The Sun. — London, England, 1856-05-06 00:00:00

al T :losed were thout ►ales, o 7d•; , 41d. arket In on ,rpool mer's 3ritiah igainst year. int ex a first Yarnell Le logs ad the c o to- I both ithout r.s is r for Lig a _ the L ride, be the to be ne, at ) 13r to about i n de r. pet to be 0 fol d 65f. of the pes of great P, and r iron. [arket ices is , and )2i to d 93i have reign liexi 3nts., Rus- 20 20 20 26 St. St. 25 20 20 50 21 10 SHARE MARKETS, (Tins DAY.) RAILWAYS. Closing Prices yesterday 25i -26 i 4 - 41 ••• '"'.. ••• Si - 9 16i - 17 15 - 16 121 13; 87 -8) 59} 60 , .. .... ... 164 174 91 10 33 35 23 - 25 76 - 78 60 - 62 27i - 284 88 - 92 7 - 95 96 79 81 .25 127 02 1 04 611 6241 56 58 67 70 54 641 54 64 884 .... 88 7 74 101 103 100 i— 101 A d - iP hcl ip a B 94 95 No ...'" NV iii = 29, - it 4 74i - 74 43 - 45 13 53 - 31 - 34 ... 35 77] -78 i 6f -51 d 3 1 Std 15.3 - 16 55 56 85 90 6 - 5 4 1 , 1 5 i - 6 i 10i - 10 26 - 28 03 - 105 75 77 45 . 7 14 15 71. 72 71 73 4 - 2 kd 9 7 36 37 19 - 20 4i - 5 6i - 7i 6 8 14 - 5 - 5J13 i = •,i RAUMAYS. !Paid, A t tr,LvOl. A.mbg. Itiottng. Bost. and Basta. Jtmet... 3elfa.st 21t Ballymena. Sirming. Wolve rb Stour Valley Birk eand. LancsL. & Cheshire Junet....... 100 100 161 s. all all to. Clielh. Birk. za and £25 o,,np Do., Rlyth & Tyns origins £25 (issd. at £4S Bristol and Exeter.., Caledonian. 4 1 all 100 Carm. and Cardigar, (heater & Holyhead.. Cork and Bandon Cork, Black, & Pu- Cornwall Do. A Do. B Criol Junction.... ub I in 4BelfastJun Dun. P. & Ate z, Jnc, East Anglian Eastern Countio€ Flast. Union, El St}, DP B. Eitotst Do.; New East Kent East Lancashire F.dinburghtz Glasgo Edinb. and Peebles Edin.Prth & Dun 1., worth iz Clyde :inn . Furness . Do. Extension. 12 50 IL st. all all 14i 8 /180 all 100 11100 Glaazow St S. W.st Great N. of Scotlnd. Great Northern ... Do., A. Stock...._ Do., B. Stock IGt.§th. &West.flre (groat Western...... Do. Stour Val Rail Chia. Stk.. Irish South-Easter Lancaster & Carlisi. Do., Thirds. : ..... . 211 15 all 100 100 31 Is 20 20 10 10 Do. Now Thirds__ Lane ash. an dY °vim , Do., Wst. Riding U . Liv. Crsby.&Southr t London & Blackwell Load. Bright & S.Cst. bond. and N. Weetn. Do. Fifths Do.lol. Sh..lflz C Do. Eighths,. London andS. Wostn. Do., 450. Do., £4O Lndndrrydi Coleraine Lndndrr'r. & Ennisk. Hanel-4Eller. & Lincit Do., Man. & Lin. lin Metropolitan Midland Do. Birmng. & Dorb AlidM.G. West. (Ire, Do. Half Shares Newcastle& Carlisle. Nwpt.Aberg. &Had Newry &Enniskiller Newry Warreupoint and Rostrevor lorfolk Vortim.Conuties to North 8riti5h.,...... ail 16 100 Nth Devon Rail. & Dock Stock Do., A Stock. no., B Stock ..... Do., h B Guarantee N. Eastern—Berwic Do. do. Extension .. Do.do. Do. Leeds Do. York all all,. North Loudon N .&S.Wetrn. ,Ham. - stead, and City Jill,. North Staffordehir North Western N. & S. Westrn.Junu Nuneaton, Hinekt. , and Leicester Wore., Wolv 'firtspiouth 'Scottish Contra]„ IScottiah Midlaud iii 10 8 95i 6 621 i 83i I 162 1001 294 i .411ropshire Uri )n South Devon 'South Eastern South Wales S*. Yrksh. & Riv. Du 74i i Do.. AtAine:4,Wok. 8 , .;W01i Stockton Darli ::to;atort d< Thrtlop! Taff \Trio Do. Pref., No. I ,T , P.triee Hay. D.& R. Ulverstone & Lance Vale of Neath 781 151 71i i 71i Viratertl. & Kilkenny Waterfordd;Limer'el , Wtist C0rnwa11........ 1/ti'est End of London and Crystal PAIAOO- . Do. A .. Do. E IWest London Wimbledn &Croydon FOREIGN. 10 all antworp&Rott rd , ro 81 - 81 81 1 40 40 Do. 5 p.c. Oblgs. con. in Sh. at par till '64 par 2 p 20 10 Ardennes 6l 7 f , 5 all Belgian Eastn. June 2 • 21 20 14 BezierstoGraissessa 31 4 p 181 18 41 Bombay, Raroda, an Centrallndia.Scrit 11 31! 18 all Do. 171 all Domerara 20 11 Dutch Rhenish ll —ll p 20 all Eastern of Franco 20 19 Do. New — 20 all East Indian, g. sp. c 2:3 23 22/ 20 15 Do. ET:elision.. 221 2{l 221 3 100 all D0.41p.c.8nd5.,'57 100 all Do. do. do., '59, d" — 20 16 Geelong k Melbourne guar. 5 per cut......- 20 all Do., Lon. allot., do. ... .• 21. 25 22. Gd. Tk of CanaclaA is 11 L. - 9 d 25 .0 Do. 100 90 Do. Cert. of Deben , con.into Stk. till'6 l 65 100 all Do. Comp. 6p. c., do. 75 85 20 14 Gt. Centralof France 9/ —lO p' 24/ 4 20 all Gt. Indian Peninsul. 211 221 26 14 Great Luxembouro Constituted Share. $ 61 61 4 all Do. Obligations... 20 11 Do. re-is. forftd. Sh — 201 all Gt.WesternofCanada Shares 201 51 Do. New 3l -- 9 1 100 all Do. Bds., payable's7, with option till '55 99 101 100 all Do. do., '62, p. '56 lOO 102 100 all Do. do., '76, p. '6O 125 130 1(10 all Dc,. do., '73, without option lOB 109 20! all Hamilton k Torontp `.'s 26 100 all Do. 6 per cent. 20 17 Like Const. & Basl , 20 all Lierre and Turnhout ...d 5 all Lucca & Pist. sp. c.p P' 20 16 Lyons and Genciia 12 121 20 14 Lyons di Mediterrar • 20 all Madras, guar. 4! p.c 191 —20 i 20 10 Do. New 0., sp. c 11 110 161 20 10 Do. 41 p. c. Exten 1p 31i all Maria Antonia , 10 all Do. do. New 20 all Namur di Liege (witl‘ Interest) 7 74 20 all Do. (ex interest) 6 61 16 all Northern of France 431 444 441 20 all Do.2oi.Sha. l2i 12i 20 Do. 201.3 p. c Bds (fmy.B.exAms•Shs. .. 12 10 all NorwegianTrunkPre g 9 20 all Paris and Lyons 57/ 58 40 all Ditto Bonds 20 all Paris and Orleans — 57 10 5 Rome and Frascati.. ... 20 all Royal Danish l9l 20 5 all Royal Swedish....,. 4 all Do. Obligations 20 all Sambre and Meuse ll4 121 12 10 all Do. 51 p. cent. Pref 9l 91 20 5 Scinde, guar. sp. c 2 2 20 all Do. 30 all Southern of Franco — - pn, 20 16 13t. Andrew's and Quebec (A).. 8: all West Flanders 4l 5 4/ 10 all Do 5A per c. Prof — .•• 20 18 W. &N. W. of France 36 36 1 20 all West. of Switzerland 6 all Wiesbaden 20 .all Zealand JOINT-STOOK BANKS. , 40 ill Austraiasui 25 5 Bank of Egypt - 100 50 Bank of London ..6 65 40 all liri. Col. Bk.& Ln. C. 50 all British N. American • 25 5 Marta. Bank of Asia p 20 4 Chrtd. Bck. of India, Australia, & China ...d 100 50 City 63 65 100 25 Colonial 100 20 Commercial of Loud — • 20 all Fing.Soot.&A.ns.Cht 164 20 all Lond. Chart. Bk. 04 Australia l7i -18 i 20 5 Ditto New 3 2Li 50 20 London and Conn' 334 10C 50 Lnd.&E.Bnk g. Corp. par 2p 50 10 London Joint Stock. 100 10 London and Paris 4 2 d 100 20 Loud.& Westminster 100 35 National Pro. of Eng 20 10 Do. New •". "• 50 224 s National of Ireland — 20 all New South Waler 4l 43 42 i 25 all Oriental Bank )f Corporatlnn. 4l 43 20 5 Ottoman Bank 1 p 10( 50 Royal British ••• 25 all , 'nth kiistralia 25 all Union of Australia... 69 71 Do. New 74 i•O 10 f whin 1 3 Western Bk of Lon 4 r 3jd Business done yesterday. Bedford and 131 etchley Buckghantsh, Clydesdale , r• . Col. Stour Vy. Sud. and Hai. E. Lin. tr. 6 pc E. Un. H. Sh. Glas. Barr. & Neils. Direct Do. New...... Glstr4 Dn. Fr Hrtlpl. Dk Railway.... Hull & Selby Do. Sharee. Do. 7 Shares. Lon. & Greenw Do. Preference Lon., Til., &S. Lowestoft gr . 6 per cent. Do. 6 per ct. Manch. Ibrtn and Matlock Middlesbro' & Redcar. Newmarket Bury E. G.spc N.& Est.s 6 per et. Do. Fixeds p c Prest. & W yr , Do. j Shr,. A Roystn.& Hit. Shef.Roth_ary I Gooleg.s p.c. Shrews.&ller S. Staffordsh Wear gr ocr tent_ Wilts&Arnrst 95 - 97 94 - 98 11 - 13 132 134 4f 4i la _ 106 nb = 115 - S 3 •- 94 - 56 - 58 45 - 47 132 -- 134 7i - 8 31 - 201 31i -32 i __._ !.INTr.4 • A.s;q) ,f - 11KMI) b. EA.MVATtIi Lealtt Compalri. etngit; OA, yesterday. London it N. Woq. L.&N.W. Calodon... E. Un. E. C... Gt. Nrt.... E. Count. Caldonian. Do Gt. V; earn ' Irk. New. & Bora. Y. &N If Do S. Easter, Do IPeto & Co Norfolk Do L.& N. W & Midld. Stektnn &I Darlingt. dland En. Coun. PI. Count Do L. &N.W Do Gt Northt Lo.neash & Yorksh. T. Brassey M. Mclean Stock t. Darling{ De ( 4tWestil. Busta , m., yester Do.. ?REFERENCE SHARES. St.' 100 .etherdeen.- ..... . . .. 115 118 ' 100 flo. N 0.2, 7p. c. 114 1 St. 100 Do. Debentures B4 90 46 al, Myth andTyn. , !Opel c. pref. (Issd.at 50Z. Bt. 100 Brig. & Ex. 4p.e. St 94 - 96 20 5 Do. 4p. c. Shares St. 1.0 Caledonian £.lO .... 96 -98 IF+ all 'llea. & tiro. Gn. 5i pc 16 -17 16i'l 93 all Do. do. Pref. No. 2. 24 all Do. do. Pref. No. 2 - all Cork aßandonsip.e - all Dun.Prth Aber.J. 5 - 61 10 I 2 E. Anglian Cis. A Mi. ... - St. 1100 Do. do. Cls. B6p. c. 107 - 112 St. 1 100 Do. do Cls. C7p. c. 97 - 102 .6i all Eas.Co.Tlx,spc No. 4 1 p Pm 6 all Do. No. 2 ~ l 3 - 3 p pm 10 all Do. New 6 r. c. Si 121 - 121 20 all :?ast Un. ' G. 6p. c., - 5 all Do. 5/. 10 per cent 10 all Do. 10/. Debontr.Sh. - St. all Do. do. 4 per cent... - St. 100 East Lancask. 6p. ate - 5 al] P.A , W. York. J. sth , ' - 10 1 Edin. & Gl. 5 p.c. sh. - St. 100 Prth.&Dun.4p.c. 69 - 71 20 all Furnesa -.- ••• St. 100 •31?.5. &S. W. G. 5 p.c ... it. 100 =rent Northn. sp. c 116 - 11.8 116 St. 100 Do. sp. c. Redeem. , at 10 P. c. prom... 1108 - 119 St. 100 Do. 44 p.c 'lol IC3 12/, 74 Do. sp. c. Scrip, Red. IA 5 p. c. it 3 0 all qt.N. of Scot. Ist Pre 91 - 104 St. 100 it. R. it W. (Ireland) ... 20 11 Do. 4per c. Pre? 50 6 It. W.(13. = IT.Exspc 6 - 61 St. 100 lo.cou. red. 4 p.c. 95 - 97 St. 100 r)o. con. red. 4p. c 89 - 91 qt. 100 Do, irred. 4p. c. 88 - 90 91 St. ,100 Do. sp. c. red. pref 98 • 100 10 all Do. do. do.• 8 all ho. Birm. Pref. ih... 94 - 10 10 all Do. Chester 8 p.c.P.S] 16i - 174 10 all Do. do. sp. c. do.. 10 - 104 St 100 Do. Sinn. Gua. Stk 73 -75 all Do. Ches. Gus. Sh.. 191 - 201 l 3; all Do. do. do 4 - 10 20 al Do. do. do ....... . 141 - 151 16 6 r•an. &York. F. ,E2' - id ‘4. 1O 10. 6p. c. Stock 136 138 st. pi . ) & Rrigh. G. 5 p.' . „ St. 1100 10. Pref., sp. c. S+. St 100 'o. New Gnar.6 p. c 135 - 140 St. 100 Do. do. 5 per cent - St., 101- ',on. lftN. W., Coy. •Tuneaton 5 p. ct - - St 100 cu.& S.W. 7 per et ... ...p t 2.4 all r wry. &flole.r. i Sh. 124. a , l Gondy.& Ennis. St. 10 A.,5.,/cr. - 6 4 10. £6 - 124 all 4arypt.&ol.l•l.4p o 121 all le. 44 per cent •• •.• 1.2: 1 10 ')o •• ..• it. 100 lid, Consei.6 q. MO :10. Con.Br.l , ir.6pc 115 -137 st. 100 Do. 4i p. c. Pref. s 95 - 97 161 all Ito. ?ref. 4 1 iper cep - 5 all Do. Si. Pr. 4. 4p. c. St. 100 Ditto L.& 11. Pref. 5' 87 - 80 10 ./.1 I New., Aber. , die., pr. t - jsp. c. red. 5 p.c. pm. " 10 all 'Norfolk Debenture St. 100 Do. Pref. sp.e. St ek - St. 100 Do 5 p. e. Est St. 100 in:). 5{ per et. prof... St. 100 Way. Val. 5 p. e St. 100 ) North British lO2 -104 102 3t. 100 iN. E. Rerw, 4 p.c P 93 - 95 17 7 IDe. de. do 54 - 20 13 jDo Leeds 6 p.c - 124 9 jDo. do. Quarters - 25 10 I Do.Yorkii.& s. Prr 1 - id 20 all North Staffordshire. it. 100 !Ox, Wo. W 15/gpi• 93 - 10) 10 9i IDo R. Pref. 101. Sh. - ~„ li4 all Scot. Cent. ,New ,„ „ pm /5 all South Devon l4l - 15. 151 10 11 jDo. flxed,44 per eon: OS all IS. Eastern (Reactui. j Ann.) of £1 Os. 6d. •i3l - 22; ;t. 100 jDo. 0 2 .• per cent 9B - 100 ;t. 100 Do. Fixed 44 pc sh 9l - 10 ;t. 100 IS Wales Gua.4 p, C ,„ tO all Di. do. 44 p.c.... ••• - t z o s all all . t Y oc o li rksh. . apd 4 oa p. .r.:.sGpud.aor. c. M 15 Do. L2i all IStock. tiartl. g ; 5 j p. c. till July 1, 56 ,„ .•• 5 44 jWatertd.& Inlk.6pe 23 - 2i MINES. 1 an rgui. I' l, • .^. • ...... • alll ,Angle Californian .aulfaitfroi lrta,(311o10 all 1 lk 20 7 kustrallan ............ . 1 all .kustralian Cordillera - 1 all Xve Maria. ........... . ••• 1 all Baden (Gd.Dr chy of - •• • 50 all Risanar. Iron & C os, - ••• 20 14 British Iron 4 - 35 261 Brazilianlmp.(issue , at E 5 pm.) - 31 3 3 30 all Do. Cocaes & Cniab 2i - 3 20 15 Do. St. Johr Doi Re. 24 - 26 1 ; Clarendon Cons. Mir Co. of Jamaica — 40 an Cobre Copper 63 - 5 1 Colonial Gold - ••• St. all Copper Min. of Enp 30 - 35 25 all Do. Pref. 74 p. OOP 25 - 27 1e Copiapo. l7 - 19 2 14 Fortuna - 20 all Gene...al l4 -16 1 all Gt.Nuggetlrrinßcg I - 44 ail r4rent Polgnotb .... 1- 16 5 all Gt Wheal Vor Unite;' 1 • all Liberty 3 all Linares 74 - 7 d 5 1 4 Lusitanian r an Itariquita 1 all New Granada 4 - I ail Vouv•:au Monde._ - '0 all Pontgi•Sil.& Le. Min ll - 12 5 1 Port Philip all Quartz Rock 4 - ; i 0 all allymney Iron 2l -• 15 all Do. New 6 - 8 30 13; Abntiago de Cuba. 24 34 ~. 6s. Sort. Cons. Min. Co. 24 - 3 1 all 'outb Australian.. - ;3 1 all Do. Scrip 1 i Do. 10 per cent Pref 4. Tam. S. &L. Min. Co. 24 - 24 LO 9 fin Croft .. 3A - 44 28 all United Mexican 34 - 4 1 all Waller 1 all 'Vest Mariposa 12s. Worthing Mining of Australia 1 ‘ll . , MISCELLANEOUS. S 5 19 Australian Agetcait. 25 - 31 •31 304 all i ussraln. Royal Mail . 10 all Berlin Water Works 54 - 64 30 40 Brit. American Land .;2 Canada St. 1 00 11 ' fin 0 Do. 66 0 . 66pp fl 1 T e a b n y g 1 1 1 0 1 4 9 0 1 I 1 1 4 1 0 1 5 111 4 .c. Mar & Sept 109 t - 110. 5 4 5 ell Crystal :F o r f p e e a r a l e l . a n o c c f . 1;;;;) g 3t5 5' 1 4 Doston Tron Ore ••• ..• 20 13 Eastern Steam__ - 5 alf En.&Aus Cop Sm Co 'll 2 2 St. 100 tiaectric Telegraph._ 94 96 96 1 all Frlectric Teleg. o'' Ir. 5 all Gen. Iron Sc Collier 15 14 Gen. Steam Navigat. 18 all General Screw Stearn 4 all Loud. Gen. Omnibus 34 . Navig 10 9 k f exican&S,A.lnerien. 6 2 10 0 a l l o l Ma ‘le g d d it al era eli n. a 3 i9 4 ' 1 all Nat. Pat. Steam Fuel 10 5 Netherlands Land , 2 10 all Do. Do. - 44 5 2 De. 8p c P iss at 1 d g 100 80 New B. & N.S. Land 18 22 1 all N. B. Australasian - 1 20 15 Nrth.olEuropeStaam - 131 1 all Oriental Gas - 14 1 2s. Do. "New Shares" 4 -P pm 5 all Peel Rr. Ld. & Minrl. 24 - 3 24 50 all Peninsular& Oriental 664 50 10 Do. Now 100 60 Royal Mail Steam 72 -74 1 all Scot. Austral. Invest lg 14 Ditto New g - 25 all South Austral:l:And 37 39 at Submar. Tel. Scrip - 1 90 all 0 - li.e,rimtered 1 r. 5 Prlst4 I. co.T.T.car;. . Do' 2S Nru. Dierap,O• td.n(l 15 - 16 Do.. -• _-,, THE SUN„ LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING; MAY 6. 1856. THE MILITARY BOARD OF INQUIRY. (This Day.) ALARMING ILLNESS OF COL. TULLOCH. The Board re-assembled at the usual hour: The Judge-Advocate-General inquired of Dr. Balfour, Col. Tulloch's medical adviser, if he could inform the Court whether Col. Tulloch would be able to attend to day? Dr. Balfour said that after leaving the Court yesterday Col. Tulloch had been obliged to have further medical advice, and he produced a certificate from Sir James Clarke and Dr. Martin stating that Col. Tulloch was suf fering so severely from illness, brought on by severe mental and bodily exertion and anxiety, that his attend ance before the Board was altogether impossible. The Board, having consulted for a few minutes, asked General Airey what he proposed to do General Airey said that, whilst be expressed his sin cere regret at the indisposition of Col. Tulloch, he must say that his absence placed him (General Airey) is a position of great difficulty, because, after the adjourn ment of the Court yesterday, he compared the MS. minutes of Col. Gordon's evidence with that in the printed report, and had discovered some serious oinis sione, and he should hardly like to go into such a ques tion unless Col. Tulloch himself were present. Gen. Peel said that the absenc,3 of Col. Tulloch ought not to prevent the progress of the inquiry, since the Go vernment, in the appointing this Commission, did not anticipate the presence of the Commissioners before the Board. Gen. Airey submitted that if Col. Tulloch could not attend, Sir J. M.'Neil, the other Commissioner, might be able to do so ? The Judge Advocate-General :said that he understood Dr. Balfour to say, that he yesterday informed Sir J. M`Neil of the state of Col. Tailloch's health, so that that gentleman could have beers present if he had pleased. After some further conversation Gen. Airey consented to proceed. The Board again conferred for a short time, when The Judge-Advocate-General a ddressed Gen. Airey, saying that the Board had come to to the conclusion, that if be (General Airey) intended to a ontinue the course he pursued yesterday of impugning the. conduct of the Com missioners in the preparation of their report that it would be improper to proceed without him. General Airey disclaimed all intention of impugning personally the conduct of the Commiesioners, but at the same time said it would be impossible for him to con duct his case in any other way. The Judge-Advocate-General said that the Board thought his course of proceeding 3 -esterday somewhat personal. General Airey disclaimed any personal feeling of hos tility against the Commissioners ; bt t it was impossible for him to conduct his case without impugning the cor rectness of the evidence as published . • After sorno further conversation of ► the subject, Gen. Airey called Major Keane, of the Royal Engii leers—He went to the Crimea to construct huts for the army, and under stood be was to have a certain number of Sappers to go out with him. That arrangement w:o not carried out, and he was unable to say why ? Delays in con structing the huts arose from various pauses-- the difficulty of landing materia Is, the want of wharfage ground, and, after th: .t, the want of transport of the materials to the et Imp. He though the statement in the Commissioners ' report with refer• ence to the difficulties attending the want of materials, and of providing shelter for the troops as well as the state of the men, not an exaggerated one. He thought canvass shelter could net have been constructed ade quately for the wants of the army in the Crimea. Can vass from a night's dew often s}trunk so as to draw the tent pegs, add to have constructed canvass shelter for the horses elaborate framework would have been re quired. Canvass had been sp 4ken of for its facility of transport, and to use it an exa .ra quantity of scantling and spare would have been ryquired, the difficulty of transport of which would awn than have counter balanced the lightness of the, canvass. In having to allow for the shrinking of ,nvass its stability was greatly endangered in stormy weather. Canvass shelter would not have answered i n the Crimea. He ex plained the difficulties he had to encounter in getting men to assist in constructing s heiter. The crews of the ships in harbour were fully a uployed in attending to their own duties. By the Judge-Advocate-Ge: ieral —He was ordered by the Adjutant-General to procc led to the Crimea, and Col. Mapson informed him he was to have a number of sap pen, who were carpenters, to go with him. They did not go, and he experienced great difficulties in the Crimea from the want of th ci u. The horses could not have been sheltered by the e reaction of side walls from the want of stones. General Airey then read a re port from the Assistant engineer stationed at Balakla, v ato show that no analogy existed between providing 1e meporary shelter for the baggage, animals of the sappy .s and miners there, and that for the cavalry. Admiral Sir D. Dandas wa a next called, and examined by General Airey—He said that the fleet under his command in the Black Sea c as fully employed during that period. The fleet was di Neided into three divisions. He was before Sebastopol, Admiral Lyons at Bala klava, and the other division r t Eupatoria. He landed 2,400 seamen and 2,000 mai- ;nes to assist the army. Every ship landed all the spa re canvass and material she could spare. The spare 94 !t of sails on board each ship could certainly not have , been sent ashore. Con sistently with the safety of the • fleet, every man and all the spare canvass that could oe spared were sent on shore during that portion of Ca a winter of 1854 that he was in command of the fleet. Every man in the fleet readily and cheerfully did his ix tmost to assist the army. The gallant admiral was exa nined by the Judge-Ad vocate-General on the points Si . r E. Lyons was examined by Colonel Tailed), viz., the 'quantity of spare canvas on board different size Gov( nment vessels, and the difficulty of getting carpenters from Constantinople, to which he gave similar answers es Sir Edmund Lyons. Mr. Boyd, storekeeper at I ialaklaj'a, was examined by General Airey. He had (ii mrnand of the quarter master-general's stores, and iss them under the direc tion of Mr. Archer, assistant-cm oturnissary-general. He described the state of the barb' from the over-crowd big of vessels, and the stores 1: ling about on the wharfs from the . want of storehouses i n which to deposit them. The bales and packages were is equentl:e broken open in the morning, having been plu c tiered during the night of their contents by the ,Maltese. Stores were issued as speedily as possible, and no objection was I made to their issue from any irregularities in the orders. He often issued sto res without orders. The quartermasters of regiments were daily it.t his stores, and sa w what was there, and anyt bing they required they had. During the winter when he had a supply of great coats, sheepskins, rugs, blanket ;s, and other warm cloth ing, the men had a full supply. They preferred sheep. skins to the great coats, and would ie st have rugs or blankets. The witness was ex; mimed into the details of hi s me de of issuing the stores to the army, and with regard to the issue of the boots and shoes. He said the men w er i ea s l i l o o n we o d f t h o is fit ev th idc e e m n se t. w]veil.as that tThte the enearraml army was and itnpes at all times abu nd a ntl y eupp . lied with necessaries and et'oeanmlyined to ask and i h iaaß e vey e . ve s r i y r c wr om . f it or o t. wen l — n ufacet,utyahseynhoatd by the Commissioners. By the Judge Advocate-Gent oral--$e took charge .1 t h e stores at a• B laklava on the . 12th D ec., and continued till June following.o of th the A d ihrearletyw, ine often char g w e n office i transport to convey the stores 'to the camp. attended, a,:ed was examined by the want t th o e f , S : el e r e ivi t ri e lce ieneral as to the trasesport contract,, ariindtnstructions given to the captains of the trans elason to have taken from tha transports their It would have been inejudicious on the part of anP s e u r it of sails, but instructions were issued to them se condT e s n ' D NI the army with all the sails and canvass they nor Captain ports. si Judge. pt ts to supply spare canvass, to the army. The the transports required that a certain. number of sails c - Oul u d . spare.'l- The terms of the contract did not require charter party board. should be on bo ard each trarniport, :and a Gov ernment officer inspected the vessels previous to their saili ng to see they were on [W e w ill give the conclusion ou r last edition.] A HISTORIC NA ME.—On Thursda y a c hild was re gistered at the S u p erintendent -Registrars offi ce in the several Christian names of Walter .Alma P eace Inker man.—Bradford Observer. THE FIREWORKSORKS IN THE PARRS. — Yesterday th e work men were engaged iu encasin g the 'ironrailings of th e Green-park, immed iatel y in the rear t)f t h e woode n build ing from which the fireworks will tle discharged , with plates of galvanis ed iron, which v Till reach abo ve the iron spikes of t he railin g s. This measure has been adopted along the whole length of the enclosed space, in order to preclude the possibility of accidents ; a similar precaution bas been taken in Hyde -park. THE QUEEN'S VISIT TO SOUTHAM IPTON WATER. —The Town-Clerk of Southampton has re.3eived the following letter from Major Raven hill, R.N., ti Ae offieerappointed to superintend the erection of the new, military hospital in Hants :—"Netley Abbey Hotel, let May, 185 6. Sir,—T have the honour to state, fe r the information of the Mayor and Corporation of Southampton, that her Maiesty proposes to lay the foundation stone of the military hospital, to• be erected on the banks of the Southampton water, on the 12th inst. in great state, and that a reception at the landing-place by the mayor and and corporation wil 1 be welcome to her Majesty. The siteis about half ami le beyond the ruins of Netley Abbey. I will inform you by a future letter at what hour the ceremony is to ta . ke place—probably it vi II be at 430 p.m. Any further information on the sui jest that may be rc.quired wil I meet with my imme diate attention.—l have, &c." IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY). The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. There was au unusual attendance of ladies in the gal leries, and the space between the throne and the wool sack was also very much crowded by the sons of peers. INDIA. The Earl of A LBE VIABLE gave notice of his inten tion to move, after the recess, for certain returns in reference to the salaries and pensions issued to the civil servants in the presidencies of Bombay ani Madras. He also called attention to a report upon the practice of torture in connection with the Loom Tax in the Madras presidency. I not clearly understand them, inasmuch as they were never clearly stated by her Majesty's Ministers—he denied that they were fully accomplished by this treaty. He should. therefore advise their lordships to substitute an amend ment, and instead of "joy and satisfaction," he would omit that paragraph, and say—" We have learned that your Majesty has been enabled to re-establish peace on condi tions which have appeared to your Majesty and your allies adequately to effect the great objects of the war." Whether he should press that amendment to a division or not must depend on what should be the feelings he might per ceive to exist in the house in the course of the de bate. He had no wish to take a course hostile to her Majesty's Government, but a strong wish to re cord his own decided opinion. They were not met to discuss a question which depended upon the votes of the house, but they were invited by the Government to consider a treaty which they could not altar, but which her Majesty, by her own undoubted prerogative, bad signed, with her foreign allies, Now, it was necessary for hint to remind the house what were the objects of this war. He would quote upon that subject the authority of her Majesty's Ministers. On the 24th February, 1854, the Foreign Secretary said, " It might be very desirable and very just to take from Russia, and to restore to the coun tries from which they were taken, various territories which Russia had taken from other countries ; it might be very just and desirable to make Russia pay for the cost of the war ; but it is impossible we should take any resolution for any of these objects without knowing with what skill and success the war will be conducted, or what will be the posi tion and circumstances of the Emperor of Russia at its conclusion." That was an evident truism ; but what he (the Earl of Malmesbury) had to remark upon it was, that, in accordance with the observations of the Foreign Secretary, this treaty had been framed in consequence of events of the war which, to say the least of them, were very unfavourable to the allies and to ourselves. The noble earl (the Foreign Secretary) at the same time said that it was intended " to check the ag gressive power of Russia, and to take solid guarantees th at Europe should not again be deprived of the great blessings of peace." He (the Earl of Malmesbury) would prove that such guaran tees were not given by the document now presented to the house. On the 31st March, 1854, the Foreign Secretary said, " I trust that, at the conclusion of this contest, we shall find Austria and Prussia by our side in the establish ment of peace on a solid and secure foundation, but that peace wilt neither be solid nor secure unless the territorial extension and immoderate influence of Russia are repressed for ever." It would be for him (the Earl of Malmesbury) to show that this had not been done. Lord J. Russell, on the 12th December, 1854, said, " I believe no peace will be safe for Turkey or honourable to this country which left Sebastopol in the same menacing position in which it has of late years been." (Cheers. He understood that cheer, but he would show that, if not literally, Sebastopol had politi cally been left in the same position as before the war. Lord Palmerston said on the 19th Dec., 1854, " It would not be for the interest or honour of this country to end this great war with small and ineffectual results ; we ought to have a result adequate to the sacrifices we had made." Now he (the noble earl) would consider what this treaty was and how far those results had been obtained. The first two articles, the preamble, were followed by two very im portant articles. In the first line of them was mentioned " the citadel of Kars." He (the Earl of Malmesbury) had been taunted in another place by the Prime Minister with having shrunk from bringing forward that subject, because he was afraid of being defeated on it. But it was for the convenience of their lordships, and the propriety of de bate, he had been obliged to withdraw his notice of Friday last, since the treaty was to be discussed this evening. He did not wish to avoid the debate, for he thought it the duty of the Opposition, when they thought Go vernment were in the wrong, to point it out, without reference to the numbers of a division. (Cheers.) Now the third article of this treaty said that the Emperor of Rus sia agreed "to restore to the Sultan the town and citadel of Kars and other parts of the Ottoman empire of which the Russian troops are in possession." On the other hand, her Majesty and the allies agreed to restore the towns and ports of Sebastopol, Balaklava, Eupatoria, Kertch, Yeui kale, Kinbourn, and others. Could any one, with conimon understanding, say that Kars was an equivalent for all these? Sebastopol, the scene of all our disasters and of all our glories, of our hopes and disappointments, our misfor tunes and victories, the goal for which we had contended for nearly two years, was to be exchanged for. Kars ! Would anybody say then that the loss of Kars had not in fluenced these negotiations? The very juxtaposition of these two articles proved that it had done so; and it appeared that the noble lord now on the woolsack, the second plenipotentiary (Lord Cowley) had protested against their juxtaposition, but that his protest was repressed ; and so it remained, to show that the belligerent powers made an exchange. The treaty said that Russia was to have "no maritime military arsenals" on the Black Sea— but there was no definition or explanation of that term. It was to be inferred that there were to be no docks where men-of-war could be built and armed. Bat the treaty would not prevent Russia from keeping up the northern fcrts of Sebastopol in all their impregnable strength—from girding the neighbouring hills with ramparts, and raising the Malakhoff again, so that it never could be wrested fiom Russia any more. (Hear.) He assumed that those fortresses might be rebuilt ; else, let the noble earl the Foreign Se cretary say they might not. Sebastopol was not all we gave in exchange for Kars, but also Balaklava, Kamiesh, which the French had fortified, Kertch, Eupatoria, and other places, which the allies had strengthened g ratis for Russia. And what became of those forts along th e Circassian coast which the Russians had been obliged to abandon, giving `liberty at length to the noble Circassian race ? The Prime Minister had stated that Russia was to resume them, and might rebuild or garrison them. In plain English, then, we had deserted the Circassians. (Hear.) We had loft • them to a dreadful and certain fate, after having sought their assistance and to a great extent benefitted by it. ("' Hear, hear," from Lord Panmuro.) Notwithstanding that cheer of the noble lord the Secretary for War—who surely was not the best authority about hostilities in Asia Minor—(a laughl—the allies had benefited by the assistance of the Circassians ; for in 1854, when the Russian general had gained two victories over the Turks, and was entering Anatolia, it was the inroad made by Schatnyl in the direc tion of Tiflis that obliged bile to retreat. No wonder our Ministers had deserted the Circassians if they had already forgotten what that brave people did for us. (Cheers ) But if the Circassians had not been able or willing to assist us, as we wished, what was 'the cause of their backwardness ? How could we be excused for abandon ing their interest in the treaty after having excited them to aid us in the war ? Lord Palmerston said, on the 2tlth June, 1855, that "there ware no relations existing between her Majesty's Government and the Circassian chiefs, except those arising out of their co-operation in the attack on Anapa." No, but Sehamyl had saved our allies, the Turks, from an invasion. (Cheers.) It, appeared, too, from the answer given by Lord Palmerston to Mr. Baillie's question, that Col. Lloyd bad been employed, at a salary of 2,0001. a year, to go into Circassia, to open communications with that people, and ascertain on what terms and to what extent their assistance could be obtained. Was net that asking them to join us as our allies ? And yet, because we had forgotten the advantage they gave us, and because the assistance they could render us did not come up to what we had expected, very much in consequence of the blunders of our own administration, their interests were now to be abandoned. The noble earl, the Foreign Secretary, was de feated when he attempted to protest against the restoration of those forts. The noble earl would stand in history here after in the category of those politicians who had deserted the cause of a country's liberty, when they had au opportunity of defeedine it. He knew the generous spirit of the noble earl, and could not believe but that it had been his wish and desire to save the Circassian people from perdition ; but he must have been overruled by cir cumstances which perhaps he would not dare to tell. Well, great stress would be laid ou the neutralisation of the Black See. He confessed that, as ho said when the Vienna con ferences wore going on, he thought the most desirable man ner of settling the question was the neutralisation of the Black Sea, and making it a purely commercial sea. (Cheers.) But were we quite safe in the agreement we had made about this? Was there no arriere-pensee in these negoti ations? He was not entirely satisfied with the answers given to the noble earl in the conferences. It was clear that Turkey and Russia were respectively to maintain only six ships of war, of ,a certain size, in the Black Sea. The Russian plenipotentiaries then claimed great credit for making what they called a concession. But it was not a concession made on their side alone. The Turks, who had a right to navigate that sea, made an equal concession, and therefore Russia could not claim any praise for that. The noble earl's suspicious appeared to have been roused on a subject of vast importance, and he asked whether the transports which Russia might build, and retain ad iibitura, were to be armed ? He did not wonder at the jealousy of his noble friend, but he should like to know bow that matter was settled, for Count Orloff answered that the transports in the Black Sea would be furnished with armaments suit able to the occasion. Lord Clarendon, said the protocol, was not satisfied with that answer, and requested an ad journment of the question, which adjournment must have been sine die, for the matter did not appear to have been alluded to again in the protocols. He should like to know from his noble friend h ow the matter ended, for if those transports which Russia was to be allowed to have ad libitum, were to lie in Sebastopol, and be furnished with suitable armaments, which might mean one gun or fifty, accordingly as the ships were of 100 or 1,000 tons, they might issue from Sebastopol and make a descent on any part of the Turkish coast. He (Lord Malmesbury) could not say that the objects of the war were accomplished if Sebastopol was to be made as strong as ever, and a fleet of transports w as to be m a intai ne d by Russia sufficiently armed to defend any troops they might carry. It was impossible for him to say that the objects of the treaty were accomplished, unless this question was settled. Then there wasSanother question with regard to which the Russian plenipotentiaries seeni to have been ex ceedingly expert. His noble friend asked a question with eragard to Nicolaieff, and it was answered that Nicolaieff not being in the Black Sea, but a long way up a Russian river, its maritime and military arsenals might be retained, but still as a great favour to his -noble friend, Count Or loff promised that no larger ships than those agreed on should be built there, and stated that he was ready to send two line-of-battle ships which were there down through the Bosphorus to the Baltic. His noble friend asked that that promise should be entered on the pro tocol. Was it so entered ? As far as it went it was satis factory, for no doubt Count Orloff was a man of honour and meant what he said, and ho said what his master meant. But it was no insult even to an Emperor when the fate of nations was at stake, to ask that the treaty should contain a solid guarantee for the performance of the pro mise. He did not want to rake up old grievances, and as we were now'at peace with Russia, he did not wish to say a word calculated to make any Russian think that he did not rejoice at our being at peace with that country ; for he did rejoice. But there had been public events which ought to have acted as warnings to the noble earl to have obtained something more solid than a promise from Count Orloff, who was but mortal and whose mas ter was only mortal also. He would quote from the work of Sir John M'Neill, on the Progress of Russia in the East, what occurred in 1814.—(The noble earl then read an extract from the work in question, which pointed out the proceedings of the Russian general in the war with Persia, in which he agreed to certain terms with regard to the restoration to Persia of territory which had been taken in the course of the war, and which was made the basis of a treaty, to which the British minister at Teheran, confiding in the good faith of Russia, assented. Nevertheless, Lord Cathcart, then ambassador at St. Petersburg, pressed in vain on the Emperor to fulfil the pledge given in the treaty, but was unable to obtain the re. storation of one foot of ground.) He did not doubt the good faith of Count Orloff or the Emperor, but if they both passed away from this earthly scene, there was net a line in the treaty to prevent the building of any ships at Nicolaieff, or to prevent them being brought down into the Black Sea. If, therefore, the object of the war was completely to prevent Russia from attempts infuture of that nature which we went to war to prevent, it should have been declared that Nico laieff should no longer be an arsenal, and the fortress of Se bastopol entirely rased and kept down. There was one part of the treaty which was most important, but to which he was almost afraid to draw the ir lordshi ps' attention, for it would be difficult to explain his meaning unless they had maps. Oneof the cessions made by Russia was that, of part of Bessarabia. The house would recollect that when Austria proposed a basis for negotiation, a line was drawn which divided Bessarabia into two parts, from Kichenau in the north-west to the Salsyk Lake on the borders of the Black Sea. The length of the district was about 250 miles, and the line as nearly as possible bisected Bessarabia. But when this question was discussed at the conferences in Paris, to his great surprise he found that the Russian plenipoten tiaries suggested the ceding of something like a fourth of the quantity of territory which Austria promised should be given back to Turkey. That was of course at once stifled ' but, to cut the matter s h or t, C oun t W a l ews ki, al though he could not consent to the sacrifice asked of the allies by the proposition of Baron Brunow, said there was such a thing as a principle of compensation, and if Russia gave up some other part of Bessarabia for what was kept back, as proposed, the proposition would be ac ceded to. What did their lordships suppose was the com pensation that was given in return for all that , was con ceded ? It bore the same proportion to the whole as his (Lord Malmesbury's) thumb nail did to the whole of his arm. That was about the proportion which the territory Russia proposed to give up bore to the whole of that which had been agreed to by Russia when proposed by Austria. In fact, we had given her back a line of territory 250 miles in length and 40 or 50 wide ; but it was one of essential con sequence, for the line as proposed by Austria gave Turkey both banks of the Danube; it gave to the Besearabians belonging to Turkey a passage through Austria, and it passed by the Russian magazines at Kichenau, which were driven back upon the Dniester. All that was given up in exchange for a line of half the distance which gave up one of the two banks of the Danube and the Pruth, and left some 120 miles of the Pruth, belonging half to Russia and half to Turkey. There must have been some very strong reasons for such a change in the distribution of territory as that. Why was this important boundary barrier against Russian aggression lost to the allies ? Rumours were rife that the Russian plenipotentiaries asserted that we were not in the position then that we were when Austria made her propositions, for they had now got Kars, the key of Anatolia, and had one foot in Asia Minor, and if over we were to have attempted to take it again it would have cost us as much trouble as it did to take Sebastopol. They were aware of the advantages of the position they had gained, and had a right therefore to better terms. It was hinted at in the protocols that the restoration of Kars must be considered in the negotiations when the question of the frontier came on. It appeared that his noble friend gave way, and he obtained exactly half of what had been promised by the French and Austrian Governments when the original propositions were laid before the English Ca binet, and yet he (Lord Malmesbury) was asked to assent to an expression of joy and satisfaction, and to say that such a result fulfilled all the objects of the war. He was afraid the objects of the war were not considered at Paris, but the objects of the peace. His noble friend seemed to have forgotten that erne of the main objects of the war was the possession of Bessa rabia. In plain English, what the first article meant was, " Here is Kars, what will you give ms for it ?" It was a fashion lately with the Government and their supporters to say that Kars was of very little consequence, and had no weight in the operations of the war. When ono read the protocols and the result of the negotiations it was im possible not to see that there was some pressure which oblige i the noble earl and the other plenipotentiaries of the allies to give up points ;to which it was intended to keep. He would not go into the gossip which had circu lated in this country on the subject, but he would say what he believed was the advantage Russia had, snd that was that having got Kars it lost us part of Bessarabia, and we in consequence of that circumstance gave up every advantage which might otherwise have been maintained. He was not about to go into the whole question of the campaign of Kars, but would confine himself to the loss of that city, which he charged to the want of fore sight and neglect by the Government, and he would maintain that the loss of Kars had prevented the attainment of such a treaty as this c country wished, and which he knew his noble friend wished to carry out. The campaign which ended with the loss of that city might be divided into two epochs—the first was the 10 months from the time at which Gen. Williams was first sent out and that at which he left Erzeroum to go and defend Kars, during any part of which Kars ought to have been saved, not by sending an army there, for that was not necessary, or by sending any English troops or contingents, but by sending provisions and ammunition. What he would say would be borne out by General Williams himself, for he had said as much in his despatches, and by Dr. Sand with, who had said as much in his book. He would not encumber the question now with the second epoch, when Kars was invested and when it would have bean necessary to have relieved it by means of an army; but he would confine him self to the period when it only needed provisions and am munition, and when there were good soldiers well command ed within its walls. At the time when he (LordMalmesbuiy) saw that war was inevitable he asked himself who was to conduct this great war for this country. That great man who used to occupy that chair (pointing to the place generally occupied in his latter days by the Duke of Wel lington) was no more, and he left no successor. It was only to Providence they could trust to raise up a statesman and a general to direct the country in this great calamity. He did not think that it had pleased the Almighty to favour the country with such a blessing. Looking to the immense I extent likely to be covered by the war, from Finland to Asia Minor, he could not say that the Government had been able to bring it all within their view. From the first Asia Minor was neglected, and our efforts were en tirely directed to other parts. He did not say this was wrong—he was no soldier, and could not venture on an opi nion on military strategy; but still he thought the Govern ment held Asia Minor too cheap. It might have been a pen dant to the operations in the Crimea, and if that had been done in time Kars would have been saved. Warnings on that point were not wanting, for in the war of 1829, which was followed by the treaty of Adrianople, it was far more the victories of Diebitsch in Asia Minor than those of the Russians in European Turkey which gave him the advantages he obtained. Early in 1854 attention was directed to that part of the question by a noble friend of his (Lord Ellenborough), who urged the necessity of a cam paign in Asia ; but it was not until after the Turks had beeu defeated, and on the 2d of August in that year, that his noble friend (Lord Clarendon) sent out an agent who was certainly well chosen—Gen. Williams—to Asia Minor. After opening communications with Lord Stratford and Lord Raglan, Gen. 'Williams went to Erzeroum, where he examinee into the state of the Turkish army, and then he went on to Kars, and proceeded to put the town into a better state of defence than had been done oven by Gen. Guyon and the other officers with him in the previous spring. On the 2d August, 1854, his noble friend directed Lord Stratford to send General 'Williams to the Turkish army as commissioner of the Queen. Lord Stratford wrote an answer on the 15th, stating that ho appreheudel there would be no difficulty in making the necessary arrangements for sending General Williams properly authorised ; but on the 3d of October, six weeks afterwards, he wrote that " Reschid Pacha had requested to be informed officially of the name of the Queen's commissioner!' So that six weeks after he ha .l received his noble friend's letter Reschid Pacha, the Prime Minister, or the Vizier of the Sultan, did not know the name of the Queen's commissioner. In the meantime Gen. Williamshad gone on to Erzeroum. He was well re ceived. His scarlet uniform had secured him a good re ception. But when he began to meddle with the affairs of the Turkish army he was asked to show his authority, and he had none to show. It was moat extraordinary that on the 3d December, he had still no authority, and it was said by the Turkish generals that he was a mere col one l, without any special character. During this time Kars and Auatolia might have been victualled. On the 2d of September his noble friend had written, stating that it was desirable that General Williams should be given high rank in the Turkish army. That was asked for by Lord Stratford on the 15th of November, or seven weeks after the date of Lord Clarendon's letter. Delays continued. M. Pisani went repeatedly to the Porte ask ing for this authority, and he was told that it had been sent; but General Williams, in a letter, stated that he had received HO sach authority, and that he could do no thing ; if he had it he could do anything, but yet he never obtained any authority till the 23d of January, 1855. The third authority that General Williams asked was to be made director of supplies, for on that hinged the safety o f Kars. He asked, on the 29th of January, Lord Stratford to obtain it for him. Lord Stratford did not do se, but he lost four or five weeks by referring the application to the Foreign-office. Of course, by return of post the noble earl wrote to say that he was to get the office for General Williams if ho could. By the time that letter was re ceived the 20th of March had arrived, and then General Williams again complained that he had not got the autho rity in question, and that he might do anything if he had it. Nothing, however, was done, and he was never made director of supplies, and was left entirely to his own energy and resources. April passed away, and on the 10th May there was only one week's provisions in Kars. The English officers at Kars wrote to Gen. Williams, at Erze roue), for provisions. The Russians were then within a month's march of Kars; for it was on the 9th of June that the place wac invested. Gen. Williams was still at Ern roam, and not having obtained the necessary authority, he could send no provisions; but seeing that the Russians were advancing upon Kars, he left Erzerourn in what he described as an isolated position. Nevertheless, he took the matter into his own hands, and got supplies into Kars by the exercise 'of that wonderful energy which was de scribed by Dr. Sand with. Four months' provisions were got into Kars, and by that means Kars w as f or th e ti me save d as well asErzeroum and Anatolia., and probably the whole of Asia Minor. For if the Russians had attacked Kara only a week sooner it would have fallen, and they would have had the whole summer to march upon the Bosphorus. Those were not his (Lord Malinesbury's) sentiments alone. Let the house listen to what Dr. Sandwith said.—(The noble earl then read an extract from the work of Dr. Sandwith, in which he described the great exertions made by Gen. Williams to obtain supplies, and the lamentable condition to which the garrison was reduced.) How the food was economised their lordships knew, and that the garrison, officers, and men, were reduced to eat dogs. No man came out of this war with such a reputation as Gen. Williams. He was not eloquent enough to do justice to his merits; he would only say that his name was engravers in the history of his country. When ho (the Earl of Malmesbury) made this accusation against the noble _ earl (Clarendon) end against his ambassador, as he was obg to do when he read this book, their lordships would expect him to quote some extracts to bear him out. (The . noble_ earl then read Colonel William's letters c omplainin„ of want of support in theduties he was performing,insufficient authority, absence of supplies in money, food, and ammuni tion, and of the neglect of Lord Stratford ... in not answering' his communications.) It was impossible for any man accus tomed to the amenities of civilised life to understand the reason of this extraordinary neglect on the part of the am bassador, an d there could b e two men only in the world who could explain th e cause—viz., Lord Str a tf or d hi mself and the noble lord opposite. He would make no guesses at it, but leave it to the noble lord himself to explain. It was clear Lord Stratford was open to blame ; and as accordiug to his co nstitutional view the ambassador was responsible to the Foreign Minister, and the Foreign Minister had not recalled him, the noble lord (Clarendon) was responsible to Parliament. The whole Cabinet must have concurred in the despatch of the noble earl's blaming Lord Stratford ; nevertheless, Lord Palmerston, so late as May 3, in the House of Commons, defended Lord Stratford, declaring that he was ready to take his share of the responsibility that might attach to those who had not thought fit to re call him. He (the Earl of Malmesbury) had withdrawn his motion the other night in reference to the fall of Kars, and of course the present was not the time or the place to move one like it ; but his impression was, if any thing, stronger than before, that the Government were Most blameable for not having attended to the position of Asia Miner, and the importance of defending the Turkish possessions there. But their conduct had been marked by vacillation throughout, and that vacillation was crowned when they saw the Foreign Minister writing . a despatch condemnatory of any ambassador, and the Prime Minister getting up in the House of Commons and completely exo nerating the same person. He would not further detairt their lordships but to congratulate them upon the peace, which, however, he was happy to say, found England stronger than she was when she began the war. He thought the terms of the address as proposed were exaggerated, and not such as their lordships could justly concur in; but as it seemed to be the wish of the house to pan it he did not intend to offer any opposition. The Earl of CLARENDON—My lords, before I proceed to offer some observations upon the strong and unmitigated censure which the noble lord has thought proper to cast upon me in the course of that speeck which, he said, it woe his duty to make, in order to bring to the knowledge of the country that which they might well have already known, I will take the liberty of expressing my satisfaction and gratitude at the able and eloquent speeches we have heard from my two noble friends, the mover and seconder of the address. (Hear.) It is most satisfactory to me that two noble lords who considered that the war in which we were engaged was a wise, just, and righteous war, and who were second to none in advocating the vigorous prosecution of that war in order that we might arrive at an honourable peace, and who considered that no peace would be honour able that did not fulfil the objects of the war, it was most satisfactory to me to have those two noble lords asking your lordships to concur in an address approving of the treaty of Paris, and thereby implying that the pease has been concluded on honourable terms. (Hear.) My lords, I am most grateful to those noble lords for the opinions-- opinions far too favourable--which they have expressed towards myself, as to the manner in which I have per. formed the duty with which her Majesty was pleased to entrust me, in conducting the negotiations as one of the plenipotentiaries on behalf of this country. (Hear.) But, my lords, I must be permitted to take the earliest opportunity of saying that any commendations that may be awarded to me for the part I took at the Conferences apply equally to my noble friend and colleague her Ma jesty's ambassador at Paris. (Hear.) And in consequence of what fell from the noble lord opposite, who said that my noble friend Lord Cowley was not seen in the proto cols, and that I had completely superseded him— The Earl of MALMESBURY—I said my noble friend's name was immediately superseded after he made the excel. lent observation as to the juxta-position of the two arti cles. No one knows better how to appreciate my noble triend's (Lord Cowley's) diplomatic services than I do, and I hope always, both in public and in private, to bear testi mony to their value. (Cheers.) The Earl of CLARENDON was glad to hear the noble earl's explanation. It was certainly true that his noble friend's name appeared in the protocols less frequently than his own, but that was on account of his official position, which gave him the precedence ; but he could say that be had, throughout the negotiations, received from his noble friend's experience the greatest aid and support. He was also anxious to relieve the noble earl's mind from the idea that the fall of Kars had a prejudicial effect on the negotia tions. That misapprehension seemed to be so strongly im pressed on the mind of the noble earl, that he (the Earl of Clarendon) supposed that his information was, notwith standing the secrecy of the Conferences, so confirmatory, that he had made it the subject of a motion in their lordships' house, but which, warned by the impending defeat of a similar motion in another place, he had pru dently withdrawn. It was true that Kars was alluded to by the Russian representatives as an important event which gave them some title to a favourable consideration in the neg otiations ; but, at the same time , Count Orloff' said that the conditions of peace having been agreed to at Vienna, after that event became known, they should be honourably fulfilled. At the first meeting of the Pleni potentiaries it was agreed that the protocols should con tain decisions and such opinions as would elucidate them, but that everything calculated to wound national suscepti bilities, in case of peace being agreed to, should be ex cluded from them. If the noble lord would have the good ness to look at the conditions agreed to at Vienna, and compare them with the treaty, he would find that the'fall of Kars in no way influenced the negotiations. They had not originated with the plenipotentiaries, but had been , proposed to them, and they were determined not to accept less, but they could not in honour demand more. He would appeal to their lordships whether these conditions had not been expressed in clear and binding language ? Such being the case, he regretted that the noble earl opposite should have brought forward the subject on that evening, but he (the Earl of Clarendon) himself was in some manner to blame, as he had been the cause of the noble earl's carry ing that speech so long about with him. (Laughter.) Col. Williams, if he had been an ordinary man, would have con fined himself to his instructions, which were to report on occurrences, for he had not been sent out with a mill. tart' command. Bat Col. Williams was not an ordinary man, and he therefore exceeded his instructions, and took upon himself an authority with which he had not been in vested, in order to carry out those objects which he thought necessary. It was quite true that in the early months he did not receive from our ambassador at the Porte that as sistance which it was desirable that he should have received. That was a great error on the part of Lord Stratford de Radcliffe, but it was mast unjust to assume that, because he did not reply to Col. Williams's letters, he did nothing else. He had several other matters of great importance to • attend to, and, considering the political intrigues against which he had to contend, he was deserving of credit for having done so much, rather than condemnation for not having done everything. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the propriety of recalling him, such an act would have been most imprudent ; it would not have saved Ears, while it would have deprived the Government of the services of the only competent man they could get to occupy the position ,of their ambassador at Constantinople. The Go vernment had strongly disapproved of the conduct of Lord Stratford do Redcliffe for neglecting Col. Williams. But whatever might have been the failings of Lord Stratford de Radcliffe, they proceeded from the indomitable nature of his character, and his worst enemies would admit th a t his experience o f the country—his energy— his talents— and the influence he had gained during a long and hon ourable career in the East—had been always used for the good of Turkey. It was to his experieuce that they were indebted for that Hatti-Scheriff which constituted the . Megua Charta of the Christian subjects in Turkey— a do cument which put an end to religious domination in that country, and which would have the effect of bringing to gether all ranks and classes, and cause a greater intercourse bAween Turks and Christians, which was one of the ob jects of the war. Such, however, as Lord Stratford de Lledcliffe was, it, was to the noble lord opposite that he was indebted fur a seat in their lordships' house ; but since he (Lord Clarendon) came own to the house, he understood that Lord Stratford do Redcliffe had some reason to com plain of the noble earl, who bad been at one time not in disposed to recall Lord Cowley, and send him (Lord Strat ford do Redcliffe) to Paris, to promote the harmony and cement the alliance with France. The Earl of MALIiESBURY never heard of such a proposition before. . The Earl of CLARENDON would then say no more on that subject. He was Lot now prepared to follow the noble earl through all the topics on which he had touched, but he would ask their lordships whether—stripping the subject of all party politics— any charge could be brought against her Majesty's Government with respect to Kars th,t did not equally apply to France? When he (Lord Clarendon) was in Paris with the Queen he pointed out what might have been the danger& of not relieving Kars, and he found the French Government fully alive to the matter ; but men of eminence, and military men, were of opinion that Sebastop o l sh o uld be first taken, and that a diminution of our force before that fortress, for the purpose of relieving Kars, might cause a failure at Se. b ,stopol. (Hear.) The fall of Kars, though a great dia. aster, had, however, no prejudicial effect on the nego tiations. With respect to Nicolaieff, it was but an act of justice that Russia should use it as a place for building those ships which, by the treaty, she was allowed to have in the Black Sea; but the protocols—which were, as moral obligations, as binding as the treaty—provided that neither at Nicolaieff, or Kberson, or the Sea of Azoff, or any of the northern rivers, should ever be constructed or maintain any vessels exceeding in number or size those prescribed by the treaty. Another point to which the noble earl alluded was the rectification of the Bessarabian frontier. The noble earl attributed to him (the Earl of Clarendon) and to his noble friend Lord Cowley, that they had submitted themselves to some mysterious influence on this subject. It was quite true that the Russian Pleuipe tiaries had brought forward a proposition to some extent at variance with the conditions which had been agreed to at Vienna, but that proposition had been at once rejected. But it appeared that the liue of frontier proposed in the Austrian conditions was by no means satisfactory. It appeared that there was great doubt as to the existence of a chain of mountains which were laid down on some maps and not ou others. It was thought that it would be alto gether a bad frontier, one likely to produce doubts and disputes, and that it would a; so include certain Bulgarian colonies in which Russia had taken great interest, and which the British consul at Galatz stated were in a most prosperous condition, enjoying the benefits of local go vernment, and freedom from conscription. The plenipo tentiaries thought that to insist on a line of frontier which was not a good one would be mere chicane, and therefore they agreed on a line so clear that it could not lead to doubt, which would give to Turkey both sides of the Danube, and give ; Moldavia 200 from the Pruth, and would remove all apprehensions that the Russians would build flotilla end carry them downwards to sea. Towards the east the frontier was traced from Lake Bonne Sole, of which one side only had before belonged to Moldavia, down to the sea. The navigation of the Danube was to be freed from all impetlimeats, a nd its regulation would be administered by a river commission appointed by the European Powers, on the same principle as that which regulated the 'Mine. He hoped that their lordships would concur in thinking that in that object the Plenipotentiaries had been successful. Now, with respect to the forts on the eastern coasts of the Black Sea. Not having gained any military successes in that country we were. certainly not in a condition to impose terms upon Russia with respect to Georgia and Miugrelia, and those other places s ituated in Asia Minor. Indeed it would have been difficult to know what conditions to impose. He could not restore these provinces to Turkey, because they would not have submitted to be so restored. The measure would have been a mere mockery, as the sympa thies of all the chieftains were in favour of Russia, who had behaved to them with great kindness. Next, with re gard to Circassia. It was remarkable that the only period during which there had been no movement on the part of Schamyl against Russia had boon during the two years of the late war. (Hear.) The Circassians had never shown the slightest wish to join the cause of the allies. On one soli tary occasion a chieftain told the captain of as English man-of-war that 10,000 men should be ready by a particu lar day, but when the day arrived not a single man was forthcoming. Besides, the Circassians had said that they would resist by force the destruction of the fortresses on the seaward. He (the Earl of Clarendon) had a letter from Gen. Williams, dated the 13th of April, 1855, stating that Schamyl was only to be found when an invading army was near Tiflis and that during the last year that much vaunted chieftain had made no attempt to keep the Rus sian army in check. In a subsequent letter, dated in Ang., 1855, Gen. Williams said that he had heard nothing of the movements of Schamyl. All this showed that there was no very great desire on the part of the Circassians to aid the cause of Turkey and of the allies. Not being in a po sitions to annul the territorial provisions of the treaty of Adrianople, he confined himself to that which was a real grievance to Turkey—to prevent those encroachments on the frontier line which had been a constant cause of quarrel. A mixed commission would be appointed for the complete rectification of the frontier line ; but not being able to annul the treaty of Adrianople, he could not, as CountOrloff said, require the destruction w ofefroerutrseesdsefsowhich e had been built at great expense, which purposes of blockade against smuggling, and which were required for the shelter of the troop s which must be sent there. These forts were in reality merely for internal pur poses ; but as the condition of the population had much improved there would welt be no necessity for any blockade and no danger could arise, as all the ports would be thrown open, and foreign consuls would be received to reside at them. He (the Earl of Clarendon) had now answered some of the objections which had been urged to the treaty by of course, he should be prepared to information which might be required. givehi s n oble any f f u ri r e t n h d e , r and, He felt that he had another duty to perform—namely, that he should in justice and gratitude bear unfeigned tes timony to the honourable conduct, perfect good faith, and straightforward proceedings of the Emperor of therrenchS (Hear.) The Emperor of the French occupied a great po! THE IRISH MILITIA. The Earl of CLANCARTY expressed a wish that the noble lord at the head of the War Department would give ample notice of his intention, if he bad such, to disembody the Irish militia. Lord PANM.URE said it was the intention of the Go vernment to commence the disembodiment of the Ini h Militia as soon as it was possible. It was quite evident that the Government were bound to take such a step in regard to the interests of the public service of the coun try. He proposed to proceed with the disembodi ment as cautiously as possible, so as to occasion as little inconvenience as posible, arid sa nefr, to throw any great body of unemployed men at once upon the country. THE TREATY OF PEACE. The Earl of ELLESMERE then rose to submit the following resolutions to the o3nsideration of the house : " That an humble address be presented to her Ma jesty, to return to her Majesty the sincere acknowledg ments of that house for the important communication which her Majesty has been graciously pleased to make to that house, of the general treaty concluded at Paris, on the 30th of March, between her Majesty, the Em peror of Austria, the Emperor of the French, the King of Prussia, the Emperor of Russia, the King of Sardi nia, arid the Sultan, by which peace has been re-esta blished between her Majesty, the Emperor of the French, the King of Mardinia, and the Sultan, on the one hand, and the Emperor of Russia on the other. " To assure her Majesty that while we should have deemed it our duty cheerfully to afford her Majesty the fullest support, if it had unfortunately been found neces sary to continue the war, we have learned with joy and satisfaction that her Majesty has been enabled to re• establish peace on conditions honourable to her Ma jesty's Crown, and which so fully accomplishes the great object for which the war was undertaken. "To express to her Majesty the great satisfaction which we feel, that while those alliances which have so mainly contributed to the vigorous and successful prosecution of the war have been equally effective in the consolidation of peace, the powers which have not taken any active part in the war have combined with the belligerents, and have given by their sanction and accession additional firmness to the arrangements by which the repose of Europe is in future to be protected from disturbance. "To state to her Majesty we rejoice that, notwith standing the great exertions which the late war has ren dered necessary, the resources of the empire have remained unimpaired. " To express a hope that the peace which is now con cluded may, under the favour of Divine Providence, long continue to shed its blessings over Europe, and that harmony amongst Governments, and. friendly intercourse amongst nations, may steadily promote the progress of civilisation, and secure the welfare and happiness of mankind." The noble earl having briefly noticed the main incidents of the war, proceeded to contend that the Treaty came fairly up to the mark of the objects for which we went to war, and that it fulfilled everything which they hail a reason to expect. By a steady adherence and con currence with our faithful ally —by firmness without menaces, by conciliation without weakness, by the demonstration of great strength with out its actual application, he believed we had arrived at a result which ought to be considered satisfactory to the Parliament and the country. It was the practice of some of our public writers to find fault with the terms of the treaty. lie could not see any ground for such an impression, although it had been said that England had been made the dupe of more subtle statesmen of other countries than his noble friend the Secretary of Foreign Affairs was. He could see nothing in the terms of the document to justify any such sentiment, nor was there any evidence of any attempt having been made to impose upon the unsus pecting innocence of his noble friend. The noble earl then proceeded to allude to the manner in which the . Emperor Alexander had acted with respect to the present treaty. When the name of Count Orloff was first mentioned as about to take a part in the negotia tions for peace, he believed that those best acquainted with men and things at St. Petersburg drew a favour able augury from it. It was in itself a favourable inti• mation of the character and intentions of the Czar, who, from no fault of his own, found the dawn of bis reign arose— " Not in the sunshine or the smile of Heaven, But wrapt iu whirlwiuds and begirt with woes." Ile hoped that he might live to repair by the arts of peace the ravages of war in his vast dominions, and he hailed the prospect that Russia, under his able and strong hand, might yet present a spectacle which Eu rope could look on without jealousy and alarm, but with sympathy and satisfaction ; and he trusted that the exertions of that sovereign would now be di rected to the development of the internal resources of his dominions. With respect to our Indian possessions we bad nothing to fear from Russia, for if anythieg in that direction was ever attempted it would be met.with a power and resistance such as never before had been known. The noble earl then, with evident emotion, passed a glowing eulogium upon Miss Nightingale and the late Lord Raglan, and having apologised for wandering from the subject of the motion, concluded by moving the above resolutions. _ Lord GLENELG, in seconding the motion, said he joined with his noble friend in expressing his delight that the period had arrived when they could thank her Majesty for the communication of this treaty. He - was one of those who two years ago cordially approved of the declaration of war, and he rejoiced to be among the foremost to welcome the return to peace. There were some evils which were greater than the evils of war, and great as were the blessings of peace, there were other blessings still greater. The question was whether, ge nerally speaking, the objects of the war had been satis fied, and whether this treaty fulfilled the objects of the war. If they looked to the state of Europe two years ago, and to its state at this moment, they would find grounds sufficient to congratulate her Majesty that the objects of the war had been satisfied honourably, and yet without contempt of the rights and feelings of other nations. (Elear.) Lo ,king at Europe two years ago Russia possessed a preponderating influence over a great portion of it. Germany felt the weight of that influence, and there was not a state on the continent that did not more or less feel it. Russia was gra dually absorbing Sweden ; the Principalities were in her grasp ; the Bal tic was covered with her fleet ; the Black Sea was bor dered with her fortresses. Turkey was already con demned by the sentence which her power enabled her to pronounce. That was the state of Europe at that pe riod ; hut what was its state now ? Turkey was awa kened from her trance, and indicated the possession of life and vigour; the Principalities were rescudd ; the Danube was free ; the Euxine was free ; the Ottoman empire was free. But there w as more t h an thi s. Th e conspicuous characteristic of this treaty was the modera tion of the two belligerents who commenced the war. When the war commenced, France and England an nounced to the world that they bad no desire of aggran disemeut. There were some nations w h o were disposed to regard that declaration with scepticism, because such declarations had beforetimebetn the prelude to conquest and spoliation ; hut on this Occasion that pledge had been honestly redeemed, and he said that that feature was the most satisfactory characteristic of the treaty. But there was incorporated in that treaty a most impor tant document, by which the Sultan had guaranteed civil and religious freedom to Christians in Turkey. For the first time the Sultan had red)gnised the rights of conscience and the rights of man. All honour and praise were due to him ; and honour and praise were due to that eminent man by whose exertions and unwearied efforts, in a great measure, this object had been accom plished—he meant Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. He thought also that great honour was due to those sove reigns of Europe who had ratified the treaty, and thus given their assent to the principles and the policy on which it was founded, who had thus introduced Turkey into the system of European policy. He ventured to say that this was a treaty that must command the approba tion of their lordships and the country. The Earl of MALNIESBETRY said he had thought the house would have heard something more about the provi sions of the treaty which they were invited to discuss. The two noble lords had made very eloquent speeches; but with out any discourtesy to them, he might ask whether the house knew any more of the treaty now than before those speeches were made? He should bo unwilling to make any severe remarks on this occasion, but he could not help ob serving that her Majesty's Government would have acted with more fairness, and more in conformity with the cus tom of Parliament, if at the time, or immediately after the time when they laid this treaty on the table, they had also laid upon the table the address which they intends) d to move. It was not till Friday evening that he, (Lord Malmesbury) got a copy of that address, so that, if he had wished to move any amendment to it with effect, and with the support of the whole body of his party, it would have been impossible for him to do so. 1 It might certainly have so happened that the rea son for that delay was that the address was framed in a manner perfectly unexceptional, that it was what his friend Baron Brunow used to call one adresse inodore, perfectly devoid of salt or savour, and which could not be objected to by any party. But such was not the case, and he was sorry to say that her Majesty's Ministers, carried away by the feeling of the moment, had made use of lan guage so exaggerated that he for one could not concur in the wording of the address. Her Majesty's Ministers had instructed the noble earl who began the conversation to night to recommend the house to assure her Majesty that they "had learned with joy and satisfaction that her Ma jesty had been enabled to conclude peace on conditions honourable to her Majesty's crown, and which fully accom plished the great objects for which the war was undertaken." Now, he could not concur in that. He believed the noble earl who moved the address, and who was en elegant writer, would, if the address had been also written by him have made the " joy" the climax to the " satisfaction," instead of allowing the "satisfaction to c ome a ft e r the " joy." But waiving such criticisms, he could not agree in using these words, for he thought the treaty was not such as would warrant the feelings they described ; and farther, so far as he understood the objects of the war—for he did mts., ► De- Pas. , but ,cter. and ench lana- rally , CS. ~' The last 807 g a hat hat lia, the 00. &r. for ne ith all all 10 ) all all all ( \