The Sun. — London, England, 1831-06-22 00:00:00

.onion between that eoutitsy and the State, he (LorJ 'Caret/ ioas compelled to say he recognized the necessity of 'no higher union than the protection which was due to that Chiirch to support its Ministers in the proper dis \ chargek their duties. If the Noble Earl meant by the f union of the Church and State, that reciprocity which, . ' gave the Church protection and support in return for the zeal and attention with which its Ministers discharged their duties, and the superior merit of the religious instruc tion which it afforded the people, he was prepared to agree with him ; but if the Noble Earl meant a political union, if he meant to make the members of the Church of Eng land parties to the support of political power, he would tell him that the Church had very seldom exercised that power with advantage to themselves, and often with great detriment to the public.—(Hear.) I trust, therefore, it is not to me that the Noble Earl imputes hostility to the Cliurch. I wish for Protestant ascendancy, but I wiah it to be obtained by a conviction of the superior 'truth of the doctrines of Protestantism, and to be upliebi by the exemplary conduct and piety of those wh o ar e to expound its doctrines. He (Lord Grey) deprecated all religious dicussion when mixed up with political sabiects. He perceived, indeed, that the Noble Earl still retained some of the feelings which were engendereal by the discus sion of that question for the final settlement of which he considered no price too high. Ile was convinced that those who were so anxious to promote Protestant ascen dancy had (he m'ght exclaim, oh, short-sighted men) — done more than their enemies to inflate the cause of reli gion and promote the differences of religious sects. He was as warm a friend of the Church of England ea any man, but he wished it supported by the !write of its doc trines, and not by being placed in hostility to others by the means of measures which have Itti effect directly con trary to that which their promoters intend. But then it was said they were not only destroying the ascendancy 4 the Church, but the constitutional influence of that House. Now be thought, the true way to preserve its influence was by destroying that which rendered it obnoxious to the great body of the people. It was his opinion, that the inflieseare of the Peers would be best preserved by the wholesome exercise of that power which their station, their wealth, and their superior acquirements must command, and which the provisions of the Bill would call into exercise, rather than by their continuing to attempt to tnaiutain a power which was become obnoxious to their countrymen. But it was not really the influence of the House that was to be affected. It was the influence of some few c-f their Lordships who had the power to return some eight or ten Members each into the other House, to the prejudice of the rest—(Hear, hear)—and who were enabled, through that power, to command plaits and advantages for all their connections.—(Hear.) It would be no longer in the power of any Member of that House to exclaim " there are seven of us"—(A laugh, and hear)—for the purpose of commanding any request however extravagant. Peers, through the effect of the Bill, would exercise a wholesome influeuce on their neighbourhood, by cultivating the good opinion of those who surrounded them ; and an end would be put to that odious syatetn of nomination, which was at once a monstrous anomaly in a representative system, and at the same time exercised contrary to all those prin .-4)les of the Constitution which declared it a high snit demeanour for a Peer to interfere in the election of !dem hers to sit in the other House of Parliament. It was on thes e principles that he had advocated the measure which had been brought forward, and had given his support. and had used all diligence in preparing that measures in which he concurred with his colkagues, which had received the sanction of the Sovereign, tylio had now recommended it formally to their Lordships from the Throne. That measure too, has was happy to know, had met with the approbation of the country. There was one other subject on which he would make an observation, though it could be better answered, and with more autho rity-, by other persons than by him. The Noble Earl com plained of the violent attacks which were made by the Press on that 1101.19 C, on the Church, the Monarchy, and the Constitution. Certainly he was not inclined to he partial to the malignity the Noble Earl complained of in those publications, hut the Noble Earl seemed to think that the Government was culpable in not prosecuting those publications. He could appeal, however, to the Noble Earl on the cross-bench (the Earl of Eldon, we believe), whether it were enough that a publication was a malignant libel to procure the punishment of its author. There were other considerations of equal importance which must de termine the prosecution. He had heard that Noble Earl express this sentiment and say, that it was not always in the power of the Government to check such publications. lie would remind the Noble Earl that this was not the first time that such publications had made their appearance. They.had been going on, more or leas, for many years, sometimes with greater malignity—sometimes with leas, but always tending to injure the liberty of the Press, The Noble Earl had tried to put down such publications=—bid he suc ceed ? No—For a time they had been comparatively insig. uificant ; hot afterwards they had broken out with as much vehemence as ever. All that he could say was, that when ever it was the opinion of the Law Advisers of the Crown that the law could he effectually applied, he should give his vote and sanction for carrying the law into execution. He must, however, be allowed to say, that there always Was a considerable difficulty in ascertaining beforehand, Whether prosecution would do more barns or good. When an offence was committed, and when it appeared likely that a prosecution would not further the object kept in view by the writer—when it appeared likely that a prosecution would contribute to suppress a writing and promote the peace of the country, neither he nor his colleagues had ever shown themselves backward to call the power of the law into ex istence. They had heard the Noble Duke congratulate the House at that part of his Majesty's Speeds which re ferred to the good Government of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, by which the necessity of enacting new laws to strengthen the Executive Government with further oowar would be prevented. He was certain that -tech good effects would not have been produced if the measures so loudly called for by the Noble Earl had been acceded to. pne individual had been designated by the Noble Earl, he hardly knew in what terms, but an individual who had been the subject of a prosecution, and of whom the prosecution had been discontinued. The Noble Earl seemed to say that the Government had not kept its word, and had employed a pretence for evading or avoid , ing a prosecution for which it had no inclination. The Government had no intention, when the dissolution of Parliament took place, that that prosecution should be abandoned, or that the law should not be suffered to take its course. But at the dissolution of Parliament, the law under which the prosecution was instituted expired, and it was the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown in Ireland, as well as in this country the distinct opinion of the Law Officers, that the prosecution could not he sustained. There had been decisions of the Court, on the point, and precedents had established that the prosecution had expired with the Act. He could assure the Noble Earl, that there was no pretest used for evading the pro secution ; that no compromise had ever been entered into or contemplated, and that nothing but the circumstances be had mentioned caused the prosecution to be disconti nued. He did not know that there were any other thing; contained in the Noble Earl's speech which he was called on to answer. He expected, indeed, to have heard other grounds for attacking his Majesty's Ministers, and be ex pected to have been called on to answer other assertions. He had heard nothing from the Noble Ecrl which should disturb their Lordships' unanimity. The Noble Earl had toot objected to any part of the Address ; he had not ob jected to the general principle of the policy of his Majesty's Government ; and on every question hut that of Reform the Noble Earl concurred with him, and left him nothing to explain. On the subject of the dissolution of Parlia ment no approbation was expressed in the Speech from the Throne, and asthat subject the Noble Earl had said no thing. If a., .ning were said, he was prepared to answer it ; but as nothing had been said, he had nothing to answer. He had net heard any general objections to the address ; he had not heard that it was intended to propose any amendment ; and, under these circumstances, having answered the Noble Earl, he should sit down and not de tain their Lordships any longer. With respect to the great measur e which had been called revolutionary, he ‘v"oirt only say that it was a measure called for by the necessities of the times, and, if carried, would give, be firmly beli eve d , security to all the institutions of the c untry ; and if factiously opposed, would lead to conse quences which he dreaded to contemplate .—( Cheers. ) The Earl o f WINCRILSA explained. He had not imputed to the Noble Earl that he entertained revolutionary principles, and he wish e d he could quote no instances of those connected with the Government,whose c on d uc t did not countenance what h e h a d said. ut a Noble Relation of the Noble Earl's had been present atatlable wher e th e toast was drank of " The S overe i gnty of the people that was be thought, a proof of th e assertion he bad Government, and made. L Another Noble Lord connected with the given, at another public assembly, as a t oast, " The Laid beral Clergy of the Church of England," and had after wards drank " The Dissenters." These were persons con nected with the Government, and their conduct au thoriaed him to make the assertions he bad made. As to the connection between the Church of England and the State, he conceived that connection had brought down great blessings upon the people. Earl GREY explained, that the toast referred t o The not " The Sovereignty of the People," but it was " People, from whom al I Sovereignty is derived." More over, the Noble ?MOD alluded to—i-for whom he felt 1 warmly--was himself wry story that such a toast hail been given, hecanse it'was one of those sentiments which it was not proper frequently to have brought forward. He must, however, defend the sentirnent as abstract truth ; for it had been insisted on at the evolution, when King James abdicated. With respect to the other toast pf The Liberal Clergy of the Church of England," this was the first time he h a d 'h ea rd o f i t , an d did not k noiv where it had occairred.-- ,- -(Sorne Noble Lords said " North ampton.) He ccneeived that a very innocent toast. It he were tn select from the sermons ani other observations of the members of the Church, he was afraid he should find matter quite as ttprehensible as that the Noble Earl had found at eteciian dinners. 11e believed he should find sentinrcnta adverse to the liberties of the people, and to those kindly feelings on. which the prosperity of the Church was found - A. lie had, too, he thongtr, a right to complain of the Noble Earl rreti.ing what passed at eleetion dinners a subject oftninment ha that House during a grave debate. The Dane of CITMBERLAND did not feel l‘imself queflned to take part in their Lordship's' 1 -bates, and should not have said one wcrtl, having no objections to make to the Atldns's, were it not for the circumstance that the Neblc.t hill opposite had charged him truth heilng alwers adverse to the liberties of the rieopta. He would, however, state, in the face of "Nair Lordships, and in the face of the country at targe, that there was no Member of that Hott.e who would tight more strenuously for the libet - tin of the people than he would.--( Cheers. ) wishe'd the Noble Earl to state in what act orbit In ht had shown a spirit of hostility to ttre lik,--erties a the people.— ' (Cheers.) Their Lordrhip4 otA excuse him for being warm. He had the satisfaction of being surrounded by his Noble Friends, who had always adVocated tae liberties of the people. He and they, liAre\rer, felt it their duty to maintain the Constitut7On, consisting of a King, an Aristocracy, and et tiouse of C o m mons , with equal rights. r, near.) —(Hea That he had always maiettairtd, and always would maintain. With reepett to the Bill hefore ! Parliament, he had no hesitation its saying that he saw it 'in a different point View from the Noble Earl opposite (Earl Grey)-. When any other measure was brought for ward, he would not pledge himseif to support it ; he would listen to all that was said about it, and he would give his best - tttontion to all ttx arguments urged for and against He apologized to their Lordshit,ls for address ing them ; but be could net as lw the Noble Earl to assert, uncontradieteti.-, that he was the enemy of the liber ties of the per—pl'e. Las; ~iI3EY explAiled. the Earl of FALMOUTH complained of the allusion made by the Noble Earl tts " there being seven of us." If the Noble Earl did hot hien to apply that allusion to him, he bad nothing to say—(Earl tlrey did not know to whom the allusion applied—Order, order.) He begged leave to say, thSt the story reflected on an ancestor of his, and be renteived the Noble Earl had reflected on hilts in making that allusion. As long as such stories were con ned to the newspapers, he shnuld treat them with me rited contempt ; teat When they were alluded to by the Prime 3linisteC in the House of Peers he was called on to notice instil. The whole story was founded in falsity, and had been raked up from some of the libellous publica tions of those thaws, Eal GREY ad not know that the story applied to the ancestor of the N4de Earl. He had not seen the article in the newspaper, and had read the anecdote in the Diary of Bubb Doddington. In quoting it he hail ineent no personal allusion, but merely to illustrate the use even now made of such influnete. Lord WEIMINCLIITY, protested against the discussion on that side of the House being characterised as violent. They had a sacred duty to perform—a duty to theking and the cou n t r y, an d th ey wcu ld perform it. He knew that the country requit , d to be told the truth, the plain truth, in a bold and temperate manner. The Govern , went would not find the Opposition violent, but, pt ttlng aside all personalities, would confine o.t..Mselves to what was nece.sary. Of the Lint`tire of Reform he should speak as a :natter of history. If the words of the King's Speech wer.l adhered to, that Bill could never Main 1)2 hrenght forward. That Bill would, indeed ) do away with the improper influence of their Lordshipa ; but it would give such a degree of influence to the Commons ) that that House would be annihilated. Ae to the Address, he meant to give it no opposition. There was nothing in the Speech for it, and nothing in the Address which called for an Antleredlatent. With good sense and much mode ration the Ministers had said nothing in rraist of the disso lution ;if they had, no power ost h should have kept him from moving to Amendment.—(Cheers.) As to what hapreved at the late dissolution, that wan as much a matter of history as anything that had occurred in the reign of George the Second ; raid lie must say that it was wrong to take that step in such a state of excitement, When that event occurred, he had heard with 1, stonishment the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack say, that " He had never yet btatd that the Crown ought not to diseelve Parliament, particularly when the House of Commons had thought fit to take the unprecedented and extreme step of refusing the Supplies." ue must say, that an assertion more contrary to fart he had never heard in either House of Farlizlment. He said the House of Common: ti .d not refuted the Supplies— they had mad: no attempt to refuse the Supplies; but a motion fot adjournment was carried on a very different motion. He knew that the Ordnance Ettimater, stood for that evening ; but no motion eoncetning them was before the House. He mutt lay, that the offence with which the Ilouse of Commons was then charged—for offence it was— had a great influence over the elections.—(A laugh.) The Noble Lord then adverted to the tikvumatance that the King's name had been t'4,ed as favourable to the n easure which he complained of, and said that that had contri buted to the success of the elections. The Noble Lord also referred to the illuminations ordered by the Lord Mayor, and said, that the town being left for several hours at the dir , trecion of the mob, showed in the Noble Lord at the head of the Home Department a great want of discretion. The present House of Com mons, in consequence of the exeitment, was a mere body of delegates sent to pass the Bill, the whole Bill, and rothing but the Bill. The Noble Lord alec tt'mplained of the threatening language used at the hustings, and of Yorkshire having been deprived of an active and honourable man, well fitted to r e p resen t th e county, who had voted f o r th e Bill, but found something ohjectionabl in its details. The Members had been sent to the House pledged to the Bill. He did not say threaten ing language had been used, but language very like threats had been employed on various occasions. He really did not understand how men could get rid of the pledges they had &vela to their constituency respecting the ten•pound Taalification, even if they should, upon a deliberate re view of the question, be induced to disapprove of it.— At present he did not wish to discuss the question of Re form. Ile should wait until he saw what the new Bill was, and lie recommended the same line of conduct to the other Noble Lords who were hostile to the principles un derstood to have been promulgated in another place. He did not mean to debar himself from the right of making observations respecting particular portions of the Bill ) on petitions, or upon other occasions ; but be would not at tempt to discuss the whole measure, and he thought it would he more consistent with the dignity of the House, if they did not attempt to discuss the whole measure until it was fully brought before them. It was a source of much pain to him to observe the situation in which that House would be placed if the other House should pass a measure to which they could not give their assent. They would undoubtedly be placed in a situation of exceeding ditTr. culty, and he most earnestly prayed that such an event never might arrive. There was undoubtedly a large body of persons in the country who were favourable to a mea , sure of Reform, most extensive in its nature; but if their Lordships were satisfied that the plan submitted for their consideration was fraught with danger to the State, they had but one line to pursue—(Cheers)—they must reject it--(Cheers.) For his own part, he would rather return to his situation as a simple English gentleman, than sup port the Bill, if it assumed as dangerous a form there as it had in another place.—(Cheers.) It was well and wise for their Lordships to look forward. They were threat ened, in case of a refusal of the measure that was to be proposed, with all sorts of calamity.—(Hear, hear.) They were told to look to their property and to their station.—(Hear, hear.) As for their property, it could not be in danger, except in common with that of all other Englishmen—(Hear, bear)—and as for their station and dignities, he could only say that he would himself—and many there were who shared the feeling with him—h e would forfeit all his dignities, rather than betray his duty to his God, his country, and his King--(Gheers)—if he really believed the Bill was against it.—(Loud cheers.) The existing impression on his mind he declared to be that it was. He had alestained from tntering as fully into the question as the Noble Earl, but he thought it. right, even at this early stage of the proceedings, to bring the matter before the House ; and lie entreated them to look their insitu actoinosnidfeurlalytion o thfteheq face. He calmlytru sted and the fi y r s m vo ly u , l a d n c d om th e a t t o th th e the would de c id e according to the dictates of their conscience, y knowledge, and experiencewati satisfactoryhenh;:dt great i confid ence i n t h e the gre a t ma j or i ty o f people of England. deciaion thinking nren. woul — d be (Hear i l e e t that . ) would be always sure to command their rersinpa"e ((Heartydu But if they were to betray th e i r d uty, and vote e f ur which they considere4 the &zit step for the subversion of the State, in consequence of any fhttats front abroad, er any personal fear, be wctild rather see the House of Lords at once wiped out of the Constitiitiou.—(Hear.) He had rather see the House wiped away at once, than that it should drag on for a few yearn in impoten ce an d conterntst. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE Agreed t'rith the Noble Lord (WharncTiffe) in hoping that there would be nn pre mature disc:melon of the great question of Reform. From all that be had heard and seen, and from all tlnst he totlil collect abroad, some change 't.ttst take piste in the repre sentation of the tvantiy. Now if this were the opinion of the majority of the people of England, and if their winhe were responded to and re-echoed from tile `throne, he could not himself .rloelr.: t'isai; the measure must be suc cessfnl. Atad as for the line of proceedings to be fol lowed by their Lordships, if there was one duty snore solemnly imposed upon them than another, it wan thsst of applying their whole minds, -w?tholit prejudice or passion, to the otiEs'Aols V'hlcttivoiild be submitted to them - , so as to stchre it after such a manner as would secure the permanency of those institutions wherewith, according to all authors, the prosperity of the co'mtly is insepa rably connected.—(Hea'r, hear.) Never was there, he contendet, :11 answer to the Noble Baron (Wharncliffe), a nitre necessary measure than the dissolution of the late Parliament for the preservation of tbose institutiont; What was the state of things tinder which that dissolu tion had been determt.ned t6pon ? A meaStire having ob tained the petty 'general approbation of the country was introduced into the House of Commons, after a series o f events which had rendered the people perfectly acquainted with the arguments which ea',uld be adduced on both sides of the question. Now, the result Lavin.- been that a sue • ces-iul opposition had been offered to the Bill, although there was no great preponderance of number, yet was the opposition such that there was no possibility of proceed ing succteefully With 'the measure: His Majesty's ad. visor's then recommended him to take the sense of the people. His Majesty was graciously phrased to follow this advice. The sense of tile people was taken, and it was most unequivocally expressed in favour of the Reform Bill; and if anything were needed to support the Sound ness and expediency of the advire evhili his Majesty's Mi nisters g ive, it Woktld round in the history of electrons. In reply to the observations which had been made respect ing the improper use of the private opinion and feeling of his M ijesty upon this question which had been made by his Majesty's Ministers, he begged to de clare that the private opinions and feelings of 'his Majesty had never been stated in any way ex cept to rebut the false and unconstitutional assertions which bad been continually put forth respecting his Alajesty's want of confidence in, and personal hostility to, the views and objects of his responsible advisers. When such assertions were made, it was essential they should be promptly contradicted, and that it should have been clearly -fated that, from the beginning to the end, the opinions, and wishes, and feelings of the King had gone along, as they ought of right to go, with those of his constitutional advisers. It was necessary that this simple fact should be laid before the people; and the people believed us and not our adversaries—and they judged aright.—(Cheers.) They gave his Majesty credit for that frankness and since rity by which be is so eminently characterized, and which was one of the most glorious ornaments of his crown._ (Hear.) He denied that any part of it.e just authority of the House would be taken away. No constitutional right or privilege would be taken from them. Montesquieu, whb possessed one of the greatest minds that ever adorned humanity, had sedulously applied his attention to the Bri tish Constitution, and pronounced an eulogium upon it which spoke in the most exalted terms of its wisdom and character; but Montesquieu had not alluded to anything in the privileges of the House of Lords which would be taken away by the Reform Bill. On the contrary, the very alterations which were contemplated in the popular branch of thf Legislature would make the Constitution more truly resemble that which had been represented by Montesquieu when he was enlarging upon its excellenci,s, describing its several parts, detailing their powers and ex tent, and athewing how they operated upon and influenced each other. The Bill, he maintained, would do no more than restore to the House of Commons their just and constitutional privileges; it was nothing more than a rectirrence to the principles under which the Constitution of England had flourished. The extension of the franchise might be deemed an alteration ; but it was one which was called for by the circumstances of the times. Ptopetty had appeared in a new shape, and was thus spread throughout the country in all directions. The pro portion of persons holding property in the funds of 1001. or under, was to those who possessed property to a higher amount as 2 or 800,000 to 20 or 30,000; and he sub mitted to their Lordships, it was not possible, it was not in human nature, that such a number of persons so widely spread should not be anxious, and even clamourous, for representation. He felt convinced that the people would be satisfied by observing that the other House had a fair share in the Constitution; and he as firmly believed that their Lordships' House, when relieved from what was really their weakness—he meant the right of interfering, by unjust means, to influence the other House of Parlia tnent—would be placed upon a more stable and solid foun dation than it had ever occupied before. None of their just rights or privileges would be affected by the Bill; from the maintenance of them he for one never would shrink; but if they claimed nothing but what was strictly and legally, and constitutionally their due, when the diffi culty to which the Noble Baron alluded did arise—when the Bill passed the other House, and carne before them, they would clearly see their way.—(Hear, hear.) And the only way by which they could hope to esc ipe from the difficulty in which they might find themselves placed, would be in the temperate and conscientious discharge of their duty in giving their best and most dispassionate consideration to the measure which would be sub mitted to them. If they attempted to maintain claims to which they had really no title, they might find them selves in a situation of dire embarrassment; as the Noble Earl behind him had said, they endeavoured to litep their position as an army of occupation in a country which was not their own; but if they were content with bestowing their care as Legislators, and ini• nutely weighing all the details of the measure, their deci sion would be received with respect and confid, nce by the country. All difficulties would then cease, and England would do justice to their motives and their conduct. His Majesty's Speech stated that in any measures which might be proposed, they would carefully adhere to the acknow ledged principle's of the Constitution, by which the prero gatives of the Crown, the authority of both Houses of Par liament, and the rights and liberties of the people, are equ illy secured. These were not unmeaning words. It was the firm determination of his Majesty's Ministers, and of none more strongly than the individual who was then addressing them, to maintain and preserve to the House all its just prerogatives and privileges. Although he differed with many points of the Noble Baron's speech, he yet highly approved of the tone and temper with which it had been uttered. However, he trusted that upon consideration the Noble Baron would be disposed to do justice even to a Lord Mayor. The fact was, that functionary had given no notice of illuminations, he had merely deferred it from one day to another. And the fact was, the whole damage done in the City did not amount to 1001 He could not take upon him to say what damage might have been done to houses at the other end of the town. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was one of the most unfortunate of the persons whose property was on that occasion exposed to the outrages of the mob, and declared that the amount of damage done to his house was much greater than that at which the Noble Marquis had rated the city. He had left his house unrepaired as a monument of the species of protection which, under the existing Go vernment, was afforded to the peaceable inhabitants of the metropolis; and he much wished the Noble Marquis would be graciously pleased to inform him where he was to seek redress and indemnification for the damage which had been inflicted upon him ? He desired to know whether he was to prosecute the Noble Home Secretary, or whether the Noble Marquis, whose own house was walled in, would undertake to pay the amount to which he had suffered ? And before dismissing the subject, be begged to remark upon the fact, that all persons known to be opposed to the dissolution of Parliament and to the Reform Bill had been exposed to the intemperance of the mob. He declared, that when the Noble Earl (Grey) had first taken the reins of Government, he was disposed to support him, as well from the talent and consistency he had formerly displayed, as from the declarations he had made in favour of his order and the aristocracy ; but when he presented a measure so wild and sweeping as the Reform Bill, he felt it was no longer possible for him to place confidence in the Noble Earl's Administration. This measure of Reform he desig nated, not as the work of Lord Grey, or any of the Cabinet Ministers, but of some of the underlings in their de partments. In allusion to the scene which occurred in the House of Lords on the day of the dissolution, he attributed all the intemperance which might have been exhibited upon his part and that of others, to the example of the Noble Lord on the Woolsack, who rushed out of the House, de claring that Parliament was to be dissolved in consequence of the stoppage of the supplies. Now they heard in the Speech delivered a few minutes after, that it was sot on account of the stoppage of the supplies, but from his Ma jesty's desire to call on the people to consider the question of Reform. And also in the Speech which Ministers had just put into his Majesty's mouth, they found a direct contradiction to it ; and, likewise, it appeared from what , had been said by persons connected with the Government in various parts of the country, that Ministers had de termined upon a dissolution. Now this proved that the Noble and Learned Lord had departed from what might be called the honest truth of the traesaction ; and when they observed this, and witnessed the iritenapehance of his con duct, they Might be perhaps eicused for having been in seine degree misled by his eiarraple oiichipg the Reform Bill. he &Mated that never was there, in his opinion, a measure less called for, or more fraught with evil. He congratulated Government on the ingenuity they had dis played in the manufacture of the Speech from the throne. The only tangible point in it—the only point of any im portance, was that about the cholera morbus—(Laughter) —they were not threatened with the Reform Bill—they were not threatend with foreign or domestic war, they were on'y threatened with the ch'dltra Moibits.—(tontilitied la',!ghter.) t , ;ever was there a Speech so Satisfactorily framed to disarrii opposition. There was nothing in feet to be caught hilt the Chrilera riiorbus.(Loud laughter.) He then proceeded to e*press his eaHsfaction at the honour lately cenferred on the Noble Premier. He was very glad to see the Noble Earl decorated with that riband, but he really was at a loss to find out for what public services it had been bestowed. The Reform Bill introduced Under the Noble Earl's acts ices was most pernicious measure. And at to the Noble Earl's foreign policy—with respect to Belgium, for instance—the proper time for discussing that qwstion would he when their Lordships knew all that had passed on that stibjeet ; but judging from the documents which had already appeared—and he believed the Belgic Deputation now in London agreed with him in the opinion —more extraordinary proceedings than those of our Go vernment never occurred in the whole history of diplo macy. 'there was not a point of their whole policy, fo reign or dornestier on which his Majesty's present Govern ment could stand up and fairly claim the approbation of the country. He would not detain their Lordships longer on the present occasion ; but he could not conscientiously sit silent; for although the Speech was so couched that it was not possible for him to tribve an amendment to (A laugh)—he mast say that he thought the coursewhich had been pursued by his Majesty's Government in the highest degree pernicious to the country. Lord MELBOURNE rose merely to advert to one point in the speech of the Noble Lord opposite. The Noble Lord ought to have made himself better informed upon the subject. The Noble Lard said, that on Mon day, April 13, the Lord Mayor originated the proposition of illuminating the city ; and that it was only his (Lord Melbourne's) fault that that intention was eventually car ried into effect on the Wednesday, he (Lord Melbourne) having given authority for the change. Now that was not true ; he had never given any authority whatever for the change. No blame either was to be attributable to the Lord Mayor in the whole of the transaction. Having understood that it was the desire of a large portion of the citizens of London to illuminate, the Lord Mayor notified that, on the Monday, he would illuminate the Mansion-house. Many of the citizens, however, intimating that they could not be prepared, the Lord Mayor postponed his notice till Wednesday. He stated this, because, in a portion of the public press which assumed to be the organ of the Noble Lords opposite—al though he did not know whether or not those Noble Lords chose to identify themselves with it—a paper was published purporting to be signed by the Lord Mayor, which, if it bad been authentic, would have been one of the highest offences of which that Chief Magistrate could be capable, namely, a declaration that the police should not afford any protection to the persons or pro perty of any of those individuals who did not light up their houses. No such paper, however, nor anything like it, had proceeded from the Lord Mayor; who post poned the illumination from Monday to Wednesday, only be cause he understood many of the inhabitants of London would not be prepared by the former day. The Noble Lord hail said, that if he (Lord Melbourne) had taken the opportunity of communicating with the Lord Mayor, be might have prevented the mischief which ensued. How did the Noble Lord know that he had not communicated with the Lord Mayor ; who told him, that so strong was the desire of the citizens of London to illuminate, that it would be better to yield to it. The act of illumination was one which in general he disapproved and discom mended ; but the circumstances attending the recent illu mination were not singular. He had never seen any illu mination in which windows had not been broken, and breaches of the peace committed. He was exceedingly opposed to such outrages ; but in the late instance it would have been impossible to prevent the illumination. What ever reports to the contrary might have been circulated, he (Lord Melbourne) had ordered instructions to be given to the police to give every possible protection to persons and property. Great protection was accordingly afforded. Lord WHARNCLIFFE repeated his opinion that the Noble Secretary of State might have adopted other mea sures in the case in question. Did he put in comparison an illumination for a party-triumph in Parliament, with an illumination for a victory, a peace, or any other great cause of national rejoicing ? Lord MELBOURNE replied, that if the general desire of the people was to illuminate, the effects of that illu• mination would be the same, whatever might have been its cause. The Noble Lord's objection was, therefore, a quibble. Lord WIIARNCLIFFE condemned the use of hard words in their Lordships' debates, and denied that what he had stated was " a quibble." The Marquis of CLEVELAND and the Earl of MANSFIELD rose at the same moment ; and for several minutes there were loud calls upon each Noble Lord to proceed. Lord KENYON moved that the Earl of Mansfield be now heard. Lord HOLLAND did not oppose the motion from any disrespect to the Noble Earl, who never spoke in that House without doing himself great credit; but because he had observed the Noble Marquis make three ineffectual attempts i❑ the course of the evening to be heard. Lord KENYON said his reasons for wishing that the Noble Earl might be heard were, because he had seen the Noble Earl rise two or three tittles in the course of the debate, and because he knew that the Noble Earl wished to say something on a subject recently introduced. The Marquis of CLEVELAND then gave way, and The Earl of MANSFIELD proceeded to state, as we understood him, that having heard that the city was to be illuminated, and that it was probable the illumination might be extended to the west end of the town, he had applied on the subject to the Noble Secretary of State, who most distinctly stated his disapprobation of the in tended illumination, but observed that he bad no controul respecting it. It did not belong to him (the Earl of Mansfield) to say that it was part of the duty of the Se cretary of State for the Home Department to give advice to the Lord Mayor en the subject. He had certainly heard that the Lord Mayor had said he was not very sure if it would be possible for him to afford the protection which such an occurrence demanded. He had hoped, therefore, that, if possible, the Noble Secretary of State would have prevented what had occurred by his advice to the Lord Mayor. The Noble Secretary said :hat he had communicated with the Lord Mayor; but it was evident that he had not so thoroughly pressed his opinion as he might have done. Nor did it appear that his Majesty's Government were very averse to the illumination ; since even some of the public offices were lighted up. As it was, great mischief had tak• n place ; and it appeared that the sufferers had no means for redress against the hun dred. On the general topics of the Speech and Address he would not trouble their Lordships at present. Not that he did not take a very different view from that which was taken of many points in that Speech and that Ad dress. But there was nothing on which it appeared to him that Parliament was called upon to express decided dissent. If any approbation had been introduced of the measure which occasioned the dissolution, he should have felt it his duty to have suppoited, if not to have proposed an amendment. In his opinion that dissolution was wholly uncalled for, and wholly unjustifiable on the pretences ad vanced in its defence. The principles on which his Ma jesty's present Government came into office, were asserted to be non-intervention, economy, and Parliamentary Re form. With respect to the first point, it did not appear on the face of the transaction that they had adhered to their principle in their conduct respecting Belgium; but that would be a subject far future discussion. With respect to the second point, it remained to be seen whether they knew how to strike the balance between prodigality and a just econom y. With respect to the third point, the Bill which they had introduced was it sufficient specimen of their judgment. In the course of the discussions in another place on that Bill, many gross errors and imperfections were pointed out; but whether it was that his Majesty's Government wanted talents or time, or whether they wished solely to redeem their pledge to Reform, without caring as to the means of redemption, to all those just criticisms they declared their intention of turning a deaf ear. The second reading of the Bill—the principle of the Bill, was carried in the House of Commons- But Mi nisters refused to agree to any delay by which the details of the measure might have been rendered less objection able ; they refused to inquire into the precise nature of that property, and of those rights, which they were every where attacking. They were told that the census of 1821 w as incorrect, and, in consequence, there were particular towns affected by theßill which ought to be exempt from its operation ; and that, therefore, alterations should be made with reference to those Tines, unless it were wished to have still another dissointiOn. Another object d ta i k vi e c n gua p i la e c v e i i ii n eu l t r iy ela m n o d r . e p l o t w e w r a ru s e v t h i d a e n n t ti t i h e a t G in o v t e h r e mn en cif remark c o nn ec t e d w i t h t hi s quest i on was w h at h a d aban donmentl of th e p rosecut i on aga i nst Mr. O ' Connell, an in some political promise had been expressed or implied. It v a said that the boort, required from Government by the Right Hon. Gentleman for his support were a modifi cation of the qualification of C at h o li cs , an d t h e payment of the Catholic Clergy out o f t h e revenue o f t h e P rotestant Church. And what was the object of the dissolution ? It was an appeal to the people, not on the principle of the Bill, for to that the House of Commons agreed, but to its details. He would briefly advert to what had taken place at that dissolution. It being thought necessary to excite the people, his Majesty had been advised to dissolve Par , u Par- Ilathent with a huiry of which there had b een no examp l e since the days of Crorhwell. What was th e i r i mme di ate season? A 'f•',oble Friend of his h a d gi ven not i ce of a motion te r when nthat House.theyadvisitede shoulda dissolution, ke t o they ask n Ministers, o,nmt. * lie cated that notice to his Majesty ? At three o'clock on the next day his Noble Friend's motion would have b een brought forward, and there could be no doubt that it would have been carried by a considerable majority. He asked if Ministers communicated that notice to his Majesty? If they did, he would still maintain that the advice to dissolve Parliament was unwise and Impolitic; if they did not e they were unfaithful an I deceitful servants. When the Noble and Learned Load, on the last day of the last Session, suddenly left the Wool sack, darting dark glances at the party opposed to him, and looks of exultation at his own friends, he spoke of the presence of his Majesty. Now, undoubtedly, his Ma jesty's presence in that House was always constitutionally supposed, as it was in courts of law ; but unless his Majesty was endowed with personal übiquity, he could not be present at the time the Noble and Learned Lord spoke ; fur it subsequently appeared that at that time his Majesty must have- been at least as far from the House as the Horse Guards. The Noble and Learned Lord had also declared that his Majesty had an undoubted right to dissolve Parliament; and that it was necessary he should exercise that right as the House of Commons had adopted the unprecedented step of stopping the supplies. Of course he would not charge the Noble and Learned Lord with a want of historical knowledge ; but how such a step could be called unprecedented, it was difficult to conceive. When the House of Commons refused the supplies there was the alternative of dissolving the Parliament or dismis sing the Ministry. Now, really considering how little support or countenance the existing Ministry had re ceived in either House, it appeared to him that their dis missal would have have been at least as natural as the dis solution of Parliament. He need not observe also that there was great diterence between what was ordinarily called stopping the supplies, and the postponement of the report of the Ordnance Estimates. But when it was stated that the dissolution was produced by the stopping of thesup plies, it ought to be inquired when the intention of Mini sters to advise his Majesty to dissolve was circulated through the country. It appeared that the Noble Chan cellor of the Exchequer and the Right Hon. First Lord of the Admiralty had communicated that intention to their constituents at least six hours before the alleged stopping of the supplies. He must also remonstrate against the most improper and unconstitutional use of his Majesty's name made during the recent elections. It was declared that his Majesty was a Reformer, and that he approved of the Bill, and the whole Bill. On what was this assumed ? In his constitutional character, his Majesty had certain re sporsible advisers in whom he reposed confidence. With his Majesty's permission, his present advisers had intro duced the Reform Bill into Parliament. But what did that prove ? Only, that if the Bill should be approved by both Houses, his Majesty, as at present advised, would give his assent to it. Yet Ministers had everywhere proclaimed that the Bill was popular, because it was approved of by the King, and that the King was popular be.tauee he approved of the Bill. It ought to be remembered that the character of popularity was not always a good one ; and that those were evil counsellors who availed themselves of what they asserted to be the Royal opi nion, for the purpose of propping up their own power.— The violence of the people in the North, who were gene rally of pious dispositions and peaceable manners, had been on some recent occasions accompanied by expressions of blood-thirsty vengeance, which, in this country, we had hitherto attributed only to the French in the wildest mo ments of their !evolution. In some parts of the country the people were bent on spoliation, and all they wanted was a plan and a le ider. In those districts, although they seemed to expect much from the Reform Bill, yet, on looking to their acts, it would appear that they thought only on a division of property. ' The effect of the recent excitement had bees to turn all the animosity of the people upon the aristocracy. He could not say that lie belonged to the class called moderate Reformers ; and if he did, he could not say that he had, in his early days, advocated schemes of a more extensive nature, nor should he consent to such a measure of the wildest innovation, such as lie considered the projected Reform to be.—(Hear, hear.) As to the threat held out to their Lordships, that the exer cise of the King's prerogative would be resorted to in the creation of new Peers, for the purpose of annulling their decision, should they reject that Bill, he thought their Lordships were not so degraded as to be influenced by such a menace.—( Hear.) A great number of excellent persons supported Reform ; but it was to be borne in mind, that every plan which such persons proposed had at least this peculiarity, that it received the support of all those who were most disaffected to the Constitution.—(Hear.) The Marquis of CLEVELAND having risen three or four times for the purpose of addressing their Lordships, in consequence of what had fallen from a Noble Marquis opposite, he was happy that he had given way to the Noble Baron, who was better qualified than himself to reply to those points to which he might have spoken. But he (the Marquis of Cleveland) had no wish to speak upon the Bill, which was not yet before their Lordships' House, nor of the provisions, of which they could i knot.v nothing.—(Hear, hear.) On the subjec t of the llunn- Rations, lie thought it necessary to reply to the statement of the Noble Marquis, that no person supporting the Go vernment, and friendly to Reform, had been on that occa sion assailed by the crowds. But the fact was, that although he (the Marquis of Cleveland) was well known to be favourable to Reform, and to be a supporter of the Government, he had been on that night one of the vic tims singled out as the object of that very unpleasant ex pression of popular resentment , and his mansion bad bee n much injured.—(Hear.) The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was remarking upon the changes of politics of the Marquis of Cleveland, and his support of various Governments, when, amidst loud cries of " Order," Earl GREY and one or two other Peers rose at the same time to order. The Marquesses of LoNnosneeitv and of CLEVELAND made some explanations amidst loud cries of " Order," and calls for the Lord Chancellor. At length The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that although lie had been alluded to from the earliest period of the discus !den till the conclusion of the speech of the Noble Earl (Mansfield), he had hitherto abstained from offering him self to their Lordships' notice, because he preferred rather to grapple with the important parts of the subject than to engage in controversy on matters of a pers mai nature ; but after having listened to the speech of the Noble E ail, lie found it impossible any longer to refrain from statingenine thing for the candid consideration of the House and of the Noble Earl himself, with respect to some points as to which the Noble Earl—he must forgive him for saying so—had shown himself to be partly ignorant and partly forgetful. The speech of the Nob'e Earl had evidently undergone some preparation. He was pleased to meet an adversary who had buckled on his armour for the fight, and came into the field with his loins girded up. He begged have to set himself right with the Noble Earl, by setting the Noble Earl and two other Lords right upon a matter of fact. When he heard the untrue account, the incorrect state ment, of the three Noble Lords, he could not help making the remark so often repeated, of the little c onfidence which could be placed on historical statements of events which might have occurred on the other side of the globe centuries ago, when he saw the extraordinary errors which had been committed by three contemporary his torians of varied talent, but equally good credit, who en joyed the advantage possessed by few historians of having been eye-witnesses of the facts which they related. How could confidence be placed in any history when three con temporary historians were so lamentab l y defective in every material circumstance of a scene which passed no longer ago than Friday, the 22d of April last ? The Noble Lords had charged him with having s tated as a ground for the dissolution of Parliament a vote of the House of Com mons of Thursday, the 2 1 st of April. If i he did make that statement, he must have b e en the veriest dot that ever yet rose to address a pu blic assembly; for a d e b ate bad raged in the House of Commons on the subject of the expected dissolution of Parliament for five hours before the vote in question occurred. Did . he not know that he h d a pre viously advised the King to dissolve the Parliament? Was not the fact known to half-a-dozen people in that room? Had he not issued o rders for preparinga commission the night very much en the cards that Parliament before, it being v.. would be dissolved that evening ? He would tell the House what he had said. —(" Hear," from the Opposition.) Since he had sitters in that House, and before he crossed their Lordships • ' bar to enter it, their Lordships had possessed abundant opportuoity of knowing that whether right or I wrong, he was not in the habit of shrinking from any thing which he had stated. The cheer which he bad just heard would only encourage him te do that which he needed no excitement to perform. The words which he made use of were so obvious, their meaning so distinct and • plain, that it was astonishing they could be misunderstood. The only Meaning which his words conveyed was that the dissolution being a thing resolved upon, if any justification of that step were necessary, it might be found in the con duct of the House of Commons on the preceding evening. Though he was not bound to do so, yet he would adopt the report of his observations which the Noble Lord hail read. The report stated that "he had never seen before" —(A cry of " Here they are," and the printed report was passed along the Opposition bench until it reached his Lordship.) " With great submission," said the Noble and Learned Lord, " though I am your Lordships' speaker, I shall be treated as every Peer in this House has a right to he treated. By the favour of his Majesty I have the honour to hold the first neat in this assembly. I will be treated as every man in the House has a right to be treated, and not to be assailed, as I fear ie al:tett/fled, foe the purpose of interrupting my argument with criei df Read ' which is a thing not permitted in either House of Parliament, or at any meeting out of doors." The Noble and Learned Lord then took the printed report and read as fellows—" I never until now heard that the King had not the right to dissolve Parliament when he saw fit, the more particularly when the House of Commons have con• sidered it proper to take the extreme and unprecedente 1 step of refusing the supplies." He was sure that any twelve men sello read those words, and who were ac quainted with the circumstances under which they were spoken, would put the same construction upon it that be did. It mattered little whether in technical terms the House of Comtnons refused the supplies, or whether they adjourned without discussing them. The effect was the same. If a man went to borrow money from another, it was the same to him whether the latter shut the door in his face and told him he would lend none, or whether, without saying a word, he walked away, adjourn d him self, and left his friend to look at the walls instead of the cash.—(A I nigh. ) He would now defend himself from the charge of having conducted himself d srespectfullytowards the House on the day of the dissolution. It had been his con stant endeavour to treat all men, be they his superior., as their Lordships were, or his inferiors, if he had any, or his equals, with the courtesy which one gentleman, or he would rather say man of right feeling, owed to another. He appealed to such of their Lordships as knew him, whether such was not his conduct? He would not, however, plead general character in defence against a par ticular charge. The story which the noble historian bad related was untrue, from beginning to end. After the character which he had just given of himself, their Lord ships might be surprised at his using those words.—(A laugh.) He, however, did not mean them in an offen sive sense. It had been said that he threw his hat on the woolsack and flounced out of the House in an un becoming manner, at a time when he well knew that the King was no nearer to the House than the Horse guards. He did not leave tie House until he re ceived a positive order front the King, communi cated to him by the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod in these words :—" The King cloth command the Lord Chancellor instantly to give his attendance upon hie Majesty, who waits at the bottom of the staircase." It appeared to him that the only person who bad any right to be offended on that occasion, was the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, who, finding him slow to obey the summons, pulled him, with his usual courtesy, by the sleeve—(Laughter)—and added, " Did you hear what I said ? The King has arrived, and is at the lac.ttom of the staircase." Whereupon he ran, or rather walked as swiftly as he could, to meet his Majesty. He would now conic to the subject of the illuminations, and the domestic cala mities of the Noble Marquis,. of which he seemed to en tertain that clear recollection with which some, in remem brance of a distinguished battle, have cherished the wounds therein received, refusing to allow the darkness or the trace to be removed. He would tell the Noble Marquis that at the present moment he was acting anything but a prudent part. It was well known, with respect to the alarming disease now ravaging some parts of Europe—the Indian cholera—that those who exposed themselves to the open air were the most liable to be infected, and to suffer, but those, on the other hand, who eschewed open windows and spare diet— that, in short, the Europeans, who took care of them selves, and lived well, escaped, while the poor natives, who lounged about in the open air, were the parties who suffered the most extensively and the most fa tally. He should, therefore, recommend the Noble the Alarl ar Marquis butcher to a an v d o id open the elv windows, ine.niereh and largely wine-merchant. —(Laughter.) )oti iise With respect to the hand-bill which it was said had ie3tacti by the Lord Mayor, no one now charged the Lord Mayor with being the author of that bill, for the paper which had published the bill had been prosecuted in a Court of Law, and it was found that no such bill had been issued. Still it was lodged in the minds of men that there vas some thing in it. It had been said that the illumination might have been prevented by sending for the Lord Mayor and counselling him. As the Lord Mayor had taken upon himself to counsel the late Administration, the present Administration were to counsel the Lord Mayor to put his head into a nest of hornets.—(Hear, hear.) Prevent t h e illumination !—repress the demonstration of popular feeling !—bridle the joy with which all London was ex ulting !—chain down the minds of 600,000 or 700,000 of his fellow-citizens, by throwing a little of the Home office dust in their eyes ! 14ec certamina tanta Pulveris exigui jactu compressa quiescent? He (the Lord Chancellor) knew, indeed, the effect of popu lar feeling on this head, and had suffered from it; for missiles were no respecters of persons—they smote 'Whig as well as Tory. lie remembered when a certain Bill, after sixty-four days' debate, was laid aside, there was a ferment in the public mind, which led to an illumination, and he (the Lord Chancellor) from no disinclination to show a respect for that deeply injured and persecuted in dividual, and from no desire to conceal his unbounded joy at the great triumph of justice, but by accident, forgot to illuminate, and he was pelted, and his house was pelted. Who were his Majesty's Ministers in those days? Mmn with whom he had no connection, nor his Noble Friends. Did they send to counsel the Magistrates to tell the people not to put up lights? No; they had too much sense; they knew their duty better than to think of such non sense. They had no right to tell them so. They had a right to prevent a breach of the peace, but they had no right to tell the people that they were not to testify their joy. He would now make an observation or two on what had fallen from a Noble Earl in the course of the present dis cussion—if discussion or debate it might be called. The Noble Earl had spoken of disorder, and had clothed his remark in an epigrammatic fashion, convinced that so gilded, the dirt would strike deeper, and stick longer ; but let the House observe the injustice of the Noble Earl, for surely the Noble Lords on the Ministerial s ide of that House lost more of the bad influence to be taken away by the Reform Bill than Noble Lords on the other side of the House had to part with. Having made that observation, he would once and for all protest against the practice of that irregular and anticipatory species of debate into which they had that night, as on many ',lefts of the last Parlia ment, been betrayed. If he should hereafter fall into die eussions of that kind, he hoped the House would re member that he had been dragged into it. But though he felt that reluctance which he had expressed, such re luctance did not arise from any want cf preparation to meet Noble Lords upon any branch of the question ; for if he were before prepared, and anxious for the fight, why should he shrink from it now ? But there was one reason, which with him weighed above all others—it was the in fluence and authority of that House with the other branch of the Legislature. He thought it the more necessary to I.e abstinent and cautious, when he remem bered that there never was a time when there were larger interests at stake, and those interests deeply affect ing the constitution of the other House of Parliament ; when he recollected, too, that respecting no measure did there exist throughout the country so vehement a desire for its completion ; and yet all the while it was one upon which the representatives of the people were unhappily divided, and respecting which even their Lordships, who might be called the virtual representatives of the people. were also unhappily divided. He called them the repre sentatives of the people ; for they were virtually so in b'ood, honour, property, and all that could make the re presentatives of the people. Did not that earisideration lead them to feel, that on the present occasion there was demanded at their hands the utmost degree of deliberation and of caution? Did not that lead their Lordships to feel that they were bound to pause and to meditatse ? Did not that justify him to counsel them to bethink themselves well of the situation which God had assigned them under the Monarchy and above the people? Should that House then allow itself to be wanting in anything which could show deliberation and caution and candour ? or should they leave anything undone which by a shadow of a shade might tarnish their reputations as virtual representatives of the people, or hereditary Counsellors of the King ? Should they, i n suc h circumstances, perm i t t h emselves to indulge in any langua ge ram bli ng , d esu ltory, o • diso r d er ly —hould they not , on the contrary, avo id t h at unpro fi ta b le and worse practice of the last Parliament, and r Alter recut to that better and inure ancient practice of former Par tO avoid all anticipating ditcutslolo a and every thing that wa the discussion up solely upon regularly before they still pprsevi by the precept only be for him might; and he as readily as any calmly as if he t i ttenliNwh l l 11, t a l6ie, e aeea,oe ' es)ace l tr,i t‘rtBr(,:im t i inoi i s r ooni t e hnet t nin e f u oivg n it t hliepwionwt s i nrts s i e rtaiii a ,ecescat)r, i rhupe o li d i i,eend:yi f zastielit ' i,.fitn i. ) t eestoe } ,,,li,, to what bad be during the late g interfered less in divit]uals might No one would b rences did alway would tepeat h terference at a g appeared to have Parliatnentary speak of his elect The Marquis hail not said a si 1 he LORD the Noble Alan' thought the sun name, he thou.} might have give i but ry other persor When his Noble the question of been carried, sot hut m the prese there were, th ey upright, and sti any of these intr and there would King's name. say that the So permittin g his l he did approve was not right 1 of every street, about, sung abo the Parli tment, let you," Was "as a perfectly a nd Paternal an 1806 and 1807 name had been those o t ' ra itv ti i I), t‘ U l 4rh',fhe, t h a t u( r a oi r i.e, ° re e e t L er r titn r • rd lti S ) dra r e h aA hagreB tpto ern i o edi beh tu o iz i of brought then .I: shouldF:n onit in n the i o t, Aeg su. t i. noise political c t . cg a rut, Rf eai is ri i c s af ) lee N tei oru o i s, al erie f i li t i,(l ll to-day i p tuahiv,at given:e tlt i a r i t h o P f ro 'lament ? I toy could put sut as that the distt Ireland being re trained he woul sa'e was attar} enough, they I be no compron for him to ref might arise, ar gentleman had at the electior There were tna meta at the ell had no doubt I in arrest of Lid before tt of great abilit 111 point of L