The Sun. — London, England, 1856-06-24 00:00:00

Stanhope) looked upon this view of the matter as merely collateral ; they were assembled, not as antiquarians, but as legislators, and the question was, whether it was consist ent with justice or charity now to repeal those words. The noble and learned lord had used the words "scorn and con tempt," as descriptive of the feelings which animated some of those who opposed this bill, towards members of the Jewish persuasion. He denied that there was any ground for making such a charge. He regarded the Jews as most useful, worthy, and honourable members of society. He had taken part in supporting a bill to confer upon the Jews full civic rights and privileges, bat there he felt bound to atop, as he considered the members of the Jewish persua sion were not disqualified by their religious opinions from, the discharge of executive functions. It was, however, a very different matter when they were called upon to con sider and decide upon the making of laws for a Christian country. Christianity was part and parcel of the law of the land, and he trusted ,that their lordships would not now depart from the old maxim of our constitution. He was 'prepared to tadmit that the oath of allegiance had not succeeded in keeping out all persons disaffected to the existing monarchy, but no person proposed on that account to abolish the oath of allegiance. By a parity of reasoning, the oath of abjuration, which did not exclude members of various religious persuasions, and even of no religion whatever, as in the case of Gibbon and others, did not thereby afford any ground for its abo lition, or for the omission of the words, "On the true faith of a Christian," which formed the main subject of discus sion. There was no doubt that Tom Paine, as an English man, might have taken his seat in the House of Commons; if he had doneso, by what means could the house have pre vented him from making constant and repeated attacks on the Christian religion, if this safeguard were abandoned ? He might fairly say in the absence of any such oath that there was nothing to prevent his continuing these attacks. He denied the accuracy of the statement of the noble and learned lord that those who were oppose.l to the repeal of the Jewish disabilities were the same as those who had op posed freedom of trade and the development cf civil and religions liberty. So far at least as he was personally concerned the imputation was" unfounded, for even in the earliest years of his public life he was an advocate for the removal of the Catholic disabilities, and had since supported measures for the promotion of civil and religious liberty. At the pre sent moment there was too great an amount of division in the Christian world, and points of difference were too often dwelt upon to the exclusion of other and more important ones upon which agreement existed. It was therefore of great Importance that there should be something in the nature of a bond or common union between professing Christians, which the abolition of these words would, in his opinion, go far to destroy. The noble earl then referred to the opinions of Dr. Arnold and Archbishop Whately, and concluded that, notwithstanding the broad grounds which they had laid down as to the rights of all persons born under the constitution, still there were numerous disquali fications, which were provided for the benefit of the abate and the good working of the Government. There were disqualifications of age, parentage, and other matters; and were•the religious opinions of the legislators of the country to be regarded as of less importance than those points? The noble earl, after some further remarks, proceeded to state that he maintained that the words "on the true faith of a Christian" were not introduced by the original framers of the oath for the exclusion of Jews from Parlia ment. The Jews never 4 practically had a meat in Parlia ment ; and the motion he asked their lordships to assent to would not, if agreed to, deprive the Jews of any pi ivi loges they ever possessed. The question their lordships had to consider and discuss was whether, in justice and on round policy, the Jelin could be admitted within the walls of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The words of the o which he had just quoted acted r.s a religious barrier against the intrusion into Parliament of men of opinions entirely opposite; and if they omitted these words from the oath, not only Jews, but the followers of every religion would some time or other seek for admission into the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) The question now before Parliament was one of principle, and not one of relief to numbers .Considering it affected a great principle, and believing that sufficient grounds had not been laid before their lordships on which teeagfee to the second reading of this bill, and believing ale.) that if their lordships agreed to it, that their acquiescence in the measure would be taken by a large proportion of the people as discouraging to the cause of Christian progress, and the voice of wisdom and of truth, he moved, in parliamentary terms, the postpone ment of the second reading of the bill, but in truth and in fact its rejection altogether. (Cheers.) After som e remarks inexplan tion from Lord LYNDHURST and Earl STANHOPE, The Marquis of CLANRICARDE replied to the argu ments of the noble earl who had just sat down, and said that that noble lord should have met the question of the admission or non-admissionof the Jews into Parliament in a fair and proper manner by the enactment of a measure to that effect, awl not as he had done on the second reading of this bill. He condemned the policy of the noble lord in wishing to retain the abjuration oath, which was a miser able rag and shred of intolerance, and a disgrace to the statute-book, and expressed his surprise that the noble earl should base his support of Christianity on the terms of an oath—a thing which history informed them had been evaded to suit the caprice or interests of persons holding high office both in Church and State, and its practical working destroyed the force of the noble earl's argument in that re spect. Every day's experience showed their lordships how futile was the argument that 'by the admission of Jews into Parliament they would unchristianise the country. Had the various municipal corporations possessing Jewish members or the magistracy been unchristianised by per mitting Jews to those honours? Or had the country or religion suffered by members of the Hebrew persuasion filling the office of churchwarden, and having to provide not only for the support of the fabric of the Church in levying rates for that purpose, but also the bread and wine for the celebration of the Sacrament ? (Hear.) The refusal to admit Jews to Parliament on the ound that it would sinchristianiseit, was a mockery and a stigmaon the coun try, and was unfair and untenable in argument. He (the Marquis of Clauricarde) supported the measure OR tic.. plain and simple ground, and the only one on which be thought Dissenters could be admitted to a seat in Parlia ment, that the State had no right to inquire into the con scientious religious oninionsof any free-born subject r f her Majesty, but only toinquiro into their public and political acts, and see that they did not belong to any specific or secrat society dangerous to the State, and if so to exclude them from a parti ipation in the privileges of government. He warned their lordships against continuing hostile tothe feeling of the other House of Parliament and, the country on this question, and said that they mast give way to the popular feeling against this, intolerance, and that it would be better for their lordshipsto do it now than to be obliged hereafter to yield to popular pressure. He implored them to act in accordance with the spirit of the times, and pass this measure, which would be the means of setting the question at rest. (Cries of "Divide.") Lord RAVENS WORTH supported the second reading of the bill, and explained what might be teitne , l his in. consistency of conduct in doing so. He had on every pre vious occasion voted against a bill for permitting Jews to sit in Parliament, bat he drew a wide distinction between is bill of that kind and the ono then before their lordships' house, which was a bill for the repeal of an obsolete and useless oath, and which he regarded as a blot on the statute book. (Hear.) No question, inconvenience, he would not say danger, would result from the admission of Jews into Parliament, hut still he confessed he found himself bound to support this bill, because the benefits anti advantsges that would result from it would more than counterbalance any evils that would arise from it. The necessity of alter ing the oath of abjuration was admitted on all hands, and the question was what should be substituted for it. He thought that the form of words prescribed by the bill would meet everything that wasrequited from such an oath, and that their lordships were bound to adopt it, having r e pealed it as regard? the Roman Catholic, against whom it was framed, and not to retain it against the Jew, for whom it was never intended. There were greater inconveniences an ticipated from relieving the Catholics than be anticipated would flow from the adoption of this measure ; yet tho Legis lature was obliged to yield principally, he regretted, from terror and intimidation. Such, he hoped, would not be the course adopted in reference to this measure should it not pass their lordships' house. He delineated anything like hostility between their lordships' house and the House of Commons ; but he must remind them of a threat that had been thrown out—that if their lordships refused to read this bill, the House of Commons would retaliate by refusing to read the Appellate Jurisdiction Bill. He regretted that this measure should have caused a difference ofopinion amongst the leade]s of the Opposition, which be said was an inconvenience to be deplored; but he was happy to find there were some d'stin gaished exceptions to the exclusionists on his (the Opposi tion) side of the house. (Hear, hear.) Such oaths as these were not regarded as any great safeguards of the constitution or Crown. The qualification Path, was often evaded at the table of the House of Commons, and persons of any denomi nation might take the oath of abjuration to serve their pur pose ; but he thought it was too bad for their lordships to re tain an oath that excluded a conscientious Jew from taking his seat in Parliament. He contended that no principle would be violated by their lordships consenting to the second read ing of this bill, which would repeal au obnoxious and obso ete oath. Lord DUNGANNON opposed the second reacting of the bill. He said the question of admitting persons of a certain persuasion to seats in Parliament; or to the rights of citiien ship, was not involved in this measure; but it was whether they should or should not maintain their adherence as a legis lative body to the fundamental principles of the Christian faith. Abstractedly he did not apprehend danger from the admission of a few Jews into the other House of Par liament,m but h e l oo k ed beyond that, and considered the ;rat. effect it wo u ld h ave on the country at large through rra. f the kingdom, an d t h e pro b ability of their having with ronithem the protecting hand of Providence f • • up one of the great strongholds of Christianity.H rg e o was w a in t g a loss to understand what weretheioshi" dangers or inconveniences t o rd be apprehended from their Adopting tho amend ment. He could not forget that they were a Christian assem bly, and he was convin,ed that if they once threw down this last barrier, they wouldbe opening a door to dangers which it was impossible to foresee. lie had always oppos e d the Catholic Relief Bill ; but he drew a b road distinction w b d ? n w e n a e e n n t Jatmeasure and this , He trusted the house se (1 tameasure which would destroy the C hristian charac- . erof the Legislature. Lord RAVENSWORTH offered a few observations in ex planation. The Earl of ST. GERMANS expressed his regret that no member of the Government had offered any observations to the house on this measure. It was admitted on all hand s t hat the words "en the true faith of a Christian" were never in tended to apply to the Jews. Why if Jews were admitted into Parliament, the number who would gain admission there would be very small, so small that if they should be so minded they never could do anything . The Jews were an unprosely. Using sect, and the Church of Christ had more to apprehend from Christians who did not belong to her than from the Jews. He believed that there was no danger whatever from this matter; for it was his firm belief that they might safely leave the election of proper representatives in the hands of theOonstituencies of the country, and in that belief he should vote for tho second reading of the bill. The Marqpis of LANSDOWNE said it must not be in ferred that the Government were indifferent to this measure because they had refrained from offering any observations upon it after the able and eloquent speech of the noble and learned lord opposite (Lord Lyndhurst). He could assure their lordships that the bill had the full approbation of her Majesty's Government, for it was admitted on ad bands that Vete ancient oath of abjuration was worthies', and worse than useless. The simple question was, whether a form of words intended for other persons should be retained as agitnst the Jews. He could see no danger whatever in admitting Jews to the Legislature. Surely whit a dishonest Christian mule do in the reign of George 111. a. dishonest Jew could do in the Deign of Queen Victoria. To think it possible that anydanger cou ld arise firma the admission of Jews into Parliament was as Mousey a s anything that could be conceived. All who paid if) ate taxation Q. Ginatry, ead who gave tbeiv fie4.vi‘e• to the country, were entitled to all the privileges of citizen ship Their lordships then divided— , Non-content—Present Proxies Content —Present Proxies 32 —7B Majority against the second reading —32 The Annuities Redemption Bill and the Transfer of Works (Ireland) Bill were read a second time. The Endowed School at Monekton and Magdalen Hospital Bill were read a third time and passed. The Industrial and Provident Societies Bill passed through committee. 44 -110 The Excise Bill and Insurance on Lives (Abatement of In come-tax) Bill were read a third time and passed. The West India Loan Bill passed through committee. The house adjourned at a quarter to nine. HOUSE OF COIVIMONS.—(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at a quarter to four. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the Honiton and Sid month Road, Luton District Road, and West Ham Gas Bills were considered and agreed to. The following bills were severally read a' third time and passed :—East Indian Railway Company, Isle o f Wight Steam Bridge and Approaches, Nawab of Surat' Treaty, Severn Navigation Improvement Commission, Waveney Valley Railway, and Wimbledon and Croy don Rail way. The following bills were considered and ordered to he read a third time :—Dunblane, Donne, and Callander Railway ; and Perth, Almond Valley, and Methven Railway. THE GOVERNMENT OF DUDE. Mr. FAGANInoved for copies of all-papers and cor respondence thl, have passed between the Esst India Company, the Government of India, and the Kin , of Oude, relating to the claim of Colonel R)bert Frith on the overnment of Oude.—Ordered. POSTAL COMMUNICATION WITH IRELAND. Mr. REPTON asked the Secretary to the Treasury if any arrangements had been made by the Government with the ,London and North-Western and Chester and Holyhead Railway Companies, and City of Dublin Steam Packet Company, for an improved postal and passenger communication between London and Dublin ? Mr. WILSON Paid the negotiations were progressing favourably, but the subject was one of too much im portance to come to a hasty conclusion. The proposals of the united companies had been submitted to the Post office authorities for their opinion, and in a tew days the companies would be called upon to consider those opi nions. He hoped it would not be long before a satisfac tory conclusion was come to on the subject. NATIONAL' GALLERY SITE BILL. In reply to Mr. VERNON, Lord PALMERSTON said the bill would be taken after supply on Friday next. THE AUSTRALIAN MAILS, Lord NAAS begged to ail( the ‘ Secretary of the Trea sury if he would state to the house whether any of the •3ntracts that had been put in for the conveyance of the mails to Atvitraqa had been accepted ? Mr. WILSON said four tenders had been sent, and these tenders had been eareinlly considered by the G,. vernment. He did not think he would be justified in stating what the Government would accept, but be thought to-morrow the Government would be in suc'3 position to communicate to one of those companies their determination on the subject. He thought the service would cotamenc: in a very shor, time—in two or three mouths. LONDON CORPORATION BILL. In reply to an HON. MEMBER, Sir G. GREY said to-morrow he a ould state the course that was to be pursue ,l with respect to this bill. On the motion of Lord PALMERSTON, the orders of the day were postponed, to enable Mr. Fortescue to pro ceed with his motion on NATIONAL EDUCATION IN IRELAND. Mr. FORTESCUE moved the following resolution : That this house has observed with satisfaction the pro gress made in the instruction of the poorer classes of her Majesty's Irish subjects, under the direction of the Commissioners of National Education ; and is of opinion that, in the admmistrstion of that system, or in any modification of its rules, there should be maintained a strict and undeviating adherence to its fundamental principles, securing parental authority and the rights of conscience to pupils of all denomi nations, by excluding all compulsory religious teach ing, this Rouse being convinced that no plan for the education of the Irish poor, however wisely and unexceptionably contrived in other respects, can be carried into effectual operation, unless it lie explicitly avowed and clearly understood, as its leading principle, that no attempt shall be made to influence or disturb the peculiar religious tenets of any sect or denomination of Christians." In doing so he said he was fully impressed with the dif ficulty attending his bringing on the motion under such unusual circumstances—that of asking the house to reconsider a decision come to on a former occa sion and to rescind its vote on this question, but he was induced to do so from a conviction that it was noto rious to every one that the debate on a former night would have been adjourned—(loud cries of No, no, and Yes, yes)—because the leading members on both sides of the house were prevented from expressing their opinions on the question from the su tcleoness of the division, which did not adequately represent the feelings of the house. (Cries of " No, no," and "Yes, yes.") Tim hon. gentleman, after r..marking that no Irish Protes tant member addressed the house on the right hon. gentleman's motion, proceeded to argue that the object of that motion was to attack the national system of education in Ireland in its religious parts. [Sir A. CLIFFORD, the Uaher of the Black R el, ap peared at the table of the House, and summoned the Speaker and the members of the house to the Hoke of Lords to hear the Rlyal assent given by commission to various bids, for which see Lords' report.] Mr. FORTESCUE continued, and addressed the house at some considerable length in support of his mo tion, wh'ch, he said, embodied the fundamental prin ciple of the system of national education in Ire;and, and be denied that that system had been a failure io that country. The great objection on the part of the episco pal managers of schools in Ireland to the National Schools was that the Bible was excluded, but that was an unfounded aspersion. (Hear.) Hs believed the oppo sition of these episcopal managers of sclpols and of the clergy of the Established Church was in consequence of their position in that country, and that that position bad produced feelings which were the springs of action on this question. They were in a position in which they considend their false pride wounded, when other deco minations were put upon an equality with them ; and the clergy, in consequence of this feeling, had refused to give any instruction to the children if they could pot. give Church instruction exclusively. (Hear.) But there was another cla a of Protestants in Ireland, and they ha•l accepted the national system. In the first instance, from the interpretation they put upon the rules of the board, and which they thought would prevent them from giving full instruction to the children of their communion ; leut upon inquiry they found that to be an entire mistake, and consequently they accepted the aid which was offe.ed to them. Such, then, was the difference between these two bodies of Protestants —one, after due coneiderati.m, accepted the assistance offered by the State, while the other, from a false sense of ecclesiastical supremacy, re jected it. (Hear.) He trusted that the House of Com mons would not, on the claim of the Established Church, as represented by the right hon. gentleman, reverse the system which had been so great a boon to Ireland ; on the contrary, he h,oped that the day was not far distant when the national system would become a still greater ble,siog to Ireland than it had hitherto been. That day would have been far nearer than it no'w was had it not been that politicians in that house and elsewhere had lent themselves to a most unfortunate agitation of the system. (Hear.) Mr. KIRK seconded the motion. It was an implrl ant thing for them to recollect that it was not the liberal Government of 1831 that originated the national systf m of education ; but it was the result of a commission ap pointed by a former. Government, and of which Lord Liverpool, Lord Etdon, the Duke of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, and Mr. Goulburn were members. As sociated with them were several eminent dignitaries of the Church, and upon their report the b3arci of educa tion in Ireland was constituted. In 1840, at the in stance of the Presbyterian party, a material change was made in the fundamental Principles 'of the society. It was intended that the vested principle should be the sole arid single principle of the school. That principle was this—that when private parties subscribed a third of the required sum, the board subscribed the other two-thirds, on the condition that trustees should be appointed, arid the school become private property, Religious instruc tion was to be given during a certain number of hours of the day. The Presbyterians found that they could not legally transfer their schools so as to make then, national property. Moreover, they had conscientious ebjections to allow their school. to be thrown open to the religions instruction of the Protestant rector and the Roman Catholic priest. A ciiange was subsequently made, and it was provided that the schools should be open to all for secular instruction ; but with re t ard to religious instruction, which was to occupy four hour-, a day, it was provided that nine but Presbyterians should attend. At the same time it was provided that whet, ever a teacher saw a child attending religious instruc ti:n contr,ry to the views of the denomination on whose principles it was entered upon the school roll, he should whim the parents of the feet, in order that there might not be tbe slightest shadow for acharge of proselytism. (The honourable gentleman read extracts from the evi uuce of Dr. Cook and Dr. Chalmers, with a view to s u la_o . v: r that it was the opinion of the Presbyterians that be no circumstances should re li g i ous t eac hi ng made compulsory.) While Presbyterians were anxi ous to maintain their own rights, they were anxious to extend the game litierty to others. They di.) not tee, therefore why the Established Church hearof Ireland should t: eee hear-) They ee a a o t r Bibles claim. in (Hear,th e their schools just as did the members of the Church, but they r aaglatiorgisetthtehre, did not wish to coerce tt,e opinions of those who differed from them; for they believed that there were two waysßanatilet—heoontehebrybexcfolurdciiirg of turning children against it upon ufproomnththeechildren upon all occasions, howev y er inopg portant), (Hear.) B. , th those courses the Presbyterians had always striven to avoid. A good deal had been said of the failure , that had attended the attempt at mixed education. It bad certainly not succeeded to tbe extent that was anticipated. But what was the cause t Simply because of the opposition of the Establiebed Church, whose members instead of corning in cordially when the ground was cleared for them by the Presbyte rians, stood aloof and offered every kind of opposition a. withiu their power. The board ben fuliedog W all serfs of misrepresentations, and bad had to contend with ceaseless opposition. (Hear, hear.) In a report presented in 1853 by Mr. M'Creedy, the inspector for the province of Ulster, he gave a list of schools in which there was a fair mixture, the total being 1,095 schools, of which 755 were fairly mixed ; and these schools, it. was proved, .had worked in a very satisfactoiy manner. In many of the schools the teachers were Roman Catho lics and the managers were Presbyterians, and in others the teachers were members of the Church of England, while the managers were Presbyterians or Roman Catho lics, and so on. In very few cases the opinions of the teachers and the managers were identical. Taking 2,600 vested schools, be found that in 1,745 the Protestants were in a great minority, so great indeed in many cases that they amounted only to 12 or 14 per cent. What would become of these children and these school's if the motion of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Walpole) were acted upon ? Why, thousands of Roman Catholic and Presbyterian children would, as the inevitable result of that motion, be thrown out of all instruction. (Hear, hear.) He believed that the mixed schools fairly repre sented the opinions of the people, and he trusted they would not be disturbed. Mr. WALPOLE said that as this motion was made in a spirit of great candour, and had for its object to re• scind the decision come to on Tuesday evening, the house would expect him to state the course which he th3sght the house should take. Two great questions were raised by thb resolutions—one affecting the rela- tions of that house with the Crown, and the weight which that house should have as a deliberative assembly —and the other question related more particularly to the motion itself, which was made on Tuesday evening, and which he had the honour to propose. The motion was fully discussed, not because of any particular pressure from without, but with the full consent of the Govern ment. Upon both these questions he would make a few observations. Upon the first question no one knew better than the noble lord opposite that when a question had been discussed, and while the address remained un answered, it was not usual or politic to bring it on again. He entreated the house to consider what the effect of a second debate and decision would be upon th'tt house and its discussions. It would represent that body as discussing great questions, not upon their merits, but for the mere chance of the moment. He begged to remind the noble lord opposite that when an address was unexpectedly carried in that house late at night respecting the Sunday postal delivery, at the time the noble lord the member for the City of London was at the head of the Government, a bill was brought in to alter the decision then arrived at, but that bill was opposed by the Government, several members of which Government were members of the present Administra tion. The noble lord then at the head of the Govern ment said ,that as the address had been carried by . a single vote it might be expedient to reconsider ' it, or, in other words, to refer the question to a committee. As that was his (Mr. Wal pole's) own opinion, he should be happy to support such a proposition if it came from the noble lord at the head of the Government. The hon. gentleman op posite said he had not used the word " surprise," but meant to say that the motion had been carried at a time when ivery body expected an adjournment. Now nothing could be further from his (Mr. Walpole's) intention than a surprise. That motion had been brought forward before E ester, but he gave way on being granted precedence for the 6th of May. On sth May he was asked to give up that day for the debate respecting the peace. He thee got an appointment for the 7th of June, .on which day it came on, and he felt it to he his duty to proCeed with it. On the Friday before that day he first heard of Vee morning sitting, and remonstrated ; hut in vain. The question, consequently, did come on upon the Tues day, and the de ;ate was vi ry uninteresting. The ad journment was moved—but I: st by 182 to 34, the whole of the Government being against it, and the division was taken. Nothing could be filither from the truth, there fore, than that there had been any surprise, and never, he believed, bad a battle been more honuurably won. With respect to the address itself, the question now was what was to be done with it. Nothing but the greatest necessity could justify the annulling of a vote carried as that had been. That necessity if it existed must be judged of by the speeches of g the two hon. gentlemen who had preceded him. It was said that the terms of tau address went to subvert the whole of the established school sys tem of Ireland, but he bad- expressly repudiated that idea. He had entirely excepted the non-vested and even workhouse schools—the only question was whether it was practicable to give certain schools the benefit of the national funds. Of the justice of a universal participa tion in the large sum annually voted for State education there could be no possible doubt. He was quite pre pared to support what was called the " National sys tem," if it could be modified, as he believed it could be, to make it what it professed to be—namely, a really national system. The second reason given for pass ing the present resolution *as, that he (Mr Walpole) wished to substitute the rules the Church Education Society, which enable the masters to proselytise the children of parents •f different persuasions. (Hear, hear, from the Govern ment benches). Did he say so in his speech. (Cheers from the Opposition)? Had he said so anywhere ? If he thought that the address that had been agreed to would in the least degree interfere with the rights of conscience, he would be the first to oppose it. But look at the facts. Out of 5,000 schools in Ireland over 3,000 were in the bands of Roman Catholics, and he had not proposed to interfere with them in the siighteat degree. (Hear.) There was not a town in Ireland where Roman Catholics had not the opportunity of receiving Roman Catholic education,' and while that was so, there was no occasion for Roman Catholic children to be sent to be proselytised at Church of England schools, nor had he suggested such a thing. After the explanation giver, in the other house the other night by the Lord President, he thought it was too mush to charge him with attempt ing to proselytise by that address, when Lerd.Granville, after full deliberation, and after going through the evi dence taken before the committee, tbougbt the only way of doi, g justice was to make grants to those schools, the only stipulation being that they shoul4 submit to Government inspection, That step, on the part of Lord Granville, was very strong evidence of the propriety of the alteration suggested by the address ; and when he was asked to consider the present resolution, he was bound to examine the nature and character of that reso lution, and see whether it was inconsistent will) the address already agreed to. Now that resolution might be divided into three parts. The first was an expression that the house observed with ealisfaction the progress made in the instruction of the poorer classes of her Majeety's Irish subjects under the direction of the commissioners for national education. The next was an expression of opinion that in the administration of that system, or in auy modification of its rules, there should be maintained a strictand undeviating adherence to its fundamental principles or securing parental authority and the rights of conscience to the pupils of all denomi nations, by excluding all compulsory religious teaching. Those fundamental principles might be shortly stated as follews :—First, that parental authority was to be re garded ; secondly, that the rights of conscience were to te respected ; and thirdly, that religious teaching against the consciences of the pupils was in no case to he en forced. To those great principles be had never in the slightest degree dissented, and never should. The last eart of the resolution was to the effect that no provision for the education of the Irish poor could he successfully carried into operation unless it were expressly avowed as ire leading principle that no attempt would be made to ,uhvert the religious tenets of any particular congrega tion te which they belonged. Those words were in fact not new, but formed a port i on of an op i n i on d e li vere d about the year 1812 or 1814, by Vie Irish prelates. And these three divisions comprised the whole of the propos ed resolution. (Hear.) That being so, he thought, it was clear that to no i a.t of that resolution could he dissent —on the contrary, to every portion of it he gave his hearty assent. But then came the question, whether the resolution was in harmony wita the address. The proposition was this :—(The honourable gentleman read the terms of the resolution as before given.) He believ ed that the words chiefly affecting that portion of the address which was considered objectionable were these —" Whatever their regulations may be as to the mode of religions instruction." Upon that came the ques tion, whether the schools of Wesleyans or any other denomination of dissenters could participate in the national grant, and yet act consistently with the resolution. He believed that they could. But could not regulations be made by which that participation of all sects could be adniitte i, and yet do away with the power to interfere with parental authority ? He could conceive many cases in which that relief could be granted. He thought ithat the Government role could be mod& das Lord Granville hi/Itself had proposed. He (Mr. Walpole) thought that where there were sufficient numbers of Roman- Catholic children, these children might, with the consent of their parents, be sent to the Church schools. Thera were many other ways in which relief might be granle 1. He had already stated that he could not vote for the resolution, if he thOught it was in opposition t) the address P • but he regarded it rather as an interpretation of the address, and he believed that the two could very well stand together. The result, then, was that, believing the address to have be en founded wou upon principles of the greatest justice, he rejoiced that it had been carried. Belis.ving, also, that it was not op posed to the propositions brought forward in the other house, and that parental authorite, in matters of eduCa• tion, ought not in any case to be interfered with, he should accept the resolution as it stood. The regulations, which must be fra:ited by the board, might present some difficulties, but he believed they were not insurmount able. The question had now long been discussed, and if his voice bad any weight across the Channel, he would say to the Irish people that Parliament had agreed to an address that would do justice to them, t o long as they did not interfere with the rights of conscience in others. He would appeal to them to be moderate and temperate, and he would al , o appeal to the noble viscount opposite to endeavour to see that justice were done. His (Mr. Walpole's.) only hope and desire was to bring that long. vexed question to a peaceful issue, and he could assure the house that that feeling more than any other bad led him to the determination of agreeing to the resolution then brought forward. He believed its objects were just and practicable, and he trusted they would soon be carried into execution. (Hear.) • Mr. LABOUCHERE said it bad never entered into his mind, nor the mind of any member of the Govern ment, that the right hon. gentleman had acted in any way unfairly in obtaining the vote of the house for the ad dress, but it wa; quite impossible to doubt the decision of te house would have been different if the members had not many of them been called away to a more splendid scene.• It was impossible to exa4gerate the importatico of the question on the vote ; and although the right hon. gentleman now said he did not intend to subvert the system of education in Ireland, every one else had expressed an opinion that the vote, if left as it was. would hive been the death blow ortbe united system of educa tion in that country. If they once introduced the prin ciple which was at theleottom of the right hon. gentle- UAW, Wan* it unit be akonivo of the whole Fidel AS it stood now. The right hon. gentleman had Said there was a great danger in asking them to consider the suby-Tt before the answer to the address to the Crowu had been received ; but even if there had been no pre cedence fur such a course, the importance of the event in the present a Ise justified the step taken, for the reso lution would otherwise bave excited hopes and fears in Ireland of a most . dangerous character. He (Mr. La bouchfrs) had listened with some astonishment to the reasons of the right hon, gentleman for supporting the resolution, but 7/2.s too well pleased to have an united vote on the question to cavil much at the argumentupon which it was founded. Such a resolution would show the people of Ireland that any attempt to attack their system of education, however it might be arrived at, would be defeated by that house. The system had edu cated during the last 23 years two millions and a-half of children, and was educating no fewer than five hundred and fifty thousand cbilaren ; while directly it must ne cessarily have the effect of obliterating sectarianism and political bitterness ; while, if the system were to break down, education in Ireland would be divided into two hostile camps ; one carried on by the influence and money of the landlords, and the other by the influence of the priesthood ; and although there might seem to be many advantages on the side of the landlord, be had no doubt that the advantage in the long run would be with the priests. who would wield the most power- Eul wek) , ns. (Hear, hear.) If the resolution taken by gentlemen opposite was taken with a spirit of concilia tion towards the people of Ireland, he should be sin cerely rejoioed ; and that it was so taken he must hope, however surprised he might be that some of them could adopt it. They had in Ireland a church of the minority supported by the State —the church of the majority resting on its own resources--and they had the national system of education toucning upon both, but resting upon neither. Al these questions had been dealt with. during she present session. The Government had re sisted an attack on the Established Church—they had defended the grant to the College of Maynooth-4r.d new they had defeated an attack upon the national syi tern of education, holding an even band, and endeavour ing to do justice to all. Ho should like to hear the policy which hon. gentlemen opposite would recommend in connection with the religious establishments of Ire land. That country was now peaceable and quiet, and showing every sign of commercial and agricultural pros perity, while morally and socially society was improving, and religious differences were passing away ; and he conjured the house to give a firm and determined oppo sition to any proposal which might be the signal for the renewal of that civil and religious discord which had so long been the .bane of Ireland. The admissions made by the right hon. gentleman relieved him (Mr. Lahou chere) from the task of defending the united system of education—the right, hon. gentleman had come to curse, bnt had remained to bless. Her Majesty's Government would have the vote to which the hcus e was alybut to come before them. when they recommended her Majesty to answer the address; and he hoped the result would show that the present system of education in Ireland, so far from being injured by the di'cus-ion of the question, bad gained fresh strength, and would long continue to flomish. Mr. CAIRNS said fif the Government thought the ad re-s so mischievous as they professed, they ought to have come forward with a direct motion fcr rescinding, instead of allowing it to be met by an ambiguous motion, which both parties claimed as f a v oura bl e t o themselves. He must say for himself, that far from being oppo-ed to national education in Ireland, he for one believed that system, with all its defects, was one of the greatest blessings ever conferred upon Ireland. The modification be would suggest mt.', that where there was a national school to which the Roman Catholic children could go, there assistance might be afforded to a Church school which might be in the same place. Now in point of fact he stated there was nut a single Church school in Ire land where there was not a national school by the side of it, se that Roman Catholic children had full liberty of choice. Holding these views he would support Mr. Fortescue's resolution, with every word of which he could conscientieusly agree • but he reminded the house that compulsory religious education was not in ell cazes repudiated by the National B rare of Riucation. It was strictly prohibited; indeed, in the case of Protestaute and he quoted instant's to prove it ; but there were at leckt 100 convent schools, sharing among them 5,0001. of public money, though in every one of them religious, as well as secular instruction, was compulsory. Lord J. RUSSELL participated in the satisfaction which bad been expressed by the right hon. member for Cambridge, the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, and :the Secretary of State for the Colonies. But he thought the position of that house one of some em barrassment, and was sorry to find that there was great inconvenience in the rules of the house, by which an address was adopted at once, whereas in the case of a bill it bad to pass through several stages and was more fully considered. (Hear, hear.) He con sidered this matter one of such importance, and the course which had beer. taken so injurious to education and the peace of Ireland, that he should be content to vote for a reveral of the previous vote, and the only objection which he entertained t' the motion was that it was not a direct reversal of that vote. (Hear, hear.) So long ae the present Government remained in power he believed that no change in the system of education would take place; but in the event of the right hon. gentleman coming into office, he might deem it his duty to carry out the principles contained in the address. It appeared to him that the effect of the proposition of the right hon. gentleman was this—that there being at pre sent equality, he would establi-h inequality ; that there being at pre-ent religious liberty, his would introduce religion. exclusion ; and that there being at present ha.. moony, he would introduce discord. (Hear, hear.) Hon. gentlemen on the other side of the house, who professed to be the friends of the system of education in Ireland, were certainly most candid, for they pointed out its de fects in a manner which none but a most candid friend dvipi w orro u eetse u nne would aitta,n d )di Aop mod ification . ori 1 ( 1 Cd L lgzaoa tl eeku: g esil h ndawe t gi e r 0 . f) LordT Tae right D erb I , :o p . iaD b by gentleman whi pro posed tirn certain schools the. Scriptures should be read by all the children attending the schools. That would produce ine quality in the system. What would be the feeling of the couetry if 100,0001. cr 150,0001. should be given to the schools in which the Roman Catholic catechism was taught ? A cry would be raised throughout the country, that it was an attempt lo prbselytise the Protestant chit n rdb b rteo e ht r rthe e .haritse t ( ahati: (Hear.) an e etirgn w . ),o ef fTni were thoghneueoge firstsffP sce r urc O oi n t pb e ott P rotestant ir a taneh r des i etdbcpethr t he com pulsoryp advan t ages edch on n og t f e h e children in the Protestant schools, those who had obtained the advantage would turn round on the Roman Catholics, and render it impossible for them to place themselves on an equality in regard to the schools., It had been said that all this could be remedied by adopt ing a system like that which was established in Eng land, and that where there were Roman Catholic chil dren they would go to the schools in the neighbourhood. That would he at once a subversion of the while system and put an end to a mixed education ; and, instead of giving the children an impartial rule, would give them a topographical consolation. (Hear, and a laugh.) Be sides this, the plan of the right hon. gentleman would be an infringement of religious liberty. It was one o f the earliest declarations of Lord Stanley, when he esta blished this system, that the religious education should only take place while the children of those who were ob jected were absent ; and in reply to a deputation from the. Synod of Ulster, his lordship said that certain hours, be they more or be they fewer, would be allotted to the studit s of the children, and that no Bible or any other book would be employed, to which the parents or guar. diens s iuld object on the ground of religious scruples. He had therefore the authority of Lord Derby for saying that, according to his opinion in 1831, the proposal of the right hon. gentleman involved a palpable violation of religious liberty. ;Hear.) It might be said that Lord Derby did not entertain the same opinion at the present time: He could not fol!ow Lord Derby in such a change of opinion. He knew what the opinions of Lord Derby wore when he was the colleague of Lord Grey and Lord Brougham. His lordship's opinions were then sound and successful, and it wored be a matter of great regret if he should contribute to destroy the work which had done bim so much honour. (hear.) This was a ques tion which affected 2,700 schools, and the proposition was to introduce a principle which would be oppressive to tie minority, and deprive them of the religious liberty which they now enjoyed. (Hear, hear.) Instead of insuring harmony, the alteration would produce strife acd discord. Let the house consider .what had been done during the last half-century with regard to edu cation in Ireland. In 1806 the Duke of Bedford, then Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, entered ireto a correspond enee with the Primate as t 7) the propriety of establish ing a commission, for the purpose of inquiring into the state of education in that country. The commission was continued britee — Diike of Richmond, and a re port was produced laying down the principle that no plan of education for the poor could be carried into effec tual operation, unless by an explicit avowal and clear un. derstanding that no attempt should be made to influence the religious tenetsof any sect or denomination. The qure tion was discussed, and in 1826 a committee, over which Lord Monteagle presided, produced the outline of the plan now in existence, which was carried into effect in 1831. No doubi`, there hail been great varieties in detail in making the system work, but in a country like Ire land what plan could be adopted which would not re quire changes ard modifications ? None of the chang.s, however, which had been adopted had touched the essen tial principles of the plan, which had been attended with great blessings to the people, had tended to appease re ligious commotion, and to improve the habits and morals of the people. When then improvements had been going on for half a century, there came forward a gentleman to break in upon the system, and renew the animosities which had in a great measure ceased. (Hear.) The change, if carried out, would cause the Protestant again to assume supremacy, and would debase the fair work which it had been the object of thefriends of national edu cation to carry forward. He had no doubt of the sincerityof the right hon. gentleman, who imagined that he was satisfying the conscientieue scruples of the mem hers of the Church of England, and adding a supplernen to the scheme of national education. But he entreated the right hon, gentleman to dismiss the thought from his mind. So far from being a supplemental plan, the right bon. gentleman would find that the Roman Catholics arid liberal Protestants would be unable to, lend their hands to such a plan of compulsory education—(cheers)—they would retire from the board, and their places would have to be taken by men wbo were suspected by the Roman Catholics. (Hear.) He trusted that so long as the pre sent Government remained in power they would make rto essential modification in the system oleducet on now acted upon, but would adhere to its principles. (Hear.) If the plan was to be altered, let the right honour able gentleman himself carry it into effect, and reap the bitter fruit of his uncalled-tor interference.' (Hear.) Mr. NAPIER said that if the proposition which had been submitted to the house by his right hon. friend had been met in the same spirit by the other side of the Omit uaiglit lowei led to bouedoial reeralts. (Ewa) NINO, JUNE 24, 1856. The noble lord had more than once put on paper his sen timents respecting national education, and in those sen timents he entirely concurred. (Hear.) At the last meeting of the British and Foreign School Society the noble lord said that the exclusion of the Bible amounted to a denial of Christianity. (Hear.). He (Mr. Napier) had always considered the principle of the national sys tem wrong, for it was seeking to establish an itnpossi bitty. There was a great antagonism between the two Churches, and to bring them together and reconcile the two principles was impossible. Education could be feunded oily on two principles—religious truth or reli gious liberty. But in Ireland :the advocates of the us ttm were afraid of religious liberty and ashamed of reli zious truth. (Hear.) He admitted that the National Society had done a great deal to elevate education. But that was not the question. If the system was a good one, let it be modified and improved and extended. Was it true that under the present system the State pro vided for the conscience of the parents ? If a Roman Catholic parent wished his child to be taught the Scrip ture, did the State provide that he might be sent to the Roman Catholic school for that purpose ? Such was undoubtedly not the case, for power was given to the Raman Catholic managers of schools to exclude the Scriptures. Was that the intention of Lord Derby when he introduced the system ? Undoubtedly not. His in tention was to give freedom. The vested plan was a failure, and the noneveated plan was established. It had been said by the hon. member for Newry that the Scriptures ought to be the basis of education. That was- unquestionably true. Now, let them take a Pro testant school. They might have the Scriptures read in that school, but if tl ere was a single Roman Catholic child in the school, he might be made ues of to ob struct the religious instruction, and the Scriptures could not be referred to during the time of general instruction. Again there were frequent cases in which Roman Ca tholic parents wished their children to read the Scrip tures, and to which the priests objected. In such cases were any preparations made for protecting the consciences of the parent's ? Or, again, wa4the Protestant patron to be compelled to co-operate with the Roman Catholic priest ? It came, in fact, to this, that by the system as at present worked the whole power was placed in the hands of the priest, and the Protestant patron was made to assist. He (Mr. Napier) felt that the cause of edu cation was at present in a most critical state, and he the more regretted this, because he felt that there never was a nobler opportunity for the satisfactory settlement of this most difficult question. There was a large portion of the people of Ireland, clergy and laity, who would go almost any length, or make almost any sacrifice to settle at once and for ever this question. It was not their desire to subvert or disturb the national system, if na tional system it could be called that excluded the whole Protestant community from its advantages. (Hear.) The noble lord (Lord J. Russell) had quoted the opi nions of Lord Derby on the question, but Lord Derby was an older and a wiser man now than when he gave in his adhesion to the system. If anything could be de• vised by means of which the Protestants could be in cluded in the advantage of the Government grants the Government would have them as allies, otherwise they might depend upon it they would have them as enemies, for the present system struck at the root of all they held most sacred. (Hear.) Mr. eIORSMAN said he had listened to the speech of th right honourable gentleman who had just sat down, aid found it impossible to ascertain what he affirmed. (B.ear, hear, and laughter.) He could not gather from ei.eat he had said whether he approved of or objected to the resolution whch had been moved by the hunourable gentleman the member for Louth. The right hon. gentle man the member fur the University of Cambridge (Mr. Walpole) stated the otlier night, when addressing the house ueen the question, that he was not hostile to the n lend system of education, a statement which was of a art2ai s character, when be Caine down to the house avowe ity representing a party which had shown the greatest hostility to the national system. Surely the right hon. gentleman would not deny that he came for ward as the representative of the Church Education Seziety, and by what argumentation or sophistry he could show th it his address the other night was consis tent with the resolution !slaved that evening by the hon. member for Louth, he (Mr. Horst-nee) was totally at a loss to conceive. The Bishop of Ossory, who had been quoted, distinctly stated that the two systems were in direct antagonism to each other. (Hear.) To that issue he (Mr. foreman) was prepared to come that night, for the case was really between the Church Education So ciety, which made die reading of the Bible compulsory, and the national system, which protected freedom of conscience. It had been stated over and over again that night that it was not intended by the right bon. gentle. man opp ,site and his friends to subvert or disturb the na tional system, but the result of the motion which was carried the other night would be to endow exclusive Pro testant schools ; and t hese schools, baying the patronage of the great landowners and the clergy, would draw the children of other slenominations within their walls. The Roman Catholics would establish rival schools, and not having the same resources, would resort to agitation to counterbalance the wealth that was brought to bear on the other side. Now he would ask the right hon. gentleman whether, while he was willing t give the grants to exclusive Protestant schools, he would give them to exclusive Catholic schools I If so, grants would be given to 3,000 Catholic schools and universities. They would not want Maynooth any longer, for they would have 3,000 Maynooths, whose claims would be annually discussed in that house. lie was quite sure the hon. member for North War vickshire (Mr. Spooner), who he was glad to see bad just been aroused from his slumbers by the formidable announcement that had fallen upon his ears—(laughter)—had no conception what was the extent to which le and his party would be led if these concessions were - made. The hon. inembet• thought he had nearly demolished one Maynooth on a former occa sion—what would he do when he saw 3,000 more May nooths rising up before him ? (Hear, and laughter ) The Roman Catholics were five-sixths of the population of Ireland, and consequently they would have fire sixths of the whole number of the grants. The fact ens it was intended by the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Wal pole) and his friends to establish in Ireland the denoini national system, which they had in England, ingead of the national system, which they had in Ireland. In Eng land these denominational grants were given to protect the rights of conscience—ain Ireland they were asking for tnern to assail the religious liberty of others. (Cneers.) The questions at issue between them were four. 1. It was asked that religion should be the basis of education --that was granted on all sides of the house. Bet what religion ? Religion was a great phrase. Was it to be the religion of the Church into which the child had been baptised, or of the patron into whose school he went ? That was the first question, and he held that those who felt that the religion upon which education was based should be that of the Church into which the child hid been baptised, should vote for the maintenance of the national system. 2. Then there was the question whe ther a system of proselytism should be adopted. Those who thought it should, would have no difficulty in sup porting the Church Education Society ; but those who maintained that there should be freedom of cotscience would support the national system. 3. For whom was this system established in Ireland ? It was admitted that the laity and clergy belonging to the Presbyterian and Roman Catholic bodies were in favour of the sys tem, and he had nut heard one word to show that the po it population were not in favour of it. The only op ponents to it were the cLrgy of the Estehliehed Church in Ireland. 4. Were they to have in Ireland an Engli-h or an Irish system ? Whatever might have been the theories or the expectations entertained in reference to the national system in 1831, the argument in favour of the system now was its perfect success. (Hear, hear.) It had been adopted by the maj Tity—it had been looked upon as a blessing —and its subverdon or disturbacce would be regarded as a curse. The resolution prepo ed by the hon. gentleman the member for Louth affirmed that it was a sound principle, and that it had been suc cessfully carried out. It appeared that both sides of the house were prepared to affirm that principle. It had proved a blessing to the Irish people, and the Legislature after 25 years' experience were determined to stand by it when not even the members for the Universities bad not a word to say against. A gold deal hal been said about reading the Bible. That reminded him of a solemn warning ny a celebrated English prelate in the House of Lords on the occasion of the last discassion in which he took part in that assembly, and with those words he would con clude his remarks. The right rev. prelate said, "If we cannot compel the Roman Catholics to read the Bible, let us show by our conduct that we have read the Bible, let us show it by our charity, let us show it by a spirit of conciliation, let us show it by our Protestant Chris tianity, let us show that we practise its preceipts, and with these data let sus bald out the right hand of bro therhood to the Roman Catholics, and depend upon it they will accept it." (Loud cheers.) Mr. P. O'BRIEN thought it would have been well if the members for the Univtrsity of Dublin had turned their attention to the course of education pursued in that institution. He held the degree of Master of Arts in the University of Dublin, and he had never been called upon to attend any dogmatic teaching, and never been obliged to read the Bible. (Laughter.) Was not that the godless system the members for the University condemned, and yet in their own case they said nothing about it ? (Hear.) It had been said, in defence of the clergy, that they were obliged to teach the Scriptures to their people ; but thst was not the case, and their only object was to divert the funds they ought to apply to the education of their own flocks to the establishment of missionary colleges arid proselytising arrangements in different parts of Ireland. At present Roman Catholics were taxed that a system of proselytism might be applied to their own children. Had any attempt been made by any member of the house who had occupied a position in connection with any Govern ment to explain to the house the real meaning of the reso lution rib w before the house ? He did not want to see any Jesuitical move in connection with this subject, but tailed upon the house to express a clear, decided, and unequivo cal opinion on the subject of the present system of Na tional Education in Ireland. (Hear.) Mr. GROGAN said he felt the awkwardness of the position in which the house was placed, and regretted that some honourable member who had preceded h'm had not endeavoured to explain clearly and definitely what it was that htr Mjesty's Government really thought of the present resolution. He wished distilled), to understand whether her Majesty's Government held it as th,tir opinion that the Protest-tuts in Ireland ought not to receive in that country the same amount of as sistance in education which was given in this country to the children of persons of all religious persuasions. In order to bring this matter to an issue, he should pro pose the following resolution :--" But that, consistently with those principles, it is the opinion of this house that no schools should be disentitled to receive aid from the funds of the board, because the rules of such schools re quire a portion of Scripture to be read each day by every child, as a portion of the education of such eel ools." Mr. G. A. HAMILTON regretted that some mem ber of her Majesty's Goverment had not held out the prospect of this subject boipg cassideral the pooh with a view of adopting some modification in the national 1 system of Ireland, without interfering with the great principles which it recognised. He should have heard such an intimation with great pleasure. He contended that the Church Education Society wai not a proselytis ing body, and challenged the hon. member who had brought such charges against that society to bring fur ward any fact which would substantiate his imputation. Neither was it intended by those who had brought for ward theoiiginal motion to violate in any degree the rights of conscience. He should feel it his duty to give his support to the amendment of the • hon. member for Dublin. Lord BERNARD moved the adj,urnment of the de bate. Lord PALMERSTON hoped the house would come to a decision on the subject, as the question had been already fully argued. Mr. I. BUTT trusted the house would sanction the adjournment of the debate, as the important question raised by the resolution required a large amount of dis cussion. He appealed in the spirit of fide play to the house t. consent to the adj.mrnment. The house divided, when tho numbers were-- For-the adjournment 5 .0 Against Majority -281 Mr. VANCE then moved (at a quarter past 12) the adjournment of the house. (Oh, oh.) Mr. NE WDEGATE supported the motion. He hoped they would have no more surprises ; and it was evident that many hon. gentlemen had gone away under the im pression that no such issue as that which had lately been debated would have been raised. Mr. GROGAN appealed to the noble viscount to con sent to the adjournment of the debate, the greater part of the evening having been wasted in a useless debate upon an unintelligible issue. He hoped those hon. gen tlemen who had notices on the paper fur this day would give way to him. (Laughter.) Mr. GEORGE said the resolution of the hon. member for Louth was conceived so mush in the spirit of Loyola that it was impossible to agree upon the sense in which it was to be taken. He would appeal to the house how much hon. members were now wiser with regard to the intentions of the Government than they were before ? (Hear.) He would now, therefore, although it was much past the eleventh hour—(laughter)—ask the noble lord to state the sense in which they rejected the motion. Viscount PALIVIERSTON Undoubtedly, sir, for those who wish the debate to be prolonged, the motion for the adjournment of the house seems not to be quite the best mode of accomplishing their object, for of course the result would be that the motion would be dropped. The hon. gentleman says he is not much wiser for the speeches he has heard. I don't know whether we should be much wiser for those that are in reserve—(laughter) —but I really do hope the house will go to a division. (Cheers.) I ain asked in what sense her Majesty's Go vernment understand the resolution ? The sense in which we understand the resolution is that, if carried, it would express the opinion of the house—an opinion upon which her Majesty's Government would act—that no change should be made--(great cheering)—no change in' the regulations and practice in regard to public grants for education in Ireland. I must say, ear, that considering the great importance of this subject, the deep interest which is felt in it, the great mischief that would arise from re-opening those religious disputes which have so happily been closed, I think that a una nimous vote of the house upon the resolution moved by my hon. friend, an , '. I must add so honourably men tioned by the right hon. gentleman (Mi. Walpole), would be a wiser termination than any which would be come to even after the speeches which we are called upon to adjourn in order that we may bear. (Laughter.) Every one must have made up his mind before now. The question is not a new one, and I venture to say there is not a man in the house who , e opinion would be influenced by anything he might say. (Laughter.) I there-fore call upon the house to determine whether .he system of education in Ireland —the mixed system of education—which has conferred such great benefit on that country, and which, if persevered in, will confer still greater—whether that system, I say, should con tinue or be put an end to—•whether religious peace is to be established in Ireland, or whether religious war is to be declared. These, sir, are the questions upon which this house has to vote, and upon which I press for an immediate decision. (Loud cheers.) Mr. NAPIER had been prepared to move an amend ment, but he had'declioed doing so in consequeece of the manner in which the speech of his right hon. friend (Mr Walpole) had been received ; and the result was that a great many hon. gentlemen who would have supported that amendment had left the house. Mr. LABOUCHERE said the right bon. and learned gentleman was in the house when he spuks, and he would appeal to the house whether he did not explicitly state that the Government accepted the resolution as a distinct reversal of the vote on a previous night ? He felt that the Government would be deeply guilty if they had taken any ambiguous course, and he should attach no value to the motion it it was to go out to Ireland as anything but an expression of the determination of Par liament to maintain the national system of education. (Lend cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI intended to vote for the motion, but he protested against being supposed to accept the Go vernment interpretation of it. Every hon. gentleman was master of the sense which he put upon any resolu• tion for which he voted. He approved of the national system, and be should never have voted with his right hon. friend if he had thought that the address agreed to previously was inconsistent with the fundamental prin . eiples of that system. 111. BUTT said the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Cambridge sad accepted the reso lution in a totally different sense from that now put on it by the noble lord and by the Secretary of State for the COlonies. A great number of gentlemen had stated that they perfectly understood the point in dispute, but they had not as yet been able to bring it to au issue. Those who thought with him believed that it they gave aid to a school in which all the children were required to read a portion of the Scriptures they did not violate any fundamental principle. Hon. gentlemen opposite thought otherwise, and the issue had been fairly raised between them by the amendment of the hon. member for Dublin. The noble lord now said the principle of the resolution was, that no change should be made ; but the resolution itself spoke of change. If the noble lord now insisted on a division, t)e house would be taken by surprise. (" Hear," and "No, no.") From the statement of the hon. member fur Warwickshire, it was evident that many members had left the house under the impression that no division would take place. If a division was forced on the hou,e, those who thought with num must divide, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they were placed ; but a decision come to under such circum stances would go forth without authority, and come back without respect. (Hear, hear.) The house then divided— For the adj ,urnment Against it Majority 39 328 .. -289 The SPEAKER then put the main question and the amendment, on which the house divided, with the fol lowing result-- For the amendment 95 Against it Majority The original resolution was then put and agreed to without a division. The result wad received with cheers from both sides of the house. SARDINIAN LOAN BILL. This bill pass,d through committee. In answer to Mr. BOWYER, Lord PALMERSTON said the purpose of this bill had already been explained. It was not for the purposes of revolution, but to enable the Sardinian Government to bear a part of the expense of their campaign in the Crimea. It was the wish of the Government to support the Sardinian Government, believing it to be animated by enlightened views. (Cheers.) COURT OF EXCHEQUER (SCOTLAND) BILL. This bill passed through committee. COUNTY COURTS ACT AMENDMENT BILL. On the motion of the ATTORNEY GENERAL this bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday next. • Sir J. PAKINGTON gave notice of a clause in com mittee to equalise the county court judges' salaries. The other orders of the day were disposed of, and the house adjourned at a few niinutqs to 2 o'clock. "EVELYN MARSTON." BY THE AUTHOR OF "EMILIA WYNDHAM," &c. 3 VOLS.—Mrs. Marsh has here given us a purely natural, domestic, and touching story. The heroine, Evelyn, marries a gifted young artist, under the impression that she has a fortune at her own dis posal. Acting on that notion, expenses are incurred, ' and the honeymoon passes sweetly away. It is disco vered too late that the money has been spent by her father, and that she is penniless. The embarrassment thus occa;ioned affords scope for the description of those scenes of mingled tenderness and distress in which Mrs. Marpih excels, and calls forth all the higher qualities of Evelyn's nature. She is a pretty creation. In her days of prosperity uncertain, hard, and coy to please, but in the time of trial a ministering angel, patient, provident, and pious. The narrative flows pleasingly on, and the sentiment is full of thought and emotion.—The Press. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —We quote a few more of the extraordi nary cures without medicine effected by Du Barry's delicious health-restoring Revaleuta Arabica Food of Indigestion (Dyspepsia), Flatulency, Constipation, Nervous, Bilious, and Liver Complaints, Cough, Asthma, Consumption, and Debility: Cure No. 180.—" Twenty-five years' uervousn. ss, constipa tion, indigestion, and debility, from which I had suffered great misery, and which no medicine could remove or relieve, have been effectually cured by l)u Barry's Food in a very short time.—W. B. Reeves, Pool Anthony, Tiverton." Cure No. 4,208.—" light years' dyspepsia, nervousness, debility, with cramps, sp.tsms, and nausea, for which my servant bad consulted the advice of many, have been effectually cured by Du Barry's health-restoring Food.—l shall be happy to answer any inquiries. --Bev. John W. Flavell, Ridlingtom Rectory, Norfolk." No. 32,836.—" Three years' excessive nervousness, with pains in my neck and left arm, and general debility, which rendered my life very miserable, has been radically removed by Du Barry's health-restoring Food.—Alex. Stuart, Archdeacon of Ross, Skibereen." Supported by testimo v ials from the celebrated Professors of Chemistry Dr. Andrew Ure ; Dr. Shorland ; Dr. Harvey ; Dr. Campbell ; Dr. Gattiker ; Dr. Wurzer; Dr. Ingram ; Lord Stuart de .Decies ; the Dowager Countess of Castle- Stuart; Major-Gen. Thomas King, and many other respectable persons, whose health has been restored by it, after all otLeT means cf cure had failed. Suitably packed for all climates, with full instructions. In canisters, 51bs., lls. ; 121b5., 225. ; super-refined, 11b., 6s. ; 21135., lls.; 51bs., 22e ; 101bs., 335. The 101bs. and 12/bs. oexria2,•e free, on receipt of post-office order. Barry du Barry and Co., 77, Regent- s t reet, L ondon ; Fortnum, Mason, and Co., Purveyors to her M a j es t y, Picca dilly ; also at 60, Gracechurch-street ; 333 and 451, Strand ; 4, Cheapside; 68, Ccrnhill ; 49, Bishopsgate-street; 65 Char big-cross; 151, Upper Doler'stroot; anti I§o &f i ord, 9 strest# Cou ',try )Tarkets. CHELMSFORD—JUNI(' 20. This market opened at last week's prices, by 01 holding for an advance, towards the close an imp' . took place of is per qr. Of spring corn o ur so gs short ; beans were fully as dear, but peas, oa ts, a sold at is per qr. above last week's quotations. Wheat, white, old, per s. s. qr. 55 81 Oats, per qr ....... . new 51 79 Peas, Partridge ... old 53 75 White........ new 52 74 Boiling ..... Barley 32 40 Dun........... Chevalier 35 44 I Beans, Tisk ....•••. Grinding :io 38 Harrow tig Malt 72 76 Mazagan... Chevalier 74 78 D itt o , not red, COLCHESTER— JUNE 21. A small supply of wheat ; prices 2s per qr. a the trade was not active. Barley, beans, and 1 all the tarn in favour of the seller. Prices to-daywere as follow :—Wheat, white, red, 70s to 745; barley, 38s to 43s ; Mazagan, 38s to 40s ; middle and small, .425 t°white, white, 42s to 4iis ; grey, 40s to 42s. oa ts, 20 to 2 ." - 42' ...... eirer• Pag 70 t , 8i ; i 40; Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn s B6 D o C. rte, in the port of London,, from the follosvii 4 the 15th to the 21st June, both inclusive.. 8 _..... —7 _ Colchester Harwich Leigh - - - 56-0 1 1 Maldon ;1660, 28 290 0 i -~ I 4 I 122 KIRKCALDY—J - IMB 21. _. A a wl We bad a good supply of wheat, small of .° D . c m ark: one parcel of barley to-day. A. slow sell 1 1 le es. consequence of farmers asking extravagais' 'l 3 ea t and were closed at an advance of 2s per qr. on 1 oats and barley. 1 Bes Wheat. 1 Barley. I 09 X 9 i il 1 First SOs Od I 45s 01 ( 3 5 a Oat f ..0 0 1 Second 76s Od I—sOd I 33s e. Os Third 69s Od I —s Od I 31s ..... COAL MAR Prices of Coal per ton at s. d. Bate's West Hartley 15 6 Byass's West Hartley l6 3! Hartlepool W. Hartley 16 0 Hastiug's Hartley l6 3 Howard's West Hartley Netherton l6 3 Taufield Moor l3 9 Walker Primrose 14 0 Now Tanfield l5 0 Tanfield Moor Butes 13 9, West Hartley 15 0, Wallsend . , Sto. I Gosforth l5 31 Harton l5 Heaton Hilda 15 0 Birchgrove Graigela 2l Weyne's Merthyr 21 0 Elsicar l5 9 Hetton Lyons Main l6 0 i3hips at market...lo 'T.—JUNE 2. 5. the close of the makes.WADE 1010646 .. 1 5 1 Belmont ..... . ............. araddyll .................... , 1 etton .. ... ............. 1,6 I Rassell's Sett ......... .1/ Laaubtoo ...... .... ....... .17 ;So oth Hettou. • ............ 16 Re ugh Hall ............ ;Tee 9 ........... ............ 16 Whi Worth .......... Even rwood ..... ........... .16 Oen? 13 titivates 1 La.. ..16 • Keno.. I. ...... •• • • ......... 1 1 .t' . ..... ........... 16 Eden k tain ......... 11 Elartl 'ool .•• ........ 15 Pensher ........ . ............. 16 Plummet. ...... ........... ..... .......... al I sold SEABUthE -MAUL& • , rat ' 3ignities that the malls are sent try' the •-:y the night—and M by the morning--dests Jay avben made ap in General Poet- Office, London.* From fns Pot t - D''ePa 4 be ' . ••• Li v vrpoc ." r'.-very Friday , *" 'Every 't uesday SoUt tied 4th and 19th .... • „•,- .::!60° 1 Plymot. 6 Dover • •t.: O Southai !P.4 io Kw SOUthai - ar Dover Jur Soothes Prior jail gouthsta nA UO O Various Y"'" 90 0 SSouth'OP o 10 4 I,„ of tho month . 1 10th 3E. 26th on. o tin &mil of mob. .17th of the mono 9th of the month 9th o' 'hr. month Uncertain C. of 11, , nntil l 10th and 26th....1 ,4th and 20th Av., .a.,citr 14 & 17th month :4th and 20th .... 110th and 26th.... I tth Ist 20th 01 moo. Twice daily ...... .1 1161' Southall 1111011 ,„,. JO°. Southai I P'" 14 rtll !fd . Dover South. tti tptO • i 1 Dover • '1 44 ,140 Dover 6, of Southa pp 1 • . Southar London 0. '";l6oWroi Southan IoV II 4 16 9 0 Dover... "1 0 ! .outham ( to" . 1161 10 Plymout , 1 ' I Dover .. 1 0 1 Dover... a. , .• • Holyhead 0 Southami 0 6, 16 0 Sotithium) oo Liverpool Dover 4, 21 y 4. l .18outh 441404j0il Twice daily ...... 14, 7, 17, 20, 27 efm ton &17th of mon . . 2nd of thb moot'. Daily... ..... 17ta of the month. Ith it 20th of mon. 9th& 26th of month 10 & . twice 2d or n o . 9th of the mom! 33a of month .... 14, 10, 20, and 26. 20,h of the month PIA of the mouth.. Daily . ....... 24' 17thof moat : T. Lte a month .. ;(.)C; NTRIAi. ~ rnerica(byßrit.pack mericp.tby United St, packet) .......... merica (by U. Stat., packet) •kustrtlia (via Liver- j pool) ........... Jitto (via . Aariellles) N , - ,itto (via Cape of Good Hope) ............N kfrica (West Coast) ..N Alexandria.......... ilahamaa ...........M aelgium ...........N Brntil Buenos Ayres ........M Cape of Good Hope ..N Cape of Good Hope ..N epee de Verde Ceylon (see India) Chancel Isles Chi1i................N China .... Constantinople ...... Constantinople Cont. of Europe M Pc N Egypt (see India) France - ........ M Sr b Gibraltar Greece (see India) Greytown •• • • •• • • •• rd Fuunburgb • • •• •• •• • • davannah Holland •• •• • M Honduras India (viaSout hampt ) India (via Marsoilles)3l lonian Is!es (see India) Ireland Madeira Madeira b Malta (see India) Mauritius (see India) Kauritius •• • ••• • . , ?Lexie° •0 •• •• hi Naples • . • . e • • • • • • • New Granada,..... ti e w Zealand Papal States Peninsula .• .• Peru ~ •• •• •• • ••11.! Port Natal Sicily •• •• •• •• •• Taacany ....•• •• •• Venezuela Van Diemen'e LP.nci (se' 4ustralia) gre , t+. Irnrllpq , • 'Dom' South irOPO' I t ;larks P° , 4 1, `" - - ,Dover. • •1: 1 ; •Southa sPr„„ louthu,lin— rts oof o Varioul PO, .:1,10 Dover !. .; o f Dover J. OP' SouthAril I DSt tA Soother 0 * • `' t o ~,;„ in , ' t o. Whenany or these dates fall on a Sunday, them l nal spatched on the following day. with the exception S Aouthampton), and the Malta, both of which will be 4PPv preceding day. 1Daily•••••••••••• A. 27th of mon. Iv private Every Saturday..' .lo* iith olsnonv ith of mon. .... LOCAL SHARE MARZEIS' LIVERPOOL, JUNE 23. ' • fli g STOOK EXCHANGE.—The market has been 40 1 2-110 1 "'" fair busin ess t o -d ay, and pr i ces c l ose d at the 1°910 1 ;1 rates :—Midland s , 82—S ou th E as tern, 22i--Ess'ob , shire, on —Eastern Counties, 11 1-16—N0ra:1.136n. Oro; London and N or th Westerns, 1041 4—Caled Lancashire and Yorkshire, 95i 4 North Easterli, k, Capital Stock, 213—Ditto, Leeds, 19—Ditto, law s , Liverpool, C ros b y , an d S out h por t, 17i— Sheige —Luxembourg constituted, 84 MANCHESTER, Ana 23. bo - A4 STOOK EXCHANGE.-ThB market was fire, 00 active business was transacted, and prices ha" tioh.il advanced. East Lancashire, 2Oil i-Eastern Csur! gitu —London an d North-Westeres, 1011 —041 84 / 0 004 —South Eastern, 22 : 4 ex n.—Sbeffields, 31i o re, Great Westerns, 51—North Western, 7 5.16 Cbe . Of Birkenhead, 161— Midlands, 81f East Anglian, 7 per cent., 5. --- BIRMINGHAM, JUNE 23. STOOK EXCHANGE.-Thir. market was again 1.•:.'ae0 4 to-day, with a brisk dem a nd, at the followieg Midlands, 81—Great Western, 64i—Ditto, ,Sb r !„.jov" and Birmingham G uaran t ee d, 74i—South SW" - 2.13.9. dis. LEEDS, JUNE 23. „. 0 STOOK EXCHANGE. —North Eastern, Lead b _lllll p Midlands, 82—North-Western, 7# 3-16—EirroiSil 101 Derby, b2—Dovers, 22k 3-16—East Lam:6l6o e ' York and North Midland, 30i. - $ 11 1 1 : - SUSPECTED FORGERY AT HUDDERSFIELD.I o r day Mr. Henry Leadbeater was privately ersta — n ; i ir Huddersfield by Mr. G. Armitage and hie ° P ith 0 ; trates, on a charge of forging bills of exchant*Lllo o tent to n defraud the Huddersfield and Helga% PL, - ,1 SP: Compay. The examination was strictly privrtop P - 00 00, prisoner was eventually remanded to Thundsitotel when, in consequence of the protest of the Thog is d e pol ig clerk, Mr. J. C. Laycock, against secrecy, the pt Lions would be taken in open court. The ata ° , T by volved is stated to bo over 2,0001. The pris op ", o l9 hitherto held a hi g h p os iti on in the mercantil •A ligious world. BIRTHS. OP A SON. 14 ill° On the 21st inst., at Inverness-terrace, EfYdel sl Ififr , wife of Frank Orme, Esq. CheoPlide' On the 21st inst., at Lawrence-lane, George Mence. On the 22d inst., at 11, Hyde-park-gate swab, Dor ,on-gore, the wife of Robert W. Mylne, Esq- f oirw On the 21st inst., at Old Brentford, the wife 4 /" . Davis, Esq., M.R.C.S. OP A DACIGHTZB. MARRIED. sor 0, ~ On the 19th inst., at the Old Church, EalingPe o oo P ish, Esq., of Sackyille-street, Piccadilly, end i 4. , - 1 ', 2 ton, to Frances Eleanore, daughter of T. Dash, ,03111 On the 23d inst., at Holy Trinity Church , j o icr o Joseph Guillemard, the youngest son of the Il e sle„ Fincher, Esq., of Bronipton, to Isabella Anne t b it .F, d aug hter of the late Lieut.-C o l one l Blyth, of n. Regiment. DIED. 0 .0.1 e On the 22d inst., at 67, Westbourne-terraset s)t Sir John Wil son , K.C.B , K.C.T.B , Colonel of 11th Regiment. . 103( 4.6 On the 23d inst., at Tottenham-wood, Thoma s - Esq., aged 94. $i Hnok / 011# uOnithe, 13rt. e22 a dir ad 2. t. g , e at , Birdholme, Derbyshire , Wh it. On the 2241 inst., at S, Harewood square, M iss lock On e, the 23d aged 76. ClaPhil t°. • oll4 inst., at Lymington House, Miss Anna Everett. Ihol On the 2241 inst., at Bromley-hall, Middlesex, Brooke, Esq. ...Nati On the 21st inst., Mr. Thomas Balls, iron IDssue--- London, aged 61. 000 17 On the 22d inst., at York-place, Portman-squareo Merrik Hoare, Esq., aged 86. _.....00 ° LONDON : Printed and Published by biI7RDO yOllO of No. 112, Strand, Printer, et The Sim Ofilor 4 ? , Stranci, in the. Precinct of ha Savoy, fa the *iddiglega PLOW. JIM ROAM nesdaj Eight Madar eountr Seats b next, Chorus eountr be obU at 8 el Stalls, Z A' aPisto: IL Lau D' only) fi and int health 2, and highly-: by Dr. formanl above includh TRAIN roreal. Nvith th oL !"—I w nn nEPEA Sentatio Sonally before I Stnpend solitude Mr. Ila (which Childrer C ~: RIAN I every E Interta Permaul Popular Caul& Caulflcl If ening, nett. Au T. Mac% J. Caulf o'clock RO ou MON bury nil Parcels. Time 'Western June GE I VIII lea Tuesday, fares-1 allowed. held in tl Sons wit GE, Warwicl 3 3llston, returnin l Intermed Oxford, Warwici West 131 Wolvan bag only G' s►tch, bury, 0 and Liv( 30th, Su or 21st diate sta 'West Br 'verhauil • Ed, a nd] and 15s. transfer; Under tv GE NOTI aboya C 1856, to making Quebec Guelph ] Each It Warm Nottei Per anni And Del June, w to be d( the inte Xtonds a T A' kerehl Of the , Also / " Office! CAI artlcl, and C solo itt th( T and i stich boel duly 0 /3, and sous On Pra san, Rod Eeo Vie le a eo n eac are err