The Sun. — London, England, 1831-07-07 00:00:00

• .ho ehottill s l Mee. ciom the convulsion to which at . aricasure tnig*. : lead was a lawyer. He believed ratio. :fiat the usurp loon would be accomplished not by law ho egaiast law, by the sword and by violence.— (Ch , en., --sem No, ne e ') S r ROBERT PEEL (who was loudly called for) ws very imperfectly heard in his first sentences, until he saie "---As one of the minority, Sir, I am about to state the rea• ns for which I oppose this Bill, and I trust that the ma jority will give me an indulgent hearing. I have no ho rough to preserve, nor borough-proprietor to oblige by the opposition. When I am told that I resist the wishes e the majority of the people s anti oppose the opinions of tl majority of this House, I frel that lam entitled to patient and indulgent hearing whilst I explain why I donut concur with those wishes and opinions. lam not in duenced in the course which I pursue by any view to per-- senal advantage, nor by any personal ties.—(Hear, hear.) 1 rise, Sir, deeply impressed with the importance of this discussion, when I hear the cheers that are raised front time to time on one side, and the cheers with which th e . are replied to from the other. I cannot but bear in min, that we are now debating what shall be the future Consti tutiou of this House. Ido not wish to mix up with the sliecussion of the question now before the House any con sideration of the past conduct of his Majesty's Govern ment. Tire lesson has often been inculcated during thi, debate, that we should rather attend te the question or a te uhing interest properly under consideration, than refer to the politics of past Governments. lam desirous of actin. upon that lesson, but I fear that I shall have some difficult, rm obsetving the rule which I have prescribed to myself, a. I am strongly tempted to depart from it by the eloquent speech of an Hon. Gentleman, who last ni g h t commenced his powerful address by an earnest exhortation to this House to confine the debate to the question beore us, an 'terminated by a hitter tirade against the late Government. I rejoice that I was not last night led away by the prove. cation which that tirade offereel to me ; and I do not not , think, Sir, that this is an occasion osa which it is fitting to mix up my personal detenre with the discussion of ties great question._( Hear.) Whenever the linnourald, Gentleman may think prnper to support his charge. against the late Government, by something beyond leis own mere swertion, that we are enemies o public freedom, 111- shall be prepared to repel that charge. I will say, however, that although I have never dealt in frothy declamations about liberty, neither have ever, when ally part of the public authority was entrusted tto me, used that power to place public liberty in a woro condition than I found it.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gen tleman said that we have canted disquiet and disorder it the country, and contested the late with the present Co s-eminent. He said that his Maj. sty's Ministers have restored peace and tranquillity in every part of the king dom.—( Hear, hear.) I wish, Sir, that this statement of the Hon. Gentleman may be found to he true.—(Hear.) No man could be more rejoiced at it than I, nor met. ready than I to congratulate the Government, and to give them credit for their exertions , . But if, on the contrary, disorder and excitement should prevail, I will not be the man to attribute their prevalence to the faults of the Ad ministration.—(Hear, hear.) When lam told that lam the enemy of public liberty, and that disorders prevailed tender the late Administration—while, by the present, tranquillity has been preserved by the operation of the ordinary law—when I enter upon my vindication, I slid merely bring forward this single arid striking fact, that since this "day-star of Reform" rose, within a period ot only six weeks, more lives of the King's subjects hay, heen lost in conflicts with the military than during the six preceding years when 1 was Secretary for the Home De partment.—(Cheers.) 1 impute not the loss of these live to the iniscenduct of Government, or of the Police ; hut I think it hardly fur, while this fact is notorious, for the present Administration to take credit for the preservation of perfect tranquillity. New powers even are asked fro by the Executive Government, and I believe that nom will be required which are not called for by the necessity of the case ; hot I believe also that they will he. of re avail ; and I protest -against the conduct of those who, i the same breath, congratulate themselves en the rest. ra lion of peace and harmony, and demand of Parliament new and extraordinary means of preventing disturbance. —(Hear.) I only recommend the lion. and Learned Member for Caine (Macauley), when next he chaunts hie hymn of victory over the predecessors of the present Government, to omit the strophe that celebrates tranquil lity.—(Cheers anti laughter.) Abstracting myself 'froze all further pens tnal and party allusions, I intend to enu merate, as briefly and fairly as I can, the main argument , used by Ministers and their supporters, and to state t. what extent I consider them either invalid, or entitled to weight and consideration. If I recollect rightly, the main , arguments on which the present measure has been rested are these :-1. That the time is come when we must correct the defects in our institutions that have arisen from time, and, in the terms of the King's Speech, resort to the acknowledged principles of the Constitution, for the purpose of correcting those abuses. 2. That the Hour, of Commons, us at present constituted, dues not answer practically the purpose for which it was intended—that it is not a fair and just representation of the people—that it is in arrear of the intelligence of the age, and that it is therefore expedient that it should be amended. 3. That the House of Commons has lost the confidence of tiro people—that the national voice demands Reform—the 'whether the national voice does or lees not demand it on rational grounds, that it must be obeyed, and that it is impossible to carry en the Government of the country without granting Reform. I shall apply myself as closely and as logically as I can to each of these three arguments. One preliminary objection has been taken to any consi deration of Reform, in which I cannot entirely concur.— It has been urged by some that the elective franchise whether corporate or individual, partakes so much of tit. nature of property, that it is scarcely within our competence to legislate regarding it. Whatever the Hon. and Learned Member for Caine may think, I never contended that the elective franchise was of the nature of property. When the cases of Gratopound and of Penrltyn were untie; consideration, I expressly claimed for Parliament the right of perfecting the privileges of the minori - y, if the majority were convicted of an offence which rendered them unfit te be trusted with them. I, who was a patty to the disfran chisement of the 40s. freeholders of Ireland, could hardly think I was guilty of an act which amounted to a confisca tion of property.—(Hear.) Although I see a clear anti palpable distinction between the individual right of an Irish 40s. freeholder atep a corporate franchise which has existed fur centuries, still, if you establish the same over ruling necessity, I do not deny the competency of Parlia ment to legislate. I also admit, that some years ago I sets And stated the great difficulty of giving pecurtiery compen• sation ; and, in the temper of the present times, the diffi culty of recognising any such principle would be vastly increased. While, however, I admit the distinction between private property and the elective franchise, I must also say, that, if you forfeit this ancient privilege on any other ground but urgent necessity, you do pro Junto violet, the security of private property, and shake the public confidence.—(Much cheering.) Expediency, therefore, should induce us to be most cautious in the forfeiture of the elective franchise. First, by nit doing, you would re linquish an immense advantage; and secondly, von would establish a precedent by which other franchises which an distinct from property, may he exposed to hazard. What, let me ask, is the franchise of the Peerage. That, too, is a public trust for public objects; and if you deal lightly with corporate franchises which have endured for ages, for the sake of visionary schemes of speculative improve ment, you establish a precedent by which, at nu distal) , period, the franchise of the Peerage, and even the prerogative of the Crown, may he attacked upon the saute grounds ant; for the seine reasons.--(Cheers.) Hence I say that w, should proceed with the utmost caution, and upon unde viable proof of oven ruling necessity ; and I rejoiced to heat the lion, and Learned Member for Caine among the fore most to contend for the sanctity and inviolability of private property. 1 only hope, that should any Government here after attempt, with the aid of a Reformed Parliament, ti, impose a tax upon the transfer of property in the publit fund., that he will remember his pledge of last night, anti giv e the plan the most formidable opposition,—(Hear.) I proceed now to the argument of the Noble Lord (John ft "e'l), who content:s that we should be obeying the re commendation of the Crown and consulting the acknow ledged principl es of the Constitution by adopting the ex trnsive dis ranchisement of the present Bill. There is a material difference between the Noble Lord's argument upon this occasion, and when he produced his measure in the last Parliament. He then contended that the small boroughs existed in violation of the principles of the Con stitution, but the speech h e d e li vered, when he moved the . first reading of his Bill tea days ago, entirely rut tit ei ground front under him. H e admitted that there were ne acknowledged principles to which we could resort for pr ecedent, and that its disfranchisin g certain boroughs, we are not returning to the ancient principles of the Ceti etitution. if these nomination boroughs are merely usurpations, I am not surprised at the public excitement but if they have continued for four or five centuries, I di not therefore say that they must necessarily continue; but this I contend, that you have no right to inflame th public mind by representing them as usurpatio e.—(Loto cheering.) Let us keep these two branches of the ar gument perfectly distinct. It may he expedient to feit these franchisee , but y ou have no right to , of hat the 1-he Peerage has made usurpation o n th e r ights petty , ' and that the small boroughs now rXi,till"ol,' Pion of the acknowledged principles of the Constitution— (Hear.) I took down the expressions of the Noble Lord— the great promoter of this Bill—and, as a Minister of the Crown, now he has taken oat his diploma—(Laughter)— is words acquire additional weight and form. [Sir R. Peel here read a passage upon this point from the last peech of Lord J. Russell, and then proceeded.] The Noble Lord admits that for 250 years before the reign of Henry VI. nothing could be more irregular or unsettled than the representative part of our Constitution ; but his second period extended from the reign of Henry VI. to the end of the line of the Tudors, during which it Ise,a thought right that there should be some change in the Constitution .f the House of Commons. Then it was, according to he admission of the Noble Lr,r}, that many small boroughs, orincipAy in Cornwall, were enabled to send burgesses to Parliament ; and of the total number of places now pro posed to be disfranchised, no less than 15 were created in the reigns of the Tudors. It is evident, therefore, that these small boroughs are not usurpations by the Peers on the rights of the people, but they did exist at an early period of our history, and that they have continued ever since. In confirmation of this position of the Noble Lord may refer to a very learned writer upon the Constitution of this country-1 me. n Mr. Hallam, who, like the great majotity of the literary community, is decidedly opposed 'o the present Bill. Does not all this show that the mode of conducting public business in this country was, not by the intervention of three independent checks upon each other—the King, the Lords, ar.d the Commons ; but hat at an early period the administration of affairs, whether rigist or wrong, was carried on by the influ ence of the Crown, and by the influence the Peers exercised n the House of Commons. Do not let any man answer. that therefore I contend such influence must necessarily continue. I only state what is the admitted fact, that 'he small boroughs were created for the purpose of forti f,ing the influence of the Crown and the influence of the Peerage.—(Herr, hear.) •` Oh (it may be said), but these plices were anciently much more populous than they a eat present ;" but does the No le Lord know what ap .ears with respect to Gatton on the indisputable authority of the Harleian end Lansdown tnanuserip•s? Under Elizabeth, Mr. Copley used to nominate the Members for Gatton in default of electors ; ar.d in the reign of Elizabeth Lord Burghley directed the Sheriff to make no return `root Gatton without instructions from himself, the pro prietor of the borough being at that time a minor ; the instructions were, that the Sheriff• should erase from the return the name of Mr. Francis Bacon, and insert that of Mr. Edward Brown.—(Much cheering.) Finding no Aber precedent for his Bill, the Noble Lord, with rather wore exultation than became him, resorted to the autho rity of Cromwell, noticing, however, the two extraor. •linary proceedings upon this subject at the !evolution and i t the reign of George 11. At the revolution it was ordered that the Lord Warden should not fornicate the Members for the Cinque Ports, but the election was only thus left to the constiAreney. The argument founded upon the decision in the reign of George IL, that elections should be free, because the military were removed, only proves bow utterly barren of authorities the Noble Lord allot !save been, to resort to such instances in his distress. But the great precedent upon which he r, lied was in the time of Cromwell, which Reform, it was said, had re ceived the sauction of Lord Clarendon. Cromwell re formed with a vengeance—(Hear, Lear)—he made the House of Commons a more popular assembly ; but did the Noble Lord recollect that at that time, and for several ►ears before, the House of Lords had ceased to exist ? The House of Commons might then In. a more democratic assembly ; but this I know, that it C:111 form no precedent for the present times, when we have a House of Lords and a limited and tempered .Monarchy.—(Cheers.) All the panegyrists upon Cromwell give him credit for being k more cautious Reformer than the Noble Lord. Waller is one of these, whose lines the Noble Lord could not fail to remember, even if they had not been quoted by Mr. 13urke, and Cromwell's extreme caution is made a point of higheulogium— " - Still as you rose, the State, exalted too, Feels no disorder when 'tis changed by you; Changed like the world's great scene, when without noise The rising sun night's vulgar light destroys." These lines allude obviously to the temper and caution which accompanied the new institution. But, said the Noble Lord, we have the authority of Lord Clarendon in t'avour of that Reform, forgetting that the Lord Chancellor was cot then speaking his own opinion, but the general sentiment as to the change. I advise new 51embers to distrust nothing more than quotations. When I hear Ba con or Burke, or any other great authority cited, I know in the neat page, if not in the same, a passage might be found on which a contrary position might be founded, and I will endeavour to illustrate this point by reference to Lord Clarendon's own sentiments on Cromwell's Reform. There were two Parliaments summoned by the Protector his new ba,d.; the first sat for a few tnolithti, and, like many reformed Parliaments hereafter, did nothing._. (Laughter.) Lord Clarendon remarks of it, that it spent its time in long debates and wrangling discourses." —([fear.) Cromwell dissolved it in stven months, and !ailed another Parliament on the same principle, which lasted only three months ; and when Lord Clarendon who, recording to the Noble Lord, is the gr, at panegyrist of that Peform, comes to speak of it in his own person, he uses these expressions :—" The Parliament did not re assemble with the same temper and resignation with which it parted. It quickly appeared how insecure new institu- tinny are—(Cheers)—and %Olen the contrivers of them have provided, as they think, against all mischievous con tingencie-, they find they have unwarily left a gap open to let their destiuction i❑ upon them."—(Long and loud cheering.) Such is the opinion of the philosophic histo rian when speaking his own sentiments upon Crom well's notable Morin. This leads me to think that II may rely upon Lord Clarendon rather than upon he Noble Lord, and it will ?hew that my warning bout distrusting quotathris was not needless. 1 apprehend, then, that I have succeeded in sheaving, bat whether Reform he or be not necessary, you have no right to contend that it is necessary, because the present constitution of Parliament is a usurpation upon the rights of the people.—(Hear, herr.) The real question is thus : Is the House of Commons, as present constituted, fit fur the objects for which it was intended ; and is it better for the public interest rather to submit to some acknowledged evil than to incur the hazard of a change in our represen tation? The real question is, not merely whether you will abolish these small boroughs, but whetter the system you propose to substitute for them is such as will provide for the permanent security of society, for the enjoy:nent of liberty, and fur the possession of property?—(Hear, hear.) I must say, that 1 distrust the principles on whi c h y ou , propose , o effect this change. I contend for th e existence of the nomination boroughs in preference to that uniform system of voting which your Bill goes to establish, for I have never found in the page of history an example of a country, here or elsewhere, in which a tempered Mo narchy has been co-existent with such a representation.— (Hear, hear.) At no period in the history of France, ex• cept at the present moment, has such a principle of repre sentation been in operation. As was said in the speech of the Noble Lord, the Member for Wootton Basset, the hest first speech 1 ever heard—(Cheers)—the National Assembly of France did not trust, in the formation of their representative system, to a uniform right of voting. Mr. Burke has said that their representation was founded on three bases—population, territory, and wealth—and an additional right of voting was given according to property. You will never find in any country but a Republic, if you give to property the right of voting not determined by the Amount of tint property, that ancient privileges can long remain in existence there. In France there were Electoral Colleges, and up to this year the amount of property had its peculiar weight. Out of the Members returned for Arrondissements and Departments, 176 were returned by a certain class of voters, those who contributed the highest amount of taxes to the State. It was felt in France, that there must be the weight of property as a protection against die aggression of numbers. This system has been ago. Idled, and what is the consequence ? Have you read the reports from France this day ?—(Hear, hear.) Such has been the progress of popular opinions, in consequence of change, that those men who a year since were the popular leaders, who organized the combination that drove the Bourbons from the Throne, have, after the lapse of one short year, been supplanted by men of more demccratical Tirit.—(Lond cheering.) But then it is said, why not trust the people of England, they are well-wishers to a Monarchy ? I answer, why not trust the people o f Francs, for I do not charge them with hostility to monarchical institutions ? But I say in both cases, that suet, a change in the principle of representation has an inevitable tendency so to propel popular opi [dun., that ancient institutions cannot hold out against them.—( Loud cheering.) On this very night on which we are called on to deliberate, the new system is under going its trial in France ; and yet at this moment of excitement are we called on to affirm the leading prin • eiples at this Bill, although we are as yet ignorant of the issu e in France ; but though we are ignorant of the fact, there is every reason to believe that the result will be such as even the present Government of this country must de precate.—(Cheers.) Among the great majority to which I find myself r e l uctant l y opposed, I cannot help thinking ,here are Bo rne w h o , as t h e excitement is subsiding, cant a longing lank at the ancient institutions of the . old doubt whether th e r e i s an y suc h paramount necessity to justify us in incurring the imm ense d anger of this mea sure. 1 heard the other night a quotation from Cicero, made by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, who did tee the honour to suppose I was familiar with it. I did think, notwithstanding that my recollection on the subject was vague, and that political labours have unfortunately made it weakera—that there were other expressions in the same work of a totally different character, some aduni rahle lessons with respect to the principle of changes in Governments, from which even now, after the lapse of centuries, we may draw benefit. 1 was pleased to hear him express a wish, in which I most cordially join, that ,4 l on g may such studies be the solace of virtuous and venirable age." To the book he men tioned I have referred, and in that treatise, in that v e ry page, I have found a salutary caution, which I shall n ow extract. It is a tempered and dignified reproof of the haste with which condemnations of forms of Go vernment are given. The words are these—" Vitia qui dem tribunatus ptaeclaie. Quinte, pErspicis, sed est initria in omni re accusinda, pre•ermissis bonis, malorum enume ratio, vitiorumpe selectio."—(Cheers.) Let me remark upon that text : ' Nam isto quidem modo vel consulatos vituperiu est, se consulum, epos enumerare nolo, peecata collegeris.' Yes, says Cicero, if you adapt this course, no institution will be sate. So I say in the present instance, with respect to the small boroughs and with the Peerage ; and if the Government will join with the Press_.(L oti d cheers)—in condetnn'ng them we most net wonder if mind!. unacquainted with the real fact should madly arlaptthe cen sure. If the excessive absurdity of hereditary legislators should he asserted, and above all, if it should he said that this prerogative was exercised by men wino inherited the right from their fathers, without any necessity of personal qual,fication on their part, we must he astonished at thy effect of such remarks.—(Cheers.) " Si peccata colle geris," I don't know what will lie the fate of the Peerage. —(Cheers, and laughter.) " Ego enini fateor in ista, ipsa pot , sate inf sae quiddatn mali. Sed bonutn rpiorl es t quwsiturn, sine esto main non balierensus."—( Cheers.) I fear. Sir, that I cannot eradicate the evil without de priving myself of the good.—(Cheers.) Let us act, Sir, upon these maxims of caution, and not in our too great eagerness to eradicate admitted defects, upset the C an _ etstution which has insured to the people more hap_ pines, and no liberty than any other.—( Loud cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite has contended that the House of Commons is unfit for the purposes for which it Wes intended ; and if his arguments are true, we are in arrear of the age—we consult the interest of the tax consumer, and neglect the interests of the tax payer. If we ore unfit for the representative character, the time has arrived when there ought to be an extensive Reforma tion ; but I deny the fact—l deny that the House of Commons as at present constituted, neglects its duty, or is incompetent as a Legislative Assembly, or that it is in ai rear of the intellect of the age ; and if I do not prove to the satisfaction of every unprejudiced roan that my denial is right, I will consent to go to the second reading of this Bill. Now, with respect to neglect of the tax payer. Why was the property-tax removed ? The Government wished to retain it ; but it was removed in deference to the petitions that demanded its repeal.—(Cheers.) It was the same with the bear duties, which we not ooly re moved for the benefit of the labouring poor, at the desire of the people; but we did so with such haste, that that it self was made a charge against us.—(Hear, hear.) There is no pretence, therefore, for saying that this House is in arrear of the intellect of the age, or that it neglects the wishes of the people. Is that charge supported by the conduct of this House on the question of the currency ? Was this House in arrear with the intellect of the age, when it adopted the system of commercial intercourse in troduced by Mr. Huski-aon ? If the House had been a Re- formed House, elected as now proposed, is there any one who believes that that sp.tem could have tarn introduced ? The Catholic question, again, sheaved that we were not behind the intellect of the age ; and I ask again, if the new House of Commons had Existed, whether there was a chance that that measure would have been carried.-- (Cheers.) In that pamphlet of " Friendly Advice to the Lords," it is stated as an insinuation, not directly, that the Catholic disabilities were removed agsinst the opinions and wishes of the people, of the majority of that class of voters which you are about to create.—(Cheers. ) Again, the Teat and Corporation Acts were repealed against their wishes.—(No, no, no.) I wont rely upon that, but the Catholic disabilities were. It is bard, after all, thus to charge the House of Commons at one time with exceeding the liberality of the people, and another with being b e hind them, and to make both charges the ground of changing the constitution of the House.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman has said we have governed so well that we mustbr made better, and that is the senti ment he applies to this Hod-e.—(Laughter ) That is to say. that without Reform for 400 years, so elastic b as been the principle of improvement in the Government, that the people of this country have been better governed than any other ; and being so, what are we to do—to adhere to the old sys , ein ? No, but to destroy it.—(Cheers.) He says that, looking through the whole habitual globe at so ciety as it now exists in every quarter of it since civil in stitutions were formed, he does nut find any society so perfect as that of England in the developement of its in terests, in the improvement of science, in the cultivation of he land, in the enjoyment and protection of property, and he attributed all this to the perfection of the form of Go verninar; and then as a consequence he says, you must change the system itself.—(Heir, hear.) What are the defects that are thus to be set against this liberty and happiness? Why, first, the state of the Penal Code; then the bottomless pit of Chancery—(Hear, and laughter) —and this-thy, in this happy country, a new represen tative system is necessary, because of a defective system of fines and recoveries. --(Cheers and laughter long continued.) It is not miserable pedantry to sly, that in consequence of such defects these great advantages of our state of society are to be forfeited—(Cheery)—the more mise rable, since all of these this House is competent to r e ., move; and some of these evils the people had never be fore beard of. If Ido not prove, to mathematical demon stration, that this Bill will not remedy these evils, I will consent to go to the second reading. The ten. pound householder may understand the making of roads ; but he is the worst person in the world to consult about fines anti recoveries. I am sure that if I were to ask these persons :a hat floes and recoveries are, the majority would answer, that tine was a pecuniary penalty, and recovery a state of convalescence.— (Cheers.) But the fact is, that tire greatest reformers of these evils have sat for small bo roughs—Romilly, Mackintosh, and my Lord Brougham. It is the moat extraordinary logic to argue as the Hon. and Learned Gentleman has done. It cannot be said that the Peers influence this House, for, with respect to charity it self, the Bill of Lord Lyndhurst, passed by the Lords, w as rejected by this House. The first blow against fines and recrweiiet, was struck by this House in an Address to the Thr ne, and we have now Bills upon that subjec' before us. Then with respect to,theyenal Code. The late Govern ment may be somewhat responsible for that, but the House itself has shown a disposition to mitigate the penal laws. With respect to forgery, I introduced a Bill re mitting the punishment of death, except in certain cases ; this House, however, did remove that punish ment, from other cases than those I had selected ; and though the Bill did not ultimately pass in that shape, it was nut this House, but the House of Lords, which re stored the punishment. If, therefore, the arguments of the lion. and Learned Gentlemen have any weight, they should show that the Reform should take place in the House of Lords--(Cheers)—it is they who have defeated the benevolent intentions of the House of Commons, and yet we are not now proposing to Reform the House of Lords, but the House of Commons, which in ail the in stances to which I have referred, has shown that it is nei ther behind the intellect of the age, nor neglectful of the coniplaints of the people.—(Cheers.) I say, then, Sir, that the argument for' change in this House does net► exist.—(Hear, hear ) I will now say a few words with respect to the Bill itself. There are two great prin ciples in it—that of disfranchisement, and that of the new constitution of the House. Four times have there been essential alterations made in the Bill; and although we saw held out the phantom of the ten-pound right of !Toting, yet four times has that very matter been sub jected to changes, and to changes so important that nay confidence must not be asked for those who have felt it necessary to make them. At first the right was given to resident ten-pound househo!ders, and to them alone. The changes made in the Bill went to alter the whole of what would, under the Bill as it originally stood, form the constituency of Manchester. So far from leaving the re presentation of that town in the hands of the resident house holders, it would place it in the hands of those who pos sessed warehouses, and did not reside. Thus, then, did those alterations change the original constituency tinder the Bill, by tens and thousands; and those changes, now that they were noticed, would prchahly be called inadver tencies.—(Lood and continued cheering.) The audio's of the Bill, after having established the 10/. franchise, come forward and make an alteration in that which ac tually disfranchises one-tenth upon whom they had pr e viously conferred the privilege ; and then they came forward and told the House that they made those changes, not with the view of affecting 101 actual occupiers, but for the purpose of excluding those who made weekly payments ; possessing the mere shadow, and utterly abandoning the real substance of the . 10/. qualification. tinder the Bill, as at present introduced, 12 or 15,000 electors might have been entitled to vote in the town of Birmingham°. With their fitness or unfitness he haul nothing to do ; but teary in the present excited state of the public mind. it was rather too much for the Government ;,o to tamper with the passions and feelings of the people. Men ought not to administer prussic acid without having well informed themselves of the power of such a poison. By the simple insertion of the words half yearly, and the substitution for that of the word quarterly, they had done much, and they need not hope that what they had done would escape the att• ration of men as intelligent as them selves. In the first place they had given the elective franchise to resident householders, under particular cir cumst traces, and altered the qualification ; in the second place they had conferred the right upon the resident owner of warehouses, not before given to them ; in the third place they had altered the payment from halt-yearly to quarterly —and fourthly, they had made another alteration which consisted of the substitution of one for two, a matter which it might he supposed they thought to be of no sort of importance; but the omission of the word " nut" would effect a great alteration in the seventh commandment.— There was another important alteration which he had now to notice, that was imparting the right of voting to the possession of land, when that land was connected with a house. That was a very important change. The frequent alterations thus made in the original measure altogether de stroyed his confidence in his Majesty's Government, seeing that they could not make up their minds definitively upon masters of such vast moment ; and hence it was that he doubted their ability to conduct the Government of the country.—(Hear, hear.) In the present state of the li lower classes, he thought it a matter of the very greatest moment that means ought to be afford d them of possess ing small gardens attached to their cottages. The pre sent Bill gave direct eneourageomnt to the detaching from the cmtages the small pieces of ground suited for gardens, and converting them into such holdings as would impart the right of voting. Not that he meant to insinuate that the landlords of England would do anything of the sort in order to serve any electioneering purposes, hut he would affirm, that any piece of legislation which afforded direct encouragement to such a mode of managing their estatts, was unsound in principle. For those reasons, tilt n, the Bill should have his most decided opposition. It had been said that he had prepared some [scheme of his own for the pur pne ofeff,cting a Reform in the representation of the people —lie had been taunted with being a tartly Reformer. It was well known that he lad relinquis! ed his post in the former Government, rather, in the state in which the country then was, than risk any other change of Govermnent, seeing that it was impossible fur any Government to go on that opposed itself to Reform. When he reduced himself to the ranks of the ordinary Members of that House, he acknowledged that he was prep med to make a compromise on the subject of Reform, and that he would gladly support a Bill introduced by Hon. Members opposite, on their own responsibility as Ministers, provided that Bill was such a measure as it would be safe for any conscientious Member of that House to sanction with his vote. As a Minister, he was himself unwilling to open a door, of the shutting of which he saw no prospect ; and always holding, that what ever Ministry proposed such a BM, must and ought to be responsible for its consequencea. They had been told that the people were determined to have Reform : so dissatisfied were they with the constitution of that House, that the Government of the country could not be conducted without some change, and that of no trifling or unimportant nature, If that were the permanent and settled feeling of the country. he should regret to find it so, hut he could never cease to regard it as a delusion ; and he was sure, that in offering to it a conscientious opposition, the people would respect his motives ; but was it quite certain that the people wire so unanimous—was it quite certain that the people, in the exercise of a sober judgment, desired a Reform so extensive ? There was one part of the conduct of his Majesty's Government which he could not help no ticing, for he thought that they had in that matter acted most imprudently—he alluded to the use that had been made of the name of the King with refe rence to the question of Reform. There could be no doubt that his Majesty bad the fullest right to exer cite his Royal Prerogative in the wanner he had done, and to dissolve the Parliament ; but whether he did so or not, there was nothing more unwise than the use that had been made of the personal influence of the Sovereign, by ;affirming that the King teas personally in favour of Re form, and stories were put into circulation peculiarly suited to vulgar minds,—such as, that the King would go down to Parliament in a hackney coach, and such like re presentations, adding to all, that loyalty to the King was identified with hostility to the Constitution. Such con duct he thought highly dangerous in times of great excite ment, though it might at the time it was used, serve the purposes of election triumph. Such causes as those were peculiatly calculated to disturb the sober judgment of the people, and therefore to place the House of Com mons in a situation in which they were not comp-tent to decide with safety a question of so much importance as the constitu!ion of that Iloume; he, therefore, would ask time for deliberation, for he doubted that the people were anything like so unanimous as they bad been represented ; and if, upon a (pewit n of such importance, they fell into any error, the people, upon getting sober, would be the very first to reproach them for having deferred to popular opinion, rather than to exercise their own judgment. Doubting, then, if they were unanimous, doubting whe ther unanimity prevailed or not, that the sentiment would b e permanent—objecting to the Bill, because he could not regard it as a meacure founded upon an acknowledged principle—denying that it proceeded upon the recom. menclation of the Speech from the Throne, for it did not secure the just prerogative of the Crown, neither did it guarantee the legitimrite influence of both Houses of Par- iament—Airming too, that it gave less security than he. fore to the popular institutions of the country, he should off rto the Bill Ids most decided opposition. e offered that opposition the more readily, when he remembered that the Bill went to destroy a system which had endured for six centuries, by means of which the greatest political problem was solved, namely, that of giving security to th e liberties of the people, and vigour to the Government, in a more perfect degree than had ever been attained in any past age. or in any country upon earth.--(Cheers.) Sir F. BURDEIT then addressed the House, b u t th e early sentences of his speech were lost in the cries of " Bar," " Bar," and " Order." We understood the ion. Baronet to congr.►tulate the Right lion. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) opposite, on the tone of his speech, and to regret that that tone had ever In en departed from in the discus ion of this question. Still, however, the speech of the Right Hon Baronet, in its matter and purport, re sembled not so much the speech of a legislator as the speech which would have been made by a lawyer at the bar of the House, who had been retained to defend the borough proprietors, and who, in the prosecution of that duty, had skilfuLy endeavoured to throw dust into Hon. Members' eyes, and to conciliate, as far as he could conci liate, the persons who were to decide upon the question.— (Cheers.) Into that speech of the It ght Hon. Baronet he thought that he t+as not called upon to enter, and for this reason, the House would call to mind that the early part of that speech, after the Hon. Baronet had stated what he thought the proper mode of discussing the ques tion,—the House would call to mind that the early part of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech consisted almost wholly and entirely of an argument ad hominem—an argument with which he (Sir Francis Burdett) could have nothing to do, and which had very little to do With the question.—(Hear, hear.) The main part of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech consisted of an admi nistrational, and from the Administration it might, per haps call for an answer, but from him, or from any other general advocate of Reform, it could nut, require any re ply ; and although be did not complain of the Right Hon. Baronet adopting any mode of address he pleased, yet he must be allowed to say, that in his opinion, the Hon. Baronet had not, in the mode he adopted, taken either a great or a statesman-like view of. the important question now under their consideration.—(Cheers.) Ably, very ably, he must admit had the Right Hon. Baronet endea voured to mislead the House, and to divert their attention from the nature of the question before them ; but when' the Right Hun. Baronet talked about the Constitution, ' did he, or did he not, blink this question—namely, whe ther it was a part of the Constitution that Peers and others should nominate persons to seats in that House?— (Much cheering.) This was the real question for their ' d e cision—(Cheers)—and was it to be endured, be asked, that in this House, which was called the representative,. of the people, seventy Peers should nominate to 150 seats?—(Cheers.) But the Right Hon. Baronet had to , d them that the people were labouring under a temporary excitement —an excitement caught from the temper of the present times in foreign parts. Was the Right Hon. Ba , rove: se rious when be told them this ? If so, allow him t „ 50 v, that the Right Hon. Baronet had forgotten the whole of the past history of his own country ; for as l on g as he (Sir Francis Burdett) had been engaged in public affairs,—ever since he entered into public life, this question hail excited the people.—(Cheers.) Yes, e xcited them to such a degree, that the Government had actually attempted to suppress that excitement by military force. (Cheers and cries of " No, no," from the Oppo. sition.) No ! What had the Hon. Gentlemen who cried no " forgotten the Manchester business ?--(Cheers.) Had they forgotten the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act ? Had they forgotten the imprisonment —aye, the imprisonment for whole years—of many of their fellow. su bjects, who till that moment had never been brought tc, trial, and who till that moment had remained without compensation for this deprivation of their (Cbctrs.) Were these things to be cast into ohlivion, and forgetting these, were doy lo be told that this question ut Reform was a question the agitation of which was con• menced only the other day—a question which had roused in the minds of the people a feeling quite novel, a feeling to which they had never given utterance before ? (Cheers.) Why, there was upon the table of the House a petition which was presented by Lord Grey in 1795, which complained of the constitution of that House, and which enumerated, among other abuses, that fact which he had just mentioned respecting the nomination of Members by Peers. From that day until the present the people had complained of the manner in which the% were represented, or rather misrepres nted ; and he would venture to say, that the whole history of this country would show the people—though under different circumstances, in different times, and in different lan guage—contending for this great principle that they ought not to he taxed without being represented. When the Right Hon. Baronet talked of principles, he forgot the, two great principles,—namely, that the people ought not to he taxed if they were not represented, and that elections ought to be free.---( Hear, hear.) These w. re ancient and original principles of the Constitution. Fiot &ea° rite ct liberi was a maxim of the common law, which was sup ported by many acts in the statute-bock. He did not wish to call namts, or to use harsh expressions, but there was a class of persons who more or less dealt in boroughs, and whom he knew not how to characterise except by the name of " borouglimongets"—(Cheers)—and the exis t ince of such persons was, he contended, not only no in sti ution of the country, hut contrary to the common and statute law of the land.—(Hear. hear.) Nay, farther, he declared, without fear of contras'iction, that persons who practised such dealings were guilty of criminal offences, and liable to he prosecuted as criminals.—( Hear, rear.) A law which was passed before the time of the Tudors, —after first plainly declaring the object it had in view, as all our old laws did—enacted in Norman French, the words of which he did not recollect, but Lnrd Coke in terpreted them to mean that if any great man disturbed the freedom of elections, be subj.•cted himself to severe penalties. From that time till the present this doctrine had been confirmed by Acts of the Legislature, and, though it was constantly set at nought, was still the law of the land. From that time, too, until the present, the people had complained that this law was violated, and IA called for Reform ; and although, not to go very far back for an instance, Lord Chatham ha I told the House that if they did not reform themselvis from within, they would he reformed with a vengeance from without, yet the R i ght lion. Baronet now stood up gravely in his place, and told them that ha dated the excitement of the people upon the subject of Reform to the French and Belgic affairs of yes tetday.—(Cheers.) But why need the Right Hon. Ba ronet tremble at the occurrences which had taken place in France, while the instance of America must prove to him that to obey the voice of the people was not necessarily to plunge into anarchy, and confu'ion, and disturb ince ? What the people of England complained of was, the un constitutional practice of Peers nominating their so called representatives, instead of themselves ; and what the y, therefore, with justice demanded was a restoration of their rights—to have a voice in the election of those on whose decisions their properties and lives depended. This de mand of the people was not the tesult of temp , ra; y excite ment, as the Right Hon. Baronet would insinuate, but the echo of the long-expressed wish of the wealth and in tellgence of the middle classes for Reform.—(Hear.) When Lord Cochrane was his colleague, he and that Noble Lord actually covered the table of that flouse with petitions for Reform ; but the House refused to attend to them, and would do so still, hut for the increased influence of public opinion. The Ho nouarable Baronet proceeded next to advocate the utility of political unions, like to that in Birmingham, so long hs the people were denied a legitimate ebanni for the expression of their grievances. They had, as it was, produced an excellent effect in keeping alive and strengthening the love of political liberty. The Right lion. Baronet (Sir 11. Peel) would, however, give the question for the present the go by ; but the attempt would be vain ; the country was no longer to be deluded ; and danger would he the consequence of longer with holding its just rights.—(Bear.) The Right Hon. Ba ronet, notwithstanding all his professions of candour, had most imcandidly applied himself to the details of the Bill, while the real question before the House was its principle. And that principle resolved itself into the simple ques tion,—have or have not the people of England a right to call upon the House to apply its. If to redress grievances of long standing ?—(Hear.) This was the real question, and not threw matters of detail in which the flight lion. 13,1- : ronet had expatiated at such length, though a Committi e would have been a more fitting place ; and this important question was not to be got rid of by the Right Hon. Ba ronet shutting his eyes to its main facts, end endeavour ing to mak e up a plausible case for the boroughmongers by quotations from Cicero "De Legibus," which, when expressed in common English, won'd be found to be vapid common-place.—(Hear, hear.) And mark the modesty of the Right Hon. Baronet. " The people of Eng land," says he, " I admit are just row in favour of Re form ; but they are wrong, and I am tight."—(Cheers and laughter.) What ! the people of England—and by that term he meant the middle classes, the wealth, and intelligence, and solid support of the country—not know who are their friends and who are their enemies ! who the guardians of their. rights and properties, and who the betrayers and despoilers of both, as well as My Lord this or My Lord that, or the Right Hon, Baro net, notwithstanding his solemn cautions—(Cheers)--not as enlightened and independent, and as distinguished for integrity and regard to the public interests, as any man or men in either House, of Parliament. Why, one of the benefits he expected !ruin the Reform Bill was, that it would admit into that House more talent, more practical knowledge, and more in& pendence, than was to be seen in it at !resent. " Bur," say the enemies of the Bill, see how the country bas thi iven under our institutions, and would you with rash hands mar the Constitution from which such excellent results have followed?" No, we r!o not want to destroy the Constitution, but to restore and preserve it, in all its genuine purity—(Lond cries e•f " Hear, hear")—and when the Members cried out thu s , "Beware of laying your havals on our matchless Coestitu lion," all he could say was, to ask, like him in ancient Rome, who was told . to admire the statue of Hercules, qrsis rituperavit ?—(Hear. ) He venerated the Constitution —he felt the warmest allegiance to the excellent Monarch on the throne--he loved his virtues as a man—he admirtd hie conduct as a King—(Ches rs)—and be felt convinced, that while his Majesty was united, as he was at present, with his people in the pursuit of one greet object, the improvement of the representation in that House, he may set at defiance the efforts of faction, particularly such a faction tes at present raised its puny voice against Referm.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, heat ") They had had the benefit of much whining prophecyim ze from the Right Hon. Baronet, delivered in his most elabcrate tone of candour and solemnity, as to the evils of the present Bill ; but that was not the first time in which he had indulged in his pythonisms.—(Hear.) They recollected his whining propliecyinge,—repeated year after year,---4 the danger to the Constitution of the Ca- tholic Relief Bill—(Hear, hear)—and they all also recol lected his counter- vaticinations of the still greater danw.r to of refusing to pass that wise ipeasure.—(Lond cries of " Hear.") They all recollected his solemn remonstrances against the Test and Corporation Acts repeal.—(Hear.) And they all recollected how he prudently assisted in prov ing the absurdity of his own declarations.—(Hear, hear.) And so now with respect to the Reform Bill, against which he takes it upon him to prophecy, notwithstanding his own repeated proofs of the narrow range of his fore sight.—(llear.) " But," says the Right Hon. Baronet, " the people of England were numerically opposed to the Catholic Relief Bill, so that if we had at the time a Re formed Parliament, it would now have passed—(" Hear," from the Opposition) —ergo we borough representatives are wiser than the people of England ; and ergo there is no necessity for this Reform Bill —(Hear.) Now he denied his premise and his conclusion. Not only the enlightened portion of the people were friendly to the Catholic Belie; Bill, but the niass of the people.—(Hear.) Nay, more, if they were not, and that the House acted contrary to their wishes in passing that Bill, it only followed that it was not composed of their real representatives-01(.3d— oorl s!muld therefore be reformed. The Hon. Baronet hav ing dwelt on this point at considerable length proceeded tr , say no danger could arise from the Reform Bill to the sta bility of the constitutional privileges of the Peers. Their usurping the power of nominating to seats in that House was not constitutional, but the very reverse; so that the Bil could not be complained of if it put an end to that usur pation. Let the Peers keep themselves in their ow,• station, in the exercise of their duties, and not trench upor, the people's, and the people would not trench upon theirs. If they thought they had no better support than rotten borough!, it was evident that they knew not the theor or the practice of the Constitution. But the system or boroughmongering was no longer to be borne.—(Hear.) It had cost us America—it had produced the war witl, France, with a legacy of oppression on the industry the country, in the shape of our immense debt ; and more, it fettered us, so that we dared not venture to in terfere in foreign affairs—say the glorious s truggle of Poles—(Cheers)— e v e n though invited byt Fron ay o s ur a , ;, l i and nation policy.—(Hear, hear.) D Zion Baronet (Sir J. Malcolm) opposite, recollect, that. shut up the close boroughs, num of experience ' of the colonic.' cannot find an avenue of admission into that House, so you must legislate for the colonies in th e dark. Now he would ask the Hon. Baronet, by way o f en argamentum ad Imminent, was he, with all his various knowledge of the affairs of India, on which he had expatiated last night, a representative of that great colony. or a n ,mince of a boroughmonger ?—(Loud cries of Hum") Did he not, in fact, fill his present seat on she express stipulation that his votes and conduct in that Home should exactly correspond with the sentiments of the borough proprietor who sent hint there ?-•-• ( Hear, hear.) And was not a defence of the rotten borough system an essential feature of these sentiments, and therefore should he vote contrary to tha: system would not he, notwithstanding his extensive acquaintance with the affairs of India, be milt-with ejected by his patron ?—(Deafening cries of H ea . e ") What did the Duke of Northumberland care Acta 120 millions of British subjects in India, in com parison with the possession of one of his Corowall bo roughs !---(Cheers.) Nut a straw : no, not more than he (Sir F. Burdett) cared for the snap of his fingers.-- (" and laughter : the Hon. Baronet suited the action to the word.) So the argument was a mere fillacy.---(Hear.) It was a curious fact, that Mr. Pitt I , ad ie 1785 made use of the very same arguinent,—and that, too, with effect—to show the necessity of Reform— (Hear, hear)--quoting, as a rem likable case in point, that so far from the people of Eng) nd being the electors of the major ty of Members in that House, the Nabob of Arcot n eninated seven or eight.—(Hear.) He cared little for cheers with which the Right Hon. Baronet had been greee , d; they Lad b. en given on the same principle as the c ondryinan's whistle, who had given it as he crossed the churchyard for no other purpose than to keep his courage op.--(Clieers.) He recollected an expression whiz!' a gallant offii,-er, whom he was proud to call his friend, huh used,—lie meant Colonel Napier,—who, in desert' ing one o' the victories which our brave country men had won in the Peninsula, by the gallantry of their chaaee, had Pah', " then it was the French army saw the maitsty of an English soldii-r." Ile would }sorrow that expression, and would say, that during the late elections the boreuglitnoneers had seen the ina . n-sty of the people of Englan , '.—(Cheets.) The Right Hon. Baronet had seen once, alre,dy, the error of the policy which he had adopted.—(Cheers.) Lie had changed his policy on the subjiiet of Cailvd . c emancipatdin in the 'nest manly way, at he moment when it was least expected—(Hear) an I yet, though e had changed his policy, the Right Hon. B ronst hal stated that he had not changed the opinions on whirl, that policy was founded. The Right lion. Baronet hvl proclaimed his dislike of quotations, and there'ore he (Sir F. Burdett) was loth to make a quotation from Shah speare, which he considered very applicable to the Right H in. Baronet's conduct on that occasion. He doubted not but the. Right Hon. Baronet recollected it ; for it was a passage in which Hotspur said, " I tell you my Lord fo .1, out of the nettle danger, you have plucked the flower sifety."—(Cheera and laughter.) He hoped that the Right Hon. Baron. t would see as urgent reasons to change his policy on this question of Reform as he had seen to change his policy on the question of Catholic Emancipa tion,---(Cheers.) He maintained, in opposition to the Rieht Hon. Bat ouet, that the excitement which now pre• vailed was not a temporary excitement, which would norm be cam again. The pi essnt Bill had been thoroughly examined, and was well understood by the people. It gave them all which they required—for they did not stand on abstract principles, but sought only to acquire a prac ti, al hoed. To-at was the feeling which prevailed through out England, ind which would prevail until tai, Bill was carried. lie would not trespass longer upon the attention • of the }louse. He would shortly say, that it 'di , ' appear to him that the only question which the House had to decide w a 4, whether the Bill was supported by the permanent 1 e ling and conviction of the people of England or not; because, if it was supported by that feeling and that conviction, it was the duty of Parliament to pass it in such a shape as would at once ac«munodate it to thc.r wishes, and render it the source of inestimable benefit nit only to thorn, but to their remotest de icendants.—( Cheers. ) Lord JOHN RUSSELL, observed, that as some re marks had been made in the melee of the debate which were personal to himself, and as other matters had been brought before the House which affected the character of the Government, he could not allow the debate to close without intruding, one or two oliservatious upon its notice. In the first place he begged permission to notice the re mark of a Gallant General, who h of found fault with him for the manner in which he had given his explanation of thi. Bill when he first introduced it. The Gallant Ge neral had said, that upon th it occasion his manner was not me:elL,• unbecoming, it was downright arroeant. Now, if by any accident his manner had been such a s the Gal lant General had described, lie could assure the House that it had been so most undeehnedly. He had indulged in no unbecoming or arrogant exultation : even if he had in dulged in any such teeling, which he denied, it had not been occasioned by any thing which had occurred lat ly, —it had been occasioned by what had occurred in the last session of Parliament. The debate had been conducted, on the present occasion, in a manner worthy of its im portarce. In that fair exercise of debate which had been observed on the present occasion, he had remarked that those who argued against this Bill had taken two grounds, which they had no right to occupy, The first ground was, that it was an innovation upon the Constitution,—an objection which bad been too often refuted to require any further answer at his hands. The next was, that the clamour which hail been raised in support of it, had been raised in consequence of the improper use which had been made of the name of his Majesty at the late elections. Ile admitted that to his mind it a as objectionable, that the name of his Majesty slaridd be intraducsd at all upon such occasions; but ne would beg leave to remind the House, that his Majesty's Ministers had net been guilty of any such conduct, neither ought they to be held responsible fur that cry which throughout the country had connected the names of Re form and of the King t •gether. It was undoubtedly the duty of his Majesty's Government to give that advice which they had given to has Majesty resi.ecting the disso lution of Parliament, when they had to combat with a succession of repot ts, weieh stated that his Majesty was opposed to his responsible advisers, and when individuals were attemping to divide the personal authority of the Kier:, from the measures which were brought forward linier Ids constitutional sanction. He said that those efforts had produced an effect. on the mind of the people until the King had gone down to dissolve Parliament in person. The question was then solved as to the feeling of the King, and it then became a natural consequence of the false reports which the ene mies of Reform had spre id, that the King's name should be connected with the question of Reform, and that a cry hail gone out through the country, making the name of the King mote prominent than, hut for the ma chinations of the opponents of Reform, it would ever have become. The Right Hon. Baronet had warred the House over and over again against quotations. There was one quotation which he must repeat to the house. The Right Hen. Baronet seemed to think that he had been are gu:n; against the principle of standing by the Constitution for a purpose which he had never intended. The purpose for which he had entered upon this argument was, first of all, to show that there was, in our institutions a tendency' to change ; and, secondly, that electors and elections ought to he free. For that object he had, on a former °e rasion, quoted the preamble of an Act of Gorge 11., and he would now proceed to quote a passage from a writer _Mr. Hume—whom be believed the Right Hon. Baronet would admit to be an authority. After describing the sys tem of representation which Edward L had givers to this country. Mr. Hume added theme words—" It is a most, equitable rule," said the Monarch, " that what concert is all should be approved by all, and common dangers be r.- pelled by united efforts ; a noble principle which may seem to indicate a liberal mind in the King, and whims may lay the foundation of a free and rquitable Govern ment." He said that the principle then laid down wee the foundation of the system of Reform now pro e posed to rho consideration of the eiagri l eth l ebi o ryee u ,nd se i,i, . idaunnea( T iitni lt g e tel formers Paid that a nation which was entitled to consider itself as moral and free, was liable to he disttehed per pef ually by a system of election which was at once ha , - harms, immoral, and destructive of freedom. The people claimed that that system should , tl Ministels, say that their claim is just.—(Cheere.) We say, let their claim e granted ; let the people of England be fai r ly an d f re ely represented in the House of Commons ; for we are convinced that they will nut make a wrong use politicalof the power intrusted to .) n his conscience, that a gee t and (C eer privilegese hi which our own, would snake that rise of freedion required, and in that confidence he placed this Bill before the finesse, in the hope of uniting the people them to support the legitimate the t i F t . l o o r ir t i h t e y s lif co b : ol e Houses of Pa r ii lia e x i m o :n r ta t — he ( C CTsee v r il s ' . ) and The House then divided, when the numbers appeared 367 For the amendment Majority in favour of Ministers -136 ihe reading g ited no demonstrations of feeling, announcement having been received in silence. Tee Bill was ordered to Ise committed on Tuesday next. —Adjourned at Five o'clock, to Friday. - _ PRINTED AND Punusiinn BY MURDO YOUNG, AT lull SUN OFFICE, 113,Sritvm, LoNnoN., RO THE EX AC Adm'asiln (from MINERAL SUC ONSIEI rfe in De S TREET, BL0( xten+,ive Farouk their pi•ofessioaal Me'ropolis, rest - .? , Pultli e i n gen e'ra CAYED TEET • S YCCEDA NEU tArnity of Londe Te:th is petforme Pain, heat or pt TE ET 11, in a 01a 1 ‘, 1101, E „r PAI above INCORR( Klnees, without t 'e't to answer t: eAt:ng. The Faculty al cessful te,ult of 6:nsnrt:eah t ,(l...k J etn i so t ,t), G iw:ylme l ei„t, : :., , purpose. the demand for GESS and SO7, '4 the some ; its has recommende 'flection s , who h disappointment is pre "i'aPpointment their fil to and signature, xvitlic ..1011N But to lie prepared given the greats Warehouse, London. The ........_________ CABINET AI M R. TH Nohili hest-seleyted S England, at ti Leadenh al 1-str 41 )1y to Act of and encourage! line to produc Members in si! at death. STIRL THE evt Strictures, Kidneys, I and other performing It contain! with the which tn; Symptom from an iu a persever and incre delicate fe Prepare chapel, fr (upon en and 20s. Cautio W. Stirli Agentf Strand ; 27, New rey-road, Royal E born ; N mot, M. Wolverb Staveley Venders I N ti an evil 1 cine obser