The Sun. — London, England, 1834-01-23 00:00:00

CHURCH MEETING AT CHELTENHAM (Abridged from the Cheltenham Chronicle.) Pursuant to the notice given at the rrcent private meet log, a public meeting of the. members of the Established Chtirch was held on Tuesday at the National School. One o'clock was the appointed hour for meeting, and within a few minutes of that time the room was crowded with the principal gentlemen and tradesmen of the town and its vicinity. On the motion of the Rev. F. Close, seconded by the Rev. W. M. Kinsey, R. B. Cover. E•q., was unanimously called to the chair. The CHAIRMAN then rose Ind said that having had the honour to be called to the situation which be now filled. it became his duty on this occasion, as indeed it was the duty of every meeting called for a purpose like the sent, to request the Rev. Incumbent of the parish to corn snence the proceedings with prayer. The REV. F. CLOSE then offered up some appropriate petitions to the Most High, and concluded with the Lord'• Prayer, which was devoutly responded to by all present. _ . The CHAlRMAN—Gentlemen, I am now called on to explain the objects for which the present meeting is eon vened. A conference between the clergy and laity took place in this tower; about a week ago, at which certain u f iu fe d sentiments were expressed, and a certainr u es b ol m u i resolution adopted, which it was then agreed should he submitted to a general meetin g , by th em t o be ernlodidand,rati ~.led; For this purpose the present meeting is called to gether ; and, as this is intended to be a meeting of the friends of the Church, and of those only , of course no person who is not a member of her communion can be permitted to speak. I believe the report published by the diocesan meeting at Gloucester is intended to be the t ' ground work of our proceedings, and I therefore request that Mr. Close will now read it. The Rev. F. CLosx then read the report, which re commended a union of clergy and laity to maintain the fundamental doctrines and polity of the Church. Major AsteEw then rose to propose the first resolution, which met his cordial approbation.—(Hear.) I have one object much at heart in addressing this meeting in an early part of its proceedings—_l would earnestly deprecate any share in political feelings of animosity. I would also disabuse the public of one error under which it seems to labour. The opponents of our present measures argue as if we were laying to the charge of Mi lliliters an intention of altering the Prayer Bools3 Now I would show, that whatever may be the mind of the King's Ministers upon this subject, our duty , on this occasion remains the same. Suppose the present ' Government are as jealous of the rights of the Church, and of the integrity of the Prayer Book, as any of the warmest friends of the Church—then, I say, let us come . ' forward and strengthen their hands by our honest protes tations, and deliver them from the necessity of yielding to the clamour of our enemies. —(Hear, hear.) If the Government be indifferent to the subject, let us show that we are not so-and if it be hostile to our Church and her Ritual, let us raise a thousand warning voices to them, • and show that we are prepared to resist encroachments,— (Hear, hear.) I will go one step further and admit that no official organ of Government has yet announced their intention of touching the Prayer Book ; but he that regards the signs of the times, and still declares that be '-,/ , discovers no symptoms of danger to the spiritual interests s- of the Church must be wilfully blind. The facts I ad. duced on a late occasion on this point, I have seen further ' corroborated since we last met. The sentiments of the 1,1 ' Archbishop of Dublin's chaplain, as given in a reform pamphlet to which I have referred you, have received the 1 1 sanction end recommendati on of the Archbishop himself. The observations of his Grace, and that of his brother of Chichester, are definitive, and cannot be mistaken. ' His Grace treats the Convocation as a body irre- :i .'f claimably defunct, and recommends a Commission to 1 :_ govern the Church. He speaks of " proposed alters -0: , tioos in the Liturgy" as a thing assumed—yes and in the t" Articles"—nay, will ye u believe it—in the " authorised version of the Scriptures:" mark that, not the Prayer . • Book alone, but the Bible, our admirable version, is to be ! subjected to the corrections of a Commission.—(Hear.) li The enemies of the Church have often described her as a disunited body, we shall now have to thank them for is L 1)! d riving us together in an indissoluble union. TI • r e. minds me of a nautical anecdote which I recollect to have • read. The crew of a line of battle ship was in a state of • i nsubordination and mutiny. They were about to place f‘, their o ffi cers i n irons, when, happily, an enemy's ship hove in sight, and in one instant discipline was restored, l i t ' every man stood to his gun, the enemy was captured, and s abe mutiny w as a t an en d . —(H ear , h ear .) S o w ill i t b e 3 .. with us; and while I hope we shall never show the same spirit as our adver•aries, we will let them know th it we stand to our post as one man, and are determined, with the help of G o d , that his ark shall not fall into the hands of the Philistines. —(Cheers.) . , W. listatkrozw, EN., proposed the second resolution. ~. - Rev. C. WINSTANLEY said it devolved on him to sup , port the resolution before the meeting. He thought that this resolution was one to which they should not t pledge themselves, without they were first convince dof the ' facts on which it was based.—(Hear.) He would there fore endeavour to show, by briefly drawing their attention ' to historical records, that the liturgy, homilies,and articles of the Church, were originally adopted by herself in *", convocation, and that therefore they could only undergo ,' .. revision or alteration by the same authority.—(Hear.)The .i 1 Rev. Gentleman then went into a very interesting detail t. of the history of the articles and homilies of the Church, "-- in the course of which he clearly established the fact, that 1 .. they s tood on the same found a tion as the Liturgy, and were also ad opted by the Church herself. ' The resolution was then put and carried unanimously. zi Capt. WALLACE moved the third resolution. The Rev. JOHN BROWNE, of Trinity Church, rose, ^ *midst much applause, to give the resolution his support. ' The resolution he was about to second, was declaratory 1 of attachm en t t o th e Lit urgy , A rt i c l er, an d H om ili es o f the Church. This met with his entire concurrence ; for L he must confess that he differed in this from some of his 1 reverend breth ren; t h at sooner than submit to any re ( vision whatever, he would l e t th em stan d as they were.— e (Cheers.) Could they ever throw open the doors of the F , Establishment wide enough to admit the great bulk of Dissenters ? Was it likely they could make any conces sions broad enough to take in the Roman Catholic, the Baptist, the Independent, the Socinian ?—(Cheers.) He was about to add, the Wesleyan Methodists, but he would not, for to their honour be it said, they had held aloof, and bad not joined in the present outcry against the 1 Church. Was it Eleely, be repeated, that they could so !, 1 far sacrifice their faith as to admit the Socinian within , the pale o f t h e Church ? He said from his heart, forbid its Almighty God !—(Great applause.) The Athanasian ', ' Creed bad been referred to, and it bad been suggested k , that thi s s h ou ld be removed to the Articles of the Church. He confessed he hoped it would never b e t a k en f rom h er 1, daily service,._ (Hear.) It was their main defence against the Socinian heresy. And, as he would scorn to entrap the Socinian into the adoption of any form of worship Which he must consider as idolatrous, so he would never i suffer any S oc i n i an intrusion on the , Church's doctrines, to shake the faith on which alone be hoped for salvation. (The Rev. Gentleman sat down amidst great a" lause.) C. COLIC, N E. • moved th e fourth resolution. , - The Rev . H. S. Banzsroan seconded the resolution. In the course of his remarks h e il lustrated very happily the civil, moral, and spiritual advantages which were secured , by the existencet of the establishment. He referred very ~ eloquently e sacrifices made in times of persecution by the martyrs in defence of the d of o ld, sealed with their blood ' ootrinm of the church, ,T . which theyoften, f i b n ef d r ay b s . ) , and traced down imprisonedlabel for opposing th e die- C. Ilim Esq., proposed N, the fifth resolution so- The Rev. W. M. KINSEY, in seconding th e fi fth lotion, s a id, th e purport of the resolution which , c i ,l have th e h onour to su b m it to this meeting, is to pl edge it to support support the just interests of the Church of England and Ireland by all lawful and constitutional means—(Cheer s ) in other words, that, in the event of any substantial vitia tions of the doctrines contained in her articles, homilies, and liturgies, we stand pledged to each other—to the church_ to our country, and to our God—(Loud cheers)—that we will, with His grace, by all lawful means, bear our faith ful testimony against such violations.—that we will main tain that pure faith and that form of sound words, which has so long secured to the nation the blessings of true gospel religion and the possession of rational and therefore of real liberty.—( Hear.) Sir, lam free to confess that I ae oone of th ose w h o regar d our a d m i ra bl e Book of Coin 11'on Prayer with a scriptural reverence—that I love its ~.a l : i d u i n anees, its deetrines, and its services; and that I enter lain the deep conviction, that it never ought nor can , the undergo any alteration, because its founda;ion is laid in . vvi _ i, - , foly Scriptures ; because it is the transcript of revealed :Lal n ; because it is established upon the Rock of Ages. alteratiogncotuld ever persuade me to intrust its revision or our most malignant a gnant Parliament counting among its Members and Disk foes— and Unitarians, QuaLrs, mixed c o e lt i s ss o i f every brood ; and ' still less, again, to a Latitudinarian a rci, °u c 1 1 . radi ca l laymen, Socinian bishops, and chapl a i ns , tio hi ' -h °Pss and anythingarian secretaries Whole Pr ayer B oo k , Sir, I claim th e P ra y er B o ok—the (Loud cheers.) --sand nothing but the Prayer Book. -- THOMAS GR AY , Es „ kt., rose to observe that, although he had the misfortune widely to differ from those gentle men who had preceded him, in hie view of the course propel to he pursued at this time for caned; sting the affections and reviving the attachment of the people of England to the National Church, be caok credit to himself for being a , sincerely devoted to the best interests of that establishment is any one who then heard him. To the general proposi tion that any revision of the Ritual or Articles of the Church ought, in the first instance, to be submitted to the Bishops and Clergy, in convocation or otherwise lawfully ,ssembled, to be by them settled, subject, nevertheless, to 'he slnctinn of Psi liament, he twat; far from being disposed to offer any oppos'tion. nut he altogether dissented from the propriety and expediency of agitating the land from lid to end with false alarms, by calling meetings, and en. tering into protests and declarations against imaginart I angers, apd for the apprehen,ion of which no reasonable ground had yet been shown to exist. Mr. CLOSE said there was abundant evidence to prove that the very existence of the Church had been stigmatized V some of the Dissenters as a curse to the country. R. C. Si-nmoor), Esq., proposed the sixth resolution. The Rev. S. RAYMOND seconded the resolution. Captain Paor e Eproposed the seventh resolution. The Hon. and Rev, J. SAUMAREZ seconded the resolu tion, in an address of great ability, which we regret our limits do not permit us to publish. J. STAWELL, Esq., proposed the eighth resolution, which was ably seconded by the Rev. ARTHUR HILL. Dr. COLLY begged to offer a few remarks. He had come into the room with a feeling decidedly in accordance with that of Mr. Gray, that the meeting was an ill timed one.--(Hear.) But he had heard today that which had convinced him it was far otherwi , e.—(Hear, bear.) The Rev. G. ARMSTRONG expressed, in a brief but eloquent address, his hearty concurrence in the resolutions that had passed. The Rev. GRIFFITHS LLOYD rose, and after some gene ral observations in favour of the resolutions which had been passed, said, in conclusion, I only say, that although not officially employed, if persecution shall arise, and I shall be called upon even to die for my creed, I sh ill pray to God to enable me calmly to die temporally, in order that I may live eternally.—(Loud cheers ) The CHAIRMAN said he could not quit the chair, with out expressing his cordial approbation of the resolutions that had passed the meeting.—(Hear.) The storm that rolled over our ecclesiastic it oak, so far from dashing it to the earth, would only strike deeper its roots, raising with a more lofty grandeur its noble trunk—(Loud cheers) — and elevating and spreading its branches, until their broad expanse aff,rdeil a shelter to all who rallied round in its defence.—(lmmense cheering. ) Mr. COOPER having paid some well deserved compli ments to the clergy of our town, sat down amidst much a pplause. The Chairman having left the chair, Sir Wm. HICKS, Bart., was called thereto, when the cordial thanks of the meeting were carried by acclamation to R. B. Cooper, Esq., fur his able conduct of the proceedings of the day. PUBLIC DINNER to R. FRYER, Esq., M.P. (Abridged from the Wolverhampton Chronicle.) On Thursday last the friends of Mr. Fryer, one of the Members for this Borough, entertained that gentleman at a public dinner, as a testimony of their approbation of his late Parliamentary conduct. The dinner was given in the large room adjoining the Noah's Ark. Over the Presi dent's chair was a large blue fl ig, bearing the inscription, " No Corn Laws," " Triennial Parliaments." Soon after four o'clock Mr. Fryer entered the room, accompanied by the President, and some of the Stewards. He was received with loud cheering. Nearly 300 sat down to dinner, and the large room proving inadequate, some of the party were accommodated in other parte of the house, and adjourned to the principal apartment after dinner. W. W. Cox, Esq.., officiated as President, and was assisted at the side tables by Mr. Price, of West Bromwich ; Mr. Thomas Banks, of Bilstoo ; and Mr. William Walker. The cloth having been drawn, and the usual toasts having been drunk, The CHAIRMAN proposed—" The health of our straight forward independent Representative, whose sole object is the welfare of the people—Mr. Fryer." The toast was drunk with three times three tremendous cheers, and " one cheer more." When silence was restored, Mr. FRYER rose amidst great applause to address them. He was but a plain tradesmen like themselves, and consi.. dered himself as a representative of the labour of the country.—(Cheers.) He had not falsified, nor evaded, which had been too much the case, the performance of his promises to his constituents. They did not ask him for direct pledges, but for his opinions, which he gave them, and which he abided by.—(Applause.) They would always find him the same honest and independent Member of Parliament; but his votes alone were of little use—they must look to the conduct and votes of Ministers, for without their sanction, nothing which he or any one else could do would be of any avail. It behoved them to take a review of their conduct io the last session of Par liament, and see if they had acted up to their professions. —( Cries of "No, they haven't.") They ought to have made the Reform Bill not a (lead letter, but a living spirit, and it should be his task that night to show them whether they had done so or not. In his opinion, the result of the reformed Parliament should have been an improve ment of their trade, commerce, and manufactures, by which alone could agriculture be made to flourish.— (Applause.) They wanted a regular and constant demand for the labour of the people, and its due reward secured to them, namely, a sufficiency of the necessaries and corn forts of life (for they asked not for luxuries), and equal laws for rich and poor.—(Cheers.) Now let them in quire what the Reform Ministry had done to obtain and secure these blesssings. The Hon. Gentleman having commented upon the Coercion Bill, and other measures of the last B..ssion, said, the next affair which the Mi nistert toJit in hand was the Factory Bill. The Tories, however, brought this forward to gain favour with the poor ; they had been in such discredit that they were obliged to do something to appease the wrath of the people. (Laughter.) The Bill, however, was a mere trick—a contemptible delusion ; for how was it possible that a manufacturer should continue to give the same wages for eight hours' work which he had previously given for fourteen or sixteen hours' ? They, as tradesmen, knew this was impossible. He told them so in Parliament, and so did Sir Robert Peel, but he submitted no remedy. He himself, however, pointed out a very simple and practi cable remedy, which was to take the tax off raw materials and on manufactures, and open the ports, to enable the people to obtain cheap food in exchange for their commo dities.—(Cheers.) All the representatives from the towns ought to have come forward and demanded this of the Ministers. They did not, however, do their duty, and were not the real representatives of the people.—(Hear.) Ministers took great care to conceal their acts of delin quency, some of which be would now enumerate. In the first place, they voted against the Ballot.—(Hear, hear.) They also voted against the shortening of the duration of Parliaments.—(Hear, hear.) They voted against any alteration in the Reform Act as regards the registration and the payment of taxes.—(Hear, hear.) Oh, no, it was intended as a final measure, to keep the Whigs in place.—(Laughter.) Lord John Russell wanted the ballot when the Tories were well nigh kicking him out at the election—(Laughter)—but now it was quite dif ferent, and there was no necessity for ballot now. Again, they voted for the support of sinecures, for impressment in the navy, and for flogging in the army.—(Great disappro. bation.) They bad supported all monopolies, and resisted every useful measure brought before them. They refused to grant an inquiry before a Committee of the House of Commons into the distresses of the country, although it was notorious that the farming interest was in ruin. They managed, however, subsequently, to pick two Committees composed principally of gentlemen landowners, the one to inquire into the state of manufactures and com merce, and the other into the state of agriculture.— (Hear, hear.) The object in this was to prove that the landed i nterest was in a ruinous condition, and could not therefore endure any alteration in the corn laws; and that the m anufacturers were in so prosperous a condition that no alteration of those laws on their behalf was necessary. business was to preserve the corn laws. —(Hear.) Since the close of the met their several of the state-tinkers— (Laughter) —h sd own penny trumpets sounded constituents, and with their the praises of themselves and their colleagues in the Ministry.—(Hear.) The first exhibition ot this sort made by Mr. Macaulay at L , eds. He there told the 7th there must be a reform in the Church, but be never oanttocebcame to the point and said wbat sort of reform it seas Hear, hear.) He also touched upon the corn laws, Z —( the question "Ivieingsaid it was the was of importance to his audience. most important measure which could be brought before the fin st n rs a c t o h uld, if House. He acknowledged that the A theywould, carry it through the Commons, but ) that if th e the Lords; so it appeared (said Mr. Fry er Lords did not please to pass any thing we must he pe r tertly content; at least the Ministry were not dispos e d to interfere, and yet he should be glad to know why the people insisted on the Reform Bill, and supported th e Reform Ministry.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") A n _ other of the reformers, as they call themselves, went to Manchester ; be too talked of Church Reform, but gave no particulars. In speaking of the abolition of the corn 'laws, he also said it was the most important question which could come before the House. Why then, be (:%lr. Fryer) asked, had not the Reform Aliniary brought it on ? Because, said Mr. Thomson, the country was di. vided in opinion about it.—(Laughter-) A very pretty reason, to be sure. Why, the country always would be divided upon it, for was it to he supposed that the land owners would ever agree to give up those laws, except forced by the union of the peop'e ?—(No.) Were the Nlinisters then, who bad so acted, deserving of their approbation, or had they the least hope of obtaining any -king good from them ?—(Load cries of " N , t, no.") But as I have blamed them, and found fault with their measures, I certainly am bound to point out to you that which I think they ought to do.—(Hear, hear.) What was the use of Government ? To preserve freedom of opinion and of industry. To take care that every man who worked should have liberty to take his goods to the best market he could find, and liberty likewise to purchase what commo lities he wanted in return, at the best market dso.—(Applause. ) Tax the luxuries, if you please, but let the necessaries be free.--(Cheers.) The Lords and Squirts in Parliament, however, had acted the very reverse of all this, and had robbed the working men of one half of their daily bread.--(Hear, hear.) It was impossible to benefit the people, and by the people he did not mean those who resided in palaces and mansions, but those who worked in their shops, anti upon their farms; it was im possible, he repeated, permanently to ameliorate their cnn dition by any reforms in the church, or the law, or in Cor porations, or in opening the China or any other trade, un less you break up the great monopoly in food, by a total destruction of the corn laws.—(Loud applause.) Your land is limited in extent, and of course your food, but population rapidly increases. We have now about six millions more inhabitants in Great Britain than we had 32 years ago, and he verily believed there was not more produce raised from the land than at that period. It was ue there was one thing came to the ai I of the Govern ment, the people were becoming a potatoe-fed population, •,ecause they could not afford to buy corn.—(Hear, hear.) Now, if the population kept increasing whilst the produce from the land was stationary, and the produce of other countries was not suffered to be imported, the people must be getting from bad to worse. The price of wheat, in France and many other parts of Europe, was 45 per cent. less than in England, or, in other words, twelve bushels might be had there for the same price as eight in England. (Shame, shame.) Whilst this was the case, how was it possible for them to compete with foreign manufacturers ; it could only be done by starving the workmen to death. —(Hear, hear.) In the present state of things, trade was constantly fluctuating, whereas if the ports were open there would be a constant and regular outlet for our manufactures. The masters were now compelled to re duce the wages of the workmen, and this produced combinations among the latter, and some (lay or other, if the system was not speedily altered, a revolution would be the consequence.—( Hear.) This country ought ever to be closely united to America, and so it would were it not for the infamous corn laws, which induced tbem to impose their tariff upon our manufactured goods. They bad fertile land of almost boundless extent, but were in want of capital and labour ; we, on the contrary, had a limited territory, but abundance of capital and labour, and why should we not mutually exchange and promote each other's welfare?—(Loud cheers.) Nothing but the land owners of England prevented this. They had, however, dug a pit for others, but he verily believed they would fall into it themselves.—(Laughter and applause.) They had compelled the poor to remain in the villages instead of going to get employment in the towns, and they were now literally eating them up.— (Cheers.) This country ought to be the most pros perous on earth; in iron, cotton, and wool, no other country could compete with it, but we hail always a glut of these commodities in our own markets, and a foreign one was in a great measure shut against us. The middle classes had not done their duty, but be could tell them they would suffer for it ; there would he no profit left on trade, and it was now scarcely commensurate with the risks and expenses which attended it, on account of the corn laws.—(Hear, hear.) And what is it after all that we ask of these landowners ? Simply that the trade in corn may be free. Even then they would have the highest price in the world for the produce of their soil, or it would not pay foreigners to bring corn here ; and, on the other hand, they would have the privilege of buying their manufactures at the cheapest market in the world, or it would not pay to export them.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He should in the ensuing Session oppose the corn laws, upon the broad ground of injustice which they inflicted on the people—(Cheers)—and in pursuing this course he thought he should not stand alone. Some of the greatest men who had ever been in Parliament were of his opinion in this respect. He might mention the names of Pitt and Liverpool, who, although Tories, had some opinions which were beneficial to the people, but as fur the bastard Whigs—(Loud laughter)—they had always deceived them—(Cheers)—and he would read to them a protest against these infamous laws, which was signed and entered on the minutes of the Lords, in 1819, by Lord Granville and eight other Noblemen. " Dissentient—Because we are adverse in principles to all new restraints on commerce. We think it certain that public prosperity is best promoted by leaving uncontrolled the free cur. rent of national industry. Because we think that the great practical rule of leaving all commerce unfettered, applies more peculiarly, and on still stronger grounds of justice, as well as policy, to the corn trade than to any other. Irresistible indeed must be that necessity which could, in our judgment, authorise the Legislature to tamper with the sustenance of the people, and to impede the free purchase of that article on which depends the existence of so large a portion of the community. We can. not persuade ourselves that this law will ever contribute to plenty, cheapness, or steadiness of price. So long as it ope. rates at all, its effects must be the opposite of these : monopoly is the parent of scarcity, of dearness, and of uncertainty. To confine the consumer of corn to the produce of his own country is to refuse to ourselves the benefit of that provision which Pro. vidence itself has made, for equalising for man the variation of climate and seasons. To compel the consumer to purchase corn dearer at home than it might be imported from abroad, is the immediate practical effect of this law, by giving a bounty to the grower of corn, by a tax levied on the consumers. Before we had agreed to the adoption of this law, we should have seen how far it would interfere with our agriculture and manufac tures—with our internal and external commerce, and, above all, with the condition and reward of the industrious and la bouring classes of our community." _—(Applause.) Thus, then, he did not stand alone in his opinions on this great question. He would not at this time however, offer any further observations upon it, satisfied that they would duly estimate the arguments already ad vanced, and that they would be able to suggest others themselves. He would say a word or two on Trades' Unions. They arose out of the Political Unions, and these latter were established for the purpose of fthtaining reform. This had been accomplished, and the Trades' Unions were now looking for the fruits of reform. The plan they were pursuing, however, would not be successful. It is quite impossible for them to compel their masters to give them more than they receive, but he would give them one word of advice. Let them persuade their mas ters to join them in a grand effort to get rid of the mo nopoly in food, and let every man of them wear upon his breast a medal, inscrcibed "No Corn Law," until they were got rid of.—(Applause.) Tbere were many other reforms necessary; a reduction of taxes, and economy in the public expenditure, but he would not recommend any reduction which should endanger the national honour, or compel us to break faith with the na tional creditor, nor would there be any necessity for this if the corn laws were abolished. He had made up his mind what course to pursue in the next session. If the Ministers did not themselves bring in a Bill to abolish the corn laws, or support a Bill should it be brought in by some one else, he would oppose their continuance in office to the utmost of his power.—(Loud cheering, which lasted some time.) At the same time lie would not be• have factiously, but would support any really gond mea sure which they chose to introduce.—(Hear, hear.) It might be asked, as it had been already asked, if you turn these men out, who will you get in—the Tories ?—(A laugh.) His reply was, any one whom the King chooses, for whoever comes into office, if these men go out on the grounds which be supposed, they must be radical re formers.—(Cheers.) Suppose the Duke came in, they knew he was the greatest captain of the age, and there was one good quality about him as a Statesman which all the others lacked, and that was—decision. There would be no mistake with him, and depend upon it there must be a master of the oligarchy, and a master of the people if requisite, to prevent riot, and tumult, and bloodshed. But then, mark, he must be decided to do justice to the people. —(Hear, hear.) If any motions were made in the next session for reform in the Church, the repeal of the house and window tax, the abolition of sinecures, or any other good thing, he (Mr. Fryer) would certainly vote for them; though, without a repeal of the corn laws, he re peated they would not do much.—(Loud cheers.) They had heard what he had said, and he now asked them if he was a destructive ?—(Laughter, and cries of" No, no.") The Whigs said lie was, but it was his anxious wish to preserve peace and order, by doing justice to the people. The sword might command silence—the proud oppressor might trample his slaves into the dust, but this would not last long, and would be sure to recoil upon the head, of those who dared so to act. He was convinced the time was not far distant, when truth and justice would resum e their sway in this once happy island. He would now conclude by drinking their healths, and by wishing ti at peace and prosperity might ever attend the inhabit !nig of the borough. Mr. BANKS said he was about to propose a toast which le was sure they would all drink with pleasure : it was —" The health of the independent Members for Bir tningham."—(Cheers.) Mr. JOSEPH WALKER.. regretted that neither of the Honourable Gentlemen alluded to in the toast now pro posed was present. He held in his hand, however, a letter from one of them (Mr. Scholefield), apologising f or his inability to attend, on the ground of ill health. The toast was then drunk with loud cheers. C. C. SCHOLEFIELD, Esq. of Birmingham, rose to re turn thanks on behalf of his father for the honour they had done him. He was confident he would fully appre. date their kindness, for lie would receive it not as a oersonal compliment merely, but as a testimony of their esteem for an honest, consistent, and independent repro , entative of the people.—(Cheers.) Seven other toasts were proposel during the evening, and a portion of the company did not retire until late. COURT CIRCULAR. The Duke of Cumberland arrived at his residence in the Palace, at St. James's, attended by Lord Charles Wellesley, about half-past six o'clock last evening from Gravesend. The Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria were present at the Victoria Theatre last night, to see the Pantomime. . _ Summonses were issued yesterday to the Cabinet Mi nisters to attend a Council in the afternoon, at the resi dence of Viscount Althorp, in Downinm-street. The Ministers assembled at between three and four o'clock ; all the Members of the Cabinet were present except the Duke of Richmond. The Council broke up soon after six o'clock. Lord Holland entertained Viscount Melbourne, Vis count Althorp, Lord John Russell, and Sir James Graham at dinner, last evening, at his residence in Bur lington-street. BRIGHTON, JAN. 22. Yesterday the Duke of Dorset and Sir Benjamin Ste venson took leave of their Majesties, awl left the Pavilion for London. Sr; Edward Di.browe had the honour of an audience of the King ; after which, accompanied by Miss D'Este, bis Majesty took a carriage airing to near Shoreham, and re turned to the Palace near four o'clock. The Queen and the Princess Augusta did not leave the Palace grounds during the day. The Earl and Countess of Albemarle are expected to arrive at the Palace on Saturday next, on a visit to their Majesties. Their Majesties entertained at dinner, last evening, the Princess Augusta, Earl and Countess of Mayo, Lord Sal toun, Lord Burghersh, Sir Andrew Barnard, Captain and Miss Maitland, Captain George Pechell, R.N., Sir P. and Lady Sarah Maitland, Mr. C. Culling Smith. Mr. Cunard, Lieutenant• Colonel Cathcart, Lady Mary Taylor, Miss Bagot, Lady Georgiana Cathcart, Lady Mary Fox, and Viscount and Viscountess Falkland. The Queen's hand attended, as on the previous evening, and performed some select pieces of music. The King will bold a Council on Friday next, at the Pavilion, at which most of the Alinisters will be present. As the Master of the Horse was proceeding to Brighton, during the past month, to attend a Council at the Pavilion, being specially summoned by his Majesty for that purpose, a toll-taker on this side of Crawley, demanded toll from the noble Earl, which he refused to pay, being, as he alleged, exempted from toll as he was summoned to Brighton by his Majesty, and was travelling in one of the royal carriages. This, however, would not satisfy the gatekeeper, and after some altercation, the amount de manded was paid, and the Noble Lord, was suffered to pass on. A few days past this gatekeeper was summoned be fore the Brighton magistrates, for having illegally demanded the toll, and be was convicted in the mitigated penalty of 21. ss. against which decision an appeal was immediately lodged, and the matter will consequently become the sub ject of future litigation. The following is a copy of the Ministerial cir cular addressed to those Members of the House of Commons who in general support Government : " Downing.street, Jan. 9, 1534. " Sir,—The meeting of Parliament for the despatch of busi. ness being fixed for the 4th of February, and important busi ness being to be proceeded on without delay, I take the liberty of requesting your attendance in the House of Commons on that day. " I have the honour to be, Sir, your faithful and obedient servant, " ALTHORP." The Princess Sophia of Gloucester has sub scribed 10/., and the Archbishop of Canterbury 201., towards the memorial in honour of Mrs. Hannah More. The Archbishop's letter transmitting his subscription is couched in terms expressive of his high admiration of the talents and virtues of the deceased lady. The Marquis of Abercorn was among the visitants last assembled at the Earl of Verolam's, at Gor hambury. The Marchioness in consequence of her deli cate state of health, will, it is expected, remain with her noble parents, the Duke and Duchess of Bedford, at Woburn Abbey, until after her accouchement The Marquis de la Balinaye entertained a party at dinner the evening before last, at his residence in Upper Harley-street. Among the company were the E trl and Countess of Shrewsbury and Lady Mary Talbot, Che valier de Vial, and his ton, the Secretary to the Bavarian Minister, Chevalier de Lima and Count Sarmente. The Right Honourable the Earl of Aberdeen has appointed the Rev. Thomas Bisset, M.A., chaplain of the E. I. M. S. Addiscombe, to he one of his Lordship's domestic chaplains. _ _ The party at Apsley House on Monday, the 3d of Febreary, will be composed of 45, including the leading Members of the Conservative interest in both Houses of Parliament, and with the Dukes of Cumber land and Gloucester. The Duke of Newcastle and the Duke of Norfolk are sJid to be the only two English Dukes who are Peers of the Plantagenet dynasty ; the Dukes of So merset, Beaufort, Rutland, and Dorset, belong to the Tudor dynasty ; the Dukes of Richmond, Grafton, St. Alban., Leeds, Devonshire, Marlborough, and Manchester to the Stuart dynasty. Baron Bulow has abandoned his intention of removing his embassy for the present from Great Cum berland•place. He has renewed his term for six months longer. Mr. L. Bulwer is in Paris, whither he went (the French papers oy exclusively) for the purpose of being present at the Parliamentary debut of the poet Lamartine, which, by the way, was anything but felicitous. As USUAL.—Yesterday the second divisio❑ of the Glasgow Lottery was decided, when Bish (as usual) had the good fortune to sell the greater part of the capitals, viz., the two grand prizes, both in shares, and seven other capitals, making nine out of fourteen, sold by Blab. 'lhe following are the numbers and value of the prizes sold by Dish :- 2393 3759 4610 ... 2676 6944 3210 1080 4379 1031 The fortunate holders may receive their money on demand at either of Bish's offices, 13, Cornhill, 27, Poultry, or 138, Regent-street. 'P.* The final division o f the Glasgow Lottery will be on sale in a few days. The Court Gazette of Japan promulgates the following curious imperial decree:—" All the young inhabitants are recommended to apply themselves to the art of growing tall. Those who shall attain twenty years of age without reaching their full stature shall receive the bastinado until they have a sufficient growth."—French Paper. A letter of the 19th ult., from Constanti nople, written by a French Naval Officer, says—" We experience a tempest which shakes our Wooden houses to their very foundations. The winds from all points of the compass appear loosened against us, and in this tempestuous city it seems to me as if I had only changed my ship." the winter continues uncommonly mild, no snow having as yet fallen ; and there has been little or no frost. But while we have not experienced the usual severity of the winter cold, we have had a succession of gales from the we-t_south-west, frequently attended with rain, almost unprecedented for their fury, rather in many instances resembling the hurricanes of wanner latitudes than the gales with which we are familiar here. Early on Saturday morning, a most violent tempest set in from the west_south_west, and west-north-west, which increased to one of the heaviest gales, attended with sleet and rain, ever experienced in this country. About nine o'clock, while the wind blew in awful gusts, several flashes of vivid lightning were seen, followed by one or two loud peals of thunder ; a very unusual occurence at this season, and which added greatly to the awfulness of the scene.— Edinburgh Eveniaej Couramt. tit MEL ANII. ~ '~=y~s{ REBELLION AOAINST O'CONNELL. (From the Limerick Chronicle.) "TO THE LIMERICK CILA PICER 07 Lough O'Connell, Jan. 16, 1834.. " Brothers—The teVroeration of Ireland demands that there should not only be union alltor-g the popular party, hut that there should be one directing mind RID the centre of that union. • " There is bsit Gni Man in existence fit to be the leader of Ireland ; to name bins is tinneetssary—it is he of whom I said in one of my speeches, read in the House of Lords during the discussion on the Coercion Bill'. ;lot 'if he were to order me fur the old of Ireland to' stand opost a, mine which was to be sprung, I would obey the order and await the explosion.:-T . " A circumstance relating to a matter purely of private' feeling, and altogether unconnected with politics, has, however, recently oecnrred, which clistrained nae fir ,nally to withdraw from correspondence with — O'Connell, by notifying to bins in a letter, Oritten in terms decitve, but at the same time well considered, and elabofstely respectful, that I might take care not to change positions with him and put myself in the wrong, that without being uilty of degrading private subserviency, unless his con duct to me was satisfactorily accounted for, I could not write to him again. " I will not call his reply an aggravation; it is Suffi cient for my purpose to say it was ' not satisfactory.' " I therefore, of course, withdraw from Irish politics, and return to my course of peaceful study. I withdraw altogether, as, after what has occurred, I would not act under O'Connell, and 1 assuredly will not act among his opponents. It never shall be branded on coy name, that in consequence of a mere porsonal wrong I became an element of discord in Ireland. " Who knows better than I do, that discord among Irishmen has ever been the scathing curse of Ireland ? " I have said that my letters to O'Connell were well considered and elaborately re-pectful, that I might not put myself in the wrong'—indeed I made an exception in his favour, which I would not nor ought not to have made for any other man but my leader. " I now reign into the hands of O'Connell, as Grand Master of the Order, the Presidentship of the Limerick Chapter of Liberators, and at the same time most respect fully withdraw from the Order altogether. " I withdraw altogether, bec ause my remaining a member would impose on me a high degree of moral and political subordination to that great man, which I am little (disposed to concede. Ino longer, of course, think as highly of him as I did before; but were I to cease to ac knowledge that he is the first statesman of the age, al though from private feeling, in order to preserve myself respect, I cease to be his acquaintance, would be to expose myself to the justly merited derision of the world. " Farewell—l part from you with feelings of deep affection and gratitude; I am no longer of your order, as designated by external symbols, nor shall I ever again preside among you, sitting upon the treaty stone, with an Irish harp, enwreathed with shamrocks, suspended over my head; but I am still, and you well know I will re main, your brother Irish Liberator in the depths—in the abysses of my soul.—Farewell. " THOMAS STEELE, " A Member of the glorious Birmingham Political Union.' COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JAN. 20. THE KING V. R. BARRETT, ESQ•, OF THE PILOT Upon the CHIEF JUSTICE coming into the Court, the ATTORNEY- GENERAL said he was there to pray for judg ment in the case of the King against Barrett. Mr. Barrett was called upon his recognizance, and, accompanied by his solicitor, he entered the Court. The CHIEF JUSTICE asked if there was any affidavit made in aggravation or ruotigation of punishment ? Mr. Forde stated, the Jury having given an unanimous recommendation to mercy, Mr. Barrett could not conceive the Attorney-General would say anything to aggravate the punishment, or do anything to lessen the effect of that recommendation ; be, therefore, attended to receive the judgment of the Court, and Without Counsel. The ATTORNEY.GENERAL-As there is nothing offered on the part of Richard Barrett in mitigation of punish ment, it is not my intention to make a single observation in aggravation of punishment : but, as his attorney has referred to the recommendation of the Jury, n ith which their verdict was accompanied, 1 feel it to be my duty to refer to the act of the Jury. I have now to state for your Lordships' consideration, not, as I said before, for the pur pose of aggravating punishment, but in order that I may keep matters right with respect to the recommendation of the Jury. The Jury not having stated what was the foundation for their opinion that the traverser ought to be recommended to mercy, it did occur to me as pos. Bible that they, perhaps, probably, ought to be influenced by the consideration that Barrett was the publisher and another person the author of this libel. In consequnece of the opinion thus suggested to me, I determined to act in this, as in all other cases, and upon the same principle to Mr. Barrett which I acted upon from the time that I have had the honour of holding office. I have not only professed this, but I have acted upon it. It never has been my wish—my intention has been directly the reverse—to prosecute a second publisher when I could reach a first ; and I have never prosecuted a publisher when I bad the means of proceeding against the author. Acting upon that principle in the case of Mr. Barrett, as I have acted in others, I caused a notice to be served upon Mr. Barrett. That notice was dated the 4th of January; and as it is now brought before the Court by affidavit, I would call upon your Lordships to have the officer read it. To this notice an answer, or what purported to b.. an answer, was sent on the Bth of January, and the Crown Solicitor replied to it upon the 9th of January. Now, I do not think it right to read for your Lordships so much of the affidavit as that which professes to contain Mr. Barrett's answer, and what re lates to the reply to it on the 9th of January, because Mr. Barrett has said that he did not write the letter of the Sth. It would then be quite unfair on my part to bring either before the Court for any purpose whatever. I shall merely bring before the Cam the lettet of the 4th of January, and to which notice the Court will understand there has no reply been given. The case is to be taken as if but one notice was served. (The Learned Gentleman then read the letter, which has already appeared.) Mr. Barrett—lt is, my Lords, only just to mention, that the Jury offered to state their reasons for recommend ing me to mercy, and they were not permitted to do so by the Court. The Jury are judges of both law and fact in such a case as this, and it is only reasonable to infer when they recommended me to mercy, that they did it on the ground of the mitigated character of the libel itself. As to the notice which has been referred to by the Attorney- General, your Lordships will recollect that that was not sent to me till after the publication bad been branded as a libel, and that any one to be tried for the same publication would be evidently prejudiced, almost prejudged, at his trial. Under such circumstances, lam sure it ought not to weigh against me. The Judges here consulted together. In a few minutes afterwards, The CHIEF JUSTICE said—The traverser has just men tioned a circumstance on which there ought to be no mis understanding, and with respect to which be is under a mistake. He says that the Jury unanimously recommended him to mercy—he is perfectly right in saying that there was that recommendation. He says, too, that the Jury were anxious to give their reasons. Mr. Barrett—That they offered to state their reasons. CHIEF JUSTICE—That they offered to state their reasons, and were prevented by the Court. Mr. Barrett—Yes, my Lord. CHIEF JUSTICE—In that you are under a mistake—you are under a misrecollection or misconception of the fact. What occurred was this when the jury unanimously re commended you to mercy, the Court, through me, asked them their reason for that recommendation, and the fore man answered that they had different reasons,and, on their so stating, the Court did not call for their different reasons. Mr. Barrett—Your Lordship is perfect'y correct ; it was only in a form of expression that I used that I was in error. The Judges then retired to their chamber, where they remained about half an hour. Upon their return the fol lowing sentence was pronounced by Judge Jebb, who said, Richard Barrett, you are to receive the judgment of the Court for printing and publishing a certain false and sedi tious libel concerning the Act of Union, and concerning that part of the United Kingdom called Great Britain, and coned' ning the Act passed in the third year of his Majesty's reign ; and you are convicted of having published this libel with the intention of creating disaffection amongst his Ma jesty's subjects in Ireland, and of exciting hatred and hosti lity between his Alajesty's subjects in England and Ireland, and to cause it to be suspected and believe d b y the said rat-mentioned subjects that the rights and interests of the said last-mentioned subjects of the King in Ireland are neglected or violated by the Legislature of Great Britain and Ireland ; and that the said l a st-mentioned subjects are oppressed and injured ; and further, the intention is im puted to you of stirring up the last_mentioned subjects to violence, insubordination, and disobedience, to the laws alrcrelfuedal; o a f ud t h f e u r A t h cf Union e t r the between ntenuon i is i m G p r u e t a e t d Britain n s a i , g 1 of the realm, and to endeavou r, b y intimidation, to effect info public odium and contempt, and to defeat the laws , t the realm, and especially the Ace pa-sed in the "" 1 year of his present Majesty, and entitled." An Act for the more effectual suppression of local disturbances in Ire land, and illegal associations in Ireland." The Jury have convicted you of printing and publishing this libel. nil with printing and publishing it with the several intentions stated in the indictment, which I have now read. The Court have had twice an opportunity of consi derin the matter of this publication, and they have so con .deretl, whether it would bear the interpretation which the Jury have put upon it. They agree with the interpreta tion put upon it by the jury, and they consider that thnse intentions attributed by the indictment to the publication %ere properly so attributed. On the first occasion, on , our trial, the Court abstained from pronouncing an opi nion which they had the power of doing. and they left it evhe Jury to draw their own inference, with out ex preCing their opinion upon it. My Lord Chief Justica intented himself with informing the jury that it was dece-nary they . , should be satisfied that the intentions its üblishing and printing this libel were such as were stated in the indictment, before they could find you guilty. Upon the second occasion, when an application was made on your behalf in arrest of judgment, one ground upon which it was sought to sustain the application was this, that the matter contained and written in this publication was not in itself a libel. It was the duty of the Court to form an ,pinion upon the publication. The opinion they have tarns to—and this without any doubt in any one' of :be Court—is, that they conceived it to be a libellous Jublication, and they conceived that .the intentions im- I P t u i t s ed su t ffi d er,esv reasoning—every impartial—. tion, to satisfy .lia• -1.0 Tore have come to a pro ciite g ai; e t o fu l r l e y fer borne o a o c u iv t by pa t s h s e;e ril o i f c . t ol of e, t p he ab l i tt i r c 3 : :.. , very unbiassed • per conclusion upon:the aribject, an'fi elven to it by the deserves the character which - has been tad to produce Jury, as a wicked and seditious libel, caicuti: that the publication .mischievous results, and written with the it:dm:gins that the indictment attributed to it. The libel appeal's ire the shape of a letter addressed to the people of Ireland, and published in the Pilot, a Dublin newspaper, of the ffth of April last. Aft e r some passages, which I need n ot now read, it says—" The manner in which the Anglesea Algerine Bill was received by the British Legislature.— Lite foolish as well as false allegations by which it was supported—the enormous majorities by which it was ultimately carried—the shouts of domination and triumph by which the advocates of Irish liberty were insulted, and the unsuppressed spirit of national hostility which guided and animated our enemies, have taught me that it is worse than folly to imagine that the affairs-of Ireland can be attended to with the requisite knowledge of facts and cordial sincerity of intention in any other than in an Irish Parliament. I need not dwell on this point. I cannot describe with anything like accuracy the extent of the innate hatred of Ireland which I have witnessed in many men since my last return to this country. They hate us, and without avowing i', even to themselves they fear us. We must have a domestic legislature, or we can never Ire safe in our properties, our lives, or our liberties." :of the British After some other matters, it goes on to say,—" The Anglesea-Algerine Act—so muci, worse than the Welling n -Al ge rin t tes h left u h for ever those who bid us look to the juste and humanity and hypocrisy of that description. There does ti.gt lie a t s e no daya it:en gone ative. It silences by for cant knave so audacious as now to talk of the kindness and ca".re of the British legislators for Ireland : and, if such a knave exists, there breathes not a dolt so brutally stupid as to give one moment's credence to his assertions." Those passages which I have read amount in fact to his assertion that the Parliament of the United Kingdom, which makes laws for the government of all his Majesty's subjects, is so infected with a national hatred against the people of Ireland, that it is in vain for the people of Ireland to ook for justice or humanity at their hands, and it must be in vain for them, so long as they are governed by a Par liament of the United Kingdom, to expect to be secure in their properties, their lives, or their liberties. And the publication states that these evils from an Imperial Parlia ment arise from an innate hatred of the people of Eng land to the people of Ireland. Now, if this be believed—if the impression which this assertion is calculated to make, be made upon the minds of the people of this country, it is perfectly plain that it would be quire impossible that the laws could be sub witted to, in the manner that the laws ought to sub mitted to. It could not be otherwise, if it were believed+ that they afforded no security for life, liberty, or property, The result must be this : if they people of this country are satisfied that the laws are enacted in a spirit of hostility against Ireland, that the Parliament enacts laws in dero gation of all principle, and in opposition to all notions of humanity and justice, the consequence must be that the laws would be held in deep hatred, and any cheerful et& mission to the law never could be looked for from lbs_ people of this country. With regard to the law which passed, and to which this publication refers—that for the suppression of the disturbances which afflicted this coun try some time since—that is, the third of the King, and which is spoken of in this publication as an Anglesea- Algerine Act—by this term the publication has assimi lated the recent Act to the despotism of the most ferocious powers known on the face of the earth—one of the African barbarian powers. The effect of this it is un necessary for me to state. It was alleged on the part of the publisher, it was alleged on your part, that though this publication contains those passages I have read, it yet contains a caution and a recommendation to the people to be obedient to the law, and it warns them against any breech of the law; and from this it was to be inferred what was the design of the writer. It was said that it could not be his intention to produce any violation of the law—that it could not be his design that they would be guilty of any breach of the law, when the people were recommended by him to be obedient to it. But such an assertion cannot be supported. We have had recent ex perience of the consequence of addresses of this kind, and which followed their publication. We know that the consequences were very different, and that such addresses have had no such effect. We know that the advice to obey the law in such an address, as I have stated, dial not do away the mischief. We have had recent experience of what was done by a publication which inculcated upon the lower classes, and which impressed upon their mind " to keep up an eternal hatred" to one species of property. It was enforced in that address and recommended to them to " cherish an eternal hatred" against that species of property ; and though that was coupled with a recom mendation to violate no law, yet we know that the former part of the address was remembered and the latter part forgotten. The consequence of that was tile ruin of countless individuals, the destruction of pro perty to an extent that cannot well be measured, and the sacrifice of many innocent lives. To any one who recollects all this, and who now hears me, it is unnecessary for me to do more than to say, that such must be the con sequences naturally to be expected from such addresses as that contained in the present publication,—the endeavour to impress upon the minds of the people of this country a belief that the inhabitants of the sister country have an innate hatred of the people of this country, and that the Members of Parliament are infused with the same spirit, so much so that humanity and justice are forgotten by them, and that the lives, liberties, and properties of the people of this country cannot be safe ! Similar consequences are to be expected from the publication of doctrines of this kind, as similar consequences have followed from the publication of doctrines of another kind, we have too much reason to apprehend. The Jury have thought fit to recommend you to the mercy of the Court—the Court has con sidered what that ground might be. The only ground— that is, the only probable ground—is, that you are the publisher, and not the writer, of the libel. That is au ex. cuse to which Courts of Justice have not been in the habit of attending ; at the same time it must be admitted that the crime of the mere publisher is not equal in point of de gree of criminality with that of the fabricator of the libel. But when the arm of justice cannot reach the fabricator,and when the publisher will not furnish the means to make the fabricator amenable to justice, the ends of justice can only be attained by punishing the disseminator of the mischief, as the only person within the reach of the Court. Still the Court has considered and weighed all the circumstances of the case and the recommendation of the Jury, an l I do believe that every one who hears me and is dispassion ,te, and has an unbiassed mind, considering the nature of this libel, and the effect it was calculated to produce, will think that puni,hroent bere is tempered with mercy. The judgment of the Court is, that you be imprisoned six months in the gaol of Newgate, tbat you pay a fine of 1001. to the King, and be further imprisoned until such fine is paid; and that you give security to keep the peace for seven years, yourself in 5001., and two sureties in 2501. At the suggestion of Mr. Furde, the plane of Mr. Bar rett's incarceration was changed to Kihnainham. Mr. Barrett was, in a few minutes after, removed in the custody of the county Sheriff. LThe particulars of Mr. Barrett's sentence should have ruched us yesterday, but by some strange accident or ether, onr letters, which announced it, did not retch us till this irwrniog.l Prince Esterhazy is among the Duke of Wel - visitants at Strathfield'a)e. His Highness has I ),t n there since Monday. a s --