The Sun. — London, England, 1861-05-04 00:00:00

' - resition of the official and creditors' aseig:nees, and the com plication that must ensue, and which will render the bill unworkable, in consequence of part of the debts of the same estate being collected by one and part by the other assignee. There are again the provisions with regard to non - traders , ' which will require most careful consideration, even if your lordships sanction, which I think you ought to do, the principle of bringing non-traders under the law of bank ruptcy. There is one point upon which lam satisfied your • lordships will feel absolutely compelled to make some changes whether the bill is considered in a select committee or in a committee of the whole house, namely, that part of it which applies retrospectively to non-traders. I am ea fleshed that your lordships will never consent by an ex post facto enactment to subject parties who have contraeted liabilities under a different system to penal consequences of the severest character. The noble and learned lord stated on a former occasion that when he himself moved to refer a bill of a similar character to a select committee it had act then passed through the House of Commons. My lords, one of the strongest arguments I have for refer ring this bill to a select committee is the very fact that it has passed through the other house. If it had to go down to the House of Commons, where any errors that we might commit would be revised, there would be less reason for re ferring it to a select committee. But though this bill was subjected to lengthy and protracted discussi-ns, it was after all in its later stages somewhat hurried through the other house ; and I will venture to say that in its present form it has never been seen by the House of Commons. It was never reprinted till atter its recommitment, and then by the orders and rules of the House of Commons it would have been impossible to m :lee any alterations in it. I wilt ve.n tare to give you one instance of the incorrectness with which this bill has leen sent up to us ; and I perceive from one of his notices of amendments that the noble and learned lord is aware of the error. There are eight acts of bank ruptcy to be applicable to traders, an d it was intended for those eight to substitute three or four others in the case of non-traders ; but as the bill s tands, the whole have been made applicable to non-traelers ; so that they have really been made subject to eleven acts of bankrupt . ey, whereas it was only intended that they should be subject to three. (Hear, hear.) The object of the select committee will be to send down a bill tha will render unnecessary those per petual amending acts t which result from hasty legislation ; an d t h a t will form a fitting preparation for that which I suppose must follow—though the Attorney-General has done quite right in postponing it for the present—namely, a future act for consolidating the whole law of bankruptcy. It is only because I believe that this bill can be best dis cussed and most calmly considered in a select committee, that I venture to move the amendment which I am glad to find does not meet with any opposition from her Ma jesty's Government. Earl GRANVILLE—The reason the Government con sented to the bill being referred to a select committee was, that some of his noble friends not now present were of opinion that the measure could be best considered in a select committee. At the same time he must say he thought their lordships were as able to discuss it in the whole house, as in a select committee. Nothing could be fairer than the course the noble earl opposite had pursued with respect to this bill. The bill was then referred to a select committee. THE lONIAN ISLANDS. In reply to the Earl of CARNARVON, Earl GRANVILLE said the Government had received no intelligence from air H. Storks relative to the proclama tion of martial law in the islands. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-YESTERDAY. Mr. MASSEY, in the absence of the Speaker through in. disposition, took the chair at four o'clock. NEW MEMBEIt. Mr. ABERCROMBY took the oath and his seat on his election for Banffshire. PETITIONS. Several petitions were presented in favour of the budget, against the Poor Removal Act, for the better observance of the Sabbath, against the immediate abolition of church rates, against the repeal of the paper duty, &c. DRAINAGE OF LAND. Mr. CLIVE gave notice that on Tuesday next he would move for leave to bring a bill to facilitate the drainage of land. PUBLIC PENSIONS. Mr. STIRLING g, , ,re notice that he would move for a return of the number of public pensioners, and the amount and nature of those pensions ; and he would take that op portunity of drawing the attention of the house to the pen tdon graated to Mr. Close, the Westmoreland poet. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) GLOUCESTER AND WAKEFIELD. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if, in the event of the Election Law Amendment Bill passing, he intended to apply the 29th section to the city of Gloucester and the borough of Wake field. Sir G. C. LEWIS said the clause in question was in tended to be prospective, and therefore it would not take a retrospective operation. However, it was competent to any hon. member to move a clause, giving it that retro spective operation, when the bill came into committee. MARRIAGE OF II ER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCESS ALICE. Lord PALMERSTON brought up a message from her Majesty, announcing the approaching marriage of herßoyal Highness the Princess Alice, and expressing her most gracious Majesty's conviction that the house would make an adequate provision for her Royal Highness. The Royal Message having been laid on the table, Lord PALMERSTON said that the marriage which had been announced by her Majesty to the house was one that was calculated to promote the happiness of her family. He believed it was their duty to thank her Majesty for the communication sho had made, and to assure her how deeply they sympathised with her on the approach ing event, and their sincere desire to carry into effect the wishes of her Majesty. Thew who had the good fortune to be allowed to approach H.R.11. Princess Alice knew from their personal knowledge that her Royal High ness possessed all those virtues that have so greatly dis tinguished her illustrious parent. (Hear, hear.) Her Royal Highness the Princess Alice had the good for tune to have' made choice of a prince who is every way deserving of her selection, and who, he was persuaded, would be the means of her enjoying that domestic happiness which had been the good fortune of her most august mother, and of exhibiting those domestic attainments of which that mother was a model, and which had secured for her the ad miration of the whole British nation. (Hear, hear.) He thought the house should st.lte to her Majesty the deep inte rest they took in everything relating to her domestic affairs, and particularly in the event which was calculated, by directing her attention to the future, to prevent her duell ing too deeply on the loss she has so recently sustained. (Hear, hear.) He concluded by moving that an address be presented to her Majesty in reply to her address. Mr. DISRAELI seconded the motion. He said that the announcement which the house had heard was one that he was sure would give them the greatest satisfaction, and when the occasion arose ho was satisfied the house would be prepared to consider the subject to which her Majesty had alluded in her most gracious message, as to the provision of her Royal Highness the Princess Alice, in a proper spirit. (Hear, hear.) The house took an interest in everything that related to her Majesty and the Royal family, and it will be gratifying to Englishmen to know that the amiable princess who is about to be removed to ancther land will be a specimen of the female virtues which adorn this country. (Hear, hear.) The DEPUTN -SPEA.X.ER having read the address which embodied the sentiments of the noble mover and seconder, and which was agreed to, Lord PALMERSTON gave notice that onMonday next, he would ask the house to go into committee to consider her Majesty's message. THE FOREIGN OFFICE. In answer to Mr. D. FORTESCUE, Mr. COWPER said that the objects of the designs for the Foreign and Indian Offices, approved by the Govern ment, was to enable hon. members to know the character of the buit(lin ge proposed before they voted an estimate for their construction, and he did not see any use in exhibiting the former, but they could be inspected by hon. members. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord PALMERSTON said he rose in pursuance of notice to move certain resolutions arising out of the report of the committee which had been appointed for the purpose of e 4 rnstdering, the best mode of facilitating. the business of the hou se . Min rules and regulatio ns of the house had been made in former times, and no dou bt the y were use fuly and advantageo us in the times in which t he y were made. Therefore th e S lat Proposition he had to make in accord anceft with the reoo mmandation s of the committee related to the time of holding committee s of supply. At present Mon days, Wednesdays, and ThlusdayfUforMerly Fridays — were reserved for this nurpees The committee thought that other days might be open for. committees of supply, and that on Tuesdays and Fridays an Maitionald frac tion of a day, might bo gained nude, , virtaln 82 tances ', or for this purpose without any infriageat,tht the ti members for bringing forward notices of motion. m ofe It would indeed in certain cases be an advantage to %kin. There were other attractions which often drew members away a t a certain hour of the afternoon—(laughter)-;-and n eem b Eti i who had motions to make were often rat to the arith met i cal test, and before the question was put, and the hen. Memb er interested had finished his speech, he fourid that the magical number for keeping the Speaker in the chair were not pre sent-, whereas if is had been a Government night there would be no danger of a scanty attendance ; therefore it Would be a security for private members that those who were charged:to carry on the public business should be in the house. The Government, therefore, did not propose to take front private members any of the time which they now enjoatd ; all they asked the house to do was to give to the Government the reversion of any unexpended balance of time after notices of motion might be disposed of. They therefore preposed to add to the number of days en which the orders should take precedence, and that the Government orders should have priority. They proposed that Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays should be order days. The noble lord concluded by moving the resolutions of which he had given notice, as follows :—" That the standing order of the 25th day of June, 18.52,' Ilaat tho THE rSTIN,I I i "'LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 4, 1861. into supply. Mr. PAULL moved, as an amendment, to add the fo. lowing :—" Questions to be put on going into a Committee of Supply or of Ways and Means, to a Minister re presenting any public department, shall be placed consecutively on the notice paper, and shall be , put by rotation, and thereupon Mr. Speaker shall call on such Minister to reply." He strongly opposed the altera tions contained in these resolutions, and reminded hon. members that the 3 were there to represent grievances, and to give full expression" to the feelings of their constituents. Mr. HENLEY said that he for one would have been dis posed to have placed the greatest reliance in the report of the select committee, but the last proposition of the noble lot d, illustrated as it had been, had concluded his mind against these resolutions. It was proposed that a bill which had once gone before a select committee should not be dis -1 cussed in a committee of the whole house. The noble lord's illustration had convinced him of the danger of that propo sition—(hear)--and he objected to any proposal which would shut out public bills from the consideration of the whole house, as it would lead to placing them on the same footing as private bills. It was quite a chapter of accidents how the select committees were constituted, and a still greater chapter of accidents how many of the members attended. The public were not admitted to hear what took place, and great alterations might be made in bills which the house would have no power to deal with. He had the strongest possible objection to these resolutions, and therefore he should vote for the amendment of his hon. friend the mem ber for Norfolk. He feared the effect of these resolutions would be to do what the noble lord said he had no intention of doing—namely, to gag the house. Sir J. GRAHAM said that, having had the honour of presiding over the committee, he should have preferred re maining silent during the present discussion, but he could remove the apprehensions of the hon. member for North amptonshire, as he was no longer able to address the house at any considerable length. The hon. member for Norfolk having, however, proposed to negative the resolutions he must trouble the house with a few observations. The hon. ' member complained that Government and the committee had been wanting in courtesy to the independent members, 1 but he must say, in justice to his noble friend at the head of L the Government, at whose request he had taken the chair of the committee, that his noble friend selected him especially because he was an independent member, and that therefore he would be the last to be wanting in courtesy to the large body of members who were similarly situated. The object both of the committee and of the noble lord at the head of the Govern ment was that no course should be taken which would in the slightest degree interfere with the motions or speeches of independent members. The hon. member for Norfolk com plained that the house had been taken by surprise by the pro ceedings of the committee, but so far from that being the case, his right hon. friend the Home Secretary had in the first instance drawn out a distinct outline of the propositions which it was wished the committee should consider, and those propositions, although considerably modified, formed the basis of the recommendations of the committee. Mr. BENTINCK explained that the surprise of which he had complained was that they should be called on so soon to decide on the report of the committee. Sir J. GRAHAM said that even then there had been no surprise, as the report had been in the hands of members for above a week, and was neither voluminous nor accom panied by much evidence. The report might be verbose, but he trusted it was clear and intelligible. The members for Norfolk and St. Ives said that the first object they should seek was to get certainty with respect to the time of going into committee. He admitted that distinctly, but the committee could not have approached the object without proposing changes greater than any they had recommended, and imposing limitations on hon. members previous to the Speaker leaving the chair, which would be quite novel and objectionable in principle. The hon member for Norfolk said that independent members would have no opportunity of making motions if this report were adopted, but he was imistaken, and would find that by proposing an amendment on the motion for supply there would be greater facilities for discussion, and even for a division, if the latter was deemed necessary. The next observation of his hon. friend was that there was a great wasto of time at the commencement of the session. He entirely agreed with his hon. friend, and that it was a great object to have the business of the Government on the table at an early period. But it was also an object that the esti mates should be passed before Easter, and therefore it was why committees of supply took precedence of other measures. Thinking that the resolutions were suitable, he hoped the house would consent to discuss them seriatim, and not reject them all because one was disapproved of by certain hon. members. Mr. ESTCOURT defended the resolutions, which he said had been most carefully prepared, and would, in his opinion, most effectually facilitate the business of the house. The house divided— For the amendment 93 Against committees of means 5 155 of questioned sul supply h c a t u li d e r was wise or S p i r r u l d i e . n7 t i o Lli t L a aj° k o e Uri c tG o y m i'i m ß. those days on which notices of motions py have precedence of orders of the day. Tuesday, to which he confined his remarks, was a day reserved for members' notices, and as take enotices, he understood the object a the first resolution, it was to o f supplywi t h anda view ways a to y prevent s and means Tuesday afr h uncer tainty as to when supply and ways and means would be taken. But he believed that for this purpose the alteration proposed would fail entirely, because there were generally 10 or 12 motions on the Tuesday's paper, and if the com mittees of ways and means appeared upon the orders, there could be no certainty of their being taken. The experience of that day week, when the usual miscel laneous discussion of the Friday was disposed of earlier than was expected, and the New Zealand debate, upon going into committee of supply, was discussed and disposed of in a house so thin that an attempt was made to count out, and a great number of votes in supply were takenin three-fourths of an hour, showed the inexpediency of fixing these com mittees on private members' nights. He thought it was for the convenience of the house at least one days week should be free from committees of supply and ways and means. Sir G. C. LEWIS observed that the resolutions before the house were very unequal importance. The really mate rial propositions were the second, third, and fourth. There were two others which had been proposed by the committee because they thought these changes would upon the whole be beneficial, but which they did not consider would have any great practical effect, and these were the Ist and sth. With regard to the Ist, it appeared to him the hon. baronet altogether misunderstood the object with which it was pro posed. At present the rule of the house was that the com• ruittee of supply should he fixed for Monday , Wedne.sday, Thursday, and Friday, but it might not be fixed f or Tues day. N ow the object of the resolution was to remove this single excpption ; and if that sing le exception were not re moved, the resolution might as well be withdrawn, for the modification augg e t d wouldentirely destroy its sense. The s e . rule with regard to committees of supply was this : that unless notice was given that votes would be taken on the night for which it was fixed it stood as a mere formal order on the paper. There would be a few cases in the course of the session when, for the Rake of exp editing business, it m ight be convenient to fix the committeeof supply fur Tues day, and in such cases due notic e would be given, that members might not be taken by surprise. To enable the Government to do this was the whole "cope of the resolu • lion, and he thought the house might agree to it without any alarm as to the consequences that might ensue from it. Tuesday was not now exclusively confined to notices—no tices had precedence, but it was competent for any one to fix orders for that day. With regard to the privilege of IniTate members the "no house" and the "counts out" upon --mesa the last three Tuesdays showed that the opportunities that members possessed for bringing forward their notices were at present by no means fully occupied. He trusted that this, which was in the nature of a mere formal resolution, wolikl inclined inbeeddteobaptreodcoaetdantoythlee n ra gt o h r , e b i u m t p t o h rt a a t u th t e pr h o o p ur ti w ons oul oo d m be . prised in the 2d, 3d, and 4th resolutions. Mr. AYRTON would suggest that any objection to the resolution might be removed if the Government would only take a course which they were not always found willing to take. Ministers could not get through all the business that they placed upon the paper for one night, and when they were asked what measures were to be taken a dignified silence was observed, or the noble lord at the head of the Government intimated that by remaining in the house through the evening they would be enabled to ascertain. The hon. baronet had called attention to a very serious question, which was this, that if the Government placed the committee of supply for Tuesday, when there was a great deal of business of a general character to come on, the minis ter could [not tell what progress might be made, and the committee was likely to come on unexpectedly. What he would suggest was that the Government should conduct the business with due courtesy to the house, and if they had a distinct understanding before 7 o'clock on Tuesday as to whether or not the committee of supply would be taken, he could see no objection to passing the resolution. Lord PALMERSTON said he understood the hon. gen tleman to ask whether the Government were prepared to state that if this order was passed, they would on Tuesdays, before 7 o'clock, say distinctly whether or not it was their intention to go into committee of supply on that night. He had no hesitation in entering into such an agreement. The first resolution, which repealed the standing order, was then agreed to. On the second resolution, " That unless the house shall otherwise direct, all orders of the day set down in the order book for Mondays, Wednesdays, Thursdays, and Fridays, shall be disposed of before the house will proceed upon any motions of which notices shall have been given, the right being reserved to her Majesty's Ministers of placing Govern ment orders at the head of the list on every order day, ex cept Wednesday." Sir H. WILLOUGHBY thought it would be desirable to make Tuesday a supply day, and to give one day'in the week up to motions. Mr. M. MILNES moved the insertion in the resolution, after the word " Thursdays," of the words." after Easter." He could not agree with those who thought that because accidentally on two or three Tuesdays the time of the house had not been fully occupied by non-official members, that therefore a general rule of this kind should be adopted, the effect of which would be to leave them without one single day during the whole of the session. If the Government were determined to take away from hon. members this ad ditional day, the effect would only be to throw more notices of motion on the supply days. Lord STANLEY thought that the proposal of the Go vernment did in fact secure a day for private members. Mr. PAULL suggested that the words " after Easter" should be inserted after the word " Fridays." Sir G. C. LEWIS said it would be a great mistake to sup pose that this was a personal question as between hon. mem bers and the Government, and unofficial members of that house. All the Government could to do was to turn te the best account the time which the house assigned to them. The ordinary state of things at the present moment was this : —that on two nights in the week—Mondays and Thurs • days—the Government orders had precedence of other orders, and on Tuesdays and Fridays notices of motion had precedence of the orders. Then there was Wednesday, which was exclusively assigned to orders and bills of non , official members. Three out of the five nights in the week, therefore, were allotted to independent members, and he be lieved that before Easter the Government had the exclusive use of no more than one night in the week. The result of this state of things was, that the Government time before Easter was almost exclusively occupied with finances. In fact, the army estimates had this year made suchlittle progress, that it became necessary to take a vote on account. It had been said that the real cause of the delay in public business was, that the Government did not bring forward their bills at an early period, but a more unfounded complaint was never made. The Bankruptcy Bill was the only legislative measure which it was possible to bring forward before Easter. The result of the present arrangement of the busi ness of the house was, that with regard to legislation, the initiative was wholly taken from the Government for the first half of the session, and practically vested in private members. What the Government proposed was thht the house should give them the remnant of Fridays for their orders. Friday being fixed as an order night, the Govern ment would, as a matter of course, make supply the first order, and thus give hon. members an opportunity of making speeches and bringing forward motions. The committee upon this subject bad before them a return of the number of hours devoted to independent members on the motions for the adjournment last year. It appeared that the motions of hon. members did not terminate until past 9 o'clock, and in a few instances not until 11 o'clock. He thought the re commendation now before the house would enable the Go vernment, on some few Fridays, to bring forward those bills which it had hitherto been found necessary for them to postpone. The present system did not work conveniently to ? rivale lalOtabcms, and bo tICLIJAQ.a. +.11.40, U,, ms-sla not think that the proportion of time assigned to the Go vernment and that allotted to private members was unrea sonably distributed by the proposed arrangement. He would, therefore, vote against the amendmext of the hon. member for Pontefract. Sir J. PAKINGTON was astonished to hear a friend of progress, like the hon. member for Pontefract, submit to the house a motion of a retrograde character. The object of the committee was to expedite the transaction of public business, but his amendment would make it slower than at present. He proposed to repeal that great improvement made last year, namely, allowing the Government to have Thursdays instead of Fridays; to give Thursdays to pri vate members, and to let the Government have, not the whole of Friday, but only the remnant of that evening which remained alter the motion for adjournment had been agreed to. He (Sir J. Pakington) therefore earnestly hoped the house would have nothing to do with such a proposal. The report of the select committee recommended that they should get rid of the inconvenience of all sorts of desultory discussions being brought on on the motion for adjournment on Friday; but their proposition, if adopted, would not de prive non-official members of any of the privileges which they now possessed. On the contrary, it would give them a power which they did not have under the existing prac tice in regard to bringing on discussions. Some misappre hensions prevailed as to the privileges of independent mem bers being curtailed with respect to the motion for going into committee of supply. Now, although no other proceedings cou'd be taken and no other question discussed until that motion was disposed of, yet after it had been disposed of the main question would be that the Speaker do leave the chair, and upon that different subjects could be brought forward in succession, just as at present on the motion for adjourn ment. He hoped there would be no indisposition on the part of the house to adopt the proposed changes which the committee had suggested with a view to expedite the public business. The reason, he thought, why independent mem bers were disinclined to avail themselves of Tuesdays and Fridays was that they dreaded on those nights the arithme tical process which had beenadverted to. (A laugh.) Every year they found that independent members who, in the earlier portion of the session, were disposed to take a pelt in their proceedings, left the house tiwards the end of July, and that in the month of August, when there only remained some 40 or 60 members, what was left of legislation was hurried through in a manner which did not redound to the honour or credit of the house. (Hear, hear.) Col. FRENCH did not think that giving the Government Thursday instead of Friday was an improvement. So far . as unofficial members were concerned, the arrangement was most objectionable. Lord HOT HAM had arrived at the conclusion that no Government was likely in the face of three or four hostile motions to keep a house in the hope of possibly being able after they were disposed of to proceed with some Govern ment business. The noble lord at the head of the Govern ment had been facetious on the counts out, but he ought to have recollected that these were greatly brought about by the exertions of subordinate members of the Government, whose movements on such occasions were familiar to the house, and that the inevitable result of the practice was to increase the number of motions on going into committee of supply. As one mode of expediting bus"ness be would suggest that the estimates should be laid on the table on the day Parliament met, because if that were done they would be able to get through them at a much earlier period. He, however, oppce ed these resolutions, Lelieving that they would not effect the object sof their proposers, or would place the whole power of the house practically in the hands of the Government. After a tew words from Sir F. GOLDS3IID, The amendment was negatived without a division. On the third resolution, " That the house at its rising on Friday do stand adjourned until the following Monday, without any question being put, unless the house shall otherwise resolve," being put, Mr. AYRTON moved to insert after the word " that," the words "while the committee of supply and ways and means are open." Mr. NE WDEGATE said that if a debate took place on Thursday, and was adjourned over till Friday, that debate would take precedence on the Friday of the committee of supply, and therefore members would not have an oppor tunity of putt'ng questions. Lord alnotois noiv o nrbe r . mne srj dbe E aubod ß tejuo S tshuß T o r admittednemOTeeN cas e somewhat ac su h oyed ; that an rst: re aaia curta il ed eort h t t h ha ete it was supposed taus dhea rd they ly wort`b while to m a k e it an except i on t o th e rule. e d d i d d e n b o a t t e t h w i n o k u u h d a e l r , e the p re n e e e d w e n r c e e g oun the Ft iday. Sir G. C. LEWIS said that when the rare case supposed by the hon. member arose provision could be made to meet Sir G.• GREY said that the committees of supply were open esc ept on very few days. Therefore he had no ob jection to ;the amendment of the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets. The resolution as amended was then agreed to. On the fourth resolution, " That while the committees of supply and ways and means are open, the first order of the day on Fridsor shall be either supply or ways an d mow, and that on that order beieig read, the motion shall bo made ' That Mr. Speaker do now leave the chair.' " Mr. GRIFFITH proposed to add, "and in order to regu late the order of questions put to ministers or of motions on going into committee of supply and ways and means, such questions annnotions shall be placed consecutively on the paper in referencs to the particular minister to whom they may be addressed, in such order between the several minis ters as to the Speaker may appear convenient." Sir G. LEWIS said the motion of the hon. member was not, properly speaking., an amendment, because the resolu. tion was special. It was entirely a matter for the decision of the house. At present, when questions were put down on the paper, they stood in the order of precedence; but what the hon. member proposed was that a discretionary power should be given to the Speaker to pass any questions by. If that power should be given to the Speaker he should suggest to the hon. member to omit allusion to ministers. Sir J. GRAHAM said the Speaker deprecated having thrown on him the responsibility of giving preference or precedence to any member of the house which would place him in an invidious position. After a few words from Lord J. RussELL, Mr. GRIFFITH said he would withdraw the suggested addition io the resolution. The resolution was agreed to. On the fifth resolution, which proposed that when a public bill has been committed to a select committee, and reported to the house, the bill, as amended, shall be ap pointed for consideration on a future day ; when, unless the house shall order the bill generally or specially in re spect of any particular clause or clauses thereof, to be re committed to a committee of the whole house, the bill, after the consideration of the report, may be ordered to be read a third time. Mr. HENLEY opposed the resolution, which involved, in his opinion, a great principle. He objected to hand over to a committee of 15 gentlemen any bill which a majority of the house might thick fit to refer to them for considera tion. He hoped the house would not, for the sake of sav ing time, consent to make such an important alteration in the practice of the house. When bills were considered by select committees, and when Lac clauses were modified and finally settled, the committee of the whole house ought not to be shut out from considering those bills, and ex pressing their opinion on the modifications or amendments introduced by the committees upstairs. He hoped the Go vernment would consent to withdraw the resolution, or at all events to postpone its consideration, in order that an opportunity might be afforded the house of seeing whether certain safe grounds might not be introduced into the pro posed alteration of the present practice of the house. One thing at all events was quite certain, namely, that if the resolutions were carried they must come to some decision so as to secure the thoroughly important and competent constitution of select committees, and to enjoin therpunctual attendance of the members. Sir J. GRAHAM regretted to differ from the opinion of the right hon. gentleman, but ho maintained that the reso lution objected to would greatly conduce to the despatch of public business. That was the opinion of the highest authority in the house, as well as of his predecessor. Lord J. RUSSELL said he shared very largely in the jealousy expressed by the right hon. gentleman op posite, the member for Oxfordshire. It might possibly happen that an hon. member who had an objection to some particular clauses of a bill might consent to the bill being referred to a select committee, in the hope of their being re moved, and that the committee might retain those clauses, and that the membor might so be precluded from all further opportunity of removing the objectionable matter. For his part he should be disposed to accede to the resolution, with the additional proviso that any one member should have the power of moving that the bill be afterwards re ferred to a committee of the whole house. His right hon. friend said that if the resolution would promote expedition the house should agree to it, but expedition was not the most important point to be had in view in legislation. Lord STANLEY said he quite agreed with the right hon. gentleman the chairman of the committee, that the house should have some time to consider the question, which was a large one. Sir G. C. LEWIS said that, as regarded Consolidation bills, it would certainly be necessary to adopt the sugges tion of his noble friend the Foreign Secretary —that the ope ration of the resolution should be confined to such bills, or that of the hon. member for Kent. The latter would give ample security to the house against the abuse of power given to individual members. The best course, however, would be to withdraw the resolution, and the Government would then reconsider it. The resolution was then withdrawn. POST-OFFICE SAVINGS BANKS. Mr. VANCE asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it was the intention of Government, in carrying out the provisions of the Post-office Savings Banks Bill, to keep the accounts of the Irish and Scotch depositors in the principal offices in Dublin and Edinburgh respectively, or to transfer them to London. Mr. F. PEEL said the Post-office savings bill had not yet passed into law, an , l, therefore, the hon. gen tleman's question was premature. At present, is was proposed that any depositor might have the power of getting his money in any part of the United Kingdom. In order that he might have this convenience, it was ne cessary that the aCcounth altuuld be kept in Lennon. If the bill should pass, of course there would be only one place for keeping the accounts. POLAND. Mr. COCHRANE, in rising to call attention to the affairs of Poland, said that though the noble lord had already de clined to produce papers on the subject, for motives which he could appreciate, he would probably not object to an op poitunity of expressing his opinion on matters of such ex treme European importance, and the more so as he could not entirely separate himself from these melancholy events. It was after the publication orthe noble lord's famous de spatch to Sir James Hudson, in which he laid it down that a people might at any time judge for themselves by whom they would be governed, and might throw off their allegi ance whenever the majority thought fit, that these events took place. That appeal to nationalities and to the revolu tionary instincts of Europe had led to the movement in Hungary, and would lead to movements in Greece. The last accounts he had received from that kingdom stated that it was not expected the King would be on his throne for two months. It had led to these melancholy events at War saw ; and if there was a movement in the lonian Islands, it would be owing to this unfortunate despatch. The hon. gentleman, after giving an account of the events which led to the conflicts between the troops and the people at 'War , saw, said that it was because there were serious discrepancies in the accounts which had appeared in the public journals that he wished to ask the noble lord for some explanation. Some of the accounts represented that 400 persons had lost their lives, and others stated the numbers to be 40 or 50. He should wish to hear these discrepancies cleared up ; but, whatever might have been the number of those who fell, this, at least, was certain tha t a most dist ressing state of things had occurred, and th at the cit y was i n a state of mourning. At the present moment there was a lull, and as the noble lord the Fore i g n Secretar y was so fo nd of in terfering opinion of i n thetheEnglish affairs of other Governmentcou countries, t uponrie s all and the recent giving the , events on the Continent, he thought this was an occasion when he might fairly endeavour to bring the disputing parties to terms. (Hear.) On the part of the Poles there Idid not seem to be any demand for a separate kingdom. All they asked was that the Treaty of Vienna should be practie tally fulfilled. That treaty gave them a constitutional go vernment and almost all the advantages of an independent existence. The noble lord must have seen it stated that those disturbances had been brought about at the instiga tion of the French Government; and, undoubtedly, know ing as we did that every newspaper in France was under Ministerial control, it was difficult to resist the conclusion that the French Government had been cognizant of the events at 'Warsaw, and to some extent had incited them. He found in one of the French papers—the Debats—these comments : "Those treaties of 1815, which are invoked every day against the people, why should not the people invoke them also? As Austria invokes them, why should we not ask Austria what she has done with Cracow ? As Russia in vokes them, why should we not call Russia to account for the violation of rights guaranteed to Poland by these treaties? Is it, or is it not true that by the treaties of 1815 Poland ought to form a separate kingdom, with a separate consti tution, a separate Government, a national representation and institutions, forming a distinct kingdom, although under the sceptre of the Emperor of Russia I Is it, or is it not true that those engagements were guaranteed by all Europe ? When, in 1831, the Emperor Alexander suppressed the Polish na tionality, France and England were occupied, the one with her revolutien, the other with her Reform Bill, and only protested. Well, then (it continues), she shall not die. She jives, she hopes, she believes; her generous blood shall flow ; its incense shall mount to Heaven, while it fertilises that land of soldiers, of poets, of heroes, of martyrs." When they found xemarks such as those in the Debats, they might fairly suppose that the French Government had, to a certain extent, excited these occurrences in Poland. There were persons who attributed these movements to the instigations of Russia, alleging that the object of that Power was lo place an iron hand upon Poland, but we saw nothing in the correspondence on the subject that could lead him to such a conclusion ; on the contrary, it appeared to him that the Poles who took part in tho o ccurrences were acting upon w hat they considered to be a moral principle. Many of them took the Sacrament on- the morning of the day on which those disturbances took place, and they seemed to have been perfectly aware of what would occur. What would be the result of what had taken place ? If they were to judge by some documents that had appeared, Poland would be thrown more thin ever upon hupAia. The Mar quis Wieloysolski, who was gone to St. Petersburg to nego tiate, and who was sent to London on a special mission from t member h eempbeea reb and tranquillity family the National paity in 1831, published a letter from a Polish e gentleman to Prince Maternich after the sad events in union with Russia. Would such a union be desirable for the Galicia in ISIG. In that letter he strongly counselled a interests of Europe ? (Hear.) In a debate which took place in the Russian Chamber of Representatives, on the 22d M. Njegolewski, a Po!e, in the name of the Polish " Considering that the contracting Powers at the Con minestm. 'bore, brought forward a motion to the followingeffect:— tress of Vienna could not come to an agreement respecting the re-establishment of Poland, which they had at first pro jected,neverheless agreed . upon.this point, that e imperiously demanded that Poland should at least retain her existence as a separate rt:anquillity of Europe of the peoples of Europe, and that the &aqua parts of ancient Poland, despite their partit4 under three sceptres, should be recognised as forming one homogeneous whole, with the guarantee of their nationality, the author of the motion proposes that it may please the Chamber of Representatives to decide that finally the terri torial unity of the ancient Polish State of 1772, guaranteed by the formal right of peoples, as well as the national and political rights appertaining to the Poles within those limits, may at least hold good and be carried out, and that those rights may not henceforth be arbitrarily restricted by the signing Powers to whom, in virtue of the treaties of Viennet, parts of Poland have been conceded under conditions pre viously stipulated." The Debats contained the following observations : " In the midst of all these troubles we still hear of nego tiations. The Government has made proposals to the men who possess the confidence of the country, and who were members of the Agricultural Society, so unfortunately dis solved. These gentlemen demand the independence of the country ; the creation of a Council of State, the members of which should be chosen by the Government from a list of twice their number ; the organisation of the National Guard ; and, lastly, the return of the Russian troops to the fortresses. This state of things would be far inferior to that promised us in the treaties of Vienna, which even guaran teed a Polish army and Parliamentary institutions ; and those treaties are, after all, the legal bases of our connexion with Russia." The present seemed a favourable opportunity for her Ma jesty's Government to make use of their influence to bring those miseries to an end, for the Journal de St. Petersbourg, in a note published by way of answer to the accusations brought I rward against the Russian authorities on the oc casion of the events at Warsaw, contained this statement : " We may mention that the painful impression produced by the first events of Warsaw have not in any way arrested the kind intentions of the Sovereign towards the kingdom of Poland. The Imperial Government will carefullywatch that the institutions which have been granted are consciene tiously carried out. All regular progress accomplished in that manner will be anxiously encouraged and aided. But, at the same time, any attempt at disturbance, under what ever pretext it may be concealed, will be repressed with in.. flexible firmness. If the kind intentions of the Sovereign are paralyzed, the responsibility of that circumstance can only fall on those who shall have rendered their realisation impossible by resorting to violence when the Imperial Go vernment only appealed to conciliation and to the intelli gence and serious interests of the country." Ihe noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had ad mitted the right of one country to invade another in alliance with it for the purpose of imposing oil the people a foreign Sovereign, upon the ground of nationality, and therefore the people of Poland had a fair right to demand the noble lord's opinion and advice. (Hear, hear.) He was quite aware that it was one thing to deal with the King of Naples and another thing to deal with the Emperor of Russia, and he had observed that the noble lord was inclined to reverse the maxim, and make it read " Pareere superbis, et debellare subjectos." (Laughter.) Still he would ask the noble lord whether he could give them certain despatches which he presumed must have been received from that able and ex cellent man, our Consul-General at Warsaw. (Cheers.) Mr. M'EVOY deemed it the duty of this country and France to support the treaties upon which the nationality of Poland rested, and believed that a combined protest by those two Powers against the existing state of things in Poland would be attended with beneficial results. There was no country in the world which deserved so much sym pathy, admiration, and respect as the noble country of Poland. Since its first partition, now 89 years ago, its his tory had been one long martyrdom, and the sufferings and, patience of the people must have endeared them to all who were capable of generous feelings. The noble lord at the head of the Government had expressed his strong disappro bation of those criminal Governments—Austria, Russia, and Prussia—who confederated together to destroy Poland, and he hoped to hear from the noble lord a condemnation of the present proceedings of Russia in language as plain and as forcible. (Hear, hear.) Poland had been in much the same state as that of a place in a state of siege ever since the repression of the insurrection in 1831 by the late Emperor of Russia. The people were ground down and oppressed. Neither life nor property was secure, and the inhabitants were subjected to a detestable system of espionage. The Russian Government wielded an un limited power of taxation, and thought they had stamped out of the minds of the Poles all hopes of independence and nationality. Insidious attempts had been made to divide the Polish peasants against the Polish aristocracy, but those attempts had not been altogether successful. From information published, it appeared that on the Bth of April the troops, without any provocation, fired upon the unarmed people, and that all subsequent testimony went to show that the massacre was prearranged. Some of the military officers, however, raised their voices against such a fell deed of blood. A correspondent wrote : " It is said that General Liprandi, General-in-Chief of the corps d'arnme at present stationed in Poland, was strongly opposed to it, as also the military governor of the town, General Paniutin. The colonel of a regiment sta tioned in the Castle, when informed by the Prince on the Monday morning what would be required of him in the evening, refused to obey, and on retiring to his own quarters within the precincts of the Castle shot himself." Whatever credit the Emperor of Russia had gained for his emancipation of the serfs had been forfeited by the counte nance and approval which he had given to the massacre at Warsaw. The evidence which they possessed on this sub ject was ample and trustworthy, and he hoped that the noble lord the Foreign Secretary would not fail to express the strongest condemnation of the conduct of the Russian Government. (Hear, hear.) Sir 11. VERNEY sympathized deeply with the feelings of the hon. member who bad just spoken. He trusted that Her Majesty's Government would unite with the Govern ment of France in an endeavour to obtain protection and relief for a people who had dis7layed such moderation and fortitude under their heavy sufferings. (Hear, hear.) He trusted also that the noble lord the Foreign Secretary would exert his influence to prevent an outbreak in Schleswig and Holstein. If the French Government could be persuaded to adopt the same view as the noble lord, he believed that the present agitation in these provinces might be subdued, and that, instead of being a source of weakness and vexation to Denmark, they might be converted into a means of strength. It had been alleged on high authority in another place that the Schleswig-Holstein dispute originated with the German inhabitants of those provinces. That was altogether a mis take. At Copenhagen there had always been a strong national party, who wished to get rid of the German ele ment in Schleswig, and to incorporate that province with Denmark. In July, 1846, Christian 111. issued letters patent decreeing the separation of Schleswig and Holstein, and in corporating the former with Denmark; but was obliged two months afterwards to annul that decree, on account of the indignation and ill-feeling which it had excited in the pro vinces in question. When Christian died, in 1848, his suc cessor confirmed the inhabitants of the Duchies in their ancient privileges. Soon after, however, the national, or "Eider-Dane" party, taking advantage of the revolutionary feeling which was then pervading Denmark, made a great demonstration at Copenhagen, and compelled the King to issue a proclamation incorporating Schleswig with Den mark, changing the laws of succession, and in fact repeal ing all they ancient privileges which the Duchies had enjoyed for four centuries. Nor was it true that the in•• habitants of either Schleswig or Holstein had manifested the slightest desire to be separated from Denmark and united to Germany. All that they demanded was their ancient constitutional rights, and he was sorry to say that from a letter which he bad received a few days ago he learnt that the Danish Government was oven now interfere ing with those rights, and persecuting those who sought to establish them. The hon. member concluded by asking the noble lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, together with the correspondence on the affairs of Schleswig and Holstein which he was about to lay on the table of the house, he had any objection to submit the re port made by Mr. John Ward, C. 8., her Majesty's Con sul .General at Hamburg, on the affairs of those duchies, after a visit which he made there about five years ago ? Mr. HENNESSY desired to repeat a question which he had put to the noble lord the Foreign Secretary last week, but which he did not then answer—viz., whether he had received from Mr. Elliot any reports or despatches con cerning the so-called reactionary movements in Naples; and, if he had, whether he had presented them to the house, or would do so ? Sir S. M. PETO denied that the conduct of the Danish Government towards the inhabitants of the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein had been at all unconciliatory or unkind. There was no part of Germany in which so much liberty was enjoyed as was possessed by the people of those duchies, and if Prussia and Germany left them alone and allowed Denmark to administer her own affairs we should hear nothing of these continual disturbances. But no sooner did Denmark make one concession than it was made the starting point for a new demand. The people of the duchies were perfectly satisfied, but there was a party called the professorial or professor party which was continually intermeddling, and with which it was perfectly impossible for any Government which had a practical aim to agree. (Hear, hear.) Although he differed so much from the hon. baronet who had asked the question upon this subject on so many ether points, he agreed with him in hoping that the noble lord would do his best to settle the differences between Denmark and the duchies, and he was satisfied that he would find the Government of Denmark prepared to nice him in a conciliatory spirit. (Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—It is a somewhat anxious task to have to give any opinion with regard to various countries of Europe and the merits of different parties upon imperfect information, and without going into the history of troubles which generally date from long years back. The hon. mem ber for Honiton began by saying that I had made an appeal to nationalities, and that that appeal, which was contained in a despatch of mine of October last, had produced the oc currences at Warsaw, and those which are now taking place in Hungary. The hon. member is mistaken in sup posing that I made my appeal to nationalities. I stated what were then the views of the Government with regard to Italy, and especially with regard to Naples and Sicily ; and I was induced to do so because Russia and Prussia had already pronounced their opinions, and because there must sooner or later arise a question, which has arisen, whether the Government which superseded that of the late King of Naples wits such a Government that we could acknowledge it as a regular Government in Europe. It was on that ac count necessary to give some opinion as to what was taking place in Italy. 1 gave that opinion. I stated that, as since the year 1821, the people in both the Roman and Neapolitan States bad suffered misgovernment, which I be lieved was worse than that which existed in any ether country in Europe—a good deal worse ined than that existing in Turkey—l could no t w o nder they had jonvaders who had overthrown the authorities who had misgoverned I tbem, I think I should be attributing more to that despatch 4 T ..,.................................—......--- committees of supply and ways and means shall be fixed for Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, and may also be ap pointed for any other dal- on which orders of the day shall have precedence of notices of motions,' be read and re pealed, in lieu thereof to move, ' 1. That the committees of supply and ways and means shall be fixed for Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, and also may be appointed for any other day on which the house shall meet for despatch of business.' That the standing order of the 2d of August, 1860, ' That, unless the house shall otherwise direct, all orders of the day set down in the order•book for Mondays, Wednesdays, and Thursdays shall be disposed of before the 1 house will proceed upon any motions of which notices shall have been given,' be read and repealed and in lieu thereof to move, ' 2. That, unless the house shall otherwise direct, all orders of the day set down in the order-book :for Mon days, Wednesdays, Thursday's, and Fridays shall be dis posed of before the house will proceed upo a ny motions of which notices shall have been given , the right being reserved ra to her Majesty's Ministers of placing Government orders at the head of the list on every order day except Wednes day.' 3. That the house at its rising on Friday do stand adjourned until the following Monday, without any ques tion being put, unless the house shall otherwise resolve. 4. That while the com mittee of supply and ways and means are open, the first order of the day on Friday shall be either supply or ways and means, and on that order being read, the motion shall be made ' That Mr. Speaker do now leave the chair.' 5. That when a public bill has been com mitted to a select committee, and reported to the house, the bill, as amended, shall be appointed for consideration on a future day; when, unless the house shall order the bill generally, or specially in respect of any particular clause or clauses thereof, to be recommitted to a committee of the whole house, the bill, after the consideration of the report, may be ordered to be read a third time. That the said re solutions be standing orders of this house." Lord J. RUSSELL moved the first resolution. Mr. BENTINCK complained that the house had not been afforded sufficient time to consider these resolutions, which, so far from being of the nature described by the noble lord at the head of the Government, introduced very important alterations, according to his opinion. He begged, therefore, to move " That this house, having considered the proceedings and the report of the Select Committee on Busi • ness of the House, does not deem it expedient to sanction the proposed alterations in the standing orders, and in the practice of the house." Mr. KNIGHTLEY second the amendment. In reply to Mr. WILLIAMS, Lord PALMERSTON said that in his proposal it was not intended to interfere with the right of bringing in mo- tions or asking questions on those nights fixed for going ; 7 ^- - -_-• than it really deserves if I were to suppose that either Poland on another. 113 saw no reasonable objection to the vote, cr Hungary had become discontented and disturbed in con- and he trusted the committee would agree to it. sequence of its contents. With regard to Poland, every one Mr. S. ESTCOURT protested against taking this vote in this country must feel great sympathy with a nation so on account. distinguished in arms, with such a brilliant past history, and Lord PALMERSTON said the usual course had been which has preserved its feelings of nationality to this day. agreed to, and there was no reason why the rule should be We cannot help f ee li ng th a t s he deserves a batter fate, or re- departed from. All that was asked for was that the means gretting the partition of which she was made the victim 80 of paying the necessary expenses should be supplied. or 90 years ago. But I should be sorry to say anything Mr. S. FITZGERALD objected to noting money on etc • which could induce the Poles to suppose that theirnationality count, without any opportunity of investigating the details would be restored by any efforts of this country in their of those accounts. (Hear, hear.) favour. If I were to write a despatch on that subject to the Colonel DUNNE objected to the Government asking for Court of St. Petersburg, I entertain no doubt whatever as votes of supply that evening. Such a thing was totally to the answer I should receive from that:Court. I should be unexpected. He protested against voting the money under told that the Emperor of Russia had made most liberal con- the circumstances. The whole affair was totally unprece cessions to his Polish subjects, and that all he required was dented. The usual notice was not given, and an attempt that tranquillity should prevail in that country. On the one was made to take the house by surprise. (Hear, hear.) hand he would not withdraw those concessions, and on the Mr. CARDWELL contended that what his hon. friend other he would not go beyond the line which he consideree (Mr. P. Peel) had done was quite in conformity with the necessary to the maintenance of his authority over the coup- practice of the Treasury and the usage of Parliament. try. There would be the despatch and there would be the Mr. HANKEY supported the view taken by his hon. answer. But is any party in this country, prepared ; could friend (Mr. Cardwell). any:Government be found to take up arms and to endeavour Lord PALMERSTON said the vote that was asked for by force to restore the nationality of Poland ? If not, was one which was necessary, and of which particular no although she may possess our sympathies, it is not a case lice had been given. in which diplomatic exertions can be effectual. What has Mr. F. PEEL, in answer to a question by Mr. Ayrton, happened lately is no doubt very lamentable—(hear)—and said the vote of last year for civil contingencies amounted I cannot, for my own part, understand why it was to £125,000 —this year it amounted to £75,000. that the people of Warsaw had not the notice to which they Mr. AYRTON considered that the present proceeding of were entitled—that force would be used to disperse the the Government was unusual. crowds in the streets. It was quite competent for the go- The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it vernor of Warsaw, if those crowds were such as to disturb was right that all Governments should be kept down to the public peace, to give public notice that those crowds certain rules. The present vote was announced when the would not be permitted, and would if they assembled be house was full, as being one which would be taken on no dispersed by force, and although notice, three times repeated, count. Formerly balances were kept in hand to meet the was actually given to the persons assembled before they demand for civil contingencies at this period of the year, were driven away, it seems to me that a wise, humane, and but that was not the practice at the present time. just governor would have given notice at least a day or two Mr. HENNESSY was determined to divide the come previously that force would be used to scatter any assem- mittee on the question, because the civil service estimates binge of a character likely to disturb the public peace. Ido were generally brought forward at such a period of the ses not feel justified in giving the reports for which I have sion that they could not be properly considered. been asked. It is obvious that by their production one Mr. WHITESIDE hoped his hon. friend would allow party or the other would be very much offended, and the the vote to pass, and not divide the commikee. position of the person making them injured to a corres- After a short discussion, the amendment was negatived ponding extent. Reports in themselves may be perfectly without a division, and the vote agreed to. fair, but it would not be fair to endanger men in responsible The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and the house positions by publishing everything which they may report. resumed. (Hear.) An hon. gentleman asked me a question with re gard to what has taken place at Naples. The accounts which we have received aro of this general complexion — tranquility prevails at Naples, but the provinces are very 1 much disturbed by the disbanded soldiers belonging to the army of the late King of Naples. On almost every occa sion, at the end of a contest, when a large army is disban ded, men who have no profession but that of arms take to marauding practices, especially when they can easily find a safe refuge in the mountains. One may read in the writ ings of Lord Macaulay how, after the Peace at Ryswick, when our troops were disbanded, the country was in a very disturbed state, and the road to Newmarket, and even the streets were not safe. And Naples itself is peculiarly cir cumstanced, for while the late King has been driven out of Gaeta and every stronghold in his former kingdom of Naples, he has been allowed to remain at Rome, and from that city messages, arms, and money are despatched, and conspiracies are set on foot. (Cheers.) These conspiracies have been diseoverect, and it is said that the object of one of them was to assasinate the leading Liberals in Naples. Several persons have been arrested, and are to be brought to trial for that offence. It is'extremely natural that the ex- King of Naples should find a refuge at Rome, but it is greatly to be regretted that there should exist in that capi tal a focus of conspiracy against the existing authorities which tends to propagate disorder, and which leads to the very worst results. Mr. HENNESSY—WiII the noble lord lay on the table the papers and despatches from Mr. Elliot ? Lord J. RUSSELL—Mr. Elliot left Naples about six months ago, and has been some time in this country; there fore there can be no despatches from him on the subject. There is an attache of the mission to Turin, and likewise a consul at Naples, from whom we receive accounts from time to time; but there are no despatches that I can pro duce. If I understand the hon. gentleman, he wished to ask for Mr. Elliot's despatches, and the commercial papers. These were laid on the table this evening, Mr. HENNESSY—I did not ask for the commercial reports, but for any report which might have been received with regard to the reactionary movement in Naples. Lord J. RUSSELL—ExactIy. There are no despatches relating to reactionary movements in Naples, except that persons were conspiring and arrested. There have been trifling riots from time to time, but they were of very small account, and there have been no reactionary movements of any consequence. My hon. friend the member for Bucking ham asked me a question with respect to Schleswig-Hol stein. I shall decline to go into that very complicated sub ject, but I can assure my hon. friend that her Majesty's Government are engaged with several of the European Powers in the endeavour to make propositions which will be effectual in arranging the difficulty between Denmark and the German States. It appears to me that the differ ences which have arisen are owing far more to the passions excited by the very large pretensions put forward at both sides than to any real difficulty regarding the merits of the question. It is quite true, as my hon. friend behind me has said, that the people of Holstein and Schleswig do not wish to change their Sovereign, but questions of much gravity have arisen with regard to constitutional usage and to the political connexions of those States. I trust that, by the communications in which we are now en gaged with the different European Powers, we may be enabled to propose terms which will put an end to the dispute ; for nothing could be more dangerous than the contest arising between Germany and Denmark. (Hear, hear.) Noboly could say how far it might spread. (Hear, hear.) Standing, therefore, as we do, in an attitude totally impartial, we trust that the representations of Her Majesty's Government may be attended with good effect. The report of Mr. Ward, to which allusion has been made, was written five years ago, and as things have very much changed since then, it would be calculated rather to mislead the house wore we now to present it. In a few days, however, I hope to lay on the table papers which will explain the present position of the Holstein question, and what is now passing with regard to it. SPITHEAD FORTS. Sir M. PETO moved for a copy of the report of the com missioners for national defences, and letters from Gen. Bur geyne and Sir W. Armstrong to the Secretary for War, re lative to the Spithead forts. COMMON LAW COURTS (IRELAND). Mr. WHITESIDE, in moving for returns of the amount paid for salaries and allowances to the officers and clerks in the three courts of common law in Ireland in the years 1822, 1826, and 1843 respectively, said the question was one of great importance to the administration or justice in Ire land. The hon. gentleman complained of the way in which salaries of legal officers in Ireland were increased, even by the proposal to make alterations in certain of these offices. Mr. CONOLLY seconded the motion. Mr. CARDWELL did not object to the motion for the returns, and agreed that the house should be most circum spect when it entered upon the question of legal reforms and colapensations. By the course adopted by the Govern ment, he hoped that reasonable retrenchments would take place in connection with the future appointments which may be made to vacant offices in the Irish law courts. Mr. BUTT regretted the absence of a system of judicial statistics in Ireland similar to that which existed in Eng Land. THE CORK. INFIRMARY BILL. On the order for the second reading of this bill, Mr. LONGFIELD moved that it be read a second time that day six months. The hon. member was proceeding to state the grounds upon which he moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months, when an hon. member moved that the house be counted, and there not being 40 members present, the house was counted out at 10 minutes to 1 o'clock. COUNTRY MABRETS. LIVERPOOL-MAY 3. There was a moderate attendance of town and country buyers at this morning's market, and we had but a limited business doing in both wheat and flour, at former rates. Barley, beans, and peas were without change in value, the latter very difficult to move. Oats and oatmeal were steady, the former rather scarce. Indian corn neglected, and the turn lower. S. d. The motion was then agreed to. SUPPLY. Mr. PEEL moved that the Speaker should leave the chair, in order that they might go into committee of supply. Mr. A. SMITH hoped the motion would not be pressed at so late an hour. He objected to the principle of tiling votes on account without due notice, and he had further to remark that the particulars of the intended votes had not been circulated among the members, although he believed they could be procured in the course of the afternoon at the vote-office. Under these circumstances ho could not con sent to the house going into committee. Mr. PEEL said it was not possible that the hon. member could be taken by surprise, for he (Mr. Peel) last night gave notice of his intention to submit votes on account of the miscellaneous estimates. He had given directions to have the particulars of those votes circulated among mem bers, and he believed they had been sent eut in the course of the day. The votes were not new votes. They had been re peatedly sanctioned by the house, and they were required to carry on certain services. He trusted the hon. member would not persevere in his opposition to the house going into committee. Mr. HENNESSY asked if one of the votes intended to be taken on account that night included any portion of the sum referred for the purposes of national education in the United Kingdom ? Mr. PEEL replied in the affirmative. Mr. HENNESSY said, that being the case, he should support his hen, friend the member for Truro in opposing the Speaker leaving the chair. He intended to move the reduction of the vote for national education by the sum of no less than £50,000. g ested that those votes on account Mr. P. O'BRIEN su g which were not opposed should only be taken. Mr. LONUFIELD opposed the motion. The house then divided, and the numbers were — For the motion 52 Against it M .. ajority . . The house then went into committee of supply, Sir Wsr DUNBAR in the chair. Mr. F. PE EL moved a vote of ..£5::0,000 on account of the civil service, including £lOO,OOO for printing and sta tionery, £lO,OOO for County Court salaries, £lOO,OOO for the Irish Constabulary, and £lOO,OOO for public education. Mr. HENNESSY opposed the education vote, and urged the hon. gentleman not to press it then, as the vote had re - ally not been circulated among members. Mr. A. SMITH moved that the vote be reduced by the sum of £42,000 ; the reduction lea , ing .EBO,OOO on account of the Census expenditure, which he admitted to be unob jectionable. The systeu of taking votes on account had been so frequently condemned that he was surprised the Government should persist in it. Mr. F. PEEL reminded the house that a surplus on one iload of the expeuditwe could 49t be applied tc? deficiency WAKEFIELD-MAN 3 The supplies of grain here to-day were very fair. The wheat trade rather slow, but for good descriptions there was a retail demand, at about last Friday's rates. Oats in better request. Barley, with an inactive demand, at late quotations. Beans quite as dear. In shelling there was no change. - Averages for the week : Wheat 747 qrs., at 60s 4d Oats 2O .. 283 Od 8ar1ey......... 70 3Bs 7id Peas — —s Od Beans 7O 4ss 31(1 Rye — —s --cl EXETE: -MAY 3. Wheat, white..7B 6d to 8s 6d I Barley. 4s Od to 5s Od Ditto new .7s Od to,7s 9d Oats .. ..... 3s Oa td 38 61 Flour, fine, 46s to —s; seconds, 44s to —s per sack. Fat beef,p score, lls to 12s0d Ewes, per lb .... 7d to 7ii Pork careases,dolus to 11s Gd Wethers, do. . 8 d to 814 Sheep, per lb. Od to —d Fat calves, d 0.... 5d to 61 CATI There was . a fair supply of about last week's currencies. Rough fat 'LE. cattle, with an active Bale; at 41d per lb. BRISTOL SUGAR-MAY 3. The stocks of raw sugar are light, and there is a con• sumptive demand for them at about late values. Refined goods a steady sale. Rums as before. We are on the eve of receiving fresh supplies, which will probably give all impetus to tLe market. COAL MARKET—MAY 1. (Prices of Coal per Ton at the dose et the market d. 'Lambert's West Hart- ley 16 3 Hartlepool.... ..18 0 Tantield Moor 13 0 Kelloe Tanfield Moor Butes..l3 0 Shincliffe l6 0 West Hartley 16 6 South Hart1ep001......16 6 Carway and Duffryn I South Hetton 18 6 Malting 24 0 Trimdon Thornley.... 15 6 Do. Anthracite— 21 6 ; Belmont 15 6 Wylam l6 3 Peases West .15 0 Craghead Hartley.-- 15 6' Hedley 15 3 Hastings Hartley ....16 6 Harton l5 9 Bate's West Hartley.. 16 0 Thorpe l7 0 Holywell 16 0 Hetton .. lB 6 Ships at market, 69; :sold, 41. THE MAILS. MAILS DUE. Australia, Ceylon, and Mauritius (via South ampton) .. May 19. Do. (via Marseilles) May 13. Brazil and Cape Verds May 4. Buenos Ayres, Monte Video, &o. Cuba and Mexico .. May 29. Canada, &c. (via L'derry) .. May 1. Cape of Good Hope, &e. .. May 2. China, Penang, and Singapore (via S'ampton) May 2. Do (via Marseilles) May 13. Gibraltar (via Southampton) .. May '2. India (Calcutta), Ceylon, &c. (via Southampton) May 2. Do. (via Marseilles) May 13. India (Bombay), (via Southampton) .. .. May 11. Do. (via Marseilles) .. .. May 5. Lisbon , .. May L Malta, Egypt, and Aden (via Southampton) .. May 2. Do. (via Marseilles) .. May'S. Vigo, and Oporto .. • • • . .. May 1. United States, California, &c. .. May 1. Western Coast of Atrica, Madeira, Teneriffe .. May 10. West Indies and Pacific, Carthagena, Cuba, &c. May 14. [ ADVERTISEMENT.]—Out of 50,000 cures without medi cine, by Du Barry's delicious Revalenta Arabica Food, we _ quote a few :—Cure No. 71, of dyspepsia the Right Hon. the Lord Stuart de Decies. Cure No. 49,832.—" Fifty years indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness at the stomach and vomiting, have been removed by Du Barry's excellent food.—Maria Joly, Wortham Ling, near Diss, Norfolk." Cure No. 4,208.—" Eight years dyspep sia, nervousness, debility, with cramps, spasms, nausea, for which my servant had consulted the advice of many, have been cured by Du Barry'shealth restoring food.—Rev. John W. Flavell, Ridlingtou Rectory, Norfolk." No. 32,836. Three years excessive nervousness, with pains in my neck and left arm, and general debility, which ren dered my life very miserable, has been radically removed by Du Barry's health restoring food.—Alex.Stuart. Avoid Pills and Medicines : they invariably aggravate and perpetuate diseases ; their annoyance, disappointment, and expense may be avoided by using Du Barry's Food which, at a few pence per day, saves 5C times its cost is other remedies, removing effectually, •a.thout purging ? constipation, indigestion (dyspepsia) nervous, bilious ang liver complaints and all their consequences. Certificate No. 36,418. We find it the safest remedy. Andrew Ure, MD., F.R.S., Dr Harvey, Dr. Wurzer, Dr. Shorland, Dr. 06g 1 f 2 6e 1 n,p b to i .osrstittr _ ce:eth, Campell. Let invalids avoid the fearful dangers of spu rious and injuriou, imitations offered under a variety of false pretences. Nevill's imitations are prohibited by the high Court of Chancery under a penalty of £5,000 against Alfred Hooper Nevill and his agents ; and the pretences Barry's are connected with such patent are utterly false. that Nevill has a patent for Arabica Food and that Du Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, ii full, onthe seal and wrapper. who attempt imposition in one article must Shopkeepers No canister is genuine without the name Barry expect be distrusted in all others. Packed in tins lib. * and 241 b. canisters are sent carriage free on receipt Post-office order by Barry Du Barry and Co., 77, Re. s9;to2lb. 4s. 61. i olb. Hs.; 121 b. 225. ; 241 b. 40s. The London; Fortnum Mason, and Co.; Abbie, urch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63 and 150, Ox bard-street ; 330 and 451, Strand; 49 and 60, Bishopsgate street ; Batty, 16, Finsbury Pavement ; Phillips and Co. tea-dealers; Petty, Wood, and Co., King William-street City ; at 127 High 11 olborn ; and all grocers. BIRTHS. NICHOL.—On the Ist inst., at Merthyrmawr, Glamorgan shire, Mrs. John Cole Nichol, of a son and heir. WHITE.—On the Ist inst., at the Vicarage House, the wife of the Rev. M. White, M.A., vicar of Aveley, Essex, of a son. MARRIAGES. CRAWFORD—DUNCOMBE.—On the 2d inst., at St. Mark's, Surbiton, Robert Dawson Crawford, Esq., to Martha, second daughter of the late Slingsby Duncombe, Esq. Lw TovenE—Cox.- 2 0n the 2d inst., at Monkstown Church, Ashley La Touche, Esq., Lieut. R.N., son of the late Peter La Touche, Esq., of Bellevue, co. Wicklow, and the Hor., Mrs. La Touche, t 3 Sarah Julia, daughter of Colonel Sir William Cox, D.L., of Coolcliffe, co. Welt ford. D S. BERKELEY.—On the Ist inst. at Beaumont, Jersey, Row.. land Berkeley, second Eon of the late Rowland Berkeley, of Benefield. CoorEn.—On the 2d inst., at Peckham, Mrs. Matilda Cooper, late of the Borun2,ll, aged 7G. FIELDER. --On the Ist inst., at Harley-place, Regent's park, Thomas Edward Fielder, Esq., of Money-hill, Hertfordshire. FREER. —On the 2d inst., at Oakford House, Exeter, jr. John Freer, M.D., aged 75 . JACKSON.—On the Ist inst., suddenly, Robert Jackson, Esq., of 13, Gower-street, and 41, Bedford-roW, London, aged 63. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, o f No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, No. 112,8trand. in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County 0 M1441 061 ' § A turday, Lay 40661. Aa the da3 Kr Mil last rid ply at ] for kax not P als( eve ele l pal the Ev Icii ele Its Bic at