The Sun. — London, England, 1861-10-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, CONDO \T, THURSDAY LC V gNING, OCTOBER 3, 1861. Commence at 8. Promenade, Is. Conductor, Mr. ALFRED MELLON. To-morrow (Friday), the last CLASSICAL NIGHT. (in Saturday next, the Last VOLUNTEER NIGHT, when Beethoven's Battle Piece will be repeated. • On Monday next, Haydn's oratorio, THE CREATION (the entire work). Ou Wednesday next, for the Benefit of Miss Julia Woolf. THEATRE•ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lessee, Mr. J. B. Bactsione. THIS EVENING, the performances will commenws with FAINT HEART NEVER WON FAIR LADY . Atter which, a new Comedy, entitled THE SOFT SEX. Mr. C. Mathews, Mr. Buckstone, Mr. Compton, Mr. E.Villiers, Mrs. Charles Mathews, Mrs. Wilkins, ite. With PAUL PRY MARRIED AND SETTLED. Paul Pry (in a new position), Mr. C. Mathews. Le conclude with A KISS IN THE DARK. Commence a 7. ROYAL PRINCES S'S THEATRE.— Lessee and Manager, Mr. A. Harris. T lIIS EVENING, TRH: RENDEZVOUS. Alter whii , h, a new and original comedy, in five acts, writ ten by John Brougham, entitl ed PLAYING WITH FIRE ; characters by Mr. John Brougham (his sth appearance), Mr. Ryder, Mr. H. Widdicombe, Mr. G. Jordan (of the principal theatres of the United States, n his sce th appearan E lan 1), Miss C. Lelciercq, and Mrs. Weston.i With THE GARIBALDI EXCURSIONISTS. R A L LYCEUM TREATRE. Manager—Mr. Edmund Falconer. T lIIS EVENING, A MIDSUMMER'S EVE. Alter which, at Eight o'clock, the new and success ift comedy of WOMAN; or, Love against the World. Characters by Messrs. Walter Lacy, Addison, Herman Vezin, J. Robins, 'Mrs. Charles Yonnz, Mrs. Weston, Miss Murray, and Miss Lydia Thomson. To conclude with AN UNPROTECTED FEMALE, in which Miss Lydia Thompson will danee a New Volunteer Quick Step. Prices as usual. Doors open at hall-past 8, to commence at 7. Boa-office open daily from 11 till 5. NEW THRATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHI.--• Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster. Open for the Winter Season. VHIS EVENING. MUSIC HATE" CHARMS. Messrs. b'isher, Romer, Warde, Misses K. Kelly and Laidlaw. After which (241st time), THE COLLEEN BAWN. Mr. 4oucicault, D. Fisher, Billington, S. Emery, Stephenson, C. J. Smith, Romer, HoWard. Ward ; Mrs. Bousicault, Miss Wr °t or, Mrs. Billington, and Mrs. H. Lewis. Toconclude with LOVE AND HUNGER. Messrs. Fisher, Emery, C. J. Smith, Mrs. H. Marston, and Miss K. Kelly. Doors open at half-past 6—Commence at 7. (lANTERBURY HALL CONCERTS, AND FINE ARTS GALLERY. Mr. SAM COWELL every evening' at Nine and a quarter to Eleven. Also, Grand Selections from TROVATORE, TItAVIATA, NORMA, MARTHA, &c., By Miss Russell. Miss Ernst, Mr. Herbert, Signor Tivoli, Mr. Morley, and a powerful Chorus. The Comic department comprises Messrs. Harvey and French, " The Nerves "—Mr. Marshall—Mr.Mood and his talented Son—and Miss Harriet Coveney Musical Director, Mr. Jong,hmans. Admission—Hall, 6d. ; Stalls and Balcony, Is. T HE 0 X F ORD, 8, OXFORD-STREET. EVERY EVENING. A Grand Selection from Verdi's new opera, " Simon Boo eane,erra" (now produced for the first time in this country), by Miss Russell, Messrs. C. Greville, Tivoli, Greene, Morley, and Herbert ; also from Verdi's "Macbeth," by Madame Enderssohn and the entire Company. Full band and chorus. Conductor. Mr. F. Jonghmans. Varied Comic Entertain ments by Harvey and French (The Nerves), Wood and his Son, E. Marshall, and W. Randall. Hall, Bd. ; Balcony and Stalls, is. ; Private Boxes, 10s. 6d. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. DAY.—Morning, 12h. 30m.—Afternoon, lh. 10m. To-moßßow.-Morning, lh. 30m.—Afternoon, lh. 50m. THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, OCTOBER 3, 1861. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 63—highest since noon yesterday. 51—lowest this morning and duel:lig the night. 60—this day at noon. BAROMETER-30.18; a sudden rise of nearly half an inch. WlND—North-Westerly in the morning—now South- Westerly—light; with very fine weather. THE SUN. LONDON, THURSDAY, OCT. 3, 1861. There is of course much truth in this ; but it is not truth, after all, honourable to the North, and least of all to the PRESIDENT. Mr. FOSTER does not quite correctly describe the state of the case in the words we have italicised. Had he left out the word "ap peared," his remark would have been much nearer the truth ; for the North we are sorry to say is not anti-Slavery in the sense of caring for its abolition at all. We mean of course, that the vast majority in the North is not. The North is much more anti-Negro than it is anti-Slavery. It is notorious that among a Christian people, where we ought to expect a kindly interest in the welfare of a docile race cruelly wronged by their forefathers, we find just the reverse. A more grateful, manageable, teach able people than the Negroes does not exist, and there is abundant room for them in the Free States; yet they are despised, excluded, persecuted we might justly say, in the most hard-hearted manner and treated in all respects as Pariahs by the Christian Brahmins of the North. No Northerner will deny the general truth of this description ; indeed, it has been almost doubted whether under decent masters, the slave has not a pleasanter l‘t in the South, than the Free Negro of the North, whom white Freemen shun as a leper, even in the house of God, and whom they eject from a railway carriage even if a glove will conceal the only phy sical indications of African descent ! Oar strong impression is that, but for this inhuman hardheartedness of the North, the war would long ere now have been as openly for the abolition of slavery as it is for the restoration of the union. Every consideration, political and military, demands it. Why then is it not so ? Those who demand English sympathy for the North, like Mrs. STOWE and Mr. FOSTER, insist on it, that the war is in reality against slavery; then, in the name of Truth, why not proclaim it to be what it really is ? We are pleased to see that Mrs. STOWE, in her second letter, does demand that the banner of Emancipation be at once un furled. General FREMONT, and General BUTLER, too, in his way, have shown their sense of the value of abolition in a military point of view. And, politically, does Mr. LINCOLN himself expect that, if he could force the South back again, the Free and the Slave States could ever unite in harmonious co-operation. The old festering sore would, no one doubts, break out soon as mischie vously as ever. There is no possibility of a lasting Union, unless it be a Union of the Free. What then prevents the declaration of Abolition by the Federal Government—we reply, at the bottom, it is the cruel negro-hatred of Northern men. The North is averse to Slavery as an institution. It sees that it is a social and a commercial blight on the States which cherish it. It is determined, therefore, to exclude it from those lands in the far West, which it desires for the future possession of its migratory freemen. It does not want to have any of the yet unsettled territories blasted with compulsory labour. But does the North desire the abolition of Slavery where it now exists ? We doubt it. It alleges the Constitution as a rea son for not wishing to overthrow the domestic institutions of "Sovereign States." Is that a pre text, or a real reason ? In the great majority of cases, we believe, it is the former. Mr. LINCOLN himself, the most technical of the techni cal, has not hesitated to interfere with the sovereign rights of Maryland, and, indeed, of New York, too, so long as they were rights which would not liberate a slave. Let the violation of the Habeas Corpus Act suit his purpose, and it is torn to shreds—let a bold general, for military reasons, declare a traitor's negroes free, and forth. with the President of the United States cries " Hold !" From the beginning Mr. LINCOLN has ostentatiously avowed his purpose to preserve sla very untouched in the South; and all the insults of slaveholders to the National Flag ; all the blood they have shed; all the money they have compelled him to waste, have not diverted him from standing by Southern slavery. It shakes his presidential chair, yet he caresses it—it murders his subjects and insults him openly, yet he literally fulfils the precept—and, struck on the one cheek, he turns the other also. No indignity, no injury, shall provoke him to rail on slavery, or to return evil for evil. He blesses those who curse him, and prays for those who despitefully use him and persecute him. But we have yet to learn that such meekness is a _Ruler's virtue. The highest authority teaches far otherwise ; and Mr. LINCOLN knows that there is a wide difference indeed between meanness and meekness. Not, assuredly, to any Christian con siderations is his mercy to slaveholders due. There are those who have a real claim on his mercy—but unhappily it is just there the evil begins. He abhors the free negro as a citizen of the United States. In this day's telegrams we have a proof of it. What means the ominous paragraph " Several negroes in full uniform, having entered Washington with a New York Regiment, Mr. Secretary CAMERON had prohibited coloured people from wearing the Federal uniform"!!! We recommend to the attention of our readers an interesting letter on the cultivation of cotton in Egypt, for which we are indebted to the Cotton Supply Association. It was addressed by Mr. G. R. HAYWOOD, secretary of the Association, during his stay in Egypt, to the Viceroy of that country, and details facts of great promise and importance. All persons of any public spirit must be interested in the cotton question now. The fate of negro slavery hangs on our listening at the right time to the warning that we must not trust to America again. But of far more importance to us that a Lancashire population, as large as that of the negroes of Ame rica, depends for its very bread on the spinning and weaving of cotton. India we have not overlooked, and never can. But it will tax the resources of all cotton growing countries to save four millions of Englishmen from idleness and want; and we read, therefore, with much gratification the report of Mr. HAYWOOD. There appear to be all the elements for prompt activity in Egypt. No want of conveyance in a land, which is the valley through its whole length, of a great navigable river; nothing but to grow, clean, and pack the cotton. The land and climate are all in its favour, the former abundant. The obstacles are want of money, and want of know ledge. The knowledge has already begun to make its way among the Fellahs. Already there are in operation 600 or 700 MACARTHY gins worked by steam power ; some of them belonging to enter prising Europeans, but others to the Pashas them selves ; and all very profitable to the proprietors. Still there is much to do, three-fourths of the cotton being still cleaned by the old process. Money to extend the cultivation is the funda mental want, The fellahs are as poor as Indian Ryots. They receive advances now at an interest of about 60 or 70 per cent. per annum. The advance appears nevertheless to be secure. It is proposed that a cotton bank, or some other arrangement, shall furnish the advance at 1 or 2 per cent. per month, which would, donbless, be a safe as well as very profitable undertaking. The Viceroy is dis posed to render his most cordial and efficient aid ; indeed, he has every inducement to do so. English aid to cotton growing will tell very differently on hir Exchequer to What French canal cut ting at Suez does, and may make up for some of that great loss. There seems nothing . wanting in Egypt now but English capital and intelligence to obtain, at a short notice, a large supply of cotton of very good quality, an d doubt.. less capable of great improvement. We refer our readers, however, to this unusually interesting and hopeful communication. What is done shows what can be done. And Egypt is a country with which we can now converse by telegraph, and which our ships can reach in a few days. In the great cotton famine we must follow the example of the patri archs in the corn famine, and go down to the land of the Pharaohs. In a very able lecture at Bradford, last Tuesday might, Mr. W. E ,FOSTER, the member, described as very different the real object of the American War, and that of the parties engaged in it. In th e b eginning of his lecture he remarked that it was a war "of int ense interest, because he con ceived that it was a. war to solve the problem whether a race of ciAtilized men in this age of the world could, in Pettes,and safety, keep millions of What will Englishmen think of this ? Natives of America—as much as the white ; citizens, if we remember rightly, in New York by law, this precious President, in a war brought on by the wrongs of negroes, will not allow a negro to join in defending such liberty as he enjoys in the North. Surely, if this be r ea ll y, as is assented, a war against y) of all men those of African descent should join in the struggle. No, Mr. LIN COLN, and far too many, do not want coloured men in the North. They want the Slave States as a negro sink, to retain in bonds lest they should migrate northwards, the objects of their aversion. That we believe to ba the true explanation of the otherwise absurd civil and military policy of sup porting Southern slavery. Detestation of the negro answers all the otherwise perplexing enigmas of Presidential negro policy. There are 4,000,000 blacks which cannot well be killed off. they might went prove North inconvenient er w ee citizens t I f e m an cipated, a n d electors; t they if they would be a nuisance—so, let us take all pos- ALFRED MELLON'S PROMENADE their fellow-beings in slavery." And towards the CONCERTS. THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT-GARDEN. close, after showing how the Democrats who were LAST WEEK BUT ONE. generally favourable to slavery were much more The Programme this evening will consist of popular Vocal and Instrumental Music , comprising Overtures, Quadrilles, favourable to the Union, and, therefore, joined the Waltzes, Polkas, Marches, Galops,Songs, Solos, &a V oca lists—Mdlle. PAREPA, Miss POOLE, and Miss S. Republicans after the attack on Fort Sumpter, he COLE. proceeds—" Thus it was that the North and South came to be arrayed one against the other; but there was this difference, that whereas the South were fighting avowedly for the right to perpetuate and extend slavery, the avowed object of the North was simply the preservation of the Union. There fore it was true that the South ap peared in the contest to be more pro slavery than did the North to be anti-slavery. But in reality the North were fighting against slavery as much as the South for it ; for if the South succeeded they would establish a slave power such as he had described; if they failed, slavery would receive a blow from which it could not recover. So that inasmuch as the attempt to limit slavery had been the reason why the slaveholders had begun the war—inasmuch as the continuance of slavery depended upon the result of this war—he acknow ledged he wished success to the North so long as the war lasted." sible care that in putting down the slaveholder we do not elevate his slave ! During more than half-a-year past a series of remarkable papers, statistical and analytical, in reference to the Trade and Population of France, has appeared from month to month in the pages of one of our popular magazines. The readers of Bentley's Miscellany will at once recognise that allusion is here made to the series penned by a contributor signing himself (a name hitherto un known to us) FREDERICK MARSHALL—one evi dently well versed in the subject upon which he has been so industriously discoursing. Altogether, no doubt, these chapters upon French Trade and the French population are little more pretentious in themselves than—what they merely assume to be—a very matter-of-fact compilation. But when viewed simply in that character as a com pilation the series is still remarkable. It is so thoroughly well digested through out—so luminous withal and so agreeably perspicuous in its general arrangement. So far as we have been able to test its accuracy, moreover, it is a compilation so reliable in the correctness of its details, that if but carefully revised upon its collec• tive republication when completed, it may at once take its place, we believe, as an authority upon our bookshelves—one that may be referred to with con fidence, and cited with aplomb as an authority. A happier opportunity could hardly have been selected for the issue of statistics of this precise kind, in reference especially to the Trade of France, seeing that we are now entering in real earnest upon more intimate mercantile rela tions than have been ever dreamt of hitherto, with our neighbours across the channel. The commercial Treaty between France and England opens up an entirely novel future to both countries at this pre sent juncture —a future so novel both for France and for England that it would be difficult even for either Mr. COBDEN here, or for M. CHEVALIER there, thoroughly and completely.to realise it. That it will necessarily and inevitably be for the advan tage of both countries eventually, what man amongst us is there who would have the hardihood to deny ? At the same time, the most enlightened champions of the great principles of Free Trade, whe ther looking into this " Future" from the northern or from the southern shores of the British Channel, whether it be Mr. COBDEN or Mr. BRIGHT here in England, or whether it be yonder in France M. MICHEL CHEVALIER, or M. BOIICHER DE PERTHES of Abbeville—the most enlightened Free trader, whether of France or of England, will admit at the same time, must perforce admit at the same time, that there is a transition period that has to be passed through upon all these occasions, fraught as a matter of course with very great anxiety. The change from the old, blundering, purblind system of protective imposts to the free and open daylight scheme of unrestricted:commerce, is precisely one of those extraordinary transforma tions that brings with it in the first instance good and evil together—and this good and evil more over in pretty equal proportions. In the long run, it is not simply that the good superinduced pre ponderates over the evil—it is simply and literally that it is all good. The result of the change proves at last to be wholly beneficial. Those who insist upon this as the one invariable result of the adop tion of Free-trade principles, cannot any longer be accused—as they were once upon a time accused— of labouring under a pleasant hallucination. Events have clearly demonstrated the fact. We see it around us in all directions. It is conspicuous upon all hands, and. among all classes of our in dustrious community. Among our shipowners, among our merehants and traders generally, and —wonder of wonders !—among our agriculturists. Why, the time was (and it was not so very long ago either) when the notion of even one good morsel of Free Trade, that affecting the "Daily Bread" for which the Christian offers up his perpetual petition to Heaven in the Lord's Prayer—when the mere prospect of the abolition of the Duty upon Corn gave rise immediately to all sorts of dreadful prognostics, we might rather say in fact to all kinds of lugubrious prophecies of the utter bankruptcy of the agriculturists of England. The rules of the Bench were to be haunted for years and years to come with scarecrow representatives of the once burly but thenceforth attenuated and ex piring genus of the British farmer. Instead of which—it is the prophet and not the subject of the prophecy who has disappeared. The British farmer is here amongst us. hale and hearty as ever —if possible more halo and more hearty than ever. And it is only the old-world Protectionist who has disappeared—taking rank henceforth with the Dodo, that wonderful extinct creature, pronounced facetiously by Blackwood, this mouth, " Doo-doo,” and thus carolled in ridicule : " Do-do 1 although we can't see him, His picture is hung in the British Museum : For the creature itself, we may judge what a loss it is, When its claws and its bill are such great curiosities. A. do• do ; a regular do I Ornithologists all have been puzzled by you." A lamentation precisely similar might undeniably be sung over the memory of the poor extinct genus of your genuine British Protection. Only, of course, we must look for it elsewhere than in the pages of Maya. However, there they are dying out again on the opposite aide of the Chan nel, those wonderful Protectionists—this time indigenous to France. And—as they always do— they are dying hard. They have received their exequatur or " Notice to Quit" from the Commercial Treaty. And it is just at this transition period in the History of the Trade of France and of the com mercial relations between France and England, that a flood of light is opportunely poured upon the annals of the former by the luminous researches of the writer in Bentley's Miscellany, whose name we have already particularized. The last instalment of the series, the paper ap pearing in the current number of the Magazine for October, has especial interest for us here in Eng land. It relates to " Iron," to the development of the Iron Trade in France—a trade that has been n existence for 300 or 400 years altogether ; and ,hat has nevertheless only really " developed" itself .here during the last thirty-eight or forty years. Throughout this seventh chapter the statistics given by the writer in reference to the rise and expansion of the Iron Trade in France will be found eminently well-deserving of consideration. Perhaps :he most interesting specimen of these statistics ,hat we could here excerpt by way of an exemplar is the following : where the writer in Bentley remarks— The production of pigiron in France being now (1859) And its importation (calculated on the rato of 1801) .t follows that the whole a, nual con sumption reaches The production of wrought iron is 520,099 tons And its importation is at the rate of 31,93 i „ The annual consumption is therefore :555,033 ,! The two items together form a total of 1,552,238 tons ; the quantity exported, though not indicated in the customs returns, ought to be exactly equal to that imported under acquits a caution, which, as results from the figures given above, is, for this year, at the rate of 51,906 tons of pig, and 33,480 tons of wrought iron, giving a total of 85,386 tons. Deducting this figure from the whole quantity employed, it follows that the annular interior consumption of France is now at the rate of 1,466,652 tons. Now England produces, or rather did produce before the present crisis in the trade, about four millions of tons per annum, of which 1,500,000 tons were exported, leaving 2,500,000 tons for the needs of the country. The whole real consumption of France does not, therefore, quite equal t weight exported by Great Britain, and it amounts to only three-fifths of the home wants of the latter. As the present proportion of popula tion between the two countries is roughly as 6 to 5, it fol lows that the consumption per head in England is very nearly double that of France. Reasons are given towards the close of the paper, however—reasons unhappily only too good and too valid—why, according to the writer's view— " if, hereafter, by a further reduction of duties, the introduction of foreign iron [into France] should become possible on a large scale . . . . it will rather be the Belgians than the English who will get the command of the market." Still—it is the cause of Free Trade, we presume, that we are striving to advance, even by the left-handed agency of a Reciprocity Treaty. LATEST NEWS. FLORENCE, OCT. 3. The Nazzone of to-day publishes a letter from Rome, announcing that brigand expeditions were in preparation at Civita Vecchia, Fiumicino, and Porto d'Anzo. The same letter states that it was reported that similar expeditions would likewise set out from Malta and Marseilles. BELGRADE, OCT. 3. Colonel Borowitzka, the Austrian Consul, having shown disrespect to the Prince of Servia, at a ball, the whole body of Servian officers have drawn lots, in order to decide which of their number should challenge the Consul to a duel. ROME, OCT. 1: The official Giornale di Roma of to-day announces the following nominations to the post of Papal Nuncio : Monsignore Chigi, to Paris ; Monsignore Gonella, to Munich ; and Monsignore Ledochowski, to Brussels. Monsignore Granall is appointed Provisional Secretary to the Council, and Monsignore Falloux, Regent of the Apostolic Chancery. TURIN, OCT. 2. The Opinione of to-day gives a denial to the re ports circulated by some Belgian papers relative to an ultimatum for the settlement of the Roman question, which they asserted had been sent by Baron Ricasoli to the Pope. The Opinione also denies that conferences had taken place between M. de Nigra and 31. Thouvenel on this subject. AMERICA. SOUTHAMPTON, OCT. 3. The Hamburg and American Company's steam ship Hammonia, from New York on the 21st ult. arrived off the Needles at 9.20 a.m. The occasion was too important and exciting not to bring crowds of people, electors and non-electors, into the streets; but Count Zamoyski, Canon Wyszynski, and Mr. Steicki, by exhorting them in moderate and dignified language to be peaceful and orderly, and assuring them that the councils would do their duty, prevented any disturbance from taking place. One of the great objects of the patriots is to obtain the same privileges for Lithu ania and the Ruthenian (not Russian) provinces as those given to the kingdom of Poland. As those provinces formed, together with Galicia and Posen, the Poland of 1772 as it existed before the parti tion, and their inhabitants are, in feeling and pa triotic spirit, as much Poles as those of the so-called Kingdom," there can be no doubt as to the cor rectness of the view here taken, if justice and right had any influence on the proceedings of the Government. But it is known that these form but very insignificant elements in the mo tives which guide its actions. Great surprise is feigned at St. Petersburg at the many evidences given by the Lithuanians of their sympathy with the Polish movement and their desire to be re united to the kingdom ; the Government has found it convenient to look upon these Poles as Russians, and has actually gone so far as to ascribe the na tional movement in Lithuania to treachery on the part of its minions. There is even a talk of re moving M. Nazimon, who has rendered him self hateful to all by his infamous conduct in that province, although it appears he is not severe and arbitrary enough to please his superiors. In the other provinces, too, such as Podolia and the Ukraine, the strongest patriotic feeling is shown ; and so well is this known to the Government that they have sent agents into those provinces to spread a rumour of the formation of a Polish Legion on the frontier of Moldavia, and thus draw some of the most patriotic of the inhabitants into their toils. They have only been too successful—some of the finest of the Polish youth caught at the bait, and on arriving at the frontier were seized by the police and sent into the interior of Russia for deportation to Siberia or the Caucasus. The Ruthenian pro vinces, whose inhabitants speak the Ruthenian lan guage, which must not be confounded with the Russian, also show Polish tendencies, although their religion (the Greek Catholic) has opened a wide door for Russian intrigue among them. It will be seen, therefore, that the desire of the patriots of the kingdom to be united to these pro vinces is not so unreasonable as some enemies of Poland endeavour to make out. Somo few enthu siasts were so hot in the cause of the union, that they proposed to stop the elections until it was accomplished; but this hasty and ill-considered. advice was over-ruled by a great majority, and the number of the electors that voted show that the great body of the people were in favour of the more sensible and practical course. The names of the in dividuals elected—e. g., Count Zamoyski, Canon Wyszynski, Hirzpanski, General Lewinski, &c.— show that the electors fully appreciated the impor tance of what they were doing, and saw the neces sity for choosing men who would give full effect to their wishes and demands. It is evident that they look upon the new so-called municipal councils as a sort of national representation, whose duty it is to become the organ of the people in all their de mands or complaints addressed to the Government ; and the known character of many of their repre sentatives as men of unflinching integrity and patriotism justifies the prevision that this new re presentation will be neither an inactive nor an uninfluential one. The circumstance that in most instances the election was almost unanimous, there not being the slightest sign of opposition, proves that the Poles were all actuated by the same mo tives and expectations in this matter. The only sign of dissension was that above alluded to—a small section of patriots wishing to stop the elec tions all together ; but when it was once settled that the elections were to go on, there was no question as to who was to be elected. Among the first questions to be addressed by the new councils to the Government are the following :-1. Whether the state of siege is still to continue ? 2. Whether the country is to be given a national autonomy which shall embrace all the Polish Provinces ? These questions Govern ment will, no doubt, find it hard to answer, backed as they will be by the official expression of the funanimous feeling of the whole country. The arbitrary conduct of the military in this country is most remarkable. The civil Government, from General Lambert himself down to the chief magistrate of a village, seems to be completely paralysed when it comes in contact with the sol diers ; the zlisgracefal outrages committed by the military dictators in the provinces are repeated daily with sickening iteration, and it is in vain that the Government is appealed to for redress. This insolent arbitrariness of the troops is some times carried to the verge of absurdity. Thus, at Ostrolenka, the elections, which were going on in the most perfect order, were suddenly interrupted by the Commandant, who dispersed the electors and sent the ballot-boxes to Warsaw, on the pre text that the election was a" forbidden assemblage." An important change has taken place in the condition of the press there, which has hitherto been subjected to a most rigorous censorship. The Gazeta Rzadowa (Government Gazette), which was formerly published in Russian and Polish, is new to be called Dziennik, Powszechny (Universal Journal) and published in Polish only, with the exception of the ukases of the Czar, which will appear in both languages, as heretofore. It is also to contain educational articles, in addition to the usual official Governmental articles. This change is the work of Marquis Wielopolski, and has been held by some papers to prognosticate a relaxation in the censorship. Their previsions have been ful filled by the event ; both the Gazeta Warszawska and Gazeta Polska have made remarks on the pre sent state of affairs in some of their more recent numbers, which would never have been permitted under the former system. The Council of State begins its sittings on the Ist proximo. Among the first measures to be brought under consideration are bills having refe rence to the management of public education, the emancipation of the serfs, and the civil rights of the Jews. MRS. B. B. STOTVB ON SALVERY AGAIN Mrs. H. B. Stowe, in a letter more energetic than her first, dwells on the subject of slave emancipation in the fol lowing words, which we have great pleasure in transcrib ing :—" While slavery was hemmed in by constitutional limits and protected by laws, so that we could not overthrow it without fighting against law and destroying government, our course was one of strict moral influence alone. But these Slave States have forsworn the Government and re pudiated the laws which protected them in their ill-gotten gains. Why, then, not use the opportunity to break every yoke ? Why, not do it openly, bravely, and martially —not like lawyers and politicians, but like soldiers ? Proclaim lthkrty through all the land to all the inhabitants thereof Let the President of the United States proclaim that all men shall hereafter be declared free and equal, and that the services of all shall be accepted without regard to colour." And again—" We may rest assured, if we delay till we alienate the blacks, that the enemy will find means to turn them against us as effectually as they have done hitherto. Who dug the trenches and raised the masked batteries be fore which so many Northern men lie dead ? The negroes. Why were the Southern forces fresh and ours weary ? They had the negroes to do the hard work. We, then, have no choice but to conquer with the negroes—to conquer by a glorious act of generosity and justice that shall make our cause go by acclamation through the world, or to fall under the very hoof of the men whose wrongs we would right, and whom God will justly make our punishers." The United Mexican Mining Company have given notice of the repayment of a second sum of 40 per cent, of their borrowed capital. TIiL CITY POLICE.—A meeting of the committee lately appointed by the constables of the City police was held yesterday, when it was announced that although the commissioner had not consented to receive the deputations appointed at a general meeting t) present tho petition re lating to Sunday duty, an order was about to be raised that would give satisfaction to the men. By this order the day men will be allowed every fourth Sunday to them selves, and the night men ono day in each month, by wh ich each in their turns will obtain a Sunday off duty. Special regulations will be made respecting the constables on duty at the Post •office and other public buildings. The petition of the men for an increase of pay will be taken into consideration at the next meeting of the City Police Com mittee. T • , PEr. D u i) 4 . 4 • . tat' FRANCE. PARIS, WEDNESDAY. The Patric of this evening says : " The state of things in Mexico is becoming worse. " The fall of Juarez is expected to take place shortly. " Comonfort has re-entered Mexico on the northern frontier. " The negotiations for an arrangement between England, France, and Spain, in reference to Mexico, have not been interrupted." The same journal publishes news from Montene gro stating that the Prince was using his influence to restrain the impetuosity of the population and prevent them from assuming the offensive, in order that Europe might see that the Turks and not the Montenegrins were the aggressors. BOURSE, Oct. 2.—At the opening offers were very numerous, and quotations generally are lower. Threes, for the Account, are now at 68f 35c. The following are the last quotations : 4t per per Cents ... 96 15 Credit Fonder l2OO Do. each month.... Belgian 41 — 3 per Cents Do. end month 6B 251 Roman Bank Shares 2900 Austrian Credit Mobilier.... 726 25 Spanish Threes — Do. Account 7lB 75 Home Debt RAILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans l4OO .. 1387 50 Northern New ditto Lyons and Mediterranean 1022 50 .. 1018 75 Geneva 340 .. 340 Southern 640 .. 635 Western Eastern Sardinian .. 350 —• .. Austrian Lotrbard .. ..............527 50 .. 525 SPAIN. The Correspondencia of Madrid announces that the negotiations relating to the affairs of Mexico have been interrupted, and details some of the measures which it states have been adopted by the Spanish Government. It says,— " Spain, whose interest in Mexico is greater that that of any other European Power, has not been able to come to an understanding with France and England, as to the means to be em ployed to obtain satisfaction for the injuries of which it has to complain, and to extend to its subjeets, who are murdered every day, an effective protection. Spain, consequently, intends to act alone in Mexico, as its interests and dignity re quire, without regard to what the English or French journals may say:" POLAND. FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) WARSAW, SEPT. 26. The panic spread through Germany by the tele graphic announcement that the Germans here were being persecuted by the Polish inhabitants was, perhaps, as good an instance of the accuracy and influence of telegrams as could well be found. The news was about as true, and was the cause of quite as much writing and talk, as the famous hoax of the fall of Sebastopol. These" persecutions," which were the subject of such severe comments in the German papers, have at last resolved themselves into a mere street row, which resulted in the smash ing of the windows and destruction of the articles exhibited in them, of the shops of Wendel, a con fectioner, in Honey-street, and Bartz, a baker, in Marshal-street. The whole affair is universally attributed to the machinations of the police ; none were concerned in it but a few people of the lowest class, and the riot was promptly put down by the more respectable of the inhabitants. The further news sent to Germany by the telegraph, that no German in Warsaw is safe, is as false as the first. There is, of course, no great sympathy or friendship between the Poles and the Germans, two nations utterly opposed to each other in character, feeling, and interest, and the Germans certainly do all they can, by refusing to close their shops when every other shop in the town is closed, and so on, to widen the breath . between them; but nothing can be farther from the intentions of the patriotic party, who are all-powerful with the Poles, than to divert their strength and spoil their moral ascendancy, all of which they want for the attainment of their great object, national independence, by petty persecution-s of German shopkeepers. Accordingly, the more respectable of the citizans have revived their organisation as it was before the Bth April. Bands of constables for the preservation of the peace of the town have again been formed, though in secret, as the Government would, of course, oppose such a means of foiling its plans, and addresses to the inhabitants have been posted on the walls, recommending them to keep the peace, and warning them against the machina tions of police agents pretending to be patriots. The elections for the municipal councils have passed off with the greatest unanimity and order, MB. 10.RSTER, ySQ., M.P., ON TIE AMERICAN WAR. On Tuesday night a lecture was delivered in the theatre of the Bradford. Mechanics' Institute, by W. E. Forster, Esq., M.P., " On the Civil War in America ;" James Law, Esq., president of the insti tute, was in the chair, and there was a numerous attendance. Mr. FORSTER, M.P., having been introduced by the President, began his lecture by alluding to the peculiar interest which attached to the civil war in America. This terrible war, so far as it affected the feelings of the people of this country, was like no war which had happened for a long period. It was almost like a war . in England itself. It was a war between people of a common origin with ourselves, and there was hardly a street in Bradford, or a vil lage in Yorkshire, the inhabitants of which had not relations in America, while some of them had material interests most grievously affected by the war. He referred to the injurious effects which the war had upon the mercantile and manufacturing interests of this country, especially Lancashire, by being deprived of its supply of cotton ; and the worsted district of Yorkshire, by being deprived of a market for its manufactured goods. But even if the case were otherwise it was a war of intense interest, because he conceived that it was a war to solve the problem whether a nation of civilised men in this age of the world could, in peace and safety, keep millions of their fellow-beings in slavery, and treat them as though they were beasts. They often, in reading, found this war described as not only a terrible and calamitous war, but as being a causeless war. Now, a terrible and calamitous war it undoubtedly was. Civil war was terrible under any circumstances, but it was still more ter rible when carried on amongst a race of men of such strong passions as the Anglo-Saxon race. It was a grievous punishment to the people of America for one-half of them having gone on with out trying to diminish slavery but to increase it, and the other half for having connived at this; and it was also a punishment to England for having left the legacy of slavery to them. They ought not, therefore, to wonder at or complain if we were suffering from that state of things. But although a calamitous, it was not a causeless war. He should show that evening that it was the natural crisis of that evil which had been born with the American Commonwealth, and grown with it, and which was now testing the very life of the Commonwealth. It appeared almost puerile to state any other cause except slavery as the cause of this war, when they had been wondering year after year that this state of things could go on without a convulsion. It seemed strange that the war should be attributed to anything else ; yet an able writer had taken a contrary view, on the ground that the South would never, as a question of slavery, break up that Union which virtually made the whole of the States the prison of the slave, and every officer a gaoler, and draw the line within its own territory over which the slave might escape to freedom much more easily than he could at present into Canada. It was argued, therefore, by such writers that there must be something behind, and it was suggested that that something was protection. But let them look at the facts, and in doing so they must judge men by their actions, not by their motives—events de pended upon what men did, not upon what they intended to do. (Hear, hear.) How did the Republican party . come to exist ? What were called the pure Abolitionists in America were a very small party, though not politically an unim portant party. The two leading, parties were similar to the Whig and Tory parties of this coun try—the one seeking to weaken the central power and to strengthen the State power, and the other to support the central power and to maintain the Union. Both parties, however, agreed to taboo the question of slavery ; they were afraid to undertake it, and preferred letting it alone until it should sweep over them like a deluge. For a long time it was impossible to moot the question of abolition, either in public meetings, or in Congress, and, indeed, it required all the prestige of John Quincy Adams to establish even the right of peti tioning Congress upon the subject. When that could be no longer refused, it was attempted to prevent discussion by outrage and violence, of which they had an instance in the case of Mr. Sumner. They could not, however, keep the question quiet, for public opinion would express itself, and then sprung up a democratic party of a new school, who maintained not only that the Southern States should deal with slavery, but also that they should rule over the Union for the purposes of slavery, thus making the Union a great pro-slavery Common wealth, for the support and extension of this system. It was under these circumstances that the Repub lican party arose. They found that this rule of the slave power for slavery purposes was affecting every question. The foreign policy of the States was framed to answer this object, and thus they sought to obtain Cuba—the judicial bench was made sub servient to it, and thus the highest judicial court was led to pronounce the abominable decision which took from every coloured man the right of citizenship. (Hear, hear.) To maintain this rule there was an alliance between the slaveholders of the South and the lowest classes of the population in the great cities, and in this way it was that the votes of the mob in New York were secured for the Democratic party of the South. It had been said in England that this was a proof of the failure of free institutions in New York, but such was not the fact ; it was merely a proof that they were con trolled by slavery. (Applause.) The Republican party said, "We cannot put up with this any longer, we have no objection to the Slave States keeping their slaves until they like to free them, but we will not be bound up with them, and be made the means of extending their power." They nearly elected Fremont at the presidential election before the last, and they succeeded in electing Lincoln. Having elected their man, they must have a policy—what they called a platform. That platform was not the abolition of slavery, bnt simply its limitation. They did not propose to in terfere with the South in its management of slavery, but seeing how this system desolated the lands where it existed, they declared that they would not have it carried as a matter of right into the new territories or colonies of the Union. (Cheers The party, therefore, passed a resolution to the effect that Congress had no power to establish slavery in any territory until its inhabitants had formed themselves into a State, and declared for themselves whether or not they would have slavery. (Hear.) This was not the kind of anti-slavery movement which they understood in this country, and a great mistake had arisen here in supposing that there was only one kind of slavery abolition. The Republican party did not feel that sympathy with the negro which they ought to do, but they did feel that slavery was doing a great deal of harm, and, as patriotic men, they wished to prevent its extension ;—with them, the question was one not so much of philanthropy as of patriotism. This policy of the Republican party was received by the South as involving abolition as much as though ib had declared it at once. Not only was this so, but whilst this new party was rising in the North there was a great change in the South. The old school of slaveholders believed that slavery was an evil and looked forward to its extinction. This might be proved by extracts from the speeches of Jeffer son and other great men, and the word slave was never mentioned in the Constitution. Finding themselves, however, pressed by the growing pub lic opinion, not only of America but of Europe, the slaveholders did that which men had always done under the same circumstances. When they found the system attacked, they declared that not only was it not an evil but that it was a great good, and this they did until they actually believed what they said. They had most fanatical defences of slavery. De Bow's Review for Aray, the organ of the South, went so far as to state that " the social condition of England would be infinitely better if the labouring classes were domestic slaves." (Ironical laughter.) Having determined that slavery should last it was necessary that slavery must rule, or there was no security for the retention of the slaves. Public opinion, however, was against them, and the press, therefore, must be gagged, legislators must be gagged, and there must be no expres sion of opinion in public meeting. They t could not, however, go on ruling without extend ing, because the North, through its prosperity and wealth, was extending its territories and peopling them with free emigrants from Europe. No emi grants ever thought of going to the South, and they were not wanted; but to counterbalance the North they must have fresh States, and, as they could not get free emigrants, they must have black emigrants to people them. To maintain their position they must have a predominance ; to have that predomi nance, they must have fresh States they must peo ple them, which they could only do by re-opening the slave trade. They were right in saying that if they admitted the republican platform, limiting slavery, they might as well give it up at once. They treated this avowal of principles as downright abolition. They, therefore, now sought to vindicate slavery, and Mr. Stephens, the vice-president of the Southern Confederacy, had declared that its foun dations were laid—that its corner-stone rested on —the great truth that slavery—subordination to the superior race—was the negro's natural condi tion ; that the confederacy was founded on these principles, and that this stone which was rejected by the first builders, had, in their new edifice, be come the chief stone of the corner. (Laughter.) Yet in the face of such a speech, a respectable periodical like the Saturday Review could state that slavery had nothing to do with this contest. Such was not the opinion in the South, nor was it the opinion in the North. All parties at the last Presidential elec tion looked at it as a question of slavery. The Union party, who started Mr. Bell as President and Mr. Everett as Vice-President, put them for ward purely upon the principle of preserving the Union, and declared that the only question which agitated the American people, and lay at the foun dation of all their party divisions, was slavery. All the attempts made after the election to prevent a rupture, recognised this fact, and it was a mere afterthought to put forward protection as the issue upon which they had split. South Carolina, said to be the most opposed to protection, gave its vote for protection before the separation, and there was not one word about free trade in its ordinance of seces sion. The people in America did not believe that this was a question of free trade and protection, and it was only done to blind England. (Hear.) In consequence of the position taken by the North the slaveholders found that they could no longer rule the majority, and they determined, there fore, to establish a confederacy of their own, in order that they might perpetuate and extend slavery by taking possession of new territories, and renewing the slave trade. Mr. Brown, the colleague of Jefferson Davis, had openly declared that he wanted Cuba, Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or two other Mexican States, for the planting and spreading of slavery ; and Mr. Stevens had also avowed that slavery must be extended and perpetuated ; upon which a Southern editor added---" A cordon of free states must never surround the God-given ieetlti..- tion of slavery." It was the fashion now not to avow this slave policy, and Mr. Tancey, one of the Southern Commissioners to England, had stated that they did not wish to revive the slave trade, but that same gentleman, a year or two ago, in one of his speeches, asked—" What became of au equality when the law was passed that said, ' You of the South shall not import negroes from Africa, though you of the North may import jackasses from Malta ?' " (Laughter.) They must not rely too much upon the credulity of Englishmen. But how were the South to succeed in establishing a slave holding commonwealth, reaching far South and west ? They would never have thought of succeed ing if it were not that slaveholding made men brag garts—it so accustomed them to tyranuise over others and to shut themselves out from the opinion beyond them, that they imagined they could carry everything before them. They relied for success upon the love of money in the North, upon their democratic allies in the North, and upon England and Europe as the great consumers of their pro duce. Mr, Wigfall bad said, "Cotton is king, and waves her sceptre not only over thirty-three States, but over the Island of Great Britain ;" and the Go vernor of Georgia, in his message to his Legisla ture, had gone so far as to say that the new slave power could by means of its control over the ex port of cotton, compel the British Government to a treater by which Canada should no longer be a har bour of fugitive slaves. (Laughter.) For a short time it seemed as if the South was to succeed; the North was staggered and surprised ; they could not believe that so terrible a convulsion was coming upon them, and if they recognised the South, England could not do otherwise. Terrible, therefore, as was the war, he rejoiced at the time, and he rejoiced still that there was such an upris ing of the people in the North on the attack on Fort Sumter. If the South had ever indulged the dream of establishing a great slave State on the dissolu tion of the Union, that dream was then gone. (Cheers.) No doubt they were surprised at the sudden change which followed the attack upon Fort Sumter. He was not so himself. There was a great deal of what the Americans called "bunkum," and the North imagined that the talk was merely the old cry of " Wolf!" and it was not until the first shot was fired that they became really conscious that the States of the South were in revolt. (Cheers.) He had him self long wondered how the men of the North had submitted to the insult and outrage committed upon their representatives, but there was a deep love of the Union, a patriotic feeling, throughout the Free States. They loved their country, they took a pride in it, as a great and glorious commonwealth, they felt its immense advantage in affording protec tion to the varioas States in their commercial enter prise with each other, and in the fact that they were not obliged to maintain large standing armies, which would be the case as soon as they became separate States. They were determined to main tain the Union at almost all cost, and they were prepared to make great sacrifices for that object. The South, however, in their pride, declared that they would not longer submit to the ruling of the majority, and it was then that all parties in the North—Democratic as well as Republican—became united on the great issue before them. There was a great difference in manner and feeling in the South and the North. De Tocqueville said : " The American of the South is haughty, prompt, irascible, violent, ardent in desire, impatient of obstacles, but easy to discourage if he does not triumph at the first blow. On the contrary, the man of the North is patient, thoughtful, tolerant, slow to act, and persevering in his designs." So that they (the audience) saw the result they found in this war was that the South were fight ing for the perpetuation and extension of slavery; they could not get it in the Union, so they deter mined to get it out of the Union. On the other hand, the North were fighting for the restoration of the Union, and for the power to treat the question of slavery as originally intended by the Constitu tion. Therefore, the South appeared to be in the fight very much more pro-slavery than the North anti-slavery; but he should show the audience, he thought, that the North were really fighting as much against slavery as the South were fighting for it. For, if the South succeeded, they would establish a powerful commonwealth, such as he had described. If they failed, slavery would receive a blow from, which it could not recover. So that inasmuch as the attempt to limit slavery had been the reason why the slaveowners had revolted, inasmuch as the existence of slavery had been the reason why the political differences had been created into a war, inasmuch as the existence of slavery, he believed, depended upon the result of the war, he acknow ledged he wished success to the North as long as the war lasted, and ho wished no success to the South, because he loved freedom and hated slavery. (Applause.) But why did the war last ? Why did not the men of the North let the South go ? Why did not they make peace and have a free Union --- without being in partnership with slavery any longer ? Before they blamed the men of the North for not doing that they must put themselves in their position. If he were there he should doubt whether he did not owe a duty to four millions of black eitizens down in the South. He should doubt whether he ought to let the Union be dissolved without a struggle to free those men. But putting that aside, the great reason why the Northern men did not say, " We will have a free Union, and make peace on these terms," was that they doubted the possibility of a free Union, and doubted still more