The Sun. — London, England, 1861-08-14 00:00:00

ROYAL ITALIAN OPERA, Govent-Garden. MR. MELLON'S PROMENADE CONCERTS. Mr, Alfred Mellon has the honour to announce at 8 o that his Promenade Concerts take p lace every Evening 'clock. Promenade, One Shilling-,. Conductor, Mr. Alfred Mellon, On MONDAY next, August 19, a MENDELSSOHN NIGHT. THEAT RT,i, ROYAL, HAYMAIIKET. Lesmee, M. J. B. Bnekstene. THIS EVENING, the performances will ooramens with anew Ballet. BACCHUS A . ND ARIADNE. Miss Fanny Wright, the Leclercqs, Mr. Webster, &c. Atter which, a new Comedy, entitled MY LORD AND MY LADY ; or, it Might have been Worse. Mr. C. Mathews, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Buckstone, Mrs. Charles Mathews, Mrs. Fns, &c. Followed by OF AGE TO-MORROW. Miss M. Oliver. To conclude with TURNING THE TABLES. Commence 7. NEnv THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHI.— Sole Proprietor and Manazer, Mr. B. Webster. Reproduction of the great dran:Ui, of "The Dead Heart" THIS EVERTING, the _great Adelphi drama. THE DEAD HEART. Messrs. B. Webster, J. L. Toole, Fisher, Billing ton, Eburne, Smith, Romer ; Miss Woolgar and Miss Kato Kelly. To conclude with (26th time) THE PRETTY HORSE BREAKER. Mr. J. L. Toole, Mr. Paul Bedford; Miss K. Kelly. Miss Woo!gar, Miss E. Thorne, Miss Laidlaw, and Mrs. Chatterley, • Doors open at bait past 6—Commence at 7. C NTERBURY H ALL, AND FINE ARTS GALLERY. ' Every Evening a Grand Selection from Verdi's New Opera, SIMON BUCCANEGRA. arranged and conducted by Mr. Jong,hmans (produced for the first time in this country). Also, Verdi's UN BALLO IN MASCTIERA. Little Wood in his extraordinary Negro Delineations - The wonderful comic duet, "The Nerves," by Messrs. Harvey and French, and Mr. Marshall in his celebrated Songs, " The Excursion to Brighton," "Selina Sly," " In the Park." SAM COWELL will appear early in September. Admission, Bd. ; Stalls and Balcony, is. The Hall has been beautifully re decorated and, with the SPACIOUS PROMENADES and PICTURE GALLERY, now forms one of the MOST ELEGANT PUBLIC BUILD INGS in the WORLD. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 14, 1861. T " O X F OR D, 6, OXFORD-STREET. The architectural beauty, elegance of ornamentation, and brilliancy of lighting- of this noble building, render it one of the sights of London. Op en Ever y Evening. The pro gramme is varied, and includes Selectinis from "La Tra viat,," "Ern Ballo in Maschera, Arc., (by a full company of principals, powerful band, and chorus). Solos by Miss Bryant en the Piano Forte, and by Mr. Russell on the Trombone. Old English Ballad, by Miss Green, scotch Duets by the Misses Stuart, and other vocal and Instrumental music of the highest order. Conductor, Mr. F. Jonghmans. The Comic portion of the entertainment is supported by Messrs. M. P. Foster (in his " Life Sketches"), Sam Collins, Harvey, and French (the Nerves), E. Marshall , and W. Randall. Sall, sixpence; Balcony and Stalls. one shilling. Private Boxes, 109. 6d. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. FKt DAY.—Morning, 7h. 20m.—Afternoon, 7h. 50m. To-moaßovr.-Morning, Bh. Wm.—Afternoon. Oh. 10m. --- THE WEATHER.—Strx Orrlcz, AVGIIST 14, 1661. TITEMONETEI3,, IN THE SHAME. 73 —highest since noon. yesterday. 62—lowest this lamming and during the night. 75—this day at noon. Ba.nomwrza-30.10. W I ND—S. -Wester l y —li g ht ; with fine harvest weather. Y . • is, 1 It% 1 A ,,_ Ate lii , ' -. )4 , Allilli . • ' -''. , ''''''''' '' .--:.--', s -- . 1 2 - -., ~ A ,c ... --. 44. -4. • • ' ......, r.... . .A' . 0' ... .., , ...7. , f,........" -.. " . .Z.,- , ------ - ',:, .... THE SUN. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14, 1861. Once more the Hungarians have nobly done their work. They are engaged in a battle of the pen, it is true ; but it is a battle which they would most assuredly be as willing to fight with their swords, were that the surer way to success, and had not their perfidious and timid oppressor taken the same precautions as the Philistines did of old with the children of Israel. But the time is not lost. Hun gary appeals, in fact, to the public opinion of Europe ; the favourable verdict of that opinion can be gained only by such a persistent appeal as shall compel all who attend to European politics at all to understand clearly the points at issue between Hungary and the German Camarilla, which advises the EMPEROR, and is so doggedly plotting against the liberties of his kingdom. These selfish and ambitious men see plainly enough that their Monarch might be a greater and stronger Prince than he now is, by ruling over a contented and loyal Hungary, and also over his other domains. But great would be the fall of SCHMERLING and REM BERG. They would be Ministers immediately but of the Archduchy and the States which consented to cast in their lot with it. A responsible Hungarian Ministry would strengthen their master's crown, but it would kick the Ger man intermeddlers out of the comparatively huge kingdom which they endeavour in their military mortar to pound and grind into one with their own slice of Germany. This must be the reason which makes German Ministers even more dogged in their antagonism to Hungarian rights, than very probable testimony reports of the Hapsburg himself. Even half-witted imperial despots have moments, per haps hours, of rational perceptions ; and when FRANCIS JosEnt's mind happens to be lucid and reflective, he must feel that he is no gainer by being cheated out of a willing and loyal kingdom, and being presented by his Ministers in return with one kept down only by illegal violence; and one cer tain to be more formidable than any invading army, should such a very possible calamity befal him. The Emperor of AUSTRIA and King of HUNGARY " every inducement to prefer the certain result of legal government in Hungary to the more than doubtful hazard of attempts to convert Hungary into :a province. Nothing could he do more for his own :advanta ge than to summon M. BEAK to his councils as his responsible adviser on Hungarian questions. We shall see immediately that this is not mere assertion. am, gr tele We ri'cently received, b y the infor mation that the Lower House had voted M. DEAK'S , on r e ply unanimously ; soon after that, the proposition of one of their number, the Hun garian House of Lords had voted it by ar.clamation ! We have now received from an eye -witness an account of the manner in which M. DEA K, and his address to the EMPEROR in re oly to the Viennese rescript was received by the Lower House. The whole thing is probably uni:gue in the history of constitutionalism, but it is worthy of the best days of English Parlia me ats in their struggles for constitutional rig:ats ; of course the Magyar is a more excitable being than the Englishman, but he has also much of our political strong smite, and of our love for maintaining constitutional rights and introducing reforms by legal means only. The EMPEROR'S Rescript was a pamphlet, and as replies must occupy more space than the false state ments answered, M. DEAK'S paper was so long that it took two hours and a half to read over rapieLly, Yet throughout, the attention was closely sustained, and cheers were the only interruption. Seven-eigths of it were a careful and minute refutation of the Rescript. It was an uncompro mising assertion, accompanied by full evidence, of the Rights of Hungary. When he sat down the hole chamber rose to its feet, shouting its " El 1-Es friends crowded round to congratulate him. Sturdy middle age and grily hairs seemed to vie in applause. There was no difference of opinion hut on the °'_d question of form, but this was cor dially conced e d on account of the universal admi ration of the contents. Then followed °remarkable scone • certain forms bad to be gone through before ' it was the legal act of the f)ict. It was common to wait, fo r i ns t a nce, till a document is printed ei , • it . ore Is adopted—it was, however, adopted at once. Thtn a protccol has to be tirawn u p, usually tnking" somo time, but as it was quite legal to draw it up at once, the President sums , .ested that tiths should be done. In h a lf an h our the k lecretaries v orking full speed got through their task. The Hungarian Bill of Rights was put in that legal form, which to Hun , garians seems so important. But why all this haste, immediately after the readingof so long a document? Vienna is not far from Pesth—in instantaneous con nection by telegraph—and every one feared that the German . Ministers would, by telegraph, order a dissolution of the Diet, and enforce it by its foreign—German—soldiers. Pointing to some Austrian troops as they were walking home after the completion of the business, a friend observed to the correspondent, " Those are the gentlemen whose interference we apprehended, but we have done what we wanted, and now they may come and do what they like." After these facts, we ask, what monarch with the slightest tincture of con stitutional knowledge would hesitate for a moment to call to his councils the leader of the house—the man whose combined moderation and firmness and great ability unites all parties in the Diet ? While unassailed from without, the Germans may occupy and coerce Hungary—govern the nation they can not. We need not discuss whether amalgamating the higher departments of Government be theoreti cally best or not; it is impracticable when a nation, as large as the Southern States of America, and with a separate constitutional his tory of a thousand years, refuses to be amalga mated. The Hungarians, in their generosity, a re willing to be loyal to a King who has little claim ' indeed to their loyalty, b u t they insist, as the in dispensable condition, that he should be loyal to their Rights. So stands now this noble quarrel of a noble nation, with a herd of selfish Germans, who use a weak prince of a despotic dynasty as the tool of their crabbed ambition. We have but to notice an egregious, though doubtless unintentional, misrepresentation promul gated yesterday by a contemporary. The Diet appointed a committee to meet the wishes of the numerous small territories and populations well known as the partes annexe ; they are of several races, Slavonians, R oumans, G ermans, S erv i ans, Ruthenians, &c., and have long been annexed to the Husgarian Crown, sharing under it the advan tages of constitutional government. All will remem ber that in 1848 the Austrian, that is the German, Ministers secretly bribed the savage JELLACHICH of Croatia, and others of these territories, to invade Hungary, while they openly denounced them for I doing it as traitors. After the Russian intervention the Croatians and the rest, instead of the liberty promised them, found themselves, to their utter disgust, deprived of the constitutional liberty they had before enjoyed together with Hungary, and all merged in one common despotism. naturally existed for some time between the Magyars, and the ungrateful Croats who had been deluded into treachery; ten years of Austrian despotism, however, reunited them in one feeling of hatred of Austria and desire for their old constitutional liberty. Now, our contemporary represents these petty races as standing in the same relation to Hungary as all the other parts of the Austtian Empire to the Archduchy, and the Diet as endeavouring to do the very thing in regard to them, which it resists on the part of Austria in regard to itself. The resemblance is apparent only. Setting aside the prodigious difference of population—the Aus trians wanting to amalgamate the larger and freer with their smaller and more servile population — the relation itself is quite different. The Emperor of AUSTRIA first received these petty territories, as parts of the Kingdom of Hungary. They had been parts of it for ages. Hence they had a long his torical connection with the vastly greater Kingdom of Hungary, and had been represented in its Diet. The Hungarian committee, therefore, was endea vouring to perfect the liberties of an old historical connection; the Germans at Vienna are straining law and power to subvert the same in regard to Hungary. A pretty broad difference surely. We need not go far for the evidence. Amongst the Austro-German devices to delude the Hungarians in 1848 was a .Royal proclamation, dated Innspruck, 10th of June, remonstrating with Croatians and Slavonians (whom they were bribing to attack Hungary), and this document re minds them, amongst other things, that for " eight centuries they had been united to the crown of Hungary and shared its fortunes; that they had enjoyed constitutional freedom through the Union : that they had shared in all the rights and liberties of the Hungarian constitution, with , " equality of rights, and the abolition (in 1848) of feudal servitude in common with the rest of Hun gary ; and that (alluding principally to Russia) they were the only Slavonians enjoying such liberty !" These were of course truths. But how great the mistake then committed by our contem porary. We must, of course defer till to-morrow our notice of the eloquent address of M. DEAR', which will be found in our columns to-day. The principle of "Passive Resistance" is still winning its way in Poland, as steadily and as surely as the principle of Non-Intervention is working out the Destinies of Italy. The national anniversary, we now read through the telegrams, has passed off at Warsaw—may we not say triumphantly ? It was observed far and wide as a general holiday. The shops were for the most part closed. The churches were, without exception, thronged. At nightfall the city was illuminated from its centre to its cir cumference. The people, there, are looking for ward with confident expectation to the time when (as they hope very speedily), Poland shall again be endowed with a National Government. And all this while the Imperial power of the CzAR is grimly upon the alert—prepared, whenever the opportunity for harsh measures may arise, to trample down the reviving aspirations of the Polish multitude under the tread of armed hosts. Several of the quarters of Warsa w were (during the festivities of the national fete) thronged with the Muscovite soldiery, horse, foot, and artillery. Blood has been poured forth there already in the streets of Warsaw within this pre sent year of grace—an& may be yet again. The wounds inflicted upon Warsaw are even now barely staunched. Thecritical position of things, there, may again bring about a collision between the merce naries of the Autocrat and the unarmed and un. aggressive Polish population. The only human security there is against this, being the resolute determination with which the inhabitants of the City of Warsaw still cling wisely to the saving principle of Passive Resistance. Wherever the military fury of Russia has been kindled against the Poles—as was the case when it broke into a flame a few months since at Warsaw —there seems but small security however against outrage even in that screening principle of Passive Resistance. A lamentable instance of this has recently come to the knowledge of Europe in the chief town of the Government of Plock, called Miawa. There, as formerly at Warsaw, the offence of the Poles . consisted in their Prayers and Hymns for the nationality. And certainly in detesting and op posing as something formidable a choral song of the people, the Russian Government may be allowed to be simply actuated by a profound sense of the truth latent in the memorable axiom of FLETCHER of Saltoun—that anybody else might make the laws, if he might be per mitted to write the Ballads of a Nation. The fate of the oldest and grandest monarchies as we all know has often and often gone (with a peculiar significance in these familair words) . for a song. More terrible to the ex piring power of the BOURBONS than even the for midable opposition of MIRABEAU, more fatal as the tocsin of the Revolution than the sound of his thundrous eloquence, was —history proves it, history relates it—the choral chaunt of the Ilarseillaise. The hymn composed and written by ROUGET DE LISLE was literally to the ancient Government of France as the trumpet of the Israelites to the walls of Jericho. For years and years in our own history much was effected by the once famous refrain of Lillibullero. How long did not the Jacobite Ballads keep alive the old spirit of Jacobinism in Scotland, and in various parts of England. KORNER'S im mortal ode to his Sword did more for the patriotic ardour of Germany than all the efforts of all the Governments of the old Fatherland. It were, however, unnecessary further to multiply instances of the power yielded by song over the hearts of the people in any country. The annals of the human race attest the fact upon all hands. The Russian Autocrat and his Government appear to be painfully alive to it. Hence the outrages that occurred not long since at Warsaw. Hence the miserable incidents that have recently agitated the chief town of Plock, the provincial town of Mlawa. " The inhabitants of Mlawa," we read, " chiefly composed of mechanics and agricultural labourers, had, since the Warsaw massacres, been in the habit of praying to GOD that their country might be delivered from its misfortunes. These prayers were read, not only in their churches, but also in their homes and in the fields at their work." In consequence of representations which were, therefore, made to the authorities, "Two com panies were accordingly sent to the town; but in spite of this the prayers and hymns continued, and they were not opposed by the soldiers. Things went on in this way during the month of May. In June the people began to occupy their leisure hours with singing GOD save Poland,' and other hymns, daily before a figure in the cemetery of the parish church. Two more companies were now sent for." Here is one of the incidents that a brief while afterwards occurred :—" On the 24th July the people had assembled in the cemetery as usual when suddenly the soldiers made their appearance and surrounded them. They continued their hymns however, and when they had done turned to leave the cemetery. In their way stood Lieutenant- Colonel Runowski, a beadle, and a drummer. The beadle called upon them to disperse in the name of the law. The people laughed at this as they were already dispersing. The drummer then entered the cemetery and began to beat his drum. This raised the indignation of the crowd ; they forced him to leave the sacred precincts, and declared they would not disperse until the troops were re moved. Meanwhile the news had spread through the town, and crowds, among whom were numbers Jews, collected in the market-place, where the church is, to defend their fellow-citizens. The commandant, seeing that he was surrounded, or dered his men to march away, and assured the crowd on his word of honour that he would not oppose their singing their hymns so long as they did so in the church. The people upon this quietly dispersed." Nevertheless, after this all kinds of wanton outrages were perpetrated by the military upon the inhabitants. Sacrileges were com mitted in the churches. One inhabitant, a poor tailor, was robbed and shot at, but " fortunately missed," we read, by his assailant—another, a poor bootmaker, has been flogged, and is still kept a prisoner. All this for—what ? Conspiracies ? Mustering in arms ? Incendiary speaking or in flammatory writing ? No—but for Prayers uttered in the Church of GOD ! For Hymns chaunted by the people in their cemetries. Such, in effect, is the brutal retaliation of the military power of the Autocrat—provoked against the Polish multitude by the very meekness of its Passive Resistance ! Never has the appeal been more to the pen than in the last few years. The master of half a-million of soldiers, and the struggling nationali ties, are alike pleading at the bar of European opinion. The Emperor of the FRENCH employs pamphlets and letters, the Moniteur and the Con stitutionnel. The Hungarians publish their addresses to the Emperor of AUSTRIA, and Italy sends round circulars to her diplomatic agents — a course adopted also by most of the civilised Powers, even contemptuously silent Austria being obliged to follow the fashion. From Italy, while CIALDINI is busy in the South suppressing the Royalist brigandage, nourished from Rome as its headquarters, RICA. sou writes to the European public by the last mentioned method, and places before it Italy as she is. He wishes general attention to be called to the unity of Italian action, to the continuation of CAVOUR'S policy, and to the determination to secure complete unity. One thing is undoubtedly remarkable. Louis NAPOLEON can appreciate it well. There is not, in a house of the most freely-elected representatives, a Legitimist party. That not one merely but a whole batch of heredi tary Sovereigns should have been expelled, that from each of their former dominions a fair propor tion of deputies should have been sent, and that not so much as one Lord NORMANBY can be found among them, is surely a mast remarkable fact. What would the Bonapartists of France not give could they point to a similar fact there? The laws enacted by the Chamber have been passed with wonderful unanimity. The Opposition has been distinguished from the majority, not by absolute disapproval of the course taken by the majority, but because it wanted to go further and faster in the same course. A very natural, we might say justifiable thing, in the more ardent minds while one Government, and that a proposed benefactor, withholds its capital from Italy; while ano ther, an avowed enemy, crushes one of its most important provinces. The plebiscite of the people of the different uniting provinces confer ring the crown on VICTOR EMMANUEL has been solemnly confirmed by the representatives of the hplae people. ebn et e np T a h ei e ah e l et a lo w f u s t yepassed, relating ar ses French t o a Emperorn arming ming h a n a nation dcvoim. c e which the more it is followed the. more it will make Italy independent even of him. "The Italians have not forgotten the solemn words which our august and generous ally addressed to them on touching the soil of liberated Lombardy--' Be all soldiers to-day, that you may to-morrow be the free citizens of a great nation.' For military service forms citizens to temperance and 4isciPline ; gives them the consciousness of their own dignity and n strength, anl y and and renders austere vr t t h u e e n s i w familia r a r w e i n t e l l a c es l s l a r y those t o Thetnhaetoexercise debt andhas p b r e e e s n e r u v n a fi i o 3 n d of a n liberty." d the subscrip tions to the loan largely exceed the amount re quired. A broad and national view has also directed the encouragement of public works. " The Par liament has provided for the development of the economic resources of tho country by giving its sanction to the bills presented by the Ministry of Public Works .relative to the prompt execution of a vast network of railways. To promote among all classes of society, by the stimulant of labour, wealth, and public morality ; to excite the augmentation of national capital by the powerful co-operation of foreign capital ; to remove the obstacles which distance and the configuration of the Peninsula oppose to the rapid fraternisation of all the in habitants—such are the results which the Govern ment hopes to be able to obtain in a short time by the energetic impulsion given to public works." And this is not mere general representation or promise, the leading particulars are also given : "It will be sufficient to say that in addition to the works of the arsenal of La Spezzia, 2,700 kilometres of railway (the kilometre is 8 of a mile) have been conceded; that they are to be com pleted in from a year and a half to eight years ; and that the execution of them will cost about 750,000,000 lire, of which about 290,000,000 lire are to be supplied by the Government, in addition to the guarantee accorded by the contract?' Glancing back at the whole the Baron feels as sured that Europe will soon recognise the full right of Italy to both Venice and Rome. And will not hesitate to confide to Italian keeping the head of that Church which now always look to Italy for her Supreme Bishop. He regards the recognition of Europe, and its effect as an almost accomplished fact. " Yes (he exclaims) Italy is created, although part of Italy is still under the power of the foreigner, for we are certain that Europe, seeing us well organised, well armed, and strong,will be convinced of our right to possess altogether our territory, and will find a guarantee of repose and peace by favouring the restoration of the part which is wanting to us; for we are convinced that Europe, in learning to know us better, will become persuaded that we, a people essentially Catholic, understand better than any other the true interests of the Church when we ask her to divest herself of the feudal rights which a barbarous age gave her, and which are incompatible with civilisation, offer ing her in exchange independence and full and entire liberty in the exercise of her holy ministry, and the gratitude and respect of a regenerated nation." The die is, however, cast, for his conclusion is that " Italy must be completed, and no sacrifice for that end will appear too great for Italians." LAI EST NEWS. PARIS, AUG. 14. The Moniteur of this morning gives an account of the inauguration of the Boulevard de Males herbes yesterday, and says : " The Emperor, replying to M. Haussmann, 'ex pressed his satisfaction with the embellishments of the capital. His Majesty said,— " Certain interests necessarily suffer by the execution of great works. It is the duty of the public administration to have as much regard for these interests as possible—to infuse activity into labour—to protect the less favoured classes, and to oppose au increase in the price of articles of the first necessity.' "The Emperor also said, — "'Since the treaty of commerce the exportation of articles of Paris has nearly doubled. " The Emperor recommended the Municipality to reduce, as much as the local finances would per mit, the town dues on goods of the first neces sity.' " The hloniteur also publishes the following nomi nations to the post of Envoy Extraordinary : " M. Benedetti to Italy, M. Reculot to Bavaria, and M. Damremont to Wurtemberg." Numerous promotions in the Marine are like wise announced in the Moniteur. CONSTANTINOPLE, AUG. 7. The fall of the Minister of Finance is expected very shortly. A change has been ordered in the uniform of the military officers. Important army reforms are in progress. The arrears of the garrison of the capital are about to be paid in Kaim6s. A commission has been named to reconsider the scheme for a general Kaime circulation. Omar Pasha has been ordered to act against Montenegro. _ _ VIENNA, AUG. 13. The Emperor will receive the Presidents of both Houses of the Hungarian Diet at two o'clock to morrow (Wednesday). PESTH, AUG. 13, EVENING. The Pesther Lloyd is printed to-day on only one half-sheet. As an excuse for this it states that a strike of the printers at all the typographic esta blishments had taken place. THORN, AUG. 13. The national fete was celebrated at Warsaw yesterday, notwithstanding the prohibition of the authorit ics. The Bourse and all the counting-houses and shops were closed. The churches were filled by large congregations. In the evening the city was illuminated. An imposing military force, with artillery, was stationed in the streets. Some arrests have taken place. CRACOW, AUG. 13. Popular feeling at Warsaw is very much excited. The people hope that a national Polish Govern ment will soon be established. A newspaper under the title of the Thare has for some time past been secretly circulating in Warsaw. A circular has been recently distributed, warn ing the Judges not to yield to the influence of the GovernmeLt in trying the persons arrested during the late disturbances at Modlin. AMERICA. LONDONDERRY, AUG, 13. The Montreal Ocean Company's steamer North American has arrived here, and brings £30,800 sterling in specie. She passed the steamers Anglo-Saxon, United Kingdom, and Bohemian. The Norwegian, which left Londonderry on the 19th ult., passed Father Point on the evening of the 3d inst. On the 29th ult., during a thick fog, she struck on the Reef Rocks, 36 miles south-east of the north point of Anticosti. The Norwegian threw a large portion of her cargo overboard, and was afloat aft all the time. On the 2d of August the passengers were put on board the United Kingdom, and the same night the Norwegian came off undamaged and proceeded on her voyage. The mails were put on board a schooner on the 31st ult., but, owing to light head winds, had not on the 3d inst. arrived at Quebec. The United Kingdom was expected at Father Point on the 3d inst. . (BY TELEGRAPH TO FATHER POINT AND VIA LONDONDERRY.) NEW YORK, AUG. 3. The war news is unimportant. Congress has passed the Tariff and Direct Tax Bills, the latter for the sum of 20,000,000 dole. Bills have also been passed levying a duty of 15c. on tea, 4c. on coffee, 2c. on sugar, and a tax of 3 per cent. on incomes above B'lo dols. A bill ordering the confiscation of property used for insurrectionary purposes has likewise been passed. The Fulton has arrived out. QUEBEC, AuQ. 3. The Canadian crops are reported to be satis factory. FRANCE. BOURSE, August 13.—The market hes been more buoyant, and the business done, although not to a very large amount, has been at an improvement on tho closing rates of yesterday. Threes, for the Account, are now at 68f 45c to 68f 50c. Railways firm, and in some cases rather higher. The following are the last quotations :- 41 per per Cents ... 98 Credit Foncier l3OO Do end month.... 98 10 ' Belgian 4f — 3 per Cents Do. end month 6B GO! Roman Bank Shares 2900 Austrian Credit 737 50 , Spanich Threes 4B Do. Account 740 1 Home Debt RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans ................ 1415 1417 b 0 Northern New ditto .............. 902 50 .. 903 75 Lyons and Mediterranean 1205 1208 75 Geneva ................ 350 .. 351 25 Southern .............. 625 62 7 50 Western. .............. 530 .. 532 50 Eastern Sardinian ............ Austrian .......... .. 365 -- • • 367 50 507 50 508 75 Lotrbard ............ 533 75 • • 535 THE KING OF SWEDEN.—SOUTHAMPTON, Wed nesday Morning.—His Royal Highness the Prince Con sort,inKthinegdock at 11 o ' c l ock from the Fairy yac ht, an d of S we d en, and the Crown Prince of Prussia p la r n o d e etd e he ded by special train to Aldershott. Theßoyal party will return to Osborne in the evening. Earl Russell accom panied them, and Viscount Palmerston met the Royal party 'and went by train with them, COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. (LATEST BY TELEGRAPH TO FATHER POINT.) NEW YORK, AUG. 3. Cotton firm ; middling upland, 163 c. to 17c. Breadstuffs advancing, and all other articles quoted higher. Provisions quiet. Stocks heavy. Illinois Central, 64 ; New York Central, 761 ; Erie Preferred, 44. Exchange on London, 1074. ADDRESS ON THE HUNGARIAN DIET TO THE EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. PESTH, AUG. 9. This morning the first part of Deak's address, adopted yesterday unanimously, and without altera tion, has appeared in print. The following is the translation of the text : " Imperial Royal Majesty,—When the dominion of abso lutism which burdened us for 12 years suffered a break, we thought our sufferings had reached their term, and that we might confidently hope that time would soothe the after pains, that the strength of the nation, if not exhausted by new attacks, would make good the injuries which the pur poseless course adopted had inflicted on us, and on the whole monarchy. " We could not shake off all feelings of anxiety when we perceived that a great proportion of the ordinances issued in the administrative department were not constitutional. But we trusted that when the Diet was called together, and had laid at your feet the expression of the rightful wishes of the nation, your Majesty would progress in the constitutional path—would deem worthy of consideration the demands of the nation based in justice and in law, and would order the suppression of all the unlawful relics of the absolute system, so that at last the monarch and the nation might stand united on the lawful footing of a con stitutional right. " The Diet was summoned to meet. We considered it to be our first duty to lay before your Majesty, with respectful sincerity, a statement of those measures which are absolutely indispensable for the complete re-establishment of the con stitution, and hence to reassure the nation. We addressed ourselves in the name of the nation to a Prince who, by virtue of his lawful right of inheritance to the throne, wishes to become the lawful crowned King of Hungary. Because we saw that already in t'ie preliminary steps many provi sions of the laws were disregarded, it became our duty openly to express what are the conditions inevitably attached to the light of succession and the coronation, by that fundamental state contract by which the crown of Hungary was conferred on the ruling dynasty. "It is not we who have established these conditions. This is not the first time that their fulfilment has been re quired. The predecessors of your Majesty became on the same conditions crowned kings of Hungary. The title of your Majesty to the crown of Hungary depends on the self-same contract which establishes also those conditions. " We asked in our address for no concessions ; we pro posed no new laws to guarantee our rights. We wished only that the Pragmatic Sanction, with all its conditions and the mutual obligations it imposed, should be strictly observed. We required only that our ancestral constitution and the laws enacted by our Diet, which have been suspoßdod by force, should he re-established, and that the right of altering and repealing laws should in no degree be withdrawn from the Diet. In a word, we wished that legality and constitu tional procedure should not half, but entirely, take the place of absolute force. " The Rescript which your Majesty was graciously pleased to send to us on the 21st of July of the present year distinctly refused to satisfy our rightful wishes. From the whole contents and spirit of the Rescript, we have come to the painful conviction that in fact your Majesty does not wish to reign over Hungary in the full spirit of the Prag matic Sanction. "No one can doubt that it is a fundamental condition of the granting of the right of succession to the female line, that Hungary shall be governed according to its own laws. The same article which conveys the right of succession to the female line of the ruling house, after detailing the order of succession declares in paragraph 9 that ' the third Act of the year 1715 shall equally bind the female line admitted to the succession by the above paragraph.' Now, the very first clause of this third Act declares that' his Royal Ma • jesty will not rule and govern the estates in any other way than according to the known laws of Hungary heretofore made or hereafter to be made through its Diet.' The same Act (third of 1715) in its second paragraph adds 'that Hungary shall not be governed according to the manner (secunduin normani) of the other lands.' "The King of Hungary is therefore to observe the laws of the land, not only by the Royal Diploma issued at the coronation and by the Royal oath taken, but by the Prag matic Sanction. This obligation extends to the period be fore the coronation. So the third Act of 1790, totidem vet- Lis, declares that the Prince, upon whom devolves the suc cession, can, until his coronation, which may not be de ferred longer than six months, govern the land according to the constitution. ":Therefore, the whole contents were quite unexpected by us. Your Majesty has, in violation to the Pragmatic Sanction, suspended our constitution and our laws by absolute might and will not even now cause this suspension to ceaso. Your Majesty promises to replace fragments only out of our con stitution, withdrawing from us its own essential rights. Of your own might your Majesty has suspended our funda. mental laws, and has substituted for them an Imperial Diploma and Patent, which your Majesty wishes us to regard as fundamental laws. Your Majesty requires of us that we should send representatives to the Reichsrath, which was created by absolute sovereign power, without our influence, that withre,sard to our most important inte rests we should transfer to the Reichsrath the right of le gislation, which up to the present moment our nation has always exercised in its own Diet ; that we should surrender the rights of the land, by virtue of which it has always de termined its own taxation, and the levies of troops, and to submit ourselves in these matters to the Reichsrath. Your Majesty refuses to recognise a part and indeed an important part of the laws passed by the Diet, and sanctioned by the King, and at the same time commands us to modify and repeal the same ; but beforehand your Majesty declares that you will net recognise the laws. By this your Majesty has completely laid aside the fundamental principle of the Hungarian constitution, and indeed of all constitutional government, that sanctioned laws can only be repealed by the collective legislative factors, and have therefore annihilated the whole legislative power of the country. Your Majesty declines to complete the Diet, are d yet require of us that, in the absence of those who have not been invited to attend, and yet whom the rights of the land concern as much as they do ourselves, that in this incomplete state we should surrender an im portant portion of the laws of the land, should alter our constitution, acknowledge as fundamental laws ordinances m om & te') cf a bureau, and should pass laws on the most important political questions. Further, your Majesty an nounces that the iterration' of the Reichsrath (by the in vitation of the Transylvanians, &c.) will only take place after we have beforehand completed all this. "These are throughout steps so unconstitutional as to menace the very existence of the Pragmatic Sanction, for they lay aside all that is contained in it as a fundamental contract, in the shape of declared conditions for the security of the nation, and retain scarcely anything but the right of succession guaranteed to the Royal house. " Whereas the most gracious Royal Rescript declares that in conformity with the contents of the Diploma of the 20th of October, the Hungarian Diet will no longer discuss and decide the questions of taxation and military service; it adds, by way of re-assurance, that 'the guarantees of the consti tutional independence of the land will not be endangered, I but, on the contrary, further secured, if Hungary discusses these questions in common with the representatives of the inherited lands.' " But we find in these words no ground whatever for re• assurance. The constitutional independence of the land is seriously infringed by the fact that your Majesty, without the previous consent of the Diet, of your own might takes away from the land this cardinal right ; that your Majesty of your own might establishes laws, and, without once asking the Diet whether it accepts these essential alterations of its ancestral constitution, treats the same as an accomplished fact, and orders us straightway to send representatives to the Reichsrath, which will take the:place of our Diet in exercising those rights with regard to Hungary; and so your Majesty considers the Diet, not as a body which exercises in the name of the nation, in conjunction with your Majesty, the legis lative power which is divided between the Prince and the nation, without th 9 consent of which a law can neither be made or altered; but your Majesty regards the Diet as a corporation, which in the very field of legislation is bound to receive the commands emanating from the sole power of the Prince as law; nay, is bound further to inscribe them in the statute book, even though they are in opposition to th e constitution and the sanctioned statutes of the realm. In what would then the constitutional independence of Hun gary—whose legality the texts of the Royal Rescript acknowledge—consist ? and where would be the guarantee of this independence if at a future period a successor of your Majesty, appealing to this precedent, should act in the same manner with our other laws and rights, and should by a command of his own power and authority suspend or modify these without the previous consent of the land, and then instruct the Diet to complete this order in the field of legislation. " But apart from this important consideration of political right, and supposing that this question was laid before us, in the regular course prescribed by the legislation, we could not accept this alteration of the constitution, for the same would be injurious, nay dangerous, to the rights and in terests of the nation. " We will not now appeal to our older laws, which show beyond dispute that so long as taxes have been paid since the first standing army was established, the ganting of taxes and the raising of recruits have been the undoubted right of the nation, which the nation has continuously exercised through its Diet. We refrain from recapitulating the de tailed exposition in the text of the Bth Act of 1715, and the 19th Act of 1790, and mill content ourselves with quoting the 4th Act of 1827, which declares that as well as the de creeing of all kinds of taxes, and other subsidies, in gold or in kind, as also granting recruits, belong to the province of the Diet to discuss and settle, and cannot, under any pre text, even in the most extraordinary cases, be withdrawn from it; that the taxes granted by the Diet cannot be in creased without its consent, that no new tax can be decreed, nor the recruits raised.' " In accordance with these laws, the nation has disposed of its blood and its money. In times of peace and prosperity it has fulfilled its public duties ; and when threatening dangers required great efforts, or called for sacrifices, it has never been known to spare its blood or property. The nation did this from a feeling of duty, and in doing homage to its laws it bore the burden more easily because they were self-imposed in accordance with the requirements of ne cessity. " But if the constitutional right the land has hitherto en joyed and exercised were taken away—if it, could only de termine the question of its new taxes and its military in com mon with others, the disposition over the property and blood of the nation would pass into the hands of a corporation, the considerable majority of which would be composed of the representatives of other provinces. And seeing that the greater part of the provinces belong to the German Confe deration, of which we (the Hungarians) are not members, it might easily happen that they would impose burdens upon us for such interests and such obligations as are not our in terests or our obligations. " The Royal Rescript affirms that the influence of Hun gary extended hitherto over but a small area of the field of taxation. This we cannot admit. The part of the direct taxes which were called royal taxes,' was always fixed and voted by the Diet : that part which was destined to cover the expenses of the internal administration of the several coun ties, districts, and towns, was always fixed and administrated by the autonomic jurisdictions themselves, subject to the superintendence of the Hungarian Dicasteria. Indirect taxes there hardly existed in Hungary but those derived from the sale of salt, the monopoly of which legally be longed to the Regalia, and the Hungarian customs duties. To determine the price of salt belonged to the Diet, and the King could only raise it in cases of the greatest emergency, without the sanction of the Diet, according to the provi sions of the 20th Act of 1790. The Hungarian customs duties were also royal revenues, but were placed under the superintendence of the Hungarian Dicasteria, and the Hun garian Legislature at various times passed decrees on the method of their collection and on the purposes to which they were to be appropriated. Moreover, commercial cus toms and duties in every well-organised land should not so much be treated as part of the revenues of the state, as to encourage the interests of manufactures and commerce. The ports were also placed under the direction of the Hungarian jurisdictions, not so much on account of the trifling revenue they contributed to the state, but because they can scarcely be considered as an organ of taxation. Those indirect taxes which have been introduced by the absolute: system, and which furnish the state with so large a share of its revenue, and which are dangerous, partly because they are too high, but chiefly because they weaken the basis of the strength of the state through the expenses, injustice, and grievances connected with the present mani pulation in their collection—these taxes were totally un known in Hungary, and are at the present moment totally illegal. It is therefore not a fact that the constitutional influence of the Hungarian nation extended hitherto over but a small area of the field of general taxation.: " The Royal Rescript further maintains that the Prag matic Sanction was called into existence not only to secure Hungary more thoroughly from external and internal attack and to prevent the internal confusion which might arise through a disputed succession, but also to furnish a more substantial base for mutual harmony and union, and in cor roboration of this it appeals to the literal sense of the Ist and 2d Acts of 1723. In our first Address, we developed our views of the text and meaning of the first and second articles of the Pragmatic Sanction. We think that these, our views, are well grounded, and we see nothing in the Royal Rescript to shake them in the slightest degree. There is not in these laws one line from which, whether ac cording to a literal or real meaning, any other union, any closer union can be inferred than that which we in our said Address have established. The indivisibility solely refers to the undivided possession of all the lands by the Sovereign ; and it is the more impossible to deduce the identity or unity of the form of government or of the administrative system, because the above-quoted 9th paragraph of the said 2d Act, 1723, extends the application of the 3d Act of 1715 to the female succession, which said act explicitly declares that the King shall only rule in Hungary subject to and in accordance with the laws heretofore passed, and hereafter to be passed, and that the country shall never be governed according to the method of the other lands.' Of any other:kind of union not a trace is to be found in the Ist and 2d Acts of 1723. " The isolated acts which the Royal Rescript quotes to de monstrate a more intimate real union do not establish this real union, but, on the contrary, the political and administrative separation of Hungary. The unity of the Throne is, indeed, referred to, but this• unity, in the sense that one and the same monarch reigns over us, and over the inherited lands, no one will call in doubt. This constitutes no real union, but is the natural consequence, nay, the very essence, of personal union. A unity of the Throne, taken in another sense, is indeed not to be found. The method, the condition, and the forms prescribed by law, by which the Priace becomes King of Hungary, is one thing ; the steps by which he ascends the throne of the inherited lands, are another. He governs us according to one system, the ' inherited lands' according to another. His sovereign rights are legally not the same in all their parts, as there. Even the personal union of the Throne would cease, if all the issue of your Majesty's ances tor, the Emperor and King Leopold L should fail; for in such a contingency, as we developed in our first Address, in accordance with the terms of the Pragmatic Sanction, the country would be free to choose its own King, whilst the other lands, according to the Pragmatic Sanction given to them, and which they accepted, would devolve to the more remote female branches of the House of Hapsburg. " Further, in the Royal Rescript the unity in the ad ministration of foreign affairs is alluded to, and reference is made to the fact that since the ruling family ascended the Throne, Hungary never had any special representatives abroad. " In our country there exist sovereign rights, which the constitution itself has transferred to the person of the King; and since the King of Hungary is at the same time ruler of the inherited lands, it follows, as a matter of course, that rights of this nature should be exercised both in relation to Hungary, and in relation to the inherited Inn/ by the same prince. from tnence no closer real union can be deduced. " Such a Royal prerogative is the right of the King of Hungary, by virtue of which he decides of his own sove reign will the external relations with foreign powers. Our laws, namely, the 2d Act of 1608, and the 4th of 1681, have stipulated that the questions of peace or war, specially with reference to Turkey, should be subject to the influence of Hungary—that war should not be commenced in Hungary, and its annexed parts, without the knowledge and concur rence of the country ; that the articles of treaties of peace should be communicated to the Diet ; that a Hungarian resident, with the same powers as the Imperial resident, should receive like credentials to the Ottoman Porte ; and many other laws, especially the 104th Act, of 1723, the 11th of 1741, the 17th of 1790, contain the stipulation that the Hungarians should not be excluded from the administration of foreign affairs, and that Hun garians should be admitted to the foreign embassies. But the supreme control of foreign affairs was placed in the hands of the monarchs, and the country, satisfied with its highest and ample guarantee in its right to grant taxes and recruits, only desired that Hungarians should have their due influence in the administration of foreign affairs. This principle, too, in reference to foreign affairs was carried out by the Diet of '47-'4B, which, respecting the said Royal right and maintaining it in its full integrity, considered it sufficient that the Minister attached to the person of his Majesty should exercise that influence, secured to the land by the laws above enumerated. " The Royal Rescript brings prominently forward the fourth paragraph of the 11th Act of 1741, in which is con tained that his Majesty will cause Hungary to be repre sented in the State Ministry. But concerning the law alluded to, we must remark that the words cited from the same apply solely to extern al affairs, Th e l and, as we above said, only desired to attain that, pursuant to our former laws, Hungarians should take part in the discussions on foreign affairs ; and because foreign aff a i rs were h an dl e d i n the State Ministry, and because hi s Majesty administered them in accordance with the advice of the said State Ministry, therefore and on this ground alone, the Estates of the Land required that Hungarians too should be named. This is corroborated by the 17th Act of 1791, which again confirming the said 11th Act of 1741, referred to in the Rescript, continues to declare that his Majesty will appoint Hungarians to the State Ministry, and will provide that such Hungarians as wish to be employed in foreign affairs shall have the opportunity to fit themselves for the service in the Secret State Chancery. From these words of the act it is clear that it was only in relation to foreign affairs that the country wished to have Hungarians placed in the States' Ministry, from which no concision can be drawn that the internal administration of the country was at all dependent on the State Ministry, " The Royal Rescript further alludes to the army, an d its unity. It is true that the Hungarian army fought agains t the enemies of their country and the King side by side with the troops of the other provinces ; but there existed always an essential difference between Hungary and the' inherited lands' in all that related to the Ministry. Hungary deter mined by its Diet the number of the Hungarian army inde. pendently of any influence of the inherited lands or their government, as very numerous laws, e. ,q., the 2d Act of 1802, prove. In the Diet was determined the means 13f ., sustaining the Hungarian army, an d th a t o ft e n deviated materially from the system adopted in the inherited lands the recruits necessary for keeping up the complement of the army were granted by the Diet, which only regarded and filled up the gaps made in the Hungarian regiraen tB P and did not regard the losses of other than Hungarian regiments. In the Diet was determined the manner end conditions of levying recruits, without any regard to the method adopted in the other provinces. And in granting supplies, not only did they take into consideration the nun' ber of men wanted to raise the Hungarian regiments to their standard number, but required that an account of the foreign relations should be laid before it, and voted the recruits according to the necessity which it seemed these circumstances rendered necessary. The correctness of this statement is established by our laws, of which it is sufficient to quote the first paragraph of the 2d Act of 1840: Whereas, in accordance with the demand of the Estates based on the law, reports have been laid before them of the circumstances pending in foreign affairs, and of the present state of the Hungarian regiments, in consequence of these reports, and in consideration of the requirements, the Estates grant, as subsidies, to satisfy the said requirements, of their free will, 38,000 recruits, under the following conditions.' " The Hungarian army was kept up by regular continuous levies, over and above the recruits from time to time voted. These levies also took place in accordance with laws passed by the Diet, and the Diet regularly voted the supplies neces sary to keep up the same. " Our older laws especially provide that the foreign mili tary shall be kept out of the country, that the Hungarian soldier shall always be brought back, that Hungarian commanders shall always have the charge of Hungarian fortresses, and that the command in chief of the Hungarian troops shall devolve on the Palatine of the land. The Hun. garian Royal Staat-halterei' council regulated the victual ling and the baaracks of the soldiery, and often, e. g. in 1790 and 1840, the Diet appointed commissioners to pre pare on these matters standing regulations. All this places it beyond a doubt, that Hungary also in military matters, both in a political and in administrative respects, enjoyed constitutional independence, and that the clauses of the third act of 1848, which place the administration of the military department, without prejudice to the Royal prero gative of the Hungarian King, was not passed in opr" sitiori to the spirit of the former laws. " We are therefore compelled, as representatives o f the nation, with the most profound respect, and at the same time with the sincerity we owe to your Majesty, our country, rel d ourselves, to declare that we hold fast the Pragmatic Sane tion, and to all the conditions centained in it, without all exception, and we cannot regard or recognise as constitu tional anything which is in contradiction to any part of it. " We hold firm to the constitutional independence of our country, and cannot therefore, recognise any other union with the inherited lands' than that which the Pragmatic Sanction establishes. " We can neither accept the Imperial Diploma of the 20th of October, 1860, nor the intended application to Hung' of the Patent of the 26th of February of this year. We can not accept the same as basis for our deliberations, nor recog nise it as binding for the kingdom of Hungary. " We also solemnly protest against the exercise, on tile part of the Reichsrath, of any legislative or other power over Hungary in any relation whatsoever; we declare that We will not send any representatives to the Reichsrath; an d further that the election of any, by other instrumentalitYr will be an attack on our constitution, and we declare that any persons elected by such means cannot in any respect represent Hungary. " Whereas, no one has a right to regulate the affairs of Hungary, except by will of the lawful King, and of the con stitutionally expressed will of the nation, we hereby declare that we must regard as unconstitutional and unbinding all acts or ordinances of the Reichsrath referring to Hungary or its annexed parts. We further declare that we cannot recognise as constitutional with reference to Hungary, and therefore as binding, any state burden or obligation founded by the Reichsrath, any loan contracted by its authority, or the sale of any Royal demesne sanctioned by it—and that we shall regard all such as having taken place unlawfully and without the consent of the land. " We declare that we will maintain, unimpaired, the right of the nation to vote its supplies and regulate its taxes, and military levies in its own Diet, and will never agree to the transfer of these rights to the Reichsrath. " We hold firm to the constitutional right of the country, in accordance with which the legislative functions, whether of passing or of repealing and modifying already sanctioned , laws belong solely to the Sovereign, with the Estates in Parliament assembled, and cannot be exercised by either separately. A one-sided exercise of the legislative power, we cannot, therefore, regard as constitutional ; we cannot accept any oktroiyirung ' (orders issued from a bureau), and cannot admit that sanctioned laws can be in any Per t suspended, modified, or annulled by a one-sided power. Oa this ground, we hold also to the laws of 1848 in their fell extent, and declare them binding, because they have bees constitutionally passed, and solemnly sanctioned by the Royal power. " We declare that until the ' completion' of the Reichs" rath (by the issue of the writs, &c. in Transylvania) Prey scribed by law we will enter into no negociations coneeru ing the Inaugural Diploma. " We declare finally, that we are compelled to regard present administration of the country, especially the despotic conduct of unconstitutional officials, as illegal, and subject to punishment according to the laws of the country; and th e direct and indirect taxes imposed in violation of the law? and levied by military force, as unconstitutional. " We see with regret that your Majesty by your gracinu 4 Royal Rescript has rendered mutual understanding incP° ° sible, and has broken off the thread of negotiation. 06 ' Royal Rescript does not stand on the footing of the gul garian constitution, but it establishes as fundamental 10 ' 5 the Imperial Diploma and Patent which emanated froni absolute power, and are in opposition to our constitutio n. We are bound by our duty to our country, by our positioa as representatives, and by our conviction, to the Hungarial constitution, and on its footi ng a l one our deliberations inns, take place. These two di rec ti ons d ev i at i ng, nay, oppo sed to one another, cannot lead to the wished for union. 00r most holy duty has pointed out the direction we must take' We must, therefore, declare, w ith th e greatest sorrow , that in consequence of the Royal Rescript we are also compell ed ' to regard the thread of negotiations through the Diet a° broken off. " It is possible that over our country will again Pal ' hard times ;' we cannot wa r d th em o ff a t th e sacr ifi c e °' our duties as citizens. The constitutional freedom of the land is not our possession in such a sense that we can freelf deal with it ; the nation has with faith entrusted it to oar keeping, and we are answerable to our country and to our conscience. If it be necessary to suffer, the nation will submit to suffering, in order to preserve and hand down t° future generations that constitutional liberty it has herited from its forefathers. It will suffer, without loofa courage, as its ancestors have endured and suffered, to bt: able to defend the rights o f th e l an d ; f or w h a t m i g ht 9 01 power take away, time and favourable circumstances r il l, return ; but the recovery of w h a t a na ti on renounce s of I' own accord, from fear of suffering, is matter ;of difficul t ': and uncertainty. The nation will suffer, hoping for a betisi future, and trusting- to the justice of its cause. —We re ; main, with the most profound respect, the most obedisli servants of your Royal Majesty, "THE REPRESENTATIVES OF HUNGA R Y IN DIET ASSEMBLED." Several remarks made by the King of Sweden at Paris are already in circulation. His Majesty, on leaving the Opera, is said to have observed to the Emperor, " S ire ' if I could become a private citizen, I should not wish r° live anywhere but in Paris." After successively visiting the Louvre, the Museum of Artillery, the Rue de Riv °ll and the Caserne Napoleon, his Majesty said to Col onel Castelnau :—" Your Paris is at once a drawing-roomy theatre, and a fortress." THE WESTERN FISHERIES.—The drift boats a t St. Ives (Cornwall), when the weather permitted of their going to sea, have during the past few da , s taken fro m 400 to 5,000 pilchards per b oa t . A t Porthleven3, nearly the same quantities have been taken, as well as a number of ligk e. At Mevagissey the drift boats have taken from 1,000 to 3,000 pilchards per boat, but the seines have done but little; one only took about five hogsheads. THE ORDER OF THE SERAPHIM.—The Order of the Seraphim, which the Emperor wore at the review , i° the most ancient a n d venera t e d o f a ll the Swedish. It is said to have been founded by King Magnus I. in the 1 41 ' century; but its primitive constitution has undergone sevo" ral modifications, the last of which took place in 1748, in the reign of Frederick I. The King is the Chief and Grand- Master of the Order, but has no power to abolish it. T b° princes of the Royal family of Sweden are members I).Y. right of birth. The knights form only one class, number is fixed at 23 Swedes and eight foreigners, exclu sive of sovereigns and their heirs-apparent. No Swede call be admitted to the Order of the Seraphim if he is net already a knight either of the Sword or of the Polar Star ; but 0 0 being received into the Order of the Seraphim he become! a commander in the order to which ho previously belougo" and the ir a PProi eat d i nod ho w eI Ovvin i insura is ope °Aso • CIE f u I , an k i 0 ni B us Public Per cei chases have b tow bi Threes the N March dis. ; ] Loan J oin' Oat; 1 lia n k 0 4 e Ste It 4 Provi urient, Per Ce ,ew ,Per c e 3 '‘ l ew r, -Ditto tach eos ~, uitto ttaziliat Ditt o Ditto Buen os Ditto L ;hilian Mexican New Did()) roissian ilpanish Ditto : Turkish Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Preach 1 \vt o ....-- tion littl th e • ba n ] bills Que Per inst. Tt Way ittgo t Comp pa th an th an Inc Pool down Pany' alth oi atteni M nile: ci es. Cons 4 D N or 13,8 ret