The Sun. — London, England, 1831-01-04 00:00:00

tike a proper interest in the success and harmony of our admirable political institutions, and who are incapable of desiring to con vrrt an opposite state of things into means fur the gratification of personal ambition, will, laying aside minor considerations, and discarding, local prejudices, unite their honest exertions to establish some fixed general principle which shall he calculated to effect the greatest extent of public good, in regard to the subject of internal improvement, and afford the least ground for sectional Ells. content. The general ground of my obj , etion to local appropria tions has berg heretofore expressed ; and I shall endea vour to avoid a repetition of what has been already urged—the importance of sustaining the State Sovereign!, as far as is consistent with the rightful action of the federal Government, and of preserving the greatest attain able harmony between them. I will now only add an expression of my convictiou,—a conviction which every day's experience serves to confirm,—that the political creed which inculcates the pursuit of those great objects as a paramount duty is the true faith, and one to which we are mainly indebted for the present succexs of the entire system, and to which we must alone look for its future stability. That there are diversities is the interests of the diffe rent States which compeso this extensive confederacy, must be admitted. Those diversities, arising from situation, climate, population, and pursuit, art doubtless, as it is natural they should be, greatly exaggerated by jealousies, and that spirit of rivalry so inseparable from neiehbour ing communities. These circumstances make it the duty of those who are intrusted with the management of its affairs to neutralize their effecns as far as practicable, by making the beneficial operation of the federal Government as equal and equitable among the several States as can be done consistently with the great end of its institution. It is only necessary to refer to undoubted facts, to see how far the past acts of the Government upon the subject under consideration have fallen short of this object. The expenditures heretofore made for internal imprexonents amount to upwards of 5,000,000 of dollars, and have been distributed in very unequal portions amongst the States. The estimated expense of works of which surveys have been made, together with that of others projected and partially surveyed, amount to more than 96,000,000 of dollars. That such improvements, on account of particular cir cumstances, may be more adrautageously and beneficially made in some States than in others, is doubtless true ; but that they are of a character which should prevent an equitable distribution of the funds amongst the several States, is not to he conceded. The want of this equitable distribution cannot fail to prove a prolific source of irrita* tiun amongst the States. We have it constantly before our eyes, that professions of superior teal in the cause of internal improvement, and a disposition to lavish the public funds upon objects c,f that character, are daily and earnestly put forth. by aspi rants to power, as constituting the highest claims to the confidence of the people. Would it be strange, under such circumstances, and in times of great excitement, that grants of this description should fine their motives in objects which may not accord wiih the public good ? Those who have not had occasion to see and regret the in dication of a sivister influence in these matters in past times, have been more fortunate than myself in their observation of the course of public affair.. If to these evils lie added the combinations and angry contentions to which such a course of things gives rise, with their baleful influence upon the legislation of Congress, touching the leading and appropriate duties of the federal Government, it was but doing justice to the character of our 'people to expect the severe condemnation of the past which the recent exhibition of public sentiment has evincod. Nothing short of a radical change in the action of the Government upon the subject can, in my opinion, remedy the evil. If, as it would be natural to expect, the Stites which have been least favoured in past appropriations - should insist on being redressed in those hereafter to be made at the expense of the States v,•hich have NO largely and disproportionately participated, we have, as matters now stand, but little security that the attempt would do more than change the inequality from one quarter to another. Thus liewing the subject, I have heretofore felt it toy duty to recommend the adoption of some plin for the dis tribution of the surplus funds which may at any time re main in the treasury after the national debt shall have been paid, among the States, in proportion to the number of their representatives, to be applied by them to objects of internal improvement. Although this plan has met with favour in some por tions of the Union, it has also elicited objections which merit deliberate con‘ideration. A brief notice of these objections here, will not, therefore, I trust, be regarded as out of place. They rest, as far as they have come to my knowledge, on the following grounds :—I st, an objection to the ratio of distribution ; 2d, an apprehension that the existence of such a regulation would produce improvident and oppres sive taxation to raise the funds for distribution ; 3d, that the mode proposed would lead to the construction of works of a local nature, to the exclusion of such as are general, and as would consequently be of a more useful character ; and last, that it would create a discreditable and injurious dependence on the part of the State Governments upon the -federal power. Of those who object to the ratio of re presentation as the basis of distribution, some insist that the importations of the respective States would constitute one that would be more equitable ; and others, again, that the extent of their respective territories would furnish a standard, which would be more expedient and sufficiently equitable. The ratio of representation presented itself to my mind, and it still does, as one of obvious equity, because of its being the ratio of contribution, whether the funds to be distributed be derived from the customs or from di rect taxation. It does not follow, however, that its adsp. ton is indispensable to the establishment of the system pro posed. There may he considerations appertaining to the subject which would render a departure to some extent, from the rule of/ contribution, proper. Nor is it abso lutely necessary the basis of distribution be confined to one ground. It may, if in the judgment of those whose right it is to fix it be deleted politic and just to give it that cha racter, have regard to several. In my first message, I stated it to be my opinion, that "it is not probable that any adjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactory to the people of the Union will, until a remote period, if ever, lease the Government with out a considerable surplus in the treasury, beyond what may be required for its current service." 1 have had no cause to change that opinion, but touch to confirm it. Should these expectations he realized, a suitable fund would thus be produced for the plan under consideration to operate upon ; and if there he no such fund, its adoption will, in any opinion, work no injury to any interest; for I cannot • assent to the justness of the apprehension that the esta blishment of the proposed system would tend to the encou ragement of improvident legislation of the character sup posed. Whatever the proper authority, in the exercise of constitutional power, shall, any time hereafter, decide to be for the general good, will, in that as in other respect., deserve and receive the acquiescence and support of the whole country ; and we have ample security that every abuse of power in that regard, by the agents of the people, will receive a speedy and effectual corrective at their hands. The views which I take of the future, founded on the obvious and l increasing improvement of all classes of our fellow citizens, in intelligence, and in public and private virtue, leave me without much apprehension on that head. I do not doubt that those who come after us will be as much alive as we are to the obligation upon all the trus tees of political power to exempt those for whom they act from all unnecessary burdens, and as sensible of the great truth, that the resources of the nation beyond those re quired for the immediate and necessary purposes of go vernment, can no where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people. It may sometimes happen that the interests of particular States would not be deemed to coincide with the general interest in relation to improvement within such States. But if the danger to be apprehended from this source is sufficient-to require it, a discretion might be reserved to Congress to direct to such improvements of a general character as the States concerned might not be disposed to unite in, the application of the quotas of those States, under the restriction of confining to each State the expen diture of its appropriate quota. It may, however, be assumed . as a safe and general rule, that such improvements as serve to increase the prosperity of the respective States in which they are made, by giving new facilities to trade, and thereby augmenting the wealth and comfort of their inhabitants, constitute the surest mode of conferring per manent and substantial advantages upon the whale. The strength as well as the true glory of the confederacy is mainly founded on the prosperity and power of the several independent sovereignties of which it is composed, and the certainty with which they can be brought into suocessful active co-operation, through the agency of the Federal Government. ' It is, moreover, within the knowledge of such as are at all conversant with public affairs, mat schemes of internal improvement have, from time to time been proposed, which from their extent and seeming magnificence, were re garded as of national concernment, but which, upon fuller consideration and further experience, would now be re jected with great unanimity. That the plan under consideration. would derive im portant advantages from its certainty, and that the moneys get apart for these purposes would he more judiciously ap plied and economically expended under the direction of th e State legislatures, in vselsiclu every part of each State is immediately represented, cannot, I 'think, be doubted. In the new States particularly, where a comparatively small population is scattered ctier an extensive surface, and the representation in Congress consequently very limited, it i• natural to expect that the appireialions made by the Federal Government would be more likely to be expeided in the vicinity of those members through whose imme diate aF, , ensey they were obtained, On if the funds were placed under the controul of the legislature, in which every county of the State flees its own representative. This sues:- position duel not necessarily impugd the motives of such coneusestional representatives, nor is it su intended. We are all sensible of the bias tr. tiehieli the strongest minds and purest hearts art, :fader such circumstances, liable. In respect to th last objection, its probab'e effect upon the dignity ,and independence of the State governments, it appears to me only necessary to state the case as it is, and AR it would be if the measure proposed were adopted, to show that the operation is most likely to be the very re verse of that which the objection supposes. In the one case, the State Would receive its quota of the national revenue or domestic use upon n fixed principle. as a matter . of right, and from a fund to the creation of whiais it had itself contributed its fair proportion. Surely there could be nothing derogatory in that. As matters now stand ; the States themselves, in their sohereign cha racter, are not unfrequently petitioners at the bar of the Federal Legislature for such allowances out of the national Treasury as it may tt mport with their pleasure or sense of duty to bestona 'upon them. It cannot require argument to prove which of the two couttes is most compatible with the efficiency or respectability of the State Governments. But all these are matters for discussion and dispassionate considerations. That the d. sired adjustment would be at tent:lea with difficulty, affords ne rer_snn why it should not be attempted. The effenti.ve Operation of such motives would have prevented the adoption of the Constitution un der which We have so long lived, and under the benign in ffeente of which our beloved country has to signally pros pered. The framers of that sacred instrument had greater difficulties so overcome, and they did overcome them. The patriotism of the petple, directed by a deep conviction of the importance of the union, produced mutual concession and reciprocal forbearance. Strict right was merged in a spirit of compromise, and the result has consecrated their disinterested devotion .o the general weal. Unless the American people have degenerated, the same result can be again effected, whenever experience points out the neces, sitar of a resort to the same means to uphold the fabric Which their fathers have mated. It is beyond the power of man to make a nyatem of Government like ours, or any other. erernate with precise equality upon States situ 'hl like those which compose this confederacy; nor is inequa lity always injustice. Every State cannot expect to shape the measures of the General Government to suit its own particular interests. The causes which prevent it are seated in the nature of things, and cannot be entirely counteracted by human means. Mutual forbearance, therefore, becomes a duty obligatory upon all, and we may, I ens confident, count on a cheerful compli :nee with this high injunction on the part of our con stituents. It is not to be supposed that they will object to make such comparatively inconsiderable sa crifices for the preservation of rights and privileges which ether less favoured portions of the world have in vain waded through seas of Hood to acquire. Our course it a safe one if it be but faithfully adhered to. Acsptiescence in the constitutionally expressed will of She majority, and the exercise of that will in a spirit of moderation, justice, and brotherly kindness, will constitute a cement which would for ever preserve our Union. Those who cherish and inculcate sentiments like these, render a most essential service to their country, whilst those who seek to weaken their influence, are, however conscientious and praiseworthy their intentions, in effect its worst enemies. If the intelligence and influence of the country, instead of labouring to foment sectional prejudices, to he made subservient to party warfare, were in good faith applied to the eradication of causes of local discontent, by the improvement of our institutions, and by facilitating their adaptation to the condition of the times, this task would prove one of less difficulty. May we not hope that the obvious interests of our common country, and the dieL tates of an enlightened patriotism, will, in the end, lead the public mind in that direction? After all, the nature of the subject does not admit of a plan wholly free from objection. That which has for some time been in operation is, perhaps, the worst that could exist, and very advance that can be made in its improvement is a matter eminently worthy of your most deliberate attention. It is very possible that one better calculated to effect the objects in view miry yet be devised. If so, it is to be hoped that those who disapprove of the past, and dissent from what is proposed for the future,jwill feel it their duty to direct their attention to it, as they must be sensible that, unless some fixed rule for the action of the Federal Go vernment in this respect is established, the course now attempted to be arrested will be again resorted to. Any mode which is calculated to give the greatest degree of effect and harmony to our legislation upon the subject— which shall best serve to keep the movements of the Fe deral Government within the sphere intended by those who modelled, and those who adopted it,—which shall lead to the extinguishment of the national debt in the shortest period, and impose the lightest burdens upon our consti tuents, shall receive from me a cordial and firm support. Among the objects of great national concern, I cannot omit to press attain upon your attention that part of the Constitution which regulates the election of President and Vice-President. The necessity for its amendment is made so clear to my mind, by the observation of its evils, and by the many able discussions which they have elicited on the floor of Congress and elsewhere, that I should be want ing to my duty were I to withhold another expression of my deep solicitude upon the subject. Our system fortu nately contemplates a recurrence to the first principles; differing in this respect, from all that have preceded it, and securing it, I trust, equally against the decay arid the commotions which have marked the progress of other Governments. Our fellow-citizens, too, who in propor tion to their love of liberty keep a steady eye upon the means of sustaining it, do not require to be reminded of the duty they owe to themselves to remedy all essential defects in so vital a part of their system. While they are sensible that every evil attendant upon its operation is not necessarily indicative of a bad organization, but may pro ceed from temporary causes, yet the habitual presence, or even a single instance of evils which can be clearly traced to an organic defect, will not, I trust, be overlooked through a too scrupulous veneration for the work of their ancestors. The constitution was an experiment com mitted to the virtue and intelligence of the great mass of our countrymen, in whose ranks the framers of it them selves were to perform the part of patriotic observation and scrutiny ; and if they have passed from the stage of ex istence with an increased confidence in its general adapta tion to our condition, we should learn from authority so high the duty of fortifying the points in it which time proves to be exposed, rather than be deterred from ap proaching them by the suggestions of fear or the dictates of misplaced reverence. A provision which does not secure to the people a direct choice of their Chief Magistrate, but his a tendency to defeat their will, presented to my mind such an inconsis tency with the general spirit of our institutions, that I was induced to suggest for your consideration the sub stitute which appeared to me at the same time the most likely to correct the evil and to meet the views of our constituents. The most mature reflection since has added strength to the belief that the best interests of our country require the speedy adoption of some plan calculated to effect this end. A contingency which some times places it in the power of a single Member of the House of Representatives to decide an election of so high and solemn a character, is unjust to the people, and becomes, when it occurs, a source of embarrassment to the indi viduals thus brought into power, and a cause of distrust of the representative body. Liable as the confederacy is, from its great extent, to parties founded upon sectional interests, and to a corresponding multiplication of candi dates for the Presidency, the tendency of the constitu tional reference to the House of Representatives is, to de volve the eltsction upon that body in almost every instance, and, whatever choice may then be made among the can• didates thus presented to them, to swell the influence of particular interests to a degree inconsistent with the gene ral good. The consequences of this feature of the Con stitution appear far more threatening to the peace and in tegrity of the Union than any which I can conceive as likely to result from the simple legislative action of the Federal Government. It was a leading object with the framers of the Consti tution to keep as separate as possible the action of the legislative and executive branches of the Government. To secure this object nothing is more essential than to pre serve the former from the temptations of private interest, and therefore so to direct the patronage of the latter as not to permit such temptations to be offered. Experience abundantly demonstrates that every precaution in this re spect is a valuable safeguard of liberty, and one which my reflections upon the tendencies of our system incline me to think should be made still stronger. It was for this reason, that in connexion with an amendment of the Constitution, removing all intermediate agency in the choice of the President, I recommended some restrictions upon the re-eligibility of that officer, Intl upon the tenure of officers eenerally. The reason still exists, and I renew the recom mendation, with an increased confidence that its adoption will strengthen those checks by which the Constitution designed to secure the independence of each department of the Government, and promote the healthful and equitahle administration of all the trusts which it has created. The agent most liked , to contravene this design of the Consti tution is the Chief Magistrate. In order, particularly. that his appointment may, as far as possible, be placed be yond the reach of any improper influences,—in order that he may approach the solemn responsibilities of the highest nffict in the gift of a free people uncommitted to any other course than the strict line of c onstitutional duty,— and that the securities for this independence may he ren dared as strong as the nature of power and the weakness of its possessor will admit,—l cannot too earnestly invite your attention to the propriety of promoting such an amendment of the Constitution as will render him ineli gible after one term of service: It gives me pleasure to announce to Congress, that the benevolent pole) , of the Government, steadily pursued for neorly 30 years, in relation to the removal of the Indians beyond the white settlements, is approaching to a happy conclusion. Two important tribes have accepted the pro vision made for their removal at the last session of Con gress; and it is believed that their example will induce the remaining tribes, also, to seek the same obvious ad vantages. The consequences of a speedy removal will be important to the United States, to individual states, and to the In• /Hans themselves. The pecuniary a dvantages which it promises to the Government are the least of its recom mendations. It puts an end to all possible danger of colli sion between the authorities of the General and State Go vernments, on account of the Indians. It will place a dense and civilized population in large tracts of country now occupied by a few savage hunters. By opening the whole territory between Tennessee on the north, and Louisiana on the south, to the settlement of the whites, it will incalculably strengthen the south-western frontier, and render the adjacent states strong enough to repel future invasion without remote aid. It will relieve the whole state of Mississippi, and the western part of Ala- . b tma, of Indian occupancy, and enable those states to ad vance rapidly in population, wealth, and power. It will separate the Indians from immediate contact with settle ments of whites—free them from the power of the states, enable them to pursue happiness in their own way, and under their own rude institutions—will retard the pro gress of decay, which is lessening their numbers, and perhaps cause them gradually, under the protection of the Government, and through the influence of good counsels, to cast off their savage habits, and become an interesting, civilized, and christian community. These consequences, some of them so certain, and the rest so probable, make the complete execution of the plan sanctioned by Congress at their last session, an object of much solicitude. Toward the aborigines of the country, no one can in du'ge a mare friendly feeling than myself, or would go further in attempting to reclaim them from their wander ing habit:, and make them a happy and prosperous people. I have endeavoured to impress upon them my own solemn convictions of the duties and powers of the General Go vernment in relation to the State authorities. For the justice of the laws passed by the States within the scope of their reserved powers, they are not responsible to this Government. As individuals, we may entertain-and ex press our opinions of their acts, but as a Government we have as little right to controul them as we have to prescribe laws to foreign nations. With a full understanding of the subject, the Choctaw and Chickasaw tribes have, with great unanimity, deter mined to avail themselves of the liberal offers presented by the Act of Congress, and have agreed to remove be yond the Mississippi river. Treaties have been made with them, which, in due eeason, will be submitted for consideration. In negotiating these treaties, they were made to understand their true condition ; and they have preferred maintaining their independence in the western forests, to submitting to the laws of the States in which they now reside. These treaties being probably the last which will ever be made with them, are cha racterised by great liberality on the part of the Govern ment. They give the Indians a liberal sum in considera tion of their removal, and comfortable subsistence on their arrival at their new homes. If it be their real interest to maintain a separate existence, they will there be at liberty to do so without the inconveniences and vexations to which they would unavoidably have been subject in Alabama and Mississippi. Humanity has often wept over the fate of the aborigines of this country, and philanthropy has been long busily employed in devising means to avert it. But its progress has [never for a moment been arrested ; and one by one have many powerful tribes disappeared from the earth. To follow to the tomb the last of his race, and to tread on the graves of extinct nations, excites melancholy reflections. But true philanthropy reconciles the mind to these vicissi tudes, as it does to the extinction of one generation to make room for another. In the monuments ,and for tresses of an unknown people, spread over the extensive regions of the west, we behold the memorials of a once powerful race, which was terminated or has disappeared to make room for the existing savage tribes. Nor is there any thing in this which, upon a comprehensi e view of the general interests of the human race, is to be regretted. Philanthropy could not wish to see this continent restored to the condition in which it was found by our forefathers. What good man would prefer a country covered with fo rests, and ranged by a few thousand savages, to our exten sive republic, studded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms,—embellished with all the improvements which art can devise, or industry execute,—occupied by more than 12.000,000 of happy people,—and filled with all the bless ings of liberty, civilization, and religion ? The present policy of the Government is but a conti nuation of the same progressive change, by a milder pro cess. The tribes which occupied the countries now con stituting the Eastern States, were annihilated or have melted away, to make room for the whites. The waves of population and civilization are rolling to the westward; and we now propose to acquire the countries occupied by the red men of the South and Wept by a fair exchange, and, at the expence of the United States, to send them to a land where their existence may be prolonged, and perhaps made perpetual. Doubtless it will be painful to leave the graves of their fathers; but what do they more than our ancestors did, or than our children are now doing? Tu better their conditions in an unknown land, our fore fathers left all that was dear in earthly objects. Our children by thousands yearly leave the land of their birth, to seek new homes in distant regions. Does humanity weep at these painful separations from every thing, animate land inanimate, with which the young heart has become entwined ? Far from it. It is rather a source of joy that our country affords scope where our young population may range unconstrained in body or in mind. developing the powers and faculties of man in their highest perfection. These remove hundreds, and almost thousands of miles, at their own expence, purchase the lands they occupy, and support themselves at their new home from the moment of their arrival. Can it be cruel in this Government, when, by events which it cannot controul, the Indian is made discontented in his ancient home, to purchase his lands, to give him a new and ex tensive territory, to pay the expellees of his removal, and support him a year in his new abode? How many thou sands of our own people would gladly embrace the oppor tunity of removing to the West on such conditions ! If the offers made to the Indians were extended to them, they would be hailed with gratitude and joy. And is it supposed that the wandering savage has a stronger attachment to his home than the settled civilised Christian ? Is it more afflicting to him to leave the graves of his fathers, than it is to our brothers and•children ? Rightly considered, the policy of the general Government towards the red man is not only liberal but generous. He is unwilling to submit to the laws of the States, and mingle with the population. To save him from this al ternative, or, perhaps, utter annihilation, the general Go vernment kindly offers him a new home, and proposes to pay the whole expense of his removal aryl settlement. In the consummation of a policy originating at an eally period, and steadily pursued by every Administration within the present century, so just to the States, and so generous to the Indians, the Executive feels it has a right to expect the co-operation of Congress, and of all good and disinterested men. The States, moreover, have a right to de mand it. It was substantially a part of the compact which made them members of our confederacy. With Georgia there is an express contract ; with the new States an implied one of equal obligation. Why, in authorising Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Mississippi, and Alabama, to form Con stitutions, and become separate States, did Congress in clude within their limits extensive tracts of Indian lands, and, in some instances, powerful Indian tribes ? Was it not understood by both parties that the power of the States was to be co-extensive with their limits, and that, with all convenient despatch, the general Government should extinguish the Indian title, and remove every ob struction to the complete jurisdiction of the State Govern ments over the sail ? Probably not one of those States would have accepted a separate existence—certainly it would never have been granted by Congress--.had it been understood that they were to be confined for ever to those small portions of their nominal territory, the Indian title to which hail at the time been extinguished. It is therefore a duty which this Government owes to the new States, to extinguish, as soon as possible, the In. dian title to all lands which Congress themselves have in . - chided within their limits. When this is done, the duties of the general Government in relation to the states and Indians within their limits are at a❑ end. The Indians may leave the state or not, as they choose. The purchase of their lands does ❑ot alter, in the least, their personal relations with the State Government. No act of the ge neral Government has ever been deemed necessary to give the States Jurisdiction over the persons of the Indians ; that they possess by virtue of their sovereign power within their own limits, in as full a manner before as after the purchase of the Indian lands, nor can this Government add to or diminish it. May we not hope, therefore, that all good citizens, and none more zealously than those who think the Indian op pressed by subjection to the la es of the states, will unite in attempting to open the eyes of those children of the forest to their true condition, and by a speedy removal, to relieve them from the evils, real or imaginary, present or prospective, with which they may be supposed to be threatened? Among the numerous causes of congratulation, the con dition of our impost revenue deserves special mention, in asmuch as it promises the means of extinguishing the public debt sooner than was 'anticipated, and furnishes a strong illustration of the practical effects of the present tariff upon our commercial interests. The object of the tariff is objected to by some as uncon stitutional ; and it is considered by almost all as defective in many of its parts. The power to impose duties on imports originally be longed to the several States. The right to adjust those duties with a view to the encouragement of domestic branches of industry, is so completely incidental to that power, that it is difficult to suppose the existence of the one without the other. The States have delegated their whole authority over imports to the general Government, without limitation or restriction, saving the very incon siderable reservation rela;iog to their inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed from the States, the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection does not exist in them, and, consequently, if it be not possessed by the general Government, it must be extinct. Our poli tical system would thus present the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their own industry, and to counteract the most selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. This surely cannot he the case; this indispensable power, thus surrendered by the States, must be within the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated to Congress. In this conclusion, I am confirmed as well by the opi nions of Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Aladdison, and Monroe, who have repeatedly recommended the exercise of this right under the Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Congress, the constituted acquiescence of the States, and the general understanding of the people. The difficulties of a more expedient adjustment of the present tariff, although great, are far froto being insur mountable. Some are unwilling to improve any of its par's, because they would destroy the whole : others e fear to touch the objectionable parts, lest those they approve should be jeopardized. lam persuaded that the advocates of those conflicting views do injustice to the American people, and to their representatives. The general interest is the interest of each ; and my confidence is entire that, to ensure the adoption of such modifications of the tariff as the general interest requires, it is only necessary that that interest should be understood. It is an infirmity of our nature to mingle our interests and prejudices with the operation of our reasoning powers, and attribute to the objects of our likes and dislikes, qua lities they do not possess, and effects they cannot produce. The effects of the present tariff are ',doubtless overrated, both in its evils and in its advantages. By one class of ressoners, the reduced price of cotton and other agricul tural products is ascribed wholly to its influence, and by another, the reduced price of manufactured articles. The probability is that neither opinion approaches the truth, and that both are induced by that influence of interest and prejudices to which I have referred. The decrease of prices extends throughout the commercial world, embracing not only the raw material and the manufactured article, but pro ♦isions and lands. The cause must therefore he deeper and more pervading than the tariff of the United States. It may, in a measure, be attributable to the increased value of the precious metals, produced by a diminution of the supply, and an: increase in the demand; while commerce has rapidly extended itself, and population has augmented. The supply of gold and silver, the general medium of ex change, has been greatly interrupted by civil convulsions in the countries from which they are principally drawn. A part of the effect too, is doubtless owing to an increase of operatives and improvements in machinery. But, on the whole, it is questionable whether the reduction in the price of lands, produce, and manufactures, has been greater than the appreciation of the standard of value. While the chief object of duties should be revenue, they may be so adjusted as to encourage manufactures. In this adjustment, however, it is the duty of the Government to be guided by the general good. Objects of national im portance alone ought to be protected ; of these the produc tions of our soil, our mines, and our workshops, essential to national defence, occupy the first rank. Whatever other species of domestic industry, having the importance to which I have referred, may be expected, after temporary protection, to compete with foreign labour, on equal terms, merit the salve attention in a subordinate degree. The present tariff taxes some of the comforts of life un necessarily high ; it undertakes to protect interests too local and minute to justify a general exaction; and it also attempts to force some kinds of manufactures for which the country is not ripe. Much relief will be derived, in some of these respects, from the measures of your last session. The best as well as the fairest mode of determining whether, from any just considerations, a particular in terest ought to receive protection, would be to submit the question singly for deliberation. If, after the due examina tion of its merits, unconnected with extraneous considera tions—such as a desire to sustain a general system, or to purchase support fur a different interest—it should enlist in its favour a majority of the representatives of the people, there can be little danger of wrong or injury in adjusting the tariff with reference to its protective effect. If this obviously just principle were honestly adhered to, the branches of industry which deserve protection would be saved from the prejudice exiited against them, when that protection forma part of a system by which portions of the country feel, or conceive themselves to be oppressed. What is incalculably more important, the vital principle of our system, that principle which requires acquiescence in the will of the majority, would be secure from the discredit and danger to which it is exposed by the acts of majorities, founded, not on identity of conviction, but on combinations of small minorities, entered into for the purpose of mutual assistance in measures which, resting solely on their own merits, could never be carried. I am well aware that this is a subject of so much deli cacy, on account of the extended interests it involves, as to require that it should be touched with the utmost cau tion ; and that while an abandonment of the policy in which it originated, a policy . coeval with our Government, pursued through successive administrations, is neither to be expected or desired, the people have a right to demand, and have demanded, that it be so modified as to correct abuses and obviate injustice. That your deliberations on this interesting subject should be uninfluenced by those partisan conflicts that are inci dent to free institutions, is the fervent wish of my heart. To make this great question, which unhappily so much divides and excites the public mind, subservient to the short-sighted views of faction, must destroy all hops of settling it satisfactorily to the great body of the people, and for the general interest. I cannot, therefore, on taking leave of the subject, too earnestly for my own feelings or the common good, warn you against the blighting conse quences of such a course. • According to the estimates at the Treasury Department, the receipts in the Treasury, during the present year, will amount to 24,161,018 dollars, which will exceed by about 300,000 dollars the estimate presented in the last an nual report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The total expenditure during the year, exclusive of the public debt, is estimated at 12,712,311 dollars ; and the payment on ac count of public debt, for the same period, will have been 11,354,630 dollars; leaving a balance in the Treasury, on the Ist of January, 1831, of 4,819,781 dollars. In connection with the condition of our finances, it affords me pleasure to remark that judicious and efficient arrangements have been made by the Treasury Depart meet for securing the pecuniary responsibility of the public officers, and the more punctual payment of public dues. The revenue cutter service has been organized, and placed on a goal footing, and aided by an increase of inspectors at exposed points; and the regulations adopted under the act of May, 1830, for the inspection and appraisements of merchandize, have produced much improvement in the execution of the laws, and more - security against the com mission of frauds upon the revenue. Abuses in the allow ances for fishing bounties have also been corrected, and a material saving in that branch of the service thereby effected. In addition to these improvements, the system of expenditure for lick seamen belonging to the merchant service has been revised ; and, by being rendered uniform and economical, the benefits of the fund applicable to the object have been usefully extended. The prosperity of our country is also further evinced by the increased revenue arising from the sale of public lands, as will appear from the report of the Commissioner of the General Laud Office, and the document. accompanying it, lyhich are herewith transmitted. I beg leave to draw your attention to this report, and to the propriety of making early appropriation's for the objects which it specifies. Your attention is again invited to the subjects connected with that portion of the public interests intrusted to the War Department. Some of them were referred to in my former message ; and they are presented in detail in the report of the Secretary of War, herewith submitted. I refer you also to the report of that officer for a knowledge of the state of the army, fortifications, arsenal, and Itidi n affairs; all of which, it will be perceived, have been guarded with zealous attention and care. It is worthy of your consideration whether the armaments necessary for the fortifications on our maritime frontier, which are now, or shortly will he, completed, should not be in rea diness sooner than the customary appropriations will en able the department to provide them. This precaution seems to he due to the general system of fortification which has been sanctioned by Congress, and is recommended by that ni,xim of wisdom which tells us in peace to prepare for war. _ _ I refer you to the Secretary of the Navy for a highly sa tisfactory account of the manner in which the concerns of that department have been conducted during the present year. Our position in relation to all the most powerful nations of the earth, and the present condition of Europe, admonish us to cherish this arm of our national defence with peculiar care. Separated by wide seas from all those Governments whose power we might have reason to dread, we have nothing to apprehend from attempts at conquest. It is chiefly attacks upon our commerce, and harassing in roads upon our coast, against which we have to guard. A respectable naval force, always afloat, with an accuinula tion of the means to give it a rapid extension in case of need, furnishes the power by which all such aggression may be prevented or repelled. The attention of the Go vernment has, therefore, been recently directed more to preserving the public vessels already built, and providing materials to be placed in depot for future use, than to in creasing their number. With the aid of Congress, in a few years, the Government will be prepared in case of emergency, to put afloat a powerful navy of new ships, almost as soon as old ones could be repaired. The modifications of this part of the service suggested in my last annual Message, which are noticed more in de tail in the Report of the Secretary of the Navy, are again recommended to your serious attention. The report of the Postmaster-General, in like manner, exhibits a satisfactory view of the important branch of the Government under his charge. In addition to the benefits already extended by the operations of tie Post-office De partment, considerable improvements within the present year have been secured, by an increase in the accommo dation of stage-coaches, and in the frequency and celerity of the transportation of the mail between some of the most important points of the Union. Under the late contraets, improvements have been pro vided for the southern section of the country, and at the same time an annual saving made of upwards of 72,000 dollars. Notwithstanding the excess of expenditure be yond the current receipts for a few years past, necessarily incurred in the fulfilment of existing contracts, and in the additional expenses, between the periods of contracting, +0 meet the demands created by the rapid growth and ex tension of our flourishing country ; yet the satisfactory as surance is given that the future revenue of the department will be sufficient to meet its extensive engagements. The system recently introduced that subjects its receipts and disbursements to strict regulation, has entirely fulfilled its design. It gives full assurance of the punctual transmission, as well as the security of the funds of the department. The ef f iciency and industry of its officers, and the ability and enemy of contractors, justify an increased confidence in its continued prosperity. The attention of Congress was called, on a former occa sion, to the necessity of such a modification of the office of Attorney-General of the United States as would render it more adequate to the wants of the public service. This resulted in the establishment of the office of Solicitor of the Treasury ; and the earliest measures were taken to give effect to the provisions of the law which authorized the appointment of that officer and defined his duties. But it is not believed that this prevision, however useful in itself, is calculated to supersede the necessity of extending the duties and powers of the Attorney-General's office. On the contrary, I am convinced that the public interest would be greatly promoted by giving to that officer the general superintendence of the various law agents of the Govern ment, and of all law proceedings, whether civil or criminal, in which the United States may be interested, allowing to him, at the same time, such a compensation as would enable him to devote his undivided attention to the public business. I think such a provision is alike due to the public and to the officer. Occasions of reference from the different executive de partments to the Attorney-General are of frequent occur rence, and the prompt decision of the questions so referred tends much to facilitate the despatch of business in those departments. The report of the Secretary of the Treasure, hereto appended, shows also a branch of the public service, not specifically entrusted to any officer, which might be advantageously committed to the Attorney-General. But, independently of those considerations, this office is now one of daily duty. It was originally organized, and its compensation fixed, with a view to occasional service, leaving the incumbent time for the exercise of his profes sion in private practice. The state of things which war raut such an organisation no longer exists. The frequent claims upon the services of this officer would render his absence from. the seat of Government, in professional at tendance upon the Courts, injurious to the public service, and the interests of the Government could not fail to be promoted by charging hint with the general superintend ence of all its legal concerns. Under a strong conviction of the justness of three sug gestions,' I recommend it to Congress to make the neces sary provisions for giving effect to them, and to place the Attorney - General, in regard to compensation, on the same footing with the heads of the several executive de p trtmente. To this officer might also be 'intrusted a cog nizance of the cases of insolvency in public debtors, espe cially if the views which I submitted on this subject last year should meet the approbation of Congress, to which I again solicit your attention. Your attention is respectfully invited to the situation of the district of Colombia. Placed by the Constitution un her the exclusive jurisdiction and control of Congress, this district is certainly entitled to a much greater abate of its consideration than it has yet received. There is a want of uniformity in its laws, particularly in those of a penal charact , r, which increases the expense of their ad ministration, and subjects the people to all the inconve niences which result from the operation of different codes in so small a territory. On different sides of the Potomac the effesce is punishable in unequal degrees; and the pe culiarities of many of the early laws of Maryland and Virginia remain in force, notwithstanding their repug nance, in some cases, to the improvements which have superseded them in those States. Besides a remedy for these evils, which is loudly called for, it is respectfully submitted whether a provision authorizing the selection of a delegate to represent the wants of the citizens of this district on the floor of Con gress, is not due to them, and to the character of our Government. No portion of our citizens should he without a practical enjoyment of the principles of free dom ; and there is none more important than that which cultivates a proper relation between the governors and the governed. Imperfect as this must be in this case, yet it is believed that it would be greatly improved by a re presentation in Congress, with the same privileges that are allowed to that of the other territories of the United States. The Penitentiary is ready for the reception of convicts, and only awaits the necessary legislation to put it into operation ; as one object of which, I beg leave to recall to your attention the propriety of providing suitable com pensation for the officers charged with its inspection. The importance of the principles involved in the in. quiry whether it will he proper to re-charter the Bank of the United States, requires that I should again call the attention of Congress to the subject. Nothing has oc curred to lessen in any degree the dangers which many of our citizens apprehend from that institution, as at present organized. lu the spirit of improvement and compromise which distinguishes our country and its institutions, it becomes us to inquire whether it be not possible to secure the advantages afforded by the present bank, thr o ugh the agency of abank of the United States, so modified in its principles and structure as to obviate Constitutional and other objections. It is thought practicable to organize such a bank, with the necessary officers, as a bank of the Treasury Depart ment, based on the public and individual deposits, with out power to make loans or purchase property, which shall remit the funds of the Government, the expences of ' which may be paid, if thought advisable, by allowing its officers to sell hills of exchange to private individuals at a moderate premium, Not being a corporate body, having no stockholders, debtors, or property, and but few officers, tfhe largein • it would not lie obnoxious t o th e constitutional objections which mesas aret ooperate urged masses of the community, it would ber interests shorn fluence which m a k es th a t b a nk formidable. The States of o would be strengthened by having in their hands the means of furnishing the local paper currency through their own banks, while the bank of the United States, though issuing no p a p er , would check the issues of the State Banks, by t a ki ng their notes in deposit , and for exchange , only so long as they continue to be redeemed with specie. In times of public emergency, the capacities of such an institution might be enlarged by legislative provision. These suggestions are made, nut so much as a recom mendation, as with the view of calling the attention of Congress to the possible modifications of a system which . cannot continue t.l exist in its present form, without occa sional collision with the local authorities, and perpetual apprehensions and discontent on the part of the States and the peiple. In conclusion, fellow-citizens, allow me to invoke, is behalf of your deliberations, that spirit of conciliation and disinterestedne-s which is the gift of patriotism. Under as over-ruling and merciful Providence, the agency of this spirit has thus far been signalized in the prosperity and glory of our beloved country. May its influence be eternal! ANDREW JACKSON. IRELAND. (From the Times Private Correspondent.) DUBLIN, JAN. 1. I have just received the following from Kilkeuny by express. You will perceive by the inclosed letter, that the Irish Government are about adopting active measures with a view to the tranquillity of the country. It is said that a serjeant's guard is stationed in the house of the Chief - Justice to protect him from violence. I really believe be need he under no apprehension. The yeomanry, I have reason to believe, will be called out ; but not, as the papers s iy, immediat.iy. Twenty-seven thousand of them are ordered for inspection—not by Brigade-Majors as formerly, but by the General Officers commanding the respective districts. There is great alarm and agitation in Dublin. Mr. O'Connell holds a meeting to-day. It is said, I know not with what truth, that the Press is to he prosecuted. ALARMING ASSEMBLAGES OF THE PEA SANTRY. (From the Kilkenny Moderator.) The expected arrival of large bedies of the peasantry in' this city, on Thursday, on their way to or from Bennett's bridge, at which place a very formidable assemblage had: collected front various quarters, excited considerable antic ty and some alarm here upon that day. These tu• multuary meetings have been for some time alarmingly' frequent in our immediate neighbourhood, and that the de dared object of the assemblages is the compulsory reduc tion of tithe claims in these districts. Under the pretence of hurling matches, these people assemble, by pre-arrangement, on an appointed day, armed with bludgeons cut to the size; and shape of hurlets, and, when thus met in sufficient force, proceed to the incumbent's residence, and present their pr" titian, as they call it, for a reduction of tithes—generally, 't we believe, in the proportion of a third ; setting out the terms on which they are willing to accept a compromise, and closing with the demand of a decided answer on a given day, when the applicants should call with the saint . formidable array, for a reply to their remonstrance. The late me: ting at Graigne was the first indication, in this part of the country, of any general or concerted opposition to tithe claims, and was rapidly followed up by meetings of the cauntry people throughout the adjacent parishes. On Monday upwards of 3,000 persons assembled in the neighbourhood of Knocktopher, and Proceeded to Vicars field, the residence of Dr. Hamilton, the incumbent, where they presented their " petition" for an abatement of the tithes of that union, and intimated their intention to call in a body for an answer on that day week. On Wednes day the peasantry assembled in great force at Jenkens-town, the seat of Captain Bryan, and asked permission of that gentleman to cut down some of his trees for burlets,—a request which, we need scarcely add, was at once refused ; bu• having paid him the compliment of a king for what they had previously resolved to take without his leave, the fellows instantly proceeded, in Captain Bryan's pre sence, to fell such timber as suited them, cutting down no fewer than eight trees, with which they very leisurely de camped. They t eturned the following day and cut down and carried away several other trees, the property of that gentleman. Same trees were also cut, for a similar pur pose, on the grounds of Sandfort's Court. We understand notices have been posted in several parishes denouncing tithes, and forbidding the farmers to pay them. But the proceeding as to which the greatest apprehension seems to have b en entertained, in this vicinity, was the meet ing appointed fur Bennett's-bridge, on Thursday, when it was intended to present a remonstrance to the Rev. Dr. Butler, the incumbent of Buruchurch union. It was to this meeting that numbers of the peasantry from va rious quarters of the country were expected to proceed, and as they had declared their resolution to pass, full force, through this city, the town exhibited an appearance of considerable bustle from an early hour of the morning. Groups were collected in different parts of the city, more especially near and along the parade,which was the line of approach from Bennett's-bridge, and great uneasiness was felt (luring the day amongst our fellow-citizens. Our Ma gistracy, however, were early on the alert, and the Mar quis of Ormande, in particular, took that part in the ar rangements of precautionary measures which might have been anticipated from his uniformly vigilant attention to local affairs. It has been stated to us, that two or three gentlemen, amongst whom was Mr. I'. Costelloe, went out from town to meet the assemblage and remonstrate with them on the criminality of their proceedings, and were eventually able to dissuade them from approaching town in a body. Since yriting the above we have received a more:par , tinnier account of what occurred on the application of the Rennet's-bridge assembly to the Rev. Dr. Butler, at Burnchurch. The party halted on the road opposite the glebe-house, and sent up a deputation from their body' with a petition requiring an abatement of tithes. The Rev. Doctor received the deputation at the door, and was in discussion with them inside, when the main body sud denly rushed towards the house with dreadful yells; but on perceiving their approach the Rev. Gentleman imme diately pushed out the " gentlemen of the deputation,' closed and bolted the door, and, being well armed, pre pared to repel any attack that might be made. The crowd, however, dispersed after a short time. We understand that Dr. Butler, imintimidated by this daring outrage, de clared his determination not to accede to the lawless re• quisition of these people on the subject of his tithes. LORD BROUGHAM.—The LORD CHANCEL. LOR arrived at his seat, Brougham Hall, near Penrith, on Christmas-day, where he his since sojourned, along with his venerable mother, and some other members of his fa mily. His Lordship has not been much in public, but has had innumerable calls from persons in various ranks a nd conditions in life.—Carlesle Patriot. IMPROVEMENTS IN THE TEMPLE.—In the various renovations and improvements with which the Honourable Society of Templars have recently embellished the Temple, the naost conspicuous are the erection of a neW and commodious Exchequer-office, flanked on the north by a substantial and elegant range of chambers, which stretch from east to west across King's Bench-walk. In the centre of this range a lofty archway will, by a series of granite steps, afford a convenient access to and from Mitre court and Fleet-street. An addition of about 16 feet in length is also being mads to the east end of Middle-Temple flail, whilst the greeter part of the buildings on the eastern side of Middle Temple-gardens have been pulled down, and new edifices erected on their site, witL greater attention to taste and comfort in their construction. Two very ele gant buildings have also been added to the south-east wing of Paper-buildings, forming a handsome termination to wards the Thames. The whole of these edifices are faced with Portland-stone, and in the solidity of their construc tion and beauty of appearance are highly creditable to the public spirit and vertu of the Honourable Society which has caused them to be erected. REDUCTIONS AT WINDSOR CASTLE.--In' dependent of the salary which Lord 111mtvisoitovo enjoys as Master of the Hounds, there are 140 individuals employed at the Castle, in the capacity of huntsmen , helpers, whippers-in, &c., each of whom (under the late reign), independent of their salaries, were allowed six suits of livery for the year, each of which cost 221. In conse quence of the few turns-out of the royal hounds, the per sons thus employed in this department found they could dispense with a portion of these suits, and a consideratio' was accordingly received in lieu. Upon his MAJitsr: inquiring into this department of the Royal Houseli lu l he expressed his astonishment at the clothes worn tn., and observed that, for the future, he would try whetter two suits of clothes would not he found sufficient fir each of the servants in this department. His MAJE, , ev took also a visit to the lower part of the Castle, namely, to that ra g in which the coals are kept. Upon being shown the. vaults, his MAJESTY inquired h ow many chaldrons o' coals they contained? When informed shout sop ad' drons, and that they were filled two or three times in the course of the year, his MAJEsTv'expressed surprise at 1 0 many being consumed, at the same time taking ones/riot' to inquire the dimensions of the vaults. Having bee° satisfied upon this point, his MAJESTY examined another part of the vaults ; when seeing another large quantity o f, coals, he was informed that what he saw were cinders, an d were the perquisites of office. " Cinders," exclaimed his MAJESTY, kicking the articles over, " why I call these coals, and therefore desire them to he used." The vaults , upon the measurement being submitted to his MAJEsTa't were found to contain not above one-fifth of the quantity of coals which had been stated,....-Norniny Paper. ?melts 8 3' k stock 3 per Colt. RI 3 per C,rn... Co N per Cent.. D tto Red.. New 3 per I 3 per Cent A 4 per Cent. 15 Bank Long Al Jan 5, ISC Oct. 10, 1S! Jan. 5, 18( Jan. 5, 18£ April 5,18 F _Jan. 5, 171 PXICES OF Austrian Bon Brasilian lion Buenos Agra CAB - tan Bond CAllembian El Ditto, 1124 ..... . tireck Bonds . Ditto, 1825 .. Guatunal a . Mexican Bo"; Intl, 14r, PILICXS Brazilian Imp Ditto Nati, Untted Mex. Canada Cora ► Arrived, ?rh o 0 Ameri 0 Brazil 0 Buell() 0 Carthm blii 0 Flan(lo I France - z'lb l TUES The A gress is a As regal the whole of Great which ha in relatic and our Colonies, sults to b these ne, characte] spirit o eluded i sincere I relations the mo: cument lution it the sells tion, in of freed lousy—' on the ( In this moral 1r not less but a I of that probatic Revolui reer m effects. thunder tured to proclair throtaen spiciou: while tl pronou rnavzs, Premie We to the ' followh United to 127 ters we among Messa that sp SA 27 Shart 9 Dittc 400 Dittc 33 Dittc 5 Dittc 5 Dittc 5 Dittc 2(1 Dittc The followin, TH•I Govern( ing and daYl no the Ga, We Franc Papers Bent degree c Thorn, We Niehola for putt The deputat an equa Science rected f cholera set out Doctors Physici head of WA R upon ti the cou 2Pth N authori Con 3 of the to the i “ I. morst e: he ehai lamed ' 1 411,1 followi mu lle d nrorner . - eatto n When ( 4, 5. ben of 4, 6.