The Sun. — London, England, 1831-02-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS It is now about three years ago since we spoke with the utmost freedom on the subject of emigration : our opinion was decidedly then, as it still unchangeably remains, adverse; but the excel ent character of the man who patronized the pro ect—his zeal, sincerity, and industry, in the cause, and in every cause for his country's service—toge ther with the belief that all projects of this nature must end in abortion, unless promoted by improper methods, induced us tosuspend our opinions. The scheme of emigration, however , being now recom mended by Lord Howick, the son of the Prime Mi nister, and leave being obtained to bring in a Bill " for facilit sting settlements in Canada and Australia by voluntary emigration," the measure requires the fullest consideration. It is, perhaps, superfluous to say that we oppose no man's transporting him self and his family whithersoever he pleases—to Van Dieman's Land or Upper Canada—provided this be not done at the public expence, and provid ing there be no beating up for volunteers ; but the present project has a very different aspect. The motive assigned fur this restlessness on the subject of emigration is the absolute certainty, as it is endea voured to make us believe, that there is a redundancy of hands. Now we happen to do more than doubt " this self-evident proposition :"and with some infor mation from all parts of the kingdom, we are fully of opinion that there is much more work which ought to be done, in all those districts where the distress of the labourer has been the most striking, than there are hands to do it. Let any man of compe tent knowledge but look over any farm in such dis trict:, and he will see that it is not half tilled. And why ? Because the farmer has taken it too high ; because be had not capital enough when he entered on his farm ; and because he is still oppressed by a rate of rent which was fixed in better times. If he had the money first to employ and pay his labourers their labour would remunerate their employer ten times over. Why, should he ever be able to add one or two hands to his establishment, are they to be taken out of the market ? We have always urged most strongly a commutation for tithes. But still let it not be supposed that such commutation would be an unmixed good. It is always an ad vantage to the labourers in a village or parish, that tithes should be taken in kind; for when the farmer reaps and houses his grain, the additional tenth makes no increase to his establishment; but the tithe-owner must have horses, servants, and carts. — However, it may be said, there being unemployed hands, no matter from what cause, it is better to remove them than to take the chance of the British market being able to find them employment. But how remove them ? Lord Howick says, at the expense of the parish, by borrowing money upon the rates. We have not had misery enough in a national point of view, we suppose, from anticipating our future revenues, but we must anticipate our parochial revenues also, eh ? And who is to maintain the residue of infirm and aged paupers in a parish when the persons capable of labour (and such are the only fit subjects for emigration) are removed ? We say, that (with out some other cause operating) the rates would immediately increase in a parish after every act of emigration; and for this cause,—that the labouring poor can always do something towards the main tenance of their aged and infirm relatives, who, after the emigration of their supporters, must fall wholly on the rates. Many a plough-boy brings home his eighteen-pence or half-a-crown a-week to his grandmother or widowed mother, who, but for this help, must come wholly to the parish ! All emigration bills violate nature and harrow up the feelings; but Lord Howick's measure is of a charac ter absolutely atrocious. The unhappy fugitive still supports his courage when he takes leave of all that is dear to him in earth, with some vague idea that he shall be able to return at some future period to the scenes of his infancy. But Lord Howick's propo sition is,—that the emigrant, when once started, shall never be allowed to return to his native land, so as to be again chargeable on the rates! What law, that is not opposed to every principle of hu manity, can bar the ports of his country against an individual whose only crime is poverty ? And how can it be ascertained, a priori, whether a returning , emigrant will hereafter become chargeable on pa rochial rates or not ? The author of the Bill talks like a recruiting serjeant in a country fair, of his 3s. 6d. a day as labourers' wages in Canada. But let it be recollected, that without other documents, high wages may mean only dearness of provisions; and in any case 3s. Gd. a day is not enough to se cure a provision for old age in a country where there are no parish rates,—no alms-houses, founded by benevolent ancestors. We have little doubt, therefore, but that such Bill would be a grievous aggravation of individual suffering and of the public difficulties, and hope it will die quietly : but if we :find any vigorous attempt made to carry it, we shall, without scruple, expose the folly and the inorance, mixed with intolerable conceit, of the projectors of these notable schemes of taxing every parish, and banishing our industrious and able-bodied labourers. --l'i'mes. The indifferent success which, in some important particulars, has attended Lord Althorp's recent scheme of taxation, is to be regretted for reasons which look much further than to any question of pure finance. It has shaken the general character of the Government, and may perhaps affect it, ::ta bility—a circumstance than which we know not one more calculated, at the present moment, to entail upon this country the risk of disasters whose amount and termination no man living can foresee. If we are asked whether Lord Grey and the Chancellor of the Exchequer have been altogether innocent of the blame inferred against them by the violence of the existing clamour among monied men, our .v.nswer, with whatever reluctance, must be given in the negative. In matters eminently practical, and farni- . liar to the minds of hundreds of individuals who were equally within the reach of Ministers, and worthy of their fullest confidence, they appear to have too much abandoned themselves to their own speculations, and to have exposed themselves to the charge of ignorance, or certainly of extreme precipitation. The cause of this, though partly to be found in the sensitive honour of their Lordships, who were above all other things anxious, by inviolate secrecy, to prevent any gambling advantage being taken of a premature dis closure of their plans, must likewise, in great part, be ascribed to inexperience of publie business, the necessary effect of a long exclusion from office, and a monopoly of the powers of Government this empire by one overbearing faction. The 01)601;6 deviee, therefore, of every reflecting Englii,hatait, pro vided he be also (as most people capable of reflec tion are) an honest man, would be to bear some what longer with an Adminiateation, whose only error as yet has proceeded from a misfortune com mon to them awl to their country,—the4c tianish rneu for half a century from the Royal councils: of. Great Britain ; and whose best title to the national esteem andeontidence is their pli.e4ge (if supported by the public voice) to employ the auth.arify vested in them for the repair of injuries caused by time ip our institutions, and for the, redress of grievances fci tered and established under the reign of that same Court party, which, if the present Ministers were now forced to retire, would instantly re-ace,:py their placee, and deprive the people of every Ifory of, seeing the remedies of their meait, flagrant wrongs' a ttempted by the operation o f a ~)stelitc..t.ic and ge nerous policy, or attainable th ro.ugh any medium but that of a convulsive revolution. Al rea d y t h e war-whoop of the old Tory factio n is saunded through that department of the public press w hi c h spirit corresponds' arrd„is.identined with, t h e j ,, - f; lit and ultra-Royalist rhapSodles of _Paris,—the in.,4rtiCtiOn,:. dale Camarilla , z , at LiAon and. Aldrich—and the no less edifying orders o f tic day, just issued against the Polish patriots by that commander-of -the faithful, Count Diebitsch. The editor of the Quarterbi &riot! must have under ritizal she zeal and vigilance of the Tory chiefs in ealliatnent, or flattered biro- , elf con , ;iderably to , , . wn ,. VP, "44' the redeeming powers attached to the title-page of his own periodical sheet, when he put forth an ar ticle, headed " Parliamentary Reform," in an extra number of the said Review for the present month of February. The aim of the article is clear ettough,—; as plain and undisguised, indeed, as its execution, however fill - 11W, is artificial, plausible, and dishonest. It:may be called the " Manifesto of the Oligarch faction against the British Crown, Constitution, and people, preparatory to the Ist of March." It is the protest of all decay against all recove y,—the murmur of all abuse against all amendment,—the war of rubbish against renovation,—of corruption against purity,--of prejudice against knowledge,—of shadow against substance,—of inveterate and daring vice against every throbbing of conscious shame and breathing of patriot.sm or integrity. To make his pretn'ses and conclusion tally,—(and a false conclu sion being indispensable to his purpose,—viz., that it would be quite ruinous to the Constitution of Eng land to repair it on any extensive scale),—the writer presses into his service two assertions, in themselves the most glaring untruths that ever disgraced a political publication addressed to an enlightened people, viz. Ist, That the great majority of those individuals of all classes who insist upon the neces sity of Reform, are sudden converts to that senti ment; 2d, that this (assumed) sudden conversion, expressing itself in the form of a general conviction upon the subject, proceeds from a dread of physical force!—meaning the physical force of the untaught multitude or sans culotterie of Great Britain. It might be sufficient to ask the reviewer for some proof of this very modest position—that the pre valence of a desire for Reform in England is founded on the fear of violence, and not on the sense of jus tice or the love of truth. We might ask him—is there no perception of the difference between right and wrong among Tories, except where the alter native of impunity or punishment is presented to them ? But proofs do not abound in that quarter, and we spare him. The nation will nevertheless be apt to inquire whether Mr. Pitt, in his early eagerness for Reform, was moved by the apprehen- sion of a mob ? Was Lord Grey—that noble person who has been for more than 40 years the con sistent advocate of Reform in Parliament, and who employed the first hour of access to his present Majesty in obtaining, as the condition under which he accepted office, the Royal concurrence to a mea sure of complete Reform,—was, we demand of the Quarterly Review, the head of the existing Cabinet originally frightened into an approval of that remedy which Mr. Pitt had proposed almost 50 years ago ? Or were his colleagues, Lord Brougham, Lord Althorp, Lord Palmerston, and Mr. Grant, dragooned into the same service, because they feared the fag gots of the supposed revolutions ? If Lord Grey and the great body of the Whigs, and such of the Tories, too, as are not candidates for Bedlam, have during the best part of the 7 r respestive lives main tained the abstract wisdom, and, as soon as the measure might be practicable, the solid expe dierry and permanent usefulness of Reform, is it not too much for this arrogant sophist to allege that the " dread of physical outrage" has become the prime mover of that reforming spirit which now, as we are told in almost the •ame page of the very same article, pervades, and animates, and ehrects the whole public mind of Eng- laud? But it is curious to remark how in the en• forcement of a favourite absurdity, when the brain of a partisan has been sufficiently heated by decla mation, and his perception proportionably dimmed, those facts which if left in their natural shape and position would operate the most fatally against him, are wrenched from their sockets, and doggedly ap plied to the cross-grained necessities of his own un discriminating logic. We quote a paragraph, where in the Reviewer seems to have no capacity for de ducing the most obvious consequence from the de cisive fact, that men of opposite principles in rela tion to all other political subjects are agreed on the value and urgency of the measure of Reform. We do not remember to have seen in any recent publi cation so remarkable a talent for combining with more than the common-place dexterities of literary knack and practice, such a portentous disregard for truth,—such entire destitution (or suspension) of common sense,—and of every characteristic of a reasoning creature as in the subjoined passage : " But the most amusing circumstance of all (if any thing can be deemed amusing where the whole is in truth so melancholy), is the simplicity with which individuals the most diametrically opposed to each other, in principle, —men who have never before been able to agree on any given proposition,—knots of exclusive theorists in politics and political economy, possessed with dogmas the most incompatible, Land advocating every one some sovereign specific of his own for the evils which he thinks beset the nation, have yet all submitted themselves to the common prestige, and join, or affect to join, in hailing a consum mation which, as each little antagonist unit fondly imagines, is to bring the little antagonist nostrum of each into active operation. One calls for Reform, because it is to be the precursor of unbounded freedom of trade ; another sees in it the triumphant revival of the old system of protecting duties and monopoly ; the bullionist relies on a reformed Parliament for the defeat of all future attempts to tamper with the metallic currency ; while the champion of paper trusts that it may yet save the nation by a copious issue of I/. notes ;---the people of Liverpool hail in its advent the total and instant downfall of the East India Company ; the saints, the equally total and instant emancipation of the West India slaves :—to the Whig it is a millen nium of office ; to Joseph Hume, pounds, shillings, and pence ; and to the Orangemen of the Standard a repeal of the Catholic Relief Bill; one set of writers anticipate from Reform an immediate extension to Ireland—a mea sure in their opinion otherwise hopeless—of die English system of poor-rates; while those of au opposite persua sion expect the abrogation of all poor-rates whatsoever. By Return: the annuitant hopes to obtain a repeal of the corn-laws ; the landholder a reduction of taxes and the eventual demolition cf funded property ; the farmer an exemption from tithes and rent; and the Lancashire operative a rise of wages ; the rioter and the rick-burner trusts, through the acute powerful engine, to drink wine every day, and to swing in a coach ; the dogmatic cox combs of the school of Bentham, the Spenceans, Owenites, and iepriblicans of all denomination., look to Reform for j the realization of their Utopian dreams; and Mr. Daniel O'Connell, not tb least sagacious of the array, sees in it a boundless field for neve;c-e, - ading agitation, and is already menacing those who c at prestni; t; . ample down him and his followe;s, with punishment and degradation from the strong power - of a Reformed Parliament.' On they rush, following each . (atria like a flock of sheep to the brink of the precipice, and commuting themselves to their lite, some in the gaiety of unreflecting zecurity, some with the reckless levity of despair.' It appears, then, that these several classes of Re formers have become so, beeau2o of the anticipated tei4ency of the measure to procure for each the accompizl47ient of its own peculiar object, whether' of colonial, finial: 4.7 J? or general policy. Is this true ? we ask. Is it true that tie bullionist promotes Re form, because lie thinks it gecure him against a return of one-pound notes,—or tiia free trader, because t monopoly,—or the mono. polist, because he in it the downfall of free . trade—or the a,unuitaut, trosi tiffs hatred of the corn laws—or the farmer, becausc. it s4l lead to the abolition of tithes and rer)t f !' • is it, wc reheat, a ue , tatennent of the case, that these, tam (:l tWentyl other bce,i,s catalogued by the Reviewer in the fare? going paragraph, .!.,.q4 constituting nine-tenths of the whole British nation riot 4riyen to resort to manual labour for subsistence, have realiy;;c2ome advocates of Reform, as a stepping-stone to such improve ment in thecc4dition of the commonwealth as each. conceives to he er;a4 - .•,:.:!.r.l to the public good? If this be true, then what a daiitii . cel9rnny in the same ic:e;;_tical writer to promulgate, that the kL.O7,t :power ful motive with Reformel , ; is the base one of, " bodily fear?'-' comes another display : " No man surely' can seeio4ali ;)rofess to believe that the lio;ne of Commons is at this momeinl., n ob,dience to the call of the peovle , , prepared to commit an act cf po litical suicide, absolutely to surrender the privileges by vhich a majority of its member:. hold their seats and their influer,:e, and have the effrontery to maint;in, in the same • breath, that public opinion is not represented in that House of Commom." From the last sentence we draw this interesting, and salutary adjuration of the Reviewer against all species of amendment in our representative system, viz.—" You Members of the House of • Commons . are said not to represent the people ; but it is you are going to reform yourselves because public opinion demands it: I therefore prohibit you from making the slightest change in the compos►t►on of your Honourable House, because your doing so would be a proof of your readiness to comply with the national feeling, and therefore a proof that no Reform was requisite!" Very good indeed : Strad ling versus Stiles is beaten hollow. Then those who deem it matter of offence that Gatton, which just contains five voters, should send as many represen tatives to Parliament as any place in England, ex cept Yorkshire and London, while Manchester, the second town in the kingdom as to population, is wholly unrepresented,—such meddling persons are superciliously put by as mere dilettanti lovers of sym metry and system ! with no sort of reference to the use of things. Throughout we must observe of this knight-errant, that when he alludes to the benefits of the existing Constitution, he means the benefits derived from it by the aristocracy alone—that is, by the class whose persevering and notorious efforts to monopolize those benefits are held by 49•5Otbs of the nation to be the one great cause, and indeed the main essence, of all abuses for which a Reform of Parliament is looked upon as the proper and only remedy—that remedy which alone can prevent the recurrence of the evil. An attempt is made to bolster up the fitness and efficiency of the general mass cfagents employed by English Ministers under the present system, in domestic affairs and foreign We believe that no nation on the face of the globe pays so high a price to such a crowd of functiona ries, and has its business executed in a manner more scandalously incomplete. How can it be otherwise, when irresponsible borough patrons can dictate to the Government how many Eons, brothers, and cousins of grandees it shall employ ? But, indeed, there is no prejudice so old arid desperate,—there is no abuse of the public purse, or public authority, so enormous —there is no vice, or extravagance, or folly, so con. temptible,—that finds not ample shelter beneath the wings of this champion of the Holy Alliance..-Times. Among the reforms which the Lord Chancellor proposes to introduce into the Courts of Equity, one of the soundest in principle, and most beneficial in practice, is the substitution of viva voce testimony for written evidence obtained through the medium of written interrogatories. It has long been admit ted that open and public examination► of witnesses in Court, confronted with each other, and in the presence ofJudge and Jury, who are to estimate the value of their evidence, is the best mode of coming at truth :in a Court of Justice that human wisdom ever devised; and yet, to the discredit of the Chan cery system, and the disadvantage of the public, another practice with regard to evidence has been allowed, from time immemorial, to prevail in Courts of Equity. Now, it is clear that, if the mode of taking evidence in Courts of Common Law be the best, the very different mode practised in Courts of Equity cannot also be the best ; but it is equally cer tain that the right investigation of truth is as neces• sary to just decisions in Courts of Equity as in Courts of Law, and therefore the best mode of in vestigating truth, or, in other words, of ascertain ing the facts of a case by evidence, should prevail in the former Courts as well as in the latter. The reason of the difference arises from the difference in the origin of both jurisdictions. The Common Law Courts are indigenous to the country—they are the offspring of the homely wisdom of our Saxon ancestors, matured and improved by the suggestions of long experience; but the Courts of Equity, like the Ecclesiastical Courts, are of fo reign importation. They are exotics to the soil, and have been transplanted into England from the insti tutions of Imperial and Pontifical Rome, with their own peculiar principles relative to the administra tion of justice, which, though endured among us far ages, have never been Naturalised, and, indeed, never can assimilate with the native principles of our con stitutional jurisprudence. To revolutionize this sys tem altogether—to sweep away the un-English maxims, the inquisitorial and arbitrary power—the absurd subtleties or practice, and rapacious exac tions connected with it, would be a task worthy of a man inspired by the noble ambition to earn a pure and immortal fame by services of the most splendid utility to his country. The talents and the indefa tigable energy of Lord Brougham rendered him equal to the task. His inclinations are, we believe, for a complete and thorough Reform, and if he have the moral intrepidity to persevere in the course he has commenced, and dbes not allow himself to be turned aside from this great object by the little cen sure of pedantic cavillers or the interested clamour of the venal supporters of abuse, he will achieve a work which will cause his name to be held in enlightened admiration as the benefactor of a people, when the perishable conflicts of party shall have been forgotten. As to the details of his plan, as far as they are yet explained, this is not the time to criticise or review them ; but to most of the prin ciples which he proposes to act upon we can give our unqualified praise, The setting aside the pre sent lists of Commissioners of Bankrupts, and sepa rating the jurisdiction in bankruptcy from the Court over which be presides, is an alteration of which the necessity has been long felt by the public, but which takes from the office of Lord Chancellor a quantity of profit and patronage which none of those who liere•ofore held the Great Seal were willing to resign. If a truly efficient Court be formed upon the ruins of the present bankruptcy jurisdiction, it will he one of the greatest advantages that the mer cantile population of this country could possibly de rive from the reforming energy of judicious and honest legislatio n . Th e a b o li t i on o f f ees , and those bribes which arc ca ll e d b y t h e turtles, will remo ve f rom Ch ancery the reproach of the " itching p a l m ," which is t gentle name of gra tuities, scandal of Courts where justice should not only be enthroned in wis dom but served in purity, and will do away with the habitual violati on of that noble maxim of Magna C'harta—nulli vendemus jastitiam.—Morn. Herald. As the day approaches on which the Minis'erial plan of Reform is to be laid before the Legislature, the various parties in the State who entertain fixed opinions upon the subject, evince proportionate anx iety to impress the public with a conviction of the truth and practicability of th e ir different theories for the amendment of the representation; and we have now before us a host of pamphlets, besides some s;ores of letters, in some of which the main tenance of " the venerable institutions" of our an cestors is advocated—in others the extension of the e'ective suffrage to such unrepresent,rl towns as Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, &c.; and in tli semaindrir universal suffrage, vote by ballot, trien nia? and Klima! Parliaments, &c. a word, there appears to exist every shade mid variety of opinion on the subject of the Parliamentary Reform which ought to take place; but taking an aver; age of the votes for the one and the other, as they would ap pear from the letters and pamphlets before us, we might sa.;-1.!7 say that those in favour of R e f or m are a thousand to one, ac cemoared with those against it; arid, in like manner, that these ;to proportion, in point of numbers, between those whe) trienr,ia/ Parliaments, vote by ballot, and a loWer-. ing of ;the 4yalifica , ion to every householder, and those who, on the Othe;' ha 44, ei,slits desire a more extensive, or wish for a nurse mod6.ar e Ref 0. 0 1.7 7. 31 - urn/rig Advertiser. MA:TvrET,L,—The peculiar talent at making points, and producing ;t;tlden and irresistible effects, so characteristic of 1111. ROOK, 'haa never ',;:e,77. better exem plified than in "Maxwell," his latest produetroin. Io will, sufCce to indicate a few of the felicitous hits : Godfrey Moss's mat-a-proio,? intervention at the delicate moment of the StoCkbroker'S se:,:epkt3 snit —young Maxwell's hide-and-seek mancruvres and disasters in pzrtmit of his fair incognita—the superlative Major Overalltlie piquant, rernsa - ;4 on English dinners, and the inimitable picture of• that at the Painters, with the family fussiness, and all the agonies of invitation, preparation, reception, apology, &c.— The exploratory visit to Mrs. Randolph at Berr:tandsey, with the delineation of the localities of that remote region, and the dwellers therein—the scenes of curious 'coincidence; and provoking perplexity at the "Marine Villa" oecupiedl by Mr. and Mrs. 'Apperton at Brighton —and the nume-' lons passages in which Godfrey Moss, unique among hat-' morists, is made to vent his amusing singularit'e3, REFORM IN PARLIAMENT. MEETING AT BURYTISLAND. A most numerous meeting of the burgesses and inhabi tants of this burgh was held within the Town Hall, upon Thursday the 16th December, on requisition from twelve of the respectable inhabitants, addressed to William Young, Esq., the Chief Magistrate, who most readily ac ceeded to the request, and was unanimously elected Chair man of the meeting. Mr. CHARLES DICKSON, one of the present Magistrates, rose amid great cheering, and said I have the honour of introducing to the notice of this meeting the first resolu tion, which I will now read, premising only, before enter ing on its merits, I am a temperate and moderate Re former, and that I will yield to no one in loyalty and at tachment to the British Constitution.—(Applause.)—l must likewise observe, that those who advocated universal suffrage and annual Parliaments are not only the enemies of, but throw ridicule and contempt on, constitutional Re form, and if their plans were carried nothing but anarchy and confusion would be the result. 'flie resolution I pro pose is, that the state of the representation for Scotland being now generally admitted to be defective, the mem bers for counties being elected solely by the holders of superiorities, many of whom possess little or no interest in the soil, only a very small number of the proprietors pos sessing the right of voting for Members of Parliament, and the members for burghs being chosen by the Magis trates and Town Council, (who in general are nominated by their predecessors) an ! from only a fractional part of the community—that such an extension of the elective franchise as shall include a fair proportion of the property and intelligence of Scotland, and which shall tend to in fuse confidence in the community in their representation, is manifestly just and expedient. The subject of the resolu tion which I have read embraces the very defective state of the political franchise and representation, both for coun ties and burghs of Scotland. It seems palpably so when I state to you that out of a population of nearly three millions, there are only 2,000 or 3,000 voters for the whole of Scotland. With respect to counties, it is a no torious fact, that the bulk of the voters have no interest in the soil, the large landed proprietors dividing and splitting the superiorities into parcels of 4001. Scots among their friends and dependents, and thus qualifying a number of voters who have no connection with the county. The members for Scotch counties, then, are literally retut ned by the undue influence of the aristocracy and large holders of land. There are 33 counties which only return 30 Members to Parliament. It is not for me to say what would be a fair r.•presentation for the counties, or what improvement should take place in the qualifications of those who vote; I will leave that matter to wiser heads than my own, but certain I am that there is great room far amendment.—(Hear.) It seems, however, not too much to ask two isleathers for the large counties and one for each of the smaller counties. With regard to the Royal burghs, they are likewise very defective and cor rupt. The system of self-election in their Magistrates and Councils is a matter of such notoriety as cannot be denied by the most immaculate burgh. (Hear, hear.) The Royal burghs consist of about 66 in number, and they return to Parliament 15 members, so each, with the exception of Edinburgh, have only a quarter or a fifth of a member. It is most true, then, that the great body of the people have no voice in the return of the guardians of their rights and liberties.—(Hear, hear.) Look at Edinburgh, the me tropolis of Scotland, with a population of 130,000, and a place of great wealth, science, and intelligence; they can not be said to be represented when the Town Council, consisting of only 33 members, keep the whole elective franchise to themselves, and return a member !! ! It is very questionable, if this close and corrupt system had not disgraced that city, whether the present Member would have sat for one Parliament. Such how ever, is the deplorable state of the metropolis of Scotland, the seat of every thing that is polite in literature and eminent in science. The next city to which I will allude is Glasgow, the second commercial city of the nation, and how deplorably is she represented. She has not been thought worthy to have a member of her own, although containing a population of upwards of 150,000, many of whom are men of the highest attainments and enterprise, but are totally excluded from all share of the political franchise— still to degrade her more, she must be linked with such paltry burghs as Rutherglen, Renfrew, and Dumbarton, which last are considered by the advocates of the present close system as important in the body politic as their more wealthy neighbour. There are also Perth and Dundee, both places of considerable im portance, but they also, by the present system, must he tacked to other three burghs, thus only hiving the fifth part of a Member to look after their interests.—(Hear.) Aberdeen and Inverness may be mentioned also as being inadequately represented. Other places may likewise be alluded to, n rmely Greenock, Port Glasgow, Paisley, and Leith, which are not represented at all ! ! The former town, notwithstanding her large shipping and commercial interests, is not deemed worthy of a share in the repre sentation of the country—the same remarks apply with equal force to Leith, and the other two populous towns of Paisley and Port Glasgow. It would doubtless be pre sumption in me to paint out any plan of Reform, but it seems not too much to ask two Members for Edinburgh, the like for Glasgow, and one for each of the other large towns of Scotland, and the other small burghs could be so classed as to afford them a liberal voice. It aho necessarily follows that a considerable extension of the elective fran chise is due to the country—(Cheers)—for example, I would be inclined to think all who either occupied a house or shop of the rent of 101. annually, or was owner of pro perty to the same value, was entitled to a vote both for magistrates and Members of Parliament. The people of Scotland demand nothing wild or visionary—(No, no) — they seek no more than a full, free, and enlightened re presentation in the Commons House of Parliament. But lit us see who the opposers of this measure are? Why, it is the powerful aristocracy of the country, the borough mongers, placeinen, and fat sinecurists—(Hear, hear)-- who have the effrontery to tell us the machine works well as it is, and there is no necessity for change. No doubt it works well for them. They will strenuously oppose the abolition of a system which is admitted by all good men, to b e base, profane, and corrupt—(Hear)—because forsooth it will upset all their snug pensions, for it never gives them a moment's reflection that, while receiving such, they are feeding and fattening themselves on the vitals and industry of the people. This question has become like the im portant one of Catholic emancipation, when the late ad visers of the Crown told the country it could not be longer delayed, we bad the same hue and cry that both Church and State were in danger, but no such thing has occurred. Iu like manner the time has now arrived that it would be dangerous longer to withhold from the country a Reform in the Commons House of Parliament, for it is only by a timely remedy the country may yet be saved.—(Cheers.) It appears unnecessary to notice the length of Parliaments which would be satisfactory to the country. The general opinion, however, seems to be inclined to triennial Parlia ments, in which opinion I concur, for the oftener a Mem ber comes back to solicit the suffrages of his constituents, and to render an account of his stewardship, the better.— (Hear.) Such an extension therefore of the elective fran chise as shall comprehend a fair proportion of the pro perty and intelligence of Scotland, and which will tend to infuse confidence in the people in their representatives, is manifestly just---(Loud cheers)—and you are convened this evening for the purpose of raising your humble voices to Parliament, praying that the Legislature of the country will grant you such a Reform as in its wisdom may ap pear expedient—and the doing so becomes absolutely ne cessary 'ou your part, when you are told by a Right Hon. Gentleman in his place in Barliameo, that the people of Scotland want no Reform. Give then, ky your unani mous voices, a flat denial to this assertion, which must have been made more from zeal than wisdom. I beg to thaiik you all for the patient attention and indulgence you have shewa me wh;le attcropting to lay my views before you on this most unportaut question, and move the resolution I have read be adopted. Mr. JAMES Smut), in seconding this resolution, took occasion to remark that he considered a Reform in Par ;iztnent necessary to preserve the fundamental institutions of the country. That from a reformed Parliament we had a right to extseet a repeal o' :awn encroaching on the freedom of trade, 'and 'partictilarly a 'repeal of the Corn Laws. We should also expect a mitigation of the severity o f the Penal L‘,.•*tvc, the British fitoionies, a t b he (l i g 4 "du :E.etlli extinction eraiat - 4 of slave amelioration ry iu all the institutions of the country. Mr. JAMES FARNIE—For the few remarks which I have to offer while assisting in the business of this meet ing, I beg a patient hearing. In shewing you a part of the lava expenditure of the public money, I will be forced to draw compai . ;oo;;s etween public men. Nothing however will intentionally fall - frotn p,e irKfs.risstent with truth. The duty of proposing the second ivaoiutiLri hits been entrusted to me, and although I am well aware of my defects, I cannot avoid raising " my feeble voice" to ex press a occasion, for auspiciou s I cons id er i t to t h e i n h a bitants of this burgh. I am one o f th ose w h o regar d t h e Union of the a ncient kingdom o f S cot l an d w i t h t h at o f England as one he g s forcibly" as I can my f eel i ngs on thi s auspicious of sibly have [,fallen it un d er a ll the circumstances, but it t reatest blessing s un d er P r ovidence that could pos would he affectation' to disguise that it has proved a bles sing not unmixed but rather fraught with most injurious 'consequences, from the limited' nature of the electi ve franchise fixed for both the counties anti burghs of Scot land. For that however We have only our legislators o - that clsty to blame, and it is idle now to go back to thatf period, farther than tracing it as the bases of a system of misrule which has grown with its growth, as years have siece passed along, notwithstanding the cm reased intel ligence of succeeding generations and total change of cir cumstances, both as to wealth and population. Perhaps no burgh in Scotland has greater reason to deplore the ini quitous consequences of this system more than Burntis land. Though possessing advantages which no other burgh on the Firth of Forth enjoys, its harbour has been neglected, its spirit of commercial enterprise checked, and its staple trade has fallen away to nothing in a compara tive point of view. As to revenue there is literally none —on the contrary, the town is burdened with debt which it cannot discharge, and this I apprehend is most justly to be attributed to the pernicious effects of self-election, which has engendered a profligate course of burgh manage ment in time past. Of course, Ido not apply this obser vation to you, Sir, or the present or late magistracy, be cause I am aware for a great length of time past, ha 4 they been ever so much inclined, the town's finances made the thing impracticable. I wish I could close our local grievances here; but other consequences, particularly af fecting ourselves, stare us in the face. Who can refuse sympathy to the number of poor people whom we see un employed, and without the means of subsistence. How they are to he provided for in the remaining part of the season I cannot foresee, the whole business of the burgh of every description being literally at a stand. In such a state of things it becomes all prudent men and lovers of peace and good order to look after proper remedies. The root of the evil most clearly consists in the degraded state of Parliamentary representation over the whole of Great Britain and Ireland generally—but in a more particular manner over Scotland, where two or three thousand individuals at most exercise, to the exclusion of the general mass, the elective franchise, nothing but abuse and corruption in its rankeSt form could be expected out of sources so very impure. The remedy of Reform and rettenchment of the public expenditure has been long pressed upon the former advisers of former Sovereigns of this country without effect : year after year our pockets have been drained, by taxation of one description and another, until we are almost pennyless, and had even that part of our money which has been drawn from us since the termination of the war, gone to the application of any local improvement, such as our own town and harbour are susceptible, of, we would have been content. But you are aware, whenever Government were urged on this sub ject, the answer was they had no funds to appropriate to these purposes. The question then is, where does the money drained from our pockets go ? Part, but only a fractional part of the secret is now out in full detail, I hold in my hand The Sun newspapers of the 3d and 13th instant, giving names and figures. In the first of these the public money to no less amount than 78,8301. 13s. 3d. is paid over annually to a host of placemen and sinecurists, who strip clean to the bone like the locusts of Egypt.— The items of these lists are most revolting; among the black catalogue they contain, I find, only one name on which the eye delights to dwell, it is that of a distin guished English nobleman—the Marquis Camden, who, entitled by patent right to the large fees of a sinecure office, signs for the sake of form merely a receipt for many thousand pounds annually, which he would be entitled to pocket, but instantly transfers to the public treasury. I think it worth while to present you with the contrast of this conduct as exemplified in the persons of two sinecu rists near our own doors, and as it is not my desire to make fish of the one, and flesh of the other. I just select the case of a nobleman whom we have all along under stood as a prominent Whig, and a gentleman about whom there can be no misunderstanding as a thorough going Tory : I allude to my Lord Rosslyn, a nobleman whom all of us respect as eminent in public spirit, and .highly distinguished for gentlemanly deportment and private worth, but who nevertheless, as I perceive from this list, possesses a snug sinecure office as Director of Chancery in Scotland, held by deputy, to the tune of no less a sum than 18521. 7s. 6d. annually.—(Hear, hear.) The other is Mr. William Dundas, Member pro tenzpore for the City of Edinburgh ; the list in which this gentleman's name must appear, has not yet reached me, but he, I know, draws the public money for doing nothing to the amount of se veral thousand pounds annually. It was this same gentle man " this Edinburgh Jupiter"—(Loud laughter.)— who, addressing a 33d part of his constituency, asserted the burgesses of Scotland were satisfied with the state of the present representation, an assertion he had a manifest in terest in making, but which he will not now in his place in Parliament repeat. But the last of the newspapers I have referred to gives me, for the first time, as much to my astonishment, as I am certain it will be to yours, the in telligence: that our own Provost and representative shares in the general spoil. (Great agitation.) I find he holds the sinecure office of Clerk to Chancery in Scotland, draw ing therefore to the amount of 1135/. I7s. fid. annually. (Murmurs of great dissatisfaction.) Now these never would have been permitted had our elective franchise been pure. Had the peop'e possessed the right of controel which, I trust, they will speedily acquire in electing fit and proper persons as their representatives, who would regard the public interests, and not their own private advantage, such doings, which cannot meet the light of day, never would have existed. It is most gratifying to find that this system is now about being put to its purgation. Thanks to the ever-memorable declaration against Reform made by the Duke of Wellington, our country has been saved from civil dissensions and strife, of which there was no seeing the end, and that our patriot King, who lives in the best affections of us all, is now surrounded by advisers who have seriously set on foot investigations, the mere discus sion of which now must result in unspeakable benefit to the country at large, and drag to open view and reproba tion the details of that hydra-headed corruption which has so long lain under cover. I do not expect the present Administration are to work wonders. They require time, for they have an Augean stable to sweep, and will meet with much obstruction from those interested in maintaining the present state of pensions and sinecures, and the general system of boroughmongering influence, but I urge,them to persevere. Supported by the countenance and protection of our beloved Monarch, and the general voice of every unbiassed and disinterested mind among the people, such obstructions will not avail, and cannot ultimately succeed. Meantime it becomes us, in my humble opinion, to give our confidence to the present responsible Ministers of the Crown, and to strengthen their hands inasmuch as in our power lies by the expressien of our sentiments. We find them not sleeping at their posts, but active in the regular promotion of those principal objects upon which they have accepted office. For myself, though in the general case confidence is a plant of slow growth, and perhaps some of my senior friends now present may think I am too san guine, I give Ministers my whole confidence, being most satisfied that so long as Lords Brougham and Althorp, and Sir James Graham—(Cheers)—to whose sleeves I pin my political faith—(Continued cheering)—form a part of the Cabinet, corruption must hide its diminished head, and every thing for the good of the country that men can do will be done. For the same reasons it does humbly occur to me that, upon the question of Reform, we should not force upon the attention of Government our individual opinions. I hope we are all agreed on the principle that Reform is absolutely necessary, and ought no longer to be withheld. With these sentiments, I beg to propose the following resolution : What this meeting receive with satisfaction the pledges made by his Alajesty's Government for the furtherance of this cardinal question, and being confident that such mea sures will bd introduced as may be in accordance with the established order of society, and the settled institutions of the nation, deem it unnecessary to offer any opinion on de tails which they themselves entertain." Mr. JAMES ffENpERsoN, present Dean of Guild, se conded the resolution. i ri h o e rt (a c rb: o t n ea s np i dtaerartne indo . I.:„ l t i i eh i e m et s d e ae l ls f i bp m e la. u ar c tiii h oa nal l s i e o n_ ff, o . a u y r:d . 1 .ee i t n : Mr. PETER LESLIE, in moving th e thi r d reso l ut i on, fur itt f a e tste l certain that wh a t ever s h are o f od i um oed t was being begged i fo n r g l l. e p l de to permitted attachable to their Provost and present representative, on the ground of the sinecure, it now appeared to the sur prise of all present he enjoyed, no corruption could ha laid to the charge of the Magistrates and Council of the burgh, who, he was gratified to find, had come forward, and by their presence amongst 119 counter.anced the present meeting. Such conduct showed that.thq had not only no wish to perpetuate the Close system of self-election, but It is not now, were anxious t o h ave t h e elect i ve franc hi se ex t en d e d to and re_ re o trenchmentf are ' those who oug h t to possess i t, and to put an en d to t h e present imp er f ect, unsat i sfactory, and pern i c i ous system. S o i r r, ' a r a e notquestionto be gone atlistressed country' demands it in a language not to be 4 - 4s!.;n4qst:cci. "ur most gracious Monarch is himself a reformer, and the.Finjoica upaG wi);';11 hi , : l'.lliesty' s Go vernment is based, are so sound that the measures cannot oe int o. Reform f he long er d e l aye d . P ossess ors of decayed burghs in Eng land, and a few of our servile Scotch representatives, may indeed show an opposition to his Majesty's wishes and Administration, but it will not avail. Be it understood we wish no violent change, but to preserve, not injure, our invaluable Constitution. Let us do our duty by sign- ing the petition to be grounded upon these resolutions, leaving the details to the wisdom of Parliament ; and whatever the result, we cannot be denied ' the consolation that vwf have (lone all in 01 , r power to strengthen the bands of Government. Mr. Leslie's speech was greatly / plauded in almost every sentence he expressed. Mr. CALDER had great pleasure in seconding this rel lution. With reference to the country, the speaker!. served we arc most f or t una t e in having our pat riot Is. ; V . a sailor at the helm of th e na tion. Every man t h en to quarters, in aid of the good cause, and lel him keep nf , running fire of petitions, so that the enemy ga in 11° vantage.—(Tremendous cheering.) Mr. JAMES COCKBURN, one o f the present 00 ' 16 9 of the burgh, moved the fourth reseloti, ° _%b proposed, as a Committee for conducting th ee - future necessary details, the following Benders& Bailie Dickson, Bailie Munson,i Dean of Guild Convener Chalmers, Deacons Leslie and Mil ne ' so William e, the gentlemen requisitionists, viz Messrs. house, John Archibald, James Farnie, James SP% George Glendioning, James Cockburn, Henry li are , Peter Leslie, Mr. Calder, Alexander Hutchison, Michael Stocks. tb Mr. STOCKS seconded this mot'which,with all preceding, d re d preceding, were unanimously acceded to, and „ 0 be inserted in the Scotsman and Fife Herald neiv‘Parefte At this stage of the proceedings the CrearrotA/4, tlnA having perused the newspapers exhibited to the M ee . ji said the resolutions having been now passed, I oonS e the whole proceedings, except that Lord Rosslyn a° curd Loughborough have been singled out of a list of sine and I would wish that this meeting would not g ° with any bad impression against these noblemen' d Mr. F, RNIE, he ha , niers, with great energy, stated selected their names with the view of exciting P re i - k i j On the contrary, he had in the outset stated he 5y° 11 . ,,, obliged to draw comparisons between public men in 1. 7,! to the lavish expenditure under discussion. Ther e persons in this meeting who supported all the alm , eil existed in London or England, and it was to bring ° gentlemen to them the necessity of Reform that he showed fro lists corruption existed a t o ur own d oors i n the s i"' he had quoted. Mr. MILNE concurred in every word that had T v/ ih; ably stated by the different g e ntl emen w h o had ° l.b e rali I.t trion (Hear, hear.)--The resolutions were moderate a nd pi l istedt and if this meeting k new t o w h at extent abase! --eferi they would only the m ore see th e necessity of usa i v J ft OT w constitutional means to ass er t th e i r rights. He -3 ge9llo , m' -- I to find such a respectabl e an d numerous meeting B : o o , cot, t kl bled on the subject, whi c h did t h em t h e grea test h ° oak! Yof I —(Cheers.)—[Nobody th oug h t it wort h while 0 t hee t :tor, B charge of the Edinburgh* Jupiter, who was le ft °II e ots l." Peo strand.] eym Oki t a . Mr. GLENDINNING mov e d a v o t e o f thanks t°,i/oNip."ts Chairman for his conduct i n p res idi ng a t this roc e s o,lll, 4 t' ) of I which, being seconded by M r . A LEXANDER H"Cjil ki -- X O4 pi ', was unanimously carried. , Rol , re,, A . Term used to the Lord Re g i s t er (D un d as ) by .1. 4. Mar' day IVEr°e emid Oen ____ advocate at the Edinburgh, R e f orm meet i ng. .10i,4 „ ant____ li 4 044 THE MARKETS. O h 14 4 ' °I COAL MARKET.—Feb. 23. e a, t tkry a`) Tanfield ------- -—. 31s. Od. New Flockton, Sl ll ° - Oil k or • , an,i Walls End Bewicke&Co. 34 0 and Co. _.---•''''. ;r3 A kPaid , Lambton Primrose —. 33 6 5i1k5t0ne...—...... 50 ',i , J i b' ' Walls End Hetton ..... 35 6 Tantield Trader...... , . 11 ',' 'iti ,„ n Walls End Ly0n5,,.,,.,., 33 9 I Primrose small —........... 1 9 v it A °ti e , Castle Main,....—... 26 0 Walls End small ......., " 1 8 5 Culm ....,... .... 27 0 ~.,,,, 1, 4 . re 1,, ships at market, 275q—Ships sold, 9% — Unsold, '''''' k d l ntpe ct i of , ' ''ll ' l ' 01 $ I, t ir in t COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE W -- 'a - kni e• ' , 1 4th Wheat. 1 Barley. i Oats. peas /. 'lli t ,. kit _ to P:, ,It 4 r , rao rt , Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. iB.to S. ' l; Li 4 EI f t) ... y. ! I tt . Abingd0n—.......... 55 62 32 38 21 3 2 h e ; ,'i to 0 Andover 6l 76 26 28 20 2 3 _,,,--. 0 ' 1) t ,,,"" 1 Birmingham—. 79 82 29 43 26 3 2 -- ' 4 \, ,, :i ......_ 4 a riridport —..._ 56 74 32 39 26 3 0 ..„,-- 5 ~ Cirencester .........—. 66 86 28 40 23 23 _„..- 43 tt Faringdon M 86 36 40 26 38 jo Guildford —.—... 48 74 23 32 26 35 ".‘' io 4 { “Cl Henley 54 83 30 35 20 3 0 ' ' r hl ~ ' le R ~ Hereford 84 92 44 48 36 40 ..„,- '1 , 14 .11,'„ ''' Highworth —... 62 80 32 42 28 3 4 ~.„- ~" 'lo,,%'''' of Maidenhead ........ 65 84 28 :38 22 30 - - - 4 5 iy" oy th Oakingham Reading ................. 65 90 31 47 21 3'2. " 4 6 ',N., 'ron 5a1i5bury.......—.... 62 76 36 42 26 3 2 „....-. 4 ,, 'lit: . o f th Southampton . 54 58 37 40 3 2 „...- 4 4 i t :, -41 1st, ~ Stroud - 4 „'l Tewkesbury —.—.. 65 74 40 42 30 3 8 ... • 44i ' thi, 'Pc Uxbridge \Vantage . 58 80 30 43 21 3 0 .4 a 441 t r ,ri t „ Warminster ~,..- 46 ' , '111,,,_`" Windsor.--...... 59 72 26 34 21 2 2 ... \. "Llo Worcester— 64 68 24 36 27 32 'tc 1 ,4 1 1)1 01, ee . ' 1' HULL MA RK ET.—Feb. 22. w o: eo f 14 b 0,4, '"•The supply of Wheat :to-day is larger than for S'°' s oril i to N .'41,1, gack, still not forming a great supply, the condition ° r ottg,t e re "lity, l lo the parcels is better, but generally speaking they o° ,o vo'oi k/ k ,'Vet‘ hand and tender ; the trade to-day has been very dull, % tie r 0 , lt, 11 te , ,, sales have been made, a reduction of 2s. to 4s. per (1%09 td t tst /,‘ ,'.' been submitted to, as in quality, and only a limited bus l- , r itill, 'th "Ols at the decline ; the rapid decline in the duty, and t he ,. tr ll "pi kit.._ Plli tion of the Wheats under lock (although the quantity' '', o loo 4 , as well as the fresh arrivals of foreign, from the near P°`, i nt,. ‘ , St of s a liberated at the lowest duty, may in some measure ac e° tfer'', this alit ULL MARKET.—Feb. 22. , I , e. - I ""The supply of teat :to-day is larger than for Sl e s orr i p a i back, still not forming a great supply, the condition ° 0 08. ere the parcels is better, but generally speaking they O e n ,' N0,,,,i hand and tender ; the trade to-day has been very dull, a r ter ' 4 ; ii e sales have been made, a reduction of 2 s . t o 4 s . per o„aes ~ s d. 6 4, been submitted to, as in quality, a nd on ly a li m it e d bus e ", r itie l e i c at the decline ; the rapid de c li ne i n th e duty, and the friffirj4 tion of the Wheats under l oc k ( a lth oug h the quantity '',.o ve'for as well as the fresh arrivals of foreign, from the near P ° o unt.„‘ ? liberated at the lowest duty, ma y i n some measure accotrer''o, the present lifeless state of th e t ra d e. , N ot many Bar leys if,cs g. and the trade dull at a decli ne o f I s. per quarter. In Oast '''', s 8 or Pease, there is no alter a ti on f rom th e currenc y of 3 : 1 0/ 11 Linseed and Rapeseed are both very heavy sale and price . down. ' 1 0 ' • 6 6 . 4 ' ~4. Wheat, Old —s. 655. 725. New ...... -- 4 ' 6. ~,,,,, -- Foreign —s. 68s. '74s. ln bond... •"'" s ' .... 5.":3, --s."*, Oats, Poland —s. `24s. 28s Old ....P.." ...4. Small or Feed.... —s. 245. 2els ....-0. e. Foreign Barley, Norf. & Suf ... —s. 425. 435. Line. & Wold --e 1 ... 4 . 5 ' s. 0 4 ' Foreign ..-s. Beans 40s. 425. 445. F0reign.......-- -- • ~...f. Pease, White —s. 50s. 565. Grey _ 08S. 6 frII. Tares Rapeseed, in ' lsond....„none.. ...... .. Erce, per last •••"" 4 1'3 ' fine CHELTENHAM MARKET.—Feb. '2.. . d. to 4 6 ' Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Per lb. 5 ti Wheat 4 0 5 6 Mutton 5 Barley ti, Oats 2 6 4 0 Veal ...................... F, Beans Pease 5 0 8 0 Lamb .. .. ............ .... Hay 31. IN. to St. 1 . 55. per .... DUMFRIES MA s. d. Wheat, Imp. Bush 8 3 to 9 O, Barley 4 9 5 0, Oats ° 9 3 3 Flour, lllb. Oatmeal Potatoes, RKETB.—Feb. 1 6 . L a. ci o 0 C it' O e Butter, Ifloz ............. 0 0 0 5 Eggs, dozen ............ 0 4 0 Beef, per lb. ............. 4 0 6 Mutton .. ................ 4 Vea1....... .. . ......... u ,Quartern 'Loaf ...... COTTON WOOL. LIST OF DIFORTS AND EXPORTS, Liverp001.......—„...... London--,..,.--... IMPORTED. fre t j i ii lY yesj fl ak, Bags 2 C. It , ' , 19 110 !,9,1,6; Same Pa.., This nod last year. year. Bags, &c. Bags, &c. 104,647 8.4,159 6,663 2,111 8,034 5,740 Total expot red in IS3I Same period 1830 Glasgow rr y he The publication o f M r . Ly E LL's " plea of Geology," i n w hi c h h e en d eavours to e%Pllfi:refille, production of a ll th e ph enomena o f G eo l og y by et i 0 to causes now in operation, has excited great inte res o o l , t o , scientific world. Th e G eo l og i s t, t h e N a t u ralist , Astronomer, ar e al mos t equa ll y i ntereste d ill th , e r ;v/ r varsy which has arisen on the subject. In the th ey ,1! phical Magazine a n d A nna l s o f Phil osop hy" f°r veal, sent month and preceding numbers, will be four' 0 ;0 1 ,, all the papers in whi c h, as y e t, thi s di scuss ion is in c ° ce or abstracts of them ; i nc l u di ng th e R e v. W. vdeol4l.; BEARE'S examination of the " Phenomena of which bear most on theoretical speculations; Mr• ic WELL, on the progressive developement of 06 ; 0 0 1 jo , (denied by Mr, LYELL) ; and Mr. HErtscuEil s " g go gor auks as to the influence of astronomical cause 3 °.; gical phenomena. A series of translations front t"' e°' , bee lin Astronomical Ephemeris" fur 183', has e'' ° o ,lo; menced in the " Philosophical Magazine and A o daughter. f ) 0 33° BIRTHS. e, On the 23d inst. Mrs. Anderson, of Kenning lo AO° TO - On the 20th M 1/1' Mat. at Brighton, the Honourable '' f, of a son. f -* On the 21st inst. in Langliarn-place, the lady ° Esq., of a daughter. '‘ ll3 - Lady hlontagu, of a SOIL On the 22d inst. in Mabledon-place, Burton-ere.. " f 0, u' Lawrence, of a daughter. On the '22d lost. at M aze- hill , G reenw i c h, the 134 ° maldi, Esq. of a son. r4e o ' el , te MARRIED. I, SY dri f,ollro o ' On the 30th August last, at St. Philip's Chtlre,;"' t ter), o f c. , pr• South Wales, by the Rev. NV. Cooper, Alfred r, ° , arfo„ - or cond son of John Potter, Esq., of Greenbank- 113 "' nice' ~.teff venor-square, Manchester, to Miss Jane Fish er ' , 4 f-- p. Wardell, of Sydney. gr. J• j i . l l , r ' On the I'2'l nit. at St. Clement's, EastchelP , i to . u • '',..feili' of Islintffni- to .Elizabeth Agne, eldest d.al3Bl',' • , of ,` tl' ri. Mackreth, of 'Cantidn!-Street. ` ‘,' ii, Ili l l i f •A' On the 2 lit irikt. at Monmouth, the Rev. %,'; :',Ater - land, Gloucestershire, to Elizabeth, eldest 03 "' if' Isaacson, Esq., of Monmouth. , O° " ' f DIED. ~,,, Miff . , sir ''' On the , 23,1 inst. Wm. Smith, Esq., of " --f .0 his 74th year. the wit' lict . . On the 21st ifist. in Connaught-place, Mary', ott , r e Sc r E. de Beauvoir. La dy i ii e.' On the 22 I inst. in Bruton-street, Dowager 00' JO .1. tI" of the late Sir inst Scott, Bart. aged 82. Es O g n ly t a h n e y 234 ar % a, a li t st h i i n s g r u e i s s i l d w e d fice , ig ra P n a t Company, and Member of Council at INI idr,s, .4; - 0, - ,11/r;,,,,fer On the:2oth inst.. in St. I'incent-place, City4, 9 ,4, , a0r ' 0" , , r o cher, aged tki, more than 17 years a faithfUl ~,,i ni tY,,ll , Corporation of London . of '," 110' On the 17th inst. at Brighton, W. Jones, E s ql c ianf , EA Islington, of the firm of W. and S. Jones, ePt i t , porl' i ' in his ti9th year. foseP" 6 11 On the 21st inst. in Lower Seymour-stree t,. o f r k o _ f cr t e h sC e i to t 'o ,ii . "' J. 131t g , . aged SO years. , FA. , On the 21st inst. at Southampton, J. Bush" . "' 00 hall, London, aged 3S. . sr PraTtEr.7 'ANT/ Punuiffi•En MURDO lU Sol , ()FricY, 112 . ; :RA NO, LON 00'4' Ved pv-- the bineevr—klol,ll-' 6° " 1 m 1 t had be , h; had s' r a h ate and libera. tom Lbuses Elisteot, of using eorl He W a9 baPPI J Mee ting ago" T] hest honour' qt 4 to tal'el4de„tY of ,t ur n I Beg tr '‘' Wi lk e YOUr of air t I‘l YPret r hititt acti4 t k Bi 4 44 1 e' Peob it ? ° ' the 1 do'c')n . t faVik (1 4 , 1 eze,..461e p„:"S t o 114, vry r rr;" -- --=2 th e pi rk,tAbit ro t vac haV, vZ e'll ent9 (I I t 4 Hd " e Y I by Pret, utir ti ff, ill the r iOtiv e