The Sun. — London, England, 1842-06-15 00:00:00

ROYAL INSTITUTE OF BRITISH ARCHITECTS. An ordinary meeting was held on Monday• evening, T. L. DONALDSON, Esq., in the chair, when letters from Signor Canino., and other foreign members, were received. Mr. Gonwix, jun., read an interesting paper on Cologne Cathedral, tracing its history, describing its present state, and the recent restoration of the choir, and speaking of the efforts now making throughout Germany to ensure the completion of the building on the plan of the original architect. Committees have been formed to receive subscriptions for this purpose not merely in Germany but in France : the King of Prussia and the King of Bavaria are each taking warm interest in the re sult, and there seems every reason to believe the issue will be successful. " The crane of the original builders," remarked Mr. Gods s in, "has *tinned to surmount the grass-covered summit of the tower, tellltsg of their return, and prophesying ultimate completion. I venture to express a hope that it may soon be again at work, playing its part in a much more elevated posi• Lion than it is now." In this wish we cordially agree. Mr. JEFFS &EY then described his new glue, and detailea the experiments upon it recently made at Woolwich. A communication from Mr. Schroder was afterwards read on a tificial stones, formed from sulphates of lime and alumi..a, which led to a conversation, wherein Mr. Tit, Dr. Granville, Mr.. Wallis, and others, took part. Thanks were voted to Mr. Godwin, Mr. Schroder, and Mr. Jefferey, and the meeting then adjourned. THE CALEDONIAN BALL. This ball, which was given on Monday was one of the most brilliant assemblies held for a long series of years. It took place, as usual, at Willis's Rooms, St. James's, and was at tended by about. a thousand persons. The boys marched through the long room, and up the grand staircase, precisely as the cluck struck twelve, the pipers playing the " Reel of '1 ul lot hgorum ;" the number seventy-six. 'I hey paraded through the ball. room, and returned by the same route to their station on the ground floor. The dancing then commenced ; it was kept up wi' h great spirit instil five o'clock. We roma' ked, amongst those who were In t- e il.ghland Costume—The Duchess of Buccleuch, Duchess sit Hamilton, Duchess of Argyll, Duchess of Rox burghe, Duchess of Inverness, Countesses of Haddington, Kiunoull, Wemyss, Rosebery, Fowls, Cawdor, Eglinton, Morton ; Ladies Wiloughby, Saltoun, Ruthven, Lovat, the Ladies Primrose ; Earl of Traquair, Lord Macdonald, Mr. Robertson, Sir Alexander and Lady Duff, Mr. Duff, Sir Coin Mack, laic, Mr. D. Mackay, Mr. and Miss Macdonald. Miss Flora Macleod, Lady E. Campbell, Lady Rae Reid, Mr. R. Fortes, Lady and Miss Mackenzie, Miss Grant, Mr., Mrs., and Miss M'Gregor, Mr. Gordon Duff, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. and Mrs. D. Campbell, Lady Grant, Lady A. Mackenzie, Sir L. Grant, Mr. Campbell Macdonald, Lady Elizabeth Drum mond, Hon. J. Murray, Lady Blantyre, Miss Malcolm, Hon. Miss Stuart, Mrs. Malcolm, Mr. Webster, Miss Murray, Hon. C. Lindsay, Mr. Duncan M'Dougal, Lady M'Gregor, Lady Jane Grant. A Mogul Chief from the Court of Delhi—Captain Thomas Baeon. A Hindoo Chief—Mr. Dawson. Chinese—Mr. Simpson. Lalla Rookh—Mrs. J. Walpole. Feridoon Mirza, from the vale of Cashmere—Col. Smith. A Portuguese Bandit—Mr. Oliveria. In Fancy Dresses—The Countess of Metaxa, Lady Stirling, Lady Emily Foley, Dudhess of Sutherland, Lady Madden, Marchioness of Londonderry, Lady Bowyer Smith, Lady Vane, Lady E. Leveson Gower, Hon. Mrs. Irby, Countess St. Au hire, Lady Browne Clare, Countess of Egmont, Countess of Antrim, Miss Elphinstone, Miss Seymour, Lady Gray, Mrs. Hammond, Lady Stafford, Mrs. Jerningham, 11Iiss Blackett, Miss Smith, Countess and Lady W. Stanhope, Lady Rodney, Lady W. Paget, Miss Spencer Stanhope, Lady Wheatley, Lady C. Lennox, Lady Dorothea L. Fitzwilliam, Misses Con stable, Miss Deering, Lady Pakenham, Lady Erskine, Princess Capua. Lady C. Graham, Mrs. and Miss Watts Russell. In Persian—Mr. Fitzpatrick, Mr. Mackintosh, Mr. Braw ley, Mr. Hope, Mr. Abel, Mr. Boyd, Capt. Clayton, Mr. Peel. Polish—Mr. Bishop, Mr. Stanhope, Mr. R. Green, Mr. Caron. Turkish—Sir F. Maddox, William Lane Fox, Mr. Ottley, Alfred Riley. In Regimentals—Marquis Granby, Marquis of Huntly, Duke cf Wellington, General Johnstone, Duke of Brunswick, Mons. del Pozzo, Sir Dudley Hill, Baron Audlan, Colonel Campbell, Marquis of Abercorn, Colonel Gascoyne, Prince St. Antonio, Duke of Sutherland , Rodney, Duke of Rox burgh, Mr. Ricardo, Mr. Hervey Bruce, Sir John Milbanke, Captain Dalrymple, Marquis of Worcester, Lord Cantilupe, Duke of Buccleuch, Mr. F. Russell, Captain Hamilton, Sir Charles Dalbiac Marquis of Blandford, Lord Brooke, Prince Capua, Count Esterhazy, Lord Curzon. Court Dresses—The French Ambassador, Sir Charles Mo:- gau, Lord Glenelg. In Naval Uniforms—Mr. Reginald Buller, Captain Eden, Mr. Scott, Mr. Montgomery, Mr. Ridley. In Spanish—Mr. Hobson, Mr. Wallace, Mr. Sanderson, Mr. Johnstone, Mr. Austin, Mr. Randolph. A la Grec—Mr. Burmester, Mr. Paull, Mrs. Lewis, blr. Thompson. A la Suisse—Messrs. Sullivan and Smith. Algerine—Mr. Gordon, Mr. Prendergast, Mr. Vigors, Mr. Kelly. . As Charles the Twelfth—Mr. King. As Louis the Fourteenth—Mr. Grant. In Court Dresses of the time of George ll—Mr. Lucas, Mr. Boyce. A Forester—Mr. Kerr. A Hunter of the Black Mountains—Sir B. Campbell. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS, TIMES.— Among the many letters which are continually received on the subject of the light sovereigns, is one which bears with much impressiveness on a point which has already been touched on—namely, the unequal distribution of the loss be tween the richer and poorer classes, the latter in fact having to bear it exclusively. In some instances, it has been found that when a tradesman, having to meet a liability by a particu lar day, has been obliged to collect the means from all avail able sources, several of his debtors have been dishonest enough to take advantage of his exigencies, and pass off their light coin. The working man, too, it is well known, cares not refuse the wages his employer may give him, and, at all events, it would be absurd to suppese lhat a labouring bricklayer or carpenter would always be provided with a pair of scales in his pocket. The large capi talists have, comparatively speaking, nothing whatever to do with sovereigns. The bankers have left off taking them, and, tlaeref 're, the tradesmen and working people are alone paying for the depreciation of sovereigns either by fraud or by legiti mate wear and tear. If, indeed, the inconvenience were but . a temporary one, the complaints might be less urgent ; but while the bankers can at onci put a period to their Loss, the trades people cannot foresee how long it will be before the light soce• reigns are removed from circulation, and the attendant incon• venienees cease. So long a time does it take to remove from circulation a coin that has once been admitted as currency, that several hundred guinea-pieces have for many years formed one of the annual items o.' bullion received by the Bank of England. It is a curious fact that many of the smaller shop-keepers are establishing a kind of rivalry among each other, by offering to take light sovereigns at the least loss to their customers, Thus, while one will take them at 19s. 7id., another will take them at 19a. 9d. The profits made thus may be a sort of counter . - balance with a few shopkeepers to the inconveniences they are obliged to sustain, but it must not be for a moment considered us any mitigation of the real evil. A tact which has transpired to-day is, that the Bank of Eng land, having given light gold for notes in the body of the hall, refuse to take them in the other departments of the office in payment for powers of attorney. This fact is similar to one mentioned the other day as occurring some time ago, but the case is a stronger one, from having occurred so shortly after the issuing of the proclamation. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedtngs qf the House qf C Jmnsone. ) MONDAY, JUNE .13. _ _ _ _ CUSTOMS DUTIES.—(In the Committee.)) DIVISION ON LORD SANDON'S AMENDMENT, That the Coffee now in bond, or to arrive before the Ist o August next, be admitted for consumption at a duty of 7.!, per ?<kind. MINORITY—AYES, 69. Ainsworth, Peter Gibson, 'l'. M. O'Connell, J. A Main, ‘Villiam Granger, T C. 0.7 d, W. lianlay, David Grimsditch, Thomas Palmer, George Blake, .1. J. Halford, H. • Patten, Wilson Bowring, Dr. Hay, Sir A. Pechell, Captain 1' ra,:ston, 'l'. W. Henley, J. Warner Pendarves, E. W. Eirocklehurst, J. Hindley, Charles Rus3ell, Lokal John Brotherton, J. Howick, Viscount Scholetield, J. Browne, Hon. W. Hughes, W. B. Stanton, W. H. Kisfetid, William Hume, Joseph Strutt, Edward By ng, George James, William Thornely, Thomas a ,arew, Hon. R. S. Johnstone, A. Tufnell, H. . otwlee, Richard Kemble , Henry Villiers CA' harles . Crawford, W S. DivEtt, K 1)o0Alas, S r llurtean, Dontombe, Ewington ViEcutint ails, W. in:ham, E. B. F rguson, Colonel Firbes, Wdl am !urger, Matthew Leader, J. I'. - Lyal., George Mangles, R. D. Marsland. H. M sterman, John Mircalfe, Henry Mitchell, 'l. A. Morris, David Morison, General O'Brien, Cornelius O'Conne;l, D. Walker', H.. Wallace. R 4 Wawn, J. P. Wilbraham, lion. t, W. Wilihere, W. Wo-xi. B. Wortley, Lord TELLERS. danden, Lord Philips, M. Anix, John Peer Antrohus, Eriwird Astuthrwt. Hun. If Archdall, General Araw 'grit, George Bailey, .I,seph Klink., Colonel H. Ranges, George 134. ring. W. B, Bar,rig, F. I'. Basket Ville, T. B. M, lluteson, Robert Bell, Matthew Eisckburr,e, I. Isom , ro, H. rt t tlel Beiiah ti:uadley, Bruee, Lord E. Buller, Miller, Sir J. Y. Burrell, Sir C. M. Chelsea, Viscount Chetwode, Sir John Christopher, R. A. Clayt,n, R. R. Clerk, Sir George live, E. B. Cockburn, Sir G. Collett, W r __R. opeland, W. Corry, H. L. Cresas4ell,lo. Cripps, W. Currie, Ilaikes Denier, Hon. 0. iiarby, George LYlsraeli, Benjamie Vouglas, Sir C. DOUIFIB3, J. S. Initheld, T. D. Buncombe, Hon. A. East, J. bullcr E!Jerton, W.T.' Egerton, Sir P. Eliot, Lord ickham ,JORI T Y—NOES, Esmonde, Sir 'l'. Ferguson, Sir Robert Filmer, Sir Edmund Fleming, J. Fuller. A. E. Gaskell, James M linos Gladstone, W. E. Glynne, Sir S. It. Godson, H. Gordon, Hon. W. Gore, Robert Goring, Charles Gouiburn, Henry (Jr .ham, Sir James . Grant, Sir A. C. Gregory, W. H. Grogan, E.lward traa d ti t e . ng A Sir H. Hawes, B. ' Hepburn, Sir T. B. Hinge, J. H. Hodgson, Frederick Hodgson, Richard- Holmes, W. A'Court Hope, lion. C. Hornby, John Howard, Lord Howard, P. H. Homey, Thomas Ilion, S. Johnstone, Hope Jones, Theobald knatcbbull, Sir b. Knight, H. G. Knight, F. W. Lambton, Hedworth Langston, J. H. Legh, G. C. Lincoln, Earl of Lindsay, IL H. Litton, F%ward Lockhart, William Mackenzie, T. M'Geachy, F. A. 133. Marsharo, Vi4count Martin, C. W. Meynell, H. M.,tgati, uetavius Mundy, E. Miller Neville, Ralph Newry, Viscount Nicholl, J. Northland, Lord O'Brien, W. S O'Ferrall, R. M. Ogle, S. C. 11. Peel, Hon. Sir R, Peel, Colonel J. Philips, G. Polhill, Frederick Pusey, P. ititthatds. it. Rollesion, 1.. Rose, Sir George Round, C. G. g undle, J. Hushhrook, Co!on.1 Russell, J. D Ryder, G. 1). Sanderson, B. Scott, Hon. F. Seymour, Sir H. Sheppard, T. Somerset, Lord G. Somerville, Sir W. Stanley, Lord Stewart, John Stuart, H. Sutton, Hon. H. M Thesiger, F Trench, Sir V. Turner, Chiistopher Vere, Sir C. B. Vivian, J. E. White, Colonel H. Young, John TELLERS. Fremantle. birT. Pringle, A. 111N01111 . Y of Fit of Lard Coffee be 7d. per Allaiworth Peter Aldan., William bar. lay. David Paling, F. T. barnaril. E. G. Pdak..., M. J. I , “wring, Dr. ileocklehurst, J. Br. t hertof., J. Browne, W. Butler, E 13 us feild, W.: CoWen, Richard Colebrooke, Sir T. E. Duncan, George Forster, Matthew Gibson, T. M. ity (Tellers included) 's Amendment, that i lb. instead of Bd. Granger, T. C. Greenaway, C. Orel, Sir G. tanwicit.„ Lent Johnstone, Alex. Leader, J. T. Mangles, R. Lk Marsland, H. Hanle, Hon Fox Hitcalfe. Henry Morris, David Morison, William O'Brien, W. Smith O'Conneil, D. O'Connell, J. Pechell, Captai n Pen...ryes, E. W. who voted in favour the duty on' Foreign Philips, Mark , Rundle, John Scholetield, J. Scott, Robert .omerville, Sir W. Stanstield,__W. R. Stanton, W. H. Staunton, Sir G. Strutt, Edward Thornely, Thomas Villiers, Charles P. Wawn, John T. Wood, Benjamin Wood, C. TILLERS. Ilume, Joseph Hawes. B. FRENCH PLAYS.—Her Majesty, aceorapanied by Prince Albert, Count Alensdorf, his sons, and a bnlliant suite. went to this theatre en Mond a y evening , to see Bouffe in Les Vieux Peekes and Le Gamin de Paris. Her. Majesty ar rived shortly after nine, and appeared greatly amused with the oversvheinndag and ludicrous spirit thrown b y Bouff e into his • eproentations. The theatre was attend e d b y a crowded and representations. audience. IMPERIAL PARMASIENT,--- HOUSE OF LORDS, June 14. Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock. A message from the House of Commons brought i p the Fines and Recoveries Bill (Cheshire' and Flint) the Dundee and Arbroath Railway Bill ; and several other Bills. ASHTON'S DIVORCE BILL. A message from the Commons also appeared at the bar, and requested a copy of the evidenr:e taken before their Lordships on the second reading of Ashton's Di vorce Bill—Ordered. THE PROPERTY-TAX. The Duke of moved the Order of the Day for the House to go into Committee upon the Property-tax Bill. The Earl of RADNOR wished to have it clearly un derstood that there would be an opportunity of dis cussing the principle of the Bill on Friday, on the question of the third reading. The Duko of WELLINGTON replied that most certainly Noble Lords opposite would not be pledged to the Bill by consenting to its passing through Commit ee, and that the discussion would be taken on the third reading. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE expressed Lis regret that there was not opportunity for two evening's discussion. . Lord REDESDALE said, that it would be very con venient if any Noble Lord, who could put the House in possession of the Noble Marquis's (the Marquis of Lansdowne's) resolution, would do so, in order that they might be prepared to discuss it. Lord BROUGHAM was sure that his Noble Friend, the Marquis of Lansdowne, would have no objection to such a course being taken. After some conversation, Lord DUNCANNON moved for leave to lay a copy of the resolution on the table. The motion was agreed to, and the copy laid on the table accordingly. After some further conversation, the Bill went through Committee, and was reported without amendment. DOCKYARD EMPLOYMENT. _ _ The Earl of MINTO gave notice that on Monday next he should move for a return of all moneys paid to the artisans and shipwrights employed at her Majesty's dockyard at Woolwich, from the Ist April, 1841, to the Ist April, 1842. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE wished to ask a question of her Majesty's Government relative to a Com mission which he had 'learned from the newspapers, was to leave London for Tipperary, and to open there on the 27th. The assizes commenced at Tipperary on the 24th, and though he highlyapproved of striking terror into malefactors, he must say that if that were the case— if the Commission were not to be opened till the 27th, the Commission would have the appearance of a gross job, the expense of which to the country he had heard estimated at 3,0001 He wished to ask the Government when the Commission was to open at Tipperary, when the Leinster Circuit commenced, and whether any esti mate of the probable expense of the Commission bud been forwarded to the Government ? The Duke of WELLINGTON said if the Noble Lord would give notice of any question which he intended to ask, he would endeavour to answer it ; but in the ab sence of such notice, he must decline giving an answer at present to the questions which had been proposed. The Earl of WICKLOW said the information of the Noble Marquis could not be correct, as there were no Judges to go upon the Commission, they being all on the Circuit. _ _ The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, if that was the case, the whole of his accusation fell to the ground. But he did not make an accusation ; he asked the ques tion for information. Lord WIIARNCLIFFE thought that the Noble Lo; d ought to have given the Government time to inquire, Ex fore he accused them of a job. Lord MONTEAGLE expressed his satisfaction at the course taken by the Government. Lord FITZGERALD said he was not in the House at the time the Noble Marquis made his statement, but from what he had heard, he must say that he was much surprised at what he was reported to have said upon this subject. After the many murders and assassinations which had taken place—assassinations which had dis graced Ireland more than it was ever disgraced before — he could hardly have thought that the Noble Marquis would hese designated a Commission on the subject a job. He (Lord Fitzgerald) thought the'Government were entitled to great credit for having lost no time in ap pointing that Commission. The Earl of RADNOR said the Noble Marquis did not say the Commission was a gross job ; what he said was that if what he had heard was true, then it was a gross job, and he therefore asked for information on the subject. After a few words from the Marquis of CLANRICARDE and the Earl of GLENGALL the conversation dropped. POOR-LAWS. Lord WYNFORD presented several petitions on the subject of the Poor-laws, and read one of them at length, but in such a tone that scarcely a word, not even the de signation of the petitions, or the precise object of their prayer, could be heard in the gallery. THE INCOME-TAX. Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition from the Law Society of the West Riding of Yorkshire, praying that they might be exempted from the Income-tax, on the ground that they were obliged to pay yearly for the renewal of their certificates. THE POOR-LAWS. The NOBLE LORD also presented a petition from the Guardians of the Poor-law Union of Bradford, praying for the re-enactment of the Poor-law of Queen Eliza beth. He did not. concur in the prayer of the petition. THE PLEA OF NOT GUILTY. The same NOBLE LORD presented also a petition from John Smith, of Liverpool, a lecturer upon education, and praying that the plea of " Not guilty " should be abolished, and that some mode should be adopted to enable accused persons to plead, without asserting that, of the falsehood of which they were conscious. Lord DENAIAN remarked, that the practice of Judges persuading prisoners to plead " not guilty," had entirely disappeared from the courts of law in England. Fur himself; he could see no occasion why prisoners should be calledbn to plead at all, unless they desired to express their plea of guilty. That was the opinion he enter tained, and he had expressed the same sentiment, some time ago, in the House of Commons. Lord CAMPBELL was ofopinion that the asking ofpri sorters whether they would take their trial or not, was much the same as asking them whether they were guilty or nut. The scandal of Judges solemnly advising the prisoner to tell a falsehood, was now done away with ; but he must say, that he thought it would be a still greater improve ment upon the present practice, if no questions should be put at all, but that the prisoner should have the right, if he chose to prevent trouble, to confess his guilt. Lord WYNFORD never knew a Judge who advised a prisoner to plead " not guilty." He had himself, when a Judge, recommended a prisoner to pause before he gave in his plea ; and he should do the same thing nc.,w, if he were in a position to do so. He thought that great inconvenience arose from continued alterations in the law. The Bishop of CHESTER suggested that the prisoner should be asked whether he wished to confess, or whether he wished to be tried ? SYRIA. Lord HOWDEN said that in the absence of the Nobl, Lord, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, he . wished to ask the Noble Lord, at the head of the Admi ralty, whether the official reports received from the Con-. sular authorities in Syria, confirmed the accounts which he received yesterday by the mail, from respectable par ties there, that that country was rapidly progressing to d state of disorganization. They had had an Ambassador at Constantinople, who was determined to go to war with somebody. They had— The Dube of WELLINGTON—This was exactly tan tamount to making a speech, without intending to mak, a motion. The Noble Lord was asking a question, with out having given notice, which was not according to the principle of that House. Ilis Noble Friend would fur. give him for calling him to order. Lord HOWDEN briefly explained. Lord HADDINGTON said, that in the absence of the Noble Lord, the Secretary of State for Foreign he was not able tO - answer questions 'of •the nature which had been proposed to him: The best thing his Nobit• Friend could do would be to give notice, and no, doub.- the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, would be in his place to answer the question. He might state that ho had seen communications from the officers of some of those stations,. but he thought the fullest infor mation on the subject would be obtainel at the Forel.", office.— (Hear.) _ _ _ The Earl of STANHOPE postponed the presents tion of the petition of which he had given notice, on the subject of the Anatomy Act, to Thursday. Lord DENMAN presented several petitions against enforcing certain persons to take oaths. COPYRIGHT BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had consult( d with his Noble and Learned Friend, and they had acrre( (I to certain amendments, which would be inserted in: the Bill. The Bill then went through Committee, and was or dered to be read a third time on Thursday, WITNESSES INDEMNITY BILL. On the Order of the Day for the second reading of the Witnesses Indemnity Bill, Lord BROUGHAM rose to bring forward his mo tion that the Orders of the Day be suspended, to facili- tate the progress of the Bill. Notwithstanding the House of Commons had rejected the Bill which he had brought in, and which their Lordships had sent down to the other House, for Committees of both Houses to inquire into practices of a corrupt nature at elections for Members of the other House, still he was convinced that a Committee of Members of the Commons alone could never do justice to such cases. , He denied that their Lordships had any desire to interfere with the rights and privileges of the other House ; but what was contemplated now in both Houses was to legislate pros pectively on a matter of criminal justice. That House (the Lords) was a co-ordinate branch of the Legislature, and was the highest Court of Criminal Justice ; and was it not a place in which legislation upon criminal justice should commence ? To deny this, and say that the House should be excluded from legislating for crime be cause that crime was connected with elections to the other House, was so extravagant that h e wou ld not stop to combat it. The bribery of an o ff icer of justice was a crime on which the House had already legislated, and the bribery of a man at an election for a Member of Parliament was as much under the cognizance of their Lordships as any other act of bribery unconnected with elections. Suppose it was proposed to amend the law with respect to riot, larceny, assault and battery, conspiracy. or even murder,, Were they to be told that they might legislate respecting these as committed in all other places but at elections, and that they should expressly enact in any Bill com menced by them that the Bill was not to extend to any riot, larceny, assault and batt er y, co nspiracy or murder, connected with an election for a Member of the House 4C-on:mons? He held it perfectly:clear that it was coin- 1 petent to the House to take up this steljtct as much as that of any other crime. He thought that after what. passed recently as to the extent of crime_ which was committed all over the country, in England,:lreland, and Scotland, and that these enormities were of such a na ture as to prevent the possibility of a free choice of the peop'e, and to render elections a mockery—when all morality was set at defiance, and immorality scattered abroad, cast over the land—and when there was no pu nishment for the past, and no prevention for the future, in the present state of the law, there was nothing left but to legislate upon the subject, and as that was not done elsewhere he had moved their Lordships for a Committee to inquire with a view to legislation. He had presented for this reason as early as he possibly could, a Bill for facilitating the inquiry, if the House of Commons chose to adopt a like course. That Bill met with the almost universal approbation of their Lordships, and was despatched to the other House about a month ago. It did not give actual - indemnity to witnesses, but it gave power to Election Committees to indemnify witnesses if they honestly and impartially gave answers to every question which was proposed to them. There were many persons who would not come forward, un:ess they knew that they themselves were to be indemnified ; but there was another, and perhaps a larger class, who, having been accomplices with others, which accomplices would not come forward unless indemnity were promised to themselves and to their accomplices—to those accom plices thii Bill afforded an indemnity. A declaratory clause was also added to the Bill, .upon the advice of the Noble Viscount, late Speaker of the House of Commons. The whole of those measures referred to one individual case, and that was the case of the last general election ; they had no prospective or retrospective view, but the provisions referred to the last general election alone. He, for one, should have been content to say that, deep as was the extent, frightful as was the mass of bribery, and corruption, and intimidation which took place at the last general election, that to obiain the possibility of stemming that vile torrent of corruption, he gave up the chance of punishing the offenders at that election, he let bygones be bygones for this once, he looked only to re trospective legislation and prevention, and if he could prevent such offences for the future, he should be content. With that view and upon that principle, .that measure was framed, and sent down to the other House. He had every reason to believe, and he hoped and trusted he was entitled to believe, that there prevailed the same desire to prevent the recurrence of these practices in the other House of Parliament, as animated their Lordships. That House was, if possible, more nearly and more deeply in terested in the prevention of these practices than their Lordships. He wished to speak with respect of that ai sembly—he would go further, he would respect it not only in proportion as, by its conduct, it respected itself, but he would give it that larger measure of respect in proportion to what its conduct ought to be. An effec tual measure was sent down to the other House, enabling them to get at the truth if they were so disposed. The first thing they did was to say .they would not have it. They said it would enable them to do what they wanted, but they would not take it because it was sent from their Lordships. That Bill was sent back to their Lordships. What did they lose by that but time ? In three days that measure might have become the law of the land. They might have altered it, but instead of that the Bill was entirely thrown on one side, and another was intro duced in its place; the only consequence of which was, that there was a delay of several weeks. The Bill sent up by the Commons had to go through all the stages of a new measure. It required all the charity he possessed to come to the conclusion that there prevailed elsewhere the same earnest desire which animated their Lordships to effect this important investigation. l'rivilege was a reason assigned by a great number, and he believed that with some that was a real ground ; but he had no man ner of doubt but that there was something more suasive than this reason. He hoped their Lordships would agree to this fill, however objectionable, in order that there might be no loop hole for avoiding inquiry. He was prepared to show, if a Committee of that House had sat upon the Bill, that the highest names in the country had been made use of—that intimidation had existed to a most :rightful extent, which would make it necessary that the matter should be inquired into in the fullest manner ; and now that inquiry was taken away, from that House at least, because it related to a tow places only. He was of opinion that it would do 'as much good, or nearly as much good as the ampler mea sure which had been prOposed. He had, he confessed, very great confidence in the names of many of those men whom he saw upon the Committee in the House of Commons, who he was sure would perform their duties with honour and credit. When this Bill should pass those men would be armed with great powers ; and he was sure they would exercise them to the benefit of the country. Let them, then, pass the Bill without delay. There was little time for the Committee to exercise their powers before the end of the session. Let not the blame lie at their Lordships' door. They had dune all they could to assist the House in this object, and they ought to progress, and to continue to aid them until the in quiry should be constituted. When a similar power should be offered to their Lordships, he (Lord Brougha:n) would again offer the aid of his humble assistance ; but until real powers were given, he should esteem it as worse titan a mockery to proceed any further in this matter. The other House had refused to let their Lord ships have a copy of the evidence taken before them 'on the Bribery Bill ; yet any one could purchase it for sixpence. Their Lordships could not perhaps under stand the nice distinctions observed by the House of Commons. Be it so. Let them keep their evidence, but let not their Lordships act in the like manner. Let them rather return good for evil, and by passing the Bill, expedite as much as they possibly could this inquiry. In conclusion, he begged to move that the Standing Orders be suspended, in order that the Bill be committed and read a third time. The Earl of WICKLOW trusted that his Noble and Learned Friend had not been correct in the reasons which he had assigned for this Bill coming up to the House. The Bill which his Noble and Learned Friend had proposed and he (Lord Wicklow) had supported, was for indemnity to witnesses before all Committees of inquiry respecting bribery at the late elections. But the present Bill related only to one election, and therefore could not have been intended as a substitute for the Bill sent down from them, nor could he think that the House of Commons had treated their Lordships' Bill as his Noble and Learned Friend supposed. He thought the House of Commons, and influential Members of that House (the Commons), thought that it was quite an in competent tribunal by itself to try these questions ; and that if it continued to be the exclusive tribunal, the im morality and evils of all kinds would go on increasing. But he did not think that there was any reason in the case for the unusual course proposed, of suspending the standing °Hers. He should, however, give the Bill all his support, hoping, however, that their Lordships would not agree to the present motion, for which there was no necessity, as the Committee to which the Bill referred had been a long time sitting, which showed that the Commons themselves did not see any reason for particu lar haste. Lord BROUGHAM replied. His Noble Friend op posite was .under a misapprehension as to the urgency of the case. The Committee had not yet sat, and the cause of the delay was that they were waiting for this Bill. The object of his motion was to put an end to the delay, that no blame might be attached to their Lo►dships hereafter, as having frustrated the objects of the inquiry by not passing the Bill more quickly. Lord CAMPBELL had no objection to the suspension of the standing orders ; but he did not think that the House of Commons deserved the sarcasm which his Noble and Learned Friend applied to its Members, amongst whom he was held in the highest veneration and esteem. With great deference to his Noble and Learned Friend, he did not think that the public hud lost much by the rejection of the clause which his Noble and Learned Friend lamented. That clause, if it had passed, would have been known to posterity as the "Brougham" clause, and would have led to the most dangerous conse quences. With all respect for his Noble Friend, and with unfeigned admiration of his talents, still he must express his regret that his Noble and Learned Friend had formed such an unfavourable opinion of that body of which he had been so long an ornament. Lord BROUGHAM returned with equal sincerity the expressions of respect, which he had received with pleasure from his Noble and Learned Friend. No one could have made a better defence for the proceeding which he had taken under his advocacy. But that defence was supported by misapprehension and false reasoning., which was never surpassed even by his Noble and Learned Friend himself either at that bar or in that House.—(A laugh.) He meant such misapprehension and false reasoning as an advocate falls into when he un dertakes the cause of his client with a determination not to see anything but right in it.—(Laughter.) He (Lord Campbell) seemed to suppose that there was no necessity for this Bill, and that the House of Commons would give indemnity without their Lordships' concurrence. What? was it not known that if the House of Commons gave an indemnity, the House of Lords would address the Crown to prosecute ?—(Hear.) Was it not always the case when questions of privilege were disputed, as against the common law, such disputes were found capable of adjustment only by the concurrence of both Houses ? He disclaimed any intention to cast imputations on the other House of Parliament. He confined his complaint to that which was done with respect to this Bill. If they had adopted that Bill, the Committee might have been sitting for the last three weeks. Lord CAMPBELL explained. The motion was then agreed to, rind the House went into Committee on the Bill. The House resumed. . The Bill was then read a third time and passed. The other Bills on the table were forwarded a stage, and the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 14. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before 4 o'clock. Sir H. WINSTON BARRON and Mr. WYBE took the oaths and their seats for Waterford. TOXTETH PARK. On the motion of Sir H. DOUGLAS the Toxteth Park Paving and Sewerage Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committee. Lord G. SOMERSET moved, pursuant to notice, that the parties should have leave to proceed with the Bill, on giving notice in the usual local papers of the provisions of the Bill, and that such notice be proved in the Com mittee on the Bill, and that such Committee should sit on and after Monday, the 27th of the present month.— Agreed to. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE 15, 1842. CHURCH-RATES. Mr. THORNELY presented a petition from Sefton, in Lancashire, praying for the abolition of Church-rates. .ying INCOME-TAX. An Hort. MEMBER, on the Ministerial side, presented a petition from the attorneys of Clitheroe, praying to be relieved from the payment of the Income-tax. COLLEGE OF MAYNOOTH. Mr. COLVILLE presented seven petitions from places in Derbyshire, praying that no further grant might be made to the College of Maynooth. METROPOLITAN BRIDGES. Mr. Alderman GOPELANI) presented a petition from the Ward of Farringdon Within, praying the GO 1-eminent to open Southwark, Waterloo, and VanNhall Bridges. Mr. KEMBLE presented a similar petition from Surrey. Mr. WATSON presented a similar petition from the inhabitants of Pentonville. MECHANICS' INSTITUTIONS. Mr. EWART presented a petition (we did not hear from what place) praying that Mechanics' Institutions, might be relieved from the payment of rates and taxes. Mr. HINDLEY presented five petitions in favour of a Ten Hours' Factory Bill, signed by upwards of 6,000 persons, from Ashton•under-Lyne, Stalybridge, Ard flick, Hyde, and Cheetham. The petitioners had added to their names their residence and occupation. SLAVERY. Sir GEORGE STRICKLANI) presented a petition from the East Riding of the county of York, praying for the aLolition of slavery in the East Indies. CARLOW ROADS BILL. This Bill was real a third time," and passed. Mr. VILLIERS presented a petition from the solici tors of Wolverhampton, against the Certificate Duty ; also petitions from agricultural districts in Berkshire and the West Riding of Yorkshire, against the Corn laws ; also fourteen petitions from eancashire to the same effect. Mr. WAKLEY presented a petition, signed by 2,000 inhabitants of Stockport, stating that a person named Ebenezer Thomas was fund dead, on Tuesday the 19th of May, in the police lock-house, with his body muti lated, and praying the House to appoint a Committee to inquire into the' whole cir cums t ances . The Hon. gen tleman moved that the petition be printed with the Votes. The HoN. GENTLEMAN presented a petition from a place near Halifax, praying for a shortening of the hours of labour ; also a petition from Clerkenwell, praying that the bridges over the Thames might be opened to the public. THE METROPOLITAN BRIDGES. Dr. BOWRING presented a petition from 177 indivi duals of the Ward of Portsoken, praying the llOuse to pass a law to repeal the toll upon Southwark, Waterloo, and Vauxhall Bridges, more especially the two former. POOR-LAW AMENDMENT ACT. Sir E. FILMER presented a petition from the Poor law Guardians of sume place in West Kent against this Bill. HEALTH OF TOWNS. Mr. MACKINNON brought up the Report of the Select Committee upon the health of towns. POOR-LAW AMENDMENT ACT. Mr. FERRAND gave notice that, when this Bill went into Committee, he should move that no person holding the situation of Clerk of the Board of Guardians, should in any way interfere in the election of the Board of Guardians. NEW WRIT FOR BELFAST. Mr. B. HUGHES presented a petition from Belfast, impugning the veracity of Cropper, who, in a peti tion some time a g o presoak.' to the House of Commons, had reflected on the character of Mr. Emerson Tennent. Mr. SHAW then rose to move the issue of a new writ for the borough of Belfast. He did so with reluctance, as he was aware that he was interrupting important public business. He entirely concurred with the opinion expressed by his Right Hon. Friend, at the head of the Government, that in cases of this kind the House ought to act judicially, and without party feelings ; it was entirely in that spirit he wrought the present case under consideration. The facts of the case were very short ; on Friday, the 3d of June, the Election Committee reported to the House that the sitting Members for Belfast were not duly ' elected, and that the last election for that borough was a void election. On that night the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the Member for the county of Cork, gave notice that he would move for a Committee of Inquiry into the subject, and consequently there was a suspension of the writ. But it was remarkable that, in the notice of the Right Hon. Member, no men tion whatever was made of bribery. He founded his motion entirely on personation and perjury. He would not refer to the petition that had been pre sented to the House ; it appeared that the only fact Mr. Cropper was in a condition to prove was, that after leav ing Canarvon, he set up a public-house in Belfast, and that there he had received a bribe of 50/. The Honour able and Learned Member might prove the perjury and personation—two grave crimes—but it would ap pear that the bona fide constituency were the in jured, and not the offending party,—(Hear, hear.) It' such a course were pursued it would be utterly de structive ‘, of the character of that House. He did not aject to the most searching investigation into all cases of bribery, and to the most exemplary punish ment being inflicted on all those found guilty. Pre vious to the present session it had been the established rule of the House not to suspend the issue of any writ, unless general bribery had been reported to the Hi use, and the House proposed to legislate upon the subject= or unless alarming riots existed in the borough at the time. The present case certainly was not in the latter category. During the present session, however, the Hoe. and Learned Member for Bath had introduced a new kind of law on the subject, which he (Mr. Shaw) might perhaps be permitted to call the law of compromise. He thought that the House had gone rather too fur in suspending writs upon the unsupported allegation of the Hon. and Learned Member. He was not aware that the Hon. and Learned Member had even averred his own knowledge of the existence of the facts. He was, how ever, free to confess that the notoriety of the cases to which the Hon. and Learned Member had directed the attention of the House certainly seemed to jus tify the interference of the House. But his argument was, that even admitting the law of compromise. as laid down by the Right Hon, and Learned Member for Bath, there was nothing in common between the cases of Belfast and Nottingham. In the case of Not tingham, the Electiou Committee had decided, contrary to the prayer of the petition, that the siting Members had been duly elected. In the present case, in pursuance of the prayer of the election petition, the Committee had declared the late election void. They had now the same parties in the field as candidates at the ensuing election. Supposing the writ to issue, he apprehended that no person of Par liamentary experience would deny that, supposing the same parties to be returned, or to become petitioners in the case, all the matters that had occurred at the last election would be brought under the consideration of the Committee. He had now stated all the facts of this case, and he would leave it in the hands of the House. lie begged only to submit to the good sense of Honour able Members, whether they should not consider they bad already become sufficiently entangled in the suspension of writs, and the difficulties of appointing tribunals fur inquiries of this nature. He was extremely anxious that the House should deal with the case judicially, and without any party bias, not condemning parties unheard, nor punishing the inno cent for the guilty. He desired to be guided by the general sense cf the House as to the propriety or im propriety of granting the writ in this case. Lord SANDON said he should not rise for the pur pose of entering into the discussion, but simply for the purpose of reading a lett4r which (as we understood the Noble Lord) lie had received from the agents of the .lute Members for Belfast. It was to this effect :—" I am requested to state, on behalf of Mr. Emerson Tennent and Mr. Johnstone, in reference to the late compromise of the Belfast petition, that if any such arrangement was ever made it was utterly without their concurrence, and without any con cert or understanding on the part of either of them." Mr. O'CONNELL rose to move, as an amendment, the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire whether a corrupt compromise had been entered into for the purpose of avoiding investigation into gross and ex tensive bribery, and gross and corrupt personation of voters, and consequent perjury, alleged to have been practised at the late election for Belfast. The House would perceive that there was not the least at tempt to deny that a compromise had taken place. All that the letter contained was a denial that the parties to whom it referred were concerned in it. It had already been decided that 'a corrupt compromise was a breach of the privileges of that House, and the House must, therefore, either grant his motion, or declare that their fbrmer decision was wrong. The Hun. Member said all the questions in this case might be raised before the Select Committee. It was plain that they could not. They might go into the circumstances which would render that compromise advisable, but they could not by possibility inquire into the compromise itself. The bribery which had taken place was not confined to either party ; but bribery bad been committed by both parties. His statement was this—that he was informed by so much of authority that it was impossible fur him not to believe it, that it could be proved io the House that ex ceeding gross and extensive bribery took place at the last election for Belfast—that there it had been an organised and systematic bribery, emanating from the Committee room of the Conservative candidates ; that one person ac tually got 401., anotlftr 501., and others different sums varying from 10/.upwards. He was also informed, and could prove, that personation of a most corrupt nature took place at the last election, that a list of those, who at former elections voted for the Conservative candidates, was actually stereotyped by an elector, and that although many of the persons on the list were dead, or were nut entitled to vote, persons were brought t s f u o i r ts war o d f tcoloptheers sonate them. He understood that those parties had been brought from Monaghan, that had been purchased fur them, that disguises of every description had been resorted to, and that a great deal of Quakers' apparel had been used for that purpose ; that presenting themselves, although having no right to vote, they actually took the bribery and other oaths administered to electors ; that one person voted three times. He (Mr. O'Connell) had been furnished with the names. of thirteen persons who had personated others. Witnesses had been brought to London to prove the facts he had stated. The case, therefore, stood for trial. Attempts, however, were made at Bel fast, unsuccessfully, to compromise the matter. A case of compassion was attempted to be raised towards one of the sitting Members at Belfast. It was refused, and now he was in a condition to prove that a compromise bad been entered into. The arrangements were this—first, that the sitting Members should be unseated, with the co-operation of Counsel upon both sides, upon mere matters of form ; and next, that the entire expenses on the part of the petitioners of appearing before the Committee should be forthwith paid. He was ready to prove that they had been either actually paid or that they had been per fectly secured. Now let them look to the Report of the Committee. They had not re ?orted that the petition on the defence of the return was frivolous or vexatious ; and of course, therefore, the costs could not be alloWed to either party. But by the corrupt compromise which had been entered into, the costs of the petitioners were secured. He was able to prove these facts ; and he had before him the petition of one of the persons bribed. It was said, however, that the party owed money at Car narvon, and it seemed to be supposed that whoever owed money at Carnarvon must be a bad character. That was the accusation against him, 'out he (Mr. O'Connell) wanted to know whether that was not the gentle man to whom one of the sitting Members wrote in affectionate terms, signing himself, " Most truly, your's." —(A laugh.) These expressions he would not have used to any man whose character he did cot think respectable. But, at all events, that was a matter for the Committee to decide. The allegations were not his (Mr. O'C's.) They had all that they could desire in the case._ In the instance brought forward by his Hon. and Learned Friend the Member for Bath, his evidence was purely this, that "he was told, and had been informed, ,and believed, and was convinced, and was ready to prbee." But they had more in the present instance. He - (Mr. O'Connell) had a list of witnesses returned to him who would prove the facts. He had distinct allegations of a man of the name of Cropper of the existence of a compromise. lie stated that the sitting Members had agreed to pay all the expenses of the petition, and 'that the inquiry into personation and bribery was conse quently abandoned ; the understanding between the parties being, that the return should be voided on the sole ground of illegal conduct at the poll, that one Member should be returned on each side, and that the new Tory Member should be Mr. E. Tennent. Now, Mr. Tennent had come forward with a declaration setting himself free from the compromise ; but did. he tell the House that his return was not insured ? Did he tell them that it had not been agreed on that one Member not coinciding with him self in opinion should be also returned ? Did he venture to deny that the arrangement in ques tion had not been made ? It was stated, no doubt, that there were several candidates in the field, but Mr. Ten-. nent did not say that he was not bound in honour to re frain from opposing the return of one Liberal Member. Against the party who had made these allegations there was no charge by which he could be disparaged, unless it was a disparagement that he had once been in debt. He heard statements that enormous bribery had been committed at Belfast—that a compromise had been entered into, and that the electors were indignant that this compromise should have taken place. He heard it stated that the general feeling in Belfast was that the crime should be hunted out, and that the guilty party should be punished, and that the facts of hideous personation and mufti tudinous perjury should be fully investigated. All he wanted was the Committee, and he would leave in the hands of the House what the composition of the Committee should be whether. it should he referred to the Committee to which the other cases were referred, or whether a separate one should be appointed. All he desired was, that what was done with regard to the English cases, might be done with respect to the Irish one. What would be said if this inquiry was refused ? He heard it said the writs were issued alternately—now black—now white.— (Laughter.) But something more would be said if the writ was issued in the present case. The writ wa4 not issued in the case of Nottingham, in which a Member of the late Administration was concerned, and would a con- . trary course be pursued with respect to a Member of the present Government ?—(Cheers and laughter.) Both individuals were also in the same of. fice—the Board of Control.—.(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) And how could they rilloW a Committee to inquire in the one case, and refuse it in the other ?. That gentleman, (Mr. E. Tennant) to be sure had pa tronised the Government —(Laughter)—for• he said in his address to the electors of Belfast, " the best proof of my confidence in the present Government may be guessed from the fact that I have accepted office under them."--- (Much laughter and cheering.) Mr. SHAW, who held what we believe was a copy of the address in his hands, said that was not contained in the address. Mr. O'CONNELL—Oh ! you have been sent a copy it.—(Laughter. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman was here handed a copy of the Address by Mr. M. J. O'Connell from which he read the extract as before, amidst continued laughter and cheering.) It seemed then that lie (Mr. O'Connell) was perfectly right.—(Loud laughter.) It appeared then that he patronised the Ministry. Would the Ministry in return patronise him ?—(Continued laughter.) He (Mr. O'Connell) had produced infinitely stronger documentary evidence than had been produced in the Notting ham case. The notoriety was as great as it had been in the Nottingham case. He had proved that by the newspapers; he had the information of a greater number of witnesses to appeal to ; he had the distinct assertion of the petitioner, and there fore he thought he was perfectly justified in stating that there was the strongest reason for believingthat a cm - rupt compromise had taken place. Then there was, in ad dition to all that, the evidence of pecuniary corruption by the payment of all expenses, or what amounted to the same thing, by giving security that such payment should take place. He felt convinced that he should be able to prove the existence of bribery and corruption. He submitted that he had made out a case stronger than any of the English cases. If he had said any thing implying an idea that this case would be more leniently dealt with, because the party implicated be longed to the, Administration, that was a conviction that he would altogether postpone for the present. — (Cheers and laughter.) He would therefore move, as an amendment, " For a Select Committee, to inquire whe ther a corrupt compromise has been entered into, for the purpose of avoiding investigation into gross and exten sive bribery, and gross and corrupt personation of voters, and consequent perjury, alleged to have been practised at the late election for Belfast." Sir H. W. BARRON seconded the amendment. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. Messengers from the Lords brought down divers Bills. BELFAST ELECTION RESUMED. - The PEAKER having put the question, Captain POLHILL said that having been a Member of the Belfast Election Committee, he hoped the House would bear with a few observations from him on the matter. He most cordially supported the motion of his Honourable and Learned Friend (Mr. Shaw). He would state very shortly the reasons why the evidence that came before them on that occasion was in his opinion clear, lucid, and free frcm anything like proving bribery.—(lronical cheers from the Op position benches.) The grounds put forward by the Learned Counsel, and on which the Committee decided, were, first, the minority of certain of the deputy returning officers, that they had adminis tered the bribery oath, they being under age. That circumstance was of itself, both in his opinion and that of the Committee, fatal to the claim of the sitting Members. The second ground counted upon by the Learned Counsel was, that in a certain booth marked letter M, great delays were occasioned in bringing the tal lies up; the bribery oath was administered to almost every person that presented himself to vote, except to a few respectable persons ; and in this latter case, where the oath was not administered, a certain compromise was . entered into, of grant ing a delay of three minutes, so as to equalise the position of the contending parties. Upon those counts his mind had been made up, and they termed the grounds for the decision come to by the Committee. He hoped, then, that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government would support the motion of his Right lion. Friend. Sir H. W. BARRON said he was empowered to state to the House the names of the two parties who had made the compromise, and the amount of money .they were to have been paid. The person who acted on behalf of the Tory Members was Mr. J. M‘Neile, and the manager on the part of the peti tioners was Wm. Candor ; the money that was to have been paid for preventing the case from going before the Committee, and keeping back the evidence was GOO/. down, and a further sum of 4001., left solely to the arbitration of a gentleman resident in Belfast ; he need not give the name of that gentleman, who had not properly been mixed up with the business, but if the facts were denied, he was pre pared to give it. The other two gentlemen had com promised the House, and had stultified the Committee of which the Hon. and Gallant Officer was .a member. Why it would be ridiculous—it was a solemn and ridi culous, but a very thin-veiled farce. The whole facts had come before the public, and were notorious to every club in London. He had heard the names and facts stated by several parties. One of them was now living at the Burlington Hotel. • Let him be called to the bar of the House and examined upon oath. Let them call to the bar of the house John M'Neile, who had acted for the Tory candidates, and see whether he would deny that he was a party. to that compromise, that the money was paid, or promised to be paid, and that he acted for those candidates. If, after suspending the writ in the case of Nottingham, they refused to suspend it here, there would be an end of justice. an end of common sense, and they would be attempting the grosseSt delusion, but a delusion which would not pass current with the most think-headed dolt who read their proceedings.—(Hear.) Sir R. PEEL said he quite agreed with his Right Hon. Friend that they had got into great embarrass ments, in consequence of the allegations on this subject. But why had they got into them ? Why were they compelled to adept a course, which lie admitted was novel and not warranted by the precedents of former Parliaments ? Because they had passed an Act of Par liament dispensing with the necessity of proving agency as a preliminary to the proof of bribery, and be cause they had appointed Committees which, notwith standing the imputations which had been thrown upon them, had shown by their proceedings that they were anxious to perform their duties, without reference to party considerations. One consequence of these two Acts had been the paralysing the tribunal, because the evidence had been withdrawn from it. As he had stated before, he did not think the House of C om m ons , b y al , pointing a tribunal for the adjudication of individual awl personal rights, had deprived itself of its general juris diction with respect to bribery at elections. He did not believe that that was the original intention in passing the Act, nor did be believe it would be consistent with the proper exercise of their functions. In the present case, as in the other, he should decide upon judicial grounds. lie did not see any difference between this case and that of the Hon. and Gallant Member for Pen ryn. In that case the House had determined to institute au inquiry. With respect to the present case, he thought that the documents which had been referred to by his Hon. Friend, showed clearly that a compromise had taken place. his opinion, therefore, was, that in such a state of things the House of Commons was bound to convince the country that it was in earnest—(Hear, hear)—in preventing, as far as it possibly could, those growing systems of bribery and compromises which pre vented the exposure of them. The case of Belfast was not exactly the same as the case of Nottingham. There was no vacating of a seat, or a giving a sum of money, but there were distinct allegations of a compromise. He thought the course the House ought to pursue was to apply themselves as quickly as possible to the Bill of the Noble Lord ; thereby founding their legislation on some principle. On the whole he thought that for the sake of the character of the parties themselves, an in- quiry ought to be instituted, on the same ground as other Inquiries had taken place. it was his intention, there fore, to vote for inquiry, and for the suspensi6n of the writ for a limited time, till that inquiry should take place. He thought, at the same time, that they ought at once to determine what the nature of the inquiry should be, and the constitution of the tribunal to con sider it. Mr. O'CONNELL would leave the constitution of the Committee to the Bight lion. Baronet. Sir R PEEL—Oh, I'd rather not have it. Sir C. LEMON was for the inquiry, and the suspen sion of the writ. Sir R. INGLIS thought that it ought to be issued for Belfast, even if they had a Committee of Inquiry. No sufficient grounds had, in his opinion, been shown why, in that instance, the great privilege of the subject should be withheld. Mr. REDINGTON thought that the writ should not now be issued ; and he thought the Eight Hon. Baronet had acted, on that occasion, in a manner which did him great credit.—(Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said, that his lion. Friend oppo site stated that he wou!cl not suspend the writ unless the Hanse was prepared to disfranchise the borough. Now this seemed to him (Lord J. Russell) an extraordinary position. It was natural that the Ilouse should institute an inquiry in the first instance, and leave the seat 1:-.cant in the mean time. The facts stated to the House were, in his opinion, sufficient to justify such a course. The remedy which . they would hereafter apply might be such as to procure a better and a fairer system of election at Belfast. It might be proved that a number of witnesses were in the habit of receiving bribes and they might purge the constituency of that part of their body. The might devise other remedies for the evils which now prevailed in the electoral s3stein in Ireland. They might find, for instance, that too great a number of names could poll in one booth only, and they might remove that in convenience. But all these things, and many others, must be the result of the inquiry. They should not allow a large borough to escape without any investigation into al leged corrupt practices, while they were ready to suspend the writs in smaller constituencies. In large boroughs, as well as in small ones, they were bound to take the course which might be thought appropriate in each instance. He confessed he regretted that a different course had been taken with re spect to some of the boroughs in Which corrupt practices were complained of, and it appeared to him that it would have been better to•have issued none of these writs in the first instance until the different cases had all been considered. However, in the present instance, he was quite satisfied with the course taken by the Hight Hon Baronet, and he should certainly vote with him. Mr. F. SHAW in reply, said that he had no desire what ever to make this a party conflict. The Members themselves denied that they had had any participation in the compromise. They stated that no such compromise had been acted on, and he believed what they stated. A compromise, as such, was not wrong. If a compromise were entered into by Members of that House for the purpose of avoiding an investigation into bribery, then such a compromise was a gross breach of privi lege on the part of such Members, and should be visited as sueh ; but here, such was not the case. He verily believed that Mr. Johnson was a bona fide candidate, and that if the writ were issued, there would be a severe contest, and in all probability a fresh petition, and in con sequence, a fresh Committee. He had no doubt that the refusal to defend the seat, was a mere matter of calculation. The agents, no doubt, considered that it would be less expensive to go to a new eleetion than to defend the seat. In the Nottingham case the Members had been declared duly elected. But that was not the case here. The parties here were, he believed, bona fide candidates again, and there would be a full opportunity of investigating the matter before a tribunal constituted for that purpose. He did not think there was any case made for the suspension of the writ, because it was the established law that the writ should issue until sufficient cause was shown why it should not, and he did not think that sufficient cause was shown in the pre sent case. He knew very well, after what had fallen from his Right Hon. Friend, what the result of a divi-ion would be.— (Cheers.) He knew he would be in asmall minority--( Cheers) —and he would not be willing to afford the gentleman oppo site a party triumph.—(Cheers.) His wish, therefore, was riot to press the motion.—(" Divide, divide.") If it went to a division, he should vote according to his own convictions, but knowing what the result would be, he did not wish to divide.—(" Divide, divide.") As the .gentlemen around him seemed to be anxious for a division, he would press the motion The House then divided when there appeared, For issuing the writ ... Against it 73 170 Majority against issuing the writ On our return to the gallery, we found Mr. O'CONNELL stating (as we understood) that he would name the members of his Committee to-morrow. -97 CUSTOMS ACTS. The House then went into Committee on the Customs Acts. On the resolution imposing a duty of 4s. per ton on coi, culm, and cinders, exported in foreign ships, being proposed, a desultory conversation ensued, in which Mr. Ward, Lord Howick, Mr. Gladstone, and Dr. Bowring, took part, after which the item was agreed to. On the proposal of a duty of 2s. on coals in British ships, not being small coal, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the Noble Lord opposite had the other evening asked why the 4s. duty had been abandoned. When his Right Hon. Friend made his financial statement, the Government conceived that coal might be exported at a duty of 4s. per ton without material in convenience to the trade of the country, or, at least, without any inconvenience at all proportioned to the advantage which would be derived to the revenue. It had since appeared to them, from statements of parties connected with the trade, that that duty could not be continued with effect. Foreign na tions required the coal of this country, and doing so they had levied a duty on it. It therefore became the Govern ment to consider whether they could not derive a revenue from the export. The sum originally fixed upon was a 4s. duty, and since that, propositions had been made to the House. It was true, a great variety of statements had been made to the Government on the subject, and inquiries had been totde, with a view of seeing how far the duty proposed to be imposed was one which the article could fairly bear, and the result of that inquiry was the proposition which his Right Hots. Friend bad submitted that evening to the House. There was also another consideration which arose out of the state of steam navigation. It. had been represented to the Govern ment, by the owners of steath-vessels having depots of ccal in foreign countries, that the .dintrof 4s. a ton would be a bur den which they would.not he.able to bear, and they asked that means might be devised for exempting them from this charge. Upon an examination of the subjetli; it was found that it would be impossible to devise any satisfactory means of exempting coals sent abroad for these steamers, without leading to fraud. It therefore appeared desirable that such a rate of duty should be imposed as could be fairly borne by the Companies engaged in this system in steam navigation, and would avoid fraud ; these were the main inducements to the Government to adopt the present proposition. The amount of duty anticipated from the duty of 4s. was 200,0001., and from information that he hest received, he believed that the duty of 25., if the exportation of coal went on in the same proportion as during the year that had elapsed, would produce altogether 140,0001., which was a reduction of 60,0001. on the gross amount anticipated by his Right Hon. Friend. He considered that the House was perfectly justified in endeavouring to raise a duty which, without affecting our foreign trade, would make a considerable addition to the revenue. Mr. BELL said, that, considering the strength of the Go vernment in that House, he felt grateful to them for the con cession they had made. A meeting had been lately held at Newcastle-upon-Tyne of th e p roprie t ors o f collieries upon the subject now under the consideration of the House. At that meeting resolutions had been agreed to, stating the im policy of imposing any duty on the exportation of coals, and suggesting that if it should be deemed expedient to impose such a duty, it ought not to exceed 2s. per ton on large coal, and Is. per ton on small. He felt grateful to the Right Hon. Baronet for the concessions he had made, and he trusted tl,at from the great anxiety which the Right Hon. Baronet had always exhibited to promote the commercial interests of the country, if the imposition of the duty should be found to opt rate prejudicially, he would not hesitate to reduce it, or to do away with it altogether. He hoped, also, that the Right Hon. Baronet would consent to postpone the imposition of it to the latest possible period—say to the month of October—because he felt convinced that if it were imposed earlier it would ope rate prejudicially on those engaged in the collieries. Ile could not sit down wi,hout expressing his gratitude to the Govern ment for not having extended the duty to cu:m and cind re, as had been at first proposed. Viscount HOW ICK had heard, with regret the intimation of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, that it was not his intention to per sist in the course of which he had given notice, because he be lieved that if he had persevered, a case would have been made out so strong that if it had been brought forward supported, as it would have been supported, her Majesty's Government would have been obliged to }field.— ( Hear.) He was sorry, because it had devolved upon him (Lord Howick) to take the sense of the House upon the subject, and it had imposed upon him the painful duty of expressing to the House his opinion of the manner in which the negotiations between the Hon. Member, the coal trade, and her Majesty's Government, had been con ducted. He thought the manner in which that negotiation had been conducted was a ground for grave objection. Ile was perfectly aware that in all cases in which an announce ment had been made of an intention on the part of the Govern ment to impose a duty which was likely to affect any of the commercial interests of the country, those whose interests were affected had a right to state their reasons to the Government why such a duty should not be imposed. Nothing was more proper than that these ; communications should take place, and that the Government should, in deference to the information and reason• which might be adduced, modify the propositions they submitted to the consideration of Parliament. But, at the same time, it was the duty of Government to make up their minds, after deliberate consideration of the facts and reasons brought before them, upon the amount of taxation to be im posed upon any particular interest, and hay.ng so de cided, it was the duty of Government to propose to Parliament the rate of duty that they thought it right to impose, without reference to the parties interested. But they had no right to say to the parties, whom a particular tax would affect, " If you abstain from your opposition, we will recommend to Parliament a modified rate of duty ; .but if you persist in your opposition, and impede and thwart the mea sure we propose, we will punish you, by adhering to the ori ginal proposition, and impose on the interest with which you are connected a heavier duty than we think it ought in reason to bear."—( Hear, hear.) A Government had no right to take such a course ; and he thought no independent Member of Parliament was entitled to assist in carrying on any nego tiations to induce parties to submit to the propositions of Go vernment. That was a practice against which every Member ought to set his face. Now, the Government listened to the representations of persons connected with the coal trade ; and he begged to thank the Right. Hon. Baronet, for the patience and courtesy with which he had listened to the statements made by him (Lord Howiek), and the Hon. Gentleman opposite, on the subject. He would now lead to the House some documents connected with the subject, and at greater length than he should wish, but the subject aas so important, that he hell ed the House would excuse him.—( Cheers.) (The Noble Lord here read a letter from the Hun. Member for Northumberland (Mr. Bell), to the Chairman of the United Committee of the Coal Trade in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, to the effect that he ( Mr. Bell) had heard that the Government had shown a dispo sition to remit 2s. per ton, of the duty proposed to be le vied on coals exported in British ships, provided such concession would have the effect of inducing the coalowners to abandon their threatened opposition to the duty as it now stood in the amended tariff, namely, 4s. per ton; that it would be sa tisfactory to him (Mr. Bell) to learn that. such a proposition spas favourably received by the trade in general, as the Government was so strong that he had no hope of carrying the amendment of which he had given notice, and that the conse quence of failure would be that they would he saddled with the whole duty of 4s. per ton.) The Noble Lord went on to say that that letter was communicated to the Committee of the Coal Trade in Newcastle, and on the 25th instant they adopted a resolution, stating that the meeting was grateful for the sug gested reduction of 2s. on coals exported in British ships, and desired to express their grateful sense of Mr. Bell's exertions ; and that as far as the discriminating duty between British and foreign vessels was concerned, the sneering were strongly im pressed with the conviction that the duty of 2s. could not be imposed without seriously affecting the importation of coal. A meeting was a I Lek at the Chamber of Commerce in Newcastle on the.3d of June, ,lese.,2,,et F F eh the following tesoiution was adopted That this inertng ate .ut , animously of opinion that the imposition of any duty e$ the export of c o al s i s n o t on ly o bj ec ti ona ble -p r i nc iple. 1 311 ' will be highly injurious to the commercial and shipping ini e rests of this district, as well as to the important interests dee pendent on the prospecity of the trade. and. under this cos' viction, they express their hope that her Majesty's Got ment will abanseen the proposed or any o th er ewe o f duty." i e addition to this ameeting was held in Palace. yard of the-pupl; bets connected w ith th e coa l di str i ct . Thi s .meet i ng was held on the 30th of May, and then there was no imiroationeaf farther modification of the plan being in contemplation; but on the fellowing morning ano th er no ti ce w. s issued„ and andt he ; meeting again assembl e d : a t th is meet i ng a reso l ut i o n W 0 agreed to that it, was inexpedient to accept a duty Of, 23• r_ ton on all coal, but if the Government 'would fix a ditty- of '•"" per tpn on round coal, and Is. per ton ion small. it would be their interest to accept it, rather than risk the imposition of the duty originally imposed. A further iesolution - ti usted that fli e or Government would be ind uce d t o a b an d on t l .e imposition t any duty, as they were convinced that any duty ra ng be hejutious, in prop or ti on t o i ts amount, .to t" trade and the shipping, and other interests connected vrith it' 'these were the only papers necessary to read to the Houk' „ and after he had done so, and refe rre d t o th e , epee e of the Honourable M em b er f or S out h Northumberland, '" would ask whether they did not fully substantiate the stat e .. meats made at the commencement, that this degree of stol . „ . ° P escence in the coal trade in the rates of duties now pro Pe tr" had been obtained by a dre a d th at if t h ey pers i ste d in refu,s7 to agree to-the compromise the Gov ernmen t propose d.l would propose the ruinous duty o f 4 s . W as that a mode, proceeding to which th e H ouse s h ou ld g i ve i ts sanct i on 17 0 approbation. He would say no more as to the manner vs which they compromis e d ; b u t h e wou ld now consider lsetiier r,, the duty, in its present modifi e d s h ape , was one which 7,- House ought to consent t o . H e conten d e d t h at i t was w', Had any sound reason been shown for the House adopting high a duty? He had received a statement from a gentle:Os?" who was one of the l arges t p ro p r i etors o f co ll er i es on t h e Weir' and he stated that they had been selling coals at Is. &._a ° i r e so that the duty, in some in s t ances , wou ld b e 40 , an d , i n o tiseL" 70 per cent. on the value of the a r ti c l e . H e argue d that th e increase in exportation of coal was always contemporane e° with the decrease of duty; there had recently been a elilli ee i er , tion in the amount of the exportation from this`w te try, which he ascribed to the sevete competition to which they were subje c t e d. I n H o ll an d they hed, compete with the Belgian coal, and it was the inn",, in the Mediterraneah ; there was reason to fear that'll I D ' duty was imposed they would lose the market of the Mel, ral,ean altogether. It was ca l cu l a t e d t h at i n the course last year 1,000,000 tons of s m a ll coa l h a d been destroys the coal districts ; and there could be no doubt butt std e " greater quantity would b e d es t roye d if our colliers svecel`r prived, by the imposition of a new duty, of any of the sose eat which they now p ossesse d. It s h ou ld a l so be rereembered,:e.te", in order to enforce th e p a y men t o f t h e duty, there should o' large addition made to the Custom-house force ; and the re' venue expected from the duty would, of course, be Mei tfonately diminished, Coals were now shipped at all hours the day and night, and it would be found necessary to int t e h t ; fere with that practice; so that the imposition •of se new duty would render va r i ous vexa ti ous arrangements ne'e'd. sary ; and the trade w ou ld th us b e materia ll y ceiPr, sp, The argument he advanced was, that the effect of the Cso°!e, ment proposition would, be to. reduce the exportation of . !`" - e ,„ and instead of 140,0001., which the Right Hon. Gentle:natt e r petted, he would not g e t h a lf th at sum. Th e Ri g ht It..bru ., Gentleman said that th e ex p or t a ti on o f coa l gave an in,n, to manufactures abroad ; but was it no t notor i ous t h a t ol e o , factures could best be carr i e d on w h ere t h e coa l was fotlna4, the spot? That was the case in this country, and it less ee ', same with regard to other coun t r i es . Th e Ri g h t H on . , ter - o f tleman had said that this measure would have the effectl e s making foreign countries tributary to them. It may bec,;, , foreign countries would l e vy a t ax on t h ese coa l s, and. o ‘7 would be a legitimate object of taxation. The impositiosty this duty . would stimulate foreigners to pay attention to' de o raising of coals from th e mi nes i n th e i r own countries. ine neral activity already prevailed abroad on this subject' ef France and Spain the attention both of the Governinew ee d those countries a n d o f th e cap i ta li sts h a d b een . diee7 o f to the subject of their c o lli er i es , an d t h e Governlnelkv. this country was about to render them most portant assistance by the imposition of this duty ' I :0 loss, which we should experience in consequence, not be limited to the loss of our export trade for eoals, bit foreigners succeeded in establishing a cheap productioe of coals, they would employ those coals in carrying on a varlet,' manufactories whiele would compete with our own.—( 114 :01 The coal trade was, at the present moment, in a most der. .„‘ condition, and they were about to add to the difliculty,L. the distress experienced i n th e coa l di str i cts. I f a small no portion only of that trade should be lost, it would add grlet the general distress and dep ress i on . Th e s hi ps whickw wlib thrown out of employ men t, would enter int o competition, ill those now engaged in the coasting trade, and thus delseete lower the present ruinously low rate of freights., The IMe ing men, who were now employed in raising coals for the w' s se market, would be thrown out of . employment, and would e a o into competition with the oth er collieries,-atid'thus bring" ea. the rate of wages; and they were about to risk all those, sequences for a duty which it was calculated, in ehe'S; would net yield more than 140,0001., and that, on a eee tion that th e re wou ld b e no di m i nut i on i n the „exportano, consequence of the tax, for a t ax , t h e net pro d uce of lose would never exceed 70,0001. a year , an d that at a tittle:. they were throwing away a rev e nue o f 170,000 e, by•sMite alteration in the duties on coffee. He was surprise's:id Right Hon. Baronet adopting this retrograde policy with to one article at the very time when he was stating, as 7 - 1 10 an for imposing a heavy pecuniary b ur d en upon t h e na tios4Sse, he was by his tariff affording increased facilities to teedes';4ol Mr. H UTT, as the representati ve - o f an i m p or tant t ! district, felt bound to protest against the imposition oftbte even in its modified form, and he felt convinced that the i. lo owners of the North of England mus t h ave h a d other flegullsol than those derived from reason l a id b e f ore t h em to i n duce ' to consent to the adopting of a proposition 30 diestet ruinous tothe districts in whi c h they reside. The dol. 0 # annihilate the export trad e i n sma ll coa l . H e cou ld no' 150 ' • at this postcript to the tariff, without expressing his es ts t i r set ment that such a postcript should have been added by. oo o who introduced the tariff itself , so inconsistent was it 17; ise those ptinciplts on whiCh the tariff was founded. As rt e fee hostile to all former legislation on the subject, he thane` of Government were bound to state satisfactory reasons for lea proposed alteration. When the facilities of conveyance , 1 1 1 10 were now in progress, had been completed, the c oal trade be subjected to a mos t i n j ur i ous competition. Neat/ter' whole of Europ e ; a s regar d e d t h e art i cle of coal, was as ye t explored, and this fact, t oge th er w i t h t h e progress o f rod, on the Continent, might well lead there to expect great...io, petitit n in coal. The Hen. Gentleman trueted,that t e b el tiesS position of the Government would be abandoned, its .1;V convinced there was no soundness in it. The Hom e e -P i r d,So concluded by seconding the amendment of the Noble seu_ s i. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER expkai l iti Lord HOWICK explained. Although it could not be'd that a threat had b e en h e ld ou t t o t h e coa l tra d e , yet -it 1 0 cot be denied that an inducement had been held out to not to agitate. Mr. LIDDELL said, that as the Noble Lord had dec . es og i;iej his intention of dividing the House on this question, it b e ee esi his (Mr. Liddell's) duty to explain the vote which he intc"., l oo to give. He considered that great danger was attendan t any impost on the exportation of coal, but he was haPPi_ eee t t ties that a difference was still to continue in favour of exPer" - t edis of English buttons. He was decidedly opposed to allY tional duty on coal, but as there was no chance of succes s .. to be opposing the ori g i n al p ro p ose d d uty , h e h a d cons id er ed a pat to the advantage of the trade to accept the modified rafee d e et taking all the circumsta nces i n t o cons id erat i on, h e cou' pe sell help regretting th a t h er M a j esty ' s G overnment h a d Pro any duty at all. Havi ng co - o p erate d w i t h t h e H on . 14 7;0f for North -Northumberland a n d o th ers connecte d w ith the or with respect to the compromise, he felt bound in honour to Ad, port it, and he should, therefore, not vo e with the Noble but but with her Maje s ty' s G overnment. H e repose d in the 0, feet Lope, that if th e Government found the proposed a tit i l re er the eff, et of diminishing the export of coal, they_4o take hereafter some remedying steps. They must re_r s oi that where a mark e t was l os t i t cou ld never h e reg ai n ed , such should h e th e case w i t h respect to t h e coa l tree e ', Government would have much to answer for. Mr. BERN AL said that with respect to our being elteillt• compete with foreig n coun t r i es , th e y mus t reco ll ec t 'lied '. " I p ao of coal in F rance an d i n A n t werp h a d b een f or som e 00 declining, and he thought it very doubtful whether theY o ,lit be able to co m p e t e w i t h th e f ore i gner, even if thereeeeeif t i duty. If the Government risked the prosperity of a grTee , terest, they incurred a heavy responsibility. dpi Mr. GLADSTONE trusted the Committee would needle that the proposed imposition of a duty upon coal w le . srei, productive of very ill e ff ec t s , b ecause H on . M em bers W presented the coal districts had thought fit to represelibee results as most tuitions and devastating : s u c h oppositl ° 401 been raised to almost every proposition, and for at 10gi...00 were almost led to b e li e ve th a t threet taxation was a bad of things ; and then again, when direct taxation was pro "the most powerful ar gumen t s were ra i se d ,aga i ns t that sr o e o est It was their duty now, however, -to consider the F: rt i e lei arguments which had b een ma d e use o f aga i nst this es i and the most feasible of those,. as it appeared to hirst_l t a which related to the m on ey that was expected to be T t Ootil this tax, which was between 130,0001. and 140/. Pe r ev ene:, He did not think that thi s t ax wou ld b e i n j ur i ou s in 1 1 t er sequences ; if the effect o f it wou ld b e t o impede the Pr sjo befe of the trade, then it m i g ht b e h e ld to b e injurious; b u e ve; the effect would be to ra i se a sum o f money f or th e ir O n ' s : 3 o e , and necessary purpos es , th en h e th oug h t t h a t the irePt r eer o be considered as a p ro p e r one . R evenue was ale K ao , tb e; object in view, and he mus t sa y h e was surprised to t . ) Noble Lord, the Member f or S un d er l an d, sa y that the of this tax would b e t o i ncrease th e pr i ce o f coal to 4 A 0 consumer; on this point he (Mr. Glad s t one ) was oi l o otte opposite opinion ; he thought that the effect would be & . 0 01 , 11 reduetion of the price to the home c on su mer.—(bath"`' The question for the C o m m itt ee t o cons id er was, 'pent: result of this impo s t wou ld b e any cons id era ble d...utttsHoin upon the amount of coal at p resen t exporte d. He tl ll 7 - OS y the case of such a result occurring had not been et` r eetie", out, for though a n i m p os t h a d b een i mpose d h e did ,n9c,oela:, fain the slightest expectation that the foreign cos; wo of , able to compete with the British. The Belgian cot' oeffe t r ' very inferior a character to British, that it could never with it in th a t coun t r y f or purposes requ i r i ng good e :;;,s e .. 0; Denmark there was no d ou bt b ut t h e quant ity at P ee e j rssn; ported from England to th a t coun t r y wou ld b e inceee,,b 1 4; than dimini s hed, an d h e did no t h es i ta t e to sa y that Wit se i wet, to that country the duty of 4s. might have been lTthout i i . very considerable advantage. To Norway, also, h e for ate it ' o the exportations would Increase. We had been .0 , 8 55 .0,. years exporting coals to Holland, and from 1831 . t,.. 5p i exported no less than 120,000 tons at a duty of 3s. 'K . ' r" He could not think, then, that the apprehensionsw ith e or re P r e to the effects of this duty had the slightest grounds foundation. l do Mr. LAM BTON felt himself o bli ge dto oppose the ob , in its modified sh a pe, i nasmuc h as it was ca lculated: o l oe fart", our commercial intercourse with oth e r n a tions, and amid important i n te r e s t s . It wou ld i n j ure not onl Y tlt sebllo coalowners of the north, but also the shipowners..j e ton e° e a lt e , also prove most injurious to the great steam nay c ,a .nte r43.- 1 0 4.' nies and the continental gas companies, which of h t a n d; .rewpf ea ss 10_ t, large contracts expressly on the faith this duty. The e etroposition of the Governm!nicl consistent w.th IR' principle of the tariff, of reciprocal benefit to this and to foreign c vi o h n ict _ r e ie b . olef ere e : ' imposition of this duty was calculated to irritate 00 5 9 11 , re s . u .o e rnents with which we sought to establish comener e l e i g htn ie and to strengthen whatever determi: ations theY e ; r e jettef itt i contemplated as to imposing restrictive or prohileitt th i s cf, to articles exported by us. On that ground a lon e .loo i s teo otio s ought to be condemned. It was a duty greatlYern. j3sr d be impede the commercial policy which the Right a t% l2. ao_ er e considered of such paramount importance to esf 1 " to supl'", (Ms. Lambtcn) should therefore feel it his du j e oPV the proposition of th e N o bl e L or d (Lord Howie' , vo bje tion to that ot the Governmet. Lo l‘ rd ir. ( rests uf his constituents subservient to a wish not pit H B o tt l : , L i eLk fen). li d e e tided ad himself eeu f . r . o d m h i t m h the f at t attack ° f t tt h oh e eopp: %: oo 4 : the Government oanerhmeenrtepellAtdmiotrew deserved.-- ( Hear.) He never did, and b e , et stelv!i i u th nfc t i h u sacrifice the interests of his constituents, to s t up ei.4 o :74get vernment whatever. No blame could attach If! ifies' Government for the part they took inathis sußl i c he could be more manl and a raightforward than was brill° e which they acted—(Hear, hear)—and if there the unfounded scorn accusation c a u n s d a t ne n vdei gr 13, sou:et