The Sun. — London, England, 1831-07-08 00:00:00

FRANCE. ``ON ME FOREIGN POLICY OF E..VGLAND, AND Plik 1,771.... S WHICH RESULT FROM IT Td CML AND ILELIGIOUS LIBERTY ALL THE WORLD OVER! XLECTIONS AT PARIS. To the EDITOR of the MORNING CLIRONICLE. Paris, .luly 5, 1631. must speak out shall not be happy till I bare done so ! Our duties are seldom pleasant, but we insist discharge them without reference to (see feelings or sem fears. I love England, and I lode the English ! I know the nation to he generous ) humane, honourable, re ligious, virtuous, and well-informed. But yet the foreign policy of England has been, and is, so ungenerous, so dis honourable, so unwise, and so ignoble, as to inflict serio us and lasting ev il s on t h e cause of civil and religious liberty a'l the world over. This is a serious charge, but I am prepared to prove it. I tell you teandidly, that the fate of Europe at this moment depends on the foreign policy of the Grey Cabinet, and yet I fear to add), that I believe in my cornrcience the policy will be such as to militate against the interests Of the people, and to serve most essentially the cause of despotism. You must not be offended at what I am about to say, , You mu s t no t su pp ose that I belong t o th e Anti-English I party which exists in every country town and village of this old continent. You must not imagine that I envy Great Britain her rank among the nations —her glory on the sea--or her fair fame on eaten the field of battle—her manufactures, industry ) agricultural improvements, or her wise and liberal encouragement of the arts and sciences. You must not suppose that I deny to her the posses•ion of great Statesmen, wits, poets, philanthropists, and divines. You may be sure that I would nut wish to dim the glow which shines on all her religious, charitable, end Mime tional associations, since these are connected with the hap piness of man and the proaress of civilization. In justice to myself I must add, that, Without stating to what country I belong, I never hesitat e on proper and justifiable occasions to defend Great Britain from unjust attacks, and, above all, to keep the cause of the people from being iden tified with that of the Government ! And yet lam bound to add that the foreign policy of England has inflicted, nay, continues to inflict, serious and lasting evils on the cause of civil and religious liberty all the world over. Nor will you class me among those who ab surdly suppose that they pour contempt upon England by calling her a " nation of shopkeepers," just as if in dustry were not more meritorious than indolence—and just as if talent, virtue, and patriotism were hereditary, and deecended from Lethbridge "Pere" to Lethbridge "fits 1' The middling classes of society in England are, on the contrary, without exception—and I do not speak from prejudice or at random—the most enlightened, reasonable, patriotic, and humane of any class of people all the world over. Ido not even except the United States of America, which is great concession on my part, since I take the United States to be the most happy of all the nations in the known world. To tall Eugland a nation of shop keepers would, according to my views, amount to the highest eulogy, though those who make use of the phrase use it as a term of reproach. In my letter to the Morn ing Chronicle I address the middling classes. I select the Morning Chronicle because it is read by the people; and if I look for the triumph of liberty in France or in Great Britain, in Poland or in Belgium, in Spain or in Italy, it is because I see daily, in my intercourse with persons from all nations who visit this capital, that the middling cl 'sees are making rapid progress in knowledge, in love of free dom, and in a determination to sacrifice private interests for public and general good. I protest, therefore, against being classed with those who are avowedly Anti-English, and who profess to believe that the English think of nothing but bales of cotton—dream of nothing but the prices of rums and sugars, and desire nothing but to be hold peace at all prices in order that the Thames may be full of craft, and the merchants of Mincing,-lane say, " I am warm, lam rich !!" But though Ido not belong to this party, I am bound to declare, that the foreign policy of England has, and still continues to inflict the greatest evils on the cause of civil and religious liberty all time world over. At the risk, then, of offending the prejudices of some, the suiky insolence of time lovers of high prices, and the careless about liberty, civilization, and human happiness, I am resolved to speak out ; and though I do not adopt to their full extent the following nervous and tremulous lines of a poet, whose name can never die, yet I ant bound to tell you, that if my Lord Grey should truckle to Russia, court Austria, and flatter Prussia, eulogise Spain, and make terms with Portugal, sigh scornfully for Poland, and say the cause of Italy is " hopeless," the stanzas of Byron, which are partly prophetic, will be Inure than ac coinplished in the general and enthusiastic indignation of all the nations of civil zed Europe ; for then, indeed, will Britain have proved that her foreign policy is oppo se s t o freedom, to c i v ili zat i on , an d to th happiness and dignity, honour and perfection, of human nature. " Alas : could she but fully, truly know How her great name is now throughout abhorr'd ; How eager all the earth is for the blow Which shall lay bare her bosom to the sword; How all the nations deem her their worst foe— That worse than worst of foes—the once adored False friend, who held out freedom to mankind, And now would chain them to the very mind." lam prepared to go into the history of this feeling. I am prepared to show the date of its birth—to trace its infancy—and, alas ! to conduct you to its maturity. lam prepared to show, that men Mr. Canning, whose foreign policy has been so much praised of late, because so little understood, knew of no word but England in all his ne gociations and treaties, and who ever looked to the ad vantage to be gained from a country for British commerce, and never to the advantage to he conferred on a country by British aid and protection. lam of course well armed on the history of the Wellington and Londonderry Cabi nets—the former of whom was— " Call'd " Saviour of the Nations'—not yet saved And Europe's Liberator'—still enslaved." Yes, yes —we must not forget the truth, the solemn, practical truth, taught by the Prince of Poets and the Bard of Freedom, when to the Duke of Wellington he said— '. Never had mortal man such opportunity, Except Napoleon, or abused it more ; You might have freed fall'n Europe front the unity Of tyrants, and been bless'd from shore to shore; And now, what is your tame? Shall the muse tune it ye? Now—that the rabble's first vain shouts are o'er ? Go hear it in your famish'd country's cries! Behold the world!! and curse your victories." But example is the school of mankind ! and though it were useless to mourn over the vicious policy of the Bri tish Cabinet during the last forty years, yet it is not use less to refer to past experience, if, from that which has occurre 1, we derive salutary lessons for the present and for the future. Now, then, let me ask Lord Grey what he imagines history will say of the foreign policy of Great Britain dur ing the last three months? The eulogies of the Duke of Wellington will be forgotten—the applauses of Lord Aber deen will no longer encourage the untravelled, nor make the ignorant believe that in Europe the foreign policy of Great Britain is approved and respected. Ministerial majo rities will no longer give confidence to a party, and inspire the leader with courage and energy. History—calm and impartial history—will thus record its opinion of the events which have just pasted, and which are now pass ing :—" After fifteen years of inaction and oppression, Europe awoke from her slumbers and degradation, and re solved on becoming free. In France this determination was first evinced, and it was so national, spontaneous, and resolute, that even the Duke of Wellington felt it to be irresistible, and was the first to send to Paris an Ambas sador to represent his King and Master. But, though the Duke yielded to circumstances, he was in heart no friend to freedom. He denied to the people Refoim, and the King of England changed his Ministers. This was an important moment for the cause of the people, and Europe beheld with delight and acknowledged with gratitude her obligations to the King, for naming a Whig Administra tion. The Cabinet was composed of Lord Grey, a friend of freedom for more than half a century—of Lord Brougham, whose exertions in the cause of liberty and knowledge had received for nearly twenty years the progressive and marked approbation of all the civilized nations in Europe—of Lord Althorp, who belonged to a family to whom the people smveern of ere attached, an d i n w h om they confided—and of other similar principl e s and opinions. The Cabinet, so constituted, re ce i ve d the support of the British Empire, and it proclaimed its determination to secure to Great Britain a national representation This measure was combated by the enemi es to liberty, improvement, and education ; hut the people supported the King and his patriot Ministers he eventually the car ried. But whilst the Greymeasure was :e contended for the liberties of Englishmen , tening fetters on those who i n f ore i gn lands haladedriisnenfats:i assert the dignity of human nature and their right to lie f ree . It assisted at the conferences of foreign power,, who were combined to destroy the hope s o f the Belgians, and to re-establish the doctrine of the divine right of Kings. It denied to the Belgians, under the pretext of the injury which British commerce would sustain, the right of becoming Frenchmen, and uniting, as they de sired, their country to France. This refusal subsequently IA to wars which might have been avoided, and to misery and bloodshed, which a wise and liberal acquiescence would have rendered wholly unnecessary. It rejected all appeals which were made to it by the Polish nation ; and, although it preserved the most strict neutrality, yet allowed Prussia to supply the Russian army with ammunition and provisions—permitted the same Government to stop the ti anspoi t of antic; to the Poles—paid no attention to the cornplaints of the Polish 'Government, that Austria had disarmed and sent into eiOtivity a brave band of Polish patriots, 'under the command of General Dwernicki, who had been compelled to seek a momentary asylum --and satisfied itself by calling the Polish revolution a re volt which had diSruibed i3airqe. it was no less in different to the int`orests of liberty in the South of Europe. There in Italy, it looked on unconcerned at the armed in tervention of Austrit, in the States of the Pope, of the Duke of Modena, anti the Duchess of Parma, against the people, and in favour of the cruel oppressors, and said Italy was too far removed from Great Britain for it to afford its aid. It affect' d not to be aware of the intrigues and conspiracies forming at Edinburgh by the Ex-Royal ramify, of France, against the new order of things in Prance; and instead of forming an alliance off e nsiv e an d defensi7e with the latter country against all the despotic Sovereigns of Europe, it complimented and flattered those most whtth were the least popular, and stated, by its acts, that it could not encourage the dangerous doctrine of the Sovereignty of the People. It spoke of peace as the greatest of blessing., and paid no attention whatever to the great cause of civil and religious liberty all over the world. It threw into the scale of despotism absolute monarchy, and anti-influence, and talents, and the Poles were left unaided to the tender mercies of a cruel Emperor—the Italians to the yokes of iron of Austrian Princes—the Spaniards to the oppression of Ferdinand and the Inqui sition—and the Belgians to dissatisfaction, division, and civil war, by ordaining a separation of provinces from Belgium, which desired to be united to it, and by forcing away by the force, not of reason or humanity, but of cannon and bayonets, the inhabitants of Limbourg and Luxembourg from Belgium, and the whole from France. This political " Riddle remained a riddle, till, at length' "- I conclude this page of history with a vacuum which I will not attempt to supply. I yet hope against hope. I yet hope that there will he " till at length"—and the re mainder of the sentence I most leave to Lord Grey, and the middling classes of society in England to fill up. Shall the sentence be " till at length the British n Ltion, by pe titions, remonstrances, and addresses, at meetings and in societies, expresses itself so loudly in favour of the cause of liberty in Poland, that the Cabinet was compelled to inter fere"—or shall it read " till at length Poland was exter minated—the Inquisition was re-established in Spain— Don Miguel re-established his throne in blood—ltaly was reduced to subjection—Germany became once more the abode of petty oppressors and unprincipled tyrants ; and then began a revolution of war to the knife against liberty, civilization, and the happiness of human nature !"? I pause for the reply. No faults of Louis Philip will excuse Casimir Perier; and no faults of William the Fourth (if he be faulty) will excuse Lord Brougham and Lord Grey. You might have freed fall'n Europe from the unity Of tyrants, and been bless'd from shore to shore." I shall return to this charge. I shall over and over again re-urge this subject on the consideration of the middling classes in England. It is not enough to be happy one'elf; we are bound to make others happy. It is not enough to say " we have a Reformed Parliament," whilst you are fettering, by your cold indifference, the patriots of other climes. It is not enough to say, France acts yet more basely and with yet more ingratitude. Her condemnation will nit be your praise. She is new in re presentative and national institutions. She under stands but little of that Temple of Liberty which is created on the sure basis of popular sovereignty. Not that I would diminish from the reproaches which are so justly heaped on the French Government by the enlightened and pitriotic of all nations. That Government has acted and continues to act most culpably, but that culpability will form no real excuse for the indifference and coldness of the British Government to the great contest now going on in Europe between the oppressed and their oppressors —the People and Despots. To-day our election commences in Paris ! We are in a state of excitement not easy to lie described—but all is calm and order. To-day we are occupied in forming our 13ureaux—choosing cur Presidents, Secretaries, and Scru tineers—and then we proceed to vote for Deputies. In Paris the elections will not be Ministerial, though it is generally thought that Casimir Perier will be returned by the First Arrondissement. Should he be defeated in this measure, he will fret himself to death ; and should he find his foreign policy unpopular in the New Chamber, he will retire. He promised the King, when he came into office, that the elections should be perfectly free and unin fluenced. He has not kept his word, and the King knows it. If the Minister had acted with the same im ' partiality as did M. Martignac at the elections which took place during his Administration, it is certain that lie would have been left in a minority. The Gazette de France, which, though Royalist, is written with a talent far surpass ing any other Journal in this c.iuntry. (I speak without re ference to its politics), invites its readers to appr'ze it of the number of voters in each Arrondissement who shall not attend at the elections, in order that France may see by how few a number of electors she is represented ; and it adds, " it is curious, after a liberal revolution, to be hold a nation of thirty-three millions of people, re presented by a number of electors so small in amount, as to be able to perform military marceuvres in a space not larger than one half of the Champ de Mars." Whilst we cannot but smile at the Gazette being an advocate of uni- versal suffrage, we cannot hut feel that the. present syatem of representation is not national, nor does it accord with the principles of our Jury revolution. I have much to s:sy, hut must proceed to look after the elections, and will write you to morrow. Your obedient servant, O. P. Q. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, JUI.Y 7. The Earl of HAItEWOOD presented a petition from Leeds, in Yorkshire. praying that the attention of the House might be given to the distress prevailing in Ireland. Lord SKELNIERSDALE presented petitions from pro. prietors of corn mills in Liverpool and Warrington, com plaining of the injury which they sustain in their business in consequence of the large quantity of foreign flour im ported into this country. Lord ROCHDALE presented a petition from the pro prietors of corn mills in Chester, to the same effect. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY postponed from Friday to Monday next the second reading of the Tithes' Commutation Act. On the motion of Lord WYNFORD, the Common Law Courts' Bill was read a third time and p issed. Lord WYNFORD moved au amendment to the Stand ing Order relating to Divorce Bills, to the effect, " Befor e the second reading any Divorce Bill, the proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Court should be laid before the House."_ The motion was agreed to. TRUCK SYSTEM'. Lord \VIIARNCLIFFE now moved their Lordships, that two Bills which he had laid upon the table, having for their object to prevent the practice of paying wages in truck, should he read a second time. He felt it his duty, in entering in'o his objections to that system, to state his belief that, if the House did not interfere, the whole ma nufactures of the country would be so carried on, and that instead of money wages, the universal practice would be to pay the manufacturing workmen in goods. It was worth while to consider how that practice had grown up. Many laws had been passed to put it down, but without effect. On looking to those Acts, he found in all of them something calculated to render them nugatory; and he was satisfied that, in order to counteract the practice, a law of great severity was necessary. The system ori ginated in various causes, and in some cases it was impos sible for the masters to avoid it. But it had now gone to too great a length, and was in many instances kept up only by the avarice of the masters. It was, however, to be considered, that some system of the kind would naturally be resorted to immediately upon the return to cash pay aunts, because, for a time, the difficulty of obtaining money was so great, that many persons of small capital could not have carried on their manufactures otherwise than by paying in truck. But at length the ava rice of th e m anu f ac t urers go t th e b et t er o f their honesty, and truck became almost the universal system, when it was found so greatly to in• crease their profits. When a man agreed to work for a certain suns of money, at the end of the week the master took advantage of the workman's state of dependence, and compelled him to take goods nominally worth the amount of the wages, but, in fact, at such a price, that he paid only ninepence for the shilling. The workman, being often compelled to take goods of no value to his family, must immediately sell those goods (and of course always at a loss), in order to procure necessaries. Now as some masters employed three or four thousand men, their profits, by means of truck, must be enormous. He (Lord Wharncliffe) had often been at a loss to account for the Sale of the products of labour at a price less than the usual cost of producing them. But, on considering the system of twh i t cu r h u s u c t k ahl , e he cmo could wp t a r rs a o c de e ,u, ac t . b, h . nl e egd a an o maly to sell t that system, by eem.lhno s e t h a a r t t i t c v s b m e a l o n ‘ y v manufactur ers made 14,0001. or 15 , 0001. a r Y on the ' goods so ld to t h e i r workmen. Thu, the . a temptation rfit to the masters w as so great, on account ofsuch that if a law w ere not passed to put dowpno the system, truck would become the universal mode of payment of wages. If such a system continued, to what A - otild it teduce the labourer? At the same time that the practice would break down the inde pendence of the workman, it would also destroy the hone , ty, and consequently the cr e dit, o f th e Mas ter. it was no less mischievous to the retail dealers, great numbers of whom had already been ruined, in the neighbourhood of the manufactoriespaying in truck. It would also be exceedingly injurious to our commerce with foreign nations ; for the trade, to which the cheap ness of goods produced on the truck system gave rise, was not a wholesome trade, but one which tended greatly to destroy an advantageous commerce. At the same time lie would not object to th e workman's receiving goods as the wages of his labour without the intervention of money, if the truck could be carried on fairly. But he thought it impossible that the facility' which it afforded to the master to increase his profits infinitely, would not be taken ad vantage of. It might be ohj.cted that legisl itive inter ference on this subject was opposed to the principles of political economy ; to which he replied, that, although he had great respect for many persons who advocate tho e principles, and he had himself some inclination to them, he believed that there was no science so uncertain. Besides, lie could see nothing contrary to political economy in say ing to the mast e r, " H ere i s t h e curren t coin of the realm, and in that the workman must be paid. Let him then buy what he wants, either from your shop or where else he pleases." Under the present system the men were not free agents ; they were not at liberty to go elsewhere than to the truck shop ; the master being the stronger party, and having the power to entangle the workmen so as to leave him no choice. Having stated the ground s on which he proposed the Bills, he would give the H ou s e some notion of their pr ov i s i ons . Th e object of the first Bill was to repeal all the existing laws on the subject. The second was an enacting Bill ; and as lie had candidly announced to their Lordships, it was a measure of security. It stated th a t w h ere wages we re paid in any other way than in the current coin of the realm, the work men could claim in coin the whole amount of the wages so paid, the master not being allowed to set off against such demand goods received by the labourer an account of wages. It further enacted, that the roaster should also pay a penalty for the first offence not less than five pounds nor more than ten pounds ; for the second offence not less than ten pounds nor more than twenty pounds ; and that the third offence should be a misdemeanour, and punished accordingly. It afterwards excludes from those provi sions all domestic and agricultural servants. He would now propose that the Bill should go to a Committee of the whole House, so that such alterations might be made as, upon examination, its details might be found to require. One useful alteration had been pointed out by a Noble Friend of his opposite (Lord Goderich, we believe) re specting those workmen, who, living a distance from the place in which they worked, or being single men, found it advantageous to have necessaries furnished by their em ployers, and deducted from their wages. To such altera tions lie would not object, but only to those which might tend to defeat the whole measure. The Bishop of ROCHESTER (as we understood ) was not opposed to the Bi I ; but, from his own experience, he feared it would not be effectual. In the town of Bromsgrove, in the county of Worcester, there were nearly 5,000 workmen paid by truck ; and when the masters were remonstrated will, they declared that they had no other choice—that without the use of that mode they could not give the men employment. Lord AUCKLAND was entirely in favour of the mea sure of his Noble Friend, and would give him every assis tance. He had received documents, petitions, and memorials, front thousands of persons complaining of the truck system, and pointing out circumstances of fraud, extortion, and oppression, which would justify the inter ference of the Legislature ; but he had never seen one petition in favour of that system. At the same time he agreed with his Rev. Friend, the Right Rev. Prelate who last addressed their Lordships, that it would he very diffi cult to remedy the evil. Ile, wished, however, to try the experiment of this Bill. He knew that in some districts the truck system was well directed, and was attended with good results. He thought, therefore, that the House should proceed with caution. In saying so, he had no intention to throw impediments in the way of the Bill.— He would take that opportunity of inquiring whether, by the clause giving to the County Magistrates a concurrent jurisdiction in cases under the Act, occurring in towns within the county, it was intended to give the Magistrates of Middlesex such a jurisdiction in the city of London. Lord WHARNCLIFFE was happy to perceive the concurrence of the House in the principle and objects of this Bill. In the Committee lie would attend to the suggestions of any of their Lordships, and willingly make the alterations that might appear necessary. He moved that the Bill be committed on Thursday fortnight. (The Noble Lord's reply to Lord Auckland was not heard.) Lord CARNARVON doubted the efficacy of the Bill, but would not give it any active opposition. Lord GODERICII, having given the subject much examination, was of opinion that the well-being of thou sands was concerned in the enactment of sonic such mei sure as this Bill. Earl GOWER expressed his satisfaction that the Bill had been introduced. Lord CALTIIORPE recommended inquiry, and said, that if, upon investigation, it should appear that the Bill would lead to good effects, he should give it all his sup port. He moved that the Order of the Day be read, which requires that no Bill relating to trade or commerce should be read a second time, without having been refer red to a Select Committee. Lord \VIIARNCLIFFE did not think that the Bill came within the meaning of the order. The LORD CHANCELLOR confirmed the view of Lord Wharncliffe. The existing nuisance was of a great and pressing character, and he certainly thought it de sirable to make an experiment, with a view to try to remedy it. _ _ The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on that day fortnight. LABOURERS TN HUSBANDRY BILL. The Earl of WINCHILSEA rose to move the second reading of the above Bill. The Noble Earl said, that the object of the Bill was to enable agricultural parishes to levy a rate, to be called a labour rate, for the maintenance and employment of labourers belonging to the parishes during a certain period of the year. That period was the winter months, commencing with November, and ending with April. He proposed that the Bill should be in operation during two years only. The Noble Earl observed that some measure of the nature which he had proposed to their Lordships was absolutely necessary, in order to check the demoralizing system which had so long prevailed of paying able.bodied labourers out of the poor-rates without providing them with any employment. The continuance of such a system could not fail to engender in the minds of the labourers feelings of hostility against the owners and occupiers of the soil. Lord WYNFORD gave the Noble Earl credit for his good intentions, but feared that be would fail to accomplish the object which he had in view. The Earl of WINCHILSEA said, that from all his ex perience, be was convinced that the small farmers and shop keepers in villages were the very class of persons who would derive the most benefit from his Bill. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE felt the strongest ob jections to all the regulations of the Bill before their Lord- ships, with the exception of that clause for enabling parishes to lease a larger quantity of land than they could at present, for the employment of the labouring poor ; and he cautioned the House against giving its sanction to a new system of poor rate. Tie present hill, he believed, would tend to confirm all that was most mischievous in the administra , ion of the poor laws as they at present existed, because it gave to Magistrates the power of fixing the rate at which the labouring poor should be employed. —(Hear, hear.) He also considered the measure highly objectionable, inasmuch as it interfered with the farmer in the management of his estate, by dictating the exact quan tity of labourers he was to employ; moreover, by ex empting the farmer from the payment of the rate, on the condition of his employing a certain number of labourers, this Bill made it his interest to employ the cheapest and worst set of workmen.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl had stated that he did not intend this measure to be a fixed one, but proposed that it should operate for two years only. The House, however, must be aware of the extreme difficulty of getting rid of a measure of this kind after it had once been acted upon. He admitted that the state of the labouring poor deserved the serious at tention of Parliament ; but it was their duty to ex amine most carefully the means proposed to remove the existing evils ; for when once any measure was c irried into operation, they could not at their pleasure get rid of it so easily as of any other sort of legislative remedy. (Hear.) There were circumstances, he confessed, in the state of the labouring poor, which called for anxious con sideration on the part of every man who valued the peace and happiness of the country ; and he thought it desirable for some measure to be adopted, with a view to give the labouring population employment. —(Hear.) He did not think that the present measure ought to receive the sane • tion of the House ; but he trusted that Parliament would not separate without being induced, under the recommen dation of his Majesty's Government, to agree to the grant ing of certain sums of money to particular individuals, by which a considerable excitement to labour might be created. —(Hear.) In that way encouragement might be given to individual, to embark in undertakings which would return them a due proportion of profit ; but compelling a fu•met to provide that which he could not with any regard to his own interest would, he thought, be detrimental to the agri culture of the country, the prosperity of which, after al, must be the foundation to which they must look for the encouragement of labour and the relief of the labouring classes.—(Hear, he:r.) The Noble Marquis concluded by stating that he felt it his duty to oppose the Bill. The Earl of WINCHILSEA said that no power was Given to Magistrates to regulate the rate of wages. That office was left entirely in the hands of the owners and pro prietors of land. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE found, on looking into the Bill, that the power of levying the rate was not to be exercised by the Magistrate, but by the vestry. That ar rangement, however, he considered still more objection able.—(Hear.) The Bishop of LONDON was opposed to the measure, which he thought would, if ever carried into operation, be found to defeat its own purpose. He considered that it would inflict an injury on the tithe-owner, and the occu pier of pasture land. The measure was a compulsory one, because the majority of the parish were to have the power of controuling the minority; and he thought that the practical effect of the meaning would be to legitimatize and perpetuate the evils which were now complained of. He was of opinion that the cause of those evils was the oti ginal error of following the ancient division of pari-lies in the assessment fur the poor-rates, without regard being had to the proportion of population and property. The Marquis of SALISBURY thought that there were some things in the Bill worthy consideration. The Duke of RICHMOND concurred in the observa tions which bad fallen from the Noble Marquis (L ors downe.) He thought that one of the had effects of this Bill would be, to place the improvident man in as good a situation as the industrious labourer.—(Hear.) Lord ELLENBOROUGH did not mean to say that the Bill would be found to be an efficient measure. Lord MELBOURNE con-idered that the state of the labouring poor deserved their Lordships' serious considera tion, but at the same time they must take care not to vio late sound and wholesome principles.--(Hear.) The pre amble of the Bill contained statements of the correctness of which it was difficult, if not impossible, for their Lord ships to form a correct judgment without an inquiry into each particular case to which they referred. For example, it was stated that on certain portions of land only a certain number of labourers were employed, and that on such land more might be engaged. Flow were their Lordships to decide such a case ? Were they to regulate the intoner in which each individual should manage his land and the number of labourers he should employ? The thing was impossible. No man was more anxious than be was to do every thing which could improve the condition of the la bouring classes in agriculture, but he did not think that the proposed measure would have that effect. He was, therefore, unwilling to vote for the second reading of this Bill, and sending it to a Committee, which would have the effect of creating a delusion in the public mind and raising hopes as to the improvement of the condition of the labouring classes, which, by this Bill, could never be realized. The Duke of WELLINGTON would vote for the se cond reading, in order to nee what might be done in the Committee, as the practice which one part of the I3ill proposed to introduce was already adopted, and with good effect, by many counties in England. He also wished to send the Bill to a Committee for this additional reason,— that there was one part of it on which most of their Lordships seemed to be agreed, and it might be a matter of consideration whether it would not be advisable to di vide the Bill into two, arid to preserve that part in a sepa rate form on which so many of their Lordships seemed to be agreed. Earl GREY could not consent to the second reading of a Bill in the principle of which he could not concur. It he could agree in the principle, lie would have no objection to go to a Committee to examine its details ; but when he heard se many Noble Lords declare the principle vicious and the details objectionable, he could not support the se- , cond reading. Ile admitted the distress which it was sought to relieve, but it did not fellow that because they admitted the distres, that they were therefore to adopt • every measure which was proposed as a measure of relief. This Bill would tend, he thought, to raise hopes which could not be realized by it. As to going into the Committee for the purpose of dividing the Bill, he thought the more simple and easy course would be, if there were any part of it that could be adopted, to introduce it in a separate form to the House. He gave the fullest credit to the intentions of the Noble Earl, but he did not think they could be achieved by this Bill. The Earl of CARNARVON suggested to his Noble Friend that, as there were object►ons to parts of the Bill which could net be well removed by any amendment, the better way would lie to withdraw it for the present. The Earl of WINCHILSEA said, that seeing no hope of carrying the measure against the oppositirm offered by the Noble Lords opposite, he would withdraw it ; but after this he would leave the matter to he taken up by the Government, satisfied that the subject was one which de served serious consideration, and which could not be looked to too soon. It would be most impolitic to allow the winter to approach and leave the condition of the labourer as it was last winter, when such effects had been produced from it. After a few words from the Duke of RICHMOND, the Bill was withdrawn. LORDS LIEUTENANT OF COUNTIES' (IRE LAND) BILL. The Earl of WICKLOW said, that before going into the Committee on this Bill, he was anxious to make a few remarks as to its object.. The Bid was to create Lords• Lieutenant for the several counties in Ireland, on the principle that there should be some certain medium of communication between the Government of Ireland and tie Magistracy of the several counties. That such a me dium should exist he admitted, but he thought, that the custodes rotulorum of the counties were the persons through whom such communication might be very well made; and if there were any non-resident, a Bill could be introduced transferring the authority to others. It might be said that these officers had not hitherto per f firmed their duties, but if they had not done so, it did not follow that they were unable to perform them. In the state of party feeling which ha -1 so long existed in Ireland, he thought it would he unwise and impolitic to give such power as would he placed in the hands of individuals un der this Bill ; and he cautioned the Government against a • measure which would be looked upon by so many as done for the purpose of increasing their patronage. If it were necessary, they ought to assimilate the law in the two countries. It would, he contended, he a great hardship on the custodes rotulorum to be deprived of the influence they had hitherto had ; and as they were to be discon tinued, it might occasion a collision of authority between them and the Lords Lieutenant of counties, which might be detrimental to the public service. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY concurred i❑ what had fallen from the Noble Earl, as to the impolicy of taking away in effect the power which belonged to the custos rohaorum in each county in Ireland. It was in justice to them to place over their heads a Lord Lieutenant n each county, and that, too, without any imputation on :heir conduct. Viscount MELBOURNE said there was no wish on the part of Isis Majesty's Government to press the mea sure with undue haste. In point of fact this was nothing more than an attempt to assimilate the -I+ isis system to that of England. He had no doubt that the Bill would be found extremely beneficial when it came into operation. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought it would be im posing a difficult and unpleasant duty on the Lord Lieute nant of Ireland to call upon him to say that the existing custodes rotulorum should have the recommendation of Magistrates, particularly as many of the individuals referred to were absentees, or disabled by age or infirmity. The natural course would be to place the power of recommend ing or nominating Magistrates in the hands of persons selected by the Government. He did not object to the Bill generally, but thought that the Lieutenants should be persons resident in the counties, and that it would be well if a clause were inserted compelling residence. Earl GREY thanked the Noble Duke for his observa tions, and hoped that residence would be enforced as much as possible, but thought that it would not be expedient to give the Lord Lieutenant a power to prevent Lieutenants of counties leaving the country. In conclusion the Noble Earl stated that he supported the Bill, because he believed that it would prove beneficial to Ireland, After a few words from Lord PLUNK - Err, the House re solved itself into a Committee on the Bill. Some verbal amendments were agreed to, and the report was ordered to be received to-morrow.—Adjourned. SIR RALPH LOPES.—Yesterday a double blunder was made with the name of this gentleman. In the debate be is called Sir Ralph Frunco, and in the Parliamentary summary he is called Sir Franco Lopez, instead of Sir RALPH LorEs, which is the name he now bears. COURT OF CHANCERY.—In the course of yesterday morning Mr. TANcitEn, Mr. P. WILLIAMS, an d Air. HOLT, were called within the bar as King's Counsel, 1 1 in the usual form. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-0111s DA V.) e t ° h i e nP l a ) n ia Y mond, off; The Flepvvell, Pacert, arrived oil' the Wight, from Jamaica, sailed the 16th of May, exchanged numbers off Cape Aotonio with the Thalia ; on the sth ult., saw a ship, supposed to be the Fleetwood ; on the' 7th, after clearing the guil), fell in with the d G l,k ; l ol t g ;e e loi t an l , l t e ehne " . F l h 6 i t r h d s,ig, supposed Jamaica, anl to te LIST OF THE DIVISION ON THE SECOND READING OF THE REFORM . BILL. * Is used to distinguish the 'Members for Counties, MAJORITY. James, W. Jerningham, 11.V.5. t "Johnstone, Sir J. V, Kemp, 'l'. R. King, E. B. Knight, H. J. Knight, R. Labouchere, Lingston, J. H. 'Langton, Col G. *Lawley. F. Lee, J. L. • Lefevre, C. S. • Lemon, Sir C. It Lennard, T. B. Lennox, Lord NV. • Lennox, Lord J. G, Lennox, Lord A. Lester, B. L. *Lewis, T. F. 4 Littleton, E.. 1. Lloyd, Sir E. P. Loch, J. Lopes, Sir R. F. • Lumley, .1. S. Lushington, Dr. Maher! , W. L. Maberly, J. Macaulay, T. B. • Macdonald, Sir .1. Macintosh, Sir J. Mangles, J. Marjuribanks, S. Marryatt, J. Marshall, W. Martin, Sir T. B. Martin, John Mayhew, W. :Milbank, M. Mildmay, P. St. John ililton, Viscount •Moreton, H. • Morpeth, Viscount Morrison, J. *Mostyn, E. NV. L. Newark, Lord •Noel, Sir G. North, F. "Nowell, A. Nupent, Lord Ord, W. •Osborne, Lord F. Owen, H. •Owen, Sir J. Gilley, C. Paget, Sir C. *Paget, 'l'. Palmer, General Palmer, C F. *Payne, Sir P. ' , Pelham, C. A. NV. 4, Pendarves, E. W. Penlease, J. S. Penrhyn, E. Petit, L. H. Petre, Hon. E. Philipps, Sir R. B. a PhillipS, C. M. Phillips, G. It. Polhill. F. Ponsonby, Hon. NV. Ponsonby, Hon. J. *Portman, E. B. *Powell, W. E. Poyntz, W. S. •Price, Sir R. Protheroe, E. Pryse, P. Itarnsbottom, J. *Ramsden, J. C. Rickford, W. *Rider, 'l'. Robarts, A. W Robinson, Sir G. Robinson, U. IL •Itooper, J. B. Rumbold, C. E. *Russell, Lord J. Russell, Lord NV. Russell, R. G. Schonswar, . Scott, Sir E. D. *Sebright, Sir John *Skipwith, Sir G. Slaney, It. A. Smith, J A. *Smith, J. Smith, R. V. Smith, Hon. It. Smith, G. R. Smith, M. 'l'. •Spencer, Capt. Stanhope, Capt. Stanley, J. Stanley, E. G. S. *Stanley, Lord Stewart, P. M. *Strickland, G. Strutt, E. Stuart, Lord P. J. H. Stuart, Lord D. C. Surrey, Earl of *Talbot, C. R. *Tavistock, Marquis Tennyson, C. Thicknesse, R. Thompson, W. Thompson, P. B. Thomson, C. P. *Throckmorton, R. Tomes, J. Torrens, Colonel Townsend, Lord C. 'Trowbridge, Sir E. MINORITY. Hill, Sir R. Hodgson, F'. Holdsworth, A. H. Holmesdale, Vise. Holmes, Win. Hope, H. I'. Hope, J. T. Houldsworth, T. Howard, F. G. Hulse, Sir C. Inglis, Sir R. Irving, John Jenkins, R. Jermyn, Earl of i Jolliffe, Sir W. Jolliffe, H. Kearsley, J. H. Kemmis, I'. A. Kenyon, Hon. L. Kerrison, Sir E. Kilderbee, S. H. Knight, J. L. Lascelles, Hon. W. Legh, Thomas Lovaine, Lord Lowther, J. H. Luttrell, J. F. Lyon, D. Lyon, W. Mackillop, J. Mackinnon, C. Mahon, Viscount Maitland, Viscount Malcolm, Sir J. * Mandeville, Vise. Mexliorough, earl o Miles, P. J. Miles, W. Miller, NV. H. Mount, W. Neeld, J. Nicholl, Sir John Norton, C. F. Nugent, Sir G. Peach, N. Pearse, John Peel, Sir R. Peel, W. Y. Peel, Edmund Peel, Colonel J. *Pelham, J. C. Pemberton, I', Perceval, S. • Pigot, G. G. W. Pollington, Viscoun Pollock, F. Porchester, Lord Praed, W. M. Price, R. !Pringle, Sir W. Roberts, W. A. Rogers, E. Rose, Sir G. If. Rose, Capt. P. Ross, C. Ryder, G. D. Sadler, M. I'. St. Paul, Sir H. Scarlett, Sir James Scott, Sir Samuel Severn, J. C. Seymour, H. B. Shelley, Sir J. Sibthorpe, C. D. L. Smith, S. Smith, A. Somerset, Lord G. *Staunton, Sir G. Stewart, C. Stormont, Viscount ENGL A ND. *Adeane, H. J. • Althorp, Viscount Anson, Sir G. Anson, Hon. G. Astley, SirJ. I). Atherly, A. Bantle, J. E. Bainbridge, E. T. Baring, Sir T. Baring, F. T. Barnett, C. J. Bayntun, S. A. * Beaumont. T. W. *Belgrave. Visconti Benett, John Bentinck, Lord G. Berkeley, Captain Bernal, It. Biddulph, R. H. Blake, Sir V. "Blamire, W. Blount, E. Blunt, Sir C. Bouverie, D. P. Brayen, T. * Briscoe, J. J. Brougham,-;W. Buck, L. W. Bulkeley,Sirß.B.W. Buller, J. W. Bulwer, li. L. *Bunbury, Sir H. E Burdett, Sir F. Burrell, Sir C. H. Burton, H. Buxton, T. F. *Byng, George Byng, G. S. Calcraft, J. Calcraft, G. H. Calvert, C. *Calvert, N. Calley, T, Campbell, J. Canning, Sir S. Carter, J. Cavendish, C. C. *Cavendish, Ld. G. Cavendish. H. F. C. Chaytor, W R. Chichester, J. B. P. Clive, E. B. *Coke, T. W. Colborne, N. W. R. Cradock, S. Creerey, T. Cripps, J. Currie, J. "Curteis, H. P. Davies, I'. "Denison, J. E. *Denison, W. J. Denman, Thos. Duncombe. T. S. Dundas, C. Dundas, F. Dundas, Sir R. L. Dundas, J. C. Easthope, J. *Ebrington, Lord Ellice, E. Ellis, W. Etwell, R. Evans, Col. Evans, W. B. Evans, W. Ewart, W. Fergus-son, Sir R. C. Fitzroy, Lieut.-Col. Fitzroy, Lord J. Foley, J. H. H. "Foley, T. IL *Folkes, Sir W. J. Fordwich, Lord Foster, J. Fox, Lieut.-Col. *French, A. Gisborne, Godson, Robert Gordon, K. *Graham,SirJ.R.G Graham, Sir S. Grant, It. Greene, T. G. Grosvenor, Hon. R. *Guise, Sir W. B. Gurney, R. H. Hall, B. liaise, J. Handley, W. F. *Harcourt. G. V. Harvey, 1). W. *Heathcote, Sir G. Heathcote, G. J. Heneage, G. F. Heron, Sir It. 'Heywood, B. Hobhouse, J. C. * Hodges, T. L. Hodgson, John Horne, Sir W. *Hoskins, K. Howard, W. Howard, P. 11. Howard, H. Howick, Lord Hudson, T. Hughes J. Hughes, W. 11. Hughes, W. L. *Hume, Joseph Hunt, H. *lngilby, Sir W. Tußon, 11. , Tynte, C. K. *Tyrell, C. Uxbridge, Earl of Venables, W. Vere, J. J. H. *Vernon, G. .1. Vernon, O. H. Vincent, Sir I'. Waithman, R. Warburton, IL Warre, J. A. Waterpark, Lord Wason, W. R. Watson, Hon. R. Webb, Colonel E. • Wellesley, Hon. W. I. L. •Western, C. C. \Veyland, J. • Weyland, Major It. Whitbread, W. H. Whitmore, W. W. 4 e Wilbraham, G. NVilde, I'. Wilks, J. • Williams, W. A. • Williams, Sir J. 11. *Williamson, Sir IL Willoughby, Sir H. NVinnington, Sir 'l'. Wood, M. Wood, Colonel T. Wood, J. Wood, C. 'Wrightson, W. 13. Wrottesley, Sir J. 13t. • Wynn, Sir W. W. *Wynn, C. W. SCOTLAND. Adam, Admiral C 'Agnew, Sir A. *Campbell, W. F. Dixon, T. Ferguson, R. Ferguson, It. C. Gillon, W. *Orant, C. •Innes, Sir Jeffrey, F. Johnston, A. Johnston, J. , Johnstone, J. J. H. Kennedy, T. F. Loch, James *Mackenzie, Sir J. *Manic, Hon. W. Ross, H. *Sinclair, G. Stewart, R. *Stewart, Sir M. S. Stewart, E. Traill, G. I IRELAND. *Acheson, Lord *Belfast, Earl of '*Bernard, Thomas •Blackney, W. Bodkin, J. J. *Boyle, Lord *Boyle, J. •Brabazon, Lord • Browne, J. •Browne, D. •Brownlow, C. • Burke, Sir J. Callaghan, I). *Chapman, H. L. •Chichester, A. •Coote, Sir C. H. *Dawson, A.: •Doyle, Sir NE K. C Ferguson, Sir R. *Fitzgibbon, It. H. • Grattan, James Harty, Sir It. 11, Lord Arthur Hill, Lord G. A. I. Host, Sir W. Howard, J. *Hutchinson, J. H. Jephson, C. D. 0. Killeen, Lord King, Hon. I% Lamh, Hon. G. • Lambert, H. *Lambert, .1. S. Leader, N. P. *NPNamara, W. N. •Mullins, F. *Musgrave, Sir It. *O'Connell, I). *O'Connell, M. • O'Ferrall, It M. *O'Grady, S. J B. It. •Ossory, Earl of *OxmAntown, Lord *Parnell, Sir H. Perrin, L. Ponsoriby, Hon. G, •Power, hussell, J. Ruthven, E. S. .Sheil, R. L. Tottenham, C. Walker, C. A. • Westenro, lion. H , • White, S. • White, Colonel H. •Wyse, 'l'. ENGLAND. A'Court, E. H. Alexander, J. Du P. Alexander, J. Antrobus, G. C. Apsley, Lord Arbuthnot, fin. Col Ashley, Lord Ashley, Hon. J. Atkins, J. Attwood, M. Baldwin, C. B. Bankes, W. Bankes, G. Baring, A. Baring, H. B. Barne s F. Bastard, John Beckett, Right Hon. Sir J. Beresford, Sir J. Beresford, M. Beat, Hon. W. S. Bo'dero, F. G. Bradshaw, J. Brecknock, Earl of Brogden, J. Brudenell, Lord Buller, Sir A. Burge, W. Burrard, G. Buxton, J. J. Cape', John Cecil, Lord T. ISugden, Sir E. B. Taylor, G. Watson Thynne, Lord J. Thynne, Lord H. fhynne, Lord E. Townshend, Hon. J front W. H. • - Trevor, Hon. A Tunno, E. Ure, M. Valletort, Viscount , Vaughan, Sir R. Villiers, Lord Walsh, Sir J. B. Warrender, Sir G. IWelby, G. E. West, F. R. Wetherell, Sit C. Williams, It. Williams, T. F. Wortley, , Hon. J. S, Wrangham, D. Wyndham, W. • Wynne, C. W. 0. Wynne, J. SCOTLAND. #Arhuthnot, G. H. ;*Balfour, J. Bruce, C. C. L. Cumming, Sir W. Davidson, Duncan *Douglas, Hon. C. !Douglas, W. It. K. Dundas, It. A. *Gordon, NV *Graham, Lord M. *Grant, F. W. •Hope, Sir A. *Lindsay, J. •Maitl Ind A. Cholinosideley, IdH Churchlll,Lord C. S, Clinton, C. J. F. Clive, It. 11. Clive, Henry Cockburn, Sir G. Constable, Sir 'F. A. Cooke, Sir H. F. Coote, Eyre Courtenay, T. P. Croker, J. W. Curzon, It. Cust, I'. F. Cust, E. Dawkins, H. Dering, Sir E. C. Douro, Marquis of Dowdeswell, J. E. Drake, T. T. Drake, W. T. Dtigdale, W. S. East, J. B. Eastnor, Viscount Eliot, Lord Encombe, Lord Estcourt, T. H. S. B Estcourt, T. G. B. Fane, H. S. Farrand, R. Foley, E. T. Forbes, Sir Charles Forester, Hon. J. G. Fox, S. 1,. Fremantle, Sir T. Freshfield, J. W. Gilbert, D. G. Gordon, J. Goulburn, H. Graham, arquis of Grant, sir C. *Murray, Sir G. Pringle, A. *Ramsay, W. *Scott, Hon. F. IRELAND. "Archdall, M. "Rateson, Sir R. *Blaney, C. Brydges, Sir J. "Castlereagh, Visa. 'Clements, J. M. *Cole, Lord t Cole, Hon. A. Connlly, C' lonel 'Cooper, E. J. Corry, H. L. Dawson, G. R. Ferrard, W. Forbes, Lord Gordon, J. E. Handcock, Richard Hayes, Sir E. Ingestre, Viscount *Jones, T. Lefroy, Dr. T. *Lefroy, A. *Lowther, Hon. 11. *Maxwell, H., Meynell, H. North, J. H. Pennefather, M. *Perceval, Colonel Rae, Sir W. *Rocheford, G. *Stewart, Sir H. Tullamore, Lord York, Joseph '. , Young, John Grant, F.W. Grant, Sir C. Hardinge, Sir H. Harris, G. Herbert, E. C. H. Herries, J. C. PA IRE; OFF. FOR. Barham, J. Brougham, James Fazakerley, J. N. Knox, J. H. Mills, John Morrison, J. Newport, Sir J Russell, W. Sandford, E. A. AGAINST. Astell, W. Bradshaw, J. Clive, Visct. Dick, Quintin Forbes, J. Montgomery, Sir J. Penruddock, J. Trench, Colonel Williams, 0. ,ERS. *Chandos, Marquis of *Clerk, Sit U. ►Duncannon, Vise. Rice, T. S. RD'S. DEAL, JULY 7.—W F ind O E M .N.E. LLOY moderate.—Arrived from the river and sailed, the Jolly Rambler, Peter, for the Cape of Good Hope; the Asia, Ager , for New South Wales. PO RTSMOUTH, JULY 7.—Wind S.E.—Arrived the Larrey, Kemp, from London for New South Wales ; sailed his Majesty's ships (for a cruize) the Caledonian, the Prince Regent, Asia, Donegal, Talavera, Revenge, 'Wellesley, Alfred, Barham, Cu racao, Pearl, and Volage. FALMOUTH, JULY 6.—Wind variable.—Arrived his Ma jesty's ship Carron, from Plymouth. BRISTOL, JULY 7.—Arrived the Mary and Eliza, Tregarthin, from Sicily. MI [,FOR D, Jars U.—Arrived the Lively, Brown, from Dantzic. HULL, JULY 7.—Arrived the Joan, Bewick, from Riga. LEITH, JULY s.—Arrived the Trusty, Cook, from Riga. HU NIBER, JULY 6.—Arrived the William, Lee, from Riga. DUNDEE, JULY a—Arrived the Ann, Brodie, from Riga ; the Spring, Scott, from Liebau ; the Dauphin, Robertson, from Pillau ; the Scotsman, Schultz, from Memel. Ofiport, the David Gilbert, from Riga. TEL ABSENT. Blair, V. a. Fitzgerald, Rt.Hn.V.a.Russal, C. I. Bernard,Viscount a. Frankland, Sir R. tr. Ridley, Sir M. W. Chichester, Sir A. f. Gurney, H. a. Somerville, Sir M. Cockerell, Sir C. a. Hamner, IL a. Spence. George. Domville, Sir C. a. Knox, J. T. f. Townshencl. Lord Vane, J. T. a. Lott, H. 8., a Vaughan, J. E. Fellowes, W. H.f Morgan, C. M. R. a. Villiers, F. Fitzgerald, John a. Phipps ,E. a. Walrond, B. DEAD. Halite, J Newport, Cornwall Yorke, Sir J Riegatc O'Connor Don Roscommon DOUBLE RETURNS. Lord J. Russell . Tavistock and Devon Major Weyland Weymouth and Oxon Tennyson, C Bletchingly and Stamford Lush tngton, Dr Winchelsea and Ilchester Jeffrey, Rt. lion. F Malton and Perth Burghs Milton, Lord Ingham Ferrarsand Northampton (count)) Shell, R. L. Milborne Port and Louth (county) De raison, J. E I iverpool and Nottingham (county) (No return from Carmarthen ) ABSTRACT. There voted on the Second Reading of the Reform Bill, July 6, For tho reading Tellers Paired D-318 Against :2:32 Tellers Paired !1-243 Total There were absent . 621. 24 Double Returns S tio Return I Dead Speaker I Total in the !Lou,— PRICES OF TILE STOCKS Rank Stock 3 per Cent Red 81•N Ti; •Y-li 3 per Cen t. Con 3. 8 140Z% 35¢ per Cent. B; .i Ditto Red 81% lA New 3% per Cent . 9 . 8 %'i; 3 per Cent Ann. 17:1i .... to expire qB7i 4 1,4, i z i (J * ). ni ck r t . C Ll e oos n n: t g . —1 li A s‘sh l :n ., :n Jan. Ja n 5, l April 5, IRS() — 5, 18 %0 . _- ---- 1 ....—. ji Jan. 5, 1870 DAY AT ONI O'CLOCK. New 5 per Cent. ---- India Stock .. Ditto Bonds 4 5 pot South Sea Stock ........... --- Old Annuities New Ditto :i per ('ent. Ann. 1751 Ex. Bills, X1,000...11 13 15 pm. Ditto Ditto Small ..... 13 15 pm. Ditto Commercial pm. Ditto Advertised — Ern. Balk for Account India for Account ICana. for July 20 8271'3%X raicits OF TORSION FUNDS THIS DAT AT ONI O'CLOCK. Austrian Bonds — Neapolitan — B azilian Bonds — Peruvian Bonds Buenos Ayres Bonus — Portuguese Bonds -- Cuilian Bonds ... — Prussian, Old ... ...... ... .... - Colombian Bonds — Ditto, New Ditto, 1824 thnish ~i reek Bonds —lBl3 --, Ditto, 1823 Guatunala ——. Exchange 251. 30c. Mexican Bonds I ~.—. 3 per cent s4f. —r. [Attn. 182:i HAILS. Armed. Due. Arrived. Due. 0 America 0 0 Hamburg 0 Brazil 0 Buenos Ayres 0 Carthagena 0 I 0 Leeward Islands ... 0 1 Dublin 0 1 0 Lisbon I (1 Flanders 0 0 Malta 0 0 France 0 0 Sweden 0 Guernsey &Jersey.. 0 , 1 Waterford UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE KING. In Monthly Pacts, containin three Portraits and Memoirs, engraved in the highest style, after original Paintings by Sir Thomas Lawrence, Reynolds, Shee, Beechey, Jackson, &c. &c. T HE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GAL LERY of ILLUSTRIOUS and EMINENT PER , : SONAGES, particularly of the Nineteenth Century. Imperial Octavo, 3s ; Ditto, Proof., ss. ; the King's Edition, Royal Quarto, India Proofs, Is. 6d. per Pal. " The work is, we believe, completely established in public favour, and we know of none that better deserves it. This is no slight advantage to the editor of a work, calculated and intended to find its way into the family cirele,—to stimulate youth, by placing before them the ' worthies' of their own country, and to form true p.a. triot., by describing to then, the great and the good of their own highly-favoure I land."—New Monthly Mag. " This singularly cheap and very beautiful work pro ceeds with even increased spirit."—Athenteum. London: Fisher, Son, and Co., Newgate-street ; to whom Country Booksdlers, wishing for the agency of the work, arc request,d to apply, free of expense. COALS FOR ROYAL MARINE BARRACKS AND INFIRMARIES. VICTUALLING-OFFIOE, Juzig 28, 1831. T HE Commissioners f or Vi ctua lli ng Hi s Majesty's Navy, &c. do hereby give notice, that on WEDNESDAY, the 13 , 11 day of July next, they will be ready to receive Tenders in writing (sealed up), and treat for the supply (on separate Contracts for each place) of all such quantities of one or other of the fol lowing descriptions of COALS as shall be demanded for the use of the Royal Marine Barracks and Infirmaries at the undermentioned Places, viz. : Description of Coal. Places. For what Period. Marine Barracks—Deptf o rd Stewart's Walls End 's Walb; End rMarine Barracks 2 1 W' l7 " oolwich . Lambton Hetton's Walls End, and Infirmary g tv,. Marine Barracks or Russell's Hetton I and Melvill+hatham SS• Walls End L Hospital ges rs /Marine Barracks) Russell's High Main Marine Artillery I or .4 Barracks, an,t ).Portsmouth StoUart's Walls End i Marine Intir mary :re - § :*zr,' 5 '4* r , E;.: - • The conditions of t+he Contracts, may be seen at this Office, and at the Office of the Commissioners for Vic tualling resident at Deptford, Portsmouth, and Plymouth. Each Tender must specify the price in words at length, and be delivered before One o'clock on the day appointed, and the Person who makes the Tender, or some Person on his behalf, must attend to answer when called for. M. WALLER CLIFTON. ~~c °~ ~~ ', . 2, !• , e : 2 , .: r 7 Springwell's Walls Endl Main Usworth's Main Russell's High M a i n r and Infirmary or 1 Stobart's Walls End ) TfIE COLOSSEUM-REGENT'S PARK. The whole of this Magnificent Undertaking being completed, the Proprietors respectlully invite the attention of the Public to the following Exhibitions, viz.:— s. d. To view the Panorama of London and surrounding country, the Ball removed from St. Paul's Cathedral, the Prospect from the summit of the Building, and the Saloon of Arts 3 0 To view the Conservatories, Fountain, Swiss Cottage, Wa terfall, Alpine S c enery, and G ro tt o and Marine Cave, just op ene d To view the Panorama only The whole viewed for 5 0 Children half-price. NB —A Splendid and Unique Collection in Sculpture, Models, isc. constantly on Sale. Annual Tickets issued daily.—Open from Ten tili Dusk. *4Ol, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 8, 1831. In another part of The Sun will be found the Lists of the Majority and Minority on the second reading of the Reform' Bilt. The Mi nority speaks for itself. It is composed of all those Members who have interested motives in opposing Reform; of those who are apprehen sive of having their personal consequence extin guished, and their pockets impoverished, by the triumph of this noble measure of healing and regeneration. The opposition of such men, of course, goes for nothing. That some few of them are disinterested, we are sincerely willing to believe; but that by far the greater portion of them are mere adventurers, who trade in politics as if it were a matter of business, and would sell their country with as much nonchalance as a shop keeper sells an article behind the counter, we have no more doubt than that the present prosecution of Mr. COBBETT, by a Whig Ministry, is a most ill-advised and injudicious step. The minority i s , of the boroug in fact, the minority hmongers. It can have no possible effect on the country. It can make no show as an opposition, for this especial reason, that it is purely selfish, mercenary, *rd interested. The only independent voters who Clare to and unti are to b expectei PEEL II her sail pared ti Bill, if with his appoint( to bccor and stra defectioi from en bition of generom and can to deser The that w•e aUthenti very pre nion we By a pondent mand of fully equ element, Ca ledon Talaver fred, 1 modore ship ya( vessels, the fleet. for men cruiting. The Papers, v ALEXAI the Vicera chief moti fleet of th, It is sai, the Vicero different p Inent of t! Puhalik o ceived ord, will receiv Where pre lion. Ev a great rep Great L deraid e err endeavour Of beeonai ISOonlaunc stocks, his navy. and A;exa infantry z formed a besidre, Pn 8 ,000 mer army aim incre,ised ALEXA: been in th because nc for a morn of the yeas ships of Were afrai pension of between A fore yester eight of a It Was ern the Freund for some courier WE, Consul. four hour four days. ha s receive the Paella giving op whole fore much en has some stance that to-day fot that an ex of St. Je Sultan. to 31ehem, displace tl doubtful, 3,000 met vice. But one day der I,e master Candia is European hut the it independet all the Eg: that count conquest men ; but ments of g new soldie In Janus] Senaar, me that th wholly dee inents. I little cabs have had , rare in thi years do n The failed ; a Minister because course t Ultra-T( upon tha not help SETT, vu treatmen to discrii those wi tives tha sequenc( services rious an, borough of that took. of Tories, what is I Behold The ju