The Sun. — London, England, 1831-06-03 00:00:00

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Moniteur of Tuesday.) The official part contains a report to the King, from the Minister of Marine (Admiral de Rigny), on the importance of steam-boats, which, says the report, are now become an indispensable part of the military marine; and it is therefore necessary that measures should be adopted to derive the greatest possible advantage from them. The ordinary mode of navigation and that by steam, though resembling each other on some points, such as both requiring a knowledge of the sett and its effects, are, however, in many respects different. In steam-vessels going to sea, the sails are mere ac cessaries to be used in favourable circumstances ; but they are chiefly moved by machinery, which requires that those who are employed in managing it should be thoroughly acquainted with it. A t present there are but few steam-boats in France fit for sea service, consequently there are but insuffi cient opportunities for persons to learn the use and management of the machinery. The Minister, to make up for the defect, proposes the organization of a special company of marine workmen attached to the service of the steam-boats, The Minister proposes that there shall at first be thirty steam boats, as fixed in the preceding budget of 1831. At present there are only seven such vessels in the ports of France, so that one company of marine workmen will suffice for the moment. This report is followed by an ordinance, embody ing the plan of the Minister. (From the National of Tuesday.) PARTS, MAY 30.—We invite our readers to reflect on the letter of Lord Ponsonby to the Belgic Con gress. We do not expect to see the Ministry con tradict the audacious assertion of Lerd Ponsonby, that France is ready to league with the German Confederation to crush the Belgians, if they will not submit to the conditions imposed on them with re spect to the cession of Luxemburg. It will be for France to give this contradiction, if it were possible that our Government had contracted the infamous engagements of which Lord Ponsonby speaks ; and that any attempt can have been made to render our arms for the second time accomplices of the liber ticide designs of the Holy Alliance. (From the Alfessager des Chambres of Wednesday.) .... TOULON, MAY 23.—Le Genie brig, Captain Caner, suddenly sailed yesterday on a secret mis sion. It is said, but this report needs confirmation, that it is gone to an Italian port, the name of which is not stated, and in which it is stated the Syrene is detained. This frigate, which was bound to Lis bon, was driven out of its course by bad weather, and obliged to put into the port in question; it is added that it is detained by the Austrian troops that occupy that port. TitioNvILLE, MAY 28,—The Prince of Saxe Weimar, Governor of Luxemburg, passed through this town this morning on his way to Treves. Prince William, son of the King of Prussia, arrived at 'Freres on the 26th of May to review the troops. His Royal Highness intends to visit afterwards Sarrelouis and Sarrebruck. (From the Message,. des Chambres.) Extract of a private letter from Warsaw :-" One can hardly imagine the desolate arid frightful aspect of the whole country through which the Russians have passed. You may sometimes travel two or three miles without finding a single house which has not either been burned or dilapidated from top to bottom, and this dilapidation has been effected with extraordinary care and research. We lately went to the head-quarters, which were at a beautiful country house at Ruda, eight leagues from Warsaw. You can hardly figure to yourself how every thing has been destroyed ; not only have all the windows been broken, the doors cut to pieces with hatchets, but all the furniture is injured; the strings of a harpsichord were broken, and were strewed about the gardens. The mattresses were torn to piece, and the horse-hair thrown out of the windows.- There was a small library ; during all the time the generous Russians lived in the house, they would not allow any wool to be used on the fire; they burned nothing but hooks, and as they could not burn all of them, some were thrown into the little river which crosses the garden. These details ate of little importance, but I give them in order to afford an idea of the manner in which these troops conduct themselves. These past circum stances, however, are nothing compared to the horrors which are now perpetrated every instant. There are no massacres, it is tree, they being forbidden, but individually the soldiers commit great atrocities ; neither women nor children are spared. One woman had her breast cut off, in order, as was said, that she might not suckle another revolutionist, old men have had their eyes put out. All the springs have been poisoned; wherever there is a pond or a well, arms and legs are found, or dead bodies entire. Dreadful as this is, we are told that' this is nothing compared with what takes place in Lithuania and Samogitia. The revolution there has assumed a desperate character. The patriots there know that they have nothing to hope, and tin y are therefore resolved to conquer or perish. The Rus sians, of course, are the more furious; they carry fire and blood every where. They pursue the wretched people to their houses, which they set on fire, and receive those who attempt to escape from it with the point of the bayonet. In short, it is impossible to form an idea of all the horrors which are com mitted, and yet all Europe contemplates with calm ness these scenes of the extermination of a people whose existence and independence are so intimately connected with those of the whole of Central and Western Europe." (From the Precurseur de Lyons.) BEAUCAIRE (SOUTH OF FRANC:O, MAY 24.-It is necessary I should describe to you some occur rences of which different versions may go forth. Yesterday, at Tarascon, the fete-day in this town, the patriots wished to distinguish themselves by erecting a tree of liberty on the promenade, and in spite of the refusal of sanction by the authorities, who determined to oppose it. A battalion of the line, and many squadrons of hussars, were called out. The Mayor, surrounded by the paraphernalia of office, made the requisite summonses for pulling down the tree, and dispersing the assemblage of the people. The troops, however, refused to proceed to extremities, and declared that they could not fire upon people who were only citizens, exclaiming, "‘ Long live Liberty," " Long live Louis Philip." Some of the soldiers fraternized with the people, released a few prisoners, and thus terminated the day. During this scene the Chasseurs, notwithstanding the example of the line, remained immovable, caus ing some inquietude to the patriots, lest they should harbour opposite opinions ; but a Sub-Lieutenant, throwing himself before the squadron with which the Captain wished to charge the people, cried out to the Chasseurs, " Long live Liberty," and in stantly the latter made common cause with the people, and proved to them that they were not Carlists. But this opinion of their being such had been so well spread, that in the b evening 400 or 500 young Carlists Caine to a ub c-house behi n d t h e b arrac k s with two white flags, and in v it e d t h e Ch asseurs to second them in their attemptp pt to pull down th e t ree of liberty. Unfortunately s for .s them,theThe t C r h a e s d s e u i t; e s were Liberals a n d Ph il' public-house with cudgels, smashed every so m thin, took 150 prisoners, who were more or less wounded by the sticks, eight or ten only having got sabre or lance cuts; two guns were seized, ten pistols, a quantity of cartridges, and several poignards. This affair is referred to the tribunals. This morning the squadrons wished to do justice to their Carlist Captain!: to four of them arid the two commanders they signified that they should no longer belong to their corps, and that they should In t again enter their barracks. FRENcn Ft sos.-P 901 A Rts, MAY 31.-Five per Cents., . 40c. 60c. 70c. 75c. 70e. 75c. 60c. 5.5 c. 90f. "60c. 70c. 9 , 1 f. 90f. 90c. 90c. 85c. 80c.; Loan of 1`531, ?Of. 90c . 91f. 25e. ; 40c l•otr e pe ioc r Cents. 7f. 50c. • Three per Cents., tylf. 40c. . _ . 65 5 1. 64f. 40c. 85c. 90c. 85c. 80c. 6.51.: 10c. 2.5 c. ; Route sot de Naples, 72f. 70c. 75c. 85c. 731 • Royal Spanish Loan, 67i Rente Per petuelte d'Espagne, '53% % 4 53 3 1 %. Exchange on London, one month, paper, 2.5f'. 15c. • money; 2.5 f. 15c.; three months, paper, 25f.; money 25E-Cour: Authentique. BELGIUM. (From the Times Private Correspondent.) BRUSSELS, MAY 31. The discussion on the means of extricating the nation from the difficulties in which it is placed, was continued this day in ;the Congress. I was present at the discussion, which is somewhat similar to that of the Chamber of Deputies in Frante. The dull Mode of reading speeches is practised here as in Paris, the result tf which is, that there is a same. ness and a heaviness in some of the speeches un- Worthy of freemen. Others showed that the prin ciple of liberty was warm in the breasts of the ma jority. Among the speeches which seemed to me most worthy of attention were those of M. Beyts and M. Van de Weyer : the former is an old man well versed in the history of his country, who clearly ex plained the schemes of the diplomatists of London. In the first protocol proposed by these gentlemen in November last, in order to induce the Belgians to stay their invasion of Holland, the boundaries, as arranged between Holland and Belgium in 1814, were specially pointed out, while by the protocol of the 20th of January last, when the Belgians were in duced to stop a cessation of fighting, the boundaries of 1700 were positively marked as the confines of Belgium. This Machiavelian policy of the diplo matists was stated to be the source of the present misfortunes of Belgium. Many severe comments were made on the letter of Lord Ponsonby to the Minister for Foreign Affairs here; it was pronounced to be unworthy of an English 'diplomatist; and far more fit for an agent of the Emperor of Russia, or of the absolute despots of the North. Its threats to have the name of Belgium extinguished for ever, were scouted, as deserving rather the scorn or pity of the Congress, than its serious consideration. The conduct of Sebastiani was also treated with the severest censure; the tricks, the plots, and the intrigues of that Minister were pointed out and re probated. His object was stated to be the mysti fication of the affairs of Belgium, so as to induce the surrender of the country to France. Hints were a:so thrown out, as if the agent of another great nation was labouring for the restoration of the Nassau family. Deceived, as they are, by the conference of London, the Belgians maintain that they ought to look to themselves for the cutting of the Gordian knot ; and some contended for an immediate decla. ration of war against Holland, as the only mode of bringing the question to an issue. M. Van de Weyer, a young man, who spoke dis tinctly and in the same manner as the Members in the English House of Commons without a written paper before him, explained the futility of proceed ing to hostilities, the results of which were uncertain, and even if favourable would require to be adjudicated by negotiations at the clo:ie. The Congress, after a long discussion, proceeded to the vote by name, on the subject of to-morrow, taking the peace or war system into consideration, on which the numbers were— For the peace system to he discussed first 137 For the war system 4B Majority in favour of peace, and of the election of Prince Leopold, an a means of sustaining it B9 The utmost quiet has this day prevailed in the city. BRUSSELS, MAY 30. The sitting of the Congress this day was the ob ject of general attention. The galleries were filled at an early hour, and all the avenues to the national Palace were crowded. Nevertheless, the order of the day merely announced the priority of the dis cussion of the propositions of MM. Van de Weyer, Blargny, and Robaulx, to which were added those of M. Nothomb and the central section. You are aware that these propositions differ in certain shades from that which has for its object the election of the Chief of the State. The sitting commenced at two o'clock by the re port of M. Brouckere, the Finance Minister, on three financial laws. He concluded by announcing to the Congress that he had resigned, and with much emotion vindicated his administration, protesting at tachment to the cause of the revolution. The retirement of M. de Brouckere may be con sidered as the signal of the dissolution of the Mi nistry. It is true that the Regent wishes to main tain the system adopted by M. Lebeau,.and that M. Brouckere has resigned because he believed it to be incompatible with the triumph of the revolution since the communications of Lord Ponsonby. It is impossible that such a system can be maintained in presence of the Journals, which, without excep tion, oppose it, and of the feeling of the country, which is weary of expectation, and is ready to ter minate by arms questions of treaties which the con ference never can terminate by negociation. After the Minister of Finance, MM. Seron and Jottrand successively addressed the Congress, and their speeches were in favour of the war opinion. The latter was very violent, arid reprobated the con duct of the Ministry and the diplomatists. M. Nothomb spoke next in support of his motion ; but I left the house to have the opportunity of finishing my letter before the post departs. This morning the Belgic Association published a protest against the principles laid down in the pro tocols and Lord Ponsonby's letter. This associa tion has not now all the popularity which it had at its first institution, but in the present circumstances it may with a little address become menacing. The word " war" is electric with the masses, and in revolution those who can move the masses will have power. I cannot conceal from you that whatever the final decision of the Congress may be, I apprehend that hostilities with Holland will take place. It will never be possible to persuade the Belgians to cede the limits they claim. Amidst all the causes of un easiness, one fact, however, is consoling, and that is, that the choice of Prince Leopold is every where popular. It is believed that he does not give an affirmative answer because the Conference is not yet disposed to give us our proper boundaries. In my opinion, the Conference would do well to let the war of limits take its course between the Belgians and the Dutch. The interference of the Powers might then be usefully exercised. POLAND. (PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.) BERLIN', MAY 25.—According to the latest ac counts from Warsaw, General Skrzynecki was marching towards Ostrolenka with 25,000 men. His object was supposed to be to attack the Russian Guards at Ostrolenka. He left 15,000 men at Minsk, who, by a movement on Siedlec, induced Diebitsch to march on Kaluszyn. An affair then took place on the 13th of May, near Jendrezewo, which obliged the Russians to retire to Zuckow. Thus Diebitsch, deceived by this movement, left the road to Ostrolenka open to Skrzynecki. Diebitsch's head-quarters were, on the 17th of May, at Luckow, between Kock and Siedlec. About 300 officers and men of Dweraicki's army have escaped and returned to Poland. The following is the state of the cholera:—Pa tients at Warsaw (April 23 to May .5), 2,580; Recovered, 192; Died, 1,110; Remain sick, 1,278. According to the latest accounts the disease dimi nishes daily. The proportion of deaths is 1 to 20 who take the disorder, but it is hardly to be found in private houses. Cholera has appeared at Ostrolenka, Wilna, Sockazew, and Lowicz. troops vatme d tooksbeyond V : p WAR n A dos i ss A e Y nlssoi 2 odn l . . :o.f. 21.-On the 18th instant our O tt s. N t v r o o t l i e ld nk b a e , i a n n lp d o h ss a i v b e le ad to j - describe the ay of the inhabitanr s at the approach rn of their liber a t ors . T he ene greatest rapidity t h e f ort ificatTons e twrotiiceiszll had the been raised in the nei g hb our h oo d of Ostrolenka, and which were of no small imp ortance f or the Russians. ssian It was impossible to resist the att ac k o f our troops,s and beyond doubt our advanCed posts must be at this moment in Lonna, In Ostrolenka we found several magazines, a Case containing 13,000 florins, a great number of boats full of provisions, and several hundred prisoners. Nur (upon the Bug) has also been occupied by our troops ; and yesterday even ing it was confidently reported that 3,000 Russians have been taken prisoners, and that our detach ments had taken the direction of Strowiska, in the palatinate of Augustowo. It was announced yester day that the Austrian Government had consented to' allow General Dwernicki's corps to return to Poland. We are in continual expectation of the official announcement of this important intelligence. Pultowski, the celebrated priest who has constantly accompanied the corps of General Dwernicki, is arrived at Warsaw. lie took part in all the en gagements, and returns decorated with the insignia of several orders. In the sitting of the 19th the project of law for organizing eight new regiments of light infantry was unanimously adopted in the Chamber of Deputies. It must now be admitted by all parties, that the prospects of Poland are en couraging in the highest degree. WARSAW, MAY 23.—0 n account of General Skrzynecki having requested the Government not to publish his reports for ten or twelve days, we are without official information, but for certain I know that the Poles under General Skrzynecki have al ready taken Ostrolenka,which was fortified by th e Russians; and I know it from a good source that we have also Lomza, and that near Tychoczyo Ge neral Skrzynecki had an engagement with the Im perial Guards, and had defeated them. This move ment of General Skrzynecki appears to be to cut off the supplies which the Russians drew from Prussia into Ostrolenka : this he seems to have accomplished, and now it is said that it is very pro bable be is going into Lithuania; his head-quarters are at Szczuzyn, and his advanced posts at Tyko clyn. Diebitsch's bead-quarters are at Sokolow. All this news, except that about Ostrolenka, is not official. Our last news from General Chrzanowski was, that he was at Old Zamosc, a few miles from the fortress ; but it is supposed he is going into Volhynia. There is riot row a very strong Polish force on the Minsk side; but front their positions being very strong, they are enabled to keep the Russians at bay. The Russians attacked them a few days ago, but were driven back. The cholera morbus has, I believe, entirely or very nearly left both the army and Warsaw, but I believe there are some indications of it at Kalisch. The Russians still commit the most dreadful ex cesses. I will relate one, which an eminent phy sician vouches for the truth of: it will show you what barbarians the Russians are. A short time since the Poles were in possession of a village near Wengrow, and were informed by some peasants where sixty Cossacks were to be found, and through this information they were taken : the Poles quitted the village, and in a few days after the Russians re turned, and found three of the peasants who gave that information, and who were then remaining at their homes ; the circumstance of their having given the information to the Polish soldiers was made known to the Russians by some Jews; the Russians seized them, laid them down on the floor, with their arms and legs stretched out, so as to give them great pain, then beat them with the knout till all three died. I saw yesterday t wo squadrons of lancers, all young noblemen and gentlemen from Gallicia, who have mounted and equipped themselves at their own ex pense, and take no pay. They arc mounted on beau tiful horses. Extract of a letter received yesterday morning from an English surgeon, who is at present in War saw : " It is now eleven o'clock, and it is necessary that this should be put into the Post-office before twelve, in order to secure its arrival in eight days; as we have only the post once a week, by Hamburg, for England. " I think there are about 15,6100 wounded, and con fined by the cholera, which disease was caught from the Russians ; but I am most happy to tell you it has stopped in its progress, and is not thought so much of as 1 am given to imagine rumour has propagated out of Warsaw. Our hospitals are very numerous, and are conducted with the same advantages and comforts as any in England, " You may depend upon the information of the movements of our army in the English newspapers, especially when copied from the Warsaw Gazette, hut intelligence by the Prussian Gazette is almost always exaggerated and delayed. General Diebitsch is still at Siedlec, and our Commander-in-Chief was be fore him up to last Friday week, when he moved on a direction north, and passed through Praga to Ostrolenka, towards the Imperial Russian Guards, who have occupied a position north of Poland Proper. I have been informed this morning by the President of our Medical Department, and the information goes pretty general, that our brave army has again gained another victory, by either routing or taking 12,000 prisoners, and 20 pieces of cannon, by a battle which was fought at Tykoczyn. As yet none of the wounded have been brought here, but our hospitals are ex pected to be filled by them hourly. Tykoczyn is a tow❑ on the frontier of Lithuania, where the resistance was made to our army in attempting to reach Byalystock, the first principal town immediately i❑ the province of Lithu ania; and it is universally rumoured through Warsaw that our army is now safely there, and which has been its object in order to direct the insurgents from Byalystock. The Commander will immediately proceed to M'ilna, the capital of Lithuania. " IVe have a large theatre here ; on Tuesday- night I saw Massaniello performed, and on Friday IVilliam Mr. HEATHCOTE, M.P. for this borough, and Sir Joirx TROLLOPS, are said to he canvassing the freeholders, &c., of the divisions of Holland and Keste ven, as candidates for that part of the county when the Reform Bill passes into a law. General JOHNSON is known to be a third candidate, and owing to Sir Joint TROL- LorE and Mr. HEATHCOTE'S politics being presumed to be too much inclined to the aristocracy, a requisition is being signed in many parte of the county, soliciting C. 'l'ENNysoN, Esq., M.P. for Stamford, to come forward in conjunction with Gen. Jon Nsorr.—Boston Gazette. HINDOO PAGANINI.—A Brahmin in the service of the Rajah of TANJORE, has excited considerable attention at Madras by his extraordinary scientific per formance on the violin and pianoforte. LITERARY NOVELTIES.—Messrs. COL BURN and BENTLEY hare just published the following New Works :-1. Philip Augustus, by the Author of "De L'Orme," " Darnley," " Richelieu," &c. 2. The Standard Novels, No. IV., containing the whole of Miss JANE PORTER'S popular Romance, Thaddeus of Warsaw, with a new introduction anti notes by the author. 3. The National Library, No. X., containing the second and concluding volume of Dr. THOMSON'S History of Chemistry, neatly bound, price 6s. 4. Dr. Hamilton's History of Medicine, Surgery, and Ana tomy, two vols. price 21e. b. Bogle Corbet, or the Emigrants, by JOHN GALT, Esq., three vol.. 6. Sir Thomas Munro's Life and Correspondence, by the Rev. G. R. GLEIG, new, and cheaper edition, with additions, complete in two vole. Bvo. with Portrait, price 325. 7. A French edition of Bourrienne's Life of Napoleon, with copious notes now first added, complete in five vols. with seventeen illustrations, at half the price of the Paris edition. POWER OF MUSICAL INTONATION.-It IS said of PACCIIITROTTI, that on one occasion when playing at Rome the character of Arbaces, he pronounced the three words Eppur sono innocente, in so touching a manner, that the ♦ery orchestra stopped ; a short symphony, which should have immediately succeeded his declaration of innocence, was neglected ; and on his demanding somewhat angrily of the leader, what he and hie subordinates were about ? the flittering answer was, " Sir, we are weeping !"—llar monicon for June I. POWER OF THE SUN'S RAYS IN INCREAS ING TILE STRENGTH OF MAGNETS.—Professor BA RLOCCI found that an armed natural loadstene, which could carry Roman pounds, had its power nearly doubled by twenty-four hours' exposure to the strong light of the sun. M. ZANTEDESCiII found that an artificial horse shoe loadstone, which carried 13i oz., carried 3i more by three days' exposure, and at last arrived at 31 oz., by continuing in the sun's light. He found that while the strength increased in oxidated magnets, it diminished in those which were not oxidated, the diminution be coming insensible when the loadstone was highly polished. He now concentrated the solar rays upon the loadstone by means of a lens; and he found that, both in oxidated and polished magnets, they acquire strength when their north pole is exposed to the sun's rays, and lose strength when the south pole is exposed.—Dr. Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopedia, Vol. XIX. Treatise on Optics, by Dr. Brewster FRANCE. THE BELGIAN REVOLUTION—THE LETTER OF LORD PONSONBY AND THE DUTY OF THE BELGIANS I TO TILE EDITOR. or Tim MORNING: coanNl CIA?. Par;s, May 31, 1831. - - Sirs,—So then France is to pay taxes to make a war upon Belgium ! What is our authority for this s•a ement ? A letter from Lord Ponsonby, addressed to M. Lebeatt, the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Brussels. What does it say ? " Belgium is desirous cf possessing Maestricht, the left bank of the Scheldt, and other Dutch terri tories ; but these she can never obtain (' Why she has obtained them.' 0.P.Q.) without first con quering the armies of France, England, Austria, Prussia, and Russia." _ But had Lord Ponsonby the right to say this ? Undoubtedly—for he had just arrived from London —had just received his instructions from the Con gress—that non-intervening Congress whose pro ceedings have been so much praised, and so little understood, by some of the London papers. Oh, yes, Lord Ponsonby had seen Prince Talleyrand, had doubtless heard his old joke, which has reached me from half a dozen quarters, of " The Belgians choose a King—ah ! they may choose a hundred, so long as no one chooses them," and been thoroughly initiated into the secrets of this diplo matic association, and was chosen as the master-piece of the new Holy Alliance to the Belgian Deputies. I take it, then, - to be a matter of fact—a fact which is undeniable and indisputable—that Lord Pon sonby has done no more at Brussels than M. Casi mir Perrier would himself have done if he had been there ; and 'tis therefore I say, " So, then, France is to pay taxes to make a war upon Belgium !" This is the scheme ! Will it be carried into exe cution ? Never ! I dare M. Sebastiani, and I dare M. Perrier, and I dare Marshal Soult, to declare war against Belgium ! The taxes of the war would not be paid! The budget would be refused ! The Ministers would be impeached and overthrown ! The Crown would be put in jeopardy ! and even should the hero of Valmy lead on his troops to battle, they would refuse to fire on their brethren in Belgium, and would exclaim, " are they not our brethren ?" The Independent is right when it says, " War, then ! War ! Since the Great Powers will • have it so. The Belgians will march against their adversaries, and so soon as the first round of cannon shall be fired, we shall see if these intimate enemies, who make their protocols at London, are so per fectly agreed as they pretend to be." What, France! who is united to Belgium in all but by name! France, whose revolution led the way to the popular and just insurrection at Brussels in September! France, who desires the re-union of the Belgian provinces, and who is already cosinected with them by former identity, by history, by geo graphy, byt n h e e:ecords of military glory, by same ness of mul rs habits, language, religion, end feelings. What, France pay taxes to make war upon Belgium ? No, no; believe me when I tell you, that if ten thousand Lord Ponsonbys had written ten thousand such letters, all to the same effect, and all in the same terms, they would not in fluence in the slightest degree the determination and sentiments of the French nation. The Courier Francais is right when it says— " Cette pensee parricide ne s'accomplirait pas." To convey an idea of the feeling of indignation and horror which this letter of Lord Ponsonby's has excited in France, would to me be a task not only difficult but impossible. The other day we thought the Adjoint of Toulon was somewhat severe and unmeasured in his language, when he thus addressed the President of the Council of Ministers (Casimir Perrier) ; but now France sub scribes by the millions to his statement, which as it is piquant arid forcible, I will here transcribe— " Vous avez un portefeuille, Monsieur, gardez-le taut que vous aurez le triste courage de braver l'animadversion publique ! Mais u'esperez pas que rimposture et la ealomnie vous 'Lidera a triumpher des repugnances de la France. Recourir trop souvent a de pareilles arms, c'est risquer de faire tomber le Gouvernement dans le mepris ; et le mepris est mortel en France." The letter of Lord Ponsonby is an honest deve lopment of the most dishonest and deplorable system of policy ever yet known under any name and by any form in Europe I It is worse than the system of the Holy Alliance. It is as cruel, tyrannical, and unjust, as anything ever invented by the Houses of Austria or Prussia—by the Spanish Inquisition, or by the Congress of Vienna ; and at the same time it is fraudulent, jesuitical, insincere, and destructive of the rights of man, and the liberties of nations. If this system shall be acted upon in Europe, we have made no progress ; the French Revolution has been an idle delusion ; and British Reform will terminate in abortion ! What have the five Powers so soon forgotten the principles of their first conferences, and the basis of their whole sys tem of protocols ? Has it not been stated a thousand, and yet ten thousand times, by these diplo matists, and by their representatives and Journals— has it not been stated by French Ministers, and by the French King; in fact, is not the very founda tion of all these counsels and recommendations that the five Powers merely acted as friends, and not as opposing nations, and that both parties (Holland and Belgium) were to have the right of rejecting this advice, and having recourse to arms ? Has not this been sounded in our ears over and over again, until, by dint of hearing, we began at last to be lieve ? And yet is Belgium now to be told that Maestricht is to be forced from her, Venloo torn from her, the left bank of the Scheldt given to Holland, and Luxemburg made the subject of a debtor and creditor arrangement, in which men are to be sold like sheep, or retained like West India slaves? This is too bad. This disgusts one with human nature, makes one loathe one's species, makes one ashamed of one's existence, makes one regret that one was born, and, of course, makes one ask, " Was the July Revolution a farce, a dream, a drunken wake, or an Irish gambol ?" This system of the London diplomatists is said to be based upon treaties—and treaties, for sooth, are the law of nations. The allegation is false, scandalously false, and the inference is un philosophical and incorrect. It is false that Maas tricht does not belong to Belgium ! It is false that Venloo belongs to Holland ! It is false that treaties secure to Holland the left bank of the Scheldt ! If treaties secure anything, they secure the integrity of "The Kingdom of the Pays 13as !" Then why do not these valiant diplomatists maintain that integrity ? Because Belgium has proclaimed itself independent, and the diplomatists acknowledge that the Treaty of Vienna is at end. But, what, Bel gium has proclaimed itself independent ? Belgium without Maestricht ? No ; Belgium without Li:n burg ? No; Belgium without Luxemburg ? No 1 Belgium without the left bank of the Scheldt ? No; Th e n, in the name of common sense, what does my Lord Ponsonby mean, when he says— ., La Belgique veut conquerir Maestricht, la rive gauche de l'Ecaut, et arracher a la Hollande quel ques autres parties t- de s es anc i ennes p osse ssions ?" " Conquer indeed! what does his Lordship mean ? It is not Belgium which would conquer— but the King of Holland who would enslave. why the Treaty of the 16th of May, 1795, se cured to Belgium, Maestricht, Venloo, and even Zealand Flanders. This Treaty was respected un til 1814, when a ne w ki ng d om, compose d o f H o ll an d and Belgium, was erected by the " people allot ters" of that precious period of Holy Alliance usurpa tion. Now, that Treaty of 1814 is at an end, and Belgium would have even the right to demand Zea land Flanders. But no—Zealand has not demanded its union with Belgium, but Maestricht and Venloo have done so; and if we come to treaties, indeed, I can beat my Lord Ponsonby upon his own ground. But I disdain such an untenable position. Treaties are not the law of nations, and no one better than m y Lord Ponsonby should know this. If treaties are the law of nations, then how comes it, that after thirty years' war to place the Bourbons on the throne of France, France has driven them away in defiance of all treaties, and the Republican Monarch of France is recognized by the Absolute Monarchies of Vienna and St. Petersburgh ? Force, war, but, above all, the will of the people, of the millions, are the laws of the nations, and the treaties of Vienna are valueless as waste paper when the people rise to destroy them. But away with such idle stuff as this. My Lord Ponsonby can write better philosophy and history than this when he is not the representative of Lon don protocolists. Not merely, however, has Belgium the right to Nlnestricht, Venloo, and Luxemburg, as well as the left bank of the Scheldt, by virtue even of treaties ; but she has the right by the will of the people—by the decision of the Congress—by the acts of the districts in question, by the conduct of the procotolists themselves, and by the very communi cations now made by my Lord Ponsonby to M. Lebeau. The will of the people was decided. I s it pretended that the inhabitants of the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg desire to be subjects of the Dutch King ? Is it pretended, that if the Bel gian Government had refused to listen to the advice of these London diplomatists, and had marched the army against the Dutch troops, at Pilaestricht and Venloo, that the inha• bitants would have joined the cause of King William of Holland, and fought against the army of Belgium? Is it not a fact known to Lord Pon• sonby, that the inhabitants of Maestricht and Ven loo are only prevented from rising by the presence of overpowering Dutch forces—and does he not know that all the districts of Belgium occupied by Dutch troops are ruined ? Would he dare to con sent to take the votes of the proprietors of the soil, or of the peasants, or of the labourers, or of all the population in these districts, whether they would remain Belgians, or become the subjects of a Dutch King ? No—no—he would not dare to consent to such a proposition ; and yer, if f mistake not, his Lordship and his family were the most determined opponents of the parcelling out system of the Holy Alliance. But, more than this—the people have risen; the people in the districts were enthusiastic in shaking off the yoke of the House of Nassau ; the people hailed the revolution of September with rapture, and adopted it with enthusiasm. The de cision of the Congress has also put the question to rest. The very basis of the Government in Belgium is the Constitution adopted by the Con gress; and the very first article of that Constitu tion is, that which re-unites the districts which com pose Belgium. To this Constitution the Regent has sworn—the Congress has sworn—the civil and miltary officers have sworn—thousands in the very districts in dispute have sworn—and from no parr, from no town, city, or village, has a protest pro ceeded against being included in Belgium, and pray ing to form part of Holland. Not only, therefore, did the people—the millions of these districts— make the revolution, adopt the revolution, and ap prove the revolution, but they approve and consent to swear to the Constitution of the country which was founded by that revolution ; and, even more than this, these districts have returned deputies to the Congress—they have acted as deputies, have taken a part in the discussions—have assisted in forming the Constitution—are still Members of this national assembly—and have so acted at the request and by the appointment of the people. Nor ras the con duct of the protocolists themselves gone to cppo , e this right, but most unintentionally to confirm it. What did they do in the first place ? Why they recognized the Belgian revolution, even the revolution of Maestricht, Venloo, Luxemburg, and the left bank of the Scheldt ? What did they do in the second place ? 'Why by such recognition they admitted that there was an end to the treaties of Vienna, &c., and that a na tional declaration of a national will was more power ful arid obligatory than treaties signed by every Power in Europe. 'What did they do in the third place? Why they recognised the Congress, though composed of persons elected by the inhabitants of the very districts which it is now wished to detach from Belgium. W hat did they do in the fourth place ? Why they recognised the Regent of Belgium, who was appointed to carry into effect the Constitution, which declared that the whole duchy of Luxemburg and the whole province of Limburg belonged to Belgium. And what have they now done in the fifth place? Why they have sent Lord Ponsonby to Brussels to treat with the Ministers of the Regent so appointed, and who has sworn to maintain the integrity of the kingdom of Belgium. They are too late now to get back again to their system of treaties. They have advanced too far. They should not have recognised either the French or the Belgian Revolutions; and there they would have stood on at least some fixed and under stood principles, But now they have admitted the doctrine of the Sovereignty of the People, and they cannot qualify it. My Lord Ponsonby says that Belgium has no right to dictate to other nations.— Nor does she do so. She simply says, we will have the Belgium of olden times! We do not ask for an inch of Prussian, or Russian, or French, or Austrian, or 13ritish territory ; but we claim all Belgium. It is a question between us and Holland of what Bel gium consists; but the people have decided, if Hol land be not content, we will go to war, and war will soon decide. No, say the protocolists, you shall not go which is'o war, s andr Holland. T we will decide de ße cid lg e and which is Belgium ians will not allow this; and the London protocolists will soon be at loggerheads. But finally, even the very communication now made by my Lord Ponsonby to the Minister of the Regent, goes in principle to admit the right of the Belgians to the district in question. For, first, whom does he address ? The Minister of the Regent, chosen by the Congress composed of De puties from the districts in question ; and second, what does he say of the Government ? Why, not that it is an usurpation— not that he cannot treat with it—but that he " has confidence in the wisdom of the Belgian Government, that it will listen to and adopt his counsels ;" and what, in the third place, does he say about Luxemburg? Why, that he hopes to obtain for Belgium by treaty, what Bel gium could riot obtain by war. And what does he say about a King ? Why, that the Congress or the nation has a right to choose its own Monarch. Even this Congress so composed of Deputies returned by the very districts under discussion. Why really, my Lord Ponsonby, you have yourself overthrown this system of a " New Holy Alliance." There is one passage in the communication of my Lord Ponsonby to which I must advert, before I terminate this part of my letter, and which is as follows : " Are there any persons who think that the people of Europe can be excited to a resistance against their respective Governments, for the pur pose of putting Belgium into a position to destroy the authority of treaties—the only principle which can preserve nations from perpetual war ? No one can believe a more grave or dangerous error than that embodied in such an opinion ! !" To this question I will answer categorically, but I will explain my answer. I answer, then, " Yes, there are persons, and millions of persons, who not only think, but know, that the people of Europe can be excited to a resistance against their respective Governments, if those Governments shall venture to declare war against Belgium, because she will not adopt the Protocol of Jan. 20,18 . 3 1 . Of Britain I will not speak. I think and believe, and hope that British policy is liberal and peaceable; and I think that if an y Minister in Great Britain should dare to make war against Belgium for such a motive, that the supplies would be refused, and the Nlinister degraded and impeached. t t o timid, io over throwing th But of France I will sp eak. I will do so to aid s e u B r e e tighioasnes'wthoo m g i a v y doob e tconfidenceand o e g n t ehde Prince the Protocol fella i l l a o thiss . I say,tsdetestabe then,polic of the Lon doni that although the e 2 20th French Prince Talleyran d, who is n his dotage, arid who p r o to c ol was sent to London - to compliment the English aristocracy, although h as si Ja nuary;m nd and all the English who visit hint that France will carry that Protocol into effect—and although Casimir Perrier means to do so; and M. Sebastian' hopes to do so for the sake of preserving France from war— and although Louis Philip is prepared to make any sacrifices for the sake of making the popular sove reignty of July, 1830, the legimate monarchy of .July, 1831 ; yet that France will never make war against Belgium to carry into effect the protocol of the 20th of January. The Ministers who made it would be impeached. The taxes imposed would be refused, and, if necessary, the Chambers supporting it would be overthrown. lam just as sure of this as lam of my own existence. But I go further than this, and say, that if Prussia or the Germanic Con federation should assist Holland in a war against Bel g ium, or in enforcing this most scandalous pro tocol, France would go to war against Prussia, and against the Confederation, and against all Europe, if necessary, to defend that principle of " the sove reignty of the people ;" which being the basis of our own revolution, we will not consent to see at ! , acked in Belgium ; and France would do this in spire of Louis Philip, and in spite of his Ministers, and in spite of treaties, and protocols, and confer ences, without end. You may think otherwise. Prince Talleyrand, and M. Perrier and his son, and even Lord Granville (though he is a man of sense), may declare otherwise, and you may for the while be lieve them—but you will see that O.P. Q. is again right; and I repeat, that I dare the Government of Louis Philip to go to war with Belgium, or to per mit any other power to go to war with her, to en force the Protocol of the 20th January. Let, then, the Belgians take courage. Let them imitate the Poles, and be firm. Let them be prepared to make the same sacrifices of blood and treasure as the Poles have done; and then Luxemburg, Maestricht, Ven lon, all Limburg, and the left bank of the Scheldt, must and will form portions of the new and inde pendent kingdom of Belgium. Before I close this long letter, allow me to offer one word of advice to the Belgium Congress and to the Belgian Government. It is this: publish and circulate all over Europe " a statement of facts, showing how by treaties, by the national will, and by the acts of the Congress, Maestricht, Venloo, Lux emburg, and the left bank of the Scheldt belong not to Holland, but to Belgium." Let the state ment be historical—complete—full of facts and dates —and names—written with temperance—without phrases—arid without any appeal, except to the rea son and common sense of mankind; and then we shall see, not whether " the people in Europe are prepared to rise against their respective Govern ments ;" but whether the Governments of Europe will dare to make a war against the sovereignty of the people. This Belgian question is most important. Watch it narrowly. Let not the readers of the Morning Chronicle be deceived. The battle now fighting in Belgium as in Poland, is the same battle as was fought in France in July last; and if the Great Powers, or at least "Austr i a, Russia, and Prussia" should succeed in overthrowing the principle of the Governments of the people at Brussels and Warsaw, they would soon attack the French Revolution, and the British Reform of Parliament. I am, Sir, your anxious and obedient servant, 0. P. Q. LIVERPO ELECTION. (From the Second Edition of the Liverpool Courier, of Wednesilay.) . _ On Wednesday, at two o'clock, a meeting of the friends of Lord Sandon was held at the King's Arm , , Liverpool; Charles Lawrence, Esq. in the Chair. JOHN Moss, Esq. proposed the first resolution, to this effect :—" That the Right Hon. Lord Sandon, ,rho has offered himself as a candidate for the re presentation of the borough of Liverpool, is, in the opinion of this meeting, in all respects, a very fit and proper person for that purpose ; and this meeting, therefore, pledge themselves to use their best exer tions, and every legal and constitutional effort, to secure his election." A. HODGSON, Esq. seconded the proposition. On the motion ofJoHN WRIGHT, Esq., seconded by CHARLES HORSFALL, Esq, it was resolved, " That a Committee of the friends of Lord Sandon be appointed for the purpose of carrying such inten tion into effect." Mr. EWING then rose to object to the first resolu tion, and his appe trance immediately produced a conflict between his friends and those who were de termined to put him down. Mingled cheers and hisses ensued, and after making several attempts to be heard, Mr. Ewing was compelled to desist, in consequence of the clamour which was raised against him. The CHAIRMAN then read over the names of the Committee chosen to conduct the election. The resolutions were agreed to, and, after giving three cheers for Sandoz), the company separated. LORD SANDON'S SPEECH. After the meeting Lord Salado!), accompanied by A. Hodgson, Esq , J. Moss, Esq., and other highly respectable gentlemen, went on 'Change, and met with a warm and hearty reception, which was mani fested by the cheers of the assembled multitudes. They then walked to Clayton-square, where, from the balcony in front of the Bull inn, his Lordship delivered the following speech : " Gentlemen,—l must remark, before I come to the immediate objects of my observations, that you have nothing of a practised orator to expect from me. lam not accustomed to address large assem blies, and, therefore, can pretend to nothing but to tell a plain, straight-forward tale.—(Cheers.) Gen tlemen, you have, no doubt, all seen the general out line of my opinions, as embodied in my printed ad dress to the electors of Liverpool. I have since been informed, and, indeed, have seen upon the wislls, that there are some points in my address, • which have appeared, not to my friends, but to my opponents, open to some animadversion on the score of ambiguity. lam very happy, therefore, to have this opportunity of explaining distinctly the meaning and intent of the suspected words. am perfectly aware that it would gratify many gentlemen to hear me utter those magic words The Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill.'—(Cheers.) That cry, by the way, was not put forth by his Majesty's Ministers themselves; bat if by it is only meant as firm an attach ment to the great measure of Reform as IS entertained by those Ministers themselves—as firm, a determination to resist any thing which can fritter away its efficiency or defeat its great objects, I should have no objection to join in that cry, and give utterance to those words. But if it is to be a fetter and a snare, a pl e d ge t h at no d e lib erat i on or discussion shall induce me to alter any part of the shaping of the Bill, I must adhere strictly to the expressions of my a dd ress , an d t h row myse lf upo n your confidence for the interpretation. Gentlemen, you have now before you one who has given you no reason to suspect the honesty of his intentions, whom you can have no reason for suspecting to be an aisidious foe or a pretended friend, one who has supported undeviatingly the great measure of Reform, and adhered to it through good report and through evil report, to the sacrifice of many private and do mestic feelings, of much that is valuable in public life, of an old Parliamentary connection of my family's, which has existed for neatly a century, and one which had given me a seat in the Legislature for above eleven years.—(Applause.) Is it then to be suspected that I who have f oug h t t h e b att l e w h en it was doubtful, am come here to play you a trick, and to desert the cause when it is triumphant ? Ti" battle has been fou g h t an d won upon the hust i n gs of three kingdoms, and the great principle of the measure I cannot b ut l oo k upon as virtually t h e l a w of England. -- (Cheers.) But, in the discussion of the Bill in detail, in the re-constructing the consti tuency of the empire, and re-arranging the whole system, arise points of d e lib era tion on .be .vould be an unwise man who would pledge himself to choose between the one side and the other b?" fore he has had every information and every consi derati'm before him.—(Checrs.) My limner con-. duet, I a Bence on eereness, his \No if there s in my on atnendme of the wl Minister' casion point. the very fore, say surely be is no rep perience myself t , Laws, as eommuni is, that supposed ence me (Cheers. I would of La llCll interest should d value. should eornmerc have rise only to 1 find the to find depends manufacl rise and tend to neetion.- I fil;;e --- n doubts a! on the w are now answer; With Nvli my striti have at 1 H ie as ) You that the desk gagemen In ans the r ate If his M zealous Judges o effleiene variation 8 4ndon, bpi i Sever Want," cheering After ct i . hur,day Friday Saturday. Monday.. Tuesd ay .. ednesda Thursday Friday .••• 13111 of e ' t °rY-notes jrred for t e rn, on N.B.—Tl e l fore IN 14 0TIcE. Applica, ' , lade to t' • In hiwic In Lon( mo uses wh d efendant Inpnt, to Marshal Lyo n l ate Milli itto,rd fro ,°xf o I to at d' '• D 1 ),,re,,i; at 1 10 0. 'Cap N ‘ itto, fror , .. 11 rart's l ,eneral p ` - narles ai Winder a h eld and 'oek • v,ooi ountess I , h ,erson, ; ' O . and st reet, fr r 4 ,Abell t r ° tn. 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