The Sun. — London, England, 1834-07-08 00:00:00

, r - . M '-', ..,. , - " ' ,„..."- - ,:;, ~....) C , 7',_ .; ',": - A ir' .--* , , : ';'.., - '.' -',,,..._ 451 -",:. 1 :1 i. ./..„ ~, 1.- 1 it c 7 • -ry ' , !.4 - '1:::.')_,1 • eary.—( Immense cheering.) He (Sir R. Peel) was, on most subjects, opposed to that Honourable and Learned Gentleman, yet he had always considered the language put into the King's mouth on this occasion, with re ference to that Honourable and Learned Member, as ex ceedingly derogatory to the kingly dignity and the cha racter of those who framed the speech from the Throne.— (Loud cheers.) In that speech the indignation of his Majesty was expressed at the attempts made by unprincipled agitators to excite the people of Ireland to disturbance and disaffection, and to attempt a repeal of the Union, " and the Hon.. and . Learned Gentleman was, in terms as personal as d e _ nottnced and held up to public reprobation a s these unprincipled agitators, whose attempts all loyal and well-dis posed persons were called upon in every way vigorously to repress." This was the I:4nguage adopted towards the Hon. and Learned Member. What, then, would all such " legal and well-affected persons" think, when they found that on the 20th June the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was precisely the person seleoted by a Minister of the Crown for a confidential communication on this very subject ?—( Immense cheering.) What must " loyal and well-disposed persons" think of this extraordinary fact ?—( Hear.) What must the House think of it ? And what must the Hon. and Learned Gentleman have thought of it, when he found himself—he would not say the misleading had been intentional—so misled as he had been in that confidential communication ? They would think that this was not the way for Ministers to secure cordial co-operation or respect.—( Loud cheers.) As he had said before, however, and for the reasons he had given, he should support the motion. Mr. LITTLETON said that having, to the satisfaction of the House, made his explanation on the last point alluded to by the Hon. Baronet, he should not trouble them with any ob servations on that head.--( Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had inveighed in strong terms against the Government, for what he called their impolicy and neglect of duty, in having so long delayed bringing the subject of a renewal of this Bill before the House.—( Hear, hear.) In this view of the case he greatly differed with the Right Hon. Baronet.—( Hear.) It appeared to him that, so far from being blamed, Ministers were entitled to credit for the course they had adopted, - of not pro posing a measure of this nature to the House till they had ab solutely found they could not dispense with a renewal of it, and until they had provided the fullest estimates, and evidence for the satisfaction of the House.—( Hear.) With reference to the call which the Right Hon. Baronet had made upon them for an explanation of the Lord Lieutenant's opinions on the subject, all he could at present reply was, that such as the Noble Lord's opinions were they were recorded in his dis patches ; and the expression of these opinions was very recent, for they were contained in a dispatch received in the course of last month ; he did not think himself warranted to detail those opinions, but they were generally in favour of a renewal of the measure in the shape proposed by the other House. Mr. SHE IL said that something must have happened be tween the 18th of April and the 20th of June. The question was this : did the Lord Lieutenant change his mind ? They - relied on the dispatches of the Lord Lieutenant for coercion.— ( Hear, hear, hear !) He changed his mind ; they had not got all the truth.—( Hear, hear.) Did his Majesty's Ministers, or did they not, keep back documents ? Part of the data relied on was in writing before the House ; part of it consisted in an oral admission, to the effect that the Lord Lieutenant had un dergone a complete change of opinion. Was this true, or was it not? If it were not true, the Right Hon. Gentleman must be egregiously mistaken—he would never attribute to him any thing more than mistake—as to the opinion of the Lord Lieutenant. Was there any doubt on the subject ? Let them have the letters.—( Hear, hear, hear.) What ! was it too late for them to have a full and complete investigation of the grounds on which they would impose a measure on Ireland, which they admitted was unconstitutional ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Gentleman, with such im perfect evidence before them, told them that because it was the 7th of July, a complete inquiry was not to be instituted.— ( Hear, hear.) First, he taxed the Government with not having made up their minds earlier. They had the dispatch before them as early as the 18th of April. They had been asked again and again what their intentions were. They had been asked in another place. The Honourable and Learned Member for D abiin had put the question frequently. Time, then, ;vas allowed the Government. The result was, that tie Government were to be allowed all the benefit of the procrastination, and in the spirit of haste —in the. spirit (he did not wish to use harsh terms) of rash precipitation—they were about to proceed with a mea sure., the consequences of which could not be foreseen. Mr. LITTLETON said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman seemed to insist on the evidence of the letters of the Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland, that his Lordship intended to recom mend the re-enactment of the courtmartial clause, as well as the other clauses of the Bill. The fact was, however, that , the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland had not excepted the court- 1 martial clause, from the circumstance of his not having con sidered it practically and essentially a part of the measure. The reason of this was, that the clause in question had never been acted on.--( Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL—And was Ireland, then to be deprived of her constitutional liberties, on the opinion of a man who did not consider such a clause as a courtmartial clause essential ?-- ( Hear, hear.) The courtmartial clause—oh ! he never thought of it. Yet this was the man who was to legislate for Ireland—this was the man whose opinion was to be deci sive of this case.—( Cheers, and cries of " No, no.") The Lord Lieutenant called for the bill—the whole bill, over and over again, without having once disturbed his semi-regal head, with any consideration about the clause subjecting Ire land to martial law. Where was the correspondence, subse quent to the 18th of April ? They resisted his motion, on the ground that there was not time. They had not time to do justice to Ireland. It was immaterial how late it was when their object was to pass laws to suspend the constitution of that country the representatives of a reform constituency were ready, however late in the session, to give their time and their votes to pass a Bill of Coercion, but they would not all ow that there was time to inquire int o th e necessity for such a Bill. What became now of the six hours' speech against the repeal of the Union ?—(" Hear, hear," from the Irish Members. ) One fact told the Irish people that they would be the basest of slaves if they, under such circumstances, tamely submitted to the continuance of the Union. Let them hear no more drivelling about repeal ; let them hear no more of their pounds, shillings, and pence calculations ; let them be presented with no more fabricated returns, speciously arranged in formidable columns of figures ; let them be troubled with no more of these things, for if they were he would set up one solitary fact against them all. Never had any country been so cursed as Ireland had been cursed by England for the last seven hun dred years. They boasted of the courage and resources of this country ; but they would not dare go to war.—( Loud cries of " Hear," from the Irish Members.) They were in the power of Europe while they kept Ireland in this way. Did they expect that, whatever their measures, no man would -be found to tell Ireland that she ought not to be so governed ? They were informed on the 20th of June that there was to be no Coercion Bill—that the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland was against it—that the Secretary for Ireland did not consider it necessary : they heard also that in the Cabinet, counting the Members one by one in their individual capacity, there was a majority opposed to the re-enactment ; yet, because the Pre mier was in its favour—because it was his pleasure, and he must be humbled to—because they preferred their places to their principles—( Cheers from the Irish Members)—they were to be involved in all sorts of disputes and difficul ties, and coercion was to continue to be the measure of justice awarded to his suffering country.—( Hear, hear.) They had heard not a little of the manliness of the character of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. His manliness ! Why, he .disdained describing it. He had seen him (said Mr. O'Con , nell, with a peculiar emphasis which excited a laugh, and cries of " Hear" from one of the Irish gentlemen)—he had seen him at a levee. Oh, it was too bad to have the liberties of Ireland placed at the mercy of a will-o'th'-whisp of that descrip tion. It might have been that the Hon. and Learned Member for Edinburgh would not have been seen in his place if the courtmartial clause had been retained ; it might have been that the Hon. and Learned Member for Kircudbright would .not have been in his place either under such circumstances. Thus the clause had been given up by the miserable truckling of one part of the Administration to another, that the Act might be retained. Where would the Hon. and Learned Member for Edinburgh have been if the intended conduct of Ministers had been known at the late election ? Probably the scene at Dudley would have been re-enacted-4 Hear, hears) There were 100 Irishmen in Edinburgh-100 Irish voters. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL.--They all voted against me.—( Much laughter and cheering.) Mr. 0' CONN EL L. —And it served you right. —( Renewed laughter, and cheers.) They voted against the prosecution of the True Sun —( Laughter, and cries of oh")—and against one of the advisers of the Crown, when the former Coercion Bill was introduced. Mr. O'Connell continued to say that he did not doubt there were many honest Scotchmen, who, if they had known the designs of Government, would also have voted against the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. But it was hard to believe that Ministers would be persuaded to take such a course, at the suggestion of such a Polonius of a Lord Lieutenant. He (Mr. O'Connell) placed a firm re liance on a considerable part of the people of Ireland. He trusted that they would wait their time—that they would see the necessity of insisting on a repeal of the Union, when they saw that they got all the evils of the Union and none of its blessings. He was happy to say that the Hon. Gentleman who offered himself as a candidate for the representation of Wexford had not been lost to the repealers, though he was not exceedingly popular.—( Hear, hear, and laughter from the Ministerial side of the House.) He had carried his election triumphantly, and if not with the assistance of himself and. friends, certainly not with their disapprobation, or with that , )f any other portion of his countrymen who were beginning to dislike the present Government more than their former ri:Jers. _(A laugh.) Whatever course th e y pursue d he felt co'.tfident of this, that they would not be able to crush the spirit of, liberty in Ireland. Mr. LITTLETON said that the Hon. and Le.arned Gen tleman was mistaken when he supposed him to have repre sented that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland considered the establishment of courtsmartial a matter of no importance. All he said was, that his Excellency had not considered the renewal of that clause of any importance, it not having been brought into operation.—( Hear. ) Mr. O'CONNELL neither misrepresented nor mistook the Right Hon. Gentleman. Mr. ABERcROMBY said the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman had represented that this clause had been omitted, in order to enable the Hon. Member for Kirkcudbright and him self to take office. Now, without disclosing any thing that he ought not to disclose, he might say that it never was pro posed to him to consider the Bill with reference to this clause. On the contrary, he was given to understand that the clause had been abandoned by his Majesty's Government before his accession to office. Nor did it appear to him that his Right Hon. Friend had said any thing warranting the inference that the Marquis Wellecley did not consider the elate.. important ; he had only said that the Noble Marquis did not consider it important to preseite the clause ; in other words, that he did not hold It necessary to the .peace of Ireland. The Marquis Wellesley's letter certainly ex pressed a distinct opinion. The case was neither more nor less than this. The Right lion. Secretary for Ireland, actin.- on considerations which appeared to him sufficient, engaged in a private correspondence with the NOble Marquis, w ith respect to other clauses in th 'O4 t and he believed the N o bl e L or d' s opinion tnem was in conformity with that expressed in the setter. if the Marquis Wellesley had officially declared a contrary opinion, that would be sufficient to justify the demand for an inquiry by that House, but he denied that any such statement had appeared. As to the delay that had taken place, he must confess that he did think it a prudent course, and above all, just to the people of Ireland, that the measure should not be brought before Parliament as long as a rational hope could be entertained that it might not be ne cessary to propose such a measure again.—( Hear, hear. ) Every well wisher of Ireland must have desired that the Bill should not again pass into a law, because they must have wished that it was not necessary. If the House thought the Bill not called for, let them reject it, but not by the side-wind of a Committee, which would lead to an inquiry into the private character of all those who had given information to the Go vernment on this occasion -4 Cries of " Divide.") Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, if they wanted proof of the necessity of the political clauses in the Bill, he would refer to the tone in which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had ad dressed the House this night, and he would then ask what would be their security if they abandoned the clauses, that sooner or later attempts would not be made to produce a se paration between the two countries ? He begged to remind the House of what the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was himself disposed to agree to last session. He then said that he would not object that the peasantry of Ireland should be compelled in certain districts to remain in their houses after sun-set, and answer to their names when called upon to do so. Now this in itself was a great infringement of the liberties of the subject, and they were not adding anything really to that infringement when they say that persons should not be at li berty to excite them, by every kind of appeal to their passions and ignorance, to acts of outrage and crime. He for one was not disposed to propose a Bill which should strike at the lower classes of the people, and which would not operate as any check whatever on those more influential individuals who exercised all their powers to excite the lower classes to outrage. With respect to the law itself there was plenty of time to discuss it. As to the Committee to inquire whether the accounts they had received of the prevalence of predial outrage were well founded, he thought it could not be considered neces sary. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin himself had not questioned the extent of predial outrages, and he had even declared that some measure was required to suppress them. Now, could he consider a Committee demanded as re garded the political bearing of this question ? If they wanted to satisfy themselves as to the existence of political agitation, they might refer to what had taken place in Dublin and else where—they might refer also to the tone of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman in various publications of his.--( Hear.) He rejoiced in the success of the repeal candidate for Wex ford, because it took from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the only ground he had of complaint against his Right Hon. Friend.—( Cries of " No, no.") The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said that the repeal candidate had suffered at his election, in consequence of the statement of his Right Hon. Friend, but this turned out not to be the fact. Mr. O'CONNELL complained that the Noble Lord mis represented him, when he said that he had given his consent to the peasantry being kept in their houses. He did consent that no man should be allowed to go out of his house after a certain hour, in a disturbed district, without being able to give a legitimate con fi n i ng reason for hi s a b sence , b u t was th a t the people to their houses? The t wo thi ngs were essentiallydifferent. He repeated that the effect of his proposition was to give people the right of leaving their houses when they had lawful occasion. Lord STORMONT should not be satisfied without a straightforward answer from the Government, as to a point with respect to which they had swerved—he alluded to what the opinions of Lord Wellesley were on the 20th of June. The Hon. and Learned Member for Edinburgh had stated what the opinions of the Noble Lord were on the 18th April ; on the 18th April they were precisely similar : but the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary for Ireland, had stated to the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, that on the 20th of June the opinions of the Marquis of Wellesley were against the renewal of the Bill. Now, he wished to know, for the sake of the reputation of the Government—( Laughter)—this might be a matter of ridicule with those Hon. Gentlemen who did not care what the reputation of the Government was— ( Hear, hear)—but the reputation of the' Government was im portant to those who valued their country.—( Hear.) He re peated, then, that for the sake of the reputation of the Govern ment,. they ought to know what it was that induced Lord Wellesley to change his opinions. Mr. ROBINSON said they were asked to suspend the constitution of Ireland on the mere confidence they entertained in his Majesty's Government. He confessed that it would be inconvenient to go into a Committee ; but that was neither the fault of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, nor of any other Hon. Member. He thought the Right Hon. Gentleman ought to produce the correspondence. Lord A LT HO RP rose, but was at first quite inaudible,and even when heard not clearly intelligible. We understood him to say, in reply to the question put to him by the Noble Lord ( Stormont) as to whether it was the opinion of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland that the Bill ought to be renewed, that the communication which had taken place on this subject, be tween the Right lion. the Secretary for Ireland and the Noble Marquis had been carried on by letters. Some of these letters were of a private character, but even from a perusal of the entire correspondence it w o uld be very difficult to say de cidedly what was or what was not the opinion of the Noble Marquis. The correspondence (as we understood the Noble Lord) was such that any two persons holding the opposite opi nions might construe them as supporting either. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Worcester argued that every com munication of this nature should be submitted to public inves tigation. In reply to this he would only say that if such a doctrine was insisted on, and if every private communication was to be laid upon the table of that House, the business of Government could not be proceeded with. Sir ROBERT PEEL thought that even in justice to the Noble Marquis (Wellesley) the production of the letters was imperatively called for. With regard to their being private letters, it was difficult to say, from the specimens which he had seen, what letters were private and what official. There had been letters produced before the House the official character of which was very doubtful.—( Here the Right Hon. Baronet read extracts from and conclusions of letters couched in a very free and familiar style.) Mr. ELLICE replied that these were published by the con sent of the parties. Sir R. PEEL—That is quite "satisfactory.--( Cheers.) Why was not the letter of the 18th of April laid before the House—that letter, by which it appeared directions were given to bring forward a measure calculated to meet and sup press agrarian disturbances ? Let the Marquis Wellesley be referred to, and let his permission be asked to make them public ?—(Loud cheers.) Mr. ELLICE, as a justification for the publicity given to the other letters alluded to, again repeated the permission which he had received from the writers of them. Sir G. MURRAY said that the more this subject was argued the more necessary the called-for inquiry appeared. If Scotland, instead. of Ireland, was the country likely to be affected by the contemplated measure, and that the docu ments thus called for were not produced, he certainly should not agree to vote for the measure.---( Vehement cheering from the Irish Members.) The announcement made by the Right Hon. Gentleman to the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had placed the House in a predicament, by d e f err i ng the call forinquiry until it was too late in the session to obtain in formation.--( Hear, hear, hear.) He found himself, there fore, under the necessity of following the example of his Right Honourable Friend the Member for Tam worth, as, if he voted for the inquiry, he felt it would be im possible to renew the measure before the expiration of the ses sion.—( Hear, hear, and Oh, oh, oh !) But at the same time he would reserve to himself the power of opposing any portion of the Bill which he thought not necessary, or which was uncalled for by circumstances. Mr. O'DWYE R thought it very strange that the Hon. Baronet who had just sat down would justify, by his vote, that which he showed by his speech was most unjustifiable— ( Cheers.) An Hon. Member in that House avowed that he supported a measure of coercion for Ireland, which, under si milar circumstances, he would firmly oppose if about to be ex tended to Scotland—( Hear, hear)—and a Nobl e L or d i n t h e other House in s i s t e d that the measure was brought forward to suppress the discussion of repeal. This was a most mistaken notion indeed, and they calculated very unwisely on human nature who imagined that Irishmen would fall in love with English legislation, knowing it only through acts of injustice and oppression. Mr. GILL ON would only ask the Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir G. Murray) whether, in a matter of so much importance, it would be too much to ask from that House even a month of investigation? He hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would re-consider his determination. Mr. D. R 0 NA YNE insisted on the necessity of inquiry. Mr. T. L E FRO Y concurred in the necessity of adopting the Coercion Bill, but at the same time agreed in all that had fall - en from the Right Bon. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel) with regard tcs his Majesty's Ministers. Mr. RUTH VEN was perfectly satisfied that the Coercion Bill was brought forward by the Whigs to conciliate the To ries, whose support to some of their measures they thus hoped to insure. An HON. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn (amidst loud cries of question), pronounced the measure of coercion most wanton and uncalled for. The House then divided, when there appeared— Ayes 157 Noes 73 Majority for Ministers —B4 On our return to the gallery we found Mr. O'CONNELL giving notice that he would, on Wed nesday next, move for so much of the correspondence of the Marquis Wellesley as related to the opinion entertained by that nobleman on the 20th of June last with regard to the Coercion Bill. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. The Marquis of CHANDOS then rose to move his re solution with regard to the distressed state of the agricultu ral interest. The question, he said, was a most important one, and the small majority which he found against him on the last occasion o f hi s b r i nging it forward justified him in again renewing it. Th e session ought not to pass by with out the adoption of some measure for the relief of the agri cultural interest. The Noble Lord (Althorp) had stated that he expected considerable benefit would arise to the farm ers from two bills which he proposed to introduce.—the Poor Laos Amendment Bill, and that for the Commutation of THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAt JULY 8, 1834. Tithes, The former had certainly passed that House. Whether it would prove a: boon to the farmer or not yet remained to he seen ; but this he Would say, that whatever benefit did accrue, it would be some considerable period before it could be experienced by the agricultural interest. It was quite clear, too, that the first effect of that measure would be to call upon the farmers for a considerable outlay in the building of workhouses. The adoption of the Poor Laws Bill, therefore, could not justly be set up against their claim for immediate relief. With regard to the Bill for the commutation of tithes, he really believed that measure would have given considerable relief, and he deeply regretted its extraordinary abandonment. It was cer tainly exceedingly hard upon the agricultural interest, whose distresses were at the least as great as the inhabitants of town, and whose conduct had been infinitely less turbulent and cla morous, not to share in that surplus, so much of which had been already appropriated to the householders. Nay, not even a shadow of hope had been held out of reduction in favour of the farmer. The House was ready enough to grant money to the Poles, to the Danish claimants, to the heroes of Navarro, to Greenwich Hospital, &c., yet hesitated to give to the important agricultural interest that relief which they wil lingly afforded to other classes of the community. The Noble Lord had certainly appointed a Committee to inquire into local taxation. The report of that Committee was partly prepared, but it would be too late to act on it this session ; though no doubt it would afford some partial relief. He would not trouble the House with any details of the distress which prevailed in the provincial districts, it was but too noto rious and too well known to every Member of that House— ( Hear, hear)—and there was but one common demand on the part of the farmers for justice and relief at the hands of his Majesty's Government. Indeed he was sorry to add that the distress of the present season was much aggravated by the unusual drought which had prevailed. He urged them, therefore, to reduce not only the King's taxes bearing on the farmer, but also all those county taxes by which he was now oppressed. It was most important, as the Government was going to try a new ex periment, a parochial legislation, that the farmers, upon whom in a great measure the success of that experiment must depend, should be conciliated, and enabled by the relief afforded to give that employment to the labourer which could alone rescue him from the degradation of a pauper.—( Hear.) He brought forward this motion from no frivolous motives, but from a full conviction of its importance, and in the confident expectation of obtaining, if not a majority, at least such a minority as must insure an early attention to the subject—a subject which, be it remembered, had been particularly alluded to in the speech from the throne, but the expectation founded upon which allu sion had been so bitterly disappointed.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord concluded by moving, " That an humble address be pre sented to his Majesty, expressing the deep regret which the House feels at the continuance of the distressed state of the agricultural interest in this country to which the attention of Parliament was especially drawn in his Majesty's most gracious speech from the throne, and humbly to represent to his Majesty the anxious desire of this House that the attention of his Majesty's Ministers should be directed, without further delay, to the im mediate removal of some portion of those burthens to which the land is subject, either through the pressure of general or local taxation."—( Hear, hear.) Mr. ROBERT PALMER seconded the motion. After the speech of the Noble mover, it was not requisite for him to enter into the question of the existing distress, nor into the arguments which so forcibly called on the House to adopt the motion. The distress was fully admitted in the King's speech ; and it was matter of the greatest disappointment, that no mea sure had been adopted to remove it. He exceedingly regretted that the measure for commutation of tithes had been delayed for the whole session, and was again abandoned. It was most desirable that the tithe question should be finally settled. It was productive of the greatest inconvenience to the market for the sale and disposal of land ; as it was well understood that a commutation would take place : but neither buyer nor seller could anticipate on what terms.—( Hear.) He trusted that this question would be adjusted at least in the early part of next session. As to the relief to be afforded from the Poor Laws Bill, it must be at least some time before relief could follow upon it; and giving the Government credit for the best inten tions, it was at least a measure, the effects of which would not be safely predicted. Lord ALTHORP did not complain of the Noble Lord for bringing this question forward, and he was sorry to say that the distress which had been alluded to in the King's speech still continued.—( Hear, hear.) The motion was, however, a very vague and general one. It was easy to ask for relief, but it was more difficult to point out the way in which that relief could be afforded out of the general taxation of the country, by the reduction of such taxes as pressed peculiarly on the farming interest.--( Hear.) He did cer tainly promise that it was his intention to apply himself to the examination of all such taxes ; but he knew when he stated, as he should before he sat down, what these taxes were, it would be said that he could afford but little pecuniary relief, though, perhaps, much vexation. He believed, indeed, that the severest pressure upon the farmer arose from local, and not from general taxation. He had, as he had promised, brought forward the Poor Laws Bill, and the Tithe Com mutation Bill. Ile had, indeed, been compelled to aban don the latter ; but it was only because the session was so far advanced as to render it a matter of impossibility to get through with it. The latter measure he had paid particular attention to ; and, indeed, he might say it was more his own than any other ; therefore, he certainly would not have abandoned it could he possibly have carried it through, but next session it should have his early attention.—( Hear, hear.) He did not agree with the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman, that it would be some time before they experienced any relief from the passing of the Poor Laws Bill ; and he differed from them for this reason, that in those parishes where the amended system had been adopted, the relief that followed it was immediate. He also anticipated considerable relief from the adoption of many of the suggestions of the Commit tee on County-rates, especially with regard to criminal prose cution, of the recommendations relative to which he much approved.—( Cheers.) But he must frankly say, he thought it impossible to provide sufficient checks to carry them into execution during the present session. As to the grants of money to different individuals with which the Noble Lord had twitted him, the Noble Lord had forgotten that many of them had been carried in spite of his opposition.— ( Hear, hear.) As far as the words of this address was con cerned, he Gould almost entirely agree with the Noble Lord, though he could not agree in some parts of the speech in which it was proposed. He concurred in the recommenda tions of the address, but as its adoption would be holding out a prospect of immediate and considerable relief, he was not pre pared to assent to it. The Marquis of CH ANDO S—l ask for a relief of some portion. Lord A LTH 0 R I 3 —The Noble Lord alluded to the exist ence of a surplus revenue. It was probable that there would be one. As the accounts were not finally made up, and as this was but the first quarter of the new financial year, it would be rash to speculate too largely on it : though there was every probability that the surplus would be continued. If his hopes were realised, he would appeal to his former conduct to show his anxiety to reduce taxation to the lowest possible amount.—( Hear.) But with regard to those which particu larly affected the farmers, there was, he stated, considerable difficulty. He would enumerate those, the reduction of which might be such as could be contemplated. The first was the window tax on farm houses, where the farms were below a certain amount. The Marquis of C H A ND 0 S—What amount ? Lord ALTHORP would rather not state what amount, as he was not now entering into particulars.-. 4 Hear.) It was his intention also to propose to take off the duty on servants in farm-houses who were under fifteen years of age. He also meant to propose that husbandry horses employed in agricul ture should be free from tax under certain limitations ; that farmers having less than a certain quantity of land should have their agricultural horses considered as riding horses, and should also be allowed to let their horses on hire without being liable to duty. He meant also to take off the tax on horses employed by shepherds, and also on shepherds' dogs.—( Hear, hear.) He was fully aware of the distress under which agri culture laboured, and of the duty of the House to relieve that distress as much as possible. But really on the subject of taxation he was at a loss to find any tax of importance affect ing the agriculturist, the remission of which he could justly propose. The Hon. Gentleman who had seconded the Noble Marquis's motion complained of the conduct of his Majesty's Government with respect to the corn laws. Now really he (Lord A.) thought that those who were interested in the land ought to be perfectly satisfied with the conduct of his Majesty's Government on that subject, when they remembered that every Cabinet Minister in that House voted against the mo tion of the Hon. Member for Middlesex. For himself, looking at the state of the agricultural interest in all its bearings, and considering what might be the immediate consequences if the motion of the Hon. Member for Middlesex were carried, he (Lord Althorp) had thought himself justified, notwithstanding the theoretical opinions which he entertained in favour of the principle of that motion, in voting against it. The majority of the House of Commons, on that occasion, must have con vinced the agricultural interest of their error, in having ima gined that Parliamentary Reform would have the effect of pro ducing a House that would be inimical to that interest. The gentlemen who were connected with the land ought not to complain of the manner in which they had been treated. He was not sure that they had been right in opposing the motion of the Hon. Member for Middlesex ; but if it was their opi nion that they were right, they ought to be satisfied with the vote to which the House of Commons came on that occasion. With respect to the Noble Marquis's motion, it was quite im possible that he could agree to it. Mr. HE AT CO TE, while he felt that the reductions which the Noble Lord expressed his intention to propose in the taxes on agriculture would be beneficial, trusted that those reduc tions would be carried to a much greater extent. With refer ence to the Corn Laws, be had said before, and he would say again, that country gentlemen took too low a tone on that subject. The continuance of those laws rested not alone on the good sense of that House, as expressed by the majo rity on the motion of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, but on the good sense of the great majority of the people out of doors. So convinced was he of the fact, that he was per suaded a dissolution of Parliament would increase the strength of the agricultural interest f n the House of Commons. In the county with which he had the honour to be connected, o of agricultural an dwh there were numerous associations - in support them thesubject , lay, the Corn interest, who had taken their grouna ..°ll the o showed a determination that, as far as in , Laws should not be meddled with. - T , n. Mem- Mr. HUME, in allusion to the statement of the h.. «h e i r ber, that the agriculturists in Lincolnshire had taken ' ground in favour of the Corn Laws, expressed his hope and conviction that the people of England would take their ground in hostility to those laws. The Hon. Gentleman affected to f s a u v p o p u r o s a e h l t e h a t t o t t h h a e g c r o e r a n t major ity Laws. Did D o d the h e p t e h o i p n l k e of that Englandtthe people w e were England were fools . ? The Hon. Gentleman spoke of agricul tural unions in Lincolnshire. Trade unions had been loudly condemned, and yet here were agricultural unions formed for the parpose of supporting the most odious of monopolies. The Noble Chancellor of the Exchequer, when called upon to reduce agricultural taxation, had been unable to find any important tax to reduce. He (Mr. Hume) firmly believed, that there was no interest in the country so little taxed as the agricultural interest.--( Cries of " Oh, oh.") In fact they paid no tax at all.--( Oh, oh.) The labouring classes in the country were taxed in consequence of the Corn Laws, but the landed aristocracy did not pay a farthing of taxation.—( Oh, oh.) The Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer, al though he approved of the principle of his (Mr. Hume's) motion on the subject of the Corn Laws, voted against that motion ; and yet the agricultural interest complained of the Noble Lord. He would give the Noble Lord a piece of ad vice. The next time that he ( Mr. Hume) brought forward such a proposition, he recommended the Noble Lord to speak against it and to vote for it; and the Noble Lord might be quite sure that he ( Mr. Hume) would not upbraid him. Mr. C A YLE Y contended that the associations in favour of agriculture, which met privately and quietly, were in no wise to be compared to trades' unions, whose meetings were public and menacing. To show that the general opinion, even in manufucturing places, was favourable to the Corn Laws, he referred to a letter which he had received from Manchester, in which it was stated that the operatives were not, to be gulled by the fallacious representations which had been made to them on the subject, and that the anti-corn law party did not dare to call a meeting in that place, from a conviction that they should be greatly outnumbered. He thanked the Noble Lord ( Al thorp) for the reductions which he had intimated his intention to propose in taxation connected with agriculture ; and espe cially for the proposed repeal of the tax on shepherds' dogs. There s ere other burdens, however, from which it would be advisable to relieve agriculture ; among which was the local tax in the counties of Middlesex and York on memorials of re gistration. Another grievance which was felt in all parts of the country was the impression which strongly prevailed, that corn from Canada and the United States did actually come into the country in large quantities through Jersey and Guern sey. It might be said that the motion of the Noble Marquis would lead to no practical result ; but if the House voted that they were disposed to give relief to agriculture, such a vote might lead to a very beneficial practical result. The prayer of the petitions which had been presented to that House from the agriculturists of Yorkshire, and of many other counties, was, that Parliament would either take care that they should be able to obtain a sufficient price for their produce to pay the taxation to which they were subject, or reduce the taxation to an amount which they might be capable of defraying. He knew that the doctrine:which he was maintaining was unpopular; indeed he knew of only one doctrine which was more unpo pular, he meant that of the political economists. But he was persuaded that great advantages would be derived by the country generally, and by the agriculturist in particular, from an increase in the amount of silver currency, and by such an issue of one pound notes as, under proper regulations, might be guarded from the possibility of abuse ; and in these opinions he thought he should have the support of the Hon. Member for Essex. Mr. BARING observed, that the existence of agricultural distress was mentioned in the Speech from the Throne at the opening of the session. Yet, notwithstanding that recogni tion, the attempts of his Majesty's Government to diminish the pressure of taxation in the country had taken every other di rection but that by which agriculture could be benefited. I Instead of proposing the remission of any taxes that pressed upon agriculture, nothing could be so puerile, nothing could be so directed to useless objects as the provisions of the Bill which had been introduced by the Right Hon. President of the Board of Trade, and which repealed or diminished the duties on dried fruits, on olive oil, and on a variety of other articles, which (with the exception, perhaps, of the oil) were the last which he ( Mr. Baring) should have thought of selecting for that purpose. The course pur sued by the Noble Lord ( Althorp) had been highly injurious to the agriculturists ; for even when the Noble Lord did not vote against them, he did them as much damage as he could by the expression of his opinions. There was not one Member of the Cabinet who had not done the same. It was, un doubtedly, true, as the Hon. Member who had just spoken had stated, that the great difficulty under which the farmers la boured was to get a sufficient price for their produce. He (Mr. Baring) confessed, however, that he was at a loss to un derstand how that object could be obtained by an extensive issue of silver, or how the farmer would be benefited by re ceiving 80s., which shillings that extensive issue of silver would reduce to the value of sixpences, instead of 40s. at their present value. The Hon. Member then proceeded to argue that the difficulties of the farmers arose from insufficient prices, which were caused in a great measure by the large impor tations from Ireland. In that country there was an absence of a great variety of burdens which pressed heavily upon the English farmers. An Hon. Member, who generally kept his temper, but who, on the subject of the Corn Laws was not so fortunate, had made a very uncalled-for attack upon the agri cultural associations ; but he (Mr. Baring) felt justified in as serting that no Societies could be more harmless. The mem bers merely met to talk over their own interests and different modes of agriculture ; and no proceedings similar to those which took place in two unions were carried on. They made no attempt to force particular measures on the Go vernment or the Parliament of the country, nor did they conspire against other classes.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member, having referred to the present price of corn at Havre, which was 405., and to the price in our markets, which was about 475. or 505., observed, that when Hon. Members considered the burdens which pressed on the Eng lish farmers, and the small difference between the prices at home and the prices abroad, they must be convinced that the agricultural interest was greatly depressed, and that the prices were not so high as the farmers were entitled to ex pect.---( Hear, hear.) Supposing that the corn laws were abolished, and unrestricted importation were allowed, the labouring classes would receive no material relief. There was one subject of importance to which he felt bound to call the particular attention of the Right Hon. Gentleman who presided at the Board of Trade—he alluded to the state of our intercourse of trade with Canada and the Channel Islands. It had been asserted in the present session that corn and meal were clandestinely imported from the Isle of Man ; and the only answer which the Right Hiin. Gentleman made was, " This can't be so—here is a paper from the Custom-house to ' bear me out"—as if it was probable they would find the details of a contraband trade in a Custom-house paper. Now he (Mr. Baring) broadly asserted that the most fraudulent prac tices relative to the corn trade were carried on in the Isle of Man, and he had letters in his pocket which he had received from parties who could be relied on, and which completely established the fact. Jersey and Guernsey now sent us corn to the amount of 30 or 40,000 quarters annually, vtinch was the whole of their produce, while they supplied their own consumption by importations of foreign corn. It was the original intention to allow those islands to send us their spare produce, but not the whole of their corn, which had a most injurious effect upon the markets. In the same way, Canada sent us not only large supplies of their own corn, but also of that grown in the United States. He called upon Parliament, if their intention was to withdraw protection from the English farmers, to say so; but if it was not their intention, then let them put into practice the laws which were in existence for the prevention of clandestine trade.-4 Hear.) The Hon. Member regretted that the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Althorp) had neglected the question of English tithes, especially as the prospect which Ministers held out last session had been the means of exciting the expectations of the people and irritating them against those burdens to a very dangerous extent. The Noble Lord excused himself by pointing to his Poor Law measure, from which he anticipated the greatest benefits. He (Mr. Baring) was certain that the landed inte rests would not be relieved by that measure. The principle might have been acted upon with success in a few parishes, as their poor, in order to escape a rigorous treatment, fell upon other parishes, but when the same principle was applied at once to the whole of England it would not work the same re sults. The plan of the Noble Lord would be attended with a large outlay, and he believed that, after all, it would be im practicable. Under these circumstances, how would the landed interests be benefited ? The Hon. Member concluded by giving his support to the motion of the Noble Lord, the Member for Buckinghamshire. Mr. FRYER (several Hon. Members rose to address the House and amongst them was Mr. Fryer ; the cry was ge neral for that Hon. Member, and he took precedence.) He reprobated the course pursued. Nothing could be done to benefit the country unless they left the tiller of the soil a fair proportion of its produce.—( Hear, hear.) If the tiller of the land improved the land it was but fair that he should have the reward.—( A laugh.) Agriculture was not flourishing. The capital of the farmer had diminished, and the labourers could not be employed. What was the reason of this ? This was the question. Aye, the question.—( A laugh.) Why was it s o ?.__Why was it so 2 Why, because the farmers' contract had been made in paper money, which had been altered in value by a certain Bill.—(The Hon. Member kept turning round to Sir Robert Peel, with convulsive motions and gesti culations which created mirth throughout the House.) The landlords had kept the farmers to their bargains.—( Cries of ,c N o , no.") No, no, no ; he said yes, yes, yes. He main tained that they had. They puffed themselves off for reducing rent this per cent., or that per cent. ; but this was only to prevent their being obliged to reduce their contracts. The Corn Laws were not repealed only because rent must be kept up ; but what had the people to do with rents ? The people had nothing to do with rents, mortgages and debts ; no, no thing to do with the national debt. The national debt belonged to the landlords, and the people had no right to be called upon to pay it. The landlords deceived the tenants by holding out to them that the Corn Laws would keep up the price of corn to 80s. a quarter. All had been taken away from the working classes, in order to give to the drones.—( A laugh.) Then came the re medy to reduce tithes ; but the House had rejected this, and yet when the proposition was made to rob the poor by the Poor Law Billy the House received it with acclamation.— ( The Hon. Member kept reading, in a rather ludicrous style, from a large paper, and there were jocose cries throughout the House of " Read, read.") " Ay, ay," said the Hon. Mem ber, " I read that I may understand."—( Laughter.) The Lord Chancellor said to the nobility, take care of your es tates. He, (Mr. Fryer) said to the nobility pass this bill, and they would lose their estates and their lives. The poor in open day would set ricks on fire in sight of each other.— ( Laughter.) The people were ripe for rebellion ; they were ripe for incendiarism. What should he say to the people ? Here there was a cry of " Coercion Bill.")—" Ay, ay," said the Hon. Member, " Coercion Bill ; they would not sub mit to such a bill; they would fight for it."—( Laughter.) would be a revolution. There was 16,000,0001. in the Theis "silks, and a demand for gold would cause a stoppage Savings' There was but one way for the House to pro- of payments, -"d the agricultural interests ; he meant ceesl—t6 throw oVerbess the landowners.—( Loud laughter.) The House had to look to the people, and not to any partial interest. The only way to make the agriculturists prosper was to make them indepen dent of the landlords.—( Cries of " Question, question.") " Ay, ay," said the Hon. Member, " but I won't have question yet."—(Laughter.) Whether they repealed the Poor Laws or not, nothing would save the owners of poor lands. The Corn Law was a wicked Bill. It was an offence against God and man ; a crime which ought to be punished.—( The Hon. Member sat down amidst cries of " Questi6n, question.") Mr. GISBORNE had always pressed upon Government the necessity of removing those taxes which pressed upon the land. The landed interest had been enamoured of its burthens whilst they were a plea for claiming protection. Now they wished to get rid of their burthens he should like to know if they would be equally willing to get rid of the protection ? ( Hear.) He recollected the speech which had been made by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth upon the subject of agricultural distress. He had represented himself as taking a walk with the farmer, and in which their attention was called to all subjects around them, and upon an investiga tion in the course of their discussion it was proved that there was not one article which the farmer consumed from the manu facturer that was not more highly protected than agricultural produce. He (Mr. Gisborne) contended that the smuggler was the great benefiter of mankind. He was the only corrector of absurd and injurious commercial protection. Mr. ,H AWE S could not reflect upon the speech made by the Hon. Member for North Essex without contrasting it with a speech which he had made a few years ago, in answer to the Hon. Member for Yorkshire, in a debate that had taken place as late as 1828. The Hon. Member, who now represented a large agricultural interest, but who then appeared only as the first of British merchants, had made a speech in direct opposi tion to all that had fallen from him this night. He had attri buted the fate of Holland in the scale of nations solely to her high corn duties, and he had asked how it was possible for men to come to that House night after night and demand an increase of protecting duties. Mr. BARING explained. The speech alluded to had been made by him, not in opposition to a protecting duty, but in resistance of a demand to augment the then rate of protec tion. He did not possess a single acre of land that he had not possessed in 1828, and therefore he could have no inte rested motives for the view he had just taken of the subject. Mr. PETER did not think the more intelligent agricul turists required alterations either in the corn laws or in the currency. The diminution of price was sufficiently accounted for by the increased quantity produced. Mr. HANDLE Y should be surprised if the Noble Lord ( Althorp) entertained the opinions which he expressed. If he did entertain such opinions, the agriculturists were insulted, with a cruel mockery when a sentence was inserted in the King's speech, expressing his anxious wish to relieve them from dis tress. He had seen the observation made in a certain periodical, that the King's speech was like the Royal touch in the king's evil, namely, a panacea, and the insertion of a few words in it was sufficient to remove distress. Probably the Noble Lord entertained this opinion. The Noble Lord promised in the early part of the session that some relief should be afforded by the remission of taxes pressing heavily on the agricultural in terests, and that relief would also be afforded by the change in the poor laws, and by the commutation of tithes. What relief had been afforded to that interest by the remission of taxes ? The effect which would be produced by the alterations in the poor laws was doubtful ; certainly any relief would not be im mediate from that source. The commutation of tithes was likely to afford relief, but that had been thrown overboard, and there was no probability of its being carried into effect. The Noble Lord might afford relief in some respect, namely, by putting a stop to the present system of surcharges. This evil prevailed to a great and most vexatious extent in his part of the country. He recollected that in his county (Lincolnshire) an innkeeper bought an old carriage of a gentleman, which he used as a postchaise. He forgot to erase the armorial bear ings, and the consequence was that he was surcharged for armorial bearings.—( Hear, and a laugh.) He should support the motion. Mr. METHUEN felt anxious as the representative of a large agricultural county to state the reason why he could not support the motion. He was on all occasions anxious to pro mote the benefit and advantage of his constituents ; but he could not support this motion because it was in great measure a party question.—(No, no, and Hear.) Hon. Gentlemen might say " No;" they were right if they believed he was in error, but it was his conscientious belief, and on that account he should oppose the motion. Mr. W. D UNC OMB E thought that the imputation cast upon his Noble Friend (the Marquis of Chandos), and those who supported the motion, were the most unjust that could be uttered.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. METHUEN appealed to the House whether he had imputed motives. Mr. W. DUNCOMBE understood the Hon. Gentleman to charge the Noble Marquis with having brought forward the motion for party purposes, and of course all those who voted for the motion were actuated by the same views. He (Mr. Duncombe) rose to deny the truth of any such imputations— ( Hear, hear)—and to say that the charge was most unjust ; and he was convinced that if there was one man more than another who was actuated by higher and purer motives in his public conduct, it was the Noble Marquis.—( Hear, hear, hear.) His Noble Friend had not brought forward the motion to be nefit the landlords, but the farmers, and he deserved the thanks of the country for his conduct.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Duncombe) thought the repeal of the Malt Tax was well worthy the consideration of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. —( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had given the House to understand that he was favOurable to the repeal of the Corn Laws ; but he (Mr. Duncombe) would put it 'to the Noble Lord whether he would vote for the repeal of the Corn Laws as long as the agricultural portion of the country was so much more heavily taxed than the other classes ? Until he saw a disposition on the part of the Government to relieve the agri cultural interests from taxes pressing so heavily on them, he should oppose all change in the Corn Laws.—( Hear.) Sir R. PRICE did not suppose that the motion had been brought forward with any party feelings, but he did not think that any advantage would attend their agreeing to it at the present time. At that late period of the Session it was utterly impossible to repeal any taxes, either local or general ; but he thought it was most satisfactory that his Noble Friend (Lord Althorp) had promised to consider the Report of the Com mittee on Agriculture, and see whether he could not grant some relief. Under these circumstances it was hard to press him. Mr. WALTER supported the motion. Mr. PLUMPTRE should support the motion. Major KEPPEL had hitherto heard no case made out for the motion, as all the observations he had heard were vague and indefinite. Mr. HODGES should oppose the motion. The Marquis of CHANDOS, in reply,unequivocally denied being actuated by any such motives as had been imputed to him by the Hon. Member for Wiltshire. Tho House then divided— For the amendment 174 Againstit Majority against the Marquis of Chandos's— motion On the re-admission of strangers to the gallery, we found The SPEAKER putting the question that the Resolutions of the Committee of Supply for granting a sum of money out of the Consolidated Fund (as we understood) for the Irish Church be agreed to. Mr. HUME should oppose the motion for agreeing to those resolutions ; and he thought that every Hon. Member who voted for the last motion, for an address to the Crown pray ing for a general reduction of the taxation of the country, was bound to support him in this instance.—( Cries of " Oh, oh," and great confusion.) The landed interest, as well as every other class of persons in the community, would be greatly relieved by a general reduction of taxation, for taxation af fected all interests alike. (Cries of " Oh" and " No.") The Government had no right to call upon the people of this country to contribute to the support of a sinecure Church Establishment ; and he repeated, that those who supported the last motion were bound to vote with him on the present occasion.—( Renewed cries of " Oh, oh," and laughter.) He hoped the House would not consent to make any such grant out of the Consolidated Fund for any such purpose as that to which this money was to be applied. An HON. MEMBER denied that the motion of the Noble Mar quis meant a reduction of taxiction.generally. Mr. HUME insisted - that 'it did. • The HoN. MEMBER asserted that it did not.—( Hear.) Tile reduction of taxation proposed by the Noble Marquis had re ference only to the landed interest. and therefore the word "general" was a humbug.—( Hear, and laughter.) Mr. C U RTE I S never would, and he was satisfied his con stituents never would, consent to pay any portion of the Irish tithes.—( Hear, hear.) He was bound to give such a propo sition every possible opposition, and he must say that he thought it most unjustifiable to call on the people of England to pay any portion, however trifling, of a burthen which ex clusively belonged to the landlords of Ireland. The gallery was then cleared, and the House divided. The numbers were— For the motion lBl Against it lO6 Majority The resolutions were then agreed to. Mr. LITTLETON postponed the Committee on the Irish Tithe Bill until :to -morrow (this day). To prevent misun derstanding he begged to say that it would not come on until the evening sitting. The Registration Bill passed through a Committee. In answer to a ouestion from Sir R. INoLis, Mr. BROUGHAM would fix Monday next for the discus sion on this measure. The report was then brought up, and ordered to be taken into further consideration on Monday. The House went into Committee on the Lancaster Court of Common Pleas Bill. Some verbal amendments were agreed to. The House having resumed, the report was brought up, and ordered to be received on Wednesday next. The House went into Committee on the Admission of Free men's Bill, which was reported to the House. The report on the Merchant Seamen's Widows Bill was brought up, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time on Friday next. UNIVERSITIES ADMISSION BILL. On bringing up the report on the Universities Admission Bill, Sir R. INGLIS wished to know from the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Wood) what day he ;intended to fix the third reading of the Bill for ? Mr. G. W. WOOD meant to fix the third reading for next Wednesday week. Mr. PEASE was desirous of knowing if the University of Durham was to be included in the Bill of the Hon. Gen tleman ? Mr. G. W. WOOD did not know if the University of Dur ham granted degrees. If it did, it certainly would be Included in the provisions of his Bill. - LORD'S-DAY BILL. Mr. POULTER moved the third reading of the . Loral' day Bill (No. 2). • Bill Mr. O'DWYER o bj ec t e d t o th e thi r d rea ding of this being brought on at that late hour (half-past two). Mr. TOOKE also objected to proceeding with the Bill $t so late an hour. Mr. PO ULTER should persist in his motion. Mr. TOOKE should prop ose th a t th e thi r d rea ding be ad journed to Monday next. On this motion a division took place, whenthe numbers we r .. For the adjournment 39 Against it Majority —2o The third reading was then fixed for Monday next. The London Port Dues Bill was read a third time and pose d ' The ATTORNEY-GENERAL postponed until to-lof row (this day) the second reading of the Imprisonment for Debt Bill. The House adjourned at a quarter-past three o'clock.. THE " QUESTION OF QUESTIONS" (From the Bristol Mercury.) During the present Session of Parliament every exert i . on has been made, both by the friends of the church via It, enemies—we use these terms according to common parlay' for we know not but their application might with greater PP tice be reversed—but every exertion has been Made, both 1 / 1, church conservatives and church reformers, to awaken - pub' opinion on the question of church establishments, and the c° , 1 ?; sequent grievances to which Dissenters are subjected ;"enti it n , therefore conclude that the result, as evidenced in the petitie presented to the House of Commons, furnishes' no bad test P l the aptitude of the public mind for extensive, though'we be. Hove they must be progressive, changes. ' tei The twenty-five reports issued by the committee appeal . by the House of Commons for the examination of public pi t ' ; tions, present, in reference to this question, the. folloriwe results. Adopting the olassification of the committee • 111 nearly as possible, we find, of those which may be clasied—... 1. In favour of Church Conservatism. Petitions. Sign In favour of the Establishment (England) MA .: 1, Ditto ditto (Scotland) Against subversion of Established Church... ......... Ditto separation of Church and State 2 915 Ditto alteration of Liturgy 1 Ditto relief of Protestant Dissenters 6l .4 9 0 Ditto admission of Dissenters to Universities Ditto alteration of lay patronage (Scotland) Total 760. t 1 1'4 6.51 2. In favour of Church Reform. " " 4 Slg'il Petitions..:... 2 l' For Church reform Ditto separation of Church from State lB5 121," - . M Ditto relief of Protestant Dissenters 2,732 767, 5 " ) . Ditto admitting ditto to I tniversities Ditto relieving Bishops from sitting in the House of ' A ' Lords - Against lay patronage in Scotland 541 31 1 ,""'" _ .........-.1 Total 3,486 1,2 14,35* MO SUMMARY. Petitions. 611110„,,t For reform A 486 1,214ez. Against reform ...-••••••":„ Majority for reform 2,726 1, 101, 74 Or an excess in favour of church reform and the rights„," conscience of upwards of 978 per cent. on the whole nun:, of petitioners. The character of the petitions may be es' mated from the following table : Average number of-signatures to petitions In favour of church . 319 reform Average number of signatures to petitions in favour of church con- $ 1 servatism ... 0 ' • P Excess of average Or about 115 per cent. in amount of signatures on the side °I church reform. In respect of tithes, Ireland furnishes—• o , Petitions.. Sign s , " For their abolition 572 4 73, *" In England, the principles of political economy are bet t° understood, as the following table shews : 00 0 Petitions. Sign For commutation and alteration of tithes For their abolition _,..., ......--."... Excess in favour of common sense ...... _ 77 ' 0 7,5 . 1 „ A l Or something better than eight petitioners for some iratio,-. ,Ip plan of commutation and relief to every one who seek* suw",g tion for the benefit of the landowner, who has far leis illte" - 4, in this property than those who now hold it on nstl°' sufferance. . - HAMBURG PAPERS. BORSEN HALLE, JULY 4.—Wheat has been much neglect:: this week, the only purchases made being for the' coptimP tt . of the place. , Peas found a prompt sale at the quotat ions; b t u'illtoP _j • every other description of grain is dull, and the prices new!' nominal. ' tb° Rapeseed and linseed cakes would find a ready 3* I t quotations in case of any fresh parcels reaching the market. 4 From the 21st to the 27th thirty cargoes of corn - passed t% Sound; nine were bound for British, seven for Dutch, sev e for Norwegian, and five for Russian ports ; of two the destillti tion was not known. There was also a cargo of, flour _Wu! for Liverpool. . Rix-dollars. Rix-doll/ Wheat, Anhalt, white ... - to - Oats, Mecklenburg 0 to ie -- red 70 to 76 Lower Elbe ' •93 to .., Marks 75 to 77 .-.... Peteraburgh & Riga "- t o 0 -- - Mecklenburg - 40 to 05 - Holstein - Pease, Upland, ye110w.... 65 to ~,e - Lower Elbe - to - Beans Rye, - Upland -, to -- . Tares .... ... . ...... --- t ° - t ? - Mecklcnburgh s'2 to 55 Buck Wheat . ........... t o - Holstein - Rapeseed „„ CO '',i i ; Barley, Anhalt to - Ditto Cakes 6B to 11q -- Mecklenburgh .... 35 to 40 Linseed ditto 100 1 0 --- Danish SVGAR.—Of white and yellow Havannah some large par c e l` have changed hands ; and in white and brown Bahis.some s chases have been made for exportation. Refined have be! b of quick sale during the week. S evera l parcels of Dul a lumps have been bought, partly for exportation and partly /. the consumption of the place. Bahia, whit e , fi ne , 6i to t ! middling, 6 a to 6,, ; ordinary, 6 to 6i ; brown, fine, 51 to 6 L' middling, 5. to 5. 3 ; ordinary, 54 to 51; Havannah, wb, i 7 fine, 7 to 8 ; middling, 71 to 7i- ; ordinary, 6 1 to 7; yell; I fine, 6 to 6a ; middling and ordinary, 5i to 6.-1- ; ordinary , 8; Manila, yellow, 61 to 6/ ; refined, fine, 91 to 10 ; • ordinarlt Melis., fine, 7- 3 -, to 71 ; English lumps, in loaves, 6- to 6 A COFFEE.-The more favourable opinion which m anife; itself in England and Holland, together with the imprOreni 0 in the Colonies, have given more firmness to our market. I li be expected arrivals have now almost all com e toe h a nd, and t . -future supply is expected to prove more sparing. This o r• duces our principal holders to keep back in expectation I A rise. The importation for the first six months of the preto year is calculated at 24,200,000 pounds, being 17,80 0, 'S more than during the corresponding period of the present Yel l : and the present stock on hand is about 30,000,000 pout' , 1 The sale during the week is estimated at 1,000 lags of Eirl, 5 to 5 4 ; 500 St. Domingo, 5 1 to 6 ; 500 bags of Hsvann oo o 51- to 64- ; 150,000 pounds of Porto Rico, 61- t 0,7 ; 6 0 1 pounds of Cuba, 7i to st. Funds of every description have bean looking * up to 4ll/1 The new Austrian are in natura in the market. Discount, 3 per cent. End,of July. Anglo-Danish Loan, three per cent 71% Anglo-Russian lO2 Russian Inscription, 5 per cent., 1820 . , Ditto, ditto,lt3Al Ditto, ditto, 1832 .... 95,6 Certificates ' . 92 Polish Bonds l3 Prussian Bonds, 1834. 1154 Austrian Bank Shares 1286., Ditto Metalliques 11 Ditto 4 percent. 9l Ditto 4 per Cent. (1834) llO Spanish 3 per Cents.... ......... .. .............. Spanish Cortes (A. F. Haldimand and .. Sons) .... Ditto 4 per Cent. Dutch 'l;i per Cents.f ' 51 • . Ditto 5 per Cents - 95 Portuguese Regency l ll ' —Hamburg Reporter, July 4. . . GERMAN ROAD, IN 1781.—0 n the left yntl---,.4 a chasm, down which, should - your horses take the stoll ll 7 o alarm, you are infallibly precipitated; to the right hangi t io impervious wood, and there, Sir, I can assure you, are ircts enough to devour a regiment. A little farther on you a desolate tract of forest land, the roads so deep and:brt i O that if you go. ten paces in as many minutes, you may tP : 10 yourself fortunate. There lurk the most savage banditt l 4 , Europe, lately irritated by the Prince of and Orange's,frm9, tion, so desperate, that if they make. an attack you expect no mercy. Should you venture through this hazard n'p i o district to-morrow, you will in all probability mcet a co of people who have just left town to search for the niangd bodies of their relations ; but, for heaven's sake, Sit, if of value your life, do not suffer an idle curiosity to lead You O . such dangerous regions, however picturesque their appears' , —Beckford's Travels. withA MAN W ITHOUT MONEY.—A man vv.-- i ts/ money is a body without a soul—a walking death—ft ag e i pi that frightens every one. His countenance is sorrowful' his conversation languishing and tedious. If he calls'ipo s o acquaintance he never finds him at home, and if he opou s mouth to speak, he is interrupted every moment, sotha t e may not have a chance to finish his discourse, which it` is !,s e o ful will end with his asking for money. He is avoided llso person infected with disease, and is regarded as an l'o c° J o. brance to the earth. Want wakes him up in the morning', misery accompanies him to his bed at night. The la(les t btl cover that he is an awkward booby—landlords believe,iir he lives upon air, and if he wants anything from a trikdes w , he is asked for cash before delivery. BIRTHS. • On the 6th inst., the Marchioness of Abercorn, of .a danB On the sth inst., at Blackheath, Lady Agnew, of a son. On the 4th inst., Park-road, Blackheath, Mrs. G. W. BOP" of a son. On the 3d inst., at Dover, the lady of John Wise,Esq.t.of $3419 still-born. JO °4 On the 23d ult., at Ostend, the lady of the Rev. Charles Clifton, of a daughter. DEATHS. On the 2d inst., at Chertsey, Surrey, Harriet, wife of I t° Charsley, Esq., of Camden Cottage,-Kensington. * On the 11th ult., Warden, eldest son of John Flood, 5611. ' Viewmount, Kilkenny. 1/ 0° On the 2d inst., at Henry Sheppard's, Esq., Compton Miss Winter, of Hammersmith. iPi On the sth inst., at Hackney. aged 28, Benjamin, the a :ate , of Mr. Tomes, solicitor, Lincoln's Inn-fields, and late. Asse`"" the Oxford Circuit. • On the 4th inst., at Tunbridge Wells, in his 30t1z Thomas Le Merchant Saumarez, second son of Admiral to` Hon. Lord. De Saumarez, G.C.B. "16 London :.Printed and Published by MURDO -you at The Sten Office, No. 112, Strand In a id ~, Gu 1341 1 'cis' co ormi the Places; Lakes, and London The OR J. lIRITT I SERM( BAR C alubridg e , TW° DID Now first c( By the Re, ' In tLEM t INc ? Present I L I% of coo M ORRIS TI C e ° , II CIE Sch och a da . PI to Lond e TL A of 23 Archdeacon AGE ATLAs Coloured 11 D ;, GR Ap b ° Y. 11 rut li ti . I.lp E _„ 0h , Ot I rtnar. its T In l t rod eruct tu. a ., AN( k. ub —l n P gdo r n o u Rs T. Charm tlie creditors th e°llll ty p: Month _„me _ c our p t efi Rillb e Lo d" WATER „, orr , l7 ,,ret, ,b Ar R nf,an IO • c.tiri;