The Sun. — London, England, 1861-05-21 00:00:00

Fli MICH FREEDOM. (From the Times' Faris Correspondent.) PARIS, MONDAY. In half an hour after the English papers of Thursday reached Paris the " black man" set out on his morning round. "Who," you may ask, "is the black man,' and what sort of a circuit is his ?" The " black man" is the name popularly I given to the functionary whose duty it is to go round and give an unofficial warning to the news papers in the name of the "Director of the Press." He is, in fact, for M. de Laguerroniere what Trois Echelles was for Tristan l'Hermite ; he admo nishes journals on the error of their ways, and, like his prototype, prepares, if necessary, the marauders for suspension. He is dressed in black—hence his name; wears an irreproachable neckcloth ; is, as becomes an official, solemn in manner and edifying in speech. Never was his countenance more serious and his accents more impressive than on Friday morning. With an air and a tone of voice awfully imposing, he informed the journals of the most enlightened capital of Europe that, in the absence of M. de Persigny (M. de Persigny was at that moment engaged in constitutional exercise, and probably meditating fresh circulars on the freedom of discussion), M. de Laguerroniere '• invited" them not to give the least hint to their readers that there was held anywhere in London a feast called the Literary Fund Dinner, at which the Duke d'Aumale pre sided, and after dinner made a speech in English on English literature, and proposed toasts. As it was evidently the opinion of M. de Laguerroniere that the empire would be endangered if so as tounding an occurrence were made known, the journals obeyed. And what alternative had they but to obey ? One can fancy how annoyed the Emperor must feel at this meddling and unnecessary zeal of his functionaries. Assur edly the Imperial Government is the strongest and most popular Government on the face of the earth. Senators, Deputies, and Miniatclo, a qui mieux mieux, proclaim the fact every day; and in a bro chure which, it is said, he is now engaged on, by order, M. de Laguerroniere, as a .Repuldicain Con verti, proves it beyond all question. Such being the case, it is impossible to imagine what possible evil would result from allowing the French press to inform its readers, if it were only among the faits divers, that the Literary Fund had just held its anniversary dinner, or that an exiled Prince— who, by the way, appears to have employed his exile in greatly improving his intellectual faculties —spoke, as the temporary president of a literary society, and with much graceful urbanity, as with admirable knowledge of his subject, of Shakespeare and Corneille, of Walter Scott and of Georges Sand, as well as of the respective merits of English and French literature, of the English and French press, and of the English and French " Tribune." Yet to permit such an article of news was, accord ing to M. Laguerroniere, a very serious matter indeed. Of course, with the consummate tact, with the acute perception of political necessity, which so eminently distinguish the Parisian press, it understood its duty, and was silent. It will continue to be silent until M. de Persigny returns from his constitutional exercise; and if M. de Per signy, in high spirits, and in his liberal vein, is of , opinion that, after all, there is no harm in allowing the press to say that the Literary Fund Dinner took place on - Wednesday, and that a Frenchman presided, you may depend upon it the press will speak. But if a journal were so ill-advised as to say a word on the subject after the " invitation " of M. de Laguerroniere, what would happen ? I really don't know ; but, to give you a notion of what perhaps might happen, permit me to mention a little incident which took place a few days back, and seems to be a case in point. The Prefect of a certain department (the said Prefect from an ultra-Democrat having become a fanatical Absolutist) convoked the mayors of a Canton, in its jurisdiction, to inform them, de maitre a valet, that they were, in the forthcoming munici pal elections, to support M. —, who was, he said, " the candidate of the Emperor." Mayor No. 1 answered " Yes ;" mayor N 0.2, " Yes ;" mayor No 3, " Yes,"—all in fact but the last, who had the au dacity to say "No !" The Prefect was struck dumb with astonishment and indignation. When he recovered the use of his speech he said:—" Sir, you forget that you are dependent on the Go vernment." " If I have been dependent on the Government," replied the mayor, " I depend no longer on it ; here is my scarf." " The matter shall not end here," rejoined the Prefect, shocked at so mach ingratitude. " Your father-in-law is a juge de paix—he shall not be long so, and pays for both of you." "Do as you please, but I am not a man to put up with such words, and if such is the position you want to put mayors in, for my part I give it up." At these words the whole of the mayors who had said " Yes " applauded their colleague, cried " Bravo !" and declared to the bewildered Prefect that his candidate might go—to Jericho. Now, there is reason to suspect that if but one of the journals to which M. de Laguerronicre sent his warning ventured to pronounce the fatal "No," in stead of the obsequious " Yes," all the others would have done the same. The public would have ap plauded ; the Government would have made no objection; and the law on the press of 1852, bad enough as it is, would have been in a worse condi tion than if it had been discussed for eight consecu tive days in the Senate and the Legislative Corps. I am sorry to be obliged to add that M. de Per signy's constitutional walk has not been so advan tageous as people hoped. It is more than probable that he really concocted a fresh circular in his liberal manner ; but the Literary Fund dinner and the Literary speech of the Duke d'Aumale seem to have produced the same effect on his ideas that the thunderstorm did on Caleb Balderstone's cookery in Ravenswood Castle —turned them sour, other wise it is difficult to account for the following " Circular to the Prefects," which appeared in yes terday's Moniteur " PARIS, May 13. " Sir,—The legal proceedings against a recent pamphlet have raised a question to which I think it right to direct your attention. We ask ourselves if persons banished or exiled from the territory, and, consequently placed outside the common right, and by their very position beyond all judicial action, sheltering themselves behind a printer or a book seller. pamphlet i "In the e, : i pie . stion there was so marked an attack against our a mstitutions, so mani fest an excitement to hatred r ndcontempt of the Government, that the praiseworthy publication zeal of the ma gistracy to prosecute the seditious , and, once was required by the very nature of things . seized, justice should follow its cour se " But you know, sir, the inconvenience of suc hprosecutions. On the one hand the w r i ter, publication of many thousands of copies, m ay ha Y v a every facility in disseminating insult and cal umo: on persons and things, while, on the other, he is protected, he and his, by the legal seizure, against all reply and all recrimination ; and it is thus that an representati ve of the policy o f 1840 has been able to address with impunity to the conqueror of Solferino, this question, ' What ha ve you done with France l , •' Be this as it may, it is to be p resume d that pretensions so clearly forward ; that the exam le thus given will be fol lowed, and that the 0 ss is eg m ai e n nt which has rescued France from an aby persona to be exposed to the insults of those very ho let her fall moment. of the same That, into , it. lam informed that writings kir.d are preparing at this m more careful, the instigators or the author s of these' little . manoeuvres flatter themselves with escapinglT the person of the printers the rigours of ju st i ce t ar tifices of composition and publicati on , ho in the us to p ene t rate w i t h impunity, throug h . pin th h g e fuisures f . 0 the law, to the very heart of our institu tions. " But the Government cannot tolerate the r enewal of such scandals. In so far as I am concerned, the more I force myself to remain faith ful to the liberal ideas of the 24th of November, by promoting the freedom of discussion, the more I am bound to defend the State itself against the outbreaks of its enemies. I invite you, then, to watch carefully eve r y attempt at publishing writings in the name of persona banished or exiled from the territory. Whatever be the nature of tlhese publications, under whatever form they are produced—books, newspapers, pamphlets —you are to proceed at once to An Administrative seizure of them, refer to me immediately, and await my instructions.—Receive, &c., "F. DE PERSIGNY, Minister of the Interior." THE HUNGARIAN CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES. A letter from Vienna, dated May 17, says :—M- Deak has made known to the Austrian Government the opinions entertained by the Moderate party in Hungary, and the speech which Count Ladislaus Teleki purposed makiag gives it an equally clear insight into the views of the more advanced Liberals. In substance Teleki's speech* is as follows " The yoke imposed by Austria on Hungary was so exceedingly heavy that in 1848 the latter at tempted to shake it off. Austria besought Russia to aid her, and the assistance required was given by the late Emperor of Russia. After the capitu lation of Georgey at Vilagos many Hungarian patriots were put to death, and many more either banished or cast into prison. The constitution was abrogated, and the diploma published on the 20th of October, 1860, does not restore to Hungary many of her most important rights. The natural conse quence of 13 years' misgovernment was, that Austria had not a single friend or ally when the war broke out in Italy. Her large and expen sive army was defeated, and she lost one of her richest provinces. After the war her position was truly desperate; her treasury was empty, she had a deficit of 120,000,000 florins, no credit abroad; her stocks had fallen very low, the paper currency was fearfully deteriorated, and her Government was unpopular in all parts of the empire. Austria made the disco very that she could not exist without money, credit, or friends, so she resolved to make some concessions to public opinion. The diploma of the 20th of October and the Fundamental Laws of the 26th of February were promulgated, and the Hun garian Diet is told that it must send deputies to the Reichsrath. Must Hungary obey the behests of the Austrian Government ? She its in a much more advantageous position now than she was in 1848. In that year Hungary fought in the name of and for a privileged class,' but at presevt all the inhabitants of the kingdom are equal in tlio -To tho low, Th. Qtato ur affairs in Austria and Hun gary is also much better known to the foreign world than it was a few years ago. ' Hungary is neces sary to the well-being of Europe because she is a bulwark against Panslavism. She is necessary to the well-being of several European States, because she prevents Austria entering into the German Confederation with the whole of her territories. The balance of power would be disturbed in Europe if Germany had 70,000,000 instead of 40,000,000 of inhabitants.'f) The friends of liberty in Germany ought to sympathise with the Hungarians,' as the freedom and independence of Hungary are their best guarantees.' During the reigns of Ferdinand 11. and Ferdinand 111. (during the 30 years' war) Hungarian troops were employed against the Ger mans, but, strange to say, the traditional fidelity of Hungary to Austria is nowhere so much extolled as it is in Germany. If there is to be a reconcilia tion between Austria and Hungary it must be on the following bases:—The complete restoration of the lawful constitutional independence of Hungary, and the unconditional recognition of the validity of the laws of 1848. The foreign policy of Austria must also undergo a change, and be brought into accordance with ours. Monopolies and protecting duties must be done away with, and a system of free trade introduced in their stead. We must be' de mocratic' in the best sense of the word. All classes and religious confessions must have equal rights, and all the nationalities must be allowed to enjoy their prescriptive privileges. The Hebrews in Hungary must be fully emancipated, and the non-Magyar inhabitants of the kingdom placed on a perfectly equal footing with ourselves.' Some passages in Count Teleki's speech are not strictly logical, and it strikes me that the unfortu nate man found it difficult to give expression to his ideas. M. Koloman Tisza, who is likely to suc ceed Count Teleki as the leader of the Hungarian Ultras, yesterday replied at length to M. Deak. He objected to an Address, and moved that Deak's propositions should be amended and forwarded to the Emperor Francis Joseph in the form of a " reso lution." (The motion was but coolly received.) M. L. Szalay, a renowned historian, and several other men of note, spoke in favour of the Address, but they all viewed the Hungarian question from the same point of view as ,M. Deak. The semi-official Donau Zeitung and the liortschritt—which is in direct connexion with the Minister Count Szechen ottcrempt to die p ee ro ovuaa Ut 1./ooWsa oazoovottomo y daub there are few professional politicians in this city who do not firmly believe that the Hungarian states man has spoken the truth, and nothing but the truth. Originally there was only a personal union between Austria and Hungary, but the Imperial Govern ment continually encroached on the rights and pri vileges of the Hungarians, and at last managed to establish the semblance of a real one. For reasons of state it is extremely desirable that Austrik and Hungary should be intimately connected, but I deny that the Austrian Cabinet has a "right" to attempt to reduce Hungary to the level of a common Austrian province. After M. Deak had delivered his speech, on Monday last, the members of the Chamber rose, and many of them left their places in order to congratulate him. Several of his political opponents shook hands with him, and the first to do so was M. von Nyari, the Radical deputy-lieu tenant of the county of Pesth. After Deak had re turned to the hotel in which he lives the Cardinal Primate of Hungary paid him a visit. In general his Eminence make use of a very unpretending equipage, but when he went to call on Hungary's best patriot he was in a carriage with six horses, and had his primatial hussars as outriders. The Austrians consider Deak's speech an Hungarian ultimatum, and there is no reason to doubt that it is so. The seat which Teleki occupied in the Chamber of Deputies is covered with black cloth, and no one will be allowed to make use of it during the present session. There was a disturbance at Szegedin on the 13th instant, which was caused by an officer who took a drunken fellow into custody for shouting "Long live Kos suth, long live Garibaldi !" The officer wanted to deliver the man into the hands of the military authorities, but the people insisted on his being taken to the Hungarian police-office. A company of Jagers chanced to be passing while the dispute was going on, and they speedily put an end to it by advancing into the midst of the crowd with bayonets levelled. One man was slightly wounded, and the intoxicated brawler was eventually lodged in the military prison. The four hussars whom the bargemen attempted to liberate at Raab de serted because they believed Kossuth and Garibaldi were already in Hungary. On the 15th inst. Dr. Giskra and his friends in the Austrian Chamber of Deputies moved/. " That the house do resolve to make the following altera tion in paragraphs 9, 12, and 13 of the fundamental laws for the representation of the empire. In para graph 9 to insert the following words :--‘ The Reichsrath to be convoked by the Emperor once a year, and in case it should be dissolved to form a new one within three months.' In paragraph 12, All bills to be brought before the Reichsrath as Government propositions. The Reichsrath to have the right to make propositions to the Government.' To add the following words to paragraph 13:-- ` The laws to be carried out by the Emperor means of responsible Ministers and their employes. Every order to carry out a law to be signed by a reap sittin s , i t e Minister. When the R e i c h sra th i s no t g Cabinet to be allo we d t o t a k e provi sional measure s , and their fo Reichsrath t ot the ee reasons bound t o why make s u k e n h o w ni n e t a o the next R e i cla. sures were tak en Eta for r t e h s e u i r l t s. acts Tbhye means Ministers f to be made responsible a special law."' B ishop Lit w i now i cz (Gal i c i a) moved "That each me mber of th e Chamber of Deputies shall receive 1011, per diem, while the Reichsrath is assembled, and la, p er m il e for his journey from his home to Vienn a , and vice verBa." The Ruthene peasant Zachorojko, who Was returned to the Galician Diet by the inhabitants of Beak, has had 48 blows inflicted on him by his constituents for not attending the Reichsrath and obtaining the grant of certain woods and commons to which they lay claim. The provincial legislator told his fellow peasants that he had not been elected by the Pro vincial Di et, and consequently had no right to sit in th© Reieharath but it wo u ld a pp ear th a t hi s ex planations w ere co' usidered unsatisfactory, for he * Count Telek-p s spe ec h, or two before his d q.eath, has now appeared in the _Magyar which was sent to press a day Orsza t As Austria keeps Italian, Galician, and Hungarian troops in the Federal f ortresses, do not' her non-German provinces de facto belong to the German Confederation ? pohNo motion can be made in the house unless it is cup ed by 20 members. was forced to lie down with his face to the ground, and while in that position a hazel stick was 48 times vigoronsly applied to the lower part of his back. On the 16th instant the Croatian Diet protested against the publivation of the Imperial patent of the 26th February in the kingdoms of Croatia and Slavonia. NORTH ITALY. A letter from Turin, dated May 18, says ;—Kos • suth and Klapka are both here in Turin, where they lately arrived from distant and different regions. This of course is by no means looked upon as a chance meeting, and its object is, naturally enough, supposed to be to come to some understanding with the Italian Government, or with some of the Italian parties, as to "what is to be done next." It was said that General Klapka meditated a trip to Caprera ; this would mean, probably, that nothing can be ob tained from Cavour. There is no doubt but the Italian and the Hun garian patriots have some occasion, though no good reason, to be anything but satisfied with one ano ther. They have both brought themselves to the very verge of a hostile outbreak with Austria, and are both equally afraid to commit themselves to the first steps. Botn have all to lose, though both may gain all by a single cast of a die. They would fain use each other as a catspaw. The Hun garians reproach the Italians with reluctance to set to work with the means they have at their disposal, —a regular army, a treasury, 22,000,000 emanci pated people ; the Italians retort upon the Hun garians their inability to shake the fidelity of the Hungarian troops, the mainstay of the Austrian empire, the kernel of her Quadrilateral garrisons. These complaints may all be well founded; inaction on both sides may be very reasonable, but in the meanwhile Austria gains by the respite. There is something, however, which preoccupies the Italian mind to the exclusion even of Austria, Hungary, and Venice. The Roman question is never allowed a moment's rest throughout this country. It storms so loudly at the door of Count Cavour's Government as to endanger, if not his tenure of office, at least his well-earned reputation. This ever-vexed question assumes as many varieties of aspect as are the surmises which the subtlest brains can put forward with a view to explain the hidden, and perhaps only half-conceived, designs of the :Emperor Napoleon. Every fitful dream of every fevered mind in France, Italy, or Europe, takes shape and consistency, and is made to circu late for a d.iy, a week, or a month, as a well authen ticated, offidous, or semi-official rumour. Where nothing can by' ony possibility be known, it is im possible to imagine the amount of trash human gullibility will be ready to swallow. The report which finds favour to-day is that France is willing to withdraw her troops from Rome upon an engage. ment being entered into by Italy, for which France, of course, makes herself responsible; that the pre sent possessions of the Pope will be secured to him, and no molestation will be offered to him on the part of the Italian nation. Rome will be Papal and independent, and Italy will have to look else where for a capital. I need not dwell upon the improbability of this least plausible of all plans, as it must be obvious to English readers, or indeed to any persons in a calmer mood of mind than the Italians at present enjoy, that neither Monsignor de Merode nor General Lamoriciere himself could uphold the Papal throne against the Romans themselves for a single day if the Pontiff were left to his own resources, and that in the event of a successful riot, the Pope would either have to be supported by the Italian Government, when he would find himself at their mercy, or he would have to . sue for another French intervention, when matters would again be brought into the present unsatisfactory condition. More over, the newsmongers who suppose Count Cavour to be mixed up with such a proposal forget that he proclaimed, and led the Italian Parliament to pro claim, Rome as the capital of Italy,—a proclamation by which the Minister as well as the nation bound themselves to the total extinction of the temporal power of the Papacy, even at its head-quarters. With a King at Rome the Pope sinks to the rank of a Bishop. No doubt, however, the Italian Prime Minister and his best friends are pressing hard at the Tuileries for a solution of the Roman question. But the oracle of the Tuileries shakes his head and gives no sign. Speak to nine out of ten of the Neapolitan deputies, question nine out of ten of the travellers of any country or party lately re turned from Naples, they will unanimously give you their conviction that order will never be re stored in the Southern provinces, bloodshed and brigandage will never be put down, the real unity of Italy will never be cemented till Rome becomes tle capital of Italy. My own impression would lead me at least to substitute for the last sentence this other one—till Rome ceases to be the focus of priestly, Bourbonist, Ultramontane, Legitimist, and all other mischievous intrigues—a cessation of which would not necessitate the translocation of the Italian seat of Government. What the real, remote, and contingent object of the Emperor in this perpetuation of the miseries of Italy may be there is hardly a man who would pre sume to guess. His stanchest friends in this coun try are fairly brought to their wit's end in their attempts to explain or justify his conduct. "As the most Christian Emperor," they say, " he could plead the duties of the Eldest Son of the Church to screen the Father of Believers from harm ;" but as the supplanter of the French Bourbons no one can see what reason he may have to aid and abet the bloody deeds of a Neapolitan Bourbon. Of the complicity, or at least connivance, of General Goyon and other Frenchmen in power at Rome at the brigand raids which they affect to prevent few per sons in Italy seem to entertain any doubt. But, then, the Emperor's friends urge, " these men exceed, or rather betray, their instruct ions. They are the enemies of France no less than of Italy. Bour bonists at heart on the North no less than on the South side of the Alps." This would be to excuse perfidy and duplicity on the score of weakness and imbecility. The Emperor would scarcely thank his apologists who represented him as employing his own enemies in his service without more than suffi cient means of swaying and controlling them. No, no ! What takes place on Rome and on the Neapolitan frontiers is certainly Napoleon's own doing, and men are left to cudgel their brains to make out his motives as they can. The problem from beginning to end admits of only two solutions, each of which, if frankly adopted and applied throughout, would set forth the Emperor's conduct as perfectly consistent. The Emperor crossed the Alps two years ago for the deliverance of Italy ; from that day, or from the day of Villafranca, he uniformly exerted himself with a view to throw obstacles in the way of that deliverance. This he may have done, either, agreeably to one hypothesis, because he thought it might be good for the Italians that they should earn their freedom by hard strife ; and hence the question of Venetia left open, hence the long and unfair opposition to Central Italian annexation, hence the various schemes for a confederacy, a combination of three States, a dualism. The Italians needed tempering by all this long ordeal ; the Imperial Providence which tried them well knew how much they might bear, and what would be best for them. Or else take the other supposition, and say that the pretended liberator only wanted to become the High Protector, the supreme ruler of Italy, and then one can conceive why he came to terms with half-vanquished Austria; why, even while he suf fered the old Austrian tools to be broken at Parma, Modena, and Florence, he objected I to the fusion of those provinces with Piedmont; why .'ke prolonged the death-throes of Bourbonism at Gaeta ; why he now endures Pius IX. at the Vatican, Frai.'cis 11. at Albano, and Chiavone and De Christen astride the frontier. His power of doing mischief is indee.i great, but it is not unbounded. The annexation of Central Italy was achieved in spite of him, some people think, but the indignant Emperor avenged himself, and Italy had to pay the scot by the uponcession the of a Savoy acquisition qul sltion and Nice. Is a p r i ce equally set of Rome and the pacification of the South ? I gave yo u i n one o f my l as t l e tters the surmises which are rife in some circles here about some French scheme for wresting the island of Sardinia and the western Genoese territory from ,1 the Italian Government. Men's minds are not yet quite reassured on, that score. To be sure, sanguine men trust that England and Europe would never consent to this new aggrandisement on the part of France; but neither did they believe 18 months ago that France could get the " southern slopes" on such easy terms. Strange things come to pass when people obstinately refuse to take warning. THE PAPAL STATES. A letter from Rome, dated May 11, says :—On Wednesday last, the Bth inst., at Valmontone, on the road between Rorre and Frosinone, the French laid hands on two carts which were travelling towards the Neapolitan provinces. They were laden with arms, and were besides bearers of 500 Roman crowns in copper pieces, coined in Rome, with the effigy of Francis 11. The drivers of the carts were made to deliver up some letters in which, after be wailing the ill-success of Chiavone's expedition, a plan was laid out for a great insurrectional out break, for which the 2d of next June was appointed. The carts were brought back to Rome, and are now lodged in the Castle St. Angelo. The French officer in command at Valmontone would fain have over looked this fresh act of brigandage which was being carried on under his very nose, but was induced to interfere by the strong remonstrances of some of the Roman patriots who had watched and followed the suspicious-looking conveyances all the way from the city. The far-famed Chiavone is here and at large. He came back to Rome, after suffering a thorough defeat at the hands of the Italian troops at Monticello and Nola. At these latter places he had murdered seven persons in cold blood, all belonging to the families of Panozzi and De Rossi, and he makes a boast of his bloody deeds. He brought back as a trophy the flags he had taken from the head-quarters of the National Guards of those dis tricts. As he went through Valmontone he stopped to havo a good dinner with his friends, the: Poutie,,,ol gendarmes. He was stopped on his further promise by a French military agent, who, however, allowed him a free passage upon his exhibiting a passport drawn up in the most perfect order, and bearing the signature of Monsignor Matteucei, the Governor of Rome, Minister of the Police. Chiavone talks very confidently about his socn being again on the move, ready for fresh exploits. General Goyon deemed himself bound, on account of the great noise made about this shocking affair of Chiavone, to pay his respects to the ex-King Fran cis 11., and prefer his dutiful remonstrances ; but the Bourbon professed himself a perfect stranger to the whole transaction, utterly ignorant of it, and declared that all such deeds are to be imputed to the Papal Government. The Romans, however, strongly suspect that between the French, the priests, and the Bourbons there is not much to choose. It is not true that the petition of the Roman people to the Emperor Napoleon has been laid be fore the French Embassy at Rome, or that it has otherwise oozed out among the public at large. ME CIVIL WAR IN AJLERICA. (From the Times.) The advices just received front America leave little hope of a peaceful solution of the quarrel on the other side of the Atlantic, though we would still trust that this suicidal struggle may be averted. But, if the last hour of the Great Republic has in deed arrived, and if the swords of its citizens have been actually turned against each other, it behoves us to reflect upon the facts which such a spectacle will express. The notification of the event will take a simple form. " Civil war," we shall be in formed, " has broken out in the United States." The intimation will be quite intelligible, and cer tainly not unexpected; but has the reader be thought himself of its real import P Its import will be nothing less than this,—that a people among the most enlightened and educated in the world, enjoying absolute freedom and institutions framed upon the latest model, have betaken themselves to courses which the States of the Old World have abandoned for centuries as utterly barbarous and shocking. To get to the days of " civil war" in Europe we must go back hundreds of years, and even then we shall find contests infinitely less re pulsive than that impending in America. When Frenchmen fought Frenchmen at Jarnac and Mon contour, it was for lofty principles of religions faith. When Englishmen fought Englishmen at Marston Moor and Naseby, it was for high principles of political right. In those days, too, war was not thought so hateful as now. Nobody then doubted but war in itself was as allowable as any other form of action, and each party took the field without scruple or misgiving in defence of convictions which could not be otherwise maintained. To this day, accordingly, we look upon the belligerents with respect. We recognise the rudeness of their ideas and the barbarous nature of the arbitrament to which they appealed, but we cannot refuse them a certain kind of admiration. Cavaliers and Puritans, Catholics and Huguenots, are all respectable cha racters. Their errors were the errors of the time, and such questions as were then raised had practi cally but one solution. But how much of this excuse can be pleaded for the Americans ? They, if this strife should unhap pily break out, will be plunging into the worst and most obsolete kind of war, in the blaze of day and with all the illumination of reason, for a cause which it would be hard indeed to invest with any dignity or defensibility. Stripped of its trappings and pretexts, the contest will be a quarrel for ter ritory. The Americans will be cutting each other's throats, and carrying fire and sword into each other's settlements, for the sake of territories which both parties covet. No war of aggrandisement among European Powers was ever clearer in its purpose. The Americans are rushing to arms for an object which no Government in the Old World would choose to confess, and they are preparing to fall, not upon any foreign nation, but upon each other. The anachronism will be dreadful. When we hear of battles between such combatants, and in such a cause, it will be like a War of the Roses or a Gun powder Plot in the 19th century. These free, en lightened, well-educated, self-governing Americans will be tearing each other to pieces like the very Indians whom they supplanted on the soil—like the very savages whose bones are buried under bar rows—the monuments of "civil war" in days when nothing better was known. It is a mournful thing to reflect upon—too mournful, indeed, to allow of any malicious moral ising. We cannot afford to exult over the ship wreck of democracy, for more than democracy is involved in the ruin. Every appliance and advan tage which could render a community wise has been found to be without the least effect in preserving it from the worst of follies. We are accustomed to hear from a certain school of politicians in this country that aristocracy is the parent of wars and armies— of lavish expenditure and martial ideas. Here, how ever, is the most purely Democratic State in the whole world rushing headlong into a species of war such as no old country would ever dream of, or has dreamt of for hundreds of years past. We have peo ple rising against misgovernment as recently in Italy or hurried perhaps into a war of succession, as for merly in Spain, but the spectacle of a great Common • wealth deliberately dividing against itself, and prepared to carry into the homesteads of its own citizens those horrors which we now shrink from inflicting even upon enemies, is such a spectacle as Europe has not seen since dark ages of history. Those model States of the American Union to which we were bidden to look with admiration and envy are acting as Delawares and Pawnees acted a cen tury ago. Their resolutions, if they are correctly reported to us, are the resolutions of savages. The "bloody belt" is going round the States of the Confederation as it used to go round the tribes of a Red Indian league. Professed peacemakers are all in war paint, the hatchet is dug up, and the talk of 1 Christian Commonwealths is all of scalping and tomahawking. It is, perhaps, too late to advise; but if, per chance, there should still be room for warning, the Americans may listen to honest admonition from England. They have found by this time that no political jealousies affect our estimate of their de plorable quarrel. We would rather see America united and powerful, even though her strength may cost us some trouble. We feel that slavery is an abominable thing, but we know how difficult must be the problem of abolition, and, above all, we feel that no convictions, however deeply entertained, can justify the extremity of civil war. There was a great soldier in tiis country a few years ago—a man of iron mind aid resolute will, whose feelings might have been seared and hardened by sights of war in every quarter of the globe. Yet that man, so inflexible and larless, took an opportunity of saying that there vas nothing which should not be know one hour o f ei v f a t,49r than that the e th it e ize h n a , r a d b - o w u o t rk to in t g az , e p a e n ac e e xA,treml,,v war. Is Abralitial Lincoln; .and simple from whi c h th e done or tezne r pantry should „ I L- Jed Duke of Wellington recoiled in Is the President of the new Freetrading Confederacy pre pared to adopt a policy which would better befit the Indians of Florida ? Not only is there no cause for this strife, but there is no prospect, or even possibility, of any gain in the end. It is not to be imagined that the North can hold the South in subjection, or that the South, even if it succeeds in repelling the forces of the North, will have bettered its position by the proceeding. The great object of the Southerners is to carry their slaves into new territories, but they have already found that slave plantations are next to useless unless the conterminous provinces adopt and enforce a Fugitive Slave Law. By severing their connexion with the North, and substituting a traditional hostility, they will completely deprive themselves of the co-operation which in this respect they have hitherto received. A slave crossing the frontier of the Southern Confederacy will be lost for ever. Whichever way the case is turned it re mains hopeless still. It is bad enough even without this final extremity of present bloodshed, hut if the sword is once drawn it will become instantly and irremediably worse. Coercion, if it means anything, must mean conquest, and permanent conquest is impossible. Of the result, in short, nothing is either discernib!e or probable but civil war, with all its unspeakable horrors, and with no likelihood of a speedy end. War breeds war, and a week's fight ing will infallibly engender passions which years will fail to appease. Perhaps the least formidable prospect is that of such a success on the part of the South as will enable it to maintain its independence of the old Union, but that success can only be ob tained at the cost of animosities which will divide America into hostile camps, and leave it a prey to horrors from which Europe escaped long ago. Is that to be the end of the model Republic in the eightieth year of its existence? For the sake of humanity and progress we trust not ; and we shall hope even against hope for better things until the fatal truth is brought home to us. (Fiore the Daily .s'ews.) There must be something very intoxicating about the pleasure of driving, beating, and selling a fel low-creature, when people who were never in a position to hold a slave in their lives, out of mere hatred of the principles of civil and social equality, stretch their sympathies over a th ousan d leagues of ocean to meet the slaveowners of Georgia and South Carolina. When this Secession movement braisa ass, e felt quite, burp that the friends of reaction at home would not be able to restrain themselves from proclaiming it a move ment on behalf of freedom. They have forborne longer than we expected, but it seems they can hold no longer. Without stopping to inquire by what miserable process any Englishman could so pervert and muddle bis traditional notions of liberty, we will look at what the Secessionists are doing, and inquire what are the principles and institutions of that Government which they have earned so much praise for setting up. It certainly seems strange that a section of the American community of which the world never hears save when it tars and feathers or hangs some white man, a missionary, or traveller from the North, it may be, accused of abolitionism, should suddenly conceive a passion for liberty. It is only partially intelligible when we remembpr a certain sense of the word which our race has left some 500 years behind. We must go to feudal times, when high-spirited barons flew to arms to vindicate, against a too humane and inquisitive central power, their liberty to harry a helpless local population with toll and tax and dungeon, to find anything like the ideas of freedom which the Secessionists profess. Perhaps the nearest approach to an asser tion of the same principle in our own times was the well-known demand of a great English Duke during the sgitation of the Reform Bill, who said to his tenants and their votes, "May I not do what I like with my own ? " This was thought at the time very revolting; but it is the faintest echo of the old spirit, once deemed chivalrous and gentlemanly. Yet the old and modern claims are the same. Once let one portion of society resolve to build up itself whether in wealth and luxury, or in liberal culture, makes no moral difference—by the deliberate sacrifice of another section, consigned on system to per petual degradation, and its character is made, no matter whether its Government is called repub lican or monarchical, whether its victims are black or white. Formerly the slave-owners of the South regarded their position without complacency, as one for which they were not responsible, and which they were simply to make the best of until a door of escape was open. Such is still the feeling of the better men of the class. But it is a state of mind inimical to the entire theory of the new Go vernment set up at Montgomery. In the new Con federation slavery is sacred, blessed, mysterious, ineffable. Modern civilisation has gone quite astray on this matter, and the seceders of the South will correct its aberrations. To accomplish this the basis of the institution is laid deep in the fundamental laws of the Confederacy. It is a part of the new bouthorn Constitution that r.o law shall be made denying or impairing the right of property in slaves; the general government is in all its juris diction required to protect slavery. And no wonder, considering what slavery is to be and do for the law-makers. Hear the Hon. Mr. Hill, one of the ablest and most distinguished men in Georgia, and a moderate and sensible man, as sense and modera tion go now-a-days. The hon. gentleman, speaking at Atlanta, was eloquent on the superiority of a society which abandons productive industry as a dishonouring occupation to another and subjugated race. "We have none of the incentives to riots and violence that the people of other nations have. 'We shall never have any bread riots nor pauper mob violence. Such scenes will never disturb or disgrace this country. We have no pauper population, and no inferior classes among us. This stratum, which is found in society in all other countries, is filled by our negroes, who are not degraded, but elevated, by being assigned that position, and who are com pelled to work and maintain themselves from being paupers, whether they will or not." Thus relieved from the necessity of toil, the Southerners are to show the world what the Anglo-Saxon race is capable of becoming. " Our prospects for the future are great. We shall be a benefit to all the nations of the earth and be ourselves. The radical element, which hung as a weight to impede our progress, we have cut off and left. We shall have the greatest im provement of our race, and constitute the most ele gant society on earth. We shall have society that will charm the world by its elegance—all our white population educated and intelligent, with peace and plenty smiling over our happy land." And all this glory and bliss will be due to slavery as protected and developed under the new constitution. The results to humanity, of course, will be proportion ately great. Such a grand spectacle must tell upon the outer world. So Mr. Hill proceeds :—" Slavery is right, and if left to its own course, the world will be convinced of this truth. Its rectitude is undeniable, and its duration is that of human want. Slavery will ultimately be its own logic to the mind, its own power in the earth, and its own bayonet to its foes. This day will come. It may be delayed by wars or commotions, but it will come. Our example—our progress and good government will carry conviction to the whole world. Five years will not have rolled around before the Northern people will consent for slavery to go to the Canada line, if by it they could get us back into the Union. They do not understand this matter. Let us, by our example, brash away the clouds of ignorance which now so befog them." Now, all this is simple and coherent enough as a theory. It cannot be carried o u t, f or compu l sory labour is not and cannot become sufficiently produc tive to supply for all the white men in the society where it prevails those wants which modern civili sation inspires. And if it could be done, affrighted Christendom would recoil with horror before the spectacle of a state founded on principles essenti ally Pagan. But as a scheme it is intelligible to transparency, and it is far less astonishing that it should be proclaimed in the Slave States than that anybody reared amidst institutions of popular free dom should hail its proclaimers as champions of liberty. When we read that the seceders of to-day are but carrying out the principles of Washington, Jefferson, and Patrick Henry, the explanation is at hand, that a man may invoke those venerable names without knowing very accurately what those who bore them thought about slavery. But Englishmen who do not write can tell, without the aid of I'innock, the difference between liberty and an arrogant lawlessness, and we ask our friends in the free States of America not to be lieve that because their struggle is here and there misrepresented for party purposes in England, the English people do not thoroughly understand the nature of the contest in which they are en gaged. A VOLUNTEER'S FORCED MAItCII.—An incident occurred at Castle Cary, on Monday last, in connection with the rifle battalion drill, which is worthy of record, as evincing what may be achieved by vigour and resolution, when the heart is in the right place. Mr. Robert Gifford, of SheptonMontague, a private in the 23d Somerset,walked -- to Castle Cary to join his comrades who had chartered an omnibus from Cary to Wells, but mistaking the time fixed for the departure of the 'bus, he did not arrive at Cary until 10.30. The 'bus had left at 10 to a minute. Here was a pretty fix for our gallant rifleman, who had promised his commanding ofilcer to be at the muster of his company at Wells at 1 o'clock. Weil, well, " Where there's a will there's a way," and here there was a very extraordinary way too; for our brave volunteer, nothing daunted, and " —l ing perhaps thc4 he was already three miles on the at double road, slun g 1 1 : :_ rift° a c ross Iltipaefr , azul sertins o ff • in tires to fan ut, having, ag, quick time, reached Wells . fnot the entire I coutred as, he was, actually accomplished distance from Cary to Wells, being 13 miles, in rather lees than three houra.—§liorbow ne Joirnal, PREVENTION OF CRUELTY TO AI , 7MALS. The anniversary meeting of the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals was held yesterday at St. James's-hall, the Right Hon. and Right Rev. Lord Auckland, Bishop of Bath and Wells, in the chair. Among others on the plat form were the Marquis of Westminster, President of the Society, Sir James Buller East, M.P., Mr. Mackinnon M.P., Sir .1. S. Lillie, Sir W. Stirling, Sir C. Aldis, Capt. Grant, Mr. Curling, the Revs. I. W. North, T. Jackson, &c. The proceedings were commenced by about 1,700 of the children from the surrounding parochial schools singing a hymn com posed for the occasion, accompanied on the organ by Dr. Pech. The chairman said he must first con dole with the society at the loss it had sustained by the death of its patroness, the Duchess of Kent, the mother of her most gracious Majesty, who had al ways been one of its warmest friends, and also at the loss of its late secretary, Mr. Middleton, a gen tleman who had endeared himself to all by his uni form kindness and courtesy. He had received a letter from the chairman of their last annual meet ing, the Bishop of Lichfield, regretting his inability to be present at that meeting. He felt great plea sure in taking the chair on that occasion, and sup posed that the reason why they chose clergymen as chairmen was that religion and kindness were in separable. The right rev. prelate then cited several instances from the Scriptures to prove that animals were meant for our use, and not abuse. Having condoled with them on their losses, he would now congratulate them on their successes, which had been marked by the improvement caused by the re moval of Smithfield, where animals were no longer goaded by brutal drovers armed with spiked sticks into small pens to be sold : in the condition of the cab-horses, which was very different now to what it was some years ago ; and in the abolition, by the passing of Sir J. East's Bill, of the practice of using dogs as animals of draught. During last year the society had used great exertions to put a stop to the horrible practice of vivisection of animals, which he did not hesitate to say ought to be put down, for in many instances it was done not with a view to the ortencion of cnionoo and tho benefit of othero, but to show the skill of the operator. The celebrated John Hunter was said to have been a vivisector, but he had never heard he had done any good by it, and the same might be said of Sir Astley Cooper, one of the first surgeons this country had ever produced. Sir Charles Bell, too, was another who had adopted the practice, but his testimony went to prove that little or no good had resulted, and Professor Owen had condemned it. He would recommend all who wished to fully understand the subject to read the " Life of Dr. John Reid," who was of opinion, al though he had practised vivisection himself, that it should be only occasionally performed. A deputa tion of the society had gone during the last year to the veterinary schools at Lyons and Alfort, where the practice was largely adopted, horses being strapped down and students engaged in performing almost every conceivable operation upon them, until they were tortured to death ; the deputation had afterwards waited upon the Emperor, who had re ceived them most courteously, and had given them reason to hope that their efforts would lead to the removal of the practice. His Lordship then read a paper from the " Idler," written more than 100 years ago by the celebrated lexiographer Dr. John son, in which he denounced the practice of vivisec tion, and denied that science was at all benefited by it. He concluded by addressing a few appropriate remarks to the children assembled, advising them to be kind to one another, and, above all things, to avoid cruelty to animals. Mr. Colam, the secretary, then read a very lengthy report which referred to a conference of the friends of humanity which had been held during the past year at Dresden, and to the deputations which had twice gone to France with a view to put a stop to vivisection. It stated that the various branch associations in Great Bri tain and Ireland had lost none of their practical ef ficiency, but there are still many great cities of the empire in which no active measures had been taken for the prevention of cruelty to animals, and in which much inhumanity is practised. The income had exceeded that of last year, and 554 convictions had been obtained by the society against persons for cruelty to animals. Several legacies of various amounts had been left to the society, and sums amounting to £l6l in all had been contributed to the special vivisection fund, £lOO of which had been given by Mr. Buckeridge. Mr. Mackinnon, M.P., at some length, moved the adoption of the report, which was seconded by Sir J. Scott Lillie, and carried. Sir J. B. East, M.P., proposed the second resolution, according a vote of thanks to the deputations which had gone to the conference at Dresden and to Paris, which was seconded by the Rev. I. W. North, and also carried. On the motion proposing the re-electiun of the committee and officers for the ensuing year a long and animated discussion took place, in:which the Rev. T. Jackson, Professor Spooner of the Royal Veterinary College, Mr. Curling, Sir J. B. East, Dr. Fraser, and other gentlemen took part, and eventually, after two amendments had been put and lost, the original motion was carried. The Marquis of Westminster then proposed a vote of thanks to the chairman for presiding, which was seconded by Sir Walter Stir ling, and the proceedings terminated. SURREY SESSIONS.-11lay 20. Samuel Copping, 43, an ex-sergeant of the P division, and Adam Saunders, 52, a retired summon ing officer of the Lambeth Police-court, surrendered to receive judgment, they having been convicted at the sessions on the 21st of last March for assault ing Charles Percival. - The circumstances relative to this case may be fresh in the memory of some of our readers. The complainant had lodgings with a tradesman of the name of Hopgood, in Walworth, and in the same house a Mrs Clarke, the wife of a licensed victualler, resided. It was suspected by the husband that they were living together in an immoral way, and to ob tain evidence for the Divorce Court the prisoners were employed, and at an early hour in the morning they gained an entrance to the house and forcibly entered Mr. Percival's apartments, assaulting him in the meantime. The prisoners were tried on the 20th and 21st of March, and found guilty of the common assault, when the Court ordered them to come up to receive judgment this day. They were accordingly placed in the dock, when Mr. Laxton, for the prosecution, called upon the Court to pas s sentence. They had been guilty of a very serious offence, breaking into a man's apartments and attacking him without any warrant or authority whatever. They had no excuse for their unlawful conduct, inasmuch asiboth had been many years ac tive officers of the Metropolitan Police force. Mr. 'Alley, for Copping, said that it would be impossible for him to contradict the assertions of his learned friend, as it had been proved that a common assault had been committed. Copping, however, bore a good character, and he was well known at this court for many years as a clever and upright constable. He had also a doctor's certificate to show that if a long imprisonment was passed on him the consequences might prove serious to him. There was no animus or malice on the part of Copping towards the prosecutor, but merely an error of judgment. He (the learned counsel) therefore hoped that a small fine would be sufficient. Mr. Oppenheim addressed the bench on behalf of the prisoner Saunders, when The Chairman observed that it was his painful duty to pass sentence on two retired constables, one of whom had been known to the Court some years for his meritorious conduct, and the other, Saunders, had borne a good character for past services at the police-court at Lambeth. They had, however, been guilty of a very serious offence—that of forcing themselves into a man's residence without any semblance of authority. They must have known that, as being old and experienced constables they had every opportunity of being acquainted with the law. It was disgraceful on their part, and on those who employed them to get evidence for the Divorce Court in such an unlawful manner. The law and the constitution of the country made every English man's home his castle, and it was of the greatest importance to him that his house should be sacred to him in his lawful position: He had no doubt that the defendants must have well known that they were acting in an unlawful and outrageous manner, and had it not been for their previous good charac ters the Court would have felt bound to have sen tenced them to hard labour, and that for a very long period. He should therefore sentence each of th em to silmtprisonment in th e county gaol, and bound to say th a t if any case of one the mont Courth'fe a similar nature should ever come before them again the highest punishment would be inflicted. Th e prisoners, who seemed much surprised at the decision, were then removed in custody to un dergo the sentence. 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The new principle of casting large guns—hollow instead of solid—by means of a current of water introduced into the core which forms the mould of the bore, thus cooling from interior, has been successfully applied to the manufacture of a monster cannon at the Fort Fitt Foundry, Pittsburg, in the United States. A new era in the casting of iron cannon has commenced; and we now proceed to describe the last great practical result of this new and highly inge nious process. The monster gun, better perhaps known by the name of the 15-inch gun, has the following dimensions : Its total length is 15 feet 10 inches; greater exterior dia meter 4 feet across the breech, fining down to 25 inches at the muzzle. The thickness of metal behind the ellip soidal chamber is 25 inches, and 161 inches at the junction of the bore with the chamber, fining down to 5 inches at the muzzle. The weight of this piece of ordnance is nearly 22tons. The solid 68 pounder, the heaviest cast-iron gun of our own service, weighs about 4 tons 15 cwt. The 15-inch gun is mounted at Fort Monroe upon an iron centre-pintla carriage, running up and recoiling in the usual manner; and fires shells of two classes. The first, to be used where the greatest possible explosive effect is wanted, of the mini mum thickness (21 inches) admissible to endure the shock of the charge, is about 3051 b weight, containing about 181 b. of powder. The second, for battering purposes, has a wall of 5 inches thickness, and weighs 4101 b. There is also a solid shot of the enormous weight of 42.51 b, but for the reasons already mentioned connected with solid castings of largo masses, it is very doubtful if it is practicable to cast a satis factory solid shot of this diameter. The windage allowed is one-tenth of an inch. Major Barnard, of the American En gineers, who has published an account of this cannon, gives us the following summary of the practice carried on with it in the experimental trials. In five trials, at 2,000 yards, with 351 b of powder, the lateral deviations were confined within five yards on either side of the target. The vertical devia tions, probably due to varying initial velocities, or perhaps to some difference in the weight of the shells, ranged 17 yards each way short and over. With 401 b. of large grained powder, the initial velocity was found to be 1,328 feet per second. The greatest range attained, with maxi mum elevation of 28 deg. 35 min., was 5,730 yards, with a time of flight of 27 seconds. Such immense charges, how ever, produce far less strain on the gun than might be sup posed, owing to the nature of the powder used, and described in the official reports as "largo grained," and as " Rodman's perforated cake powder." It will be interesting at this point to notice the performance of the English monster gun, better known as the Horsfall gun, mounted near South sea Castle, Portsmouth ; this being the largest piece of ordnance hitherto made in this country. The weight of this gun is about 22 tons, and it throws a solid shot of about 3601b5. weight ; 130 rounds have been fired, with. charges of 401 b. and 501 b. of powder ; and with 18 deg. of elevation a range of little over 5,000 yards was obtained. But that the cannon was unable to stand these proof charges, comparatively moderate for its calibre, was known to be strongly suspected by the Director -General of Artil lery, and this opinion was confirmed by the discovery of a crack of over three inches in length in the chamber, when searched and examined lately by Captain Freeth, assistant inspector of artillery. It is probable that it will be again subjected to proof at an early date. The American 15-inch cannon had, up to the date of the latest reports, fired 350 rounds with full charges ; and at the 330th round, when the last search was made, the most delicate tests applied to the bore failed to indicate the slightest enlargement or de terioration of any kind,—.Army and Navy Gazette. COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER -MAY 18. A good supply of wheat, for which the trade was rather slow, at prices the turn lower. Barley saleable at prices much the same as of late. Beans were rather dearer. Peas scarcely a sample. Wheat, white 6os to 66s Beans, Mazagan..364 to 42s red 44s to 60s Middle & small 42s to 483 Barley —s to —s White peas 44 to 48s Oats —s to —s prey.. 38s to 44e CHELMSFORD-MA 17. - - An average supply of wheat, but the demand was slow, and best wheats barely maintained late rates ; inferior sorts Is lower in price. Spring corn firm. Wheat, white 34s to 65s I Peas, Partridge ..44s to 45s red 43s to 62s White ........ 43s to 46s Barley 29s to 42s Boiling ...... 43s to 470 Chevalier 32s to 45s Dun .......... 40s to 430 Grinding 26s to 37s Beans, Tick ....39s to 48s Malt 61s to 67s Harrow Ticks 39s to 50s Chevalier 64s to 69s Mazagan 33s to 45s Oats 26, to 31s STAMFORD—May 18. There was a fair show of wheat at market, and the trade ruled firm at former prices. Barley firm, and late rates were n. , t exceeded. Oats sold readily at higher prices. Beans sold at is per qr. higher. Wheat 48s to 62s Oats.. 2 Bs t o 32e I White do 60 s t o 66s Beans 4Bs to 56s Barley .....30s to 42s I Ditto, old ........46s to 48s KIRKALDY—MAY 18. A small supply of all kinds of a-man, in iuiddling ....Jl - Business brisk, and prices rather higher. Wheat I B arley Oats Od I First.... 36s 328 Od 268 Od Second.. 558 Od 1 38s Od 308 Od Third .. 62s Od 1 42s Od 31s Od THE MAILS. • MAILS DUE. Australia, Ceylon, and Mauritius (via South ampton) May 19. Do. (via Marseilles) May 13. Brazil and Cape Verds •.. June 4. Buenos Ayres, Monte Video, &c. • . • Cuba and Mexico .. May 29. Canada, &c. (via L'derry) .. May 15. Cape o Good Hope, &c. Juno 1. China, Penang, and Singapore (vial S'ampton) May 19. Do (via Mar se ill es ) M ay 27. Gibraltar (via South ampton) May 19. India (Calcutta), Ceylon, &c. (via Southampton) May 19. Do. (via Marseilles) May El • India (Bombay), (via Southampton) .. • • May 26' Do. ( v i a M arse ill es ) .. May 20. Lisbon .. May 19. .. Malta, Egypt, and Aden (via Southampton) .. May 21. Do. (via Marseilles) June 4., Vigo, and Oporto .. May 21. United States, California, & c . May 23. Western Coast of Atrica, Madeira, Teneriffe .. June 10. West Indies and Pacific, Carthagena, Cuba, &c. May 29. 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Cure No. 52,087—Field Marshal Duke of Pluskow, of a gastric inflammation of the stomach. t, Avoid Pills and Medicines : they invariably aggravate and perpetuate ;tohideired annoyance b disappointment Barry's Food and expense diseasesmay b e avoided which, at a few pence per day, saves SC tipaes its cost in other remedies, removing effectually, without purging, constipation,. indigestion (dyspepsia) nervous, bilious and liver complaints and all their consequences. Certificate No. 36,418. We find it the safest remedy. Andrew Ure, MD., F.R.S., Dr Harvey, Dr. Wurzer, Dr. Shorland, Dr. Campell. Let invalids avoid the fearful dangers of spu rious and injurious imitations offered under a variety of false pretences. Nevill's imitations are prohibited by the high Court of Chancery under a penalty of £5,000 against Alfred Hooper Nevill and his agents ; and the pretences that Nevin has a patent for Arabica Food and that Du Barry's are connected with such patent are utterly false. No canister is genuine without the name Barry Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, in full, ontheseal and wrapper. Shopkeepers who attempt imposition in one article must expect to be distrusted in all others. Packed in tins lib. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s. 61. ; 5 1 b. lls. ; 121 b. 225. ; 241 b. 40s. Th e 121 b. and 241 b. canisters are sent carriage free on receipt of Post-office order by Barry Du Barry and Co., 77, Re.' gent-street, London; Fortnum Mason, and Co.; Abbie, 60, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63 and 150, Ox. , b ar d-street ; 330 and 451, Strand; 49 and 60, Bishopsgate• street ; Batty, 16, Finsbury Pavement ; Phillips and Ca. Wood, and C o ., Ki ng Willi am-street Holborn ; and a ll grocers . tea-dealers; y - d ; e al a e t r i s 2 ; 7 Petty,Hiah BIRTHS. BAR RINGTON.—On the 19th inst., at Bath, tho lion. Mrs. Barrington, of a son. CLARKE.—On the 20th inst., at 37, St. John's-park-road, Haverstock-hill, the wife of C. Harwood Clarke, Esq., of a son. VERSCIWYLE.—On the 19th inst., at 23, Chapel-street, Belgrave-square, the wife of Lieut.-Colonel Verse hoyle, Grenadier Guards, of a daughter. MARRIAGES. BURY—BnowN.—On the 18th inst., at St. Mary's, Isl;ng ton, James, second son of the late William Bury, Esq., of Bury, Lancashire, to Anne Elizabeth, younger daugh ter of Henry Brown, Esq., of Mortlake. Ticiumn—CLlLvEßD.—On the 19th inst., at St. James's Church, Piccadilly, Mr. Richard Ticknor of Esher, Surrey, to Elizabeth, e ld est daughter of Mr; William Clilverd, of The Woodlands, Isleworth. DEATHS. BROWNE.—On the 19th inst., at Pembroke Dock, Colonel St. John Browne, R.A., aged 45. CHETWODE.—On the 16th inst., at 2, Be:grave square, Monitstown, the Lady Janet, daughter of the 31st Earl of Mar, and wife of Edward Wilmot Chetwode, E sq , o f Woodbrook, Portarlington, aged 50. Crst —On the 19th inst., at the Cloiste rs , Wi ndsor, the Hon. and R ev . H enr y Cockayne Cust, of CockayneHat ley, Bedfordshire, Canon of Windsor, aged 81. L'ESTRANGE.—On the 19th inst., at 77, South Audley street, Sarah, widow of Lieut.-General George Guy C. L' Estrange. LANamsu.LOn the 18th inst., William Langrish, Esq., late of Weymouth, Dorset, aged 97. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TnE SUN Office, No. 112,Strand, In the Precinct of the San% Lit the County 01 Aliddlemlit Tuesday, HAY 41 lin TEE SUN; LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 21; 1861.