The Sun. — London, England, 1834-05-07 00:00:00

MEETING OF THE MANCHESTER AND SALFORD TRADES' UNION. Manchester, Monday Evening. The " great meeting," of which such pompous announcement had been made, and which the friends of disorder affected to contemplate with such terror, as involving consequences of stupendous magnitude, took place at noon, this day, in Granby-row-fields. At about half-past twelve there might be from six to seven thousand persons present ; but a very large portion of this number consisted of spectators, for the closely-packed group which surrounded the hustings comprised all who heard or that appeared inclined to hear on the occasion. Each trade sported its banner of blue calico, emblazoned with an inscription denrip tive of the craft which had sent forth its members on this " momentous occasion." BARNARD MURRAY, a pipemaker, having.been called to the chair by general acclamation, read the placard calling the meeting. This document had " ample room and verge" for the purpose, and contained a great many flourishes about the folly of " passive obedience)" the "patriotism which wrung from the tyrant John the charter of their birthrights ;" their " Dorchester brethren," who were on " the deep, deep sea," &c. But the pith of it was, that they met to take into consideration the present "critical situation of the Trades' Unions," and to petition Parliament to "repeal all laws which give undue protection to capital over that which is the most valuable of all, because it gives value to capital—labour." The first resolution was then moved by Hugh Boyd. It stated, in effect, that every man had a right to sell his labour for as high a price as possible, and that every interference of Government with such right was incompatible with right. This, as might be ima gined, required but brief arguments, and the orator wisely left well alone. He contented himself with a few observations, in which he referred to the late affair at Lyons, and asked whether the meeting were of opi nion that the British Government dare make an at tempt to put them down in the same way ? To this interrogatory loud cries of " No, no !" resounded from every side. This resolution was seconded by Mr. JOHN RI CHARDSON, a letter-press printer, who was more dis cursive and less discreet than his friend the pipe maker ; but it would be waste of time and trouble to describe either this speech or that of EVANS, a tailor, who also supported the motion. You have speechifi cations enough to record without those of our Man chester Union orators. They proceeded to the 6th resolution, all of which presented little variation from the first, except that of a petition to the House of Commons, for the purpose set forth, as one of the ostensible objects of the meet ing. Much violent language was used by the speakers, but nothing was urged presenting the slightest claims to novelty. The meeting separated soon after four o'clock. The proceedings throughout were strictly peaceable. The following is a copy of the petition alluded to : That as this nation has derived all its present greatness and power from its manufactures and commerce, and that as its prosperity and peace depend on the comfort and happi ness of the producers of all the wealth of these realms, your honourable house will be pleased to take into your most serious consideration the absolute necessity of imme diately removing all laws which are found to be oppressive to trade, and which give an undue preference to capital over labour. That the poor man may be elevated to his proper situation in society, and made to feel his own worth, by the consciousness of being the object of the vigilance and protection of a wise and good Government." POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MA RYLEBONE. Yesterday Mr. Balcombe, an extensive builder, re siding at 21, Upper Berkeley-street West, Connaught square, applied to Mr. HOSKINS for his advice and as sistance in consequence of a " strike " having taken place among his workmen under the following extra ordinary circumstances Mr. Balcombe stated that he employed about sixty men, and on Tuesday fortnight he had a few words with his foreman (Browning) in town, to whom he gave notice to leave on the following Saturday. Browning went on very well until the evening of his departure, when he cleared away all his tools, and ex cited the workmen against applicant. On the next Monday the men, about twenty in number, refused to work, unless he (Mr. Balcombe) would continue to employ Browning. This he refused to do, and the men, with the exception of one, accordingly left his premises, without any previous notice, by which means be (applicant) had been very seriously inconvenienced. This proceeding, however, was not sufficient to appease their revenge, for they went down to South Mimms, where applicant had forty men engaged repairing Cap tain Trotter's residence, at Durham Park, and actu ally induced every man to leave his work. After some conversation between the Magistrates Anti Mr. Balcombe, summonses were issued against four of the men and this day is appointed for the in vestigation of the case. QUEEN-SQUARE. Saturday John Brown, the driver of the hackney coach No. 166, was charged with negligent driving, and wilfully damaging the carriage of Sir Henry Rus sell, Bart. It appeared from the evidence of Mr. Russell, jun., that on Thursday evening last, about 10 o'clock, he was in his father's carriage, with his wife and child. The coachman was driving in the middle of the road, when, on passing Palace-yard, the defendant, who was with his coach on the stand, drove off suddenly, and ran with great violence against the carriage. The pole of the hackney-coach entered the pannel of the carriage door, and one of the horses' heads went through the window. The defendant, as soon as the accident happened, immediately whipped his horses, and endeavoured to make his escape, but was stopped v the police. Had the pole of the coach entered the aide oannel instead of the door pannel, his wife and c hild', m'ist have been killed. There was plenty of room for the defendant to pass, or even three carriages, and he was convinced he must have either done it wilfully or through negligence. Mr. Barrow, of Abingdon-street, corroborated the above statement, declaring that it appeared to him to be the most wanton proceeding on the part of the de fendant that he had ever witnessed. Sir Henry Russell's coachman also confirmed the stawient. The defendant complained that the pole of his coach was broken in two, and said Sir Henry's coachman was to blame, The coachmaker's bill for the damage to the carriage was handed to the Bench, and which amounted to 71. 17s. 6d. Mr. \VHITE fined the defendant 5/. and costs. M r . Russell then told the defendant's master, Mr. Hattersk‘y, that if he chose to pay the coachmaker's bill he wOu:d hear no more about it ; if, however, he refused, an action would be commenced against him forthwith. It wo.llld operate as a caution to hackney coachmasters to employ proper men to drive. We understand that Mr. Hattersley undertook to pay the bill. UNION-HALL. William Edwards, a clerk in the employ of Mr. Blackall, a merchant, was charged with embezzling money to a large amount, the property of his employer. Mr. Ramson, a gentleman residing at Camberwell, stated that he paid the prisoner the sum of 261. ss. on account of his employer, and received the receipt now produced for the money. The complainant stated that the prisoner did not account to him for the above sum. There were several other cases against the prisoner, but the above was selected from amoust them, and on that he was committed. In Gravesend workhouse, one of the pau pers, a girl of eighteen, who bad refused to work, was dressed in a dashing print dress of red and green, with gigot sleeves, a silk band, a large golden or gilt buckle, long gilt earrings, and a laced cap turned up in front, with bright ribands in the fashion of the day, a high comb under the cap, and abundance of curls. OUR Towx.—The dramatis personce of " Our Town " come forward, each true to the charac ter, with a vividness that no other painting but that of eloquence could produce ' - but it is the eloquence of a v ery peculiar style, and comes as near to original writing as anything we have lately seen issue from the press. There is a felicity of expression conveying an archness of meaning that makes the narration sparkle like champagne, whilst the whole contains a body of good sense to which port wine is an apt similitude. This work, in its line, will be found excellent. We are really taught how to be merry and wise, yet the reader will find to his delight that merriness predomi nates ; laugh, and that heartily he must—will he, null he—and wise he may grow if he chooses when his laugh is over, by the means of a little reflection upon that which has given him so much delight.—Metropo litan, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, May 6. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the wool sack at five o'clock. • . . The Duke — OT'WELLINGTON presented a petition from the Protestant Dissenters of London-wall, for the better observance of the Sabbath. The noble duke also presented a petition for the support of the established church. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. Ewma and others brought up two private bills. The Duke of CUMBERLAND 'asked the Lord Chan cellor a question relative to the hour of commencing public business during the inquiry upon the Warwick Bill ? LORD CHANCELLOR wished he could answer the illustrious duke's question, for he wished very much to know at what hour the public business was to commence. He had thought it was to be four o'clock, andhe had accordingly broken up the Court of Chancery at that hour in order to be in their lordship? house. He thought it had been understood, that until the other business was over, the Warwick case, which was the regular order of the day, should not be proceeded with. The illustrious 'duke would probably recollect, that he had made that sug gestion some nights ago, to which he (the Lord Chan cellor) at once acceded, and he certainly thought that that was to be the course of proceeding. Originally, it was intended to proceed with the Warwick case from three to five, then to take the regular business of the night, and as soon as that was over, to go back again to the Warwick business. But the illustrious duke sug gested that it would be better to take the ordinary business first, and then to go on with the Warwick case, and not to proceed farther than ten o'clock. That was what he understood to have been agreed to. Their lord ships must admit, in fairness to those noble lords who were absent, that that was an understanding come to at a late period of the night, and when there were not many noble lords present. Probably it would be better that their lordships would say what course they intended to pursue ; it signified not what that course was, but some course having been agreed upon it should be made known, and their lordships should adhere to it. The Duke of CUMBERLAND had merely put the question, because he thought it had been understood that the business of the house should be proceeded with at five o'clock. FOREIGN POLICY-PORTUGAL. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, that in drawing their lordships' attention to the subject of which he had given notice, he knew full well the great difficulty under which he laboured, and no one could be more sensible than he was of the incompetency of the individual who was then addressing them to bring such a subject forward. Ever since the noble earl opposite had been placed at the head of his Majesty's, government he had seen, with great regret, a system pursued with respect to foreign affairs very different from that which had been formerly adopted. Looking at a system which had been pursued by the noble earl with respect to the establishment of a French colony, their lordships would find that France had now de clared its determination to retain possession of that colony, in defiance of all promises that had been made to the con trary and he would ask the noble earl what he had gained by m aking all those concessions to France ? (Hear, hear. ) If it should turn out that the councils of a man in this country, to whose great talents he was the most ready to subscribe, though he at the same time must say that he was one of the most wily politicians of any time or of any country, had been most implicitly followed, then he would ask whether this country stood in the same situa tion in regard to foreign affairs, as she did in former and not very recent times. (Hear.) At all events he thought there could be no harm in eliciting from the noble earl whether there was any such intention on the part of the Government as was stated with regard to Portugal. The noble marquis then read a portion of a speech delivered by Lord Grey upon a former occasion with respect to the importance to this country of there being no interference in Portuguese affairs by Spain, but in the wisdom of those opinions he was sorry that the Government did not now concur. There was at that moment a civil war raging in both countries, and he was sorry to say that to him it appeared that the present government had uniformly upheld those parties in each of these countries who were the greatest enemies of this country. As he understood the policy of the noble earl, we were still supposed to take no part in the dissensions of either country, except what was called a neutral one, but he would ask the house whether that neutrality had been stnctly adhered to ? (Hear, hear.) He would also ask whether there had not been some most gross violations of the treaties in force with Spain had not Spanish troops frequently violated the soil of Portugal, and that without any known intervention of the Government of this country? (Hear, hear.) He would like to know whe ther these aggressions had been sanctioned by the British government and if so, he would then ask the noble lords opposite why there had been such a violent change in their opinions upon the subject in so short a time as a very few years. The noble marquis then read extracts from the speeches of several of the Ministry upon the question of the Spanish invasion of 1827, and quoted their opinions, as then stated, upon the construction of the treaties in force between Portugal and England. He thought it his duty to call the attention of the noble earl to those, and to ask what the intention of his Majesty's ministers was with respect to them ; and whether it was intended to keep up that state of neutrality which had ex isted towards Portugal? It was particularly with a view to this part, that he ventured to bring forward the sub ject at this moment, and had it not been for the cruelty exercised by Don Pedro towards Sir John Camp bell, he should not have brought the subject forward. —(Hear.) That gallant gentleman had expressed his sentiments as a free born Briton, and having embarked in a British vessel for England, not having mixed himself up in any of the political affairs of Portugal, he was taken a prisoner by the St. Juan schooner, and was confined in prison for upwards of eight months, and it was not till some favourable interposition took place on his behalf that his sufferings were in the least mitigated. He (the Marquis of Londonderry) had had an opportunity of knowing that officer since the year 1809, and he would say that if ever there was an officer more distinguished than another for gallantry, he was the man ; and he would take upon himself to say, that no individual was more deserving of the consideration of his Majesty's Government than he was. He had, it was true, been removed from the prison of St. George to that of Belem, but that removal had rendered his condition much worse than it was before. He (the noble marquis) could not account for this, and thought that it would be no more than an act of justice to deliver such an officer from so unjust an imprisonment. He did not wish to trouble the house further on the subject, and would only say, that when applications were made at the Foreign Office on his behalf, it was stated that he had made himself obnoxious to the government of Portugal, and he must therefore abide by the consequences. There were various other subjects connected with the conduct of the government of Portugal, which ought to be brought underthe consideration of their lordships. The conduct of Don Pedro to British merchants had reflected any thing but credit on the feel ing of humanity of the Government of Portugal ; but he (the noble marquis) would not now enter into that subject, but content himself with moving, that an humble address be presented to his Majesty—that he would be graciously pleased to order that there be laid before the — house copies or extracts of all the correspondence between his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and his Majesty's Ambassador at Lisbon, relative to the capture and imprisonment, in the castle of St. George, of Sir John Campbell, late an officer in the British army, and a British subject. Earl GREY said, that when he came into the house he was for the first time told of the nature of the noble mar quis's motion. He hadpreviously no knowledge of it except from the general notice which the noble marquis gave for merly, viz., that he would put certain questions respecting the state of Portugal, and also respecting certain treaties ; stating also that he should advert to the case of Sir John Campbell. At that time the noble marquis gave no notice in the terms of the present motion, nor did he know of it until he found it entered on the books. The noble mar quis did not say what papers he wished to have produced, and he (Lord G.) had not had time to see whether they could be produced without detriment to the public ser vice, It was usual to communicate beforehand to one of his Majesty's ministers what papers were intended to be moved for, so that he might be prepared to say whether they could be produced or not. He would, however, con sider the subject, and such papers as could be produced he should have no objection to lay on their lordships' table. The noble marquis condemned the whole foreign policy of the Government, charging them with abandoning a system which he approved of, and with cultivating an alliance with France at the expense of the best interests of this country. He ( Lord G.) denied that his Majesty's Ministers had abandoned any system which it was the interest of this country to adopt. That we had cultivated an alliance with France was true, but it was without dishonour ; and it was such an alliance as it was to the best in terests of this country to secure. (Hear, hear, hear. ) As to the allusions to the French ambassador, it was not necessary for ministers to defend themselves from any thing that had taken place between them and that illustrious person ; but in all their dealings with him he had acted with the greatest candour and honour, and in a way calculated to improve and secure the best interests of the two countries. (Hear, hear, hear.) The noble marquis imputed to the policy of government, in general terms, the present state of Algiers, Turkey, Portugal ; but Spain, and when he chose to bring forward any speci fic and tangible charge he (Lord Grey) would be pre pared to answer it, and to defend the policy he had pursued. It was notorious that a treaty had been agreed to, but as the ratification of it was not completed, it could not yet be before the house, andany discussion on it now would be premature, The noble marquis accused ministers of acknow ledging Donna Maria, but it should be recollected that that was done long before the present ministers had come into office. The noble earl then defended the acknowledgment of the existing government of Spain as a measure that was for the interest of that country, and according to the old law of Spain. With regard to the case of Sir J. Campbell, he trusted lie should give an answer that would be satis factory to the noble marquis. He hoped that nothing in that case would induce the house to suspect that he could abstain from doing what he was bound to do, on account of any political offence which Sir John Campbell had committed. In October, 1832, he ap peared in a list of officers promoted to the rank of Lieut.- General of the Portuguese service, and he was engaged for Don Miguel. At the time of his being taken prisoner, no notification whatever was given that he had quitted that service. The circumstances connected with Sir John Campbell's case were these :—ln 1831 that officer entered Don Miguel's service, and, every one appeared to think, was most actively engaged in that service. On the 12th of August last he was taken prisoner on board a British vessel, and on his person were found despatches to the minister of Don Miguel. The circumstances of the case were referred to Lord William Russell, and his lordship felt it his duty to submit the case to the British govern ment. This was on the 31st of August. On the 15th of September, despatches were forwarded from his 3lajesty's government to Lord William Russell, instructing him how to act in the circumstances of the case. He (Earl Grey) had referred the case of Sir John Campbell to the King's Advocate, to see whether or not the Portuguese govern ment had, according to the law of nations, any right to retain that officer. The opinion of the King's Advocate was, that having entered Don Miguel's service, he sub jected himself to being dealt with as a Portuguese subject. He (Earl Grey) had done all he could do to mitigate the severity of Sir John Campbell's imprisonment. The noble marquis would see from the papers, for the pro duction of which he called, that his Majesty's govern ment had made various representations to the Portu guese government on behalf of that officer. From the statements made by the Portuguese government on the subject, which statements would be seen in the corre spondence of the two governments, it appeared that Sir J. Campbell was a strenuous partizan of Don Miguel, and that though then about quitting Miguel's service, he was, at the time he was taken, the bearer of despatches to one of his ministers. The whole of the circumstances of the case were laid before the King's Advocate, and his opinion was, that Sir J. Campbell was not entitled to claim the protection of a British subject. The most mature consi deration was given to all the circumstances connected with the case. Application, as he had already mentioned, was then made to the Portuguese government, to secure, if possible, a mitigation of the severity of his punishment. The answer was, that Sir J. Campbell was one of the most active of Donna Maria's enemies, and that, therefore, they thought he ought not to be released. He (Earl Grey) appealed to their lordships whether, under all the circum stances of the case, his Majesty's government could, after the opinion so confidently expressed by the King's Advo cate, do more than they had done for Sir John Campbell. But the noble marquis was not content with the specific charges he had made in this case, but must make general charges of the ill-treatment to w hich British subjects were subjected in Portugal. He had stated that it was a mat ter of quite common occurrence to see British subjects walking in the streets of Lisbon in chains. In answer to this charge, he begged to state, that Lord Wm. Russell had been written to on the subject, and his lordship's an swer was, that though daily in the streets of Lisbon, he never saw such a thing, excepting in one case, which was for a serious offence. With regard to the imprisonment of British subjects, it was true that there were some in stances ; and in order that he might ascertain the circum stances under which the subjects of his Britannic Ma jesty were confined, Lord William Russell wrote to Col. Shaw, desiring to be informed under what charges such confinement had taken place. Colonel Shaw, in answer to his lordship's application, enumerated the offences with which the individuals imprisoned were charged. The noble earl here read the names of the prisoners, and the offences of which they were severally accused. His lord ship, reading the letter of Colonel Shaw, proceeded thus— " One cause of all this mischief is a coward thief of the name of George White, who had been a clerk to Joseph Hume, whom he robbed in London." (Shouts of laughter from all parts of the house, which lasted for some time.) He (Earl Grey) had no objection to the production of the papers for which the noble marquis had moved, so far as their production was consistent with the public service. He would not enter more fully at that time into the question brought before their lordships by the noble marquis, but defer whatever other observations he should have to make until the more specific charges against his Majesty's go vernment, threatened to be made by the noble marquis, were brought forward. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought that in entering the service of Don Miguel, Sir John Campbell had com mitted a breach of the Foreign Enlistment Act, and that, therefore, not having his Majesty's permission to enter that service, the circumstance prejudiced his case. Still he thought some steps should be taken to release him from the rigorous confinement he was now suffering. It was true that Sir John Campbell had been seized on board a British vessel ; but then he was seized with despatches for Don Miguel's friends on him, and therefore he (the Duke of Wellington) must admit that the detention was per fectly legal. But the question was, what could the go vernment do for a British subject legally detained ? (Hear, hear.) He was not taken in active service : he had despatches on him, but was not an active officer at the time of his capture, nor was he taken on Por tuguese territory. Though the Portuguese govern ment therefore had a right to seize and detain him, he (the Duke of Wellington) thought he had been unjustly treated since his capture. They had no right to consider him as a prisoner of war. Instead of confining him in prison, they ought to have made him over to the officer appointed to examine British subjects in such cases. He (the Duke of Wellington) maintained that, in all the circumstances of the case, Sir John Campbell had a right to claim the protection of a British subject. He had a right to insist on justice being done him, that he should receive no more punishment than the circumstances of the case warranted. He (the Duke of Wellington) was avoiding the other to pics referred to by the noble earl until a more convenient time should present itself for their discussion. Earl GREY replied. He contended that Sir John Campbell had no right, in all the circumstances of the case, to claim the protection of a British subject. He had been in Don Miguel's service at the time he was taken, and being in that situation, it was impossible he could claim the privileg es of a British subject. Lord WNFORD said there were several facts of im portance in favour of Sir J. Campbell which had not been brought forward. Earl GREY could only say, that every material fact in his possession, bearing on the case of Sir John Camp bell, had been laid by him (Earl Grey) before the King's Advocate. _ _ . Lord WYNFORD disclaimed all idea of wishing to in sinuate that the noble earl had knowingly kept back a n y fact in his possession connected with the subject, but still there were facts of great importance which yet remained to be produced. Sir John Campbell had not regularly en listed in the service of Don Miguel as a soldier, but had entered that service as a volunteer; and the very instant he knew that Donna Maria had been pro claimed Queen of Portugal, he determined on quit.. ting the service of Don Miguel, and returning to England. With this view he had got his passport—had travelled through Portugal with that passport in his pocket —and was on board a British vessel when taken. He (Lord Wynford) wished, therefore, to ascertain from the King's Advocate whether, in those circumstances , the Portuguese Government had a right to detain Sir John Campbell? (Hear, hear.) If these facts were true, the Portuguese Government had not injured that gallant officer, but had been guilty of offering an insult to the British flag. (Hear, hear.) Sir John Campbell was a British subject, and was entitled to the protection of a British subject the moment he had entered a British ship, and that ship had left the port. Earl GREY said, that as Sir John Campbell was seized whilst going out of a blockaded port with despatches ad verse to the Portuguese Government, he could have no right to claim protection from this country. Lord WYNFORD could not see that the mere fact of the port being blockaded, could, in all the circumstances of the case, affect the merits of the question. Earl GREY would say no more than this, that what he had stated was the opinion of the King's Advocate, and he (Earl Grey) stated it by his authority. The LORD CHANCELLOR would not deny that there were circumstances in which, as stated by the noble lord (Lord Wynford) a blockade might be limited ; but the facts of the case had satisfied the King's Advocate that a breach of the blockade had been committed in this in stance, and therefore the vessel became liable to seizure. The Marquis of BERESFORD thought that Sir John Campbell, while he admitted that he ought to be consi dered as a prisoner of war, ought not to be subjected to a punishment more severe than that inflicted on other officers under similar circumstances. It was incumbent on his Ma jesty's Government to say that of Portugal, "If you keep Sir John Campbell as a prisoner of war, you must treat him as he has a right to be treated under such circum stances." (Hear hear.) He (the Marquis of Beresford) had reason to believe that the Vice Consul at Figueiras had told Sir John Campbell that he might with safety go on board the vessel in which he was taken. The Duke of RICHMOND did not deny that the Vice Consul had told Sir John Campbell that he might go on board the vessel in question ; but then it was of import ance that their lordships should bear in mind that he was not aware at the time that that officer was the bearer of despatches to the minister of Don Miguel.' These de spatches proved that he was still in the service of Don Mi guel, and, therefore, his capture was legal. He (the Duke of Richmond) did not stand up to say whether the Portu guese Government did or not exercise too much severity towards Sir John Campbell ; but simply to state the cir cumstances under which the capture was made. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY then rose to reply. He said he was content to take the papers as agreed to by the noble earl ; but should those papers not give the re quired information, he should take a future opportunity of moving an humble address to his Majesty for the further production of papers on the same subject. The motion was then agreed to. INDEMNITY TO WITNESSES (LIVERPOOL) BILL. The Earl of RADNOR then moved the second reading of this bill for giving indemnity to witnesses who should give evidence on the Liverpool Freemen's Disfranchisement Bill. The Earl of WICKLOW was surprised that the riohle lord the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster would allow the second reading of this bill to- pass without any obser vation. When a similar bill was brought in, in the case of East Retford, it was most strenuously opposed by the noble baron and the noble earl at the head of the govern ment. _ _ _ After a few words from the Marquis of CLANat- CARDS and Lord REDESDALE, Lord HOLLAND said, that the noble earl seemed to imply that he had been guilty of some gross inconsistency in supporting the present bill. He (Lord Holland) thought that the noble earl had no right to think that he supported the bill, as he had as yet given no opinion upon it ' • and, in fact, he had very serious objections to it. The bill was then read a second time. WARWICK INDEMNITY TO WITNESSES' BILL. On the motion of the Earl of DURHAM, this bill was read a second time. WARWICK BOROUGH BILL. The order of the day was then read for the further hearing of evidence on this bill. Mr. HARRISON, on the part of the petitioners, called several voters, who proved that they had received money on condition that they should vote on the side of Sir Charles Greville. Mr. Thomas Bell was next called in and examined. The house adjourned at half-past nine to half-past three to-morrow (this day). HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 6. The SPEAKER resumed the Chair at the usual hour. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. A communication was made to the house that their lord ships had given assent to several private bills. Mr. HEA T H CO TEpresented a petition from Huddleston , Lincolnshire, against the General Registration Bill. The hon. gentleman observed that as that bill had been read only the first time on last Friday, the second reading should not take place on to-morrow. Petitions were presented by the same hon. member from several places in Lincoln shire for the better observance of the Sabbath. Mr. W. BROUGHAM observed that some arrange ment should be made, in order that one general discussion might be afforded on the subject of the Registration Bill. Mr. HODGES presented a petition from George G. Finsbury, Lieutenant in the Queen's Guards, relative to the mode of taking legal evidence, and praying for an al teration in the same. The hon. gentleman also presented petitions from Rochester against the Malt Bill, and from Bedford in favour of the Labourers' Employment Bill. Mr. HUME said that he should postpone his motion on the Stamp Duties Bill, as he perceived that the hon. member for Lincoln had one to that effect to make. The SPEAKER was anxious to know what was the wish of the house as to the proceedings of that evening, as it was a day for notices. The Irish Church Bill stood for the second reading, and it was proper to ascertain what the house chose to do in that. Lord ALTHORP said it would be a great convenience if the house would allow the debate upon the Irish Tithe Bill to be concluded. He put it to hOn. members who had notices on the book whether they would not allow the adjourned debate to take precedence? RELATIONS WITH PORTUGAL. Mr. ROBINSON begged to ask the noble lord whether it was the intention of his Majesty's government to allow him an opportunity of bringing forward his motion upon the subject of our relations with Portugal? (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Robinson) put it to the noble lord, and to the good feeling of the house, whether, as to morrow was a miscellaneous day, some opportunity would not be afforded him (either early or late) of discharging a great public duty ? Lord ALTHORP said, that on the house going into a committee of supply, the hon. member would have an opportunity afforded him of bringing forward his motion. :llr. ROBINSON said if an opportunity was not af forded him, he should be compelled to bring it forward in a most unfavourable and disagreeable manner. He did not blame the noble lord, because he was aware that his situation placed him under very peculiar diffi culties. FOREIGN ENLISTMENT REPEAL BILL. Sir H. HARDINGE begged to ask what course was intended to be pursued with the Foreign Enlistment Re peal Bill, which had been brought in by the hon. and learned member for Leith, as he understood that the right honourable gentleman to whose department it be longed, was at present out of town ? He hoped some inti mation of the course to be pursued would be given by his Majesty's government. Mr. STANLEY concluded that the regular course would be to postpone it for the present. While upon his legs, he begged to ask his hon. friend, whose motion on colonization stood for Thursday, to postpone it, as an opportunity would be afforded him before the termination of the session of bringing forward the subject of coloniza tion and emigration generally, and his postponing it for the present would be a great convenience. After a few words from Mr. WHITMORE, the pur port of which we could not catch, the motion was post poned. KING'S BENCH PRISON. Mr. HUME begged to call the attention of his Majesty's government to the present state of the King's Bench prison. He (Mr. Hume) understood that the keeper, or governor, was dead, and he trusted that no appointment would take place until an inquiry had taken place into the amount of the fees and emoluments of that office. The SPEAKER begged to know what the sense of the house was, relative to the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate upon the Irish Tithe Bill. A conversation took place between Lord ALTHORP and Mr. W. BROUGHAM, the purport of which we could not hear from the great noise that prevailed in the body of the house. The SPEAKER then put the question, that the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate be now read. Mr. WALLACE presented a petition from the county of Carlow on the subject of tithes. I%lr. BARRON presented a petition from the county of Waterford, against tithes ; also one from Kilburn on the same subject, which stated that it was worse than absurd that the population should have to pay tithes to the clergy man of the parish from which the petition proceeded, in asmuch as he had no establishment there, nor was he ever seen in the parish. Mr. LALOR presented seven petitions against the Tithe System in Ireland. Mr. CHAPMAN presented various petitions to the same effect. Mr. RONAYNE presented several petitions from dif ferent places in Ireland to the same effect. Mr. RONAYNE wished to ask the right hon. secretary opposite if he had any objection to lay on the table of the house an account of the tithe rent, as ascertained by the . commissioners, and an exact statement of the ecclesiastical revenue in Ireland ? _ Mr. LITTLETON said there had been no such state ment or information communicated to Government on the subject of the tithes of Ireland. The commissioners had not yet completed their labours, and any information therefore he might be able to lay before the house, could not be but incomplete. As to the ecclesiastical revenue, he had re ceived some papers to-day, and to-morrow all the informa tion he had in his power to communicate should be given to the hon. member. Mr. RONAYNE wished to know if the right hon. Se cretary had any intention to bring forward the subject, during the present session, of municipal reformation in Ireland? Mr. LITTLETON thought the hon. member had much better put that question to the hon. member for Monaghan. Mr. FITZ SIMON presented two petitions from the county of Dublin against the tithe system in Ireland. Mr. H. GRATTAN presented a petition from Castle more to the same effect. Mr. BLAKE presented petitions from several parts in Ireland to the same effect. Upon the SPEAKER putting the question that the bill be read a second time, Mr. O'CONNELL moved that the house be counted, when the gallery was cleared for that purpose, and there being more than 40 members present, the house resumed. Mr. RONAYNE, upon our entrance into the gallery, was opposing the second reading of the bill. He said that the reason why the hon. and learned member for Dublinhad counted the house was perfectly manifest ; it was in order to show that though the Government last night could command the attendance of hundreds in support of the pensiorlist, they could not command more than 100 when the question was whether or not Ireland should be visited with the tender mercies of the police and the military. The present bill, he contended, was intended to perpetuate tithes under another name. With respect to the breach of confidence which was stated to have accompanied the production of the letter of the Marquis of Anglesea to Earl Grey, he could state that the observation, if applied to him, was without foundation. (Hear, hear. ) The noble lord knew that there were many modes, without treachery, of obtaining such a document. He had read a paragraph in a paper, in which a certain individual was stated to have said that he could not tell how any gentleman could make use of such a document. He would only say that, as far as the observations applied to him, he would t a ke that opportunity of giving it his strongest and most indignant refutation. He did not think it necessary to give the source of his information, as he had a precedent in the noble lord (Althorp), who had refused to name the author of a calumny upon a mem b er o f t h at h ouse, w hi c h was admitted to be false and futile. For the purpose of saving a noble marquis (Anglesea) he would read part of his correspondence. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member then proceeded to read from some Irish newspaper, an intercepted letter of the noble marquis; in which he condemned the practice of compelling 8,000,000 of people to pay towards the support of an establishment to which they did not belong. The honourable member was proceeding to rem ar k upon M r . S ecretary St an l ey sitting with his feet " cocked" upon the table, and " smil ing contemptuously," when The SPEAKER called him to order. Mr. RONAYNE would repeat, that not only himself, but every member around him, had repeatedly had occa sion to express to each other the indignation they felt at the gross insolence—it was far beyond disrespect—with which the Right Hon. Secretary habitually treated the house. Mr. STANLEY rose to order. He did think that in discussing a public question, the lions and learned mem• ber was perfectly unjustifiable in making remarks of a per sonal nature; especially when, as in the present instance, those remarks had been altogether unprovoked. (Hear, hear.) He denied having been ever, intentionally at any rate, guilty of disrespect towards the house. ( Hear, hear. ) If on the present occasion he had smiled, it had been at the preconcerted plan which so palpably appeared to have been got up between the hon. and learned member for Dublin and the honourable and learned member for Clonmel (Sir. Ronayne), viz., that the former should count the house, although there were evidently above a hundred members present, and that the latter should in troduce a clap -trap, to be duly transmitted to Ireland, about " 500 members being present when the Pension List was to be defended, but only 118 when the question was whether Ireland should be given up, &c. &c." (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He would recommend the hon. and learned member, when next he had the house counted, to take particular note of how many members of the name of O'Connell were present. (Roars of laughter.) On the present occasion the hon. and learned member was the only representative of that name honouring with his pre sence the discussion as to " whether, &c. &c." Mr. O'CONNELL said, it was a pity that the right hon. Secretary had not applied himself to answering, if he could, the very first remark of the hon. and learned mem ber, instead of making an attack upon him (Mr. O'Con nell), who had taken no part in the discussion. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. Secretary's charge against him was distinguished by the right hon. gentleman's usual want of veracity. (" Order, order," " Chair.") The SPEAKER said that he was sure the hon. and learned member would at once see the necessity of with drawing these expressions. Mr. O'CONNELL would content himself then with asserting simply that the charge made against him by the hon. gentleman was not founded in fact. (Hear, and a laugh. He had concerted no plans whatever ;he had come own to the house impressed with the importance of the question pending, and had been disgusted at the thin eneedss he e f the house, hhoeduseth, the house feelings ef. attendance, the moment, and from no concerted plan. He would never think of infringing upon the Whig patent for shuffling and trickery. He fully agreed with the hon. and learned mem beredcoun.ittehd last mthe night's that the right hon. Secretary's bearing towards the house was habitually most insolent and improper. The running comment upon the opinions expressed by those on the opposition side of the house, his sneers and gestures, his insolent habit of throwing his heels upon the table, in contempt and defiance of the whole house, had been re marked with indignation and disgust by every member on benches opposite to him. (Hear, hear, hear.) In answer ing, the right hon. Secretary had gone out of his way to attack him ; but he was pretty well used to the right. hon. Secretary's assaults; and cared very little for them. Use makes easy. Mr. RONAYNE denied that any plan had been con certed between himself and the hon. and learned meml?er. He then referred to the motion made by the hon. member for Middlesex, on the 6th of May, 1824, for an inquiry into the Ecclesiastical Establishment in Ireland, with a view to its removal ; on which occasion some speaker had described the " Irish as a bigotted and illiterate people, possessed of all the virtues and all the vices of savages, who looked with jealousy at anew religion which appeared to have been thrust on them by their conquerors." Yes, these savages did look with abhorrence at this establish ment, and sooner or later they would cease to contribute to its support. They knew very well that the establish ment was kept up principally as a standing fund out of which to portion the junior members of the aristocracy. The hon. and learned member then referred to a circum stance of the population of the united dioceses of Water ford and Lismore, drawn up in 1826 by competent per sons, from which it appeared that the Catholics in this dio cese were no fewer than 231,818, while there were only 10,141 Protestants—this was the proportion of the popu lation on which this bill was to inflict a perpetuation of the payment of tithes. The property of the clergy in ' Ireland was more than sufficient to maintain them in more than becoming dignity and splendour. In Tipperary alone the clergy possessed 117,000 acres of land—the property in land of the bishops in Ireland was 700,000 acres. (Hear, hear.) Yet the establishment was to re main untouched, merely because it afforded a fund on which the right hon. baronet, the member for Tamworth, and other noblemen and gentlemen, might pension off, make bishops and archbishops of their tutors, and so on, at no expense to themselves. Sir. R. PEEL exclaimed, " No, no." Mr. RONAYNE would say, " Yes, yes !" There were wanting no instances in proof of his assertion. As to this church establishment, he was not alone in his opinion that it was a nuisance, for the hon. member for Westminster (Sir F. Burdett) had pronounced it such ; so had Lord Brougham ; so hid Lord Ebrington ; so had Mr. Domi nick Browne ; so had Mr. Ellice ; who had all voted in the minority op the hon. member for Middlesex's motion with reference to this church establishment. Of the course pursued towards Ireland they had a recent illustration in some deplorable occurrences in Limerick. Government sent out their police and their army, and four people were killed and twenty wounded. Ile believed sincerely that it was to proceedings like these that they might attribute the Whiteboyism and outrages of Ireland. Mr. P. LALOR objected particularly to the present proposition for the commutation of tithes. Tithe compo sition had not been voluntarily entered into by the people of Ireland, the fact being that they had been forced into it by the addition of a number of the highest rate-payers. The composition had had this effect : it had opened the eyes of the people to the amount that they paid, and the consequence had been their resistance to tithes. Were tithes abolished, the amount would not go into the pockets of the landlords, but would go to relieve the country gene rally. The church was rich enough to support itself with out the aid of tithes. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said that the commutation provided for in the bill appeared to him to be the best basis on which tithes could be settled in Ireland, accom panied as it was by a table of reduction, and by an easy power of redemption. The hon. member for Tipperary and other hon. gentlemen had, with great ability, pointed out what they considered the defects of the present bill ; but they offered to the house no suggestions of their own for a better system of procedure. The hon. and learned member for Dublin having been examined before a com mittee of the house on the 11th of March, 1825, said, in his evidence—" The Catholic people of Ireland are not anxious to transfer the property of the church into other hands ; and if the people of England were acquainted with that fact, they would not be so opposed as they are to the Catholic claims." He (Sir H. Willoughby) might as sert, then, on the best testimony, that, at all events, at the time to which he alluded, the Catholics of Ireland did not seek a different appropriation of the church property. He believed that if the tithes were abolished the landlords would derive the whole benefit. Though he was friendly to the principle of the bill, there were particular clauses in it to which he was opposed. But that being a matter of detail he should reserve his statement of the objections he had to make till the bill got into committee. O'CONNOR DON said that there were two grounds on which he felt disposed to support the bill ' • the first was his sincere desire to promote the interests of Ireland ; and the second was, because it was professed that the bill had for its object the establishment of tranquillity in that coun try ; but he must confess he was of opinion that the right hon. Secretary for Ireland greatly miscalculated the bene fits which he thought the bill would confer. The right hon. gentleman should take into consideration the tone and tem per of the people of Ireland at the present time as regarded the subject of tithes. The people considered that they had the power to resist the collection of tithes by passive re sistance. This was not a period for half measures. If they would restore peace to Ireland, they had no alternative but a general compromise—there must be that on the one hand, and on the other a declaration that tithes were to be differently appropriated. (Hear, hear.) lie believed that by the present bill the amount of the tithes was increased. lie felt convinced that the appropriation of the tithes must be immediately looked to, as he was satisfied this property could not continue to be appropriated to the support of the established church. In this opinion he was not alone. It was shared in by a Protestant clergyman of eminence, the Rev. Dr. Hincks, from one of whose letters he would read an extract for the house. [The hon. gentleman here read the extract, which was to the effect, that tithes could not be looked upon as a permanent property for the church, and that some mode of final adjustment of the question should be promptly resorted to.] The hon. gentleman proceeded to state, that in any plan relating to such adjust ment, he should be most desirous to secure the rights of present incumbents. He protested against the proposed bill, as one calculated to press unequally. The circum stances of Ireland were too different from those of Eng land to permit the extension of a similar measure to both countries. (Hear.) Equalize them in circumstances, and then follow up with every other equalization. (Cheers.) ' In conclusion, he would only say, that no matter by what name they called it--whether land tax or tithe—it never could be collected either by landlord or agent. (Hear. ) Mr. ROCHE did not believe the prop — osed measure was one which would give satisfaction in Ireland, or put an end to the conflicts to which the antipathy to tithes in Ire land gave such frequent occasion. A measure so ineffi cient, therefore, could not (as we understood him) meet his support. Mr. RUTHVEN felt that nothing could be expected from the bill before the house but a continuance of the mi sery which existed in Ireland. Nothing would remove that misery short of a measure which would rid the coun try of an ascendancy church, from which the great majo rity of the people dissented. Indeed, as regarded the State Church, the Catholics were in reality the Protestants in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Let every church support its own ministers. This doctrine was growing everywhere, but its practical application was peculiarly required in Ire land. (Hear.) As regarded tithes in Ireland, he con tended that everything connected with them was unjustly conducted, and instanced a parish in Louth, where the composition had been raised from 1,7501. to 1,9001. He also adduced the case of a neighbouring parishwhere tithes, which in 1832 were 3681., were in 1833 raised to 5091., and in 1834 to 5901. The hon. gentleman concluded by protesting against the bill as wholly inadequate. Mr. O'CONNELL regretted to see the little attention paid to a measure so all important to Ireland ; , and he con fessed the want of attendance chilled his hoPel as to APY btnefits intended for Ire land. It was this which on a pre vious occasion induced him to count out the house. Per haps he might have been wrong in the procedure, but he was influenced by no other motive. (Hear.) Was it fair that a question so paramount should be discussed before so thin, so miserable a house? Why an Englishturnpike bill would attract greater attention. (H ear , hear.) But why ; should he have the presumption t o c om pare anythin Irish i with anything English, however insignificant the latter ? It was evident the ministry neglected and shrunk from the trouble of discussing Irish questions. (Hear, hear, ; from the Irish members.) When this report of such at- I tendance went over to Ireland, it would at once decide whether he was right or wrong in insisting that no mea sure would suffice for that country short of a domestic parliament. How did the present appearance of the house prove that Irish questions were met ? Were they not met by neglect, by apathy, and absence ? (Hear, hear.) Bu t he would not pursue this train of observations to its conse quences. Were English members aware that the tithe war in Ireland commenced as early as 1760, and that it lasted , with some few pauses, for seventy-five years ? These pauses occurred as sanguina r y l aws were passe d to ince the resistance, which broke out agai n with rene wed vir tu. ' Atrocious andhideous crime succeeded, and floods of human blood were shed in this horrid warfare. (Hear, he Could this statement—this su mmary o f t h e hi s t o ry of the tithe war be denied ? In 1763, the first act of parlia tae k ut was passed against whiteboyism, g i v i ng mag i stra t es Pertur . , ! sion to punish with immediat e im p r i sonment suc h par t l as did not disperse on the mom en t. Th e 15 t h an d 16th George 111., passed in 1795, ma d e i t a cap i ta l punishable by death, for any one to attack a dwelling house. By this act, any one could be executed who only laid his hand upon a door. From blood the yp roce ede d ` t ° proce t. the suspension of the constitution ; and their penal ena c ments had accumulated since the union. There were the courtsm artial and the insurrection acts to mark the da felon'' , of Irish history--a history of crime and bloodshed, all arising out o f res i stance to tithes, and marked with that and even now the hon. member for Westmeath worst of crimes, murder. Was Ireland, he asked, u clv; tranquil? As he had foretold, a temporary lull was pro duced by the Coercion Bill ; but did it continue ? Had ne,, t the magistrates of Westmeath called for proclamati o n s' to him that three baronies were proclaimed. Did any man imagine that there was any prospect of trtinquillity in Ireland unless that house passed some measure of pacifica tion? The right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. StanleY l' when Secretary for Ireland, had talked much of vindicating, in the first instance, the majesty of the law. The phra se was fine and sonorous. But how was the vindication effected ? Nothing less would vindicate the law in the ' opinion of the right hon. gentleman than the collection t of 60,0001. How much did he collect after the we s t strenuous exertions ? 12,0001. only, and the cost 7 collection amounted to 28,000/. Was not this a lesse n Did not this indicate the temper and feeling now existing in Ireland ? (Hear.) It was but too true that crime ' v e a l prevalent in Ireland, and he should probably be to ou t with causing much of this crime by agitation. T° t ee taunt he would not reply, but he begged the house to.ri:a member that history proved these crimes to have preva i led long before and independently of agitation ; they were a deep-rooted evil, which it was the duty of that t ohousrers had tried various remedies, but they had not tried remove. No one could deprecate the crimes wh ich h i • graced Ireland more than he did, and he would gi ve - is heart's blood to put an end to them. It was true that they one. They had tried every remedy except that off; n nishing the burden and changing the allocation. ( ar b . e That house had now a great opportunity of conciliating t affections of Ireland, and of fulfilling the pledge which they gave when they refused to entertain the repeal of fourth t union. There was no want of members on the night of that debate ; they were sufficiently ready to 'l' d :, ter in opposition to repeal ; nor did they fail to g o up , full array, Lords and Commons, Protestants, Dissenters. and Quakers (A laugh), to warn the Crown against lister! ing to that part of the wishes of the people of Ireland'l,. They were ready enough to say a bad word for e Ire aiii Now let them show their anxiety to embrace the f lastingbenefit opportu nity of bestowing upon Ireland a what measure was there to fear and pacification. (Hear, hear.) ber 1825 from Ireland? Did they not r emem . . ' Is Cathy- I land was on her knees to England for justice to the e _ examined on the remotest points b lies—when they were ex fore a committee of that house, and every one declar e d ~ that no fault was to be found with them in a political pow' of view ? Ireland then urged England to an act of t gene rosity and justice, which she misadvisedly refused. 1 %,„°!,, was the result ? Four years after England was compeu'• to s t ug he g rig t . t to surrender, almost disgracefully, what she ought the:l , be received with gratitude. (Hear, hear.) But it might asked, wherefore revive this ? De to fabula narraturl have given with honour, and what Ireland would have t hen (Hear.) The circumstances of that period applied in°' reject those temperate and just demands which they . ; e l l ultimately concede. He was, he assured them, act U ~. forcibly to the present, and he urged the house nonit to by a most sincere and una ff ected desire to bring this O a r _ e h y is w l e i u fe l , d a i n )e d tte to r b r e et e u n r a n b i l n ed to tion to a satisfactory conclusion ; and there was no per sonal sacrifice which he was not ready to make to acc0 01 ; plish it. (Hear, hear, hear.) Ile knew he was looked on as an agitator ; but he was ready at once to abandon the circle of his family, if by so doing he could facilitate the accomplishment of this object, or if the house considere d that in so doing pursuits o t they effect any plan to conciliate and pacify Ireland. (Cheers. ) He entreated his Majesty's ministers to reflect that theY were now at a crisis, when the pacification of Ireland w as most essential. They were surrounded with difficulti es. They met with abundance of opposition from var ie t . u : quarters. The agricultural interest was crying oat:. relief—the trades' unions were growing to a porten 5 u o i magnitude, and now against these proposed amendiuci,it,ir., the poor laws a powerfully hostile spirit was already: eca1.,.,.. ing itself. Surely, then, at such a time, the pacifi . t 1,7 of Ireland was a matter of the first consequence. e li s : l _`" . d they asked him how they were to pacify Ireland, he p t' u ",... answer, by not enforcing compulsory paym i , the uoctrtnes pose of supporting the clergy of a religion ul ,_ of that country of which the great majority of the people came to the 4 ~, did not believe. (Hear, hear.) lie now certain ..: a s to as act itself. The first object of the bill w i n tithes. ' ...] what was the amount of the public property he obiected '';''. He did not object to this ascertainment, but d - mo st , I to the manner and the mode, and on that grow! t he , vote against it. Complaints had been made against into :4) landlords in Ireland, but he would not enter that t h a t ‘' , l, topics of irritation. (Hear.) He thought it ju st tit hes :.: there should be an ascertainment. He looked uF,tu rds n or , lf as public property (Hear) ; and that neither lat,t„ar, sas ov ' i tenants ought to have the spoil of it. (Cheers.) l!'' one , as ‘. tainment of the property should also be a moderate, was the case with the ascertainment of the teinds in „ot A"; t a n nent tras. y r 1 land. (Hear.) But the present ascer tire l o ne moderate. He did not desire, however, an en.'valu valuation. He did not seek to disturb the exisupL A he it, .I.`' o ation in those parishes that were content with isut w was bound to say they were numerous. complained thereof the very many cases, in which the parishes cool li parishes he valuation put upon their tithes, and te h s r investicration, entreated there might be granted anot,f_ ar V as the with instructions to value moderately. (Ll' lace, under take p ... house aware, that no composition could of the clergy Mr. Goulburn's Act, without the consent (A l uoth. ) In fact,' man? It was a one-sided voluntary a ' ' s Oil" by Air. Goulburn . joa so well armed was the clergyman pposlt essful o that there was no single instance of a succ _ aid v in , ar.) In - the on the part of the parishioners. (He ti stances a value was set on lands which had not P ere 0- before for fifty years. The commissioners —they were toriously unfit for office. (Hear.) Indeed the iinP'' roda ce of that bill, and the effect which it was likel y . top c , t. front tothcearpryrinvadt: on the people of Ireland, might be fairly estiraati b ,,, t he the fact that it was on its promulgation regard e d eate st Protestant party throughout Ireland as one of the fed on benefits and blessings that could possibly b e confe rig ht the Established Church. B u t in one respect th e over wha e hon. gentleman's act was ineffectual, for, pa ss ov erce tt ` t acts of that nature they please, they could never, _ n oon that determination which was generally felt !_n i r ra " il l' a tion f Ireland—that tithes should not be paid--a de rc asan try ° I , of the most obstinate nature, and which the o r No lat i his country had so often sealed with their th e '...,,inced it re e" o f the than yesterday week four human lives we r e A the county of Limerick, in an absurd r ,p es chelin the to peasantry to a force which must oT tco cows and lu party of the 85th regiment distraineo ` ixture o f th e ~. pigs for tithe. The tale was a dreadful rnsoldiers in pasa, dicrous and the horrid. ( Hear.) The body of o a t large ~ n ing through a village ? were attacked by a tid i ng sh ed for santry with sticks and stones, and, notwiti c isn i , r ush ' su it refraining conduit on their part, a man a t uas ' The re t he ward and fired a pistol at one of the part t o sa y ' tba t t th e was lamentable ; but this he felt it his duty , etv, els is, King's troops behaved with the utmost pror_t the t he police behaved with great propriety, and tn' an d tha t b l e trates also behaved with great propriety 1 attributo..,. deaths of these unfortunate men were e ntire Y ., , vhat he st. a e s o to their own misconduct. (Loud cheers . ) : the part_,T an now struggling for was this—that whereveTat fal hev were satisfied with the existing valuation, th ought ' ' ld b ° should remain untouched; but where they co , s hou it , had just cause of dissatisfaction, their g -ricsralnd reaso n ' t heY once more inquired into, and that by a fa himself th a u ot ledge was commission (Hear), and he would 1) . Ile • on ce. would be content with such ascertainme nts for ei ts .,d this contending before them for victory—lnt:lit to suspe. that it (Hear.) He implored of the Govern, re . d of theln ~ t hat bill, at least for the present. He imP : e it emanate°, th at might be taken back to the office w hence it well, an,',l_, ac , his Majesty's Government would con ho rac tical: on t were they would consult some persons w This the Gove_ d been quainted with the great question. . 4. n Ireland ha t 00, , had not doneman of any pariy 1 m ini i t n° C On consulted on the subject. Probably they Pe to ,nre d Sider him (Mr. O'Connell) as the most ht e a s respected that sult on such a question. Yet he most resp ~,, on _ „, them, that should his Majesty's Government ,.eetr'ng e f ‘ lro it l i honour, he would cast aside from him every 1 " to tho u en der tility and unpleasantness, that he would go an d r ~e n, all the humility of a beggar asking for alms, e._ ena ble o tS oe them all the assistance in his power to iv e, to nd to! l ed to avoid these crude attempts at legislation: and, eu r ,, some measure founded upon enlarged view • , ro w IVP to accomp li sh the great and alt-important end n r. •