The Sun. — London, England, 1831-09-15 00:00:00

c;PIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Now what will thte4emies of Reform say to the feelings of the peopl on that important topic ? Awaking, as if byettscrash of thunder, from the re pose into which 'they had sunk under the convic tion that all was going on well with their favourite measure,—astonished beyond expression, that the enemies of them and of liberty should impute their quiescence to indifference,—we see them roused into a degree of zeal and activity becoming their cause, and which we have no doubt will carry the Reform Bill triumphantly through the House of Lords. It is a glorious sight, this fresh developement of patri otic ardour,—this legitimate rising of a whole nation ! The meeting of the Livery is on Monday. The requisition for an assembly of the people of West minster is in the course of signature; Middlesex and the Borough follow; the Merchants and the Bankers are to meet immediately : and then the con test is, who shall be first to throw up their caps for Reform and the pure British Constitution. It is lucky that the harvest is finished, for there is no work so urgent that would not have been neglected on such an occasion as the present. Will all this convince you, ye doubters, that the people are in earnest for Reform ? That their zeal and anxiety in this cause are unabated ? If not, tell us what proof you want—what assurance you re quire—and they will be afforded you ; hut beware of obtruding any mockery upon a roused nation. Listen to the speeches on the approaching meetings, —at which, if we deprecate excess, we recommend firmness,—and be wise in time. But since die they must, the Anti-Reformers will, it seems, die as hard as they are able. There is an air of defiance in their agonies that mounts to the height proverbially but " one step from the sublime." Only think of one of the organs of that faction calling out for popular meetings, as an encouragement to the House of Lords to throw out the Reform Bill ! They !accuse the Times of appealing to the mob, and forsooth would meet us with " the peoples," as contradis tinguished from " themob." Now we challenge them on their own ground. We reject and deprecate mob meetings ; we address ourselves to the property, and intelligence, and consistent energy of the middle classes—those classes whose power is assisted and de ' veloped by the Bill, and on whose welfare that of the country itself is so entirely dependent ; these middle classes, merchants, bankers, gentlemen of all professions, tradesmen, manufacturers, farmers, householders throughout England—men wlio'e rights are all respected and provided for by the Bill, but trampled on by the present system ; it is to every one of these our countrymen an ' fellow-citizens, we cry aloud—and, as we already perceive, riot in vain—to assemble in their respec tive counties, towns, and villages, and to save the great charter of their common liberties from destruc tion. It is true that the majority of the House of Lords, within twenty-four hours of the rejection of the Bill, and more particularly, we make r.o doubt, the individual Peer who may propose that motion, will feel about the same degree of comfort as Gene rat Gascoyne and his Tory supporters enjoyed after their " victory " over the Ministers; for we sup pose it may be assumed that no resignation of Lord Grey's Jinni:try need be looked for as the conse quence of an adverse majority on the second reading of the Reform Bill. 'What is there to prevent an immediate prorogation of the Par liament ?—a prorogation not until the Ist or '2d of February, as usual—that would never do; the country, heated as it is, would he on fire and burned to ashes in such an interval : but we can imagine a short prorogation, just long enough to ter minate the present session, and to ensure that when next the legislative body meets it commences another session. Very well. A very few weeks, possibly a fortnight, would be long enough for such a con stitutional punctilio. And what next P Shall the King's prerogative lie idle in the cause of Eng lish liberty ? Can the King's prerogative be by possibility employed to an end more wholesome, honest, and acceptable, than in providing an antidote for the disease by a fresh creation of Peers, co-exten sive with the national emergency,—that is to say, large enough to secure the Bill from all future dan ger ? Of course, in quiet times and in ordinary cases, the people would look, as we should do, with jealousy and no small repugnance at a sudden multiplication of the Peerage; but the motive is every thing. If effected for any vulgar object of Court patronage, too often the instrument of a conspiracy against the people, the Minister who cheapens the Upper House of Parliament by a simultaneous admission of many Peers deserves impeachment for the abuse of power. But let us ask, is there a single county in Eriglano that would suffer its representatives to censure Lord Grey for calling up or creating Peers enough, where the manifest purpose is to carry that measure, whereby alone the people can be made independent, anti when no other means exist for accomplishing so vast a beeetit by such a use of the King's constitu tional prerogative? That is the way to try the merits of the proposition. Would the country ap prove of it or not ? If the Tory faction can say no, let them move an impeachment, and see what they can make of it. Nevertheless, we do not wish to see any Government driven to so bold a measure. It is better—incomparably better—that the Anti- Reform portion of the House of Lords should be per suaded beforehand, than overpowered afterwards, even by a newly generated majority of their own illustrious order. Better for them to be admo nished by the people, than overborne by the Crown. There is another topic which we may notice before we conclude. Will the occupants of the Right Re verend Bench of Bishops come forward to vote against the Reform Bill ? We hear not ; we hope not. The church politic, in the eyes of men who reverence religion, is as unseemly as a church pugna cious or militant. These are no times in which to risk any popularity, be it much or little, which may attend the ecclesiastical establishment of England, by a stirring up and rushing together of Bishops, to meddle with measures of temporal and worldly po licy. But will any of the Bishops vote against the Bill ? We do riot believe it. The Bill is the act of the King and his Government; it touches no ecclesiastical property, or corporation. It can only, therefore, be opposed by Bishops on party rim- , tives—motives of unprecedented opposition to the Crown arid its advisers. If the Bishops feel—and they ought to feel—how much, under the union be tween " Chtirch and State," the balance has been in their favour, they should be slow of themselves to set the example of separating Church from State. It is a precedent of which the people of England may carry their imitation a step or two further than some of their Lordships would approve of.—Tirnes. Dorsetshire is true to the crisis. Public meet ings begin already to be held ill all quarters of that once Tory county. From the manly spirit arid clear intelligence which breathe through the adver tisements of Reform resolutions and requisitions, we can announce that all goes right, and that the Dor setshire patriots " answer the helm," A specimen of " that public indifference to Reform" which the Tories have made the burden of their daily and nightly song, will be found in the advertisement of Tuesday's meeting at Lyme Regis. The electors of Dorsetshire have, nevertheless, no reason to be offended, if we remind each of them individually what a stake his county has now waged on the con sistency and energy of his political virtue. it almost seems as if the borough-demon, who, like other sends, delights to entrap his votaries arid then be tray them, had suggested to the Toriea this mad libel on the nation ; and then made on the instant a fit opportunity for refuting it, The men of Dor set, sure we are, will not draw upon themselves the reproaches of the whole body of their country men by an act of treason to the Empire. Had they returned Mr, Bankes at. the last elec tion, and on a similar vacancy to that, caused by, the melancholy death of Mr so .. Calcraft' declared their a • readiness to choose other Tory, they might he been charged with stupidity, ith servility, with want of sympathy in the otherwise universal feeling' v of the people, but nothing more, —they wouid have been only unripe for freedom : but if they DOW elect an Anti-Reformer, they are downright renegadoes and traitors to the cause. According to the issue of this election, we do not hesitate to pronounce that a " Dorsetshire freeholder" will be a tide of glory or of shame, from Caithness to Cornwall, and throughout successive generations. But such an al ternative is a pure chimera. The patriot Committees are already up—have buckled on their armour, and are in full activity. Nothing need be done but to recognize the arrangements of five months ago. Let every man be his own canvasser, and his own con ductor to the hustings—that is to say, if a Tory candidate shall dare to approach the hustings. Eight and forty hours will settle every thing; and the friends of freedom and good government—of cheap elections, and of real responsibility in the represen tatives—will have earned a long holiday for them selves, and have ensured a precious heritage to their children.—Times. If the Peers are so blind to the signs of the times, that they require fresh meetings of the people to convince them that an indifference with respect to Reform has not succeeded to the former enthusiasm, they will speedily be gratified to their hearts' con tent. We can tell them, that from one end of the country to the other, the people will assemble to give them demonstrations that cannot be misunder stood. Measures have been taken to call public meetings in the City, the Borough, Lambeth, West minster, Marylebone, St. Pancras, Finsbury, the Tower Hamlets, the Ward of Cripplegate &c. We shall soon see whether any of the Anti- Reformers will dare to make head against the Re formers in the meeting of the Merchants, Bankers, and others of the City, for which measures are in progress. On the day of the Coronation, the Re formers throughout the country mustered in great numbers, under a very notable organization. The Northern. Political Union assembled that day on Newcastle Town Moor, and 1,600 men sat down to dinner under tents erected for their accommodation. The language of the speakers, men who mean too what they say, will be responded to throughout every part of the Empire. One of the speakers, Mr. Larkin, on moving a resolution to petition the House of Lords, praying their Lordships to pass the Reform Bill without any alteration, exclaimed— " Yes ! the people have not only a peculiar right to exercise, but an important and imperative duty to perform in making this appeal to the House of Lords, and in making it, too, in a tone of voice, and with an emphasis and im pression that will cause our oppressors to tremble, and will thunder the conviction in their ears, that we are men who know our rights, and knowing, dare maintain. We have, I say, an important duty to perform, from the performance of which, they who shrink have either wood hearts or traitorous intentions towards the people, in demanding of the House of Lords, who ate now the only obstacle that intervenes between our hopes and their fulfil ment—between the expectation and completion of Re form, that they will restore to the people of Eng land, in their full integrity, those legal rights and constitutional privileges, in the acquisition and in the de fence of which our forefathers were prodigal of their blood, and that they will give back to us that precious in heritance of liberty of which this House of Lords has been principally instrumental in despoiling us. It was by men, joined and knitted together in a common cau-e, with fear less determination in their looks, the hilts of their bright swords grasped in their firm right hands, that the great charter of English liberty was wrested from the reluctant gripe of a tyrant King. It must be by a similar spirit of determination, by a similar leagued combination of men in the sacred cause of liberty ; but, I hope, by the employ ment of a different description of force—[a number of cavalry officers here passed close by the assembled people] —not, exclaimed Mr. L., pointing to the soldiers—not by the force of arms, nor the hostile array of embattled legions, but by the moral force of justice, reason, and public opinion, that the great charter of modern liberties, the Reform Bill, is to be extorted from a reluctant Parlia ment. It will not be, I trust to God, in the dust and carnage of the battle-field—nor amid the blaze and smoke and din of dreadful war, that the cause of English liberty is to be won—nor will, I pray, the future rejoicing and triumph of the people be saddened by the tears of the widow, or the wail of the orphan, as in Belgium, in Poland, injured Poland, and in France. No. If tears must be shed, I hope they will only be the tears of defeated and despairing boroughmongers. If groans are to be uttered, I hope none will be heard but those of Sir Charles Wetherell, that admirable compound of tragedy and farce; if mourners and captives are to be seen in the great triumph and procession of national liberty I trust they will be only the men who have oppressed and enslaved the people. To what a state of slavery and op pression has this once free—once great--one happy, and again to he free and great and happy, nation been reduced ! and whence has this slavery and oppression sprung ? From this circumstance—that the House of Commons has long ceased to represent the wants and wishes of the people, who 1.4.ve long lost all controul over their representatives, 214 they are derisively called, in consequence of the limited extent of the suffrageaa-the scandalous and open brirter and sale of seats, and the long duration of Parliaments. For long space of time, the noblest assembly of freemen in the world,' as Sir James Graham in a spirit of grave and bitter irony designated the House of CAMIIIIOII9, has been but a miserable appendage to the House of Lords, and seems to have existed for no other purpose hut to do the bidding and register the edicts of the Minister. It is, then, to renovate the Constitution, to renew its youth and vigour, to restore the Commone House of Parliament to its pristine excellence and purity, and make it in fact, what it ie only in pretence, the true and perfect mirror of popular sentiment and feeling, that his Majesty's Alinisters have introduraad the Bill of Reform. By a solemn vote and cieliberat.; decision the collective wisdom of the nation has declared the c'tate of the repre sentation to bz corrupt and rotten. They have lopped off the decayed branches fawn the old oak of the British Constitu tion, which has weathered the storms of centuries, and shel tered a hundred generations under its shade, and they have en grafted new branches in their stead. shall these deli berate and solemn votes, passed amid the acclamation of the people, be made null and void by a contrary deci sion of the House of Lords? Shall the Lords declare that system a representation to be pure, whialt the Com mons have caudemned as corrupt ? Shall the disfrana chised boroughs be eirfeanehised again ? Arc the Lords pre pared to risk the involving that selves in a contest with the Commons? Arc they prepared to aptrn the petitions and reject the remonstrances and demands o; an excited people? Are thei prepared to provoke to mardueas and fury the gigantic am) hundred-handed power that now skepa a willing servant at their feet ?—to rouse and irritate against them that enormous strength and energy which is now their guardian and protector, an 4 compel it to fling them off, as the roused and awakened lion fling the dew-drops from his mane I I trust—l believe they are not. I fervently hope that a sense of justice will be infused into their breasts—that a spirit of wiqlour descend upon their heads—that they will not madly place their " order " in that odious light before the people in which it will be discerned that the pri vileges of the Peerage are incompatible with the rights of the people, and that popular liberty and the House of Lords cannot co.exi.s.t. Sir, we are placed on the verge of a revolution, from which nothioz but Reform can save us. Sla very and oppression the people awealetermined no longer to endure. Reform cr revolution, then, is the alternative. The decision of this momentous question rests with the Houre of Lords, If Reform be granted ns, then will the Crown of tie King beam with a tenfold lustre, and its gemmed and golden circle be rivetted to the Royal brow with a force from which no strength can tear it ; then will the dignity of the Peerage, with all its Constitutional and hereditary privileges, remain saciitil and untouched ; then will the liberties of the people, from whom all power has its source, whose right hands guard and jarM.ect all property, all dignity, and from whom the Throne itself, together with all the minor orbs and satellites that move around it, liaceow their lustre and derive their revercoce, be confirmed and estatiishaad for ever. Then, in deed, to borrow the language of an eloquent wFitar, will the King and his faithful subjects, the Lords and ,Comnaops of this realm, form that triple cord, which no force, inter nal or external, can break—the solemp, sworn, and con stitutional frank pledge of this 'ration ; the firm : goarantees of each others' being and each others rights; the joint ' h and seveval ;securities, each in its proper place and order, ' 'or every kind sc.4'. a"ery quility of property and dignity. Eternal safety and security will be given to the rights of us all. The highs will be protected acorn the blights of envy and the sp4iation of rapacity; the low zrona the iron hand of oppression and ; the insolent spurn of contempt. such will be the happy and de/outly to be wished for results of to p t fie e o f . o pa r lce n r ) ia . t But if, on the ()their an attempt be made ttblet hryiig4lerts of the andliberties ambition and a hzlciie o nes r s a of nl e a t h n e . a proud, a rapacious, a sordid, a selfish, and a tyrannical aristocracy, then do I exclaim with vehemence and with fervour—Perish the aristocracy; but may the liberties of the people be immortal !" This is ominous language. We know that a col tam!) personage, whom the people of England most cordially hate, goes about exhibiting lists of Peers, appearing to be a considerable majority, who have pledged themselves to throw out the Reform Bill. We warn those besotted Peers of their danger. There are, throughout the country, many men of daring resolve, full of energy, in whom the people repose full confidence, who have asked themselves the question which Mr. Larkin has not blinked. they are willing to leave the Peers in the possession of all the privileges which the Constitution gives them, and they hope with Mr. Larkin, " that they will not madly place their order in that odious light before the people, in which it will be discerned that the Privileges of the Peerage are incompatible with the rights of the people, and that popular liberty and the House of Lords cannot co-exist. ' " Reform or Revolution is the alternative." "If an attempt be made to sacrifice the rights and liberties and happi_ ness of the people at the shrine of the ambition and avarice of a mean, a proud, a rapacious, a sordid, a selfish, and a tyrannical Aristocracy," hundreds of thousands will exclaim in the words of this speaker " Perish the Aristocracy !" To this pass things are come. The people view the crisis with uneasiness, but without fear. And what if the Lords, flushed with their numbers, do throw out the Bill at once, an d disdain to effect their object by indirect means ? We know what the Anti-Reformers think; they think, no doubt, that Ministers would be such arrant fools, having a House of Commons and the people to support them, as to shrink from these douehty Peers, and resign the state carriage to them. They are miserably out of their calculations. We know, from what was intended before the last Ministry quitted office, what they would attempt were they again in power. They would plunge Europe in war, and attempt a reign of terrorism and coercion at home. The immediate consequences of such an attempt would be disastrous to many worthy and deserving men, whatever the final result might be, and, therefore, we should view Ministers in the light of deserters, were they, from an absurd fasti diousness, to deprive the Reformers in this great crisis of the support and protection which they can derive from the powers of Government being in honest hands. Who that thinks seriously for a moment would be discomposed by the determination of a few imbecile Peers, who cannot read the signs of the times ? Let them at their peril oppose themselves to the representatives of the people and the nation. The Constitution has provided a remedy—an easy re ' medy, for such an opposition to the will of the nation. When a nation is determined, there is no remedy but acquiescence, or the overthrow of the Constitution ; but, thank God, the Peers can be managed without exceeding the limits of the Con stitution. The ranks of the people can supply any number of Peers which the emergency may demand. The nation have, therefore, a claim on Ministers to stand by them to the last. Merchants, bankers, and manufacturers, shopkeepers, artisans, and far mers, the whole of the active part of the commu nity, have much to lose from such popular agitation as would follow the return of the power of the Anti- Reformers. So long as the powers of Government are wielded by a Reform Ministry, the Anti-Re formers are merely so many individuals, without fol lowing in the nation. But give them the disposal of between fifty arid sixty millions a year, and they might have power enough, though not to coerce the nation, yet to throw things into confusion and to produce unspeakable calamity. No honest Reformer of sane mind ought, therefore, to abandon any advan tage he at present possesses. In politics men cannot afford to be romantic. It may be very well for a powerful man to tie up one hand to show his supe riority to a feebler adversary; but in politics, the greater the superiority the less the mischief. The Reformers are strong, but they are still stronger with the powers of Government on their side and not against them. In the mean time the people must bestir themselves heartily. The example about to be set by the Metropolis must be universally fol lowed. Let the poor infatuated Peers see what they affect not to believe is the fact, that the people are bent on the Reform Bill, and w;11 not be satisfied without it. If the Lords, in spite of these demon strations, determine to thwart the people, on their heads be the consequences. We shall conclude with the following communication on this subject, which we have received from an able and well-in formed Correspondent : " What ought the nation to do when the Lords have re jected the Reform Bill ? " This is the most momentous question that can be con sidered at the present time, for it would he the extreme of self delusion not to feel morally certain that the majority of the House of Peers will reject the Reform Bill, or en deavour to defeat it by delay, or by alterations which will render it null. Now, if the people are not prepared for such an event, but stand gazing on each other, or are led by unprincipled demagogues into dangerous and unconsti tutional measures, and if the Ministers should voluntarily resign, as some Reformers foolishly imagine they ought, then I hold that the cause of Reform is inevitably lost. The Reformers are under a complete delusion respecting the weakness of the Tory party. So long as the Reformers have the support of his Majesty's Ministers, they compose an overwhelming majority of the nation; but let a Tory Ministry be formed during the recess of Parliament, and all the treacherous and all the timorous Reformers would support them. The latter are a vast multitude ; but they would join the Tories to preserve tranquillity, as soon as the Reformers were without an ostensible head. The Tories would then have the Peers, the whole of the Clergy, with all who are interested in Parliamentary corruption, and a large portion of the people also, and they boast that the army is with them. " But the measure on which the Tories depend for cer tain success is to plunge the country into an immediate war with France, for which they are now preparing the public mind, by Parliamentary speeches and inquiries. The war against the republic of France, in 1793, was undertaken for the real purpose of preventing a Reform of abuses in Church and State in England, and it succeeded in this object, though at a most enormous expence. A war with France, the Tories say among themselves, will effect:oy divert the people from Reform, and it will enable them to rase a large armed force to keep the Re formers in awe. They are &ware that a war would pro duce a national bankruptcy, but most of the Aristocracy and the Clergy, who have little property in the English funds, ss - au,4 prefer their extinction to an effective Reform. " How are these designs of the Tories to be frustrated ? In the first place, the]Ministers must be firm. I would say to p;ar I Grey, as was said to 2Eneas, when he had to oppose the pacers of Hell, Tune cede mails ; 541 contra audentior ito.' " There can be no more necessity for the voluntary re signation of Ministers after a defeat in the House of Peers, titan after their former defeat in the Commons. In both cases their duty is the same—viz. to make use of all the means the Constitution has placed in their power to carry the Reform Bill; and the rniy direct constitutional way is, to solicit his Majesty to make such au addition to the Peerage (however great it in ty be) that will enable them to pass the will triumphantly to the Throne. Many Re formers shake their bead and affect a mysterious air, when alluding to this measure, as iF it were something too awful to be mentioned, entirely forgetting that a measure which would be highly objectionable if undertaken to strengthen a faction, may become moat meritorious, when demanded by a large majority of the nation in support of ;ts just rights. Will any man in his sober senses undsrtal,,:e to prove that an injury could arise to the country from . the creation of two hundred honest Peers, which would in the sligidest degree counterpoise the immense advantage of passing the lieforqa F., ill peaceably and speedily ? Indeed it would be difficult to show that the infusion of two hundred honest men among the Peers could do any harm to the country whatever, as the experiment would not 'be again required in a reformed Paeliarnent. A reformed Parliament will probably resolve, that no persona receiving the money of . the public, except his Majesty's Aliniatera, ',hall be allowed to 'vote in either Houses: this will grea,tly dimini4h their numbers, which may otherwise be too large for a Legislative 4.ssetithly. Let the people, then, be preparing for the rejection of the Reform Bill in the House of Peels, and, ready with re quis;tions and ;:ppeti4i:nswtioshtehseotfhrtohneen, abteiosene,cbbiyogerehaitsinAglaa. i n e lla Y b t e o r Y o i , l P l eers su'fiicient tr; , :"lrss the Bill. Let these pe titions proceed from every part of the kingdom simulta neously, and speak the i t a h n e gu s a a g n e le re l s a o n u g n u d ag f e r , om lik seh t o h ree v to oi s c h e or o e f oneoverrntlaien.Brkish isles, and the cause of Reform will be se cure; ard the nation will be saved from the evils of mili tary domination and national bankruptcy, which threaten ue on the one hand, and from the dangers of anarchy and revolution, which threaten us on the other. " Your's, &c. " H-, Sept. 14, 1831. —Morning Chronicle. " R. B." Every body knows what a morbid symptom it is for the mind to dwell perpetually upon one subject. We hope that the Marquis of Londonderry is well, for we wish him well ; but we regret to say that he was last night again on the subject of Portugal— that subject which has not only haunted his imagi. nation, but followed him like his evil genius, almost every night to the House since the session began. It is true his Lordship did not introduce the subject himself on the present occasion, for it arose out of a declaration by Lord Grey that he (the Marquis) should have the papers, and every thing else he wanted respecting Portugal, except the adoption of his opinions by the Government. Such an intimation would have been satisfactory to most men, and would have presented any discussion from taking place until the papers alluded to were produced and examined. But the name of Portugal was enough, In mentioning that name Lord Grey touched the string, and off went the Marquis, dashing and plunging through the Portuguese question in a man ner that was quite alarming—to his friends, until Lord Grey and the Lord Chancellor each admini stered a dose, which succeeded in quieting his Lord ship. But, seriously, how the Marquis of London. derry or the Earl of Aberdeen—for they are co partners in this Portuguese affair—can persuade themselves that the people of this country can be brought to sympathise with the sorrows of Don Mi guel would be altogether inexplicable, if it did not afford a means of annoying Ministers, and an opportunity for introducing topics calculated to en danger the tranquillity of Europe. The language of Ministers, however, and especially the forcible speech of the Lord Chancellor, was well calculated to coun teract the mischievous effects of the speech they un dertook to answer.—Morning Herald. The case of the Spanish refugees is a case of mi sery and affliction that ought not to appeal to Eng lish sympathies in vain. The situation of most of those unfortunate men is deplorable in the extreme ; several have recently perished of want—others drag on a precarious existence, only saved by the uncer tain succour of casual charity from the last pangs of famine. Is it fitting that the asylum which Eng land offered to those fugitives of an inexorable ty ranny should only allow them the privilege of lying do wn to die, while her hospitable protection sa tisfies its notions of charity by providing them with a grave ? We are aware that there was a fund raised in the city, some years ago, for the relief of the Spanish refugees, but it appears it is exhausted. As to the fund which had been placed by the Crown at the disposal of the Duke of Wellington for the support of these exiles, we neither know what it amounts to at present, nor how it is distributed. A few persons are said still to derive advan tage from it, though, if what was stated lately at the Mansion-house, by some of the refugees, be true, its operation is very limited compared with the sum still available. We imagine, however, that those individuals were misinformed when they stated its amount at 18,0001. We think it is time to ask a question or two relative to this matter in Parlia ment. When the Spanish patriots had a chance of succeeding in their attempt to establish a Constitu tional Government in one of the finest countries that tyranny and priestcraft ever oppressed and de moralised, our own " Liberals," in Parliament and out of it, were profuse of their promises, and lavish of their assistance. But now that they have failed our Liberals shrink from all contact with them and their cause as they would from beings infected with the plague. The Government have, it seems, de clined to do any thing on their behalf, although the supplicants for their bounty were stimulated and en couraged to forfeit rank and affluence at home, and engage in desperate enterprises against despotism, by the speeches of some of our leading politicians in both Houses of Parliament, who now fill important of fices in the State. The well-known political senti ments of the Duke of Wellington, and the relation in which he stands to King Ferdinand, by holding dignities and estates in Spain, did not make him the most eligible person that could be selected to admi nister the Royal bounty to the exiled patriots. His selection of persons whose names were to be placed on the list, or struck off, was said to be very arbi trary. It appears, too, that he made a regulation that those who received 101. as travelling expenses to leave the country should consider themselves as havin g no further claim; and many, we believe, did avail themselves of this miserable pittance to pro ceed to join their ftllow.patriots in their late un successful invasion of the Spanish territory. Some of them lost their lives in that ill fated and b9trayed expedition. Are the survivors, who made the only effort in their power to relieve others of the charge of maintaining them, to be allowed to starve, because that effort ended in the ruin of their patriotic hopes ? Yet, unless something is speedily done, they must die in our streets and ditches--bouseless outcasts, who ask for shelter and a morsel of bread in vain. That we do not overcharge the description of their destitute con dition it is only necessary to refer to what passed at the Mansion-house the other day. There, it ap pears, " three Spanish refugees, a Colonel and two other officers, with starvation marked on their faces, came and besought Mr. Nobler to save them and others of their miserable countrymen, persons of rank and large hereditary claims, from perishing. They declared that they had not tasted bread for the last forty-eight hours ; that death had come to the relief of some, and was close at the heels of the rest." The French emigrants, who fled in swarms to our shores at the period of the first French Re rveocl receive o e , d t h h a e d b n o o n t o t t y o tel of E s g c an a d tale i n n a o s s t t h i i i s n l e d T tn hey a. sure. Both Whig and Tory contended with each other in succouring and supporting them. Yet the French emigrants were the supporters of despotism, and the Spanish exiles are its victims.—Morning Herald. The able and eloquent pamphlet published by Mr. Ridgway, under the significant title, " What will the Lords do ?" has created a very powerful sensation. The boroughmongers are aware of this sensation ; they hear the emphatic question reiterated in the words of the pamphlet wherever they hear Reform talked of; and Reform is talked of every where, from the palace to the hut and the dungeon—neither magnificence nor misery has the power to shut it out. But there is a possible error contingent on the popularity of the work, against which we are anxious to caution the boroughmongers. Let them not suppose that the sensation which they witness is a mere tribute to the literary merit of the production —no, it is the truth, the felicity, with which that production has seized and represented the start of public opinion and public feeling at this mo ment, that constitute its chief merit ; and it is the recognition of their own sentiments, poured forth in the elegant diction of the writer, that elicits from every man who reads it an immediate and complete anent to the facts and principles upon which its reasonings are founded. There is, there fore, nothing fanciful in the admiration it has pro duced—nothing in the nature of mere taste and cri ticism, unless it be the good old English tast e which abhors corruption, and rejoices in the ef f orts of in. g enios and able persons to put an end to a system i ncom patible w:th the well-being of society. I r swuoptpi l o d s l e re ti a tat sad pe b o l p u i n e de a r re fo o r n t ly he boroughmongers criticisingto the styl e when they are exulting in the sentiments which an ticipate and ensure the downfall of corrupt influence. But what will the Lords do ? The author of the pamphlet says—and we agree with him—th a t t h ey will pass the Bill. We have always felt a respect for the House of Lords, because we consider it a ne cessary link, combining the two extremes of monar chy arid democracy, in a mixed Constitution such as ours. The respect we feel for the House of Lord will not permit us to believe that it can be so de ficient ip all the dualities of statesmanship as to oppose the wishes of dip whole nation, at this diffi cult juncture, for the sake of securing to a few o+ their own order a privilege of which, as honest men, they ought to be ashamed. But we have also an other reason for concluding that they will pass the Bill. It cannot be concealed—and it ought not, if it could—that the Bill, this very Bill, has emanated from a body more thoroughly imbued with the spirit of the House of Lords than of the other branch of the Legislature. Earl Grey, the father of the mea sure, is himself a Member of the House of Lords. The Cabinet in which the measure was concocted is a Cabinet peculiarly aristocratic in its formation ; —we mean aristocratic as consisting of Members connected with Noble families, not as influenced by the narrow and mischievous spirit which would deny to the middle and lower classes of the community their fair proportion of influence in the Government of the country. Seeing, therefore, that the Bill, in its very origin, and before the opinion of the public was experimentally known with re spect to it, had the sanction of many distinguished Members of that body, the whole of whom will shortly have to pronounce " Aye" or " No" upon its enactments, we cannot conceive that there is any reason in the apprehensions which many people el , - terrain as to the hostile disposition of the House of Lords. After all that has been said in disparagement of their Lordships, we expect that a more eloquent debate will take place on the subject in that As sembly than any of the numerous discussions in the House of Commons, So much for the intellect of the House of Lords. We hope that their ultimate decision will enable us to say still more for their pa triotism. The fact is that-, whatever character they may have hitherto possessed with the mass of the public, a crisis has now arrived which will determine their future character according as they act fur or against the people. This ought to be a considera tion of great importance; but we shall conclude by quoting from the able pamphlet before us the follow ing powerful appeal to those who have so great an interest in preserving the peace by consulting the wishes of the country : " Popular opinion, once allowed to take the lead, soon rune riot ; it appoints its own rulers; it dictates to them ; it deposes them ; and nothing but great temperance, and mutual forbearance, and final union on the part of the early and more moderate parties, can check its destructive career. If that bugbear of our childhood, the French Re volution, must always be cited, let us refer to it as an ex ample to warn us from those errors of the leading parties in its early scenes, who suffered hatred and jealousy of one another, the narrow spirit of party, and the cursed love of self and self-opinion, to blind them to the consequences of disunion. By splitting into subdivisions they exposed them selves to be successively beat in detail by that fatal series of men, who added each their tribute of destruction to the institutions of their country; while they themselves were, in fact, cot the rulers, but the passive representatives of each transitory grade of public opinion, in the descending scale of national disorganization; it reached its apogee in the reign of terror, and was succeeded, as usual, by a tyranny. " This is an example not to fright us from Reform, but to teach us that when a great question has been actively an 1 publicly debated, and been as publicly accepted by a vast majority of those masses in which essentially resides the force of a nation, that it is tempting fate, contemning example, and courting revolution, to oppose the speedy, final, and full settlement of the matter at issue. The longer the delay, the greater the price of the Sybilline books. Those, therefore, who most hate revolution, should, in proportion ,to that hatred, now cling to this Bill, and nothing but this Bill ; they ought to prefer it even to a modification—not from any fondness for the Bill, but from a love of order and fixedness of purpose ; from a wise determination to prevent further discussion out of doors ; and still more to prevent the habit of such dis cussion from without operating too strongly on the deci sions within. These are considerations, particularly ad dressed to those who profess conservative principles ; and they are called upon, in proof of their sincerity, to act up to their professions. They confess that the hour for defeating Parliamentary Reform, in the abstract, is gone by ; nay, they go farther, and profess a desire for Re form—a moderate Reform. Then, in this case, also, as in the case of concession, it is a question only of degree. They consent to the substance, but demur to the quantity. Then will they, upon a mere question of this or that Bill of Reform, supposing they could carry theirs, and, still more, that it would be final—will they, for comparatively so trifling a difference, hazard the long train of endless, unknown, perhaps even unthought of, innovations that may follow their resistance? Why will they play so dan gerous a game ? 'Why hazard such unequal stakes ?" Morning Herald . The repeated defeats which the Reform Bill fac tion have received at popular elections, since the real nature of the Bill has become known through the discussions in the House of Commons, are so seriously felt by the Minis:erial party that they are at their wits' end lest Dorsetshire should add anothe r to the list. They have not even the sagacity to disguise their trepidation, and, like frightened chil dren, cry aloud before they are hurt. No doubt there is ample cause for vexation, as even the ne cessary preliminary of a candidate, about whom they may rave and rhapsodise, is found to be ex ceedingly difficult to get over. It was thought that if Mr. Ponsonlay's Name were started in the News papers it might have the effect upon his vanity of seducing him into so imprudent a step as that of starting for the county ; and accordingly the Times announced the candidate, but Mr. Ponsonby was not to be so easily hooked into so unpromising an affair, and the Globe is employed to draw the can didate of the Times gently out of the field. It is pleasant to see the uproarious faction of last May in such distress, and most gratifying to witness this among many other evidences that the people of England are becoming themselves again, and seeing through the frauds by which they were beguiled. An immediate declaration on the part of Mr. Bankes will make his success certain, and we look forward to seeing him within a very short time once more in the seat which he so long and so worthily occupied. The Globe, with its accustomed adroit ness, seeks 'to prevent the people of Dorsetshire from voting according to the views which know ledge of the Reform Bill has opened to them, by insinuating that they have been and would be ac cused of " fickleness" This may be very cunning; but it is also very untrue. No one has accused the people of fickleness, though there has been abundant reason to accuse some newspapers of that fault. The people of England were misled by frauds and false hoods industriously propagated respecting the Re form Bill ; they became enthusiastic in its favour because they did not know the baseness of those who told them lies about its nature and its effects. Now they are much better informed ; it has been proved to them v i nthattehnet nothing a t isse partyhbm ß eui i is full of the very faults which they w ere to ld i t was to eradicate, and n they plainly see that un d er t h e pretence of a grand but onal its scheme has psh(la,,svebre. adaptatione n i,bhretoroueg thehi st forwards" selfish interests d iemxtprroou o se f no " fickleness" in a change founded upon know ledge; this knowledge the freeholders of Dorsetshire have obtained, and to them more especially it has been fearfully illustrated. From what we know of the present state of Dorsetshire we look upon the return of Mr. Bankes as certain.—Aforning Post. 'l he public will be glad to hear that " The Life of Sir TIDIA4 MuNao," which has been pro nounced by the Edinburgh Review to have " attractions of all kinds," and by the Literary Gazette to be "an ornament to our Literature," has just been published in Two Volumes, octavo, comprising the whole of the three volumes of the former edition, and many additional Letters by the Duke of WELLING roN, &c. By all who are desirous of knowing anything of the general history of India—its climate—natural productions and trade-- the Life of Sir THOMAS MUNRO will be esteemed highly important, inasmuch as of not one of these points has he neglected to give an account as accurate as it is entertain ing. Then, again, if wit and playful humour, if vivid description and lively narrative, possess attractions for the general reader, they arc 411 to be found here, whether the subject be the operatio❑ of armies, the proceedings of social circles, points of literary disquisition, or the feelings of the individual himself. On Friday, during one tide, the Clyde sal mon fisher at Rashleigh Quarry, near Erskine, caught on fewer than seventy fish—thirty salmon and forty grilse. This is said to be the largest take that has occurred in Clyde during the last twenty years. —Edinburgh Weekly Chronicle. THE REFORM BILL. Dr. Bowring, Mr. Fearon, and other n lO- „ e the Livery of London, yesterday waited 111 3° ' 0 40 Lord Mayor, with a requisition to calla ~CP l, e of Hall, for the purpose of petitioning the 11°11- Lords to pass the Reform Bill. d Dr. BOWING stated to his Lordship • , deputation w a i te d u p on hi m f or t h e Pi'l ° ,,, o o enabling the Livery to refute the calumnies tot had been vented against them on the s ubject great measure of Reform now about to pro ei ' l hti House of Commons—calumnies which they shared in common with the rest of the peoP let o' which had been cast upon the whole of the r fi f i , t r tion of the country by the boroughmongers• was, he considered, an i ncrease d nec essity f° r l ,,t exertions of the Livery of London, in order to da the Peers that the confidence of the city of L ° in his Majesty's Ministers was unabated; th at d opinion entertained of the Reform Bill was as ever; and that the most unwise course which oo , l Lordships could adopt was that of negativini ° sure calculated to effect so much public g oo. . Mr. FEARON said, in seconding the apPli etli V that there was some difference between the P t ), opinion with respect to the Bill at the time Livery met to d e t erm i ne to g i ve t h e i r utmostor port to it, and at the present moment. The P li t ki in the fi r st i ns t ance , acted upon the relianc e tie had upon the Government —upon f a ith; they,( acted upon conviction, for they had watchetio Bill as it went alon g , an d t h e y h a d seen that it the surest means of affording permanent relief t( could not suppose that any serious idea Nos e^ tamed by the Upp er H ouse o f re j ect i n g a tilfry. of such vast importance ; but he thought it ' ll ,; li f bent upon th e Li very to s h ow to t h e i r Lot if that the enemies o f t h e Bill h a d to ld a vile ti ji hood, when they asserted that a change had ' place in the feelin g o f t h at b o d y to i ts pre judice b . r The LORI) MAYOR met the call with the hig • gratification, and would appoint any d a y the tation thought most suitable for assembling t , Livery upon this occasion. It had been sugget, t to him that it was p o - s ibl e t h e exert i ons o f the e mies of Reform mi g ht con j ure up somet hing shape of an opposition, in order to give a COlou, the wretched lies which they had been fabric at ' r e ' and that some f oo l or ot h er wou ld presen t ili fn !„ t with the view of emerg i ng f rom hi s obscuritilktio the good grac es o f t h e boroughmongers by t 5 " - v , nonsense about the loss of privileges. As b e 5r I aware that fools were able to do much mischie f, that they were often inclined to do it, his fit' t t j o iri pression was , t h at i t wou ld b e a d v i sab l e to 81)%ti• from any a ddi t i ona l test i mony of the power f u l 9e o . merit of the Livery ; but he believed that Ol e o tempt to p ro p up t h e cause o f t h e burought4l°ll'ef' would be met w i t h suc h a sp i r i t as wou ld more 0 , fectually man if est t h e s i ncer i ty of the c i ty Refole:io Dr.l3owalNG was convinced that nothing °;, O , be appreh en d e d f rom any attempted oppos i t i o n; tic i thing was t o b e expecte d b ut t h e s i gna l deleat,i!he disgrace of the wretched foes of the Bill. si Livery had already distinguished themselves much, that th e w h o l e country l oo k e d to their heir duct upo n t h e occas i on, an d would f o ll o w t" example. Mr. FEARON said, that the Livery were now v r t i f j, fectly well acqua i nte d w i t h t h e d eta i ls o f the 'i of which th e y h a d k nown w h en they last assetn' hed i j no more than th e p r i nc i p l e. The whole w' s , l t l open before them, notwithstanding the labour tr it cost the boroughmongers to throw confusion ° it by their mummeries. The LORD MAY OR was rea d y to appoint .. t 1.1 for the C o m mon H a ll ; b ut i t was t h oug h t better b l i assemble the Livery on M on d ay next , i n or der td the members of the body might have due notice the meeting. The deputation then left the Mansion-housei;f, placards were o r d ere d to b e put t h roug h the el stating that the Common Hall would take plat t 1 t N o lo p n e d t a it y io i lt i l ex the Lords t, aadcaltlo pass ingupo te u,n upon the Li . very to of THE MARKETS. COUNTRY COHN MARKETS DURING THE cogV Wheat. j Barley. Oats. 3 0 ' to t. Per Quarter. 8. to s. 8. to 8. s. t o s . f• 62 81 31 43 22 30 Andover.-- 73 80 37 41 Birmingham— 64 72 22 40 24 32 0, ridport ------ 56 74 32 39 26 30 Cirencester 57 68 38 44 24 29 Faringdon—. 54 86 36 40 26 38 ••••• 4. 0 Guildford 48 74 23 32 26 35 Henley 54 83 30 35 20 30 -' Hereford Highworth Maidenhead ._ 65 86 32 46 20 33 Moninouth—, .. 61 72 23 _ Reading es 90 31 47 21 32 -- 44 , Salisbury . 54 66 32 36 29 32 Southampton —. 54 78 37 40 28 32 Stroud Tewkesbury Uxbridge Vantage 5B 80 30 43 21 30 -- Warminster 48 67 28 28 25 39 -- Windsor. . 59 21 22 Worcester ~ 64 68 24 36 24 28 •••"___./ LEWES MARKET.—Sept. White Whcat (per quarter).— £3 6 Red ditto --- 3 2 Barley__ l 5 1 1 1 14 12 0 13. 0 to £3 1= 0 O 3 S o O 1 1 7 0 O 1 4 0 O 1 1 5 „4 0 per thoula:27 Oats: tiew - ____-_--- ,i , DUMFRIES MARKETS.—Sept. 7. Po s. d. s. et. s. d• t OO, 0 0 Wheat, Imp. Bush... 7 4to 7 S Butter, 16oz 0 Barley ... ................3 9 4 0 Eggs, dozen Oats Flour, 141 b. Oatmeal Potatoes, cwt. IRISH MARKETS. DUBLIN MARKET NOTE.—FRIDAY, Sept. 9 f• ' From "Fo M. 5 20 0 31 0 91 , 0 12 0 12 6 1 ' 0 14 6 15 0 (,) , 4 9 6 14 0 1 „' 4 0 24 0 , 0 " 6 9 6 18 0 6,560 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 1,171 Bete l7 stone, 44 Barley l6 stone 3,2.41 Oats .-. l2 stone 9,528 Cwt. Flour 9 stone 711 Oatmeal --- 8 stone Sold to ',takers only. 8,258 Cwt. F10ur.,..,,,, Average price of Wheat an, Receipts of Flour, 10,44.31c__ Firsts:, Sales of Do. 9,525 :"""" Ihirds PRICE OF lid. I 13 0 Flour • I 24 0 I ;3. Sd. per t nn 225. Od. nn 13%. Od. nn si. Od. ;a t c o tC 4,, fro: tREA D. tali' Quay r 11.112% OF BREAD. 4V . Quartern Loaf 9ti 0. I Half Quartern Wheat, Barley. O a t s . Flour, per per barrel per barrel per barrel 211 stone. 16 stone. 14 stone. Ist. s. d. a s.d. s.d. a s.d. s. 0. a s.d. s. (1. as. d. S. 11 ,; 3 1 ' 6 1 ,; Cork ..---122 0 290 120 130 100 108 16 0 21 0 5 0 " 15 Limerick 1268 300 130 14 0112 0 136 18 0 20 6 0 16 Waterford 12'7 0 28 011 0 14 0110 0 11 0 18 0 20 0 10 0 pI Cloinnel 8 300 II 0 140131 613920020 0 la 0 Carlow —l3O 0 32 012 0 13 0114 0 15 020 6 210 0 I Beef, Mutton, Pork, Butte -0.5 01 , per lb. per lb. per cwt. Ist. 20. :kJ. ..4 d. 0 0. ad.d.ad.s. d. a s. (1. s. d. s. s. 0. ;:,, t l 0 Cork -- 41 631 325 0 31 0 8,4 OSOO 76 0 „6, Limerick— 3 431 432 0 35 OSBOB4O 79 0 71 , t 1 L' o Waterford 4 6 3 632 0 n 5 0850 83 080 0 78 A i 0 Clonmel 4 5 5 6 30 0 32 0 860 87 0 0 Carlow ,_,.,,4 51 0 0 0 0 0080070 0 60 (1' ot ti; .°. KILKENNY.—Butter 80s to 87s. per cwt. • Wheat ‘. 6 *1) 4 1, per barrel; Flour 20s. to 355. per bag; Oats 10s. to 138• p er ,.., rel ; Barley lls. to 13s. ; Beef 4d. to sd. per lb. ; Mutt2"3oll to sd. ; Potatoes 2d. per stone; Coals Is. 2d. per cwt.; 9 Pigs 325. to 335. per cwt. _.,.."1 BI lITHS. On the Bth i ns t . i n S tan h ope -str e et, M ay- f a i r , the L a " ford, of a daughter. On the 14th inst at Church-house, Marylebone, the 13M Lieut.-Colonel Colebrooke, of a son. 4. 9 On the 13th inst. the wife of Peter Alexander Watson, of Doctors'-commons, of a son. 11 € MARIED. On the 13th inst. at St. Trinity church, Marylebone,,, Ge°, er Delmar, Esq. of Norfolk-street, to Harriet, youngest ° of the late R. Morris, Esq. M.P. for the city of Gloucester' fol;,1 On the 13th inst. at St. Margaret's church, Westminste r ' 1 h Esq. to Miss Home Purves, daughter-in-law to the Hon. the Speaker. g N h rN a. : :::: . On the 13th inst. at St. Pancras church, Henry - ar e Esq. to Helen, only daughter of Richard umberle Mecklenburgh-square, Esq. On the 13th inst. at St. James's church, Mr. Ceo. kl 3 Mary, eldest daughter of the late Edward Maxwell; FA. peigj, On the•l3th inst. at St. Neotts, Huntingdincshire, Dir . no , ton, of Cambridge, to Susannah, eldest daughter of the Mackenzie. „. I-10 01 0 1i On the 13th inst. at Rye, i n S usse x, C a pt ain C. , be 0 the Second Queen's Royals, to Jane Elizabeth Dawes , daughter of Weeden Dawes, Esq. of that place. D. On the 14th inst. M ar y, the wife of Mr. Kinder, of so, place, Gray's-inn-road, aged 71. r o f t3l l On the 10th inst. in Henrietta-street, in the 90th yo,„ te , age, Anne Countess of Mornington, relict of Garrett, 1 . of Mornington. et On the 13th inst. i n S am b roo k -cour t, B as i ng hall-str r ' r ey, relict of the late David Laing, Esq., of her 88th year, Tl lw PAINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MU lip° YOUNG, A- SUN OFFICE, 11'.;%, STRANIP, LQNDDN. litAt ROTI OTI( fr o tttaY v t ,. op a ka g h t ; Ty i PtYme a. tie, hi, li -" q4t b ), W„11,.. „.„.,„ tkIS ,r, Resolve he 'hat t h e 4ee Off actor s a n Ike ORS , top d ,, the met exel ht 4 i 4 goeiati test. 08 fc r it na . l , n ,c. e r : it h B : o B ° l o -v t e h 70, c I , The hold 'Iti toto ""1 h4 ( 1 „ t " e~ Corp if t o i aft rtydi pr.cure h' 4 l 3 ol.d' r , . al Nut 2, 6 i b 6 , li v , 89, ta s 11 5 t t 1 38, ' 155 . in e l : 4 76 ' 1 84, Q 1 13ivv, 2( " 21 , 2 N t 4c4; Pt ' r iu ll\ the ,airel..." i