The Sun. — London, England, 1831-05-19 00:00:00

ton have been. Yet Mr. Cartwright has for three or four days past been regularly gaining on the t, Noble Viscount.* Kent is an agricultural county, — no is Devote—so is Dorset ;in every one of which triumphs the most signal have been achieved by the friends of the national liberties. But in these, and in Worcestershire, if there wets equal ignorance or dulness among some of the clodpole freeholders, there was at least among the gentry, and all classes ef men with money in their pockets, a heartier spirit of exertion and co-operation, more teet and energy, and the unconquerable will to be viotorious. It they who proposed Lord Miltott as a candidate were serious in desiring to emancipate the coun have set county from the old borough faction, th e y ought to seriously about providing the proper ways and means of success. Lord Milton not being i n a eon; ' dition to come personally forward, they ought to have ascertained whet her it was the Nobl e Lord's intention to epos his parse-string for the Convey ance of voters to the poll : tailing all efforts at sub scription in other quarters, and (we speak it in perfect good will towards Lord Milton, and with unfeigned respect for his manly .and exemplary' character) in case of his Lordship's ticrignance on that point s they ought to have secured the triumph of Reform lsy choosing some other candidate. It its, we repeat, quite shameful, that the public 'cause should be thus compromised, as in Buckinghamshire, through imbecility or apathy, or a sordid unwillingness to come forth with the nece,:sary funds. There is money in abundance among the Northamptonshire gentlemen, there is leisure enough among all the middle classes to allow the formation of effective committees in almost every parish of the county ; but we are afraid there is likewise too much truth in the maxim of some of our doctrinaire friends—that a large amount of boobyism must be reckoned on, where agricultural habits and characteristics prevail over any given district of the country. We should not pity these Northamptonshire goodies, or those of any other place in England, where the Anti- Reformists are suffered to have things their own way, if the first law enacted by a Reformed Parlia ment were to erect in each of them a close corpo ration, confine to it the privilege of electing Mem bers for the said county, &c. to all future ages, and thus secure the blessings of the borough system in their highest eminence for those who seem so thoroughly to relish them. If men will be slaves, why not saturate them with their much loved discipline of the cat-o'nine-tails ? The last account which we have received from Haverford west was, that Greville was within 38 of Owen, the numbers at the close of the poll on the 16th inst. being, Greville, 1,339; Owen, 1,377; and there may still pt rhaps be about 1,000 to vote, so that there is yet hope here for our Anti-Reformer It would be hazardous to charge a returning officer with partiality ; but still we know full well of what importance the private opinions of a person in that situation are, in swaying (perhaps to himself un consciously) his public decisions; and we know alto that there is great dissatisfaction at this place with the Sheriff and his Assessor. Sir John Owen's situation also, as Lord Lieutenant of the county, vesting in him the nomination to commissions in the militia and other offices, enables him to turn the patronage of Government against itself. In look ing at the Scotch returns, we find that there has been what is called an election, but more properly, a nomination, of a Member of Parliament for Perth shire, awl if the House of Commons had been al tearly a reformed one, we do not know that a more estimable choice could have been male than that of the gallant and able gentleman who has been re turned for that count y . Sir George Mur ray, in expressing his thanks for the ho nour done him by that, his fifth election, took occasion to make a speech against Reform. In every syllable of that speech we have no doubt whatever, from the constitution and habits of his mind, that the gallant officer spoke no more than his own honest and settled conviction. If we say that we have little respect for Sir G. Murray's ar guments, there is nothing to prevent us from re specting very highly the talents of the individual who employed them ; for as much as his discourse, considered altogether, strikes us to be one of the ablest, if not the most powerful, which has yet been composed on the same side,—that is, the wrong side,—of the great questiori of Reform. Two false principles pervade the speech; but then they are fundamental principles. Ist, He assumes that Go vernment has thrown aside all experience, and re commended a new Constitution for this country, totally adverse to the principles of the old. Now this datum of the'gallant General can be only met by another, which is, that Ministers have been go verned by a profound experience of the evils result ing from a direct opposition between the theory of the Constitution Of England and its practice, in proposing that the practice shall be rendered more consistent with the theory-. 2dly, Sir George Murray takes for granted that Ministers have shown an utter disregard of the rights and interests of men of property, by the provisions ef the Bill. On this point, too, see have no difficulty in appealing to the candour of any dispassionate man who reads the Bill, or in asserting that if there be one feature of the whole plan more prominent and essential than another, it is the anxiety with which power has been maintained inseparable from pro perty; the unlawful propsrty now exercised over the consciences of Englishmen, and over their con stitutional privileges, being the only species of pos session of which the securities are not extended and consolidated by every clause of this truly anti-je cobiti Reform. Sir George Murray's allusion to Caesar as a demagogue might have been spared, without detriment to the modern officer's historical reputation. Cesar did court the Roman rabble im doubtedly, as did other conspirators against the liberties of Rome. But did Caesar strive to distri bute the powers of the state throughout the middle classes of Italy, or to call into real influence upon the Government the other great cities of the re public ? No. When the mob of St. Giles's or of Covent-garde:l can, by their individual votes, make laws to bind the British empire, and when Lord Grey unites in his own person the demagogue, mob courtier, arid military leader,—then, and not till then, the example of Caesar may be admitted as apposite to the policy and to the position of Lord Grey. That Noble Earl is as little of a demagogue as the Duke of Wellington himself; anti as much disinclined (though we confess not more) to turn the King's troops against the liberties of England. We have left ourselves no room to say more upon the Lord Advocate's explanation of the language used by him in addressing the Council of Edtri• burgh, than that it completely negatives the absurd notion of his having intimated any probability of a change in the qualification of electors, as first pro posed by the Bill cf Lord John Russell. The Irish elections are proceeding generally with all the suc cess that the best friends of Reform could wish for. That of Dublin is all but concluded ; and in Kerry, such was the popular enthus;asm for the Bill, that Mr. Maurice Fitzgerald, who has represented the county between thirty and forty years, has been forced to give up without a contest.—Times. everb e Great expectations, it is said,—greater than can rea lizsd,—are formed from the forthcoming Reform of Parliament. It is imagined that it will relieve want, pay debts, and put us' all at ease. — Now the fact is, that ths! ot, p r res en t is not a period of heavy public distress; manufacturers p are not unemployed; our ships are not ma rotting in our ports; and last year was not unfaeoural ( :l the . farmers, and the other branch of the agricultural Ninvt,e,rest.h— And what do we infer from all this's' the people, in the calmest temper of mind and acting under no immediate irritation, but possible, from , the well-weighed determination of a free and un- It is evident that this was written }Wore w e had re 1 ceived the state of yesterday's poll. Up to one o' c l oc k yesterday, as will be seen, Lord Milton had gained seven votes over Mr. Cartwright—the numbers standing as follow Althorp Milton Cartwright Knightley . . clouded judgment, are determined that a more pure mode of choosing their representatives shall be intro duced. But the object of the present article is to allude to a squib, published b y the enemies of the Lord Chancello r , an d the Minisiry of which he forms a part, to be found i n t hi s days Paper, in which his Lordship is represented as giving a description of the state of taxation to which British subjects are re - duced. We krtownot whether his Lordship be the au ! thor, hut we really never read any thing, eitlir written or spoken by t hat eminent person, that gve us a higher idea of the vivacity of his imagination, the brilliancy of his wit, and withal the accuracy of his descrip tion. But if Englishmen are thus taxed,—sitting,, walking, lyir!g down, or standing, living or dying, — how is it to be expected, we ask, that the passing of the Reform Bill should at once remove such a load ? A Reform Bill passed. '. - ong ago would have pre vented the aezturulation : a Reform Bill passed now, cstn only operate a gradual relief according to the principles of honesty and gs)od raid), and pre vent the recurrence of similar evils : " Taxes upon eery at tide which enters into the mouth, or covert the back, or is placed under the foot ; Taxes tt.pon every thing which is pleasant to see, hear, fee!, smell, and taste ; Taxes upon warmth, light, and locomotion ; Taxes on every thing on earth, and the waters under the earth,—on every thing that comes from abroad, or is grown at home ; Taxes on the raw material ; Taxes on every value that is added to it by the industry of man ; Taxes on the sauce which pttmpers man's appetite, and the drug that restores him to health,—on the ermine which deco rates the Judge, and the rope that hangs the criminal,— on the brass nails of the coffin, and the ribands of the bribe,—at bed or at board, couchant or levant, we must pay. The school-boy whips his taxed top ; the beardless youth manages his taxed horse with a taxed bridle on a taxed road, and the dying Englishman, pouring his me dicine which has paid 7 per cent. into a spoon which has paid 15 per cent., throws himself back upon his chintz bed whit') has paid 22 per cent., makes his will on an Si. stamp, and expires in the arms of an apothecary who has paid 1001. for the privilege of putting him to death. His wholeproperty is then taxed from 2 to 10 per cent. besides the probate, large fees are demanded for burying him in the chancel, his virtues are handed down to posterity on taxed marble, and he is then gathered to his fathers, to be taxed no more."— In our extracts from the Dutch Papers, in another column, will be found a detailed account of the cir cumstanees which preceded and followed the defeat of the Polish troops under Dwernicki, and the aban donment of Volhynia for an asylum in Austrian Gal licia. Though the intelligence comes from Vienna, there seems no reason to doubt its general correct ness. We observe in the foreign journals, and in the Papers of his country, a great deal of needless speculatio❑ and erroneous reasoning on the ultimate fate of the Polish corps. According to the acknow ledged law of nations, and the neutral character of Austria, the treatment of these brave and adventur ous men cannot remain for a moment doubtful. They have been obliged to seek an asylum in the Austrian territory from the pursuit of their enemies; but they have not been captured by Austrian troops, nor can they either be delivered up as criminals, or retained as prisoners of war by the Austrian authorities. Austria might have repelled them, though the act would have been barbarous, but she cannot now im prison them. She could not, as a neutral, allow fighting to continue in her territory. She was there fore justified in disarming the Poles who sought an asylum, as she must have disarmed the Russians had they persisted in a desire to continue on her territory. But in neither case would she have any right to de tain foreigners in such circumstances, if they chose to incur the hazard of immediately repassing her frontier. The Austrian Government is right, ac cording to the law of nations, to which we have re ferred, not only in disarming the Poles, but in de livering up their arms to their enemies, and old masters, the Russians. For, in the first place, Aus tria can only consider the Poles (till their independ• ence is acknowledged) as the rebellious subjects cf the Czar, and therefore as indebted to him for their arms, which are Russian property ; or, in the second place, as the declared enemies of Russia, whowse arms must have become booty to Russian Generals, had not Austria offered them an asylum. In either case the Russian authorities would have been entitled to the Polish arms; and therefore the conduct of Aus tria in surrendering them cannot be regarded as any indication of hostility, or any breach of the laws of neutrality. We have, unhappily, too many recent instances of the application of this rule to allow its tendency to be for a moment doubtful. When in the end of 1826 the Portuguese Royalists took re fuge in the Spanish territory, the Constitutional Government claimed their arms, artillery, and horses ; and though great delays occurred in complying with the demand, its justice was not disputed. In No vember lest, the Spanish exiles, who, having at tempted an unsuccessful irruption into the Spanish territory, had been repulsed and driven back into France, were disarmed and sent into the interior, but were not detained as prisoners of war ; and in the present struggle in the north, the Russian troops who fled from the Lithuanian insurgents and took refuge on the Prussian territory were disarmed, but allowed afterwards to return to the Russian dominions. In these two latter instances, indeed, the question never arose about the delivery of the arms; because in the one case no good claim could be made out to their original proprietorship, and in the other no recognized proprietor could be found.—Times. Though it may appear ungenerous to exult over a fallen enemy, we must be permitted to say, that we believe there has been no one election in which the victory has been more satisfactory to the country in general—nay, to men of all parties—than the signal overthrow of Mr. Bankes in Dorsetshire. Few persons have been longer before the public than that gentleman, and few, as public men of such long standing, can have contrived to gather so small a share of what are termed " golden opinions." Mr. Bankes, in short, has been one of those trimmers in politics who has contrived to make himself to be by turns feared and hated, but never beloved. Mr. Bankes's defeat would, we have no doubt, have been still more prompt and decisive had his oppo nent been a person of less equivocal character on the subject of Reform than Mr. Caleraft, who, it must be admitted, has played a sort of " fast and loose" game, which, we are convinced, left many of the honest freeholders of Dorsetshire rather at a loss how to act upon the occasion. This, however, in the end, only makes the victory more complete, and must, we should think, have taught the late Mem ber, and some of his overbearing adherents, that the principles of Reform are too deeply rooted in the minds of the people, and the current of public opi nion too strong, to be either stemmed or turned aside by such miserable banks as have been opposed to it in Dorsetshire.—Morning Herald. It is with surprise we observe that an attempt is making in the county of Mayo to bring forward a new man as the representative for that county, in place of one of the late Members, both of whom voted for the Reform Bill, and that the most active supporters of the untried candidates are a number of Roman Catholic priests, led on by Dr. Kelly, the titular Archbishop of Tuam. We do not like to see persons of any descriptions, or the ministers of any religion, laying aside their robes of peace to mingle in the heated and irritating struggles of poli tical contention, even when a principle worth con tending for is at stake—still less do we like to see them stepping out of the sphere of their sacred functions, to foment discord and produce agitation without any conceivable object, unless the unworthy motive of showing the extent of their power, or the more .disreputable incentives of personal par tiality or resentment. The person whom Dr._Kelly has taken under his wing, and whom he recommends to the freeholders as a liberal politician, a deter mined Reformer—and, moreover, as one for whom he entertains a high personal regard—is a Mr. Josephd Macdonnell, who has the advantage, or the father ~i s s ade v l a i n tk a g e, We don't know which, of not being undertakes to la V s n or t . o the political world as i he . is tn his Dr. Kelly however , at the e ectiou font, his sponsor, and an h.,: name," for lie swers, at least, " three things e ' says that, " from his kno‘ledule the man, he is convinced that where tile indepen dence., the happi • 6 11C83, and the liberty of the country are concerned, there is no one more ready to step forward and exert all his energies on her behalf in the most faithful. disinterested, and determined manner." This is all very well, and if Mr. Abcdonnell had been put forward against a politician whose sentiments and whose conduct were hostile to the independence, the happiness, and the liberty of his country, such a testimonial of character ought to have weight with the liberal portion of the electors. But Mr. Dominick Browne, whom Dr. Kelly is so anxious' to turn out of the representation, has fought the battle of the country with firmness and per severance. After having registered his name among the supporters of the Reform on the divisions in the House of Commons, is be now to be dismissed by clerical influ ence to make room for a young man to whom Dr. Kelly is partial, and who has nothing but specious promises to put in competition with substantial proofs of experienced fidelity ? We should be sorry to think that Mr. Browne being a Protestant and Mr. Macilonnell a Roman Catholic, had any in fluence in inducing the Clergy of that persuasion to promote the present opposition, because this would betray a spirit of bigotry not at al! calculated to bear out the predictions of the liberalizing influence of emancipation. On this subject a correspond an! writes as follows :—" Mr. Dominick Browne, against whom the Catholic Archbishop of Tuam and his Clergy have declared war, is a well-known liberal, active in his habits, influential from his large pos sessions and high connections, very assiduous, 'com pared with other Irish Members, in his attendance in Parliament, and every way eligible. Hi s rival, Mr. Macdonnell, is a young man, un known out of his native county ; a novice in politics, bringing to no cause which he advocates any important accession of force, whether from long established character, proved talent, or family consequence, or extent of stake in the prosperity of the empire." He asks then, what are the grounds of the preference mani fested by the most Rev. Gentleman and his sub ordinates ? He says there are no public reasons, but he asserts there are two of a private nature—one is, that qtr. Joseph Macdonnell is a Catholic, and his rival a Protestant—the other, that Mr. Brownie de clined to take part with the Archbishop in some dis pute which he had with the Roman Catholic in habitants of a parish of which Mr. Browne is the landlord. For our part we hope neither of these grounds are the real cause of the opposition which the Roraan Catholic Clergy are giving to a tried Reformer, but that they are acting under some mis taken impression which a little reflection will dispel. Surely, if they have any patriotism, it will teach them that it is not to their credit to sow disunion among men of liberal principle at any time, but especially at a crisis .when men, who love their country have, almost universally, merged their pri vate sentiments and differences in the promotion of the great cause of Reform, and the defeat of the common enemy.—Morning Herald. That the declaration of Lord Althorp, as to the intentions of his Majesty's Ministers to adhere to their precious Bill of Reform, is equivocal and un meaning, sufficiently appears from the variety of in terpretations which the partisans of the Adminis tration affix to the words of the Noble Lord. One of the most able and candid of these partisans con strues his Lordship's declaration to mean merely that " no alterations will be wade in it which will reduce in the slightest degree the power which the Bill, as it now stands, gives to the people of Eng land, or which will reduce the number of the persons whom the Bill admits to a share of Constitutional power." How widely different this is from a de claration that " the Bill" will be adhered to may be shewn in a very few minutes, by tracing out the outlines of a Bill of Reform widely different from the stupid and mischievous abortion of his Majesty's Ministers, and which yet complies to the utmost extent with each of the above conditions. 1. Our Bill shall be supposed to disfranchise all the boroughs of which the actual constituency is less numerous than the most limited of the new consti tuencies, which in its ultimate operation the Mini steriul measure would create, and shall further pro vide that any borough, the voters in which may at any future time fall below the proscribed number, shall be disfranchised ipso facto, the vacancy occa sioned thereby in the national representation to be supplied or not in each case as the wisdom of Par liament may determine. Any disfranchisement be yond this would evidently be gratuitous innovation. 2. Our Bill shall be supposed to enact that one fourth of the number of Members formerly returned. by the disfranchised boroughs shall be given to the great manufacturing and commercial towns now un represented. But instead of the uniform 101. rent franchise, we should have a franchise in no two places precisely alike. Birmingham, for instance, with the whole manufacturing district of which it is the centre, should have the Preston franchise, a universal suffrage even, if it preferred it. In another place the right of voting should belong to 10/. householders, in another to 20/., in another to 301., in another perhaps to 40/. householders. Again, in some places the mere occupation of a house of whatever value should give no vote, the right of voting being confined to the owners of visible and proveable property, to the extent here of 100/., there of 5001., elsewhere of 1,000/., and thus ad vancing even to a still higher amount. In all cases of town representation we should be inclined, as a boon to the lower orders, to give the right of voting to every man who had, previous to a certain date antecedent to the promulgation of our Bill, accu mulated property to a certain fixed amount, by a certain series of payments in the Savings' Bank of his district ; and we do not know that we might not be disposed to impart to each individual of this very meritorious cla , .s the further privilege of nominating by will one successor to his fran chise, in the person of any of his sons, or in that of the husband of any of his daughters. W e ought to add, that no vote for the county in which such towns or districts are situated should in any ease arise from property of any kind within their limits. 3. Another fourth of the seats in the Ilouse of Commons rendered va cant by our borough disfranchisement we should give to the counties disencumbered, as by our plan they would be, of the town electors; and instead of confining the county franchise to the freeholders, copy holders, and long leaseholders, as the Ministers propose, we should extend it to every occupier of land, by whatever tenure, paying a certain annual amount of rent. This wide extension of the county franchise would be at once conformable to libe ral principles, and favourable to the legitimate influence of property. 4. We should create an entirely new class of representatives, by giv ing a certain number (say six) of our vacant seats to the professional men of the metropo litan counties. The, following classes of per sons resident in those counties should have the right of voting at one election for the whole six, or in different districts, as might be thought most ad visable :—Barristers, Physicians, Incumbents of Livings, Royal Academicians, Fellows of the Royal Society, Officers in the Army and Navy of a cer tain grade. 5. There would still remain upon our hands one-half, minus six, of the whole number of seats which had become disposable in consequence of the disfranchisement of the small boroughs. These seats we should bestow in one entire lot, and thus create another new class of representatives, upon the holders of funded property. Individuals, holders of stock, being natural-born subjects of the King, and residents in Great Britain or Ireland, should have one, two, three, or four votes, according to the amount of their stock, with the privilege of voting, as many of them now receive their dividends, by power of attorney. This innovation we should adopt because the fundholders are unquestionably the greatest of the new interests in this country, the modern crea tion of which is said to have produced the necessity for Reform—because the interest of the fundholders is essentially a conservative and anti-revolutionary interest—because the small boroughs being disfran chised, by means of which the monied interest found their way into Parliament, it would be less an inno- 1 vatic': in itself than a means of counteracting one of the most mischievous poetical effects of another pre determined innovation—and because it would afford, after the extinction of the nomination boroughs, the most easy, if not the only practicable, inlet into the House of Commons for men exclusively belonging to the commercial and colonial interests of the country. —Here, then, are the outlines of a Bill of Parlia mentary Reform, as different from that of his Majesty's Ministers as can well be imagined, and which, nevertheless, for any thing he has said, Lord Althorp may propose to the House of Commons on the very first day of the Sessions; for it includes " no alterations which will reduce in the slightest degree the power which the Bill, as it now stands, gives to the people of England, or will reduce the number of the persons whom the Bill admits to a share of Constitutional power." We commenced this article with the intention merely to expose the futility of Lord Althorp's declaration of the deter mination of Ministers to adhere to their Bill ; but we have almost written ourselves into the belief that, for novices, we are already very tolerable Re formers, Constitution-mongers almost equal to the Abbe Sieyes or Mr. Jeremiah Bentham, and beyond all comparison (of this we hope there can be no doubt) superior to Lord Durham. It is plainly im possible, we repeat, for a body even to conjecture what kind of a Bill of Reform Ministers may think fit to propose to the new Parliament. " The Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," is, we take it, entirely out of the question. There is, however, one principle of that 1311—its moving principle—its mainspring—the prin ciple which has remained untouched amidst all the metamorphoses the measure has undergone in their hands, to which we have no doubt his Ma jesty's Ministers will tenaciously adhere—the prin ciple we mean which lies covert but powerful in many of the provisions of their Bill, which treats Whig boroughs with parental tenderness, while it consigns Tory boroughs to wholesale and unsparing destruction—which gives the present Ministers the power of determining, to a great extent, the charac ter of the representation in all coining time, and thus tends to secure to Whiggery a permanent ascendancy in all future Parliaments. We foresee that with respect to this, evidently in their estima tion the great and valuable principle of their Bill, his Majesty's Ministers will be inflexible ; and fore seeing this, we of course foresee also their speedy destruction as an Administration. They ill fall, as they deserve, for forgetting that in law-making, and every thing else, as well as in fighting, the Bri tish nation likes fair play.—Morning Post. FRANCE. DEATH OF LABBEY DE POMPIERRE-REVIEW OF ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND NATIONAL GUARDS THIS DAY-REFLECTIONS ON THE INSTITUTION -MONEY MARKET-DOUBTS AS TO THE DEFEAT OF DWERNICKI IN VOLHYNIA. TO THE EDITOR OF TILE MORNING CHRONICLE. PAIL'S, MAY 15, 1831. SIR,—We have lost a worthy and excellent citizen—an upright and able Deputy; and an ardent and enlightened Patriot and Statesman. We must record his name, and pronounce a feeble panegyric over the grave of M. Labbey de Pompierre. This good and wise man yesterday departed this life at tle advanced age of eighty. He was born in the same month of May, 1751, at Besancon. In early life he entered the artillery ; and when the revolu tion commenced, it found him decorated with the Cross of St. Louis. Attached to the principles of a wise and rational liberty, he adopted the cause of the first revolutionists ; but averse to that system of terror which assumed the garb of freedom to cover its deformity, he opposed the Utopian and tyrannical opinion of those who called themselves the friends of the people, but who were, in fact, their greatest enemies. Denounced by the party of Robespierre as unfaithful to the cause of that, able, though des perate leader, M. Labbey de Pompierre was thrown into prison, and there detained for the period of ' eighteen months. From the period of his liberation until the year 1806, he remained in retirement, and devoted his time to the study of history and men. He was then appointed Secretary-General to the Prefecture of the Department of Aisne, and in 1813 was named by the same Department, Member of the Corps Legislatif. As Member of that Corps he distinguished himself by his talents and elo quence, though at that time all attempts to establish a liberal plan of Government were idle and useless. In 1814, he was elected Member of the Chamber of Deputies, and from that period has been uniformly returned, and since elected one of the Vice-Presi dents of the Chamber. During the whole of those sixteen years, he has devoted himself to the service of his country, has opposed all the anti-national Ministries which have been named by the fallen dynasty, and proposed the impeachment of Vd lele, Corbiere, and Peyronnet. He was not suc cessful in obtaining a majority for this proposi tion, but the failure was not attributable to him, or to the cause, but to the corrupt system of the then anti-national representation. In the discussions on the laws of the press, of finance, of the army and navy, and of France, he always took an active and useful part ; and his zeal, courage, and vigour, could not be exceeded even by the intrepid youth of the present generation. As a man, he was amiable, kind, and generous. His sociey was courted by all parties, and his soirees partook of the pastimes of youth and the gravity of age. No man • better understood the principles of liberty, and no one could be a warmer advocate of the Revolution of July. To-morrow we attend his funeral to pay him the homage of our gratitude and love. We are losing one by one of the best, and wisest, and most indefatigable of the friends of the people. Let us hope that others will arise to fill their places, so that there may be no vacant niche in the temple of freedom! To-(lay Paris is all life, gaiety, and a musement. — The King of the French reviews the National Guards of Paris and its environs on the Champ du Mar s . There will be nearly one hundred thousand troops present, and certainly as many spectators.— The weather is delightful. The skv is blue—the sun warm and genial ; and a gentle 'breeze will pre vent the mass from being oppressed by the heat of the day. The gay Parisians are hastening to the fields by tens of thousands. Nothing to-day is thought of but the review. Let us, however, devote a few minutes to the condemnation of the nature and influence of this new and important institution. One hundred thousand citizens armed in the capital of France, to defend the Charter, the Throne, and the property, and lives of Frenchmen, from external, as well as internal enemies ! There is something itn posing in this. But there are many who view in this' force so imposing, and so splendid, reasons for anxiety and care. They say that one hundred thou sand National Guards can at all times command Paris, and that Paris will ever command France They say, that whilst they would be most useful to defend Paris from a foreign siege, or to march to the aid of the Departments in case of an attack—that they would be, on the other hand, powerful auxiliaries to a despotic Minister, and would prevent the success of a revolution, should one even berendered necessary for the defence of therevolution of July. They say that if Charles X. had not dissolved the National Guards, but had continued to patronise and review them, he m i g h t have thrust his famous Ordinances down the throats of the Parisians last July, and might have defied successfully the cries of the people. They say, that should Louis Philip, or any future Monarch, sign O r di n ances of an ob j ec t i onable and illegal character, any popu l a r move ment would be put down by the National Guard, arid the Ordinances would remain laws—rvhereas, if t h e N at i onal Guard exis the people would b e aga i n v i ctorious, and Ordinances would b e destroy-ed. did thero t Whilst, therefore, they view with pleasure the organization of the National Guard to defend France against a common and a foreign foe—they view with anxiety and alarm the constant interference of the National Guards to put down the expression of public opinion,and to interfere between the governors and the governed. To these 'objections it is replied, Ist. That in July last, if the National Guards had existed as a body, they would have taken the part of the people, and not of the Government. 2d. That should the same or similar circumstances arise, the National Guards would decidedly range themselves on the popular side. 3d. That since the revolution of Jul„ France is governed by a Parliamentary system, and the people must submit to the decisions of the three Powers in the State, without appeal to force, mobs, or arms. 4th. That no Government can exist, if i iots, insurrections, and local tumults are to be perpetually encouraged or permitted; and .sth. That, therefore, the National Guards will secure to the people their rights, and to the Government its force and ellicacv. To both the objectors and those who thus reply, the Royalists, however, protest ! They say, that at this rate the National Guards are not only the people, but the Government—for should those who are not National Guards disagree with those who are, though they should be more numerous, they must succumb, and it never can be that any Government will last which shall be kept in awe, arid subject to the decisions of one hundred thousand armed citizens. The Royalists further say, that the system is most vicious, since, unless the Guards are always to pre:erve peace, they are not real Guards at all—and that if they are to exercise any discretion when they will preserve peace, and when they will not, according to whether the measures of the Government shall be ap proved or disapproved by these National Guards, that immediately the Guards and the Government, and the nominal Government can take no indepen dent course, since it must ever first inquire if the measure it proposes to take will be popular with the multitude ! Thus, say the Royalists, it is not King, Peers, and Deputies who govern France; but one hundred thousand National Guards of Paris, and its env roes ! Furtermore, say these men, we object to this institution as well for the sake of the people as for the sake of the Government, since, should the people desire to change the form of the Govern ment, or to change the reigning dynasty, or to make a new Charter, or to overthrow the Peerage, and form a Senate in its place, the people would ever be prevented from doing so by these armed Guards, who are bound at all hazards to maintain peace. These objections are met as follows :-Ist. The Guards are citizens, and have the same rights, wishes, and duties as other citizens. 2d. The Guards do not merge their rights of citizens in their character of Guards. 3d. The citizens are the people, and the country have the right to govern by their representatives. 4th. The Guards will preserve peace and order that the national representatives may make the laws, and the Government enforce them. But .sth. That in case the representatives of the people should betray them, or in case the Go vernment should act against the laws, and seek to overthrow them, then the Guards would defend the laws and the people, against the Government and representatives of the nation, and would secure to France that liberty which she recognized for herself by the revolution of July. The difference between the Royalists and the Guards consists in this—that the former look upon a Government as having inte rests detached from, or even opposed to those of the people—whilst the latter look upon a Government as the organ of the people—and the representatives of the wishes and wants of the millions. The Royalists think a King has a right to govern, be cause he was born a King—but the Guards think a King has a right to govern, because the people have elected him. . I have thus presented to you the objections and the replies ; and I am not much diposed to offer any opinion on the result of the controversy. I may, however, observe, that if the revolution of July had fairly marched, these objections would never have arisen, and the Guards themselves would have had no occupation. The mobs have not been the ne cessary result of the revolution : but have been the expression of public opinion at the arrest of that re volution. The journals which are are anti-mi nisterial do not form, but express public opinion. It is public opinion which is not at rest—not sati fied or calm. The patient is ill, and though the doctor tells him he is cured, yet he rejects the as surance, and says, I feel that I am not convalescent. The rise in the Funds during the past fourteen days I must not forget to refer to, or I shall offend those of your readers who still take the price of the Funds as the criterion of public opinion and con fidence. You know when the Three per Cents. were down to 46f. I told you not to despair ; I told you that the prices would rally, and that all these things would find their level and their value. This has already come to pass. The Three per Cents. are at 67f., being a rise of 21 per cent in less than rarty days ; and the Five per Cents., which were at 76f., are now at 93f., which is a rise of 17 per cent. We do not want money in France ! In the departments money is not worth more than from to 2 per cent. The Government is talking of reducing the rate of interest it pays on Treasury Bonds. Multitudes crowd to the Minister of Fi nance, and offer money at five per cent. for five years. The revolution begins to be understood. The strength and power of France begins to b. felt and acknowledged. The millions perceive that they shall obtain in the end all they claim, though The rfoenrtiitertlsie have bought hav struggleetobackinto and the public contend. Funds. They sold out at 50, and now b u y back at 66. This is not very good calculation on t h e i r part ; but the rentier is a timid man, who starts at his own sha dow, and swears that he saw a ghost. The ex change with England is in our favour. English bank notes were worth twenty-five francs and ten sous some months since; but now the price is twenty-Ave francs and one sous. The royalists be gin to think they have been more frightened than hurt. The nomination of M. Yeller pleases them. The dispersion of mobs by an armed force delights them ; and so they buy back rentes, and say that Charles X. knew who was the best of the Liberals, for that it was Perier who was named by the Ex- King, when in July he agreed to withdraw the or dinances. Thus there are various reasons for the rise in the Funds, which may be thus class Tied :- Ist. Because the Casimir Perier Ministry is po pular with the rentiers, royalists, and proprietors ; 2d. Because the wealthy, and those who can buy rentes, hope and believe that peace will be moii preserved eyin t ,r 3 a d. nce ßecause 4th there ßc is superabundance Because u sea English tjnds of are re too'high at 82, and Russian F un d s t oo uncer t a in at any price for inve s tment just now; and .sth, Because the position of trade and manufactures, though some what improved, is not yet such as to induce those who have ready money, to place them in specula tion; and so they buy rentes !—There may be other local and personal reasons, such as the interest of the Government to make a rise, and the interest of the loan-takers to assist it—and, finally, the financial operations of some two or three large capitalists, in cluding the names of Aguado and Rothschild. To•day my letter must be short, as I must be pre sent at the review, and already the battalion is as sembling under my windows. I had hoped to have found time •to have said something about Poland, but I must confine myself to one remark—that the news of the defeat of Dwernicki is not certain; that the Government doubts it; that no official account of it has reached us ; and that I am riot without reason for hoping that it is an invention of the Augsburg; Gazette._ Your obedient servant, 0. P. 2. FASHIONABLE MATRIMONY.—The story of the " Married Man," in the volumes published under the title of" Wedded Life in the Upper Ranks," forms a cu rious exposure of those sordid unions which are too com mon among our aristocracy, and which are styled " Ma riages de Convenance." The hero in his extreme fastidi ousness of choice, and determination to " marry well," falls into the snare of a fern de manceuverer, and the result is edifyingly develop ed by thenobl . e authoress, who must doubtless have had' some " living instance" in her Con templation. LAW INTELLIGENCt. PREROGATIVE COURT, MA r • 17. WHEELER AND BATSFORD V. ALDERSON. This was a suit to tty the validity of the will of the late Mrs. Elizabeth Morris, promoted by the next of kin, and the details of the evidence read are of a most extraordinary character. The deceased died in March, 1830, and left personal property to the extent of 70,000/. She made a will in July, 1822, by which about 35,000/. were given to 'Air. H. 'Wheeler, the deceased's stock-broker, and Mr. C. Batsford, her solicitor, and drawer of the will. The will was opposA by Mr. T. D. Alderson, second cousin to the deceased, on the ground that the de ceased was of unsound mind. The evidence already taken is of a most voluminous nature, and the cause will occupy some days. Dr. LESHINGTON and Dr. lIODsoN appeared as Counsel for the executors and residuary legatee;, and the KING'S ADVOCATE awl Dr. NICHOL for Mr. Alderson. The COURT was occupied nearly the whole of this day in hearing a portion of the evidence read. The deceased was a most extraordinary character. She was a descendant of Sir Isaac Newton, and in herited a large property. She married, under very curious circumstances, a Mr. Morris, in 1795, and has been a widow since 1806. The witnesses in support of the opponents of the will, at great length, have deposed as to the extraordinary conduct of the deceased, who resided at llorsleydown. She was in the habit of drinking to excess, and acting in the most disgusting manner. The servants of the de ceased, who have been examined, stated that their late mistress used to be called by them the mad Mrs. Morris. She was in the habit of dressing in the most fantastical manner, wearing many-coloured clothes—sometimes very valuable, and other times very bad : we icing diamond and other rings on her fingers, of the value of 1,300/. or 1,4001. She would walk in the depth of winter, and in the middle of the rain, without any bonnet or umbrella, and a small gauze handkerchief only over her neck, with her gown exceedingly low, and her petticoats very short. When spoke to as to the improper mode of her dress, she replied that she wished she could do without clothes. She was exceedingly fond of setting men to fight, and rewarding the conqueror. She had a strong aversion to children, and, when riding out in the carriage, would say to the coach man that she would give a guinea for every little bastard he ran over. The story of her marriage with her late husband, as related by herself, was most extraordinary. She went out one morning as usual, with her basket, to go to the market, and met Mr. Morris, whom she bad known seven or eight days previously. He asked her if she was going to town, and she replied " Yes." On going along, Mr. Morris asked her if she had ever seen a mar riage, and she replied " No ;" and then Mr. Morris said she should see one : that he took her into a church in Cheapside or Lombard-street, and they went up to the Communion-table. Deceased asked where the parties were; when Mr. Morris said " We are the parties; I have got the ring, and all is ready." Deceased answered " Well, if it must be so, it must be so;" and they were married. Her relations did not know of the' transaction for two months. After her husband's death she had fic quently offered marriage to men—on one occasion to a waiter—declaring she was 3 descendant of the great Sir Isaac Newton. She had a great fear of being poisoned. She received her own dividends, and managed her own affairs. She wore a glazed cotton gown as her dress gown for three summers. Her conduct altogether was most extraordnaiy, talking to the lowest characters in the streets, and in-doors paid great attention to cats and dolls, and had six wooden horses, which she had drawn. To her favourite cat, Mungo, she declared she would leave money for its support. She u-ed to behave most indecently, frequently showing her legs, &c. and admiring th-m, and saying that many men had fallen in love with her. She was most ordinary in her person. She used to d r i ve f our h orses i n her carriage, and on one occasion returned with six horses, each having a postillion, to whom she gave drink. She was exceedingly dirty in her person.— She had no religious opinions and paid no attention to Sunday. Other evidence was read, which is wholly unfit for publication. Every one considered the deceased crazy. Sir F. Colombine Daniel used to visit the deceased, and play the fool to her, en couraging her in all her extraordinary practices, and had borrowed money of her. Sir JOHN NtcHoLL postponed the further hearing of the evidence till next Court day. TIIE ELECTIONS.—WC must do these Tories the justice to admit that they have proved very agreeable enemies. They have left nothing undone for the com pleteness of their discomfiture. They have shown the c ouncils which the Gods were supposed to inspire when they desired to destroy. They have acted as possessed of devils, and, like the swine, have rushed rampantly on de s.ruction. We are greatly obliged to them: as adver saries, they have left us nothing to desire—they have worked out problems, like practical men as they are, to some conclusive and most valuable demonstrations. They have flung themselves against the tide, as if with merely the accommodating design of affording the most convincing evidence of its set and force. Here and there one of them has caught an eddy along the mud and banks, *I sluggishly floated up with it against the direction of the train stream, crying out that he is in the course of the flood ; but do we not all see the crooked turn or rotten stump that makes the back-water on which he creeps, and distihguish it from the main current in which so mangy• pour Tories, having got out of their depths, have been swept down, or swallowed up ? There we have seen many of the poor shivering creatures, stark boroughmongers, standing in undisguised shame on the hanks, preparing for a pig's swim against the tide ; but having eyed the boiling current and noted its impetus, they have in prudent dismay turned their backs upon the adventure, retraced their steps through the mud, and quietly withdrawn to the obscurity of time willows. It is as easy t dispute about the set of puhlic opinion as about the course of the Niger, till men commit themselves to it, when the drift settles the question beyond dispute. We have to thank tile Tories for having put every thing out of doubt. Though they are not work ing the State vessel, yet they perform the useful service of the log, which being thrown overhoard, marks her rate of progress by the distance it is left behind. The Tory party is now an excellent 10 . 4, whatever may have been its faults in another capacity for which a log, stationary as it is, has no aptitude. The eeetion has been a good lire to it ; semi, making all allowances for leeway and partial currents, we may reckon on having gained more than an hundred }snots. — Examiner. BIRTHS. On the 17th inst. ill Ifm. , erilrosNenor„strect, the lady of W Il.s.ooper, Esq., of a daughter. . _ On the i7tu lust. at Cial;ilain, the lady of T. Hankey, Esq., of a daughter. On the 18th inst. at the Palace at Fulham, Mrs. Blomfield, of a sop. _ On the 11th inst. in Stratton-street, the lady of Lieut.-Colonel Barnard, of a son and heir. On the 18th inst. in James-street, Buckingham-gate, the lady of W. Ilothcry, Esq., jun., of a daughter.. o On the 16th inst. th e l a dy o f th e R ev . C. Baring, of a son. MARRIED. On the 19th inst. at St. George's, Hanover-square, William, eldest son of Sir Wm. Curtis, Bart. to Georgiana Maria, eldest daughter of the late John Stratton, Esq., of Portugal-street, Grosvenor-square, and of Farthinghae Lodge, in the county of Non hampton. On the 17th inst. at Kensington Church, and afterwards at the Catholic Chapel, Maximilian Joseph Jaques Bernhardt, M.D. to Mademoiselle Julie Corbet Cahnus. On the 15th inst. at St. Saviour's, Southwark, J. Dashwood, Esq., eldest son of the Rev. J . ) ashwood, Beccles, S u ff o lk, to the third Matilda, On the Itith ins t . at Cosse y , Norfolk, G. Taylor, E sq . M.D., o f Kingston-upon-Thames, to J a n e, second daughter of A. Cooper, Es(. Inverness. On the Eith inst. at Lee, ne ar Bl ackheath, Mr. H. Reynolds, c_eilt.ird daughter of the late S. Esq., Sutton at_llone,of Great Prescot-street, to Louisa, second daughter of Mr. W. Taylor, of Ludgate-street. DIED. On the 17th inst. J. Robins, Esq. of 170, Regent-street, and Norwood-green, Middlesex. On the Vqh inst. the Rev. Henry Alexander de la Fite, A.M., Evening Lecturer of St. Paul's, Covent-garden, &c. On the :26th of March, at sea, near St. Helena, on board the ship Nancy, hound f rom Calcutta to Bordeaux, J. Carnegie, Esq., jun. of the East India Company's Bengal Civil Service. On the 14th inst. at Prescot, Lancashire, Mrs. Atherton, relict of the late \V. Atherton, Esq. On the 17th inst. aged 33, Sarah, wife of Mr. J. R. Jackson, of Cork-street, Burlington -gardens. On the 17th init. at Deal, Clara, the wife of Capt. Wm. Jull, of the 64th Regiment, aged 25. 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