The Sun. — London, England, 1834-01-11 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—SITTING OF DEC. 7. M. Bignon—Gentlemen, the discussion having ar rived at the passages of the address relat've to foreign po litics, as it is probable that all the questions of this nature will be treated at once, I think it my duty to address myself to you, because I am persuaded that I may be able to meet the different sorts of propositions and ob jections which shall be made, by rendering them useless by the observations I have to submit to the Chamber. — (General movement of attention.) Paragraphs 10, 11, 12, 13, and 14, do not appear to me to furnish any subject for controversy. In the passages which regard Spain and Portugal the Chamber will find, we trust, that the commission has sought to meet its views, by expressing .‘ the solicitude of France for those nations to whose welfare her interest and sympathies attach her." Relative to the 15th paragraph, which bears upon the Ottoman empire, an Hon. Orator (M. de Lamartine), whom we heard for the first time on Saturday last, was of opinion, that the Chamber should not answer in so precise a manner as the project of the address proposes that passage of the speech of the Crown, nor adopt on that point the sense of the same speech. The Hon. Orator thinks, that to the minute interests of nations, and to the exclusive calculations which have directed the Cabinets up to the present day, it would be well to substitute a more extensive policy, a policy of high morality and philanthropy, which should embrace the great interests of human nature. There is no contradicting that a Government which should expose a new plan, by which all the Cabinets should at once stipulate in the views of the common welfare of mankind, would be acting a magnificent part ; but, on the other hand, gentlemen, it would be highly imprudent in a single Cabinet to open such a path, without being sure that it would be followed in it by the other Powers. 1, more than any one else, would wish that so happy a thought were not the dream of a brilliant and generous imagina tion ; for tie present, we are led to think, with deep re gret, that the time is still far distant in which such a dream can be realized. We remain, therefore, in the position of actual thing., and think that the Chamber ought to adopt the 15th paragraph, such as the commis sion proposes it. M. de Lamartine—l ask leave to speak after M. Bignon.—(Sensation.) The President—Messrs. de Corcelles and de Brique stifle are inscribed before you. M. Bignon—l will pass on to paragraph 16, in which several objects are mixed, and which, together with the foregoing one, forms the principal point of our external politics. On the latter paragraph, the commi , sion, of which I have the honour to form a part, has charged me to give some explanations to the Chamber. Here is the text of it—" France, in her quality of a party to the great European contracts, has supported, and supports with a rare disinterestedness, the state of possession so onerously established to its prejudice ; she has made no effort to change it ; but by that itself she has not and cannot acknowledge, to any one Power, the right of destroying or altering without her what has been regulated with her concurrence, or what exists in virtue of a previous assent. She relies upon the wisdom of your Majesty, disposed as she is to make all the sacrifices that the preservation of her interests and the defence of her rights may require." This paragraph, gentlemen, is but the expression of a general principle—of a simple principle, inoffensive in itself, and only draws the inferences which the Govern ment may be pleased to give to it, but which contains the seeds of the most ext.nsive consequences, if it be conve nient to the Government to give them growth. There is here an important distinction to be established. The Chamber establishes a principle, but it does not go further, it does not engage the Government ; and, above all, it would not pretend to engage it contrary to its wish; it always appertains to the Government to determine when the principle may be applicable, and how its application should take place. This application may be effected in many different ways, either by acts or by speeches, or even by silence, but reserving to act when it may be judged opportune and useful. In this respect the Chamber does not prescribe any thing ; it refers itself to the wisdom of Government under its own responsibility; only it con siders that it ought to keep the attention of Government vigilant over all the national interests. The interests of a great state like France extend themselves almost every where ; and they may everywhere be' compromised. They were compromised in Poland, and may still be in the Ottoman empire, and in Germany and Italy. Wherever our interests may be wronged, there would the principle expressed in the project of the commission be applicable. Its wording, you see, gentlemen, embraces the past and the future. " France has not ac knowledged and cannot acknowledge." For the past, the fact alone speaks for itself, and I hold the mission to declare _formally it relates to Poland. If the name of of Poland, which at the same sittings of the commission was in the mouths of all, as the sympathy of her misfor tunes was in their breasts, is not to be found this time pronounced in the address, it is because the paragraph in which this heroic nation is implicitly brought into question comprises likewise, in an eventual manner, other nations which are not, more than her, nominally designed. The general situation of the political world being of a nature to give rise to more or less uneasiness on the fates of several other countries of Europe, the commission has judged that, in the unfortunate hypothesis that changes should take place which would alter the mode of existence of some nations or the limits of their territory, it ought to be well understood that France cannot acknowledge such changes operated in violation of the treaties, to the prejudice of the European order of things, to her preju dice, and without her concurrence. This declaration, of which I have the honour of being the organ, I make, gentlemen, is the name of the commission—in the name of all its members unanimously, who agree in the same sentiment. _ . . The Duke de Broglie (from his place)—There is not the slighter objection to that. M. Bignon—.With respect to the developments I am about to submit to you, although I am persuaded that they agree likewise with the way of thinking of all the members of the commission, I must apprise you that they have not yet been communicated to them, and that thus they belong to my person.ll responsibility. By proposing the para graph which I come forward to support, the commission flattered itself that it met at the same time the opinion of the Chamber and that of the Government. In the first place, with what relates to Poland, we are assured before hand of the assent of the Ministry. Facts which have already transpired guarantee it to us. You will recollect, gentlemen, that at the last session, in the address of the Chamber, in answer to the nine's speech, I had the honour of presenting to you an amendment, which was accepted almost universally. The Ministry did not make any real opposition to it. Since then the Ministry has made one step more in the path we had opened to it ; and no doubt that circumstance has not escaped ycu. You have all, gentlemen, followed up with lively interest the interest ing discussion which took place, on the 9th of July last, i❑ the English Parliament on the subject of a pro ject of address made by a generous champion of the cause of humanity, by a courageous and persevering defender of the Polish nation, my Hon. Friend Mr. Fergusson. You have seen in England, as well as in France, the different shades of opinion mingle in the same sentiment which had united us all. You will have heard with satisfaction, above all, the British Ministry adopt to their full extent the reasonings of the Hon. Author of the proposition, and repeat several times, " that the right of Russia to the possession of Poland only dates from the treaty of Vienna, and is founded upon the sanction of Europe ; that the insurrection of Poland did not dispense Russia from the obligations which were imposed upon her by that treaty ; that the Powers which took part in the Congress have the right to insist that the constitution of Poland be respected; that the true and just interpretation of the treaty required that the constitution should remain the same, Russia possessing no right to abolish it." With respect to the address proposed by Mr. Fergusson, if the British Ministry did oppose it, it was because it required less than the Eng lish Government bad done. In fact, the proposition did not go further than to express the wish that the English Government should refuse to give its sanction to the actual political state of Poland. " Well, then," answered Lord Palmerston, " we have done more that the nation de mands ; not only have we refused to sanctio❑ the system established over Poland by Russia, but we leave protested several times against the injustice of that measure, which Russia bad no right to take." Such, gentlemen, is the language held by the English Ministry i❑ the House of Commons. I should have wished our Cabinet to have ex pressed itself thus from the beginning of the last session, and I endeavoured to give it an opportunity to do so : I should wish, indeed, that it would seize this opportunity to-day ; but, however far from reproaching the Minister, 1 congratulate him upon his having begun to pronounce himself candidly on this subject in an article of the official journal. The Gazette of St. Petersburgh of the 13th of August last, having opposed and condemned with bitter violence the declaration of the English Government, it would have been agreeable to you, Gentlemen, as wtli as • - - to myself, to see that the insertion of the Russian article in the Moniteur bad been accompanied by disapproving notes, tending to replace the question in its true light, and to stigmatize the sophisms of the Cabinet of St. Peters burgh. The observations of the ?loniteur were to this ~_ ........- 3u 7,* y effect..." That it abstained from entering into estions of facts and of rights, which would lead too f ." but it con, lodes nevertheless, " from the avowal of 'aside, that at St. Petersburgh itself the principle of the validity of the stipulations fixed in 1815 is acknowledged to assure to the Poles a distinct administration, a re presentation, and national institutions ; that from that also they acknowledge to all the Governments that signed the stipulations the right of examining, if they continue in vigour, and when they shall consider that they have directly or indirectly been infringed upon, the right of demanding explanations from the Russian Cabinet, and to appreciate, if there be reason for so doing, the validity of such explanations." By the side of the energetic speech of Lord Palmerston, these remarks of our ( abinet are undoubtedly somewhat weak ; but while we regret that the Ministers should have left the honour of the initiative, and of so vigorous an initiative, to the English Government, we are obliged to them for their accession, such as it is, to the principles announced by England. Thus, gentlemen. respecting Poland, the Ministry has already expressed itself in the same sense as the commis sion. Thus, according to the solemn declaration of the English Government, to which our Cabinet has given its adhesion, the present state of Poland is but a material fact which neither England nor France acknowledges. If Poland is subjected, oppressed, crushed, it is by despising the general treaties of which the Cabinets of Paris and London are signitaries and guarantees. On account of the difficult circumstances in which Europe is in volved, England and France have abstained from taking up arms for the defence of treaties. But England has protested again't their violation, and France has asso ciated herself in the English protestation. The possession of Poland under the title of a Russian province has not been recognized as an European right. If the sword has established the fact of physical possession, the sword con stitutes no right.. The day that the Poles themselves shall break their chains—.the day when other nations shall en franchise them from the bloody yoke which is weighing them down—on that day right resumes its empire, and humanity triumphs over barbarism. All is nut lost for Poland ; there remains a patriotism in it which all the confiscations, prisons, and tortures cannot destroy; there still remain for her generous affections in the hearts of several kings ; there remains for her the sympathy of all nations; there remains for her Providence and the future. —(Profound sensation.) Independent of Poland, whose misfortunes have a right to our first interests, alarming prognostics still call elsewhere the solicitude of the Chamber and of the Government.—(Hear.) The strange state of the east, south, and centre of Europe—the projects to which the singularity of this situation may give rise—the possibility of secret engagements contracted between such and such Governments, as well as conditional arrangements begun with other Cabinets—yesterday, here and there interviews of sove reigns—to-thy a congress of Ministers ;—these, gentle men, are circumstances which may be considered so much the more worthy of meditation, as England and France have nothing whatever to do with them. It would be useless to bide from oneself, that in so many royal con ferences, and so many Ministerial conferences, there are not some French interests seriously engaged—interests of dignity and honour—interests of relative power and influ ence—interests of commerce and navigation—interests of independence for states whose fate we cannot remain in different to. As misfortunes have been accomplished for Poland, so also are similar misfortunes threatened to seve ral other states. We are more than warranted in believing that there is danger in the chances of an approaching day for the Ottoman empire, danger for the secondary states of Germany, and danger for Italy. From the ruin of Po land to the dangers of Turkey the transition is not too rapid ; the latter are the natural consequences of the for mer. For the Turks, as well as for the Poles, it is under the veil of an apparent protection that the invasion is pre paring. We wish we were able to put faith in the sincerity of the disinterestedness of Russia. But, gentlemen, besides the terrible example of Poland, there are other re collections which, in spite of us, render our confidence very backward. Without resting upon facts generally known, there are some which history has not yet revealed, but which, no doubt, it soon will reveal. And here is one which publicity calls for especially at the present day. In 1608, immediately after the interview of Erfurt, at that period of great intimacy between the Cabinets of Paris and St. Petersburgb, the epoch when the ambition of the two Emperors explained themselves to each other with a candour exempt from every shade of hypocrisy, the Em peror Alexander insisted upon a division of the Ottoman empire, whereas Napoleon did all in his power to hinder this "partage." To tempt the French Government, the concessions which were proposed to it were immense: besides Russia abandoning to it the whole of the Spanish peninsula and the Italian peninsula—besides admitting as an acquired right its ascendancy over Germany, she left Napoleon master to appropriate to himself whatever might be convenient to him in the greater part of the Turkish empire —Bosnia, Albania, the Morn, and the islands de pending upon that empire, and even offered to lend him troops to make the conquest of them; but in compensa tion for the part allotted to Russia, the Emperor demanded that Constantinople and the Dardanelles should be com prised.—(Great sensation.) Several Voices---It would have been the " lion's" dis tribution. M. Bignon—The Emperor Alexander pretended that Constantinople would only be for him a country town— that geography allotted it to him; and, relative to the passage of the Dardanelles, he said that he must have the key of his own house. Although Napoleon was then very much occupied with the insurrection of Spain, and what ever price he attached to the alliance of Russia, so impor tant for him, not only against England but also against Austria, who was preparing for a fresh rise, the demand appeared to him so exorbitant, that he would never consent to it. It was useless for the Emperor Alexander to allege that they might conclude a treaty, which would assure the passage of the Dardanelles to France, and even to all com mercial nations. Napoleon too well knew that such con ventions were only executed at the will of the Government which holds the key in its hands, and that he who can open the passage can always shut it. The Emperor Alexander was forced to renounce his ambitious projects. However, then they bad a kind of excuse. In abandoning to France the three-quarters of Europe, Russia seemed au thorised to demand in the east a proportional aggrandize. ment ; but who, at the present day, can justify such a pretension on the part of that Power ? May it perhaps be, that in case of a dismemberment of Turkey, there are already compensations to the profit of some Cabinets, who would resign themselves, for the worth of some fragments of domi nion and influence, to put up with Russian usurpations, rather than resolve upon the efforts which would be neces sary to hinder them ? And in case of eventual conven tions of that nature, is it not to be feared that a part at least of these compensations may be taken elsewhere than in Turkey —as, for example, at the expense of the Ger manic and Italian nations ? Again, gentlemen, will it be that without a convention with Russia—without an engagement decided on with regard to the Ottoman em pire, that Austria on her side will follow with regard to the Italian Peninsula the desire of an old ambition, which will not be arrested until satisfied ? Will it be that Ger• many, Austria, and Prussia, instead of fighting, as in former times, to defend such ard such a state against the other, will understand eaah other in die common task of dividing among them the dcminations of certain states comprised in a determinate circle ? It has been said for a long time, that the independence of the German states depended on the understanding between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. Have we arrived near to that day of mutual understanding between those Courts, and is the existence of Germany threatened ? Perhaps, gentlemen, in Germany—and, for my part, I believe it to he so— there is no question about acquisition of territory. For the moment, in that country no change proposed to be made in the frontiers ; but is there nothing of importance to people and to governments but material and territorial existence ? The independence of nations and governments, is it intact because the nominal limit of their possessions remains the some ? No, without doubt ; and it is too evi dent the object of the new Congress of Ministers, which is assembling at this moment at Vienna, is to add some more links to the chain which holds the secondary states of Germany dependent on the Cabinets of Austria and Prussia. I wish not to make sad predictions, but un easiness is more than allowable, and these are sad hypo theses, we are obliged to admit. If, then, from the new arrangements which are preparing, it should result that the independence of some states shall be endangered, and the aggrandizement of Prussia and Austria secured—in such combinations, gentlemen, there would be a destruc tion of the balance of Europe—there would be treachery against France ; and whether France should or should nor take measures in consequence of such arrangements, one thing is certain, and that is, that France could not ac knowledge such combinations. It would be just the same with regard to the new combinations they will, or wish to, introduce, with respect to the mode of existence of the Italian states. We wish to persuade ourselves that ' the alarm which has been felt on this subject may be exaggerated, and that the project of an Italian Confede ration und er t h e pr o tectorate of Austria, either has never existed, or, if it have existed, was proposed with the most benevolent intentions. But if the project be real, we hope that the Court of Rome will be the first 'to oppose itself to its execution. A great example ought to inspire us with this hope--I mean the example of Pope Pius VII. For three consecutive years the Pontiff repelled all the entreaties of Napoleon, who, in order to preserve the integrity of his possessions, only asked him to become a member of the Confederation formed by the kingdoms of Italy and Naples. Already, indeed, we have to lament that Austria, by the presence of her troops in Italy, has established a domination in that country, which ought to enjoy the plenitude of its independence. Already Austria has imposed on the Italian people a servile silence under pain of military execution. This is already too much. Farther than this France cannot allow Austria to proceed. This is no question of doctrine, no quarrel as to a dogma. For France, this is a question of all times, and is as important to Louis Philip as it was to Louis XIV. If, then, it should so happen that some Power should seek to introduce into Italy a new system of organ'zation, capable of deteriorating still more the state of this unfortunate land, France cannot recogdze such an alteration any more than she would the changes at which I have hinted in Germany and Turkey ; nor any more than she now refuses to recognize the state of things established in Poland by Russia. It may be said that such or such a Power in Europe may regard with disdain the mere non-recognition of its acts by the French Govern ment; but believe me this disdain is only apparent. The reserve of the right to act is a serious matter, and when two great states like England and France unite and protest no one can say that anything is settled whilst France and England withhold their assent. Gentlemen, I wish it were in the power of the Minister to tell us that our fears have no sort of foundation ; that with regard to Turkey, the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh was only a generous friend —a magnanimous protector—without ulterior prctects— without secret views ; that inGermany,Aujtria and Prussia do not wish to increase their domination Over the secon dary states, nor attack the rights of the people in drawing into narrower bounds the constitutional liberties they already possess ; that in Italy, Austria has not and had not the intention of extending and perpetuating her domination, by giving to it a form more solid and durab'e. These assurances, gentlemen, the Alinister will not give us. He is too honourable to do so. He will not make assertions in Which he does net believe himself, and if he judges it prudent to give very vague explanations and assurances, it is not the less true that be will place little confidence himself in the protestations of foreign Powers. Our Cabinet is too provident to be contented with the security of a day ; it ought also to think of the security of the morrow,—of a security red and well founded. Certainly, gentlemen, it is not us who have been so cru elly, so outrageously oppressed by the conventions of 1815, —it is not us who can desire that these treaties should continue to subsist; but when we submit to all the rigour, when, for the love of peace, perhaps an exaggerated love, we slowly drench the cup of humiliation, the least we can do is to require from the Powers that are enriched by stripping us, that they remain within the extensive limits they have. allotted to themselves,—it is the least we can do to oppose them in increasing those limits, and the least we can do is to protest against new invasions. Well, gentlemen, as the three principal countries of Europe are threatened with invasion— as Turkey is incontrovertibly in danger —as danger impends over Italy and Germany, would it not be the height of imprudence to close our eyes in order not to see the storm until the moment it is ready to burst upon us? It is fitting, it is right, that the Govern ment should be beforehand acquainted with the opinions of the Chamber. Hence, gentlemen, did it appear neces sary in the eyes of the Commission to place in the address one of those essential principles which a Government can not abandon without aband.ning itself. The day when the dictates of partial ambition alter, by the violation of general treaties, or by a modification of an existing state of affairs, the established equilibrium, displace influences, hurt interests, and, by creating new relations,change those which formerly existed between Gevernments—that day there will be room for the application of the great prin ciple we have laid down. We repeat it, gentlemen, that it is not we who are to decide where that application is to be. The Ministry has told us already, that in the case of a new modification of Europe, Government will not wait to be informed of its duty, but will know well bow to do it of itself.—(Strong marks of adhesion.) We do not doubt that it will remember this promise; but before we come to a readjustment of the European territory, such as perhaps the Ministry anticipates, there might be put into operation a series of gradual usurpations, which are the more dangerous, as, by being tolerated at first, they have a tendency to acquire by fact and by time a sort of legitimacy. It is, therefore, against these we must for tify ourselves. We must commence by not recognising them, by affixing our censure to them from their origin, and declaring their nullity. There, Gentlemen, our game is at an end, and that of Government commences. All that belongs to as—all that depends on us—is to make it known for certain, that in all questions where the honour and the interests of France are at stake, the Govern mi nt will be able to assure itself of the votes of the Chamber, and the voice of France; and that both these will be ever ready to offer to any extent, and with all energy, the most perfect accordance of which it can stand in need. Our task will then, gentlemen, be fulfilled by the conservation of a fundamental principle, whose ap plication, already bearing upon one accomplished event, extends itself, in like manner, to all other events of a similar' nature which are likely to transpire within a period more or less near to its arrival. You will perform an act of prudence towards the Government in adapting the paragraph which your commission has unanimously proposed.—(Heir.) The above speech was listened to throughout with the greatest attention, and was fol lowed by the most lively demonstrations of applause. The Minister of Foreign Affairs—" Gentlemen," said he, "I do not come to reply to the Hon. Deputy echo has just quitted this tribune, but I come for the purpose of thanking him, and also the commission by whom the address has been prepared—an address, every paragraph and every principle of which we adopt. We concur also in everything that has been said by M. Bignon, and we feel grateful for the praise he has bestowed upon several acts of our Administration. The principles which the lion. Member has put forward we admit; what he de sires, we shill endeavour to effect."—(Hear, hear; Very well.) The Hun. Minister in continuation said, " I shall beg leave to limit myself to these few words at present, and reserve anything further I have to say upon the subject of our foreign relations until after I shall have heard the objections or attacks that may be made upon the Foreign Department of the Government, in the sequel of this discussion."—Adjournt d. SITTING OF JAN. S. At one o'clock the debate on the address was resumed, and the discussion of the loch paragraph, relative to the foreign relations of the country, continued. M. Alphonse de Lamartine, on ascending the tribune, again developed the system which he had on the general discussion of the address presented to the Chamber. Ile then entered into a very lengthened and minute description of the geographical position, manners, customs, and re sources of tLe various people that compose the Ottoman empire, or are contiguous to it. The Hon. Deputy moved the following amendment We feel confident that your Majesty, with that wise forethought which the tottering state of the Eist calls for and inspires, will immediately open negotiations that may prevent the disturbance of the Europeon balance of power, and at the same time binder an event which ought to change the face of the world, and enlarge the sphere of civilization, from becoming the signal of a violent warfare, and a struggle without any useful result for humanity. The Hon. D e puty expressed surprise that the principle of his system should have met with an opponent in the person of M. Bignon, who for fifteen years had professed a policy marked by liberality, and favourable to the progress of civilization. "It is to the Chamber,: however," added M. de Lamartine, " that I look—that Chamber that na turally represents the instinctive generosity of the nation." In order to demonstrate the necessity there was for France to encourage the progress of the Viceroy of Egypt, the Hon. Deputy drew a striking picture of the organized anarchy which reigns in Turkey, and predicted the near and inevitable fall of the Sultan. " This Prince," conti nued M. de Lamartine, " already despairs of himself and his people ; he is resigned to draw out the remainder of his reign upon the semblance of a throne,—in a word, the Ottoman spirit is extinct." The Hon, Deputy pro ceeded to ask, if France would remain an idle spectator of the ruin of Turkey, and if she would allow that em pire to be dismembered for the exclusive profit of the two Powers who were so eagerly desirous of sharing the spoils. The following is the substance of the measures which, in the opinion of AI. de Lamartine, would be the most proper to take with regard to the affairs of the East : ht. A fundamental principle should be laid down that no single European power should alone interfere in the concerns of the East. 2d. A general and collective protectorate, composed of the We•tern Powers, should be formed to take cognizince of the affairs of the Last; and should be admitted as the basis of a new code of international law. 3d. The various religions of the East should be pro• tested, and their exercise guaranteed. 4th. In order to regulate the collective protectorate Eu ropean and Asiatic Turkey should be divided into partial protectorates, or into provinces similar to those of Africa and Asia, into which the Romans poured the overplus of their population, and which should be placed at the dis position of the different European Powers for the same FOR SALE by AUCTION, in the ROYAL ARSENAL, WOOLWICH, on TUES DAY,. January 14, 1834, and two following liar', at Twelve o'Clock in the forenoon precisely, a QUANTITY of valuable BUILDING MATERIALS, consisting of Cut Portland Stone, in rock and plain Plinth, Window Sills, Coping, Feather edge Blocking, Bed Mouldings, Cornice, Pilasters, &c. &c., Window Frames, Sashes glazed and unglazed, Doors of various sorts, Window Shutters inside and outside, Iron Casements, and various internal fittings for Houses, &c. Also a quantity of Carts, Waggons, Wheels, Oak, Ash and Birch Plank, Oak Tops and Scantling, 35 Lots of Oak Slabs, 30 Lots of Dry Oak Billet Wood, and other Fire Wood, &c. &c. To be viewed in the Royal Arsenal, three days previous to the Sale, from Ten o'clock till Four, where Catalogues may be had at the Storekeeper's office. By order of the Board, R. BYHAM, Secretary. purpose...—(Marks of doubt and incredulity from all parts of the Chamber.) M. de la Borde combated the system put forward by M. de la Martine. In his opinion Turkey was not near its dissolution; and it therefore became unnecessary to lose time in conjecturing what it would he necessary to do in case of its fall, which was still far distant. M. de la Borde added, that be did not altogether approve of that passage of the address relative to the affairs of the East. In his opinion, the wisest course the European Powers could adopt would be to attempt to reconcile the Egyp tian vassal to his Turkish Sovereign. M. Mauguin directed his observations particularly to that part of the address concerning Spain. " His opinion," he said, " was, that the French Government had taken an unwise part in immediately recognizing the young Queen, and promising effective aid, without repairing any con ditions on her part, or demanding for Spain a constitution similar to that of France. In acting as the Ministers have done, they have thought only of the present, and have left the future to provide for itself." The Hon. Deputy also animadverted upon the uncertain and shifting policy of the Government towards Portugal. They should have frankly taken the part of either Pedro or Miguel, but having done neither, if Pedro succeeds he will throw him self into the arms of England : if Miguel reascends the throne, he will drive us from his ports. PRICES Ole STOCKS THIS OA Y AT ON , O'CLOCK. Bank SICCK —INeW 5 per Cent............ 3 per C . nt. Red. 3 per Cen r. Cons. 88%14 N, IA I Ditto Bonds 25 231 pm. 3Y6 per Cent — ;South Sea Stock — Ditto Red 97% 1 % i Old Annuities — New 3% per tent. 96%4 , New Ditto — 3 ver Cent. Ann. 1726 .... —;3 per Cent. Ann. 1751 - 4 per Cent. 1826 lO3 IA 2% i Ex. Bills, .41,000...44 47 48 pm. flank Long Ann. to expire ,Ditto .....500...48 47 48 pm. Jan. 5,186 P l7 1-16 Ditto Small 48 47 48 pm. Oct. 10, 1859 l7 i Ditto Commercial ....... —pm Jan. 5, 1860 16 3 ,4 % Ditto Advertised Jan. 5, 1880 —lBank for Account —. April 5, 1880 - India for Account Jan. 5, ...... I Cons. for Account PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE 0 CLOCK Austrian Bonds 985, 81 Peruvian Bonds .9,74 Belgian Bonds 96 1 4 Portuguese Bonds 5 6 7 /R Ditto Account 96y, . Ditto Account 56 3, ‘ Brazilian Bonds 67 1 4 8 Ditto New Bonds 5 6 14 Ditto Account 67 5 4 1 ' Ditto Account 56 . -,i Buenos Ayres Bonds — Prussian Bonds lO2 Ditto Account 2154 Ditto Bonds, 1822 lO3 Chilian Bonds ... ......... ...... Russian Bonds, 1822 10.1% :3'R Ditto Account "3% i Ditto Account . . 164 U Columbian Bonds 19% ( Ditto 111 103% Ditto Account —'Spanish Bonds, 1821 23% Ditto Bonds, 1824 .........221 , Ditto Acc. 23 W:i Ditto Account 22 Ditto Bonds, 1823 Danish Boni '3% Ditto Account 9 0% Ditto Acceunt 73% 'French Rentes, sp. c. —l. —c. Greek 80nd5.... ..... — '— Exchange ...... —f —c. Ditto Bonds, 1825. Ditto Account — !, Exchange —f —e. Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent.29 l 4 Dutch, 2i p. c. 49% Ditto Account. Ditto Account 49 7 / 8 % lilt o, 6 per cent 3 Bl Ditto, sp. C. 957 I,i Ditto Account 38N Ditto Account 4 , 4 Neapolitan ..... ......... ....—.. 89 French Scrip 4% pm. PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Share. Alien Mining Company £7 Anglo Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at 51. pm ) £lOO Bolanos Mining Company £l5O Brazilian Mining Company £s Brazilian Imp. Min. Co. (iss. at 51. pm.) £2O Ditto National 22% Ditto St. John Del Rey Cata Branca Mining Company 3% British Iron Minim: , Comnany £so Columbli:n Minin,s Co. , iss st 5/. pm.) 51% English Mining Company 1234 l Mining Genera Association _.. __. 12 ...., 62%N 24 8% 6% 7 30 1'2% 25 Hibernian Mining Co. Mexican Mining Co. Real del Monte Mining C 0.... (titi nited Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at' / Ditto New Sciip Alliance Fire Insurance Comp National Provincial Bank of Eng £lO £4B treg.) pm.) 40 5 0 1 ..... gland 5 COURSE OF EXCHA Amsterdam C.l 12 41 Ditto, at sight 12 21 Rotterdam 2 U 12 41 Antwerp 12 6 Hamburg M.B. 13 11 Altona l3 11 Paris, 3 days' sight 25 50 Ditto 2 U. 25 75 Bordeaux 25 80 Berlin Frankfort on Maine, Ex. 51.151 Petersburgh, ruble, 3 Us. 10 0 Vienna, effective tl. 2M. 9 57 Trieste do 9 58 Madrid 36li Cadiz 37 , 4 Bilboa Barcelona 36 Seville 36 Gibraltar 47 NGE YESTERDAY. !Leghorn 48 Genoa .5 65 'Milan 3l Venice 47 Naples 4O V., Palermo per oz. 122% Lisbon Oporto 521, 2 Rio .Taneiro Bahia 31 Buenos Ayres Dublin, 21 days' sight I Cork IY2 BULLION, PER OZ. X. s. d. Portugal Gold, coin 0 0 0 Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9 New Doubloons 0 0 0 New Dollars Silverbars, standard 0 4 111 HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW. Morning ...43 minutes after 3.1 Evening...sB minutes after 3. • «, *l 4l / 4 rt LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 11, 1831. We have devoted a considerable portion of this day's paper to a subject on which, but for its peculiar character as regards the interests of this country, the appeal which it makes to the judgment and the feelings of men generally, and its importance as connected with the affairs of Europe, the public would long ere this have been excited even to lassitude. It is, however, an undying, an untiring subject. So long as reason and humanity retain a place in the minds and hearts of Englishmen,—so long as the bulk of the community are not at once deaf to reason and callous to virtue, the word Poland will continue to excite interest—the eye of the young and ardent will light up, and old age, grown cold and indifferent to all else in the world of politics, will on this topic pour forth the lan guage of indignation. The speech of M. BIGNON, ill the Chamber of Deputies, in that part of the address to the KING which has reference to Poland, and to the designs of Russia on Turkey, which we have inserted, contains passagea of great importance. Convinced that they will all be read with in terest, we shall not allude here to any other point than that in which M. BIGNON protests against the French nation's acknowledging the right of any Power to dispose of the fate of a country without the concurrence of those who were parties to a previous ar rangement respecting it. M. BIGNON denies the right of Russia to make changes in Poland in violation of treaties to which France was a party. This is a fair business-like view of the affair, without reference to the nobler mo tives which justify objection on the part of France (and resistance also) to the atrocious conduct of the Emperor NICHOLAS in Poland . If we take our stand on this position alone we shall require none of the heart-stirring appeals on behalf of Poland, which it is so easy to offer. Great Britain as well as France was a party to the treaty which the Emperor of RUSSIA has, with equal insult to us and cruelty to the Poles, so unhesitatingly violated. We have not yet, however, heard any spirited remonstrance to Russia on the part of our Government. We have not heard that those who ought at least to have made a show ,of regard for our honour have put upon record any real protest against the insult offered to the British nation. M. BIGNON, indignant at a similar want of r rescue t a h l e d from r i roemn,ch nation a Government independen ce o n th e p ar t of the French Go vernment, has very properly come forward to re r t ( n i i s l of con sents geits representatives a y participation c r n i t phmae persons n o: this dis grace, to adopt to a great extent the suggestions of M. BIGNON. Can our House of Commons Flo less than protest formally against the violation of the rights of Poland byßusssia after this display of political integrity in the FrencliChamb er ? Will the British nation submit to an insult Which the French refuse to tolerate ? Will the British Government hesitate to adopt the feelings of the people on so great an occasion, whilst the French Ministry are forced to express their accor dance with those of their own nation ? Three years ago, when that great outrage upon the rights of nations—that great insult upon Great Britain and France—the invasion and spoliation of Poland, took place,we forewarned the British Government of the injury which would result to British commerce if the Emperor of RUSSIA were permitted to follow up his designs with impunity. We insisted strongly on the impor tance of vindicating the national faith as regarded the Treaty of Vienna, remember ing the infallible maxim, that "an indivi dual may sometimes put up with insult with- , out injury to himself, but a nation never.'' From that time down to the present, we have unceasingly expressed our regret and apprehen sions at the disgrace and folly of the Government in allowing the dread of war to overcome the sense of insult. And how does the case now stand ? Has the prospect of war been averted ? No I It is more probable now than ever, unless indeed we are to believe that Russia, emboldened by success—triumphing in the unwise and discreditable declarations made by the partisans of Ministers in and out of Parliament, that peace was to be preserved at any sacrifice, will be permitted to prosecute her designs on Turkey, as the great step towards the humilia tion and injury of Great Britain, with as much ease as she was allowed to violate the Treaty of Vienna, and trample on the rights of Poland. The great, but we still hope not the irre trievable error of the British Government was, in not insisting upon the nationality of Poland at a time when Russia was comparatively weak, and Great Britain strong—when France and Belgium flushed with triumph over despotism at home, and, burning with ardour to assist; the cause of freedom abroad, were ready to assist us—when Poland itself had an army of patriots capable, with the slightest aid, of an nihilating the forces of Russia, and crippling her for at least a century—when Italy was prepared for revolt, and even Germany anxiou s to throw off the yoke of despotism. That was the proper time for action. The British Government allowed it to pass, and has suffered Russia to wax great with successful insolence. It is not too late, however, to redeem the error, and to vindicate the national honour. Interest, indeed, rather than honour, calls upon us to move now, for the commerce of Great Britain, and her possessions in the East, are threatened by Russia. Let them be protected first, and then for honour If the result of a cause be ever hastened by its justice, short, indeed, would be the conflict in behalf of Poland. Since writing the above we have received the following article from Constantinople. Mark the insolence with which the Autocrat orders his poor tool, die SULTAN, to demand explanations from Great Britain ! CONSTANTINOPLE, DEC. I.—After a full sitting of the Divan the dragoman of the Porte was charged to repo:t verbally to the Ambassadors of France and England the surprise of the Porte at the reinforcement of the French and English fleets in the Mediterranean, and to ask for an explanation of so extraordinary a measure. The reply was not satisfactory. The French Ambassador declared that the uncertain position in which the East was placed, together with recent extraordinary circum stances, had made it incumbent on the French Government to resort to such measures that any future event might not find them unprepared. The British Ambassador was much more laconic, he gave the dragoman to understand that his Cabinet had thought proper to reinforce the squadron in the Mediterranean, in consequence of the Porte having-formed a treaty with Russia. This announcement has thrown the Divan into much em barrassment, and rendered it necessary to confer with the representatives of the other Powers, in order to be better informed of the intentions of England and France. Orders have been despatched to put the keys of the Dardanelles into a proper state of defence, and to allow no vessel to enter the channel without a special permission No other answer was to be expected, and the Porte is not at all in a situation either to threaten or to resort to any other demonstration. Time must unfold the intentions of the two mari time Powers. The Egyptians are also increasing their troops. The forces of Mehemet Ali are more numerous than many an European army. The regular troops under Ibrahim alone are estimated at 70,000 men, and these continue to be augmented. Foreign counsel is listened to at Alexandria, which does not come direct from any Cabinet, but front the spirit of the party. The object of this Council is to weary out the Porte by forcing it to the incessantly calling for military force, thereby to exhaust its finances, and thus create a reaction in the heart of the Ottoman empire, which must the system y s t t u e r m n to Ai e t h h e e profit o fi a t pp o e f a rNsMehemeto A be li. fon T o‘ h v l i s i ng s . s He has ordered 14,000 troops to march u p o n Yemen, as it is said, to enforce th e rescue of a fa vourite, who had fled thither with a considerable sum of money from the pub lic trea s ur y; bu t every one amountsu pposesof it t enough to repay so distant an expedition. Th e beautiful fields of So uth e rn Arabia, surrounded by the Red Sea, the Persian Gul f , and the Indian Ocean, and with a clear sky, are too a ll ur i ng an object not to lea d the Viceroy to will over to him the is t o stolen conquer u m thatcar i rich hardly be province, larg ase the the numerous schieks and emirs of that province, who now acknowledge the supremacy of the Sultan. It is said that the preparations for this expedition are already completed, and that the greater part of the troops have already set out for Yetnen, while it was only a few days a go that the Sultan wasin formed of it from Alexandria, and his consent to the enterprise requested. He has no alternative left but to give his consent, because the artful Me. hemet acts first and asks leave afterwards. The Sultan, however, appears to be greatly displeased at this new arbitrary proceeding. It is thought that he will intimate his displeasure to the Viceroy by a diplomatic channel, and we hear that he will get Mr. Duhamel to undertake the task, he having been appointed the Consul-General of Russia at Alex• andria. General Von Butenieff has had his audience of leave in the Seraglio, and at the same time pre. sented Mr. Buckmann as Charge d'Affaires. We are sorry to perceive, by the speech of the Duke de BROGLIE, the French Minist&V for Foreign Affairs, in the Chamber of Depty ties, on Wednesday last, that having taken alarts at the sensation created by M. BIGNON on the preceding day, and repenting of his own ge• nerous adoption of that gentleman's sentiments respecting Russia, he has declared that the treaty between Russia and Turkey is of much less im• portance than it has been considered—from which we are reluctantly compelled to infer that Russia is to be permitted to carry it into execution. The Paris Papers of Thursday, in which this speech appears, contain nothing else of impor' Lance, except some accounts from Spain, which state; that the insurrection is spreading; ' private letter adds, that Don MIGUEL has ac. tually placed a body of troops at the disposal of Don CARLOS, at whose head-quarters in Put' tugal MERINO and other Spanish Chiefs hail arrived. FRENCH FUNDS.—PARIS, JAN. 9. Five per Cents., 105 f. Three per Cents., 76f sc. 75f. 95c. Bank Actions, 1,710 f. Rente de Naples, 9lf. 30c. Roman Five p er Cents., 91 Ti • Bente d'Esp agne, F ive per Cents., IS. Bente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 40%. !loyal Spanish Loan, 82(. Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 65. Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cent., 97%. EXCHANGE ON LONDON. One month, paper, 25f. 30c.; money, 25f. 25c. Three months, paper, 25f. 15c.; money, 25f. 15c. —fours Authentique. It is impossible for any one, conversant with the subject, to view, without uneasiness, the late export of the precious metals, attended with adverse foreign exchanges, the principle of which appears to be so little understood, even by those ho deal in them, that we believe we shall, render an acceptable service to our readers W making it intelligible to them. This country exchanges its commodities( valued in gold as a commodity (gold being ite standard of value) for the commodities of other countries valued in silver as a commoditj (silver being the standard of value). The medid of making and settling such exchanges are!, foreign bills of exchange for the amounts or tho: balance of the amounts of the commodities ex{ changed so valued. Different pars of this country exchange cour modifies with each other, valued in its currenc}',: which is composed partly of gold, and of silvd: and copper valued in gold, and partly in inlatu bills of excLange ; but chiefly in Bank of Eng land and local bank notes. Coin in exchange is only of the exchangeable value of the quantity of the metal contained in it,—that is, in this country gold coin is of the same exchangeable value with the quantity of gold contained in it, as silver . and copper coin are of the value of the quantity of silver or copper contained in them valued in gold ; a nti so in other countries gold coin is only of the same exchangeable value with the quantity of gold contained in it valued in silver. We can value a franc against a shilling, and a napoleon against a sovereign, because we know the quantity of the metal contained in each coin• But our standard of value being gold, and the standard of value in France being silver, we must go into the bullion market of both coun tries in order to arrive at the true rate of the money exchange between them,—that is, io France we must ascertain how many francs are required to purchase a napoleon, which enables us to ascertain how many francs will be required to purchase a sovereign, or the quantity of gold contained in it in France ; or what may be 3 more intelligible way of putting the mattter, ore are thus enabled to ascertain what would be the quantity or weight of silver required in France to purchase au ounce of gold there, and if atl ounce of gold would purchase the same quantity of silver in our bullion market, then gold is of the same exchangeable value in both countries, and the money exchange between France and England is then said to he at par. And so in rcgard to any other country as well as France; and as between this country and any other country the money exchange is said to be at par, favourable, or adverse, as the value of gold there is equal, or less, or greater, than the value of gold in England. Great Britain having greater quantities of commodities to exchange with every other country than any other country has to ex change with her, she can always command ti greater supply of gold and silver as com• modities in exchange for her commodities that' any other country. The commercial exchange being thus always in it is leer own fault if the money exchange is ever against her, very ysiwrt e r favour,tune. par ticular circuni litli'iltieesessibmr a may create a sudden demand for gold in any country, but the metal is so easily trans ported, and of such universal demand, that the supply is speedily equalized ; and if gold i 5 of greater exchangeable value in any other country beyond a very short time, or if it is of greater exchangeable value in every other country than it is in England at the same time, then we m us t cause we find in the redun dan cy of her currency. lonic to E ng l a nd herself for the cause, and this Bankl tli country 1 of s e 0 f England, and local b an k notes, wou ld always be of the same ex changeable value with gold, and gold coin wo uld always be of the same exchangeable value with the quantity of gold conta ined in it, if there were no more of suc h notes in circulation than there would be o gold if there were no such notes. But every ou nce of gold u se d i n co i n b e i ng a l oss to th e eof of by being withdrawn from the general purposes its industry and commerce, the lagold is supplied as far as possible by notes, and the quantity of notes circulating %N i t It the coin, as cur rency, being much greater than the quantity of coin so circulating, the e xchan g eable value of the coin is brought do wn with the e xchangeable value of the notes. The effect of such lowering of the exchange able value of the currency has the effect of raising twine prices, the exchangeable value of commo dities exchanged at home being estimated in the