheer of the hon. member; hut he will hardly deny that there are distinctive principles ilsl.l by two different parties on this important subject. While nothing can bemore monstrous than attemptson the part of the people of the United States to attack the posses sions of cis ilised Powers—attempts, for example, to appro. iete a Canada or a Cuba, while such violations of interna tional law would, in the case of the United States, I do not doubt bring the same retribution and the same punishment as would visit infractions of public law by any other coun try—yet I cannot forget that the United States, although independent, are still colonies, and still influenced by co lonial tendencies ; that where they come in contact with arge tracts of 1 erritory eit her wholly uninhabited or but sparsely occupied by an indolent and unintelligent race of men, it is impossible—and you find it impossible—toresist the expansion of those States and that, moreover, that ex pansion is not in any sense injurious to England, but con tributes to her wealth—while (le: me say this in a whisper, lest it ehouldcross the Atlantic) it diminishes the power of the United States. I am, therefore, opposed to the policy which looks upon the extension of that country, and the advance of those young communities with an eye of jea lousy and distrust. I apprehend, then, that with respect to these three subjects of foreign policy, on anyone of which we may at any time be called upon to act, there are dis tinctive opinions ; and that it is idle to pretend that parties have ceased, because on all political subjects men are now united in their sentiments. When lam told that parties are broken up, I say that the Conservative party in this country retains the opinions which it has always professed, and is prepared to vindicate those opinions. I take it for granted that those who hold other opinions are equally earnest and equally ready. If I may be permitted to refer fur a moment to a personal topic, I don't think that I am misrepresenting the feelings of hon. gentlemen who sit on this si :e of the house when I state that in the observations which I have from time to time made, both on our inter nal and external affairs, I have generally expressed their opinions. But if there is such a thing as a Conservative party—if there are such things as conservative opinions, I saould like to see where and by whom in this house are liberal opinions represented ? I really don't know whe ther her Majesty's Government represent them. (A laugh.) As far as I can form a judgment of the opinions which the noble lord has generally professed—and I take him to be the chief and the ablest exponent of his political associates—l cannot believe that he is not as ready to stand by the Parliamentary settlement of 1832 as any member who sits on this side of the house. The noble lord has frankly and explicitly told yotethet he does not disap prove of the jest influence of property on the exercise of the franchise —th a t h e wou ld res i s t any endeavour artifi cially to restrict it. He is not opposed to the land having a sensible influence on our representative system. This very session he announced his intention to support the Irish Church Establishment—he cannot be supposed to be adverse to our ecclesiastical institutions—he has never been hostile to traditionary influences—he has on every occasion che rished and promoted them. The noble lord has never joined in any attempt to pull down the free magistracy of the country; on the contrary, he has in several instances upheld them. But I may be told that, although in domestic politics the noble lord does not differ from gentlemen on this side of the house, it is in his external politics that he is so danger ons—that he reserves all his Liberalism for foreign affairs. (" Hear, hear," from an hon. member on the Ministerial side.) lam glad to have my statement borne out by a fol lower of the noble lord. JA. laugh.) It so happens that during the present session, if not the opinion, the feeling of this house had been tested upon the three great cardinal points on which the foreign policy of England must depend. —the Russian empire, the Austrian empire, and our rela tions with the United States. Let me for a moment recall what was the popular feeling this time last year respecting the first of these questions. The dismemberment of the Russian empire was then regarded as not only a probabi lity, but a necessity by a great party in this country ; and men high in office, colleagues of the noble lord, sanctioned those opinions. Gentlemen in office publicly announced that no peace could be accepted by England which did not restore the independence of Poland, and at least wrest the Crimea from the Emperor of Russia; and no doubt there was a general impression that, in regard to the great Power with which we were lately at war, the noble lord entertained very extreme convictions. It was, in fact, with reference to that very subject that I took occa sion, in one of our debates, to lay down what I conceived to be the conservative principles on which peace should be negotiated. I maintained that the dismemberment of Rus sia, if possible, was, perhaps, not desirable, and, if at tempted to be attained, would lead to a struggle of a duration which I could not venture to estimate. I also indicated what I deemed were—to use the epithets of another—the wise and statesman-like conditions on which a pacification might be based. The views I then expressed were not sanctioned by those who surrounded and fol lowed the noble lord. But when the hour of practice arrived, when the solution of the question had to be effected, the conduct of the noble lord with respect to the Russian empire appears to me to have been as conservative as any conduct that we could have wished to see pursued. He agreed to a peace which recognised the integrity of the Russian empire, and the terms of the treaty were framed very tench in accordance with the policy that I had sketched out. Therefore, as far as his views concerning the Russian empire formed a test of his opinions, the noble lord is as little a votary of Liberalism as he is on the wide range of questions of internal interest to which I have ad verted. Then, turn to the Austrian empire. That ma questionably was a subject on which —notwithstanding our recent experience of the conservative policy of the noble lord in regard to Russia—the greatest hopes are en tertained by the sincere supporters of liberal principles ; and the protocol of the Paris Conferences cot tainly seemed to authorise those expectations. What, then, has oc curred ? Although but a few weeks ago it was supposed that a violent, interference was to take place in Italy, al though alterations of the greatest magnitude were antici pated which would have totally changed the balance of power in Europe, yet, as far as I can gather, there is no chance whatever of these dangerous courses being followed by the noble lord. On the contrary, in a truly conservative spirit, he is endeavouriug, in conjunction with our great ally, to obtain those temperate improvements in the con dition of Italy that all desire, by the aid and influence of Austrian authority. Let us come to the third case. A great many persons—and probably in this instance on more colourable grounds—believed that the noble lord would never have been content with less than a war with. the United States. We were told that he was prone to re sent at injury or insult without so much as asking or wait ing for explanations—that he was bent on picking a quar rel—and a quarrel he would have. Well, what happened? A very lamentable cii sweeten: • occurred, if, indeed, a very great insult was not offered to the Government of this country. I may be permitted to say that, when Mr. Crampton received his letter of departure from the Presi dent of the United States, I from the first strove to dis courage any discussion of our relations with the United States upon the narrow issue of the enlistment dispute. I thought that if ever that grave debate took place it ought to embrace the main principle on which our policy towards that country ought to be founded. I was persuaded that, if that discussion had been held in time, the people of Eng land would have adopted a tone on this subject that would have relieved the American mind from the only cause which keeps alive any feeling of jealousy or suspicion to wards this country—namely, the mode in which- we pre sume to deal with the'r appropriation of lands. How did the noble lord behave when the Minister of the Queen was —I may say—rudely expelled from Washington ? it was expected that this country might be invo;ved, if not in war, at least in a bitter and protracted controversy ; but, on the contrary, the mild dignity of Conservatism was never more adequately represeuted than it was by the noble lord on that occasion. After that occurrence who can suppose that the noble lord is the firebrand the world for some time ' assumed him to be? (A laugh.) Well, Sir, under the cir cuinstances, I cannot su pp ose th a t t h e Government of which the noble lord is at the head is the representative of liberal opinions. Whether I look to subjects of internal in terest, or to the great questions of foreign policy, the Go vernment seem to me to be pureeing a course which is in harmony with Conservative policy and Conservative prin ciples. But, because the Government are pursuing such a course, are we justified in saying that parties are broken ' up? It may be very convenient for some persons to promulgate this theory. It may be very convenient for some persons that snob rumours should be circulated ; bat I protest against their authenticity. If the noble lord and his colleagues are pursuing a conservative policy, it is an erroneous assumption that the Conservative party is there• fore extinct. What, party is extinct it is not for use now to say. I would rather leave it to the country to determine. I know it may be said that it would be more fair and straight forward, and more in accordance with the habits of the people of this country, that a conservative policy should he carried out by those who are avowedly conservative states men. That may be so; but I would remind those in the country to maintain conservative opinions, and who de plore the consequences of a Parliamentary session like that now closing, th a t th e y have two sources of consolation in the present s t ate of affairs. I n th e fi rs t pl ace , w h a t I t hi n k should be, and what I have no doubt will be, the greatest consolation to them, is to see their opinions prevalent in high places, They may also find consolation in what will be the inevitable consequence of the existing system—the deleterious influence which it will exercise upon the position of their rivals, the Liberal party. The Liberal party can not exist when its chief and selected men are in power. and continuo to hold office, not only without carrying liberal principles into effect, but without even avowing frankly their profession. (Hear, hear.) I see before me many gen tlemen, members of the Government, who have obtained their seats in this house by their protestations to their constituents—by their liberal engagements with the great Liberal party, and who, by obtaining seats in this house, have also obtained seats in the Administratien. It is fur them to explain their position to their constituents and to the great party in the country with which it is supposed they are connected ; but I call upon the Conservative party not to lose heart, for if the present system continue the Li eerel party in this country will bethro avn back 50 years. Nothing can long resist the deleterious influence of the position in which the Liberal party are now placed with reference to power, and the people will, I hope, upon reflection, boon discover the reason why measures of urgent public neces sity are not passed in this house although they are pro posed by a Minister. The Conservative party will find upon reflection that from the competitive emulation of great political parties has sprung that wise and temperate system of Government which has so long c .aracterised the history of this country ; they will cherish with still greater interest, and they will value still more highly the distinctive principles which make them a party; and when they are told that the present leuaentable state of public affairs is occasioned by thobreak-up of parties, they at least can say, " That allegation does not apply to us ; we are a con servative party; we hold conservative opinions; we are pre pared to maintain them ; and if a Minister who has ne opinions cannot pass his measures. he has no tight—and those who defend him have no right—to libel the constitu tion of the country, to which we owe all our repntation and our greatness." (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman con cluded by moving for a return of the number of public bills, and their titles, the orders for which, in any of their stages, have been discharged during the pfeediet atJesionj and the date of the discharge of each of such orders. Lord PALMERSTON—The right hon. gentleman, in reviewing the proceedings of the session, has, in the latter part of his spee,ele, diverging from questions relating to Plriptinenb.ry calls l attention to the coos:tient tional dieisien of parties iu this country, and hoe touched.. upon subjects whish affect the general interests, not only of Europe but of the civilised world. While listening to those observations of the right hon. gentleman which re lated to the political tenets of the Conservative party, I was mod for a while to admire, with internal thanisfulnets, what, appeared to me the generosity of a polite:al opponent, who was inculcating upon those who are considered to be his followers the doctrine, that there was nothing in the opinions or conduct of her Majesty's Government should prevent them from giving to that Government theit entire support. (Hear, and laughter.) I was looking for ward with hopeful expectation to the manner in which in the next session of Parliament we should all go out into the same lobby—(a laugh)—if, indeed, there could be found any man who would give us an opportunity of doing so by a motion adverse to the Government or involving its exis tence. (Laughter.) But, sir, I was soon disabused. Thee brilliant prospects were soon converted into darker views, MA the feeling of overflowing gratitude gave place to sen timents not quite so friendly. The right hon. gentleman, feeling perhaps confidence in the attachment of his o supporters—(ironical cheers and laughter)—knowing that ' the incitements he was holding out to desertion would be without effect, and that he was acting with perfect security in apparently desiring to transfer to Us that allegiance which hitherto has been devoted to him, proceeded to adopt what I must say was a somewhat more treacherous course, by endeavouring to sow disunion in the ranks of those who sit on this side of the house. (Hear.) I am not afraid of the result of these endeavours. I fool as con fident that that part of his speech will not produce schism on this side as I presume he felt confident that his ap parent inducement to desertion would not, on any future occasion, thin the ranks upon which he relies; So much, then, fur that part of the right hon. gentleman's speech which related to internal affairs, upon which, however, I will just add one word. While he reproached her M L jesty'e Government for abandoning liberal views, iu the earlier part of his speech he made it, as it were, an aceu cation against the Government, that they had devoted all their attention to the internal interests of the country, and had inundated the house with more measures of im• provemont than it was possible to pass in the course of the session. (Hear.) With regard to the right hon. gen tleman's profession of faith as to foreign affairs, no man will dispute the accuracy of his statement that our relations with Russia, with Austria, reed with he United States of America are c trdinal points upon which the foreign p.slicy of this country must turn. I won't discuss with the right hon. gentleman the particular application of his own peculiar views with regard to those three gn eat Powers; but, as the right hen. gentlernau has taken the opportunity of explaining—from what our cousins on the other side of the Atlantic would call a " political plat , form"—not merely to those who happen to listen to lAA, but, through this house, to the country, the principles upon which the political policy of himself and his party ie in future to be founded, I must say I think his omissions are more remarkable than his statements. It is somewhat singular somewhat surprising--especielly after the events of the last two or three years, that the right hon. gentle man should have had nothing to say with regard to oar relations with France. What wo are to infer from the si lence of the right hon. gentleman on that point I cannot tell ; but one may say of it that which was said of the statue of Brutus, that its absence was more striking than the presence of the others. (Hear, hear,) Certainly her Majesty's present Gownment hare not so imperfect a recollection of a mall& so important as the relations subsisting between this country and France. (Hear, hear.) But I shall now turn to the practical part of the right. hon. gentleman's speech. I do not rise fur the purpose of carrying on a party controversy with the right hon. gentleman. I do not, in the first place, admit the correctness of the opinion which he has ex pressed, that the public mind of this country is impressed with notions adverse to the efficiency of this house—(hear, hear)—and, without meaning to apply to the right hon. gentleman any charge of want of sympathy with the house, I must say I do not think it is for one of its members to endeavour to run down the house in t he estimation of the country. (Hear, hear.) I shall not be tempted' by the opportunity which some parts of the right hon. gentleman's speech afford for entering upon political controversy, but shall rather endeavour, in a very few words, to vintlic ate the authority and character of this house. The great charge which the right hon. gentleman has made is that a large number of measures relating to important matters, the merit of which ho did not dispute, which we have introduced to Parliament have failed, and he has inquired the cause. I might, if I were disposed to argue the ques tion in that way, speak of it as a question of internal dis sension in this house, "Si causain queens circunapicc." (A laugh.) If we ask the cause why so many of these mea sures have failed, I might answer that it was on account of the obstruction they net with from gentlemen on the other side of the house. (No, no!) They had failed from the resistance which they met in the house ; but I do not state that in accusation of those whose obstruction has been ' the cause of the failure ; I do not state this with the view ' of reproaching them for their conduct, because, for the ' reasons I have to state, I do not think there is any just cause of complaint that good measures are obstructed. If we were in an arbitrary country in which the sovereign power had nothing to do but to call round it men conver sant with the different matters on which it might be nocess sary that new laws should be passed—if we had nothing to do but to collect the cumulative wisdom of different per sons learned in the matters on which we wished to legis late, and having framed laws in accordance with their views at once to issue them ou authority, and cause them to be carried into effect—then of coarse a measure would not be brought for ward one day to be withdrawn the next, or abandoned after long and earnest discussion. But we must recollect that such is not the constitution of this country. anti much it is to our advent:l,ga that it is not so. (Hear.) When, however, we are enjoying great advantage from our constitutional organisation, we must take the' rough and the smooth, the good and the bad together, and must isot repine at defects which are inherent in our system, from which, on the whole, we realise such great and incal culable advantages. The Government finds on looking round that in certain departments of the State, in parti cular portions of the administrative system, affecting, per haps, our commerce, our agriculture, and other interests, abuses anti inconveniences have arisen, requiring practical remedies to be applied. The Government does its p trt ; it devises measures calculated, as it thinks, to accomplish the ends in view, and submits those measures to Parliament; and when they come into this Boone no one supposes that their success or failure is to depend entirely upon their merit or demerit. (Hear.) 11.10215UC03 of great import ance, calculated to produce important reforms in particu -1 sr branches of the system into which abuses have crept, must necessarily meet with great resistance, partly from prejudice, partly from want of information, and partly from interested motives; because in all abuses there must be a certain number of men who profit by them, and who iu our representative system are enabled to bring their re sistance to bear upon this house. (Hear.) Therefore it is no reflection on a measure that it is opposed, and that wbou it comas into Parliament it should meet, in the first instance at least, with such resistance as to cause its failure. Anil so it is with regard to many of those mea sures to which the right hon. gentleman has adverted. I do not state that as a reproach to those by whose obstruc tions these measures have failed. It is the iaeviteble an compauimeut of free discussion. There in, of course, the intercourse of members of Parliament with persons out of the house whose organs they necessarily ate, and I 'nay observe that if all classes of persons out of doors have not organs in this house, then we have an imperfect represent tation of the community. (Hear.) Any men who expects that great improvements in any part of our system can be completed on the first attempt, and in one session, will be greatly disappointed. It never has been so, it never , will be so, and it never can be so. (Hear.) The best mea sures under a representative Government cannot be carried till they have been well discussed, till prejudices have been overcome, and interests silenced. (Hear.) If carried they would net work well, unless the country was convinced not only of the abuse, but of the goodness of the remedy that was to be applied. (Hear, hear.) If any man will look back to the different improvements that have been made by the Legislature in this country he will see that such hes been the course of events. And, though this slowness of progress is mon tifying to those who bring in measures of im provement—though it is disappointing to that portion of the community out of doors who ate anxiously looking for these improvements, and though, perhaps, it exposes this house to censure from those ardent spirits who, not happen ing to be here, think that if they were here their energy and eloquence would overcome all resistance, end carry their views into practice—(hear, anti a laugh)—though these dis appointments and mortifications occur, yet the delays that take place must not be regarded as disadvantageous to the country—(hear)—because measures of improvement must fail in producing their utmost effect if they are carried too hastily, before the public mind is fairly brought into accord ance with such measures, and before they are thoroughly sifted by ample discussion. (Hear.) Therefore I say that, though wo must regret that many of those measures which we felt it our duty to introduce in the course of this session have not passed into law, yet a year or a cession is but a moment in the history of a people. They aro long in the lives of ardent and ambitious men, but they are not long in the history of the progress of a country, and a country need not suppose that because good measures are not passed at once other measures of the same kind will not at seine future time pass into a law. (Hear, hear.) There has been no want of application to their public, duties on the pert of the members of this house. There never Was a session during which, in the same number of days, this house has devoted a greater number of hours by day and by night than in the one now about to close. The number of days in which this house has adjourned before midnight are few, indeed, and tinning the greater part of the session we have been sitting till a late hour in the morning. The hon. member for Salford seems to have entirely abdicated his post. (A. laugh.) Ile has nobly sacrificed his own wishes end particular theories for the public good, and has not thought it his duty to interfere of into with the sittings of the Louse:after midnight. Nobody can say, therefore, that if measures of importance have not passed into law th s ses sion it is owing to any want of diligence on the pert of the members of this housb It may bo said that it is on account of the great loquacity which has been exhibited ; and per haps we may be inclined to think that it would be better to discuss measures less; but gill, taking a larger view of the case, I do not think this is a matter of which we have reason to complain. As far, Sir, as the Government itself is concerned, the house ought to bear in mind what portion of the time of the session has been at the command of her Majesty's Ministers. The house has sat, I think, 104 days; of these 51 only were Government days. The rest were days disposable by private members. Of these 51 days 2') were occupied in Committee of Supply, anti must necessarily be abstracted from the thus applicable to the discussion of public measures. There were, I think, only 22 slays its the wh is of the session ou which the Government were able to bring forward and discuss bills of their ..we. When we consider the great diversity of opinion which necessarily prevailed upon many of those subjects which the right hon. gentleman has mentioned, the numerous and compli cated interests involved, and the resistance whiAi those interests not unnaturally offered to our proceedings, I think we shall not be told that on the 22 days at our disposal we have been inattentive to our duty, or that more could possibly•have been aciemplished. Moreover, Sir, three ; days ont ef the 5L were given to independent mem bers for motions hoetilo to the Government, rind three diiye more were taken, without leave asked or obtained, fur siruilar motion on peing into Corurnitt , e o f eir m ee (A laugh.) There wore a lew other d-iye unavailable for say Lahr, sq 01 e3s, and the whole u ou„l ei in ens; the coulee of the sessiou which the Government had at their eisposel for their own measures was 22 days. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, as I have sail, Ide not reproach hon. g,eritlernan oppwrite for hewing, from a seuse of duty, obitructe , l measures which we theught, if pa,seil, would have ben of great advantage to the country. We trust that those measures mey succeed in a filen e In deed *hen ueasures of great iiiiportriece are produced, e inch itreolve a conflict of interests end atter: tint of systems berg established, I do not, know th.l e is an y dia..ii etage in allowing them to steed over a time, in order that they may be well eel seiereil by the eerie, Y, aft , that ie ti, recess they may have directed to them the studied attention of those who are competent to unilerstand and app; eciate them in all t heir details. I am not even sure, if we had had our el:oleo in regard to Koine of the measures to which the right hon. gentleman has adverted, that it would not, upon lull (topside' titian, have been the bettor coarat to suliject theta to more mature deliberation, anii reproduce them for discussern in another session. (Hear, hear.) Well, eh-, I do not stand here simply on behalf of the Government egsinst an Opposition. An Opposition is so called because it is its function to oppose. We do not complain of opposition to the Government, especi dly when it is founded upon a real convictiou, do rivet from constituencies or large bodies of men out of doors, that the measures proposed are either bed in their nature, overstrained in their enactments, or difficult in ' their provisious. Ido not courplaiu of that; but standing here-if I may without presumption undertake a duty which the right hon. gentleman has east upon mo -to de fend the House of Commons, I say that, in my epinion, there is nothing in any of the statements which the right hon. gentleman has made that ought in the slighteet degree to weaken the confidence which the country has felt, and, I inaiutain, does feel, iu this ' house as a branch of the Legislature. (Cheers.) It is not millet ace' that those who sit on the opposite side of the house should take advantage of the end of a session to re count what they term the " failures" of the Government; but I must say, sir, that we bear with great c lmuess and fUtriLtide those partial disappointments end iuconveniencee to which the right hon gentleman has alluded, because we look with some pride and satisfaction at the victories which we have achieved upon the few occasions on which we have been called to do battle upon the great field of action. (Cheers.) We recollect-the country will recollect-that, although good measur es have been defeated by determined opponeute after midnight, although the pertinacious resist ance of hen. gentlemen ensteonceil on the heights of the Opposition benches may, in a few instances, have been successful-(a langb)-and although we may have sustained some checks by having our bills refused to be taken iuto con sideration after such and such an hour, yet we know that. whatever may have been our mortifications and "failures," upon the five or six occasions on which there h..ve been fount gentlemen who have fairly given Ui a challenge to dea.ily combat, to tight w Coutrance. we have had intijoriti•-s such as it has been the lot of fee Governments to enjoy. I (Cueeri.) We remember that our majorities have grown trorn lOU ant 01 to, I believe, the uepiecedeute r nuiuber I of 1.91 -(cheers)-and therefore, looking to these greet achievements, which will not easily be effaced from the memory of the country, we think that during the recess we may console ourselves with the reflection that, in spite of those partial inconveniences to which the right hon. gentle man has referred, we have enjoyed the coundeuce of the House of Commons. (Renewed cheering.) There is no gainsaying the record of divisions upon votes of censure. We have had the satisfaction of seeing Ithat ~ when motions have been made the avowed and clear oject .f w blab was to take from those who now are charged wig h the 0011,1LICL of affairs the power which they wield the sense of this house was expressed deciileitly against such inetions. (Cheers.) I would humbly trust that our future conduct wig not belie the good faith and good-will which the past has evidenced, and that when we meet again n xt year we shall not find that anything has haP p,ffled in the recess celaul tel in any wey LO week. n the favoui eble opinion which large majorities of this house hay , been kind enough to express. (Cheers.) Sir, it is true that we have not been able to carry many measures of great importance. It is also true that we began this session having ou our hands tho conduct of a great and an arduous war. It is true that our attention was directed t, the vigorous pros 'cution of that war. It is true that soon after the session began we hal thiown upon us the difficult and delicate task of conducting negotiations for peece -aegetiatieus to he carried on in concert with allies, in which our own opinions were not to be our only guide, and iu which, therefore, great delicacy of management was required if we wished to succeed in bringing diem to a satisfactory termination. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, Sir, while, on the one hand, the light hon. gentleman has done us but justice in recounting all those various and impor tant questions to which the different members of the Go vernment had succeeded iu giving their attention in spite of teeny distracting cares, and iu acknowledging that no Government, in the most peaceful and tranquil times, ever more successfully devoted their attention to a great range and scope of internal improvement, on the other hand, we may boast of having brought a vast and important Euro pean transaction to a good and satisfactory setilement. (Cheers.) Sir, I trust that nothing I have said will bear, any more than the speech of the right hon. gentleman, the aspect of party acrimony as between the different sides of this house. Ido justice to the motives which led him to make his statement ; but, at the same time, I think there was nothing iu that statement-I trust I have shown there was not-which ought in any degree to lower the charac ter of this house in the opinion of the country, or to induce the nation to think less highly than it hitherto has done of oar powers and functions as a deliberative and legisla tive assembly. (Loud cheers.) Mr. GIBSON said he had a very hazy idea of the dis tinction between the two great parties, as he saw Liberals supporting Conservative measures and Conservatives Liberal measures. But what he complained of in the Go vernment was want of earnestness, which produced the impression that they would not care for being defeated, and would not stand by their measures. (Hear.) For in stance, as to the Local Dues Bill, it had actually been given up in the midst of a discussion without a division. Hn never remembered such an instance, and the Secretary of the Treasury had on that occasion shown extraordinary timidity. Then, on the Oaths and Abjuration Bill, a member of the Cabinet actually voted against it (the E irl of Harrowhy), although the Government pretended to sup port it, and, as that bill had failed, members would still have to take an oath which. as the E i.rl of Derby charac terised it, was so blasphemous it could scarcely be taken without impiety and a souse of pereoutel indignity. With regard to votes of public money there hail been a reckless expenditure, and a dabgeraus cry was abroad i'or keeping up the public establishments. The object of the House of Commune ought primarily to be to take care of the pure. a and the liberty of their constituents. They ought not to lay themselves out to keep the army and navy up, but down. (" Hear, hear," from Mr. Williams.) He trustee that the-noble lord would next session show himself to be an ecoueunst. The noble lord could not adhere too strictly to the old maxim of Lord Groy, " Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform," and hon. members, as they hoped to find favour with their constituents, would do well to follow the example. Mr. NAPIER desired to call attention to two or three measures before the home separated. Two sessions ago he hail obtained the appointment of a commission to inquire into the inns of court. Mr. Justice Coleridge, Vico-Chan cellor Wood, and others, were members of that commission, and they had laboured most assiduously. A great deal of evidence had been taken, and an elaborate report framed thereupon, agreed to unanimously, and meeting, he be lieved, with the general concurrence of the members of the profession. Since that report nothing had been done , and he now rose to express a hope that for the future a happier result might follow the devotion of so much time mud attention as had been bestowed on this subject. (Hear.) He earnestly recommended the noble lord to give effect to the recommendations of the commission. There was an other subject which he had been prevented from bringing to completion, owing to the course which had been pursued by the Government--ho meant the subject of the depart ment of public justice. That subject had occupied the at tention of a venerable friend of his, Lord Brougham, who considereil that 3, department of that kind, properly con stituted, night much tend to prevent many of the failures which now took place in our legislative measure. The Lord Chancellor had stated that the Government had a plan in contetnpletion for a ppointing a person to supervise mea sures of legislation ; but as in his (Mr. Napier's) opinion that plan fell short of the requirements of the case, lie should reintroduce his proposition next session. These were questions, he thought, which might well deserve the attention of the Government during the recess. With re gard to what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman the member for Manchester, as to the Oath cf Abjuration Bill, if the right lion. gentleiean would modify the oath accord ing to the suggestion of the noble lord the member for Lon don it might receive his support. (Hear.) Mr. MOWBRAY complained of the delay which had occurred with respect to the Dulwich College and Sher burne Hospital Bills. The select committee of the Lords had introduced changes in the latter measure, but after those changes the Government ought to have repudiated connection with the bill or carried it through. The bill might just as well have been introduced in February as in July. Mr. WILKINSON thought that this latter bill was just one of those which, as the noble lord had said, could be held over for another session. (Oh, oh.) Mr. HADFIELD complimented the noble lord for the way in which he had brought the war with Russia to a close, and also for the manner in which ho had smoothed down our differences with America. Mr. BAINES explained that the changes introduced by the House of Lords in the Sherburne Hospital Bill had caused the Government to delay its progress. ' .fir. VANCE, before the session closed, could not with hold comment on the unsatisfactory manner in which Irish legislation had been conducted. He instanced the emirs of the Bankruptcy and Insolvent Bills, which bad been d own for second reading 19 tithes, on all occasions lifter one o'clock in the morning. The Burials (Ireland) Bill, put for corninirtee 23 times after that hour; and the Juries (Ireland) Bill, called on for second reading also 19 times after one o'clock. It was impossible for Irish representa tives to deal with such manarraugenients aa . these; and lie suggested that the noble lord should make arrangements by which two er three days early iu each session should be given up to Irish hills. Mr. L. HEY WORTH bore testimony, from a recant visit to America, to the universal feeling prevailing on the other side of the Atlantis to preserve friendly relations with this country. r. LO WE, reverting to seine strictures of the right hon. mother for Buckinghamshire, as to the non-ful Intent of the pledge coat time tin her ijesty's Speech to intro duce an " enlightened law" on the subject of the law of partnership, and that the pledge might have been train bile 1, but maintained that the Joint-Stock Coin Bill had nobly amended the l aw o f partnership, and il' placed it ill a mere enlightened pos i t i on than the laws of other states, not otnitting America. The Partnership Bill had not been "abandoned," but was withilratvn in consequence of an alteration made iu it by the house after the third reading. Nor had the Coalwhip tors n abandoned It hiel been withdrawn i n deference to the wisher of the . parties coneereed- so that the right hon. triernb , r for Buckinghatnehire must except thee° three measures nom the cetalegue of measures which the Govieutnent were charged with not pausing. The returns moved for by Mr. Disraeli were then ordered, and the subject dropped. CRIMINAL JUSTICE BILL. The Lords 'aneendm-uts to this bill were egreed to. POOR LAW AMENDMENT (SCOTLAND) BILL. This bill, as amended by the Lords, was agreed to; And the house adjourned at ten minutes to nine. t 'aunt ry Markets. LII rEAPOOL-JuLT 25. A small attendance t , -day, and a limited 'business, ex cept in Iwd;,n curie. WIP-at was 2ti to 3,c. per. bushel, and flour lid to 14 ptr boar St.CIC lower than 011 Tuesday. lu.dau corn Waß P,lLtek. :in thz early port of the martyr, but deinti,d spiting up. and several p.rcels were taken at about Tuesday's price 4 : mixed nut yellow 30.; to 30 kid, pure white 324 per 48 4 lbs. No change was made in the value of any other article. WARM , FIELD. JULY 25. The wheat trado bas been dull, and a litnitP.d business effected at a decline of Is nor qr. fruni the prices of list Fri,lay. Line,lnshire . and York,,hire white is quoted 79s to 818, extra 88s ; red 6 'itto, 72s t.) 755, extra 775. There is no change in barley, ,beans, oats, and shelling. Average price of grail t—Whost, 765 lid ; barley, a Od ; oats, 303 ; beaus, 4bs 40; peas, 41s. EX_ETEN--JULY 25. Cottrr.—ln our market wheat may be quoted from 9s 9d to 1 . 4, Od. Malting barloy, 4s 9.1 to 5113 d ; grinding do., Os Od to Os Od. Oats, 3s 3(1 to 3s 9d. Beans, Os Od *o 0. Od. Peas, 00s Od to 00a Od. FLoun. —Fine, oSs Od to ----a Od ; seconds, ma Od to —s Od por sack. CATTLE.—Fat beef was sold at from 11s 01 to s —ad per score ; fat calves, —d to Ed per lb ; barrennern, 61, Od to 114 f;d. per score ; cows and ca.ive., 121. to lil. s ; butchers' calves, tid to —(1 per lb., res , rin. calves —s to s each. Sheep. ewes and lambs, it. 14s to 21. 5s per couple; ewes. gd to Gad; wethers, bid to lambs, 01 Os each. Pigs, large size, 45s to 55,( ; second siza. 24s to 30s ; slips, 20s to 305 ; suckers, 10s to 14e. Rough fat, 4,1 per IN Pork carcases from 104 8d to Ils 6,1 per score. BRISTOL SUGAR-JuLT 25. The market is: quiet, and prices are about 64 per owt. under the highe It rates paid a fortnight since, at which decline several parcels have been disposed of since our last. chiefly to the reti.uers ; the groc-rs appear to be buyers at is decline, but to this reduction th., imposters will not submit. The refineu market is miserably flat, indeed there is scarcel any busio,,ess doing either in i.tove dried or wet goods. Of sum the ,market has been cleared, and prim; have advanced about & I per gallon from the lowest point. COAL KABK.I YTIOOa of Coal por ion M. „. ECT.—JULT 25. the close of the mark.- .1 Wsllsend, Bnddle W. Hartley l6 0 Byass's West Hartley l6 C Howard's West Hartley s• • Llosforth l7 3 it arvey Wrylam 14 6 qibtou 1 6 , R om , solPs Holton 19 0 licit's Primrose l4 0 1 ev44 .1, Nall lB 6 Even - wood Heaton l7 3 :ie1100... 18 9 Polisher l7 9 Netherton - 16 1 Tanfield Moor l4 0 Walker Primrose l4 1 West Pelton l5 C Grey's %Vest Hartley _l6 0 wviam l7 Hastings' Hartley l6 6 Framwellgate lB 6 Haswell 20 0 ships at market .. 4 :iartlepow: l9 6 I I Sold ....... ..... 22 LOCAL SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, JULY 25 Ex CH A NGE.—• The market continues steady, with• out much change in prices. MANCHESTER, JULY 25. :iTOOK EXORANGE.—This market was ( ) thug a fair amount of business to-day, and prices were grin. Leeds, 97i—Afancbester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, 34k- London and North-Weiterns, 107i—Blackburn, 8 546 -Dover', 22.—Eastern Counties, 10i —Sheffislds, fit. Pref., I pas. —nidlands, Ml—Cheshire Junction, 19j—C'nester and Birkenhead, 221. shares, 13. BIRMINGHAM, JULY 24. JTOOK EXCRANGE.—The market has been doing a my Sat business to-day in railway stocks. There was a fair demand for local shares, slut prices were firm. Groat Western, 62—Midlands, 84 —London and North Western, I,B4—South Staffords, 24 d. COURSE OF EXCHANGE.-YUTRIDAY. materciara -. • ... 11 Is Gibraltar •... •• •• •• •• Ditto, three months .. 19 0 1 ,4 Rotterdam •• •••• • •••• 12 Oki knt werp .............. 25 57% Rnu k •els .• •• •• •• •• •• 25 57% il a mb s argh •• •• •• •• •• •• 13 8% Alton•• •• •• •• •• •• •• •• •• •• •• •••• .• •• 25 32% Ditto. three months .. 25 65 MarseLlve ............. 25 65 Kourdei.w..ie .• • Fr ankfort-on- Maine •• 120 1 ,( s Berlin •• •• • • •• • • •• •• Vienna.• .• •••• •• •• 10 21 frieste.• •• •• •• •• •• •• .. 10 22 Petersburg •• •••• • •• 37 Leghorn ..... . 3O 5 Genoa ........••...... 24 76 Milan .. .• 04 .• •• •• •• •• -- Venice•• •• •• • • • • •• •• •• - - Napl es •• • . 44 Palermo .• • • ...... •• » 1333 i. Messina .... ....... •.. 134 Lisbon .. Oporto ........ .. Rio Janeiro ...... Buenos Ayre5.......... New York,Go days' sight Philadelphia PAICEI 07 1171,13C1f, PSI 011. Foreign Gold in Bars £3 17 9 • Madrid •.• ••• • • •• 49 2adiz ••• • • •...• •••••• •• 50 Barcelona •• • • •• « •• • •• •••• Portugal Gold Coin .. Mexican Dollars .... New Dollars to bars ...... O o 0 O 0 0 O 0 0 O 1 t ai SEA BORNE tit A iLs. signifies that hNe mails are sent (torn the General Post-tate 07 the night—and M 1 7 the morning—despatch.) ICiay whentnale .p from wha 99. ••• E aotot y ßixa. genera; POW • Port due b Office, London.* Dispatch.... E... ...ad. drnertr.44(eyitrit.paoe:N • 'tl'erf rridav . Liverpool ... Weekly , Americo. (by United 5.4 packet) Ev try "fiesday . Boothsent,w, Weekly tuerica (by U. Startr packet) ........ s• • Liverpo-ii & istralia (via Liver pool) ............ht 4th and .19th .... Liverpool ..'Twice nuf Ditto (via ttarsellles) N Ditto (via Cape of Good Hope) •• •• •• •• ••14 ...• ••• •• •• Uneertrs ikfrica (West Coaati , th , Mont!,.. Plymeaff , 6th or mu. A.' ,N 10th 26th a' n - o. D0ver...... Zd t )9th kiexandria..........21 . N 2Pth louthatni..c 4 & care g a hama. ......... ,e 4 17th of the ntenti iouthamii:(r 'l6th Itraail ..............M 9th of the month.. 4 eithempit t July 16. 3uen05Ayre5........141 'h - moo , .t • .• J t oy 16 Cape ut Good Hope N Uncertain ........ Various port, Qucwrtait L'ape of Good Hope ,N Case de Verde ••••-• 144outhempict. 16th of me C'eyi.on (see Imita) 10th and 26th.... & 29th Ceylon...—. 4th and 20th 4 & 20th Channel Isles ,itiuthanac Gil l'u.'fh.r i at. ............. r l7th of ni o ,l‘ !Outlisunp.o 1 and 16 China .. • .. 4th and 10th 4 and 1,9 , . Constantinople .oth and 26th.... c•rut 2 and .9 Ceadtantinople ......., 4th x 20t', of a 41. , And 24 Cont. of Europe ?4 !, Twice daily Dover twice daY Egypt (see India) Prance 4;17: Twice daily.... Dover ...... Dibraltar ..........M 4,7.17,20;27 •fin. Efrnith imp•o• 6, 1. 44 . 2, '• weal (see India) itreytown ..........M 2- 17th of mon. Reatnarnp I and 16 aainburgh Dait.7 larannah .......... 2n.i of the ru.n;ti rk, y t 4 2c1 1:1 2 ‘ ) aoliand Daily .. tiondizraa . 17t1 of tile month -iouthanipttn 16th Enlia(viaSouthampt.)V. 4.11 With of rain , f• and 21 ps In lin (via Marseilles) 10: - .11& 26th of mot! Dover 15 X 59 ' 5l lonian Is:es (ear •• Ireland .......•M rlti I; Twice daily' flolyheed 2d • o• • Maleira of t n•• 'llo'l ' Southampton 6, 16 re 0. Madeira ........ 2211 of month ,Liverpoo..... Malta (see Indlel Watts 4, 10, 20, and 26 Dove 4. 21, 15 , 2 Mauritius (see Untie • iuritlus - 20 the aloe .3 29 Afezioo Nap1e5....,.. •. •• •• 2 ' nrnil.Y•• • • •• •• • • Dover . N'aw qranade 2tl & 17thof montl Southampti. 1 0 1 7 16 New Zealand.. •• •• •• •. Vftroll, Fe.. Pa* l mate. , •• • • .•2. •• ••• • • • Dover ...... weal/ Peninsula Peru ............ „. Y If ffc 27th of mo- .4 . ,, uthampt Ist & 1 605 Port Natal l, iv private chip... Various po• S'clly .............,N .vory Saturday.. Dover nrceklY Tuscany Dri1y...... .. • • ~over Venezaels „. Van Dlemen'aL.nd('e kustralla) . •th of mon. onthly 4nntbamir, ri n and 16 West , When any of these dates fall on a Sunday, the malts %,; be de' splotched on the following day. with the exceptien of the India i• .1 4 .outhompton), and the Malta, both of which will be despatch , d thi preceding day. GAME KILLED ET STRYCHNINE.—The week before last a large number of pheasant poulti, the property of James Dearden, Esq , of Upton House, Poole, were poisoned, but whether accidentally or designedly is not known. They were about a month old, and in excellen condition. On Thursday week, in the morning, the were fed A 9 usual, but about one o'clock, when the beeper went to look at them, be found many of theta much convulsed, and in little more than an boor from that time 150 of them ( 4 ied, and since then one after another, except a few that the keeper was able to catch and keep in, have also died. Upwards of 200 have heat thu. destroyed. Professor W. Herapath, of Bristol, hal found in the birds sent to him minute quantities of strychnia ; there is. therefore, no doubt of their having been poisoned by this alkaloid, or anx vomioa, which is, we believe, now frequently used for destroying ani• male and vermin. —Sherborne Journal. BIRTHS. OF A SOS. Oa the 25th inst., at Eaton-plaee west, the wife of T. F. Kent, Esq. On the 25th inst., at 11, Carlton-hill east, St. John's• wood, the wife of Mr. Wm. Brand. rayons's 6th of mu. t 19th 4it YIDS 'l6th July 16. July 16 Uucwrtsit I OF A DAUGHTER. On the 25th inst., at 2, Ennistnore-plaee, the DOI Clarence Paget. On the 23d inst., at Eastbourne-terrace, Hyde-park, the lady of Captain Weller Poley. IiAIt4RIED. On the 211 inst., at St. George's, Hanorer•squ*re , Lieut.• Colonel R. H. Vyse, M.P., to Julia, daughter of Sir W. G. H. Joliffe, Bart. On the 22 inst., a. Ross, Herefordshire, Lieutenant - Colonel S. E. Gordon, R.A., to Hargaret Flora, d a ughter of Major P. M`Dougall, late 25th Regiment. DIED. On the 2 th inst., at 26, Euston-place, Euston•square, Raymond Gasquet, Esq.. F.R.C.S., aged 67. On the 25th inst.., at Old street, St. Luke's, Mr. Miles John Reilly, aged 64. On the 23,1 inst., at Leamington, the lion. Georgian• Hornby, widow of the late Rev. G. Ifornby, reotor of Bury, Lancashire. On the 23d inst., John I7ppleby, Es q ., of Crevent . house Scarborough, aged On the 22d inst., at Brockley, Somersetshire, Esq.. aged 76. Ou the 2001 inst., at Brussel'. Robert Tucker AllawaY , Esq., ke.. aged 63. On the :11:0 in6t., at Clifton, Bristol, T. H. Winwood , Earl , of Tyglyu-Ayron, Cardiganshire, High Sheriff of Oil county. LONDON: Printed and Published by 1117.R.1,0 YOU— (IN*. 112, Strand. Fviuter, at The Stbi l Moe, 112 3 trwld, in qv , eci a'4 of the Savoy, in use eenecl • Middlerect Saturday, July - 26, IS56* I I i t 1 1 I Ni f