The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-17 00:00:00

the manner in which it had been prepared; yet now that very census was taken as one of the grounds of the en franchisement clauses. All the seven editions of the Bill differed from each other. They were like the seven children, of whom it was observed, that they exactly re sembled each other, but that there was no particular like ness between any two of them. The Government, for seven months, had been in a state of utter uncertainty as to the towns that were to be included in the schedules A and B. They now tell the people that they disposed of ten Members, by giving them to the first ten places in schedule B. The fact was, that the Noble Lord did not take away any Members from those towns, which he left to their original rights ; but by the language he used, the people of some of those towns fancied that they were to have three Alembers, the two they now possessed, and the one which the Noble Lord was to give them. The Noble Lord ought, in plain straight-forward English, to have stated his intention not to touch them; but then that statement would have confounded the parrot cry of .‘ the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill." He was glad that they had got rid of the riding Commis sioners, and that they were now to decide the question of the limits of counties and borouelis on materials to he laid before them. He only hoped that those materials would be laid before them in time. He begged to call the attention of the House to what were the rights of the agricultural, and what were the rights of the manufacturing interests ; and then the House would be able to form a judgment as to what were the real interest of this new Bill brought for ward by the Noble Lord. Out of the total number of boroughs that were now in existence in England. there were about 87—(he did not pretend to be exact in every figure that he stated, for so many variations had taken place that it was almost impossible to be exact in anything relating to the Bill)—but there were about 87 that were so be partially or wholly destroyed, and in every one a new stotistituency was to be thrown into it, for the purpose of opening the franchise of the plaees, according to the ac e runt of the Noble Lord and his coadjutors, or, as had been better described by an Hon. Friend of his in the course of the precious session, for the purpose of swamp ng it by the addition of other voters, which should destroy he present existing influence in those places, and exposing i t to the influence of a vast macs of persons who had pre viously been unconnected with the franchise of the place. Now, according to the Bill, al it stood at present, it ap peared that it was proposed to take *way what he shoUld call the conservative interest of the country, to the attwonnt of 144 Members : that is to say two for Wey mouth 112 out of schedule A, and 30 out of schedule B. On the other band, let them look for a moment at shat had been done in the way of addition to the popular interest; for this purpose, 44 Members had been given tbrongh schedule C, of whom eight were for the new metro- InAtan districts, and 19 through schedule D, all of whom were open to the objection that they were bestowed on places where there would be a contest for a single Member. On the whole, it appeared that there were 63 Members given to the manufacturing influence; and what was there to set against this for the agricultural interest? Two slew Members were given to Yorkshire, two to Lincoln ahire, eight to Buckinghamshire and the other counties that were added to it, in the place of giving three Mem bers to particular counties—a plan particularly objection. able, because it made a new distinction among voters were previously there had been no distinction ex l.sting ; three to the Welch counties, one to the Isle of Night, and 50 according to schedule F, making alto ther 66 Members, who, it was said, would be returned by the agricultural interest. But how did the matter stand in other respects? That boon which the Noble Lord had boasted of giving to the landed interest, and which was the preventing those who had votes for boroughs voting in any other way, was now, under this new modification to be taken away. In this respect he had been following the example of the last Bill he had introduced, and bail thrown into the country a number of voters who possessed a vire independent of their right of vote for the county, by being the occupiers of houses in boroughs standing in the county to which they belonged. In order to illustrate this, let them take the case of Birmingham or of Coven try ; and it was obvious that the voters from these places would inevitably flood the county in which they stood, and that the agricultural interest of Warwickshire must be entirely overborne by the popular interest. With respect to the schedules A and B, he must confess that he was utterly struck with astonishment when he observed the manner in which they were arranged. In the first place, there were to he 144 Members taken from the con s, rvative interest; the consequence of which would he, that a great alteration must take place in the relative proportion of the gentlemen of England in that Hou-e ; and while fresh privileges were given, that important ancient right of the 40s. freehold was to be taken away, unless it was a freehold of inheritance. He would come now to the most important part of the whole Bill, and that was the clause which had reference to the right of voting in boroughs and cities. In no two of all the Bills which the Noble Lord had introduced under the sanc tion of his Majesty's Government could the same principle be found on this point. At first the proposition was, that the 10/. clause should he confined to those houses that were dwelling-houses, and of which the value could be esti mated: then it was stated that counting-houses, ware• houses, lodgings, and houses in joint occupancy should he added; and, in fact, anything that would tend to add trouble and confusion to the provisions of a Bill already so mysterious that scarcely any one could be found to explain its provisions. It was then laid down as the proper stan dard, that the bona fide payment of the required rents was the proper proof to be demanded, and that that was the only way in which the occupancy of a 10/. house could he credited. But the Noble Lord soon found that that would not do, for Mr. Attwood, of Birmingham, told the num• hers who assembled to hear him, and who, as they were more numerous than this House, were naturally looked upon by the Noble Lord as of more importance, th .t this was the best clause in the world, for that it would pre vent their being any longer put upon by the freeholders. But, at all events, it was fitting and proper that the people should now understand what was the arrangemi nt under this new Bill, and what it is that they are going to have after all. According to thin Bill, as it now stands, it was absolutely necessary that a valuation of every house should take place every year, with all the attendant expences of surveyors, and attornies, and wit nesses ; not only every house, but every cottage, and every warehouse, and every counting-house, must he submitted to the same teat ; and certainly, after such an enactment as this, if the surveyors throughout the king dom did not send an address of thanks to the House of Commons and to the Ministers of so benign a Govern ment, for so satisfactorily taking care of their interests, they must he the most ungrateful set of persons in the whole world. It might be said that it was provided, that when men were once placed on the register as voters, they would net apply again; but this would not do with re spect to the valuation of houses, for it was well known that the value of such property was varying every year, and that an estimate made at the end of the year 1831, would be no criterion of the value of the same property at the end of the year 1832. He, therefare, asserted that a continual valuation must be going on every year, in order to see that what had been worth 101. the year before, bad not, through dilapidations and other causes, lost a portion of its value ; and this was so evident, that he defied the Noble Lord to contradict it. They already knew some thing of the way in which these things were managed, and how, when the question to be settled was whether a house was worth 101. a year, or only Si., a set of Magi strates, or a jury were assembled for the purpose of bear ing one set of surveyors swear that it was worth the former sum, and another set swear that it was only worth the latter ; and in such cases they had even heard it ar gued that the gooseberries and currants that were produced in the garden of a cottage, joined to the possibility of being able to let a room to a weekly tenant, ought to be allowed as sufficient to bring the place up to the 101. value, though it wasotherwise estimated at only 6/. This was one example of what had taken place, and it was a grand illustration of what would take place in every part of England, as soon as that part of the Bill should have passed into a law. The reason why be more particularly complained of this clause was, because it would not only be the means of in troducing considerable legal inconveniences, but likewise one of the most fearful moral offences that it was possible for any Act of Legislation to encourage. Ile did not hesi tate to say that this clause held out to the 'saver classe s of England the most direct temptation to perjury —perjury, too, of that kind, that it was scarcely possible that it could be resisted. It seemed to him to hold out an invitation so strong, and the power of using it for a beneficial purpose so impossible to he evaded, that be felt convinced that this one clause, should it pass, would produce more perjury . in one year than all the rest of the enactments of the empire put together; because every man would think that he had a crime off of his conscience, by saying to himself " Wells atter all, it was only a matter of opinion that I have been swearing to." If, then, he was correct in this position, it was not too much to say that this clause seemed to be in troduced for the purpose of establishing a real practical grievance, without any adequate reason for its being per sisted in. The 10/. clause in its present shape required t d the occupant should be rated for the poor ; but no 1 - ithiNtif imseary, so that whether he was rated for ,l i a a a a s . it, s . A . . (F. i4t . ra equally efficacious, so long as he had paid t ao rtinaV4l4 Fara te and his amount of assessed taxes. 'f he ~.„4 4 SW.Ler(ll4:flisperased with the requiring that the rent ( edV‘"4 - .. - , .:a a -e ag,'..i I nrel '' . a..a .- ,'-as' a•a.s. ia_a -e:‘'''' ~~ i 04 should be paid, at his (Sir E. Sugden's) suggestion, he believed ; hut still it was evident, from the tendency of the present clause, that there was a hankering in his mind after the same thing, though he had transferred it from the rent to the assessed taxes, and required that every one should bring to the polling booth his receipts for those taxes ; so that it seemed that the only difference was, that the landlord was to be left to take care of himself, and that the great anxiety of the Noble Lord now was, that the King's Exchequer should be duly filled, which no doubt arose from his being aware that the state of the Exchequer was one of the great sources of the mechanical power. Care, however, ought to be taken that the people should be made fully acquainted with the fact, that the unde niable effect of this clause would be to produce a long series of yearly litigation. But he had not yet noticed all the extraordinary provisions which had been made in this Bill by the Noble Lord. In the first place, it was pro vided that the landlord should be rated to the poor, and that lie should be liable to the payment of those rates ; and yet, after that, there was an arrangement by which the occupier might claim the right of paying the poor rate for the premises which he occupied. Now what could the Noble Lord expect from such an enactment as this—but the most beautiful clashing and confusion in the state of the poor book ; it could not by any chance be otherwise ; for, according to this plan, there were to be two persons paying for the same premises, and in the event of non-pay ment there must, necessarily, be a confusion as to the individual from whom the payment was to be enforced and the rate to be recovered. But this was not all ; he wanted the Noble Lord to tell him at what period the occupant's claim to pay the poor rate was to be made—whether it was to be before the registra tion or after it ; and if after the registration, whether it must in that case necessarily be before the time for giving his vote arrived ? It must strike every one that this Bill, as soon as it should become the law of the land, would produce two consequences completely independent of the general results of this measure. In the first place, it would necessarily give rise to the establishment of nominal wages, and of a consequent increased advance in the rents of houses occupied by the lower orders; this was quite evi dent, so long as there was such a strong inducement held out to convert a house of 61. or Si. a year, into one of 101. a year. Every man who had in his employment a number of workmen, who might, perhaps, be only just raised above the condition of beggary, and who provided them with habitations, as was frequently the case in many parts of the country, would find it very convenient to raise the wages of those men nominally, so as to allow for the difference of charging the sum of 101. a year rent for their houses, instead of the smaller sum which they had previously been in the habit of paying ; by which means he would have the ad vantage of being able to place them in the registry, with the prospect of commanding their votes according to his interest when the period of election should arive. Another operation of the Act which he was going to mention, and which, be imagined, no one could doubt for a moment, was such as entitled the Bill, in his opinion, to a new name; and he should, there fore, lie glad to find, that in future it was to be called a Bill for the encouragement of the growth of 101. houses—not that the houses would become better in their condition, or more valuable as a bona fide property, but because the action of the Bill would be to sweep away all those rents that were just below the stand ard fixed therein, and to merge them in one universal 101. renting. The consequence of this change would be, that a general alteration of the most extensive nature would take place throughout the whole of the country, and there would spring, up in every district, but more particularly in those connected with the manufactures of the country, an entirely new species of constituency, sufficiently rime rous in themselves to overbear all the rest of the voters of the kingdom. The great disadvantage of this would be, that it would be adding fresh strength to the Political Unions that were already too powerful, and which, he feared, would at last possess an entire controul over the actions of the House of Commons; besides which, the annual registration which would be necessary would anon teach the people to make a demand for annual elections, in order that they might not hare their time wasted for nothing. The lion. and Learned Gentleman then ad verted to the barristers that were to he appointed under the Bill, and protested against that part of the measure, as putting by far too much political power into the hands of the Lord Chancellor, who, what with this Bill, and what with the Bankrupt Act, would have a direct controul over every barrister and every attorney in the kingdom, The Honourable and Learned Gentleman proceeded to say that the time for making the registry and for making pre parations for the election would be a time of excitement ; and what, he would ask, would the election itself be ? The Noble Lord thought he would gallop through it in two days, but that was impossible. If it were possible that the election was to be carried on at several different places, so that no freeholder should have more than fifteen miles to travel, there would be a great many polling places, and the exuenee, instead of being lessened, would be as great as if the election were to last thirty day's. He considered that all the machinery invented by the Noble Lord was quite unnecessary, and would be worse than useless. It was only calculated to create confusion and disorder. Another ob jection ,s hich lie had to the Bill was the great power it conferred on the metropolitan districts. For that he had not beard any good reason ; and that, he considered, would be full of danger. Should it be carried into execution, he was afraid that would occur here which had happened in a neighbouring kingdom. There Paris was all France, and the people looked exclusively to the capital ; but he hoped that London would never become all England, and that the people would never forget thasnselres to con. sider only London. There was a great danger in giv ing so much power to the metropolis. He had him self seen, on a late occasion, a proclamation, issued by the King, posted up at a place where a sentinel was parading ; and adjoining the King's proclama tion was a proclamation of an individual, advising the people not to meet, lie called it a proclamation, fur it seemed to have all the authority of one. In that pro clamation, too, the people were told not to meet, be cause the recommendation to meet came from the blood thirsty boroughinongers, who only wished to lead the people into mischief. The King's Government issued one proclamation, and some individual issued another, pre scribing the conduct of the people. Here they saw, too, the individuals who had done their duty in Parliament marked out for destruction—for it was marking them out for destruction, and encouraging the people to shed their blood, by representing all those as boroughmongers and opposed to the wishes of the people who were inimical to the Bill. To that danger Parliament would be exposed, and exposed to it in a greater degree in proportion as the inhabitants of the metropolis had an influence over the House. He objected; therefore, to the Bill, that it most unwisely added to the power of the metropolis. If it was passed, toe, he thought it would not be possible, after its evils were made manifest, to alter its provisions. If the Bill brought in last session had been passed, it was clear that the House would not have been able to alter its ob noxious enactments. The House would not then have been able to do what it bad done, by bringing in the pre sent Bill. The House of Commons had been stigmatised by the Noble Lord himself, and would have been, if the Bill had passed, unable to fulfil its functions. But why should that House destroy itself? Must it die to give birth and perfection to its own creation ? In doing that, the new Parliament would have no ties to the old, and it was well known that all new bodies began by destroying the usages of the old bodies. In a new Parliament, therefore, if the measure lately introduced by the Mi nisters into that House were to he introduced, they must agree to all its absurd provisions. They would be told it was the very measure they had advocated—their own offspring—their own descendant; and if a reformed Par liament wished to go farther, the Ministers would have no principle on which they could resist it. He called on the House, before passing the Bill, to give his Ma jesty's Ministers time to try and bring in a more moderate measure. He had the authority of Mr. Attwood for say ing that this Bill was more democratic than the last, and a measure which he regarded as more democratic could never receive his (Sir E. Sugden's) assent. This Bill was creating a new Constitution. There was nothing like it in the world—there never was any thing like it—and no man could tell what would be the result. The wisest man who ever lived could not tell how it would work, and what it would produce. The House should recollect that it was not only one Bill that was before them. There was also a Reform Bill for Ireland, and a Reform Bill for Scotland. It was admitted that if the Reform Bill for Scotland were carried, it must be an extensive Reform, as that mighty Reform would operate a great change on the mass of the constituency of the whole country. The same would be the effect of the Irish Reform Bill. It would give new rights of voting, and a new constituency. In Ireland the nomination boroughs had been done away before the Union, end he had the authority of the Right Hon. Baronet (the Member for Waterford) for saying, that at that period the constituency of Ireland was purely po pular, and as much so as it could be, consistently with the safety of the empire. If that were true, what could be expected from now making it more popular and more democratic ? The Hon. and Lear ne d M em b er conc l u d e d by professing that his motive was only the benefit of the country, and by expressing a hope that the public would attribute such a motive to those who opposed the Bill. lie declared, too, that he was nut an enemy to rational Re- form, that he would support a moderate Reform, 1 ut he could not support this Bill. He would, therecre, support the amendment. The amendment was then put from the Chair. Mr. E. L. BULWER said, he had listened to th e speeches of Hon. Gentlsmen opposite with attention, and was glad to find that the question was not one of mere abstract principle, but whether a particular plan of Re. form was that best adapted to the admitted wants of the country. The Hon. Gentleman proceeded at some length to combat the arguments usually urged against the Reform Bill--that it tended to weaken the just influence of the House of Lords in the decisions of the Legislature, and to add to the democratic institutions of the country at the expense of the aristocratic. Hon. Members had objected to the extensive nature of the last Bill. Why ? Because it was not right to weaken the aristocracy to give strength to the democratic spirit. They had rejected the Bill, and what in this respect was the consequence ? Were the aris tocracy now safer than they were before—had any cheek been imposed on the progress of the democratic spirit —or had they not fed the popular fervour to a fiercer heat by the dangerous fuel of continued excitement ? A great dif ference must be made between the excitement which grows naturally out of a Constitution and that e xcitement whirl, opposes it. Popular agitation was a necessary ingredient in free countries, but in good Governments it was worked off by legitimate means. In America there was no dang er in the ferment of opinions—free elections furnished them with natural vents. But that excitement which now be longed to tea—the excitement that paralysed trade—that benumbed industry—that ripened towards universal po verty and universal discontent—that produced the desire, and, if not soon allayed, might produce the necessity, for National Unions and Political Associations—he held to be fraught with the darkest and the moat irremediable evils to that country in which it was long suffered to exist ; ebove all, if that country were a commercial country_ above all, if it had supported its greatness by an artificial system—above, all, if credit had become so vital a part of its prosperity, that every popular mistrust was the ,nevi ' table forerunner of a stagnant trade and a crowded bank rupt list. Why Was Manchester more democratic than Liverpool ? Because Manchester was unrepresented. Let England be as liberal to Manchester ; give a free vent to opinion in both, and if h-reafter they are startled by the mighty course of that opinion, they should at least be no longer endangered by its explosion. Hon. Gentlemen had said that Reform would operate against the three aristo cracies of all civilised countries—the aristocracy of talent, of the Church, and of rank and wealth. Now, with re gard to the first, it was said that men of retired and cul tivated habits of mind, not being able, either from pecu liarities of disposition or circumstances, to brave the chances of a popular election, were returned to this House by means of a close borough ; and it was argued from that that close boroughs were necessary for their return. He waived altogether those long theoretical disquisitions which had been so copiously indulged on this point ; yet what, he asked, was the practical result of free elections abroa I ? Look to America, there elections are of all countries the most popular, and there of all countries that class of men he alluded to found the readiest access to po litical honours. Look even to their President, for in one memorable instance he would absolutely find the man who had attained the chief magistracy, the highest honour the republic can bestow, an Academician, and a Professor of Letters. In France, he allowed, elections were not popular, but there, at least, they had no close boroughs; yet most of those who had distinguished themselves in politics—M. deniers, M. de Guizot, M. de Bignon—belonged ex actly to those classes whom the Hon. Member declared close boroughs could alone return to the national councils. Were they then to believe that France and America were more alive than England to ability and merit 7—lf so, we have the remedy—a high and noble remedy, in our own hands—that remedy lies in no system of corruption and perjury; it has no charm that clings to the walls of Old Sarum, that remedy lies in a general education of the people.—(Hear, hear.) If the people cannot appreciate knowledge--diffuse knowledge, and they will. Are Hon. Members afraid of the power of the democracy ? Instruct the people as to their interest, and they will transfer at once the power of the democracy to the power of intelli gence. Hon. Gentlemen next said the Church was to miller, and he for one would not deny that the Church must undergo souse great and efficient Reform—(Hear) — if Reform in the eyes of Hon. Gentlemen were always to signify destruction. But was the Church in no danger now? He would tell them that in one memorable night a tar deeper wound was inflicted on the ecclesiastical esta blishments of England tha❑ twenty years would have ef fected if that Bill had been passed, and the people had been brought to see in the defenders of the Church the supporters also of the people. Was the Church in danger now-why ? Because it was unpopular ! Unpopularity was the only source of danger to any constitutional authority. The institutions the people begin to believe inimical to their interests begin al ready to fail. If they would render the ecclesiastical esta blishment safe, they must render it beloved. It was the same with the aristocracy of rank. Popularity was the condition of their existence. The Member for Caine had proved in his speech in the last session that the laws which the public refused to acknowledge fell at once into disrespect and disuse. It was the same with persons as with laws—with the Legislative Assembly as with the le gislative enactment. Opinion gave its only sanction to both. When Hon. Members accused us Reformers, then, of stripping the aristocracy of power, did they mean to say that we stripped them of the love, and esteem, and gratitude of their countrymen? That was the only power they possessed. No ! that task was reserved for the Anti- Reformers. It was they who wakened the aristocracy b y alienating them from the hearts of the people. Would you preserve them ? identify them with the people ! Would you strengthen their interest ? make their inte_ rest and the interest of the people one ! When William IV, came to the throne, Kings were not popular. Who now ever says a word against a Monarchy.—(Cheers.) Black hooks were not published about the King. He is not ca lumniated, for his people would not purchase, and cherish, and foster—they would scout the calumny. Why se e , this? Because the King had conciliated opinion. —(Rear, hear.) Let the aristocracy do the same, and they will, i❑ their turn, put down calumny and clamour at once. For himself individually (concluded the Hon. Gentleman), he cared not how soon he may be called upon to relin quish his seat in this House. But he trusted, at least, that he should be here to witness the full accomplish ment of this gm-eat measure. He knew that be should see that House faithful to its former pledges, but he trusted he should also see another assembly wisely and magnani mously reversing the decree which has separated itself from the people. He said wisely, for till within the last two years, why was it that no foreigner could enter the country, without surprise at the almost servile respect for an Aria. tocracy, that pervaded all classes ? Why was it that the English Nobles were, as a body, the most powerful in Europe ? Was it not because in the great crisis of past history, instead of opposing, they led the way to popular institutions ? they blended themselves socially and legisla tively with the people ; they grew with the growth of that people and strengthened with its strength. He said wisely, because, if they would recur to their former power, they must recur to their former popularity. He said, too, magnanimously as well as wisely reversing their past decree—for whatsoever consequence may attend that reversal—whatsoever may be the future operations of that public mind which we can only temper, not prophetically anticipate, or permanently direct, the reversal of that de cree, the concession to this Reform, will stand forth at least to posterity a great memorial ; that in the hour of danger and trial, the Peers of England did not persist in dividing themselves from that people with whom hitherto their proudest distinctions have been associated ; but that, conscious of time justice of their high cause, they entrusted it willingly to that free tribunal of opinion before which falsehood is indeed condemned, but truth is eternally triumphant. . _ _ Lotd MAHON said, that he had given this Bill his best consideration, and was anxious to vote for the second reading; but he was compelled to say, that with no disposition to oppose all Reform, he could not support the motion for the second reading. There were several changes made in it—the Com missioners bad been done away—the census of 1831 had been adopted—the principle of houses and property had been substituted for population—all changes which had been recommended and enforced by the arguments on that (the Opposition) side of the House ; but the Bill was not sufficiently altered to make it acceptable to him. The alterations were quite large enough on which to found a party triumph—(Hear, hear, hear)—but they were not enough to remove the danger which threatened the country. He still saw in the Bill enactments enough I to produce mischief—it was still the same sweeping measure of disfranchisement, and it still continued the same practical evil of the 101. qualification. To that qualification others had objected, on account of its amount ; he also objected to its uniformity.—(Hear, bear.) It sacrificed the high interests above it, and the interests below it. If it were a proper franchise for Leeds, that proved it would be improper for Greenwich. —(Bear, hear.) The highest were excluded from all in fluence, and the lowest from all franchise. He knew that pot-wallopers and such persons held themselves to be re presentatives of their class, and in the present system the high and the low found they possessed a share of the re presentation. All places, indeed, were not represented, but all classes were under the old system.—(Hear, hear.)l Under the new all places would lie represented, but not all classes.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill would establish an aristocracy of 101. voters.—(Hear, and a laugh.) . , It was no slight advantage for a poor man to suppose that he was represented by the Member for Preston or Ponte fract, and was not excluded for all time. It was not wise to establish a single uniform right. It excluded both the highest and the lowest. It lopped off the head and feet of the body politic.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. anti Learned Gentleman had stated that no other Constitution was ever like this; and that therefore the results of this new Con- ' stitution could not be known. But with great deference to that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, he thought there bad been Constitutions like it, which strengthened the view he and the Learned Gentleman lost of this present plan. The French Constitution, which was accepted by Louis XVI., was like this. That Constitution struck out the nobles, and excluded the peasants. It cut off the highest and the lowest, and based itself on the middle classes, and deceived the ex pectations of those who demandel it. What was the re sult? The Nobles left the capital and took refuge in the country, or fled from their native land, and became its hostile invaders. And what did the lower orders do ? They rose in a mass, and swept away the Constitution. The old aristocracy, which had been destroyed, had de served, and obtained the respect of the people ; but they slighted and despised the new aristocracy of shopkeepers.— (Hear.) They felt nothing of the new aristocracy but its burthens ; it had no stability—it shook froin its own weight, and when resisted, fell. He knew that he was touching what had been called an exhausted subject in re (erring to the French Revolution ; but the example was so apt that he could not forbear to quote it. Another ex ample of such a Constitution was to be found in a country, the history of which was not so much and closely studied I as it deserved. The new Constitution to be made for this country would be found to resemble the Constitution of a • country that, und e r it hail been destroyed ; he alluded to the Constitution of Poland.—(Hear ! and a laugh). The r old political Constitution of that country was founded on • an unmixed aristocracy of a middle class. Gentlemen • might laugh ; but it was so close a resemblance, that pre , cisely the same proportion of voters were to be found in ; Poland, in proportion to the people, as the 101. voters bore to the people of this country.—( Hear, and a laugh.) That was a matter of arithmetic. In 1675, the population of Poland was 5,000,000, and the number of voters was 120,000, which bore the same proportion to 5,000,000 as 500,000 voters, under the new Constitution, bore to our 20,000,000 of people. The monarchy of Poland was elective, and if many of their nobles had not great wealth, they had great power; they had all the privileges of a feudal aristo cracy, and possessed great power. The case was the same in Poland as in England, If the House looked also to the case of Spain, it would find that, under the Cons!, the high and the low were excluded from their share of political power. The great difficulty was, to combine security of property with freedom of action ; this combinas tion, which was not to be effected by an individual, was here the growth of time; it was here attained, and why should it be thrown down ? If it could be conferred by a paper Constitution, why had it not been conferred by the Constitutions which had been made ? And if not con ferred in other countries, could it be reasonably ex pected in this ? He remembered that Montesquieu said, that a bad old law, to which the people were accustomed, was better than a good new law. The old law was en grafted into the affections and habits of the people, while the new law was nothing but parchment and ink. It had no hold of the affections of the people, and they knew a " breath could make it as a breath had made." Any moderate Reform he might have been disposed to accept, but from this measure he had nothing but apprehen.ions. He was sure that it would expose the country to great danger, and he could not look on it but with dismay. It was said that the measure was to be final, but how could that be hoped for, when it gave one Member to 2,000 per sons, two Members to 4,000, and in other cases gave only one Member to 12,000, and two Members to 30,000 in habitants in other places ? There was in that no equality, and could he no permanency. What answer could the Ministers make to the Radicals ? On what principles could they refuse to surrender more than by the present Bill ? In the counties, too, they pretended to preserve some kind of proportion, but they gave two Alembers to the West Riding of Yorkshire, and two to the county of Rutland. On what principle was this? He saw no principle either of wealth or population which could dic tate such proceedings. It was said that objections on the score of anomaly came with a bad grace from those who opposed all change, and who condemned these anomalies, when the only way to get rid of them was to make the Bill more sweeping. But that argument was not well founded, for that side of the House had laid down no principle it had not followed out, while the Ministers had laid down a principle which they had not followed out.— It would have been possible to have brought forward a plan of moderate Reform, which should not have involved a principle of continual and further change. It might have been founded on giving the franchise to a certain number of large towns, and on striking off a number of small boroughs. That might have been the beginning and the end : and that might have been a final measure.— ( Hear, and a laugh.) Then when the Radic ils demanded more, they might be told that nothing more was intended, and that the principle acted on involved nothing more.— The Government, however, had adopted a large general principle, and had no right to complain of others having followed out their proposition. It had been objected to the present borough system that certain persons possessed the power of nominating the Members of that House; but what could be said of the city of Chester, in which nomination always prevailed? What would be said of the one Member for the county of Derby, and the two Members for the county of Westmorland ? And what, he would ask, would be said by the Radicals of other counties, placed in the same situation by the new Bill, at the time they were told that the system of nomination was to terminate at once and for ever.—(Hear.) It was said, that the 8,11 was to destroy all nomination, and it was said its arrangements were to be final. The Noble Lord who introduced the Bill declared, on the 21st of last March, that he could not bring himself to support a measure of Reform so extensive and so complete but that he was convinced it would be final. But was it final ? Had the Bill then introduced proved to be so ?—(Hear.) The numberless changes introduced into it during the course of their discussions, and the new Bill now introduced, wa s his answer to the question.—(Hear hear.) They had been told that the Bill would satisfy all, and put an end to the discussions on the subject of the ballot. But when he read in the Newpapers an address to the people of Leeds, intimating that the question of ballot was postponed for future consideration, what was his surprise may be ima gined by the House, when he found that address signed Thomas Babington Macauley—(Hear, hear)—and that, , too, after his Hon. Friend had been one of the foremost to impress on the House the advantages of a final settlement of the question ?—(Hear.) His Hon. Friend (Mr. Ma cauley) had told them, ton, in replying to the objections raised against the attack made on the privileges of the aristocracy, that no one thought of invading the rights of the House of Lords, except some crazy radical in a corner ; and yet, in a speech of that Hon. Gentleman, he had found nearly the whole of its topics were turned into a bitter attack on the House of Lords.—(Hear, hear.) This was the way in which they were to expect the question to be settled. These were specimens of what they must look to as the consequences of carrying the Reform Bill.— (Hear.) For his part he had now done. He had humbly attempted to discharge his duty to that House and to his country : and at the latest moment of his life he would reflect with pleasure on having formed one of those who raised their voice in favour of a House of Commons which be deeply feared he was destined to reverence much more thap any of its successors, and of having honestly and boldly taken this course, which, in his conscience, he believed to be the right one—a course which he had deliberately cho sen, and he hoped stedfastly maintained.—(Cheers.) Mr. T. B. MACAULEY hoped that, as he had been personally alluded to by hie Noble Friend, he might, in the first place, be permitted to take a course not often very agreeable to the House, and say a very f ew wor d s respect ing himself. His Noble Friend had alluded to his opinions about the ballot. Now he positively denied having said a word in that House about the ballot. Not one syllable about the ballot ever crossed his lips; and the reason was, that his opinions on that subject had been gradually formed, and were therefore not brought forward. He had never, indeed, considered that question as one of paramount importance : and he would have abstained from bringing it under consideration until those circumstances arose which were beyond his controul, and which would not permit it to be delayed. Applying himself now to the Bill, he would say, that it was founded, in his opinion, on pre cisely the same principles as those of the last ; and even if there were some alterations of which he could not en tirely approve, he would say that, if giving con sent to them had the effect of promoting conciliation, and secur ing the end they had in view, lie, for one—for the sake of the trade of the country—for the sake of public peace and public prosperity —w as anxious that they should abandon all minor differences, so that the Bill might as speedily as possible pass into a law.—(Hear, hear.) In justice, how ever, to that House, anti to all who supported the Bill of last session, he must add, that he found no cause for that ex ultation respecting the terms of the present Bill in which some Members opposite had indulged ; but in which his Noble Friend (Mahon) possessed too much taste and dis cretion to join.—(Hear.) They had been told, that by dmitting the present Bill to be better than the last, they were pronouncing a severe censure on the majority which carried it through that House. They were told that the deepest gratitude was due to the other Nlemberm of that House which had afforded them an opportunity of recon sidering their decision. They were taunted with having abandoned their opinions and changed their principles, by those whose magnanimity, or at least their discretion, should have deterred from such a proceeding.—(Hear.) He (Mr. Macauley) remembered an Opposition which had taken a far different tone. He remembered an Opposition which, after labouring on for years—after seeing every plan and every suggestion outvoted by the Government, raised no shout of triumph—(Hear, hear)—rejoiced with no un generous shout of exultation, when they saw all their re commendations justified by the adoption of the Govern inent.—( Hear.) That Opposition was content to see those who came in at the eleventh hour receive the reward due to those who had toiled in the heat of the day.—(Hear.) There was a time when the Noble Lord (Russell), and the Right Honourable Baronet (Peel), occupied very different positions ; that in the course of a single day the whole of the views of the Government were changed with respect to the Test and Corporation Acts. Did the Noble Lord, or any one who sat on his side of the House, utter one word about Palinodes—(Hear, hear)—or praise his own wisdom by sneering at the course adopted by his op ponents ?—(llear, hear.) He felt no sorrow nor ex pressed no regret, when he saw the glory due to Romilly and to Grattan transferred to less glorious champions-- (Hear, hear.) That Noble Lord made it no matter of taunt that Government had adopted the plans of the Op position. He did not blame those for not reading their re cantation, whose names will go down to posterity remem bered for nothing, save a whole life of recantation.— , (Hear, hear.) But he (Mr. Mecauley) would say there was no cause for triumph. The Bill, it was true, was a better Bill.—(A I iugh from the Opposition.) His own opinion undoubtedly was that the Bill had been improved ; but the other Bill would have been the better Bill had it passed.—(A laugh.) Second thoughts were always pro.. verliially allowed to be best ; but there were times when delay became worse than the hope of improvements. He did not mean to deny that the first Bill had defects; but was there no crisis which made it dangerous to delay a settlement of the question ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Was there no evil in having, for nearly two years, the whole business of a great nation suspended or delayed, on ac count of that Bill ? Was there no dander in allowing the heart of a great people to sink tinder hope deferred ? The second Bill was an amendment 9f the first; the first would have been superior had it had passed, because it was the first, and because they might then have had some prospect of securing a reconciliation between the supporters of the Bill and their opponents. From the second Bill, he con fessed plainly, he did not venture to hope so much, for he feared that the remembrance of the late unhappy division would long continue to rankle in the hearts of the people. —(Hear.) It is said, however, that they should not legis late in times of excitement. Let those be answerable for the consequences of that, who, when the people were not excited, refused even to entertain the question of Reform. —(Hear, hear.) If they were to adopt the arguments of these persons, or to follow in their footsteps, they would proclaim, that when the people were noisy it was unsafe to Reform, and when the people were quiet they would consider it unnecessary. He knew the evils of legislating in dines of excitement. He was sensible it produced errors, and had many defects ; but prudent men were compelled to reform fast, because bigots would not reform early—(Hear, hear)—to reform boldly, because bigots would not reform temperately.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The former Government would not walk, the present Govern ment must therefore run.—(Cheers and laughter from the Opposition.) If they had reformed gradually, their successors might have been now reforming gradually; but they were compelled to run, because their prede cessors would not move at all.—(Cheers and laughter.) He approved, be had said before, of the greater part of the 1111. He was sure it would diminish much the expence of elections and give a sounder and better constituency. It had been contended, however, that there would be no opening left for the admission of men of talent into the House through the means of the great towns. Now be believed that the great towns had never shown any indif ference to the claims of men of talent. He would not (although he might do so with safety) refer to the living examples of the fact. He would speak solely of the dead ; and lie found that the five largest town. in the empire— that is, the towns which returned two Members, and had a population above 50,000 by the census of 1821—he found that these towns, which were Westminster, South wark, Liverpool, Bristol, and Norwich, had, at various times, returned the following persons as their representa tives :—Burke, Fox, Sheridan, Windham, Tierney, Can ning, and Huskisson.—(Hear, hear.) fie would take the first five of the boroughs in schedule A, or list five, or any five of them, and he doubted much whether it would be found that they could produce such a list of great names as these five towns had selected for their represen tatives. He admitted that the expence of the contest for these places might be most ruinous ; but that was the strongest argument that could he produced in favour of the Bill. The argument of the supporters of the present sys tem was, that one vice must he supported because another was necessary ; that one abuse must be preserved to cor rect another abuse ; that because profusion and corruption were necessary at Liverpool, nomination should prevail at Gatton.—(Hear.) This, he contended, proved beyond any thing else, the propriety of the changes they proposed, and the good of not retaining a part of the abuses, but re moving them, on the contrary, altogether. Men might sly they came into that House unshackled and free to ex ercise their discretion on every subject which came before them. But was it nothing that they came with the badge of servitude, which rendered all their actions suspicious, and made their abilities worse than useless, and often pre sented the spectacle of an Ariel doing the drudgery of Sycorax ?—(Hear, hear.) He believed, from all the inqui ries he had made, that the places which, under the ell system, must be contested at an expense of 18,0001., would, under the new, be carried for 18001., and that Manchester could be contested for the market price of Old Sarutn.—(Hear-) He was not insensible to the excite ment which prevailed, nor to the danger which the rejec tion of the last Bill had so much increased. Whenever there was great excitement, there would be some extrava gance. The contests of the Reformation had given birth to the Anabaptists. The opponents of Star Chamber pro secutions, and the levying of ship-money, had raised up those who overthrew the Monarchy ; and no one could deny that the agitation of the Reform question had brought into action a set of men whose opinions were at variance with all government, all law, and all order—whose doctrines, if carried into effect, would be a greater curse to the country than a foreign conquest, and which must, in their working, sweep away arts, commerce, manufactures, and science in one common ruin. —(Hear, hear.) Much had been said of the extravagance of the expectations of the. people, and of the credulity with which they listened to bad ad visers, and of the violence of language in which they in dulged. There were, however, among the Members of that House, few who would acknowledge how querulous they became when suffering under pain, and in sorrow. It was a proverb in Scotland, that there is ill talking be tween the full and the fasting ; and it was scarcely fair to blame the mechanic for inconclusive logic, when his children were crying for bread.—(Cheers.) He had no complaints to make against the working classes. Ile had pleasure in seeing that they were to receive so large an ad dition to their constitutional privileges ; and if he with held all that they demanded, it was because he thought that the remainder would not prove a d vantageous to them. He admitted that the end of all Go vernment was th e h w happiness of a : l s the n innlofotthepeople ; b ut h e conten d e d t h at the hap piness tobe obtained by i ns i st i ng on the doctrinesfulfil ment taught them at the present of conceiveproprietors a prospect in srope favourct more of appalling Reform. than me ment by unprincipl e d an d l ow-m i n d e d fl atterers. That property was in dan ger s h ou ld b e a reason f or t h e un i on of all scarcelyHe ouldclasses that which soc i ety presented at this moment in England. A narrow-mi n d e d, pertinacious party abov e —a n infuri ated multit u d e b eneath; one eager to obtain possession of power—th e ot h er w i ll i ng to run any hazard to retain it ; c one looking on property as the only test of wisdom—the other holding all property as an abuse; and both so utterly ignorant of their own true interests, that he prayed God the State might never experience the misery of the result ' of their coming into collision. Between both those par ties there stood, however, a third, far more powerful than either, and destined, lie hoped, to save both from the miseries of their infatuation or their extravagance—that third party wnich had rallied round the supporters of the first Reform Bill, and which, he believed, would rally round the supporters of the second with equal zeal and steadiness. To that party—the vast body of the intelli gent middle ceases—he looked with hope and confidence. With the flower of the aristocracy at their head, and the flower of the working classes at their back, that third party declared that it is their will to have Reform, but not revolution—that they are determined to restrain se dition, and that they will not suffer the rights of property to be invaded—(Cheers)—to a termination, whether happy or unhappy, it was plain the struggl e mus t zioss. speedily come, and all observation of the history of Eng land showed the propriety of a concession to the spirit of its democracy, and that it has been regulated by laws as fixed as that of motion and attraction. They were not to look to the infancy, but to take the whole lifetime of 80- ciety, and the history of England showed timr, stages the yielding of the Government to the pr society.—(Hear, hear ) The laws of villeinage pressions of the Romish See and of the Church land, the prerogatives of the Crown, the Censors' Press, have given way ; and lastly, the abuses of re Lion are now y ielding to the !URIC irresistible pool Stuarts had found it impossible to govern like the Ti the vigour of Richelieu and all the craft of Maze not have enabled Charles to aesume the power teeth, and it was now utterly imposssible for the sentative of the House of Brunswick to pursue tie adopted at the accession of that family to the throe controul of man over the political it orld was as' that over the physical ; he who struggled age course was borne along by its Dower—he whore was crushed by its weight. It was not by abs° by relative degrees of oppression that nations sett to madness. That which was harmless in Engle be destructive in Morocco. A Stamp Act, so hat scarcely to be felt by the forefathers of the Purity England an empire, and a system of government , than that of Louis the MA I 6. but of the same el l ' persisted in by Louis X Vlth. deprived him of R and his life. The history of England afforded, br all the illustration which could be desired. The went of Efz died' was better than that of IP Eighth; the reign of Charles much more mild th of Edward the Sixth, which was still referred' content and exultatation ; but the superior milder" rule could not save Charles from the scaffold. comparisons with respect to the progress of society opinions of the past and the present apply as muc h : reign of Charles as to the present titne. If that P had been fortunate in an adviser, in what languagt he have addressed him? He would have told reign that he did not deny the superior mildor° role, and of the method of raising revenues, as e l with the reign of Elizabeth ; but although there a l no change in the form of Government, there all' change in the opinions of the people, and it wee' to yield to it. lie would have told him that he 0 et ange 1540 to 1640, and that though his subject' have been happier had they remained children, n iture had decreed them age, that their intelle expanded with society, and it was no longer in hi t to amuse them with the trifles of their cradles, $f them with the bugbears of their youth.—(Heat He did not say the change would make them 101 4 wiser, or better, but merely that society would t' them to he made as they were, nor treated as o' 4 —(Cheers.) This was the language a wise advie rf „ have addr esse d t o Ch ar l es , as a means o f sav i ng that contest which led to his ruin. —(Loud cheer!' so it was now. It was impossible to govern noel eighteenth century in the same manner he h ° governed in the sixteenth. As a great e bsel, taken place in society, so a great change ra t ',i place in Government. It was impossible to b r 'y opinions and the :feelings of men back to the t which they were at former periods of our hiere rl , o greet change was inevitable. It might be dell', ; might be render e d bl oo d y an d d estruct i ve ; b u t net be averted.—(Hear, hear.) The agitation so long prevailed upon the subject could not W it; thing. The wishes of the people must be met b) gislature, or the most disastrous consequences mutt Whatever opposition might be made to it, Refore p eventually be carried. True wisdom would throw open the gates to a force, which would 0'; enter at a breach.—(Hear, hear.) W e ll would that Constitution, which, however corrupted bl f was neverthele ss one o f t h e prou d est works 01, wisdom—one o f th e no bl est bl ess i ngs o f w hi c h any, could boast, in s t ea d o f b e i ng l e f t to b e overturned b' revolution, w ere repa i re d b y pac ifi c ant i lawful no°, (Loud cries of '‘ Hear.") Mr. CROKER would not enter into a comP ril , the speech which the Hon. and Le irned Gen•lerar, just made, with the speech which he had made ; same subject u p on a f ormer occas i on. H e by ae however, fou n d f au lt w i t h th e c h ange w hi c h bbd e j place in th e l anguage o f the fleeourable and Learn tleman. On the contrary, he hailed it with gre 3l i faction. Und ou bt e dl y th e H on . an d L earne d Gee' had spoken ;n a very different tone on that night, ir ° tone in which he had addressed the House formed'', (Mr. Croker) was glad to hear it ; he was willing , ceive the alteration as a pr o of o f t h e b et t er opinie c sounder sentiments which the Hon. and Learned man had imbibed during the last two months. d last occasion, the Hon. a nd L e ar ne d G en tl e man ha d a language utterly subversive of all order in sunsets' the course he then pursued he had now retreated; (Mr. Croker) thanked him, and hoped that o thers benefit by the amendment. The Hon. and Learnd tleman had begun by accusing his Right Hon. ',tied having acted in a manner unworthy of himself, in e l ing his gratification at the changes which his ith Government had been compelled to make in the O r and at the same time withholding his approbatio e l measure so changed. That approbation would ce been withheld if hi s Ilaj ee ty' s G overnmen t h a d she , desire to concili a t e wit h e ff ec t—if t h e y h a d slic r, disposition to give up the obnoxious principles of sure. Had they changed any of those principles? P' t i parallel, therefore, which the Hon. and Learned G ee had attempted to dr a w b e t ween th e oppos i t i on to , sent, and the opposition to a former Gavel-I:ur ei c ' not hold. He would tell the Hon. and Learned man why the opponents of the measure had a rigb t , proach the authors of it for th e i r con d uc t w ith verb the former Bill. The opponents of the Bill broor the last Session of Parliament had objected to the l ciple of the measure. When that Bill was in th e mittee they said to its authors, " If you mean Wt your own principle into effect, you are not taking to do so; you are showing partiality ; and doing lai ti o The antagonists of the Bill opposed it in the CO not on their own principl es , b u t on t h e pr i nc iple', authors. In the Committee they opposed it, I .o i general principle of the Bill its e lf, b u t o n th e prie c d the individual boroughs which it was attempted to. of their rights. The opponents of the Bill had 01 ; triumph—the triumph of honesty, of integrity , constitutional doctrine—that there was not 00 3 question in which they had divided in the Cont°,' . the la,t Bill which the N o bl e L or d h a d not adopted] present.—(hear, hear.) It had been asked why O le g of Lords had not removed what they considered jectionable parts of the last Bill, and sent it Welc h , House so amended. But was it to be forgotten t ee Noble Lord by whom that Bill had been introda said that no alteration wh a t e v er wou ld b e allele' ) made in it? On the very first case which O f considered in the Committe, that of Appleby, the ; of the Bill had been unable to deny that that boe°?' under the same rules as Caine; and yet upon e the clause remained unaltered. If in that 1 - 1 0 1 i had occupied days and weeks in discussion, 11 had been unable t o p reva il upon t h e authors of the,' make a single alteration in it, what benefit coo l ' t been expected from di scuss i on i n t h e ot h er H ou se,/ tle,7 - ' 48 him recall on e c i rcumstance to t h e memory o f t he t a F Let it be remembered that the opponents of the 0 , 1 ,0) , 4 44„, f tended that, according to the principles of the 'he -t " t ° h 1 1441).014k the Bill, Aldborough ought not be in schedule 13, it ought to be in schedule A. On a division, howe e , r o r ) numbers were, 149 to 61 for retaining it in sebe v iel f ,', tp d h e Hot ern Yet now, Aldborough was in schedule A. —(Healy v The same was the case with Chippenham, with Ci tt ilt ) i the mouth, Sec. On these respective boroughs the or? ' l l4 1 ! 1 of the Bill unsuccessfully divided; yet now the C,4 ll ght Lord bad adopted all their recommend a ti ons . Theftoi and Learned Gentleman said, he did no t lik e thew, l 'teeZ et ern Bill quite so well as the last. H e (M r . C ro k e r) fi f . ,fe kr surprised at that; for th e r e was one i mportan t d' o r° e „, between the two measures; namely—that in the tch, d -witen s of p ot et r , ned Bill, Caine was in schedule B.—(Hear, and The Hon. and Learned Gentleman also contesd ell t e° h1 41 ; 8 i ller any amendment in the Bill was more t h an coa t i :ite ° lanced try the del a y i n g i v i ng t h e peop l e sati'4loll,lr the ,}4' " I would rather ( sa id t h e H on . and Learned W y r let' h he it °it man) have had a worse measure, b ut a meas ure ile s which the peopl e were ent i re l y sat i s fi e d . " Did I' te, -° ,, nd ,u and Learned G ent l eman mean to say that the alte r ; tis s in the Bill were merely alterations of expression ° y r they were, not v it a l an d consequent i a l ? When t h e e r , del oan e• Bill was first introduced, it contained forty-ei% f' fp, 144 iL tit(' in Would it he b e li eve d, t h at i n t h at sc h e d u l e alone' „Nt t nine ch anges h a d b een ma d e ? I n f orty-s i x $ there had been forty-nine changes! Some plitc°o4lre Item been put ou t, some h a d b een put i n , some h a d h ee t ,e 0 1 ,' a newed.—(H ear , h e a r. ) If any b o dy d ou b te d t h e iscot was ready to go over the list and prove it. Th e l'/,; at °f ail tt and Learned G e ntl e m a n contended, th a t t h e 'mac e vernment were not to blame for the extent to whie ,' .4•s ettld u B C hail gone in their proposition for Reform ; but that e t 41, ro ot were to blame who had refused to mov e th e s ubject ;1/:tilo o l d ri ! . • rt —that their refusal to walk had compell e d the prese:i ii to Strain vernment iii, he said, t am asked or When the why in this i ntrodui iti to bleL‘rrd Bill, thst a a larger amount of Reform than on any former °We f t /gis t , j ee r i have submitted to the consideration of Parliament, I, le l 'tee t i l l t t° no hesitation in saying that it is because we saw th, s , s oul • r t _ ' first move was the whole question, and that it wool' , 'he t ral vain to atteinec to satisfy the eablic mind by anti S 4 l l :, eri ; ' short of that whole." N ow the rea son w hy lie k i tliteL ln Croker) art his friends opposed the measure weer tb , Ns Co was the fast step of a career, the end of which 00 tditchb,ehraetiteetlyLddi there th e rate adven of what lik e a ph reaso n to of the coi thing mot statements t hat poin Wag true ,Iran had them that tell them i their prop Were aton lequenees, tietnan di c onditions the invadi Were at th a nd Learn lenders, bl. -- - , pressed and irresis t he Hon. It Wa s evi Clath s 01 4 1 : t tOty of 4 4 1) Preee tL 4 4 * It k t , I ' 4 foi ' lll4 to th. tt brat a k t 'Wend t tie t` fur t 114 44, 4 th p, 'lths Wa to h eal of *4 °Pula whor t 4 aced. tk,.11011, f