The Sun. — London, England, 1834-05-24 00:00:00

• IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, May 23. The house sat to-day on a Committee of Privileges to consider the claim of Lord Fitzgerald to vote at the elec tion of representative peers for Ireland. After evidence had been adduced, their lordships declared the noble lord entitled to vote. The LORD CHANCELLOR entered the house shortly after four o'clock, when counsel were called in, and the examination of witnesses on the Warwick Borough Bill was immediately resumed. At five o'clock the house resumed, and proceeded with public business. The Duke of GLOUCESTER presetited two peti tions from parishes in Lancashire against the claims of the Dissenters. The Earl of CAAIPEP.DowN presented a petition from Perth praying for an alteration in the laws of Church Patronage in Scot i and. Lord SUFFIELD presented petitions from parishes in Corn,„,nr. against the Beer Bill. :le Bishop of LONDON presented petitions from New andworth, and several places, against the claims of the Dissenters, and for protection to the Established Church. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented petitions from parishes in Carlow for protection to the Established Church. Lord WYNFORD presented petitions from parishes in Dorsetshire against the claims of the dissenters, and in fa vour of the established church, Lord TEYNHAINI presented petitions from different parts of Ireland, praying for a repeal of the legislative The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented a peti tion from Cardiff, for protection to the established church. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented petitions from Northampton, for the better observance of the:Sabbath and protection of the established church. Viscount BERESFORD presented petitions for the better observance of the Sabbath, from Totness and other places. The Duke of RUTLAND presented petitions from Leicestershire in favour of the established church. Earl STRADBROKE presented a petition from the owners and occupiers of land in the county of Norfolk, com plaining of distress, and praying for relief. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. 1341KRox and other members brought up several private, bilk DISSENTERS. The Earl of SUFFOLK presented a petition from the . .thuetiters of a parish in Wilts, praying for a redress of the grievances tinder which they laboured. The Earl of HARROWBY presented a petition from the archdeacon and clergy of Stafford, against the admis sion of Dissenters to the Universities, and for the protec %ion of the Established Church. At the request of the ikskle earl the petition was read at length. The Earl of HARROWBY then rose to move that the petition do lie on the table, and took that opportunity of adverting to a bill which had been brought in by the noble and learned lord on the woolsack, respecting the Church. He wished to know when the noble and learned lord intended to bring that bill again under consideration, as it was im portant that the house should know of it. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the measures were of great importance. The bill had been read a first time and had been ordered to be printed, and he should wish it to be in the hands of every member of the house, so that its details might be thoroughly understood before it came on again. There were two questions in particular which it would be desirable should be perfectly understood—he alluded to plurality and non-residence ; and with a view to accommodate the house, he should propose that the second reading should take place either on this day fortnight, or on Monday fortnight. Until then it was usual to defer entering into a dis cussion of the details. adoption. Ile would remark on this, that the public ex-. 1 petted, with reference to matters of so much importance; that they should be well matured before they were brought forward, and he believed it was usual With governments to endeavour to make their measures as complete as possible before they introduced them. In making these remarks, he did .not intend anything offensive to, the noble and learned lord; that he felt he had paiise. a complaint, he did not conceal (Hear t heir); and he did complain ; but it was not in a Apilit of anger, or with any feeling which mishearnt his situation. With reference to the bill itself, he *mad only observe, that it was the anxious wish of all the reverend bench to remove the abuses which had crept into the church, and he would do his best to bring the bill before the house into such a form as would render' it effective and beneficial. The LORD CHANCELLOR said it was a source of the highest satisfaction to him to find that the most reve rend prelate, disregarding any little punctilios which might have arisen in his mind from a supposed, for it was only a supposed, neglect on his (the Lord Chancellor's) part to wards their spiritual lordships, to find that the most reve rend prelate, not Withstanding all this, expressed his readi ness to give these bills a candid consideration, and to en deavour to make them the means of satisfying the people with the established church, and of merely strengthening that church. This augured most favourably for the suc cessful progress of the measures. With regard, however, to the cause of complaint alleged by the most reverend prelate and noble earl, he thought that both those noble men laboured under no slight mistake. It appeared to be thought by those lords that it was going out of the way, that it was deviating from the ordinary rule and practice of the house,' that it was a proceeding wholly outraging all the forms observed in their branch of the legislature, for any peer to bring forward any bill, without giving previous notice. (No, no.) Certainly that was the im pression conveyed by the objections which had been raised ; and he begged leave to sav that his experience taught him that the opinion thus held by the most reverend prelate and noble lord was an erroneous one. His experience in their lordships' house—he was going to say unfortuately for himself, but, on consideration, he did not feel that he had much to regret on this head—his experience in their lordships' house was more limited than that of almost any of its members; but he had been among them quite long enough to know that the practice was by no meo' for a peer to give any notice previous to bringing in a bill. In bringing forward the first bill which he had presented to their lordships, which bill was now a law of the land, he had, in his ignorance, attempted to import with him the form and practice pursued in the other house ; he had given notice that on such a day he meant to move for leave to bring in such a bill. Straightways, however, up started some 15 noble persons ; some of them, no doubt, solely ac tuated by the good-natured idea of setting him right as to the forms of their house; but others delighting in the idea that they had caught tripping in some of the little forms of their house one who had been set to preside over them without their high and mighty will and pleasure having been at all consulted on the matter ; however, up came these noble persons crying nut that " no such thing had ever been heard of in their house as a peer giving any previous notice of his intention to bring in a bill ; that such might be the practice in the house whence he had come, but in their house never." Yet now some of their lord ships objected against him, with equal vehemence, that he had brought in a bill without giving previous notice. (No, no.) Well, if that were not the objection, he was at a loss to understand what was. But it was said that he had taken the liberty, instead of giving notice, of throwing his bills on the table of the house ; and that he had taken occasion to make a speech about them before the proper time. It was true that, in introducing his bills to the house, he had, in some ten or twenty lines, explained 'to the house the objects of those bills ; and in so doing, it appeared to him that he had done right. (Hear.) If he had not done so, he should have heard something about — perhaps not from the rev. bench, from other parties who would have remonstrated—" What ! bring in two bills like these—one to do away with pluralities, the other with non residence—trundle such bills as these into the house, all of a sudden—have them printed, and before the public, without an opportunity having been given to any noble peer of expressing his opinions on them ! Here's a to do ! here's a shame !" It was asserted, too, that he had brought his bills into the house at a time when no prelates were present. He denied the truth of the assertion—two or three prelates were present at the time. (Hear, hear, and a cry of " No, no," from the Duke of Cumberland.) The illustrious duke cried no, no, but. he said yes, yes, and yes, again ; and he said yes, because he knew what he had stated to be the fact, being present upon the occasion. The illustrious duke said no, but the illustrious duke was absent at the time. ( Hear, hear. ) There had been an archbishop and a bishop present, and for the information of the illustrious duke, he would name them. The one was the Archbishop of Armagh— The Duke of CUMBERLAND—That archbishop was not in town at the time. (A laugh. ) The LORD CHANCELLOR explained : he had made a mistake in his hurry, and the illustrious duke was wel come to all the benefit of it ; the archbishop present was the Archbishop of Cashel ; the bishop present was the Bi shop of Derry. The Earl of WICKLOW made some indistinct and abrupt remarks on this sentence of the noble and learned lord's speech. The LORD CHANCELLOR continued—The noble earl appeared to think that the presence of these prelates had not materially altered the question; but in his (the Lord Chancellor's) opinion, the Irish Bishops were quite as concerned, and quite as zealous, in supporting the inte rests of the established church as the English Prelates,and for obvious reasons. The illustrious duke, who had not been present, cried out that no bishops were present. The noble earl, in admitting the presence of two prelates, seemed to think their presence made little difference, but his (the Lord Chancellor's) point was not weakened by either the assertion or the opinion. Had no lay lords either been present on the occasion ? Yes, surely, several ; he could net name them ; the forms of the house forbad, but he would repeat that lay as well as spiritual lords had been present, and of these more were against than for him. Among them was a noble marquis connected with both this part of the empire and with Scotland, who not only was present, but had delivered his sentiments on the occa sion. There was, too, a noble baron, formerly a Chancel lor of the Exchequer (Bexley) than whom the establish ment did not possess a warmer friend. Another noble lord, too, he could name, but might not—one who was no enthusiastic admirer f the present administration, but who, with all his zeal and strength, supported the system of things as they are in the establishment, with whom on that question he had often stiffly waged battle. It ap peared to him (the Lord Chancellor) that a more harm less course of proceeding could not have been adopted, than that of introducing a bill, stating its leading fea tures, and another postponing it for a certain period, in order to give every peer time for considering it fully. If peers were not to give notice of an intended bill, and if, when the bill be introduced, the framer is not allowed to mention its purport, the consequences might be most ab surd and mischievous. A noble peer might take it into his head to introduce a bill of the most ridiculous or mis chievous kind; and he might, according to this system of silent introduction, get it brought in and printed, to the astonishment, and perhaps indignation of the public, with out noble lords having had an opportunity of rejecting it in limine, or at least of expressing their opinions on it. In the case of the Law Reform Bill, introduced by him, and passed last session, he had on introducing it, explained its leading features at much greater length than in the case of the present bills, and he had adopted, and been permitted a similar course in reference to the Old Bailey Jurisdiction Bill, which, as he hoped, was on the point of becoming the law of the land. The noble and learned lord then went on to vindicate the bills in question. In expressing his dis sent from the opinions of the mistaken portion of the dis senters who desired to have the church separated from the state on several occasions, and particularly on that of pre senting a petition from 50,000 to this effect, he had ex pressed himself decidedly and warmly in favour of bringing about such reforms in the church as would obviate the rea sonable objections which were entertained against the esta blishment, and thereby insure its greater security. He wished to redeem the pledge he had then given to do his best to effect such an object, and he deemed the measures now in question to be singularly adapted for that purpose ; he had exerted himself to get them into the house before the recess, and by great exertion he had succeeded in pre paring them in time. The most rev. prelate had said that the bench of bishops ought to have been consulted before the bill was introduced into the house. The most rev. pre late, however, would please to recollect two things ; in the first place, on a former occasion, that of the English Tithe Bill, much confidential communication had taken place between Government and the bishops, and much discussion among the prelates themselves ; yet after delays of weeks and weeks, protracted indeed to months, the result was, that Government was left precisely to a hair's breadth in the same position, and as far on their way as when the communications were first entered into. (Hear, hear.) In the second place, when he remembered what the mea sure was which the most reverend prelate as the delegate of the Episcopal bench had brought forward some time ago on the subject of pluralities, when he considered how very far that measure was from being what he held to be effec tive, he had feared that it would be in vain, and past all hope and expectation, to obtain the approbation of the bench to his measures, which went so much further than theirs. The most rev. prelate's bill no doubt had passed their lordships' house with the sanction of Government, and he much regretted that it had not also passed the other house ; and here as to a question put by a noble lord, why the members of Government in that house had not exerted themselves as strenuously in its favour as their colleagies in the upper house, he would reply, because it was found that no power on earth could have induced the lower house to pass it; that it would have been as easy to get them to throw out the Reform Bill, as to agree to that measure ; and he would not so far flatter the most rev. prelate as to tell him that he looked upon the measure of so much value that Ministers ought to have staked their continuance in office on its passing the lower house. He • wished the bill had so passed ; but the members of the • Commons' House differed so widely from him in opinion on the subject, that they looked upon the bill as infinitely • worse than no bill at all. With reference, however, to the The Earl of MALMESBURY said, when the bill was brought in by the noble and learned lord it was at a very late hour (Hear, hear), and was accompanied by a pre fatory speech. As one strongly attached to the established church, he felt surprised that not one of the rightreverend prelates had said any thing upon that occasion, and on in quiry he found that at that late hour not one of them was present. That fact should be known to the public, other wise the public might think that those right rev. prelates were not so alive to their duties as they usually were. He (Lord Malmesbury) should have wished, if he had had the opportunity, to have made some observations, particularly with regard to non-residence, for he believed a very great improvement had of late years been effected in that respect by the right reverend prelates. Of his own knowledge he could say that was the case in the part of the country in which he resided. He thought that in common cour tesy the noble and learned lord ought to have given the right reverend bench notice of his intention to bring the bill forward. The noble and learned lord would have felt great surprise if he (Lord Malmesbury) had during his absence brought forward any measure respecting the court over which that noble and learned lord presided, and therefore some notice ought to havebeen given to the right rev. prelates. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY said he was very happy to have the present opportunity of making a few ob servations, and he was obliged to the noble earl op posite for having very properly and reasonably called upon him and his brethren for an explanation of their absence upon an occasion on which there could be no doubt whatever they ought to have been present. He had been placed in a situation of very great inconvenience, and one which had imposed upon him the necessity of touching on the subject before the regular time.. The clergy had been anxious that the government should introduce some measure for the regulation of the church ; it had been a long time promised, and had been ex pected with the greateit anxiety, because it was supposed it would come from the government with the approbation of the prelates of the church. That had been the expectation of the clergy ; and, therefore, when they saw a measure of this kind introduced, and sent forth to the public without a single observation from any of the bishops, there were but two conclu sions at which they could arrive ; the one was that a previous arrangement had been formed between the government and the bishops that the bill should be in troduced in silence ; and that it being a bill that was to give satisfaction to both parties, nothing should be said at the first introduction (Hear, hear); and the other was that the bishops had been grossly negligent of their duty. Now it appeared to him that it could not have been supposed that no discussion had taken place between the bishops and his Majesty's government on a subject so complicated in its nature, and so deeply affecting the interests of the established church. Nor could it have been imagined that no communication had been made to the bishops re specting the day on which such a measure was to be intro duced. ( Hear.) He apprehended that neither of these cases could have occurred to people. He knew of no better way of informing their lordships of the fact than by entering into a short narrative. Their lordships would recollect that, about ten years ago, he introduced a bill re lating to pluralities, which made no progress in the other house. It at first received the support of his Majesty's government, but they eventually did not think proper to press it in either house. He did not say that this deter mination was wrong, but he would say that it considerably disappointed him. The next year, which was last session, he saw so many bills introduced of very great importance, that he was quiescent, in despair of succeeding in calling attention to the subject. He did nothing—he could do nothing. At the beginning of this session they were told by the noble earl at the head of his Majesty's go vernment that measures were in preparation for the regulation of these matters, and that, with the assistance of the bench of bishops, they would be carried into effect. The announce ment was received with the greatest satisfaction by the bishops. Some time having elapsed, he asked what was intended, when the noble earl at the head of his Majesty's government said that such bills were in preparation—that they were in the hands of the noble and learned lord on the woolsack, and that copies would be sent to him whenever they were in a sufficient state of forwardness. He rested on that expectation. (Hear.) It appeared to him that nothing then remained for him to do. On Wednesday last he had the honour of receiving from the noble and learned lord the heads and abstract of a bill for the regulation of these mat ters of pluralities and non-residence, and at the same time he was favoured with a most courteous letter from the noble and learned lord ; but there was conveyed to him no inti mation whatever either that it was intended to lay the bill on the table of the house, or when it was proposed to do so. When that communication was made to him he supposed that its object was to obtain his opinion, if not of the gene ral principles, at least of the details of the bill. On the evening when the bill was introduced to their lordships he was attending a society for the propagation of the Gospel, and he subsequently was informed by the ordinary chan nels that the bill had been brought in, and that an intro ductory speech had been delivered on the occasion by the noble and learned lord. From that speech it did appear as if the system of pluralities had been introduced by the Pro testant church—that, indeed, it was unknown to Popery. Had he been in his place when this was represented, he should have shown that the fact was not so ; in proof of which he might have referred to the commonest books on such subjects. Indeed he thought that every one at all ac quainted with ecclesiastical matters knew to the contrary. He regretted that no communication was made to the bi shops before the bringing in of the bill. (Hear, hear.) There were certainly parts of it which he should have most earnestly requested the noble and learned lord to have omitted before he presented it to this house. He regretted the want of the communication on account also of the effect it must have on the public mind. At a time when they saw measures taken for the subversion of the Established Church, when every nerve was strained. to make that church appear odious, and to raise a hostile feeling against it (Loud cries of " Hear, hear"), what must the public imagine to see a measure of such vast im portance, one whieh involved so much consideration, and had to deal with such serious difficulties, introduced with out any discussion of its merits on the part of those best acquainted with the subject ? Must they not infer, either that his Majesty's government was carless of the opinions of the bishopeand the clergy, or that they thought it use less to refer to •them for advice? (Hear, hear.) It ap peared from the abstract that there were some parts of the measure that were not to be pressed on their lordships for bill now before the house, he enthrtaified the Most ! with advantage on the subject. They ought, therefore, to guine expectation that it would pass their lordships' house pause until they got the requisite information, and then in such a shape and form as would give it a title to the proceed with the measure, adopting such of its provisions support of the COmmons. (Hear, hear, hear.) He as should appear to their lordships most wholesome. He had never intended to throw the slightest slur on the (the Earl of Harrowby) wished to warn them of the Protestant Church, more especially as in comparison with danger of embarking on the wide ocean of legislation on the Roman Catholic Church. He would observe, however, the subject, without that information which could alone that pluralities were, guideat any rate, forbidden by the Canon prove a chart to their cour s e. By waiting until next laws in the Catholic Church, while they were not so in the session they would have the requisite information, which Protestant Church ; the dispensations which enabled some would prove to them a polar star, of which he trusted they prelates and others in the Catholic Church to hold plu- I never would lose sight ralities were no answer to the general illegality of the Lord WHARNCLIFFE understood the noble and practice; so far from it, the exceptions proved the rule, learned lord to say, that in bringing forward his bills he Pluralities, such as they exist in our establishment, were, ' had consulted his colleagues in the Cabinet. It was a mat however, unknown in the Catholic Church. He would ter of great importance to him how the fact stood; and he not detain the house longer on the subject, but would con- (Lord Wharncliffe) wished to ask the noble and learned elude with hoping that the measures would be allowed to lord whether the bills had been brought forward on his pass, as he believed they would have the happy effect of own authority only, or whether they were brought forward removing those abuses which had produced the greatest with the concurrence of his colleagues? and most dangerous clamours against the church. The LORD CHANCELLOR was surprised at the The Earl of MALMESBURY said, after a few words question of the noble lord. He surely must be aware that in explanation, what he had intended to convey was, that in both houses a minister had a right to bring in any mea it had been usual for peers who intended introducing any sure he chose, in his capacity of member of parliament, measure, to send an intimation of his intention to the with or without the concurrence of his colleagues. He, parties in particular who might be interested in or affected therefore, thought it unfair to be stopped in the threshold, by the contemplated measure. He repeated, that it was by the noble lord asking him (the Lord Chancellor) the unusual on introducing a measure to make any comments question, " Have you brought in your bill on your own on it. authority, or with the knowledge and consent of your col- The Duke of CUMBERLAND had not been aware of leagues." He would say nothing of the irregularity of the presence of any bishops on the occasion alluded to. this question ; but he must tell the noble lord, that he (the No doubt, in the early part of that evening a very large Lord Chancellor) must pause before he answered it. The convocation of bishops had met in expectation of a discus- bill which he had brought in must rest on its own sion on the Scotch Catholic Bill ; but as that did not come merits. He would, however, say this much, that on, the bishops had left the house. He, too, had beets he was not aware of any objection existing against the present up till eight o'clock; but on inquiring of the noble measure in any quarter. Whether or not his an and learned lord, he had been informed that no further swer would prove satisfactory to the noble lord, he business would come on that evening; he had gone away (the Lord Chancellor) did not know. It was true, as had at that hour, and had never been more surprised, than been stated by the noble lord, that the bill had been when, next mor n ing, he read in the newspapers an brought forward before the Report of the Ecclesiastical account of the introduction of the measures by the noble Commissioners was laid on their lordships' table ; and he and learned lord. considered that part of it which related to the value of liv- The Duke of WELLINGTON had been placed in much ings must in consequence be necessarily less perfect than the same predicament with his illustrious friend on the it would otherwise have been, and than he could have evening in question ; for, in consequence of a similar inti-' wished. On the other hand, if the Report of the Corn mation made to him by the noble and learned lord that no missioners should be received before the measure made further business would be brought on, he also left the house any very considerable progress, and it were otherwise re at eight o'clock. There could be no doubt that the custom ceived favourably, they could then avail themselves of the of the house was, that previous to the introduction of any valuation of the commissioners ; but he thought they might measure, particularly of such importance as the present, take the present valuation until a better was obtained. the peer introducing it should send round an intimation of He was quite willing to delay that part of the measure to his intention ; and if any noble lords more than others were which the noble lord particularly alluded until after the bound to adhere r gidly to the custom of the house, they appearance of the Report of the Commissioners ; but un were those who belonged to the administration, who should less he (the noble lord) had some other objections to the particularly take care to guard against anything like a sur- bill, he (the Lord Chancellor) did not see that it ought prse, much more not to set the example of anything of the to be stopped. If the parochial clergy, possessing small sort. As to the neglect exhibited towards the right rev, livings, should feel themselves affected by it, and if they bench, the noble and learned lord had sufficiently explained should petition against it, it would perhaps, in that case, how that happened, for he had given as his reason that he be the most advisable course to defer it. But he hoped doubted whether the prelates would like his bill, and so the noble lord would not press the postponement of the thought it best not to try the experiment. There was an- question, as he understood him to be friendly to the princi other observation he had to make. The other evening it ple of the bill. To adopt his suggestion would be to had been admitted that one of the measures in question throw out the bill this session altogether. went to infringe on the royal prerogative, vet the royal as- Lord WHARNCLIFFE expressed himself satisfied sent to such infringement had not, as usual in such cases, with the answer of the noble and learned lord. been read. The noble and learned lord had said that he Lord WYNFORD begged to ask the noble and learned had the concurrence of his colleagues. lord when the bill would be printed ? Lord LANSDOWNE—No, he did not. The LORD CHANCELLOR believed it would be The LORD CHANCELLOR—I only said that I had ready to-morrow. submitted the measure to my colleagues. The Duke of HAMILTON presented a petition from The Duke of WELLINGTON said that whatever term certain parochial schoolmasters in Scotland, complaining the noble and learned lord might have made use of, the of distress and praying for relief. Also from the Glasgow impression conveyed to the house was, that his measure hand-loom weavers, complaining of distress, and praying had the concurrence of his colleagues. The noble and for relief. The noble duke likewise presented several learned lord, when be brought down such a measure, petitions from Scotland against church patronage ; and ought to have put the house in possession of the fact—if it one from the Island of Lewes for the better observance of were fact—that his Majesty had consented to have this in- the Sabbath. fringement on his prerogative brought under the consi- Lord WHARNCLIFFE postponed his motion respect deration of the house. ieg Secondary Punishments until the 2d of June. The LORD CHANCELLOR thought the noble duke The order of the day for proceeding with the Borough had taken one of the most extraordinary courses he ever of Warwick Disfranchisement Bill having been then read, recollected to have been adopted by a member of that their lordships proceeded to call witnesses. house. He had charged him (the Lord Chancellor) with After Miss Ann Davies was in part examined, a long committing a breach of his duty not only to the house, but discussion took place between the counsel, in which several to himself, in the steps he had taken. He (the Lord noble lords took a part, on the question as to whether the Chancellor) did not admit that the bill in question at all books of a publican could, under particular circumstances, trenched on the Royal Prerogative; but even supposing be produced as evidence of treating, until the agency of that it did, was the noble duke prepared to say that the those by whom the articles charged in the books were time for producing the Royal Assent was at the period ordered should be produced. Counsel were allowed till when the bill was introduced to the house? Was it not Monday, to consider how they should shape their ques rather more customary to produce the Royal Assent at the tions, in order to overcome the objection. second reading of a bill ? (Hear, hear.) He should be William Lapworth, not having appeared to their lord very much surprised if the noble duke could mention any ships' summons, was then ordered to be taken into custody case in which the Royal Assent had been given to a bill of the sergeant-at-arms. before the bill was brought in. The noble duke had Their lordships adjourned at a quarter past nine o'clock. stated most incorrectly that he (the Lord Chancellor) had described the bill as having met with the concurrence of his colleagues : all he had said was, that he had submitted it to them. As to the Royal Assent, the time for giving it had not yet arrived ; and it might happen that it never would arrive : for if he found that their lordships were determined not to afford the bill that fair, candid, and dispassionate consideration which he was most glad to find the bench of bishops were prepared to accord, he would not think of subjecting their lordships to the disfavour__ he would not use a stronger term—which such a refusal would draw upon them on the part of their countrymen. He trusted, however, that their lordships would think bet ter of it, and allow so beneficial a bill to pass, and pass unm utilated. The Earl of WICKLOW explained. With reference to the manner in which the bill had been brought forward, he could only express his surprise that before their lordships were in possession of the bill, an abstract of it should have been sent by the noble and learned lord to the Times newspaper. (No, no.) Well, if the noble and learned lord had not sent it, he was at a loss to understand how the abstract, which had appeared in that paper, had got into the hands of its editor. The whole proceeding ap peared to him very irregular and disrespectful. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that all he had in timated on the evening alluded to, when questioned on the subject by a dozen Peers or more, was that the business of the evening, namely, the Scotch Catholic Bill, would not come on, and it did not. He had said nothing further. As to the allegation against him about gettinghis bills surrep titiously and irregularly forward, he denied the charge ; on this point, however, he would conclude by assuring the noble earl who had just spoken, and he did so with the ut most sincerity, and the noble earl might take it with him, that he would never humble himself to go one inch or hair's breadth out of his way to save any bill or speech of his from any reply which could be made thereto, by either the noble earl, or the illustrious duke, or the noble duke who headed the Opposition. The Earl of WINCHIL SEA complained of the conduct of the noble and learned lord in having brought in his bills without having given their lordships previous notice. It was especially uncourteous towards the heads of the church, not to have them at least previously acquainted with his in tention to bring in these bills. He (the Earl of Winchil sea) did not know what were the details of the measure of the noble and learned lord, but if the object was to enforce residence where there were residences, it would have his cordial support. But then he (the Earl of Winchilsea) wished to remind their lordships that there were in Eng land from 1,200 to 1,400 parishes in which there were no residences. He wished to ask the noble and learned lord whether or not his measure applied to these? The LORD CHANCELLOR begged to say, in answer to the question put by the noble earl, that neither of his bills contemplated anything of the kind. With respect to what had been said by a noble earl (Wicklow) regarding an abstract of the bill having got into one of the news papers, he (the Lord Chancellor) thought their lordships must see that it was impossible that either he or any one connected with the drawing up of that. bill could have had anything to do with the transmission of the abstract to the office of the paper in question. He (the Lord Chancellor) had never seen the abstract; but he had been informed by those who had seen it, that nothing could have been more unlike the bill itself. It stated that a clergyman, holding a living worth 2,5001. a-year, could accept of another living, if it did not exceed 100/. He could not t ell whether it was so represented in the abstract of the bill, not having himself seen it ; but such a statement was alto gether groundless, and the abstract, in other respects, was not in the least like the original. The Earl of HARROWBY then rose, but spoke in so low and indistinct a tone that he was but very imper fectly heard in the gallery. We understood him to com mence by saying that if the noble and learned lord was sa tisfied with the course he had pursued in the bringing in of his bills, he (the Earl of Harrowby) had no wish to de prive him of that satisfaction. The discussion which had that evening arisen on the subject had elicited a declara tion of opinion from the most rev. prelate the Archbishop of Canterbury regarding the measure of the noble and learned lord, in which their lordships would not be sur prised if he (the Earl of Harrowby) expressed his cordial concurrence. If the principle of the bill was simply that residence should be enforced, lie was sure that there was not a noble lord in that house who would oppose the mea sure. The noble and learned lord had stated that it was not his intention to proceed with the second reading sooner than that day fortnight. Now he (the Earl of Harrowby) need not inform their lordships that neither a fortnight nor a month, no, nor even any part of the pre sent session, could place them in that position, with re gard to a knowledge of the subject, which would enable them to come to a proper decision on the question. Their lordships were aware that the ecclesiastical commissioners were still sitting—they had not yet been able, but lie hoped they soon would be, to lay on their lordship? table the state of the revenues of the church—not a general statement, but a detail of every living, and the situation and circumstances of every church in the country. There was one fact which deserved to be stated—namely, that there were in England seven hundred parishes which did not respectively contain above fifty inhabitants, and one thousand which did not contain a population of, 100. Now, if these fractions of parishes were to be called oil by the bill of the noble and learned lord to maintain each a clergyman, the measure would be a monstrous one. He ( the Earl of H.) would not have any objection to appropriate part of the.property of the Church which might be at pre sent used for merely ornamental purposes to purposes of a use ful kind. He was sure their lordships would concur with him in the opinion that they did not at present possess that in formation which was necessary to enable them to legislate HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 23. The SPEAKER took the Chair at half-past five o'clock. A Message from the Lords was announced, stating that their lordships had agreed to the bill relating to the for feiture and escheat of real and personal property, and se veral private bills. Mr. BARNARD presented a petition from the church wardens of Deptford, against the Bermondsey Water Works Bill_ On the motion of Colonel PERCEVAL, a new writ was ordered for the county of Fermanagh, in the room of I General Archdale, who has accepted the chiltern hundreds. Mr. ABERCROMBIE obtained an extension of time for the committee upon the Edinburgh Police Bill to make their report. Upon the order of the day being read for the house to resolve itself into a committee on the Poor Laws' 'Amend ment Bill, Mr. SHAW wished to ask the noble lord opposite a question respecting Irish tithes. He wished to know whether any time was fixed for the discussion to come on, or whether it was indefinitely postponed? He also was anxious to know whether the Irish Coercion Bill, which would expire on the Ist of August, was to be renewed? . . . Lord ALTROBP said that he thought it would be much more convenient to go through with the Poor Laws' Amendment Bill, before any other business. With respect to the other question, he did not think it at all necessary at the present moment to state what decision the government had come to. ( Hear, hear. ) Mr. LITTLETON, in answer to a question from Mr. Finn, said that the returns of the amount of tithe composi tion had been made, except from two dioceses which had refused to make the return. To the registrar of one of these dioceses, Ossory, he (Mr. Littleton) had given notice that, unless the order of that house was complied with, he should move that the registrar be called to the bar of the house. (Hear, hear.) There was some excuse for the registrars refusing to comply with the order to return the number of Protestants in each diocese, as there was great expense and infinite trouble in com plying with the order. When the returns were made, he would be ready to lay them on the table of the house. Mr. SHAW stated that, as he understood from the right hon. gentleman opposite, the registrar bad informed the Irish government it was impossible for him to make the return, it might be sufficient to say that he should make it so far as he found it possible so to do, and then to satisfy the house why it was he could not complete it. Mr. LITTLETON said the registrar had stated that it was impossible for him to make the return on account of the expense going beyond what he conceived it ought. That was no sufficient reason for his refusing to make the return ; it was in his power to do it, and the answer lie received was, that whatever extra expense might attend it, would be considered by the Irish government. Mr. FERGUS O'CONNOR moved for a return of the names of the persons appointed to act as Surveyors under the Irish Grand Jury Act of last session. Mr. BAINES inquired whether, previous to entering on the question of tithes, the report of the commission on church affairs would be laid before the house ? Dr. LUSHINGTON said, that the report was not ready, but the commissioners intended to present a short report. to his Majesty of the result of their inquiries, and as early as possible. With respect to the returns of the church revenues, they had been laid before the com mittee ; but to present them without explanation would be to present a mass of matter scarcely comprehensible to any hon. member. Mr. R. WASON presented a petition from Ipswich against the Poor Laws' Amendment Bill. Sir J. SCARLETT presented a petition from Norfolk to the same effect. Mr. LANGSTON presented a similar petition from Oxford. Col. LYG ON presented a similar petition from Moseley. Mr. C. WOOD presented a petition from Halifax to the same effect, and another from St. Saviour's, Southwark. Sir G. SKIPWITH presented a petition to the same effect from Loughborough. POOR LAWS' AMENDMENT BILL. The house then went into Committee on the Poor Laws' Amendment Bill. On clause 2 being read, Colonel TORRENS thought this the best opportunity for proposing the amendment of which he had given no tice, for limiting the power of the commissioners to five years. Lord ALT HORP suggested to the hon. and gallant member to propose his amendment as a separate clause at a more convenient time. Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY said he had several amend ments to move, and he wished to remind the house that a commission having been decided on, it would be his duty to make that commission as palatable as possible. (Bear.) He thought the change about to be made in the machinery of the poor laws was too ex tensive and sweeping, and instanced the ease of the emancipation of the slaves in the West Indies, when it had been said that the proposed measure would not be available unless the authorities of the different colonies . were in favour of it. Were not the parochial authorities throughout the country, from one end to another, against the present measure ? (Cries . of " No, no, no.") Had a single parish petitioned for the passing of the bill in its present form ? (Hear.) No country would sanction so monstrous an anomaly as that contemplated by the establishment of the central commission. The school master had been abroad of late, and such a measure would certainly not now be sanctioned. • A clamour had lately been raised against the " great unpaid," as they were called, and with whose authority and influence it was intended to interfere. Ori what ground were they about to declare their incompetence to discharge their duty and degrade them ? (Cries of " No, no.") Why was it that they were now declared unfit for the du ties they had hitherto performed ? What was the reason tor, thus declari ng th e i r incom p e t ence , an d redu c ing s_ountry gentlemen to cyphers? This was not the time to make these sweeping alterations, when discontent was lowering on the brow of the middle classes, and rankling in the heart. Was this the time to 'disorganise society, and loose the bonds by which the several classes were bound together? What authority did the bill propose to substitute for that ancient and respectable one which it was about to super sede ? The house well knew how contemptible a sleek cockney who happened to wander beyond the boundaries of Cockaigne appeared in the eyes of a farmer. Now suppose one of these cockneys, who is an attorney, also goes as an assistant commissioner to the parish vestry, to dictate to the farmer; in what temper would those orders be received, compared with the respect with which the suggestions of the landlord would be attended to? The power which this bill proposed to vest in the commissioners was so great, that few men would undertake the performance of , parochial duties. No one liked to submit implicitly to the orders of others, unless he was paid for such submission. The person who would undertake parochial duties, if the present bill passed, was more bound by authority than a servant—ran more risk than a soldier. Ile would implore the house not to precipitate this measure. How could they expect that any man would submit to the subserviency and responsibility imposed by it? The indictments alone to which a man was rendered liable would be sufficient to ruin a tradesman, and disobedience under it, even though the person disobeyed unwittingly, subjected him to imprisonment Lord ALTHO RP—No, no. Sir S. WHALLEY—The noble lord said "No" and yet 'twas in the bill. The person disobeying was liable to be committed by two magistrates. It would be utterly im possible to induce men to carry on this bill. Could there be any other result of this measure than that all the present parochial authorities would refuse to act again, if, indeed, they were continued till . their present period expired ? What a state of things it would be to have 16,000 parishes thrown into disorder for want of persons to carry the ad ministration of the poor laws into effect ! The rate would increase—the labourers would be thrown into a state of revolt—a servile war would ensue, and the now almost extinguished fires would blaze out again. ( Oh, oh. ), Any man with a particle of reason —any man with a grain of sense (A laugh), he repeated it, any man with a grain of sense must perceive that those who hitherto administered the poor laws would not again consent to act with powers so diminished as theirs would be by this bill. If they would, he must confess he knew nothing of human nature. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The hon. gentleman pro ceeded to say, that if the power of the commission was limited, as it was shown in the report to be the case in France, he would have no objection to its appointment. (Hear, hear.) He would therefore move the omis sion of all words after the word " that," in the se cond clause, and substitute the following as an amend ment :—" And be it enacted, that it shall and may be lawful for the said commissioners, and they are hereby required, to prepare for the consideration of Parliament a bill or bills for consolidating all existing statutes relating to the relief of the poor, comprising such alterations in the present laws, and such additional laws and regulations as they may think expedient. And the said commissioners shall and may, from time to time, prepare such further bill or bills as they deem necessary. And the said commis sioners shall and may frame a form or forms of accounts to'be observed by all parishes in England and Wales, for keeping the parochial expenditure under distinct heads ; and abstracts of the total expenditure under each head shall once in every year, made up to such period as the com • missioners may direct, be transmitted by all parishes to the office of the commissioners in London, in order to their being there arranged, and laid before Parliament. And it shall and may be lawful for the said commissioners, and they are hereby required, to ascertain what parishes it may be expedient to unite for the purpose of having one or more workhouses for their common use, and for that and other purposes to prepare such bill or bills as may be necessary. And the said commissioners shall have the power of exa mining the accounts of all parishes, and of ascertaining that the returns made to their office are correct ; and of offering such written suggestions and advice to boards of guardians and to vestries as they may think proper. And it shall be lawful for the said com missioners to visit all workhouses at such times as they may think fit ; and they are hereby authorised and re quired to enforce the observance in all parishes in England and Wales of such rules and regulations respecting the re lief of the poor, the appointment of overseers, the keeping of accounts, the management of workhouses, and the edu cation and apprenticeship of children, as are or may here aler be made by the authority of Parliament. And if any person shall withhold or suppress any parish books or ac counts, or obstruct the said Commissioners in the inspection thereof, or neglect or refuse to make such annual returns within six weeks after the time appointed by the said Com missioners, or refuse to permit the said Commissioners to visit any workhouse or workhouses, or any part thereof, or neglect or refuse to observe and comply with such rules and regulations as aforesaid, such person shall, upon conviction before any two Justices, forfeit and pay for the first offence any sum not exceeding 5/. ; for the second offence any sum not exceeding 201. nor less than 5/. ; and in the event of such person being convicted a third time, such third and every subsequent offence shall be deemed a misdemea nor." And to move "the omission of all sections and words conferring other or greater powers than those above mentioned." The statutes which, by this amendment, he proposed to consolidate, were, as he was told, 800, and the penalties which he suggested were taken out of clauses of the present bill. This amendment, if acted on, would 'do more than the absolute power proposed to be vested in the Commission. Sir EARDLEY WILI\IOT could not agree with the hon. gentleman who had just sat down in thinking that Magistrates would feel themselves degraded by the passing of this bill. On the contrary, they would feel themselves released from a troublesome and painful duty. Mr. 'EWART thought that the hon. memher for Mary lebone had thrown away much eloquence in eulogising the magistracy, inasmuch as it appeared in the evidence before the commissioners that the magistrates did not exercise the power vested in them so very wisely. As to the injustice and degradation which it was said the bill would inflict upon magistrates, it was answered by the report, which stated that the diities they had to perform subjected them to dan ger and odium. He would have no objection to the pro position relating to the curtailment of time, or any quali fication of the power of the commissioners which might be thought advisable in committee. Lord ALT fIORP said, that if a general act were ap plied, as the hon. gentleman suggested, and that such a one as would not be limited or regulated by circumstances, it would be found to operate injuriously. The hon. gen tleman misunderstood the bill, when he said that the com missioners, or the assistant-commissioners had power to commit persons for disobedience, even though they dis obeyed unwittingly. If the hon. gentleman referred to the 86th clause of the bill he would find that it was for wilful neglect ; and he would also find that the information should be laid before two justices of the peace. The danger of riot which the hon. gentleman app ehended, was more likely if the discretionary power were not granted ; for such power must exist somewhere. The hon. gentleman had said that if circular letters suggesting improvements were sent round to the magistrates, they would adopt the sugges tions. The present measure was somewhat similar to this pro posal; and he felt perfectly satisfied that when these regulations were signified to them, the magistrates would co-operate in endeavouring to give them effect. The hon. gentle man had said that the local boards and present g uardians of the poor rates had petitioned against the measure. It was admitted that they had ; and it was natural that those possessed of power should be unwilling to have that power reduced. The hon. gentleman asked whether persons would be found to act under the bill ; but as he had made the assertion that they would not, the proof of that asser tion fell upon him. It was impossible that he (Lord Al t thorp) could agree in the amendment, which, if agreed to, would concede the whole principle involved in the bill. L n G t r by ß y relievingAn N a s r m 1 o L r Le them E t h a S n the amendment. As far as the magistrates were concerned, labours, was a boon to them, but whether the paralization of their powers effected by this bill would be beneficial to Mr. CAYLE Y thought that the ultimate powers bestowed by this bill upon the commissioners was not to supersede the powers of the magistrates, but to establish a uniformity of practice and obedience to the laws. The hon. member complained that this bill would establish an autocracy, but it appeared to him that the vestrymen who objected to it only wished to maintain an ' autocracy of their own. ( Hear, hear.) He agreed that it was not necessary to continue these powers in perpetuity. It would be wise to make the experiment at first for five years, and if it were found necessary to continue the powers, he was sure it would not be objected to. (Hear, hear.) He thought, also, that five commissioners would be better than three, and that the commissioners should not be wholly metropolitan, but the country should be e divided into five districts, and one commissioner chosen from wouldßth e SOMERSET from each, who should be well acquainted with the local system of his district. Mr. HAWES was understood to oppose the amendment. Mr. CLAY said that the matter was too pressing to wait for the framing of 16,000 little bills, or even, by the union of parishes, of 3,000 little bills, which would be the effect of the hon. member's amendment. Did the hon. member mean to make his regulations imperative laws in every case ? for, if so, the inconvenience would be ten times greater than now. (" No," from Sir S. Whalley.) Well, then, if he intended to give discretionary power, he was, after all, coming back to the principle of this bill. 114, should oppose the amendment. Lord ALTHORP, in a tone of voice utterly inaudible, proposed an amendment, which was subsequently gathered to be an alteration in that part of the clause relating to the summoning power of the commissioners, by striking out the words " parties and witness," and leaving them pow r _ i ", call before them " all such persons as they may r on fit," &c. The noble lord then said, that as the f el" is to he would not object the subject appeared to be general, the limitation for five years. noble lord would Mr. GODSON asked whether the the th bill,codu permit him to insert a ciause that no member of the hO lO4 should be a commissioner? Lord ALTHORP—Yes. Mr. HODGES, who was nearly inaudible in the gal' lerv, referred to Mr. Whitbread's bill in 179 b, for the re gulation of wages of labourers, and Mr. Pitt's speech ca the occasion, which, he contended, was a sort of contract, on the faith of which he levied the enormous taxes di required, the burdens of which were increased by the h of 1819. He, therefore, thought the suspension o f the al' lowances should be done with great caittimi, and with a dui consideration for the interests of the labourer. Colonel DAVIES objected to the discussion of that principle on a clause in which it was not. involved. Mr. HODGES hoped the commissioners would of be allowed to interfere in parishes where the rates were fixed. * Sir S. WHALLEY withdrew his amendment. d, That part of the clause with Lord Althorp's aln en ment was then, agreed to. led Mr. H. HUGHES had a petition from eleven ton e d parishes of Oxford, and from all the advices he had r eceiv ed from that city he could say that. unless the power§ POP pe l a to he given to the board were much modified, they wf t ilf get no respectable man in that city to take upon htis the office of governor. They managed their own a: 0 , very well, and did not want any control over (Laughter.) Some discussion then ensued on the distance fi•oin wbidi n d vi tnesses should be summoned by the commissioners, 'es Lord Althorp assented to Mr. Clay's suggestion, that ti miles would be a proper limit, as all beyond that distll:l e would be examined by the assistant-commissioner• would be a convenience to the parties themselves. • T ,.. The CHAIRMAN then proceeded to read thi renal-to der of the clause, but on coming to that part relativeceas, the enfo rce m e nt of the pr o du c tion of books, de papers, &c., Nisi? Air. C. W. WYNN sug ge s t e d the p ro p r i e ty of est a e to ing a right of appeal either to the King's Bench" some court to be constituted or the urose. Lord ALTHORP ( lid not f at prese p nt p think it nee essarY' but would take it into consideration. Mr. C. BULLER was understood to object to the e° o- missioners calling for production of deeds. Sir W. HORNE thought it desirable that the e ma to sioners should have the most extensive power e localisttead, ministration eect to their general superintendence ; the ow of the poor laws and all the details ro"s tn ,. t ., of sarily be lett to the parishes. Unlike other cog' t it to pu jus' ice, this court, it would be remembered, had self in motion. After a long and desultory discussion, in the course ' 4 whMr.ich, he t he CUTLAR FERGUSSON suggested that flat commissioners should have the power of examining, _it only persons connected with the administra tion of the Pu" laws, but all others, rrestion Lord ALTHORP observed, that it was a su g , well worthy of consideration. discussion The part of the clause which had been under d iscu was (we believe, with some amendment) agreed to. out On the proposition of Lord ALTHORP, for striking of the clause that part which gave the commissioners pow' to commit for contempt, Mr. BARING expressed his doubt whether the co ny missioners without such a power would be able to enfor ce obedience. Lord ALTHORP stated that the power was propos e 6 to be struck out in consequence of the alarm it excited is the public mind, and that it was intended to transfer it t° two magistrates. The amendment was then agreed to. of On the motion that the clause so amended stand part the bill. Mr. HODGES proposed that the clause should hay.e_t;ae operation in those parishes in which. the poor rates had De diminished during the last two years. On this proposition a discussion of considerable length to Mr. place. ." o d one' TOWERS thought the amendment a go_ e t he He would recommend that in those parishes %O' er , t he poor rate did not amount to above a certain sutra °lof ill rack-rent, the commissioners should have no terference. mea d- Colonel EVANS was disposed to support the a . „ er its, ment on its own intrinsic merits. Were thosn;iined however, not so evident, he should have still been lecrhans, to entertain it, coming, as it did, from one who, P o f the was better acquainted with the practical w orking / gest , poor laws than any other individual in the kildeorar'opositioa hear.) He hoped the noble lord would give t his most serious consideration. at to attach t eat Lord ALTHORP was always ready a la ( Air. weight to the opinions of the hon. gentler,_ e hou se. Hodges), particularly on the subject then before tu_ a we e In its present shape, however, he could not at r r c d, w ho, to the amendment (so we understood the nohlf I° _ l to ne)• upon every occasion, spoke in a low, conversation. f the set Mr. HODGES said he was afraid the e'l'ect or fered , would be that in parishes where Government in bas e the exertions of, individuals, which might previonMietoy been of the most beneficial character, would be cooT no lci neutralized, and that an immense amount of labour V‘ 4 ,llt thus be thrown upon the Government. For the Pr - • o g he would withdraw his amendment, in the hope of 44 1 it so as to meet the - approbation ogthe house. ( Hear. ), e ll Mr. BAINES said that a parish with which he was acquainted, and which was one of the largest and best gulated in the country, had sent a petition to that h cla ",•; power tb ° stating that they understood their own situation and ht , Wer e own interests better than the commissioners, w- -- t hat ' without any local knowledge, possibly could do • an d w ith they thought it unwise and improper to interfere eet , them, when, in fact, no evil existed. (Hear.) _ w here flawshi bad policy to introduce such po e rel e i a lly• the were at present enforced fully and h °e st , e He denied not that the measure was in many poin t . and cellent one, but it was too extensive in its applicat%iov, instead of proving a means of relief, would, in his ? he become a source of annoyance. At the proper timed to thought it would be desirable for some hon. gentlemant move that the commissioners should be empowered . were 6d. in the pound, but the) o s h sna e it s dhet where hraaet k the e e n rates tr.at es exceeded inihis p a rt two o s f h t ; The only effect of such an amen Mr. CAYLEY be, for the coni,'s.,, the rates whic: o sioners to wait in their remedial efforts till country olnionly iinn d th i h d eo exceed)neooutpnadr were now Is. 6d. were, by mismanagement, i s,• not bygraduallytiielion. n . c m r e e a m s i b n e g r , f a o n r d L t e h e e d s r o vv u o n u d l s d men were n c i o r m e as 1.. t .. : 1 its. in the pound. The commissioners, in fact, interfere where their powers were not requisite..s. ~_ w hich Mr. BAINES begged to say, that in the part h" he had alluded roundsmen were unknown. ~n 15,00° Lord DARLINGTON said they all knew that parishes there would be many found in which te ca l i ) c r on pa' dm - ent as the one sugges t were excellently administered. Many of the „ w erne d. rishes, and his own especially, wer e most propepjl 'W he re in' d With these there would be no interferenc e ; ° o be arra terference might be necessary, the board ought t was cler, with the fullest powers. .e itto Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY s at s had powe r o from the 13th clause, that the commis sioner There wa s interfere in every parish in the kingdom• exception whatever. 0' The clause as amended was then passed. Chair ° Clause the third was then p..oposed by t he On arriving at the words " seal of the said Boar all e r Sir S. WHALLEY rose amidst much laught er ,• ( WI t p e r es movesi o n s that of f afterN o the words Th The j h u o s nt read membersheeltdeltbeitinu_serl'ottehtle; p - ro a Tb n ha d eti a o s n a ). motto to distinguish the said Boards fr°l7 Go Boards, the words sic cola, sic jubeo' " ( Cri es aisalY on," and " Nonsense," and other expressions clause was then passed, as were also the fourth an the fifth. the The sixth clause was then proposed, cruPower n i n w hich commissioners to appoint a s sistant commissioners;, at Coknel WOOD. rose and said they had arriv roPe ee clause of the bill to which it was his intentircat.o, P, e an amendment, to the effect that visiterssesssi „ s , to s pointed by the'magistrates at any quarter as w ° ell that the provisions of the bill were carriedunder considerati fairly 00, fully into execution. The clause then int nine assistau' -as tnten-e eammissioners. Now if it (!, num b e r, he had no hoar should work with the board,ootn h large. But if it were iv: tion in saying, was much(teild be of an ambulatory eb e a n tended that their duties empowered the central board to aP ,Icl that these nine mos t ridiculously small. It was it • }the was the number _ their duties in various parts ° sable they they could 2 , er ou ght to be performed. H o ard country as th e y would would be for the Central 13 , io sumed . the P-a - • • ,•,” t her t • dar instructions to the anteren , to issue partio. o f tne r -c) , c oo' the co „ otr y to c orrect the mal-administration central` ch He found in one of the reports of the . „ s en laws.that in a parish of Bucks, the many V . l . d by ro' meter ; that they should travel from parish to parish, tbor fusing to make up wages. He hoped ,be to ,„, had previously existed had been entirely th r e er n v e e r; firsrtefuins; „ o no • f te struction issued by the Central Board, e r ote a 1 relief but for work done, and to refusaliaded to, tli making up of wages. In the parish he d ha also been se!, report went on to say that much gotf had „ c ork of %. verer nature than he would in ano ther fected by putting an applicant for bough t it would ha d subjected to. He (Colonel Wood) t op ple. h hail well if the Ceniral Board followed this e e d too rouc been asserted that the magistrates interr he wo nld ad o n o the administration of the pocernleaws-s: d 0 a He did not that in some points they had d devised .by which there t mg o nce, or lie feared much t o he cision of the ov e e e r : n e l; - . a By his plan a remedy or vo tie s s i venience Woulidthe people would see that their gri co ott a provided, ant. looked into, and reported to the ,houl d were at once wo uld therefore propose that visitors old Boar d ' e the different it go al be be appointed to parishes, whose vr id of their plait of scales, but t flitttillhtehearhe appealm us from o i $ g3 th e i.je be to visit them once every year, to see that 11 :;.' e si •oto t • • of the bill were carried into full effect. n d th ll Slolls likewise propose that the parish should pay thenl, , ; i : o ns b t° , a power be given to the magistrates at petty should gc,er call for an extra visit during the year, if such s d oe deemed necessary. lie Would also have a guar rot the poor appointed for every county, w-- h°se w att especial duty, as the name imported, would be , t° be pruld ebeo situation