The Sun. — London, England, 1861-02-05 00:00:00

SUN, LONDON' B A -- NK OF DEPOSIT. Established A.D. 1844, No. 3, PALL MALL EAST, LONDON. Capital Stock £lOO,OOO. Parties desirous of investing money are requested to ex amine the plan of t he Bank of Deposit, by which a high rate of interest may be obtained with ample security. Deposits made by special agreement may be withdrawn without notice. The interest is payable in January and July. PETER MORRISON, Managing Director. Forms for opening accounts sent free on application. II 0Y AL ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT-GARDEN. Under the Management of Miss Louisa Pyne and Mr. W. Harrison, Sole Lessees. THIS EVENING, and during the Week, Balfe's New Legendary Opera, BIANCA, THE BRAVO'S BRIDE : Miss Louisa Pyne, Miss Thirlwall ; Messrs. A. Lawrence, J. Wharton, H. Corri, A. St. Albyn, G. Kelly, Wallworth, T. Lyall, and W. Harrison. With the Grand Pantomime, BLUE BEARD ; or, Harle quin and Freedom in her Island Home. Clowns, Messrs. H. Boleno, H. Payne. Hildyard, and Lilliputians. Harlequin s, Messrs. Milano and F. Payne. Pantaloons, Messrs. Barnes and Tanner. Columbines, Mdme. Boleno and Clara Morgan. Sprites, the Zelinski Family. Mr. W. H. Payne, Mlle. Lamoureux, Arc. Conductor—Mr. Alfred Mellon. Commence at Seven. THEATRE-ROYAT., HAYMARKET. Lessee. Mr. J. B. RaeYstone. T FEN EVENING the nertermanopa will nommenee with THE RIVALS. Sir Ltvius O'Trio , ,ger , Mr. John Brougham; Lydia Languish, Miss Fanny Stirling. After which, a new Pantomime. QUEEN LADYBIRD AND HER CHILDREN. The Pantomimists by the un rtvalled Leciercqs, Herr Cole, and Fanny Wri g ht. Commence at 7. IptOYAT, PRINCESS'S THEATRE. - 11 -a) OPENING of PARLIAMENT by her MAJESTY in commencing, at half-past 2, and state and DAY PERFORMANCE of the Pantomime. ROBINSON' CRUSOE: concluding at half -past 4, TO-MORROW (TUESDAY) posi tively the last.—Excursion Trains from all parts of the country. _ OYA T. PRINCESS'S THEATRE.- T.assee and Manurer, Mr. A. Harris. THIS EVENTNG, the perform ance , will commence with RUY BLAB. Messrs. Pechter, Basil Potter, Garden, Ray mond. Graham, Cathcart, and A. Harris. After which, a new Christmas comical pantomime, entitled 'ROBINSON CRUSOE ; or, Harlequin Friday, and the KinZ of the Caribbe islands in which Monsieur Espinosa and Mdlle. Marie Dumilatre. of the principal cantin« - mtal theatres, will appear. Clown, Mr. A. F. Forrest. THEATRE - ROYAL LYCEUM. Sore Lessee and Directress, Madame CELESTE. i`if' s ' l ße-appearance of Madame Celeste and Mrs. Keeley. THIS EVENING, the new drama, ADRIENNE ; or, THE SECRET OF A LIFE. Principal characters by Mr. Henry Neville, Mr. John Rouse, Mr. Ff. Butler, Mr. Villiers, Mr. G. Vinin , r, Mr. Forrester, Mr. Campbell, Mr. Clifford, Mr. J. Johnstone ; Mrs. Keeley, and Madame Celeste. After which, the Lyceum ChristmaA Comic Extravaganza, CRYSTA BELLE ; or, The Rose without a Thorn. showinz nix vrsiov OF A OSE. ITS FADING AT EVE, AND THE MAY-BLO O M OF THE WILD BRIAR. Followed by THE YOUNG WIDOW. Miss M. Ternan and Mr. H. Neville. A DELPHI, NEW THEATRE-ROYAL. Sole proprietor and Manager, Mr. Ben,. Webster. THIS EVENING, AN UGLY CUSTOMER. Messrs, I. L. Toole, C. Selby, and Warde ; Miss K. Kelly, and Miss E. Thorne. Alter which, THE COLLEEN SAWN. D. Boucle,ault, D. F i s h er , Billington, Falconer, Stephenson, C. J. Smith, Romer. Miss Agnes Robertson, Miss Woolgar, Mrs. Billington, and Mrs. Chatterley. To conclude with a new Burlesque Extravaganza, entitled BLUE BEARD FROM A NEW POINT OF HUE. Messrs. J. L. Toole, P. Bedford, C. J. Smith; Miss Woolgar, K. Kelly, Laidlaw, and E. Thorne. Doors open at half past 6—Commence at 7. Box-office open from 10 till 5. No charge for booking. Private boxes, £2 2s. ; Family Boxes, Al. Orchestra Stalls, ss. ; Balcony, 4s ; Front Circle Stalls. IL Pit Stalls, 21.; Pit, Is. 6d. ; Amphitheatre, is ; Gallery, 6d. Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith. A STLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.- Proprietor and Manager. Mr. WM. BATTY. THIS EVENING. will be reproduced TURPIN'S RIDE TO YORK, Ar4D THE DEATH OF BLACK BESS, in which the Brothers Edwin will appear with their celebrated !Reed Black Bess. To be succeeded by Scenes in the Arena, supported by talented Parisian and British Artistes. Concluding, with Batty's Prize Equestian Comic Panto mime, for Good Little Boys and Girls, by T. L. Greenwood, entitled HARLEQUIN AND THE WONDERFUL HORSE ; or. Percinet and Grociosa, the Ugly Duchess and the Greedy King, produced with Gorgeous Scenery. by Mr. Cuthbert, new Costumes and Appointments, and introducing in the comic scenes Ratty's Prize Equestrian Hariequinade, and the celebrated Old Bob Ridley, and Brandon Ledger. A Grand Morning Performance will take place on Friday, Feb. 8, commencing at two o'clock with the Pantomime. BoZ-office open daily from 11 till 4 Stage Manager—Mr. W. WEST. Director of the Arena—Mr. Pearson. Commence at 7. CANTERBURY -HALL CONCERTS!! A Grand Selection from Verdi's Opera, IL CORSARO, consisting of the following Morceaux : Preludio. Coro Scena ed Aria. "Tutto parca Sorridere" Coro di Odalieche. " Oh qual perenne" Cavatina Coro ed inn() Scapa ed Aria. "Cento leg,giadre Vergini" Terzetto Finale "Vol tacete io non" will shortly be produced, in the orignal key and Italian lancruave—the first time of performance in this country—in addition to the usual attractions. Mr. F. JONGIIMANS, Musical Director. Also, in preparation, Selections from Verdi's New Operas, "Un Ballo in Maschera," "Simon Boccane;ra ;" and Flo tow's celebrated Opera of "Stradella." HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tam DA.Y.—Morning, 9h. 4Gru.—Afternoon, 10h. 34m, To-stointow.-'Nlorning, Rh. 19m.—Afternoon, Oh. Om, THE WEATHER.--SUN OFFICE, F. 5, 1561. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE, 46—highest since noon yesterday. 43—lowest this morning and during the night. 46--this day at noon. BAROMETER-29.74; still falling. Wl:km—Smith-Westerly—fresh; with mild dull weather, HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, It is with great satisfaction that I meet you again in Parliament, and have recourse to your assi3tance and advice. My relations with Foreign Powers continue to be friendly and satisfactory; and I trust that the moderation of the Powers of Europe will prevent any interruption of the general peace. Events of great importance are taking place in Italy. Believing that the Italians ought to be left to settle their own affairs, I hare not thought it right to exercise any active interference in those matters. Papers on this subject will be laid before you. I announced to you, at the close of the last session of Parliament, that the atrocities which had then recently been committed in Syria had induced me to concur with the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of the French, the Prince Regent of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, in entering into an engagement with the Sultan by which temporary military assistance was to be afforded to the Sultan for the purpose of establishing order in that part of his dominions. That assistance has been afforded by a body of French troops who have been sent to Syria as re presenting the allied Powers. The Sultan has also placed a considerable military force in Syria under the direction of an able officer; and I trust that tranquillity will soon be re-established in that province; and that the objects of the Convention will have been fully attained. I announced to you also, at the close of the last session of Parliament, that the pacific overtures which my Envoy in China had made to the Imperial Government at Peking having led to no satisfac tory result, my naval and military forces, and those of my Ally the Emperor of the French, were to advance towards the Northern Provinces of China, for the purp ose of supporting the just demands of the Allied P owers, and that the Earl of Elgin had b t:..en sent to China as Special Ambassador to treat With the Chinese Government. I am glad to inform you that the operations of the allied forces have been attended with complete success. After the captu re of the forts at the mouth of the Peihct, and several ungagements with the Chinese army, the allied forces became masters of the Imperial city of Peking ; and the Earl of Elgin and Baron Gros, the Ambassador of the Emperor of the French, wore enabled to obtain a n honourable and satisfactory settlement of all the matters in dispute. Throughout these operations, and the negotia tions which followed them, the Commanders an,. Ambassadors of the Allied Powers acted with the most friendly concert. Papers on this subject will be laid before you. The state of my Indian territories is progressively improving, and I trust that their financial condition will gradually partake of the general amendment. Au insurrection of a portion of the natives of New Zealand has interrupted the peace of a part of that colony ; but I hope that the measures which have been taken will speedily suppress these dis turbances, and enable my Government to concert such arrangements as may prevent their recurrence. Serious differences have arisen among the States of the North American Union. It is impossible for me not to look with great concern upon any events which can affect the happiness and welfare of a people nearly allied to my subjects by descent, and closely connected with them by the most inti mate and friendly relations. My heartfelt wish is that these differences may be susceptible of a satis factory adjustment. The interest which I take in the well-being of the people of the United States can not but be increased by the kind and cordial reception given by them to the Prince of Wales during his recent visit to the Continent of America. I am glad to take this opportunity of expressing my warm appreciation of the loyalty and attach ment to my person and Throne manifested by my Canadian and other North American subjects on the occasion of the residence of the Prince of Wales among them. I have concluded with the Emperor of the French Conventions supplementary to the 'Treaty of Com merce of the 23d of January, 1860, and iri further ance of the objects of that Treaty. I have also concluded with the King of Sardina a Convention for the Reciprocal Protection of Copyright. These Conventions will be laid before you. GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, I have directed the Estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you. They have been framed with a due regard to economy and to the efficiency of the several branches of the public service. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, Measures will be laid before you for the consoli dation of important parts of the Criminal Law ; for the improvement of the Law of Bankruptcy and Insolvency ; for rendering more easy the Transfer of Land ; for establishing a uniform system of Rating in England and Wales ; and for several other purposes of public usefulness. I confidently commit the great interests of my Empire to your wisdom and care ; and I fervently pray that the blessing of the Almighty may attend your Councils, and may guide your deliberations to the attainment of the object of my constant solicitude—the welfare and happiness of my people. We hardly know why, but we had somehow looked for the EMPEROR'S Speech with more favourable hopes than reason perhaps warranted. We had possibly been unconsciously influenced.by the recent verbally liberal announcements in con nection with the PERSIGNY Regime, unreflectingly to expect that the performance might be better than the promise. Whatever we had of such vague feeling is now, however, gone, and gone for ever, and we only wonder at the strange hallucination which half stole over our thoughts. The Speech as delivered is now before us, and we may sum up its contents in two sentences—l will be as absolute as ever at home—l will be as untrustworthy as ever abroad. We certainly in thus describing the Speech do not set down aught in malice. Its long first part is, as we understand it, a description of his Houses of Parliament in com parison with the parallel bodies under the Monarchy, of course to belaud the creations of his own will. And what is the con summating excellence of Napoleonic institutions ? Why, that while the old Deputies could upset a Ministry, his have no such power. They may talk and discuss, and we suppose vote, their opinions, too, like the body which is the laughing stock of English business-men—Convocation ; but power they have none. The Corps Legislatif " discusses the laws with the most entire liberty. If they are not approved of it is a notification of which the Government takes into account. But this rejection does not shake the Government, does not arrest the progress of affairs, and does mot oblige the Sovereign to take for councillors men who do not enjoy his confidence." In plain words— The old Chambers, though elected by a too limited suffrage, had some real power. You, gentlemen, are to have none. I will take note of your opinions; they may very often enable me to hold in check Ministerial servants—" sons of ZERUIAH—who are too strong for me," or whom, at least, I cannot easily shake off ; but beyond that, or beyond, at least, letting me see how a collection of respect able gentlemen view the proceedings of Government, you are to have no influence what ever. As ALEXANDER said to the Poles at War saw not long ago, "No dreams gentlemen, no dreams" It may be that in spite of Maires, Prefects, and other Government agents which infest and domineer in every town and village in France, some half-dozen men may get in by universal suffrage and the ballot, who will dare to speak their minds, and some speeches may be made which will produce what our neighbours call " Sensation"—but can we expect from a body nearly every individual of which has been recommended for election by the Government—with much the same authority as onr cathedral chapter have leave to elect th• person named to them—can we expect from such a body anything like honest opinions ? Indeed, the members of it are carefully told their duty. " I have deeided, says the EMPEROR, that every year a general expositioa of the situa tion of the Empire shall be placed before you, and :that the most important despatches of diplomacy, shall be laid on your tables," but why is this—that they may have " the faculty of forti fying the Government by their public adhesion, or of enlightening it by their counsels." He goes on to tell them of their new privilege of full discussion of the address in reply, paragraph by paragraph, but significantly adds that all he has conceded does " not in any way affect the spirit of the Constitu tion." What that spirit is cannot be doubted. Probably, during no ten years in the history of France has such a complete suppression of all the intellect and thought of the country been known. That one mind might rule, all other minds have been crushed into silence. The EMPEROR has been such an incubus upon the intellect of France as has placed her in the noblest department of life in the rear of modern civilization. But we turn from the rehearsal of the beauties of Napoleonic Inststutions—the crowning one of which is that they all form a pedestal for the NAPOLEON of the day—to NAPOLEON abroad. We suppose we ought to be assured, but it seems we are not alone in our stiff-neckedness ; einee he has endeavoured to prove in his relations with foreign Powers that " France sincerely clssires peace." Evidently he has found the proof difficult, nor is this MUOI to be wondered at. When his army is '-ept up to a point, and in a degree of readiness for h. action which menaces all within his rea c h—when his arse). ials resound with preparation of the muni tions of R - ar, and when his dockyards are crowded with 'o:ea vessels, built and building; when Prussia, all Germany, are thus E c o n na g p l a e n u d e d Ault, Prussia, enormous expense, merely that they ma, not be at his mercy—it would rather be wonderful if he could persuade his neighbours that he was a manof peace. What are the guarantees he gives us that he will not break the peace, why that—" It i s sn ffi c icit for the greatness of the country that its rights IS: maintained where they are incontestable ; to defend'its honour wherever it may be attacked; and to affor,4 its support where _ it is supplicated in favour of a just cause." Above all, we suppose we must accept the following as conclusive—when we have read it, why not at once beat eur Enfield Rifles into tramrails, recast our artillery into steam engines, and lay up our ships to rot in ordinary ? "My firm resolution," says pacific EMPEROR, "is not to enter into any conflict in which the cause of France is not based on right and justice." Unfortunately, there is not one of the great butchers of the human race, who, from the days of NIMROD to those of the annexation of Savoy and Nice, have stuck at no slaughter requi site to feed their ambition, who would not have adopted the same language. But he agreed with his allies, he tells us, to respect the principle of non-intervention. And his language here is even that of argument in its favour—" My Government, agreeing with its allies, has considered that the best means of obviating the greatest dangers was to have recourse to the principle of non-intervention, which leaves each country master of its des tiny, localises questions, and prevents them from degenerating into European conflicts." could it be believed that all this is followed imme diately by the mention of such illustrations as the " Cession of Nice and Savoy ;" which are now " irrevocably united with France," by the mention of Syria when he is endeavouring to prolong his occupation in violation of a solemn contrast—of Rome where " he finds it necessary to increase the garrison, and to Gaeta itself. If all this be non-inter vention we may well ask, what is intervention ? In regard to the latter indeed, he says, with the most illogical nonchalance that the presence of his ships obliged him (and that as he elswhere says for four months to infringe every day that principle of neutrality which he had proclaimed, and gave rise to erroneous interpretations !" And then with al most iafantive innocence he adds, "indeed you know that in politics people do mot believe in disinterested acts." Certainly not when oaths, protestations, as semblies, the army, the navy, the clergy, the peasantry, Sardinia, Rome, Syria, we are sorry to add England, herself, have all been successively used by one man in his own interest purely, and discarded or retained as served that one man's pur poses. Perhaps the EMPEROR might learn some thing by asking why he was believed to act disin terestedly in politics, and why all Europe now believes the same of GARIBALDI. Of course the treaty with England was not quite forgotten, it enables him to tell the poor that while by a curious commercial logic, increased production had raised the prices of all things, he had endea voured " to make articles of primary necessity as cheap as possible. One piece of good luck is all his own, though we wait to see how it befel him, before we call on Mr. GLADSTONE to try his plans. He sacrificed 13,600,000 of of Revenue, and yet balanced his budget without the imposition of a single tax! Perhaps Mr. GLADMTONE, however, could have done the same if our peaceful neighbour had not forced upon us warlike preparations to match his own. Ministers have so often of late years PROMISED and promised largely through the constitutional medium of the gracious Speech of the SOVEREIGN, that the nation has at length come to regard with comparative indifference those auguries of adminis trative measures and of legislative assiduity which have, alas, proved so very often illusory— leading session after session by an apparently in evitable necessity to a succession of the most cruel and irritating disappointments. Insomuch has this really and truly grown into a habit of late years with her MAJESTY'S Ministers that people have gradually come to regard with apathy that annual Speech from the Throne which used to be looked into of yore with such eager curiosity, because the subsequent doings of Parliament plainly enough indicated there in themain that the realization of the future sketched out through the Royal Address might be awaited with a certain degree of confidence. What, however, was literally the " exception" then is the " rule" now almost invariably. The Speech from Throne composed of so many paragraphs, contains such and such pro mises as to the good intentions of her MAJESTY'S Government. Those deplorable good intentions with which, according to one of the wise sayings of Doctor JOHNSON, a saying of his that within less than a century has acquired for itself the dignity of a proverb worthy of having descended to us from a remote antiquity—those most lamentable good intentions with which said Doctor JOHNSON hell itself is paved, and with which a recent and sufficiently extended experience has shown that Downing-street also is carefully flagged and macadmized. Judging from the result revealed to us of late years down at the new legislative palace at Westminster, it might safely be predicated that, among all the fair promises contained in the Speech from the Throne, at the commencement of the Parliamentary session, the merest unit or so amongst them, and those (of all) the most mani festly insignificant in themselves, would, at the close of each session thus ostentatiously inaugurate& be found to have been even partially fulfilled in the shape of a substantial enactment. It is only necessary, indeed, in order to appreciate upon the instant the force of all this, the accuracy of each one of these deliberate statements—it is only necessary to this end to bear for a passing moment in recollection, the large cry and little wool of the last past session of the Imperial Parliament. What brave words of promise did not the Royal Specch at the opening of the legislative labours of 1860, comprise, in regard to such distinct reforms, let us say, as those affecting the laws relating to bankruptcy ; or, again, to such generalised reforms as those affecting the whole system of popular representation. And how frequently had not the the latter most appetising, but most illusory, vision been held up and " dangled" like bob-cherry before that modern Tantalus in top-boots, who, in this e p n a o r ut a gh r, the g it e n w u o s u h l o d n o s e(eame c,or i s n e g m t b o l es p p a c r, c ) u ‘ r v a h t o ety resembles " Never is but always to be blessed 1" The Ministerial promises, therefore, which are annually contained in the Speech from the Throne at the commencement of the yearly session of Parliament—frum being looked to with eager and sanguine expectation have come thus quite comprehensibly to be listened to, and read by the nation at large, latterly, as we have said, and literally with comparative indifference. It is not, consequently, by the words which have eon now set down by the Cabinet of Sixteen, by '';r i :l • P rt T,c; 755 n -6' a L • Si " ' THE SUN. LONDON, TUESDAY, FEB. 5, 1881. TUESDAY tvENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1861 the words which have been articulated this after noon by the silvery voice of VICTORIA, it is not by words which are, after all, only words, nor by pro mises, which events have, Eo repeatedly, proved to have been made only that they might be broken, and then cast back again for awhile into the oblivion of the long vacation—it is not any longer or in any way, by the Speech from the Throne that " Her MAJESTY'S Ministers will be measured. That is no longer looked to as the preliminary test of their efficiency, or as a means of recognising any reliable auguries of their success: or failure as an Administration. Ministerial promises are of no account whatever. Ministerial acts will hence forth alone be looked to, both within and without the walls of Parliament. But those acts will assuredly be looked to now both by the nation at large and by the Legislature in both Houses with all the more jealous scrutiny, because unindicated previously by any reliable foreshadowing through the Speech from the Throne, of the policy, of the designs, of the distinct and deliberate intentions of her MAJESTY'S Government. Whatever their avowals now through the lips of their gracious SOVERElGN—whatever their reticence there, whether designed or undesigned, in regard to the programme of their legislative undertakings—Ministers know full what it is pre cisely that the community looks for this year at thei hands, what it is that will be required from them during 1861—whether they promise to do these things, or whether abstaining from any promise whatever upon this or upon that head, they reserve themselves unpledged for the resolute labour of their performance. Conspicuous among these great national requirements, foremost among them both in point of time and of importance, they know, one and all of them perfectly well, must be the com• prehensive revision, or to use an expressive phrase, imported from the opposite shores of the Channel, the rehabilitation of our whole finan cial system. The country will no longer consent to continue, with so much long-suffering and apparent complacency, this miserable hand to mouth system of merely patched up Budgets—Budgets just tiding over a deficit by means in every way discreditable to the responsible financier of the QUEEN, the nation and the Government. The country will no longer quietly consent to jeopardize its prosperity in order that a crochetty experimentalist may essay, year after year, with profligate audacity and at every hazard, to realise his own eccentric and extravagant hallucinations. The country will not have the war tax continued, much less doubled, until war shall have at length justified, and, indeed, necessitated its imposition—it will not yield up year after year, any longer with tranquility, that detested Income-tax which applied thus infamously in a time of peace, is likely to become the very germ of disloyalty and insurrection. The country will insist upon having some rational economy in its expenditure. At the same time it will require no less inexorably the mainte nance in full efficiency, particularly during the con tinuance of the present critical irritation in Europe the maintenance, at their full efficiency of both the the great departments of our 'War Administration. Abroad the dignity of the Crown and the honour of the nation will have to be maintained. At home the well-being of the community will have to be cared for somewhat more sedulously and practically than they have been cared for of late years, by measures effecting the improvement of the laws, by measures beneficially affecting the sanitary and social condition of the masses, by measures inaugu rative of a new and sound financial :organisation, and last, but not least, by measures tending to the better constitutional development of our still restricted and complex system of popular repre sentation. LATE ST IN E WS. (REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.) PARIS, FEB. 5. The Moniteur announces that a sitting of the Corps Legislatif will take place to-day, in which Government will make a communication. TURIN, FEB. 5. Ruggiero Settimo has been appointed Presi. dent of the Senate. The remaining elections have everywhere taken place peacefully. Brofferio and Crispi have been elected mem bers of Parliament. PARIS, FEB. 6. The death of Marshal Bosquet is announced. NAPLES, FEB. 4. The fire of the besieged at Gaeta is very brisk, and is replied to by the Sardinians. A vessel left Gaeta last night, eluding the vigilance of the Sardinian squadron. Prince Carignan has visited the camp. VIENNA, FEB. 4. Numbers of the Hungarian soldiers on furlough, who had been ordered to return, have already ar rived at their quarters. The semi•official .Donau Zeitung gives a denial to the news published by some German journals, that a treaty relatir.g to the Danubian Principalities had been concluded between Russia and Austria. The law regulating the religions affairs of the Protestants in the German and Sclavonian pro vinces has been adopted by the Council of Minis ters, and will be published shortly, after it has re ceived the Imperial sanction. It grants complete autonomy to the Protestant Church. As regards marriages between Catholics and Protestants, the existing regulations are for the present to remain in force. PESTH, FEB. 4. The Judex Curia, has exhorted the municipalities to await the result of the judicial conference, which is to meet shortly, before commencing the exercise of judicial functions. ROME, FEB. 3. The Pope has ordered his soldiers to return to Rome, notwithstanding the orders of Mgr. de Merode to the contrary. 15,000 Sardinian soldiers passed through Umbria on their march to tho Kingdom of Naples. The reactionary movement in the Abruzzi was organised by Count Trapani and i‘fgr. de Merode. The Sardinians have evacuated the Papal ter ritory in compliance with orders from the Emperor Napoleon, The Spanish vessels which were despatched to Gaeta have been repulsed by Admiral Persano. TROOPS AND WAR STORES FOR NEW ZEALAND. — The African, one of Shaw, Savill, and Co.'s liners, sailed from Gravesend on Thursday for Auckland direct. She has taken a large quantity of powder and other military stores, as also five officers and GO men of the Commissariat and Hospital Corps, with their wives and families. Two officers have sailed in the ship to join the 57th Regiment, now serving in New Zealand. The African is a high-classed vessel, and the military officers from Chatham, who super intended the embarkation, expressed themselves highly satisfied with the arrangements made for the comfort of the troops. THE PUBLIC EXPENDITURE. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. Sir,—The independent press will render the most important public service if it shall assist in dependent members of the House of Commons in enforcing a strict but well-considered economy on the Government. .As a public censor you have a perfect right to hold up to blame any members of Parliament who neglect their duty, and are mere pretenders to the merit of carefully guarding the public purse. But I hope you will not confound those who do their duty with those who neglect it, and that you„ ill not by your criticisms impair the effect of a combined and seasonable effort to obtain a reduction of our enormous expenditure. If I may judge of others from myself, the object of those members who signed the recent memorial to Lord Palmerston was to produce an impression on the Government favourable to retrenchment, at the very time when that impression would be of the greatest service—namely, while they were pre paring the Estimates. To wait till the extent of the public establishments had been decided, and Government had been publicly committed to them, would have been to come a day after the fair. Admitting most fully the duty of members to attend during the discussion of the Estimates, I need not observe to you that the difficulty of effect ing well-considered retrenchments in Committee of Supply, in opposition to the Minister and to the numerous members who professionally sympathise with the maintenance of large establishments, is very great. In questions admitting of doubt there is a natural but too great readiness to throw the responsibility from the members themselves upon the Minister. Hence the value of impressing the Ministers beforehand with the necessity of care and economy in framing the Estimates. I can scarcely have failed to produce some in fluence on the Government to find a great number of members who have generally been among their supporters, and who represent many of the largest constituencies in the kingdom, so convinced of the necessity of retrenchment as to join in expressing their sentiments to the Prime Minister. If the measure is unusual, it would only have the more effect, providing it was in no sense improper. So far from the signing of the memorial excusing members to themselves or to their constituents from the duty of watching the estimates in the house, I conceive it must have exactly the opposite effect. It must blind them, in consistency, to the perform ance of that duty. Allow me to say that the terms in which you criticise the memorial to Lord Palmerston are not calculated to encourage zeal in obtaining a reduc tion of the public burdens. You say, "We believe the opinion of the country upon this somewhat pharisaical demonstration will be—' Instead of masquerading as Censors, go into the House of Commons and do your duty." Now if, as I be lieve to be the case, the subscribers were sincere in their wish to obtain retrenchment, the charge of " pharisaism" is unjust ; and it is hardly calculated to induce members to support economy in the house, because it shows how honest attempts to serve the public may be misinterpreted. As to "masquerad ing," at least there was no concealment of faces, seeing that each gentleman gave his name to a document that was sent to the Government, and was sure to become public. Neither was there the assumption of any dress but his own, unless it be said—for which there is no pretence—that the re quest for economy was hypocritical. Nor did the subscribers become " Censors," for there was no censure conveyed in their memorial. Would it not, then, have been more just and expedient to say, " You,have done well to make a timely representa tion 'to the Government while the estimates were under their consideration, and when, as Parliament was not sitting, you had no other means of doing it ; now go into the House of Com mons, and there do your duty by supporting with your votes the economy which you have advocated in your memorial." When you call the memorial " a lazy device for neglecting the duties of a member of Parliament," I must not on my own part, lest I should be charged with " pharisaism," but I may on the part of others express my belief that the imputation is not well founded. I believe that many of the members who signed the memorial are those who attend best during the discussions on the Estimates. It is too true that the benches of the house are at such times deplorably thin ; for this I will offer no excuse ; on the contrary, I blame it, let the blame fall where it may. It is too common for members to absent themselves during discussions on the details of establishments with which they are not proles sionlly acquainted, and the public suffers from the practise. Reprehend this as forcibly as you like ; but do not, as one sometimes hears in public meet ings which are thinly attended, scold those who are present for the fault of those who are absent. And, above all, do not represent a memorial in which members go out of the common way to urge economy as " a device for neglecting" the common way of securing it. Qoarehing examination into the details of the public expenditure is ILaportaut but, I hope you are mistaken when you say—" We believe that if these gentlemen were to poll the country through it would be found that the great majority of the people of all classes are thoroughly convinced that there is not at this moment one soldier or sailor too much in the service of Queen Victoria. We believe it would also be found that every one is equally convinced that we pay too much for them." If you are correct in the first of these supposi tions, I confess that I shall have small hope of any effective reduction of the public expenditure ; but my own opinion strongly differs from that which you suppose to be general as to the extent of our warlike establishments. Last year Parlia ment voted the following numbers of soldiers and sailors—namely, for the army, 145,269 men of all ranks, with 83,585 men on the East India estab lishment—total, 228,854 (of course exclusive of the Volunteers) ; and for the navy 66,100 seamen in the fleet and Coastguard service, 18,000 marines, and 1,400 civilians for Coastguard service —total, 85,500 men. These numbers very far exceed those voted in any former year when the country was not en gaged in an European war. In the year 1840 the total coast of our 'warlike establishments was £14,119,418 ; in 1850 it was £15,392,944 ; but in 1860 the Army and Navy Estimated reached £27,644,746, exclusive of supplementary estimates for the China war, which carried the total warlike expenditure to upwards of £30,000,000. My con viction, then, is both that the army and navy are unnecessarily large, and that the cost is excessive ; and whatever the country may have thought in times of high prosperity, it is certain that a Go vernment which maintained establishments like the above would in any less prosperous state of things be denounced for its extravagance. Whatever justification, apparent or real, there may have been for the vast extent of our establish ments in 1860, surely no man can look at the posi tion of England in 1861 and deem establishments of the same extent to be necessary. I think, there fore, every member who signed the memorial to Lord Palmerston for retrenchment did his duty as a guardian of the public purse ; and I hope they will be ready to support the demand by their votes on the Estimates.—l am, sir, your obedient servant, Reform Club, Feb. 4. EDWARD BAINES. EXETER HALL, A grand performance of the " Messiah" will be given by the National Choral Society, to-morrow evening in this hall, for the laudable purpose of assisting the funds for the relief of the Coventry Weavers. The principal singers will be Madame Lemmens Sherrington, Mrs. Lockey, Mr. George Perrea, and Mr. Thomas. The two ladies have frequently distinguished themselves in their respective parts, and Mr. Thomas is well known as a favourite bass singer. We may, therefore, hope that justice will be rendered to the beautiful solos which are allotted to each of the four voices in Handel's masterpiece. The magnificent choruses will be given by five hundred voices, and the band will consist of the principal members of the Philharmonic and Opera orchestras. Her Majesty and the Prince Consort head the list of patrons, which includes the names of many of the leading nobility and the heads of some eminent com mercial firms. Under such auspices, and with such attrac- tions, we can scarcely doubt that the hall will be crowded, and that the public will readily respond to so just an appeal to their sympathies. THE COVENTRY IVEA VERS AND "711 E 111E88141f." TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—Will you allow me to announce that her Majesty the Queen and his Royal Highness the Prince Consort have graciously signified their intention to head the list of patrons of the grand performance cf the " Messiah" at Exeter Hall, on Wednesday next, in aid of the funds for the Coventry 'Weavers by the National Choral Society. The chorus will number bOO members of the above Society, and the band will consist of the most eminent members of the Philharmonic and Opera orchestras. M a y I add that the ladies of the choir have all agreed to wear Coventry ribbons, and venture to hope that the lady visi tors will follow the example.—Your obedt. servant, GEO. W. MARTIN. THE TAY SALMON FISHING.—The fishing season commenced on Friday, but owing to the Tay being mach swollen by the heavy rain which fell in the Highlands on Wednesday and Thursday, the takes on the stations gene rally were small. On the stations above Perth Bridge 18 fine salmon were caught at the Linn of Campsie ; two clean fish and one foul at the North Inch, and one at Thumie. At Inchyra, the Town of Vf ll l4's 4s4in r cg, Ave salmon were captured, and at the Stock, Ulm •On Friday the river fell considerably. , ~~ -`,`r~ 7 CIE INCOME AND PROPERTY TAX. ___ s _ __ TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIR,--In the article upon this subject in the current number of the Quarterly Review, great stress is laid upon the dishonesty which is assumed to characterise the returns made under Schedule D of trading and professional incomes; and the writer points to the large amounts of " conscience money" received by Government from "repentant letters of the alphabet." Some of these amounts are, however, specified to be for other taxes than the one in question ; and it would not be fair to assume that all the sums which are paid in respect of Income Tax are referable to Schedule D, and had been fraudulently withheld. Some cases may have been inadvertent omissions, and on the 9th ult. the Board of Inland Revenue acknow ledged the receipt of the enormous sum of £542 10s. 4d. from one person for " unclaimed Income Tax," and a sum of £4O was mentioned in similar terms on the following day. That inade quate returns are often made is only too probable, but is this surprising when men holding high official positions, and combating the claims of persons charged under Schedule D, have alluded more or less distinctly to self -assessment as being an advantage ? If a financier feels himself obliged to excuse the severe taxation of an honest man by the circum stance that a cheat relieves himself, he should certainly prefer proposing to abolish the tax for ever, and should find a substitute for it free at least from a duplication of vice. But by the removal of the grievance which industry suffers under the present tax, the temptation to fraud would be considerably lessened ; and therefore the greater the dishonesty which may now exist, the less would be the decrease in the aggregate amount of tax received at the present time under Schedule D, but the interests of the honest man would not be prejudiced as now. When Mr. Disraeli proposed to give to industry a measure of relief by reducing the tax under Schedules B, D, and E to three-fourths of the rate charged upon incomes from land and house pro perty, or from the Funds, Mr. Gladstone, on the 6th December, 1852, opposed the reduction, not upon the ground that it was in itself unreasonable to make a distinction, but that it so happened this distinction would constitute a breach of faith with the public creditor. He alleged that the engage ments in the loan acts that the dividends should be paid free from all taxes and charges whatsoever were not intended to preclude the fundholders being subject, in common with every other person in the land, to a tax for the general service of the State, but that they were intended to prevent their being subject to taxes which looked to the quality of the income, and the source from which it was derived. In support of this interpretation he quoted parts of Mr. Pitt's speech on 3d Dec., 1798, in introducing the Income-tax. If your readers will turn to this speech, they will find that Mr. Pitt's observations were made for the purpose of refuting any preten sions on the part of the fundholder to be free from the tax, If he spoke, as Mr. Gladstone said, of "the quality of the income and the source from which it was derived," he was merely arguing against those men who would ask for an exemption from the tax on the ground that the source of their income was the public funds; and whilst avowing that it would be a breach of faith to charge them with a tax "distinctly levelled at them as annui tants of the public," charged "separately and dis tinctly" upon them only, " peculiar to them. and belonging (not ' looking') to the quality of their income," he asserted that in the case of a general tax they were not entitled to any more considera tion than if they had invested their capital in any other manner. Hence these very words of Mr. Pitt might be cited to show that if it is right to make a distinction in the Income Tax between earnings and incomes from land, the distinc tion is equally necessary between earnings and dividends from the Funds. It is true that he was not prepared to allow any distinction in favour of labour, but this question was not raised when he made his speech and his reason for opposing it appears, from a subsequent debate, to have been one wholly independent of Schedule C, viz., the circumstance that the charge of the same nercentag. ni - mn nil deserintinns of inenmps left them of the same relative magnitude as be fore. The sufficiency of this reason has yet to be discussed, but the above objection to a dis tinction between labour and property was attri buted to expressions used by,Mr. Pitt with a very different meaning, and without any allusion what ever to the point in dispute. The claim to a reduction of the tax upon in dustrial incomes may be made, not as a matter of grace and favour to the quality of those incomes, but as a question of common arithmetic. Mr. John Stuart Mill stated to the Income-tax Committee in 1852, with reference to terminable incomes derived from either property or labour, " I do not conceive that the tax should be in pro portion to the means only, but that it should take into consideration the means and also the wants. I would, therefore, tax temporary or precarious in comes at a lower scale than permanent or certain incomes, not because of their having a less selli ng value, but because the possessors of those incomes have one want which those who possess permanent incomes have not ; they are liable to be called upon in most cases to save something out of that in come to provide for their own future years, or to provide for others who are dependent upon them ; while those who possess permanent incomes can spend the whole, and still leave the property to their descendants or others. It is for this reason that I would tax a temporary income at a lowe i r rate than a permanent income." All that is saved out of such incomes to meet the liabilities specially attaching to them is taxed twice. It would be easy to show that when such a saving is invested in the purchase of either a free hold property or a life annuity, its annual produce bacomes liable to the same amount of Income Tax in present value that is paid in respect of a . . _ patrimonial estate, whilst it (the former) has been taxed to just this extent already—i.e., when received in the first instance as income, and before any benefit was derived from it. Now, as a temporary income from property is commonly sought as a life provision, and no reserve is therefore made in such case of any portion of the income, no second tax is levied. And the man who sinks money in the pur chase of tt temporary income for any other purpose, will, when calculating the price at which he intends to make the investment, take in to account the second tax which will be levied upon his reserves ; and if he cannot effect the purchase upon satisfactory terms he can choose some other investment. Very different, however, is the case when these prin ciples are examined in connexion with incomes which are earned. There is no option here, and reserves are required to be made for loss of trade or employment, for occasional illness, for possible disablement, for death certain and perhaps early, for a widow, for orphan daughters. These are liabilities which cannot, therefore, be overlooked in , the consideration of an industrial income, particu larly if we subscribe to the righteous principle enunciated by Mr. Mill, that taxation should require an " equal sacrifice from all." Premiums upon life assurance are indeed exempted from Income Tax, but the reserves which are made to meet the terrible liabilities of industrial incomes are invested in a hundred other ways, and upon these the second tax is levied. Yet a trader may end by losing all in bankruptcy, and if a professional man's income is not attended with such risk, still it entails an expense peculiar to itself, fcr society compels him generally to keep up an appearance beyond his desires, or h e loses its patronage and his income fails. Further, the precariousness of an industrial income was alleged by Mr. Mill as a ground for a reduc tion of the tax upon it, beyond the reduction re quired by the circumstance of the reserves which should be made out of it—precarious, dependent upon the pleasure a other men, and the run o f events, and therefore fluctuating in amount. Let it be granted that the protection of the State is equally, nccessa7 to property and to labour, and even that the float of the brow is to be regarded with no mariOf our than the operation of interest; i ' • ' ;.. - , „ .4.- . .:-: /1 still, under all the other circumstances above enu merated, can it be said that earnings would be too ; favourably treated if taxed at only half of the rate imposed upon net incomes from property. Incomes from farms and house property are not now assessed at their net value. Mr. Gladstone stated in 1853 that, for landlord's repairs and other matters, a deduction of 16 per cent. should be made from the aggregate assessed income of land and houses under Schedule A, in order to arrive at the net available income. The owners of house property are at an especial disadvantage in this respect. If the present assessed incomes from farms were to be reduced one-eighth, and those from house property of every description not let with farms were to be re duced one-fourth a fair approximation tojustice would be obtained, although an approximation only ; but generally deductions of this nature are seen to be most desirablewhen we consider the far grosser inequalities created under Schedule A by the present uniform tax. Compare, now, the claim, above put forward, for industry with others that have been similarly ad vanced, and it will be seen to be very moderate. It is not asking that as in New York and else where capital alone shall be taxed. It is not asking that the "good-will" shall be the limit of the assessment of industrial incomes. It is far less favourable to industry than the pro posals of Dr. Farr and the mnjority of the actuaries examined before the Committee of the House of Commons. It is the equivalent of that made before the com mittee by Mr. Edmonds (actuary of the Legal and General Assurance Cffice) from a consideration of the sums exhausted in trading and professional pursuits, and lost i n the Bankruptcy and Insolvent Courts, and in co•.npositions with creditors. Finally, it is claiming scarcely a larger conces sion to industry than was actually offered in 1852, by the Conservative party, although composed of members almost entirely representing territorial interests, and at a period when these interests were in a state of the greatest depression. The plan now proposed is indeed to reduce the tax under Schedules D, B, and E, to one-half, in lieu of only three-fourths (as in Mr. Disraeli's budget before-mentioned); but it at the same time requires that the assessed incomes under Schedule A shall be reduced to net incomes instead of re maining (as in the Conservative proposal) at rentals which, according to Mr. Gladstone's estimate, must for that purpose be lessened by one-sixth. The effect of the Conservative plan would, therefore, have been to tax net incomes under Schedules A and D in the ratio of eight to five respectively ; according to the present proposal, the ratio would be eight to four. The following illustrative table will serve as a recapitulation of alterations which could be effected with the least possible disturbance of the machinery now employed for the levy of the tax. The sum of £6OO per annum is assumed to be derived from each class of income, and the tax is supposed to be at the rate of one shilling ix the pound. ti -4 43 s. Ts .4 as §I at. t 4 '42 A' 7,1 t Income Tax 4 s, 26) to P 4 Source of Income. 14 .; per .2 72 t , annum. 44 w. gg,„ .1:1 4 7, ----- - J. Stock and Shares in Companies or Public Funds ; and sources of any description, except as undermentioned.... £6OO None £6OO ls. £3O 0 0 2. Farms (ownership).... 600 1 621 is. 27 6 0 3. Houses (excluding those held with farms). 600 450 is. 22 10 0 4. Trades, Professions, Offices of Public Em ployment (during ac tual service), and farm occupation* The assessable value of profits in classes 1,2, and 3, to be reduced by one-half when belonging to any clergyman, as such, and therefore being an indus trial income. I will conclude in the words of the limes, last year :—" It may yet be hoped there is sufficient integrity among us to cause this impost to be a stumbling-block in the way of every Chancellor of the Exchequer who may henceforth endeavour to continue it as it stands, or to evade the recognition of it mai fPrthrroa." Your obliaoa and obedient servant, E. SMYTH. February, 1861. * A farmer's income would be assumed as now to be £6OO, if his rental be £1,200 in England, or £l,BOO in Scot land or Ireland. THE BLACK PRINCE IRON-CLAD FLOATING BATTER,: (Avals the Glasgow Heral4) This tremendous floating battery, whicYa is now in course of completion in the building-yard of Atoossrs. It. Napier and Sons, at Govan, will, unless some unforeseen delay should supervene, be launched on the 12th Feb. next. The War rior, the first ship of this new iron-clad class, was launched a few weeks ago in the Thames, and it may be presumed that the Clyde-built battery, the name of which is to be the Black Prince, will be in every way worthy of those builders and engineers who inibygone years have turned out the most magnificent mercantile steam fleet in the world. In the construction of these peculiarly powerful ships, we are following the example set to us by the French in their pre cursor ship the Gloire, aid, considering our great aptitude for this kind of work, it may not be too much to assume that we shall not be content with placing ourselves on a par with our French neighbours, but that we shall " better the instruction." The Black Prince has the following general dimensions: Length from figurehead to taffrail 419 feet. Length between perpendiculars 3BO ~ Breadth (extreme) 5B „ Depth (moulded) Tonnage (builder s ' measurement) 6,057 tons. Externally she appears to be a singularly handsome and very sharp screw vessel of the above colossal dimensions, and when at her load-draft will present a row of main deck ports about - ft Gin deep, by 2ft wide, at a height of about 9ft 6in above the water; but there are also to be various guns on the upper deck, - which will fire through ports in the bulwarks. The vessel has been constructed to carry 40 guns, 34 of which are to be placed on the lower and 6 on the upper deck. At present we believe 68-pounder long-range guns will be employed; but probably in the sequel Armstrong 100- pounder, or at all events rifled, guns will be introduced. In effect the vessel may be described as a strongly-built iron sinew vessel, having the greater part of her length made in vulnerable against shot and shell by a sheathing or armour of 'wrought iron slabs ; but as the shocks to which this is exposed, transmitted directly to the true water-tight shell of the vessel, would inevitably start the joints of the latter, . 18in of East India teak timber are interposed between the armour and the skin of the ves sel. The timber, of course, covers the vessel from stem to stern. It is laid in two thicknesses. The armour plates are bolted over the whole, and screwed up against the in side of the hull plating. The armour consists of forged iron plates 4iin thick. Each plate is 15ft 6in in length, by 3ft 2in in breadth, and weighs upwards of 4 tons. The plates are all fitted into one another with groove and dovetail joints, involving an immense amount of labour; and as there are no fewer than 200 of these used in covering the outer surface of this immense locomotive marine fortress, the weight of the mere armour of the vessel is not far short of 900 tons. We have mentioned that the moulded depth of the vessel is 41ft. The armour plates cover 22ft in depth of the top sides, 16ft of which will be exposed above the water line, the armour thus descending about 6ft below the surface of the sea. If a cannon ball should strike her below the pro tected surfaces, its velocity will be so much exhausted by the distance it has to travel through the water before it can strike at such a depth, that the damage therefrom will be consequently trifling. We have also said that the length of the vessel is 380 ft between the perpendiculars. Of this distance the armour covers 220 ft longitudinally along each of the vessel's sides, and it thus presents literally a wall of iron to any opposing fleet. But these tremendous plates are carried across or athwart the ship at each end of this wall, forming an internal bulkhead of a strength equal to the out side of the vessel. The vessel is built in compartments, so that in the event of any part receiving damage that damage is confined to the particular locality, and she continues afloat without sensible diminution of her buoyancy. A large number of thwart ship bulkheads of malleable iron, running at right angles to and between the longitudinal bulkheads, have been in troduced, so that in the e x t reme l y improbable event of a shot penetrating into the interior of the vessel, the damage is restricted to the compartment into which it has forced itself; and hence even in the event of known modes of s h ot- holes, and the concentrated action of the hip and engine pumps upon th e p ar ti cu l a r corn pstaorpmpienug tbeing insufficient to keep the water under, these compartments may be filled with water with out the least injury being sustained by the immediately adjoining aud co mpartments. The magazines are also enclosed protected by d ou bl e bulkheads, the space between being capable of being filled v(ith water as a security against, as regards the m, the far more appalling accidentof fire. H er eng i nes are to be of 1,250 horso-power, KO" plied with steam from 10 boilers. It is expected that s h e will atteat a vO O Qf 14 or 15 knots an hour. , 4 ~,T.„., ~, ..,