The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Our readers will see today the importance which is attach even to the words and forms of the Re form Bill by the se v ace which we allot for its inser tion. We mght have abridged its various clauses or stated 'its general results, dwelling only on those Pi'..es in which it differed from the last, but we e.'re convinced that the public will be better tpi ea , e d avith their own reading of a document, which must Afterwards become the subject of so mach hostile discussion, if not of so many conflitting interpre tations. We may, however, aid the recollection of some of our readers by a 'short summary al . the particulars in which the. present Bill diners from its predecessor. In the first place, schedule A contains the same number of boroughs, brit not altogether the same boroughs, in the present, as in the last condemned list tinder this head. In both cases there tire 50; but five which were in schedule A, have been transferred to schedule B; arid live which were under B, have been transferred to A. 2. In the second place, the number of boroughs in schedule 11 has been reduced from 41, as it stood in the la'e Bill, to 30. The following boroughs which were in schedule B of the last Bill, are not to be found in the same schedule of the present Bill:—Aldbo rough, Amersham, Bodlnin, Bridport, Buckingham, Chippenham, Caelrermouth, Dorchester, Evesham, East Grinstead, Guildford, Honiton, Huntingdon, Lymington, Maldon, Marlborough, Great Marlow, Okehampten, Richmond, Saltesh, :eudlrry, Thet ford, Wallingford. Five of them have been trans ferred to schedule A ;—fur instance, Aldborough, Amersham, East Grinstead, Okeltampton, and Salt- ash. The rest will of course have tww Members. Both schedules have been altered in consequence of the change of principle by which their relative im nortance has been ascertained in the respective Bills ; 56 ed . the most insignificant boroughs in regard to their number of houses and their amount of assessed taxes being substituted in this for the 07 placed ii the two lists of the former measure from a regard to their population returns. 3. Schedule D has like wise been greatly altered by an addition of twelve Members, making up the complement of the 23 va cancies left by the former Bill. 4. In the fourth place, by these changes the representation of Eng land will now consist of 500 Members instead of 477, as by the former Bill. 5. We need not mention that schedule C is increased twelve, by the towns taken from schedule D. 6. By the late Bill Commissioners were to be appointed to:settle the limits of boroughs in schedule B, after the passing of the Act. By the present measure their report, which will he ready before the Bill goes into Committee, will make a part of the Act. 7. In the present Bill the freeholders in cities and boroughs, which are counties in themselves, retain their votes undisturbed. In the last Bill they were limited to their respective tow ns , and merged in the household qualification. No freeholders for life, after the existing lives, are to have a vote on less than a free hold of 101. value. 8. The necessity of a lease to confer a vote on a tenancy of 501. is restored to the present: Bill, being struck out of the last on the mo tion of Lord Chanties. 9. The ninth difference which we shall mention is to be found in the clause creating the 10/. house qualification. A house of 10/. value, whatever rent or rate is paid, will entitle the tenant to a vote, provided it be registered ac cording to the Act,—provided the tenant shall have occupied the premises twelve months previous to a date to be named in the Committee,—and provided he has paid his poor-rate or assess , d taxes up to a certain time prior to the election. In cases where the landlords pay the poor -rates, the tenant may demand to be rated. The only other point of im portance in which the two Bills differ relates to the privileges of burgesses, freemen, or liverymen, which by the late measure were to terminate with the existing generation, but which by the present are to be preserved on the former footing.—Times. Our attention has been called by an " Old Jury man" to the " solemn farce" performed at the close of the Old Bailey Sessions, when the Recorder, as is usual, pronounced the sentence of death on a consi derable number of persons, " not one of whom," as our correspondent says, " in all probability, will suffer death, and the Recorder knowing at the same time that most probably that will be the case." Our correspondent has not ventured positively to predict that not one of the persons of whom this last batch of capital convicts is composed will not be selected to undergo the sentence which condemns them all to " die according to law'," because his ex perience in the character of a Juryman must have taught him that, if our system of criminal law is • reel, the mercy that mitigates its rigours is capri cious—that nine criminals convicted of a capital offence may be reprieved, and the tenth executed — that the capital punishment for a particular offence may become obsolete for a time, and be revived again in all its terrors—and that a victim may, now and then, be selected out of a number, from no higher motive than to show that, while a barbarous law remains neon our Statute-book, it will he dan gerous to presume upon its not being carried occa sionally into barbarous execution. All London saw with astonishment and horror last summer the sanguinary law which inflicts death for steal ing to the amount of five pounds in a dwelling house revived against a solitary wretch, who was :mangled with a sheep-stealer upon the same scaf fold upon which the "Burkers" underwent, the other day, the doom of their enormous crimes.— Yet, nearly 20 years ago, the law which sentences the offender who steals 5/. in a dwelling-house to the death of the murderer was abolished, as far as a solemn decision of the House of Commons could abolish it, and a law framed by the enlightened Sir • Samuel Romilly, substituting secondary punish ments for death, was carried, which the opposition of Lords Eldon and Ellenborough were but too successful in throwing out of the House of Lords. Who could have supposed that the law which a House of Commons, under a Tory Government, had pronounced a disgrace to the Statute-book, should ever have been deemed a sufficient warrant for the shedding of human blood by a If'big Mi. nistry ? The revival of that sanguinary law, as well as the execution for sheep-stealing, we deprecated at the time on every ground of rational justice, moral principle, and sound policy. Our sentiments; we know, were responded to by the just feelings of a Christian people, whose reason and whose hearts revolt at the inhuman spectacles sanctioned by laws that strip " august and god-like justice" of her moral attributes, and a:m her with the weapons of vengeance ! But as long as such laws continue on the St a t ute -b oo k, w h at guaran t e e have the public that, although, since the execution of Widget arid Broach, no criminals convicted at the Old Bailey, with the exception of murderers, have suf • fered death—what guarantee have the public, we sa y, that similar sacrifices may not be thought expe dient, and that Mercy ph ading with all the powers of reason on her side, may not be too weak to save, while ferocious laws say " destroy?" Th e l aw of forgery too, like that relative to stealing in the dwell ing -house, has been condemned by a deliberate and solemn decision of the House of Commons after three debates. The sanguinary Bill of Sir Robert Peel was then rejected, and the present Lord Ch ance ll or had th e g l ory o f l ea di ng t he opposition to which the country is indebted for that decision ; and never did Mr. Brougham, during his long career in the 'louse of Commons, more distinguish himself for the elo quent and splendid a d vocacy o f en li g ht en ed principles of legislation than in opposing that Bill which Lord Lyndhurst had the unenvied honour, under the Duke of Wellington's Administration, of restoring to legislative existence, and to the pl ac e which it still holds in the execration of p u bli c o pi n i o n. Yet it is not long ago since the present Govern ment were on the point of offering up two vic tims to the destroying spirit of the law of Sir Robert Peel—the two first that would have suf.- fered under it, for its author shrunk from the execution of his own law. Thank Heaven ! that evil was averted—the example was not given, on whose sanguinary consequences no one could cal culate—that crime against the principle which the House of Corniv'iohB, under the most adverse curd, stances, recognif:ed, has yet to be committed. Wh therefore, our correspondent, the ' 6 Old Jurymai advises that, instead of the Recordel- passing sentence of death vim voce on ill the *cdpital ei victs at the Old Bailey, who 'IcnOW It is a mocke ant; who treat it as such the practice at those s signs in the city could be assimilated to the "pract on the cie,:mits, where, in cases in which it is not tchtled that the law should be aliled into executi the sentence is re;:rely recorded. We say " No." . Phis pratTi.'e Wag introduced by an iiet of Parlia ment made for the purpose, and we ask if it would be worth while to pass another Act of Parliament merely to substitute one sort ofmockery in a Court of Justice fir another, as far as the city is con cerned ?--for the pronouncing the sentence of death in the one teie is, at least to the great majority of convicts, an ora fiction, and recording it is but a Written fiction. The former practice shows the absurdity of our present fierce and ineffective code of laws a mare marked and stronger light than the loiter, and therefore we would rather see it retained, with the view of facilitating a real—a substantial—a beneficent, and not a merely formal and deceptive change in our criminal laws. We e,ee that, notwithstanding all the diffieelties in which France is involved (and ceetainly her Government has quite as much to struggle with as our own), her Legislature is now employed in the great and glorious work of still further mitigating a criminal code which the legisla tion of Napoleon, amid all the cares and vicissitudes of incessant wars, bad already made incomparably more mild than our own. We see that the Chamber of Peers have adopted a proposition for abolishing the punishment of death in two cases of high trea son, which our law punishes with hanging and sub sequent decapitation. Every species of treason is by our law punished with death—even that of countoleiting the gold or silver coin of the realm— though that is, properly speaking, no treason what ever towards the kingly power, but a fraud upon the public. Let us, then, not set about "improving" the law one move, as Sir Robert Peel did, by rub bing off some of its excrescences, and giving a smoother exterior to its barbarism, while, in all its dangerous and malignant properties, it remains the same—but let it be so thorougly reformed in essence and in spirit that it may obtain from a civilized and Christian people the veneration due to a wise and effective system of criminal jurisprudence, wherein pure and passionless Justice shall see the reflection of her own eternal principles.—Morning Herald. We have inserted at length the new Reform Bill. The persuasion is general that the Bill will become the law of the land. The Anti-Reformers seem to think that the new Bill is greatly indebted to them, and that they are bound to show the natural partia lity of parents to their own offspring. If the child be well-begotten, it is hardly worth while quarrelling about the paternity. A little delusion in these mat ters often contributes to the peace of the commo n:ly. The worst part of the new Bill is the perpe tuation of freemen. " This change (justly observes a contemporary, the Globe), so far as it goes, is mischievous To preserve a caste of electors, who may be destitute of all requisite quali fications for their trust, impairs the simplicity of the new system, and is only to be defended became it may be expedient to preserve some grotesque relic of the old system from which we are about to be relieved. The freemen will remain, like Gog and ilfagog at Guildhall, to show what the ancient rulers of the isle were. Ministers, however, have taken care to confine the privilege of voting to the persons who were freemen before the introduction of the Bill, and their descendants, as otherwise the corporations would have set themselves in many places io swamp the ten-pound voters, by indiscri minate extensions of the right of which they have heretofore commonly been so frugal." Our contem poraly is wrong, however, in supposing the privilege of voting is confined to the persons who were freemen before the introduction of the Bill, and 0161 descen dants. The words of the Bill are—" or who shall hereafter be elected cr made a burge•s or freeman otherwise than in respect of birth or servitude, &c.; provided also that no person shall be so entitled as a burgess or freeman, in respect of birth, urd, ss his right be originally derived from or through such person who was a burgess or freeman previously to the Ist day of March, in the year 1831, or from or through some person, who shall since that time have become a burgess or freeman in respect of servitude." Now, in all those boroughs in which men become freemen through servitude, it is well known that Ihe jobbing has been chiefly carried on through the raking apprentices. In vain the respectable trades men have set their faces against this practice ; there have always been found persons sufficiently indif ferent to character, to carry on the trade of making apprentices. This trade will go on as much as ever under the new Bill.—Morning Chronicle. We alluded yesterday to the doctrine of our cor respondent 0. P. Q., tha because the French na tional debt is a heavy burden on the people, there fore it must be swept away—i. e. that the property of ore class of subjects should be confiscated for the benefit of all the other classes. If the interest of the debt due by a whole nation to a part of that na tion forms a burden beyond endurance, and what is called an adjustment becomes indispensible, every description of property should bear its share of the sacrifice. The holder of an estate of the value of 100/., and the proprietor of stock of the value of 100/., should be made to contribute in the Fame pro portion to the extinction of the debt. 0. P. Q. tells us that the debt has been created since the abdication of Bonaparte, to maintain the Treaties of the Holy Alliance—to remunerate the scoundrels of emigrants— -to pension the Peers of France—to defray the expense of the war against liberty in Spain, &c. This may be true, and yet it does not follow that the debt ought not to be paid. It has sometimes been made a question, whe ther any Government is justified in mortgaging the resources of a nation. However, this opinion has hitherto had but few partisans, because it is obvious that occasions may arise, when, if a nation could not borrow, it might be at the mercy of an enemy. In war, an invading enemy demands a contribution from a town, under a threat, that if not paid without de lay, it will be abandoned to the soldiery. To avert this calamity, the authorities borrow money either from some rich individuals of their community, or from some of their neighbours who have confidence in their means and their integrity. What happens in the case of a town, may happen in the case of a nation. The allies conquered France—they might have squeezed the country, as the French squeezed Germany, and particularly Pruss'a, from which last country they extracted fifty millions sterling in the course of nine years; but they allowed the French to ransom themselves from this calamity, and the means was a loan, which remains yet to be dis charged. If Governments may contract debts, the responsibility of determining whether a Government is a good or a bad one—whether the object for which the money is wanted is beneficial to the na tion or otherwise—ought rot to be thrown alone on the creditors who advance the money. It is enough for the creditors, that the Government has power to make itself obeyed by the people. If we say that the obligations of a bad Government ought not to be discharged, we open a door to endless chicanery; for a superseded Government would always, in that ease, be a bad Government, and the Govern ment de facto a good one. The truth is, that if the Government be a bad one, it is in cumbent on all the people to resist it, and not on the creditors in particular. If the people submit, they have no right afterwards to challenge the acts of the creditors in contracting with the Govern ment. We shall suppose two individuals in the re ceipt of 3,000/. a year from the French Govern ►nent, paid out of the taxes, from the Abdication to the Revolution of 1830—that each of these indivi duals saved 2,000/. out of his income—that the one purchased land with his savings, and the other pur chased stock—why, we ask, is the one description of property to be sacrificed more than the other ? All property is the creature of law. During the fif teen years in question, the law, backed by the public force at the disposal or Government, secured the possessor of a real estate against those who might have been disposed to scramble for it with him, as much as it secured to the /?;_intier the pos session of his 'Proerev. Under a bad Government, land is the •:vorst of all property, as it cannot be re if,oved, while the owner cat be removed from it ; and hence throughout the Levant, as is well ob served by Burckhardt, a person in trade can never withdraw from it, from the insecurity of estates in land. The best property is that which can be most easily concealed and removed. But owners of land and other property, who owe the possession of that property to the protection afforded them by a Government, are not entitled to benefit by that Government, and at the same time refuse to recognise its acts. But while we condemn all juggling with contracts, we do not justify the continuance of a taxation beyond the means of the people. If the French are too heavily taxed, that is a reason for reducing the burthens. The public ability ought to be the measure of the public expenditure. If the French people arc too poor to be able to afford a monarchy, let them try a Republic. If the interest of the debt be too great for their means, let it be diminished at the expence of all property whatever. Retrench—economise— anything rather than confiscation. In this country, the suffering from taxation is great in the extreme; but we should never think of taking a farthing from the public creditor more than from other owners of property. We have immense masses of public pro perty, beyond the necessities of the services to which they are assigned—as Church property, for instance —applicable to the wants of the State. Before touching this description of property, however, the value of existing interests must, of course, be de ducted. The rector who possesses a living of 500/. a year has as good a title to that 500/. for his life, as if the 5001. were secured to him as a rent-charge on the best estate in the country. When economy and retrenchment have been carried as far as possible, then, if the burthens still be intolerable, the debt must be thrown on the property of the country. Mr. Ricardo proposed this long ago; and we are mistaken if it be not found indispensible, ere long, to comply with his recommendation.—Morning Chronicle. SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven a' Clock. PERIA L PARLIAMENT OF THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS. The LORI) CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at Twenty Minutes past Five o'clock. Mr. To►nline, from the Treasury, presented the Herring Fishery Report. On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY ; it was ordered, that the Hostse would not receive any peti tions for Private Bills after, Friday, the 30th of March, nor any Judges' report on such petitions after Monday, the 7th of May. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. The Earl of ABERDEEN, in consequence of the un certainty of the speedy attendance of his Noble Friend the Duke of Wellington, deferred his motion with re spect to the differences of 101 l nd and Belgium till after the holidays. He regretted exceedingly the delay, but he felt certain their Lordships were as anxious as him self to hear the sentiments of that Nuble Duke, wha was so conversant on the subject. As he was on his legs, and seeing the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government in his place, he wished to ask him, as he saw by the votes of the House of Commons that a return had been made of the eNpences of the fortifi cations of Belgium and Hull ind, whether he had any ob jection to lay those returns before the House? Earl GREY nodded assent, and the returns were ordered. IRISH TYTHE SYSTEM. On the order of the day for their Lordships being sum moned, being read, Lord MELBOURNE moved the reading of that part of his Majesty's speech which referred to the tythe system in Ireland, after which the Noble Lord addressed their Lordships. In consequence of that part of hie M.jesty's speech, and of the address unanimously voted by your Lordships to his Majesty, he now rose to move for the appointment of a Select C im mittee to inquire into the collection and payment of tithes in Ireland. He trusted he should be able to persuade their Lordships to agree to the motion which he felt it his duty to submit to the House. He felt as much as any man the great difficulties and importance of the question, and how much it was connected with feel ings on which there prevailed great differences. He should therefore approach the discussion with the utmost cention. It would he presumptuous in him to request their Lord ships to follow his sentiments on this occasion ; but he trusted that, on this important subject, unanimity would prevail in that House. It was almost unnecessary f or him to state that for a very many years past, the col!ec tion and :payment of tithes in Ireland had been the cause of great animosity. Many of the disturbances which from time to time had agitated Ireland, had been in most instances connected with the payment of tithes. When the condition of Ireland pressed itself, as in 1822, on the attention of Parliament and the country, a Bill was then passed called the Tythe Composition Act, which gave very general satisfaction in Ireland, which he could bear tcsti. ninny to their doing at the time he was in Ireland, unfortunately, as their Lordships well knew from the debates in that House, and more particularly from a Petition presented by the Bishop of Ferns. In the language of the Speech there had been a syste matic opposition to tithes in many parts of Ireland, more particularly in the Queen's County, Carlow, and Meath, where a determination had been manifested not to suffer goods to be disttained for tithes, or where they had been distrained, not to be sold. That had reduced the country in that part of the empire to the greatest distress, and it had become necessary for the Ministers to call ou their Lordships to institute an inquiry into the cause which had produced such distress in Ireland—. (Hear, hear.) If it were owing to a settled determi nation not to pay tithes, or if it arose from a lawless spirit, the law would he strong enough to check such conduct. But he had no doubt it had arisen from the imperfect operation of the Composition Act, which had rendered tithes difficult in that country and odious also. Ite operation was imperfect and partial. Some of these im perfections had been ably pointed out by a Noble Lord. on the day on which he (Lord Melbourne) had given notice of his motion. In consequence of the vi ciousness of parts of the system, the greatest odium at taches to the collection of tithes, and to prove that he would read to their Lordships a letter re ceived from an individual well versed in the subject. The Noble Lord then read a letter which he had from a clergyman in Ireland, which stated the same crimes as he had stated. It further stated that in the dis turbed counties of Clare and Galway, where compo • sition was general, the condition of both the incumbent and the tithe was much better than in the county of Carlow, Queen's County, Meath, and others, where composition had been very a10%%1y adopted, and yet was not general. One complaint against the tithe system was its irregularity. The latter instanced the case of a poor man whose land was rated for tithes at Is. 81., and for this trifling sum his cow or his horse was liable to be driven to the pound six times a year, and for each driving a sum of 2s. 6d. was exacted for drivers' fees, and all this fur the trifling sum of one shilling and eightpence. This %vas a state of things which lie was sure their Lordships would say could not exist, and lie hoped that the labours of the Committee to which he proposed to refer it, would ameliorate the con dition of both parties, something was essentially necessary to be done ; lie considered he had said enough to induce their Lordships to agree to the terms of his motion. Govirnment had thought it better, as the case was one of such intricacy to refer the case entirely to a Committee than to bring forward a remedy of their own. No doubt, Government had an opinion upon the subject, and were in possession of many facts relating to the subject that they had considered, and he hoped their Lordships also would do so, that a Committee could better attend to all the minute details of the subject. It was highly necessary that this should now be done.—(Hear, hear.) It would place the property of both the payer and the receiver of tithes upon a more advantageous footing than it had here tofore been. He hoped that such a measure might be advised as would secure to the clergyman his just reward, and at the same time give to the occupier of the land such relief as, in the opinion of the Committee, was necessary. It had been said that this question was injurious to the incumbent. It had also been said that the present laws were sufficient, in order to put in force, but he contended they were securing the right and property of both parties, the Committee would come to such conclusions as would allay the discontent and digress which at the present time existed in Ireland. Government only were anxious that the Committee should report to the House entirely upon the principles of equal and impartial justice. The Noble Lord . concluded by moving for the appointment of a select Committee upon the Irish Tithe Laws. Lord WICKLOW hoped he would not he found to deviate, in the few observations he had to make, from the line chalked out by the Noble Viscount. After the Speech delivered from the Throne, and after the discussions which had taken place in that House respecting the state of Ireland, he had at least expected that the House would now have had some insight afforded into the objects and intentions of Government. It was with sincere satisfaction the Noble Lord bad heard the reference made to the state of Ireland which the Royal speech made to it,he confessed that previous to that he had apprehended his Majesty's Ministers were not sufficiently alive to the evils which existed in that country, and he (Earl W.) had conic over to England with a full do termination himself to bring the subject before the House provided he had found it had not been taken up by some person of greater weight than himself. The Noble Viscount, in his speech, to night, had not exaggerated the evils existing in his un happy country, nor indeed had he gone the length to which he might have proceeded in his details of the la mentable condition of Irel Ind. There were at this moment in several parishes in that country, clergy men whose families had been brought up in affluence, end who were obliged now to live like the peasants of Ireland, on nothing but potatoes and milk. This, however, was an evil which did not ptevail through out Ireland, it was confined prineip dly to one extensive district—the diocese of Dr. Doy'e. And the evil did not arise from any inherent objection on the part of the people in that county to the payment of tithes, as such more, than to any other itnpost hint at, had arisen from the writingt and doctrines of those persons dis affected with the Government. The Noble Earl now read a statement frotu a writing of the Rev. Dr. Doyle, which he considered as a fire-brand which had been thrown into the Reverend Dr. Doyle's diocese for some pur pose, which it was impossible for him (Earl NV.) to define. In addition to this, the House had to c wider ti:e speeches that nail been made throughout Ireland by the de mocrats and agieators of hat country. It was impossible that a country should exist in any thing like peace where those doctrines were permitted to be promulgated. And the Noble Earl trusted, therefore, that it was not the less the intention of his Majesty's Government to alter the law of the tithe system, than it was their intention to trice some step for the purpose of putting down the Unions which were forming, and had formed, throughout the country ; because When good men saw bodies of had men forming them selves into societies for particular purposes, the good men also then felt themselves bound to take some steps which otherwise '.perhaps they would never have thought of taking ; and he confessed that if Political Societies should be permitted to continue as they were, he for one faith that he shou'd be obliged to do that which his better feeling had heretofore prevented him from adopting (LEFT SITTING.) HOUSE OF COMMON ,S. Mr. Sleath, from the Bank of England, appeared at the bar with returns of the amount of balance of interest in the hands of the Bank. Jr.A Danvers, from the East India House, brought up certain papers relative to the government of Fort George. Mr. HODGES pres:mted a petition from the inhabi tants of Ramsgate, praying that provision might be made in the Reform Bill to entitle them to vote in conjunction with the town of Sandwich. ABUSES IN THE COURT OF CHANCERY. Mr. SPENCE presented a petition from a gentleman named Joseph Harrington, complaining of the practice of the Court of Chancery, particularly that portion of it which related to the master's office, and the taxation of bills of costs. The petitioner stated, that being unfortu n itely entitled to a portion of property under a will, which was the subject of a suit in Chancery, his attorney's bill amounted to no less than 7,0001. ; the Court of Chancery permitted him to have the bill taxed, hut on inquiry lie was informed that the expence of taxation would be 1,500/.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") The bill of costs extended to 7,000 folios, the mere copies of which (which must be made, although wholly useless) would he to 700—(Hear, hear),—and the whole expellee, the items of which were stated in the petition would be 1,535/. 13s. 41—(Eieta.) He (Mr. Spence) knew that such cases were of frequent occurrence, although they would be hardly believed to occur in a country like this. He knew one instance where a bill of costs in Chancery amounted to 5001., and the expense • of its being taxed was an ad ditional 900/.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He should dwell farther on the enormity of these cases did by not know that a full and effectual Reform was shortie about to take place—(hear)—lie was enabled to state upon good authority, and he knew it for a fact, that these abuses would he speedily and effectually reformed.— (Cheers.) Under the sanction of the Lord Chancellor, Bills were in the course of preparation, and the indi viduals employed about them were fully impressed with the importance of the subject, and ho was enabled to state, that shortly after the Christmas recess one or more of those bills would be introduced in this or the other House of Parliament ; one in particular relating to the abuses detailed in the petition.—(Hear.) Mr. D. W. HARVEY was persuaded that the informa tion just communicated by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would afford much gratification to the public. He hoped, however, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would direst the attention of those engaged in preparing the Bills to two tqings, viz.—the appointment of an officer, whose exclusive duty it should be to tax bills of costs in Chancery ; and also, that when fees to Counsel are taxed, the allowances be returned. With regard to the first sub ject, the duty of taxing bills was oiten deputed by the Masters to one of the Six Clerks, and it was not unfre quent that those officers had a direct interest in the amount of the bids ; and, with regard to fees to Counsel, those geddemen never returned any thing they received ; but be did not see why one branch of the profession should be taxed and not the other. Mr. SPENCE said, that with regacd to taxing or re turning Counsel's tees, the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Har vey) had his own remedy, as he was himself a solicitor. Should the Masters in Chancery in future be allowed to tax bills of costs, they would be prohibited from deputing that power to any one else, so that in future they would not be paid for that which they did not perform. Mr. W. BROUGHAM corroborated the statement of the Hon. and Learned Member, relative to the proposed Reform to be introduced. Mr. HUNT said the House bad now heard the opinions of a Master in Chancery, a Counsel, and an Attorney, but he hoped that the proposed bills would nut be drawn by either of them, for be feared that between the three the poor client would be where he now was. The petition was read, and ordered to be printed. Mr. SPENCE, with a view of affording every infor mation relative to the new Bills, he would move for the returns of the amount of fees received by the sworn Clerks in Court, or the six Clerks in each year for the last three years, on the occasion of taxing bills of costs.—Ordered. Mr. SPENCE then presented a petition from farmers and breeders of horses in Yorkshire, yraying for an altera tion in the law regarding horses. Colonel DAVIES presented a petition from the glove manufacturers in Worcester, complaining of the great dis tress which exists in that trade. The Hun. Member de tailed the state of distress to which large numbers of the operatives in that trade were reduced, and said be earnestly hoped that his Majesty's Government would, at an early period, institute an enquiry into the causes of the distress, and introduce some remedy. He gave notice, however, that shortly after Christmas he would move for a Select Committee upon the subject, if his Majesty,s Government did not take up the subject. Mr. Robinson, Mr. Gore Langton, Colonel Torrens, Mr. Sadler, Sir R. Vyvyan, Mr. Wetland. Mr. Warbur ton, and Mr. Hunt, spoke upon the petition. Mr. P. THOMSON stated that when his Hon. and Gallant Friend (Colonel Davies) brought the subject for ward, he would be prepared to state the view which his Majesty's Government entertained, and what their inten tions were relative to the slave trade. At present it was under the consideration of the Government. Mr. SADLER obtained leave to bring in a Bill for re gulating the labour of childrem employed in mills and factories throughout the kingdom. 7 Mr. CROKER asked the Chancalor of the Exchequer when the information on which the details of the Reform Bill were founded, relative to the members of boroughs to be enfranchised, should he laid before the House. Lord ALTHORP said the papers bad been sent down to the House last night after adjournment, and they were now in such a state that they could be delivered to mor row morning. The arrangement of the schedule, but not the principle of the Bill depended upon the papers. Mr. CROKER said, if the document were not placed on the table to-morrow, be would object to the second reading of the Bill. Mr. STANLEY gave notice that he would to-morrow move for leave to brine . in a Bill f or t i re re li e f of Protestant members of ' Government from the sacra mental test in Ireland. IRISH TITHES. The &w an. having called on Mr. STANLEY, and that part of the King's Speech which relates to Ireland having been read, Mr. STANLEY said, in rising, in obedience to the re commendation contained in the gracious speech delivered from the throne, which we have just heard read, to move for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the present state of the law relating to tithee in Ireland, in order to ascertain whether such legislative enactments cannot be made as shall at once combine securisy for the property of the Established Church, with the removal of those grievances existing under the present system. I have undertaken, I am well aware, a task of no ordinary difficulty.—(Hear.) Sir, we shall be told on the one hand by those who adhere to things as they arc, at all hazards that we are introdu cing unnecessary innovation, creating agitation on subjects better kept quiet—leading the sanctions of effi. cial authority to idle clamour and unnecessary complaint, unsettling men's minds on the foundation of vested rights of property, and giving an undue encouragement to un profitable and dangerous speculations. We shall, there fore, be told, Sir, on the other hand, lam well aware, that to the evil if seen in its frightful magnitude, we shrink from applying the only remedy that could re move it—that our judgments are warped by preju dice, that tve dare not look at the question as we ought—and that nothing less than a sweeping overthrow of all the existing institutions—the total de struction of property will be sufficient to remove the cause of a grievance at once so wide in extent and numerous in its consequences. But as I think it would be unwortey of his Majesty's Government were they to shrink from the mag nitude anddifficulty of the task imposed uponthern, so would I deem myself unworthy of the aituution which I hold were I to refuse to offer myself as the organ of that Government, in bringing befor this House and the country, the views we take of the existing evils, and to those points to which we conceive more espe cially legislative interference ought to be applied but, Sir, I will own that upon such a question I am under a more fearful responsibility still. It is not alone as a Minister of the Crown, anxious for the tranquillity of Ireland, which cannot be otherwise secured : it is the li'gher responsibility of a Christian and a sincere Protestant, anxious for the support of that Church to which I belong—for its re spectability, for its security, for its very existence, but still more for the support of the religion for which that Church is calculated to maintain and to propagate, that I call on this House, of which so large a proportion belong to that Church, seriously to consider what is 'the state in which that Church and our common religion are now placed in Ireland. Sir, the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth, in commenting on some observations made by me on that part of his gracious Majesty's speech, which has been read, expressed the greatest possible alarm at the notion of a Committee being appointed for this purpose, and he argued with no inconsiderable degree of plausibility, that so long as this important question was pending in the House, so long a+ it was before the at tion of Parliament that there was a complaint between the Clergy and the people, that any resistance would be made, during the pendancy, to the payment of tithes —(Hear.)—but tithes were paid only half-yearly, and the present therefore was the most advantageous time its discussion. It would be said that the present system worked so well that there was no cause of complaint' that nothing would exceed the harmony between Cathrlic Clergymen and Protestant parishioners, that nothing else was to be done than to enforce the violated authority of the law. If this Was the case, the Government would be without an excuse. They would be condemned of having brought forward measures of unnecessary agitation or proposed changes, which the existing state of circum stances would not require. But if the state of the law at present seas such as that it could be hardly, if at all enforced, that if enforced the very sue• cess of the exertions of Government would be the ruin of the cause and the increase of the mis mischief—if the triumph, partial and unsatisfactory, only increased discussions, if it placed the Protestant clergy in a state of exposure on the one hand to the dangers of absolute beggary, penury, and exile; and, on the other hand, left them exposed to the charge, how ever unfounded, of avarice, extortion, and oppression. It it prove not only injurious to the receiver of the tithes, but equally so to those who paid them, he should have good ground to call on that House to take the state of the law into their most serious and deliberate consideration which produced such effects, for the purpose of thvisink some remedy. He would be told that Government was giving way to clamour ; but, he would ask, were they to be blamed for the delay that had been occasioned, or be cause that delay hae increased the magnitude of the danger were they in their• turn to leave it to their suc cessors to propose, if it could be proposed, a remedy for an evil which should then have become altogether supportable, But if they did not yield to clamour, the House would recollect that last winter, when various at te:npts were made to excite tumult and disorder, opposition the established laws and settled institutions. Among the various modes which were_resorted to by the then agi tators, various bodies of men, under the pretext of playing at eertain games, assembled together, threatening those who received and those who paid tithes; but although those persons were put down by the ordinary operations of the law, the effect they had excited did not cease with their suppression. It began with the county of Kilkenny, and by a gradual process it has now spread through:the counties of Kilkenny Queen's, Carlow, Wexford, Tipperary, Longford, and Westmeath, where the same system prevals of opposition, tacit but determined to the payment of tithes and of in timidation of those who think fit to pay.— If be were told that the Government might have protected those who had just claims and that they might havr put down the spirit of disturbance his answer was that if the House should be pleased to ap point a Committee to investigate the matter, he would be ready to lay before it all the information as to the means which his Majesty's Government had at is disposal, and the course that had been pur sued. But in many instances there had been no disturbances, no resistance to authority, nothing which the law could lay hold of, but a firm and tacit reso lution to lay hold of all the powers of res sistance if the law placed within their grasp. We have been told, however, that the tithes either were legal or were not that if they were legal they might be enforced, and all opposition to the collec tion of them be put down.—(Hear, hear.) lie never denied the righis, on the contrary, she had always admitted the claims of the clergyman to be legal, but there might be on the one band the strict legal right, and in the other a strict legal opposition to the enforcement of that right. If a man, for instance, were in possessio❑ of an estate which produced a gross omount of 1,000/. a year, and if by various deductions and refusals to pay that rental were rental were reduced to -'7OOl. a year he had no right to come to the Legislature and require the romoval of those restrictions by which he was deprived of three hundred pounds a year. That was precisely the situation in which the clergy stood supposing that...gm—resistance was made to their claims, but those which were sanction(' by the law of the land. Among the attacks with which his Majesty's Government had been assailed, was now coming front a quarter which he had not in the least expected. He did- not think that the Right Honour ble Gentleman the Member fhr Hatwich could have charged him with neglecting the claims of the Clergy, because that Right Honourable Gentleman might have known that if there was one clergyman more than :mt. other who had met with much more encouragement in the strict enforcement of his right, it was that Right Hon. Gentleman's relative the Dean of St. Patrick. (LEFT SPLAKIING.) GENERAL P OST L ETTER R OBBERY .- Since the e x am i nat i on o f B ARRET , t h e G enera l P ost letter-sorter an d carr i er , a t M ar lb oroug h- s t reet - o ffi ce , on Saturday, t h e part i cu l ars o f w hi c h appeare d i n our P aper of Mo n d ay , t h e i nspectors o f t h e C . di v i s i on o f po li ce have be e n actively engaged in endeavouring to ascertain the extent of the robbery. On Sunday night Mr. M'KEE, from information which he had received, proceeded to a house, in Princes-street, Lisson-grove, where BARRET had slept on the night previous to his being taken into custody ; and, on making a forcible entrance into a hack rcom, there discovered the Post-office uniform of BARRET concealed under the bed. The pockets were examined, and upwards of 30 letters, addressed to different indivi• duals, were found therein. Among them was found the letter in which the bill of exchange for 1001. which was produced at the examination of the prisoner, had been en closed. On a further examination the inspector found a Bank post bill for 1000/, one for 6161., another for 500/. and several other bills, amounting in the whole to about 3,000/. From this it would appear that the system of plundering letters had been carried on to a fearful extent; and great praise is due to the inspectors, through whom the prisoner 13Alt1xT and his brother-in•law were appre hended. We understand that the Bank post bill for 10001. was enclosed in a letter to the Marquis of WF.STXIINSTER. On Tuesday the prisoner BARRET, and a lad named Wm. KAY, charged as an accessary, were taken before Mr. CONANT, at Marlborough-street, and, after a long exa mination, they were remanded until next week. KETS.—Dec. 9. Pi Wheat (bushel) —.86.7 Barley s' 5 Oats Beans --... 5 f Butter v Eggs (14) I Potatoes (peck) t' RKETS.—Dee. 7. e 1 4 . 1 r ed b s% r a . r ; ) tali rye C th 1 11, 0 ' r O . 4 gai 011. 1, or s h , s ara 0 tb v Litil 11,7 it w, be 4Z . I, 1 4 ' 4e 1 hay ka t i *el BIRTHS. J'i"l7-0(jr? /gait, y On the 12th inst. at Sydenham Common, Mrs. Nix, 1 On the 6th inst. at Aldwick Lodge, Bognor, the ladl 01 1 . tenant-Colonel Jenkins, of the Hon. East India COMP' 1 1 110 b rice, of a so n . 'h MARRIED.e. On the 13th inst. at St Pancras New Church, J. Rat t k 4 of his Majesty's General Post-Ottice, to Sophia, daue" - Baron, Esq. of Mecklenburgh-square. 'lI .11,1 On the 10th inst. at AVe t am ' by the Venerable .M. Jones, P. H. .T. L. Rye, Esq. of Cultiorth, Northainr4: Eieha to Hannah, youngest daughter of Sawyer Spence, ne v i Upton, Essex. t/ L 1 hr• r. yoU r pf e4r de g te _ di 147:n ! I rk tt, r "let ti, 14,, d. Whole EXETER MAR Beef Od. 9,. Od. Hutton (1b.).---0 5 0 5j Veal and Lamb--0 5 0 0 rk 0 4 0 6 Gee , e (each) -.3 0 4 0 Ducks icoun'e\......2 4 4 0 Fowls 3 3 0 (1 , ,v i• A ro Butter, IBoz ..... 0 :0 Eggs, dozcm 4 0 Beef, per lb. Mutton 0 Veal Quartern Loaf DIED. This morning, in Bryanston.square, Hardin, the of Joseph Hume, Esq., M.P. On the 11th inst. Joseph, youngest son of F. Coc Finsbury-square. On the loth inst. at Honisey, Martha Anne, relict pagan, Esq. • (in the loth inst. at Springfield Lodge, Camherwt i lotte, relict of the late Rev. J. Swete, of Oxton_hoUsei shire, aged 67. On the Otis inst. at Ashford Staines, Lieutenant-Colt , Deare, aged 55, late of the Bth, or Royal Irish Light L in which corps he served years. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO SUN OFFICY, 112, STIAVP, LONDON. In saa: De: .e patrc 0 PA la , d EAST I D : nE co 4' INITED THE LATE MURDER. 4 'AND, TR give Notha B 0 W-S TREE T. at a t t h e Qi A most extraordinary scene yesterday took pi Covent-garden market and its neighbourhood, in e nhall:stri (pence of the appearance of the man Shields,. 4 &clock i t will be recollected, was a fellow-prisoner with 1 ! ,Mr. Davi Williams, and May, on the charge of the murder " , 44 lent, b Italian boy. About ten o'clock yesterday morning - th e Provisir anal tt.otending tirade his appearance iti Covent-garden market, si; 70, wit hold enough to go up to one or rseo C ilciimen who bfr: )3...bay, merly ernp'oyed him, and ask for work as a i t ic.*'"`P. 155, si application was at once indigo intly refused, and it II roak, stume, came known that " Shields was there." - 414 r It e AiLn the Rau aria Lithe .F minutes the news spread, and upwards of a Landes" sons collected in so short a period that the auto 11 , time to escape; and several of the crowd attacked 1) , t , u t filtrated giving him a push froin orie to the tither, one don't want him"-another, " I won't have him, , 2 their n thus he got shouldered about from one to the ether, „ 11 -10 reject the feeling against him ran so high that no one could . 11144k;O:IdUrtots lay that his Lie was in most se, ions jeopardy. At keg cried out for assistance, and taking advantage oft , e,,,a porary opening of the crowd by which he was SlirrOti , he took to his heels, at the same time flourishing an i meat call.d a wrench, which hb hdld in his hand, C t the s A c deterred many who would otherwise have corronitte of err knee upon him. The crowd, which by this 601 r, The His increased to several hundreds, closed tip and folloWd with cries of execration, such as " That's Shiel' tit Titian, Burker-there he goes-kill the thief-knock his ' 1 l i d out," &c. Several passengers of the lower order! .., 1 t Courts 1 to intercept him, and one (Jr two attempt. were IT' throw him down, but ineffectua ly, or his life muss t and Se been the inevitable sacrifice, the mob following, ~ i . 34, R. l tree F t k 0 1 ::: ready to fall upon him and commit any viol e nce that excited feelings could dictate. Shields, however, seemed exceedingly swift of foot, ran at the top, speed through Great Russell-street and up Bow-streejl 1'.., PARI he came to Martlett-court, when finding himself ir"eANED pressed, he turned down that court, and made his 1 11 ANkum . Crown -court, into Little Rus-ell-street, through ad, l D ''SSR: passed, and to the left up Drury-lsne until he came to GE O „, i.l acre, where he had to encounter a group of person. , a AbIL had made their way to that spot by Broad-con. 4k0,„ IX were ready to intercept him. By a desperate e'' tl 'e SLIGI ``foyer!aAeGE xel made his way through the opponents thus unexP ' ‘li a, b ETHER met, and ran towards Bow-street Office, and as l'! it i n g le ' proached the door, called out lustily for assistaud , ttz L IZ; every save him front being murdered." Some police 0 V stepped out, and with great difficulty, with the use 0 d i i , 7 the truncheons, kept off the mob until Shields had an ' ais ' P ER] tunity of making his way into the waiting-room ' establi , htnent, whence he was taken to anothe r Ytti ty affording greater security, and kept there until a li te let 1 " 1 ; t - ;ra-nee o in the afternoon. The street was crammed doer' All C whole of the morning, and cries every now and thee,l4 ,EAR li in forth of ' Turn him out ! -Let's have him !-We . lie% ILIA N pose of him !" The greatest part of the crowd, I )° , t'll Set, gradually dispersed. but still groups were seen he': t' ...14 ' ' A : 01 1 there, evidently waiting for him. Soon after three ° , tsh by the direction of the Magistrates, Burchall, the C took Shields from the office to the Grapes public' 4li cAni below, first putting a great coat upon him, to diagli t iii , li as much as possible, and having kept hint there tinti .$ ,-, dark, he brought him out, and told him to make s l ' t t: - ' ne ' e ft mrlod at of his way home. The miserable wretch, bowe l not proceeded many yards before he was recognis c °, l ,NANC with great difficulty escaped from his followers h i '', '4ll l Postif Strand, where he suddenly disappeared, and was so $ nis to have taken refuge up one of the courts nett. the Air. ~ T( Church. The wretched fugitive, it wa s underst4o 43' t (1 no settled home. He is reduced almost t o a skeic' w 4 rraw ay s, appearance, and was at first scarcely recognised 1 1, t °lszsria in the office who saw him at the late examinations- I .,, t eutora o lie remained in the office, he slunk into a corner, se e tit L particularly anxious to screen himself from obser''' ; is y and several times he was observ e d t o s h e d t ears . Ll P aC,.„ 4 p re ect d .__. '''ltA N, THE MARKETS. f Cl/AL MARKET.-Dee. 14. .4i tollaista I.dair's -....-,-..-..„--. 28s. 9d. Walls End Hotspur.... 1 'sd an ,' 13,1itmont 27 6 Walls End Newmaroh.. )1 ' .11 . fit Bell, Robson, and Co. Ditto Northumberland 0 . eat ap e Low Main,,,..,,.,,,,,,,..,,,,, 25 6 Ditto Peareth--.-...... o,c II i - S 4illingworth - ,2S 0 Ditto Perkins and C 0. ., 0 ; 111 T- H . Pelaw . .26 6 Walls End Itusseirea,-.1. good st Pontop Windsor......-...... 25 0 Walls End Walker...-. '0 • 6+.I.IQRA Shipcote .........<............<............<....,,».. '27 0 Walls End Hetton ....... 0 A , South Holywell--,-. 21 3 Ditto (reshipped) .......... 0 ktk e , "•• " Bandeld •29 0 Walls End Lyons ......-. ' 5,,4 Whir West Hartley ,tjvholePrl ‘Villington 29 0 W. E. Russell's Hettoll EiN t , Walls End Bell &Co.- 29 3 Walls End stewart's se ir,t, r-SS, Dittollell,Robson,&Co. 29 3 W. E. Stewart's (Sea- ~,, of fifty Ditto Bewicke and Co. 30 0 ham) ---.-...........-. 0 `llia C one Walls End Boundary-,, 25 9 Hartley Walls End Brown's- 29 6 New Flockton, Milne, i e, Iv succes Walls End Callerton ........ 25 6 and Co. ---. 0 ° Y so sit Walls End Carr and Co. 27 9 Walls End Hend er son A sti,„,.._ Ditto Clarke and Co. .. 27 6 Walls End Selby---.....;j t .se rec Wan. End Gosforth ....... 30 0 Tanfield Trader---". ' f, i , t elltrye. Walls End Heaton-. 30 0 Callerton 5ma11.,,......... ,ay be , Walls End Hilda ships at market, 114h-Shipa sold, 634-Unsold, 9 ti L ; °f I% , tt txecut ondon, COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE Vi la st ' , l Carte Wheat. 1 Barley. 1 Oats. II ~..---- --.... 0 01 6 , , Bore Per Quarter. a. to s. s. to a. s. to 6. I . ; ' 4 l:ifi e id . Abingdon...----... 6'2 81 31 43 i 22 30 ''''' f Andover 73 80 37 41 - - ''' /tbEriqs Birmingham- 56 66 40 44 2 t 3`2 ~... .1. Bridport .. 56 74,1 32 39 26 30 AIL, inv en Cirencester - 4S 64 30 42 20 29 '''' '..7tis,i _, I.arinedon-. 34 86 36 40 26 38 ' ‘44 and Guildford . 48 74 23 32 26 35 "" t c , g r adual Henley 54 83 30 35 20 30 " . tt u ttla, c o Hereford -. 84 92 44 48 - - ''. *, A aa ,, Highworth --..- 62 80 32 42 34 ' Ifi s :. 1 $ 6 Maidenhead ..„....... 65 811. 32 46 20 30 "' (h i qltran c , M0nm0uth_..,..,.54 61 39 - - - - k ord.., Reading Salisbury- 44 67 34 42 23 30 ''' Ilst„ q 'i 31. Southampton ....... 54 58 37 40 28 32 g, ‘ , e Will Stroud .._ . 64 78 34 as 22 32 "" %. 4.„ , ' Tewkesbury - 65 74 40 42 30 ns "' ' ~ s• - Uxbridge .-............. 48 74 32 34 24 32 * :,...4‘!1 L 1 Wantage---.-. 58 80 30 43 21 30 •"' t 2 Warminster ... 42 69 3) 45 24 29 •"'" }l, . ~L EI Windsor -,-,-... 59 - - - 21 22 '"' ' II W0ree5ter.............. 63 64i 44 51 31 32 - ty , • LEWES MARKET.-Dec. 13. 1 ..r. White Wheat (per quarter)..........C3 - 7 oto .1.3 q 1 ts h , Cal Red ditt0........- ............ 3 4 0 3 a I 1 1 .`q0%, 0L Barley-- 1 6 0 1 11 0 ~'steta . .., Oats, New ---- l3 0 1 , i . ( 'ill % `mt I Pease. . 1 16 0 2 u s ' IL ID Etc Oil Cake. New--.-.-. 12 0 0 per thou s ,) IC %hi e, HULL MARKET-Dec. 13. e ,4i, genet Wheat, Old -s. 595. fir's. NOW - Foreign -s. 50s. 545. ln bond... --g• _ a , I , V, . -1.7 , It t , t4 * 0 let Oats, Poland -s. 20s. 228. Oki - Small or Feed.... - s. 2.05. 21s -a. - .6 'l, W itt t brit - Foreign -8. 2os. 21s '''. 0 e 40 rat' Barley, Norf. & Sut. ... -s. 40s. 42.5. Linc. & Wold --4. „,ii a r - Foreign -s.Z c) li a jt :- Beans 38s. 40s. 425. Foreign -5 * . ;14 '" .0 1IT -s. -r, Pease, White... -s. 425. 48s. Grey 9 0.7 Taros -s --s -s. Foreign -4. 4: 5 Rapeseed, in bond none. Free, per last --1. '' ft y .," co .1 k, .4, CHELTENHAM MARKET.-Dec. 13. a fq ef,,f/fls.„ - ; Per Bushel. a. d. to A. d. Per lb. "' i Is.„`Illy -- Wheat y i kg ears Barley 4 0 5 6 Mutton .. .......... ...... j ii ~7r. to Oats 4 0 4 3 Veal Beans Pease 5 0 7 0 Lamb 0 / ? („ - , - ; ° ‘s u i r ti flay NORWICH. Dec. 10. ...it th4Te the Wheat (per yr.) ..555. 635. 688. I Beans (per qr.) ....,.....I",i,i; t' l lfs, p a a nd Barley ...--- 285. 355. 375. Pease, Grey---.....2im. I ,ko 4 , 3 '1_ 4 Oats ..............-. 2.55. 30s. 325. Flour, fine (per sack)''" tol, at CANTERBURY, Dec. 10. 0) ) '‘ a y e rtc' Wheat, white............... 60s. to 705...... Old-........... --L :,,, itt !, of ""-- red,..----..... 50s. to Ms. -... 01d.....-........ 4.. 46 " 0 d t t ' 4 ll -- q/dici Barley, Malting -.. 38s. to 425. -.... Grinding.. 265. o tell` I,.s t r to Oats Beans -----.-. 345. to 38s. - Old---. 40s•ji 4,74 sy Pease . -s. to 455...,.... Grey .......... 355 • A * . o qii .w)t in ~,r 41 4 ' .aat or MANCHESTER, Dee. 10. iv y ~et a, , Wheat, per 701 b. 9s. 6d. to 10s. Od. Red Os. 3/. W! I i t , o ta `"; Barley, per 601 b 5 0 5 3 Oats 3 5 4 1 1 4, 1 ! ale ‘ad ` Beans, per Imperial quarter Pease, White, per Imperial bushel 5 0 0 kirsd urit Malt, per 6 Imperial bushels 4l 0 y /tit tee ( Flour, per Sack of 280Ib A Coy DUMFRIES MA Wheat, Imp. Bush 7 oto7 6 Barley ......... 3 9 4 2 Oats Flour, 14th. Oatmeal Potatoes. cwt.