The Sun. — London, England, 1834-05-13 00:00:00

He should be very glad, however, if those "°o• members who had bills for Wednesday would allow him to take precedence on that day, pro ided it could be done without inconvenience. Mr. GODSON said if such was the decision of the house h e should renew the motion of which he had given notice for Wednesday. S ir E. KNATCHBULL said that he also had a !notion for Wednesday next, and he trusted the noble lord Would give him an opportunity of bringing it for ward. The discussion upon the bill for the admission of the Dissenters to the universities was also fixed for that evening. Lord ALTHORP said, that perhaps an arrange !tent might be made for discussing the bill to which t he hon, bart. alluded on Friday instead of Wednesday,' Mr. crC ONN EL L sa id t h e B eer Bill wa s fixed fo r Wednesday. After some discussion, in which Col. EVANS, Mr. 'clouluniv, and Lord ALTHORP took part, The order of the day for the second reading of the f "r Bill was discharged, and the second reading fixed Friday next. HAND-LOOM WEAVERS. Mr. MAXWELL gave notice, that on the 15 th - ` B t. he would call the attention of the house to the state of the hand-loom weavers. FLOGGING IN THE ARMY. i ii M r. O'C 0 NN E LL, seeing the Secretary at War in P l a . ee, begged intent him a question, having apprised ofthat it was his on so to do. He had been in :Pied that a private of the 42d regiment, of the name Gilligan (we understood), while on his march, had -en fie n ed, in violation of the late restrictive order, kp (1 "/I particular , in the absence of any medical person hatever. The man had been long in the regiment, pd sever a l years i n I n dia ; the punishment h had been i n an end to from the circumstance of is , fain - g under the infliction of it, and he (Mr. 0 Con -17'11) therefore wished to know whether the flogging ',ad actual' been inflicted in violation of the standing °rd , v . er, espe Y ciall that order which declared that no stL " Punishment should be inflicted, except in the presence of a medical officer ? • „ L , r• ELL IC E said, in consequence ofthe intimation i:" , elf the hon. gentleman had given him i o a f hsieseinntethne otn to ask a question onthissubject, regiment d was at the lu er under whose command the t ime this flogging took place, and had obtained ein every quarter all the ' information it was hessible to collect. The courtmartial had been h ld in consequence of conduct on the part of this soldier which was so mutinous as to give an ex ample to the regiment that made it almost I mPossible for the commanding officer to pursue th e march o f the troops with order and decency f r om 'Olehester to Dartford. The man had been absent 'ern parade on the preceding evening and on that e orni -•When called upon b e f ore t h e troops to xplain his conduct, he used language the most I . 4l becoming and mutinous, whereupon the command- In g officer, uon his own responsibility, ordered a ,t2artmartial ; the courtmartial was held, the man was „`",ed• and sentenced to receive 100 lashes, 50 only th w hich were inflicted, and inflicted in pursuance of order of the commanding officer before the (- I ° l ,`,„ die r was tied up to receive his sentence, in conse k—ace of there being no medical officer on the spot. tha t klmitted, as had been stated by the hon. member, ~at there was no medical officer present at the 'cnruent, but the commanding-officer, whom he had 'ent for this morning from the barracks, and b e l/1 ' ) /r1 he had seen, had informed him that he had t h e n obliged to do it on his own responsibility, eZ i l mi!liment being absolutely necessary in order to e him to march the troops. The statement the - 1 11 , 1; and learned gentleman had heard about the s tt ° ll - i er 's having fainted under the punishment was 4seunded; and, so far from it having been the case, his w as able almost immediately afterwards to pursue 14 fla,rch. The commanding officer, after receiving a ter 'min the War-office, desiring information on the the requested to be informed (we understood t\slit ri ght hon oura bl e S ecre t ar y t o say) by the e ' e° n how th e man was a fter the punishment, and iscly was that he had scarcely experienced any 11 1 :: av enience from it, that he had marched in he a l th laYs afterwards, and was now in perfect 4 The punishment was perfectly within the ~g ul ations • an d no circumstance had "taken place ilr°4 Which' an o b se rvation could be made except the e ilb x of the medical officer, and which had been p l aned in the way already stated. UNSTAMPED PUBLICATIONS. 3,1,7 °I ;(„ 1 ALTHORP, in answer to a question from 11-0031 1 A, as to whether it was the intention of ri°vTlinent to prosecute the sellers of unstamped pub rae:rit;c'a, said that in the situation in which govern as -- wa s Placed, they felt bound to enforce the law, its otherwise they might very justly be considered Whfactin pai g d fo r s very ta unfairly towards those publications m elt mps. ing 74I. 'ROBINSON gave notice of a motion respect thet,‘, rep ort o f t h e poor -l aw comm i ss io ne r s -- t le tY, that it afforded conclusive evidence that h et sYstem of poor laws, as they had been ter upon, was highly detrimental to all classes, ap e 5 especially to the honest,. well . disposed, and in tln,l'lous poor, and that it was the duty of the legisla 'e, when they proposed a new law upon this subject, s k :Jully to inquire into the causes that had produced f / C, a ' eonsequence, and that that house would use all k f ra lls to improve the morals of the poorer classes, by s,,h' e ding them beneficial employment, by encouraging itju, habits, and by removing such taxes as pressed Ro o :1 1° 1' 3 ;y upon the poor, and by this means to restore . On Wily and respect for the constituted authorities. t 0 re F e °P der of the day being moved for the house m so ve itself into a Committee, i le n er e r tar fl yi EßßlES said he had a question to put to of the Board of Control. He wished to Court Whether the proceedings instituted . in the etirj; " King's Bench, with a view to pro -1107 a mandamus to compel the Directors to 0, Hon. East India Company to transmit th e 7'a an order upon the government there to pay Of ( j'aitns of certain Calcutta bankers upon the King *itl id ' id ° had been abandoned? If Government had tvo t ,i,c 4 wn these proceedings, he would be glad if they G 0 ,. 0 ,. state whether it was the determination of settf;',,,akent to employ their authority to procure a m r `gent of these debts. t i ght 6 h r , G °RDON said that in the absence of his b een s ;', e n.. friend he might say, that there had not Mi.:velem time to gain the required information. he abse,"RIES said that he could not conceive Y °f the right hon. gentleman would create I' 4 kno - „"' L t Y i n answering the question. He wished t:eti n w - "at were the intentions of government re- Loh g C ho ? proceedings in the Court of King's r 4 eeediti ixLTHORP replied that the present pro hi,V.s were abandoned, but he could not pledge 't as to any future acts. ghte earliest l IERRIES said th at h e should feel it his it t '0 call the attention of th e h ouse to that subject', v . L'lt. ROEBUCK wished to know from the right 444 the Secretary for the Colonies w h ether Govern ' had recei ve d an address agreed to in the Cana th,!especting the new Brunswick Bank, w h at were litti„lltentions of Government respecting colonial legis thc'' there, and also in reference to the printing o f hl list. tlre %Secreta r y STANLEY replied that ad hanssaZi not yet b een re ceived relative to affairs in ad heeand in reference to the civil list, the proposal f „Mr ,taken into consideration and rejected. ' 4 lth . INES wished to know when the noble lord . ti 0 a i 0 0 ntended next to bring the Tithe Composi pefore the house? t , (l ' ALTH OR P, who spoke in an exceedingly Pt • a, Ni l o R as understood to reply that he could not ribVialne a timp, Sams (CIVIL OFFICES) BILL the /),. house then resolved itself into a committee on (:, : ption s Bill. titeiht°llsl DAVIES said that in furthering such a t kn il 41'e this, as while they ought not to shut to • he •ee s t against those who had performed ,e t r , er 0 the state they should not open the door to tttN i b " political adventurer. The hon. and gallant hj . et th e t r4t ioii, , al luded to the objections of the present admi tta, wPeU out of office, to the large amount of th e e ' a r ,r' gialited to the great officers of ge P r esen t re ad an extract from a speech of 4, 1 -.°4ll ein C hord Chancellor, then Mr. Brougham, " airiei ld s„,"e Pensions Bill of 1817. He moved I, lB rd act ' t - "at that from and after the passing of 4A + ' the ma y be lawful to grant to the first the ry u the principal Secretaries . of the of of i'-hairrnan of the Exchequer, the First Cif - to til e Admiralty, and the President of ho t t er a 4 se ci rv .°C Commissioners - of India Affairs, bf to ce e d• l ee of five years (Hear, hear), a sum ye ki ,' a g one thousand pounds, and after a service g.gis h e i s a sum not exceeding 2,0001. J. ,„ug seconded, "e h '.ItAR Ot it , °us e th AM said that when he brought bFfor . e t ° 414 e qUestion of superannuations he felt it his chl llee the present bill as a necessary ad junct to it, and it was founded on the recommendation of the report of a committee of which Mr. Bankes was chairman. That report recommended the abolition of sinecures after the death of the existing holders, and from it resulted the Act of 1817 on the subject of granting pensions to the Ministers of State. The ' abolition of the sinecure offices saved to the country 100,0001. a year, and the pensions granted amounted to 42,0001., thus effecting a saving of 58,0001. a year. (The right hon. member enumerated the different officers of state who were entitled to pensions, with the scale of allowance for each class; but in a hurried and indistinct tone, as some evidence of the cautious exer cise of the power granted by tl.c bill of 1817, on which the present was even an improvement.) He would state that though the Crown had the power of grant ing pensions to the amount of 42,0001., it had only granted pensions to the amount of 16,000/. ( Hear.) And he thought it right to say that those pensions were granted and the reduction made by the late admi nistration. ( Hear, hear, hear.) The great object was to allow the crown to select from the talent and independence of the country the most efficient instruments for carrying on the national business, men of talents but of limited incomes. Reduce the pre sent retiring allowance, which would be an inducement to many men of character but of small fortunes to take office, and the government of the country would, to use the phrase of the hon. member, be thrown by necessity into the hands of " trading politicians," to whom salary was every thing, or into those of the aristocracy of large fortunes, who disregarded salary but looked for power ; and in either case the interests or liberty of the country could not be much secured. ( Cheers.) Two thousand pounds a year now was but nearly equivalent to three thousand in 1817. Many a man taking office sacrificed his hopes and profession ; and whether he retained office for two years or five years it amounted to the same thing—his occupation was gone. The late Mr. Perceval, when he was appointed minister, gave up the profession of the bar ; and as he used his case by way of illustration, he could not but press on the notice of the house the probability of the occurrence of similar cases, which well deserved the generous and just consideration of Parliament. The Gallery was then cleared for a division ; but none took place, the amendment, as we understood, being withdrawn. Sir S. WHALLEY could not see why the longer one held office the more pension should be granted to him. If a private individual dismissed a servant the dismissal did not preclude that servant from the means of earning his bread or recurring to his former occupa tion. So it was with public servants. Sir J. GRAHAM said if the hon. member under stood the question he would not have made such re marks ; for the fact was that the clause was introduced as a check on the evil complained of by the hon. member. ( A laugh.) By the bill any person claim ing a pension was obliged to make a written statement that his private fortune did not enable him to retain that station in society that his rank entitled him to. Sir S. WHALLEY agreed with the last observa tion of the right hon. baronet ; but he thought that pensions should be granted to poor persons only, *and only on the ground of the inadequacy of private fortune to enable them to uphold their station in society. Sir J. - GRAHAM—Oh, then 'the hon. gentleman excludes public service altogether. (Loud laughter. ) Sir S. WHALLEY said he meant to include pub lic service as well. ( A laugh.) The hon. member then proceeded to read an amendment on the clause. The confused mode in which he read parts of the do cument, the repeated alterations and corrections that he made, and his sitting down at last from an apparent inability to decipher the paper, or convey any clear notion of its design, excited great merriment. Amidst the confusion that followed we could not ascertain whether he put his amendment formally or not. Mr. ROBINSON said that Parliament possessed a control over the contemplated provisions of the clause. He could not help saying that it was disheartening to a well-meaning Minister like the hon. baronet, to whom great credit was due, when he brought forward a good measure like the present, to be met by obstruc tions, such as those thrown in his way. He would then advise the hon. member to withdraw his amend ment. Mr. O'DWYER thought no regard should be had to the inadequacy of private fortune. No one could by taking office injure his personal prospects, as he could return to his former pursuits. Sir J. GRAHAM said that if the consideration of the inadequacy of private fortune to maintain a Minis ter in a suitable condition were not introduced into the bill, any wealthy Minister, the present Chancellor of the Exchequer for instance, who had been glanced at by an hon. member, might claim as a matter of course his pension ; but the declaration now required would exclude him from it. Mr. G. F. YOUNG and Mr. HAWES said a few words. Sir E. CODRINGTON did not object to the clause, but he regretted that pensions were not regu lated more by the services of public officers. After a few words from Mr. O'DWYER, the clause was agreed to ; and, after a short conversation, in which Sir J. Graham, M r . G ues t, Si r S. Whalley, and Mr. G. F. Young took part, the ninth clause was ordered to stand part of the bill. On clause ten being proposed, Sir J. GRAHAM - moved that the words "more than ordinarily meritorious" should be omitted. The right hon. baronet, in the course of some observations not very audible in the gallery, stated that the amend ment was proposed to meet an objection urged against the bill by a class of individuals whose zeal and activity in the public service entitled their opinions to the con sideration of the house. He meant the clerks em ployed in the public departments of his Majesty's ser vice. These individuals objected, and he was bound to say with some reason, to the alteration which the bill as it stood would effect in the existing superannua tion system. _ _ _ Mr. F. BUXTON thought that if any change were to be made in the superannuation system the sums taken possession of by government from the va rious departments upon the occasion of the present system being established, should be refunded. He understood that 73,000/. from the excise, and 254,000/. from the Customs, had been appropriated by govern ment at the period when the last alteration in that system had taken place ; and, if the government de parted from the compact into which it then indirectly entered with the clerks of the public departments,. he thought it would be but justice to refund those sums, which, at compound interest, would now amount to 800,000/. The bill, he did not hesitate to say, would operate most injuriously upon several of the old public servants ; and if it were to be carried it was the duty of the house to remove every just cause of complaint, as far as it might be practicable. Mr. S. RICE defended the clause as it stood. Mr. TOOKE proposed an amendment to the effect that the clause should relate only to those who had entered the public service subsequent to the sth of August, 1835. Colonel DAVIE S contended that the public ser vants had nothing; to complain of. The dead weight, which in 1810 had amounted to only 94,0001. per an num, in 1831 amounted to 540,000/. Mr. F. BARING contended that there was no vio lation of the contract, inasmuch as the clause was in conformity with the resolutions of the house passed in 1810. The scales of retired allowances had always been subject to changes, and Parliament, in 1821, had altered that which had been fixed in 1810. The discretion of the Treasury in fixing the retired allow ances of p u bli c servants had the most beneficial effects upon their conduct. Mr. AGLIONBY supported the clause, and, After a short discussion between Mr. Lloyd, Mr. Vernon Smith, Major Beauclerk, Lord Ebring ton, and Mr. Hawes, Mr. Tooke withdrew his amend ment. Clauses from 11 neon. 25 w ere put and carried ne. con. On clause 26 being put, which relates to the reduc tions of retired allowances. Lord D. STUART objected to the clause, e e n the ground of its acting retrospectively. The object had in view would b e full y att a i ned by leaving out he of the clause all the words after the words "per cent." in line thirty-five ; and when the proper time arrived he should move that this part of the clause be omitted. Sir J. GRAHAM said that the arguments of the noble lord would apply as much to the part of the clause before line thirty-five as to that which followed. He should be sorry to be understood as wishing to do anything that would trench on the most religious ob servance of all contracts that had actually been made with any parties. Sir H. HARDING E was desirous of knowing if the right hon. baronet could give the house any idea of the probable saving to the country that would arise from the present measure. In a bill of this descrip tion good care should be taken that no individual should suffer any damage by its provisions, and he hoped, therefore, that the right hon. baronet would consent to alter the clause. • Sir R. PEEL said that there could be no doubt but all those clerks who had received their appointments ,since the year . 1829 must abide by the conditions on which they accepted office, and .1, liable ti , operation of the present measure ; but it was far ti s _ rent with those who had been is (Ace previous to th,o period. Many young men of liberal education, ai.d valuable acquirements and talents, had taken appoint ments of this nature calculating on their gradual but sure promotion in the service. It was not for the salary of 901. or 1001. a year that this class of young men ac cepted those situations, but with the hope of promo tion. He thought it would be extremely hard and unjust to turn round on those men now, after spending a great part of their lives in the public service, with the understanding that their promotion was to go on, and bring them under the operation of this bill. He did not deny the competency of the house to do this, but he very much doubted the justice of such a pro ceeding. Suppose a man who now had a salary of 5001. a year should be promoted or transferred to a situation where the salary was 550/., was he, by the increase of 501. a year, to come within the provisions of this clause ? If so, he should consider it exceedingly unjust. Mr. F. BARING begged to call the attention of the committee to the fact that none of the present sa laries were to be made liable to any deduction, as it was only in the event of promotion that the clause was to apply. Mr. LLOYD said the proper course to pursue was to let the clause take effect only on those who were appointed with the understanding that they were tb be liable to a measure of this sort ; but it would be very unfair, he thought, to subject those who took office with no such understanding to an ex post facto law. Promotions in the army and navy went on regularly, and the same principle should prevail in cavil depart ments. Sir J. GRAHAM said that promotions in the army and navy, it was very well known, did not go on by seniority, for the most fit and efficient persons were always selected for promotion. He should be.exceed ingly sorry, at the same time that he did not agree with those who opposed the clause, to sanction any measure that bore the appearance of hardship or in justice, and he should therefore consent to alter the clause, so as to embrace only those whose appoint ments bore date subsequent to the Bth of February, 1822. ( Hear.) Sir R. PE EL congratulated the right hon. baronet. on this voluntary acquiescence with the feelings of the committee, After a few words from Mr. O'DWYER, The clause with the amendment was agreed to. The remaining clauses of the bill went through the committee without opposition. The report was brought up, and ordered to be received to-morrow. BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS BILL. On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, the bill for the better prevention of bribery and corruption at elec tions was re-committed. On the suggestion of Mr. W. W. WYNN, clause 33 was omitted. By this clause any elector reported by a committee to be guilty of bribery would have been punished by perpetual disfranchisement. The several clauses of the bill were agreed to, the house resumed, and the report was ordered to be re ceived to-morrow (this day). COMMITTEE OF I.IPPLY-REPORT. . _ On the motion for reading the order of the day for receiving the report of the committee of supply, Mr. LYNCH objected that it was too late an hour to give the several clauses due consideration, and that there was one clause respecting the Chancery business upon which he proposed to make a motion. Mr. S. RICE observed that he had been put to much inconvenience already, being called upon to pay moneys for the public service which had not regularly received the sanction of the heuse. He would ask the hon. member, therefore, to allow the report to be re ceived, or at least a part of it. When the vote upon which the hon. member raised an objection came to be read, he would have an opportunity of bringing for ward the subject of Chancery abuses. After a few words from Mr. Lynch, Mr. S. Rice, Mr. Hume, and Lord Althorp, Sir M. W. RIDL E Y begged to put in a word on the part of the public against the practice which was gaining ground in the house of interrupting important business like the present, for the purpose of interposing individual motions of hon. members. Mr. HUME protested against the doctrine of the hon.baronet as an unconstitutional one. The report was then ordered iobeTeceived, and se veral clauses were agreed to. NATIONAL GALLERY. On the vote of 13,0001. for the building of the new National Gallery, Mr. SANFORD inquired whether it was intended to remove the cartoons of Raphael, now at Hampton court, to the National Gallery ? Mr. S. RICE was not prepared to give a positive answer to the hon. member's inquiry, though he did believe it had been a . question, independently of their great bulk, whether it would be prudent to move such costly and delicate works of art within the smokey at mosphere of London. The vote was agreed to. On the vote for liquidation of the expenses of the Insolvent Debtors' Court being put, Lord ALTHORP, in answer to a question from an hon. member, said that from the press of business he did not think the bill for the abolition of imprison ment for debt could be passed this session. The vote was agreed to. Lord ALTHORP (we understood) also replied, in answer to Mr. Hume, that he could not say when the Local Courts Bill was to be brought on. Mr. HUME expressed surprise that in the other house, where there was so little to do, the Lord Chan cellor, or some one else connected with Government, would not bring in the bill. On the vote of 12,000/. for the support of the Spanish Refugees being put, Mr. S. RICE said that the object of the grant in future would be, not to support the Spaniards, but to enable them to return home. Lord D. STUART made some remarks in favour of transferring the grant to the support of the Poles. Vote agreed to. The other votes were also agreed to. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT BILL. The SOLICITOR -GENERAL moved the second reading of the Central Criminal Court Bill. The object was to take from the metropolitan counties cer tain districts, and cause the offences committed within these districts to be tried at the Central Court, and also make the Sessions more frequent ; indeed, have twelve Sessions in the year at the Old Bailey. This would render punishment more speedy and sure, and prevent the accumulation of prisoners in the gaols. The bill was read a second time. IRISH TITHE COMMUTATION BILL. Mr. LITTLETON, in moving that the Irish Tithe Commutation Bill be committed pro forma, said, in answer to a question from Mr. SHAW, that the bill stood as it did before, that the appropriation clauses were not changed, and that it was to be left to the house to deal with it as it pleased. The motion was agreed to. PARISH VESTRIES BILL. Colonel EVANS moved the second reading of the Parish Vestries Bill. Lord HO WICK, as an amendment, moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months, observ ing that the object of the bill was to repeal the provi sions of Sir John Cam Hobhouse's Act. Colonel EVANS denied this. The bill contained nine-tenths of the provisions of Sir J. C. Hobhouse's Act, but it was quite evident the noble lord was igno rant of the bill. The house then divided, when there appeared—. For the second reading Against it 3B Majority _ —37 The second reading of the House Duties Repeal Bill was postponed until Friday next. Mr. LITTLETON brought in a bill for repealing certain portions of the Irish Stamp Act relating to the duties on Newspapers.—Read a first time. Lord PALMERSTON rose to present a petition from Hemsworth relating to some fishery. Mr. RUTHVEN thought that too late an hour to proceed with business, and therefore moved that the house be counted. Lord PALMERSTON hoped the hon. member would allow him to go on ; he was in possession of the house. The gallery was cleared, and there being only twenty-three members present, the house adjourned at half-past two o'clock. We have heard, with much satisfaction that the pension of Mrs. Lander is to be raised to 1501. a year.—Observer. CORPORATION REFORM WORTHY OF IMITATION.—The burgesses of the borough of Llanelly lately purchased the new market-house which was re cently erected by David Lewis, of Strady, and they have generously made it free and abolished the tolls for ever...-Cambrian. SIR ANDREW'S DREAM. ( Fro 11 the Times.) Nec to sue -re Mis lenien a somnia portis : " Cum ma yen.uunt som.th , , , ,xmdus habent." Propert., Lib. 4, Eleg. 7. As snug, on a Sunday eve, of late, In his easy chair Sir Andrew sate, Being much too pious, as every one knows, To do aught, of a Sunday eve, but doze, He dreamt a dream, dear, holy man, And I'll tell you his dream as well as I can. . He found himself, to his great amaze, In Charles the First's hip fory days, And just at the time that Eravest of Courts Had published its Book of Sunday Sports. *— Sunday Sports ! what a thing for the ear ! Of our Andrew, even in sleep, to hear ! It happened to be, too, a Sabbath Day, When the people from church were coming away ; And Andrew with horror heard this song, As the smiling sinners flock'd along : " Long life to the Bishops, hurra! hurra ! " For a week of work and a Sunday of play " Make the poor man's life run merry away. " The Bishops !" quoth Andrew, " Popish, I guess." And he grinn'd with conscious holiness. But the song went on and, to br:m the cup Of poor Andy's anguish, the fiddles struck up ! " Come, take out the lasses—let's have a dance— " For the Bishops allow us to skip our fill, " Well knowing that no one's the more in advance " On the road to heaven, for standing still. " Oh, it never was meant that grim grimaces " Should sour the cream of a creed of love; " Or that fellows with long, disastrous faces, " Should take their seat among cherubs above. " Then hurra for the Bishops, &c. " For Sunday fun we can never fail, " When the Church herself each sport points out ; " There's May-games, archery, Whitsun-ale, " And a May-pole high to dance about. " Or, should we be for a pole hard driven, " Some long, lank saint, of aspect fell, "" With his pockets on earth, and his nose in heaven, " Will do for a May-pole just as well. " Then hurra for the Bishops, hurra ! hurra ! " A week of work and a Sabbath of play " Make the poor man's life run merry away." To Andy, who doesn't much deal in history, This Sunday scene was a downright mystery ; And God knows where might have ended the joke, But, in trying to stop the fiddles, he woke. And the odd thing is (as the rumour goes) That, since that dream,—which, one might suppose, Would have made his godly stomach rise, Even more than ever, 'gainst Sunday pies,— He has viewed things quite with different eyes ; be g inningls to take, on matters divine, Like Charles and his Bishops, the sporting line, — Is all for quadrilles, in streets and squares, As an interlude 'twixt Sunday prayers ; Nay, talks of getting Archbishop 1-1-I—y To bring in a bill, enacting duly, That all good Protestants, from this date, May, freely and lawfully, recreate, Of a Sunday e v e, thei r s pi r its moody, With Jack in the Straw, or Punch and Judy. • "The Book of Sports," drawn un by Bishop Moreton, was first put forth in the reign of James 1., 1618, and afterwards re published, at the advice of Laud, by Charles 1.. 1633, with an injunction that it should be "made public by order from the bishops." We find it therein declared, that, "for his people's recreation, his Majesty's pleasure was, that after the end of divine service they should not be disturbed, letted, or discou raged, from any lawful recreations, such as dancing, either of men or women, archery for men, leaping, vaulting, or any such harmless recreations, nor having of May-games, Whitsun-ales, or Morris-dances, or setting up of May-poles, or other sports therewith used," &c. THE PENSION LIST. The Pension List—the Pension List, That legacy of Tory rule, That shows how dearly ladies k—d, How dearly husbands played the fool ; Its convict columns still proclaim The story of a people's shame. What! though while o'er the burning page The astonished eye indignant wanders, It lights on thieves of every age And sex, on p---s and panders. Like those indecent gods that grace The grounds of some old fashioned place. What ! though the burning infamy Is not defended, nay, confessed? Great cant proclaims such things must be Granted to Royalty's behest, • To verify the good old maxim— " The people to►l that kings may tax 'em." 'Tis true along the lengthening line Appears at times a worthier name : Same Dalton here and there may shine, Speaking at once of virtuous fame. The modost letters seem to be Blushing at such bad company. —Morning Chronicle. DI VISIONS in the HOUSE .of COMMONS. LIST OF THE MAJORITY Of I 111, who voted against the Second Reading of the Me tropolitan Registry Bill. Gladstone, T. Parker, J. Goring, H. D. Parrott, J. Greene, T. G. Patten W. Gtimston, Lord Pease, Joseph Gronow, Captain Pelham, C. A. W. Gordon, IL Penlease, J. S. Halcombe, J. ' Perceval, Colonel Elalford , H. Petre, Hon. E. ll nilley, B. Phillpotts, J. Handley, H. Ptimptre, J. P. Hanmer, Sir J. Pryme, G. Hardy, J. Ramsden, J. C. Harland, W. C. It dlm, Sir M. W. Hay, Sir J. Ronayne, D. Hayes, :-..ir E. Rotch, B. Henniker, Lord Russell, Lord C. Herbert, Hon. S. Russell, W. G. Heron, Sir R. Ruthven, E. S. Hill, Sir R. Sandor., Viscount Hodges, T. L Sanford, E. A. Hodgson, J. Shaw, F. Hope, H. I'. Smith, John Ho• kins, K. Stanley, E. Hotham, Lord Stewart, P. M. Houldsworth, T. Staveley, T. K. Howard, F. G. Strickland, Sir G. Howard, P. H. Tenny on, C. Howard, R. Thompson, W. Hutt, W. Thompson, P. B. Ingham, R. I'ooke, W. Ingilby, Sir W. Tracy, H, Irton, S. Tytite, C. J. K. James, W. Tynt • Ketnys, jun. Jermyn, Earl of Tyrrell, Sir J. Jervis, J. Vaughan, Sir R. Johnstone, Sir J. V. Verney, Sir H. Kerrison, Sir F. Vernon, G. Lambton, H. • Villiers, Viscount Langdale, Hon. C. Vivian, J. H. Langton, Col G. Vyvyan, Sir R. ' Lefroy, A. Walsh, Sir J. B. Lefroy, Dr. T. Wason, R. Lennox, Lord W. Whitmore, T. C. Lincoln, Lord Wilbraham, G. Lister, E. C. Williamson, Sir H. Mangles, J. Willoughby, Sir H. Manners, Lord R. Wilmot, Sir E Martin, J. Winnington, H. J, Miles, W. Wood, C. Morpeth, Viscount Young G. F. Norreys, Lord Young, J. o.issulton, Lord Palmer, It. Palmer, C. F. A Ag rb n u e t w h , n S o i t r , A lion. H. Astley, Sir J. D. Attwood, M. Balite., E. Bell, M. Betkeley, C. F. Berkeley, G. C. Be. hell, It. Bish, T. Blackstone, W. S. Blake, M. I3lamire, W. Bolling, W. Bowes, J. Briggs, It. Brocklehurst, J. Brotherto , J. Bruce, Lord E, Bruce, C. L. C. Brudenell, Lord Buller, C. Buller, J. W. Burrell, Sir :7ampbell, Sir H. Castlereagh, Visct. Cayley, S.r G. Chandos, Marquis of Chaplin, T. Chapman, A. Chaytor, Sir W. Chaytor, W It. Chetwynd, W. Co , e, Lord Compton, S. C okes, 'l'. H. Cripps, J. Crompton, J. Curteis, Captain Curteis, H. B. Darlintoon, Earl of Dick, . Divett, Q E. • ilutliel.l, T. Duncombe. W. Dykes, F. L. Eastnor . , Viscount Egerton, T Faithful', G. Fielden. J. Finch, G. Fleetwood, H. Forster, C. Gaskell, J. M. Gaskell, D. TELLRES. Heathcote, Sir G. J Cayley, E. S. LIST OF THE MINORITY Of 40 (Tellers included), who voted for the Second Reading of Mr. Hardy's Bill, to repeal the penalties imposed by the 52d Geo. 111. on any assembly of more than 2.0 peasons meeting with closed doors in any pri vate house or unlicensed place for public worship. Aglionbyt. H. A. Fleetwood, H. Morpeth, Viscount Agnew, Sir A. Forster, C. Pease, J. Baines, E. Greene, T. 0. Plumptre, J. P. Blake, J. M. Gully, J. Pryme, G. Bowes, T. Holcombe, J. Seymour, Lord E Briscoe, J. I. Harland, W. Talbot, J. H. Brotherton, J. Hughes, H. Thicknes , e, H. Buckingham, J. S. Hutt, W. Verney, Sir H. Childers, .1. W. Jervis, .1. Wallace, R. Curteis, H. Johnstone, A. Warburton, H. Divett, E. Lister, E. C. Dyke, H. B. Lloyd, J. FIl Evans, W. Martin, J Fenton, J. TELLERS Finch, G. Hardy, J. LIST OF THE MINORITY Who voted against the Second Reading of the Poor Laws Amendment Rill. Halse, J. Ruthven, E. Vyvyan, Sir R. Ruthven, e.:. S. Walter, J. O'Connell, I). Whalley, Sir S. O'Connell, Morgan O'Connell, Maurice IRELAND. O'Connell, C. Lllor, Y. Vigors, N. A. Ronayne, D. ENGLAND. Attwood, 1. Attwood, M, Baucelerk, Major Evans, Colonel Faithful, G. Fielden, J. Fryer, K. A HOT CONTEST.—The following election anecdote is so characteristic, so excellent, and comes to us on such authority, that we cannot withhold it from our readers G-h-m having, in the course of his canvass, called to solicit the vote of a farmer in the county, was told that he could not get it. Why so, John ?" said Mr. G. " Just because I'm to gie't to Sir George." " Oh, John, you went with Lord Ormelie last time ; surely you'll go with me on " Na, troth, I winna do that." " You then," said the candidate. " Mr. with the utmost composure," that maytn( h ;w_ i . o bgi n c eo c , ta, s o i s o ap i Sir George's." place of yours; but it's nae ane of SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Some of the proceedings of Lord Grey's cabir et have more than once been made subjects of general animadversion, more particularly with, reference to the single point—that point of most essential import ance to a political party, the relation between its acts and its professions. The principle of reform was the only one upon which Lord Grey and his Whig friends could hope to retain the government of this country for one short hour, after their expulsion of the Duke of Wellington. The Tories had ruled the British empire so long, that everything artificial—everything which could be the work of party—all habits and maxims of state policy—magistrates, clergy—all civil functionaries, all statutes, and such of our national in stitutions as modern law-making could create, or per vert to factious purposes—everything moveable, every thing tangible—patronage of all kinds, abuses of all kinds—those individual and selfish interests by which vulgar minds are swayed to sordid uses—this vast mass of applicable power, was throughout subservient to the views of Toryism. It was vain for a Whig ministry to receive the King's appointment to office— utterly vain, in the teeth of such a giant force, to dream of keeping possession of the government, ex cept by calling some superior power into action ; and that power existed nowhere but in the people of England. This must have been manifest to Lord Grey and his friends during their long exclusion from all share in the Administration ; nor could they become suddenly blind to it on their accession to the .Government. Without, therefore, by any means desparaging the liberality or patriotism of the Grey Cabinet in bring ing forward its measures of Parliamentary Reform, it would be an insult to their discernment not to suppose that if they beheld in an extensive reform of our repre sentative system the best means of advancing and perpetuating the national welfare, they must also have recognized in it the only effectual overthrow of their own rivals the Tory faction, whose frightful, and to the Whigs humiliating preponderance, had been founded upon the encouragement of those grievous abuses which the corruption of our representative system had generated, nursed, and protected. Had Lord Grey, therefore, and his associates been less patriotic than we are willing to believe them, they must, from the mere exigencies of self-interest as a party, have carried into execution an extensive scheme of reform, otherwise Toryism must still practically have retained the ascendant, and tolerated speculative Whigism as one of its most plausible and not least useful instruments. This, however, as we have said before, is no discredit to the Whigs : for in fact there can hardly be a stronger recommendation to any class of statesmen, than that their interests and those of the people are identified. But neither is it at all to the praise of the Whig Cabinet, that since their first bold conception of the reform policy was realized, and great power thereby distributed throughout the com munity, they have on more than one occasion appeared to have lost sight of that which ought to be regarded as the principle of their own existence—viz., Govern ment by and for, and in concurrence with, the people. Three memorable examples of this inconsistency being of recent occurrence, will easily be brought to mind by the public—namely, the wretched Marriage Bill of the dissenters, the last division on the pension list, and the debate three or four days ago upon the Irish Tithe Bill, with a prospective reference to the other legislative enactments by which it must be succeeded. It is well known that on each of these, especially on the first-mentioned measure, and the last, great dif ferences of opinion have existed in the cabinet ; that Lord J. Russell had nearly 'forced his colleagues to accept his resignation rather than expose himself to the disrepute of covering by his name a bill of which he felt the utter inadequacy to its professed object— viz., that of satisfying the dissenters by a redress of their grievances ; and that with regard to the last measure—we mean the settlement of Irish church property—the disagreements in the cabinet were openly declared by Lords Althorp and J. Russell, it being generally understood that the two latter noblemen, with, we believe, by much the most numerous portion of the cabinet, are in favour of more liberal and efficient church reforms, as well as of a more ample satisfaction to the just and reasonable claims of the dissenters, than Mr. Stanley and one or two other members of that body. But it will be asked, if the great majority of the Cabinet be agreed in opinion as to the expediency of certain important measures, why do they suffer a minority of no more than two—for such is the asser tion of the Tory prints--to thwart them so effectually as it is plain they.have done, and thereby not merely to impair the nature of the laws proposed, but ob viously—and we must add, for the Ministers, nfost disreputably—to obstruct and retard the course of the public business, so as to render a session of Parliament of little more use to any other end but that of raising " subsidies," than the most anti-reform Prince of the House of Stuart could have desired ? But see again how Cabinet bickerings—how a general absence of conscious and self-reposing power in the parties whom it consists of—and the grievous want of one determined and over-ruling mind among those who form the majority of that Cabinet—have embarrassed the affairs of the country, and made this session ' almost as bad as the former one—unproductive of every thing but " ways and means" for the current service of the year. What is the state of our pro mised and projected legislation in its most essential branches ? The .House-tax Bill, only at the second reading ; the Local Courts Bill, and the Abolition of Imprisonment for Debt Bill, so solemnly pledged to, but neither of them yet brought in ; the Church-rate Bill, brought in, but in a state of suspended anima tion ; the Church Reform Bill yet unborn ; the Irish Tithe Bill, that Messiah of peace and good-will to men, now but at the second reading ; one Dissenters' Bill, such a monster that it was forced to be strangled in the birth, and no other yet prepared for Parliament, while the vast body of dissenters are hourly increasing in united force, and rising into demands before unheard of, for no other reason but the seeming unwillingness or real incapacity of Ministers to satisfy their original, temperate, and just expecta tions, and to redress grievances which it was even more disgraceful to the country than pain ful to their victims to have at any time im posed. Everything is postponed or abandoned for the sake of carrying a bill to cut down the just emolu ments of poor clerks in office, or to force upon the country a new nostrum of social tyranny, which smells of the pedantic and fanatic despotism of Robespierre in every line. Without saying a word upon the greater or less reputation of this cabinet, or of its members, for what is termed " talent," we cannot refrain from saying that the grand want is will—the power which impels, perseveres, overcomes, and accomplishes all things : that will, if it exist at all, resides not among the majority of the cabinet. But unless it so exist, and unless it be so planted, no cabinet is worth a straw. In the Duke of Wellington that single faculty supplied the defect of a thousand others. For it there is no equivalent, we are afraid, in him who has nomi nally succeeded the warrior statesman.— Times. It gives us great pleasure to escape from the idle declamation on the subject of the poor laws, dished up to us again and again by most of our contempora ries, to the sound sense of men like Mr. Leslie, the Governor and Director of the Poor of St. George's, Hanover-square. It is to the exertions of this gen tleman that the inhabitants of the parish of St. George arc principally indebted for the very important reforms of which such honourable mention has been made of late in many quarters. Mr. Leslie has published, in the shape of a pamphlet (we believe copiod in two successive numbers of The Sun), Remarks on the present state of the Poor Law Question, in which he shows that the object proposed by the Poor Law Amendment Bill has been very generally misappre hended by those who have abused it. "It appears," he observes, " from all the collected evidence on the subject, that the only effectual mode of carrying into effect the statute of Elizabeth, is by what is called the workhouse system, for wherever this sys tem has been enforced under proper regulations, its effects have been uniformly beneficial, both physically and morally. Everything," he ob serves further, " which the bill contains (except ing those parts which relate to the laws of set tlement and bastardy) is only subsidiary to the esta blishment of the workhouse system ; it constitutes the agency and the machinery by which it is to be carried into effect. If a better agency and machinery than that proposed in the bill can be devised, let it be adopted ; but let it not be supposed that the object can be effected uniformly throughout the country by detached legislative enactments ; it is impossible, for instance, that small parishes can have the benefit of the system, except in union with other parishes and it is impossible that any statute can point p\tt the mode in which such unions (depending, as they must do, on varying and local circumstances) can be effected, any more than in the common and familiar case nt ate enclosure of the common and waste lands of a pa rish, the statute should point out what parts shall be allotted severally to each proprietor and coin., inoner." Mr. Leslie then proceeds to show, in 4 very able manner, that the whole object And r•T ,t functions of the commissioners are to . .“iitt:.,4 local expenditure ; and .that wherever the a::, a'::, they will supersede parties vested . with ' powers to order, without appeal, *louver - expenditure they Lc ii please. The magistrates, tb 1,..tp,, pheir - ctOjt, have generally become sensible th'it, iCitl4 ( thy eery' eat in tentions, they cannot exercise e powers now in trusted to them without producing the most mischievous results. But what is singular, enough, we find the very newspapers in which the misapplication of the poor rates is attributed to the circumstance of the money being expended by parties not having .an inte rest, like the heritors in Scotland, to ,keep down the outlay, now turning round on the magistrates and abusing them for yielding. up a power they cannot c xercise to advantage. "No man," as Mr. Leslie says, " can have an interest in confiding 'unnecessary powers to any body of men." In the committee, the powers proposed to be given to the commissioners will become the subject of careful investigation ; and if it he found that more is demanded than can safely be given, it will be withheld. But of course the House of Commons will he guided by arguments, and not by abuse and silly declamation.-31orning Chronicle. We call the attention of our readers to a report of the interview between the deputation of the dissenters and Lord Althorp, and also to the report of the public meeting last night at the London Tavern, on the sub ject of the separation of church and state. We have not space for present comment, but to-morrow we shall offer some further remarks on the critical state of the church question. The Tories and the bigoted clergy of the establishment seem determined to " bring down an old house about their ears." Their vicious oppo sition to the moderate claims of the dissenters has doubled the demands of the non-conformists. We suspect that the church will soon discern the advantage of conciliation, and that even the Oxford and Cam bridge pedants will be glad to admit the dissenters to a share in the benefits of university education. We have elsewhere alluded to the performance of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who read a homily of the sixteenth century in the-Lords last night. The minds of the right rev. prelates are as antique as the palaces in which they reside. As legislators they are not robed in the mantle of Elijah.—Morning Chronicle. We are informed by a correspondent that " the universities of Oxford and Cambridge have resolved on a new course of action in the matter of the dissen ters' bill. They say that, provided the legislature should pass the bill for opening the universities to dis senters, they will still have the power of refusing to admit them. The applications at present greatly ex ceed the number of students whom they can instruct, and the selection depending upon those who have re solved that they will have no intercourse with the sec tarians, the power of rejection will be with them." But what of this? Who cares for their power of se lection, and consequent power of rejection? Oxforct and Cambridge are very respectable, as well as some what ancient places ; but they have no patent for con taining all the learning, and wisdom, and talent, of which wealthy and merry England can boast. Good things may come out of other cities and towns in the present day, as well as they formerly did from out of Nazareth ; and if Oxford and Cambridge shall prove contumacious, why not have national universities in other places ? There is no magic in their names—nay, there is much in the very soun of them to remind us of deceased learning and blasted reputation :—but let that pass, and let them pursue their own course—the " Facilis descensus Averni" on which they seem to be bent. There is balm in Gilead for those whom they hate, even if there be no hope left to them of retracing their fatal steps.—Morning Advertiser. There have been so many reports in circulation re_ specting the financial measures of the Spanish cabinet that the following short statement, collected from va rious sources, as to the actual position of the negotia tions for a new loan, may be interesting at the present moment. There are three parties now in treaty for it—the English, French, and Spanish. We under stand the probability is that it will be taken by the first or last party. We believe the recognition of the Cortes' bonds stands thus :—lf the Spanish or French capitalists succeed in obtaining the contract there is little chance of that event occurring. The former are naturally desirous not to encumber the resources of Spain with fresh obligations, and the latter are profit ing too much by operations in the Perpetuelles to con sent to any change that may affect them. The English capitalists who are engaged in the negotiation look at once, we believe, to the recognition of the bonds ; but it must be recollected that a Board is now sitting in Madrid to investigate the national finances, and to report upon them, and until this report he made no recognition can take place, even if the loan be ta ken by English capitalists. We yesterday ventured to recommend caution to those parties in dealing with the Spanish Government, and certainly this statement which we have no doubt is substantially correct, does not render the caution we then gave less necessary.— Morning Post. We hail with pride and gratification the noble stand made by the University of Oxford, in defend of that church, whose interests are identified with the very existence of this country as a religious and God-fearing nation. Above fourteen hundred mem bers of convocation had signed the declaration of ap proval and concurrence (inserted in a former number of our journal) on Saturday evening last (scarcely a fortnight since its original promulgation), and we doubt not that each successive day will bring an accession of strength from distant parts, as the Oxford committee have wisely resolved to leave the declaration open for some little time to come. This will give every honest Protestant, who has received his education within the walls of the university, the opportunity of affix ing his name to that which will, we trust, be an imperishable record of constitutional resistance to the nefarious attempt to violate her ancient and undoubted privileges ; and to substitute crude, idle, and most probably impious theories for the sound learning and religious education, whose value and whose force are nobly manifested by the number and weight of the names arrayed in quiet de termination to maintain such learning and such educa tion unpolluted by the foul streams of dissent and in fidelity. We call, then, earnestly upon all members of convocation who have not yet subscribed their names to lose not a moment ; and we beg, moreover, to re mind those churchmen who are not connected with the university, that they have now an opportunity of expressing their concurrence with what has been done by their brethren in Oxford. We rejoice to see by the Leicester and Nottingham Journals that the good men and true of those towns have buckled on their armour. Let every,town, aye, every village, in Eng land follow their example, and we may yet, under the blessing of God, be rescued from a measure fraught with everyjpecies of violence, injustice, and danger-- with the dFstruction of all those institutions which, as Englishmen, we love, as Christians, we revere.—. Morning Post. out shoot ing3.,each, near Wi s h in a directio n f rom As a gentleman of Brighton WP 'de fired at one of th em on Tuesday afternoon, on the Barn, he saw two eagles flyir to the smalln ess o f th e s h ot Hove towards Shoreham. and hit him, but owing (No. 6) and the height the bird was from the ground, he did not suceeed in bringing him down; the eagle merely ducked a little, and then, apparently not being much hurt, quietly followed his mate on their course, due west, Such strange game are not often met with in these parts.—Hants Advertiser. A DRUNKEN SERVANT.—WiIIiam Crab!), a servant in the employ of Mr. Sorry, of Broomfield, was charged with getting drunk when sent out with horses. Defendant was sent to Ingatestone with a load of straw, but got so intoxicated that Mr. Surry was obliged to send another man to fetch him home. Defendant seemed to think it was only the last degree of drunkenness that was punishable by law, " for, - says he, " I was able to . stand. "—Fined 9s.—Essea.: Herald. SCENE IN TIIV, CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES,- -One day last week, one of the members, in allud; to the grant asked for the completion of the public monuments in Paris, observed that some of the Thew constructions at the Garden of Plants appeared to, him of very (inestimable utility. The hon. ao r o y part i, ; cularly pointed to the new seri es of h'4.l3itations e rec t e d far the apes and monkeys (L aug h tt) ttohatthseoirmouot foofrtthoer4puittries%a class of ani mals, he added, which did ngt &ppear to him to merit . the member in cinest ( io i n a , M. Jaubert w4'4eutarly signalised himself.) M. l i a f u h g e h a d a at Jousseli* money should be devoted caasperaton at the laughter of M. Jaubert. M. (Laughter, expressed s s i e n d which gr e a : Jaubert--I know not why M. Jousselin has taken the trouble a Addressing himself particularly to me. But business on his hands. (Renewed laughter.) The i m( n ,xia g s. h ej im cittou s ha e le l l f ryt t , o u,,n ll addresses e when thus h en h a e l l speaks, those h who o 1 s m i l a l y h ba have oe disposedooug enough of t o o t. President said that M. Jousselin particularly addresa hJla, n ) b e 1 3 Iwas theno t reply N•er) parliamentary.i. laughter, j b AL ecoming. (M. Jaubert, "Oh !"--,