The Sun. — London, England, 1834-09-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. " No comment can be necessary (says the Times of the 11th, inviting the attention of its readers to its Thames-police report), to those who have hearts and heads that are neither impenetrable nor distempered ;" Ind it follows the pathetic appeal of the 12th, by vitu- Jerating an evening print, in its usual style, denomi nating all who are hardy enough and presume to differ from it " as hangers-on of the Poor-law Commission ers," and by saying—" We cannot, for the life of us, see anything to chuckle and rub our hands at, in the appearance of a naked and hungry poor ; and so far from considering that there is a sight very pleasing in the wan visage and shrunken limbs of a starving and houseless fellow -creature, we have bad taste and sentimentality enough to think the sight positively disagreeable. But, seriously, can the Times, with any title to consistency, continue to " eat its own words," quoted in the able history of that journal, by its quondam friend and admirer " One of the Middle Classes ?" In speaking of the Bill about to be introduced on the report of the Poor-law Com missioners—the same in plan and principle with the Poor-law Bill, now the law of the land—their labours, and the system recommended by them, are thus eulo gised by the " Jupiter Tonans." (Times, April 22, 1834) ; " All we can say of the plan contained in the Bill is, that it is less revolting to our feelings than others which we have heard from men ofacknowledged virtue and humanity." Can we repeat, the Times think that the Bishop of London, and the other Lay Commissioners, with the vast majorities of both Houses who accorded in their views, and carried the Bill, are men " without heads and hearts," or could " chuckle and rub their hands," if the effects of the clauses relating to the relief of the sick, the aged, and , destitute poor, were such as are represented, or rather we should say misrepresented—and we believe wilfully —not by the Redacteur, but the " old whipper-in"— the Berkshire magistrate, whose power, as a magistrate, it somewhat curtails. But, to use their own powerful language, in the advice given to the enemies of the Lord Chancellor—" The right mode of answering false impu tations is to put the accuser to open shame by the clear - light of truth." In the police report referred to by the Times, it appeared that Mr. Broderip, the sitting magistrate, could not relieve three poor widows who had respectively received the weekly sums of 2s. and is. 6d. from the parish ; for his power as a magistrate, ordering the overseers to give relief, was taken out of his hands, and the overseers themselves were prohibited by the Board of Guardians of the new poor-laws from giving any more out-door relief in money; and why ? because it is a well-known fact, and has been corrobo rated in hundreds of cases, where the parties have been watched, that a portion, if not the greater part, of the 2s. and I s. 6d., doled out to the poor charing widows — the Higgins and Kennedys " earning their small pit tances," and now taken, for the first time, under the con doling sympathy of the Times—have found their way to the counters of the splendid gin palaces, standing where they " wend their weary way" in search of home, not to the comfort and consolation of their poor little ones in bread and fuel, but in procuring a drag of the cratur, in the upholding and sustaining the " inner man" in the more cheering, if not so solid comfort, of "gin and bitters, and apple fritters." The law of indiscriminately bestowing out-door relief in money is wisely altered ; therefore, under the Bill read a second time and carried by the Lord Chan cellor, who estimated its effects in the increased com forts of the poor and the general interests of society— [the conclusion of his Lordship's splendid speech . on moving the second reading of the Bill to Amend Poor laws, and which ought to be in the hands of every man capable of judging and reflecting for himself] —"h oping for no other reward than an approving conscience and the judicious verdict of the enlightened, the rational, and the honest part of mankind ;"—relief, we say, under this Bill is given to out-door poor in articles of absolute necessity—such as bread, shoes, flannel, &c., which may be deemed by other philanthropists than the Times as acceptable to " expectant children " as the warm savour ema nating, not from the gin bottle, but the maternal ca resses of the distressed widow, who had visited the " gin-shop" in her way from the Board to her little se questered home. But as the pen of a Canning would be here necessary, and we can never hope to be a " Homer or Nebuchadnezzar"—to compose such strains as " The Needy Knife-grinder," " The Rocks of Blarney," or even those of the author of " Cock Robin," or its Travestier—we shall content ourselves by refuting our contemporary—" by putting our ac cuser to open shame by the clear light of truth." By referring our readers to the act itself, they will find that the 52d clause directs the Commissioners to direct and declare to what extent and for what period the re lief is to be given, even to able-bodied persons or their families out of the workhouse, by payments in money, or food, or clothing, in kind, or partly in kind, or partly in money. The 54th - clause, for the better regulating vestries, though it enacts that it shall not be lawful for any overseer to give any further relief from the poor-rate than such as may be ordered by the guardians or select vestry, authorizes it, in cases of sudden and urgent necessity; in which case he is required to give such temporary relief as each case shall require in articles of absolute necessity, but not in money, and whether the applicant for relief be settled in the parish where he shall apply for relief, or Not. 0 ! cruel bill I 0 I headless and heartless Com missioners ! 0 ! sentimental Times ! Who, then, that contemplates this dereliction of all principle in the conductors of the Times—at one time holding up to reprobation, at another to admiration, the conduct and motives of public men—now advocating measures, the adoption of which, they assure their readers, will best tend to the security of the country and the welfare of the community—then suddenly (though the measures in principle and effect be the same) pointing them out as destructive to the classes who, we were but just now told, were to be benefitted by them—and all from some private pique or imaginary offence ;—who shall say that a Companion to a Newspaper might not occasion ally be useful ? Is that only to be considered as law and, gospel, true and apostolical, which is thundered from the Vatican in Printing-house-square ?—Morn _ in cf Chronicle. We this day devote a large proportion'of our paper to a meeting of the Protestant Conservative Society in Dublin, omitting or abridging with deep regret many excellent and incontrovertible speeches in support of the cause - of Protestantism in Ireland, for the purpose of making room for an unmutilated report of the elo quent, argumentative, and convincing address of the Rev. Mr. O'Sullivan. We recently laid before our readers an abundant specimen of the manner in which the leader of Irish agitation can vituperate and misre • present the character and purposes of his Protestant fellow subjects, secure that in thus addressing one of the present Ministers of the Crown he must find a congenial auditor. We printed this document in order to assist in exposing to the British public the vitupera tion and the calumny by which a man professing to call himself the ally and confederate of the Administration has ventured to assail his Majesty's Protestant sub jects in Ireland, in the well-founded confidence that neither from Ministers, nor from any over whom they could have influence, would he have any reply to en counter or any rebuke to apprehend. But we aided the circulation of Mr. O'Connell's false and calum nious manifesto in a reliance equally confident and equally well-founded with his own, that it would not long be permitted to go without an effectual reply, and an appropriate reprehension ; and we now direct the attention of our readers to the admirable speech of the Rev. Mr. O'Sullivan, as a triumphant and over whelming answer to the letter by which Mr. O'Con nell ,nrescribes and indicates the course which he wills - and expects his obedient servant the Secretary of State far the Home Department to pursue for the extirpation of Protestantism in Ireland. The Reverend Orator enters into no competition of sarcasm or invective with the turbulent dema gogue, against whom and against whose confede rates it was his high and virtuous purpose to arouse the feelings, and array the power of the Protestant people of Ireland and of Great Britain. By such a warfare he might j ust ly h ave f e lt hi m self degraded. The weapons that he weilds are of brighter polish, of a finer temper, of a keener edge. He appeals to the facts of Irish history, as they are supplied by authori ties the most inimical to the Protestant Church, and to the connection with Great Britain. He appeals to the doctrines and practice of the Church of Rome, as they are to be gathered from the most unquestionable sources. He appeals to the feelings, principles, and habits of mankind, as experience shows them to have been generally modified and guided by the various pe culiarities of circumstances and position. And from all these views and considerations, combined with matchless skill and irresistible effect, he educes a perfect demonstration that the present situation of Ireland is one of real and substantial, of imminent and appalling, danger to the Protestant inhabitants of that country. Thus he answers the questions, "Of what grievances have the Protestants of Ireland to complain ?" Can there be, indeed, any greater grievance than the well founded consciousness of insecurity for life and pro perty? Has a people no right to complain who are defrauded by the connivance and aid, we will not say of Government, but of some undefinable thing which usurps that exalted name, of the very object for which men have every where united themselves in civil so ciety, and for sake of which alone they have agreed to submit to its restraints and its obligations ? Can any state of society be imagined more pregnant with danger and calamity than that in which an extensive class of proprietors are collectively and indiscriminately shut out from the protection of the law ; and the con spirators, who overrule the law, are in undisguised al liance and confederacy with the Executive Govern ment ? The speech of Mr. O'Sullivan effectually puts down the insulting pretence that the Protestant people of Ireland have nothing to complain of. Our space will not permit us to follow the Reverend Gentleman throughout the various interesting topics upon which lie insists, and the whole of which he discusses with the, fearless intrepidity of truth, at once tempered and strengthened by the calm, candid, and Christian spirit which breathes throughout every passage of his manly and eloquent address. But we cannot refrain from recommending to the particu lar attention of our readers that part of the speech which consists of a defence of the Orange Institutions of Ireland. The people of Great Britain are per haps more in want of accurate information upon this subject than upon any other connected with the com plicated relations of society in Ireland. Persevering abuse has, we fear, been too successful in creating impressions unfavourable to the Orangemen of that country. But we venture confidently to say that it is impossible for any man of ordinary candour to rise from the perusal of Mr. O'Sullivan 's speech without an intimate conviction that a combination of the na ture of Orangeism was and is absolutely necessary to the Protestants of Ireland as a measure purely of self defence ; and that this calumniated Association of Protestants has contributed more than any other sin gle cause to the maintenance of the connection between Ireland and Great Britain.—Morning Post. Other matters have for some days past diverted our attention from that condition of things, and more espe cially from that temper of what Mr. O'Connell calls " the popular party" in Ireland, which forms the sub ject of two letters recently published by that gentleman, —the first directly to the " people of Ireland,"—the second equally written for their benefit, though ad dressed nominally to Lord Duncannon. Besides, it was unnecessary for us to be in a hurry to notice them, as the articles of our cotemporaries would keep them well before the public. The appearance; however, of a third letter from the same Whiteboy Chesterfield—his second letter to Lord Duncannon—has induced us to break silence. It is not saying much for either of the first two of these productions, to acknowledge that we have read others from the same hand which exceeded them in coarseness, virulence, and intemperance, but no one which ever surpassed them in its involuntary evidence to the extent of the writer's schemes for re volutionizing the relations between Great Britain and Ireland. The first letter appears to have been sug gested by the unfortunate vote of the House of Lords against the Tithe Bill, and by that absurd and mis chievous meeting (so called Protestant) in Dublin, whereat Lord Roden presided, and at which Lord Winchilsea spoke. This letter is, on the face of it, but introductory to a series. It abuses the Orange men,—predicts the murder of innocent Catholics as a necessary consequence of the language ascribed at the above meeting to Messrs. Beresford, &c.,—inculcates on the Catholic multitude the utmost possible animo sity towards their " Orange oppressors," and just so much practical resistance and vengeance as can be in dulged without the risk of hanging,—deprecates " prxdial" offences as most injurious to the cause " of the people,"—recommends the establishment of " li beral clubs" throughout the counties for the promotion of certain political objects which are enumerated, and among which are specified the extinction of tithes,—the return to Parliament of " friends to Ireland"—i. e., nominees of Mr. O'Connell, — and, finally, the restoration of a domestic Legislature, otherwise a legislature to which the learned gentleman himself might dictate laws. Such is the outline, the tangible and distinct outline, of the letter to " the people of Ireland," But there are one or two characteristics of it —common indeed to all Mr. O'Con nell's writings—which call for a brief remark : first, the tacit assumption that all Protestants are Orange men,—that Protestant rule is despotic rule,—that " British domination" is, as Mr. Hume alleged in the case of Canada, " a baneful domination to the people of Ireland,"—and that the " people of Ireland" are all comprised in the apostles of agitation and their follow ers. These facts are worth attending to, when ever we have to reason upon the state of Irish parties, and the principles of Government as applicable to them. Mr. O'Connell, in adverting to the Orange faction, insists that all the woes and sufferings of Ireland " are traceable to it alone—that there never was a faction so stained with crime, or so steeped in human blood." This is not quite true. Since the first invasion of Ire land by Henry 11., as before it, whether native or Englishman was the Governor, Ireland was always ruled by force. But the wicked murders and vile and treacherous atrocities of which the Irish records are full, were displayed with far more revolting frequency and fury under the indigenous savages who called them selves Kings of Ireland, or of its several districts; than ever they - have been since the English power •pre vailed. Internal peace could never be relied upon for an hour, and war was unredeemed by one Usage or sentiment of mercy . towards •the vanquished. It was not a single faction or tribe, but every tribe and, every faction of the Irish. From the firs light . that Oicvneti upon English domination until *the_ipa•esent" hour, though there may have been ever more oeldss of blood guiltiness, yet it has been as almost pothing in the scale when weighed against the deadly atrocities of inde pendent indigenous Irish rule. It was not afterwards, the English Protestant only, but the Irish Catholic, who became steeped in crimes and blood. The existence of England was always for the last five centuries as it now is—bound up with the subjection of Ireland to the British Crown, and the prevention of any foreign sovereignty over it. There were then but two modes of maintaining that dominion. Ist. Through the na tural authorities and influences of the country itself, including (after the Reformation) those of the Popish priesthood—an instrument which was (unhappily, but perhaps unavoidably, under the spirit of those times) rejected—inasmuch as the British Government, which transferred their property, declared war against the per sons of the clergy, and against the temporal existence of their church. 2d. By military force, which as the evil genius, whether of a blind-choice, or an over-ruling necessity, commanded, became thenceforth the expe dient of the subjugating power—disguised at first under a separate, afterwards under an incorporated parliament, and employing for its agent or auxiliary whatever Protestant strength could be found through out the country. This has been the real history of English dominion over Ireland during two centuries and a half ; and however we may have cheated our selves, for the other party has not been imposed upon by names, yet it stands an unsolved problem, how to change the principle of the Irish Government, without a total sacrifice of Ireland as part of the British Em pire. Mr. O'Connell assumes that lie ltas solved the question, in a way of his own. He takes for granted, in words at least, that England cannot govern Ireland according to Irish interests—in other words, that the interests of the two islands are incompatible ; fo r , twist his proposed repeal of the Union how you will, it comes to this, and this only—that there are im THE SUN_ LONDON FATURDAY, SFPI I I4,`,\IBEE rt. 1Q portant questions upon which the two Parliaments would form opposite decisions, and vote in each other's teeth ;if not, cui bono the repeal ? So let this like wise be kept in mind when we touch, as we shall do slightly, on the learned gentleman's letters to Lord Duncannon. Further, the learned agitator advises that " above all things, and before all things, Repeal is not to be made a sectarian question ;" meaning thereby a question on which Protestants and Catholics are permitted to feel that they have opposing interests. Why, what extreme impudence is this, or what wretched trifling ! It is just tantamount to telling the Pro testants of Ireland, " We Catholic priests and agita tors know well enough that we have no means of do mineering over you Protestants, and you large proprie tors of estates, except by throwing off the authority of the United Parliament, and getting the whole game of legislation into our hands ; we therefore entreat that you Protestant inhabitants of Ireland will have the good nature to blindfold yourselves— that you will have the extreme liberality not to see how deep a stake you have in this question, and how nearly it concerns you, if you value your own exist ence, to oppose this our Repeal-plot with all your power." That is what the learned Jesuit really signi fies by not letting his project be held up as a " secta rian question." He needs no ghost to satisfy him, that it is intrinsically, and in its essence, a sectarian measure ; but he will on no account confess that it is one to the sect which would be destroyed by its accom plishment. Every man of reflection sees at once that the fierce and unlettered Catholic multitude, led by its priests and their momentary confederates the agitators, would rule Ireland despotically from the hour in which the sway of the British Parliament was withdrawn ; and that not man's life, or liberty, or property, not even O'Connell's, after the first fortnight (though he does not think so) would be worth a shilling. But now we come to the epistle to Lord Duncannon, wherein Mr. O'Connell appeals with so much unction to " common sense," as that great standard by which all men and things should be appreciated. We shall probably find occasion ourselves to join issue with the Learned Gen tleman before the same tribunal ; confining ourselves, however, to a single topic, and to one definite view of the subject of which he treats. Mr. O'Con nell severely lashes Lord Grey's Government for having selected its Irish functionaries from the ranks of Orange men, and he enumerates some high legal appointments. We are not going to defend the individual objects of Lord Grey's or Lord Anglesey's preference, believing that his Chief Baron, though an eminent lawyer, was too vehement and conspicuous a professor of ascendency doctrines, and that his Chief Justi©e of the Common Pleas, though a moderate politician, was also rather too moderately qualified as a lawyer ; but sure we are that each of these gentlemen, and, moreover, that Mr. Blackburne too, was a much more eligible person for the office assigned to him than any other was likely to be with whom Mr. O'Connell would have been satisfied. The main gist of the learned gentleman's expostulation with Lord Duncannon is to complain, that the officers of the executive Government have not been selected from the popular party, and that in those two long" months which have elapsed since the Noble Viscount came into the Cabinet, the persons chosen by Lord ,Grey, whom the agitator accuses of Orange politics, the Orange magistrates, &c., have not yet been displaced, and members of the " popular party" in stalled in their several places. We acquit so clever a disputant as Mr. O'Connell of the absurdity of de manding that Judges should be removed without the regular Constitutional process, or by the mere motion of Executive Government; but can a Justice of the Peace be struck off the roll for no cause alleged, beyond Mr. O'Connell's declared opinion that he holds Orange sentiments ? Ought Mr. Blackburne to be dismissed on such a naked plea ? Is that the toleration of the " popular party ?" But what is this same popular party, and how is the phrase un derstood by the Learned Gentleman himself ? He qualifies the " popular party," and denominates and describes it throughout his letter of three news paper columns, to be neither more nor less than the " Repeal Party"—the party which, in obedience to Mr. O'Connell, maintains the Repeal of the Union with Great Britain, to be the great, the chief, the most important, the ultimate, invaluable, and indis pensable aim and end of II true Irish Patriots ! This Mentor, therefore, of the Home Secretary of State, who condescends to identify the politics of his Majesty's present Cabinet with his own, has made it a prime condition and characteristic of his concurrence with the said Cabinet, that it should appoint its func tionaries, and in virtue of the same principle frame its measures, in a spirit calculated to favour the repeal of the union between these islands—that it (the King's Government) should carry on his Majesty's service, with a view to the dissolution of the British empire, and to the fulfilment of that purpose which Lord Al thorp, a leading member of the Cabinet, announced to Parliament and the country that he would go to war to defeat. We are aware that there is nothing sheep faced about Mr. O'Connell, and (notwithstanding the feeler in the Globe) that neither Lord Duncannon nor Lord Melbourne could have been consulted by the learned gentleman, or left any choice as to the " free and easy" step which he has taken in thus boast ing of a political kindred, nay a decided partnership with them in their plan for the government of Ireland,--Ave are not the re f ore aut h or i ze d to d o more , n or would the country require more than that the Noble Lord with whom Mr. O'Connell has presumed so far, should, in conformity with the manliness as well as discretion which is generally ascribed both to his noble colleague and himself, take some fit opportunity of disowning the impeachment cast upon them by this artful and dangerous demagogue, and of assuring the well disposed portion of their Irish fellow-subjects —Ca tholic as well as Protestant, including the bulk of men of property among both—that there is no communion of principle or feeling between those whose first duty is to preserve the State, and him the tendency of all whose efforts is to disturb and undermine it. Had Mr. O'Connell not meant mischief towards Lord Mel bourne's Government, he never could have so beslob bered it with hypothetical and treacherous adulation. If we thought the Premier would either obey O'Con fiell's spur, or submit to be reined in w ith Lord ..'Broualiain's curb, we should have no doubt what fate was in store for him ; but we have no reason to doubt that Lord Melbouine will find a way to spill both df the old agitator and the new " Conserva tivi.."—O'Connell and the Chancellor. Mr. O'Con nell's second letter to Lord Duncannon the third of the series—may be disposed of in a .few words. The learned gentleman begins by the ex pression of a strong desire that he may be allowed to nominate some friend of his own to the seat on the bench that has become vacant through the death of Judge Jebb, and he plainly imitates that he will en dure sio refusal on this point. The Government, it is clear, have no time to lose in sending express for the learned gentleman's conge d elire. To this succeeds some abuse of Lord Anglesey, which is alike remark able for its injustice and its ingratitude, and the letter ends with bitter complaints that the " repealers are not nominated to offices at the " Castle." W e are aware that we have expended upon these letters more space than any notice of them deserves to fill ; for they are (to omit all other objections) utterly unworthy of the tact and talent of Mr. O'Connell, whom it would be difficult to excuse for writing so ill, and to so little purpose, while he has abundant leisure for the accom plishment of good and substantial results.—Times. PROTESTANT CONSERVATIVE MEETING. . _ A numerous meeting of this' Society took place at their rooms in Grafton-sireet, Dublin, on Tuesday last, the Earl of Roden in the Chair. On the motion of Mr. Boyton, it was proposed and agreed to " that all Protestant clergymen shall be ad mitted to this society by the usual ballot, but without pay ment of the annual subscription, except in the form of a vo luntary donatiOn." The Earl of RoDEN hoped he would be permitted to ad dress a few words to the meeting before business of greater importance should be entered on. " Gentlemen (said the Noble Lord) Lam anxious to take this opportunity of say ing a few words respecting the commission about to be is sued throughout the entire of this country, having for its object the numbering of, particularly, the Protestant portion of its inhabitants (and we should ever bear in mind what the object of it is), with a view, nothing more nor less, than to destroy the Protestant faith in those parts of the coun try where a given number of persons professing the Pro testant religion do not reside.—(Hear, hear.) This Com mission is about to enter upon its various duties throughout the country, and I wish my voice could reach every parish which will be visited by it.—( Hear, hear.) I would im press upon that respectable body of men, the clergy and cu rates, as well as Protestant laymen of those parishes, the ne cessity there exists for attending all the meetings of those commissioners which will be held in open Court, and . I would implore of them to do so with a jealous and close attention to the proceedings, for in them we may expect the grossest falsehoods to be promulgated, and every possible artifice made use of, in order to bring the Protestant religion into disrepute. I would implore of them, as they valued the supremacy of the Protestant, faith in Ireland, to attend, during the whole of the labours of this Commission, and communicate to the Secretary here any circumstances that may bear upon the objects we have in view. —.(Hear, hear.) Since our meeting on the 14th ult., I have visited the North. I find our proceedings in Dublin on that day have not been as widely disseminated amongst the humbler classes of our Protestant people as they ought--our Roman Catholic neighbours have also been deceived by the scurrilous and false statements of our speeches, as have appeared in the newspapers which have been disseminated amongst them. The proceedings of that meeting, great as it has been in its effects, and important in its results, as the violence and abuse of our adversaries demonstrate, ought to be as widely cir culated as it has been faithfully reported. I conceive this measure the more necessary, in consequence of the publica tion of two letters, signed Daniel O'Connell, containing more scurrility and falsehood than any publication I ever saw ; and I would not stop now to notice them, were it not for one expression which has gone forth to our Roman Ca tholic countrymen, and which must excite in their minds, if they believe it, an alarm and uneasiness which could not long remain quiescent in any state of society. In the let ter to Lord Duncannon, it is asserted that the Orange leaders, at the meeting of the 14th, proclaimed the exter mination of the labouring classes of the Roman Catholics.' —( Hear.) lam one of those individuals who I suppose is referred to. I was present during the proceedings, and I need hardly tell you that no such sentence, I will take upon myself to say no such statement, in the remotest de gree, could be ascribed to any individual engaged in that discussion.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " No.") I believe the best friends to the Roman Catholic labouring classes are the Protestant resident gentry.—(Cheers.) The following resolution was then proposed and carried : " That the form of the returns from the country clergymen, as submitted by the Rev. J. C. Martin, be adopted, and pub lished as such ; and that the society respectfully request that returns, according to this form, be sent to the secretary of this society as soon as is convenient, and be published by him as they are received." AUDACIOUS IMPOSITION.—Mr. James Kennedy, late a clerk in the branch of the Provincial Bank of Ireland in this city, who eloped from that establishment in the spring of this year with a considerable sum of money, and has been since, it is understood, residing in France, practised a most impudent ruse in Paris last monthovhere he contrived to in troduce himself to Mr. Mansel, an officer of the Royal Navy, pretending that he had the pleasure of being acquainted with that gentleman's brother, Lieut.-Colonel Mansel, B r igade- Major in this district, and professing the most warm attach ment to both. Having men tioned the na me o f t hi s ga ll an t officer, and others in Limerick, the generous son oflieptune thought all was right, and with very little difficulty his new acquaintance,-on the plea of being just then short of a remit tance from his agent, induced Mr. Mansel to adviiiice him IN. for which Mr. Kennedy promptly and with gratitude for the accommodation, presented. his friend a cheque on the Provin cial Bank at Limerick for the amount, where he alleged a large sum lay to his credit. The order was yesterday received in this City, and presented at the Bank, to the utter surprize of the Cashier, The return of course was " Nulla bona.", Limerick Chronicle. The Rev. Mr. MORTIMER O'SULLIVAN then rose amid loud cheers. The Rev. Gentleman spoke at such length (his speech occupies nearly ten columns of the Dublin Evening Mail) that we cannot, consistently with other de mands upon our attention, give even a comprehensive ab stract of his address. After stating that the principle of self-preservation was the principle of their union, he pro ceeded to say—" Our adversaries ask what grievance have we to complain of—in what do we suffer wrong ?—as if the graves which cover the honoured remains of many murdered ministers of our religion had covered also the memory of their pious and charitable lives, and their martyrdom in death. They ask us what are our grievances ?—( Hear,) as if the frequent aspect of many of their afflicted survi vors, driven from a home where their free charities can no longer protect them —where the law does not, had dulled the feelings with which we contemplate their destitute condi tion, and see them driven from the competence which re warded meritorious exertions, and condemaed, in their ma ture or declining years, to seek, among comparative stran gers, some humble employment, which may gave them sustenance for their families. They ask us, what are your grievances ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) I answer, that what we complain of is this—that there is in Ireland an extensive and well-organised conspiracy to extirpate Pro testantism, and that the conduct pursued by Government towards Protestants and their enemies is calculated to strengthen it ; that the disfavour by which Protestants are discountenanced and rejected—the capricious demeanour of Government towards their adversaries—now curbing, now caressing, is eminently calculated to inflame an evil purpose, and encourage and facilitate an attempt at massacre.— (Hear.) But do not I think so ill of my countrymen as to apprehend such an attempt ? Ido not think evil of them. Without further preface, then, I undertake to prove three propositions from which our grievances and our alarm may be understood. Ist, There is a party in Ireland, comprising a very large portion of our population, desirous to extirpate Protestantism, and to effect a separation of this country from England. 2d, The moral and physical force of the com bined Protestants, especially in Ulster, constitutes the great obstacle by which this party is discouraged. 3d, The conduct of the British Government, in its acts and omissions, is calculated to weaken and, if not counteracted, ultimately to destroy this power, to which, speaking humanly, Ulster is indebted for its tranquillity, and the other provinces of Ireland, for that (however imperfect) protection, which the union with Great Britain affords them.—(Hear.) I maintain, that it is rea sonable to suspect more ambitious designs in the spirit which engenders Irish disorder, than that of providing for individual want, because religious prejudices are very strongly felt by Irish Roman Catholics—because their na tural feelings combine with their religious in exciting hos tility to England, and because tradition keeps alive in their memories a persuasion that their ancestors were unjustly despoiled of their possessions, and that those _who are now masters of large estates have no title by which they could justly retain them. There is another reason why I am disposed to believe that the Roman Catholic peasantisy en tertain larger views than the mere acquisition of some per sonal comforts. It is generally said, and is, indeed, so well known, as to render proof superfluous, that Mr. O'Connell is, as Mr. Poulett Scrope affirms, the organ of the popular feeling in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He has proved that he has power to appease or excite, as if he were not only the organ but the director of their feelings. —(Hear, hear.) He retains his place and power, notwith standing the disappointment felt by the peasantry in the long sought emancipation, which they now complain has proved no advantage for them. I could quote many proofs of this disappointment, but I spare you. Now, it is a very memorable fact, that Mr. O'Connell has never, in any single, instance, attempted a measure by which the peasantry could be benefited.—(Hear, hear.) Any remission of tithe, all men know, would induce a corresponding increase of rent. The remission of church cess has the same effect, and Mr. O'Connell has himself characterised it as paltry— but even this is not his measure. The peasant complains of excessive rent, and parades this complaint as one of his justifications for conspiring against the law—Mr. O'Connell has never attempted to regulate rents. The peasant com plains of insecurity of tenure—Mr. O'Connell has never endeavoured to give him permanency of possession. The peasant, complains that his labour has no adequate remu neration—Mr. O'Connell has never contended for a rise of wages. The peasant complains that the unemployed, the old, and infirm, are not supported—Mr. O'Connell has in variably opposed the enactment of a poor law--(Hear, and cheers) ; and yet Mr. O'Connell is the organ and the di rector of popular feeling, and a people suffering under va rious privations, and conspiring against law, for no other purpose than to procure clothes and food (if we are to believe modern politicians), look up to one who never took an y thought to provide them either—acknowledge him as their organ —respect him as their director, aud, out of the extreme poverty to the enjoyment of which l ie very composedly resigns them, create for him, it might be said (for it seems to be formed from nothing), by voluntary contribution, a larger salary. all things considered, than rewards the exertion of any Minister or any officer under the Crown.— (Laughter.) After reviewing the circumstances and ob jects of the Rebellion of 1798, and of the different combi nations, such as Ribbonism, Whiteboyism, &c., which have since made their appearance, the Rev. Gentleman inferred that mere want was not sufficient to account for the spirit manifested upon all these occasions by the Irish peasantry, but that political and religious feelings were strongly mixed up in the causes of disaffection. He then took an exten sive survey of the history of Ireland, and commented upon various acts and speeches of Mr. O'Connell and other indi viduals distinguished as public characters in the different periods at which the speaker glanced, still deducing from all the evidence of religious bigotry as one of the main ingre dients in the present feeling of the Catholic party. The speech which, as we have already stated, extended to consi derable length, was received with loud applause by the assembly. Mr. i 3 orrox could n o t l e t th e oppor t un it Y pass without adverting to the calntnnious attempt which had been made to fasten upon the _meeting of the 14th of August, and ~~ T consequently upon the whole Protestant body of Ire land, a f ee li ng o f illib era li ty and animosity against the Roman Catholic population. They desired to fan the flame of dissension and hate, because, for the present, it answered their purpose for the furtherance of obstruction to the collection of Church property.— (Hear, hear.) Surely every one must see that, if the Church property were abolished to-morrow, the landlords would be the gainers. It is to the credit of the Irish land lords, the support they have rendered the Church—that they have supported us firmly, notwithstanding the appeal the Government have just made, under the advice of Mr. O'Connell, to the cupidity of human nature ; but surely if we judge merely from the position in which we stand in re spect to the two classes, and did not know the support we receive from the one, and the miserable delusion which pre vails in the other, we should say the former were our natural enemies, and the latter our natural allies and friends.— (Cheers.) But this delusion will pass away. The Rev. Gentleman concluded a most able speech by observing " the resolutions I have to move are in reference to some accounts received from England. I observe there has been lately a splendid meeting of the South Lancashire Conser vative Association ; the manner in which many of the indi viduals at that meeting spoke of unfortunate Ireland was most affectionate and most cheering, and assuredly if we sent over some of our numbers, they would be received with attention.—(Hear, hear.) There is about to be also a meeting at Bristol, I therefore move— " That a letter be written to the President of the South Lancashire Conservative Association, stating the satisfaction with which the recent proceedings of that body have been witnessed by the Conservative Society of Ireland, and stating further, that while we are aware of the sympathy with which our trials are regarded by our English brethern, we believe that they are to a great extent unaware of the condition of Ireland, and that it is the request of this society that the Conservative Association of South Lancashire will appoint a day for the meeting of the Association, at which a deputation from Ire land will attend. " That a deputation do attend, on behalf of the Protestants of Ireland, at the ensuing meeting about to be held at Bristol." The two resolutions proposed by Mr. Boyton were then put from the chair and carried. The Chair having been vacated, Sir Richard St. George was called thereto, when Mr. BOYTON moved that the thanks of the meeting be given to Lord Roden. The motion having passed, the meeting adjourned. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, SEPT. 12. (Before the Chief Commissioner.) IN RE WILLIAM KENDRICK. In this case a question of considerable importance arose. The-opposing creditor (Mr. Watson) had, since the claim made by him against the insolvent, enlisted as a private in the Honourable the East India Company's Service. Mr. Cook (counsel for the insolvent) said that the oppos ing creditor had left this country for India, and consequently the Learned Gentleman contended that his attorney, Mr. Poole, in his absence, could not support an opposition with effect against his client. Mr. Woodroffe, for the opposing creditor, put up a wit ness named Gardiner, who deposed that his client gave in structions, before he left the country, to his attorney to oppose the insolvent's discharge on account of his bill of costs in a trial commenced by him against the insolvent in which he recovered a verdict for 301. and costs. Mr. Cooke contended that the party being out of the jurisdiction of this Court, the opposing creditor had no locus standi to oppose. Mr. Woodrofte maintained the contrary. The Chief Commissioner said it would be a dangerous precedent to allow such 'a loophole, and directed the oppos ing counsel to proceed with the case, which was this : The insolvent kept the Hand and Flower at Fulham, which being about to quit, the opposing creditor bargained with him for the same, who deposited 301. under an agree ment. The opposing party not being able to make up the whole of the money brought an action to recover back the deposit, which action the insolvent defended. The Jury found for the plaintiff, and hence the opposition for vexatious proceedings. The Court held that the opposition . did not come within the meaning of the Act, and discharged him. PALACE COURT, SEPT. 12. THOMAS V. GREW. In this cause a question of considerable importance to the medical profession was raised. The action was tried a short time ago. It was brought by Mr. Cornelius Thomas a surgeon and apothecary, residing in Gloucester -terrace, Vauxhall Bridge-road, to recoVer of the defendant, a mas ter tailor, living in the neighbourhood, the sum of 71. 15s. 5d., for medicine to him se lf an d w if e . Th e de fence was tat the plaintiff was not qualified to practise, having no certificate from the Apothecaries' Hall. It was rejoined that he was in business before 1815, the period when the act became operative , rendering diplomas from that body necessary. To prove that point many witnesses were examined, and it was admitted that the plaintiff was then a minor, and a verdict was given for the amount claimed. A rule was, however, obtained to enter a non suit, on the ground that the platntiff could not have been established in practice, being a minor, at the time the act was passed, and on Friday last it came on for argument, and ultimately stood over for the Learned Judge to consi der the point. The Learned JUDGE to-day, after citing various cases, decided that the plaintiff could recover, notwithstanding he was in business when a minor, and when the act became operative. The rule was therefore dismissed. COURT OF REQUESTS. THE TWO SCHNACKE NBURGERS.—JONES V. SCHNACICENBURGER. The plaintiff in this case was a surgeon, who sought to recover from the: defendant, an " operative schneider," the sum of 1/. 17s. for professional attendance and medicine. COMMISSIONER to the defendant—What is your name ? Defendant—Klaus Schnackenburger. COMMISSIONER —Do you admit the debt ? Defendant— Mein Got ! no. I not see Mr. Yones pefore. The plaintiff seemed astonished at this declaration, and said, " Never saw me before, Mr. Schnackenburger! Why, didn't I apply the leeches and blister myself when you were ill in bed ?" Defendant, shaking his head—" Nay, nay, nay ; I not see you, Mr. Yones, pefore." COMMISSIONER —Mr. Jones, are you sure this is the person whom you attended ? The plaintiff said he was quite positive he was the same person. He had attended him himself for upwards of a week, and his assistant had also called on him several times, and could identify him. If the case was adjourned for half an hour, he would fetch his assistant, and the boy who left the medicine. The COMMISSIONER consented to the adjournment, and when the case was again called on, Mr. Jones produced his assistant. Mr. M‘Naughton, after looking round among the persons present, pointed out the defendant as the person whom he had attended. Defendant : Ada! Herr Ira! I tell you Mr. Naughty, it was nicht me. Thomas Simpson, the errand-boy, also identified the defendant, whom he had several times seen when he left the medicine. Defendant : Der Teufel—you would all schware mine life away ; you vould—you vould—Mein Gott—Mein Gott —you vould-- COMMISSIONER : Restrain your temper, Sir. Defendant : Resthrain mine temper ! Der Teufel ! Dat is eashey to say. I tell you I not the person. COMMISSIONER : Three persons have sworn that you are, and we must accordingly make an order on you for the payment of the amount, in which decision the other Com missioners concurred. When the defendant heard this, he called out as loud as he was able, " Klaus—kom hierein" (Nicholas, come in) ; which call was immediately obeyed by a person, who, when he came in and stood alongside of the defendant, excited the astonishment of the whole court by the discovery that he was the exact counterpart of the defendant. COMMISSIONER—Who are you ?—He answered, Mein name ish Klaus Schnackenburger. The witnesses stared at him, and then at each other, and seemed quite dumb founded ; and Mr. Jones appeared as much astonished as he would have been had one of his patients risen from his grave. The defendant, after having for some minutes enjoyed their confusion, addressed the plaintiff, and said, " Mr. Yones, vill you schware it vas me dat you did but de plishter ant de leesh on? The plaintiff appealed to the Commissioners whether the case being decided, he ought to answer that question? The COMMISSIONERS, after conferring together, told him that when they made the order on the first Mr. Schnacken burger, they did so on the faith of his (Mr. Jonls's) state ment, and the evidence of his witnesses, who swore to the defendant's identity. Now that there was a second Mr. Schnackenburger, who so exactly resembled the first, that it would be difficult, were they mixed with the other suitors, to decide which was which, the case was altered. COMMISSIONER (to the defendant)—Where do you live, Mr. Schnackenburger ? Defendant--Numbro dree, in Yorge-street. COMMISSIONER (to the other)--:And where do you live ? Klaus—Numbro dree, in Yorge-street. The COMMISSIONERS then told Mr. Jones that, as it ay peared they both lived in the same house, they must re scind the order, for fear should it not be paid, and an exe cution was issued, the officer might take the wrong one ; but if Mr. Jones would now swear which it was whom he had attended, and undertake to exonerate the officer should he make a mistake, they would let it stand. Mr, Jones, after a few minutes' consideration, and atten tively examining them both, declared that he Ivo q uite able to swear which it was. A cli? The COMMI SSIONERS th en rescinded the order , an o - missed the case, to the evident satisfaction of th e Lvi r . Schnachenburgers, who, we understand, are cousins ,-,e man, of course), and who, it is supposed, adopted the a" ruse to get rid of the debt. LONDON ADJOURNED SESSION, SEPT' These Sessions commenced this, morning, before the J.- corder, Alderman Copeland, Ke11?,- and Pirie. r John Carlisle, a b ro k er , was i n di cte d, w ith three otme e persons unknown, f or r i o t ous l y assembling before the h° °:t, of Mr..A. F. Gogeih e i m , on the night of the 6th o f Auglithe The defendant was a l so i n di c t e d for an assault upon prosecutor. living Mr. Gogeiheim is a sworn t rans l ator o f language-' o e J er e a Three Kings-court, Fl ee t- s t reet . O n the 21st o f a distress was put into his house s and all his &g is t ! for seized. He was subsequently tried at the Old Bahul 'cutting and maiming the present defendant, but was quitted. The RECORDER—I recollect the . The Prosecutor, in continuation case On the night of til i e t 6th of August he was awoke by his wife. On hea riPg be noise he looked out of the first door window, and saw t , defendant and" some other personendeavouring tobr` f into the house. H e wen t d own i s sfortai the r identifying, if p os sibl e , th e o th er persons . He put ,Il ish o d• out of a window, and rece i ve d a bl ow on the head' " r di ing himself wounded he went up stairs, but afterOtbe came down. The street-door was then open, and seeing defendant, he seized him, and gave him into custody: t ie Cross-examined by Mr. BODKIN—Have been 1° } .aid house upwards of two y ears . W as t o pay 4 5 /. 3 l a iti rent. Had never paid any. The landlord ahoy's P o himself by seizing his goods. On the 21st of June A fte r tress was put in. There were six men in possession. he his goods were gone two men were left. He told then' could take care of hi s own h ouse . H e p u t one of the 11). 0 . 5 . out, and his wife the other. He had no wish to keep P session of the house. There are several claimants to it' ce. Mrs. Gogeiheim corroborated her husband's u's. do In addition, she sa id th e d e f en d ant d ec l are d be W for the Frenchman in spite of Judge and Jury. d, ba RECORDER—But instead of doing for your husba n suffered himself to be taken into custody. The!the witness, in continuation—When my husban d 'v i e! the street I saw several crowbars flying in the air. were thrown by the defendant's party. W es RECORDER—Crowbars flying in the air? Witness a d The Jury found the defendant Guilty of the 1 4 ' 4 assault. to The RECORDER remarked, that by brokers atteroP t ; e j to obtain possession of p rem i ses b y f orce , it ver y often r ts, bloodshed. In th e course o f one o f t h ese illegal B . tte i e rice the prosecutor h a d woun d e d th e d e f en d an t, f or whirl' ° 'boia he was capitally indicted. The illegal attempt to ( , ) 50 , e r possession put an end to the prosecution. The n' eir,aad was then sentenced to be i m p r i sone d f or two mo'' to be kept to hard labour. MIDDLESEX QUARTER SESSIONS, SEp 2• O T 11°: GAMBLING PROSECUTION—IN RE MORGA N AND "T I t t le ' Mr. ADOLPHUS mo ve d th a t th e C our t wo uld re sl). ria recognizances of the prosecutor to the next seW o n: or ne founded his application upon the affidavit of the a t ' conducting the case. Cou rt The CHAIRMAN, taking the affidavit, said the would take time to consider it. , id; kr Subsequently M r . R OTCH sa id i t cou ld no t bewhim observing, that he cou ld we ll see through the trick Mr. attempted to be palmed ulion the Court. to S e Mr. ADOLPHUS said the parties were most anxi ous . to trial. • 0 The CHAIRMAN—The C our t i s f u ll y aw are °- I wlist going 0, 5 re ' After the decision o f th e C our t, th e usua l trio' lP' sorted to ; the indi c t men t was remove d b y writ °I, „tr : rani into the Court of King's Bench. The sessions were adjourned to Wednesday. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION,JI 0 U SE. o ug bc A man named Barrett, the diiver of a cart, was j before the LORD MAYOR. - ioOe f ' Mr. Thomas Rey no ld s , o f Ch eaps id e, saw the P r coo': and a boy about 16 y ears o f age , d r i v i ng a car t deioL tic iot hill at the rate o f about six . -miles an hour. ; porter, named Saunders, who was well known in th e A O was attempting to cross th e s t reet at th e sa me tir e v gdi was knocked down by the Morse, dragged a fev i air along the street, an d th en ru n over . Th e poor tea t os peared dreadfully hurt, and was taken to St. rili° Hospital. ld I ' 6 The LORD M AYOR di rect ed t h a t th e boy 510;ntel' taken into custody, and soon after the investigation orter ligence was brought to his Lordship that the ticket 4 „doo had expir e d as th e po li ce were carrying h i m ov er L e '" Bridge. The LORD MAYOR—I have given instructions reo o' edly to the police to take into custody any fellow° r fending, and I once m ore de s i re th at part i cu l a r O a f or e taken to apprehend th em . I f requen tl y h ave w itnr i at° racing propensities o f omn ib us an d ca b d r i vers , anu determined that an officer shall be appointed t o ° yr duty of paying exclusive atte,,ntion to the dange r i u n .:o l : locity of those c arr i ages . I n every i ns t ance I Pled self to fine to the amount of .51., the full extent ° penalty. tv 4i The prisoner wa s or d ere d t o ' b e reman d e d until th e of the Coroner's Inquest shall be known. MATRIMONIAL DIFFICULTIES' John Mills, aged some fifty;years and upwards' ;IS; Lambert, a damsel whose charms had experience d ;de, pening influence of more th a n,f or t y summers, aPP?I,e I° . fore the vica r o f T r i n it y Ch urc h , on T uesday , for tßigbe: pose of being united in the holy bawds of wedlock. Jed tb the ceremony was concluded;:tbt clergyman deel ar ' ( ,o o e profession fee of 7s. 6d. " Seven and sixpence!: e n - o ste r , A ii John Mills, displaying a face of astonishment and tion, and exploring the empty pockets of his inegl e " Seven and sixpence! I ne'er was at a w eddingrb r s ' a;; I thought the half-crown would do for all." .1°1 '100 9 ;14 ' wished the half-crown on the banns, which, in hi d he thought was the whole cost of transition g" t i jo icer t o blessedness, and for the claim - of the vicar he %lit 1 0,5," unprepared.' In the dilemma it was sugges,i, rebrat, should leave his, blushinc , bride as hostage for and sally forth in quest of the needful. He t°°-- f re' cirt and shortly came back, provided with the m eans () t a s e p os ing his better half. But hid sorrows were nO t la for it app ears th a t i n hi s a b se n ce the lady had cLiv'bichtifer marriage lines, co n t rary t o h er partner's wislle!' incurred a further charge of one shilling, and P .. n eThti "" e tot beyond the seven and six pcgce could the bricieg';oo:r ter. It was easy to read in his rueful 'colla te te Sr 'nf pa Hymen's yoke sat he av y on hi m. A comPasie...tere'ti -e tator, however, p a id the shilling, and set the ' c oo s r o couple free. The bride, whose superior met tle Asw e ehr er cuous throughout, said, on retiring , there COul - bad ",; - acet no great disappointment at the worst, as Joh% A P r ' of pence in coppers, and she sixpence, which, w" se r i/al' foresight, it seems she had itored up in the l e " o r t.- -- basket, to meet the exigencies of her alter 1 Advertiser. In Lower Grosvenor-street Mrs. Chas.S. -n-"n'-'''---- sothe rsb say n, c: arif i oss iia ii dau b 5 o b i' c Dorf so : c e c, c r 1 " . : On the 7th ult., at Madeira, Mrs. Webster Gordon , c ° Bar n ; tle_i On the 27th ult., the wife of' Matthew Parkeri.S; tkeZ t ° oo" poor man, was delivered of three fine boys at one b' l t . cP" and her little ones are likely to do - 11. They are Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. we . , W o e l t f y i h A i 11 f- Southampton, l y E t li he . R t e o r ' M r ; . 4 ,, eel' , heHa2rdrisionnst;E, Esq., . 5 CO cote Ed O w n ar i d ten o a n y, s o h f e th l e 2t s h am i e ns place. t St. George's, Rev. on WthiellBiasmh inst., , L a a t dy A Hamond, E to Alicia Maria A th n lo n n a e, B , e p re e s si fo u r i d. s . B. icei Esq.,, daughter o f the fo b!,, ~.,, of; jov Hanover-gate ~ town, county Roscommon, to Susanna, eldest os O fe ' Ort ß hv n e iec i r te nh, latee ; t2 E : .iEsenii net General ra i l 0 ittli t , William.e .1 uno l x4 r it e 'r °' vlio. s .„.„ e . 0° f , eldest f Surgeon e lcl daughter o Omagh. to Cec iii :'o° ' ‘ ch7 d o e f ri t e h k e MHOnC.airasht'ltia .sol'/%4° At Mouhtown Church, John M'Auley, Escl'' - clOne daughter of the late W. Harding, Esq., of the Or Dublin Castle. j, Pst es J $ 0 DIED. Osl ' On the Bth i ns t., a t his house, Haverstock-h i •ll P f be .0 ,1 Di John We s t, E sq ., a gent l eman w h os e sinceritL ° l l o, 0 ( urbanity of manners endeared him to all who knew s4 lot whom he will be si ncere l y l amen t e d. 1 ..- , l' On the 7th inst., a t Teignmouth, Thomas D are ' ' )f g the Admiralty Office. f Gres' • o f On the 11th inst., Willi am Wi nc kwortb, Esq. , ° w ife borough-street, in his 63d year. sophi` , tro On the 7th inst., at Belfield, Westmoreland, ... ,of , Andrew Henry Th omson , E sq ., of Hatchlands, SurT ug hte% Ws' On the 11th inst., at Chiswick, Jane, youngest o `, l .rhoov ._ late John Walford, Esq., of Stanmore, and sister 14- f i ; ford, Esq., of Bolton-street. 001 I; s On the '7th inst., Mr. George Jenkins, the spirited proprietor of t o ll! ying be Mills. For several years back he was the meansr,g o sc hool . .k at his residence, near BlarneY,, u aeL d ts i t o employment to a large body of the working classes, 1 . , br. , uniformly considerate, and kindly disposed. . r ___, io b 601) on, On the 3d inst., in Clarendon-square, Lean 0 " ...a year, Jane, the wife of Lyndon Bolton, Esq., county of Dublin. , t . of CA B 1 ; aris , . -- Sal' ' it ,. Lately, the Rev. Francis Fox, Rector of the p 0 . „,_ . .„b _A 1 , county of Cavan, and nephew of the late EarL a l.r,'"i 44. IP" P Fox preached on Sunday in his Church at 8. 11 3 41 0 00 found dead in his bed at eleven o'clock on Monday 17 , died of apoplexy. of A onksto.- 0p.,4, London : Printed and Published by 1111311D0 I°lll4 at The Sun Odice, No. 112, Strand. h„, t, Co in St.pt i Sir Bath , l ir 11 le 'le ti