The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. It would appear from the language of the Anti-Reformers on Monday last, that whatever tenacity of resistance may be expected from them upon the second reading, which involves the principle of the Bill, the gentlemen cannot, without some disregard of consistency, extend their opposition, in any violent degree, to the clauses and details of the measure. Sir Robert Peel's speech, indeed, kept pretty clear of any allusion whatever to the merits of the new Bill, as explained by Lord John Russell, the Right Hon. Baronet appearing to have abundant food for all his intellectual faculties in devising, vary ing, and multiplying expressions of triumph over tile King's Ministers for the offence of improving their fbrmer Bill. This tone of Conversation, which abstractedly is not much to be admired, but which had imitators in some of those who followed Sir Robert Peel, may perhaps be valu able in the present instance, as a proof that if reason had not been satisfied, and argument sub dued, party would not have been so vociferous. If Ministers could, by adopting the suggestions of their adversaries, stop their mouths upon matters of detail, and so far expedite and facili tate public business, without surrendering at the same time, the least shadow of principle, is it not a ground on which they may fairly chal lenge the acknowledgments of the country for frank and conciliatory dealing ? But where we are called upon to return thanks to the Oppo sition, for their rejection of the Bill in the House of Lords, and for the opportunity thence afforded of amending the Bill of last session, do gentle men forget that there is not one of those minor amendments which was not a proper subject for discussion in Committee, and of which, there fore, the country might not have had the benefit two months ago, but for the cavalier snappish ness of a portion of the Peerage, aided by the Reverend Bench ? In those two months how much good might have been accomplished ! how much evil to every great interest of the commu nity spared—commercial, financial, political, and moral ! We have said that the principles of the original Bill have been preserved, and in some re,pects strengthened. The 101. household qua lification is put upon a more solid and simple footing, than in the old Reform Bill. And, what has not been yet adverted to, the class of voters thus received into the constituency, may, so far as the clause has any operation, be more respectable in regard to property, and have a deeper stake in the country, than those to whom the lowest denomination of household franchise was formerly confined ; because, if value be made the test, instead of rent, it is plain that two houses being of the same quality, the tenant who obtains his on the easiest terms has the best property in it. For instance, the man who pas a rack-rent for a 101. house may be said to have interest in his occupancy, while the payers of a rent of 51. for a similar house, must be considered to have something worth preserv ing. Moreover,—and Sir Robert t ' Peel had bet. ter take it into his memory,—this improvement was not of the number of those which the Op• position recommended. Our contemporaries ; friends of Reform, ought to be careful how the!' throw, in the shape of regret or dissatisfaction, stigmas on the Bill, not fully warranted by it, actual provisions. A Morning Paper yesterday seemed to fear that the pains taken to secure the birthright of freemen in towns might keep opei: the door to corporation jobbing. The objection might have force, if the corporate right of mak ing freemen at discretion had been reserved b . ) the Bill ; and if such should be the case, it is an error which will, we think, require to be cor rected. But on such materials as are before us, we do not find that anything more has been done than leaving the rights of freemen, as against the higher members of corporations, in their present state. With respect to the " crow ing" about General Gascoyne's motion, and the alleged identity of its object with that which Ministers in the Bill, as it stands, have fulfilled, there is no truth nor candour in the statement. General Gascoyne's motion went to maintaie the number of representatives for England and IVales at their former level, thereby rendering it impossible to add any to the number of Scotch or Irish Members. The new Bill, on the con trary, preserves the aggregate number of the whole House, but reduces the English Members from 513 to 500, giving Ireland and Scotland between them the benefit of the surplus repre sentatives.— Times. An interesting meeting of the county of Rox burgh took place at Jedburgh on Tuesday last, to of express the continued attachment of that part the country to the Reform Bill, and to prove that no reaction had taken place in their senti ments since they last declared them. The She riff refused to call it or to preside at its delibera tions, but neither his absence nor his opposition could have any influence on the sentiments of the parties who composed it. Lord Minto oc cupied the chair which the Sheriff had declined, and Sir William Elliot, Sir William Scott, Mr. Douglass, and the other chief proprietors of the county, were grouped around him, and took part in the proceedings of the day. If we had not given the speeches of those gentlemen, and their friends at considerable length in another column, we might have thought it a matter of duty to announce the enlightened spirit and firm deter mination which they displayed. It need excite no surprise that our brethren north of the Tweed express greater impatience under the pres sure of the present system, and a more ardent desire of change, than we usually witness in this part of the empire. The fact is notorious, that whereas in En g l an d an d I re l an d a popul ar constituency is sometimes found, and the means of expressing public opinion through the me dium of a free election are known, in Scot land the whole of the electoral system is a mere m ockery,--a burlesque on popular institutions,—a bitter irony on representative Government. The 45 Members, of whom the representation of Scotland consists, are returned by about 9 ,500 voters ; nearly one-half of whom have no direct interest in the land or property of the country. They might be made as w e ll i n Bengal as in Scotland, and shipped home from Calcutta in a single Indiaman, as the comple ment of Bishops to supply the Scottish episcopal church was (in the time of Charles II.) sent down from London in a single coach. if the Scotch Members have any local attachments, — any regard for those who ought to be their con stituents,—or any fear of popular disapproba tion,—it is a mere matter of accident, and has no connexion with the system on which they are chosen. The fifteen representatives for the dis tricts of boroughs are returned by self-elected councils, over whose choice the inhabitants haVe no controul. In England, there are numerous rotten boroughs cut off by the Reform Scotland they are all rotten : in England bo rough corruption is common,—in Scotlandit is universal ; in England there are some free elec tions,—in Scotland the very name of hustings or popular choice are unknown. The popula tion of its greatest cities (of Edinburgh or Glas gow, for instance) are quite unconscious at the moment of an election that any political cere mony is taking place in their name, or under the pretext of serving their interests. he Provost and the baillies settle the whole matter, of making a Member of Par liament in their own snug little coteries, as they do any other job ; and the public only hear of the result by the scene of debauchery which takes place at the inauguration of the new se nator. The latter, where he does not buy his seat by a direct bribe, is bound hand and foot to serve the interests of the parties, who barter the rights of their fellow-citizens for their own sordid advantage—who exact promises of com missions, cadetships, and of all sorts of corrupt favours, in place of those pledges of controul over the extravagance of Government, those engage ments to retrenchment and economy, which the people, acting for themselves, would impose on their Parliamentary trustee. In the counties the system of election is in every respect nearly as vicious as in the boroughs. The whole num ber of freeholders on the lists for the thirty counties of Scotland does not exceed the half of the voters in a moderately-sized town in Eng land. They are, therefore, in every sense of the word close or nomination electoral districts. A large county has often not above 50 or 100 free holders possessing any property within its bounds ; and several base less than 20. Includ ing parchment votes, as well as votes founded on a beneficial interest in the land, the whole county constituency of Scotland very little exceeds 2,000 ; and in some counties, the Member is returned by a majority of mere paper or nominal freeholders. Hence, till lately, the total apathy of the Scottish nation to every thing that smacked of politics,—hence its insensibility to its civil or legislative interests,—hence the corrup tion and insolence of its Aristocracy,—and hence the almost universal servility of the lower to the upper classes of society. The Reform Bill, which puts an end to these crying abuses, — which allows a fair representation of the property and intelligence of the country,—which extends the elective franchise from 2,000 or 2,500 mo nopolists to 60,000 er 70,000 electors of all classes,—has accordingly been hailed in Scot land with a degree of enthusiasm of which we can form but a faint idea in this more favoured portion of the United Kingdom. The Bill has been absurdly called revolutionary in England, bur it will effect a real and beneficial revolu tion in Scotland. It will extend and equalize political rights in this southern part of the empire ; but in Scotland—so far as the body of the people is concerned—it will create them. In England it will merely enlarge and strengthen the basis of the representative system—in Scotland it will at once lay the foun dation and rear the structure. With these ad vantages in its favour, we are not surprised to hear of anticipated mob-constituencies in the great towns north of the Tweed, as well as in our own great metropolis, and of a dangerous change in the proportional representation of manufactur ing industry and landed property. This alarm, which we thought we had for ever allayed by the simple process of describing things as they are, and by appealing to facts and Parliamentary re ' turns in support of our statements, seems last night to have again seized one of our evening contemporaries, whose aguish fit was renewed by the happier prospects of the previous debate. We are again told in his Anti-Reform gabble, that " the metropolitan suburb Members must be rejected, and the balance between the agricul tural and the town interests must be fairly ad justed." And why reject the metropolitan suburb Members? Is it because those districts have no property or intelligence to be represented ? No. The districts which are to receive Members nay ten times more in assessed taxes than all the 100 boroughs proposed to be wholly or partially disfranchised, and which supplied St. Stephen's Chapel with 200 instead of eight Members ? Is it because we shall have a mob constituency ? No ; for though the number of houses in Lon don, Middlesex, and Westminster, which are rated at and above 101., be 116,279 (or nearly a third of the whole of the rated houses in Eng larvl and Wales, there are not 30,000 of them rented so low as 201. We could even make a large constituency of nearly 50,000 paying a rent above 40/. a year, and in no system of elec tion could it be proposed to deny a vote to an amount of property and respectability implied in such a valuable household occupation. The absurd or perfidious antagonists of the new Bill always commit the blunder, or perpetrate the injustice in their reasonings, of representing the minimum qualification as the only one, and be. cause occupants of 101. houses have a vote, they argue as if all the electors were to consist of that class. Now the fact is, that in Lon don, Middlesex, and Westminster, out of 116,279 houses above 10/. value, there are only 15,923 so low as between 101. and 15/. ; only 13,093 so low as between 15/. and 201.; only 24,038 so low as between 20/. and 30/. ; and all the rest are above the latter sum. Thus we find upwards of 20,000 tenants paying rent above 70/. Are all these people to he deprived of their political rights, should they happen to be—as the most of them are—without the pale of the city, or not included in the potwallopers of Westminster ? But even though the representatives of the metropolitan districts were returned by universal suffrage— what could the eight new Members do, either in voting or in speaking, which could dangerously affect the deliberations of an assembly of 658 ? We have frequently answered already the ob jection to the Bill founded on its allegedinjustice to the agricultural interest, by showing that the landed aristocracy will gain rather than lose in relative influence by the addition of Members given to counties, and by other provisions of the measure ; and on that part of the subject we shall not now be tempted to enter. We can not conclude without observing that if the enemies of the late Bill think with us that the changes introduced into the present measure are improvements on its predecessor, they must have changed their notions of a perfect Reform, and 111 may be regarded as on the highway to a complete conversion.— Times. W e have copied into the Chronicle an ac count of the proceedings at the meeting of the Political Union in Dublin, on Thursday last, and the comments of the Dublin Evening Post on the startling speech of Mr. O'Connell at that meeting. The position of Government with regard to Ireland. is on e o f very great diffi culty, and we fear Nlmisters will soon have cause to lament their not havin g conc iliated Mr. O'Connell. During the whole of last Session, and indeed since the Reform question was first agitated, Mr. O'Connell rendered them the most important services, and, independently of ever)' other consideration, policy prescribed the attach ing such a man to their standard. The in-' fluence of Mr. O'Connell in Ireland must always render it much more easy to govern that country with his aid than his opposition. This is the language of the Dublin Evening Post, even while preparing to enter the lists against him:—" I t i s needless (says that able Journal) to reiterate the regret which we then felt, and feel still, that Mr. O'Connell was not placed in'a position in which his talents and his knowledge might be available to the services of the country, under an Adminis tration in which the country has an entire con fidence." There is one error in the conduct of', the present Administration, against which we have always protested, and which has led to these unpleasant results in Ireland. In their appointments they are more anxious to please their opponents than their friends. Mr. O'Con nell is, of course, obnoxious to their opponents for the best of all reasons, that he has done more for Ireland than any other Irishman, not excepting Mr. Grattan ; but the very hatred borne to Mr. O'Connell by the opponents of Ministers ought to have been his recommen dation with them. It is impossible to please both enemies and friends ; and whoever attempts it will find that the old adage of between two stools is always applicable. The language of the Irish Members in the House, on Monday night, seems to us to indicate a common sympathy with Mr. O'Connell. Mr. Sheil showed pretty plainly how matters stood, when he observed, significantly, that " the Irish Members were not there to speak their own sentiments alone—they were the representatives of the people, and obliged to speak their senti ments. If, therefore, Ireland was agitated and indignant, must not the Irish Members parti cipate in agitation and the indignant feelings of their countrymen ?" Mr. M. O'Ferrall observed, that " though it would be to him a matter of great regret to forfeit his position in that House, or in the country, yet he would say, that if Ire land could not obtain redress in the English Par liament, she must seek it elsewhere, and by other means. He knew the consequence of political combinations. He had seen their effects in other countries, and he could well imagine what they would prove in his own ; but his countrymen possessed strong feelings," Be: , . At a numerous Reform Meeting of the Queen's County, on Wednesday, the 7th December, Mr. James Grattan observed : " I am of opinion that it would be a great national benefit if the majority, or the whole, if possible, of the Isish Members were to meet in Dublin under the name of a ' National Council,' where they would receive evidence of all that the people wanted and wished to hive done, and demand laws that would be moulded to the wishes ot the people.—(Cheers ) I am decidedly of opinion that this is the only way in which the Irish Members can he serviceable to their country. I have submitted this mea sure to Parliannnt, but by strong remonstrance I gave it up; but it was still in the power of the Irish Members to act as they pleased. If we are fixed and determined in our course, Ireland must be saved, and even the Tories must give way. The Reform Bill for Ireland should be at least as good as that for England ; and if it were, it would do away with all those bad laws with which we have been afflicted. It might he said that it was difficult for the Whigs to please all parties, but it was not dif ficult to do that which was just, to support and asist the patty that was ready and willing to support them.—(Cheers.) I will say this much, however, for Lord Althorn, that I believe there is not an honester er better-intentioned man o❑ earth. I will candidly avow that there is no man in whom I would place more con fidence than in Lord Althorp ; and if there was such a practice in the House of Commons as there is in the House of Lords—l mean voting by proxy—l do not know any man in whom I would sooner place that confidence of voting for me by proxy than in Lord Althorp. We have confined ourselves to Reform ; and although there are other measures in which we are deeply concerned, we are ready to forego them at the present, and sink all in the great question of Reform.—(Hear. j" " It might be said that it was difficult for the Whigs to please all parties, but it was not diffi cult to do that which was just, to support and assist the party that was ready and willing to :support them !" So says Mr. James Grattan— so says every other Irish Member ; and if Mi nisters abandon their friends for the sake of their enemies, it is not difficult to predict the conse quences. In truth, things have come to such a pass in Ireland, that half measures will no longer do. Mr. O'Connell is determined that the Protestant Church shall have no pre-eminence in Ireland ; and he treats the mere arrangement of the tithe system with contempt. The question is, will he find support in Ireland ? We have no doubt he will. We never can be lieve that the Irish people will be satisfied with less than complete religious equality. There is no time to be lost—Mr. O'Connell will, we believe, have the people with him, if something is not done. When Catholic agitation had proceeded so far that it became necessary to act with decision, it will be remembered that the declaration sub scribed by sixty-nine Peers connected with Ire land, expressive of their determination to use all the means at their command to bring about a concession of the Catholic claims, had a wonder ful effect on the issue of the question. We have heard it observed, as rather extraordinary, that the Peers, and other persons having large pos sessions in Ireland, and deeply interested in the tranquillity of that country, should not at this eventful crisis throw themselves between Mr. O'Connell and the Government. Success could only be hoped for from a bold and liberal policy, calculated to range the people on their side. Without adopting such a policy, all hostility to Mr. O'Connell will be deemed by the people hostility to themselves; and if the people are not gained over, Mr. O'Connell will hardly fail to get the better of them all. We are rather in clined to conjecture that such a thing as we have indicated has been in contemplation ; and, with out expressing a positive opinion, we think that the probability is, thatthe scheme would succeed. —Morning Chronicle. We leave to the clamorous promoters of excite ment, who denying Parliament the right of deli berating upon a great political question, raised, last session, the foolish and ignorant cry of "the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," to reconcile as well as they can their discovery of the excellence of the new Bill with their despe rate attachment to the tuhole and every part of the former one, from which it differs its several important particulars. For our own part, having expressed our dissatisfaction with a considerable portion of the detail of that measure, and pointed out not a few defects in its construction, we have nothing to repent of or retract in approaching the present Bill, and considering it as if it were an original proposition of Reform, on which, un restrained by any previous declarations, we are free to give an unpledged and unbiassed opi nion. That opinion, upon a careful examination of all the merits of the new measure, as pro pounded by its Noble mover, is decidedly favour. able to the Bill. We do not say that it is a per fect measure—nor do we say that a better one might not be framed; but we do say that, adhering, as the new Bill does, to the great principles of the old one, the alterations in the details are, for the most part, improvements, calculated to carry the theory of Reform into more satisfactory operation. When we say that the alterations are for the most part improvements, we are aware that ' some of them have been introduced as conces sions to the fears or prejudices of the opposite party ; such as the criterion for the franchise in the boroughs by the number of houses rated to the assessed taxes for the last year, which resem bles more a representation on the principle of property than of population, though it is in reality rather a formal than a ..übstantial distinc tion ; also the preservation of corporate rights and one or two other alterations, may be referred to the same source. But, if these moderate concessions will tend to facilitate the adjustment of the great question, we think the disadvantage of the sacrifice is far less than the public mischief that might ensue from the excitement of feeling and suspension of business attendant upon the protracted agitation of the measure. The altera tion proposed in schedule A leaves the number of boroughs to be disfranchised the same, but, in consequence of the new criterion, it will ex change five boroughs with schedule B. The other alteration proposed in schedule B, whereby eleven boroughs, originally in tended to be included in that schedule, will, according to the new criterion, return two Mein hers instead of one, we do not object to, more especially as the additional Members are to be given to as many newly-enfranchised towns, to prevent any diminution of the Members which the present House of Commons contains. Our readers will recollect that a reduction of the num ber of Members of the House of Commons was an important feature of the former Bill, and that we objected to that reduction immediately after the Bill had been introduced, and previously to General Gascoyne's motion on the subject. We argued then that, although the present number of Members of the House of Commons might be too many for an Aristocratic Senate, it was not too numerous for the popular representation of a great country. We also objected that the curtailments of the long-established number of representatives was a bad precedent, and might hereafter be acted upon, until the popular representation of the various interests of the country might be cut down to the dimen sions of a close Senate. And when, more over, we observed that, with the present full complement of Members, the attendance was often far too scanty to discuss and decide upon the important affairs of the empire, we thought that a reduction of the number was not exactly the way to remedy that practical inconvenience. We are glad that Government now sees this part of the subject in the same light that we did, and that the proposed diminution of Members has been abandoned. We agree with Lord John Russell that the disfranchisement clause, which involves schedule A of the Bill. and the carat). chisetnent clause, are the two great pillars upon which this measure of Parliamentary Reform rests—and that " without those two clauses the measure would be useless, and with them other defects will be compensated for to the people of England by the great advantages which it con fers on them by enfranchising the large and wealthy manufacturing tossns, which have risen into so much importance ; by disfranchising the inconsiderable and decayed nomination boroughs; and by securing to the people at large, and more particularly to the cities and towns, the right of voting, founded upon the ancient common law of the land, only modified in so.rie degree, and adapted to the present siate of society." Now as to the constituency created in the towns by the former Bill, it was confined to 101. house holders who were payers of rates ; but this limita tion, as Lord J. Russell admitted, would operate in such a manner that, where a landlord was found to have compounded for the rates, the tenant would be unable to vote. It is therelbre one of the advantages derived from the discussion on the Reform Bill that this evil has been obviated, and that it will be no longer in the power of landlords to defraud tenants of their votes by such a contrivance. The new Bill provides that every person who occupies a house of the value of 10/. a year shall have a vote, provided he be rated to the poor on a tenement of not less than that yearly rent ; and every tenant of a 10/. house is empowered to demand that he be rated to the poor-rates, in case he be not already a rate-payer, in order to qualify him to vote under the above provision. It is not unlikely that some discus sion will take place hereafter as to the propriety of raising the value of the house qualifying the voter in the larger cities and towns, and dimi nishing it in the smaller ones; but that at present lies open. Another great alteration in the pre sent Bill from the former one is that by the former Bill the right of voting in freemen of corporations was to cease with the existing gene ration of freemen, but by the present Bill the right to the franchise derived from birth or servitude is to be continued for ever. If a great good can be effected politically, without the destruction of existing rights, we prefer that such rights should be preserved. We see no rational objec tion in preventing freemen in corporations from having votes when the constituency shall be extended to all persons of the middle class, pro vided efficient legislative controul be exercised to i o n g f Tit o , f h N o v i l o i a t t a h r e e e r a e l e t c l o o n c s e t a i t s u io e o n o a y l b prevent y th i e ne m a a n k s votes, might upon any given occasion be overwhelmed. There are some minor alterations, relative to the simplification of the machinery of the Bill, which it is not necessary for us to particularise here. We have only to add that we sincerely hope that, whatever may be thought by any party in Parliament of the merits of the Bill, it will receive that calm and dispassionate discussion which can alone guide the Legislature to an en lightened and satisfactory decision. Parliament, as well as the Press, has already displayed more acrimony, personal feeling, and intemperance on this question than is consistent with the dignified and useful exercise of those high faculties which ought to distinguish a deliberative assembly, whose decisions regulate the destinies of an em pire. We have no objection that the Bill should be thoroughly discussed, and that alterations or a mendments, come from what quarter they may , should receive an impartial attention ; but most ass uredly no friend to his country will introduce or support any proceedings calculated , at s o mo mentous a crisis, to produce vexatious delay, or add to the popular excitement.—Morning Herald. The present promises to be the most im. portant session in the history of Parliament. The settlement of the Reform question alone (which it seems but reasonable to anticipate) would be sufficient to entitle it to that distinction ; but Ministers have already announced other projects of a nature scarcely less bold or novel than the one in which they are engaged. Amongst those projects they have intimated an intention of look ing the difficulties of Ireland in the face—of meet ing the discontents of that country, not with the old remedy—the bayonet, but with some healing conciliatory measure which may operate on its affections, not its fears. This is a wise deter mination, and, if wisely prosecuted, may do much good in times when much is required to be done. The steps already taken for the promotion of education in Ireland are entitled to praise. Ignorance has been one of the curses of that country. To rescue it from ignorance would not only be to deliver it from one of its worst evils, but from one whose tendency is to em bitter all the rest.lt may likewise be expected that when we undertake the cure of ignorance in that part of the United Kingdom we do not mean entirely to overlook its prevalence in our own, so that, having set in earnest about instructing the Irish, we may at length take measures for the instruction of other people, who have equal claims upon our consideration, including even the state of their intelligence. But of all the measures which seem to us to promise great practical benefit, the modification of the tithe system, if it be judiciously effected, is that from which we expect most. The payment of Pro testant tithes by a Catholic population has always been complained of in Ireland. The concession of the Catholic claims, whether politic or imp - lltic in itself, had a direct tendency to increase that discontent. Other circumstances ha% e since occurred to aggravate the feeling, until, at length, it has produced a combination against the payment of tithes, which the Government must either break down by force or dissolve by composition, in one shape or other.— In choosing the latter course, we think they have taken the better side of the alternative, though there are not wanting some who think that the cause of Government and religion would be benefitted by employing force upon such an oc casion. Those, however, who have the inte rests of Christianity most warmly at heart, and who, in behalf of those interests, are strongly devoted to the principle of a religious establish ment, will scarcely object to the adoption of any arrangement which may be calculated to allay animosities, and reconcile the existing breach between the Church and its reluctant sup porters. If the measure about to be introduced upon this subject shall be attended with such an effect—and if; moreover, the adoption of poor laws, upon some improved plan, should relieve, instead of aggravating pauperism in that country, we shall have cause to remember the present Session with feelings of satisfaction and gratitude. But we have been assuming all along that the prospects held out are in a train to be realised, and the purposes avowed sufficiently digested, both in principle and detail, to require nothing but the opportunity of being put into action. It is needless to observe, that if this be not the case, the mere mooting of the question is an evil. Morning Herald. Notwithstanding the difficulties of our foreign rivals in the silk manufacture, of which we sup pose it will be allowed we have had some proof lately, it is also, we fear, to be apprehended, that the trade is not very flourishing in two of the places where it is chiefly carried on in this COUII - and Coventry. It is painful to us to remind our neighbours of the loom, at such a time as this, of their past misconduct ; but we must just hint to them as a warning, that some among their own body are themselves, in part, the authors of their own distress, by destroying, as they know they did some time ago, the property of their employers, sent to them, and confided to their trust, to be wo rk e d up ; and in consequence of this we know that a part of the trade has been removed from Spital fields. Having, mentioned this misconduct of a portion, and we believe a small portion, of the general body, we still hope that every thing will be done for suffering individuals that hu manity prompts. The Coventry weavers have waited upon the President of the Board of Trade by deputation, by whom and his col leagues in the Ministry, we have no doubt their complaints will be attended to. Lord Auck land's answer to the complainants is, we learn, to be read by the Coventry deputation at a ge neral meeting in Bethnal-green.—Times. The important subject of an adjustment of tithes in Ireland will be brought before both Houses of Parliament to-morrow ; in the Upper , by Lord Melbourne, in the Lower by Mr. Stanley. In proposing any plan for alleviating the great and growing evils resulting from the flagitious system which the Popish priests are attempting to establish in Ireland, it will be especially necessary that there be no appearance of concession to the views of those who, with unparalleled audacity and contempt for the laws, seek utterly to deprive the Protestant clergy of their indubitable rights, and to withhold from them even the means of subsistence. To give any countenance what ever to machinations infamous as these would be to aggravate the disease to an extent we are unwilling to contemplate ; while firm and tempe rate measures, framed with an honest deter mination to do full justice to all parties, may still be productive of the best results. To dis pute the right of the Clergy to the tithe is idle ; that right is as positive and as indefeasible as the right of any landowner to his estates, or of any man in the kingdom to his lawfully-acquired property of whatever description. Passing over then this question, and looking to the method of adjustment which ought to be adopted, we will say that in this respect the interest of the public and that of the Church entirely coincide. It is for the good of both that a composition should if possible be effected of a right which is supposed by many persons to operate as a check upon the recovery of waste and the im provement of cultivated land, although there is no doubt that this particular evil has been greatly exaggerated. It is for the good of both clergy and people that a system which experience has shown to be productive in a considerable num ber of instances of litigation and between the clergyman and his parishioners should be suppressed or modified. But there is a further coincidence between the interest of the clergy and that of the community at large, of which those who now strive to excite a clamour against the Church are but too well aware. It is the interest of the community as well as of the Church that the terms upon which the composition for tithe is to take place shall be as favourable as possible to the latter ; for it cannot be justly denied that the incomes received and distributed by the Clergy are, upon the whole, so disposed of as to produce greater good to society, more relief and solace to the poor, examples more frequent and striking of enlightened benevolence, in proportion to their aggregate extent, than attend the expenditure of any other class of the community. If this be so —and we have undoubted authority for asserting that in Ireland as well as in England it is so—it follows of necessity than when the question of tithe is once reduced to a question as to the terms of composition merely, the interest of the community at large requires, if there is to be an advantage on either side of the bargain, that it should be gained by the Clergy rather than by any other party. This is so clear to us, that we hear with the utmost surprise, not unmingled with indignation, the assertion zarded in Parliament, as well as e the time has passed in which the have obtained an advantageous adjus, adjustment in which the just value of actual and contingent, would have taken into account and compounded that now, if they be prudent, they what they can get in lieu of what th , gaily and morally entitled to. We sin( that none of the doctrines of modern L be suffered to vitiate the measure (if he any actual plan) about to be submit liament. Conciliation has had its land. It has failed in nearly every insi us hope that strict justice, not tem' diency, will now guide the hand of C and that the dominion of the laws will maintained against those who have boldened by indulgence to set them —Morning Post. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London Nctty Price Curren SUGAR. —The purchases of Muscovades last eluding the public sales, were stated at 3,200 ire. ; the prices were firmly maintained. Sugars went off at Market prices, but were . ness. The stock of West India Sugar is now 41 and tr+., which is 1,872 less than la,t year. Mauritius 84,330 bags, being 58,531 more t The delivery of West India Sugar last week and trs., being 251 more than last year. The Mauritius, 5,613 bags, being 1,731 more than responding week of 1830. The estimated Muscovades this day, including the public lihds. and trs. The St. Lucia Sugars went , the market generally is very firm. In Refined was another decline, which facilitated sales; reported at 58s. 6d. and 5Ss. but the latter stated as the current market price ; fine good request, which could not be supplied ; pods deliverable a month hence were in co sorted to. Molasses dull. In Refined this was no alteration. EAST INDIA SUGAR.—The East India Sugar week was rather on a limited scale, but the ' supported ; Java rather higher; Mauritius Sr a 525. 6d. This day's public sales, 3,091 tius, 558 bags Manilla, 193 bags Siam prices. FOREIGN SUGAR.—In Foreign Sugars ❑o reported last week. Average price of Sugar per cwt. WE ir INDIA MOLASSES.—This day 46 Lucia 21s. 6d. COFFEE.-The purchases of Coffee by I._ within a week are above 3,000 bags, of which were Brazil, 55e. a 575. ; a parcel of St. Batavia, 575. and 58s. ; Sumatra and 535. Jamaica is again 2s. higher, triage good ordinary 85s. and 86s. ; fine Bet bice 90s. ; the finer descriptions of British P 1 neglected, and rate very low in proportion w nary qualities. This day's public sale, 90 bag-, British Plantation, chiefly Berbice, higher, brown ordinary Jamaica 84a. The Market is firm, but Foreign and East Ink Run, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.-There Ira ure in the Rum market; the private pr very low prices, hut the particulars du not trw wards, Is. Sid. and proofs and 2 and 3 Brandy is held with much firmness at the late There are sales of pale Geneva, 2s. 101. and IRISH PROVISIONS.—In the last week the Foreign Butter was 5,400 ca.ks—of Irish 1- and of B icon 3,733 bales ; in addition to w vessels have arrived yesterday and to-day with B icon. The market continues in that d., our quotations must he considered nominal , lend Butter at the quay 98s. a 100 a. ; Cork Limerick 91s. a 925. ; Carlow 945. a 98s. ; 90a. a 925. ; Newry, Sligo, Dublin, &c 86s. les making on b( ant Fine sitig , ci 'Waterford a 475. landed ;no disposition evinced by _ to purchase on board at the prices demanded by pers. Bladder Lard, as to qual.ty, 625. a 655. 635. a 68s. landed ; fine Irish Hams 68s. a 74' and tierce middles 445. a 4Ss. landed. In landed or far shipment, but little doing. OILS.—In Linseed and Rape Oils there has business done fur the present and future delivery made in Linseed Oil for exportation have been' sive. Fish Oils are all dull of demand, dining. The sales made in Olive Oil have nearly 1,080 tuns have exchanged hands, a ' tion for shipping. Met: —ln Rice there is no alteration. Corrox. —The Cotton Market con tinues at et. hut without briskness. The sales of the week ISO Surat Sid. a sd. ; 120 Bengal 4:1. a 41d. 411 ; 160 Bowed 51. a 6d. ; 100 Egyptian TOBACCO.—The only sale of any extent is Kentucky at 205., manifest weight. FRUIT.—The sale. last week were extensive ; an i Cephalonia Currants at 675. ; new red St, extensively at 431., and of new Valentia at 565., 58s. is now asked. This day's gale 1,518 brls. Red Smyrna 593 drums Sultana ditto 651. ; 7,942 drums 455. a 58s. To-night Red Raisins 425. SPICES. —The only sale reported is 1,200 at Sid. ungifted. INDIGO.—The late accounts from Cal, that the Indigo crop has suffered from heavy that it will be a moderate one. The market is but there is very little doing ; 1,225 chests are for sale on the 17th January, and it is general that the sale will not exceed 4,000 chests. 1,190 chests Company's Indigo, declared for January, 1832 ; valued at last sale's prises mid. to good consuming qualities 21. 9d. to 3s. chests good consuming to mid. shipping ditto, 4s. ; 317 chests mid. to good ditto, 4s. to 4s. chests good to fine ditto, 4s. 6d. a ss. 3d. ; 621 fine ditto, ss. 3d. and upwards. TEA. SAI.E.-We stated, on Tuesday last: Boheas sold Is. 1141. to 2s. lid., being 1i( higher than the previous sale. On the arri news from China that the trade would not be the Ist of August, lint that the English submit to the severe restrictions of the received advices from the Governor of India, the ships would be loaded and despatched, the became dull, and an attempt was made to lower of Boheas, but there was no gent nil reduction ; the Congou at the India sale went off rather still the inferior qualities went a shade higher previous sale, and tle fine Id. per lb. higher. of Congou Tea finished to-day with some spiri , , low ones went off a shade above yesterday's price' , pang's Souchongs have sold extraordinarily cheeri a - 11,1 tt,o; b °'.:ajleCstY ] I l lhal a a seutie v t :le e s(mue: t osi" h etef b ti e riu e i'g y tille r e:ill t,44 % l l ,if tr i;. i i3 O ra s tatn r i P ..,aila ' l t iei h a i ::ir r a r ,, e ri), ° j. r ,e,re u a li sas s : iact. d .l i lei l l ina tslitl i ne t c t d e e d ref l l' 4 Wight tes:_ rn liberals r 1 :4 t the I „ e 'Z it.na li l li its day 1 0 h;. , I .hisi).:es(ea' they flimnvi‘rGne‘P.i will be Iliaebnedel temporary o't}': ll'it'tan.a this t e n d T It ni • I s of i not 041 911" ;ENCE. ~,, . _Ai of t F e b aratd3e4,Y2elo6:o7:: l'3etitilioenarsurlia ,3 . The St. ti lauary, i sere withou l , Aral day. year. The it, bland fore than 11 4 ja ann! week 3,0 lona of k M r; e a t t ed Th ahne p u id:1:: 4 : 4i ttrth a lt n ia l ta n i ' iblic sales9 l. ' went off 1 0 'l4,F , i ) lth Refined go" hri r ; ual 'e sales; Leo . 441 '`ne of t latter canno t kt() e aet and fine goods l l. B r, will plied ; eon' 'to' • It it in conseq , ', L er will I this afternool ,„7 1, whit . " 1 the dia Sugar : 1 U mt the Pr ItSi tins Sugat l4 'o r Court 091 bags O f' IT,NE the rm—all sold .4, u RNE . 1 0 ; f r , r are gars no 1 0 ...lII'S, late Sugar lb -341 , 1 I Count 82 e r 46 we.' P44, i , 1l rtry 1 . t, at fi r , ' 1 by private i thaile, Lt age gb l i v eiac h nea i t e cath h triiii i ig l ir:i \,! 1:;lior, :. Domingo - "rd thi 4 i Samaraoi'' t o AL rtion with 1 , Y ,, Co t , ED ale, 90 es" Wires •rbi se, sold 1 "or 0., middll 't ON past India 4 " 'lli, geo -There is P ' t 2t, h t ' E T, ate purebarte iii,ir4ive pa not Iranspif 41e „Prat essi rid 3 over 4 4 t i?Polis, it the late ' i ek l !' E ill g d. and 2s. l ' ,41c ,r) I reek the U° e's tly s : l) A risk 19,080 l'e rth 'Y of m to v010'41,44, I , pe r ay with Out t ; # I tti i h...eat, : depressed • i 'N ot ", in ni not : --CO ( ' Att u Cork 92 , . 1 4 ' 'NC( a 98s. ; ‘ l. ktd eet, Wit P • cc 86s. a 9 1 41 tO ens r'aterford 13s° II !. r the cheese' . f race landed by , b e ; i 4 I retrial I.• a 655. 0 ° 'H 41 . Or Bs. a 745., Perioc lu Beef of ‘,,i 4 1, Cle • ti, °Ye, a' , I lla here has be e \ 1 ......f_ T " delivery • ill j e s :se been vet,: A , tnd, and pry in( it have bee ° ttt v ha , ids, a large 14,i4tiYel f r ,t• ti, in iir'te. ' t i 0, , nuesat stet o l , tl, O lon fi . t the e 41d.we e ; /‘ s c i) ' f o t it e ;ff ar e r e yptian 61 , L . , 1tt0 , 44 ! vent is a ' tvi (3 Xfo ) 4,4 4 , 141 1; itensive ; oe l ! ,tit tin e 1 red Sinyro s , s 4; 'nolut is at 56 3 ., P r lAsh " 4' '\-' -"" ay Raisiso - drums po i h it ~.. 1,200 bag 1 1 A f 4 th, t gr i Calcutta , 4: 4 4 .. 4 3 , ..6 n heavy iliel 1 44 - ' 4 it, arket is veil wil l topyir hest! are ad j k)i i , t he rr s generally Ir. 'ori, S ti its. Assure' ilti, h l thw ared for sale' 1 1tf;',„ ° n b prises :--14:n, 1 1 ; 50 ttl )d. to Ss. 611 61 tot e 41 in 3g ditto, S'' ,1 b op ' *be 6s. to 4s. 63 '; h t 4 th 3d. ; 62 clie e 1 k tt e _elieve J li t :elat, t ',day last, ti;yit"sit. being I id. , d i o ,l l s4 l, Y r" V the arriv,'d lilt'ir 4 ne , A not be el tare h Committeiliii %N I Wit he Chinese ) , 1 ...! a le India, ana s , 4 : 1 4 , ched, the 'fey R. eto lower 111,41f4 R. duction ; , U : , 4 It* s I rather 10°,,0j ? I t :L h or y t de higher e f ;:v r i to it aces . higher. li t , f 4 , 1 , 1 ,vr irne spirit, ° i:f i IVeli day's price , ' ,re ti "Deep p 4., Il."Der.' it 6 . v are 6d. to 7d. per lb. under the last sale's Price'. e . ('‘ ht,: c i) ' ; hued of kays have begun as high as last sale. Boheas i 5 di e id. to Id. discount, but no sellers. . , e , : i ‘,th: t ta b Dittics (CHOLERA' ARTICLES).—These ar ti ., c' oli :! 1 1 , 0%„ 3 very dull ; Camphor nominally about 141. ; C j e t' ' ti t ,i_ ss. to 6s. ; Opium ISs. 1,, st, 4 t ge . IRISH MARKETS. a. di ,No -•••11 1 4 th s DUBLIN MARKET NOTE..-.FRIDAY, Dec. 4l'' I 44 of,o From To 'ft VI ~..1 3f a 3,121 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 21 0 33 0 p i i „,'qe tt , 39'2 Bele -...............—. 16 stone 13 0 14 6 1 ) ;,'`q di,. 334 8ar1ey......,..........._ 16 stone 13 0 17 6 10 ;(1 1 , - ' 6 cl 4,164 Oat.- —l2 stolid 9 9 14 6 0 :1 4 ; ttio n 7,018 Cwt. Flour 9 stone 4 0 23 0I ii tt tits 663 Oatmeal . 8 stone 10 6 14 6 1 I- ' k ~,,, ,-: Sold to Raker s only. ,- 4 5,709 Cwt. Flo ur l5 0 23 0 „ c k. ,ge p Average price of Wheat and flour 465. Bd. per 6 ' O V:,,J L ,‘„740,, First. from 21s. 0 3 . 1 ,f, ~ , C. 7. Receipts of Flour, 12,76918 (40 -..--- from 15s. Cki. ;," 1r 4,,,' ;•Pen Sales of Do. 11,013 Thirds. from 4s. Od. ',, ir" 11 04, 4 ?RICE OT BREAD. ' trip, '6,i, e i Quartern Loaf . Sld. I Half Quartern ...--"" k tl , ll . (14. 1 ; Wheat, Barley. Oats. Flotir,Jsl.,, Ltril, per barrel per barrel per barrel , 7 ,74111,. -` 20 stone. 16 stone. 14 stone. lot. ...„/ % : 1 0 ---- - bil ti l ,, qpei (i. 3. a s.d. s.d. a s.d. .. d. a s.d. s. 3. as. d. ';.. el i_ 4, S e zi ., Cork .....-.... 0 32 3 11 0 16 01 9 6 11 016 0 20 0 t, 01 n 44 ~, Limerick 1_66 30 013 0 14 012 0 13 618 0 206 1 00 1 'I Pf W,iterfordl26 0 :31 0 13 0 16 010 0 11 018 0 20 0 , 5 0 '4- ge 1 Clonmel ...I'M 8 20 0 1.0 6 15 013 6 13 9r20 0 20 0 ' O O/ ' th e e , Carlow ......25 0 36 0,14 0 16 010 0 I I 6120 6 21 _ 12,___,.., 'ttr,„ 4 • nutter., 6 1 ,_" net; Beef, Mutton, Pork, ."`Tifi e, per lb. per lb. per cwt. ist. 2d. 3d. , _....... Id. ad, d. a d.ls. d. a s.d. s. d. s. d. s. d• 0 0 '144 113, 0 , Cork -........ 4k 6 3 / 1 526 0 3.3 094050 0 84 0 Er ; 101 u r .,, Limerick- 3 43f 431 0 35 0,97 0930 88 0 .0 N ` lO Waterford 4 6 3 635 0 36 0198 0940 80 9 i tttri Conmel - 4 5 5 634 0 35 019 t 0870- ,' • y di. Car10w.....- 4 51 0 00 0 0 0190 096 086 0 Th e . , 1 MARRIED. 'O4 ,r' to On the 13th inst. R. T. Gilpin, Esq. only son of Hi ,is,,fi,.. l ' -It pin, Esq. of Hockliffe Grange, Bedfordshire, to Louis3p,oo' 'ute s ......_ of Lieutenant-General Browne, of Weymouth, in the ' hi._ • ' Dorset. ft ts. . Is PRINTED AND PUBLIsnEo BY MU RDO YOUN O s SUN OFFICE. 112 STRAND LONDON