The Sun. — London, England, 1831-02-15 00:00:00

and that the relief which they were calculated to afford to commercial industry could not be given. He had his full share in whatever blame might be supposed to attach to Dlinisters for not having thoroughly ascertained whether this tax could be properly collected or not, before they brought it forward ; the impracticability of collecting it being the only ground for abandoning it. But it did not appear, when per sons well acquainted with the subject were consulted, that so many people were to be converted into trustees for the public as there would be by this measure, and that one or two or three additional Coup is of Chancery would be ne cessary to decide the questions that might arise. 'When he said that he did not see further into this millstone than his colleagues, he had to state, by way of accounting for it, that he had felt that he was not sufficiently informed on the subject ; but if lie had put questions on the point or the practicability of collecting such a tax to conveyancers and practical teen, it would he immediately known to the public that Ministers intended to lay a duty on the transfer of stock. He could not, therefore, communicate with the proper persons who could have given him the requisite in formaton until the tax was actually proposed by the Chan cellor of the Exchequk r. Then, only, it was found, that the machinery for collecting the tax would not work well; and no sooner was the difficulty discovered, than it was reckoned advisable to abandon the duty. That necessity lie lamented, for the reason which he had already stated. The taxes to be repealed in contemplation of this duty he was apprehensive must now be retained. But still he trusted that, in case peace should continue, at no distant period i the true sources of the remission of taxation would he increased, and that, besides the great relief granted by this budget, other reductions might be made, so as still farther to relieve the labouring classes. The relief granted by the repeal of the duties on sea-borne coals, on candles, and advertisements, could not fail, however, to be attended with great and immediate advantage, and he hoped that the repeal of these would be followed by the repeal of various other taxes in succession in which the labouring classes were deeply concerned, and that the relief would still continue increasing. OMMERCIAL RELATIONS WITH PORTUGAL. Lord STRANGFORD rose to give notice, that on Friday neat he would submit a motion calculated to bring under the view of the House the present state of our com mercial relations with Portugal. He wished to add, that his motion was confined to the point of the present state of our commercial relations with Portugal, without at all touching on the vexata questio as to the right to the Por tegueseCrown. He intended to move for a paper—he could not say particularly what kind of a paper—a paper, of which the production would have the effect of setting the public mind at rest on some important points, namely, whether the treaties of commerce between this country and Portugal were now in existence ? Secondly, whether, if still in existence, they were suspended for a time—and if suspended, whether the suspension was effected in a mode jointed out by the treaties themselves? lie moved, " That the House be summoned for Friday," which was ordered accordingly. Earl DARNLEY presented a petition from the Roman Catholics of Navan, in Meath, praying that the Catholic chapel in that parish might be enlarged and repaired by a general rate on the whole parish.—Laid on the table. The Earl of CARNARVON presented petitions from Cowes and Swansea, praying for the repeal of the duty on sea-borne coal.—Laid on the table. TITHES. Lord KING rose to submit the motion of which he had given notice, for returns of the resident and non-resident clergy, with an account distinguishing between the living of non-re-idents in lay, and those in ecclesiastical patron age. Returns of such a kind had often been made to the Privy Council, and sometimes to Parliament. His motion was for an abstract of the last returns made on this sub ject to the Privy Council. A Right Rev. Prelate had, on a fornier occasion, said that the great cause of non-resi dence was owing to the lay impropriators of tithes having the patronage of livings, because the incomes they allowed to the clergyman who did the duty was so small that be could not reside. That might he so if the non-residence had been confined to livings of small income. But the great cause was pluralities; and he should say, that if there was a sincere desire to put an end to non-residence, the best plan would be to prevent livings above a certain value from being held in plurality. In a certain book to which he had been referred, he bad found it stated, that on an overage the church livings were only 3651. Bs. 4d. each. But there were 6,000 livings whose average income was 645/. His main object, however, was to show that non residence was not confined to the livings in the patronage of lay impropriators of tithes, but extended to those in ecclesiastical patronage. He found it stated in a provincial publication of the 12th of the present month of February, that the rich living of Wisbeach, estimated to be worth 5,4231., had been given to a near relation of the Bishop of Ely—a Mr. Farriday—and it was stated that this Rev. Gieitleman was in possession of several other ecclesiastical preferments. It was also stated that the Rev. Gentle man was to resign a living in favour of a second son of the Bishop of Ely ; but he did not see how this could be done without the concurrence of the Lord Chancellor.— LLORD CIIANCELLOR—Farriday had not been appointed to the living of Wisbeach.]—The appointment had not then taken place. The Rev. Gentleman, however, had five other appointments.—(No, no.)—lt had been stated that lie hail. There bad been considerable difficulties in pre venting pluralities ; but it would appear that the incomes allowed to the officiating clergyman were as low in eccle siastical livings as those where the patronage was in the hands of the lay impropriators. There was an ecclesias tical living in Yorkshire, where the allowance to the offi ciating clergyman was only thirty pounds a-year ; and tl.ere was another in Oxfordshire where the allowance was only SOL a-year, although that was made up by subscrip tions among the parishioners to '7O/. a-year. These were cases in which the property still remained in the church. It still remained in the ecclesiastical corporations, and had not been ab-tracted from the church in the manner so much complained of by the Right Rev. Prelate. So that where the property still remained in the church, the in comes of the officiating ministers were sometimes worse than in livings where the property and patronage were in the hands of others. But as to the abstraction of property from the church—the right of the church to all the property which had ever belonged to the church had been put by the Right Rev. Prelate the other night on much higher ground than he had ever heard it placed before by any of the most highflying of the high church party. Even Bishop llorsley, who, it would be admitted, was a great stickler for the hierarchy and the property of the church, had not placed the claim on such high grounds, as he saw from looking at a charge of that Right Rev. Prelate to his clergy. Bishop Horsley's views were mo derate n i reasonable, compared with those of the Right Rev. Pre'ate who spoke on the subject the other night. He concluded by moving for an abstract from the last re turns made to the Privy Council of resident and non-t dent clergymen, with an account distinguishing those liv ings which were in the gift of lay impropriators, and those which were in the gift of ecclesiastical corporations. The Bishop of LONDON did not mean to oppose the motion of the Noble Baron. When he spoke of lay im • nropriations as being a great c ause of non -residence, lie 'did not mean the remotest allusion to the present lay irn proprietors. He spoke only of the original lay impropri ation—the effect of which had been to make the income of many livings so small that it formed a great obstacle to re sidence. There was another point on which he wished to say a few words. It had been said that the average in come of livings was from 350/. to 3601. or 3651. a year. He had investigates! the subject minutely since he bad ad verted to it on a former occasion : and the Noble Baron himself would probably be surprised at the result ; for, after all that had been said about the enormous property of the church, he had found that, taking every thing into accosnt, the value of the livings, on an average, did not amount to more than 185/. a year. He had taken as the basis of his calculation the returns of 1811—a period of great agricultural prosperity. Besides the tithes, lie had taken into account the value of the glebe lands, of Queen Anne's bounty, and the incomes of Bishops, and other ec clesiastical corporations, and the incomes of livings did not amount, in the whole, to 2001. on an average. The Earl of ROSLYN suggested that the motion ought to be for an Address to his Majesty, to order the returns to be laid on their Lordships' table. And after all, he did not know how the returns from the Privy Council could be made, with the distinction required between livings in lay and livings in ecclesiastical patronage. 'Th e returns to the Privy Council contained no such distinc tions. Lord KING—IC would be easy to send the order to the secretaries of the Bishop s and to the Deans and Chapters who could, without difficulty, make out the account of such livings as were in lay, and such ' , s were in ecclesiastical patrol:age. As to what the Itiglit R Prelate had said as to his statement, he had not had Lis information from the black book to which the Right Rev t r i elate alluded, Church no but from a hook called " the Revenues ' of burden on the public —a b ,ok which was favourable ahle to the Church Establishment rather than otherwise.vn: should feel great p Liu if the average income o i • He were so low as 185/. each, as the Right Rev. Rev. Yee_ late had stated ; and he hoped that the Right Rev. Ir-e -late had fallen into some mistake in his calculation. - Earl GREY should have no objection to such returns being laid on their Lordship' table ; but he requested hi, Noble Friend to consider whether it would not be better to withdraw his motion for the present. lie was fully persuaded that there existed among the heads of the Church a most sincere desire to remedy the abuses in the establish ment. The subject, as his Noble Friend knew, was under the consideration of the heads of the Church, and he had some communication on the subject with a Noble Prelate, who was most anxious to remedy abuses, and whose views were very moderate and liberal. He himself, he confessed, would have preferred a general commutations of tithes, if that could be accomplished ; but he was aware of the se rious difficulties which at present stood in the way of that commutation. In the mean time, a measure some thing short of this which was now under consideration a measure for a composition for tithes —would be attended with a great deal of good, and might prepare the way for a commutation afterwards. He had seen the Noble Pre late's Bill for a composition of tithes, and be approved of its principle ; and he believed that it would do a great deal of immediate good, and that it would at last lead to a commutation, which would be attended with no less advan tage to the church than to the public. Besides the subject of tithes and pluralities, there was a third point to which the Noble Prelate had directed his attention, and that was the holding of livings in commend= by some of the Bi shops. The holding of livings in commendam by Bishops was, in his opinion, to be lamented ; but it had been ab solutely necessary, from the smallness of the incomes of some of the beads of the church, who, without some such expedient, could not maintain the dignity of their situa tions. On that point, too, some measure was in contern plirion, and it was intended to annex the revenues of sonic ecclesiastical preferments not connected with the cure of souls, permanently to the emoluments of sonic of the heads of the church, so as to render the holding of livings in comnzendam by the Bishops unnecessary. He would recommend to his Noble Friend, in the mean time, to ab stain from raising discussions from night to night, inci dentally, on detached parts of the subject, when it was utterly impossible that the whole subject in connection could be sufficiently canvassed. Lord FARNHAM would throw out a suggestion which he thought well worth attending to. Let the lay impro priatora of tithes immediately consent to a commutation. It would then be seen how the system would work, and if it worked well, it might be applied in the case of tithes held by the church; and thus the community might get rid of tithes altogether. Lard KING—He had been before assailed from almost all sides, and now his Noble Friend at the head of the Ail ministration opened his battery upon him. He had been attacked by the Noble Duke (Buckingham) opposite, with his High Church and Tory principles, and the Noble Duke had fired his monstrous bomb at his head without mercy. Then a Noble Earl (Winchilsea) on the Cross-bench, had charged his 18-pounder up to the very muzzle, and fired it at him ; but it exploded like a pop-gun. Another Noble Lord had assailed him on the ground of his religion, and there was such a noise among all his assailants, that he would have been frightened if he had not known his cause to be so good, that with its aid he was able to fight them all. However, he was now disposed to defer to the recom mendation of his Noble Friend. One of his reasons for persevering in the course which he had taken, was that he could never understand what the nature of the Bill was which the very Rev. Prelate intended to propose. He now understood that it was a Bill not for a commutation, but only for a composition. He might go on, night after night, pointing out the mischiefs of tithes to the interests of agriculture, and all the interests of the community, for the subject was a most fertile one. He might show what great advantages France and Scotland had derived from the abolition of the tithe system. The latter, a country inferior in climate, but far superior in cultivation. But it appeared to he expected that this measure for a composition would lead to a commutation, and he would take the advice of his Noble Friend, and abstain from agi tating the subject—for a time.—(A laugh )—The Noble and Learned Lord (Wynford) had also fallen foul of him because he had exposed and endeavoured to undo Sir Wm. Scott's job.—[Lord WYNFORD-.—that is a very objec tionable mode of speaking of Lord Stowell's Bill.]—Why, really the Noble Lord appeared to be much more touchy on the subject than Lord Stowell himself would be. The Bill was one which had really answered the end which Lord Stowell and the clergy had in view. Sir William Scott was himself an emanation from the clergy, and had fought their battles, as he was bound as their advocate to do. His Lordship, we understood withdrew his motion, agreeably to the recommendation of Earl Grey, for the purpose of ascertaining whether it might not be put in a shape better calculated to attain the object in view. Adjourned at Half-past Seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, FEBRUARY 14. Lord MANDEVILLE presented a petition from Hint ngdon praying for a general fast. Mr. MAXWELL postponed his motion for a call of the House from the 18th to the 28th in-t. His reason for so doing was to secure a full attendance of Members on the night previous to the great question of Reform. Mr. LEADER, in presenting a petition, said he was glad to see that an amicable arrangement of the prose cutions in Ireland had been come to with Government.— ( Hear. ) The Marquis of CHANDOS presented several petitions for a repeal of the Game Laws, the Poor Laws, and for the Duty on Malt. The Noble Marquis said, when the latter question was brought forward it should have his hearty support. The Noble Marquis gave notice that, on Mon day next, he should bring forward a motion for the total repeal of the sugar duties.—( Hear.) Mr. HOBHOUSE, in presenting a petition for Reform, said that it would be impossible for this or any Govern ment to give effectual relief to the country, unless they proposed a well graduated property-tax.—( Hear.) In his opinion, Reform would be useless unaccompanied by a property-tax. The Hon. Gentlema❑ announced himself an advocate for universal suffrage, annual Parliaments, and the vote by ballot. Mr. PENDARVIS presented a petition from Cornwall, praying for Reform. The petition was signed by more than 10,000 inhabitants, and was upwards of 17 yards in length.—(A laugh.) A variety of similar petitions were also presented from different parts of the country. Several petitions were presented praying for a general fast. Lord ISIORPETH had great pleasure in presenting two petitions, the one from the compositors and printers of London, the other from the compositors and printers of Sheffield, praying that the duties on paper, newspapers, &c., should be repealed. The Noble Lord observed, that both the petitions were drawn up with an ability which well became individuals connected with literature. lie trusted that the prayer of their petition would be attended to, and that the utmost facility would be efforded to the dissemination of knowledge through the medium of the Press. It might undoubtedly happen, that in 60 doing, increased circulation might be given to those blasphemous and libellous publications which every one would wish to see not merely taxed, but annihilated. However, in this as well as in every other case, the good must be taken mixed with evil ; and he was persuaded, that the good would preponderate in any measure relieving the Press from its present burdens ; and that the result would be seen in the furtherance of the cause of sound literature and true religion. Of this he was convinced, that wherever the schoolmaster was abroad, there Swing would not tind his way. Colonel SIBTHORPE cordially supported the prayer of the petition. Mr. SYKES and Mr. DUNCOMBE supported the prayer of the petition. Lord MORPETH presented petitions from Sheffield, Halifax, and other places in Yorkshire, praying for Par liamentary Reform. Mr. II LTNT presented a petition from a place in Wilt shire in favour of Parliamentary Reform, on the principle of annual elections, universal suffrage, and vote by ballot. He also presented a petition from certain tradespeople in Dublin, praying for a repeal of the Legislative Union be tween Great Britain and Ireland. In presenting the last petition, he observed, that the people of Ireland were the best judges of their own grievances ; and if he found them unanimous in praying for a repeal of the Union, he for one would not oppose them. . . . _ O'GORNIAN MAHON, in supporting the petition, took occasion to thank the Hon. Member (Mr. Hunt) for expressing a fair and just opinion towards Ireland. He proceeded to say that he was anxious, if not out of order, to tike that opportunity of stating, that his countrymen had no idea of obtaining any measure from that House except by peaceable and constitutional proceedings. They had no idea of making an appeal to force of arms. He was sorry to perceive that the observations he had made the other night were misunderstood. He most positively disclaimed a connexion with any secret society formed for the purpose of obtaining a repeal of the Union. In whit he hail said the other evening, he was merely anxious to convey that he was a Member of a Society or of a Club, consisting, with the exception of himself and one other person, of Protestants and lli.senters, which, long before the passing of the Catholic Relief Bill, had one and all ex pressed an opinion in favour of a repeal of the Union.— But never had they agreed to any steps of a secret, for , cible, or even a po li t i ca l na t ure . Th e H ouse , therefore, he trusted, would understand that he was not in any degree Connected with a society of Roman Catholics combined for the purpose of obtaining a repeal of the Union. In the club to which he had alluded (as he had before stated), he ' and another gentleman were the only Roman Catholics. General KING was extremely happy to hear the Hon. Gentleman's explanation; and hoped that he ssould also take the opportunity of correcting a misrepresentation he had made with regard to the state of public feeling in the county of Sligo, respecting the repeal of the Union. He, as Member for that county, could take upon himself to declare that the people there were almost universally in favour of a continuance of a connexion between the two countries. The Hon. Member had 1110 argued that the county of Roscommon was decidedly in favour of repeal, in consequence of the resolutions passed at a county meet ing ; but he (General King) could assure the House, that the landed proprietors, and the respectability of the county, were not present. O'GORMAN MAHON never since he had en'ered that House, had alluded to the county of Sligo. The Hon. Member attributed to him the words used by some other person. As to what had been said by the Hon. Member about the meeting in Roscommon, he bad only to ob set ve, that it was to use the gentlest words, rather harsh and discourteous to say that the respectability of the county was not present at a meeting at which the High Sheriff presided, and one of the Members of the county attended. He hoped, accordingly, the Hon. Member would withdraw these expressions. General KING allowed that there might have been about tvrcnty respectable persons at the meeting. Mr. ILUNT presented a petition from the Rotunda (Blackfriars) meeting, complaining of the Judges who pre sided at the late Commission. Mr. HUNT presented a petition from Southampton, praying that that Honourable House would not listen to any petition for a general fast.—(Laughter.) But the petitioners hoped that when the great measure of Reform was carried, the House would address his Majesty to ap point a day for a general feast and jubilee.—(Great laugh ter.) He (Mr. Hunt) fully concurred in the prayer of the petition. _—.________ _ MR. O'CONNELL. The Marquis of CHANDOS, seeing the Right Con. Secretary for Ireland in his place, wished to ask him why ther or not any vessel loaded with fire-arms had been seized in the Shannon ? He wished also to ask, as he understood Mr. O'Connell had pleaded guilty to the in dictment, whether Government had entered into any agreement for a compromise, either directly or indirectly. Mr. STANLEY, as respected the first question put by the Noble Marquis, could give no further information than what was to be derived from the general medium through which intelligence was obtained. It was true that an American vessel had been seized, having on board a large quantity of fire-arms.—(Hear, hear.) — But where it was going to, or for what purpose the arms were intended, Government had not been able to ascertain. hear.)—With reference to the second ques tion, he was glad that the Noble Marquis had put it, as he was aware that an opinion had got abroad that Mr. O'Connell had pleaded guilty at the request of Govern vernment.—(llear, hear.)—No such thing was the case. He could not, however, but say that the friends of Mr. O'Connell had been endeavouring to effect a compromise. —(Hear, hear.)—But the answer invariably given on this as well as on the other side of the water was, that Mr. O'Connell's conduct had been of that character that it was impossible for any Administration to interfere.—(Hear.) Mr. O'Connell was told distinctly that he must pursue his own course, but whatever course that might be, the law must be put into full execution.—(Loud cries of hear, front all parts of the House.) THE BUDGET. Lord ALTHORP wished to take the earliest opportu nity of making some observations on the propositions he brought forward the other evening. His object in bringing forward those resolutions was to do all in his power to relieve the taxes on the manufacturing interests, and also the oppressive manner in which those taxes were collected. That class were borne down with taxes. The proposition, however, which he brought forward had met with numerous objections ; it had been said it would be impossible to carry it into effect. Now on the lat ter point he had consulted the most experienced per sons, and they agreed with him that it would be very easy to tax a transfer of bona fide stock, and also that it would be very easy to distinguish between such transfers and those of mortgage. He had not thee the authority to mention one individual whom he had consulted, but he now had ; it was the Governor of the Bank of England._( Hear, hear. )—This gentleman was of opi nion the tax might be carried into operation with facility. Neither had he (Lord Althorp) heard any argument that convinced him, if carried into effect, that it would be at all inconsistent with the public faith. —(Hear, hear, hear.)—Had he, however, for a moment entertained any such idea, he would have been the last man to have brought forward such a proposition. He still thought the tax might be imposed with advantage to the country; but after the opposition it hid met with, it was ritt his intention to persevere in pressing it.--(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear !" from all parts of the House.) He had certainly conceived it to be right to take the earliest opportunity of stating his intention not to persevere with the tax; but, in doing so, it would be quite obvious that he must abandon the idea of making some of the reductions in other taxes that he bad intended.—(Hear.) —He should therefore not reduce the tax on tobacco or on glass.—(Loud cries of hear, hear, hear.)—A misconception had gone abroad as to his motives in proposing a tax on tobacco. He was of opinion that that article was as goad an object of taxation as any other; but the duty on it at present inducement to so large, that it held out great to smuggling.—(Hear.)—He thought, therefore, by reducing it, it would do away with those disgraceful scents which had been carried on, more particularly on tne eastern coast of Ireland. After making these observa tions it was unnecessary for him to say more. He would therefore only add that he still thought that the tax on the transfer of funded property might be imposed without any difficulty, and with great benefit to the country. Mr. WARD wished to show the greatest forbearance to any persons entrusted with the administration of Govern meat; but he conceived, that if the proposition for laying a tax on funded property had been persevered in, he might have protested against such a measure . , i come from what Minister it m i g ht. He bad been on ! mately connected for the last 25 years with the negociations for all loans of money lent to the Government, and be could safely say that no individual ever left the Trea sury Chambers without an opinion, if not an assur ance, that no stamp or tax should at any suloe • quent period be levied upon transfers of that description of property. He felt obliged to the Noble Lord for thus early announcing his intention not to persevere in the tax. Mr. LYTTLETON had beard the Noble Lord with mingled satisfaction and regret—satisfaction, that the Noble Lord had exhibited on this occasion the same ca ndid, manly, and opera conduct which had ever distinguished him—and that he (Lord Althorp) hid exhibited a be coming deference to the authority of the character and great professional eminence of the Hon. Members who had opposed his measure. He regretted the greatigno rance (he did not use the term offensively) of the Hon. Members opposite to their own real interest. He was satisfied, too, notwithstanding the show of resistance to that House, that if the Noble Lord had waited for a little I to take the sense of the country upon it, be might have carried his measure, and if not by a triumphal majority, at least by such a majority as would fully justify him in car rying-it into effect. He stated that great dissatisfaction pre vailed amongst the agricultural and manufacturing inte:e is at the immunity from taxes conceded to the fundholder, and expressed his opinion, that the failure in this project would be hereafter the occasion of a property tax being imposed, instead of those duties which pressed on the springs of productive industry. Sir E. KNATCHBULL asked the Noble Lord if he did not propose to take the tax off the transfer of land as well as property in the funds ? Lord ALTHORP, in answer to the Hon. Member op posite (Mr. Ward), observed, the Governor of the Bank had positively told bins the collection of the tax and the distinction between the transfers was easy. In reply to the Hon. Baronet, he was understood to say that, considering how heavily the land was already burthened, he could not think of leaving a tax on it which he removed from pro perty in the funds.—(The Noble Lord spoke across the table and in a very low tone of voice.) Mr. Alderman THOMPSON (as we understood) said that since the finance statement had been submitted to the House, he had seen letters from some of the most respectable parties con nected with the wine trade of the Cape of Good Hope, and from whose letters it appeared, that in a state ment forwarded to the Colonial-office in the course of last year, it was clearly shown that no less a sum than one million two hundred thousand pounds was invested in vineyards in the neighbourhood of Cape Town, besides investments of 60,0001. in vineyard s i n other parts of the colony. That in brandy casks alone there was invested no less a sum than 200,000/. ; that the stock of wine on hand was worth 125,000/. ; and the wine in bond 100,000/., making a total of upwards of 1,700 ' 000/. e mbarked in that trade. There were no le ss than 420 fa milies erg bed in the Cape wine trade, and the consequence of the present measure would be such a f a ll h i the value, that the whole of this capital, with th e except i on of the casks which contained the wine s would be d estroye d. By this measure the duty upon the wines of Portugal, which now paid one hundred per cent., would be increased to snore than 115 per cent., whilst the addi tional tax of sixpence a gallon on Cape wines would in crease the tax on that commodity to 110 per cent. He saw no reason why the wines of the Cape of Good Hope should not be entitled to the same protection against foreign wines, a a British spirits were against foreign spirits. He also hoped the Noble Lord would re-consider his proposition with respect to the timber trade.—(Laughter.) He was sorry to trespass on the patience of the Home. (Hear.) But if Members bad the same opportunity that he had of seeing the state of the shipping interest, they would see that he was only performing his duty to a valuable class of society.—(Hear, hear.)—By the returns on the table, it would appear that in the year 1829 the North American timber trade employed 1611 ship, 431,900 tonnage, and 12,098 seamen ; that the number of British seamen employed in the Baltic outward trade amounted to 345 men, 45 ships, and 7,500 tonnage ; whilst the foreigners employed in the same trade amounted to 193 ships, 40,791 tons, and 1,641 seamen. From this it was evident that if some competition were not kept up in the trade between the British colonies and the Baltic, the whole colonial timber trade, as far as the home supply was concerned, would be destroyed. Before he sat down he begged to ask the Noble Losd (fie Chancellor of the Exchequer) whether it was his intention to allow any drawback upon the stock on hand of printed cottons? When the Noble Lord considered that this was the season of the year when houses employed were i❑ that trade, and that the alteratio❑ of duties would make a difference of 30 per cent., he trusted that the Noble Lord would, if pos sible, avert the ruinous consequences which must result from refusing drawbacks. Lord ALTHORP, in answer to the question, must say that every man who considered this subject, would agree that to return the duties on all the printed cottons in all the shops, would open a door to the greatest frauds. It was true that in all cases of alteration of duties some loss must be unavoidably experienced by the parties engaged in the trade ; but experience convinced him that a proposal to remedy individual looses would be pro ductive of the greatest injury to the public, by the facili ties it would afford to frauds. Sir J. YORKE gave every degree of credit to the Mi nisters for what they had done, but he feared it would be found that they had attempted to do too much : he feared that they had endeavoured to conciliate public Opinion too much, and because the late Government had taken off three millions and a half of taxes last year, they imagine they must do the same this year, and thus in the short space of two years, reduce one-eight on the whole revenue of the country. By doing this, or rather attempting to do it— for he believed they must be unsuccessful in their attempt —they did but disturb the state of the public revenue without producing any advantage, and needless difficulties were occasioned which the Government must prepare to meet. He recommended the Government to adopt a dif ferent course from that which they had stated they intended to pursue ; he recommended them to take off two taxes, and not to put on any other. The taxes he advised them to reduce were, that on coals and calicoes, and having taken them off, the public would receive a great benefit without the revenue being diminished, and without the Govern ment being under the necessity of imposing other taxes to supply the place of those which had been removed. In his opinion the Government might retain the tax on news papers, the reduction of which would be less beneficial than the imposition of others would be injurious. Mr. WARBURTON said if a property tax were pro posed it would produce many millions, and he would give it his support, as it would enable Government to take off many millions of the taxes which now pressed on the pro ductive industry of the country, and relieve Govern ment from the necessity of imposing any taxes on such an infant branch of trade as steam-boats. Mr. P. THOMSON must beg to remind the House, that while the expenditure of the Government remained what it was, the only relief that could be afforded to the people was by the mutation of taxes—(Hear, ),ear)—so as to be able to relieve the productive industry of the coun try.—(Hear, hear.)—lt was with the view of giving ad vantage to our productive industry—it was with the wish to relieve the poor classes, that his Noble Friend (and he believed the country gave his Noble Friend credit for these wishes) had made these proposals in the budget. By the new arrangement of the various taxes now existing, his Noble Friend relieved the productive classes to the amount of four millions, while be had only re-imposed taxation to the amount of 1,300,0001., to be drawn from the pocket of the consumer. He regretted much that the tobacco duties must be continued, and he regretted it for two rea,ons, first, because the people had been deprived of a considerable relief ; and next, because the reduction of that duty was made on the principle of getting rid of smuggling by the reduction of high duties, which now operated as a premium on its continuance. At an expence of 100,0001., to come from the pockets of the consumer, his Noble Friend had relieved the people from taxes amounting to two millions. He took off a duty of 800,0001. upon coals—another of 500,0001. upon calicoes— another of 450,000/. on candles and another of 250,0001. ; and after all these reductions, the surplus was not diminished, but it was actually increased, by the simple mutation of taxes to the amount of only 100,0001. His Noble Friend had reduced the duty on wine, and on timber, and yet the revenue was augmented.—(Hear, hear.)—He made a similar reduc. tion with regard to cotton, and still the revenue was in creased.—( Hear. )—He took the duty off coals, and made the foreigner contribute 100,0001. a year to the revenue of the country.—(Cheers.)—Then it was said that par tial equalization of the duty on timber was an evil, and that the shipping interest would be much injured by it. In the first place, he denied at least the amount of the injury they were likely to suffer; and in the next, he must say, that no one class of persons in the country were entitled to have their interests considered in exclu sion of the interests of all the rest.—(Hear, hear.) — That policy was a bad one which affected to bolster up one class of persons at the expence of an injury to all others. Supposing, however, that the shipping interest would be injured by the tax on timber, he must say, that he had a right to balance against it the benefit that inte rest would receive from the reduction of the duty—a re duction that lie had no doubt would double the number of ships now employed in that trade.—(Hear, hear, hear.) — The agriculturists of the country would be much bene fitted by the mutation of the timber duty, since they would procure all those things in which timber was con sumed at a much cheaper rate than at present.—( Hear, hear.)—When they were told, too, that the British ship ping interests would be injured by the mutation of duty, they ought to recollect, that in 1810 the number of Bri tish ships employed in the timber trade in the Baltic was considerable, there being 480,000 tons of shipping em ployed in importing timber from the shores of the Baltic at that time. Under these circumstances, he must re peat, that he regretted the failure of his Noble Friend's plan, and that in his opinion the House could not do better than confirm by their votes the propositions which his Noble Friend had submitted to them. Mr. PRAED, after apologising to the House for tres passing on their attention on a question so complicated as the present, thanked the Noble Lord opposite for having, by withdrawing the duty on transfers of property, saved him the necessity of giving it his opposition. Of the proposition of that duty he would now say, that he should have been ready to support it, if he could have believed it even to have been expedient, although the Noble Lord might not have been able to satisfy him that it was just. It was owing to the landed interest, that up to this hour in periods of great difficulty and distress, faith had been kept with the public creditor, and he trusted that at this moment nothing would be done that was not founded on the same spirit. It seemed to him that the Noble Lord had been guilty of one great mistake, and that was this— that when he took - the duty off one article and transferred the burden to another, he placed too much confidence in the increased consumption of the article making up for the effects of the diminution of duty. In this country it was difficult to remove a duty from a taxed to place it on a hitherto untaxed article. If, therefore, the duty wastram ferred, it must be transferred from an article already taxed to one also taxed, but in a different degree. Upon this change the revenue would gain or lose in proportion as the article to which the duty was transferred had before been more lightly or more heavily taxed. He would now app ly this pr i nte observation d calicoe calicoes. .o T the case h eni of the most popular popu iar commutation argument oonf tdhuitsypoonint was the fact, that the existing duty pressed heavily upo n t he poorer, and lightly upon the richer classes. He ad mitted the fact, that it was a partial and oppressive tax, and if the revenue could afford to lose the tax, it ought to b e r epealed. But then what was it that the Ministers proposed to substitute for it? Why, one penny a pound upon raw cotton. Now he proposed to show that the poorer classes would gain little or nothing by the substi tution. It happened that a piece of common printed calico weighed about four p oun d s , ais d was charged at a bout Gs. or Bs. It followed that the tax on the raw ma.- terial of this article would amount to 4d. upon Bs., or 5 per cent. A piece of striped muslin worn by the higher classes weighed about two pounds, and was charged at 40s. at a low calculation. It followed from this state- went, that the tax on the proposed commutation would a mount on the lower priced goods to 5 per cent., and on the bight!' priced article to only half per cent.—C Hear..... There might be many reasons which made it appear to the House good to take off the duty upon printed calicoes, and to put it upon the raw cottons, but he must confess that he thought the Noble Lord could not take credit for having conferred a very extensive boon upon the lower orders. There was another objection to this tax, and that was the concomitant of a drawback, au that he feared the revenue would gain less than was supposed. There was one other point which seemed not to have been overlooked by the Noble Lord himself, but of which he had taken no public notice—he meant the effect, the immediate effect that must be produced in discouraging, if not extinguish ing, the importation of cottons from our East India colo nies. An indiscriminate duty of Id. on cottons would bear more heavily on the cottons from the East Indies than from the Brazils and the Htvannali. He had now a return of the quantity of cotton imported during the last year. The account was made up to 81st December, 1830. The price of Surats was sd. per pound, a tax of ld. per 'A a pound, and the duty on that would pd g o a n we tl r r e at 6 l , rrice was 20 p.-r cent. The cottons from be 18i- per cent. The cottons from New Orleans were 7d. per pound, and the duty on that would be 144 per cent. The cottons from Pernambuco were Bd. per pound, and the duty on them would amount to 12i- per cent. The re sult therefore of this indiscriminate duty would be to im pose a heavier tax upon the cottons from our own colonies than on those front foreign countries.—(Hear, hear.) He had the authority of those who were deeply interested in this trade for saying that it must put an end to the im portation of East India cotton. He could scarcely conceive that the Noble Lord, when he was satisfied of the ac curacy of this statement, would 'persist in the imposition of the tax. He believed, that with a very slight improve ment, Surats would be applicable to any part of our manu factures. He put it to the Noble Lord, whether he would impose a duty which would have the effect of putting an end to that branch of productive industry ? If our Lidi,n cotton trade was encoura g ed, we should be independent of the cotton from the United States. He would ask whe ther this was a time to diminish the value of East India cottons, when we were about to call on the Company to make sacrifices for the benefit of the State ? The Mini sters ought to remember that these cottons were exclusively our own colonial produce, and that they were brought hither exclusively in British ships. He was sorry to say that the importation of these cottons had much diminished within the last three years; and .he believed, that if this duty were added, it would be destroyed altogether. Feeling as he did up this subject, he should take the sense of the Committee on the propriety of relieving our colonies from the effect of this tax.—(Hear, bear. ) Sir J. GRAHAM congratulated the Hon. and Learned Member on the manner in which he had gone through that which he (Sir J. G.) knew from experience to be a severe and painful trial—namely, that of addressing that House for the first time : and in observing the great perspicuity with which the Hon. and Learned Member had delivered his sentiments, he could not avoid congratulating the House on the accession of talent and information they had gained by the introduction of the Hon. and Learned Mem ber. He (Sir J. Graham) also partook in some degree of the embarrassment under which the Hon. Member had seemed to labour, although on various former occasions he had presented himself to the notice of the house. He was free to confess, with the frankness due from every roan, that upon this subject he had felt considerable difficulty. He had found it impossible to disconnect the subject of the budget from the question of the currency generally, and upon that he had expressed sentiments dissonant from those of many of his colleagues. In consequence of the open avowal of those opinions, an endeavour had been made to fix upon him a degree of obloquy, in which, at all events, he was anxious that, his colleagues should not par ticipate. The Hon. Member who had just sat down, bad said that he would have supported the tax upon the transfer of property, had it been established to be expedient, even if be hall failed to prove that it was just. He (Sir J. Q. ) would never have supported the tax on the ground of ex. pediency, if he were not also satisfied in his conscience that it was not unjust. Perhaps, as the King's Mini sters had declared that they did not mean to press the tax, it was superfluous to press the topic, but for his own sake, and for the sake of those who acted with him, he wished to state the view he and they took of the justice of the tax. In the first place he could not discharge from his mind all that had taken place regarding the money transactions of the country during the last thirty years. Out of office he had not hesitated, and in office be would not scruple to declare that since the fatal Bank Restriction Act of 1797, which an Hon. Member on a former occasion had spoken of as a year of palmy credit, the Money transactions of the country from time to time had been regulated by measures, not only not in the ab stract just, but, as he contended, flagrantly unjust. The Legislature had thus been involved in so many difficulties that the question had not been, how could it act with strict justice to all parties—but in what manner it could avoid the greatest sum of injustice.—(Hear, hear.)—ln 1797, what had been the conduct of the Legislature? It announced to every creditor in the kingdom, " You shall not receive what you stipulated to receive ; but something you did not stipulate to receive. Your contract was, that you should be paid in gold, but we (the Legislature) decide that you shall have nothing but paper." In 1819, the directly opposite course was taken ; it adopted a measure of the grossest injustice to all debtors. The Legislature said to the debtors— " You shall pay what you did not contract to pay ; you agreed to pay fifteen shillings, but we, by an Act we are about to pass, call upon you to pay twenty shillings."— (Hear.)—These directly opposite courses had embarrassed and encumbered all questions of finance, so that ever v step taken was fettered or threatened with danger. As occasion pressed, the burden had been shifted from one class to another ; but no substantial relief had been af forded to any. The fact was, that it was extremely dif ficult, if not impossible, for the Legislature of the country to provide for all parties interested by measures abstract edly just. As to the particular precedent, he had been surprised to hear the Right Hon. Gentlemen on the op posite side declaring so earnestly and so solemnly on the supposed injustice of the tax upon transfer. If lie were not mistaken the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) when be was Secretary for Ireland, in 1816, voted for a continuation of the property tax, although it was an express stipulation, when the tax was origi nally imposed, that it should cease within six months after the signature of a definitive treaty of peace...—(Hear, hear.)—Yet, in the teeth of that en gagement, and disregardless of a stipulation so express and positive as was contained in the words " no longer," the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagues had voted for the permanent establishment of the property tax.--(Hear, hear.)—As to the public creditor, he had a question or two to ask with reference to the contract generally, for he did not mean to enter into any special pleading regarding the particular terms, although it seemed to him that there was something rather prospective than retrospective in the words " any law or statute to the contrary notwith standing." Was there no distinct contract between the public creditor and the Government embodied in an Act of Parliament which had been violated ? Was there no spe cial engagement in every Loan Act from the time of Mr. Pitt, and upon the insertion of which he had claimed credit, which, year after year, bad been abandoned? In every Bill for raising a loan a distinct clause had been in. serted, providing that a tuna fide sinking fund of one per cent. should be provided. Minister after Minister had followed the example of Mr. Pitt; and yet that con tract had been treated as so much waste paper : one per cent. over and above the interest of the debt had been stipulated to be provided, and yet the public faith hod been violated most irreligiously-. Coming down to a last r date, it was difficult to conceive a contract more spe cial—more distinct, or more solemnly ratified by the Legislature, and even made a matter of boast by the originators of the measure, that after 1819 a bona fide sinking fund should be provided out of the surplus re venue, of not less than five millions annually. Yet the Right Hon. Gentlemen themselves had turned their backs i plainly you told mu s t t h b e public es ats fi creditorsatisfied wt with upon their own Bill—had forfeited their pledge, and had we can provide, although we have undertaken to provide t: Nobley oua r e L o a r r a dr themselvese ( r 1 A o n t t s oh a ol t r sn p fig ) : liriYadus capab lew ta i t t re Right Hon. Gentlemen left the helm of the State, declar ing:(gri of holding n l emn : o o a li o i l onieringrienie;s; and \s s n n V O m i li g i f :( , te f ti t t r i b o o , ae a t s re t '. there being a surplus revenue of even three millions, the r ht he found it, on entering office, somewhat less than 300,000/.—(Hear, hear.)—He did not wish to travel further in this direction ; but he was bound to say, look ing at all these circumstances, that he did not consider the specific contract between the public and the State so strin gent, that if the Government could shetv a case of ne cessity—for the sake, for instance, of relieving the la bouring classes —they might not be abandoned. Upon this point lie had deliberated much : and he came to the con clusion that he did not think it inconsistent with an ade quate observance of public faith. He thought that the only point Ministers had to establish was, that this new im post did not press exclusively on the fundholder, but that it embraced every species of property. When once that point was established, the tax fell precisely within the precedent of the property tax. Personal chat tels/ it was to be recollected, were already taxed ; all shares in Insurance Companies, Canal Companies, Bank Stock, East India Stock, and property of that kind, if he were rightly informed, at this moment contri huted their full proportion to the revenue. lie wag W willing on some accounts to refer to what bad paned a former occasion s , but the Hon. Member for Dumfrii (Mr. K. Douglas) on Friday night used a very hal l i term, when he asserted th a t theA?i4tinition of a tax d half per cent. on r ea l an d personal property was bun e in dishonesty. As borderers—the Hon. 31efiabei vel),11, selling Dumfries, and h e (Sir J. Graham)Cuthb!i land—it might be said that they had a sort of b°111e ; acquaintance—he meant an acquaintance' bordering ?to friendship; but the surprise he had felt was dim in tb' by the Hon. Member's e xplan a ti o n. After at:casinsister of dishonesty, he had added, that the present 1W , o , were not likely to stand ; so th a t the subject of cong To lotion explained the origi n o f th e ch a rge ; it wa s 110 t any Goeer , , likely that the Hon. M e mbe r would accuse ment he thought would b e p ermane nt with dishoneffis?.e: but flattering himself, in his a n xi e ty to return ta ° ht that those wlio had trnd him out would not a long a keep their pla c es , he had thought hi ms elf very take in making his accusation. It was at least pruden t t° cien t d G 'fi e what he considered the s t ronger s id e , however such conduct might b e i n genero sity. The Ho°. • 11 tle. htt man came from a country that boasted of its s econd s'g ~ but h ey " Coming eventa cast their shadows before ; ,ble would for once find himself mistaken in his predictions—and what was worse, he would discoi ' that his seclusion from the sweets of place and P ensi ... ° would be of much longer duration than he anticipated. r; He (Sir J. G.) did not think the present the best liP a r , tunity for going in detail through the budget, as each ; ticular tax would be separately brought before the f n r o ;! hut there were one or two topics touched by Hon' M ast: The " hers that seemed to require some remark. principle for which the King's present Ministers, w bea the that ear the other side of the House, had contended wags time had arrived when either by the commutation c ftas t he or in some other way, it was indispensible to r elieve re , suffering classes from burdens, the weight of whic h roe vented them from attaining that prosperity which .A ' n ra r of continued peace they had a right to expect. Inr e t ber tion of that pledge, as soon as they came into cn nee ' l had repealed the duty on coals—an impost inimediattl 0.1 terfering with the success of manufactures in districts °pi which fuel was not produced. The beneficial effect vil' a u ad be to diffuse manufactures generally over the coonttPia l e to give increased employment to the lower orders.• commutation proposed with regard to cotton had been fe ll sisted ; but if he were not mistaken, the duty °P -'l l, s tis printed cottons, fine or coarse, was 34d. per yar d ' t the poor paid vastly more duty than the rich, 00 " t c hel because they consumed more cottons, hut becau'e () di paid precisely as high a duty on the coarse g ° 6 , they wore as the rich upon cottons of a superio t , ( Cer lity. The calculation, therefore, was, that the 0- th orders paid from forty to sixty cent., wh ile 5 per o t., rich slid not contribute more than about five Per an extraordinary and most unfair disproportion • afb would not follow the Hon. Member (Mr. Praed) his ingenious details, as finely woven as cobweb a% ) comfort er by which he wished to establish that, under the P,reP change, the poor would pay five per cent., and t ne a r iitf only about one-half per cent., because that of was at all events an improvement upon the former slat de the law. It would not be proper t o d e tain the Wii,,t farther ; but he was bound to s a y, i u c onclusion , t a t what had been resolved by Ministers was not incons? te „ with their duty. They had ascer t a i ne d th e impres si° ;:e the House of Commons—they had learnt what vi r t heY s; tinient of the repr e sent a tiv es o f th e p e ople, an d d had yielded to it.—(Hear, h e ar.) Th e m o m e nt tha t 'oe had learnt that those representatives were opposed to o re tax, they withdraw it. If there were one sui , ject, s od t than another on which it bec a m e Mi n i s t ers frank l y be fairly to yield to the sense of th e representa tives ° i s . u eb people, it was that of a tax to be paid by the 4 eople• beo had been the course ev en i n cases o f emerg !ency ' 11 Ministers came down with th e proposa l o f a tax " e bi the they considered absol u t e ly necessary f or t h e ser vice c t he country. Mr. Pitt had set this example, even i° t he plenitude of his power. In 1796 he brought do s° r" legacy duty, and e n d eavoure d to fi x i t not on ly up on pbe sonal, but . upon real property? What was the result ? rt y, House rejected the proposition as regarded real po i r v - s rt although Mr. Pitt had opened it as an indis a' of his budget. The present Ministers, in an P hon e rag e deavour to meet the wishes of the country—to eael - f:r industry, and to relieve manufactures—had ward thin plan : if the representatives of the n atio o " You have judged wrongly—you are mistalteo";oi cannot agree in the change you propose," Alinist'l l bound to submit. They had brought forward the se j f ed mutations, because in their conscience they that they were necessary for the public good A pot by the course they had taken, he was sure that they l' a- f th e forfeited the good opinion either of th e H ous e or n be l people. Strange, indeed, would it have been, i f had forfeited the g ood op i n i on o f the p ', e had acquiesced in th e sent i ments of their rtpresent'.;" see This mark of deferenc e w as d ue to t h e H ouse , and in no respect inconsi s t en t w ith t h e h onour o f Ifinist e '',ol Mr. PRAED explained. He had objected to the ch s o in the tax on cotton, because it still pressed most 0 64 on the lower orders. wor d el Mr. K. DOUGLAS would not retract a single • 0 110 V what he had advanced on a former night ; having reset the tiered the subject, he was prepared to reassert, 63 ee ty. proposal for a tax on transfers was founded in digit; re The Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) had addresse d ply to this statement only the worst argument--th e mentum ad hominem ; but it remained to be see°oo of the people of Cumberland thought of the praP° ltl Ministers, supported by their representative. The 4 i t ioa ctllor of the Exchequer proceeded upon the suPP°i oil' that landed property to the amount of one hun dred e gg lions sterling c h a n ge d h an d s i n th e course of th e 'O 4 but he (Mr. K. Douglas) was convinced that this 001t1 a peat over calculation ; if it were well-founded , i t W oo 9 t indted prove that the condition of the country W B9 / /igh l distressed. He was not so unworthy a person as the, their Hon. Baronet represented hi m , an d h e h a d hoped.tlia . ;o loo former acquaintance had led hi m t o f orm a better or . • of him. fed Mr. FERGUSSON agreed that Ministers were ha d justified in yieldin g to the sense o f th e H o use. ." e o ase himself felt d e cid e dly opp ose d to th e t rans fer talc, be tie he thought it a breach of faith to the public credit° r 'd sc; objected also to the intended tax upon cotton, inle„ e . o o l ' cording to weight, without regar d t o v a lue, as it "„fille be the destruction of mu c h o f the pr o p er ty and trad e a" East Indies. Abov e a ll, it w a s necessar y that a T; 0 111" cotton should be ad valorem, and he iutreated the te al e Lord (Althorp) to re-consider his proposition. boat prehended that the impost on passengers by stea ll) ; ( 1 h e would not he so easily collected as was imagined , j was quite sure that it would be highly oppressive o rl vie tretnely injurious in Scotland, discouraging a o' 4 i tot, ficial intercourse between diff eren t p ar t s o f the e' ul ifst; Mr. T. P. COURTENAY a gree d w ith the .- l br Hon. Baronet, that the B a nk R estr i c ti on A c t of 11 ' „t bat embarrassed and mystified the finances of the nnu ntr thlOr, could not justify the transfer tax proposed by th e 0 ' cellor of the Exchequer. It w as , i n hi s v i ew , a 't r° ,;g'efi e ; jection to it, that it was not i mpose d upon property Ittto'; rally, but merely upon that which was passing fro ° der to hand. He denied that the property tax was a Pr e4 in point, inasmuch as that aff ec t e d, genera lly, eve/ 9F g e te of property ; and he denied also, that there was anYerojtiti ment with the stockholder, that there should be 8 s) obe d fund of one per cent. He deeply regretted that th e t 0 0 1 ; been abandoned in the manner the H o use had wi t° : se ° ; and he was much mistak en , if it w ere followed by other alterations and modifications of t u ' o f t ha get. Over and over again, while on a different 'd ile a t r e House, the present Ministers had insisted upon gre c e ductions of expenditure ; and yet, since they too/cool they had found that reduction had been carried al (l %,ittc , its utmost limit.—(No, no, and cheers.)----ne ittel; that they had done a little in the way of abolishing!), hut the Duke of Wellington, before he left offic e r V, made much gloater sacrifices of patronage, 311 0 01 Y abolished many great offices, while his successors 11') attacked inferior appointments. Adverting to the cular taxes, as a West-countryman, he heartily t p oi e h the Noble Chancellor of the Exchequer for the re sid t k , the duty on coal, and he agreed also that the cbange.jede regard to calico was beneficial. He, however? d : ci r ,ev eo , objected to the high duty on C a pe wines. 1° in that proposition would be to ruin an extensive 3ota, proving trade, and t o di sa pp o i n t th e reasonable ,exp inc, tions of thos e who h a d em b ar k e d th e i r ca pital' r' il'e yards, that the low duty would he continued und er , of 1829. He implor e d th e N o bl e Lord to re;., ( . ° ;:aP`,, tax which would hav e so i n j ur i o us an e . r,, ( ini c)' ,o a most valuable p ar t o f hi s M a j es ty's t ', 4 ',,y He approved of the redaction of the „ nr"vr. French win e s, at the same time that it lefe; have appear e d t o hi m t h e w i ser po li ty to g i ve tlie,iFje, r ence to the colony at th e C ape , which, b . o r ( r 0 other claims up on th e country , our t r ade ee r y n ceeded our trade with F rance . A s t o the tto , th e be cotton, he could scarcely reconcile that impost of Professing to encourage the production and ind ustj 'reres , country. He acknowledged, however, t hat th e tje fa of the tax upo n printed cottons gave I • n gre'tns f 3 ct i .i tion. Ile was sur e th at i t wou ld g i ve g re it 8. bt' c throughout the country, as th at tax h a d a lways a" sidered exceedingly offensive.—(Hear,, hear.) t bq Mr. SCHONSWAR said that he . was willing to offer any opposition to the Noble