The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-26 00:00:00

vere endtntvour'nj to promote.—(Cheers.) But in de:p . te of these uniuwaid events, they had alle viated some taxation, which pressed heavily upon the poor. Besides, they had added no new bur dens—they had created no new sinecures and no new pensions, and had kept us out of a war, into which the Tories were so anxious to plunge us.— (Cheers.) Ministers were right in not attempting any , Fink of importance in a House of Commons where there was such a large uneempulous minority aeainst them—they might be defeated, and Reform might thereby be delayed, if not lost. Let us give thorn undivided supp •rt till they carry this measure, etiii if, with a reformed Parliament, they did not re deem their pledges of retrenchment and ameliora tion, it would then be time for the people to with draw their confidence.—(Cheers.) The country halt bewailed the protracted discussion on the late B 'l, aid regretted that Peers had not been created ctrty the measure. But perhaps it was as fortu nate. for it prevented the enemy from saying, they had hen condemned unheard, and it gave the House of Peers a chance to vote in conformity with the writ .s of the people. It was not necessary at this time of day to remind the meeting, that the British Constitution was an invention for the good of the pe ele, and that the House of Lords was only one of its elements. That if the House of Commons were hostile to the interests of the country, the King could dissolve them, and appeal to his people, as he did with his late Parliament. That if the Monarch were tyrannical, the Commons could withhold the suppliea, and that if the House of Lords opposed the welfare of the people, the crown could infuse a relit spirit into them by new c reations.--(Cheers.) This was the undoubted prerogative of the King, and if it were not for this, the Upper House might endanger the i-afety of the State, by successfully setting public opinion at defiance. A despotic House of Lords would be as great an evil as a despotic Prince, or a despotic House of Commons. But the Ministers now knew their friends, and he trusted that they would advise his Majesty to exercise his prerogative, and regenerate the House of Lords, if they continued obstinate, and thus prevent a second defeat, by neutralizing their opposition to the people, which was only the result of Tory creations for the last fifty years.—(Cheers.) The Ministers were worthy of confidence, for they were the friends of liberty. The Anti-Reformers had strained every nerve to drive them into harsh acts against Political Unions, by which they dreamed that they would alienate the affections of the people, and thus blast Reform. Gloriously had they been disappointed— Minister 3 had declared that they would pass no new I iws to put Political Associations down—that they would not infringe upon the birth-right of Britons to meet, and discuss, and make known their grievances,—a right confirmed by the Revolution of 1688, though frittered down by the iniquitous acts of Pitt and Castlereagh, till British liberty had almost dwindled into a shadow and a name.—(Cheers.) In the spirit of charity he would interpret the late proclamation as a kindly warning to the people, that there were still on the statute book some rem nants of Tory machination against freedom. How ever unjust these might be, they were unrepealed, and therefore the law of the land. The Edinburgh and all similar Unions were legal—they had not, and they would not, trench upon the laws even though they were unjust. The Unions must always be a rock of offence to the Tories, for the former were the foes, and the latter the abettors of corruption and abuse. He trusted there was not a man in the Edinburgh Political Union, so abject, so utterly un worthy of the blessings to be achieved by Reform, who would for a moment sanction the unhallowed views of the Anti-Reformers.—(Cheers.) In con clusion, Ministers were worthy of support, for they were the friends of the people, and their continuance in office was the best security for carrying Reform. They were struggling to restore the people to their just rights, and to their due weight in the adminis tration of the Government :—And why ? For ' 6 the .security of the State—for the 6 contentment' and she welfare' of the people." Rarely had Tory Ministers brought forward measures for the content ment of the people. With them the word people had almost grown obsolete. As long as we sub mitted tamely to misrule, they might deign to call us the people, but now, because from the progress of knowledge, and the enormity of their abuses, we have murmured and demanded Reform, we have become the rabble and the mob.—(Great cheers.) The in dependent electors of all the counties of Great Bri ndle the majority of the House of Commons, and the large minority of the House of Lords—almost the whole of the middling and working classes—in a word, the Reformers, comprising the majority of the wealth, the talent, the moral, and the physical :strength of the country, constitute in the enligh :ivied eyes of the Tories, the rabble—(Cheers) — but with us they are the feople.—(Cheers.) The annals of Great Britain furnished few Tory measures for the contentment of the people. The sword, and the suepensions of the Habeas Corpus Act, were more congenial with their policy. How short-sighted had it been ? How vain their imaginations, that such stern remedies could calm the mighty Leavings of poolar discontent, created by wrongs accumulated, and justice delayed ? No—they have only nourished them the more, till in the fulness of time, they bad now burst forth with tremendous power, and crushed cur former rulers into the nothingness of private men, tied I trust they will remain exiled for ever.— Cheers.) (Mr. Hay then moved the second reso lurierewhich will be found in oar advertising columns.) Mr. JANIF.3 SMITH, S. S. C.—Another campaign between the King, the Government, and the people on the one side, and the boroughrnongers on the other, has now commenced. Once more the standard of Reform has been raised in the Commons House of Parliament, and :Ministers, faithful to their word, have nobly redeemed their pledge to the people, that their new measure of Reform would be fully as efficient as that which a venal oligarchy strangled in the House of Lords.—(Cheers,) Whatever doubts might have been entertained as to the issue of the contest some months ago, and I confess that I felt no great disappointment at the rejection of the former Bill by the Upper House, having anticipated such an event from the beginning ; I think That we may now calculate upon a speedy and satisfa.ctory settle ment of the important question which has agitated, and which will continue to agitate the country till that desirable event be accomplished; for it is im pos,ible to disguise the fact that no measure short of a full and efficient Reform in the representation will, or ought, to satisfy the people who have a clear and undoubted right, admitted even by the Tories them selves, to be fairly represented in Parliament.' — (Cheers.) If it be fortunate, as it certainly is, to have a truly patriotic Ministry in whom the nation can place the most unbounded confidence, it is still more fortunate that we are blessed with a pateenel ;Monarch who reigns in the hearts and affections of his people, and who verifies so conspicuously in his person the truth of the constitutional axiom that the King of this free country holds his ceown only in trust for the benefit of the people.—(Gre.at cheer ing.) We may therefore rest assured, that should an emergency arise to render a creation of Peers ne cessary that his itlajesty WO) U nhesitatingly exercise his prerogative, which consists, ;46 Mr. Locke has well defined it " in the discretionary power of acting for the public good where the positive laws are silent." Indeed, we may reasonably presume thee his :Majesty has already notified his intention to efect to his Ministers , for I cannot conceive that they would have risked the peace of the country, for risk I am afraid there will be if the Bill be again rejected, upon the mere hope of making a few death bed conversions among the Tory Lords and Bishops. I am no stickler for the frequent and extraordinary exercise of the Royal prerogative, for the history of our country unfortunately sheave that it has cot always been exercised for the public good; but when I see one of the most beneficial measures ever sub mitted to the consideration of Parliament attempted to be thwarted by a malignant and selfish influesece, equally regardless of the wishes of the King and of the people, I earnestly trust that his Majesty will, if necessary, send up to the House of Lords a sulii eieril number of the tried friends of the people, and thereby frustrate for ever the hopes of the borough mongers. If I stood in want of any argument to convince me of the expediency of such a step at the present crisis, I would find it in the alarms which the anticipation of such a measure has excited in the minds of the Tory leaders. I would appeal to their sinister hole and corner addresses to the King, got up by those pseudo conservators, deprecating uny new creation of Peers. I would refer to their insane attempts to overawe the Sovereign in the just and free exercise of his prerogative, by their ill-timed and misplaced congratulations at his sup posed unwillingness to increase the Peerage, when they must be conscious that sooner than abandon the cause of his loyal people he will undoubtedly act a part quite contrary to that for which they now pre tend to compliment him. It is perfectly natural in the boroughmongers to be opposed at present to an extension of the Peerage, as it would for ever anni hilate their influence as a party in Parliament ; but I have no doubt that were the tables turned, and the country again doomed to the infliction of a Tory Administrat.on, that we should have new Peers in abundance taken from the ranks of the enemies of the people's rights. We should then see Sir Charles Wetherell perhaps as Baron Botherall of Borough bridge—(A laugh)—take his seat in the Upper House, followed by John Wilson Croker and my polemical friend, Captain Gordon of reformation no toriety—(A laugh)—but I am dealing in conjec ture, for before the patents for such nobility could be prepared the all powerful voice of an indignant nation would hurl such an Administration from its place.—(Cheers.) In tracing the history of that part of the Royal prerogative which relates to the creation of Peers, I find that in the old works on English law two motives are assigned which are pre sumed to actuate the Monarch in exercising that branch of his prerogative. The first is said to be ad extsulendunt—to seek the advice of those in whom he has confidence in cases of emergency. The next is ad defendendum regent—to call good and loyal subjects round his person to defend him and his Government against the open or disguised attacks of those who would endanger the safety of the one or subvert the other. Now certainly, if ever in the history of this country there was a time when the reason ad defendendum regent was more necessary to be acted upon than another, the present is that time, for at no former period did any Constitutional Monarch ever so much require the aid of faithful and upright Peers as his present Majesty ; for, notwith standing the repeated declarations he has made in favour of Reform, a boroughmongering and corrupt fiction still continues to array itself against the rights of the crown and the liberties of the people which, if not speedily checked by the strong arm of the Royal prerogative, may by its blind and infatuated obstinacy lead to anarchy, and the destruction of the Monarchy. Mr. Smith concluded by proposing the third resolution. _ Mr. D. WALKER, printer—l am not in the least degree surprised by the approbation which followed the reading of the resolution now sub mitted to the meeting. It would be strange indeed if, after knowing the nature and the object of it, it would not be received by this meeting, not only with the deepest respect, but also with the loudest marks of their approbation.—(Cheers.) The reso• lution expressed unbounded confidence in the King, and have we not had the most unequivocal testi mony of the inflexible determination of the Monarch to stand by his people and his Ministers, against the designs of an opposing faction ?—(Cheers.) Ever since our Gracious Sovereign had ascended the throne of his fathers, his course had been one un deviating line—he had swerved neither to the right hand nor to the left—and that course had been a steady desire to extend the privileges of his subjects and promote their comforts. All his actions had corresponded with each other in their consistency, liberality, and wisdom.—(Cheers.) His Majesty, when Duke of Clarence, they all knew, was much esteemed in that circle in which he moved, both from the urbanity of his manners, and the goodness of his heart, but it was not until he was elevated to the throne that all those Princely qualities for which he is distinguished has been made fully known, and it was only now that we knew what a noble Prince reigned over us. His late Ma jesty, from his personal attractions and the refinement of his manners, earned the appella tion of being the first gentleman in his dominions, but there was a moral grandeur and an intellectual dignity around the brow of King William, which the diadem of King George the Fourth never reflected. —(Cheers.) And, perhaps, it would be an inte resting arid useful inquiry to consider by what means, or by what line of conduct our Sovereign has arisen so suddenly to the very summit of Kingly popularity and happiness—if that be happiness which has for its object the good of his subjects, and the rectifying and rooting out of deep-seated abuse. Has it been by waging an :expensive and ruinous war, and spilling the blood of his warriors by sea and by land ? Has it been by an extravagant and profligate expenditure of public monies in ornamenting cer tain parts and precincts, while the country lay grinding under the enormous weight of her taxa tion; or had it been by a total disregard and viola tion of public virtue in the secluded ranks of the highest state of society. No, truly; it has been by a directly contrary line of conduct.—(Cheers.) When he came to the throne, he called around him some of the choicest spirits in the land, and in their hands he placed the reigns of Government, avid ex perience has shown the salutary nature of the step which he took. He had also shown himself particu larly anxious to economise the public expenditure, arid both he and his Royal consort had set an ex ample of virtue before all ranks of society. The re solution mentions a selfish faction, but it was such a filthy subject t hat he would not sail his hands with it. Besides, it had already been dissected by infi nitely more skilful anatomists, and all its corroding and diseased qualities laid so much open to the light of day, that it would be better not to have any thing to do with it. With such a King, and with such men, then, as Lord Grey at the head of the Treasury, Brougham at the head of Justice, Althorp handling the Exchequer, and Lord Russell conducting the cause of Reform, were there any doubts of the re sult ? He begged to second the resolution.—(Great applause.) J. R. STODART, W.S., after returning thanks for th,e honour conferred on him by his being appointed one of the Vice-Chairmen of the Union for the ensuing year, praeeeded—l have been requested to propose the following resolution, viz.—" That a petition be transmitted to the House of Commons, praying that Honourable House to pass the Reform Bill without delay ;" and also the petition itself, founded on the resolutions which you have already adopted. Although we have now a fair prospect of the great measure being carried, we most not 'T hee in our endeavours to promote its success. The .cry pf reaction will still be raised; and it is our duty, and the duty of all true friends of the Bill, again pubiiely to ,express our approbation of it— (Cheers) —and to petition Parliament that it may speedily pass into a law. In this city, as late as the 28th Afoestreber, at the Constitutional !sleeting, as it is. insidiously sailed, as if at other meetings, which instead of supporting ecieroption, advocate the prin ciples of pueity--the piireciplee pf the Bill—were not constitutional—(gheers)=et this meeting, I say, the old cry of reaction has been reised, apd by the Member far the county, too. I hok in m y hand the ,euthenticated report of the speeches tit that meeting, published by Blackwood, in order OW in referring to tken, I may be sure I quote them correctly. ,sir ceeerge Clerk said, " wetly who were not aware of the qteee eo which tbe Bill was to ca,cry them, who wished it to ye earr ie,:l for the purpose of ealping the storm, which they were taegbe to expect was ready ee., burst upon them, had at filet 42eP carried away by the gee,oeral excitgoiont, and had ("Adage , e ' themselves to be ie favour of the Pill; but I believe meet of these are new becoming awe,re of the dange r in witi-,4 the late plan would have involved 'he country, and I rather think they Iveuld be incline e' to wish for some Koehler measure pf Reform than that which had ' been proposed by his Majesty's Ministers." Ineleed7 Sir George. Is it so ?—(Cries of " No , no.") But the assertion is made, though quite groundless, and all friends of Reform must continue to contradict it by meetings throughout the country in favour of the Bill.—( Cheers.) The Hon. Baronet, too, after maintaining throughout his speech that things are very well as they are, said, " We are told we a r e a contemptible faction—(Cries of " So they are —that our voices will only be heard in a whisper, and then the Hon. Baronet exultingly exclaims, " Our voices will be heard in far louder terms, and they will spread like wildfire from one end of the country to the other." Have they thus spread ? ( Cries of " No, no.") Or has not the Hon. Baro net reckoned without his host ? Are they not ra ther dying out ? The reason is obvious. It is well known that fire will not burn, far less spread front one end of a country to the other, without pure air; oxygen is the principle of combustion. But the doctrines of the Worthy Baronet were surrounded by an air of such rank corruption that they would not burn.—(Cheers and laughter.) The dying embers of them have, indeed, been since seen mouldering in Perthshire, and in one or two other places, but it was plain to every one who saw them that so exhausted was the principle of combustion, so feeble the heat, that they might have been com pletely extinguished by the smallest stream, even by one as small as that by which Gulliver extinguished the fire in the Emperor's palace of Lilliput.- -(Cheers.) So much for the spread of reaction like wildfire.—(Cheers.) I shall not detain you by any lengthened comments on the Bill. We have the measure of Reform, because we believe it will lessen corruption—make the House of Commons a more complete representative of the feelings, the opinions, and wants of the people—cause the Mi nistry at all times to act more in unison with the opinions of the country.—(Cheers.) Being de prived of their space of corrupt influence in the House of Commons, the Ministry must trust to the support of public opinion alone, as, unless they carry this along with them, they cannot stand. It is admitted even by the most strenuous advocates of things as they are, that the voice of the country has often been again and again thwarted on great public measures. Professor Wilson, in his address to the Tory meeting here the other day, said of Parliament as it is, " What is the result in working? Why, that every measure that can be fairly shown to be for the advantage of the country, though defeated once and again, is sure to be carried at last." I beg you will mark these words "at last." It is true many great measures have been carried by Parlia ment as it is ; but, after such a lapse of time, that the consequences of the delay have been most grie vous to the country. At all events, it is here ad mitted by this most eloquent and highly-gifted of the Tories, that measures, though fairly shown to be advantageous, have been again and again defeated. This is a serious evil, and has plainly arisen from the interests of the country at large being made sub servient to the interests of the boroughmongers in Parliament; whose constant endeavours have been exerted to preserve things as they are, to prevent all change—(Shame, shame) —knowing that in the midst of change their abuses could not escape. Need I remind you of instances of the voice of the country being despised in Parliament ? Need I re call to your recollection that unhallowed traffic in human beings, that outrage upon humanity, the slave trade, which, despite of repeated attempts to put it down, was continued for twenty years after the voice of the country was almost unanimous against it ?—(Cheers.) Need I remind you of the Test and Corporation Acts, the repeal of which was supported by all the powers of reasoning and elo quence of Fox, so far back as 1787, and repeatedly afterwards, backed by the voice of the country, and yet was only accomplished four years ago ? Had Parliament truly represented the people, I ask, would the American war have taken place ? No. Had Parliament truly represented the people, I ask, would the late war have been resumed in 1803 ? No. The people never would have consented to resume the war about a comparatively insignificant island. And yet Malta was the pretext for resum ing hostilities. Had Parliament truly represented the people, would not the war have been terminated in 1806, when the French made serious overtures for peace ? Most assuredly it would. The nation was by that time thoroughly tired of war. Had the people been able to enforce their desire for peace in 1803, the country would have been spared the in crease to our debt of 400 millions, besides an ex penditure of about 600 millions more, raised by loans between 1803 and 1815, when the war termi nated ; a waste of capital, and a load of debt which have paralyzed the trade and industry of the country, and which must long continue, I fear, to act like a drag-chain upon its energies.—(Cheers.) Peace was thus again and again rejected, but after this woeful waste of millions upon millions, as the learned Professor says, of other good measures, it came at last.—(Cheers.) The slave trade was thus again and again rejected, but, after the wholesale murder of thousands, its repeal came at last. Such is the working of the old system. But such things will not be under a reformed Parliament. The voice of the people will be more promptly attended to. And although a reformed Parliament cannot at once re medy the evils that have been accumulating for ge nerations, it will, at least, prevent their r ecurrence for the future.—(Great cheering.) I beg now to read the petition. The thanks of the meeting were then voted to the Chairman, and after three enthusiastic cheers ror the King the meeting separated. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Constitutionnel.) PARIS, DEC. 20.—The regret caused by the news of the capture of General Torrijos bas been suc ceeded by lively indignation on its being known that it was attended with circumstances affecting our na. tional honour. The Indicatcur at Bordeaux says that the refu gees, about 60 in number, being compelled by the authorities to leave Gibraltar, embarked on board two small French vessels bound to France, but the Spanish Government, which had long watched all their motions, ordered its Custom-house vessels to pursue and drive them on the Spanish coast. The French vessels perceiving, but too late, this infamous plan, in vain hoisted the tri-coloured flag, protested that they were bound to France, that they had no hostile project against Spain, and had no pas sengers but some unarmed individuals. They were obliged to land their passengers, who were imme diately made prisoners. If these particulars are correct (and the Indica tear affirms that they are noted in the afieial des patch of Gen. Monet), a great violation of the rights of nations has been committed which requires exem plary reparation. But we have before us a private letter with a dif ferent account. It says Torrijos and his partisans were not forced to quit Gibraltar, but resolved to at tempt a landing in Spain. The authorities of that country were soon. informed of the day of their in tended- landing, and of the spot where it was to take phipe, and prompt orders were given there to detain them at seg. They, however, succeeded in landing 47 in number, and took a position in a place which the inhabitants abandoned in haste, for fear of being implicated. Troops of the line soon arrived and surrounded them, and, after a murderous fire, at. tacked the refugees at the point of the bayonet, who surrendered at discretion. The Royal troops had three killed and eight wounded, We think the last account the moat probable, and are going to invite solicitude of the Monarchy in favour of these new victims of despotism ; but we jeanthat General leftp that Lafayette has applied to the Mi nister for 14;oreign Affairs, and that a courier has been despatched to the Spanish (..7,-overnment. ,I,ord Granville, it is said, has written to his col league at 4<ulyid to second the effort of the French General; and we r 2 assured that the Queer; of the French has written to her piece, the Queen of Spaie, go autograph letter, earnestly reiuesting her to give her pr,otpction to General Torrijos and his companions in misforturte. It seems certain, also that Madame Torrijos, who was at Paris, is going to set out immediately for Madrid. May all these steps not be useless! May our despatches be more speedy than the justice or the vengeance of absolute power ! We tremble on reflecting that since the last restoration a terrible law has existed in Spain against those who are called rebels—a law which kills without trial. (From the Journal des Debats of Friday. ) The affairs of Holland and Belgium for some days past have caused false c'rculations, which affected the public credit. We think the following is the true state of things :—lt is not true that the Emperor of Russia has refused the ratification of the treaty between Holland and Belgium. The Emperor being absent at Moscow for some time, received the copy of the treaty there, and the first step the Russian Government took was to present it to King William, counselling him to accept it, and Russia has notified to the other Powers of Europe that she does not wish to take part in concerting measures against the King of Holland. (From the Temps.) We think to day that the news so promptly re ceived from St. Petersburgh has been fabricated, to counteract the Belgian loan, by some banking house. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, Drc. 21. (CONCLUDED.) The President of the Council—" I have now to reply to the second part of the charges brought against the Ministry by M. Mauguin—namely, that relating to the pretended enrolment of artisans by the police on the 14th July last. I thought the ex planations which I had before given would have been sufficient to prove to every one that the Ministry had only interfered in the affair by dis countenancing any project of enrolment. But, as specific charges are made against us on the subject, our replies shall be no less specific." A Voice—" Address yourself to the whole Chamber." The President of the Council—" I beg pardon, if I occasionally turn toward M. Mauguin, it is in order to prevent his losing a word of what I say.— (A laugh.) The picture of carnage which has been painted, the statements of Magistrates po . nting out their victims, and troops protecting assassination, would seem to recall an epoch of melancholy recol lection. It is in the presence of Deputies who are well acquainted with the National Guards, and after a trial in which no fact to be regretted was proved, that these accusations are brought against us. If I reply to them, it is from respect for you, and you oily.—( Here the Hon. Minister turned towards the the Centres.) A Deputy on the Left exclaimed—" Order, order, this is too insulting." The President of the Council—" I must explain myself. I said that lam here to defend myself be fore the whole Chamber, and before all my judges except my accuser."—(Agitation.) A Voice on the Left—" lie is your judge also." The President of the Council then recapitulated the arguments by which M. Mauguin had attempted to make him, as Minister of the Interior, answer able for the supposed acts of the inferior agents of the police, and, after admitting their ingenuity, said that he should be able to show that they proceeded on entirely false data.—(Hear.) He then read a letter from M. Carlier, formally denying the asser tions made by M. Souchet in his letter read by M. Mauguin, and particularly stating that he did not conduct Souchet to M. Vivien on the 13th July ; that no money was ever either given or pro mised by the police to the artisans, and that both the Administration of the police arid the superior Administration were wholly strangers to every thing which took place in the Faubourg Sr. Antoine, as is proved even by the declarations of M. Bouvattier. The Hon. Minister next read a letter from M. Tarbe, the Avocat•General, who stated, in reply to questions put to him by the Mini ster, that it appeared from the evidence and docu ments brought forward on the late trial that Carlier had not either ordered or sanctioned the enrolment of the artisans; that in the scuffle which took place on the 14th July on the Place de la Bastille, the ar tisans had used their sticks, and the young men who formed the rassemblement their pen-knives, but that no serious wounds were inflicted on either side; that several of both parties were arrested, but all were released, either because their accusers could not be found, or because it appeared that both were equally in fault; that although it was reported among the artisans that money had been promised to them, none was ever given; the only gratuity received was that some of them were allowed to eat and drink without paying; that M. Bouvattier, who sanctioned the enrolment of the artisans, not for the purpose of attacking the young men, but for that of repelling any proceedings likely to disturb the tranquillity of the quarter, had been led by Souchet into the error of supposing that the measure was sanctioned by the police; and, lastly, that the artisans who were active on the occasion were not, as had been asserted, chiefly men who had been in the hands of justice, but that, on the contrary, a great number of them were decores of July; and the only two among them against whom any thing of the kind was attempted to be proved were Armand, a police officer, who had once been fined 16f. for an assault, and a man, 40 years old, who, at 14 years of age, had been covicted of a robbery, but who had ever since borne an irreproachable character. "Against these testimonials," continued M. Perier, " is op posed only a letter addressed to the National by M. Souchet, the very man who enrolled the artisans, and who, after having twice given, in a Court of Justice, contradictory accounts of his conduct, now attempts to connect his proceedings with the Pre fecture of Police by means of relations, the nature of which have been fully explained by the Prefect himself, but which, at any rate, have not the slightest reference to the Ministry. Yet upon this document is founded a weighty accusation, I will not say against a Minister (Ministers are accustomed to endure calumny), but against one of your col leagues, who is honoured with your esteem and confidence." Several voices—" Yes, yes." Other voices, among which that of M. Cabet was predominant—" No, no." The President of the Council then referred to events of the 14th of July, and declared his con viction that a Republican plot really existed, the success of which was prevented by the active measures taken by the Government, and the admi rable co-operation of the National Guards. He re ferred to the reports made to him by the proper authorities, all of which concurred in representing the working classes as having voluntarily, and with out any solicitation, taken an active part in opposing those who wished to disturb the public tranquility, and added that it was in consequence of these re ports that the paragraph in the Monileur, praising the conduct of the artisans, was inserted. He then stated that the moment he saw in the Tribune an assertion of the enrolment and organisation of the workmen by the police he wrote to the Prefect on the subject, and received from him in reply a state ment of what had passed, which was in accor dance with what he had previously stated, and fully proved that the Prefect, so far from sanctioning, had expressly disapproved of any such measure, and had, even after all was over, sent for Souchet to make further inquiries on the subject, and had then received from him the assu rance that he had not the least intention of acting on behalf of the Administration, but merely in com pliance with the wishes of the artisans, and for the tranquillity of the Faubourg Sr. Antoine, and the honour of the Cross of July. The Hon. Minister then said he would produce only one more docu• tnent, which would strew the motives of Souchet, and prove how much reliance was to be placed on his assertions. He then read u letter, dated the 25th of July, in which Souchet states that the tin ] fonnded reports of his having organized artizans to maltreat the republicans had seriously injured him in his business, and theirefore solicits a place as in spector of one of the markets of Faris. This place, however, had not been given him, and his subse quent contradictory and perjured statements proved . how little lie deserved either Adence or considera tion. " Gentlemen," said M. Perier in conclusion, " we have already solemnly refuted, before the Tribu nals, the accusation brought against us of having en rolled the workmen to maltreat the seditious.We repeat this denial before the highest tribunal of the nation. It cannot fail to be listened to, and this is quite enough, if not more than enough, on such a subject. These explanations, joined to those we have already given with regard to the events at Lyons, and the sufficiency of which you have acknowledged, com • plete our answers to the interrogatories that have been put to us ; for, with regard to those which relate to the political system of the Ministry, what can I say more, gentlemen, than that even during the existence of the serious circumstances which involve accusations, and are attended with threats of rendering us responsible for blood that has been shed, I persist, with a more perfectly conscientious conviction than ever in declaring to those Members of this Chamber who have given their support to this system of legality and conciliation, that upon that alone depends the present safety and future prosperity of the country. I persist in declaring to the adversaries of our principles that the system they have proposed to introduce in the place of that adopted by you involves, in my opinion, dangers and misfortunes which they certainly do not intend to bring upon the country, but which must inevi tably be its consequences. I persist in defending our line of policy, which is yours, and not our per sons; for, after this sad explanation, I find it abso lutely necessary for me, before I quit this tribune, to declare, Gentlemen, that I never was desirous of power,-that even those who yesterday talked of granting me indulgence know better than any that, having entered into office with the purest intention, my only ambition is to retire from it with honour.- (General cheers.) I demand, for I have a right to demand, the esteem of my country, because my con science tells me that I have deserved it.-(Hear, hear, with approbation.) I demand justice from the majority of this Chamber when that is attacked which they have supported ; but I ask for no indul gence, because I feel I have need of none,-neither will I accept it, if proffered." The Ministers, from their places-" Nor will we accept of any, for we know we do not require it." -(No, no.) This speech, which was delivered with great emo tion, was received by the Chamber with the most lively expressions of interest and approbation. M. Odillon Barrot recurred to the Lyons question for the purpose of explaining why he had said in the preceding debate that " indulgence, and not approbation,' was all he could give to the Ministry on that subject.-(The President of the Council said, with great warmth, " I will not accept indul gence." M. Odillon Barrot then continued his address, and the President of the Council, who ap peared greatly exhausted, left the Chamber a very few minutes after be had resumed his speech.) He maintained that the temporising policy pursued res pecting the tariff, when it was made known to the Ministry, was a great and culpable weakness, to which were owing all the subsequent evils. On the one hand, the manufacturers, who had their deputies in Paris, in immediate communication with Govern ment, were well aware that the tariff was considered illegal, and would not ultimately be retained : this induced them to take but little pains to conci liate the artisans, or endeavour in any manner to meet their wishes and necessities. On the other hand, the artisans, seeing the tariff unrepealed, were led to consider it as a right-a charter almost, and looked on the opposition of the manufacturers as the mere expression of selfish and interested views. Here the the two interests were directly brought into a conflict, which entailed such melancholy re sults. He then argued that the Ministry should have acted on the same principle as the Provisional Government at the Hotel de Ville did immediately after the days of July. When all the working popu lation were demanding work at increased prices, the Government said it could not interfere in any manner between the masters and those employed by them, but recommended tranquillity and good order as the best means of restoring confidence and reviving trade. This answered the purpose; and he main ' tained that, had the Ministry openly, and at once, declared the tariff illegal, and repressed it, the people would have submitted quietly, or, at least, no tu multuous demonstration more than might have been put an end to by a few ordinary police precautions would have ensued. In concluding that portion of his address, he also took occasion to remark that he considered the conduct of the National Guard who did not come forward to repress the disturbances not as baseness or cowardice,but merely as weakness, produced by the want of firmness and decision exhi bited by the ministry. He then proceeded to examine the question of enrolment of artizatis, and drew a glow ing picture of the evils incident to a state of things on which the preservation of the public peace was allowed to depend on an organised association un known to the laws. He retraced the events of the 14th of July, and represented the police agents as leaping on the bands of infuriated workmen, who had drained enthusiasm from the wine flask, and en couraging the most wanton cruelty towards the young men who wished to celebrate the day by planting a tree of liberty. He said that he did not charge the Ministers with having directly sanc tioned these measures, but he must apply to them the memorable words addressed to a former Administration, on the occasion of the riots con cerning the Election Law in 1820, by M. Casimir Perier, then a Member of the Opposition.- " You are Ministers ; you have allowed these events to occur; you have not punished their authors therefore you are responsible." These words, he continued, comprised the main principle of a Representative Government.-(Loud applause.) In conclusion, he said that when the system of mu nicipal police was properly understood, arid so or ganized that its agents themselves set an example of obedience to the laws, before they imposed tbat obedience upon others, the public tranquillity would be easily preserved, the constant and harassing dis play of military force would be rendered useless, and the scarf of the Magistrate would be sufficient to insure obedience ; but that if Government per sisted in the present system, and refused to modify the police of the capital, the laws, the execution of which was entrusted to a brutal force, would lose all their authority, and a deplorable catastrophe would be the fatal expiation of the error.-( Loud applause followed the conclusion of this speech.) The Minister of Justice re-produced the argu ments of the President of the Council on both the questions in discussion, and cited in addition several documents tending to prove that a plan had been formed by some of the members of the Society called the Antis du Peuple, to stir up the working classes to insurrection against the Government. M. de Tracy said that the man named Alexandre, mentioned in Souchet's letter as having been the police agent who sanctioned the enrolment of the arti , ans, was riot now to be found, and urged the ne cessity of his being brought forward to clear up the facts imputed to him as an agent of authority. M. Guizot spoke in defence of the general system of the present Administration. The Order of the Day was then loudly called for. The President was about to put it to the vote, when General Jacqueminot said that the National Guard had been attacked in the course of the discussion, and he therefore required to be heard in reply. The Chamber assented to this, and the discussion was adjourned until to-morrow. The Papers do not contain any other news o. consequence. Fauxcu FUNDS, DEC. 23.-Five per Cents. 97f. 10c. 97f. 97f. sc. 10c. 20c. 25c. 10c. 25c. 97f. 20c. 30c. 2;:c. 30c. 35c. 20c. 96f. 80c. 90c. 97f. ; Four per Cents. 82f. 20c. ' • Three per Cents, 696 20c. 25c, 20c. 10c. 15c. 20c. 10c. 15c. 10c. 6 96 lk. 20c. 15c. 20c. sc. 69f. 686 60c. 70c. 6SE 60c. ; Bank Actions, 1,840 t: 1,8356 I,BIOE ; Rente de Naples, 78f. 35c. 40c. 65c. 60c. 50c. ; Rente d'Espagne, 1050 ; ltoyal Spanish Loan, 77 % %; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 58 % 3, %; Hayuan Loan, 250 E-Exchange on London, one month, paper, 25f. 35c. ; money, 25f. 30c. ; three months, paper, 25f. 20c.: money, 9.5 f. 2.0c.-Cours Authentique. A tailor, at a late public meeting, declared the Reform Bill to be absolutely necessary " to repair the breaches" in the Constitution. MINOR THEATRES. On Saturday a meeting took place at Tavern, Russell-street, of gentlemen b the theatrical profession, and connect drama, for the purpose of taking into c the steps proper to be adopted to defe fession generally from the oppressions be practised in the form of legal prosecu Mr. WEBSTER was called to the chai Mr. RAYNER addressed the meeting, following notice : " We are directed by the Committee of the Theatre-Royal, Drury-lane, and by t prietors of the Theatre-Royal, Covent garde you, that by the decision of the Court of K on the trial of the cause of Parsons v. Cha person who shall act, represent, or perform be acted, represented, or performed, for hire ward, any interlude, tragedy, comedy, opera, or ether entertainment of the stage, or an therein, without the authority of licence me Act of Parliament of the 10th George 11. Ck every such offence, decided to be subject to 501. ; and that Mr. Chapman, the defendan trial before the Lord Chief Justice of King's Bench and a special Jury, had a against him for seven penalties of 50, performing himself, and also, as a manager others to perform, in entertainments the Tottenham-street Theatre, situate i stree', in the county of Middlesex, n the said theatre was licensed by the Magistra dancing, music, or ether public entertainmen, kind, pursuant to the Act of Parliament o George 11., c. 36. And we are further direc you notice, that if you either act, represent, or pe as a manager, proprietor, or otherwise, cause oth represent, or perform, for hire, gain, or reward, lade, tragedy, comedy, opera, play, farce, or o tainment of the stage, or any part or parts the certain intended new theatre, or place of public entr; meat now either erecting, or lately erected, and btPl t ' tuate and being in the Strand, within the liberu el i ti Westminster, in the county of Middlesex, contrary t e 4 provisions of the said Act of Parliament of the' George 11., cap. 28, we are directed by the Commi t Te Proprietors of Drury-lane Theatre, and the acting_) prietors of Covent-garden Theatre, to commence prv - 00 ( ings against you for the recovery of any penalties you incur by reason of your infringement of the last.men t tatute, as in the case of the Tottenham-street theatr e ' " Yours, &c. " LOWDHAM, PARKE, and FRO 63, Lincoln's-Inn-fields. " Dated this 19th day of December, 1831. " To the Proprietor, Lessee, or Manager, of a ce rtsi. o .l ,t! il tended new Theatre, now either erecting, or,r, erected and built, situate and being in the Strand. re After expatiating upon the hardship and oPP 01' sion of this awful denouncement, he moved the 'owing resolutions : of° " 1. That it is the common and indefeasible right k p d - • •--1 tO men honestly to exercise their natural and acquired , 5 to their own best advantage, and that no rational at tion exempts the theatrical profession from a claim t be r p ilia' of which would be considered absurd in the eO l O of any other art, and that any attempt on the part ° v iol patent theatres to prevent those members of the tbO irt 6 profession whom they cannot, or will not, empl o l l o/ procuring their subsistence by such exertion of their t' r e would be an act of injustice which they are bound t° V sist, and which this meeting is satisfied the British r would not tolerate. " 2. That the present monopoly claimed by the theatres is injurious to the profession generally, to i t !i j , vidual members, to the amusements which the publ ic , 0 1 a right to derive from it, and is essentially inco o9ll with the improved state of society. O P' ,r,sJ "3. Th a t t h e i mprove d sty l e o f enterta i nmen ts 1 ,,t 1 at the minor theatres, which is the subject of COolot; now urged against them by the patent ones, tg ctr l on the ulic favour" he resolutions were p seconded . by Mr. P° lllsti and Mr. HAINES, and agreed to. •/ Mr. SERLE moved the following resolution s :of A " 4. That a notice has been served upon various establishments, stretching to the utmost the ob ° : i tt privileges claimed, and putting in peril the very e% l° ,, of persons, who, from authentic reports, which n is ,'ol 4 verified on affidavit, are solely dependent on these td 7 0 ) "5. That it is the bounden duty of the indt' of here assembled, not having courted the discussio e r tM meditated, to protect by every means in their po d small profits which enable them to live, and t o acto r lihood and protection to their relatives. 11#f "6. That the two great th ea tres a re s it ua te ° et' , each other, and a toast inconvenient distance fr ol itY populous parts of the metropolis, and that the effe ct :" present notice will be to prevent speaking in any' ; ,e ,r° except in those in which the attention necessary ti painful to three-fourths of the audience. s oo t " 7. That at the time of granting the patents rsloo the question of an arbitrary exercise of power untell ,f) the population around the theatres bore no pror ri.' e A its present numbers ; and that even with a less pellu":e in the time of Shakepeare, when the English dr l V established, 13 theatres prospered, and afforded live' fr o and occasionally fortunes, to both actors and author.. :11f, The resolutions, which were seconded bi VINING, were agreed to. E 0 Mr. HarsEs and Mr. RAYMOND moved t.. and 9th resolutions, which were as follow " 8. That this meeting, fully convinced of the influence enjoyed by the public Press, and incornl ed ° ibe,‘, means which have been taken to excite it aga 42st i tbe cause, now publicly solicit its assistance in behalf °, claims, as far as it may consider them compatible truth and justice. $ ° I .J ( " 9. That a Committee be appointed to draw 0 1 / morial to his 51ajesty, and petitions to Parliament , on these resolutions, praying for the abolition o f l il olt4 strictive laws against the minor theatres; to we t ' and support the interests of the proprietors 1 0A %," connected with them ; and that the Committee (I ,„ ° of the following gentlemen—Mr. Rayner, Mr. °dr Mr. Raymond, and Mr. Haines, with liberty 0 $ their numbers."—Agreed to. d °b' Mr.DAvIDGE moved the tenth resolution , lit eti Pli;' 1 served, that he had been persecuted, and pt° 9c t r and tried, and convicted, and compelled to o lir, penalties. He stated that at the time he hadaP'bo" to the other managers of the minor theatr e ,:' o l of , they would Rot make common cause, and e°'010:" ward with a subscription to meet the expen se ds l ' i legal proceedings, although they were all ,;',,tit c ; implicated with himself. He regretted this fe e. ' unanimity, and trusted that a better and wi 9e d ing would henceforth prevail. He co ntend s o tu i ; these proceedings of the monopolists were p o i 0 A rected against the minor theatres alone, but 6ef fc,`: ( the theatrical profession. Notices had bee" i pot upon the performers at the greater theatrest w ful, they performed at the minors, even during °ido l s mer season, they would be prosecuted, and fin teo le e f for each performance. The object of the pli to e d c e was to take the minor theatres back to the i ct o barbarism in which they were in the year IS ; 11°- remembered having visited the Royal Circ us e tr!" he was a boy, and this was the style of the f ° " The tide was in, so in went we; 4 . God bless your daylights, pretty dear. e Pf " Fol di riddle 10l die 10l di dec." II ft 0 If they did not wish to go back to this, o' t it should be taken to repeal the Act, and the 6r P was to raise money. to He then moved the resolution—. 10. Th a t a vo luntary su b scr i p ti on b e entere' br, defray the necessary expence; that Mr. Davidg e re new pointed treasurer, and that books be opened to t hee l ; subscriptions from all persons who may consid er A i t selves interested in the success of the drama." Mr. DAvIDGE was next appointed treasure"be proposed an immediate subscription, and set t 1 0 0 ample himself by laying down a guinea. A n i t o '+ of other persons present also subscribed, efi d agreed to make collections at each of the , theatres. After several other speeches the meeting 801° . 5 .4 1) ",1 MORE BISHOFs.—Good Mr. 1 -0 - h * e 6 l has moved, at the India House, for three more ni';eet $ India, at the salary of 5, 0001 . a year. There a re e s;„ to spare in Ireland, but we apprehend that 6' , more wanted in India than there, for Mr. PoYNngl'ty e ' ll o t as the ground of his motion, that four Bisbopg in India within a few successive years, and _ a s 0 9 : 4 , periods after their a r rivals , and that, in co" India has been left , for six years out of the last tefi'ite,, out fes t the n. spiritua llhßtaiile,m e cb p alel 3 re i ensa h or :o f opaoscuß out for so long a period unmitred ? These circuinstali:e doubtless, providential. The motion was, of 0' 1 ; wouldg ati v e d they ibr r a i r s o d i l re m d b se p ie o n :o r S e . u q_ a r n u e i ,E l i s y i tt3eh,taeloiiinrc'i on:etirl,giffig CHEERFUL Ppln Twc OUR in F , PRANCE, blt 4,4tiust t,:t,ti e t itoitahi NORTHjO ui Anecdotes of I 4 It contains i tt , contains 4 4 1 We have rei kti bgliolnen an t !neiety."—Gli "c\......... 1 t1 : Ulla COI 4N SATU wt , it , it n , e b el l p adjacent u a bli s a l p i e p4 ( CH F AR MER'S q,ONICLE," 4receive Ordei r% r i• Newton 1, ' F leet -street. it Aylesbury, Dec BRITISH NO7 ALL Pic' httlt t 0 intended the Galles t} 17th of Janu 1 1 , 1 , Morning an tritit 4 le ture or otl 4111 1 Drawii 11 04 ..°'• No Piet i lde the pro _ _ __ tbr IItONDAY 1 110 LERA COUNT DAIL' Remained at New c at " ..., ** Rem %la the Com 11 hew at qew case „ .., iteco vered.,. F Rol Mtn the C, twined a New cases . bi ed Itttovered . 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' Cbc_ept,. `". ...... , '.. considers k4tPer-64.1't- tnd the ' Pit E;4: Ann',.•Fik attempts ,41.Loug 1Z26 • utions. 4°4,150. 184,u1' tc'expi ,ki, .. law 16 ire , ;sat t. 1860 and retie 71ril'i. leBo as. & 18eo Iv . 1870 ProprieUil klca s n "•••• the a cting 44ar,,._14,4 Znr,"Klab ten, to is ' ,4ee7 boa': Kin ' ''' I Alive ' C s . , • .b,as B ondi , Bonds hapman; :tto-buut,,,n.liii , 0, or 60 'lo,''''t nd re, gain, or r ta k 8,;t•ci...... a, Phi , I tial,eQ4 .."'•••••" " ;er, for c5 9 W,: 441 ny p Art or AstLicanlio entioned i.O , 1 E 25 1 '' , ..,.....* -- caP• 28, 1-1: 1, to a peat!' k g Licks 40 tock OF IR, ant on the th, la, 3h. the Court '"itt' Stoek—r cent. .044. N ' 3‘. per ce verdict 1'44 Ce e s; 4 ,„,ct 01. each , 14, c l s eb„ gi , caaaattecricen exhiited),7l4 n , 3l Stock:' in Totteoo74ll per cent. - ce Deb. 4; lOtWithstßo r- ' - , n utl i4 N ~„ rates tor V lents of the 41 1 iltnerie, ent of the e Brasil directed toe; 1 Cirtohol Ayres . or pectoral', lanbliangena se others to i i 1 Wi den ward, any it o „ 0n:,.---...._:!_. _____- or other t 1 LUIGI', Y"" - f- l' Kgina - WATXR.