The Sun. — London, England, 1856-05-23 00:00:00

.nd back got co were in a iird day were that day th e ras able to felt quite till half past the nurse to to do so 3 few minutes; onvulsions The last gidity befare ie patient on c, containing .creased it to speat it afar —The tots dle toe of the )u n d bad be; %ming part c' i was almos t stered tartar red ; the tut' s : drigid. Dc r , w hilst )t ' the rigidi t y athl go tar to wo uld has re I expect ej , ,e I adroilu e ,he 4th day' he syni ptoic' ny up in be hat irritauo th the spioi, eat produce' of irritation )osing dent 4 an d the e except the is extremes ascribe it t° the w Rues' t to ;en we p°') is DaY.) noon, S'' ived.---. 1 1' ) (7. I--Victoria ohn and °)°' DO O )rleans, forlli' -1 - sr. B. S et °1: " fo f GrimsbJ e 'i Lnd of Oe:' l ,6li otto o , is P fe° Durham, jll / ;howler 00 sels, suPl 3 7. of h e last to"."00 u the A" ay Mortlil3o. )ray,for 61" rx, M 39 ‘2°' bo ; Sh°°t , Ayres. „„ a y, 9.4 S o.'” dius and 'l3l' Rapid,. f toy n Dantsi. y, 9.30 , for 'anther, r ob, Lica; ci le t iitl ol Ignis - 1 : 4 , Bucl °ll Del 9 ;rovince B gl ee cor° 6l „. - o et legent* s— rt iv nove l cbo'tivo glYattra°o. jie n gs. tu ) nes fro t° to be Lrtists ; Jurles quinu ill be a 5519370 of late 13100, a ble e%P e : r o , 3arY Prep P EL-- r oe Ad atWo° H.—The )rtunate iw ich• o' r. Cart i(.e11.; t/i of ac t hen )ressi ng tou ti l o ch dang er ° 0 o be rel3l°T MONEY R, E ANA COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. CITY. Two o'OLoc The Liverpool Cotton Market yesterday con tinued heavy, and prices of all kinds were steady, excepting Americans under 6d., which declined 1-16th to Id. per lb., since Friday last. The sales Were estimated at 7 ; 000 bales, including 5,250 American, 500 for export and 1,000 on speculation, 290 Pernam and Maranham, 61d. to 7d. ; 230 Bahia, 60. to 61d. ; 50 Egyptian, 6W. ; and 1,200 Surat, 4d. to sd. per lb. The Colonial Produce Markets this week have been quiet but steady. For Sugar there has been rather a limited inquiry, but previous prices have in most cases been fairly maintained. Coffee has been dull, and prices have rather tended down- Wards.. At the public sales of Tea full prices have been obtained, but the biddings have not been animated. Rice has been rather cheaper, and Spic esare also lOwer. Saltpetre has slightly de clined,and Tallow has attracted a fair amount of attention at previous rates. The Indigo sales ter minated on Wednesday at the previous decline of 3 d. to 6d. per lb. on Bengal, Madras, and Kurpah. The Wool auctions are proceeding with less ani mation, and the quotations are rather flatter. The arrivals of this staple from Australia and the Cape have considerably augmented the supply, and it is expected that at the next July sales a larger quantity than usual will be offered. Letters from Constantinople of the 12th inst. state -that an important industrial project has been sub mitted to the Goverriment by an Anglo-French Company, and the proposition is said to be actually Mader examination. This company has fixed their Capital at 20,000,0001. sterling, or 500,000,000 f., And propose to construct a complete system of railways, roads, ezc., throughout Turkey, so as to brin g it within the great network of communication now being established in Central and Eastern Z;urope. Besides this proposition there are numeous others, among which are many for the establish- Inent of Banks, but as yet nothing certain has been clone by the Ottoman Government. _ The Money Market is now comparatively easy, the rate charged for discounting first-class paper In Lombard-street being 51 per cent., or A per Cent. below the Bank of England minimum. The continuous arrivals of gold from Australia, and the diminished shipments of precious metals to Turkey, Will, no doubt, soon enable the directors of the Bank to make a further alteration in the official terms, And many suppose that a reduction of z per cent. Will not be delayed beyond a few weeks. Large quantities of gold are passing almost daily into the National Establishment in Threadneedle-street, and a material augmentation in the item of bullion Will no doubt soon be exhibited. Notwithstanding the policy pursued at the meet ing of the Bank Directors yesterday, and the ex- Pectation of a speedy relaxation from the high t erms ruling for discounts, the Stock Market e vinces less buoyancy, and a pause has occurred In th e speculative dealing. This can only be ac counted for by the advance which has al ready occurred in prices, and the approach of the settling day. Consols have been 93/ e for i nacney, and for June 4. The New Scrip has n u eon dull at 2 premium. The New Threes are °, 3 1 and the Reduced 93 to 93/. March Ex ePequer Bills are ls. discount, and the June ditto 4s. to ls. discount. Foreign Stocks are also dull, and somewhat hatter. Turkish 6 per Cents. are 98:, but the 4 Per Cents. have risen viz., to 103. Spanish 3 Per Cent s . are 461, ditto Deferred 25g. Russian Small are 95. Mexican 231. Dutch 2? per Cents. 6 3 4 & to 65, and ditto 4 per Cents. 95 to 95-1-, all 1 eiug firm. Buenos Ayres are heavy at 77. The following are the nominal prices of Foreign Stocks :---Grenada Deferred Bonds, 7/ ; Mexi „can, 23/ ; Peruvian, 77 9 ; Portuguese 4 per 50 52 ; Russian 5 per Cents., 104 6 ; Ditto , A per Cents., 94 96 ; Spanish 3 per Cents., Pi 6/ ' • Ditto Deferred, 25/i ; Ditto Certi ficates, oi 61; Ditto Passive, 7 , Messrs. D. Bell, Son, and Co. describe th e mar ket for American Securities as very quiet, with aoarcely any alteration in prices. The following are the quotations : Redeemable. Per Cent. - United States 6 per Cents. lBO7-1868...101, 105 'United States 6 per Cent. Bonds 1863...104 105 STATE SECURITIES. Alabama 5 per Cent BO Alabama 5 per Cent. (Sterling Bonds) California 7 per Cent. Bonds 1870... 80 82 Xentucky 6 per Cent. Bonds lB6B-1872... 90 92 Maryland 5 per Cent. (Sterling Bonds)... 89 90 Massachusetts 5 per Cent. (Sterl. Bonds). ... 99 100 Mississippi 6 per Cent. pl. Bk. Bonds ................... . _lB4l-1871 43 45 Mississippi 6 per Cent. Union Bk. Bonds ... 16 18 Pennsylvania 5 per Cent. S•took ............ ••• 75 Pennsylvania 5 per Cent. Bcncli ........ — 1877... 80 82 South C aro li na 5 per Cent. Bonds (Baring's) 1858--1868... 90 92 South Carolina 5 per Cent. Bonds (Palmer's) Tennesso 6 per Cent. Bonds ... 87 89 Virginia. 5 per Cent. (Sterling Bonds) ISM... 85 86 Virginia. 6 per Ceut. Bonds 1886... 86 87 LOANS OF CITIES. °ston 5 per Cent. Bonds (Divers) 9O 92 Montreal 6 per Cent. Bonds 1356-1365... 83 85 RAILROAD BONDS. Illinois Central 7 per Cent. Ist Mortgage, not Convertible 1875... 80 81 Illinois Central 7 per Cent. Freeland Bords 1860... 84 85 Michigan Central Bp. Cent. 1860... 91 93 Do. do. do. ........ 1869... 93 94 tew York Central 7p. Cent., Convert 1864 ... 91 95 ew York Central 6 per Cent., not ~Convertible 4N 1883... 78 80 O W York and Erie 7 per Cent. Ist Mort. gag e 1867... 93 100 'ew York and Erie 7 per Cent. 3d Mort „gage 1883... 84 86 4.N• York and Erie 7p. Cent. Convertible 1862... 791 811 11 . York and Erie 7 per Cent. Sinking Fund ...1875... 81,1 821„ Pe nnsylvania Central 6 p. Cent., let M0rt.1880... 90 91 Railway Shares are generally at a lower range of prices, but the decline is not generally of i mportance. Paris and Lyons are ss. higher, owing to the buoyancy of the shares on the Paris Bourse. The Canadian Shams are rather flat. Mines, banks, and miscellaneous shares are lower. BRITISH FUNDS TELLS DAY LT eNt , O'CLOCK. r Prom the Ogeial List • anones done. ! Per Cant. Redzced Annuities 9 31 3 u Per Cent. Consols Annuities ii " 3 per (lent. Annuities ""tr Annuities, expire sth Jan. 1860... 3 3.16 Ditto 30 Years, expire sth Jan., 1860 3 7-16 India Stock 04"irweR ior Account Consol Scrip 2 p Exchequer hills, 24d. March. June. £l000 2 560 — 41 d Amalfi Ditto Bonds, 1853, 34 par Cant 9Bi Ditto, 1859 PRICE OF FOREIGN FUNDS AT ONE O'CLOCK Buenos Ayres Bonds, 6 per Cent. — Ditto Account 77 Mexican 3 per Cent Ditto Account Russian Bonds, 1822, E, St., 5 per Cent.... Ditto Small . 95 g '041 , 11 Howls. 3 per Cent Ditto New Deferred, 3 per Cent. bitto Account Turld h i i H o ,,,i s , .4 per cent Ditto Account Ditto Guaranteed, i per Cent.. — Ditto Account l'iv,,)end, or V,. ahnve •,- , nhle I , - I , nrioF Butch Exchange, 2:! , , per Cent., 12 Guilders 64i 5 Ditto 4 per Cent. Certiacates TWO O'CLOCK. 231 . 983 Consols for Money ....................... , 94} Ditto Account ................................ 94, 1 1 a TOVNAGS OF SHIPS AT LONDON AND LIVERPOOL.— .." Customs bill of entry of the 20th instant states that t he numbe r of ships measured for tonnage in the year et ll i ng the 30th of April last under the New Merchant Sippingi" Act was—London, 43 2 ships , 126,768 tons; erpool, 481 ships, 200,868 tons. ROY AL MAIL WEST INDIA COMPANY.—At a meeting this company, held yesterday, the following changes .4 the direction were agreed to :—Mr. G. S. Thornton, P I , the place of Mr. R. Ellice ; Mr. J. F. G runin g , in Plane of Captain Shepherd ; Mr. R. Gurney in the pl ace of Mr. T. Barin ,, , M.P. ; Captain Horatio B. ~° , l log , in the place of Mr. T. Masterman ; M r . E. Col , in the pl ac e of Captain Nelson ; and Mr. G. J . R edman, in the place of Mr. G. Hibbert. VICTORIA DOCK COMPANY. —An adjourned meeting ;If this company was h e ld y es t e rday, Mr. J. P. Heywood ~1 1 the chair, when the draught lease agree d u p o n be tween the di rec t ors an d Messrs. Peto, Betts, and Brassey t a ' approved. It was stated by the de p ut y -chairman h at the business of the docks continues to be highly satisfactory, and he submitted the following account, .furnished by the lessees, of vessels which have entered since the Opening on the 26th of November last up to 43 9 17 ,,, th , Inst. To the 30th of April the number was 3 ships, the gross tonnage of which was 170,496 f n.a ni, be g e iv G in g a monthly average of 85 ships, 33,122 tt•ns. the current month to Saturday the 17th, the number 88 ships of at. aggregate burden of 30,775 tons, bowing that the number of ships and their tonnage for but little more than half the month have been nearly equal to those of entire previous months. Tne shi p s in "4 at this dat e are 83, and their capacity 37,752 tons. 3 11 DIARZETS fTHIS DAY.) RAIL►' AYS. ir. RAILWAYS. Closing Prices yesterday 9i rirnbg. liottng. BoeT and Eastr. Junct all Bel Etst. & Priayroet..i all Binning. Wolverb • Stour Valley •••••, eai:d. Lane 1., Cheshire June; all Birk £5O and 225 C:11, 1 ( .4 Do., all i &Tyne origins £25 (issd. at .24.;• 100 Bristol and Exctel 100 Caledonian. • 61s. Cairn..nd Ca , cligar. all Chester es Holylteao all Cork and Bandon all Cork, Black, 41 Pas , 1 8 Cornwall all Do. A 8 Do. B 1 CrieT Junction—. 45 Dr,b lin &BelfastJo rte. 11.11 Dun. P. & Jnc. 1100 East Anglian Jil Eastern Counties.. 100 Mast. "Tuion, A. Stt I 100 Do., B. 5t00±,...... 8i Do., NOW A..— 10 East Kent 100 East Lancashire 100 fildinburc, , ,h&Glasgo ,, all Edinb. and Peebles.. 100 Edin. Prth &Dund.. 9 Forth & Clyde Jun:. all Furness. all Do. Extension 100 Glasgow &B. West all Great N. of Scotind. 100 Great Northern..,., 100 Do., A. 5t0ck...... 100 Do., B. Stock 1)0 Gt. Sth. &West.(lre.' 100 Great Western 100 Do. Stour Vat Ral Gua. Stk all Irish South-Eastern, all Lancaster & Carlisle Do., Thirds 8 Do. New Thirds 100 Laneash.andYorksh ' i Do., Wet. RidingUn all Liv•Crshy.&Southpt all London & Blackwall 100 Lond. Bright &S. Cst. 100 bond. and N. Westn. 16 Do. Fifths 5i Do.101.1.1h.,II&B,„C 251D0. Eighths,. 100 London andS. Westv all Do., £5!.) all Do., £4O all Ludndrry& Coleraine all Lndndrry. & Ennisk 10(1 Ylaneb.Snef. & Limb . 2s. Man. & Lin. Un 1 Ifetropolitan 100 Midland 100 Do. Birmng. &Derb all Ilidld. G. West. (Ire: all Do. Flair Shares all Newcastle & Carlisle all Nwpt.Aberg. &Hrti 83 Newry & Enniskillen all Newry Warrenpoini and Rostrevor•-••,•• lio Norfolk 3} Nortltn.Countios Lin DO North British ~„ Nth Devon Rail. & 100 Dock Stock 100 Do., A Stock ail , 0., B Stock all Do., B Guarantee , 100 N. Eastern—Berwie. 21i Do. do. Extension 15 Do.do. G.N. E. ?will all Do. Leeds , 100 Do. York 100 North London 3' is N.&S.Wstrn.,Ham . stead, and City Jn.. Nora Staffordshir... al' North Westorn....... all N. &S. Westra.Junc, 'Anneaton, and Leicester........ 1(1(1 Ox., Wore., 2 1 . e Wolv, 11 'ortsmouth 00 F.lcottish Central 13t) Scottish Midland, 100 Shropshire UriDu all South Devon , 100 South Eastern 100 South Wales 15 S. Yrksh. & Riv. Din 5 Do.. 16 Sta , nes, Wok. &Wol , al (Stockton Darn ..;to ,khan ea Hartley'', 100 TO' Vale 1(10 Do. Pref., No. 1..... 22 l'ismos Hay. D.& R, lUlverstone & Lam:9 all IVaie Neath... IWaterfl. & Kilkenn, 0 ti ll !Water ford&Limer all iWest Cornwall.. .0 all 'West End of London and Crystal Palane . 5 all Do. A 5 3 Do. 8...., ...... .t 0 all West London .0 all ; Wimbledn &Croydon U LOI4O A 10 5 all .8 I 4 .8 I all Ai All :0 1 9 ?(,) All 13 I all I 16 !O I All 26 -27 Si 17 - 15 12 - 81 611 16i 10.1 - 35 - 25 - 79 62 31 -- 92 -- 96' - 81 128 !C6 61 - 75 T. 91 71; - 103 - 1021 - P ...." .e e '9l 291 - 77 - 48 - 15 - 57 s r ! 36 - 4 1 - - !6 -- 11 - 28 - 105 - 78 - 48 15 - 72 - 73 10 -- 20 4i 5 7i 6 -- 2 - 5 -- 6 7 ma ""' .. -- •• ''... - 8 3 / 4 - 8i Id --1p 6}— 7r 2 24 , 5 6L —• 2 I 11 391 40i 231 24 23 - 241 22 -22 i 9 8 16 7 70 75 80 85 8/ 91; 22 • 23 6 6 } 31 - 3i 20 26 3# - 3i 99 - 101 127 - 132 ,1091 110. 12 - 20 - 20; 14 - iP2I. 71 6+ 61 45/ 46. 12a 13 - 9 59/ - 60; 59 19 : 20 ... 12 -- V ; 2/ - 3 , - •• 41 --4, ••• ••• 38 - 39 •e• '-'. ••• ...' ICIINT-SPOOR BANKS , ',O ill A ristralmin ...„ .... 96 • ~8 25 5 Bank of Egypt .....• 4 - i p 100 50 Bank of London •••• 64 66 40 all Hri. Col. fik.Man. C. ~ .. 50 al: ttritish N. American •: .... t 25 5 Cluo t td. Bank of Avis i 3 :1 3 20 6 Med. P.a.. of India, ‘.nstralia, St Chinr_ ... .....f 100 50 City 64 - 66 65 100 25 Colon:al 100 20 Commercial of Loud ,.. _,_ 20 all F.ng.Scot.Sans.Cht l6.} -16 i , 20 all Loud. Cha:t. Bk. of Australia . lB 19 20 5 Ditto New 2 I „ .i 50 20 tendon and Conniy:; ... ..... :. 100 50 Lnd.StE.Bnlig,. Corp. par 2p 50 10 London Joint Stock. ~ ..... 100 10 London and aris— 4 2 . _ d [OO 20 Loud. & WeetPnuustei ... ... 100 P National Proof Bng ... ~. 20 10 Do. New ........... ..•. ..- ~. 50 22.. National of Ireland.. ... ... 20 all New South Waler.... 42 43 15 all Oriental Bank )f :I r noratinn. ..... • 39 41 ~ 20 1.0 i 5 10 0 :o,3yawi Ottoman tilwri ! s m .h. k i.,.... .. i i. .. . .I 8 i: ... 25 , , • .di 11 , ri vi t , ••• 25 ,1 rin , on of elnat,l;.„.. 69 - 71 71 50 T'llioi f Lon lon .. ... ' ••• 100 30 Western Bk Qf Lon. 5 2 i(I BuSiness done this day. 412e' St. St. 25 .0 klitaeryt: - tt Do. 5 p.c. Oblgs. con. in Sh. at par till' 64 Xrdennes tolgiau Easztn. Junc: iloziors to Oraissessac Bombay, Baroda, an Ocntralindis,,Beri, Do. Demerara I )ntel.. Rhenish Eastern of France Do. Kew _ Emmet Indian, g. 5 p. M all 5 1.11 W 16 tO all 20 10 20 IO 31 , all 10 all 20 all .gip all tr, all 20 all .0 all ` all all all 5 all i all all n al all 10 16 8•• I el LO 413 CI nll 6 all !O all Do. Eyten;;ior,.. D0.4.1p.e.8nd5.,' 57 Do. do. do.. "i 9, dr Gee'ong Melbourne guar. 5 per e , nt. . Do., Lon. allot., do. Gd. ro of CauadaA Do. ..................... Do. Cert. of Deben. con. into Stk. till '6 ' Do. Comp. 6 p. e., do Gt. Ceutral of France Gt. Indian Peninsul Great Lnxembonr, Constituted Share Do. Obligations._ Do. corftd. Sh. Gt. Wostorn ofCanac: a Shs.rPS . ......... Do. New ...... .... Do. Bds., payable's7, with option till '55.. Do. do., '62, p. 56... Do. do., '76, p. '6o— do., '73, without option Hamilton & Toronto Do. 6 per cent....... Lake Const. Basl ,, Lierre and Turnhout Lucca Si Pist. 5 p. c.p Lyons and Geneva Lyons ,Ir Mreeliterean Madras, guar. 4 4 p.c Do. New , 0., 5 p. c Do. 4 p. c. Exten Maria Antonia Do. do. New Namur & Liege (4/10 interest) Do. (ex interest) Northern of Prance, D 0.201. Shs. 'Do. 20/. 3 p. o Bde (fmy.B.ds Ams.Shs. NorwegianTrnnkPre Paris and Lyons Ditto Bonds Paris and Orleans Rome and Frascati Royal Danish Do. 01.1igations Sambre and gens 6.., n o . 5.1 4 p (tent. Pref. Scinde, guar. 5 p. c. D 0... ;onthern of France, 'St. Andrew's an,-1 Qu.eboe (A) Sept Flanders Do 5A nor c. Pref W. &N. W. of vranec west. of Switzerland Wiesbaden ',+.al and 0 I an 0 14 , a 1 it IN *u 88 7i 95 79 .24 04 60i 70 53 5A 903 60i i 60 .OE par par -- $ 95i 7 7 i i i 47 1.0 ' 76 46 14 ) Ili 71 Vat 1;17.14i LOWDDI FRIDAY EVENING.; MAY 2s, 1858. :D PA.RLIAMEN T. 7tAYLvrA74, !am.r , an C in esterday. ~s,ness this .la 4. HOUSE ,OF ( 1 2" LOADS—,_ESTERDAY). The LORD CHANCELLOR, took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clous. 96 - 100 94 - SECOND READINGS. On the motion of Lord REDESDALE, the following bills were several►y read a second time :—Bath Gag, Boston Gag, Cheltenham Gas, Sleaford and Tattershall Turnpike Trtvtg Bill. 11 - 13 133 135 4,f ... 4i The Earl of EIARDWICKE presented a petition from the working classes in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, on the subject of our inari tiro e laws as affected by the treaty recently agreed to at Paris. THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY. Lord LYNDHURST said, in deference to the re quest of the noble earl the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, he begged to withdraw the motion on the subject of Italian affairs, which stood on the paper in his name for Tuesday next. I❑ doing so he felt it right to say that the reasons which led him to give notice of the mo tion still existed as strongly as ever, but as his object was to improve and not injure Italy, he would acquiesce to the request of the noble earl. _ _ ••• "'" 105 - 107 12i - 13 113 - 117 2f -- 2f The Earl of CLA.RENDON expressed his satisfaction at the determination at which the noble, and learned lord bad come to. He was convinced that the object of the noble lord was the improvement of Italy. The reasons which induced him to request his noble friend to postpone his motion existed now in perhaps much greater force. He thought that the course which was taken by the Government in respect to Italy was likely to produce the great object they had at heart, and it was therefore most desirable that the question should not be prematurely discussed ; or that,.pending its settlement by the Powers, mainly interested in the matter. SCHOOLS (SCOTLAND) BILL.) 93 - 95 - OP 56 58 45 -- 47 i - 135 8 .•• 3f — 2 d 1 This bill was read a 'second time. MARRIAGE LAW AMENDMENT BILL. This bill was reported with amendments. OXFORD UNIVERSITY BILL. This bill was read a second time. PROCEDURE BEFORE JUSTICES (SCOTLAND) M - 33 BILL. This bill passed through committee. BANKERS' COMPOSITIONS BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. THE MARITIME LAWS. Lord COLCHESTER then rose, pursuant to notice, to move that this house resolve that the most eminent jurists of all ages have accepted as a principle of inter national law, that the right of capturing an enemy's goods on board of neutral vessels is inherent in all belli gerent Powers ; that the maintenance of this right is of essential importance, and its abandonment of serious in jury to a Power whose main reliance is on her naval superiority. That Great Britain consequently, although occasionally waiving the exercise of the right by specific treaties, has al we refused to recognise the abandonment of a principle which successive Governments have con curred in considering identified with her national great ness. That this house deeply regrets that a principle so long and so strenuously maintained should, in the recent Conferences at Paris, have been suddenly aban doned, without the previous sanction or knowledge of Parliament, by plenipotentiaries assembled for the pur pose of discussing the terms on which peace with Russia might be concluded, and the affairs of the East satisfac torily adjusted." The noble lord addressed the house at considerable length, but was very imperfectly heard. He was understood to disclaim, in the irst instance, any intentien, in bringing the question before the house, of making any remarks which might appear personal to Lord Clarendon. He was not again bringing before their lordships the terms of the treaty of peace, which had been already fully di-cussed. This was a question which only came before the conference after the treaty of peace had been siened. (Hear.) The French plenipotentiary introduced the subject ; and before they could discuss it, it was necessary for some of the plenipotentiaries to re ceive instructions from their sovereigns. With respect to the declaration itself, the Prerei plenipotentiary stated to his colleagues that, having concluded the treaty which provided for the pacification of Europe, he wished them to follow the course which bad been adopted in the congress of Westphalia, and again in that of Vienna, by adopting some great principle. As at the congress of Weetphalia, the principle of liberty of conscience was affirmed, and at that of Vienna a declaration was made against the slave trade, so he proposed that the treaty of Paris should be signal ised by the adoption of some general principle which should regulate hostilities in time of war. The question he wished to raise was whether the principles laid down in this declaration were such as would really improve the maritime law of nations, whether it would render war less inconvenient to neutral powers, and whether it would maintain the rights of those who were unhappily forced into it. The first article of the declaration was to the effect that privateering was abolished. He did not know whether the English version was considered a lite ral or good translation of the French ; but he believed the meaning of the French "la course" was cruising— that cruising was abolished. The Earl of CLI..RENDON here made a remark across the table. Lord COLCHESTER said then he would not trouble their lordships further on that point. The fourth article that a blockade, in order to be binding must be effective, embodied a principle which was laid down by the greatest authorities. The third article was to the effect that neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of war, were not liable to capture under an enemy's flag ; and this, taken in itself, was a very proper maxim ; but it must be considered to a certain extent in conjunction with the article before it, which was as follows :—" The neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the exception of contraband of war." Now, all the authorities had laid it down that neutral goods were subject to capture in enemy's vessels. The noble lord cited some authors in proof of this, and also quoted from the decisions of Sir William Scott and otuer judges. It was the ac knowledged law of America that free ships did not make free goods. This had been explicitly declared by the Government of the United States. In proof of this he cited several American writers en international law. The question had been several times raised in the last hundred years. In 1752, it arose out of the cession of Silistria by Austria ; Prussia set up a claim against England for having seized some of her vessels ; and the question came before the courts in this country. It was held that the general law of nations, almost without ex ception, was that enemy's goods might be seized in neu tral vessels; and the general rule was said to beestablished by some few exceptions. The question arose again in 1780 between England and Russia, and was similarly decided. In 1793, owing to England continuing the same system, Russia, Prussia, feed Spain abandoned their own system, and adopted ours. In the year 1800, when a dreadful war was still raging, Mr. Pitt declared in the strongest lan guage his intention to adhere to the old law. The events after that date were well known co their lordships, and Russia ultimately gave way. After 1815 the law was maintained down to 1854, when her Majesty's Govern ment thought fit by an order m council to waive a portion of her belligerent rights. He thought he had therefore sufficiently proved that England had invariably refused to recognise the principle adopted in the conferences at Paris. In three cases, indeed, there had been a waiver of the right, but it was admitted by English and American writers that those instances were a depar ture from international law ; and former states men of this country had avowed that the sanc tion of Parliament ought to be obtained before taking such a step. (Cheers.) Most of the g rievances which had been complained of in previous wars had arisen not from the observance but from the breach of the law of nations. (Cheers.) Lord Stowell had expressly stated that the famous Berlin decrees and the English orders in council which followed it, were alike contrary to international law ; although the English orders were justified by the extraordinary step which N a p o l e on had taken. But after all what was the great grievance of neutrals ? Why, that they should be liable to detention and search ; and to that they would still be subjected. (Cheers.) Contraband of war Was expressly excepted from the arrangement ; and how could the belligerents know whether a neutral vessel had contraband on board without stopping arid searching her ? (Hear, hear.) If the plenipotentiaries could have condescended to so small a matter, and could have endeavoured to regulate the mode of exercising the right of search, they might have been able to mitigate the grievance, but as it was the matter stood just where it did. (Cheers.) The effect of she new law it would not take much .wis dom to predict. If two nations were at war, and one had such a superiority by sea that she could prevent the other both from receiving su pplies and from disposing of t her produce, it was obvious that her foe must soon give way. But by the new doctrine the weaker would only have to employ neutral merchantmen. The result of the change would therefore be to protract rather than to shorten hostilities. (Hear.) He (the noble lord) had to complain of the haste with which this important altera tion had been made. (ffear.) It had been held by the highest authorities that the maritime law of nations was part of the law of the land and‘oe should be glad to be informed whether her Majesty's plenipbtentiaries had power to sign away the law of the land. (Hear.) The moving his resolutio n . noble lord concluded by The Earl of CLARENDON. begged to tender to the noble lord his best a cinowledgmente for the tone of moderation and courtesy which had pervaded his address. There bad certainly never been a vote of censure pro posed in terms more mild; and he (the noble earl) would take care on his part to avoid everything that could lead to irritation, for there was no doubt the subject was one of great national importance. He should, however, b e able to show that the resolutions of the noble lord con tained statements which were not quite consistent with the facts, and that it would not be for the honour or the interests of the c ountry that it should pledge itself to maintain the principle of which the noble lord was the advocate. The noble lord contended that the right to seize enemy's goods in neutral bottoms was established by the law of nations, and was essential to the honour and interests of this country. But it would be most un wise, when everything was so rapidly changing aronni us, to insist any longer upon that principle, more particu larly as it had been the subject of constant and energetic protest by the other great maritime powers. It was quite true that the principle that enemy's g oa d s un d e r a new , teal flag were a lawful prize, had bee n l a id d own i n t rea ties so long ago as the 11th or 12th century. It was quite true that Grotius had defended that principle ; but Gro ties had also defended the right of belheerent4 to put woolen to death, to kill prisoners after their surrender, and to torture captives before a besieged town, in order to induce it to submit. They could no m.)re rely upon the principles laid down by Grotius than they ct,uld rely on the opinions - of those eminent lawyers and judges who had supported by argument, and by the weight of their authority, some of the worst parts of our ancient penal code. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord had no right to assume that the eminent author ides be had quoted Would not in these days have been in favour of an international law which was founded upon reason and justice, and the common consent of all civilised na tions. Those eminent men would probably have taken into consideration the great changes which were constantly taking place in our policy and in cur commercial rela tions ; and would have given due weight to the natural results which flowed front an increased intercourse with other civilised states. Nor could he admit the noble lord's proposition, that we were justified in resorting to extreme measures in order to hasten the termination of a war; for on the same principle might be justified a resort to some of the most barbarous usages of uncivilised tribes. War was not to be conducted on any other prin ciples than those which regulated our conduct in peace. It was the duty of every one to seek to mitigate its hor rors, and a heavy responsibility rested upon those who, having the power to do so, neglected to exercise it. The noble lord said that modern jurists were favourable to his principle; but since these resolutions had been placed upon the paper, he (the noble earl) bad had a number of extractsecopied from the writines of eminent jurists since the days of Kent ; and he found b that they were all in favour of relaxing 'the old maritime code, and de claring that free ships made free goods. It Lad been the great object of modern civilisation to miti gate the horrors of war, to define and extend the rights of neutrals. This bad been done with respect to war by land and not by sea. It would be considered disgraceful to seize on land the property of the peaceful subjects of the enemy ; but that had not been the case with respect to property at sea. Oa the contrary, they had given licences to buccaneers to seize the property of peaceful merchants whom they found pur suing their calling on the ocean. The present state of the maritime code showed little improvement upon the customs of the most barbarous ages. That law was based upon the old Roman law ; but it must he remembered that the Roman law was not a law of nations, but a mu nicipal law of Rome. The Romans might have been per fectly justified in applying it to their own people, but it ought never to have been applied by jurists to questions of international right. A belligerent power had a per fect right to blockade his enemy's ports, and if a neutral attempted to break that blockade it had a right to inter fere, because by so doing the neutral in point of fact abandoned his neutrality, and departed from the impar tial character the circumstances imposed upon him. But if he did fulfil the obligation resting upon him, the belligerent had no further claim upon him. The prin cipal point, the noble lord contended, would have justi fied the sending of an English fleet to Memel, to demand all the Russian property that might happen t) have been there ; or the marching of a French army into Belgium to seize all the Russian property in Antwerp. (Hear.) By the modern lawthey not only commissioned the com naanders of their own vessels, who were men of honour and respectability, to stop neutrals, but they delegated the power to buccaneers, who only differed from pirates, those common enemies f mankind, in the fact that they held a royal licence. (Cheers.) It was no wonder, then, that neutrals had always protested against, and had always resisted whenever they could, a principle so little consonant with reason and justice. (Cheers.) The noble lord said that the right fur which he con tended bad only been waived in three cases, But what were really the treaty engagements of this country ? First with regard to Portugal. A treaty admitting the doctrine of free ships and free goods was entered into in 1654, and it had been renewed at different periods down to 1310 ; so that for 156 years the invari able rule had been free ships and free goods. So with regard to France, the same principle had existed for 116 years. With respect to Spain the same rule had been recognised in 13 treaties since 1665 ; and during the last war, if any Spanish ship had been selz-al it would have had to have been restored. With Holland from the year 1666 we had treaties down to the year 1780, all recog nising the principle that "free ships make free goods." In the interval between 169.# and 1793 we were six times et war with France, seven times at war with Spain, and three times with the United Provinces. During that in terval 18 treaties of commerce were concluded, and these, with the treaties of peace included, made together 34 international engagements. Of these only three did not contain any provision with regard to the treatment of enemy's goods on board neutral vessels, but all the other treaties recognised the principle of " free ships free goods." He therefore could hot think that any , thing that had been recently done at Paris was incon sistent with what had been done for the last 125 years, in conjunction with all the great maritime powers of Europe. (Hoar.) It was perfectly true that the rule had been con ,lantly violated, and by none more flagrantly than our selves. In 1793 we, in conjunction with the Dutch, de clared all the French ports to be in a state of blockade, although we did not send a single ship there. We also declared that there should be no trade by neutrals be tween the colonies of France and the mother country. We entered into a league with Russia, Prussia, and the Emperor of Germany to prevent the trade of neutrals between France and her colonies, and as the noble earl had correctly stated, after the wars of the French revo lution, which led to those infractions of international law, and without which infractions these treaties.would still be in existence. It was perfectly true that the French and English Governments vied with each other in the violation of all the rights of the public, and of all has lebourecl for its reemenition as a neutral right. Tt has incor porated it in of its treaties with foreign powers. France, Russia, rrussia, and other nations, have iu various ways fully concurred with the United States in regarding it'as a sound and salutary principle, in all respects proper to be incorpo rated into the law of nations. The same consideration that induced her Britannic Majesty, in c....neurrence with the Em peror of the French, to present it as a concession iu the pre sent war, the desire " to preserve the commerce of neutrals from all unnecessary obstruction," will, it is presumed, have equal weight with the belligerents in any future war, and satisfy them that the claims of the principal maritime powers, while neutral, to have it recognised as a rule of international law, are well founded and should be no longer contested. To settle the principle that "free ships make free goods," except articles contraband of war, and to prevent it from being called again in question from any quarter, or under any circum stances, the United States are desirous to unite with other powers in a declaration that it should be observed by each hereafter as a role of international law. The exemption of the property of neutrals, not contraband, from seizure and confiscation when laden on board an enemy's vessel, is a right now generally recognised by the law of nations. The President is pleased to perceive from the decla ration of her Britannic Majesty that the course to be pursued by her cruisers will not bring it into question in the present war. The undersigned is directed by the President to state to her Majesty's Minister to this Government that the United States, while claiming the full enjoyment of their rights as a neutral power, will observe the strictest neutrality towards each and all the belligerents. The laws of this country impose severe restrictions not only upon its own citizens, but upon all persons who may be residents within any of the territories of the United States, against equipping privateers, receiving commissions, or enlisting men therein for the purpose of taking a part in any foreign war. It is not apprehended that there will be any attempt to violate the laws ; but should the just expec tation of the President be disappointed, lie will not fail in his duty to use all the power with which he is invested to enforce obedience to them. Considerations of interestand the obliga tions of duty alike give assurance that the citizens of the United States willin no way compromise the neutrality of their coun try by participating in the contest in which the principal powers of Europe are now unhappily engaged.—The under signed, &c.-1V: L. MARCY. [Same, mutatis inutandis, to the Count de Sartiges.] He must say that was a very moderate and digeitied state ment. But if that was the state of things in 1854, he asked their lordships whether they had reason to suppose that there would be any change of public opinion on the subject, that civilisation would retrograde, that there would be more hostility to commerce, or anything to render our motives less stringent than those which im posed upon us the necessity to determine upon this course in 1854 ? If their lordship 3 knew how the order in coun cil of 1854 was received by other powers, how much im p ,rtance they attached to it, their lordships would see how dangerous it would be to trifle with the friendly feeling thus excited, by renewing a declaration that we would adhere to our old system. But, as he had stated, we had never been in war anything but ;a prin cipal, we had never known what the application of our own doctrine to us would be by other nations. Suppose that France and the United States were at war in which which we took no part, and that tine French cruisers claimed the right to intercept our commercial vessels between this country and New York. Suppose a French cruiser stopped a Liverpool vessel, and found 200 tons of goods consigned to a firm at New York, and he took the whole vessel and the cargo—he should like to know what the merchants of this country would say to this application of our own principle, and whether the people of this country would not petition Parliament to render the law more just. He thought, thee, that it would be quite impossible to revert to our former policy. The great changes which were taking place around us forbade our having recourse to that policy again. And Government thought that when they were under no compulsion, and when their motives could not be misunderstood, it was wise and politic to make the de claration that they had—that they would not recede, but would abide by what they bad done, thereby initi gating,tee miseries of war, and pro lacing friendly feel in ,4s among Vie nations of the earth. He thought that tLe la .o i,f nations was founded upon two principles, the jits naturce, the principles of reason and jiiatice, and the cominunis consensus gentium, and he said that the law both pre cribed and justified the declaration that they made. Their lordships were called upon to express their regret that the plenipotentiaries assembled in that council should have announced their abandonment of the privilege without the knowledge or assent of Parliament. If there was one principle of our constitution which was universally admitted, it was the right of the Crown to c,.ncluile treaties with other countries without the knowledge or assent of Parliament ; and the obvious rea son was, that if they had to procure the sanction of Par l'ament or any other audio , ity before they made a treaty they would never make a treaty at all. If they had re quired that assent to the particulars of the treaty of Paris, or even the basis of it, did they think that that treaty would have ever been signed ? He could tell their lord ships that it was not a very easy matter as it was, but if a thousand additional persons had been called in, with the assistance of the daily press, it would never have been signed. There was no doubt about the right and preroga tive of the Crown to sanction a declaration of this kind, which did not require the ratification of Parliament. He had read a list of the various treaties entered into with various countries renouncing this principle, and to not one of them was the sanction of Parliament sought, nor had the prerogative of the Crown been questioned till this evening Lord Stowell said the Crown could declare gene ral hostilities, and could limit their operation. If the sanc tion of Parliament were required now, it would have been as much required to state the principle two years ago as it would be now to renounce it. But the sense of Parlia ment was taken upon it by an hon. and learned gentleman below , ing to Doctors'-commons, who asked the house to resolve that to renounce the right would be inconsistent with the honour and security of this country. After a short debate, however, the house was counted out. This would show that the sanction of Parliament was not considered requisite. Their lordships were called upon to express regret that the plenipotentiaries had so far de parted from their attributes as to have suddenly aban doned, without the previous sanction of Parliament, the principles so long and so strenuously maintained. He thought their lordships would have some difficulty in expressing regret that all the plenipotenCarits should have renounced the principle to which all their Govern. ments objected without the sanction of the Parliament of Great Britain. They adopted precisely the precedent to which the noble lord had alluded, in which the plenipo tentiaries assembled at the Congress of Vienna agreed to that memorable declaration by which they affirmed that the slave trade, which bad so long desolated Africa and degraded Europe, was accursed, and they agreed amongst themselves, with the sanction of their Govern ments, that the most strenuous exertions should be made to prevent that traffic. If they (the plenipotentiaries of Paris) had confined themselves within the strict line of their attributions, they would have lost the opportu nity, when the representatives of the principal powers of Europe were met together, of discussing as far as possible the various important maters unconnected with Russia Not a word would have been said about Italy from the principles laid down, in the discussion cf which important results would ensue. Not a word would have been said about the principle of mediation, whereby they ha I interposed a fresh obstacle to war, and had thereby done a great service to humanity. They re nounced a principle which he believed it was not far the interest of England to maintain. At the same time France renounced a principle to which we had long ob jected, thus placing our maritime law on the same foot ing. Their lordships must bear in mind that these pro positions must be taken in their entirety, and he said that to abolish privateering was more than equivalent to giving up a claim to a principle which it was impossible for them to maintain. The abolition of privateering was of far more importance now than in former times, in consequence of the changes produced by steam. In former times, when both merchant vessels and pri vateers were propelled by wind, they were on a level, but now a merchant sailing vessel was at the mercy of the smallest privateer moved by steam. He thought, therefore, that the abolition of privateering would be of the utmost advantage to commerce. He thought they might congratulate themselves on giving up a privilege which they could not maintain, and that they had abo lished privateering, thereby mitigating the miseries of war, and promoting a cordial feeling among nations. If he had been able to show that all precedents had not been in favour of the principle which the noble lord had maintained, and that this principle could be given up without serious injury to England, whereas the attempt to uphold it could only be regarded as an act of hostility to other nations, he thought their lordships would agree with him that this motion should bo negatived. The Earl of CARNARVON said the noble earl had mixed up the two questions of the right of search and privateering, whereas they stood on entirely different grounds. The noble earl seemed to evade the main question brought forward by hie noble friend, who had asked whe ther the abandonment of this principle was permanent. \Vas it a mere bargain between the parties, or was it a mere understanding between the governments whose plenipotentiaries were present, and was it necessary to incorporate it in an order in council, or to have an act of Parliament ! The noble earl hal spoken of the uncer tainty of the law. He was surprised that a member of the English Government should admit that there was any uncertainty, for if there was one fact clear it was this, that the whole stream of authority was in favour of the principle, which they bad always m aintained and acted upon. The noble earl said that the abolition of pri vateering was a fair equivalent to us for our concession, i but in the answer of the Secretary of the Government. of I the United States it was distinctly stet -d that the United States w mid never reli ,qulse their rights. He couli un derstand the doctrine of a party in this country t a ry who argued that the sea was open to all nati , s, that com merce would find its own level, and tint It elticuld be un tramelled by laws and restrictions ; but this cent scion did not go far enough to meet the views of th ese gentle men. j Ile contended that the just principle o f self-preserva tion entitled us to seize the goods of our enemy if we found them on board a neutral vessel, and that since we not only paid the neutral compensation in such a case for the damage and (*clay which he might have incurred, but paid him also the amount of the freight which he would have received for carrying the goods, there was no hard ship done to the neutral, but that he was only debarred from an advantage which would have operated to our de triment ; we only prevented him from making a profita ble speculation out of the war, and trading on ourenemy's behalf. The neutral might buy and sell with the bellige rents, and the property which be brought to or carried away from the enemy's shores, if it were bona fide neu tral prop,e:ty, was not interfered with ; it was only when his neutrality became a fraudulent neutrality that his neutral claim was forfeited. The a uthorities cited by the noble earl the Foreign Secretary were within the last filty years ; and the opinions of then, however eminent, should be distrusted when they were expressed in the midst of exciting dispute ; but the calm and dispae sioaato judgment of older authorities, contrary 'to the natural feelings and pre judicies of the men who pro nounced that judgment, was of more weight ; as that of Grolius, for instance, who, though a Dutchman, af- the ties of international obligation, and we, not less than France, by our orders in council. That was a practice which the noble lor 1 himself had condemned. Lord COLCHESTER remarked that he contended that the paper blockades were not justified except as a retaliatory measure. The Earl of CLARENDON said the different mea sures taken by the northern powers had at various times shown their anxiety and determination to resist these violations of neutral rights by England. They concluded between themselves no less than 40 treaties, 31 of which recognised the principle " free ships free goods." The United States, immediately after their declaration of in dependence in 1783, concluded at Paris a treaty with Sweden which recognised the same principle. They also concluded a similar treaty with Prussia, and in more re cent times they had concluded with the South American states, as they obtained independence, treaties, all of which asserted the same principle, w►th this reservation —a very wise and proper one—that each belligerent should adopt it. In the course of the last two centuries there had been 130 international engage ments made between the principal powers of the world, all of which, with the exception of 11, recog nised the principle " free ships free goods." What did he deduce from that circumstance ? That in times of war, and in the heat and animosity of war, men might assert the extreme rigorous principle ; yet when they came un der the influence of judgment and reason, they were willing to declare that it should not be the rule of civi lised nations. (Hear.) Now, the first act on which their lordships were called upon to pronounce an opinion upon the peace, was to reverse the practice which we bad always followed in making treaties. (Hear.) Let him ask their lordships what was the state of things at the com mencement of the war, in 1854 ? It was indispensable that our co-operation with France should be complete by sea as well as by land, but the principles of the mari time laws of the two countries were diametrically op posed to each other. The French respected enemy's goods on board neutral vessels, but they confiscated neu tral goods on board enemy's vessels ; whilst we, on the other hand, confiscated enemy's goods on board neutral vessels. It was unnecessary for him to tell them what would have been the result, if the vessels of each nation had acted on the law recognised by their respec tive countries. Co-operation between the two would have been impossible. In fact, the only wise and rational course was for each to abandon his own system and sub stitute the general maritime law. It was not a question of law or a question of policy ; it was not a question even of international law, but it was a question only of the law of England. Every other maritime power had protested against it, and at the commencement of this war England was the only maritime powenthat adhered to it. If their lordships were aware, as he was, of the strong feeling and intense anxiety that prevailed among the neutral maritime powers, as to whether we should adhere to the rule we had hitherto maintained, their lordships would then under stand the importance of the question. Inquiries were , constantly addressed to him by the representatives of the ! neutral powers, and though he could not say that the maintenance of our old principle would have led to an armed intervention against us, yet it was quite plain that we should have stood alone in the world, and we should have had every power against us, and most properly so, be cause it was contrary to the public opinion of the world; because we should have been maintaining principles hos tile to commerce, and not those favourable to the miti gation of the evils of war. The fact was, we should not only have stood alone in this matter, but it was quite clear that we should have been at war not only with Russia, but with every other maritime power in the world, or if not at war our relations would have been most unfriendly, and more particularly with the United States, for this reason that, whenever there had been a war in which this principle was involved, England had been a principal, and had never been a neutral, but the United States, which had seldom been at war, had been looked upon as the maintainer of neutral rights. At the commencement of the war with the United States in 1812 the tonnage of the United States was at a minimum. Last year it amounted to no less than 5,300,000 tons, and he asked their lordships if the United States would calmly have submitted to our principle of interna tional law, to that reading of the law which we had here tofore maintained. He asked them whether we would allow any nation to inflict on us an injury by the applica ion of such a principle ? This was a note from Mr. Marcy, .he secretary of the government of the United States : Mr. Marcy to Mr. Crampton. Department of State, Washington, April 2S, 1854. The undersigned Secretary of State of the United States has had the honour to receive - the note of Mr. Crampton, her Britannic Majesty's Envoy Eitra.ordinary and Minister Ple nipotentiary of the 21st inst., accompanied by the declaration of her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in regard to the rule which will for the present be observed towards those powers with which she is at .peace, iu the existing war with Russia, The under signed has submitted those communications to the President, and received his direction to express to her Majesty's Government his satisfaction that the prin ciple that " free ships make free goods," which the United States have so long and so strenuously contended for as a neutral right, and in which some of the leading powers of Europe have concurred, is to have a qualified sanction by the practical observance of it iu the present war both by Great Britain and France—two of the most powerful nations of Europe. Notwithstanding the sincere gratification which her Majesty's declaration has given to the President, it would have been enhanced if the rule alluded to had been announced as one which would be observed not only iu the present, but in every future war in which Great Britain shall be a party. The unconditional sanction of this rule by the British and French Governments, together with the practical observance of it in the present war, would cause it to be henceforth re , cognised throughout the civilised world as a general principle of international lavr.Tlus Government, from its commencement, ~,,,,.. firmed his belief in the Justice of seizing the prop#l l l enemies, not only on board neutral ships, but the atiipi of allies. The slates of Holland, the Genoese, and the Venetians, whose prosperity was founded on the carry ing trade, held the same principle. Each one of the three great nations which in 1730 formed the armed neutrality league swerved from the contrary principle which it embodied within ten years afterwards. Our great English statesmen, Chatham in the seven years' war, Pitt and Fox in their day, adhered to the right which had now been surrendered. The Duke of Wel lington also maintained it ; and Sir Robert Peel can celled a treaty with Portugal, which contained the prin ciple of free ships making free goods, and inserted the con verse principle in the treaty substituted. The treaties re ferred to, on the other side, were only exceptional and spe cial agreements, which did not affect the general law. It had been said that the Crown was quite competent to do this without the consent of Parliament. And $o the noble earl would have been competent, at the congress of Paris, to cede Malta to Russia, or Gibraltar to Spain, or sacrifice the Belgian press ; but would it have been justifiable to do so f Was everything justified which it was legally possible for the Government to dot There, as was observed in a former debate, the Crown would ber competent to summon a regiment of Guards to sit in the House of Peers. Parliament had no warning of this great change--a change never before demanded, except in a spirit of bitt ir hostility to this country. Last year the noble lord the President of the Board of Trade said it was difficult to enforce the right, whilst our ally in the war took a different view ; that the British Go vernment had waived it, but not abandoned it. If the Government at that time contemplated this change, it would have been more candid, and fairer to Parliament, to have given them some intimation of it ; but if the matter occurred to them first at the Congress, on the suggestion of Count Walewski, they had acted with rash ne,s and inconsideration. It wag strange to hear the royal prerogative so advanced as it was at the beginning of the session as an exouse for another measure equally un precedented; he knew that it was only a convertible term for ministerial power. He sincerely regretted, both in its substance and in its manner, the change which had been effected ; he was not hopeful of our obtaining any reciprocal advantage ; he believed the sympathy of neutrals was not to be purchased by concessions or signs of weakness, but by fair dealing, vigour, firmness, and earnestness of purpose. (Cheers.) The Earl of HARROWBY observed that it was not correct to say that this was a right given up by our Go vernment without any compensating advantage. There was the abolition of privateering, from which in former wars we had suffered eren more than we had inflicted. It should be remarked that although England had agreed to abandon henceforth the right of seizing enemy's goods in neutral bottoms, there was no admission that the right did not exist involved in this abandonment of it. He thought we had an undoubted right to persist in that practice, but we had now thought it better to agree in an arrangement that it should be abandoned. This was not so much, as has been represented, a change of policy, but it was embodying in a general document what had been the subject of several special engagements during more than a century past. It had been said that the Americans would not be willing to give up privateering, but if they did not do so their neutral bottoms would not be protected, for they could not take the benefit of one part of the agreement without adopting the other part. It was prudent and wise on the part of our Government, at a time when we were not subjected to any circum stances of pressure, with no motive but a wish to pro mote the harmony of nations, to make the arrangement with the world in general, which we had successively made, by separate treaties, with most of the maritime powers. It was was one of the series of those measures which would tend to mitigate the atrocities of war, with the progressive civilisation of mankind. The Government had no reason to doubt that it would have the approval of Parliament, since in all the successive treaties by which the same arrangement was made in different states Par liament had acquiesced. After citing a treatise on the subject, written by Mr. Ward about the beginning of this century, the noble earl said that although the right of seizing enemy's goods on board neutral ships was ab stractedly just, it was one which could not be carried into practice in this age of increasing intercourse between nations without the greatest inconvenience. For Eng land to stand alone, insensible to the general current of opinion in Europe and the civilised world, was to be in a most dangerous position, and to be considered as a selfish asserter of the extreme claims which her widely-extended power enabled her to enforce. The real etrength of Eng land consisted not in exercising an extreme right in the face of the disapprobation of the world, but in her cha racter as touch as in her power ; and the step which hal been taken by her government was one which deserved commendation instead of censure. (Cheers.) The Earl of HARDWICKE said he would direct his speech to the inquiry what would be the result, in the event of any future war, of carrying out the principles which had now been enunciated by the Government, and made, as he understood, the law of Europe. He should be sorry to see this country involved again in a war with France, if such were to be the maritime law. His conviction was, that the maritime power of England had been completely struck down by this concession, and that, in any future war, it would be found to have rendered our maritime force com paratively useless. The effect would bo to reduce the con to is of nations to a military duel, in which the armies and fleets of one nation were to meet those of the other, and settle the quarrel, ship to ship, and man to man, by a di rect contest of arms. He should like to know how soon a war would be terminated on that principle? Why, it would be offering a premium to the other nations of the world to feed and foment the quarrel, by which they I ad a gainful carrying trade so long as the war lasted. He asked what had been the result of our trying this system in the late war with Rusia ? The effect of it was, that wo had paid into Russian coffers, as nearly as he could calculate, no less than seventeen millions sterling, during those two years of our being at war. Our merchants, at the commencement of the war, believing that the maritime rights of England would be maintained, had made arrangements for a trade in hemp and other pro duce, from distant countries; but our right of intercepting Russian produce in neutral hands was relinquished, and our merchants suffered in consequence of those arrangements ; the trade with Russia flourished during the war; Russia was enabled to get rid of her raw produce to any amount, and we paid her 17 millions of our gold. In that instance, the principle which was now laid down had not been very successful ; and he believed the war would have been ended sooner than it was if we had not thus allowed our enemy to receive supplies. If the war had continued, there were some who would have contemplated—though he did not say that the Cabinet had discussed it--a blockade of the Prussian ports, to put a stop to that process. He observed that France, in this war, had withdrawn all the seamen from her merchant ships to man her navy ; and that her trade was carried on meantime under foreign flags. Now, if ever—which he trusted would not be—a war broke out again between England and France, by the principle now agreed to a e should enable her to do the same, and to have her necessary trade carried on by neutrals, whilst all her seamen would be employed against us in manning her fleet. Such a state of things, instead of preventing war, would oblige us to declare war against the carriersof our enemy's trace. The seamen of England were not more mercenary than those of other nations, but in all previous wars England when she required to raise large bodies of men held out the prospect of reward in the shape of prize-money; and in any future war with France where would there be any inducement to sailors to join the service in the shape of prize money, when all trade could be carried on by neutrals. Again, what if there was to be a war with America? He had heard from the two noble earls opposite (Clarendon and Ile.rrowby) two distinct statements with reference to the position in which we should be placed with America. His noble friend (Lord Clarendon) said that America, with her five million tons of shipping, would not permit our retain ing a law which had a tendency to interfere so much with their rights, but his other noble friend (Lord Harrowby) said that if America would not agree to thi s par ti cu l ar clause of the convention, she would not be admitted to the • benefit of the other regulations, and that she must take all or none. He (Lord Hardwicke) was certain that America could not put down pri v ateefng, for she hsd no large standing navy, and the course now taken on this question was an offence to one of the greatest commercial nations in the world, and would cause her to dissent in toto to the whole proceeding, and to resist this new law whenever she had an opportunity. There was another part of the sub ject with which he felt great difficulty in dealing, and with regard to which he could not venture to speak, lest he should use language which would not be parliamentary ; for he felt that a step had been taken by a Minister of the Crown sitting in a foreign city in a congress which would be felt in this country, if not now at some period or other, as an act which was not justifiable, although it might be strictly legal. The power of the Crown no doubt did extend to such au act, but the subversion of a great national law on which the maritime power of a country depended, by a minister, at the suggestion of a French minister, was so offensive to him (Lord Hardwicke), that whatever might bo said about ameliorating the horrors of war and such rubbish, that he thought so serious an act ought not to be passed over without the strongest comment. The power as sumed byMinisters to deal with a question like this without no ti c e to the peopleot this c Bantry was th e s t ronges t exer cise of the prerogative of the Crown in his time. It was his (Lord Hardwicke s) conviction that the Queen, did she un derstand the whole scope of this qu es ti on, it would not be in her natuie or her temper to give up any of the rights of this country. He thought that in such a case a minister took on himself a resp .nsibility which must rest on his own shoulders. (Hear.) He was not satisfied that the First Minister was the men that could be trusted as having con sulted the Crown on all occasions, or that he always cone suited the Queen in cases of great importance. He was entitled to say that, and he would not use such language if it had not a foundation for doubting that the Crown was always consulted an occasions of importance. He (Lord Hardwicke) did not think this question had been treated in a constitutional manner. He was not one of those who thought the Queen a nullity, and he should like to have an assurance that is this case the Queen had been dealt with by the First Minister, in a different manner to ths!t, in which he sometimes treated her. Their lordships might remember a certain letter which was read to the House of Commons, and he would read a passage from it The Queen requires, first, that Lerd Palmerston will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she is giving her royal sanction. Se eon Ily, having once given her sanction so a measure, that it be not arbitrarily altered or modified by the minister. Such an act she must consider as failing iu sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her constitutional right of dismissing that minister. She expects to be kept.isformed of what passes between him and the foreign ministers before important decisions are taken, based upon that interc ourse ." H e would not read further. He wished, however, to know whether when a question like this was passed at a con ference at the request of he , a however able and excellent a might be, and what, he (Lord Hardwicke), as an Englishman, felt to be so de rogatory to his country, with a inicistry such as was now is power, the constitutional. rights of the Sovereign were not a bused. In his . opinion, his noble friend (Lord Clarendon) was to be . admired for the talent, ability, and honest English feeling he had always displayed, and he (Lord Hardwicke) had s ome diffi cu lt y t o r econcile the course his noble friend had taken with his general conduct. His noble friend was always such a friend to the preserva tion of the maritime strength of the country that he wai astonished that his noble friend should have been the in strument for taking such a step. 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