The Sun. — London, England, 1827-06-20 00:00:00

Mouse wonli not permit aspertiOns to be thrown on the character of the petitioner by the petition alluded to, nor puffer evidence to be heard in support of it, without giving the petitioner, the opportunity of producing evidence at the bar against the petition and its charges. The petition was read and ordered to be printed. LORD CHARLES SOMERSET. Mr. BARLNG said, ,lie rose to present a petition most respectably signed by persons at the Cape of Good Hope. The petitioners prayed the House for protection and relief against the mal-administration of the Government of that Colony. As a petition upon the same subject had already been presented to the House, it was not his design to oc cupy the time and attention of Honourable Members. At the same time he must be permitted to say, that from the little he had seen of the petition and of the Report of the C nnmissioners of Inquiry, it was quite evident, indeed it we uld be absurd to a degree of indecency in Ministers to deny, that the Colonists had made out a very strong case for the consideration of the Government at home. He hoped that Ministers would pay a proper degree of atten tion to the complaints he alluded to. All descriptions of persons in the Colony cordially concurred in complaining of the .arbitrary Government that had been exercised over them. Whether those complaints were well founded, or whether articles in the Press giving publicity to them, might or might not be printed with safety at the Cape, were questions into which he would not at present enter, but he wished to say that the Colony was of considerable extent, and that the inhabitants had been prevented from holding any public Meeting upon their local circumstances, by having a Government of the most despotic vigilance exercised over them by Lord Charles Somerset. Having no power to meet, the Colonists had naturally resorted to the press; but the moment anything appeared in print, expressing respectful objections to the Government of the Colony, the most arbitrary measures followed, and the paper in which the article appeared was totally suppressed by the rescript of the Governor.—(Hear.)—Whatever Gentlemen might think respecting the degree of the liberty of the press which could be suffered to exist in the Colony —and upon this subject he was aware that much difference of opinion did exist—the opinions of no man could go to the extent of thinking that any Colony should remain under such a state as that imposed upon the Cape of Good Hope by Lord Charles Somerset. The petition he presented came from the most respectable of the inhabitants—from persons who were totally incapable of supporting their case by stating anything unfounded against the Nobleman who had so singularly administered the Government of the Colony. The petitioners were desirous of separating their case from that of Mr. Burnet, and of all other complainants. They proceeded upon public principles, divested of any per sonal motives against Lord Somerset. The petitioners stated, that facts existed sufficient to excite the attention of Government, and, indeed, of this it was impossible to doubt. The sudden and arbitrary suppression of the only News paper in the Colony, followed by the most tyrannical mea sures against the proprietor ; the refusal of Lord Charles Somerset to allow any description of literary society, public library, or museum, although desired to do so by sixty of the most respectable inhabitants, comprising the Chief Jus e4ce, Judges, and Advocates, was not only in itself bad beyond all precedent, but diametrically opposite to that system of laws which the people justly considered their birth-right. This objection of the Governor to permit the formation of a literary society—such an excessive jealousy on the part of Goverment, so absurd a refusal of a reasonable and highly laudable request, were indicative of the consciousness of a anal-administration of the Government, and were proceed ings which Ministers could never sanction. He felt con vinced that great alterations must take place in the Colony. The petition set forth the most deplorable state of the Colony under the Government of Lord Charles Somerset, and prayed the House to adopt such measures as might re lieve the coloniatsfrom the evils under which they suffered. Mr. HUME said, that he would avail himself of the present opportunity to correct what the Right Hon. Gen tleman opposite (Mr. Wilmot Horton) had mistated to the House, respecting Mr. Greig not having been banished by Lord Charles Somerset, when his Lordship had seised upon his types and suppressed his Paper. He (Mr. Hume) had declared Mr. Greig to have been banished, upon the authority of that gentleman himself, and of his brother, as well as upon the authority of a Procla mation of Lord Somerset's, which he (Mr. Hume) held in his hand. , Ile thought it right that the House should not be led sway by the mistatement of the Right Hon. Gentleman. He (Mr. Hume) had asserted that the Go vernor's banishment of Mr. Greig deserved the serious at tention of thelkonse. The banishment had been contra dicted by the Right Ikon s Gentleman opposite. The facts were. as follow :—Lord Charles Somerset had issued a Pro clamation,dated 10th May, 1824, in which he declared that Mr. Greig had violated his privilege to reside in the Colony; and, therefore, directed that he should leave it in one month, and that he should be arrested, or seized upon, to secure that object, in a fortnight. His Lordship further directed that his printing-press should be seized, his types sealed up, and that nobody should have the use of theta. Me also had in his possession a letter, dated 23 , 1 May, signed by the Fiscal, which informed Mr. Greig that he (the Fiscal) had seen an advertisement of the disposal of his Triating apparatus, and as Mr. Greig could, there fore, use it no longer, he might remain in the Colony if he pl c ;, And that Lord Charles Somerset would withdraw his edict of banishment. So far it appeared that Mr. Greig might :,are rennained, but his printing press had been seized 'extd his trade ruieed, and it was, therefore, absolutely ne cessary for him to return to Europe, to seek redress for the outrage which the Governor had committed. He (Mr. Hume) had moved for papers containing all the in formation with reference to this stoppage of the Press, this spoliation of property, and which would show the grounds on which the subject had been originally brought forward. In the mean time he had only to say, that if Hon. Mem bers would have reference to the Reports in their posses sion (few to whet they must have with reference to the treatment of that colony), they would find numerous abuses of power, and grounds of dissatisfaction in the inhabitants. It was complained of Lord Charles Somerset, that lie in curred a public debt, levied taxes, interfered with judg ements, and removed individuals from the Colony without trial, and in a manner unknown to persons accustomed to the British Laws. It was only astonishing where this +lnnen could have acquired his notions of &averment, and of public conduct. He (Mr. Hume) thought it im peratively nenessary, that the House should institute in quiries into the subject with as little delay as possible, in order that so fine a Colony might be rescued from the evil effects which bad Government bad had upon every interest connected with it, and in order that British capital might have a chance of being successfully directed to that quarter. Me would submit to the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. W. Horton) whether he would produce certain papers previous to the inquire into the subject. There would not be time in the present Session to go into the inquiry, but hr hoped that measures weuld be taken during the intern!, which -would convince the country that the conduct of Lord C. Somerset was deprecated by Government. • M m e WILMOT HORTON said, that the Papers al ready laa before the House were sufficient to enable Mem bers to Bete rrniao how far the charges against Lord Charles Somerset were founded. He thought it unjust to lay upon his Lordship the sole responsibility of all arbitrary mea sures, when they might have been participated in by other nuthorities.—(A laugh.)—He was aware of the disincli nation of the House to pay attention to such subjects, but it was of importance that Hon. Members should be atten tive to them, suffideptly to impress upon the minds of the colonists a confie4enee Cent their interests were duly consi dered within tlae'wells of Parliament. The Government was already in possession of rneey variety of informa tion which would enable thnm td 1;pon their discretion in the introduction of those praztical itnpronments which would essentially meet the object which the lion. Mem ber for Montrose had in view. His Noble Feiend, the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department (Lord Goderich), had authorised him to say, that but for the meant:eft which the late Secretary of State (Lord Bathurst) had carried into effect, it would not at the present mo ment have been practicable to introduce the improvements to which he (Mr. W. Horton) had just alluded. In 1822, directions had been issued to introduce the English lan guage into all the public proceedings of the Colony, after a l a p se of fiver years, is order that its adoption might be contemporaneous with the assimilation of the laws and institutions of the CnlonY with those of England. The hate Governor of the Cape had delayed the introduction of this measure, from a conviction that it would be inconve nient to the existin g s t a t e o f the colony. Compleints had been made against Lord Charles Somerset with respect to the alteration of the carrency, and erroneous and unjust observat ions had been meek upon the late Secretary of State upon the s ub j ect. The en - —ensure of altering the cur was debtor a nd creditor-aceou nt , for w hich neither vency the local Government of the Ca Pe, nor the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department, was responsible. It Was settled by the general Government. re -he settling the shilling and sixpence was a transaction six dolla r at one independent of Lord Charles Somer set. Mr. W. SMITH thought the Government at hem s i n possession of much more informat;on than they chose it was "act upon. The Right Hon. Gentleman had very hard indeed, to make the Colonial Governor' (Lord Charles Somerset) liable or answerable for the evils of his Admi nistration ; if he (Mr. Smith) were not very much mis informed, it would be equally hard to make the indivi duals of the Government at the Cape answerable for the evils done there, under the controul of the Colonial Go vernor. Mr. HUME said, that the Right Hon. Gentleman had misunderstood the charge against Lord Charles Somerset with respect to the alterations of the currency. The charge was, that he had depreciated the currency by his issue of paper money, against or without the consent of the autho rity at home. Mr. W. HORTON said, that the subject of the Cape was entered for discussion that evening, to which opportu tunity he would defer his observations. Mr. FYSHE PALMER asked the Right Hon. Gentle man whether he had not been formally acquainted with the intention that the motion he alluded to . would not be brought forward that night? Mr. WARBURTON said, that it was a strongly pre valent opinion amongst persons in the employment of Go vernment at the Cape, that if they came forward La wit nesses, or stated all they had to state fairly and fully, they would be dismissed their situations. He knew such tr:• be the case. So long as an apprehension prevailed in the Co bony that Lord Charles Somerset might be sent back, FO long would evidence be withheld. It was, therefore, by no means a subject of wonder that nobody in that House would undertake a cause, when they expected that wit nesses, from fear of the consequences, would not make their case good. This might he one reason why the Hon. Member would not bring forward the case during the pre sent Session. Mr. BARING disclaimed any personal motives against Lord Charles Somerset. Mr. W. HORTON rose again; but the Speaker re minded the Right Hon. Gentleman that there was no mo tion before the House, the simple question being whether the petition should be printed. The question was then put, and the petition was ordered to be printed. Mr. MAXWELL presented a petition from certain Ma nufacturers of Frome, in Somersetahire, praying that a tax might be imposed upon machinery. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Earlesbury, in the county of Fife, praying that foreign corn might be ad mitted upon the payment of a duty. Mr. HUME moved for a Return of the Establishments of the General Post Offices of Upper and Lower Canada, and of the British North American Colonies, with the amount of Postage received in the years . 1E425 and 1526. The House and the public were not aware that although the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada had Representa tive Assemblies, and were supposed to be free of the power, and unshackled by the authority of Ministers at home, the Postmasters in both provinces were all appointed by the Postmaster-General at home, and the Assemblies of the Canada's knew nothing of the amount of postages levied in their provinces, or how the money so raised was applied. After a few words from Sir J. Newport, Mr. W. Hor ton, and Mr. Hume, the motion was agreed to. Mr. WODEHOUSE presented a petition from Great Yarmouth (Norfolk), praying an amelioration of the Malt Laws. Mr. COKE made some observations which were not very distinctly audible in the gallery. We understood the Hon. Member to state, that it was found very profitable to feed horses on steeped barley, in Norfolk, but that steeping the barley brought the parties within the operation of the Excise Laws. He had received a letter from one indivi dual who had 33 horses employed for farming purposes, and who was anxious to adopt this cheapest and most ex cellent mode of feeding them, but he was prevented by the Excise Laws. This created a difference to him of 1201. a year in the keep of his horses. Mr. HERRIES believed this mode of feeding cattle was confined to a small part of Norfolk. He was anxious to meet the grievance, but the danger was, that by doing so a door would he opened to frauds upon the Excise. Mr. C. CALVERT said the Hon. Member (Mr. Her ries) was muds mistaken if he supposed that feeding horses with steeped barley was confined to Norfolk. Mr. MABERLY observed, that, if barley were to be given to horses in a fermented state, instead of fattening, it would kill them. The petition was read, and ordered to lie on the table. On the motion of Mr. PEEL, the amendments made by the Lords in his four Bills for Consolidating and Amending the Criminal Laws, were read and agreed to ; and Mr. Peel was ordered to carry back the Bills to the Lords. THOMAS FLANAGAN. Mr. S. RICE moved the Order of the Day for Thomas Flanagan to be called to the Bar. The Order having been read, The SPEAKER said, if he understood correctly the nature of the notice given by the Hon. Member, it was, that this person should be called to the Bar, for the pur pose of offering some explanation of the offence of which he had been guilty ; and since Flanagan had been taken, he (the Speaker) had received a letter, signed Thomas Flana gan, containing rcasons, which the writer seemed to think entitled him to keep out of the way of the Order of the House for a certain time. The Serjeant at Arm. had re ceived a similar letter ; and the Deputy Housekeeper (Mr. Bellamy) had seen him (Flanagan) in the street, on the Saturday previous to his being taken into custody. Perhaps, the House would think it right to have these letters read, and to examine the Deputy Housekeeper, and then call Flanagan to the Bar to give an explanation of them, as well as of his other conduct. _ _ _ The letters were put in and read. In that to the Speaker it was stated the writer was unable to surrender to the House at present ; but that he would do so by a certain day.—(A laugh.) The Serjeant at Arms produced his letter, which com menced thus :--" Mr. Flanagan has the honour to inform the Serjeant at Arms, that he will deliver himself up by Monday, and hopes the Serjeant at Arms will be genet one enough to excuse him sooner."—(A laugh.) Mr. Bellamy, the Deputy Housekeeper, was then called to the Bar. That gentleman stated, that he met Flanagan in the street on Saturday ; he knew his face but did not know his name; suspecting him to be Thomas Flanagan. he asked hint if that was his name, and he admitted that it was ; he then informed him that he was an officer of the House, and must take him into custody, pursuant to the order of the House. Flanagan refused to go with Mr. Bellamy, alleging that he had arranged with the Speaker and the Sergeant at Arms when he was to surrender—(A laugh) ;—ha also udded, that he should resist Mr. Bel lamy's taking him, inasmuch as he had not the warrant with him. He (Mr. Bellamy) not having the warrant, allowed him to depart. Thomas Flanagan was then called to the Ber. The SPEAKER informed him that the House had found him guilty of forgery, in putting fictitious names to an Election Petition,- from the Borough of Athlone. In this he was deelared . guilty of a high breach of the pt 4 vileges of that House, and had been called to the Bar for the pur pose of explanation. Flanagan then bad the letters handed to him, and he ad mitted that they were his handwriting. He also admitted that he had met Mr. Bellamy in the street, as stated by that gentleman, but refused to go with him, because he was pledged to other persons, who would be injured by his appearance, to keep for a time out of the way. When called upon to answer the other charges against him, be went into a long detail of the circumstances of the Election, and the manner in which the petition had been got up, but he was for the greater part inaudible in the gallery. He was then ordered to withdraw. The Resolution declaring that Thomas Flanagan bad been guilty of a high breach of privilege, by committing a forgery of certain names to a petition presented to the House from Athlone, was read. Mr. SPRING RICE then rose, and after briefly recal ling to the House the facts of the case, moved that Thomas Flanagan be committed to his Majesty's gaol of Newgate; and that he, Mr. Speaker, do issue his warrant accordingly. Mr. HUME opposed the motion, which he thought un necessary severe on the present occasion. He reminded the House, that the persona whose names were put to the amended petition, had previously signed a petition of a similar nature; and on all these considerations, he pro posed, as an Amendment,. that Flanagan should be called to the Barg and . be admonished by the Speaker. Sir J. NEWPORT opposed the Amendment. Mr. S. RICE admittel that the House had once been too lenient, but urged that that was not a reason why it should repeat that error, especially in so gross' a case as the present. The House then divided on the Amendment— Ayes 7 I Noes Majority in favour of the original Resolution 74 The Original motion was accordingly carried. Sir HENRY PARNELL then moved for a return of the Joint Stock Banking Companies in Ireland, established since a certain period specified. The motion was agreed to, and the return ordered ac cordingly. Mr. HUME then rose to propose the Resolutions of which he had given notice, for the regulation of Private Bills during the next Session. His object in thin he stated to be, to prevent Members from introducing nothing more than skeletons of Private Bills, from which the House could derive no informati.o as to their real nature. He was desirous to have it made a rule of the House, that the blanks shouki be filled up in Italics, or in some other mode, so as to show what was the real intention of the original Proposers, and distinguish what was intended to be perma nently retained in the Bill from what was intended to be left for subsequent consideration. There was another thing that Very much required correction. When a Member brought in a Private Bill, it was read a first time, and then it was left to the Member who had the charge of it to move the seeond reading when he thought proper. This was often a very great inconvenience to those who might be dis posed to oppose the Bill, since, after they had given a vigi lant attendance for some time, the second reading of the Bill might be moved in their absence and without their knowledge. Under these circumstances, he thought it a proper regulation, that when a Bill was read a first time, the second reading should take place within ten days after, unless some other day should be fixed for the seeond read ing at the time of the first reading. It would also be proper, that any new clauses that might be intended to be proposed on the third reading, should be communicated to the Members of the House three days before such third reading took place, that they might have time and oppor tunity to consider them. These and other regulations in the proceedings on Private Bills, he thought would be highly beneficial. He did not wish, however, to call upon the House to come to any decision on this subject during the present Session. He was merely desirous that they should stand as a Notice on the Books, to be moved for adoption on the first day of the next Session, so that they night apply to any Private Bills to be brought forward in that or in futare Sessionc. Mr. WYNN objected that too little time had been al lowed for the consideration of these alterations in the regu lations respecting proceedings on Private Bills. The Hon. Member had better postpone his motion till next Session, and allow it in the meantime to stand as a notice. Mr. HUME—That was the very thing which he had proposed. The proposed alterations were then entered accordingly, as a notice for next Session. CORN LAWS. Mr. BARING moved the Order of the Day fur receiv ing the Report of the Committee on the Corn Trade Acts. On Sir A. GRANT bringing up the Report, Sir E. KNATCHBULL observed, that as there were now 560,000 quarters of corn warehoused, and a further quantity, uncertain in amount, was expected from Canada, the measure proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman was likely to be injurious to the interests of the British corn merchant, unless its operation were limited to a shorter period than the Ist of July. He wished to know also whether the system of averages originally adopted in the Bill which had not been proceeded with, or the system of averages as amended in the other House of Parliament, was to be applied to the present measure ? Mr. CANNING said, that as it was of the utmost im portance that this Bill should pass as quickly as possible, it was his intention to bring it in to-night ; and, if there were no opposition to it, to mote the second reading to morrow, so that it might be committed on Thursday. If there were any desire on the part of Hon. Gentlemen to debate the measure on the second reading, he should then postpone that stage of the Bill till Thursday. With re spect to the question put to him by the Hon. Baronet (Sir E. Knatchbull), he had to observe, that it was the inten tion of the Government to apply the system of averages, as amended in the other House of Parliament, to the pur poses of this Bill. As to limiting the period of the opera _ _ tion of the Bill, it was to be recollected that ten days must elapse before the Bill could be passed. It could not be carried into the other House of Parliament before Monday, nor passed before the end of the ensuing week. The Ist of July, therefore, seemed to be the shortest possible period to which the operation of the Bill could be limited. Mr. WARD had made inquiries this morning as to the quantity of corn likely to come in from Canada, and was able to state that that quantity was very small. The com mercial interests of the country were placed in a most em barrassing position from this cause ; but whatever conse quences might ensue, he attributed no blame to his Majes ty's Government. Mr. ;11 ENE T T thought, that whatever course his Ma jesty's Government determined upon adopting, it should be pressed forward as speedily as possible. Mr. HUSKISSON concurred in the expediency of press ing forward the measure with as little delay as possible.— The existing system of averages could not by any possibility he applied to the temporary arrangement ; for under the present law the averages were only struck four times a year, and no standard of averages could be taken till after the 25th of August, Mr. WARBURTON was so far from thinking the Ist of July too distant a period for the operation of the Bill, that, in his opinion, the period ought to be extended. After a few words from Mr. HUME, Sir E. KNATCH BULL, and Mr. SLANBT, the Report was read, the Reso lutions were agreed to, and the Bill was ordered to be brought in. Mr. HERRIES moved the further consideration of the Report of the Customs' Duties' Bill. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON moved, that the Bill be recommitted, for the purpose of further• considering a clause in the Bill which had been the subject of discussion on a tormer night. Mr. HUSKISSON suggested to the Hon. Alderman the expediency of reserving any further observations he might wish to snake on that clause till the third reading of the Bill. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON expressed his readiness to accede to this suggestion. Mr. W. WHITMORE contended, that this measure was at variance with the principles formerly laid down by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Huskisson), and approved by that House. Mr. HUME contended, that the proposed clause was a departure from the principles of free trade hitherto recom mended by Ministers. Mr. C. GRANT supported the clause. He denied that his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. - H.) had been the advocate of liberal principles in the meaning and to the extent for which some Hon. Gentlemen contended. In correcting the abuses of the restrictive system, he did not propose to sweep away all restrictions whatever, but declared himself bound to consult the general interests, and to guard against the injury of, or interference with, any vested interest. Mr. WARBURTON deprecated generally the practice of conferring any particular benefit or favour on one class, as it invariably was made the ground of asking for some cor responding favour by those classes which were engaged in, and belonged to, other interests. Mr. LIDDELL, in supporting the clause, referred to the Report of the Committee of 1821. He was not prepared to say how the proposed Clause would operate, but he was satisfied it was proposed by Government from a conviction that it would be beneficial to the shipping interests, which were now in a state of depression which required any ad vantlges that could be affected consistently with what was due to the general interests.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BENETT and Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN also supported the Clause. Mr. D. GILBERT asked a question respecting the ware housing of copper ore. Mr. HUSKISSON replied, that copper in a manufac tured state was not warehoused. The Clause was then agreed to. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON moved the omission of Clause relating, we believe, to the enumerated articles, on the ground that it was not founded on the Resolutions of the Committee. Mr. HUME seconded the motion. The SPEAKER stated, that all that was required was, the Bill should originate from Resolutions passed in tha Committee. In this instance, the laws of customs had been referred altogether to the consideration of the Com mittee, and therefore the Bill might ,include any subject connected with them. After a few words from Mr. HEATHCOTE, the mo tion was negatived without a division. The Report was then agreed to. THE NEW CORN BILL. Mr. HERRIES brought in the New Corn Bill, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time :0-morrow. THE DISSENTERS' MARRIAGE BILL. Mr. W. SMITH moved the third reading of this Bill. Sir T. ACLAND was favourable to some legislative relief for the Dissenters, but objected to this Bill in its present shape, principally on account of a clause intro duced by the Lion. Member for Norwich, treating mar riage as a civil contract, and divesting it wholly of its reli gious character. He therefore moved as an amendment, in order to give time for considering the effect of this clause, " That the Bill be read a third time on Thursday nest." Mr. W. SMITH defended the provisions of the Bill, and declared that the Clause to which the Hon. Baronet objected, only went to place the law respecting Dissenters' Marriages on the same footing as they had been previous to the year 1752. In that year Lord Hardwicke's Act was introduced ; but marriage among Dissenters had been for a long time before a mere civil contract. As to wait ing a few days, he had, personally, no objection, provided there were any hopes of gaining the consent of any person now opposed to the Bill. But as he had now introduced two or three Bills upon the subject which failed, although they did not contain this clause, he felt that no good would result from any delay, and that it would be better to press the question on the present occasion. . . Sir C. WETHER ELL opposed the Bill. Mr. HUDSON GURNEY defended the system of civil marriages, and contended, that there were as few imprudent marriages under that system as under any other. Dr. PHILLIMORE supported the Bill. Mr. ESTCOURT maintained that the alterations intro duced into the Bill, while they secured liberty of conscience, also protected the rights of the Establishment. He was appr e h ens i ve , however, that it was too late in the Session to pr ess t h e Bill forward. Mr. R. GRANT eulegiered the unexampled patience which had been exhibited by his Honourable Friend the Member for Norwich, on this important and interesting question. He was at a loss to conceive why all the Dis senters should not be entitled to the same privileges with reference to the marriage ceremony, as the Jews and Quakers, and the Dissenters and some classes of Catholics in Ireland. With respect to the latter, he had inquired of those who were the best informed on the subject, and he could not learn that any inconvenience had ever resulted from this partial practice of exemption from the Marriage Act, and allowing the parties to celebrate the ceremony according to their own rites. He had no doubt of the good faith of the objections which had been urged against the Bill; hut he could not help lamenting that, on all oc casions when a measure of this kind was brought forward, although a wish to do every thing possible to consult con scientious scruples was professed, yet the spirit of objec tion always started up, and contrived to defeat the object in view. He thought all the Members who were friends to toleration must be friendly to the Bill ; and it was as a friend to toleration that he would give the measure his support. Sir THOMAS ACLAND briefly replied in support of his proposition, to postpone the consideration of the mea sure for forty-eight hours. Mr. W. SMITH also replied, and said he felt no dispo sition whatever to consent to the postponement of the measure. Sir CHARLES WETHERELL explained; and stran gers were ordered to withdraw for a division. The noise they made on leaving and returning to the Gallery pre vented us from hearing the beginning of— Mr. CANNING'S speech, who rose as the Gallery was clearing. We understood him to say, when we heard him, that the different objections which bad been made by the different objectors were of such a nature that they proved to him that the objectors were all agreed as to the principle of the measure. The arguments of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Sir Charles Wetherell) were the most unfair he had ever heard used, and were pushed more ad invidiant than he bad ever known arguments pushed. They had been pushed so far, that he (the Chancellor of the Exche quer) began to feel alarmed, when he recollected that he had been married, not indeed in a tavern, but in a room, and most of the Gentlemen who heard him had probably been married in this way ; and the same way was precisely the circumstance which, according to the Hon. Gentle man's arguments, vitiated marriage. But the Hon. Gen tleman said they were married by licence. But a marriage by licence was a purchased marriage ; and he was asto nished to hear the Hon. Gentleman, who was the great enemy of Rome, arguing that the rich, who were able to purchase the right to marry, were at liberty to do so, while those who, not being rich, contracted marriage in any other place than a church, were unworthy of the pro tection of the Legislature. Such arguments were only calculated to confirm Hon. Members in the support they were already disposed to give the Bill. If he (Mr. Can ning) were then to vote against the Bill, and that were fa tal to the measure, this much litigated subject would be again hung up till another Session, and the parties would again have to run the gauntlet of all such objections as had been then stated, and which might again end in being fatal to the measure. If the Bill passed, and went to the other House, he was satisfied that the principle of the Bill would meet the sanction of authorities, both legal and ec clesiastical, of the highest consideration. He knew that in sending it to that House, it would not be met by an indis criminate opposition ; but if there were on one side great learning, and talents, and piety opposed to it, there were on the other side great talents, piety, and integrity to bring fowards its merits. He felt, in giving his vote for the mea sure, he was voting under the protection of not the least re spectable and preponderating part of the Church of Eng land, and in giving his vote, he voted .under ne apprehen sion of the result.—(Cheers.) The Gallery was then cleared for a division, but none took place, and the Bill was read a third time and passed. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF COMMONS. NO rICES OF MOTIONS FOR THIS DAY. I. Mr. Peel—Bill to facilitate the Recovery of Small Debts. 2. Mr. James Browne--Papers relating to the Mayo Police. 3. Mr. Warburton—Returns from the Royal College of Surgeons. ORDERS OF THE DAY FOR THIS DAY. 1. Savings Banks Bill—Committee. 2. Roman Catholic Land Tax Bill—Committee. S. Sale of Game Bill—Further consideration of Report. A. 5. Stamp Office Bill—Third reading. 6. Warehoused Corn Bill—Second reading. 7. New Churches Bill—Committee. 8. Hickey's Charity Estate Bill—Second reading. NOTICES GIVEN YESTERDAY. Thursday, June 21. Mr. Hume—Address concerning Naval Promotions.. THEATRES. DRURY-LANE. Miss Paton's benefit last night at this Theatre, was fully and fashionably attended. She sustained the character of Stella, in Morton's stupid Opera of the Slave, and was re ceived throughout her performance with marked and de serve" applause. Miss Stephens was the Zelinda of the evening. HAYMARKET. Mr. Reeve last night undertook the part of Billy Lack aday, in which Liston has rendered himself so conspicuous. He went through it with considerable ability. SURREY. This little Theatre continues, under the direction of Mr. Elliston, to be the acme of attraction. Last night a new piece, entitled " lie would be Young," introduced to our notice the " Celebrated Amateur of Fashion," in the character of Beau Shatterly, whom report says, acquitted himself with considerable credit at the Cheltenham and Worcester Tl.catres, and though a first appearance on the London boards, sustained the character with spirit and ability. The evening's entertainments concluded with the interesting melo-drama of " Crazy Jane ;" the part of Crazy Jane was well played by a young lady, her first appear ance (as the bills say) on any stage. CADYESTISEMENT.] The subjoined note from the Directors of the County Fire-Office is in circulation. The triumphant manner in which these Gentlemen have put their assailants to shame and flight raises the character of the County Fire-Office higher than ever :—" County Fire-Office, Re gent-street, Piccadilly, June 19th, 1827.—The infamous attempt to defame and injure the County Fire-Office, com menced by some persons in the DEACON FIRE-OFFICE (since broken up), and carried on before the Commissioners of ' Enquiry into the Revenue of Ireland,' &c. has hitherto eluded the arm of justice, under the shelter of Parlia mentary privileges. The false and absurd assertions pub lished by the above Commissioners, on the authority of an informer who refused to give his name,' and used as a subject of accusation against the then Chairman of the Board of Stamps, they have shrunk from attempting to substantiate in a legal form. From the hands of his Majesty's present Government, however, the Directors have received justice. The information which the Di rectors claimed, to enable them to prosecute the informer for perjury, and which the said Commissioners formerly refused to give, they now, on the interference of the Lords of his Majesty's Treasury, have yielded ; but to the asto nishment of the Directors, the said Commissioners inform them, that it does not appear that Hubbard (the in former) is amongst those to whom the oath was admi nistered previously to his information being received."— The fact of this man's most calumnious statement having been received and published as evidence, free from the sanction and responsibility of an oath, the Directors leave, without comment, to the judgment of the public. As some time may elapse before the legal proceedings which the Directors have instituted can be brought to an issue, it may not be improper for them to state, for the satisfaction of persons insured in the County Fire-Office, that they are prepared to prove, that during the eighteen years' transac tions brought in question, there is not a single instance of a Policy or Renewal having been issued (and not less than a Million were issued) in which the Duty charged was not duly accounted for, and ACTUALLT PAID TO THE STAMP-OFFICE !-that the only errors were made by two clerks (who were dismissed for their misconduct), in claim ing returns on WRONG Numbers, to the amount of be tween 401.' and 50/. and oatirrtwo RIGHT Numbers, to a much larger amount, leaving a balance of 2411. Be. 6d. due to the COUNTY FIRE-OFFICE ! This sum has been claimed from the STAMP-OFFICE ; and it has been de ducted from the last payment of duty made by the COUNTY FIRE-OFFICE IO the STA MP-OFFICE. To ordinary observers it may appear incredible, that persons in authority should dare to calumniate, and even to threaten an Exchequer process, without any ground whatever; but those who have been accustomed to regard the acts of men who act in secret tribunals, and who are shielded from legal respon sibility, will be less surprised. It may be some consola tion to the public to know, that the above Inquisitorial Commission is to be forthwith dissolved. GRAND DINNER TO MR. BROUGHAM AT LIVERPOOL. In consequence of its having been known that Mr. Brougham had been specially retained in a cause to be tried by a Sheriff's jury, between the trustees of the Liverpool Docks and an individual named Jackson, an opportunity presented itself to a number of the most respectable inhabi tants of the town of Liverpool to send him an invitation to a public dinner. This invitation having been accepted, Monday last was appointed for its celebration. The Music hall, in Bold-street, was fitted up for the occasion, so as to give ample accommodation to the number of persons who it was known would be anxious to be present. At five o'clock the company began to assemble ; and in consequence of each dinner ticket securing to the purchaser a ticket to admit a lady, the number of ladies who thronged into the room was quite as great as that of the gentlemen. Before six o'clock the body of the hall eyes completely filled with gentlemen, and the gallery with ladies. A military band was stationed in the orchestra, and kept playing mili tary airs to while away the impatience of the assembly. A little after six o'clock Mr. Brougham entered the hall along with Dr. 13randreth and Mr. Arthur Heywood. The whole body of guests stood up to receive him, and gave him three times three cheers. The greatest enthusiasm was displayed by the ladies in the gallery. Shortly after dinner commenced, the military band moved from the orchestra into the adjoining saloon. Their place was supplied in a very few minutes by more than a hundred ladies of the first rank and respectability in the town, the wives and daughters of the stewards of the dinner. As the music gallery is directly opposite to the orchestra, the revellers, whether they looked to the top or bottom of the table, had their eyes gratified by a splendid display of Lancashire beauty. The scene was very excit ing, and appeared to give great satisfaction to those who had planned it. As soon as the cloth was removed, the Chairman ad dressed the company, and said that lie felt this to he the proudest day in his life. It was the first time that he had ever filled the public chair, and he therefore trusted to their indulgence for any errors he might commit--for any deficiencies of which h•, might be guilty.—(Cheers). The CHAIRMAN then gave as the first toast, " His Ma jesty the King, Duke of Lancaster, and may he ever exer cise his prerogative for the happiness of his people."--(Four times four.) Tune—" God save the King." The next toast was, " His Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence, Lord High Admiral of England."—(Three tissue three.) The next toast was, " The People—the only source of legitimate power." The Vice-President, is attempting to repeat, made an alteration of the toast, which excited con siderable applause. He gave " The People—the only legi timate source of all power." The CHAIRMAN then requested bumpers of the company for the toast he was about to propose. He would give the health of a man who was the ardent friend of national edu cation, who was the enemy to tyranny and slavery in every corner of the globe, the powerful and constant advocate of civil and religious liberty, and the wise advocate—sacri ficing his own interests—of a liberal and enlightened admi nistration. He proposed the health of their distinguished visiter, " Mr. Brougham."—The toast was received with loud and long-continued cheering. As soon as Mr. BROUGHAM rose to return thanks, the company rose as one man, and gave him three times three cheers. When they bad subsided, there was a call for Mr. Brougham to mount the table, but he stood in his place, and addressed the meeting to the following effect :—He as sured them that he used no ordinary ncr common-place form of expression, when he told them, as he now did, with the utmost sincerity, that he felt completely over powered by the very great kindness which they had just evinced towards him.—(Here his emotions caused the Learned Gentleman to pause.)—When he came to their meeting of that day, it was impossible for him not to recollect that the present was far from the first time of his appearing among them. In truth it so chanced that his public life was begun in connexion with the town of Liverpool, and that he had the high honour of recollecting that the first time he ever appeared to support the interests and maintain the rights of any portion of his fellow countrymen, was in connection with the interests and the rights of their great, and populous, and commercial city.—(Cheers.)--He afterwards had the singular felicity of being enabled to return in a small degree the favour, which he, then in the outset of his public and professional life, received at their hands, when, in the year 1812, lead ing on their forces to the attack, he had the satisfaction of. defeating what they then reckoned, and which experience had since proved to be, to say the least of it, for he wished not to revive unpleasant recollections of by-gone events, an unhappy specimen of mistaken policy.—(llear.)—The consequence of that connection led to one of the most inte resting events in his public life,—he meant the occasion on which at their call he had come forward u a candidate for the distinguished honour of representing them in the Com mons House of Parliament ; and it was one of the most singular fortunes which ever hefel any man, that he should now, for the first time, except professionally that day in Court, since the year 1812, when they had fought the good fight together in many gallant fields,—that he should now, after tl le lapse of 15 years, oolong a portion of human existence, meet them again in that place that day, but under circum stances so very singular,—so he would not say, opposite in a personal point of view, though they certainly were dif ferent, much less opposite in respect to public prin ciples,—that he really did not know where lie should commence the description of them ; or, when he had once commenced it, where lie should stop.—[Here con siderable interruption was given to Mr. Brougham by the noise made :by some workmen in opening the win dows to ventilate the room, which was excessively hot from the numbers collected in it. The audience loudly in sisted on their desisting ; but they went on, regardless of all noise save that of their own creation. Mr. Brougham proceeded.]—He was sure that nothing which lie could tell them would be half so useful as what those persons up stairs were doing for them.—(A laugh. )—They were then assembled under circumstances so different as to persons, though not in the smallest degree, lie would venture to as sert, different as to public principles, that on so fruitful a topic he was incapable of deciding where he should begin, and—what was, perhaps, equally important--where he should end. It was then, as most of them would recol lect,--auch of them as were too young to recollect would have heard the fact from their friends,—it was then his lot to be a competitor of their vot=e along with a very dis tinguiThed statesman of the present day ; and it did so for tune, that from that time to the present, he had never once been in their good town till now, and that, as on the last day he was in it, he had bean occupied in speaking, not against that Right Hon. Gentleman individually, but against the side that returned him ; so on the present day, when he once more raised his voice among them, it was to avow openly and manfully, and without the slightest dis guise, that the Right Hon. Gentleman and himself sgere note• acting politically together,—The Right Hon. Gentle man in office, he out of it—(loud cheering)—the Right Hon. Gentleman in power and in place—lie supporting him in that power, and helping him with his humble but honest mite of assistance to preserve that place—(loud cheering) ; because he conscientiously believed that lie could not render a greater service to his country, than by humbly but dis interestedly tendering to him (Mr. Canning) such his sup port.—(lmmense cheering.)—lt could by no means have escaped the notice of such of them as had paid the slightest attention to the events of the last four or five years,—he might indeed go even still further back, but it mattered not for his argument,--"hat this was by no means a sud den or unexpected an sagement. With respect to Mr. Canning personally' he needed only to remind those who were witnesses of the election in 1812, that there was not a single instance, either on the part of the Right Hon. Gentleman or himself, of the smallest personal (Hear. )—That, he fearlessly called upon any person who recalled the events of that period to deny. He challenged any man even the most minute investigator into the details of that election, to say whether any thing less harsh, less uncivil, or less uncourteous, as far as individuals were con cerned, ever was in the shape or under the name of a con tested election.—(Great cheering.)—He spoke not now of any animosity on account of their principles, be cause it was quite evident that if at a time when they were most different in party, and most directly pitted against each other, no lanai animosities prevailed, it was still less likely to have prevailed since, when their principles were mutually approximating to eaeh other. What lie now wished to call to their attention, be cause it was far more important for their consideration, was the great but gradual change which for some years past had been taking place, silently, but still not the less certainly and effectually, in what lie would term the cast ing and moulding of the great political parties in Parlia ment. On this subject he would, with their permission, take the opportunity of saying a few words. They bad all of them known instances of coalitions—some of them so equivocal in their circumstances, as to have occasioned no little popular discontent ; and others of them so extraordi nary in their nature, as to have excited disapprobatio n among good and thinking men, and as to have had the effect ultimately of bringing the thing and name of coali tion into disrepute. He wished to speak with all proper tenderness and respect of those who had departed from the great stage of public life before them. Any political mea sure which bad received the sanction of Mr. Fox —any political step which formed part of the public conduct of that illustrious statesman..--any political arrangement which had been approved of by that great and enlightened and immortal English patriot—(Great cheering)—any thing even of which he could not see the reason, or could only , half see it, and that dimly, and as it were in a glass darklf , and which from not seeing to its foundations he might he disposed not to condemn, but to question—all and even' thing, if it had received authority from him, by his giving it the sanction of his glorious name, he whom he ('tie' Brougham) venerated,—every thing bet worshipped --- " to whose memory he tendered all that man could ten- , der to his fellow-creature—the veneration due to the best, the most enlightened, and the most unman -inking friend of the people—(Cheers)--any measure, he re peated, approved and authorised by such a man, would , where he could not see the reason of it, obtain his silent hut respectful acquiescence. Nevertheless, the difficulty which he confessed himself to experience 0 ° that subject, was experienced by the country also in 1713 4, when it saw Mr. Fox and his friends, on the very nug' row after the day on which they had been engaged in ! long and bitter party and personal contest with Lord Nort h and his friends, suddenly desist from their operations of at. tack, adopt a different course, and coalesce with the eer y same minister, on whose head they had not, indeed, hear coals of fire, as the common phrase runs, but on who°, head they had poured out all the vials of their wrath, unto they had made the whole country as one man detest god abhor him.--(Hear, hear.)--When, under such eircuur stances, the country suddenly, and without any addition t°' or substraction from, the members of either side, exeefl that the Duke of Portland was made Prime Minister, _l O 7 l had a se a t given him in the Cabinet over the heads North and Fox,—when the country, he said, saw a coa l ' tion suddenly struck up between the Parliamentary glek v , tors of each party, without any adequate cause alleged In it, it was a coalition, of which, as it could not understel the motives which had given rise to it, it thoroughly al i t , heartily disappr o v e d. He confessed for his own part, t b , s A . if he had then had a seat in P ar li a ment, though he shou t have given his vote with Mr. Fox, he should have g iven more as a tribute to that great man's authority, than as tbe result of his own private and unbiassed judgment''',,, (Cheers.)--But what possible comparison could there instituted between the circumstances which gave rise to the coalition of 1784 and those which gave rise to the co:llL tit ' n of 1527?--(Hear.)—There was in the latter case no sonal anim os ity betwe e n the pa r ti e s to it, splitting t"" country mad Parliament itself for years ; on the contrs o there was an interchange of courtesies' rather than of hosttli ties prevailing. Every one great public question, save one, —perhaps the greatest of them all, but still not the Only question,--every one public measure of importstri whether in vo l v i ng our f ore i gn , or co l on i a l, or domee ti r policy, th e s t ate o f oar re l at i ons w i t h ot h er ooun tries, with our own people, and the policy we should pursue to peace and war,- -all the great commercial questions re' lative to our intercourse with the new States of Ati tere° the great questions of reform at home into all our install' tions, save that of Parliament,—eaeh and all of these tl rious important questions, instead of separating, °, brought the tw o p art i es nearer toget h er ! an d th e y had O f even thought of coalescing, they had not even thought ° taking one step towards a junction, they had not even M e ' ditated on the ordi nary an d necessary means to promote a° union, till each of them, in their own respective sphe r t e4 ; and in both Chambers of Parliament, had been acting some time, hand and heart together, to defeat, to discomfit and utterly to destroy, the common enemy of national dependence.—(Loud cheers.)—He believed that before the events happened which led to the elevation of Mr. Ca l - ring to the high place in the Government at home wht e ' he had now filled for some years, it must have been knel to them all, that, so uncomfortable did he feel hinfee h those who were considered the leading members amo n g his late colleagues,—so little could he unite w ith t h em ,—so entirely did he differ from Lord Liverpool °:° the greatest all home questions, the question of re'' , gious liberty- .(Loud cheers)—so utterly did he differ front the other Noble Lord who was the leader of the in the House of Parliament to which he (Mr. Canning) °,, e ' longed, on that most important of all questions, in tyl )° '''' either as Englishmen or as men, w e a ll engage our feel t°„ . and our principles, he meant the cause o f c i v il liberty, all O f world—(Cheers)— s o utterly was he at variance with otted Noble Lord on all great questions of domestic policy, a l ! with the other Noble Lord, his own immediate superior r° the House of Commons, on all great questions of forei.e policy, that he thought—for he knew it not, and in making his thoughts known he betrayed no secrete, be violated confidence—he thought it required no great ingenuity , °`; egregious wiz ar d, to discover that Mr. Canning's design ° going to India, for the governmerit of which he was dee' tined at the time of Lord Londonderry's death, and whet' he intended to have passed, if not the residue of his life, the better part of those years which still remained to him t ° the ordinary course of nature, was mainly, if not entirely' owing to that radical, deeply-rooted, and irreconcileah le difference of principle which existed, and was likely to coo' tinue to exist between him an d th em . —(L ou d and log cheering.)—But Mr. Canning differed as much from those two Noble Lords on the home policy of the country, as as regarded its trade and its finance, as he did on the (-8, tholic Question and on the Holy Alliance.—(Loud cheers./ He differed, also, widely from them on the subject of it° . provements in its internal administration—he differed froui them on that most important subject, the improvement Id its civil and criminal jurisprudence ; for, while they It'l l , suffer no antiquated abuse, however glaring, to stir from pride of place in whi c h th e i gnorance o f cen t ur ies had e°: gained it—while they would not hear a word of our be a whit wi ser th an our ancestors i n t h e savag e days ° the Tudors and Plantagenets—while they would know 0°- thing of improvement, save improvement in the revenue' which meant improvement in their salaries, and impoY e ; rishment t o th e people by the increase of taxation—Oat': cheers)—while they would know nothing of improvem e° a save i m provement of their power to crush the people, a° to e xtinguish the people's voices—(cheering continued)! he (Mr. Canning) was the advocate, not with them bu t against them, of those improvements which were wr este d , andtas p h f i o s r the thencountry colleag a u n e d s, fo m who ho a n g k a i v n e d a — r ( e c i uheetesros from t —a hou n g dt l h i leOper grasp consent to the general measures of Adinioi; gratin, giving up their opposition on minor paints, V ci pressing it upon othe r s o f grea t er importance—he 14 4 , 1 they still mai n t a in th e i r f ormer a dh erence t o th e princi,l 3 '" ° of improv emen t, an d occup i e d a l ea di ng pl ace i n his rat °; jesty's Councils. Here let him ask the meeting to refl ec t ' how the members of the late Administration, consid er :j as an entirety, if an entirety it ever was, stood with reit, / to one anoth er . It was notorious to all the w or ld that t°,f( differed wid e ly a mong themselves—that they o pp o sed i°,`",l vidually meas ures that aught to have had th e undivi ue i, support of the Cabinet—that they repeatedly stayed to v° amid speak against each other—that they did this nith va" riot's success--and that Mr. Canning and his friends o'er ° sometimes defeated, and sometimes carried important vi,4°- _(Cheers.)--Now let the meeting tories for the amelioration of their country and Ina ltl63-. Canning and his friends differed from the Whigs collec: tively, or from him (Mr. Brougham) an indisq as dual member of that body,'etra opposing the Admint 4 tion as he did gen eral.7, and yet yielding to some their measures a partial, and when he could, n ot a relf ii. tant assent. Did they differ at all ? No such thing. `, the contrary, on all those mighty occasions, for the caw*, of the country, for the cause of liberty, and for the genera l cause of mankind, they and he were Beep fighting side hi side reflect how far 1 1 "' •—(Chee rs ,)—And was there any thing so very e l ate' ordinary i n a littl e time having been taken , after an indivi dual had acceded to the Government under the peculiar eirctrinstances under which Mr. Canning acceded to was there any thing so very extraordinary that Mr. Co ning did not begin all at once,—it would have been better, if he h a d begun al l at once, as he had taken the liberty ot long as men were men, there would:be feeling, in their. bosoms as to persons with whom they had been long an a place in intimately associated, nor were tho se feelings to be repro ea unamiable in their foundation, provided that the) was there, he were gence,e— 's would again ask, any thing 8 0 very extraordinary i n hi . btealtelindgnlorittucaatrrtiheed time too in far hiss y no t breaking squares all at once upon every great national, question with those very men whom accident alone WO ma de his colleagues ? Accordingly, it was not in the first year after the Marquis of Londonderry's death, though evert Parliament, but so in that time sufficient evidence transpired of an intention to effect a change in the foreign policy of the country, butst the second or third year after it, that the nati on e re-invigorated by the knowledge that it was under the guidance of new men reinforced by the old—" we being the old men," said Mr. Brougham' and Mr. Canning and hi e friends the new ;".-- en d that they were letting it free from the degrading, time disgraceful, and he would add, the dis gusting e a twit to the despots of the C on ti nent , i n w hich, y dynas ty -...for he must us e th at wo rd---it d under a f orme r been chained fast to the car of the Holy Alliance. (In manse cheering . )_Was there, he w ou ld as k , an y o ne quo tion more interesting to the count r y s i nce t h e ter mination of the war than this ? Perhaps it was one as important is could be i ma gined to manki n d i n general, an d it was g ifte with a peculiarly touching inte res t t o thi s cottutry--he meant the great question of th e recogn iti on of the colo nial independence of the late Spanish settlements in America.—' ( Hear, hear. )—lf he were to go over the history of that ques tion, he thought that he could prove beyond all dispute , that had the former men an d t h e former principles beet'e suffered to predominate to the presen t time, they would ha ve had this cou n t r y, if not i n alliance with , Spain to res tore her colonies by force dour fleets and armies to her yok4