The Sun. — London, England, 1834-02-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We find by accounts from Dublin that the law has laid a barbarous and oppressive hand on the Pilot newspaper, of which the ostensible proprietor is Mr. Barrett, now in prison for publishing some months ago that notorioua epistle, which bore the signature of Daniel O'Connell, but for which Mr. Daniel O'Connell was content that Mr. Barrett should pay the same penalty, if required, as Mr. Harding Tracey had paid before bim. The Commission ers of Stamps in Dublin have refused to supply Mr. Barrett with any more stamped paper, and have warned him that be has no right to continue the publication of the Pilot newspaper,-5 fact which would naturally impress most people with the suspicion that the Irish Government had itself interposed and inflicted on Mr. Barrett that heavy pu nishment, in aggravation of the fine and imprisonment to which the Court had already adjudged him. This conjecture, we see, from an inspection of the Act of Parliament, is un founded. The 20th section of 55 George 111., c. SO, prohibits the Commissioners from selling or delivering stamps to any person under sentence for a seditious libel ; nor is such person (under the 21st section of the same sta tute) any longer "entitled to print or publish such news paper." The words of the Act being positive, and no dis cretion left with either the Commissioners of Stamps or the executive power, it appears that the reproach of so iniquitous a proceeding rests exclusively with the Le gislature, by which it was authorized and enjoined. But as to the nature of the Act itself, can there be a second opinion ? Was there ever a more shameful piece of heartless cruelty thought of? In the present instance the publisher of a libel, Mr. Barrett, has suf tered from the sentence of the Court an amount of pe nalty fully equal to the magnitude of the offence of which he was found guilty. He has been fined, impri soned, and forced to give bail. But this, it seems, is not sufficient : the framers of this atrocious law were afraid, where libels might be concerned, to leave the administra tion of justice in the hands of the Court of King's Bench. Judges had hitherto shown themselves so merciful and tender, so weak and milky-hearted, towards seditious libellers, beyond every other class of culprits, that the manufacturers of Stamp Acts in the year 1815 were re solved to tie up the discretion of these high Magistrates, or indeed to render it a matter of no importance whether the Lord Chief Justice and his brethren should be men furnished with the ordinary share of bowels, or wholly destitute of them. It was therefore settled that no sentence for libel should be capable of excess or dimi nution ; that—no matter how light the fine demanded by the Court, or how heavy—no matter how lenient the intentions of the Judge, or bow severe—one measure of punishment, and one alone, should be substantially in flicted, vie.—utter and irretrievable ruin. Did the Court _ award a fine of 1,0001., it was of little consequence, because if the ostensible amount was only 51., down would come the Stamp Commissioners with their Act of Parliament (Act 55 Geo. 111., c. SO, section 20 and 21) refusing stamps to the unfortunate offender, or, in other words, confiscating his entire property We repeat that there is no enduring such a law as this. Why (as said, we know not how truly) it has hitherto not been enforced, becomes a minor and comparatively uninteresting ques tion. There stands the law, a disgrace to the statute book, and a gag in the mouth of every Irish subject : it must be repealed before the end of the present session, and ought to be so, if practicable, before eight-and forty hours have expired.— Times. The following notice was served upon Mr. Barrett, ti.e proprietor and editor of the Pilot newspaper. Mr. Bar rett, it will be remembered, is at present undergoing his sentence of imprisonment in Kilmainham gaol, for the publication of Mr. O'Connell's letter. This notice was, we presume, an unexpected, and certainly a very unne cessary aggravation of his punishment : " Stamp-office, Dublin, Feb. 18, 1834. " Sir,—ln consequence of your having received judgment for printing and publishing a seditious libel, the Commissioners of Stamps have ordered that, in pursuance of the '2oth section of the Act 55 Geo. 111., chap. 80, you shall not from hence.. forth be supplied with stamped paper for printing any news. paper upon. " I have also to acquaint you, that you are no longer entitled to print or publish the Pilot newspaper. " I am, Sir, your obedient servant, " J. S. COOPER, " Comptroller and Accountant-General of Irish Stamps. " To Richard Barrett, Esq., &c., Suffolk-street." The following is the clause in the Act of Parliament, an Act passed in 1815, upon which the above proceeding is founded And be it further enacted, that if any printer, or publisher, or proprietor, of any newspaper in Ireland, shall be by due course of law outlawed for any criminal offence, or receive judgment for printing or publishing a traitorous or seditious libel, the said Commissioners of Stamps in Ireland, and their officers for distributing stamped vellum, parchment, or paper respectively, are hereby prohibited to sell or delver to or for the use of any such printer, publisher, or proprietor, so out lawed, or who shall have so received judgment for such libel, any stamped paper for printing any newspaper." If we take this as a specimen of the sort of law by which Ireland is governed, can we wonder at the discontent which manifests itself in every part of that miserable country ? Can we wonder at the cry for repeal ? The libel law is bad enough in England ; but Ireland is the land of exaggeration, and in Ireland the libel law is ten times worse than here. The general impres sion in both countries was, that Mr. Barrett's punish ment, looking merely at the sentence of the Court of King's Bench, was, at least, sufficiently severe. But next comes an afterclap by which his newspaper is to be sacrificed, and the whole of his property swept away. And all this according to law—that is, according to such law as we make for Ireland. We do not accuse those who passed the law in the first instance, nor even those who have revived it at this moment, of secretly favouring the project for the repeal of the union, but if they were actuated by such a feeling they could not have taken a more effectual step towards promoting its adoption and success. There seems to be a fatality banging over every movement of the Irish Go vernment. But let us not call it fatality ; it is the natural consequence of a bad system to work badly. Ireland has been misgoverned fur ages—it is misgo verned in our own day. Witness the Act of 1815— a itness the demolition of Mr. Barrett's property by the Stamp_office in 1834. Ireland is still misgoverned; and so long as that continues to be the case, it is quite idle, though perfectly natural, to throw the blame upon the people, or the stars, when so many of the causes may be traced to the door of those who pretend to legis late for their advantage. We see now what the liberty of the Press is in Ireland. We see also of what instru ments the rulers of that country (for it is hardly to be supposed that the Stamp-office would take such a step, without instruction) are willing to avail themselves. Public indignation will not be diminished by the conside ration that such is the law—for bad laws are the worst of all oppressors. Many will wonder at the perverse in dustry by which this enactment was discovered at such a time, and the bad taste of those who, instead of straining a point to get themselves out of the difficulty, appear to hare stretched the law to its utmost, and even beyond its proper force, as if en purpose to hamper themselves with the °dints of an unpopular, unconstitutional, and inhu man act of power. But whatever may be thought of the motive the proceeding will be universally condemned as unworthy of a free country, a liberal age, and a reforming Administration. —Morning Herald. Mr. Littleton brought forward last night in the House of Commons his panacea for restoring tranquillity to Ire land, in the form of a plan for the commutation of tithe. This plan comprehends three leading provisions :- Ist. What is now annually due, on every estate in Ireland, under the name of tithe, shall henceforth be due annually, un til redeemed, under the name of land tax. 1. A bounty of twenty per cent. shall be given, at the ex pense of the clergy, to such landlords in Ireland as may consent to redeem this tithe under its new name of land tax, within live years, upon an estimate of value which assumes that tithe is worth only twenty years' purchase, whenever land is worth twenty-five. 3. The sums so realized by the redemption of tithe shall be invested in land for the future maintenance of the parochial clergymen of the parishes in which they have boon severally paid. It is scarcely necessary to add that the whole process is to be wrought by well paid Commissioners, to be ap pointed by Government ; or that the clergy, already de spoiled of a fifth of their property, are to be further despoiled by a per centage to pay the expenses of the Government Commission. Of justice in this measure there is obviously none. Nor can much be said in its favour on the ground of expediency, when it is perceived that all those whom it is intended to pacify declare against it the most determined and inveterate hostility. —Morning Post. What is our contemporary the Globe about ? It assumes to itself the character of a Ministerial paper. It has the run of the Foreign-office, and peeps in at other offices on the road. Are we then to consider the tone which it has of late adopted as sanctioned by the Mini sters? Are the praises of Sir R. Peel—the abuse of the 10/. constituency—and the recommendations of a Union between the moderate Whigs and moderate Tories' to be taken as indications of Ministerial wishes and Ministerial intrigues? If so, the sooner the mask is torn off the Letter. The power of the great liberal majority which supports the Government in the House of Commons, must not be applied to sueh unworthy purposes. That majo rity now keeps the Ministers in place, in the honest be lief that they intend to use the power so vested in them for the maintenance of true liberal principles, and the steady prosecution of real measures of reformation and improvement. If we are to judge of their intentions by the language of the Globe, they are of a very different tendency—the baseness of which can only be equalled by their treacherous nature. Let us hope that these feelers proceed only from that portion of the Ministry, who would fain redeem their abandonment of the Tory ranks three years ago, by as signal a return to them the moment they conceive the fitting occasion presents itself. We will take leave to inform these plotters that their attempt will be fruitless. There are those in the Administration who will ' frustrate their knavish tricks'— and, above all, there is a spirit in the constituent body and their representatives in Parliament, which will, when called forth, speedily annihilate these petty and ignorant intriguers, and prove to them that they must not mistake the forbearance under which they have been suffered to remain a part of a Libe ral Administration, for acquiescence in their principles or encouragement of their schemes.—Morning Chronicle, Thursday. We yesterday reluctantly directed the attention of the public to certain recent suspicious and Conservative para graphs in the Globe, which we know to have been highly injurious of late to the Whig Administration, and to have begotten a suspicion that some portion of the Government was better affected to Toryism than to liberal principles. We did this with regret, because the Globe was formerly the propagandist of every enlightened opinion and of the most liberal policy. But the nervous system of our con temporary has been recently strangely affected, and his demi official character has greatly puzzled and chagrined the sup porters of Government. We have seen repeated instances of misconception of the intentions of the Ministry extracted from the columns of the Globe, and severely commented upon by the country papers ; and we have one instancebefore us of a Northern Provincial paper so late as last week. We ardently hope that the Government has been misrepresented through this organ of public communication, because the tenor of some of the conservative effusions of the Globe has been strangely at variance with the professed opi nions of the liberal part of the Ministry. Lord Brougham's Bill, the Dl:fusion of Knowledge, the Abuses of City Companies, Church Reform, the Law of Libel, and various pending subjects of legislation, have been at times most ambiguously treated ; and the ballot, formerly so favourite an article of faith with our contemporary, has been lately denounced as the type of destructive opinions, and fallacies against its efficacy put forth, which none so ably refuted in former times as the Globe " of old." But we will give its own defence and extenuation of these back slidings. " A writer in the Morning Chronicle puzzles himself to know from what part of the Ministry the article in this paper on the vote for an inquiry into the conduct of the Irish Judge proceeded. This may be a very fit question to be propounded and argued by a person of the taste and manners which are displayed by the Chronicle's correspondent ; but to any man of sense and honesty it must beobvious that the article in question does not proceed from the Ministry, or from any part of it, as it is directed against them and their conduct in the matter in question. " The paragraph in this paper, or rather the two para. graphs, express the opinion of the writer of them formed on the first reading of the debate, and in this opinion he is happy to observe that many persons of all parties concur. The remarks were made with reluctance, because they were necessarily directed against the Ministers, and those amongst the Ministers whose conduct and talents we deem most useful to the country; but our general support of the Administration makes it the more incumbent on us to express our opinion of any mistake which involves a constitutional principle, or a vital question of public policy. " It would be ridiculous to pretend that in a paper, the ar ticles of which are written from time to time, as those of every journal must be, by different persons, and by persons who frankly express their own opinions, every paragraph is consist. ent in tenor and reasoning with every other. But we do not believe that there has been anything in this paper inconsistent with the opinion as to which the writer of the strictures in question has certainly never entertained and expressed a doubt, viz. —that, in the management of Irish affairs (difficult as they are), the worst policy is to truckle to the agitators, and that the worst kind of truckling is to sacrifice to them any principle or any loyal man, of whatever party. The indiscretion of Sir W. Smith may have obscured the matter, but it was not neces sary to defend his taste or discretion." All this may be very subtle and self-deceiving, but it will not delude the public. The Globe, in November, boldly denounced the conduct of Baron Smith, and will be mistaken to-morrow night if it calculates that Minis ters will rescind their vote. But we believe that we have done some injustice to Ministers, or, at least, to the majo. rity, for we are confidently assured that this approxima tion towards the Tories is not the official impulse of sup posed patrons. Certain we are that it has latterly proved most injurious to the Cabinet, and frequently impregnated the public mind with suspicion and mistrust. We shall hail the return of our evening contemporary to his former consistent and able advocacy of those popular opinions which constitute the sole basis of the present and any fu ture Governments of this country under the " revolu tion" made in our representative system.—Morning Chronicle. SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. THE LONDON GAZETTE THIS EVENING. WHITEHALL, FEL 21, 1831. The King has been pleased to direct letters patent to be passed under the Great Seal, for granting the dignity of a Baronet of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, to Sir John Bayley, of Bedford-square, in the county of Mid dlesex, and the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten. WAR-OFFICE, FEB. '2l 15th Regiment of Light Dragoons—Sergeant-Major Francis Collins to be Regimental Quartermaster, vice Chettle, deceased, Feb. 6. 2d Regiment of Dragoons—Cornet R. Miller to be Lieuten ant, by purchase, vice Wynne, who retires; T. W. Trafford, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Miller, Feb. 21. 6th Regiment of Foot—H. A. Sullivan, Gent., to be be Ensign, by purchase, vice Chambers, who retires, Feb. 21. 19th Foot—Ensign M. A. H. Tnite to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Stewart, who retires ; T. Stoney, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Taite, Feb. 21. 34th Foot—Ensign J. H. Mathews to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Horne, promoted, Feb. 21." I 35th Foot.—Captain G. Seton, from the half-pay Unattached, to be Captain, vice Maxwell, who retires, Feb. 21. 41st Foot.—T. Hogg, Gent., to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Glaeser, whose appointment has not taken place, Feb. 21. 44th Foot.—Ensign T. W. Halfhide to be Lieutenant, wiihout purchase, vice Lewis, deceased; Ensign C. W. Crickitt, from the half-pay of the 80th Regiment, to be Ensign, vice Half hide, Feb. 21. 45th Foot—W.R.Lewis, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Johnson, who retires, Feb. 21. 62d Foot—Lieut. A. H. Irvine, from the half-pay of the 3d Regiment, to be Lieutenant, vice J. Butler, who exchanges, 'Feb. 21. 63d Foot—Ensign A. F. Codd to be Lieutenant, by pur chase, vice Aubin, who retires; P. Lindesay, Gent. to be En sign, by purchase, vice Codd, Feb. 21. CROWN-OFFICE, FEB. 21 MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRE- SENT PARLIAMENT. Bosom' OF DEVIZES.—Sir Philip Charles Henderson Durham, of Frodel, of the county of Fife, in North Britain, and of Hill-street, Berkeley-square, in the county of Middlesex, G.C.8., in the room of Montague Gore, Esq., who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. BOROUGH OF TOTNESS.—Rhe Right Honourable Edward Bdolphus Seymourf commonly called Lord Seymour, in the room of James Cornish, Esq., who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. BORDUOH OF LEEDS.—Edward Baines, Esq., in the room of Thomas Babington Macauley, Esq., who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. WILLIAM BARBER, shoe.maker, York. BANKRUPTCIES ENLARGED. PATRICK DALY, bricklayer, Liverpool, from Feb. 25 to April 15, at two, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool. WILSON FORSTER, tailor, Liverpool, from March 11 to April 3, at eleven, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool. BANKRUPTS. LUDVIG PETER CHRISTIAN HANSEN, coal-merchant, Southwark, to surrender March 4, at one, and Feb. 4, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Hayward, Palace New-road, Westminster -bridge ; Clark, St. Swithin's-lane, Lombard street, official assignee. JOHN ROMANIS, hosier, Gracechurch-street, London, March 4, at two, and April 4, at eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Green, King's Arms-yard, official assignee ; Dun. combe, Lyon's-Inn. GEORGE UPTON, scrivener, Boroughbridge, Yorkshire, March 10 and April 4, at eleven, at the office of R. H. Ander. son, York. Lever, Gray's-Inn-square, London ; Anderson,York WILLIAM WILLIS BAILEY, commission-agent, Quad. ron, Derbyshire, March IS, at three, and April 4, at twelve, at the County Tavern, Derby. Dewes and Fisher, Ashby-de la.Zouch ; Austin and Hobson, Raymond-buildings, Gray's Inn, London. JOSEPH WHALLEY, grocer, Lockwood, Yorkshire, March 5, and April 4, at ten, at the office of Mr. Barker, Huddersfield. Lever, Gray's Inn-square; Barker, Huddersfield. JOHN WILLINS, broker, Warwick, March 18, and April 4, at Twelve, at the George Inn, Worwick. Burbury and Lampray, Warwick ; Meyrick and Cox, Red Lion.square, London. M PE RIALPA IMAM_ THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS• The Turnpikes' Act Continuation Bill went through a Committee, and was reported without amendment. Lord ELLENBOROUGH moved for a copy of the cor respondence between the Board of Control and the Board of Directors of the East India Company, relative to the case of Mr. Prendergast.—Ordered. Viscount MELBOURNE laid upon the table the report made by the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the poor laws. He did not then mean to say anything relative to the case that could provoke any sort of discus sion. The proper time for that would be when the re port came under consideration in that House. He could not, however, let that opportunity pass without express ing his high approbation of the care, diligence, and atten tion which had been bestowed by the Commissioners. Considering the nature of the subject—its complicatedna tore, it was scarcely possible but that som e errors might have crept into the report. but when it was known that two Reverend Prelates of that House, who had many other impo . rtant duties to perform; and considering also that the other gentlemen who were engaged in the com mission belonged to a profession the duties of which were very arduous, the country must be much indebted to those commissioners for the ample a nd valuable infor mation communicated in their report.—On the motion of the Noble Viscount, the report was ordered to be printed. The Earl of DURHAM presented a petition from the Protestant Dissenters of Bridgewater, praying for relief from the grievances under which they laboured, in having to support the Established Church. He also presented a pe tition from Allhallows, London, complaining of the con duct of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, in present ing the rectory of that parish to the Rev. Francis Daw son, who at the time was rector of Cbislehurst, and Orpington, and likewise Prebend and Sub- Dean of Canterbury. The petitioner stated that as the Legislature bad provided funds sufficient for the due maintenance of the ministry, and as they (the peti• tioners) were compelled to support a minister for their own parish, they thought that, at least, they were entitled to have one who was resident within the parish. The Noble Earl said he had no connexion with any one of the petitioners, but that be felt it his duty to present any petition which was sent to him, and which was respectfully worded. He had made some inquiries into the allegations contained in the petition, and he found that there were considerable causes for complaint. It appeared, however, that before the present pre sentation, the rectal) , was held for 18 years by a gen tleman named Brown, who resided at Woodstock, and it was proved that during all that 18 years, be had only been in the parish 18 times, or once a year. The curate who performed the duty was so unknown, that even the over seer of the parish knew nothing more of him than that he lived somewhere in the West-end.—(Hear, hear.) Ser vice was performed only once a week, on Sundays : the church was very large, and capable of containing the whole population of the parish, which amounted to 600, yet an average having been taken, it was found that it was attended by not more than 25 people. The curate's salary, he believed, was only 60/. per annum ; but the tithes of the parish, with the fees on burials, &c., alto altogether amounted to upwards of 4001. The petitioners complained that in consequence of this pre sentation they wouid now, as they had heretofore been, be left without any scriptural attention whatever. He could not help thinking that that was a case of very peculiar hardship, and that it was one well worthy the attention of the Legislature. The petitioners d d not, and of course lie would not, say one word re flecting on the character of the individual ; all they said was, that they did not expect to derive any advantage from his being appointed. It was of the system that they complained, and, as he had before stated, he con• sidered it a case of considerable hardship, and one wor thy the attention of the House. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY said that, after the cool, temperate, and gentlemanly manner—(Hear, hear)—in which the Nobte Earl had brought forward this petition, he had not one word of complaint to make. The objections both of the petitioners and the Noble Earl were to the system, and not to the Reverend Gentleman therein named.—(Hea.. bear.) With those objections he entirely agreed ; but such was the state of the law at present, that a presentation was perfectly regular. That such was the case was no fault of his, for, two years ago, he bed brought forward a Bill, for which he had to night most strenuously agatn , t an obstinate, and, he might truly say, factious cpposition in that House. He however succeeded in having it passed there ; but it shared another fate in the other House. Had that Bill become the law of the land, be stated at the time that it would have put an end to two-thirds of the pluralities that then existed ; but now on more mature consideration, he believed it would have put end to five-sixths. lie bad nothing to say in commendation of the reverend gentleman, because no at tack bad been made upon him. The case stood thus_ —He was Rector of Cbiselhurst, which living wa: worth about 4001. per annum. He also held the sinecurs rectory of Orpington, which produced him about 401. pee annum. But he having been chaplain to the House or Commons, was r ecommended to his Majesty for promotionf A prebend's stall in Canterbury fell in soon after, to which. he was presented in consequence of that recommendation. Not many months after the present living fell in, and by the law of the land, the Chapter was bound to offer it to some one of their own body-- (Hear, bear)—and so it was that Mr. Dawson bad got the presentation. He had not a word to say as to the propriety of his having accepted it under such circume stances, but as the law at present stood, be had a perfectrieht to take it. The livings, however, were at so short a dis tance, that he understood from the Rev. Gentleman that he intended to spend great part of his time in it. With regard to the curate, be also bad been newiy appointed, and he believed that it was his intention to reside in the parish. He would always be ready to lend his assissance for the purpose of putting an end to all pluralities, or any mea sure that was likely to be advantageous to the Church. The House then adjourned to Tuesday. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER. took the Chair at a quarter past five There was an unusually large attendance of Members, and a vast number of private Bills were presented, none of which were possessed of any interest. On the motion of Lord ALTHORP, that the order of the day be read for the House to resolve itself into a Com mittee of Supply, Mr. ROBINSON rose, and begged to ask the Noble Lord (Althorp) whether there was any intention on the part of the Government to make any alteration in the du ties on timber ? that We understood the NOBLE LORD to say, in reply, there was no intention at present, on the part of the Go vernment, to do so. In answer to a question relative to the salaries of the I officers of the House, Lord ALTHORI? said, there were some officers who should be paid by fixed salaries, and there were other cases in which a payment by fees was necessary. There were some instances in whick officers connected with that House were obliged to sit up to a late hour of the night, and if these persons were paid by fixed salaries, although he did not suppose there would be any danger that they would not perform their duties efficiently, yet still the payment by fees would insure their doing so. The House was the best judge of what officers should be paid by fees, and what officers should he paid by fixed salaries, and a Committee of the whole House would be the proper place to have any alterations made. Mr. GUEST put a question, which could not be heard in the gallery. Lord ALTHORP said, that with regard to gratuities they were almost in the nature of fees. Hon. Members frequently felt themselves disposed to make gratuities, but there was nothing of that sort compulsory on asy Mem ber of the House; and for his own part he did not think it was a subject the House ought to interfere with. Mr. GUEST attempted again to speak, but the Speaker arose, amidst cries of "Oider, order." The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Member must be aware that although by the counting of the House he was permitted to ask a question on what had been just stated, yet it was irregular, and would be extremely in convenient if he were to argue upon the answer he bad received. Mr. WILKS wished to know whether it was the intention of Government to revise the provisions of the Irish Stamp Office Act, which did not exist in England, with a view to the bringing in of some measure to amend that Act. Lord ALTHORP said, that the Act which be believed the Hon. Member alluded to, in Ireland, had been passed by the Irish Government, and not by the British Par liament.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Yet it was an Act passed in 1738, and bad been adopted in 1815 into the Act passed by - this Parliament. He believed it was an Act prospective and imperative. Not long since the Secretary for Ireland had written to the law officers there, calling their attention to it. Their attention had been directed to it and they found t hat it was impera tive, and that they were bound by it. It was an Act, however, that was most easily evaded, and always had been evaded. No attempt bad ever been msde to prevent its being evaded, and that was the reason, in all probability, why it had existed as a law so long. He was not prepared to pledge himself to bring in any Bill at pre- sent with a view to alter or abolish it. Mr. O'CONNELL said, that in 1800 it was made an annual Act—it had been continued annually for some time down, but was universally supposed that i t had long since expired. As to himself, he had no idea that such an Act was in existence, until the present notice of motion had been given. The Hon. and Learned Member then put two questions to the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland, re specting the measure, the effects of wlsich be had detailed last night, neither of which we distinctly heard, from the bustle and confusion that prevailed in the House at the time. Mr. LITTLETON submitted to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and to the House, the propriety of abstaining from putting questions upon this subject until the Bill was before them, which would be introduced in about three days at the latest. Sir S. WHALLEY asked two questions of the Noble Lord in the department of the Woods and Forests (Lord Duncannon), but in so low a tone of voice, and the noise in the House was so great, that they were not audible in the gallery ; we understood them relate to the accommodation which should be afforded o the public by opening the Regent's Park. i Lord DUNCANNON was also very imperfectly beard, as were several succeeding Members. He was under tood to say that it was his wish that the public 41 hould be afforded every accommodation and convenience: ut he could not advise his Majesty to order the Regent's Park to be altogether thrown open, although he did intend to recommend that that part which was between the road and the canal on one bide should be opened. Mr. RUTHVEN asked the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland if it was the intention of Government to carry into effect the recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Com missioners, by uniting the Deaneries of Down and Rathfoe? Mr. LITTLETON said that was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers, and that in a very few days the sub ject would be before the Lord Lieutenant and the Council. Colonel VERNER, in allusion to a meeting for the abolition of tithes in Ireland, which was held a short titre ago, at which two magistrates were present, wished to know whether it was the inten tion of his Majesty's Government to adopt any steps with respect to those House if be were tol read a statement of the proportion of all the counties from which the applications bad coin! proportion of tithe owners ? answer that Mr. LITTLETON was not re weed to o f the question ;he would mention, h o w ever, a few a TheyCamtl, Catholics. c a o d ., c e come N fr E o L m L those wished is hed counties to know the w most what h p a te was l a e sd the counties from which the f ewe st had com e, and fe w , f3nrao:abpapwn applications cl i ,, c 7t h i o; n t a h en e d; l f a rf r or g orn e m s t T y h Lr a oo d on de c ,o o nl m 4d, e e. . r ruy , F e w e' l l reference to the proportions according to the se nties that had passed council, and obtained relief. f rom from which the greatest proportion had come, were,lf6o; Carlow 52 ;Dublin 54 ;Kildare 101 ; 'Olk en " 62 ; Meath 63 ; King's County 64; Queen ., County ~ . Wexford 198 ; Clare 144 ; Cork 303 ; Limerick 1q,1 3 ; Tipperary 248 ; Waterford 279 ; and Galway 9g• an d la y ;9 A p n efar t ko r i ti l lge t dv r ot e i k i total amount claimed, including both clerical tithe d a impropeiate, was seven hundred thousand pounds and a free, tion, and he thought little more than seven hundred thoussoa. , w in ou th ld ewfi c a o rs v :t er the whole demand. The schedules many ; cal to Government afforded the means of making ma n y cli i ulations, and showed many useful results, illustrativeoow the present tithe system of Ireland. In order to sh Ire- how minute and general the payment of tithes in lace called how frnorulatniplaiecdcoutnhetyabwowerieg:g he the fi v e in i land largest amounts payable by each individual in each countP, i , In England, gentlemen knew pretty well what amount et tithes was payable in good agricultural district s, but tbe o' s result was very different in Leland. In the countf '` of Antrim, where some of the largest amounts were paid,' there were not more than five individuals who psiw more than 61. ss. 6d. ; in Armagh, not more than five who paid more than 51. ss. 6 d. ; in Donega/' no t more than five who paid more than 141. Even in the county of Down the re were not more than fi n who paid more than 91. 14,. ; in Londonderry, not more than five who paid more than 5/. ; in Sligo, not more than five who paid mere than 71 . B s. ; in T y rooet not more than five who paid more than 71. I , ', It was true that in one county there was one individual who paid 501 . ; i n another county, one individual sobs paid 601. ; and in another, one who actually paid, he be' the lowest paid, from the statement already made. had no doubt that had he called for a returns of the 5 0) f l o ie r v m e d s , o l m s e 9/ i . d — e a ( o H f e a i r , 0 , w hear,scn small ear atrh)e—but sums t h m e u H s t o b u e se is migh t i ten who paid the least, the sum would have ppeared ve r f small indeed. To illustrate t his statement still furtb.ertt. A fte r a had called for an account o f another description, 07,75, a view to take an average am ount of payment. r ~ enume rating several parishes, the Right Honourat.st: Gentleman said, that in a parish of Galway, fo I r o , stance, where there were 1,218 tithe PaY e ; the average payment was 88. bd.; in Wate rford this a". rage was 6s. '7d. ; and those were amongst the larger, payments. Then, by another schedule, containing„ol , P number of names with the smallest ton'u-;`, claimed, be found that in a parish in Al ma % consisting of four hundred and seventy tit he- P aYe' they did not pay on an average more than Is. 3d. eac h ' In a parish in Clare, containing 529 tithe payers, th e r, did not pay more than ls. 71d. ea ch. In a Par'''. in Cork, containing three hun dred and sixty-five 601: payers, the average payment was not more than 10 er", In Donegal, in a parish consisting of 1,700 tithe psY p ; the average payment was not more than Is. Bid. ro t parish in Kilkenny, consisting of 903 tithe payer's jog more than ltd. In a parish in Londonderry, comPoaee, 1,243 tithe payers, they paid only 6d. on theaver 90, In a parish in Mayo, consisting of 338 tithe Pap, the average did not amount to more than le•_ boir el He had another account in his possession, which l os do the extreme poverty of many of the tithe payers, a l . '' .0 1, consequent di ffi culty which must be experienced t l' v jo letting the payments. There was a large P! 01 1 0 , 4 20 parishes of different counties in only ninepence each person. In a p l a r r e i l s a h nc i l n whichtoh cwoho :f o of Carlow, there were 446 t hetithe- pia con y of 289 paid under 9.1. Ina parish in , o r. „ati Clare, of 434 tithe-payers, 254 4 1 in the county of Cork, out of 1,270 tithe.payehr:, so paid under 9d., and many considerably less t °tithe' of 205 of sum ; in a parish in the King's County, be 0 11131 ,1 payers, 97 paid under 9d.; in a parish in t oder 9 d Roscommon, of 243 tithe payers, 119 Paid 6 0 pis i and in a parish in Tipperary, of 341 tithe pa yers I t to ol under 9d. Upon the whole, taking the average° p oi counties in Ireland, in which there were 7,005 tithe ieol aS not less than 2,444 paid under 9d. each. Thege° tor in the department from which he had his inf orm I stated to him that in a parish in the e °1 :,(49 1 Therewr a h n i while pi were fe t rr h oe e ma l a arggrefearartttholiialgt numberb e t r o i a t Carlow, the whole amount due by 202 psf ere 1r best ' paid under 9a. i "' ,p was 10s. 311., being little better than a Pea n Y ,'.o e ea' exhibited a large proportion oawhfails o ldi f nengfa:ut t a h ltan e ebdrs°l:e:;[:: ::: :ehet:r had taken a schedule containing an inslue,, r 1 0 of small claims, and he bad counted about It not more the highest amount charged against whom Wa s . uer e tfli than twopence, and of that in some instances " aw are i several quarters due. The House ought to be , . g s ollt o i the extreme di ffi culty there was in c11. n 1° 0 011 . 4 of that amount, and particularly wb v e i n bi _: oa sot: o lo the parishes there were not less than three Oa' at 00 00 of whom collected for himself. It was War r :: o f th te l House should be acquainted with the O tt ! b pref lo difficulties, independent of the agitation co to that A rle' in the country, for he did not attribute the ;ne iplry , although agitation of a cruel, unjust, and °O r " so y r o , scription prevailed there. He did not alludeisttatirbed id ticular person ; but that system hld d deser i e i be t peace of Ireland, and bad endangered tha t but for t O , property. He was aware, however, tha t io oed s ° o d agitation the existing system might have co/ . 1 .03 e oir o time longer, but from the di ffi culties Wh i ., / ,, t eißm there must shortly be some alteration. l' oe d io r o o perhaps, be told that the Act which wasp tbss°" f o r ielfl °. l it a nh s e t t session hneu m difficultyber h o a f d poaf c y a cm u o s el e lne d tcst a i;o na v , e n r db y ese c oa Fs a i considerably a b b l a e d ted di 0 to, i bsod; b e admit... l ;oe o re It was not possible for him, without great ', a r t the 0, inconvenience, to ascertain with precision "„, ceao suits of that Act had been, but, as he had obtained sufficient information g rew to2 e e, give a pretty accurate notion of the result. se tie d , far as." a ble • great nutnber of occupying tenants and th!) w_ t i be, / the Act of last session were liable to cooPositiOli_avirPouln formation came fur all the counties in Irelao d • 1 7 as tiec# trouble the Committee with all the det ails o . u • s P FAO, counties, but the general result from si xt „r o - i 0 040 in 22 counties , in which there were 16,"''' 04 7 o p liable to the payment of tithes there Were :otlisj tenants at will or yearly tenants, and as talC";), tf", to its payment ; thereby reducing the number o • - %irlr . j able f trnfatua r iarm o hceeami n ' ntskcetto f e(od a l ihfte c i 6 nesttt i telp , h l ii 2 i fro:em t oii 3 tsi i sprn e ie l tt s aii tt(os t t n n u o neer, 9 o t es h f ' sul e l ua posed. He might operation of the Act of last year ought to satisfy t'e th at ~ h sufficient a owes on p eof th , e a n d ya.rg uthwaetotthe the r : ogiesu il b _ ri reason to use arguments of expedienc y. He ° DIY ' 0 0 0 reduction wit of because the Government would never conse tebatiii stance, and in the next to be p 9 wpwpp o p o preh w oo . orish n prciaante e ht rprgTstsopy:fo,lbaiefaets that toldincnt present re wastoa that i other eal collecting. offere dtl i tec ei erui:tor:i !d :l poses as Parliament in its wisdom should d ee m ~,,e a tlt h il Having made these preliminary observations, r vi itb 3 # was moat important that all the facts conno te nr ootot question should be declared, he would 0 01 ,.. ; r elsi',i/. detail the plan which it was the intention of nil g reS t IP bateh applicable r w e c y a h s u t o r c a th b o any o n : P c ar t y ,; teeoth : eer rd ; : o , Government to lay before the Committee. r oe so S , and object of that measure would be to fin u D oer/ # commuting Tithes in the quickest possible °lasi°, by the most practicable process, by the e e ,. 11 ,. 0. 14 , tithes into land. The first thing therefore ' o 'f pre, 4 l? went would be to confer on that description °,. o f x . „l , all the valuable security it was in the po! e t " be refr n i ament to confer.—(Hear.) It was i nten ded : 03 he r f i g , , propose that from and after the first of t 4 ° l- id .0' tithe composition should cease in Ireland ' th a e ny and after that day a land tax should be g el Majesty, payable by the same parties ceb ° subject to compositions for tithes, and PaY 2 same amounts. For the first five yeas A ' to t'' , the landholders without injuring the titheho'; estate, parties o n t w e r h i n o 9 easily reconciled. Of course one of the °": measure would be to lid every possible those on whom the charge of re deroP l fall, for meeting the different kinds °I l L fiv a e stl ) y .e , ar i s t , proposed com etahartenwthpaateyvaebrle pbryoP.e: land tax should continue unredeemed, at th . e ,,, standing next in the real interest of th e , also that this indemnity should consist "' ment of one-fifth of the composition, 50d e t ' should be entitled, by a process hereafter t o t' ' to recover the whole amount against the .„ party liable to composition. With reference '" itwwswhhatosicuuhllddbhbeee seen that b o w t h o would s en be a r ie : substantialwpthraoos puogt proposed td he e interestallowed nt a ; ir i to j i. t Ali sv ef, o 7 o 4 , , ble i r $ e aelO f e l i ii. , ) 0 be ti l 0 brVi: I b e .. r ytl e , Or 010 ' Ide r : 0 0 1i 1 :le , - 01 , .; o seet' l i t y ~ ' ' 'O O 0 u • E rd ew of 0' ' or ti o : l 3 0(, 1 ,; e e o lie 4 he I te I es ° ' eV) f A P e r he t t" 10 1 Jo so lie e ; oil teo ° !, ilfr P) '.- :hat the butter which was formerly sold for Is. 61 . and Magistrates. Mr. LITTLETON said be was aware of tha, meeting, the requisition for which was signed by one Magistrate, and at which a resolution was pro posed by another Magistrate.—(Hear, bear.) He was, however, not aware that the meeti n g was illegal, or that any unwarrantable language was us ed at it, and therefore it was not the intention of the Government to take any steps with respect to those magistrates.—(Hear, bear.) Major BEAUCLERK put a question to a Noble Lord opposite, relative to the contemplated employment of the new police force in a parish in Surrey, which had been protested against by the parishioners, but he spoke in a tune that was nearly inaudible to the reporters. Lord HOWICK said he could give no answer to the question, as from the want of previous notice he had not any information upon the subject. If, however, the Hon. and Gallant Officer wished he would make the inquiry. Major BEAUULERK then gave notice that he would, at another time, put the question. On the motion that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of Supply, Lord CHANDOS rose, and, after that part of his Majesty's speech relating to the distress of the agricultural interests had been read by the clerk, the Noble Lord said that he was about to call the attention of the House to the subject of the agricultural distress. He believed that be was about to call the attention of the House to a question of the greatest importance, and one which, in his bumble judgment, was not exceeded in im portance by any other. It was admitted that distress per vaded all the agricultural classes. He was unable to do justice to the subject, but he trusted in what he brought before the House, however humble his efforts might be, that the House would go along with him, for they were all satisfied that distress existed, and be was sure they would he all ready to relieve it. Distress bad existed amongst the agricultural classes for a great many years—it had extended with great rapidity, and at one period with greater rapidity than at another ; but there was not one portion of the agricultural interest which was not, more or less, suffering under distress. In the year 1821, a Committee was appointed to in quire into the agricultural distress, but he believed that that Committee did not do great credit to the agricultural interest, or give any relief to that body. Certainly distress existed in 1821, though not to such a degree as it existed at present. Last year his Majesty's Government appointed another Committee, in order that this House might be made acquainted with the present state of the agricultural distress. It was but due to the Right Hon. Baronet, the Chair man of that Committee, to state that no person was better able to inquire into the subject than he was. The report, which was so clearly drawn up, went along with him (Lord Chandos) in his assertion that distress to a great extent existed amongst the agricultural in terests.—(Hear, hear.) He would read an extract from the report of the Committee in 1821, which expressed a hope that the great body of the agriculturists, though suffering from distress, might, from the increasing prospe rity of the times, from their credit, and from the resources which they possessed, be able to meet the difficulties which surrounded them. But the Committee of last year allowed the full extent of the difficulties which pressed upon agriculture, and expressed their opinions that the agricultural credit was falling, and that their resources were exhausted. Was it then possible for any man con nected with the soil, and relying upon it for his indepen dence,• not to sympathize with the distressed state of the farther, and to take the earliest opportunity to assist him in his distresq He felt, and he stated with feelings of plea sure, that he depended upon the soil for his independence. The reports of the Committee of 1821 and of 1833 con firm the opinion, to which there can be scarcely a dis sentient idea, of the general distress of the farmers. This distress arises from different causes; from local and general causes. Some farmers, to be sure, are in a flourishing condition ; but those were such as have other resources besides their lands—resources upon which they are obliged to fall back. These are resources which the generality of farmers do not possess.—(Hear.) It was well known that the destruction of crops has been very general. It was well-known that in the lowlands, where, in the year 1815, rents were 535. they are now reduced to '7s. and 14s. The landlords made every ex ertion to meet the coming difficulties, as they increased from time to time ; but every contrivance tended only to increase the difficulties, and diffuse them through all grades—from landlords down to labourers. Daily charges are brought against the farmers of a wish to enjoy a monopoly to the prejudice of other classes. He (Lord Chandos) on every opportunity would disclaim this.—(Hear, hear.) They did not trench on the interests of any other classes. They endured their distresses, and did not clamour as other classes, for relief.—(Load cheers.) They bore them patiently—they did not resist the King's officers. They manifested a degree of patience which entitled them to the consideration of all who were willing to award redress, when it was sought for peaceably, and when their claims to it were derived from the spirit of loyalty they exhibited, and the forbear ance they evinced, under all their grievances.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord, on bringing in his Budget the other night, had alluded to the distresses of the agricultural classes, and stated his hope that he should Le able this session to relieve them by his proposed alterations in the poor laws, and the tithe system.—(Hear, bear.) So far as these two measures went, they would certainly benefit the farmers, but they would by no means relieve the entire class. The Noble Lord was himself a firmer, and knew what the state of the farmers was at that moment. At all events, the plan, as proposed by the Noble Lord regarding the commutation of tithes, was prospective, and they could not obtain any relief from that for a certain time. But before the farmer got that relief, a great many of those who were now able to go would sink. In the county where he (the Marquis of Chandos) resided, such was the amouutof the poor rates that one large parish wasin the hands of the poor. That was not the state to whieh the whole country was to be brought, because whenever that should be the case it was past legislation, and no Minister, no matter who he might be, could save the country from utter ruiu and destruction. It was necessary for the House to look to the state in which the agricultural interest, now stood with regard to produce and its price. He bad heard an Hon. Member, a few nights since, allude to the monopoly the farmer's enjoyed in the articles of butter, bacon, and he believed he added eggs.—Laughter.) He meant the Honourable Member for. Middlesex. But he could tell that Hon. Member, that the farmers did not enjoy any such monopoly. If the Hon. Member for Middlesex-held a large dairy farm, he woold be aware s. 7d. was now down to Is. ld. and Is. 2d. With re- Bard to the price of cattle, the Hon. Member knew more about that than he (she Marquis of Chandos) did.— (Great laughte,.) There was nothing extraordinary in the prices of auy description of agricultural produce—it was no more than the farmer ought:to have in order tope able to pay his labourers, and in fact it was under a fair remuneration. The prices of labour which were formerly 6 and 7 shillings were now up to 10 shillings. When lielooked back to the period of 1823, when riots and fires took place throughout the country, he could not help bearing in mind that these excesses took place from the distsesses of the agricultural population, and their anxiety to have rents reduced. He hoped the country would never see those things again, and he hoped that the House would assist him in bringing about some relief to the farmers and the labouring classes. As Mr. Burke said the trade of the farmer was a poor one, and his capital more precarious than any other. He would now call the attention of the House to the condition in which the middle class of farmers were. A farmer who held 750 2 a c 3 r o e of for good labour,g r a s a s land h e p n a id the el7O King's fo r po taxes, ax a e r s, parochial rates, other incidentalexpenses were added, the whole charges upon 750 acres amounted to 769/ . 12s. The farmer alo paid a considerable duty up on malt—he also pa i d the duties upon was the in employed x m fie p de o d y s e Tdf hen o s h a ge came a m mt u he l t e t o r e e xa , st a sr n i a s d ot r t hd l e servant i s who t a h n e d w H u o p r o o k u n e s d e l nary increase that ha s taken piece in the poor rat!s he had taken the amount at two periods of six d years, from the year 1787 to 1792 they average 765/., and the average of six years from 1828 to 1833 was 3,677/. This was in t he count y of Buckingham, in which the price of wheat was 10s., and labour was from 9s. to 10s. In another parish the average fromthe 1787 to 1792 was 2,600/., and t he avera g e for six years from 1828 to 1833 was 7,139 /. In another parish the poor rates averaged in the for mer p eriod the sum of 2,1511., and from the year 1814 to 1819 they averaged 9,777/. In another parish i n the eame county, year in the former period, from 178 7 to 1792, they averaged 2,155/., and they now averaged 6,297/. If a stop were not put to this system, the prrperty would soon be in the hands of the paupers ; they would have the fee simple of the land. When these things were stated, the Noble Lord would see that it was necessary to give the agricultural interest relief by some other means than the prospective relief to which he had alluded. lie bad received a letter from a farmer in Somerset, and although he (the Marquis of Chandos) did not know him person ally, he was a man who was well known and respected. The letter stated that the produce of a farm in the vale of Taunten, for which he paid forty shillings per acre amounted to 5841., and that his outgoings amounted to 58'7/. This was a first rate farm. In a second rate farm, for which 28s. an acre was paid, the produce amounted to 7661., and the outgoings to 883/. He did not think that looking at all the circum stances in which the agricultural classes were placed they could make; the two ends meet in any part of the country. In the instances to which he had alluded the farmer having other means and resources, would perhaps be able to get on for same time longer. The Noble Lord had stated that be meant to give the householders the remission of their taxes. He (the Noble Marquis) was one who had voted for the reduction of those taxes, and he would have done so again this year had the question of vote had been brought forward. He con gratulated the househo!deis on what they had received, but he would have been better pleased if the Noble Lord had given the remission without accompanying it with the statement that he remitted that tax merely because it was unpopular, and there was a clamour raced against it. But why give up the house tax, and impose the malt tax? Lerd ALTHORP.—I did not impose the malt tax. The Marquis of CHANDOS—Yes, indeed, you did, because the House voted its abolition, and you c ime down in four days afterwards and imposed it again.—(Hear and laughter.) He had rejoiced to hear the flattering statement made by the Noble Lord of the state of his revenue. With respect to the 800,0001. which the Noble Lord said he had to appropriate in payment of the interest of the West In dia giant, he did not understrnd that that could be wanted till next August at the soonest. Lord ALTIIORP said the money had been all trans mitted. Ths Marquis of CHANDOS—The whole of the capital. Lord ALTHORP—Yes. The Marquis of CHANDOS then doubted that the Commissioners would not be ready to receive it, but still he thought the Noble Lord Lord might have retained part of it here awhile, so as to have enabled him to take off the window taxes.—(Hear, hear.) He was not one who wished that there should not be a strict at tention to good faith in the payment of that large sum of money now that it had been granted, but still important claims of the inhabitants of this country were not there fore to be rejected.—(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord would only impose an additional duty on gin and on French wines, he was quite sure that the Ex chequer would enable him to make these further remissions of taxation which were so loudly called for. The Noble Lord was extremely mistaken, if he thought he could go on another year, without giving assistance to the farmers. They bad long and patiently suffered, and never attempted by clamour or improper interference, to call upon the House to reduce their taxation, but they had this night begged through him to lay their case before Parlia ment. In doing so he knew the jury of which the House was composed. There were many country gentle men in it who well understood the subject, and be had no doubt they would conduct themselves on this occasion in such a manner as they would be enabled to go back to their constituents with confidence and satisfaction. He would not have felt that he was doing his duty to the farmers or to the public, bad be not taken the earliest possible opportunity of bringing forward this question after the the notice that bad been taken of it in his Majety's speech. After that notice every one thought an ex pected that Government would have brought forward measure for the amelioration of the farmer's con tion, but all had been grievously disappointed' He implored the House not to separate this night without showing the farmers that they would listen to their prayer. Ho brought forward the subject from no improper motive, not because he was opposed to the present Ministry, but because he considered it absolutely necessary that at tention should immediately be paid to this class of society. —Hear, hear, hear.) He hoped it would not be said that because the farmers had not given way to clamonr they were to be neglected, and now told nothing could be done for them, because the Budget was closed for another year. Shouid their prayer be rejected, their distress would be augmented, and the Noble Lord's difficulties beyond all doubt increased• He trusted, however, his humble tale on their behalf would be listened to ; he implored the Noble Lord to accede to his request. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the following resolution, as an amendment : " That in any reduction of the burthens of the country which it mighepe practicable to effect by the remission of taxes, a due regard be had to the distressrd condition of the agricultural interest, as adverted to his Majesty's speech." Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL rose to second the amendment, and said that he should ill discharge his duty to his constituents, if he hesitated for sne mo ment to express his concurrence generally in the senti ments of the Noble Lord who had preceded him. (LEFT SPEAKING). COURT OF KING'S BENCH-(THIS DAY. The case of Allport v. Baldwin, which was an action for libel, brought by Mr. Allporr, a highly respectable tanner, at Bewdley, against the Standard newspaper, for the insertion of a letter from a person signing himself a Lover of Truth, reflecting on that gentleman's character, came on in the Court of King's Bench to-day, and the Jury found a verdict for the plaintiff—Damages 40s. The late hour at which the trial was concluded compels us to postpone giving a full report till to -morrow. CITY, HALF-PAST FOUR. A great excitement prevailed in the city this afternoon, in consequence of the arrival of news lion) Lisbon, to the 10th, with the information of the resignation of the com mand of the army of Don Pedro by the Duke:of Terceira, and that Miguel was preparing to attack St. Übes. The Portuguese, Spanish, and other bonds have fallen consi derably, and the greatest alarm existed during the latter part of the afternoon. The sales of Portuguese were very great, and the prices fell almost immediately from 75-1 72, rallied to 74, and fell again to '7l, at which price they have just closed. Such a state of excitement has not been witnessed for a long time. Spanish fell from 37 to 35, at which they left off. The Consul market was also affected by some large sales, and the prices fell from 91i to 901, at which they closed. The eagerness for speculation was so great, that it was with difficulty the Stock Market could be cleared at the end of the day. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Fits. 20. Mr. LITTLETON'S speech concluded from our Se cond Edition of last night-- applications sent in, 2,216 had passed the Counrit and been declared entitled to relief. He should tire the ~1. th;, N l' ; to tt , the th ai di i , trod 'II tett Lr 'no