The Sun. — London, England, 1831-09-10 00:00:00

fro be dragged into the discussion of a supposed murder and massacre, when a Jury of twelve honest men had I declared it to be no murder or massacre at all. He would take it upon himself fearlessly to repel the charge, and when Hon. Members talked of a massacre, he would point their attention to what occured at Wexford-bridge....-(Hear, hear.) He hoped Govern ment would never be misled by misrepresentations of the conduct of the yeomanry corps, so as to alter it from what it at present was, unless, indeed, that alteration was to put it upon a more substantial footing than it at present existed. He should have felt himself unwork of a seat in that House, if be bad sat still and heard 4e aspersions that had been made maths yeomanry of Ireland without vindicating their conduct. Mr. O'CONNELL observed that the Hon. Member for Dundalk had been good enough to favour the House with his definition of what a massacre was, and where he considered one had been committed; for his part, though he could not but thank the Hon. Member for his ex planation—(A laugh)—yet he certainly very much wished that that Hon. Member, who was the nominee of a cer tain Noble Lord, would interfere a little more with his own country, and leave Ireland to those who had more right than he had to interfere. The Hon. Member had asked why Hon. Members continued to agitate the House on this subject? In answer to that he would tell him that the reason lie had done so was to put an end, if possible, to the repetition of such outrages in future. If the Hon. Member (Captain Gordon) thought that the arming of one part of the population to massacre the other would put down agitation, he was mistaken.—( Hear.) It was a libel on the King's troops to say they created a jealousy when they interfered to prevent disturbances; the King's troops were very popular in Ireland. As an Irishman, whose love for Ireland was not imported from another country—(A laugh)—he was most willing to bear his proportion of the expence in having an addition to the force of the regular troops, if his Majesty's Ministers would but allow the yeomanry :to return to that slumbering state from which Lord Anglesea last year roused them. They ought to be disbanded, and until they were, the blood that was shed at Newtownbarry would spring up in the faces of those who justified the yeomanry system.—( Hear.) Mr. H. GRATTAN warmly contended that the yeo manry of Ireland was an improper force, and quoted the evidence of several distinguished persons. The real agitators of Ireland now were those who went to Ireland from other countries, and paraded from village to village disseminating their opinions ; but the people there would be no longer deluded by such impostors. It wa. idle to contend that the yeomanry ever had been necessary. 'I hey had been stigmatised by the bravest officers, and even by Lord Anglesea himself. Colonel ROCHFORD suggested, as a more satisfactory course, and as one that would put an end to these discus sions, that the report of the proceedings taken before Mr. Green, the King's Counsel, should be laid before the House. Mr. SHAW denied that he was either an Orangeman, or a Papist, as had been attributed to him, and said that he never belonged to any political club in Lis life. He bad certainly presented a petition from some Roman Catholics, but he did so because he conceived they had been ill-used. He expressed his regret to bear a body of men like the yeomanry maligned fur doing what they conceived to be their duty, though unfortunately it was attended with a sacrifice of life. Sir .J. M. DOYLE had heard such contradictory state ments of different Irish Members, that he suggested as a means of nacifying that country that a commission should be appointed, consisting exclusively of Englishmen (that thee might not be accused of partiality towards Ireland) un connected with party, to inquire into, and report upon, the state of the yeomanry force. The result, lie would stake his life upon it, would be, that the yeomanry force would be considered a very inefficient force. The Hon. Member, as a proof of the impropriety of employing such a force, stated that some of his canvassers, during the last elec tiOn, were shot at by some of the yeomanry, and one of them had his hat perforated with a bullet. He also narrowly escaped being shot, and when he made a complaint of such conduct, be was congratulated upon Lis escape, and requested to say nothing further about it. Mr. LAMBERT said, if he had spoken upon this sub ject boldly and freely, it was because he felt honestly. Captain GORDON scorned the vituperation and cen sure of the Hon. Member fur Kerry. He counted bi prake censure, and his censure praise. He (Capt. Gor don) had been taunted with his connection with a certain borough, as the nominee of a Noble Lord. He would only say this, that he would rather sit in that House as the nominee of that Noble Lord's footman, than as the nominee of the Noble Membtr for Newry.-(Hear, and much laughter.) Mr. O'CONNELL—That is quite a matter of taste. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. Mr. S. RICE moved that the sum of 27,5901. be granted to defray the expenses of criminal prosecutions in Irtland.—Aereed to. Mr. S. RICE then moved that the usual sum be granted to enable the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to issue money in aid of schools and the advancement of education in Ireland. Mr. STANLEY said, that in the consideration of this vote, the question of money sank into insignificence when compared with the great political interests which were in volved in it. The grants of money which Parliament Lad been in the habit of voting for the promotion of edu cation in Ireland had unfortunately excited great religious animosity in that country, owing to the manner in which it had been apiied. The Kildare-street Society had re cently attracted more than an ordinary share of attention in Ireland. This Society was established on this princi ple—that without trenching on the doctrines of any particu'ar creed, the Scriptures should be read by the pupils in all the Society's schools. Nothing could ap pear more reasonable, fair, and liberal, than this prin ciple, to Protestants to whom the Scriptures were the only rule of faith ; but at the same time, no system pro fessing equality could be better calculated to exclude Catholics from these schools who do not admit the Holy Scriptures to be an infallible guide, without the interpre tation of the authorities of the church. The experiment of the Society's schools bad been tried to a great extent, and failed. The blame of failure was not to be attributed so much to the Society, which laid down an improper rule for its own conduct, as to the Government which adopted a system of public edu cation which was by its leading principle unfitted j for the purpose it was intended to effect. The number of schools belonging to the Kildare-street Society had increased to a great extent. In 1816 there were no , schools belonging to the Society; in 1817 there were eight schools and 557 pupils. The Society had gone on gradu ally extending its operations under the vote of the House of Commons (which was originally 6,0001., but had then increased to 25,0001. within the last few years) until, in 1830, the number of schools was 1,634, and of its scho lars 132,573. He could not deny, that in consequence of the exertions of the Society, the benefit of education bad been extended to many persons who otherwise would never have enjoyed it ; but it was his duty as a member of the Government, charged with the peace and welfare of Ire land, to inquire whether education had been equally and fairly distributed between Catholics and Protestants? (Hear, bear.) The Society said that the number of Ca tholic pupils in their schools, Jr anything, exceeded the number of Protestant pupils. That, however, was not sufficient for him. It was necessary to inquire what pro.. portion the Catholic bore to the Protestant population. The number of Catholics to Protestants in Ireland was at least six to one. It was not enough, therefore, to show, that as many Catholics as Protestants were educated at the Society's schools. He found that it was io the Protestant part of Ireland only that the exertions of the Eildare street Society had met with corresponding support on the part of the people. It appeared that out of 1620 schools at present on the Society's list, no fewer than 1,021, about two-thirds of the whole number, were established in the single province of Protestant Ulster. In Leinster there j were 227, in Connaught 112, and in Munster 240. The same disproportion was observable with respect to pupils. In Ulster there were 84,896 pupils ; in Leinster 22,000: in Connaught 1 1 , 000 ; and in Monster 16,000. The gratuities paid to masters amounted in Ulster to 1,303/. ; is Leinster to 3,661/. ; in Connaught to 150/. ; and in Munster to 2851. Thus it appeared that the Catholic pro vinces of Leinstet, Connaught, and Munster, which stood most in need of education, obtained only one-third of the patronage of - the Society, whilst Protestant Ulster, which least needed it, engrossed two thirds of it, Catholics did not refuse to attend the Society's schools from aug indiffer ence to the advantages of education, but only because t.Le reading of the Bible without note or comment was repug nant to the principles of their religion. It had Leen as serted that Catholics did. not wish their children to read the Scriptures at all. This assertion had been indignantly contra dicted by Dr. Doyle , in the evidence which he h a d given before a Committee of the Howie. The Kildare- street Society only proposed that the children educated at its schools should read a chapter in the Scriptures on certain days in the Could that be considered suf ficient for a religious education ? It wao the wish of Government to connect religioo with moral education. Ile fully admitted all the moral and political _l ff dv u a si n o t n age o s f which might be expected to accrue from the d Education amongst the great body of the people, but the question . was, whether this S ocie advanced the in- kretts which it was established for the special purposes of promoting—whether it instructed the people of Ire land in a salutary manner, whi c h was a t o nc e bene ficial and satisfactory to themselves; or whether it did not rather attempt to inculcate the principles of religion by a flagrant violation of the principles of Christian charity.—(Cheers.) It had been said that the Government of England never could be unendangered while the priesthood exercised such an enormous influence over the laity, and he to a degree assented to the doctrine, but could not therefore consent to the adoption of such a remedy as that proposed ; nor would he seek to diniinish an influence which, if exerted once for evil, was ten times put forth in all its strength for the accomplishment of good.—(Cheers.) He would wish to establish the people and their pastors on a footing of friendly relation with Government, but did not think that this desirable con summation could be effected by offering the peasantry an education which they could not accept without violating the duties inculcated by their religion.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman then read an extract from a report by the Kildare-street Society of somewhat too eccle siastical a character for an official document, in which it was asked whether they should break down the goodly frame of their religious system, based as it was on an evan gelical foundation, to meet the unreasonable objections of sectarians ? To this he replied, that those sectarians con stituted five-sixths of the population, and that therefore they ought most assuredly to " break down" a system to which the parties for whom it was meant were so strenu ously opposed, for the opinions of the majority of the people unquestionably deserved to be respected.—(Hear.) He would ask the Hon. Member for Dundalk, who was so full of zeal for Protestant doctrines, " ht season and out of season," whether that religion was likely to gain in Ire land by the operations of such an institution ? In his opinion it certainly would not; and he considered that it was essentially necessary to give separate religious instruc tion to all parties according to their peculiar tenets, en tirely distinct from the literary departments of education. Had the Kildare-street Society worked as it should have done, there should have been five Catholic teachers out of every six ; whereas, during the last year there were 123 Protestants to 25 Catholics, and out of 56 female teachers, there were 48 Protestants and only eight Catholics.-- (Hear, hear, hear.) Now this Society had no funds of their own, but were exclusively dependent on the Legisla ture, and yet the Legislature could not force upon the Pro testant managers a single Catholic teacher more than they thought proper ; for they would at once reply that they were a private Society, and not to he interfered with. The Legislature, however, could withdraw the grant, and that he expected and believed would be the result, for Govern ment next year intended to propose the formation of an institution which would impart instruction to the children of both forms of religion through ministers of their own faith, and exclusive grants to either party henceforward would lie invariably withheld ; for it was the object of Government not only to educate but to harmonize all put ties as far as it was practicable to do so.—(Cheers.) For the present year 30,0001. would be granted for the Kil dare-street Society and the Associltion for Discounte nancing Vice ; and the latter institution would hereafter be gradually reduced within the limits of their own funds, which were exceedingly circumscribed. In the future in stitution it was intended to abide by the recommendations contained in the report of the commission moved last year by his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary to the Treasury, and children of all religions would be freely admitted to a participation of its privileges. The arrangements, more over, would be carried into effect by a Board of Protes tants and Catholics united, and one day, if not two days, in the week, would be exclusively devoted to a separate religious education according to the tenets of the respec tive parents of each child. This system, he was sure, would be hailed with gratitude by the Irish people gene rally; but should it be found necessary to establish a Board of paid Commissioners, he would have no hesitation in demanding a grant for that purpose, and the House, lie had oo doubt, would evince ns reluctance in acceding to it. After etatiog that the usual vote would not be refused this year, in order to enable the Society to balance their accounts, the Right Hon. Gen leman concluded by hoping all irritating language would be carefully avoided by those .Members who might take part in the brief discussion which it was probable would ensue.—(Cheers.) Mr. NORTH spoke as a limber of the Kildare-street Society. The Commissioner who recommended the grant to the Society in 1812, strongly enforced the two great principles of educating the children of Catholics and Pro testants together, and teaching them both part of the Sacred Scriptures. The Hun. Member quoted the re port of the Commissioners at great length, to shove what their recommendations were. The Society had religiously adhered to its peinaiples of appointing teachers uninfluenced by religious considerations ; that the catechisms should be so constructed as to allow religious instruction to be pur sued out of school-hours, and that the Sacred Scriptures should be read without note or comment. The Hon. Gentleman quoted at considerable length the rules of the Kildare-street Society, to show that its principles were liberal in the extreme. The Hon. Member also defended the constitution of the Society, by which every person might become a member by atibseribing one guinea a year, or paying ten guineas. Lord Firigail, a Catholic, was one of the Vice-Presidents ; and Mr. M‘Lain, a Catholic bar rister, had been one of the Committee. Even the Hon. Member for Kerry was a member of the Society for nine years, during whiCh he held it forth to public approba tion. As a proof of the liberal disposition of the Society, he might mention that it had formed a model school at Dublin, over the fern de branch of which it had placed a Roman Catholic mistress. The Society thought that was a pledge to the Catholics that it meant to adhere to its pro mises. The Society had, in fact, acted fully up to all its pledges. He denied that the Society was a proselytising society ; on the contrary, it had taken the greatest care not to interfere with the faith of either with the teacher or the scholar. The Catholics objected to the Society, that it introduced the Scriptures into the schools, and that was the sole ground of tho charge of proselytism. The oroiect of the Government would, he was afraid, not sue ceed, or only succeed by converting the schools wholly into schools for Catholics. If the Protestants wets ad, 'flitted at all, it would he only to convert them into Ca tholics. Ile believed that the Kildare -street Society would have done better had it always rejected the gran t s offered 1 by the. Government. He did not mean to oppose: the plan of his Majeaty'a Government, though he thought it would not succeed. Mr. FRANKLANO LRWIS stated that his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Stanley) would not have been justified in requiring no large a sum of money from the Com mittee, to be applied on the mere responsibility of' the Government, if he had not entered so fully, fairly and candidly, into an explanation of the system to be adopted. —(Hear, hear.) Of this he was sure that there must be one general system of education fur all woo or they never would succeed in producing that harmonious union of all classes which it was the great object of the Legi slature to accomplish. The main difficulty, he admitted, was to discover what could be done with the Society eetiblished in Kildare-street. There could be no doubt that, at one time, at its first establishment, that Society held out very stroog, hopes that it would be able to ac complish the objects for which it was instituted— namely, the promulgation of a system of general educa tion. The Catholics, from a sense of the benefits to be derived from 5i;.?,.11 a mygtpm, and with the oroefaect of its accomplishment, gave the Society for some time their zealous support ; but it at last got involved with the schools of another Society—the London Hibernian— whose avowed object was prosyletism, and the result has been a failure of their .efforts, He did not mean to cast any reflections on the Society ; he merely stated the faCt, that it was impossible to go into the schools of the IJLdare - street Society without perceiving from the books the connection which existed between than and the Hibernian; aod when it was recollected that the Kildare-street Society allowed the children to be taught from either catechism, and the iithernian from only one, it was impossible not to see that the Catholics roust be disposed to view their connexion with suspicion, and withdraw their confidence from the schools of the Society. Thu result has been, that io many cases the children were taught no religion, because the teachers were forbidden to comment on the Scriptures, and they weco read as a mere history, or compound of very dis cordant doctrines. He hoped, however, that the state of the schools throughout the kin,,doni would be thoroughly examined before they were p;;.t down, as there was a great dittimence between those of the noith and south of Ire land. The books of the Society were the beat which could be devised, and had even been reprinted in America. They should be preserved, „end he also thought that the eeeetein of instructing the sa:lob:lagers might be bene ficially retained. The Catholics of Ireland were contend ing for the recc/leg of their privileges from those who had been their conqueteare , He hoped the time was ap proaching when they would in everything be placed on an equn) footing with the Protestantio seendancy, he trusted, they would neither attain nor strive to a ttain — (Hear, hear! from jr,L O'Connell)—for he had no hem ttstioit in sayi ng , th a t h e was one o f those who would re mat teat to the death.—(Hear, hear,) There was nu despise or hate th e coo d pn u t it a r : i m n a e tn a ndt of oi the tf I,,,t..e o u t l he o r sk ... r necessity fo r th e one c l ass o f rel i gionists b e i ng taug ht to d porfis Theree many instruction. w as n t o o ( A 'c i c l asion should fur b any be left find how far Protestant and Catholic could go before they reached a point of difference. He thought there was no occasion for insisting on the use of the Testament, but that a general Scripture book, such as that recommended in the report, might be very properly. introduced in the place of it. That Scripture book had been accepted even by the Catholics ; but the Protestants rejected it, because, in the then state of the question of Catholic emancipation, they could not consent to adopt any book of that kind which did not inculcate the superiority of that religion. Mr. LEFROY said there were in his opinion two ques tions to be considered on the present occasion. The first was, whether they should get rid of the Kildare-street So ciety before they were provided with other means of pro moting education ; and the next was, whether a religious education could be given to the children on any other basis than that adopted by the Society—without the basis of the Scriptures, which he understood were now to be rejected ? How, he would ask, did they propose to give a religious education ? If all human compositions were to be rejected, how were they, without the Scriptures, to teach that which rendered education really valuable ? The question was, whether the people of Ireland, in a body, would he ready to receive the Scriptures in their national system of education. That they were heartily disposed to do so, he could prove, not only from recorded evidence, but by living witnesses. It appeared by the report of the five Commissioners, one of whom was a Roman Catholic, that the number of scholars in the schools established by the Kildare-street Society, was 57,129 ; and that of those 29,554 were Roman Catholics. Here, then, there was more than a moiety of Catholics. Again, in the Model School of the Kildare-street Society there were 697 scholars; of whom 263 were Protestants of various denominations, and 434 Roman Catholics. Here, there fore, the Catholics were in the proportion of nearly two to one. Look at the report of the Hibernian School So ciety, which the Hon. Member, who had just spoken, had described as a proselyting Society. It appeared that the number of children educated by them was 36,295, of whom 17,656 were Roman Catholics. Look again at the Capel-street Society. That Society educated 12,623 children, of whom 4,556 were Roman Catholics. Yet, in every one of those schools the Protestant Catechism was taught ; and it was essential to them all that a Protestant should be at the head of each. If they found that in all these schools the Roman Catholics were willing to partake of education with Protestants, what foundation was there for asserting that Roman Catholics of Ireland were not willing to receive the Scriptures in common with the Pro testants, in their system of education? What more de sirable mode of education was there in a country, torn by internal divisions, than the introduction of the Scriptures? What more rational hope was there of putting an end to the dissensions which had so long existed ? What could be more to be wished than that the different parties should meet OR a common ground, in order to see in what their difference really consisted? If, after such a meeting, they should finally differ, yet the disagreement would be r less than it might otherwise he.—(Hear, hear.) For what was the tendency of a religious education but to soften the asperities of our nature, and to teach us mutual for bearance and charity.—(Hear, hear.) If such were not its universal effect, it was not the fault of such an educa tion, it was the fault of the overbearing propensities of human nature.—(Hear, hear.) Reverting to the subject immediately before the Committee, he observed that the number of schools in Ireland for the education of the poor was 11,823. Of those, 7,559 were under the direction of Roman Catholic masters. In 6,058 of those schools the Scriptures were read. Deduct from those 6,058 schools the number of schools maintained by the Protestant Societies, namely 1,900, and it appeared that there were above 4,000 schools in Ireland under the direction of Ro man Catholic masters, and unfettered by any connection with Protestant Societies, in which the Scriptures were taught. Bow, therefore, could it be said that the Roman Catholics of Ireland were averse to the introduction of Scripture into their schools ? Why, then, were they to be called upon to deprive the Roman Catholics of Ireland of the opportunity of receiving a Scriptural education? There was one circumstance to which he wished to call the attention of the Committee. Mr. Dounellan, a Roman Catholic gentleman, one of the Inspectors of the Kildare-street Society, being asked by the Commission what was the general extent of the knowledge of the New Testament by the lower classes of the Roman Catholics? answered, that he be lieved their knowledge of it was but vague. Yet it was on that volume they were sworn in giving evidence, and in their other civil duties. Was it not therefore important that they should be rendered familiar with its contents ? (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Chief Secretary said that it would be impossible to give to the Catholics and the Protestants a combined religious education, without pro voking controversy. He (Mr. Lefroy) had already stated facts which disproved that assertion. The Right Hon. Gentleman had quoted Dr. Doyle in support of his opi nions. He (Mr. Lefroy) would quote Dr. Chalmers in support of his. Against the doctrines of the Roman Ca tholics in Dublin, he would quote the doctrines of the Roman Catholics in Glasgow. In the second Report of Evidence, it appeared that Dr. Chalmers had stared that there were a good many Catholics in Glasgow, but that they bad no objection to the introduction of the Scrip. toles in their schools. He would also advert to the tes timony in the first Report of Evidence of Sir Francis Blosse, who stated, that after eight years' experience of schools in which the New Testament was read by the chil dren of both persuasions, he had no hesitation in saying that a mode of education uniting Catholics and Pro testants in the same system, and introducing the Bible into that system, would be most useful. What reli gious instruction could be of any value which was not based on Scriptural knowledge ? When, therefore, the Right Hon. Chief Secretary said that the Kildare street Society did not proceed far enough in communi cating religious instruction, the answer was, that it went as far it could do ; and that it left the rest to the parents and friends of the children. Regard, also, ought to be had to the feelings of the Presbyterians in Ireland. The Presbyterians would not consent to the exclusion of the Scriptures from their system of education. \Vas it no evidence of the fitness of the system adopted by the Kildare-street Society, that under that system the number of scholars had increased to '79,000 ? It had been said, that the Roman Catholic Priests wished to overturn that system. That was merely in consequence of the orders which they had received from their su periors. In 1821, a Bull was sent from Rouse to Ireland to prevent Scriptural instruction from being continued. The Hon. and Learned Member for Kerry apprised the Committee of the Kiidare-street Society of the fact, and, mounted on that Bull—(A laugh)—the Hon. and Learned Member stirred up the Roman Catholic Clergy to the most eilectiwe opposition to the existing system. Until that period Dr. Tray, who was at the head of the Catholic Church in Ireland, had gone no further than to declare than the Scriptures were not fit for a school-book. After the promulgation of the Bull, lie (Mr. L.) acknowledged that the opposition to the introduction of the Scriptures into the schools was active and determined. But was that House to legislate for Ireland with reference to that Bull of Rome, or with reference to the wishes and• interests of the people of Ireland themselves?—(Hear, hear.) The circumstances of the present period were similar to those of the sixteenth century, when Parliament backed the people of England in opposition to the authority of the Court of Rome. In showing great liberality to all re ligions, they would come to exhibit a perfect indifference to any. To that point, however, the House had not yet arrived. Although they had done away with poli tical distinctions as connected with religious opinioue, they had not yet repudiated the national faith, they had not yet repudiated the national religion.—(Hear, hear.) When a system was proposed to teach all creeds, the proposition was inconsistent with common sense, as well as with religious principle. What would be said of a man in private life who taught opposite and inconsistent creeds 104 what ought to be said of a Legislature which prescribed the teaching of opposite and inconsistent creeds ?—(Hear, hear.) The Kildare street Society had renounced all connexion with proselyting societies, and had manifested abundant proofs of their sincerity. The Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken had warned the House against the introduction of works calculated to produce feelings of animosity between Catholics and Pro testiints. How was it possible to guard against those feelings ? Look at the books by which, from time to time, the Prelates of the Catholic Church insisted that the children of their persuasion should be taught. By their resolutions they protested against any system of education in which the books were not of their own choosing, and in which the masters were not under their own controul. It was hopeless, therefore, to think of devising any system which would meet the objections which would be raised in that quarter.—One word aa to the form of the grant. In consequence of the letter which they ha, received on the subject from the Chancellor of the Exchequer,' the Com mittee of the Kildare-street Society went on advancing money from their own pockets, and ent er i ng i n t o engage ments; and now it was proposeei to vote the money to the Lord Lieutenant, to be dispensed at hie discretion.. Under the circumstances which he had described, he thought the Kildare-street society ought not to be made suppliants to the Lord Lieutenant, bat that the grant should at once be made to them as usual.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BROWNLOW expressed the high and sincere sa tisfaction with which he had listened to the statement of the Right Hon. the Chief Secretary for Ireland ; an ad mirable statement—not more distinguished for its talent and eloquence, than for the sound, liberal ? and practical principles by by which the whole of it was pervaded.— (Hear, hear.) By pursuing a similar system in every branch and departmentiof the Administration of Ireland, the British GoverniistO would be enabled permanently to secure to itself the'effeetiOni.ot its Irish stibjects.—(Hear, hear.) If, Parliament aid Were to be given to the educa tion of the poor in Ireland, it was necessary, fair, and just that that aid should be national, and that the doors of the schools should not be closed against the great mass of the poor of Ireland. It had been contended that the pro posed plan would fail. Until he saw that it did fail, he should exceedingly doubt the accuracy of the predic tion. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had just spoken had consumed much time, very unnecessarily, in discussing the abstract principles by which the Kildare street Society were actuated. Those principles were, no doubt, very good. But the question was whether the plan which that Society had pursued had succeeded ? Had it given satisfaction to the people of Ireland ? How could the Hon. and Learned Gentleman represent their plan of educa tion as prosperous, as haying given satisfaction, in Ireland ? He was astonished to hear such an assertion ; well know ing that, from all parts of Ireland, complaints were pro ceeding that it had failed, that it had given general dissatis faction. He had himself presented more than one peti tion to the House to that effect. What was the fact ? In 1826, it had been stated before a Committee of that House, that out of 560,000 children at that time receiving edu cation in Ireland, only about 55,000 were in connection with the Kildare-street Society. lie (Mr. Brownlow) might regret that a Bible education--that hest of all educations—(Hear, hear, hear)--was inconsistent with the tenets of the Catholic Church ; for he understood that it was inconsistent with those tenets to read the Bible without note or comment, and that the reading must always be accompanied by that of some work illus trative of the gospel morality. He might regret that the plan pursued by the Kildare-street Society was not ac ceptable to the great bulk of the Irish nation. But it bee:tine the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, in his zeal to disseiganate Christian learning, and, better still, Christian feeling and Christian charity, to take care lest, in the prosecution of that object, he should excite sentiments directly the reverse of those which he (Mr. Brownlow) was sure the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would wish to excite. He repeated, that he entirely approved of the plan proposed by the Right Hon. the Chief Secretary. It gave him, as he believed it had given the House in general, the greatest satisfaction.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He thought the Right Hon. Gentleman bad done well in proposing the establishment of a body of Com missioners for the purpose of reg ulating education in Ire land. If h e m i g ht b e a ll o w e d to throw out a sugges tion, it would be, that those Commissioners should be the paid and responsible servants of the public. He also thought that the Commissioners should have the super intendemee not only of the funds for education in Ireland voted by Parliamont, but of all funds appropriated by in dividuals to the same purpose. Mr. WYSE slid that many parts of the statement made by the Right Hon. Chief Secretary for Ireland coincided with his own opinions ; that although he might not ap prove of some of the details of the Right Honourable Gentleman's plan, he cordially supported it in its ge neral character. The grand point was to give to Ireland a national education; an education not of the few, but of the many. The whole history of that country proved the necessity of such a measure. Ile was glad that a Board of Commissioners was to be nominated, but he wished to have the members from either Commission. He wished to have the Protestant Archbishops and the Catholic Archbishops, the Provost of Trinity College, and the President of Maynooth, the Moderator of the Synod of Ulster, and even members returned from the several provinces. Colonel CONOLLY defended the Kildare-street Society, and hoped that Ministers would not abolish a system which had taken root in Ireland, aud=was every day gaining strength. _ _ Dlr. SHELL said that the passage from the Holy Writings quoted by the Hon. Member for Drogheda did certainly furnish a noble political aphorism. " Above all things (says the wise man) give me your heart." It was indeed the heart of Ireland that Statesmen wanted ; and if they followed the course which they were now pursuing they would be sure not to demand the affections of the people in vain. —(Hear, bear, hear.) A most salutary comae had been adopted by the Government. The Kildare-street Society was to be at an end. The money was to be placed in the bands of Lord Anglesea—a lofty-minded trustee—a man who would administer it with a just regard to what was due to the feelings of the Irish people, and stood upon such a moral elevation that no prejudices could ever reach him.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. S.) hoped that the Government would sweep away every vestige of the Kildare-street Society. As to the Model School, it might be preserved, but placed under the con troul of the new Board. The engine might be taken out of the old ship that was to be condemned, and placed in the new and sound-timbered vessel.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Shed then went on to show the fallacy of the observations of the Member for Dublin University. The reports of the Committees and Commissioners of Education were all against him. They all concurred in their denunciation of Kildare-street. He (Mr. Sheil) thought, that when truth had cost so much—when forty thousand pounds bad been laid out in search for it, that expenditure should not have been made in vain. As to the partisans on both sides, let their evidence be repudiated. He claimed no credit as a witness. The advocates of Kildare-street and its antago nists had been so steeped to the lips in passion, and imbued so deeply by the immersion, that both should he listened to, if not with incredulity, at least with a caution amount ing nearly to distrust to the perfumers of the Association ---(A laugh)—and to those who had played equally im portant parts in the moveable stages supplied by Conven ticks and Brunswick Clubs—(Cheers)—let no heed be given. But what said the documents? What said the reports? Mr. Sheil proceeded to contend that the Com missioners of Education, by their reports in 1812 and 1825, had condemned the Kildare-street Society, and that the Committees of the House in 1827 and 1830 had adopted the reports of the Commissioners, and had also declared the Kildare-street Society to be ill-adapted to the purposes of education. These reports state that the system, to be patronised by Parliament, should be free from suspicion. Is the Kildare-street Society free from suspicion ? Is it not, on the contrary, branded by the entire Catholic body with the charge of proselytism, and denounced for the instrumentality to which it has lent itself, for the accomplishment of a most sinister pu r p ose ? The report of the Commissioners in 1825 finds one con clusive fact against the Kildare-street Society--namely, that 370 of its schools are in connection with the Baptist and London Hibernian Society " whose course of instruc tion (the Commissioners state) is contrary to the declared rule and discipline of the Roman Catholic Church." The Commissioners bad embodied in their report the evidence of Captain Pringle and of the lion. Member for Dundal. The first, the Inspector-General of Schools, admitted that be was solicitous for the conversion of Roman Catholics, and looked to the reading of the Bible as the means of ef fecting his holy purpose. The second (the Member for Dundalk) stated, that the London Hibernian Society hail grafted its system in Kildare-street, and that the reading of the scriptures without note or comment was incompatible with the principles and practice of the Roman Catholic religion. Mr. Sheil read extracts from the evidence of Mr. Bicheno, an English gentleman and a Protestant, who stated that be had visited Kildare-street-place, and said that " nobody in Kildare-street would avow their object was the conversion of Catholics ; but it was evidently a thing which the gentlemen of the: Committee desired to see accomplished, without their taking any direct steps to effect it."—(Hear, hear.) The whole body of the evi dence went to prove that the Roman Catholics of Ireland looked with indignation at the proceedings and system of the Society But putting the reports of the Com missioners and the testimony of witnesses aside, and looking into the general principles on which education ought to be conducted, the whole question resolved into this :—" Do the Kildare-street Society require that the Scriptures should be read, and is that practice at variance with the discipline of the Catholic Church?" The first interrogatory must be answered in the affirmative. What should be the answer to the second ? There could be no doubt the reading of the Scriptures as a school-book, as a mere manual of elementary instruction, was against the principles of the Roman Catholic Church. That settled the question. But the Member for Dublin University said the Catholic Clergy were of one opinion, and the laity o f teother. By the way, the Hon. Gentleman began by protestations of perfect liberality, but at the close of his speech it required no telescope to see the steeples of Geneva rising in the distance of those prospects which he exhi , bited.—(Hear, hear.) But is there not some inconsis tency in the course taken by the advocates of Kildare -street Place'? What wpFe they one moment to he to ld t h at the laity were a mere senseless herd, ritivon by the priest craft at its will, and at another that the Ronian Catholics of Ireland were emancipated from this ignominiou s an d . debasing dominion? Is the Roman Catholic peasant to be a degraded slave, or a liberated philosopher, just as it suits the convenience of disputation ? But h e (Mr. Shed) deprecated these distinctions between the Catholic laity and clergy, It was as important to conciliate the one, as it was to concede the other ; or rather both bodies were to be regarded not only as closely united, but, for the purposes of wise legislation, as substantially identified. The Catholic Clergy were composed of a body of .3,000 intelligent and "N. . • well-educated men, and it was madness not only to soothe them, but to offer them exasperation. The priest hood of Ireland have an influence over the people of Ire land, and wherefore should they not? They are the Mi nisters of a religion, endeared by suffering, and fastened by persecution to the affections of the country. They superadd to the influence which is derived from their sa cerdotal authority the still better sway which is drawn from their apostolic conduct. If their dogmas go beyond (as.some may imagine), their lives are within the limits of the Gospel. There is no variance—no wide gap between their habits and their inculcation. There are no diamonds in their mitres, nor gold on their crosiers. If they are Samaritans in belief, they are not Pharisees in sensibi lity.—(Cheers.) They live with the poor, and they feel for them. They are their friends, their benefactors, their companions. If they admonish them with a parental strenuousness, they sympathize with them with more than a fraternal kindness. They are the trustees of their little interest, the depositaries of their humble solicitudes; they give them solace in sorrow, food in famine, medicine in disease--they are the sentinels of the death-bed ; and in the hovel that reeks with pestilence and steams with death, they take their fearless stand, and minister to agony at the hazard of their own lives, its last and most precious con solation.—(Cheers.) If at the dead of the winter mid night a knock should come to the door of the Catholic Priest, and he should be told that one of those who are committed to his spirital care lies at the point of death, in need of his immediate succour, does he turn him in a bed of down, and wrap himself in the warmth and snugness of his rectorial sinecurism, that he may dream of another benefice ?--(Hear, hear.) No ; he goes forth with a celerity to which a genuine piety gives wings, though the rain should fall in torrents on his head, and (I do not exaggerate) the snow should beat against his face; through many a lonely glen, and through many a deep morass he makes his way. He arrives at the habitation of expiring wretchedness; he places himself in perilous contact with breath that exhales mortality, receives from poisoned lips the secret of the over-burthened heart, converts despair to hope, and wafts that hope to heaven.—(Cheering.) And if this be true—and who will say that it is not true ?—is it matter for wonder (reality has supplied the colours of that picture which I have thus boldly painted)—is it, I say, a matter for astonishment tbat men like these should have an influence over the opinions, a sway over the feel ings, a domination over the nation's heart? And would it not be the height of impolicy and Consummate infa tuation, for the sake indeed of Kildare-street Society, not only to omit to make of these men your fast friends, but to array them in hostility against'you ? But you have found the way to win them, and to win us. We thank the Go vernment for their determination to leave no vestige of Kildare-street behind ; and will repay them with a grati tude more than commensurate to the extent of the obliga tion.—(Cheers.) Mr. SHAW bore testimony to the benefits conferred upon Ireland by the Kildare-street Society, and vindicateu the principles on which it was founded. He decidedly objected to transferring the vote, and feared that the time was not far distant when the funds would be devoted only to the education of Roman Catholics. His opinion always had been, that associations of the kind prospered better without public aid. Mr. RICE thought that be might now congratulate the people of Ireland, that a system of education was about to be given to them, which they could accept with satisfac tion.—(Hear, bear.) That system would not exclude re ligious instruction, but would guard against its introduc tion in such a way as to militate against the religious opinions of the people. For his part, his greatest objec tion to the system of the Kildare-street Society was, that it introduced religious instruction without a sincere and open avowal of the intention.---(Hear, hear.) He thought it unreasonable and unjust that Protestants should require of Catholics to snake a sacrifice of religious tenets, such as no Protestant would himself consent to make in the edu cation of his own children.--(Hear, hear.) Mr. GORDON defended the system acted upon by time Kildare-street Society. It had long been to all who wished well to Ireland a matter of great regret that the Citholie clergy were wholly regardless of the interests of education ; and the fact was, that previous to the time at which Pro testants took up the education of the people, the Catholic clergy had established no schools at all ; and when they bad effected their object, namely, that of withdrawing the Catholic children from the schools which Protestants bad set on foot, they (the Roman Catholic clergy) let their own schools fall into decay. It had been stated, he ob served, that in the schools est ,blished by Dr. Doyle and other Catholic Prelates and Ministers, the Scriptures were generally read, but that he totally denied ; but, on the contrary, he could show, from the books used in those schools that the children were instructed in the belief that the doctrines of Protestantism were heretical, and Protestants could have no share in the kingdom of Christ ; and was it then to support and spread such doc trines as those that Parliament was prepared to vote the public money ? Mr. O'CONNELL, after noticing the wide difference which there existed in spirit and tendency between the speech of the Hon. Member for Dundalk and those which had been delivered on the otter side of the House, went on to say, that the strong appeal to figures made by that Hon. Gentleman was one which the House would know how to value, when they recollected that the fallacy of those statements had been exposed times out of number. He would, however, mention one more instance under his own immediate observation, for the purpose of showing how little his calculations were to be relied on. He (Mr. O'Connell) happened to be in the town of Ennis the very day after one of the Kildare-place inspectors had left it, and that person made it his boast that 400 children at tended the school. How did he procure the attendance of them ? He induced them to come on one day, by giving to each two-pennyworth of gingerbread. Yes, the Hon. Gentleman made his appeal to figures. There were some persons who made very comical figures occasionally.—(A laugh.) Nothing could be grosser than the ignorance be trayed by the lion. Gentleman on Irish subjects—be would not call it Scotch ignorance, for that might seem to imply a national reflection, and nothing could be fur , timer from his mind—the Scotch were not an ignorant people—any thing but that ; yet they certainly sometimes turned out very odd characters.—(A laugh.) It seemed to have been taken for granted by some lion. Members that the Catholic priesthood and hierarchy were unfavourable to education, let those who said so bear this in mind, that itlier in Great Britain nor on the Continent was there any University which had been founded by Catholic Priests ; the University of Dublin was the only exception that Europe presented to that rule. He turned with pleasure from the speech of the lion. Member for Dundalk, to that of the Right lion. Secretary far Ireland. The Right Hon. Gentleman wished to put down agitation in Ireland ; he could tell him that he had already com menced the good work—(Cheers)--and he exhorted him to persevere in the course in which he had begun.— (Hear, hear.) A charge had been made against him (Mr. O'Connell), that be had been a subscriber to the Kildare street Society; it was true that he had, and he had con tinued so for nine years, till he discovered that that So ciety did not act according to the rules that had been laid down for its governance.—(Hear. hear.) Mr. JOHN BROWN expressed his approbation of the plan proposed by the Right lion. Sectetary, and said, that if it had been proposed to continue the grant to the Kildare-street Society, he must have opposed it. Colonel PERCIVAL explained. Captain GORDON complained of the language used which t towards him by th e H on . M em b er f or Kerry (Mr. Scriptures r p t omitted O'Connell.) He th oug h t t h at i t was such as one gen tleman bad no ri g ht to snake use of to anoth e r. With RomanC ina t altogetherhe respect to Dr. D o yl e ' s C atech i sm, he could point out fifty instances . uoted ; and it w a s notor i ous that in the Commandments the s tte l t ' l ad b the ee second. q Hon. Gentletnin then allude.] to the contribution that had been raised for the Hon. Member for Kerry in Ireland, and congratulated himself that he had never earned money in that way—by sowing the seeds of rebellion and discon tent.—( Cheers.) Mr. O'CONNELL denied that the Scriptures were misquoted by Dr. Doyle, and said that the Command ments were printed by the Roman Catholics exactly as they were printed by Luther.—( Hear, hear.) With re spect to the contribution, the Hon. Gentleman ought to know that it had been given to him as a remuneration ; and in point of amount, a very small remuneration it was, for the business which he had given up in Ireland, and which had produced 7,0001. a-year.—(Hear, hear.) Time Hon. Gentleman might calumnate hint as much as he pleased ; but he begged to state, that so far from being ashamed of the circumstance, he was proud to boast of it as one of the most gratifying events of his life.-- (Cheers.) Mr. BODKIN begged to thank the Right Hon. Se cretary in the name of his constituents for the proposition which he had made to the Comnmittee that night. As to the calumnies whiph had fallen from the Hon. Member for Dundalk, he treats d them with the contempt which they deserved. Captain GORDON contended that the whole substance of the Second Commandment was omitted by the Roman Catholics. Mr. M. O'CONNELL said, that the statements of the Kildare-street Society were not to be relied on, for he knew that with respect to its schools, Which were said to exist in the county of Clare, that many had ceased to exist; : and that others were entirety in ,the hands of the 11 1 Catholic Priests.—(Hear.) He did •not envy th e , Gentleman for Dundalk the exhibition which he hi', that night—(Hear)--and if he bad=t-ehilditoliiit i lll would 'not be to that Hon. Membes tuitionititAte confide it.—(Hear.) , - • Mr. MULLINS saidiithat though the hour felt he would be guilty of an injustice to his coot , '" to his own principles, were he to refrain. font tre_ ll l attention the antion of the. House for a few naoulentsr f vf; expressed his gratification at the determination &I l i jesty's Ministers to withdraw the grant to the street Society—as well as his reasons for cordially' ring in their views. Though he -could-. not lay the information and experience tin the subject Kildare-place system of education, which in3tl. o Members in that House could boast of, still he had ciently observed and marked the workings of that 6 1: and seen sufficient of the abuses which bad crept O E to feel himself perfectly justified in asserting that, P . , perfect it may have originally appeared to be in IV' practice it had been proved to be the most imperfe l ' most unsuited to the wants and condition of the col o „ 0 which had been applied. In giving this decided or he trusted it would be believed that he was not l by the spirit of exaggeratio❑ and preju lice; lie 01 11 that which could be attested by hundreds—the I which was evidenced by the fact of the partial, some cases, total failure of These schools wherever been established in Ireland, as well as by the spirit tility engendered against them among men of ever and every party. It was not to be denied that a gee . . . her of very pious and respectable, atd, in some CO meaning individuals, both within and without that had, in the various discussions that had arisen subject, declared themselves strongly in favour Society's schools, and considered that no system sttuction not emanating from that body could equal benefit, or work equally well in Ire's!), verily believed that there existed some whose image got the better of their common sense—who in that these schools had been, " like the n the wilderness"—provided by a special interposi7, Providence, for the relief of what they were pin denominate the benighted and priest-ridden populate, Ireland ; but seeing these gentlemen could not vie' moment suppose, that however disposed lie might, give them credit for sincerity of opinion, and even t' t spect the views of some, whose talents were as o t ' 4 tionable as their integrity was undoubted— while at the o time he could not but pity that unfortunate state of P r : delusion, which so frequently leads the strongest . Pi , into the falsest and most fatal conclusions, on questl ° o vital importance to the best interests of the CO o g i surely, he repeated, these individuals ceuld not e lo i that he, and those who agreed with him, could 0 1 gratify their mental aberrations as to surrender," nions that were b a sed—not upon the besotted Pii c i of a few, but—upon the evidence—the unprejd e evidence of thousands—that evidence having loug,i, vinced him of the inter inutility of the Kildare'? schools for the purposes of general and beneficial jai" tion. He was rejoiced at the resolution of his Dl?r, , ) Ministers to withhold the support which had been 111 ,0 extended to their; and though the pious and 'V bosoms" of the oppo ne nts of a ll change " might hr . ) sigh" at wh a t th e y were pl ease d t o t erm th e destruc` ; o l all existing institutions—though they might shod t ), our innovati ng p ro p ens i t i es — s till h e w a s not to l l , to proclaim himself the friend of innovation, not at ) ,' the present instance, but in every other where that vation leads to certain and incalculable good—and to i i ing such opini ons h e (M r . M u lli ns ) f e lt hiroar sincere a suppo r t er o f th e tea l institutions of country,—and a s uncom p ro mi s i n g an advocate af, Genfrights and lib er ti es , as an y o f th ose H on . Gent", who ridiculou s ly f anc i e d th a t th e ir support c' t corruptions of institutions, but not of instita themselves, would now-a-days be mistaken for loyall patriotism. Having expressed his gratification a t line of c on d uc t a b ou t to b e pursue d by G ove rnru ot, would take this opportunity of declaring his tieternU a ' to support and promote by every means in his povvert other system of instruction which should appear 1, ° 1 ,) culated to diffuse useful information most extd among the poorer classes of society in Ireland, and II ) should e ff ec tually g u m d against all interference,either d io i or indirectly, with the religious tenets of those to e i, that inforniatiun is conveyed. He was sure that)) person who considered that the population of I was, as regarded religion, divided into three , sf ' branches—the Protestant, Catholic, and Presbyte rs t i would readily admit that no system of edit, not based upon the broad and liberal principle 0 i to, could he expected to produce those general adca ° , l and beneficial results wh ich the imperfect state of edul Ireland so much requireu — a nd suc h a system h e Ili i hoped before long to see rising from the ashes of afl isi i , less, and, in its effects, he must say, an injuriouso tution, and diffusing its blessings, without distiec t i i party or of creed, among the ill-educated and neglected pi•asantry of Ireland. i After a few words from Mr. Bonxiii the gran t agreed to. The House then resumed, the Chairman reporte d [ gress, and obtained leave to sit again on Monday ref BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. IP Colon,l SI BTHORPE—Sir, I give notice that, c ° l day next, I shall bring under the consideration of the the conduct of the Editor of the Times Newspaper,'" ing grossly infringed the privileges of this House. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed the House adjourned at Half-past Two till Mondg SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNA° In an affair of great delicacy, to which we i+ already alluded, our w i s h would be, if we mig? permitted, to put the public in possession °, whole truth, and then let the matter drop, O f j know that p r ot rac t e d di scuss i ons are a pt to P i resentments which did not at first exist. It 4 impossible that t h e a b sence o f t h e D uc h ess of , and of the Princess Victoria* her daughter , the Coronation, should have escaped notice;p! therefore stated what the fact would be, 1311 signed some causes for it. We hope now to • the account in a manner which may suppress rg animosities. We have received two versioqi the affair, and both, if we look to the quarters i i which they come, entitled to the highest con s alien. The first says, " her Royal Highne . lt Duchess of Kent wr o t e to th e D u k e o f Norfol;., hereditary Earl Marshal, to know how she ' I I go to the Abbey herself, and what arrangel had been made for the Princes! Victoria?' ,f answer was, " That his Majesty had o i g h ti oi his pleasure that h er R o y a l Hi g h ne ss s ', attend in her place as a dowager Princes i i ji Peeress, and that th e P r i ncess Vi c t or ia victei under the care of the Land ravine and the ri'V Augusta, and be attended by the Duchess of of thumberland in the Royal pew." (A very P I ) arrangement we have no doubt the of will think ; but of remark more hereafter). t ie answer being received, so far was her hors' Air trees from declining attendance, that she ordere4;! robes, and it was understood by all the Royal f s :, t ir that she would be there. The King never dovti, but that the Duchess would be at the Coron9bc, ordered a letter to be written to her to kilos' L gl is she would name to carr y h er corone t ; to iinswer was r e c e i ve d. Aft er wa i t i ng so me tinl e 'i Majesty ordered another letter to be written Di own name, and to this an answer did come fr° lll o 6 , John Conroy, speaking of her attendance o 9 ,h certain, but saying that if she did attend , t ;, would hav e h er coronet b orne b y L or d MorV e D lln Our other account agrees i n t h e c hi e f fi;c4; `v it l ll l4 preceding; b u t a dd s , " Royal llighne ss hi , wrote to express her ready compliance" (W i V arrangement made as to the place selected for _ efi t. and her daughter), " and her desire to be Pre; to r the ceremony, and to mark her dutiful regard Majesty; but it was afterwards considered 05 ,, pedient to interrupt the benefit which the Pr / eft e, Victoria's health was receiving by her resideacobri the sea; and upon this ground, and also 01 3° 0 f i of the expense which would attend the Ducl ie d Kent's leaving the isle of Wi g ht, a nd remov' fi pl i her establishment to town, ,o as to appear, i 7 2 01 ),, at the Coronation, his Majesty pltlsea , l o tP most gracious and in the kindest Manner , t i ;eo, pease with the attendance of the Duchess of ' t ie and the Princess her daughter." Upon the e occasions we may observe, that the latter tti r if notice of the delay in answering tl e letter 4 r i it o by his Mtjesty's direction; and the former 0121 mention of the King's graciously dispensi"g i Ir, the attend ance o f t h e ill ustr i ous perso nages , ti , ;0 ots Our r e p or t er comm i tte d an error yesterday that the Royal infant was present. Coronation.;eheolui a first tte n-afdpulrt self and the Pri P °ut perhaps 'sot u p on the score Perise . was no gi a wa itisWered tl !Ot l 7*ence in l'erte_to satisf y Tie claims of Ail ed, as far as loti on; i and to _YPothetical n a t 4: ilt Would b e in e2,inzenot be conte thello i evovvBi.,\resevjirter.uoea. surprise,sooty titihfiklaetanahv dnelei dsbetcea,otoTrrr II 4 11d 4 tritn:tilittitc,),Lveeu.n.iait e g,..nesitu n ahtta n ilitylf n t‘..nlibt e y.toart e ehahtsl t ,ilta e ee,as,igs d biltii,lino,eecies.irc.1 entertains of hi' l to da Y, as we a ha s' ib ecasi c'n. But couldll fbli e g ° .. \' o i r i e l el 1 0 u l !' for' s ' i — g y T o a l n n , h p de i , a gorded him sa h_gree with rhos I:.indispensabl rflo ce f or and peo e; that no crown;get t table . and "P'4i i bt4turl , ° ,, '' 'e. , 1 public ', . ' e. rniee'lw , w e °'' . y ( liee rd °:::n ' ,j ut' s i shtP l sa n i e teine t e o s a llna o idr , s l )otfe,il°ulidr fencedtt' 'ilrs . i b'fehm ,, eal , ebtc:' , l It is a • Cr courary_ 1 v:iitj.LlV t -- 11, 0ti l lf. l e(o.ilefb (1 1 ' t eu . l t vh e Pvo°l tettirairhi.drtild" Reform 'eslogesilsv‘ker:9sesle' n'nlcaediie•l°lneoenlill,:n'"nftivbvierittiiil'' the • a 4 btr ntouhoe7etf thet t o% t .irt e bt lepe_eoevfoeef Peers t ; 1 "u "" Y, will( stealthily lnsir bt %dly affirm( all who a mor i... ,,.l:, e pieer c et, l .tpl e i ei a uu r tl e , isas r erel rd t : h f t r t 1 ° : the issue %AFL would It 1 1 , iL nlement ( ''' e limits of 1 principle, far v"h • A un Would be see 44d, irresisti ] t tp 'he fe vri . ro r net g r h pe l l be l l d e s e era l l t bi m g ni e e e r n ° n e ca , r r 1 4 4 : 11 hg and o' 1 17 e Provoke th._ 11 7 y ma 1.07. elves or no r 0 , _. bi1,.....e Idr!eS: ; t i I IS in jet •il e ~ . to ..IVitig...--1. ~ that time i. "s cientioust y • its cent abie t tranq li e l it Pan - Tide . . y earl mak "il ~ il n Ilie Lo e A th e to s e titt L o . P"Ple 0 „Ids will d i'vv'!titl d e , 2l -- h p ... 4 40 c ,t e e e .r s i s o t f e t the ee, t o , r4 , when i t " --- that wl s:Ill•sizall Jud„_ e pas hh_cri nt an( all return t 471,13 hear a "t will tli inev itabl e issi 4 : I now prt e lt u Fgle: hap ] . 4 ( i e " the eye, ; a ~,a1) should 1 ' o ristilin /1- ; 5 Will rem'en: fi rt , un, as far , f .ure to time, his h ere impen, f ur . 41 ay be the or i `or. Let , th, L . .. 0 , ruweon r h e ! , and seas - 4 L'e , I would ° 'dsh' , , 14 _ denie s ' Ho 14:e essence I' h "' What 1 , t o t , , 1 7 Iv e by corn th l ' e uld pmpie I ir p u , Y e ‘vould la ti,,:, st, the me Ithlotild they lay ad o ° Pa desi re IPt no meth 4:," object th div Corruption 1 th , It ' and porn au iL ° „ ° W lo;i-, I ~""Y oontrz pa,,llst I a m tLt; over the 1 1.04001 they 11 ti tih ,'" , they u ,'`ie, then t ,erlt tilli ( Ni t , af ter a "S a nd 1 . qub t t I 4 44 11 a _: i . to thi 444 , "gilibe te tt 1 and o Pl'hi, r e d or h„; 'ilecli aa , hoes t ? Th has h A d uv ; i he lidd ,"e goo, th l 'iti et i f ) ' ,l Gre Lop He tn r u: s t . r e i'i r° A ianer oft- the Duke e t r Y) o r li , itio, , 1 . 8 J 4, „' z'oligt 1 ne truer