The Sun. — London, England, 1827-05-11 00:00:00

tnere than ordinary go c pulsolty, kr On sake decent , .:.(Cheers. ) Earl SPEZ:CER could not be silent after such an at tack as thret which their Lordships had just heard ; espe cially v.ehen he told them that it wag his intention to sup- Pcr:c the Government. He did not know how the Noble lord opposite (Lord Ellenhorough) could think of com plaining of the language used towards the present Oppo sition by the supporters. of the Administration, when he re collected that it was only a few days since that Noble Lord had himself put forth a declaration in the very strongest language, that he would offer nothing but an uncompro mising resistance to the present Govemment.—(Hear.)-- That Noble Lord had spoken of the Administration now existing as only provisional. Whether he was well in formed or not upon that subject, it was not for him (Earl Spencer) to say ; but he must observe, that unless that Noble Lord was correctly informed, it did not become him to use such expressions, for mere rumours or reports were 'not fit subjects to be introduced to their Lordships. He should not interfere with the conduct of Noble Lords who opposed the administration—he would give them that credit which, by the bye, they (lid not seem inclined to allow him, and would suppose that they acted from very proper motives. The Noble Lord opposite claimed the right of placing his confidence where he might think fit. "that right he (Earl Spencer) was willing to concede him ; but then, at the same time, he claimed for himself an equal right to place his con fidence where it might stem best to him.—(Hear, hear.) —Without wishing to prolong this conversation—he would not stay to inquire how it had arisen—it was his wish to give their Lordships a short view of the grounds on which be was prepared to say, that he should support the present Government while they professed and acted on the opinions which they now avowed. To Noble Lords who pretended so ignorance of these opinions, he would put the question, l'°7 had they lived within the last few years ? Many of 'diem, especially those who how supported the Adminis tration, had approved of a number of the measures of the late Government. From some "of those measures they--and he among the number—had expressed their dissent. In one instance, especially, he had differed from the late' Government—he meant in the support lie had given to a measure to which that Administration was opposed, but which he then and still considered as ene of great and, indeed, of paramonet importance —he meant the measure for the relief of the Catholics from the disabilities under which they now laboured. He had _said then, and he now epeated it, that the peace of the Empire could not be secured till that question was satisfactorily decided. After having expressed that opinion, would the Noble Lord op posite charge him with inc'nsistency, when he said, that as soon as he saw the Councils of the King—and he used the expression with all respect for those who were the subject of the remark—deserted by a large portion of those who had previously constituted the Government, lie asked who were to succeed to their places ; and on learning that those who were to form the Administra tion were those who held the same opinions upon that paramount question which he espoused, he felt inclined to give them his support.—( Hear, hear.)—The present Administration was said to be formed upon the principle f Lord Liverpool's Government. He was not exactly *nee what that meant.—(Hear, and a laugh.)---He begged Iheide Lords to suspend those marks of their opinions. The Government of the Noble Earl was founded upon the principle of a divided Administration. On that prin ciple other Noble Lonte might put what construction they pleased, but to him it did not appear a very ad vantageous mod oof forming a Government. He thought so during the existence of that Noble Earl's Administra tion, and. he was of the same opinion at this moment. But the division then was especially objectionable to him ; and. he called on those who considered the two Administra tions as the same—and who might charge him with incon sistency in supporting that which now existed--to look at the difference between them, and then to say, whether such a charge could be supported. In the Administration of which the Earl of Liverpool was the head, it was well known that the majority were hostile to the claims Qf the Catholics, and the Noble Earl himself expressly declared that he would not concede those claims. Now, when he (tali Spencer) thought that those claims ought to be granted, was it hot natural for him to be opposed to a Government acting on precisely the opposite principle ? What was the case now ? The change, in that respect, had been complete ; for that part of the late Administration who had been friendly to the proposed concessions were the majority of the present Government, at the head of which was the Right Hon. Gentleman who had long been the persevering and eloquent advocate of those claims. If perseverance in the endeavour to obtain what he thought justice required to be granted was worthy of confidence, then the Right Hon. Gentleman had a full claim to his (Fed Spencer's) confidence; and be felt that he deserted none of his principles, and that he was justified in the fullest degree, in affording his support to the Government, so long as it seemed inclined to adopt those measures which he thought advantageous to the coun try.—(Hear, hear. )—All the vulgar imputations of sor did motives, and of-peofligate conduct, seemed to him highly improper, and he positively disclaimed their application to himself. HO made no accusation against those who had retired from the Government--they had a right to retire if they could not place confidence it.—(Hear, hear, from the Treasury Bench.)--He did not know what was the occa sion on which it had fallen under their censure ; but if it had, they certainly had a right to mark their unfavourable opinion of it by quitting it.—(Hear, hear.)—He would not speak of any concert between those who bad so quitted the Adminietration, nor of their motives ; he was willing to believe that they had quitted for no other reason than that they could not place confidence in it. Why they could not place confidence in it he was equally unable to say ; but while the Right Hon. Gentleman now at its head was in favosir of those measures of which he himself enter tained a favourable opinion, he should give that Right Hon. Gentleman his support, and he thought he might de so without incurring the reproach of deserting those principles which he had hitherto professed. Earl GREY—It is not possible for me, my Lords, to abstain from saying a few words upon this subject, because I assure your Lordships with the utmost sincerity, that Nothing can be so painful to me as to find myself in a situ ation in which I must explain those differences of feeling that have separated me from the friends with whom I have acted throughout the whole of my political life, and for whom, at this moment, I entertain the sincerest affection. Before, however, I say one word about those differences, I mast distinctly disclaim any participation in the opinion that there is the slightest necessity for us to wait the pro grees of time, in order to he fully convinced of the purity of their intentions. On whatever reasons they may have founded their conduct, whether those reasons may appear satisfactory to me or not, I am certain—as certain as of my own existence—that in taking their places on that side of the House (to which I regret I cannot accompany them), nothing but the most perfect disinterestedness, the most sincere conviction that what they did was an act of para mount duty, can have influenced their conduct--(Hear, hear.)__T o differ from such men, at all times, but espe cially on such an occasion as the present, and with such a conviction as I entertain of the purity of their motives, must be painful in the extreme; and the pain occasioned by that difference is such, that the agitation which I feel at this moment almost deprives me of the power of addres ing you. I sit here now. I have sat here for twenty years with at least but one exception. I have not forfeited my right to retain the seat ; but though rank ed among those who occupy the Opposition Benches, I begsnot to be classed as one of those who are now forming an Opposition to the Government. I entreat that the Noble Earl who opened this debate on the other side of the House will not attribute to me any of the mo tives which may be imputed to those whom he has desig nated as a factions Opposition. I beg to state here, that I am not in opposition at all, the distinction be tween me and the Noble Lords who sit near me being that I do not remain herein opposition to the Government, but do not go ever to them. because I do not see certain principles carried as far as they might be—principles on which the Government might constitute those grounds of confidence which I consider it absolutely necessary to see distinctly and clearly established, before J pledge myself to support the present Administration. It has been some times said that attempts have ,been made to dictate to his Majesty upon the exercise of his prerogative in the choice of his Ministers; and my Noble Friend opposite has advanced thrt charge against those whom he has described as in op position to the Government. I have heard, with some de gree of surprise, many things said upon that subject ; and I must observe that my Noble Friend beneath me put that matter upon its right ground, when he said that it was the undisputed and indisputable right of the King to choose what Ministers he pleased ; but that, over the exercise of ilw.t undisputed right, there did exist a controul, as there does over other acts of the Royal Prerogative, and that controul is vested in the Parliament ; so that, if the Par liament does not feel that the Ministers of the King'. choice are such as deserve their confidence, they are ex• ercising only on their part that right which, in the best tunes, and by the most wise and tweet vir tuous Statesman, has been frequently acknowledged-- that of remonstrating with his Majesty on that choice, which appears to them prejudicial to the country.— ,Although, therefore, the choice of Ministers is an absolute and undisputed prerogative of the Crown, yet it is not beyond controul ; and in stating the prerogatives of the Crown, let us not forget, my Lords, what are the pri vileges of the people, and that if it is the prerogative of the Crown to appoint the Ministers, it is equally the privilege • of the people to express their disapproval of that appoint ment. For these reasons, I think that those who have . declined to enter into the service of the Administration of which they disapprove, have been perfectly justified in their conduct; and this I think to be a rule so clear and so sacred, that I think they have only been wrong in suf . fering questions to be put to them upon it.—(Cheers.) — I am glad to find, from these marks of approbation, that what I have stated is assented to. Then, what are the objections entertained by persons who might fill the vacant offices of the Government, but who have declined to do so? There may, my Lords, be many objections. I have heard a great deal ,said upon this subject, which I confess I do not precisely understand. I have heard of objections arising from personal, meaning thereby uujustifiable feel ings. Ido not think that meaning ought, in all cases, to be affixed to the word. When lam called on to enter into the service of an Administration, I am called on to pledge myself deeply to commit my character and honour ; and if I see that the verech Who influences and directs the Administiattion is one to whom I cannot safely commit Myself, I am bound to decline engaging in the service, as I do not feel that security for my honour and character which a full confidence in the head of the Ad ministration alone can give me. In that sense of the word, a personal objection may be the soundest and the best ob jection that can be entertained, and to claim the right of questioning any one upon such objections, is, in my idea, a most improper, and I will add most unconstitutional dogma. 1 have said so much, as lam not interested between the parties who formed the late Administration (if I may so speak) and those who constitute that which now exists; but I think it right to put this matter on its proper, fair, and constitutional grounds, and to vindicate for public men that free right of ection, of which to deprive them would be most mischievous and unjust.—(Hear, hear, hear. )—I again declare that I form no part of a factious Opposition ; indeed, I form no part of an Opposition at all ; on the con trary, if there are any persona in this House to whom my principles are more decidedly opposed than to any other, they are those whom I have lately heard professing them selves to be the Opposition to the Government. Not only do my principles prevent me from wishing, but they will induce me not to do any thing that may promote their return to power. Having said this, if I should be asked why I do not support the present Ministers, I must answer by repeating what I set out with saving, that I cannot see in their conduct thoee grounds of confidence that would entitle me to give them consistently and con scientiously the pledge of my support. I have heard that this Administration is likely to promote the accomplish ment of that great question, which, like my Noble Friend (Earl Spencer), I consider to be one of paramount im portance, and the full and decisive, and satisfactory settle ment of which, I believe with him, to be necessary to the peace and security of this great kingdom. That alone, however, will not secure the peace or happiness of the country.--I own that, in my opinion, the Government has been so changed as not to afford any hope of an ar rangement snore congenial to the interests of the people of that country, Ireland has long laboured under disabilities and disqualifications which are a disgrace to the Legisla ture, and which cannot much longer exist. The question of Catholic Emancipation has been passed over from time to time; but, until that great work is begun—until that great question is carried and eet at rest, all otieT attempts to tranquillize Ireland must prove inefficacious. To those who are opposed to that question, I am firmly and most de cidedly opposed. To those who support it, I am, sc far, as irruly, and as decidedly determined to give my cordial assent and co-operation.—(Cries of "hear," from the Opposition Benches.) But the main ground of my objection is this :—I .lo not perceive in the present Administration those principles which couid induce me to support them in their engage- 'rents upon great public questions; and upon this head I feel it necessary to have some clear and definite under standing. lam not one of those who wish that a stipulated condition should be made with Members of Parliament in another place, or with Noble Lords in this; but I do say that the engagements understood to be en tered into between Ministers upon the great question of Catholic Emancipation, and others, of minor, but still of treat importance, are of such a nature as to induce me not to place trust or confidence in the existing Administra tion.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition Benches.).---We have been told that the present Administration has been formed upon the principle of that of which Lord Liver pool was the head ; but I must confess, with a Noble Friend below me, that I am at a loss to understand pre y what that principle was. Did it mean an opposition to the Catholic Question, or did it mean that that Question was not to be brought forward as a Government question ? If such be the case, I must observe, that I feel bound to oppose in Administration so composed, and I now call upon them to state whether such be or be not the fact. It has been said, that although that question was not to• be brought forward as a Government question, it might still receive the sup port individually of those Members of the Administration, who are in favour of it. This language has been held by many Noble and valued friends of mine. I remember the time when those Noble Friends, who hare held such doctrines, would not have felt satisfied with such condi tions.--(Hear, hear, hear, from the Opposition Benches.) —They would have felt themselves bound in honour to adopt another course, because they would have perceived that this permission to vote individually, as they pleased, was no privilege whatever, either under the Administration of my Lord Liverpool or of any other person.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—ls it, then, that the Catholic Question is not to he proposed as a Government Question ? If it be, that settles the question so far as I am concerned.—(Hear, hear, hear.)---In 1807 I took a decided part upon that question. I then resisted all attempts to modify it or place it in abey ance ; and nothing on earth shall induce me to agree to the arrangement proposed in the present Administration with respect to it. I feel, as a citizen of a free State, that I cannot do so ; and I feel equally bound not to do so, by the oath which 1, as a Privy Councillor, have taken, to advise the King to the best of my knowledge and ability.—(Hear, hear.)--This is one of the reasons why I cannot give my support to the present Administration, pledged as they are to a sort of neutrality, to that which I in my conscience believe to be the greatest question of all those which have of late agitated the country ; but while I say this, I confess that I am ready to give my most ardent and zealous support to any measure, either direct or indirect, which has for its object the ad vancement of that question.--( Hear. )—Another point has been urged, as to the similarity of the present Administration to that of Lord Liverpool—l mean the divi sions of opinion in the Cabinet upon this question. It has Leen said that the majority of those opinions are favour able to the Catholic Question ; but what confidence can I have in this, when I see a Noble Lord holding a high, the highest place in the law, and possessing immense patronage decidedly opposed to that question ? I see that the standard of opposition to that question has been raised, and there fore I cannot pledge myself to a general support of a Go vernment so constituted. I say this, because I do not see that ground of confidence which could direct my opinion, but which my Noble Friends must have seen ere they lent the aid of their powerful talents in support of the Adminis tration.—(Hear.)—l have, it is true, been told that the greater part of the great officers of the Crown are favour able to Catholic Emancipation. To this I answer, you must wait for evidence. It is possible that some of these officers may advocate that question with great effect; but when I see, and that too, in high and influential quarters, symptoms to the contrary, I feel justified in again saying, that I at least, must wait for evidence. But the question does not stop here. I ask, is there or is there not such an engagement amongst the Administration as that I have de scribed ? If it does exist, will the Noble Lords deny it ? If it does not exist, will they state that fact ?—(Hear. ) If there does exist such a pledge in what situation is the Right Hon. Gentleman placed? He cannot bring Catho lic Emancipation forward as a Government Question, and yet, in his advocacy of it, he must bring with him such an accession of force as cannot be resisted—(Hear, hear.)--I have heard of conspiracies upon this occasion, but I con fess, without joining in any way with them, that I am unable to give my cordial support to the present Govern ment. I am prevented from doing so by my sense of duty as a consistent public man—l am prevented from doing so by my conduct in 1807—by my conduct in 1809, and by the statement which I wrote and signed in 1812. All these prevent me from adopting any other course than that which I now feel it necessary to pursue—(Hear.)—l have been told, amongst other matters, that a great reason for joining the Right Hon. Gentleman in the Administration he has formed, was the system of foreign policy which he bas lately pursued—(Hear, hear.)—How this came to be set afloat, or with whom the notion originated, I cannot pretend to say, but so it is, that a ^ontrast has been drawn between the Right Honourable Gentleman and his Colleagues in office. For myself, I must de clare, that I am altogether unable to see upon what grounds this preference is given to the Right Hon. Gentleman, or why any liberal acts of the late Govern ment should be ascribed exclusively to him—(Hear, • hear ; from the Opposition benches.)—Let us for a mo ment inquire into the grounds of this preference. The Right Hon. Gentleman quitted office in 1809, upon what grounds it is not at this moment for me to say. He re turned partially to office in 1814, and soon after he be came President of the Board of Controul, in which office he continued until 1820, when he again left office, declin ing to take any part against the late Queen.—(Hear, hear.) Now, during the whole course of the Right Hon. Gentle man's public career, there is not any man who has less ap proved of his public conduct than myself; and I therefore ask, whether I could with honour—whether I could, with out a sacrifice of personal feeling and of personal character, give my support to the Administration of the Right Hon. Gentleman ?—(Hear, hear.)—l thought then, and I think still, that the Right Hon. Gentleman deserved no exclusive praise for any liberal act of the late Administration. Was it to he supposed, that his Colleagues would have allowed themselves to be dragged into any measure proposed by him, in which they themselves did not perfectly concur? Things went on in this way for a time, and then some alterations were made, but it will be found, upon inquiry into the history of the country, that they arose more from the change of time and circumstances than from any exertion or support on the part of the Right Hon. Gentleman. First let me take South America. I was one of those who recommended and approved of the re cognition of the independence of that country ; and if any Manic existed on the subject, it was that the recog nition of that independence bad been too long delayed. —(Hear, bear.)—But if the policy of that measure was to be learnt from a speech, published by the Right Hon. Gentleman ; and if we are to judge from his statement the reasons which dictated it, then I say that that Right Hon. Gentleman's speech is deserving of the greatest reprehen sion. I say this, because I find that he connives at the in vasion of Spain by France—and why ?—Because he looked elsewhere for a security against the effects of that invasion. And where did the Right Hon. Gentleman look ?—He lo . oked to the benefit to be derived to this country from the separation of South America from Spain. In that speech the Right Hon. Gentleman stated "that he bad called the New World into existence, in order to defeat the policy of France, with respect to Spain." From thisit appears that the Right Hon. Gent.—looking only to some beneficial com mercial intercourse between this country and South Ame rica, was ready to set aside every feeling of national right and national independence. In that speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, there was much to inspire me with respect ; but I must say, that there was also in it much to inspire me with a very different feeling. (The Noble Earl here drew a comparison between the former state of the Spanish Colonies, and the state in which Ireland had long been, and was still kept, by this country, but he was scarcely audible below the bar. (He then went on.) The Right Hon. Gen tleman took to himself all the credit of having called the Co lonies of South America " into existence." But how stands the feet ? Why, we find that the acknowledgment of the in dependence of South America did not take place until two years after the late occupation of Spain by the French—until after the perpetration of an act on the part of the French Government, which I do not hesitate to pronounce more base and oppressive than any committed even by Napoleon himself. The occupation of Spain took place in 1823. and the South American States were not acknowledged by this country to be independent until 1825.- - -(Hear.) And then, - my Lords, I say that the Right Honourable Gentleman's assertion, " that he called those Colonies into existence," was a vain and an idle boast.—(Cheers from the Opposition Benches. )—They were called into existence by their own exertions—they were called into existence by the example of the United States of America—they were called and' nurtured into existence by the united wishes and encouragement of the people of this couutry.—(Cries of hear, hear.)—The people of these Colonies had so far advanced their own cause, that it was impossible their final independence could be much longer delayed. Having said so much as to my own opinions upon the subject, I shall now take leave to call your Lordship's attention to what the Right Honourable Gentleman says himself upon this occasion. " If," says he, " I allowed France to occupy Spain, was it necessary that we should blockade Cadiz ? I say no. I look another way for compensation ; I look to mother hemisphere ; and if France occupies, Spain, I am resolved that it shall not be with the possession of the Colonies also. I called the New World into existence in order to redress the balance of the old."—(Cheers from the Opposition.)—Let us now see what was the language held by the Right Hon. Gentleman to the Spanish Minister upon this very question. He observes to that Gentle man, in his Note of 25th March, 1825, " The separation of the Colonies in the New 'World from Spain is neither cur work nor our wishes; events have occurred in which Great Britain took no part, but which caused the separa l i - tion of Spain from her Colonies—a separation which might have been prevented, had our advice been taken in time." And yet this was the man who had " called the New World into creation ;" and observed, that although he had allowed France quietly to occupy the Spanish territories, it must not be with the possession of South America. In another part of this dispatch, and a very long dispatch it was, the Right Hon. Gentleman says,, " The undersigned has it in command from the King, to offer his Majesty's kind offices, for the purpose of bringing about an amicable arrangement between the King of Spain and those Colonies which had separated from him." Now, after all these statements on the one side and on the other, I ask your Lordships whether I can fairly place any confidence,, either in the Right Hon. Gentleman, or in the Government he has brought together ? My doubts are not of recent occur rence, but still I must say, that a singular coincidence of opinion with me has arisen even this very day. Not very long since a Noble Friend of mine (Lord Ellenborough) who sits below me, asked some questions relative to the Expedi tion to Portugal, the answers to which confirmed an opinion I have long entertained. I was as ready as any to advise the Expedition to Portugal, and was willing to take any share of the responsibility attending such ad vice ; but I felt then, as I did before, that had we acted with spirit and with sound policy, we might have prevented France from obtaining that influence which she obtained by her invasion of Spain. It was boldly and sweepingly asserted by our Government, that "come what would, we were determined not to interfere with the occu pation of Spain ;" but, at the same ti me , we described it to be a most improper and unjustifiable course on the part of the French Government. This course, be it observed, was pursued, although it was admitted, even by the Right lion. Gentleman himself, that had we set our faces against the ambitious policy followed up from the Court of Louis the Fourteenth; had we adopted that policy which led us into a long and bloody, but an ultimately triumphant war, we should have easily prevented this aggression. Taking these things into my consideration—viewing, as I do, the conduct which the Right Hon. Gentleman has pursued, both with respect to Spain and Portugal—l must confess that I feel no ground of confidence in his councils ; and further, that I think them very doubtful. Again, upon the general foreign policy of the country, I feel called upon to state, that I place no confidence in the Right Hon. Gen tleman's Administration. Let those who differ from me upon this point show me a single act calculated to secure my confidence upon the subject. We have been told, too, that the Right Hon. Gentleman is to be supported, be cause he is the friend of civil and religious liberty. As to religious liberty, I think I have already somewhat fully ex plained my opinions of his notions on that subject. Ido not doubt the Right Hon. Gentleman means well towards reli gious liberty; bnt I must say that the course which lie and those who have acted with him have taken, is calculated to injure rather than to benefit that great cause which he seems to have so much at heart.—(Hear. )—We have heard even within the last few days, that the Right Hon. Gentleman means to oppose the Test and Corporation Acts, upon what ground of right or reason I am at a loss to conceive, unless, indeed, he means to oppose a troublesome, and, as I call it, a useless Act—unless it be, as he says—for the better op portunity of supporting the Catholic Question. But how the Catholic Question is to be benefitted by this course of proceeding—how an opposition to a certain set of Pro testants is to benefit the Catholics I cannot pretend to say, unless, indeed, the Right Hon. Gentleman means to say, that he wishes to oppose the claims of this class of Protes tants, in order to unite them in a body with the Roman Catholics, and induce them to make common cause in the prosecution of their general claims—(Hear, hear.)—So much for the religious liberty which the Right Hon. Gen tleman appears inclined to extend to the country. Permit me now to say a few words as to the civil liberty which he wishes to extend to the country ; and I must observe, in the outset, that I never heard anything more pre posterous than that observation, looking as I do to the political career which the Right Honourable Gentle man has pursued for the last five-and thirty years.— In making this observation, I do not allude to Parliamentary Reform, because I know that it has been unjustly and unfairly stated, that my Noble Friends on the other side were pledged to that question. It has often been agi tated in this House, but I do not recollect at this moment that my Noble Friend (the Marquess of Lansdown) has ever expressed a decided opinion upon it. There is not in the House any man who stands higher in my esteem than the Noble Marquess, and I am anxious to do him this justice. If the Noble Marquess was a friend to that ques tion, he was so on the most just and moderate principles, and might fairly be looked upon as the most moderate of all Reformers.—(Hear, hear.)—For myself, I do not see that there exists such a decided opinion in this country upon the question of Parliamentary Reform, as to make it a sine qua non on the part of any Gentleman to take office. I, for one, have my own opinions upon that question ; my notions upon it have never changed ; Y havealways thought that a Reform ought to be gradually and temperately brought about, in order to meet that which has lately been denominated "the march of mind."—(Hear.) This has been my opinion, and for this I have been called a traitor to the great cause.—(Hear, hear.)—And yet, my Lords, singular as it may appear, the very persons who so attacked me, are those who hold opinions precisely in uni son with mine upon this question.—(Hear, hear.) Your Lordships hare been here told, and you have read elsewhere, that the Right Hon. Gentleman is the friend of Civil and Religious Liberty. M 1 Lords, we have, within the last few years, had enacted some laws which greatly infringe upon the liberty of the subject, and greatly curtailed that liberty. Let me ask your Lordships if there be any one of these Acts of which the Right Hon. Gentleman has not been a powerful supporter.—(Cheers from the Opposition. )—Now I have as uniformly opposed those motions, and if it is meant to be contended that the Right Hon. Gentleman wishes to change his opiniOns, the matter might easily be set beyond doubt. Let my Right Hon. Friend, in either way, only introduce a motion for the repeal of that odious and de testable Act—an Act which I consider the greatest infringe ment of the liberty of the Press. I mean that Act which, makes the second commission of a political libel transpor tation for a certain period. Now this is a matter capable of instant proof. Let my Noble Friend (the Marquis of Lansdown) only bring forward a motion for the repeal of this Act, and he will find in me a ready and zealous sup porter; but I fear that he will, at the same time, find in the right Hon. Gentleman an able and zealous opponent. —(Cheers from the Opposition benches. )—Upon the grounds which I have just gone over, your Lordships will see that it is impossible for me to lend my aid and co-operation to the present Alinistrv.—(Cheers from the Opposition.)_ I must now declare that my situation in this House is most perplexin g . I find myself without any political connec tion ofany kind ; and I feel the strongest regret at being obliged to differ from those friends, with whom I have been so long and so uniformly in the habit of acting. With those Noble Lords I, to a certain extent, have the pleasure of agreeing, but that agreement dces not diminish the pain I feel at being separated Lore those with whom I have acted during the whole course of my political life.—(Hear.)—l take no part in the Opposition. I form no part of it; because the principles it professes are from mine, wide as the Poles asunder.—(Hear.)—l cannot, for the reasons I have already stated, join the Administration, but I pledge myself that I shall, upon every occasion, g ive them my most strenuous support whenever I can agree with them in principle (hear). Your Lordships will, I am sure, do me the justice to believe, that in taking this course I am not raising the standard of party. Those who have witnessed my Parlia mentary conduct for the last few years, must have oh • served that I have been gradually withdrawing from pub lic life, and that however anxious to benefit my country, I have to regret that I am not as usual able to take a part in her Councils. lam not now so active as I have been ; I cannot now attend public business, and sit out debates, as was formerly my custom. " Non eadem est eetas, non mess." Arc wish has been, and still is, to come here and give my vote upon any question which I think of importance to my country—(Hear, hear.)—l do not wish again to embark in that troubled sea, which I have during my whole life navigated, God knows with how little success ; but I have the gratification of knowing, that, in every act of mine, I have had the satisfaction of an approving eon - seience.—(Cries of hear.) At the close of the Noble Lord's speech, a number of Noble Lords left the House. CORN LAWS. Lord REDESDALE said that he was desirous of post poning until next week his resolutions respecting the Corn Laws. The Noble and Learned Lord took the opportunity of expressing his hope, that although to the Corn Bill and to other measures of his Majesty's Government he might feel it to be his duty to give his opposition, it would not be supposed that he did so from any factious or improper mo tive. He trusted that the whole tenour of his Parliamen tary conduct would show that he was not justly liable to such an imputation. Viscount GODERICH declared that from him the Noble and Learned Lord would river hear any such im putation. That was not the wry in which he (Lord Goderich) was disposed to meet fair and honourable argu ment and opposition.—(Hear.) After some further conversation, we understood Lord REDESDALE to fix Tuesday for his motion.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, MAT 10. The House met this evening at four o'clock. DISSENTERS' MARRIAGES. Mr. W. SMITH brought up the Dissenters' Marriage Bill, which was read a first time and ordered to be read a second time on Monday next. SALMON FISHERIES. Mr, H. DRUMMOND presented a petition from the Guildry of Perth, against the Salmon Fishery. Similar petitions were presented fsom the Proprietors of Salmo❑ Fisheries on the River Tay, and from the Corporation of Stirling. Mr. HLTME Moved for returns connected with the _General Post Office Delivery.—Ordered. On the motion of Mr. HUME the House resolved itself into a Committee on the Fraudulent Bankruptcy (Scot land) Bill, which passed through a Committee, and the Report was ordered to be received to-morrow. Vpon the motion of Mr. HERRIES, the Irish Auction Duties Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to- morrow. The SPEAKER called upon Mr. Macqueen, Mr. W. Horton, and Lord John Russell, each of whom had mo tions on the orders of the day, but as they did not answer to their names, upon the motion of Mr. HERMES, the House adjourned at a Quarter before Five o'Clock. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF COMMONS. ORDERS OF THE DAY FOR THIS DAY. 1. Bribery at Elections—Adjourned Debate. 2. Parochial Settlements (Scotland)till—Second reading. 3. General Turnpike Act Amendment Bill—Further con sideration of Report. 4. Salmon Fisheries Bill—Further consideration of Report. 5. Alehouses Licensing Bill—Further consideration of Report. 6. Election Expences Bill—Second reading. 7. Canada Clergy Reserves Bill—Second reading. 8. Petty Sessions (Ireland) Bill—Committee. 9. Supply—Committee. 10. Ways and Means—Committee. 11. Fraudulent Bankrupts (Scotland) Bill—Report. 12. Auction Duties (Ireland) Bill—Committee. MOTICES OF MOTIONS FOR THIS PAY. 1. Mr. Alderman Waithman—Select Committee to in quire into the allegations contained in the Petition (presented 9th April), relating to the Cornwall and Devon Mining Company. 2. Lord Viscount Palmerston—Disembodied Militia. (In Committee of Supply.) 3. Mr. Hordes—Civil Contingencies and Miscellaneous Estimates. (In Committee of Supply.) 4. Mr. Baikes—British Museum Estimates. (En Com mittee of Supply). NOTICES GIVEN YESTERDAY. Thursday, May 17. I. 311.. Moore—Bill to givevalidity to the service of pro cess to compel appearance issuing out of the superior Courts of Justice in any one of the parts of the United Kingdom on persons in any of the other parts of the United Kingdom. 2. Mr. Moore—Bill for the protection of purchasers for valuable consideration in Ireland against judgment not recovered within twenty years. UNIVERSITY ELECTION. CAMBRIDGE, MAY 11.—The election of a Repre sentative in Parliament for this University, in the room of the present Lord Chancellor, commenced on Wednesday last. Mr. Goulburn having retired, the Solicitor-General and Mr. Bankes redoubled their exertions to secure the votes which had been pro m; -ed to that Right Hon. Gentleman, and the inte rest of the contest evidently increased, it being well known that both candidates would be powerfully supported by their numerous friends. The poll was opened at nine o'clock in the morning, and adjourned at four in the afternoon, when the numbers were, for The Solicitor-General 174 Mr. Bankes 173 The Senate House was again opened yesterday morning, at nine o'clock, when the polling re-com menced, and continued until four in the afternoon, at which hour the numbers appeared to be, for The Solicitor-General 330 Mr. Bankea 309 The poll will be re-opened this morning, and con inue until five in the afternoon. SIR HARCOURT LEES—Has called at our Office, and requested U 6 to state, that he imme diately leaves town for England, to stir up its loyal Protestants to petition his Majesty for the removal of Mr. Canning !! ! We also under stand the worthy Baronet to complain bitterly of the conduct of a cotemporary; which he formerly fostered, but which he has, like most other Pro testants, abandoned, refusing to publish his articles, or to return his manuscripts.—Dublin Patriot. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Etoile of Wednesday.) PARIS, MAY B.—The visit of the Emperor Don Pedro to Europe, of which some Journals speak, will not take place. The Nuremberg Correspondent contains, under the head of frontiers of Poland, some reflections on the discharge of General Yermaloff from the go vernment of the provinces beyond the Caucasus. This measure is ascribed to the journey of General Diebitsch, and inferences are drawn from it favour able to the conclusion of peace between Persia and Russia; for it is difficult to conceive that, if it was intended to continue the war, a man of such talents as Geheral Yermaloff would be set aside. The Representative Council of Geneva, in its sitting of the 2d of this month, adopted the, law for the repression of the licentiousness of the Press, by a majority of 102 to 13. It will be again brought before the Council, to be revised in the Session of December 1830. We shall take further notice of this Sitting, in which very important amendments were agreed to The remainder of the Etoile is filled with extracts from tile English Papers, and the Debates in the French Chamber of Deputies, on the 7t:i May. (Flom the Journal des Debats, of Tuesday.) CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—.SITTING OF Tric MAY. The Order of the Day was the commencement of the discussions on the Financial Law for 1828. M. LAFITTE, in support of the project of the law : Gentlemen, Budgets of 500 millions were presented with anxiety some forty years ago. A deficit of 56 millions caused the liveliest alarms, and was inti mated with grief to the States-General. If it had then been announced that France, after thirty years of bloody discord, after thirty years of unexampled wars, after the ravages of two foreign invasions, would pay a milliard of general contributions, be tween two and three millions of local taxes, and that they were paid without constraint, and without murmur, what would have been the astonishment of the Ministers, the Sovereign, and the Nation ? Yet this phenomenon, then incredible, has taken place. Every year a budget of near a milliard is announced to us, and in case of necessity, no fear is manifested on demanding a second, to satisfy for mer proprietors, and between 200 and 300 millions for a political war; and all is demanded without any anxiety, without pitying France, without doubting of her means or her zeal, boasting at the same time of her high prosperity. Yet our soil, our climate have not changed. The physical constitution of France re mained the same. Whence come these mysterious riches, by which the Government profits with so much security and confidence? The secret of these riches is easy to be discovered. It consists in the freedom of the soil, the freedom of industry—in one word, the emancipation of all the faculties. But this rea son the Government does not wish to avow, I con ceive. There is another truth which it also refuses to avow, and that is the limit of these riches. Our riches are great, no doubt, but they have their bounds, which arise less from them than from those who direct them. But it does not wish to see whence they come, nor to see where they may stop, and thus it falls into the most singular contradic tions. If we refer to their real cause, it is denied. If the question is as to their use, they are declared immense. Is the state of Europe encouraging?— The ambition of Russia is in the presence of the ancient pride of the Porte ; the tardy humanity of Princes, by interfering in favour of Greece, is about to complicate still further the state of the East. Certain fierce passions are fomenting here and in Spain, and would fain be let loose against England. What have we to re-assure us against such gloomy prospects ? Is it the firmness of the Ministry ? It is not by outraging armed citizens— Several voices—Accuse the Ministers, then. M. LAFITTE.—If I had the honour, at this mo ment, of being Deputy for Paris, I should not he sitate to sign the accusation of the Ministers (pro longed agitation; several voices: " Accuse, ac cuse !") M. Lafitte (with warmth.)—Let any four of you carry the act of accusation to that Tribune, and I will sign it the first. Messieurs B. Constant, De Condere, De Thiard, Dupont, Labbery, De Pompieres, and others :—I will sign it. - M. MECHIN.—And I, also, for the Ministers have committed an act of treachery. Voices to the right.—You insult the ROyal Majesty. M. MECIIIN.—The King must be told the truth. M. LAFITTE (after some moments of agitation.) —lt is not by outraging armed citizens, who were embodied for the maintenance of order--who in spired hostile armies themselves with respect—that firmness is shown. Will the Ministry as easily re sist the spirit of faction as it resists the dislike - of the citizens ? The MINISTER OF FINANCE—As to the threat which the last speaker has thought it necessary to throw out in conclusion—(Movement of attention) —as to that threat, of requiring our accusation on account of the Ordinance of the 29th of April, which was inserted in the Moniteur, I will tell him, that I should have feared an accusation if I had not advised such a measure.—(Movernent ill contrary feelings : the President rings his bell.) M. PETOU (at the foot of the tribune)-.-In strik ing the National Guard, the Minister has struck all France to the heart. M. DE MOUsTIERS, and other voices—" Order, order !" M. DE VILLELE—I should, I repeat, fear this accusation, if I had not advised the measure I have adopted. I should never fear an accusation for a measure demanded by the interests of the country, which ought not to fall into revolution by the debi lity of the Counsellors of the Crown—(Cheers in one part of the Assembly, and murmurs in another.) —I should have thought myself wanting in my duty to the Monarch to whom 1 am devoted, if I had in sisted that the King should sign that Ordinance. In that point, I flatter myself that I have merited, not an accusation, but praises.—(Fresh agitation, cheers, and murmurs.) M. PETOU (returning to his place)—France will judge you—(Noise, and cries of " Order.") THE ARMY. Duman, MAY 1.--Major-General Sir Charles Doyle has commenced a tour of half-yearly inspection of the Regi ments in his District, viz. :-24 Scots' Greys, Caher ; 88th, depot, Clonmel; Rifle Brigade, depot, Cashel; 53d, Templemore ; 29th, depot, Clare Castle. The Alajor- G Ti e p n pe er r a a l ry w ri‘ni ll i haLe a a h l o so ne t , o T i h n u sp r e les ct , K th i e iru co s z Ki en id u y m sz a t, ted six a - t Six mile Bridge, Bruff, Newcastle, Rathkeale, Adair, Nenagh, Newport, and other stations. Sir Charles Doyle inspected the depot of the 88th Regi ment, at Clonmel, on Monday: The grand division of the 17th Regiment of Foot, from Mullingar, under Major Croker, marched into Galway, on Thursday; on which morning the grand division of the 15th Regiment of Foot marched from Galway, on route to Fermoy. This day Captain Humphrys and Bonner, Lieutenants Tollemache and Rudyer, and Ensign Wright, with 100 men of the 18th Regiment, marched into Limerick, from Ennis, and proceeded this morning for Fermoy. Saturday 11 officers and 300 rank and file,,comprising the grand division of the 15th, under Major Glierson, ar rived in Limerick on a route to Fermoy. -...; detachment belonging to the Rifle Brigade, sailed on the 80th ult. on board the Letitia transport, from Cork, for Halifax. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. Captain Norborne Thompson has been appointed to the Revenge, fitting as a guard ship at Portsmouth. Commander Beechey of H.M.S. Blossom, has been pro moted to the rank of Captain, and Lieut. Geo. Peard, of the Blossom, to the rank of Commander. Mr. J. Neill has been appointed Surgeon of the Victory, and Mr. J. E. Risk, Surgeon of the Britannia. Since the resignation of John, Earl of Eldon, proceedings in the Court of Chancery are said to go on Scott free. FOREIGN EXCHANGES ON LONDON. AMSTERDAM, MAT 8.-12f.—Two months, la 925• HAMBUIIGH MAY 4 .- 36. 9?!—Two months, 36. 6 %. LEIPSIC, APRIL 38.—Three months, 6. 16N. BERLIN, MAY I.—Three month s , 6. 27N. CHRISTIANIA, APRIL 21.—Three months, 6. 10. NIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIBGE TO-MORROW. slarning -.58 minutes after 2. I Evening ...16 minutes after 3. - LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 11, 1827. In the present situation of affairs, we presume that we must look to the most foul-mouthe d railer against the new Administration, as for that day Leader of the Opposition in the House ei Lords. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY having resigned the office, the Duke of NEWCASTD came forward last night in that character, and, 11 his Grace's speech is rightly reported, had th e audacity to call Mr. CANNING " the most profit' gate Mitiister that ever was in power." To attempt seriously the confutation of such palpable absurd ity, would be highly insulting to the Right Hon' Gentleman, and would be giving too much 0 1 ' portance to any thing which can fall from the lips of the Noble Duke, who by the bye, is con' vinced that " he expresses the sentiments of everY well-thinking man, from John o'Groats' House to the Land's End." We doubt very much, whether he expresses the sentiments of one well -thinking man in the whole of that island, with the limits of which he has made himself so accurately acquainted; but we are quite aware that, whether he expresses other men's sentiments or not, there are many of our Solons who are obliged t o e xpress those emanating from his ducal soul. But his Grace need not be afraid that Mr. CANNING will interfere with his selection of fit and proper persons for a certain House, for the Righ t Hon. Gentleman i s no R a di ca l R e f ormer , and might really have conciliated his Grace's disinte" rested support by the assurances be has give: on that subject, not to t a lk o f th e C orn Bii" which is to meet with the Noble Duke's oppo sition, but upon the highly advantageous terms of which we think that his Grace should hold $ Privy Council in the Painted Chamber, prejudice, however, to the sovereignty, which by law appertains to him over his vassals. • a There was, however, another speech delivere d in the House of Lords, deserving notice of very different nature. It was uttered by on e ,' who, we hoped, would have atoned for a life of much public delinquency by now coming forward in support of the new Administra tion. We cannot forget the part ac ted by Mr. GREY, at the time of the French Revo lution. He was then young, and led awN by the fascinating talents of one whosefrailtie s we will not draw from their . dread abode; but from that hour to the present, we have i seen no symptoms of amendment, and the Earl GREY will probably continue to the end °f his life the cynical opposer of all who do lint surrender their judgments in every particular T the extravagant and impracticable views which he entertains. We think that his Lordship speech may be of great. service to Mr. CANNING; proving that the Right Hon. Gentleman does n ° identify himself with any but the more moderato, Whigs, but there can be no excuse for Lora GREY'S conduct. Out of his own mou th we condemn him. He says that his prin ciples, and those of the Ultras are " wi de as the poles asunder." This is not tho case with the new Administration, w hich' has the support of Lord LANSDOWN, Si r FRANCIS BURDETT, and of all those for Who m Lord GREY professes the highest e steeo l ; and yet his Lordship indulges in a tirade again st Mr. CANNING, thereby doing every thing his power to upset the present, and substitute, on WI witho ut showing, a much worse Administration. Should a he ne, n v o m t, in a i t str l y ea w st i , li b e e ho h o lt s f . s intrusted greatthet ed atno lesser hoinr : e o y irf i is he mad enough to think that the formation 0 r. o CANNING'S should be unhappily upset ? isG GREY undoubtedly boenleo ‘v expression utteredim imitate t by Lo l r t d y otl;r r s i. CANNING in the beat of debate. The whole ° in harping Europe knows that it teas the Right H o n. Gen tleman who conferred p o liti ca l f ree d o m South America, and not th e s p eec h es of Lor d GREY, who seems to c l a i m t h at mer i t, b u t we shall le ave th e v i n di cat i on o f that phrase (if such be nec essary ), an d o f t h e w h o l e of his conduct, to Mr. CANNING himself, who will, no doubt, P", a fit oc cas i on , re ply t o a ll t h e c h arges - w hi c h Lau. GREY or the Duke of NE W CA STLE may be pleased to make. We can not, however, conclude without expres sing our earnest hope that no display of p,.ar t Y spirit or of personal jealousy will i n d u ce 1 " 1. 1 ; CANNING to relinquish the proud s t a ti o n whic h he holds in the confidence of his SovEngt° l4 and the approbation of his country. his The Right Hon. Gentleman s h ou ld view continuance in office not as a personal gratifie' Lion, but as involving the cause of civil and re ligious lib er ty throughout th e wor ld. Let the friends of th a t cau se r a lly roun d t h e i r grea t Leau e anti they w ill soo n p u t t o s il ence t h e f ac ti o us el a mour, to encounter whi c h, i s to o often the fa t; of unrivalled merit. The Paris Papers of Tuesday, and the Etoile , dated Wednesday morning, are unusually bare ° of political intelligence, and are almost entirely filled with a Debate in the Chamber of Deputies, on the 7th instant, on the Budget, for 182 8 . M. LAFITTE having in the course of l' ls speech made allusion to the disbanding of the National Guard, a er y o f severa l vo i ces d ema nded the impeachm en t o f t h e Mi n i sters. This call M. LAFITTE declared himself ready to ob e l e ' stating th a t, if f our D eput i es wou ld b r i n g ° d Act of Impeachment to the Tribune, he vo tl i l . be the fi rs t to s i gn i t . S evera l D eput i es imille" l- ately decl are d th ey wou ld s i gn it. O r d er , hove! , was restored, and no further steps towards the ° iv peachme n t o f Mi n i s t ers were taken. I n the OP of M. VILLELE to the speeches which had bee made on the subject immediately befor e the C1 13 ! °„ , ber, he stated that he should have deserved peachment if he had not advised the m easure disbanding the National Guard ; this dee ls j rft r tion occasioned violent agitation, but after o r l e was restored, M. VILLF.LE repeated wha t , had said, and added—" I s h a ll ne ver dread the impeachment for a measure necessary for public interest and th e sa f ety of the co un t r ); which was not t o b e rep l unge d i n t o revolution i want of firmness on the part of the adviser s ° the Crown." The Debate was adjourned to the next day' The Et o il e s t a t es positively that the reporte