The Sun. — London, England, 1827-05-16 00:00:00

/z CONTRACTS FOR COALS AND CANDLES. Commissariat Department, Treasury Chambers, May 5, 187. Stites pe rsons as are desirou2s of Contracting with the Agent for Commissariat Supplies, to fur siish for Twelve Months, froin the 25th June next, such Quantit i''s of Coals and Candles as may from time to time be te q u 'Fed, for Sundry Barracks and Stations in the under 11„leotsoned C ount i es and Islands, may receive Particulars of tut Contracts on applying at this Office, between the baths of Ten and Four : and to the respective Barrack Mas %era in the Islands of Guernsey, Jersey, and Alderney ; and deliver their Tenders at this Office, as follows, viz. Tender s fw supplying C oa l s , sea l e d up, and marked 9th " Te n d er for Coals," u n til Twelve o'Clock en T ues d ay , t h e May instant. Tenders for supplying Candles, sealed up and marked Tender for Candles," until Twelve o'Clock on Thurs.lay the Slat May instant ; but no proposal, either for Coals or Ca.ndles, will be noticed, unless made on, or annexed to, a Printed Particular, and the prices inserted in words at length ; nor unless a Letter be subjoined to such Pro -1,0441, from Two Persons of known property, engaging to become hound with the Party tendering in the sum e xpreatred in the Particulars, for the due performance of the Contract. Tenders to be made for the several Counties, and sepa rate Barracks and Stations, as specified in the Particulers of Contracts. 7 : - , , ~.;/ ,),4 (,_ AA, ~ , ~v , lA, ~, ~;:is.„ 4,......c.., _ ..• v .,,,:e,,,,,_1•0.-u-f..1„,.., , vs_ 1 / 4 ,.....-L— Th ill ""‘. :.\' ~., 4.,,. . . (~, ~, A. 40 ) ., - - ~,,,- • ~,,..t „ 0w ..., ... 4„.. ..., .....„,_ „.........., ‘l .' -A 7 ' • • - * A -- 1.1 . ' __- - ,,- , 1,_ 0 . , ;.:„.4 .. .„4 , -, ir '. l " """ "coitET , • c.....- -, qv i" '' - • ' '/ , EZ '4",01,', /tan T ' 01110 WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 16, 1827. No. 10,821. PRICE 7D. PUBLICATIONS. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. obliged to provide itself with provisions for the journey. If Great Britain were at once to become as barren as those deserts, what must become of the existing population ? It had been the fashion with modern political economists, as they called themselVes, to hold up their predecessors to ridi cule; but in the Spectator (written by a man who knew a little more of political economy thin even Mr. M'Cul loch), there was a 'paper, in which it was asked whether it would add to the strength or weakness of the country if another tract of land, uncultivated and uninhabited, were suddenly raised from the bed of the sea and joined to it ? The answer was, that it would add to the weakness of the country ; but if, on the other hand, this adjunct were as fully populated, and as richly cultivated as Great Britain, it would, of course, most materially contribute to her strength. One of our velvet-capped forefathers, now so little in repute with a certain class, Sir W. Dugdale, dwelt upon the great benefits derived from draining and embank ing, and contended that the only disadvantage resulting, from draining the Bedford Level would be, that time mar kets of London would not he so plentifully supplied with wild ducks. The same writer compared the situation of the counties of Northampton and Somerset, observing that the one, in his time, had double the population of the other, because Northamptonshire was well Cultivated. The modern doctrine was, that there was nothing more absurd than to cultivate any but the most productive lands. The notion of the political economists at the present day was, that rent was not derived from the tillage of good land, but from the cultivation of bad land ; and Mr. M'culloch went In 1 vol. Bvo. I4s. FOUR YEARS in FRANCE; or, Narra tive of an English Family's Residence there during that Period. HOUSE OF LORDS, MAY 15. The Lord Chancellor did not take his seat on the Wool sack to-day until a quarter past Five o'Clock, when several Bills were forwarded through their respective stages. The Marquis of CAMDEN presented a petition from the occupiers of land in several hundreds in the County of Sussex, against any alteration of the Corn Laws. The Noble Marquis presented similar petitions from several places in Kent. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented a petition from the Sea- men of Hull, against the Impressment of Seamen. By a late Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford. " Having lived between three and four months in Paris, and between three and four years in the Sloth of France with my family, I have made observations, which I hope may be useful to those who have the same plan of foreign residence or travel, and not less interesting, both to them, and to those who are content with their English Home, than the remarks of a more hasty tourist. The care of a household, and of the education of children, brings the head of a family to the knowledge of many circumstances and combinations which escape the notice of the single traveller ; and intercourse with the society of a place dur ing a sojourn, gives some insight into the character, some perception of the manners and opinions of a people."— Introduction. talcs Brecknock Chester Cornwall Cumberland Devo n Dlrset Durham testa Gloucester Hants - Isle of Man Tile of Wight Kent Lancaster COUNT] 'ES, &c. Middlesex Norfolk Northumberland Northampton Nottingl}am Pembroke Suffolk Somerset Surrey Sussex Warwick York North Britain Islands of Guernsey, Jersey, and Alderney. The Earl of MALMESBURY presented several peti tions from the County of Southampton, against any revi sion of the Corn Laws, and a similar one from Banbury. Lord ROSEBERRY presented several petitions to the like effect from three Hundreds, in Norfolk. Lord BROWNLOW presented similar petitions from several parishes in the county of Lincoln ; the Noble Lord also presented a petition from the county of Lincoln, against the importation of foreign hides and tallow. The petitions were laid on the table. Sir B. MARTIN . and other Members of the Lower House brought up several Private Bills. Mr. Hoag DRUMMOND and others brought up a Bill for the prosecution of fraudulent bankrupts in Scotland. Mr. PANTON presented the first Report of the Com missioners of the Metropolis Turnpike Roads. Lord TEYNHAM presented a Petition from the owners of land in a Hundred of Norfolk, against any alteration in the Corn Laws. Printed for Henry Coburn, 8, New Burlington -street. CHRISTIAN COUNSEL THE LIGHT AND SAFE GUARD OF NATIONS. This day was Published, price Is. 6d. ALETTER to the Right H on . GEORGE CANNING on the PRESENT CRISIS of the COUNTRY. By THOMAS MULOCK, Minister of the Gospel at Stohe,upon-Trent. Published by James Ridgway, Piccadilly ; and J. Mort Newcastle-under-Lyme. Intended to sail on the 20th Inst. Prii, DIRECT FOR CEYLON, ‘ ‘.,.fict. First-Class Ship, LADY RO. 13 ivEN.A, BOURN RUSSELL, Commander. buorthen,323, Tons. Lying in the West India Export ; IL rlas superior ' Accommodations for Passengers. Ems. Fre§ht or Passage apply to SUCKLES, BAGSTER, and BUCHANAN, 33, Mark-lane. trtide a n engagement w ith t h e H onourable East India Company, to Sail on Ist June next, FOR CALCUTTA, 11%.;711 I ilpry to landFirst-Class laensgs Ship, ers at lI YORK, A D RAS, oirite F , the HE NRY R. WILKINS ON, Commander. Bur- R it ° /30 Ton s . L ying in the East India Export Dock. !y ..verSuperior Accommodation for Passengers, and will - 7 an experien ce d S urgeon. j "r Fr eight or P assage app l y to t h e C omman d er, at the 4441 ft Coffee-house, Cornhill ; or to BUCKLES, BAGSTER, and BUCHANAN, , 33, Mark-lane. Tn Ir AL ACADEMY, SOMERSET-PLACE . lE EXHIBITION of the ROYAL ACADEMY is now OPEN. Adtnitsion (from Eight o'Clock till Seven) Is. Catalogue Is. H. HOWARD, R.A. Sec. BEAVER HATS. EING particularly subject to Head-ache fie ll'Ple* fro m any press ure or constra i nt of the Forehead and Z• , I ha ve b een far from inattentive to all professed elprovement s of the HAT ; but I have never yet met with Ih, ti c i.4 l of COVINTON'S SHORT NAPPED BEAVER. the 1 ' 1416111 y is without precedent, it retains its shape to t it h t all t pite of weather, and is waterproof.—lt is as r : a fe ather, and so elastic as to adapt itself most com -4( to the Wearer's herd. Vide Stockdale's Budget, % c i lll ,c'se Hats are to be obtained in every varicy of Shape S ide, ra•shion of the Manufacturer, Covinton, 132, Cheap from Gutter-lane. •STOCK OF RICH CUT GLASS. TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION, By MR. WILLIAMS, s,'•" By Mart, Bartholomew-lane, TO-MORROW, rx..„l7th of May, ad following Day, at Twelve o'Cl6lI , 4. ELEGANT STOCK OF C UT be GL ASS, of the very best description, consisting . of L Serv ices Trifle Dishes, Sets of Quart and Pint tleeltn,,butter:ra Tumblers, Goblets, Wines, Clarets, Finger Cups, V•aroch. , Su gar, and Caddy Basins, Cream Ewers, Water +lijr;i7 Celery Glasses, Water Jugs, Salts, &c. &c. Splen stiCa4,r, deliers, Double and Single Light Lustres, Candle also ronze and Gilt Sideboard and Table Lamps,&c. &c.; 41 41 c : 6111 e China, Dinner, and Desert Services, Tea I,: ea . S eta, vases, &e. 141 tlewed on W e d nes d ay prece di ng an d morn i ngs o f TILIM Cat alogues had at the Mart, and of Mr, Willi a ms, - vorto n - street. at 1 i L .' On Frid ay , t h e Second Day ' s Sale, will be Sold, te .or 12 o'clock, precisely, p r n ain han es iu deotne PIER and CHIMNEYtss A , TURKEY and GLASSES, e ES,in PUBLICATIONS. xvios....w EDITION, THE TENTH, ENLARGED. ~.."' Cibservations on the Danger of trusting to Nostrums lust n Internal Remedy f or th e C ure o f Stricture • , il- I ' rate d by Cases, price 3s. PRACTICAL OBSERVATIONS o n mom STRICTURES of the URETHRA and . REC TUM, 4 Orle izien d,ing an improved System for their T reatment °re, illustratin its E ffi cacy by numerous . r ema rkable . 4 " in hl • g been totally of fr o g Y Important Cases, in some of which Strictures °°, ten to twenty years' duration hav e . fully in a few weeks, and ra t!: t e i r s e e b d y . 1 establisted over every other me i thod su rt r h i e u r r t i o ty p To w B Y C• B. COURTENAY, M.D. . c . 'Wept. To - "tell are added, ' Observations and Practi i cal r. o o m c_ t-' n „,, °n , Gleet, geminal Weakness, and the M'se m i o e d s o of te 'Q.. '" °Y Self-abuse, for the cure of which , . % ice and 4teatinent, the result of long and successful prat ;r e ; e ' at "; Peed and effectual, is adopted by the A . l:tho n r d . A , - . 4l tecl for t he Y' Author, Robert-street, Adelphi ;a p ttt:olished and sold by Sherwood, Sherwood, 'and Co. a qiialteiisri,nw ; Onwhyn 4, Catherine-street, stran d ;. W atl a l; ' "°Yal Exchange . Marsh, 137, Oxford-street , 4n tilZl 90 ' High Holbo rn ; Chapple, 94, Pall b il e lal ha l d ; o fall an d , 9, Carlton -stre e t Edinburgh ; an d may ,utlksellers. ' te i Tv e earnestly recommend the cases related by Dr. Cour ‘2l,,Y to the perusal of such of our readers as are a ffl icted 7 th f 1 ..._ e complaints which the author has made the subject cittie-vle Observations. Several instances are adduced of sid r m ee l v erY of perfect health from states which were con . er— "Pekes by, practitioner s of eminent talents, and vrY extensive experience. We entertain the highest (mi ll!" i ln of his C ourtenay's pr o f ess i onal skill, and congratulate on ften fatal a nd judicious Magazine. ANNO OCTAVO GEORGII IV. REGIS. Just publiehed, new Edition, being the Thirteenth Edi tion, carefully revised, and the Statu s and Term Re ports brought down to the Bth G IV. 1827' GlFFOpriceboards, or 225. handsomely bo und, of RD'S ENGLISH LAWYER ; or EVERY MAN BIS c oN , . *hick, amongst other imp ~ LAWYER • in treated atter the following'sub iieta are more particularly of, vi z , m, ultruptcy, Landlord and Tenant, 13 . 1 ,,_ iii ° of Exchange, Libel, ~.`ne Clergy, Masters and Workmen, tnatress for Rent Nuisances, l'4n. Qinne Laws, Parochial Affairs, ...omit,. --"'re and Administra- Tith es, tors, Wills, & c . & c. halolventbebtore, Als o - , ry, I ,' 1E CRIMINAL LAW OF ENGLAND, em_ " ra e!ng e very a ies of Public Offences with their Punishments. Pee of 1 ,.° which i s added an APPENDIX, containing Form twnrae m ents, Le ases , Wi lls and Testaments, Notices be.s „„_,(1.4 Landlord and Tenant, Contracts, Articles of Co , r‘rtnership, &c. 1 , r, 5 ,, Also, A SUPPLEMENT, containing 1 4 .trisurance Laws, I The A ssesse d T axes, c laa and Cust oms ' Laws, The Stamp Duties, &c. By JOHN GIFFORD, Esq. , London: Printed for A. Whellier, Mitre -court, Ely m. ,and Holborn ; and sold by all Booksellers in the United ikingdom. GIFF . Of wh om may be had, ORD'S ACTS OF THE PRESENT REIGN, from the let to the 7th GEO. IV. inclusive, price I/. 3s. 134)ar ds, or each Session may be had separate, at the re spective prices of sa. 6d., Ss. 6d., 41., 55., 4s. 6d. l TRENCH v. M'DONNELL.—The Court of King's Bench was occupied during a great part of the week in this cause, connected with an election. Mr. Sheil in a very able and brilliant speech, after reading upwards of thirty-four affidavits, showed cause why the rule should not be made absolute. Mr. Bennett replied in an argumenta tive speech. He was followed by Mr. North, on the same side, who sustained his high forensic character. Mi. O'Connell replied with great force, and with more than usual eloquence and effect. Judgment is not yet pro nounced, the Chief Justice having intimated his wish that all the affidavits on both sides should be handed up to the Court.-- Dublin Evening Poet. The Marquis of BUTE presented similar petitions from several Parishes in the county of Buckingham. Lord DIGBY presented a similar one from the county of Dorset. The Earl of WINCHELSEA presented a petition from Ashford in Kent, against the importation of foreign wool. MISS TURNER'S MARRIAGE. Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from/ Wm. Turner, Esq., praying that leave might be given to bring in a Bill to annul and declare void the alleged marriage be tweet], Edward Gibbon Wakefield and Ellen Turner, and to grant such other relief in the premises as their Lord ships thought fit. The Noble Earl said that no similar case had occurred since 1691, when it appeared that a Miss Whar ton had been taken off by force, and prevailed on to marry a person by whom she had been abdticed. The Noble Lord thought that the best course would be to refer the petition to a Committee of the whole House. Lord LAUDERDALE thought that before the Bill was brought in it should be ascertained by judicial decision in a court of law whether or no the marriage was valid. Lord REDESDALE was understood to say that ques tion had been settled at the trial. I Lord ELDON said, that no judicial opinion had been j pronounced as to the validity of the marriage; but the Learned Judge in summing up, put it to the Jury whether supposing the marriage to be valid or invalid, force had been used. The Noble Lord understood, that the great difficulty in the way of trying the validity in the Eccle siastical Courts was the evidence of the young lady could nor be received there, whilst on the other hand their Lord.. might think it admissable. In the case of Miss Wharton, which had been alluded to, it was decided on the construction of a statute of Henry VII. that though the marriage might in itself be valid, yet that the consent of the lady was legally removed by the antecedent force and persuasion, and in fact her subsequent acquiescence did not quash the force. The Noble Lord did not care to express a decided opinion upon the present case, but thought that all the circumstances connected with it should be well weighed before the House adopted any proceedings upon it. • Lord LAUDERDALE was of opinion that their Lord ships should consider the expediency of passing a general Act of Parliament, for the purpose of legalising the evidence of females circumstanced as Miss Turner was. In cases of this sort, where the marriage was produced either by fraud or force, it would be advisable to leave the question with the Ecclesia' tical. Court. It would he, indeed, a dangerous proceeding in their Lordships to assume the jurisdiction of deciding upon f oiniC - of law. Lord REDESDALE thought that the best way to dis cuss the entire question would be in a Committee, and he therefOre moved that the Petition be referred to a Commit tee of the whole House at four o'clock on Thursday next. The motion was agreed to. CORN LAWS. The Order of the Day for taking into consideration the Resolutions offered to the House by Lord Redesdale, having been read— Lord REDESDALE proceeded to state the grounds on which he rested them. He began by referring to the Re solutions which had passed the other House of Parliament, and which had excited so much alarm, as to occasion in numerable Petitions front all parts of the kingdom. The presentation of these Petitions led to inconvenient desul tory debates, and it was suggested that the best remedy for this evil was to bring forward certain R eso l u ti ons, t h at the sense of the House might be taken at once upon the whole subject. His principal guide in framing them had been, a speech made by the Earl of Liverpool in the year 1820, on a motion of a Noble Ararquis (Lansdown) on the Foreign Trade of the country. The First Lord of the Treasury, on that occasion, objected to the discussion of the subject, and repeatedly stated that the foundation of the wealth and strength of Great Britain—of her t ra d e and manufactures—was the cultivation of the soil. Upon that broad basis, he (Lord Redesdale) had framed his Re solutions. The Earl of Liverpool, on that occasion, had deprecated repeated discussions, and had observed, that if the law were considered fixed, all classes would know hove to act, and to what to trust; but if it were con ti nua ll y subject to change, that vacillation would derange the rela tions between landlord and tenant, and the one would not know on what terms be ought to let his farm, nor the other what rent he could afford to give. He was aware hlittthlee interven tionf rothe f t a b r a m t e t r h d e r et ~ supply iy y of the mealman and the corn dealer ; and even to 4 the th c s on e s e u i m m e t r ry , b w u a t s th v r e o r uyg cot tagers bad now very much ceased to bake their own bread, and were dependent upon the bakers. Hence it was most reasonable to object to changes, and to wish for a permanent law. There was, in fact, so much wis dom in this opinion of the Noble Earl, that he (Lord Redes dale) had been surprised that the Noble Earl in 1822, was prevailed upon to advocate an alteration. As to the measure of last year on this subject, he (Lord Redesdale) had contended, and still maintained, that it was a law of wrong and robbery.—(Hear, hear.)—What was it? Upon the statement of a fact, that there were, perhaps, 100,000 manufacturers in a starving condition, it was proposed as a remedy, that a quantity of foreign corn should be intro duced into the market to reduce the price of grain. If there were British Corn in the country, this measure excluded it from the market to the injury of the British grower, for the purpose of giving bread to distressed ma nufacturers so much cheaper, as it would be rendered, by distributing four or 500,000 quarters among a popu lation of eleven millions and a half. All classes parti cipated in the plunder, even their Lordships —and the public revenue was a considerable gainer by the payment of the duty. This Bill he (Lord Redesdale) had felt bound to oppose to the utmost of his power, and to use to wards it the strongest language he was capable of using; it was a measure of spoliation and robbery.—(Hear, hear.) —Although the opinions of the Earl of Liverpool had un dergone an extraordinary change between 1820 and 1822, he (Lord Redesdale) had founded his Resolution upon the older and the sounder doctrine, that the Agriculture of the country was the basis of its power and wealth. It was not to he denied that the manufacturer had added to the popu lation, and had encouraged the agriculturist to cultivate land to the extent to which cultivation is now carried ; but where would manufactures have been if the soil had not been cultivated ? In the establishment of a new country the soil was first tilled, and manufactures gradually introduced as the population increased, and became too large for the purposes of agriculture. In trade, too, there must be some commodity to be disposed of, before trade could be established, and those who produced articles for foreign trade must be maintained:by the cultivators of the soil. When he made use of the word " Wealth," in his first Resolution, he employed it in the sense of the political economists of the old school, who included in the term every thing constituting the well-being of a state. If the soil of Great Britain had been untilled, what would have been the number of its inhabitants, and what would have been their employments ? Would they have been hunters, like the savages in the wilds of North America, or drivers of cattle like the Patriarchs of old? The soil, like the sandy deserts of Africa, would have been unproductive and with out inhabitants, because without productions. Even the solitary and dreary caravan which passed those deserts was so far as to assert,- that in New Holland no such thing as rent would he heard of until all the fertile soil was culti vated, and resort was had to the inferior lands. Just about the time when Mr. M'Culloch's book came out, he (Lord R.) had seen an advertisement of the sale of a farm in New South Wales, • ..nt of which was 700/. a year. How happpened this, Mr. M'Culloch's notion were correct ? The farm was valuable, for the goodness of the soil, and barns, outhouses, stables, and above all, for the excellence of the road to a large town, where the produce might be sold. What then created the rent ? If by Fortunatus's wish ing-cap, this farm could be removed into a situation where there was no town, and no road, though the soil might be as productive as ever, i t would beworthless, as far as regarded rent. It was perfectly clear that rent was derived from improve ment, and that improvement, in fact, constituted rent. But the political economists, and Mr. Ricardo, for one, took it into their heads to compare land to a machine used by a manufacturer ; it was just as much like a machine as an oak was like a machine, because timber for its beams was obtained from the trunk. Land, in a wild state, was like the oak ; and the machine was the complicated farm with all its accompaniments, and not the land merely. Half the reasoning of these gentry was founded upon a mis conception of the subject. Another striking circumstance was, that the modern political economists imagine that the whole operation of producing grain is scratching up the ground and throwing in the seed. Formerly something of that kind might be true ; and he remembered that many years ago, in some parts of Northumberland, farmers year after year, brought twenty or thirty acres into cultivation, and grew corn upon them until the soil was impoverished, and then abandoned them until by lying fallow they had recovered. The Act of the 15th Charles 11. was meant to encourage the growth of corn on soils that were not considered so fertile as those already in tillage ; and it was concluded that the employment of new ground would not only improve that, but the better soil, from which grain had been raised for a series of years. Now, he knew an instance in which that encouragement was acted upon, and a gentleman possessed of a large tract of land, which at one time did not produce enough to feed even rabbits, had taken such pains to improve it, that it ultimately produced crops which raised it to the value of 40s. per acre. That was a strong case, and yet the political economists of the present day, would say he was a great fool for his pains— yes, a great fool, for that was - the very expression which had been used in some of their pamphlets. The same gen tleman having made his land so valuable, then proceeded to build a house in the immediate vicinity of this improved property ; and a very fine and noble house it was. The political economists would come to a different conclusion. upon this part of his conduct, and would say, that it was excellent that he should lay out a large sum of money in erecting buildings, but to lay it out in the improvement of his land was nothing better than folly. The gentle-' man having thus improved the value of his land and erected a splendid house upon it, his next care was to orna ment it; and he therefore planted to a great extent, making, in fact, his plant a ti ons equa l t h e magn ifi cence of his house. All this seemed to him (Lord Redesdale), as a positive increase of the wealth of the country; but' it seemed that the wealth of the country was not now to be considered, but its strength. There was a strong man armed that kept-his house in peace, but a stronger than he came and took away his goods. It was, there fore, necessary to have strength as well as wealth. Now the strength of the country appeared to him to consist of two parts. The first of these was to be found in the num bers and power of the agricultural population for the pur ' pose of defending by arms what they had obtained by in dustry; while the second part was to be found in the sys tem established by the Navigation Laws, that gave us strength at sea, which, without them, we should not have. He said, that one part of that which consti tuted the strength of the country was to be found in the Navigation Laws, for what else was their object? The first portion of the Reign of Edward the Third was one of prosperity and brilliancy, which, however, were purchased by efforts that afterwards left the country in a state of ex haustion in consequence of its wars with France. After the peace which followed his victories in that country, he fell into a sort of decrepitude. Every thing became weak and defective ; and that navy, which had been the defence of the country, and the terror of the enemy, had fallen into decay. In the youth of Richard 11. this was made a sub ject of complaint, and an Act of Parliament was passed to remedy the evil. That statute enacted, that all ships bringing merchandise to this country, and all ships carry ing it from this country, should he British ships. The words of the Act expressed for what purpose this regula tion was made, declaring that it was intended for the pur pose of give strength to the empire, and of creating a navy; and the consequence was, that the plains of the country, which before then had been infested by the in cusions of the enemy, were protected, and the French naval power was extinguished. The French had at that time planned the invasion of this country in the same man ner as that in which they recently intended to attempt it —namely, in flat-bottomed boats. What were the militia of the country—what was it that maintained the strength of the country in the time of peace, and preserved the proper relations between man and man ? What but the resi dence of the country Magistrates, and their assistants, and the ready concurrence of an orderly population. In these consisted the advantages of which he had spoken. There were other advantages to which he had not yet alluded.— We had coal, and tin, and iron mines, which gave employ ment to our vessels. Now, suppose we could import these articles at a cheaper rate than we could raise them in oar own country, he asked Noble Lords whether they would shut tip their valuable mines ? If they were to proceed on the principles of modern political economists, they would cease altogether to carry on trade. The cultivation of the land was se far a trade and manufacture, that it employed the capital and industry of the country, and was in that re spect most vale. , ;. l e. What was the art of producing corn but a manufactbr, , , in which the great article of raw pro duce was the land. Would they no longer avail themselves of that article in the way of manufacture ? Besides the production of corn, there were other circumstances that rendered the cultivation of land important—he alluded to the wool trade, the manufacture of which was a most im portant branch of the commerce of this country. All these circumstances should be combined together, when they were talking of the Agricultural Interest. They hardly knew to what extent they might injure the cultivation of the country, by allowing the importation of foreign wool. Was there a scarcity of wool in this country ? Certainly not. On the contrary, there was hardly a grower of wool that had not one, if not two years' produce now ly ing on his hands. What, therefore, coal the country gain by importation ? Literally nothing. Indeed, they must in jure their own growers of wool, by letting British wool rot in the warehouses. The amount of the claims made upon the farmer now required that he should be protected, in or der to be able to pay them. The taxes now took 20 bushels of corn, where they had only taken one when he (Lord Redesdale) was young. When, therefore, every thing which the farmer now paid was higher than it had been at that time, how was it possible to expect that corn should now be sold at the same price as formerly ? The rents were not the cause of this difference. He did not think that the rents had been raised as much as some people imagined. The land had been improved, and the increased rents had been the result of that improvement.... The principles stated in the Ilith Charles 11., which were founded on those previously declared in a Statute of Edw. IV., were those on which he should recommend the House to proceed. The Noble Lord here read the preamble of that Statute, which was entirely in favour of a system of prohibition, and then observed, that he believed it contained more of the science of true political economy than any of the works of the present day. By the authority of those Acts, and others passed upon similar principles, land had been much improved in value, and the Legislature were pledged to those persons who had laid out large sums on its improvement that they should he remunerated. Theii labours and their money thus employed had increased the wealth of the country, and it was but just that they should receive the benefit of what they had done. He maintained that the Corn Laws had been eminently useful to this coun try. If they looked to the price of corn, they would find that it had been less than before those laws were passed The increased cultivation of the land increased the amount of its production, and consequently diminished its price.— His Lordship, in proof of this assertion, referred to Sweden • where (the country having previously suffered from a want of corn) the duty on foreign corn had been increased, and the consequence was, that so much greater was the amount of the production of corn in the country that the price fell to one-half what it was when the duty was first imposed. The next consideration was, whether the price of corn in this country was really at this moment so high as it was imagined. He thought not, especially if the increased luxury of the country was considered. It was said there was much distress. That might be true, and he believed it was. But what was the cause ? Lord Liverpool had answered that ques tion in a speech which he delivered in 1820, when he said that it was owing to excess of manufactures, to excessive ' speculations in trade, and the excessive desire to become suddenly rich. He believed this to be a true explanation. Why, then, was the agricultural interest to be injured merely because the manufacturers had been enabled, by the use of machinery, to dispense with so many of their labourers ; because they had chosen to exceed the advantages they thus enjoyed, and had sent adventurous, wild-goose expeditions to South America, attempting to become merchants as well as manufacturers, and thus to secure a greater increase of their profits ? The next question was, whether there must not be a great variation in the price of corn, in order to remunerate the agriculturalists for the money expended in its production. That price would necessarily differ with the difference of the seasons ; and if they looked to the average price of corn in this country and in others, they would find that here the variations were lees than in those of other countries. The effects of climate, soil, season, &c. were as great there as here. What, then, was it which made the difference? What but the skill of our agricul turists, which counteracted these causes of variation.-- Therefore it was that prices were more steady here than abroad. The great mischief of the present plan was, that it attempted to do what could never be done— namely, to render those prices invariable. His Lord ship next proceeded to the 9th Resolution. He took it to be a manifest proposition, that whenever the season raised the average price of corn above 60s. all the foreign corn that was warehoused here would be brought into circulation here. Now, if their Lordships looked at the Returns which had been furnished, there they would find that at certain times all the markets of different countries varied according to circumstances he had before alluded to. The corn warehoused in this country would come into circulation here whenever, either by accident or it might be by contrivance, the price of English corn war raised to 60s. At that moment foreign corn would be poured into our markets, at a duty of 20e., and after it once came in, there would be no means of stopping its in troduction ; and thus, whether the English farmer had a „pod or a bad season, it would be impossible that the pro duce of his land could ever rise above 60s. but would be kept, by foreign importation, just about that sum. The far mer must, in this way, be a loser by both seasons, and in such a situation it was impossible he could go on. How, he asked, was the agriculture of the country generally carried on, except by the regular sale of the crop, and the expenditure of a portion of the produce of that sale upon the future cultivation of the farm ? Formerly the farmer sold his produce imme diately to the consumer, but now he sold his produce to & dealer, who, of course, had his profit upon the resale. He himself knew, that in one small market town alone no less than sixty-four dealers had grown up in his own time. The fact was, that the country swarmed with dealers, and the price paid by them for what they bought from the farmer was very different from that paid by the consumer. He would ask, when the present price rose to sixty shillings, what was the sum likely to be paid to the farmer? He would not receive sixty shillings, nor more, perhaps, than fifty-five shillings at most. If this was the case in small towns, what was to he expected in London and other large cities, where the dealers acted to a so much greater extent? This increase of dealers, too, had gone hand in hand with the increase of population. Now he remembered many towns that had more than doubled their population since he first knew them. Cheltenham, which he once remem bered a little village, containing about 1,800 inhabitants, was now a large and flourishing town, having 22,000 in habitants. Yet Cheltenham, it should be remembered, was merely a place of amusement, to which people re sorted to dance and drink the waters, and so on—(A laugh.)—All this increase in the size of the towns had the effect of increasing the waste and extravagance— the locomotive disposition of the people, who now went about in a kind of perpetual motion, although such ex cursions were, in former times, considered long and painful journies. It was a mistake to compare the al teration in the price of corn with that in the price of other articles. If Noble Lords would look around them they would find that Corn was the cheapest article. The Noble Lord, after reading over the preamble to the pre sent Bill, went on to observe, that in the event of the introduction of Foreign Corn, under a tax of any kind, that tax must be paid by the growers, and therefore that tax would be to all intents and purposes, equivalent to a new land tax. What, he asked, was the condition of Ireland, and what effect was this measure likely to produce upon her ?—lreland had never found a market in this country into which she could send her grain without the payment of duty.—ln thisway her exportations to this country had gone on (Lord Lauderdale. " It has gone on increasing from year to year.") He agreed with his Noble Friend in think ing that the importations of grain from Ireland had been on the increase, and therefore this Bill, allowing the impor tation of foreign grain upon certain terms, would give to Ireland a new rival in that article. Every portion of foreign grain introduced to supply the deficiency of the produce of this country—should there be any—must so far prevent the consumption of the produce of Ireland. And yet they were told, and he concurred in the observation, that Ireland was to be governed by measures of amelioration. Ireland, it should be considered, was not divided into large farms like England, but was partitioned out into email divisions, where the occupant was at once the farmer and the labourer. Whereas, in England, a farmer undertaking the occupation of a farm of 300/. a-year, must in the outset be possessed of a capital of 12001., and therefore he is a man of pro perty before he commences business. Such ainan could em ploy labourers, because their labour contributed to his pro fit; but in Ireland the small farmer (himself a labourer) could ill afford to pay a shilling for assistance, unless when driven to it in harvest time. The enormous Church establishment, and the Government establishments gene rally, had the effect of increasing the price of every article of consumption throughout the country. The Noble Lord. after going into numerous details, moved, that their Lord ships do resolve themselves into a Committee of the whole House, to arrange a Basis of Restrictions with reference to the Importation of Foreign Corn. Lord GODERICH thought it probable that their Lord ships would agree with him in thinking, that it would be more convenint to abstain from discussing, on that occa sion, either the general principle or the particular details of the Bill which stood for a second reading on Friday next ; because, although it was true that many of the topics contained in the resolutions presented by the Noble and Learned Lord were more or less directly connected with the subject of that Bill, yet it was quite clear that if he attempted now to enter into a full exposition of his views on the subject (as he intended to do on Friday), he should undertake a task infinitely beyond his strength and competency at that moment, and more than the patience of their Lordships would endure. The resolutions of the Noble Lord embraced not only the Bill before the House in its principle and details, but likewise the largest questions of Government—of internal policy, and every possible topic connected with the intercourse of this country with foreign nations. All those subjects were of the greatest importance, and, for ought he knew, it was very reasonable they should, at a fitting time, be taken into consideration ; but to have them thus mixed j ( ,r).. I/ ~-...,.. .., ~,.. 1 - - , „,„ k., , P Z4 t ; ' l l '''-*-.."--- • \ ' a l oot ! , •‹. t O •''''' . .. c r/ i . UP toget h er. lll illig . an voted id- „man, would be inconsisfeklltwithli4.4praakigeN)f a 'le :.ative aseem bly.—The Bill, tv i'hO•ectoulif. move the second reading of on Friday, w4Nrilacticill lillatitOre upon which their Lordships would sbe called upon to pronounce " aye or " no ;" but the resolutions were, in fact, a series of ways on political economy; and it would be an out of the way course for their Lordships to express their approbation of the opinions contained in them by a formal vote. It would, indeed, he thought, be highly impolitic in their Lordships to establish by their vote all the dissertations contained in the resolutions to be matter of fact. There was one circumstance, too, which would render it impos sible for their Lordships to adopt any one or more of the resolutions unless they adopted them altogether—namely, that each successive resolution was founded upon the rea sonings of the one which preceded it. They must, there fore, take them in the lump, or not at all. If they adopted some and rejected others, there would appear only a ske leton of what was originally proposed. The resolutions must, necessarily, appear on the journals of the House ; and he hoped that that would satisfy the Noble Lord, and that he would not press the matter farther. He would proceed to state very briefly his reasons for not concurring with do resolutions. In the general bearing of the first resolution, namely, that agriculture was the basis of the prosperity of this country—he certainly was disposed to agree, though he thought some allusion ought to We been. made to the other sources durcecesiatedof that our agricultureweahh.Twhaes tt a trade and s econd resolution, b ma nufacture, and is so far the most important trade and ma nufacture in every country, as every other trade and ma nufacture must depend on it." Now he could not admit, as an historical matter of fact, that agriculture wag the most important trade in every country. That it vat not the fact was indeed proved by the example of many states (small ones, be admitted, but once exercising an important influence in the affairs of the world), and amongst others of Genoa, Venice, and the United States of Holland. The power anti greatness of those States by no means depended on agriculture, and therefore, if their Lordships should pass that resolution, they would affirm what wa. not matter of fact. The third resolution appeared to contain an error in reasoning. It stated that the profitable culti vation of the land depended on other objects of production, and particularly on the production of anitnth and the food of animals ; but it is well known that in eountrivt whkk were most celebrated for the production of corn, those other productions were little regarded and of little value.— If, therefore, they agreed to this resolution, they would in a second instance affirm that which the state of the world con tradicted. The 4th resolution declared that the laws now in force regulating the importation of foreign corn were founded on the principles expressed in the foregoing resolu tions. That was not an accurate statement. The laws at present in force on that subject had no reference what ever to those other articles of production upon which the Noble Lord had placed so much emphatic stress in the third resolution. With respect to wool, the act of Charles 11., from which the Noble Lord dated the system of which he was so fond, not only imposed no duty on the importa tion of foreign wool, but even sonfined the consumption of English wool to this country alone. It was therefore impossible to say that the old law was founded on the principle of the resolutions, which was to extend protec tion to agricultural produce of every description. The 15th of Charles 11., the preamble of which was quoted in the Noble Lord's resolutions, did not proceed upon the prin ,_.iple of those resolutions. It never allowed of a free ,:xport of corn. When the price reached 485., ex port was prohibited. Under the same act, foreign corn was admitted upon payment of a duty of ss. 4d., until the price arrived at 485., after which it was admitted Ilion payment of only Bd. duty. The act in question, amon„st other things, imposed a duty of 20s. per head on all lean rattle imported from Scotland between the months of August and December. The Noble Lord opposite (Lord Lauderdale) must doubtless consider that as a barbarous piece of cruelty towards his countrymen. He only men tioned it to show that the enactments of the law which had been referred to did not bear out the theory of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord had quoted from the Spectator, snd had contrasted the opinions of Sir Richard Steele and M'Culloch. It was to him (Lord Goderich) a matter of perfect indifference which of those two persons was eon iidered the most eminent political economist. He had never subscribed to all the doctrines of Mr. Al`Culloch, nor any other teacher of that school " Nullius audictus jurare in verbs magistri." He might, perhaps, occasionally puzzle himself with the essays of the political economists, which he believed, like wise puzzled their authors ; but he was not, therefore, wedded to their opinions. About the time, however, to which the Noble Lord had referred as presenting a contrast _with the present period, which was favourable to the state of agricultute, namely, the reign of George 1., it happened that the most woful complaints were made of the de graded state of the agriculturists. The publications of that day stated, as the Noble Lord now did, that agriculture would be ruined, and that the constitution of the country would be involved in its destruction. During a consider able portion of the 18th century, agriculture was sta tionary ; but other things connected with agriculture were not. The population continued to increase, and the greatest possible distress prevailed in this country, on account of the high price of cern. This was the case between 1763 and 1773. What, then, led to the change of the law in 1773 ? Why that change was made be cause, in the 10 years preceding, it had been found neces sary to pass 18 or 20 acts of Parliament to meet the contin gencies occasioned by the old system. Was, then, that eye so all-wise, so beneficial, so favourable to the interests of agriculture, as it had been represented ? In 1773, change was effected ; and the plan then introduced continuedprinciple o t f o be the a clatewd of fn 1773 3il that tlsfh;eyanwd were w oo a l s v e t o n d t e h a e_ rouring to return. Between 1773 and 1815 the progress of trade, of manufactures—in short, of every thing con nected with the welfare of the country—was as great as the most anxious mind could wish. That extension of industry, that accumulation of wealth, was effected under the very system of laws, the return to which was now con sidered by some individuals as a dangerous innovation.— (Hear.)—lt was for the Noble Lord who had introduced the motion to controvert that fact if he could. The cor rectness of his statement was shown by the vast number of En4osure Bills which bad been passed during the period he had mentioned. Therefore, he contended, that this re solution of the Noble and Learned Lord led to a most er roneous conclusion; because it went to establish this pro position—that the system which.had been set en foot in the time of Charles IL, and ached on down to the year 1773, was the cause of all the strength, power, and pro sperity at which this country had arrived. He had made these detailed remarks on the resolutions of the Noble and Learned Lord, although he thought that the objection which he had first stated was sufficient to prevent their Lordships from voting for this series of resolutions, which constituted a sort of politic .economico-thermo meter, if he might be allowed to use that expression. He certainly could not, on the grounds the Noble and Learned Lord bad stated, bring himself to acquiesce in the propositions which had been brought forward. He wished to advert to one or two other points con nected with those resolutions, which also involved prin ciples that it was impossible for him to agree with. In the 13th resolution, the Noble and Learned Lord had dwelt much on the assumed feet, that the payment of foreign corn had been, and would be, made in coin. He (Lori Goderich) apprehended that this resolution, if it had any object at all, was intended to lead their Lordships to believe, that the trade in corn was (not an immoderate but any trade in corn), likely to operate prejudicially t a the interests of the country, by inducing a large export of coin. He should not combat this proposition, on theory, lest he might be considered a political economist, and thus excite the displeasure of the Noble and Learned Lord. He should confidently appeal to the evidence which their Lordships had lately received on this subject, by which it was clearly shown that corn was not to be paid for in gold, or if so paid for, that that gold was to leave the country altogether ; and he must say it was a most unreasonable fear to suppose that they could not have a trade in foreign cons, without causing a drain of gold out of the country. Last year 2,000,000 of quarters of foreign corn were imported, the cost of which would be upwards of 1,000,0001. sterling. Now, if the Noble and Learned Lord's pro position were true, that corn must have been paid for in gold. But how stood the fact ? Why, during the whole of that year, the exchange was so much in favour of this country as to make the export of gold, in return for corn, the very worst speculation that could have been entertained by any mercantile man. During that time bullion was im ported into the mint, and coined, to the amount of no less than 6,000,000 of sovereigns. The rate of exchange had been such, that it was not worth any body's while to buy corn with gold. What occurred in 1824 and 1826 ? The exchanges were then unfavourable from various causes, and the exportation of gold was considerable ; but yet he eo t r e gtn e o s twoany exportedoytehaei inp a n lr o ts t 2o4 a f singleths world, would sovereign undertake for v went corn. toe a E t°y v ' e n Dt the hana tt o ii en v ' and 1825 in casks, and which were placed in the Bank of France, came back to this country in the same casks, which had never been opened.—(Hear.)—He therefore, with these facts in view, could not affirm a resolution which im plied that a more open importation of corn would draw all the gold out of the country. This he had alluded to as general proposition, which, if the subject were at all con Also, just published, 1 PAPER MONEY, BANKING, and OVER TRADING. By Sir Henry Parnell, Bart. M.P. C oi ,_ taming those parts of the Evidence taken before the Com mittee of the House of Commons, which explain the Scotch system of Banking. 2. A LETTER on the CORN LAWS. By the Right Hon. Wm. 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