The Sun. — London, England, 1831-09-10 00:00:00

of the Iv y the he had to Shit sr.o_ 64 . is colAPn on' tem 4 lents,r ion Of g o the „o .übject )ut that arisen 0 favour could Irela' se imag .who 1' n ter] ere pi populal.: L id not lie migh t Ind even I ere as hile at the state of 0 trongest on clues° the CO' ild not n, could esotted e unprvi i ring 1014 Kilda neficial , f hii / dbegint s and `` might b e destroc, ght eh I not 1 0 ', )n, not o°l, here that I—and W' Ii ir elt himse;'± tutions tivocate Hi. GOP'', ipport (31 ,? of instiv i i , for loyal t y cation a t ;overnrciet , tieternli'', his powert i ppear Dst est" Ind, and e,eithera l thoee to .0 re that ion of 1 o three Pre.bytel of eclu c ncip!e sa l eral adcs t eofeducst ;em he gi° ,hes of st' injurious it distinct and the grl ° ' i repotted!' onday De ft E. *PI ee that, oi j i ion of the,, ~.paper,' House. diopored ilb o f' Monday URNA Iir hich we olg' session ° drop, 1 °) apt to vi xist. !I - less of tughtef, , 1 notice: 'd be, oild now to ri ippress • vetsi°lllo quarter s P ris ll Lest co-., Ilighne D f Nor 6 , w she arreof ctoi ia. had Imess Princes 1J i is the Ic ir chess 01 ..'ef very .• • ter. _hors' le o rdere l Royal ever dolV i le CorO Cur • " at i°nt'i It may, seem singular that thq - Dnchesq would first apply to know the place assigned to her and the Princess, and after these were known ;elide attendance, if there were no dissatisfaction. u B u t Perhaps:Sorne,cause of alarm might hAversprung P on the score of her daughter's healthgm..Xhe ex. Pens e . • w " was - no greater after the question about places „ - 7 4 , 11 i*ered than before. However, his Majesty's 1-equ'e!cence in the reasons alleged for absence may The to satisfy the objections of every other person. I;he claim s of ah heiress presurnpiive are not recog 11,„Ized, as far as we k now , in any part of the Consti- C t " 1; and to c o nsolidate any pretensions of this t on; nature into an opposition to his Majesty, as it Would be madness; we feel very well convinced can not be contemplated by her Royal Highness.- 4 an el. We have to mention a topic of peculiar interest a 3 Connect e d w i t h t h e C o ronation, and exhibiting the just and constitutional views which the King enter tains of his exalted office. His Majesty is un derstood to have been highly contented with the Public as we a re sure hi s subjects were happy in his r uul i° performance of ceremonies incident to the ° /) , -eeasit m. But at the dinner by which the cere - Orlial was succeeded, the King gave as a toast, in 1. 18 frank and true E ng lish manner, a The land we ' Fr ye j a!"---and then added, that " the day had a C e rded hi m sat i s f act i on ; but that he did not at all li gt,e w i t h those who had cons id ere d t h e ctremon y P ri ll lispensable, for that the compact between the f or ne e and people was as binding on his mind be 'e; that no member of the House of Hanover couldcr for et the conditions on which he held the t ( lwa; ) and his Majesty repeated (striking the b dae_s.iero‘tvis now,ither)ergy) that " he was not a whit more than More taking the oath, to watch b °v er th e lib ert i es arid promote the welfare of his '1° 1421 The Duke of Cumberland and the Duke ( Wellington were present, and seemed to feel the °t ee of th ese remar ks.—Times. A a l t is a vain a tt e mpt for the Tory faction to with ; the public anxiety from the reception of the tna Bill by the House of Lords. The object :deed is manifest, and is twofold. They would i t h ir niaister, if t h e y could, a composing draught to L e country,—fi rs t, w i t h a view to persuade the f n t/r ds that th e p eo pl e had become indifferent to Res L' 1.111 ; and, s econ dly, that the people might be taken J Bll l - p rise, and prevented from moving or acting bigorousl uon the ouse of Lords, until the fatal ct w Should p have been struck by their Lordships, „ "" the Bill rejected by a majority, before England ~,/ va uld have time to admonish them of the preci "e down which they were plunging.. Now this must not be. The nation must be made a w are th at if the H ouse of Lords be the ostensible instru ment en t by whos e intervention the Bill is to be ma tured into a law, they themselves—the nation—are n - s ie r Prime directing power, by which alone the House Lords can b e restra i ne d f r om diverging to pin poses subversive of Reform. We are convinced, from all we have seen and heard, that the libel upon our "ontiY, which was at first but whispered and b steo t i.:i y "it insinuated, has of late been loudly and to dlv affirmed,—to wit, that the House of Lords il l 'ght be as conservat i ve (of the rotten borough) as eY plea se d, f or t h at " t h e p e ople were tired of the li `f, °lll l question !" It is true that there never was tit s jc ere d a more daring falsehood. It i s ob vious to who know the real condition of the public mind, that it is confidence, not indifference, to which the th e tranq u illity o f the United Kingdom, as regards '"e fate of the Reform Bill, is owing. Nothing can f e Clear er t h an t h at th e fi r st gleam of apprehension °e the issue of the proceedings in t he house of Lor ds would be the signal for a mizional movement, i - I , 4 'olement conducted scrupulously, indeed, within ! limits of the Constitution, but, in its nature arid h 'tleetple, far too strong for any constitution, how t fenced round by protecting forms, to co p e \l' er A unanimous burst of the Minn • i..t wo uld be se e n and heard from every part of Eng pto"ii, irresi s tibl e in its force, but the more tip /1,0,1'g and overwhelming, in proportion as it was W e ,Provoked by prrse and unpopular hostility. trip uelieve—and it isms a warning to our country (ll,tve s o express ourselves—we believe that many tl l te e Peers do hug themselves in the imagination that they may reject the Bill without danger to f ealselves or to the Constitution, no matter by how t t roid able a majority it ascends to their bar from House of Commons. Let, therefore, the people hs ever ) where resolve to meet, and to advertise their heetings without a moment's delay. Let there be ; ei ther procrastinating nor flinching—neither fear ticoldnes; the Bill, we tell them—the Reform ti u h - --is i n jeopardy ! Is not that enough to rouse t le living—almost to animate the dead ? Will nglishmen by negligence or laziness, for want t hat timely notice which it seems the Peers L' is cientiously require, permit their Lordships, -; one fatal vote, to convulse the empire vi„ 48 centre, which, from every motive of it e and interest, they, no less the people 'We generally, must be anxious to maintain in , tde ect tranquillity ? e have been reading an Pamphlet, and it shall be a useful one, if pub kiiitY can make it useful. The title is pregnant— ligiat p r ; I4 e Lords do? This is a question which we th;"le to say that not the House of Lords, but L o People of England must answer. What the . tis will d o d e p en ds on the people. The final 1 ee ess of the Bill is for the people to decide. The t o l d 4 ) When th e y are publicly arid unambiguously j, e ---- that w hi c h it s ee ms they are unable to con bltttre---the determination of the country that the j 4d i Mall pass, will, with their usual soundness of ernent and purity of patriotism, pass it. We ii _ 4l l return to this fearful subject ; but in the mean ti;; , e3 hear a few sentences from the author of i n a t will th e Lords do ? upon the nature of the evitable issue of a victory achieved by the Tories : ttr u now proceed to trace the melancholy lines of the pue Fgle ; happy shall I be, if any feature of the outline 0, 1 t he eye, and arrest the vote of any , Noble Lord. If (.1 4 1) should arise in his mind, surely, as a man aid as 1,, nristian, he wilt lean to the side of concession and peace ; remember who resi,stah the proud ; he will weigh witThr,ediate per is in nicer scales than remote evils; lie will off s as fair as he may, present danger, and leave the o Of 0 e t time, and Go's ood rovidnce. Lt him read Li * "se impending evils, d an g d con p sider, e while he e reads, that for m ay be the vote that may let loose or enchain them 1) 4 ever. L e t hi m p ause , while there is yet time. He is t o , th e beyond the rubieon ; and, after and seas - of blood, there caine the Ides of March. But would more especially address one bench of their 4, ' ,; l 'hips' House. 1 would ask the chiefs of that religion 5 5 essence is peace, charity, and good will towards 4, what, if they should be found arrayed in support of W: 4 „, le by corrupti on , founded on a distrust of the people , th e 'l peop' e think,— what would they say? Certainly Au. Iv ould not blasphemously impute such scandal to the the 'meekest of faiths ; therefoi, , , most assuredly, 134 d they lay it at the feet of its l.rofessors. So, if the 1 1(1 0 „? . Ps desire a ra di ca l R e f orm in the Church, they can theft no method more effectual for the accomplishment of o hd I)ject than upholding the p rjuries, the drunkenness, dilteorruption of elections. They may thus collect, con tli4t la a l9 point agai n st themselves the dark electric cloud 0 0 fl a .r!V lo•:.i•era Oyer country. Surely they will nut contradict their faith. Adej -out lam lingering on the threshold ;—no more. I tho u ° ver the cons: quences o f p os itive rejection ; because, totig h they might be more sudden anti severe in their o, they would not be different in their nature. I a‘.; kegs' theft, that we shall l,ear of motions for adjourn eatitirtill aft er Ch r i stmas, an d f or var i ous es s e nti a l muditi doubt s and perversions of the Bill. There will be n o k uti, as to the covert intent of such proceedings, however tee,i v thsguised by outwar d p ro t es t a tions. They will be t ee , ai d arid met by the country and the Ministers as di thit nielcs on th e Bill it se lf. The day of trial will-come. hav e ' will have been made, the votes given. Who t itles ? The ayes ? Joy, reconciliation, peace. The .wi t h A dead s il ence At that ii oinent some er may t h e h ad • • 49 vote_ °Lunt:lSe ; lost, tO3 l ate , t h e e i:gno, the first blow has been struck. " i net)" Grey (and in his name I include the whole Ca ijniust resign, or acquiesce. Lo rds "e resi is Who will take his place? Will you, my • • •)•• 111 aosfield and Winehilsea Will Sir Robert Peel? dCtr the Duke of Wellington ? Will my Lord London- Highness of Cumberland? w ill be the „ volign ae ? ne must be a bold man; for with a small declared majority hi the tveakest fraction, lo4f, the State, whole con struction is 'essentially ziefenilve, fie 'tiatist be prepared for a contesith the off;nsive vigour and growing energies of the i tommons; fresh frOnathei4elections ; he must he pre paro4tzi find them backedlai the angry enthusiasm of the peoPle, supported by the mighty echoes of the Press, and sanctioned by the approval of the most popular Monarch that has ever been seated on the English Throne. " He must be a disloyal man ; for he must contemplate approaching that Royal ear with suggestions for a cow ardly falsehood, in the shape of an anti-Reform Message to Parliament. " He must be a blind and prejudiced man; for he must fancy, that, by dissolving the present House of Commons, he shall be able to obtain one of a less reforming disposi tion; as if the desire of a people, just baffled at the mo ment of gratification, should be snore quiescent under such disappointment, than when checked, as it was in the spring, at its outset. " He must he a rash man, and a bad man ; for he must be willing to commit the coronets of the Peers, and the peace of the nation, to the dangerous re-action of a second and third dissolution. " Where then shall be found this bold, bad, blind, rash, prejudiced, disloyal person? No where, I trust; and least of all in the House of Lords."— Times. When Mr. (now Lord) Brougham presented in the House of Commons the petition of the Jurors of London, praying for an efficient reformation of the Criminal Code, with a view to the abolition of ca pital punishments for all crimes against property, he gave it his decided and unqualified approbation and support. He saw then nothing in it to cause him to read a lecture to Jurors on the violation of their oaths, but a great deal to make their opinion on the necessity of the revision of the law worthy the se rious attention of the Legislature. Is it possible that the air of the House of Lords can have so im proved the acuteness of his faculties as to enable him to perceive the blemishes in that petition which he was incapable of perceiving ten months ago? We know there are many memorable instances of the strange changes which can be brought upon the mo ral perceptions and opinions of men by the influence of an aristocratic atmosphere; but, as it is impos sible to believe that the great intellect of Lord Brougham can be swayed by the circumstances which enslave inferior minds, we -must con tent ourselves with stating the fact which we have above alluded to, without pretending to divine the cause. Certain it is that on the 19th of November last Lord Brougham presented to the House of Commons, a petition signed by the same parties, and couched in precisely the same language, as that which his Royal Highness the Doke of Sussex has, with an unostentatious sincerity of manner which does him the greatest credit, pre sented to the House of Peers. On that occasion Lord Brougham introduced the subject by saying he had a petition to peseta which he felt greatly honoured by being intrusted with, and to which he begged the particular attention of the House. He described the petition as one " very ably and clearly expressed," and having stated the prayer of the petition, and informed his hearers of the class of persons by whom it was signed, and who had prac tical experience of the inefficacy of sanguinary laws, he proceeded to say " the petition was worthy the attention of the House on account of the reasons it urged, but more especially on account of the autho rity of the petitioners ; for who were so competent to speak of the scruples of Juries as they who had felt those scruples ?" Lord Brougham having con cluded, Mr. Ward, then one of the Members fof' the City, rose and bore testimony to the respect: , bility of the petitioners; after whom Sir Thomas (then Mr.) Denman got up, and emphatically de clared that this was cne of the most important pe titions that had ever been presented to that 1-louse; and that it deserved the serious attention of eve!) , Hon. Member. He added, what we shall give in his own words—" The House will now see that it is a fact that Jurors are not unfrequently placed in the miserable and painful dilemma of refusing to declare the fact, as the oath they have taken rcs quires them to do, or consenting to administer a law which they believe to be cruel and unrighteous. I know it has been stated by authority, which though ' high, is not competent to judge of the matter, that Juries do not feel any scruple to administer the law; but the House now has the snort competent authority in contradiction to that statement." Such were the unqualified declarations of the present Lord Chan cellor end Attorney-General in favour of the London Jurors' petition against capital punishments in the month of November of last year. The laws remain the same—the mischief remains the same—the reasons for altering the laws remain the same—the opinions of the Jurors remain the same ; but the opinion of the Lord Chancellor is so far changed, that he who formerly said " who were so competent to speak of the scruples of Juries as they who have felt those scruples ?" now says that Juries ought to feel no scruples whatever ; that, if the law unreasonably or iniquitously takes away life, they should feel no com punctions of conscience—no shuddering:, of nature —no humane hesitation, at finding themselves made accessary to judicial murder; but should proceed to slay, according to evidence, with as much coolness of judgment and firmness of nerve as if they were only summoned to perform the ditties of a righteous system of justice, instead of being called upon to act as the :Ministers cf Vengeance, and gratify that vin dictive demon in its appetite for blood ! The petition states that, " in the present state of the law, Jurors feel extremely reluctant to convict where the penal consequences of the crime excite a conscientious hor ror on their minds, lest the rigorous performance of their duty as Jurors should make them accessary to judicial murder. Hence, in Courts of ,Justice, a most unnecessary and painful struggle is occasioned by the confl;ct of the feelings of a just humanity with the sense of the obligation of an oath." Is this an admission on the part of the petitioners that when serving as Jurors in capital cases, they perjure them selves to acquit the accused ? No such thing—the petitioners only state the struggle which exists in such cases between their dread of being accessary to judicial slaughter and their sense of the obliga tion of an oath. They pray the Le g islature to re lieve them from that painful conflict between their consciences and their feelings; yet Lord Brougham has chosen to lecture them, as if they had admated, in their petition that they had violated their oaths to save themselves from the horror of assisting in the unnecessary sacrifice of human life. That Juro:s, however, have frequently evaded their oaths :ather than deliver up men to the executioner for crimes which ought not to be punished with death, is a matter of public notoriety ; and what is more, they have often been countenanced in so doing by Judges of the land. Does it follow that any person who states this fact as a reason for an alteration of the law is an advocate for the crime of perjury ? If so, Lord Brougham was himself, at one time, an advo cate for the commission of that offence; for, as we have shown, he made the scruples of Jurors, to conms vict, an argument for the reformation of the criminal laws. The case is put strongly, but justly, by a morning contemporary (the Chronicle), which says, "ifJurymen had acted on the principle recommended by his Lordship, all w e can sa y is th a t b l o od would still be poured cut bli p water in this country, for th e higlie;. ranks clung to sanguinary, punish ments so long as Juries wouldconvict. Yet the Courier in -inuates this is an encouragement to perjury. It is, however, only the statement of a fact which, to the disgrace of our criminal laws, admits of no refuta tion. We have the high authority of Sir William Blackstone for this, upwards of sixty years ago. That most upright Judge, and able commentator on the laws, states the melancholy fact in the following words So dreadful a Ust (of capital punish ments), instead of diminishing, increases the number of offenders. The injured, through compassion, will often forbear to prosecute; through compassion, will sometimes forget their oaths, and either acquit the guilty, or mitigate die nature of the Offence ; and Judges, through com passion, will respite one half the convicts, and re commend them to the Royal mercy. Among so many chances of escaping, the needy and hardened offender overlooks the multitudes that suffer. Ile boldly engages in some desperate attempt to relieve his wants or to supply hie vices; and if unexpectedly the hand of Justice overtake him, he deems him- I self peculiarly unfortunate in falling - at last a sacrifice to those laws which long infpunitydhad taught him to contemn." Such is the testimony which that great and learned Judge, Sir William Blackstone, bears to the evil working of our sanguinary laws, and the temptation which they throw in the way of Jurors to commit what he has elsewhere denomi nated " pious perjuries," as if the saving of life from the sword of barbarous laws, in some measure, sanc tified an offence which would be otherwise of a heinous complexion. If men are tempted to com mit those " pious perjuries" by the law, as they undoubtedly are, the crime is with the legislators, and the sin of encouraging it does not rest upon those who pray for such an alteration of the law as msy remove that temptation for ever.—Morning Herald. wide and compact chain of middle life runs its circle trading, ranks, with scarce a connecting , much l e i s an through.the shipping, banking , manuf acturin g , minin g , influentialliiik between itself and the Peerage. In the influence of the Lords is considerable; but the two first army and the navy, the'cleurch , and the hi g her law, the of these professions have happily small political weight ; the third. is at this moment in a stare to require rather than to afford aid ; and the stirring talent of the poorer followers of the law is more than a match for the well patrimized and well-paid occupants of the higher seats." ICivould, indeed, be strange, if men who are placed by fortune beyond the necessity of exertion, should not be weaker and more irresolute than their less fortunate neighbours. The merits of the founders of the families enable the descendants to dispense with merit. " There have been (says the writer), and are many bright exceptions ; men of grateful dispositions and philo sophic, minds, who, in the midst of every means of indul gence, have, with a wise industry, lived as if they believed that the tenure by which they held their proud station in the world was the attainment and diffusion of knowledge, the promotion of happiness, and the guardianship of the people; men, who considered that the law , which con stituted them hereditary Legislators , calle d u p on them, under an awful responsibility, carefully to qualify them selves for their high and arduous functions. But such exceptions render inure glaring the general rule of those who seem to think pleasure and amusement the sole fit ob ject of their lives, and that industry would derogate from their nobility. " This lagging behind the intellect of the day has alienated much of the affections and respect of a large portion of the community, while the place-hunting pro pensities of some noble families, who have addicted themselves to politics, have fearfully detracted from a belief in public honour and patriotism. Now, while such has been the conduct of individual Peers, the enact ments of their collective wisdom have not been of a na ture to call forth love and honour. The Lords have se dulously obeyed every Minister, and harshly adopted every coercive act of each successive Cabinet. No one liberal, reforming, popular measure, has originated in their House; many of such a nature which the Com mons have sent up, have been by them rejected or de feated, while they have carefully abstained from exercising this their restrictive privilege, by softening the rigour, abating the extravagance, or enlarging the policy of any one of flange unpopular acts in which the Commons have too frequently indulged. Once, and once only, did the Peers give way, and wisely ; for they retrieved, as far as in them lay, the evil of their previous opposition, regained credit with all good men, and saved Ireliud from a con vulsion. May they now, when the question at issue is the peace of the whole Empire, go and do likewise. Still this one wise act of grace is a solitary exception to their favourite pursuit of a eeatrictive policy, which, however irritating, has hitherto proved not the less vain ; for the people have gained ground, and the Peers now witness the consequences of thwarting opposition, coupled with niggard and reluct,mt concession. They see, on the part of the people, an appetite for Reforms, heightened by delay ; and they acknowledge, while they compiain of, a daily decay of respect towards themselves as individuals, and of public influence as a body." Having thus aescribed the qualities of the body, the writer proceeds to consider their inclinations with regard to the Reform Bill, and he does not disguise his opinion that they are either epenly or secret!) , hostile to it. " A.t i the outset, I am pre pared (he says) to grant the general, though par tially concealed, hatted of a vast majority of the House of Lords to the present it, form tSill, indeed to all Parliamentary Reform. The practices to which it tends to put an end have been precisely those illegal means by which the Peers have en deavoured to supply that hold on the State whie.h !ley have loosened by their unpopular acts as a body, and their lack of industry and attainments as individuals. And yet, in truth, not a small portion of this loss of real power is attributable to the prac tice of these very means, and the false confide nee it has inspired." We fear there is hut too much li foundat;on for this opinion of the hatred of a vast majorityof the House of Lords to all Parliamentaty Reform. Let not the people delude themselVes on this subject. But the auestion i, not what would thy do, bat what will' they do ? Will they re ject the Bill ? The writer thinks they will not, because their object can he effected as effectually and with less danger by the measure "1 cannot believe- thatt a body of etaiti, sober, wealthy, elderly gentlemen, fathers too of large and affectionate families, should, for the sake of an opinion, meditate a pro ceeding, so nearly approaching to a political fe/o-de-s,e, Anti I am the more inclined to this eheriteltle opinion of their discretion ; when I see that their object, if their object be to defeat the Buil, can be as effectually gained by side winds, and flank movements, as by direct opposition. Half measures will here, for once, be as effectual as whole; and from their nature, are as peculiarly fitted for the aflectione and exigencies of weak bodies. To twice then, I fear, tbey will have recourse; wiiiingly, would I believe ttat they would, with a manly courage and patriotic candour, accede to the honest demands of their countrymen ; that th e y wou ld, mag n aninainisly, place . themselves vt , ith.la the circle o f the interests and the a.ifectioas of their n a ti ve I mud. But, I rn.,ieh fear, that without a struggle, they wili not do so ; and I more fear, that, after a struggle, it will no longer be in their power to do so." The writer then proceeds to state the manl i er in which they will most Fobahly prozeede— “ I pre44 over (gays the writer) the consequences of positive rejection ; because, though they might be more sudden, and severe in their operation, they would not be different in their nature. I assume, then, ;het we shall hear of motions for adjouenniene till after Christmas, and for varioas esaential Modifications and perversions of the Bill. There will be no doubt as to the covert intent of such proceedings, however much disguised by outward protestations. They will be received ~na /net by the country, and the Mini:Jaws, as direct attacks on the Bill day of trial will come. The speeches will have been made, the votes given. Who have it ? The Ayes ; joy, reconciliation, peace. The Noes ? dead silence ! At that moment some ..,'per may wish he had voted otherwise but too late, the struggle has begun, the first blow has been struck. Lord Grey (and in his name I include the whole Cabinet) must resign, or acquiese. He resigns. Who will take his place ? Will yet:, my Lords Mansfield and Winchilsea? Will Z.ir Robert Peel ? Will the Duke of Wellington ? Will my Lord London de.fry, or hi s Highness of Cumberland ? Who will be the British Polignae ? He must be a b o ld man ; f or w i t h a small declared majority in the weakest fraction of the State, whose construction is essent;ally defensive, he must be prepared fq a porte4t with the offensive vigour and avowing energies of the Commons, fresh from their elec tions ; he must be prepared to find them backed by the angry enthusiasm of the people, auppoeted by the 'mighty echoes of the Press, end aanctioned by the eiro) approval popular Monarch that has on tl the r' ie cs.: English throne. He must be a for he must contemplate approaching that debeletni .sn e l t o e t ,:i ' Royal ear with suggestions for a cowardly faleelie...od, is the shape of 'en Anti-Reform 11,lessege to iaerliarnent. He must be a blind ee i d prejudiced man ; for he must fancy that, by dhsolling the present House of Commons, he s h a ll be able to obtain one of a leas reforming disposition ; as if the desire of a people, just baffled at the inonient of gr atification, should be more quiescent 'ender such disap pointment, than when checked ; as it was in the spring, at h e ; west be willi ng to commit the coronets of the ;Freers, its outset. He must b e a ras h man, and a bail man ; for and the peace of the nation, to the dansearaus re-action of a second and third diesol,etia.a. Where, then, shall Ite found this bold, bad, blind, rash, prejudiced, disloyal per son ? No where, I trust, and, least of all, in the House of Lords. Lordress.ignA, somendy et, if th e Bill b e th rown ou t, an d L or d one must take his telace ; and the first act of this great unknown must be adissolution ; for he and his colleagues could net possibly carry on the Govern levnt for an hour with the present House of Commons. 'fi n is is apparent to every one ; and yet the chalices of gaining an Anti-Reform majenity in a new House are in. tinitely small, should say impossible; for that man must thielt kghtly of his countrymen who can imagine, that p +raja! resistance from the Lords should frialeten the electors of Great Britain from their epee'.,etently, should make them eat their own words, skieuld make them desert their reps . esentativ es i e for having 'fulfilled those very pl e dg es which .hey themselves, not six months ago, drew from t h e m On th e i r h ust i ngs. " ' But the writ er t hi n k s the Apli , lleformers have no s tomach for a second dissolution, and that th e y cal emulate on Lord Grey's nerves, fancying " that he fears to approach the crisis for which his resignation would be the signal." They mistake their man, he adds; but there is no mean between the extremes of r e signation and a cqu i escence ? How fortunately the Constitution has vested the Crown with a power adequate to any emergency. " May they not ( as k s t compel Lord G rey to create even for the theirivoriltve) preservatio n some f orty or f i f t y Peers ?"nr The new batch of Peers, with which the country has been so long threatened, appeared in the Gazette of last night, and without entering upon the invi dious and painful task of detailed animadversion, we may venture to say that so extensive an accession to the British Peerage never before took place with so little increase to the dignity, the wisdom, the pa triotism, or the power of the House of Lords. We ask any man to cast his eye down the list, and, after reading the names of these recruits to the Aris tocracy of England, to say if he can with respect to any one of them .tell in what really consists his claim, personal, hereditary, or territorial, to the ho nour now thrust upon him ? Some of the promotions are perhaps unobjectionable ; but the new Peers seem evidently to have been enlisted by beat of drum. Much has from time to time been said of the deter mination of Earl Grey's Cabinet to inundate the House of Lords with new Peers, in order to ensure the success of their revolutionary measure. Of this we confess we never had the least apprehension. Not that our confidence arose from any doubt of the Ministry being sufficiently unscrupulous for any thing; it had a much more solid foundation. We did not believe that any considerable number of Englishmen of the upper classes of society could be found capable of accepting the Peerage on the only terms upon which his Majesty's present Ministers could offer it. The Gazette of last night proves that we were not deceived. The range of choice must have been narrow indeed when such is the selection. The new Peers may fairly, we think, be considered as constituting a new order of nobi lity; and it seems but reasonable that, in order to prevent intrusion into their ranks, a separate place should be allotted them in the House of Lords. Let them be called by all means the Reform or Re volutionary Peers, and let the Heralds' College be forthwith instructed to device some special blazonry as the appropriate emblem of a dignity so new. And what does the Minisby expect to gain by this nominal increase to their strength in the Upper House of Parliament ? Character? Influence? Authority ? The confidence of the great body of the British Peerage that they mean well to their Sovereign and their country ? The opinion of man kind at large that the management of national affairs, and the manufacture even of a new Constitution for the country, can be safely entrusted to their prudence and fidelity ? But we forbear, as we imagine that all that can be doioe ie. done. The list of possible Peers is not infinite, and, if it be less than infinite, it is now plainly exhausted. The A Gmeette of fact night is proof, or rather confes sion enough, that Ministers have not the necessary material in their pOwer to inundate the House of Lords by an infusion of numbers. Their allies of the nevolotiotiary Press will equally fail in their at tempts to intimidate the. Peerage to a decision upon the Reform Bill repugnant to their conscientious convictions by the threat of democratic violence. threat is much more likely to increase the strength of the resisting than of the conceding party in the House of Lords. Every man of ordinary spirit and good sense who doubts the abstract ex cellence of the measure will certainly resist it, so long as it is accompanied by the threat of democratic violence. What is yielded to conviction is limited by the extent of that conviction, but to surrender any thing to fear is in fact to confess that nothing can be refused. The people are much too indifferent to the question of Reform to be incited to violence, whatever pains may be taken to inflame them upon the subject. The threat is a mere absurdity. But if it were riot an absurdity it would amount to a very grave accusation against the Ministers of the King. What would be the proper appellation of a set of Ministers who persisted in urging either House of Parliament to decide upon any question of speculative legislation with the conviction that the question can only be decided in one way with out exciting revolutionary violence in the country ? Traitors, no doubt. There is no other term by which to describe them. Can the Legislature be superseded with the aid or even the connivance of the King's Ministers unless those Ministers a re traitors ? Let those partisans of the Ministry who threaten the House of Lords with revolutionary violence answer this question, or let them forbear their insolent threat, or let them admit that Mipis terS are so ignorant of the state of the country as to be insensible to the danger which their advocates can see so clearly, or let them say plainly that the Ministers are traitors, and that it is therefore they so warmly espouse their cause,--,Norong " Whet will the Lords do?" is the question which people everywhere now ask each other. A pamphlet under that title has just been published by Mr. Ridgway, containing views well deeming of the attention of the august body whose resolves are now the subject of general conjecture. The epigraph is peculiarly expressive :—" Non bona/las—non (pies ; sed quale niagni metus et magna: iron, si :. lq;- ti?mt est." This pamphlet will, no doubt, obtain the notice which Mr. Ridgway's pamphlets on this subject have hitherto obtained. We make no apology fur drawing largely from it at this critical time. " Some say," observes the writer, ‘c they will throw the Bill out in timine; others that they will adjourn the discussion of it till after Christmas. Some that they will receive, and greatly modify it; others, again, say that they will take it, and pees it nearly in that forte in which the. Comowne send it or to them." Before entering on a struggle, it is useful to examine into the force of an enemy. As the battle is now about to be between the people and the Peers, before asking what the Peers will do, it may not be superfluous to ask what the Peers are ? The writer says, in a civil way, what is com prehended in the position, that they are necessarily the least active yid least resolute body in the corn- munity. The portrait is less harshly drawn than those drawn by Mr. Attwood and Mr. Alexander Baring ; but it is essentially the same : " The House of Lords is composed chiefly of men of a certain age, who have led an easy inactive life ; of men of large hereditary possessions, ant: high undisputed hereditary rank ; of men who have been placed at what is termed the head of their families ; and who, having married early, have generally large families, arid domestic habits. Such wen, hiving met with few sturdy obstacles in their course, are prone, ou the one hand, to an el:aggerifted confidence in their own powers, and, on th.l other, liable to a de crer,sing 7esoltriiion, as they meet with an increasing and enduring Opposition. Such men, too, enjoying the rich bounties conferred on them by the law of the Lind, are likely to attach a peculiar importance to legal rights and prescriptive usages, and to view, with a strong and natural antipathy, aay hue of Itefortn that questions ancient privi leges. The Centres, also, of small circles, these dispensers of patronage and favour are liable to become men of flat tered vanity ; impatient of contradiction ; fond of power ; -praetisers and enforcers of obedience ; men of small enter prize ; averse from exhibition ; prompt to command ; willing to enforce, but slow and lax to execute. Such seem to be the general characteristics of the Lords, They are qualities which may easily commit theca to the strife, but will nut assuredly carry them through the long and arduous struggle they may . provoke. In social life, as landlords, Magistrates, and Lieutenants, they are generally respected and praised. Those who are within the sphere of their acquaintance consider themselves honoured by their notice, and those who are their dependants ate often proud of the connexion ; but yet how small are the diverging rippl es of this influence in comparison to the vast ocean of British society. In a few remote districts, the large ter ritorial Peer may have some weight; but, in the living foci of our towns, marts, and ports, he is as nothing. The t t h h e e r y ef t' o i r e e :n i s t , ' vises a e 7ue res :tio We agree with him that the voice of the coun t r y thor . ty, is one o" . nature pmuliarly itiviLlioul 'or them to Li th o : . o ca n t ly not a resist differen th ee e would support him in any measure of this sort tc which he might be driven. But whatever may be , dec,i,dTe That they measure in Coto. the course of Earl Grey, of one thing we are sure. ~ T h at , and that it is his determination to carry Reform one d k3i degree of Reform. way or other. , " And yet that, for the value of this difference, they are " The Tory Lords may rest assured that no manoeuvres Prepared to shake the stability of the empire, in whole or of theirs will.ever win him to a compromise of his word : in part. he is pledged to the Bill ; and, such as it is, he will carry i " And, finally, that the evils which they dread are r ro-. it. either 'in the present House of Lords, or an enlarged spective, while those we point oat are immediate. House of Lords, or he will resign. Even were it contrary "In other word., that a weak order, in a state of unu to his interest, his own mind would bind him to such a I sus! weakness, is willing, for the wake of a contingent dams line of conduct. But he knows full well that were he, ger, to contend, at a fearful present risk, against three with a white heart, to waver now, that he would be lost. sti ong orders, in a state of unusual strength and concord; He and his party are committed in an arduous struggle; and to contend, too, on an invidious qutstion, the essential they lead, but do not command public opinion; and were principle of which they admit in the outset. Infatuation they to submit to an important modification of the Bill, or cannot go further." to an adjournment, the real object of which would be oh- The conclusion at which the writer arrives is, that , viol's, even to the blindest mole, they would be driven " the Lords, to the from the helm ; public opinion, like a mighty lever, would w les, WI pan the Bill." But the people ,-' press onwards in its course, bearing others more adven- m`...t bear in mind that the Lords will be very • turous on its bosom, while it left them hapless wrecks on much assisted in • its shores. overcoming their wayward . inclulat . ions by such de " They would be driven from their seats by an indig- monstrations as she., satisf- in of t he helpl essness of nant House of Comm ons . A second dissolution would be COUrE any other p ' ern ... min that of pasting the Bill, a Royal mandate for revolution. The present House of Mornin4 C a l'Onc . le. Commons would—must remain. Of this House, 379 , A its Members have, by their vote, pledged themselves to the Bill ; and would these gentlemen recede from their pledges at the command of a Ministry who had broken their words, deserted their King, and bow down before a slender ma jority of Lords? If they did, they would be the worst enemies of their country—they would compel the people to shake off their present most praiseworthy patience." The writer conceives, that if Lord Grey were to desert Reform, Lord Grey would be compelled t,t resign, and his place would be occupied by men more adventurous, and possibly less conscientious, more hostile to the House of Lords. The ruin of the present Ministry, if it could be effected bi the Anti-Reformers, would only therefue place men of infinitely more reforming and democratic prin ciples in their seats, The following admonition is well deserving of their Lordships' attention. It i s a friendly advice : " Let the Lords then pause and seriously consider, tlut with them is the power —no, not of stifling the young Hercules of Reform, but of adding to his club a tremen dous category, a whole twelve labours of Reform. Let them look around, and see who are marshaled at their side—the Member for Preston ! Vultures tzroell the field of battle from afar. No, no, let them hate Lord Grey, and Lord Broughan and their party, as cordially as they choose i hot let them rally round them for the present ; for with them, fortunately or unfortunately, it matters not to the patriot in tha hour of danger, but with them are the colours of the country, the standard of order. They may be the last binge of the last door ; and will the Lords, with a childish waywardness, break down the one remaining barrier? Past events May be regetted, but they cannot be changed ; and those who mourn over their effects will not strongly evince the purity of their hatred of all excite ment, by pursuing measures tending directly to increase it. It may be an unpleasant dilemma to which they are re. duced ; it may be irritating to their feelings, but it is not the less incurober„t ir,4 their wisdom and patriotism to sup port Lord Grey in his seat. It is impossible to point out the quantum of support—this must depend upon circum stances ; but as they value conservative principles, they must take good care that it, lie sudicient to prevent, for the present, public feeling being again excited by a change of Ministry, much more by a dissolution of Parliament. I defy them to point out any other rational line of condact, for those who wish to preserve order, be they high or low Tories, Whigs, or Radic:rls. Need they be reminded of the result of those . sourt intrigues, and that conservative ha tred, which, at length, succeeded in driving Necker, the French Lord Grey. from the Ministry ? Will they profit by the example ? I trust they may, " To bring the question within a narrow er c om p ass ; let us say, if Lord Grey's Administration be an evil in ;heir s;ght—if the formation of a Tory Ministry he im practicable, and the prospect of a Radical Cabinet an abo mination—then must they not, at wise and good men, choose the lesser evil 71 , 5 y must ; and, hereafter, when, by the fulf - .lment of the pledges giv, , n and required, the pretent ferment shall have subsided, the House of Lords may reap their reward in recovered popularity with the people, and more stable prtwc.r in Parliament. Surely, such qualifie4 ir,lppr: of a Ministry, in times like these, it v±rfgetly distinct from any particular or general approval of their measures. By and by, let the Tories throw them out, if they will—if they can ; hot let it be on some ge neral question, when thoy may find adherents in the great body of the pat;on ; hot let the Lords beware (I say it in all sincerity), let them beware of a trial of strength on a question so narrow, so dangerous, so invidious to them selves, as the representation of their own rotten boroughs. If they must and will fight, let them contend for their own noble constittxtimAl rights, and not for sordid abuses, the very practice of which the law calls a high misdemea nour." NIILITARY COLONIES IN RUSSIA. (From the Temps Paris Journal.) Several Journals have questioned the news of an nsurrection in the Russian military colonies, can toned in the neighbourhood of Novogorod. We this morning specify some details of the movement, and to those acquainted with Russia, with the orga nization of those establishments, and the spirit of discontent which predominates in them, the facts will cause no surpris-. This ie by no means the first symptom of revolt which had manifested itself among the Russian po pulation alluded to. The attempt announced yestei day had many precursors; not two months ago a scene of the same kind, of which the present dis• orders no doubt form the sequel, exploded and was suppressed. The colonies which Alexander founded with an expectation that they would conduce to the strength of the empire, and promote the civilization of the people, have not had the results which he antici pated. The institution has found obstacles in the nature of the country, and in the temper of the population. The cavalry colonies indeed, to the south-west of the empire, along the Ukraine, in the government of Kherson, and on the Turkish and Austrian frontiers, have carried cultivation into these savage plains, and the horses which they have raised there are admirably adapted for war. It is also true that 27,000 children frequent the schools established in the south-west colonies, and that they save to the empire 2,400,000 rubles yearly. But it must be owned, on the other side, that the regiments of lancers and cuirassiers, planted in the milt of a wild and turbulent race, propagate civilization by force alone—that it is sometimes necessary to per suade, by very rough applications ; and that it is only by the intimidating influence of rigorous ex amples that they can bend to the ordained regimen of the colonial system the hardy peasantry—the remnant of the old Moldavian hordes, Cossacks and Bulgarians, who have more than once, since ISIS, evinced their instinctive love of freedom, and their eipudly inherent taste for a life of plunder. In the north, however, near Novogorod, the in fantry colonies present an appearance the reverse of brilliant, and the St a t e , f ar f rom d er i v i ng an y thing from them, squanders vast sums upon their support most unprofitably. Situated in an unhealthy climate, and upon a waste tract of marshy land, the life of the colonists is truly wretched, and their labours for the improve ment of the sod are perfectly fruitless. Uut it is the structure of the colonial system itself into which we are to look for the cati•es of the dis turbances that have broken out, and of those which menace to follow. But hitherto we have been consideiing constitu tional results. " Let us 'Bow (says the writer) take a hasty g ir....pze of what might be its direct and im. ro.,:diate effect upon the people —upon what may be teemed its unconstitutional and revolutionary effect." Supposing it rejected dlreztly or indirectly by impor tant modations or long adjournments. it is rejected ! The evil report will vapidly spread its dark wings from one end of the izla to the other. It will cross over to Ireland . . the black banner will carry the heavy ti,liurs fr.un Glasgow to the uttermost High landc, One of these colonies is composed of—First, several regiments perpetually cantoned upon it, and ho cannot withdraw. Secondly, of the inha bitants of the place, or a non-military population, transported from some other place; these hold the land to farm, subject to the charge of lodging and maintaining the military, and supplying a perpetual succession of recruits. These farmers must, moreover, wear a military uni form, and submit to a severe military chscipline, ex tending even to the regulation of their agricultural labours. Their children, too, are born soldiers ; fifteen years they must serve with the armies from home, live years more in their native villages, as part of the reserve ; at the end of which terms they are at liberty to maintain themselves, if they can, by labouring for others, or on their paternal inheritance, with the title of invalids, and the permissien to wear a long beard. When age or infirmity disqualifies them for labour they are maintained at the public charge, and received into an hospital. The children receive, gratuitously, a military education, and are taught one or more trades. At the first glance these institutions wear an ap pearance of beneficence. One is disposed to praise the wisdom and benevolence of Alexander, and to believe that his kind intentions have prospered. When, however, we prosecute a closer investigation— when we scan the details of organization as it exists in fact—when we study the characters of the people to whom it is applied, the several classes whom it throws into contact, the old habits which it extinguishes, the new ones which it im poses, the violence with which it disposes of the life of man, then we shall discover that behind this display of a zeal for civilization there is art abund ani.se of barbarism and of cruelty, even to the born slave—and that this surface covers the germ of (wore revolt and confusion. ' it is rejected ! Will the people of England sit pa tiently down ? Will they hang up their harps on the willows of despair, till io is their Lords' good pleasure that the neople's representatives should be the repreaenta tives of people ? I think not. Then, what will they do? Will they carry their favourite, Bill, their Bill of Rights, by force of arms? No—the (lays of brute force are gone to sleep with the nights of ignorance ; there are ineasuTcs more consonant to the present times. Asseasla tion, unanimity of design, resistance withinl%4', bounds— these the people will employ ; and with, as one voice, they will say, "I' he present Honss of Lords will not pass our Bill; but our Bill must be passed —our Commons desire it—ogr King sanctions it—and we are pledged in it. Another House of Lords—another third 0.. - ,ato must be found, who will pass our Bill,"thus, and more dangerously may they Teazon. Noble Lords may start —may frown—may imprecate—m a y threaten ; but the energies of this mighty empire are not to be put down by a sneer or a vote ; they nosy suddenly spring up, as in a night, and scs,ttc : r their opponents, as mists before the face cu the morning. The people may ask, can b., men with intellects so dull, so inotniorvant, and so inexperienced, w 1.4 ,4 though born, and bred, and living in the light of this century, can yet see only with the ttviliyht praeption of the dark ages? —men, whose not',(ena of revelotions are formed from the tradiAic;aa of days when the art of reading and writing we: a distinction—a pfinting press a cn7L,sity— and a journey from York to London g, epoch in life? Are there men, who, with the !;c...nt experience of the last twelve months, ca; iead of Birmingham, and of Glasgow, and thousand and one other Unienz—who can hez, - ; the avidity with which the vnblic papers are i sought for in every corner of the Lingdom, and who can witness the feverish exeitemeut of the public mind, and yet, forsooth, 101 l ;;pan their hereditary seats, and fancy a frown Izoni a weak majority of the weakest portion of rho State can frighten the great tryta.: or their fellow subjects from the pursuit of tair• legitimate desires ? If there he such men, as excited people may add, they are no longer f i t ;31 'be our legislators ; the House of Lords nw,t ine adapted to the present stage of CYilioltion• Wr will no longer " But, so—l will not fui:iliet pursue this revolutionary picture ; it is Qt; •.:,ng . .•ateful subject ; such as one would not willingly contemplate, much less exlp,bat, to the 1 ; gaze. But it imper a tively behoves those Noble Lords who think of rejecting the Bill, to fill up this outline, and p a int ;t with its brghtes.; an i most fearful eolnnrss.:-to finish it carefuliy--.,t0 look into its details, Said then to place it opposite their own little vignette of a modified Reform.,,,,theterrifile Last Judgment rst thi. last lithograph ic p rint of of Michael Angelo, ay.; the day. Thos: the two extremes ; the clieuces foe the possible attainment of the one are not beater th an for tho ruinous sequence of the other, Is it then possible—it i 3 conceivable, that a body of men should be se htind as not to see the pred'. ; catnent in which they stund ? Will they force us to believe, with the Roman— ( Quos Deus "tilt perdere prms demeutat ?' Once more let us resume before we part. Let us confess that the Lords are, by their private habits, and by the constitution of their order, unfitted for a long and ar duous struggle. " That they are at the present moment in a state of un usual weakness ; while the Commons, the King, and the Peopl-, enjoy an opposite degree of strength. " That this question of Parliamentary Reform, on which they seem inclined to stake the value of their own au- The serfs of the Crown, all of whom Alexander consigned to the system of colostization, are the per sons to whom it is most repugnant, and who are most discontented under it. The cause is obvious; to them the proffered emancipation is quite illusory. Instead of service on the domain of a maser, they are condemned to military bondage—a bondage far more galling, and which gives them, along with the privileges of a colonial village, twenty years ofba nishment ; all the profit of the arrangement besides falls to the military department of Government— not to the poor serfs. With respect to the colonizing regiments, it is easy to understand that they must be heartily de testA by the local population at whose expense they live; and they are themselves little enamoured of a life so dull, so beggarly, and so precarious, in wretched little remote hamlets. They regret their being no longer employed in the garrisoning of cities, and sadly compare their monotonous conli , tion with the excitement of the camp or of active service. The officers especially lament their segues tration—their discontent is universal. Thus it is, officers and soldiers, colonisers and farmers, colonised, are not the elements which can mingle in a colonial form ; from such a state of things must spring a revolution, the I rogeny of its hatreds, and vexations. The Government itself is conscioui of its false position, and of the danger which theatens it from this quarter. It carefully conceals every thing that happens ; a stranger is rarely permitted to visit these establishments—even Russians themselves are not admitted as visitors without difficulty. Meantime, to foresee the consequences of the movement which has broken out at Novogorod—to say what are its objects—what the insurgents want—is a thing im possible. The Russian Government will do its utmost to stifle all information upon the subject ; but from the exposition which we have just com pleted, it can be confidently inferred that if the in surrection is well concerted, or if it extend it will bring on a general disorganization in nn empire so much more extensive than it is power ul. A young officer was once vaunting that he '.vas born, not may on the same day a. FREDERICK III" GREAT, but within 3 few AN :0114 after that illuvrim, Monarch came into the world. " Then, by toy moult.,ex claimed a broth er of the ElVord, t• you have the of claiming to he—the ,first blue, after tti,