The Sun. — London, England, 1827-06-19 00:00:00

derstood from a friend, whose letter he held in his hand, that there had been.a rise of Ss. or 4s. This, it was said, was caused by the late Bill having been lost in another place.—(Loud cries of Hear, hear.)--Though this was the case, still there was no fear of a great rise of prices; on the contrary, the promise which we had of an abundant har vest was calculated to keep them down. Besides, it should be recollected, that wheat rose Ss. or. 4s. upon: the intro duction of the Right Honourable Gentleman's Bill a few weeks ago, and that circumstance caused an alarm in the public mind. When prices were at 675., it was stated that we were comfortable and happy ; and that the people enjoyed abundance under their beloved So vereign. But now, that prices were at 585., alarm was said to be spread abroad in all quarters. The fact was, that with the different variations in the value of our cur rency at different times, it was extremely difficult to legis late at all with.respect to corn. But they were compelled to - do what they thought best for the interests as well of the agriculturists as of the community at large--(Hear, hear.)—All be asked at present was, that an Act which had stood on their Statute Book for five years--an Act which had been passed by that House upon the serious re commendation of a Committee—should have a fair trial. It might be said that Ministers would have the power of preventing corn from becoming dear by an girder in Coun cil. He did not fear, that if this power was given to Mi nisters, that they would Use it otherwise than discreetly and cautiously: But-that was not the question. It was the duty of Parlianient to provide, as far as in them lay, against the necessity of resorting to such measures, unless at times of unforeseen and pressing necessity. He main tained, that if his measure was adopted, such a necessity would be obviated.- Upon the various occasions that the Corn Laws had beenbrought under discussion, he had taken a lively interest in them, and had sedulously attended to the welfare and prosperity of agriculture. He had 'never looked upon this as a_ personal or a party question—(Loud cries of hear, hear), and never had be taken any part upon it upon private or party considerations.— (Hear, hear, hear.)—He had always felt that this country should put an obligation upon itself, and provide sufficient food for its inhabitants, as he was perfectly sure it could do with industry, attention, and ma ;snanagement, instead of relying upon foreign countries for our supplies. This was the wisdom and the policy of aome of our wisest Legislators and statesmen, and never bad the doctrine been. more ably and eloquently enforced than by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite.—(Hear, bear !) He (Mr. Western) had looked upon the Act of 1815 as perfect settling of the Corn Question, and he was sure that it was viewed lathe same light by Ministers, by the House, and by the Country at large ; and therefore, he opposed the Act of 1822, because he considered it to be an inva sion of that settlement, and a breach of public confidence. The Hon. Member -concluded -by rowing the following Resolution : " That it is the opinion of this Commission, that so much of the Act of the 3d Geo. IV. c. 60., relating to the importation of corn, as renders the provisions of those Acts dependent on the admission of foreign wheat for home consumption, under the provisions of the Act of the 55th Geo. 111. c. 26, should be repealed." " That the Scale of Prices at which the home consump tion of Foreign Corn, Meal, Wheat, or Flour, is admitted by the said Act of the 55th of Geo. 111., shall cease and determine ; and that thenceforth all and every the provi sions of the said Act of the 3d Geo. IV., shall be in force the same as if they had not been made dependent upon the admission of foreign wheat for home consumption under the maid Act of the 55th Geo III." Mr. CANNING rose and said—Sir, the first observa tion I shall make upon the speech of the Honourable Mem ber is, that I consider the tone and manner which he has introduced his motion exactly suited to the great question which he brings under our discussion—a question involv ing so deeply the interests as well of the agriculturists as of the community at large. Ibeg to assure the Honour able Member, that I shall address myself to the question in the same tone; and whatever may be the future opi nion I may feel it right, in justice to myself, to others, and to the King's Government, to express, I shall ab stain from all allusion at the present, not because I do not feel the provocation-, but because I do not think this the most proper.time for doing so.—(Cheers.)—Sir, I ran conceive no epecits; of faction more inexcusable, more blameable, or more Wicked, than that which would make a subject touching the interests, and involving the proa. perity of the whole community, a ground 'for exciting party feelings, or exasperating political animosities.— (Loud and repeated eheers.)—Sir, the next proposition which the llonourable Gentleman has made, is one to which, as he has laid it down, I cannot entirely accede, and which I think; even" according to his view of the subject; old the reasons he has given for its adoption, is one he , cannot:boope to= see-carried into effect. Ido not think that his , propcelitiovvis one at .all calculated to meet thole disagreeable circumstances of the country, which he seem 4 to think render some proposition necessary, and which lie also - supposes call for the adoption of his par ticular proposition. His reasons seem to me to amount to this—that as the old Corn Bill, I mean that which was Arst.passed, has introduced a system, that every one agrees requires alteration ; and as the Bill that has lately passed this House, and which would have afforded the required alteration, has, through no fault of ours, been lost in another place, we should now turn to account another Bill passed some few years since, which Bill, however, he is :forced at the same time to acknowledge, possesses so many defect• in principles that it has never been brought into _operation ; and which' contains among others that clause which I will call the deterring clause, namely, that which prevented the introduction into our markets of foreign wheat until our own wheat had attained the price of 80s. a clause which was no better than a bugbear, and which utterly prevented that Bill from being efficient and opera tiee.—(Hear.)—l admit, Sir, that there are circumstances in the country, such as require some interposition of the Le gislature ; but Ido think that the Hon. Gentleman is asking too much of this branch of the Legislature, when he de sires the Committee to consider of some proceeding to meet those circumstances ; and in entering upon that considera tion, to retract their latest and most mature deliberation, and to adopt a Bill which has always been acknowledged to be defective, rather than resort to the principles at least of that measure, which, as it seems to me, has been unmerit sedly thrown aside. Who, I ask, Sir, who, in the course of the last discussion upon the state of the Corn Laws, ever once proposed to act even upon the principle of the Bill of esoo ? None. None, at least, without a considerable al teration in the prosision3 of that Act, which, from its known deficiencies, h a s seen a dead letter from the very date of its enactment. ii making his proposition, the Hon. Gentleman has assumed It to be necessary upon other considerations besides those to whicb I have alluded. But even there his reasoning seems to me equally,inconclusive. He says that the House of Commons have lately passed a Bill, in which 60s. or 625. were stated as the remunerat ing price ; that that Bill, without any fault of ours, and be it observed too, without any impeachment of the principle of the Bill itself, has been rejected elsewhere, in consequence of which a difficulty has arisen and an alarm has been created throughout the country--ergo, as the difficulty exists, it must be removed, and as alarm has been created, it must be pacified ; and the difficulty and the alarm both being caused by the high price of corn, he proposes to remove the one, and to pacify the other, by destroying the remunerating price of 625., and 'by returning to the price of lOs., which it was our object lately to diminish—(Hear, hear, hear, and laughter. )—lt is. really impossible to establish any other proposition than t'iat which I Gate just stated, as the consequence of Isis arguments. The Honourable Gentleman ought not also to have lost sight of the circumstance, that in the re cent discussions of this House upon the subject of the Corn. Laws, it was not only the price, but the principle, which came under consideration ; and the question, therefore, which we hare to consider, is not only whether we can agree to the substitution of 70s. for 605., but also whether the more matured decision of this House shall he abandoned, anal whether we shall withdraw our support from those. pr i n ciples on which that decision was founded, for no other] reason than that those principles have not been fortunate' enough to meet with approbation elsewhere ? Yet such is. the condik which the Hon. Gentleman wishes us to pur-. sue ; and withotat any arguments to spew the incorrectness: of the conclusions to which we then arrived, lie calls upon , ass to abandon what we have done, and to retract the de liberate decision we have lately- made—to disclaim all we. have been before declaring necessary—and, in short, tol go back to the principles of prohibition. Ido not say that l thelllon. Gentleman has been unable to make his propo-1 sitions clear to the House from the want of capacity in himself. Ido not say that it is from the want of ability, or of knowledge, or of experience (all of which he possessesi as much as any other man), that he has not succeeded ini furnishing the House with a single reason for the course he requires us to pursue. Perhaps that he has not done so isj more to be attributed to the nature of his proposition itself) l than to any oth er circu m stance. — I agree, Sir, with the', Hon. Gentleman , that something is necessary to be done ;: • but the rule I should lay down upon the subject is a very plain one. As, I presume, that the House of Commons is not so reduced as to abjure what its Members have declared to be necessary principles, to rescind their deliberate Reno_ ich /utions, and to throw away as waste paper thatmßeirlle.wh_ they have so much and so carefully considered, be rause in a certain assembly, which, for many reasons, is en-, titled to our respect , they did n o t ha pp en to be entertained' w ith that courtesy which might- hive beeu expee7 u were made the subject of an amendment, which not merely went to rescind what we had enacted, but to intro duce principles, that, besides being new; itete posi tively contrary to what we had determined to/ be neces sary. Let theelioneess theenselves feel • thii as they may. If there be shinse' in itelheyavill not 'submit to it. —(Hear, hear.)--While, however, on one hand, I should say that we ought not to submit to change - our opinions, and to abandon our own principles without being satisfied that we were mistaken, yet I should most sincerely wish, on the other hand, that the Bill I• now propose to pass ; should he as little liable as possible to any objections that may throw impediments in the way of its being passed. I should, therefore, lay down as a rule to guide us in framing a new Bill, that it should not, if possible, run counter to any thing which we have reason to believe will occasion its loss in another place. While, therefore, on the one hand, I do not wish that we should yield one tittle of our ptivi leges, so, on the other, I am not desirous that this period of the Session should pass without enacting a measure thit may produce some practical good. That such a measure should be perfect is more than can possibly be expected ; but some thing is necessary to be done at once, and time enough will then remain fully to consider the alterations that may after ' wards be deemed necessary. The first rule, therefore, which I would adopt, should he to do nothing that may ensure con tradiction elsewhere ; and, secondly, that we should do nu more than is absolutely necessary at the present moment, since after that which has passed here and in the other House of Parliament, every body must be satisfied, that in the next Session the whole subject must be fully re considered. The third rule I would establish is, that con ceding every thing that may fairly be required from us, wh should begin with spirit whatever we intend to do, and rule should frame our Bill on those principles which have been concurred in here, and on which we have legislated. Now, as far as we have the means of knowing, the principles of the Bill we have already passed have not been touch's ed. Indeed that Bill, when it was discussed in the other• House upon principle, passed its second reading by a large majority. The immediate evil against which we have to provide is, the alarm that the loss of the Bill has occasioned —an alarm which, if the statements of some Hon. Gentle men are not exaggerated, must he very considerable. If the alarm is not great now, I trust most sincerely that the minds of men will not become more excited, and at least that the amount of evil may not be exaggerated. I know that it• alarm does at present exist, we have great reason to fear that it may he made the subject of exaggeration; for the period at which such an alarm is likely to he the greatest, is between the present time and that of the com ing in of the following harvest; in other words, between the expenditure of the stock in hand, and the period of oh. taming the new supply. At this moment lam happy to say, that from all the accounts we have received, there is every reason to believe that no ground for alarm exists; for the harvest promises to be most abundant ; hut; notwithstanding this, I understand there is an apprea hension that the failure of the Bill which lately passed this House may create an alarm which may be much exaggerated, if the report should be spread abroad that nothing is intended to be done by the Parliament.— Now it does so happen, that 'hy the natural operation of the Bill (for the minds of men were, in some degree, pre pared to expect that it would pass into a law), a great quantity of foreign corn has been introduced into the coun try, and there are, at this moment, about 560,000 qrs. of foreign corn in the ports of England. As these have been brought hither on the expectation that their importa tion would be sanctioned by law, something must be done: with them ; and as the principle of the Bill that passed this House has not been impeached in the other House of Parliament, I feel no hesitation in making a proposition on the subject. I propose, then, that these 560,000 qrs. of foreign corn, now in bond in this country, should be let out, not by an Act of the Government (for• greatly as the Honourable Gentleman fears the exercise of such a power on the part of the Government, I assure him that he is not more unwilling to confer such a power than we are to exercise it), but that they should come out under the pro visions of the Bill now before the House. To that part of the Bill there was no objection in the other House of Parliament; and therefore it is that I now propose, that the quantity of corn now in warehouse in this country, or. which may be brought into warehouse here before the Ist day of July, shall be allowed to come out, under the restrictions and regulations, both with respect to price and duty, as would have keen in existence, had the Bill which passed this House assumed the authority of a law.— To that purpose, at least, the Bill may be supposed to have passed into a law, since that part of its provisions was not objected to in the other House. The point which impeded the passing of the Bill was quite of another description. At the same time I believe, that with respect to time regula tions on which foreign corn was to have been imported hereafter, an Amendment was proposed and negatived. I state this with the view of sheaving, that in what I propose we should do with reference to bonded corn, we shall not be running the risk of engaging in a conflict with the other House—a conflict which I should extreme!) , deprecate.— The only point to which I now wish to allude, is with re ference to another species of corn, very small in its amount, but with respect to the importation of which there are pe culiar circumstances of favour—l mean the corn of Ca nada, for the shipping of which preparations have al ready been made, and for which bills have been trans mitted here on the faith that such corn might legally be imported. This is the only proposition which, under present circumstances, the Government think proper to submit to the House. My first proposition is, to let loose the corn now in bond by the operation of the prin ciples of the Bill itself ; and then to let in, tin der the same restrictions, the corn of Canada, which has been shipped on the faith of the Bill. To neither of those parts of the Bill was the smallest objection made in the House of Lords, and the amendment which lost the Bill, was, as far as I understand the matter, one which did not touch them in the least. In proposing them, Sir, for the consideration of this Committee, I am therefore doing that which will not bring us within the risk of a conflict with the other House, since the principles on which I now wish to act are those that met with no ob jection, and were in fact adopted from us. This Act of legislation is, however, hut temporary in its nature, as I propose it shall last no longer than the Ist of May in the following year. I shall do this for the purpose of insuring the early attention of Parliament to a subject which I can not but consider of vital importance to the country. It is my earnest wish that the first act of the Legislature, in the ensuing year, shall be to reconsider the Act of the present Session ; and by the experience we shall then have had, I think we shall possess the fullest and best means of en tering on that re-considerations Between the Honourable Gentleman and myself there is a wide practical differ.. ence. I propose, that in case of emergency, a quantity of foreign corn, to a limited extent, shall be admitted into the market here. I say to a limited extent, because I have no desire to alarm the agriculturists ; a n d I, therefore, limit the extent of corn thus to he rendered admissable, to that which is now in warehouse in this country, or• which may have been shipped on the faith of the Bill that has passed this House. The price at which I propose it shall be admissible is sixty shillings ; and I adopt the scale of price and the scale of duty from that Bill, the principle of which was not opposed in the House of Lords ; but I restrict the operation of that principle, by confining it entirely to that corn which is now in bond here, or which has been shipped from Canada, and for which bills have been drawn and accepted. The Hon. Gentleman, on the contrary, proposes to get rid of the principle of the Bill passed in this House in the present Session, and to treat it as if every part of it had been re jected in the other House, resorting to 70s. as the mininuein price at which the people of England are to be relieved from the pressure of the high price of corn, by the impor tation of foreign grain. The practical difference, there fore, between the Hon. Gentleman and myself is con - siderahle ; and I confess that 1 do not think the House can hesitate in agreeing with me that the proposition I have submitted is that which ought to be adopted. I do not think the Hon. Gentleman will find the circumstances of the times are such, that his measure, even if it should now be carried, will be conceived to be one which ought to he fastened permanently on the country. All I ask is, that Parliament should meet a present, or, at least, a probably approaching evil, reserving to itself the full right of dis cussion upon the framing of a permanent measure, which, for the honour of this Parliament, and fin• the advantage of the people of this country, I trust may pass into a law, and be finally settled in the next Session. I have now, Sir, only to move, " That it is the opinion of this Com mittee that every sort of foreign corn, grain, meal, or flour, now warehoused in the United Kingdom, or which i may be reported for warehousing before the Ist of July next, shall he admitted into the home market for consump tion before and until the Ist of May, IS2S, on payment of the duties following." The duties I propose are those which would have been payable had our Bill passed into a law. Mr. PEEL said, that the only circumstance under which he could be induced to give his vote in favour of the proposition of the Honourable Gentleman, would have been the belief that it was the determination of the Go vernment not to introduce any other measure to the notice of Parliament during the present Session. Had that been the case, he should have considered the proposition of the Honourable Gentleman was one which was calculated to • amend a great blot in the existing system of the law ; and • although he was not satisfied with it, and although he believed that it went to establish a principle which ought not to be established, he should - have preferred it - .to .the present state of the law, as he thought it 'impossible to re tain in actual operation a law which prohibited the impor tation of foreign corn until the produce of our own country had risen as high as 80s. He could easily conceive that the Honourable Gentleman who brought forward the pre sent proposition could do so with perfect consistency, al though he had opposed it in 1822, because the circum stances of these two periods differed much from each other. Had no other proposition been made to the House, he should have voted for that of the Honourable Gentleman, because he conceived some change in the present system absolutely necessary ; but as the Amendment of his Right Honourable Friend was founded on the Bill which had passed that House, he preferred it to the partial proposi tion of the Honourable Gentleman ; and, therefore, rift only on the ground of consistency, but because he pre ferred his Right Hon. Friend's Amendment, lie shoutd vote for it, and decidedly resist the proposition of tide Honourable Gentleman. He should follow the example of his Right Honourable Friend, in not mixing up with thss discussion matter which was really foreign to it. At keit such had been the rule which his Right Honourable Frielid had laid down at the commencement of his speech, but which, no doubt unintentionally, lie had, in some p4s of it, violated. It was his (Mr. Peel's) opinion, that no more unwise course could be pursued by any party, than to connect political questions of any sort with the question bf the Corn Laws, which ought to be discussed independently of any other matter. " lf," continued the Right Hof. Gentleman---" if any Gentleman should think that the Amendment proposed by my Noble Friend, in the Houle of Lords, was connected with any purpose of a political na ture, or still less with any purposes of party faction, I di dare, upon my honour, that I believe such an impression o be totally erroneous. I believe that my Noble Friend, the Duke of Wellington, having supported his Majesty's Gq vernment in the early stages of the Bill, and having voted for its second reading, when its principle was discussed, proposed his Amendment with a sincere desire to promote that which he understood to be the real object of the Bill, and to remedy a defect which he thought he perceived iu it. I believe that he made his proposition on a miscon struction of what had passed between my Right lion. Friend and myself: and that when he made his suggestion, he really thought the suggestion was not dissented from by that Right Hon. Gentleman. I say I believe this, because if he had intended to have made that Amendment the means of an opposition to the Government, I do think that I should have heard of it previously—(hear, hear ;)—and that the first intimation I obtained of his intention would not have been delayed till the morning of the day after that on which he had proposed and carried his Amendment. — 7 (Hear, hear.")—The Right Hon. Gentleman then proceed ed to comment on the claim which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had set up for the privileges of the House of Commons; and observed, that while his Right Hon; Friend claiMed for that House the full and free exercise of their privileges, they ought to give equal freedom to others; However, so anxious was he to avoid saying any thing that might produce acrimonious feelings, that he should abstain from making any further observations . upon that part of the subject, and should confine himself entirely to the discussion of the question immediately before them.— On that question, the course lie should adopt was taken up with no other consideration than what he be lieved to be for the permanent interest of the people of this country. He . must, however, remind the House, when they objected to the opinions of others upon this Bill, that they themselves had deemed it necessary to make altera tions in the Bill since its first introduction. He was sorry to hear that what was to be done now was to be only a temporary meausure. He wished that it had been thought possible to have introduced at this time a Corn Bill in such a form as would enable them to render it permanent, and that the Right Hon. Gentleman had not taken that Amend ment to have been so important as to destroy the Bill. The Amendment might have been important enough to prevent the Government from carrying the Bill, so amended, through the House of Lords; but he would ask whether it was so much so as to prevent the Right Hon. Gentleman from doing that which might have amounted to an honourable compromise between the two Houses? He thought that such was the importance of the discussion that was to decide the price of corn, and to settle the question between landlord and tenant, that even if the Ses sion should be protracted to the end of July, be should think the time well consumed in finally disposing of the subject. He thought it would be infinitely better, both for the agriculturist and manufacturer, if between those two, as between the two Houses of Parliament, an ho nourable compromise could be effected. 111 was not the advocate of one or the other; and he thought those parties showed the greatest wisdom who manifested no particular or exclusive partiality for either, especially as he believed each of those classes would best promote its own interest, by showing respect to the wishes snit interest of the other. On the ground of his own consistency, but, beyond that, on the ground of the preference he really entertained for the Amendment, lie should give it his decided support. Mr. W. WHITMORE was understood to say, that in rejecting the Bill lately presented to them, the Members of die House of Lords had manifested greater ignorance than he ever before witnessed in any body of legislators. He concurred, though with some reluctance, in the Resolution of the Right Hon. Gentleman ; and he begged to guard himself most distinctly against being supposed, by that concurrence, to convey an approbation of the temporary measures by wilier it was attempted to palliate the evils inherent in the existing system of Corn Laws. It was too much that the people should be obliged tb look to the Go vernment, year after year, for the supply of food. This was the third temporary measure of this kind that had been adopted ; and lie now felt it right to state, that if a similar measure should be proposed on any future occa sion, upon whatever alleged grounds of expediency, he should consider it his duty to give to such a proposition his decided opposition. With regard to the Bill that had met its fate in the other House of Parliament, lie certainly concurred in the propriety of not proceeding with it, after the wound which the measure had received. He could not agree, however, that the principle of the Bill differed essentially from that which it professed to amend ; in his opinion, there was no practical difference between a high protecting duty and a prohibition. Whenever he and others addressed the House on this subject, the greatest in attention and apathy prevailed. Colonel WOOD observed, that if there should he a wet season and a bad harvest this year, similar to that of 1 616, the letting in of 600,000 quarters would not prevent the price of corn from rising above 70s. ; and he thought that in common fairness the law of 1822 ought to be allowed to come into operation, so that corn might be admissible, subject to a duty, when the average price reached 70s. Late as the Session was, he thought a permanent measure ought still to be brought forward. For his part, he could not help thinking that prohibition, and not regulation, was essentially necessary to the best interests of the country. Mr. BENETT had not himself any apprehension of a wet harvest, and he did not think, under all the circum stances, that the measure now proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman was called for. He rejoiced that the Bill had been thrown out in the other House of Parliament; for he was persuaded, that had that Bill passed, it would have had the effect of throwing a great portion of the poorer land in this country out of cultivation. The only fair principle that could be adopted, in legislating on the Corn Laws, was the principle of a fixed duty. He saw no reason why the motion of the Hon. Member for Essex (Mr. Western) should not be adopted. Sir JOHN NEWPORT—The House could not now consistently legislate on the Act of 1822 ; since it was part of a system which, as far as this House was concerned, had been repealed ; and, unless this House chose to abandon all pretension to character, it could not send to the other House such a proposition. The principle of prohibition ought never to be entertained with respect to corn. Such a principle ought never to be allowed to exist with refer ence to any article of food. He was glad that the Act of 1822 had never come into operation, since he was satisfied that, if it ever should come into operation, the agriculturists of this country would be overwhelmed with foreign corn. The difficulty in which we were now placed arose out of the Amendment made in the other House—an Amendment which originated with certain late Ministers, who at tempted by that means to subvert the principle and destroy the effect of a measure which they themselves had sanc tioned while in Administration.—(Hear, hear. )—The pur pose of that Amendment—but he would not designate the purpose. Its effect, however, would be to exasperate the population of this country, already irritated upon other grounds ; for no man of any r eflection could possibly believe that such an amendment did not proceed on party principles.—(Some cries of " No ! No !") Well, so me persons might, perhaps, take a different view of the matter; but, to him, it appeared perfectly , clear that the Amendment proceeded from party prin ciples. if this House were to act upon their privileges, and imitate the conduct of another House, the con sequence would be that the people would be ground between the two Houses, and that a famine price of Corn would be produced, unless the necessity of the case should compel the' Executive Government, upon its own responsibility, to relieve the people from the neglect of the Legislature. In legislating with respect to Corn, it was incumbent on him to look particularly to the interests of Ireland, which was: country; and the measure of 1806 was! by the people of that kingdom.: generallyaookLooking g t o agricu lturalhighlytie ininterest est approved hel a nd,- w hi c h was ag r icultural ;I and to that of this countryi which was partly!agrieulturall -he-thought the Bill which had and partly manufacturing, • been - seat up to the oth er Hotise a Wise Measure oflegisia 'tion. The agricultural inter* was fully protected by it, whilst it afforda the gTeatest relief to the manufacturers. the - loss of that Bill ; and now h ff e i h ni op i) e si d i t i h e :t PlY som rt*i some temporary ete pro Vision would be made, until they had an opportunity of discussing a permanent measure next Session, in rather a better temper than had appeared in this Session, at least in orke branch of the Le • gislature.—(Hear, hear.) Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL wished to treat this subject in the spirit most likely to conciliate all classes, and would not resort to that tone of personal reflection to which some others chose to have recourse. He should have long hesitated, before he would have spoken so dogmatically and imperatively on the subject of the proceedings in the other House as the lion. Baronet had done. The Right Hon. Member for Oxford had stated that he had been in con stant communication with the Noble Duke who had been alluded to, and that the Noble Duke could not have acted in the manner in which some appeared to imagine he had acted without the knowledge of that Right Hon. Member. It is impossible that the Noble Duke could have acted froin any improper motive. The Duke of Wellington was not a man whose public character ought to be rashly impeach ed ; and, if he were nut apprehensive that he might he thought to mention it ad captandum, he would say that, of all other days, this (18th June) was the least proper for any such attempt.—(Loud cries of bear, hear. )—ln the course of the very few observations which he had to make, he would not use reflections that might tend to excite ani mosities among the different classes of the community. Ile could easily understand the course which his Right Hosi. Friend (the Member for Essex) wished to pursue, but it the same time lie could at this moment hardly concur in it. Still, if his Hon. Friend would persevere to a division, must have his vote. It was certainly of the highest inmor - ance that some permanent measure should be adopted with 9- spect to corn ; but no such measure could be fixed upon at present as would meet the approbation of the other House:; and, therefore, he thought it rather preferable for this tine to have recourse to a temporary measure. At the same time he must say, that the Members of the Administration were pursuing a system with respect to the Corn Laws which would bring the country into great difficulties—he meant the system of leaving this country dependent, in a great measure, for its supplies of grain upon foreign countries.-L. The Hon. Baronet opposite had said, that the agricultuL lists of Ireland cordially concurred in the :principle of th g` Bill which had been lately sent up to the House of Lord 4. [Sir J. Newport—l was speaking of the measure of 1806.. It seemed he had misunderstood the Hon. Baronet. Go forbid, however, that he should be the enemy of any great interest of the country, or either do or say any thing th should excite'divisions or animosities among the differen classes of the community. He hoped that next Session proper permanert measure would be brought forward; which they might discuss with coolness and temper. Mr. A. BARING—He could not help observing ties; there was some inconsistency in the conduct of those who professed to be pupils of Mr. Ricardo; and yet were loud in the support and celebration of intolerance and Protestant ascendancy. The measure suggested on this side was one of a temporary nature, and calculated solely for the year, but formed in the spirit of that measure which had already received the approbation of the House. As to the proposi tion of the Hon. Member for. Essex, he did not know any reason why that should be adopted. Why should they adopt the plan of a prohibition of the importation of foreign corn, till the price at home reached 70s. ? He could not but object to that scheme, if it were for no other reason than this, that it was in complete opposition to the plan which had been already adopted by this House. He oh: jected to it, also, inasreoch as it limited the discretionary power which was vested in the Executive Government with respect to the importation of foreign corn. If Parlia ment should establish a prohibition till the price reached 70s. there could be no interference on the part of Govern ment till the home price had advanced that length. There would be no good ground for interference, if Parliament thought proper to take upon itself absolutely to prohibit importation until the price rose to 70c The proposition of the Hon. Member for Essex would, therefore, be not only objectionable in point of principle, and contrary to the plan which the House had already sanctioned, but also ex.. tremely inconvenient in point of practice. The only alter native was to adopt some temporary measure, or some per manent one, conformable, as far as possible, to that which the House had already approved. No plan, however, could be so generally satisfactory as that Which the House had al ready approved, and sent to the other House. Many of the farmers did not think that they would, under that Bill, get sufficiently high prices for their corn; while, on the other hand, the manufacturers thought they would still be compelled to pay a much higher price for bread than they ought to do. But . still there was a general impression that, considering all circumstances, and the feelings which prevailed among different classes; it was as faii and as good a medium as fould_ well be adopted. He, therefore, deeply regretted that such a plan should have been destroyed in an other House, and that consequently, now he was under the necessity of resorting to a temporary measure, a thing to which he could not accede without the greatest reluctance, when he considered the conflicting demands and interests to which it would give rise, - and the total uncer tainty in the corn trade—to which it would lead. Before a plan so generally satisfactory was thrown out, it would have been well if the moral effect of thus setting the different classes of the community in opposition to each other had been more maturely weighed. If the People . should take to reasoning on the subject, and should find that the class of the community from which Magistrates, Members of the Legislature, and Members of the Govern ment wee taken, instead of attending to the general inte rests of the nation,' acted almost with a particular and ex clusive view to their own interests and fortunes, in • oppost tion to the interests of the other classes of the community, that notion might be productive of a very dangerous feel ing. When he came down to the. House, he had consi dered with himself whether Parliament might not sit long enought to enable them to make another attempt to get a fixed and permanent plan adopted. But when he saw in what a spirit another House had dealt with the plan which had already passed this House, he thought it would be ne cessary to give them time to cool, in hopes that in the next Session a better temper would be evinced. However re luctant, therefore, he was to consent to the adoption of a temporary measure, which on many accounts was so highly objectionable, lie at present saw no other alternative; for, considering all the circumstances, he had himself no ex pectation that the longest period to which they could pro tract their labours, would afford them a prospect of having a proper permanent 'measure established in the course of the present Session. As to the Noble Person who had been alluded' to, as having originated the Amendment, as it was called, which had destroyed the principle of that measure, which had received the sanction of that House, and had been so generally satisfactory, he felt so deep a sense of the immense debt of gratitude which the country owed him, that he' should he extremely sorry to say any thing that might have the appearance of reflecting upon him. But, at the same time, he could not help saying, that when he saw no less than five of the late Ministers, all of whom had, while in the Ministry, themselves con ! curred in and approved of the measure which had been passed by this House, and sent to the other House—when he saw all of them, when out of office, turn rotund and strangle that very measure, lie could not agree with the Right Hon. Member for Oxford, that all this was done from an entirely honest feeling ; more especially as the Amendment, by means of which they had effected their object, was the most foolish and absurd, and the most in operative for any goed purpose, that ever was proposed to be introduced into any Bill that ever came before Parlia ment.—(Loud cries of hear, hear.)—That was the true character of the Amendment ; but he spoke of it in these terms, not with any view to reflect upon the individual with whom it originated, but merely to point out the rea sons which induced him to consent to a temporary mea sure, since be saw how hopeless it was to expect that a proper permanent plan should be adopted in the course of the present Session. If the Right Hon. Member for Ox ford could think that such an Amendment was introduced from a sincere desire to promote the object without injuring the principle of the Bill, he could only say, that his cre dulity was equal to his candour; far he (Mr. Baring) could hardly conceive how any persons with common sense, who were really friendly to the principle and object of the Bill, could have proposed such an Amendment, especially if they knew what would be the fate of the Bill, which they must have done, as it was to be presumed that they were acquainted with the privileges of the House of Commons, and with their own 'privilens. The effect of the Amendment was to throw the whole of the Corn Trade of the country into a state of total uncertainty and' confusion. He thought the Right Hon. Gentleman him self ought to have said a few words on the nature, object, and effects of the Amendment. Could any one show that the Amendment was good for any thing except to throw the Corn Trade into the hands of foreigners ? If the ob ject was to give a preference to the corn directly im ported, over the corn in bond, that plan would not have the slightest effect in protecting the agriculture of this country; and if it had not that object, it haul no object whatever, unless that of destroying the Bill. It could not s urely have been intended 'to injure our own shipping, and to throw the whole of the corn trade into the hands of -foreeignxceepri ; t ' .oanif get rid ofthet tvas Bill P: He opuerpreopseea, reheated, e v t t tl e l o a u t ld s it' be, p r otection to ?g - ie . tditt'ie . " the 'Amendment was thesMoit absurd and" ino thaecOtild possibly he •Coieetved ; for corn would be warehoused at the Hans Towns and Flemish ports, and would come into competition with tl‘ borne growers tothe,4lll,,as much as if it were ware housed at home: I `k nught apologise to the Committee for taking up their'tin4 with such an Amendment as this ; bui'eVery one must be perfectly aware, that foreign corn might be easily Warehoused at Flushing and other parts o f the opposite Continent, and readily poured into this country. Some gentlemen seemed to be of opinion, that these foreign ports were at an extraordinary distance, while some of them were not much further from Mark-lane than Boston or Lynn.—Parliament could have given no greater boon to foreigners than by passing this Bill in the shape in which it stood after the Amendment. Foreign corn would still have flowed in abundantly, when the averages would have permitted; but all the benefits of the ware housing system would have been transferred abroad. There would have been one difference, which he believed had not suggested itself to the sagacious inventors of this beautiful Amendment ; namely, that while foreign corn would have come in at low prices with as much facility as ever, if unfortunately the home price had risen to 90s. or 100 s. in consequence of the scarcity resulting from a deficient harvest, this country would then have found itself entirely at the mercy of those foreign countries, where the ports were situated in which the corn had been warehoused— (Hear, hear,)—and from which the supply necessary to our subsistence might in a moment be cut off.—(Cheers.) Could any thing be more absurd or mischievous?—(Cheers. ) He gave credit to the ingenuity of the Right Hon. Gen tleman, the Member for Oxford, who had been obliged, in defending the supporters of the Amendment, to suppose that they were wholly ignorant of the mischief it was in tended to produce, from their total inability to understand its bearings and effect—(Hear, hear)—and that they had, in that happy state of simplicity, brought it forward bona fide for the purpose of amending the Corn Bill.--(Cheers.)— If he (Mr. Baring) thought that this was indeed a real honest corn question elsewhere, he would rather the Bill should have come back to that House, in order that they might have had a free conference with their Lordships-- (A laugh)--in which they might, by the force of reason— it' reason had any power in that quarter—have made even those who professed to be most friendly to this Amendment for its own merits, understand the proposition at last so thoroughly, that nobody could have had the face to offer an argument in its favour.—(Cheers.) --It was with great reluctance he had troubled the House at this length, but he was decidedly of opinion that the country would do better to endure the inconvenience of delay, than legislate in haste on so important a question. The plan of the Hon. Member for Essex (Mr. Western) was not calcu lated either to do credit to the House or benefit to the country.—(Hear.) Mr. PEEL rose instantly.—l am at a loss to reconcile the whole tenour of the Honourable Gentleman's speech to the declaration with which he prefaced it—that such was the veneration he felt for the character of my Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington) and such was his sense of 'the obligations this country was under to that distin guished personage, that he could not on this day, as it had been previously remarked by my Honourable Friend (Sir E. Knatclibull)—the anniversary of the battle of Waterloo —do that pain to his private feelings which lie must have inflicted upon them, by occupying his whole speech with an attempt to turn into ridicule the conduct of the Noble Duke. —(Hear, hear.)—lt was no part of my duty to vindicate the clause moved by my Noble Friend. I stated expressly, as a reason why I believed the proposal of that clause formed no part of a political scheme, that I had never heard of my Noble Friend's intention to move it until the next morning, when I learned that it had been proposed. I said so, because I have reason to think that the Noble Duke would take no step of that kind without my privity. I certainly did say, as I felt justified in do ing, that such are our habits of confidential communica tion on these subjects, that I did think, if the proposal of that clause formed any part of a political device, the Noble Duke would have given me some intimation of his inten tion. But why does the Honourable Gentleman attempt to ridicule my Noble Friend ? If his ridicule be suc cessful, it applies to my Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Huskisson) who sits below him, and not to the Noble Duke.—(Hear, hear.)—l deem it right to state the his tory of this clause, as an answer to the attempt of the Honourable Gentleman to throw ridicule on a man for whom, at the same time, he professed to feel the highest veneration.—(Cheers, and cries of " No, no.")—I deem it right, I say, to state this history, since the debate has de parted so widely from the channel in which it commenced. I will state exactly the course my Noble Friend has pursued. He was appointed a Member of the Committee moved for in the other House, with the consent of his Majesty's Government, the object of which was to inquire respecting the prices at which foreign grain can be shipped from ports abroad, and the quan tity that was to be imported into this country. The result of this inquiry was to create an impression on the mind of my Noble Friend, whether right or wrong I am not argu ing—l am only vindicating his motives, and not the Clause, with which I have no concern—that the warehousing sys tem contributes greatly to fraud, by giving a direct interest to parties who have a considerable quantity of bonded corn to practise on the averages, in order that they may take it out of the warehouses when they hive succeeded, as the case may suit their purposes, in making the priCe rise or fall. The object of my Noble Friend's Clause was, to give a preference to the corn directly imported from on board ship over that lodged in the warehouses ; and whatever ri dicule the Hon. Gent. may throw on that Clause, it is.un doubtedly sanctioned by the Act of 1791, which expressly provides, that corn taken out of the warehouses shall be subject, not only to the then existing duty levied on all other corn, but also to a further duty of two shil lings and sixpence, in addition to the ordinary duty._ It was to that Act that my Noble Friend referred, as something that corresponded in principle with his Amendment. The Hon. Gentleman must have miscon ceived my Noble Friend's Clause altogether, when lie talks of a duty of 2s. 6d. being the result of that Amendment. While lie was exhausting all his powers of ridicule upon it, lie was entirely mistaken as to its nature and design. There was not one word in the Duke of Wellington's Clause as to a duty of 2s. 6d.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—That Clause merely provided, that no foreign corn bonded in this country should be taken out for home consumption till after the averages should have passed 665. Not a word was there as to any additional duty. The Noble Duke only wanted to prevent frauds on the averages; and he said explicitly, " If you object to my mode, resort to the principle of the Act of 1'791, and subject the bonded corn to an additional duty of 2s. 6d." But that duty formed no part of the clause he moved. He stated his object clearly; and hav ing proposed his own method of attaining it, declared that he was willing to consent to any other equally effectual; and in particular, lie said, if his Majesty's Ministers would apply the principle of 1791 to the bonded corn, he was content. But why do I say that the ridicule of the Hon. Gentleman applies not to my Noble Friend, but to my Right Hon Friend ? Becatise the clause originally sent by my Noble Friend for my Right Hon. Friend's opinion was entirely of a different nature. It proposed that no portion of the bonded corn should be taken out of the warehouses for home consumption, until the parties holding previously bonded corn had signified their consent to the admission of the corn subsequently bonded. My Right Hon. Friend stated some objections to this clause, and very just ones too, I believe ; but my Right Hon. Friend went on in his reply to say, that if the Noble Duke had intended to pro pose another clause, restricting the admission of foreign corn—pro hac vice, I am aware, to that bonded previously to the Act—until the average price of British corn reached 665. per quarter, then, says my Right Hon. Friend, " I for one, individually, should not object to it, though I am afraid the amendment would he fatal to the Bill. All the ob jections the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Baring) makes to my Noble Friend's clause, apply equally to this temporary clause suggested by my Right Hon. Friend; for, during the time, it would have operated to precisely the same effect.— (Hear, hear.)—The Hon. Gentleman says the Noble Duke's clause would have afforded no valid protection to agriculture, because the coin-dealer had only to warehouse at Flushing or Ostend, and he could bring his grain over immediately, losing nothing but the additional cost of transport. Does not the Hon. Gentleman see that, for the time, the same objection applies with equal force to my Right Hon. Friend's suggestion ? I know that my Right Hon. Friend never intended his as a permanent measure. But I have not the slightest doubt that my Noble Friend mistook my Right Hon. Friend's intention, and proposed his amendment under the impression that he was acting on the authority of my Right Hon. Friend. Ido not stand up to defend that clause. My sole object is to vindicate the Duke of Wellington from the imputations that have been cast upon him, and which he the less deserves, as he distinctly admitted that a clause short of that he proposed would satisfy him. The Noble Duke acted under the im pression, that though, in point of form, the Bill would be rejected, yet that it might be possible by means of another to alter the warehousing system, without depriving the country of the advantages it might derive from the Bill as a part of the permanent legislation of the land. My Noble Friend voted for the principle of the Bill, and pub licly declared his approbation of it. He gave it his cordial support on going into the Committee; and he moved the 'Amendment, I firmly, believe, only for the purpose of improiing it, by guarding against , fraudulent practices on_ "the averages. • Of this I sun' positive,:thatin ."no part. of these priceedings did ent , NoblelFriendln the', slightest ile gree depart from that rectitucki 4;446)&116i and perfect sincerity, which are as conspicuously the gam' naments of his chlricteras hie-splendid achieve' .meats have raised his,fame far above that of all otheiCroll' .manders.—(Cheers.) •• • . • , • Mr..BARING, in explanation, assured the House the s • it was with unfeigned reluctance that he felt himself cool' pelled to animadvert on the conduct of the Noble Duke. He had stated most truly what he felt. He agreed entirelt with the Right Hon. Gentleman in believing that the Noble Duke had mistaken the meaning of his Right Holi• Friend (Mr. Husliisson), and had been misled by sole persons much more cunning and artful than himself.—( 2l laugh.)—He could not commend the mode in which the Right Hon. Gentleman had alluded to the day, for be really thought the debates of that House were not to he obstructed because they might happen to take place o n the anniversary of the battle of Waterloo.—(Hear.)--Virith one other observation he would conclude. To make hi e argument as short as possible for the convenience of tbe House, he had stated that the Noble Duke's Amendmen t would have been more than tantamount to an additied duty of 2s. 6d. as by raising the price from 625. and e fraction to 665. the difference of duty would have exceed' ed that sum. Mr. HUSKISSON then addressed the Committee:-" Whatever it may be my duty, in my own defence, to stare to this Committee, I beg it may be borne in mind, that° is not I who have personally connected the Noble Puk e with this subject. Whatever disclosures I may be aol l ' pelled to make, I beg it may be borne in mind, that at least they are not of my seeking. I will strictly confine myself to the motion tinder consideration ; and I d o Will tell my Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Peel) the Member for Oxford, that though he thinks all the ridicule which 0 1 1 Hon. Friend behind me (Mr. Baring) has thrown on the . , amendment, is a ridicule that attaches to m y se lf, I wool° infinitely rather bear it all than suffer that amendment r° pass, and work all the mischief which it must have pro' duced. I shall at once, after what has been said, go into the particulars of the correspondence to which my Right Hon. Friend has referred, in order that I may defend nix' self against the charges of inconsistency that w e re - thy° founded upon it. I should have presumed that my Righ t Hon. Friend had seen it, and was well acquainted with ill contents, if he had not so stated them this night as to she that he has entirely mistaken the passages which relate r° the suggestions I offered to my Noble Friend. I trust the , as thesedocuments have been stated in substance in anothe r place, and referred to in the debate of this evening, that 0 objection can exist to my reading extracts from them floor. It was at a late hour, between eleven and twelve o'clock a t night, on the 24th of May—that being the eve of the dol when the Corn Bill was to be committed in the othe r House—that I received from my Noble Friend a priou communication, which I MUM now beg permission to re' to the Committee— • - LETTER PROM THE MIZE OF WELLINGTON TO Mil• HUSEISSON. " London, May 24, 1827. , " My dear Huskisson—l beg you to l oo k at th e en cloW Clause, and let me know whether you have any object° to its being inserted in the Corn Bill, after the clause Pe r " mitting the entry.—ln my opinion, it will tend to diminis h the apprehensions entertained, that the system of- or housing may be for the purpose of facilitating and 0 01 ' 14 the results of frauds in the averages; and will tend to induce some to vote for the Bill who would otherwise rote against it. " Let me have your answer as soon as you can. Eve r yours, most sincerely, " WELLINGTON." As it bears on the subject, I must take the liberty also to read the Clause which contains the enclosure referred to 111 the letter, and which Clause was in these words : " Provided always, that no Corn shall be entered for home consumption from any warehouse in any port or place in this kingdom, previous to the entry for home con sumption, or to the exportation of every other portion of portions of Corn previously lodged in warehouse, in aid , port or place ; without the consent in writing, under tbe hand and seal of the proprietor of such last-mentioned Corn' so long as the average price of Corn within thi s kingdron' as settled by virtue of this Act, shall be less than 70e. a quarter." That was the Amendment on which my Noble Vrien 4 did me the honour to ask my opinion, and begged zn e , / , send an answer as soon as possible. I immediately toc , t - pen, and wrote an answer which I dispatched that nig ht ' and which I believe he received at an early hour the at, morning. I assure my Right Honourable Friend, and - r House, that when I received that 'note, and looked at " , „ e motive of my Noble Friend, which was, as he stated, induce some Peers to rote for the Bill who would other wise vote against it," I considered that in replying to roi Noble Friend I was doing (if! may be allowed so to expre ° myself) what one Colleague should do towards another; and I considered , my Noble Friend to stand in that relati ° l to me with respect to this Bill. I did not keep a copy this letter ; and I am now indebted for one to the kludges' of my Noble Friend, who has, on my application, sin e° , transmitted it to me. My letter was hastily written, hn" as some passages of it have been the cause of all the x 6sa r prehension that has taken place, I must beg perraiseinn to read it to the Committee. My Noble Friend stated in It note his wiskto conciliate friends to the Bill. I beg answer, therefore, by alluding to that statement:— " FROM MR. EIUSKISSOX FO THE DUKE OZ WZLLINaT". " Somerset-place, May 24, 1827. "My dear Duke—l should certainly be disposed to acs quiesce in any reasonable concession which would concil irm , some of those who object to the Corn Bill in the House o f Lords, without risking the loss of the measure when 0 0 bask to our House. "...I cannot take upon myself to say, whether the provise' whichgrounds, return,grll am afraid you would find wouldheopen tothisobLecatt practical ion.O other difficulties in the execution of the proposed measure. " It would give, as I understand it, the power to any One proprietor of foreign corn, in any port, to lay a veto upon the sale of all corn warehoused subsequent to.his in that port, until the price reached 70s. " This would put it in the power of one individual, bY reserving a quantity, however small, of old corn, to s to? any sale below '7os. as effectually as it could be stopped by a positive prohibition under that price. " Supposing this objection removed, how, at an y of tbe k . great ports, can you hope to get the consent in writing ell every proprietor? I have no doubt that the corn ll° warehoused in London is the property of at least 50 0 6 0 1 5 , or individuals, some living in London, some in differew parts of England, some abroad. This corn, whilst ; I ' bond, is every day changing hands. How can it be te r tisfactorily certified to the Custom-house that all the c olt seats have been obtained; or how is any party to set ab et t e i procuring them all, or to know when he has accompb ebd it? "There are other difficulties of detail which occur t ° me.—For instance, a party who cannot fulfil the cO I tions in the port of London, may not find any difficulty ~fj doing so at Rochester, because of corn previously bo n i e at the latter port there is none. In that case, the Lo vu° "t owner may either remove his corn to Rochester, or fresh corn from the Continent into that port, and the l a" would be different in different ports, though possibly vel near to one another. " Had your proposal been that no corn bonded after ail passing of the present Bill should be allowed to be ente rej a for home consumption till the average price had reac be 665., and that thenceforward all corn so bonded, or there' after imported, should come under the regulations of the Bill, individually I should not object t o such a proviso. It would ensure that no quantity beyond that now in bond 'should be thrown upon the market, unless, in spite of that quantity, the price reached a level which might fairly be taken as an indication of our being in want of a further supply from abroad. But I am afraid that even this Amendment w0* 414 prove fatal to the Bill in our House. " I remain, &c. " W. HUSKISSON. " The Committee will see by this letter, that inereou l ,,,,d' . ° my suggesting the p ro p os iti on no t t o l e t ou t the , : bond corn till the aver ages h a d reac h e d 60 5 ., an d th a t uito price the corn actually in the country should be locked "r. in the warehouses, I had proposed that it should -ia!," preference and priority of admission till the average Pri had reached 66 5 ., and that thenceforward all tbe gulations and provisions of the Bill should apply to 1 1 " but still I warned my Noble Friend that even this Arnow; ment might prove fatal to the Bill. The 550,000 gnat., now in bond represent British capital, and are rf e property, of British owners. This c o r e h as lai n in Pi, warehouses during the last twelv e months, an d tolleZ of it was brought here in expec tation that it w ould be sel_. mated under the measure of last Sessi on , which rri, adopted by Parliament, but not carried into effect by r discretion of the Crown. I did think, under these Of" cumstances, that up to 665. this corn was entitled tf:o.7 priority of preference, but only pro hac vice, as my Rig% Hon. Friend states. My suggestion, so far from gig ~- preference jos tthereyteorsteh. e c l orn pi a .o b p r os oa ed d o t v o er giv th e e co a rn pref in er b e o n n ce d , f - or limited time to the corn in bond over any fresh porn.,!la might arrive after the passing of die Bill. I 0w4,1 not pursue this • correspondence further, were it : 11001 w iry to set myself right with this House ell4'o l lßaulll . o I confess it is a matter of great regret t01ie4e4. 31,1 1,,WY ,4 1•72„. Friend, who, on the 24 th May, had dovic4.4! AP, .0: 11C 7i to consult me as to a clause ,he intenclod who bad done me the further ho n our to 11 , Peeets, t o ' i thre4 e r. sesunsl hid stated why that claus e . wo. iny opini9ify