The Sun. — London, England, 1834-06-19 00:00:00

pecuniary motives. Gentlemen, on that point, I am sure I can show you that I stand absolved from any such motives. In considering whether I should take office, I never once thought of the pecuniary question. I made no inquiry upon the subject. But the friend who solicited me put this question at rest ; for in the course of our conversation, he said to me, " Mr. Aber crombie, if you accept of office, no man can say that you do so with a view to gain, for you will just receive exactly as much as you are to relinquish." ( Cheers.) On that point of the case, then, I hope I stand free from imputation. ( Cheers.) I know that it has been stated as an objection by some part of the constituency, that it is improper to return an individual connected with office, and that such men are placed in a situa tion in which they cannot do justice to the affairs of their constituents ; but I am of opinion, that so far from this being the case, it is just the contrary ; that so far from impeding, my being in office will not only enable me to be more useful to you, but also to the public generally. ( Cheers.) Gentlemen, the fact of accepting office, with a reformed Parlia ment, is essentially different from whit it was in an unreformed Parliament. I will easily show you the difference. In an unreformed Parliament, those who were in office were chiefly returned for such places as Gatton or Old Sarum, and however the cards might be shuffled, the result was the same—they had no one to please but their employers. Therefore, in any place where there was even a small number of voters, they were unwilling to elect men in office, because they found it necessary to exert all their power against the mass of Ministerial influence which then existed. But observe the difference now. No gentleman can get into Parliament except through the means of a po pular constituency. They must find their way there by the choice of the people. And what is the result ? Why, simply this, that no Administration can go on which does not govern the country in accordance with the will of the people and the spirit of the age. ( Great cheering.) Now, what has happened with my friend, Mr. Rice, in his appeal to the electors of Cambridge ? He has been returned after an arduous struggle, and give me leave to say, I know something of the place and the kind of influence he had to contend against—so much do I know of it, indeed, that my astonishment is that he was returned at all. And seeing his majority of twenty-nine, I feel as certain as that I now address the electors of Edinburgh, that his real majority was a numerous one. Here, then, I appeal to you. I have told you my story, and it is for you to decide whether you think I am fit to represent your interests in Parliament. You will return me if you think the fact of my being a member of the adminis tration, so far from thwarting, will place me in a situ ation more efficiently to promote and advance the in terests of my constituents. ( Cheers.) There is one point in my address to you on the present occasion, which I understand has been much criticised. I told you I should deceive you if I said that my votes would be on all occasions the same as if I were unconnected with government. Some gentlemen have said that this was speaking too plain—that I should have held my peace; and if it should so happen as I had stated, I should leave it to be found out. (Laughter.) Gen tlemen, I am of a contrary opinion. Judging from experience, I think the possibility may occur which I have stated, and if I did not forewarn you of it, then I should have to mystify and explain, and split hairs, and define, and endeavour to persuade you that I had done right ; and what would be the result ? Why, that I should lose my own self-respect, and forfeit your confidence. ( Great cheering.) I therefore thought it right to warn you in good time of what might by possibility happen ; and it is for you to judge whether,—in these circumstances— I am still fit to be your representative. In offering myself to you on the present occasion, there is reason to believe that I shall meet with no opposition ; and I rejoice in that circumstance for your sakes, because you have so recently undergone all the turmoil and interruption to business occasioned by a contested election, which I know must produce much inconve nience as well as loss to many. But there is one point to which I would beg to refer on this subject. If I have read right, or if it has been reported right, I am given to understand that Mr. Learmonth stated at a recent meeting, that there was no object nearer his heart than to be pitted against me on this occasion. (Laughter.) Without meaning to speak any thing disrespectful of Mr. Learmonth, I think I may say, that I have contested the representation of this city with an opponent fully formidable as Mr. Lear month. (Cheers.) Of Mr. Blair I will say, thit his pretensions to the honour of representing this city were great, if it had not unfortunately happened that his political opinions were at variance with the great majority of the constituency. ( Cheers.) That being the case, he could not, and did not succeed ; but I consider it here an act of justice to acknowledge, that he main tained that contest in the temper, feeling, and spirit of a gentleman ( Cheers), that when he retired from the contest, he did so with my entire and unqualified respect. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, under the present circumstances, I do not think it necessary to enter snore into details. But I shall be suite ready, as it is any duty to do, to answer any questions which may be put to me in respect to my past conduct. For that I alone am responsible ; and if in any thing I have erred, I must bear the blame. But if I am questioned respecting what may be my future conduct, I do not see how it is possible for me to answer. I am no longer a single individual, standing and acting alone ; and I do not think it would be right, standing in the connection which I now do with others, to give any answers by which those others might be affected. ( Cheers.) Gentlemen, I am aware that this is mak ing a large demand upon your confidence. But the citizens of Edinburgh know of what sort of materials I am made. (Great cheering.) And if they are dis posed to confide in me, I hope they will believe that if I should change, it will not be by the action of any mister views or motives. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I must allude to one other circumstance. I perceive an extraordinary and unaccountable charge made against you. Certain gentlemen who recently met to celebrate not their triumph, but their defeat (Laughter), were pleased to say, that you were making Edinburgh a pocket burgh of Government, and that we were the mere puppets and nominees of his Majesty's . Ministers. Gentlemen, had I not read this, I could not have be lieved it, for so absurd an idea I certainly never before heard. Gentlemen, let me suppose a case. Suppose that Ministers had said to Sir J. Campbell, " Go down to Edinburgh, it is our burgh, use all our influ ence in it." ( Laughter.) Gentlemen, I think I know something of Edinburgh ; and if I had been sent down here with such a power, I really should not have known to whom to address myself. (Cheers.) I might have gone to several individuals, perhaps, about the Parliament House, and explained to them my mis sion, and then I might have called on one or two merchants in the southern districts or elsewhere, and said to them, " Gentlemen, the Administration wish you to return me to Parliament ; and if you have any brothers or other relations for whom you want any thing done, you may depend upon our serving you." Well, if §,ir John Campbell or I got by these means 100 voters, it would have been the outside—where we should have had 100 in our favour, there would have been 2,400 against us. ( Cheers.) But the truth is, something lies at the bottom of this tom pla nt ; and if I have hit upon it, I think it is my duty to communicate it to you. Those gentlemen complain of the influence of the administration in Edinburgh. Now, there are two sorts of-influence. If it is that influence by which men are controlled unwillingly to vote, I have shown that we could have no possible chance among you. But if it is the in fluence which a government may possess over a willing it so happens that the electors of Edinburgh an d the ministry concur in their general views of go vernment, then there can be no doubt that the neces sary conseque2Ce will be that ministers will have great influence wit l a them—and it is of that veryin fluence that these geniiinen complain. ( Cheers.) This, I believe, is the true and real secret of the whole case. (Laughter, and great cheering.) You elected Mr. Jeffrey, when Lord Advocate, because you knew there was not a man in all Scotland who had stronger claims upon your confidence and support than Mr. Jeffrey. I was not then in office, and therefore could not be considered a nominee of ministers. I wither asked nor obtained their influence; and indeed had no communication at all with them concerning that election. On the occasion of the recent vacancy, it appears that there was some diffi c ulty in finding a person who altogether suited your views. At last one came forward, a countryman of your own , who, by his talents and character, had raised himself to preemi nence in his own profession. He, being a Scotsman, and a distinguished man, the elec tors thought it right to reward him for his past good conduct, by placing him as their representative ; and it was no objection to him that he was connected with a government dis posed to carry through great and important reforms, and of which he had been an important instrument, at least so far as regarded legal reforms. This, gentle men, is the whole amount of the case as regards the charge of Edinburgh being a ministerial burgh. ( Cheers.) It now only remains for me to say a few T t 141:4 ,ThlS*lllll. LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 19, 1834. We have observed with pain the course taken in the House of Peers with reference to the London and Westminster Bank Bill. The question is not whether such a Bank should be established. That point was discussed and settled when the Bank Charter Renewal Bill was pending, ar►d an express provision was even inserted in that bill upon the subject, consequent upon which the London and West minster Bank has been established. The mere question raised by the bill now pending is, whether this Bank shall, have the facility of suing and being sued in the name of its directors. This is a facility which has been granted by similar bills to every Insurance Company that has applied for it, and was pro vided for in the case of every Joint-Stock Bank ing Company established sixty-five miles be yond London by the act passed in 1826, which repealed the exclusive privilege of the Bank, that previously prevented any Bank of Issue, composed of more than six partners, from existing in any part of England. Then why should this facility be with held from a bank which is not of issue in London, or within sixty-five miles of it ? It is said that it is negatived by existing acts in fa vour of the Bank, and is also inconsistent with the bargain made with the Bank last year ; but how can this be, when the point was discussed and settled by an express provision in the act then passed ? The exclusive privilege of the Bank was limited to the issue of notes. It never went to prevent banks of deposit. Because the Bank is made by law the only bank of issue com posed of more than six persons in the metro polis, or within sixty-five miles of it, does it follow that it has been, or that it should be, made the sole bank of deposit within those limits composed of more than six persons ? Why should the subjects of the realm be pre vented from having the best security for depo sits of their money that any number of persons are willing to give them, by associating together for this purpose ? Such a bank as the London and Westminster Bank, in truth, gives a better security for deposits than the Bank of England, because the fortunes of every individual who is a partner of it are answerable for all deposits made with it, and the public have the safeguard of good manage ment which such responsibility produces. But the shareholders of the Bank of England are not so answerable, and oftener than once this great establishment has been on the eve of stop. ping payment. The part of the proceeding which has pained us the most is the making the Judges of the land parties to it. The questions to be put to the Judges, let them be ever so skilfully or arti ficially framed, depend upon points which un derstandings among the public, as large and better informed upon them than the judges can be, will settle for themselves, and if the opinions that may be delivered by the Judges shall run counter to the judgments that will be pronounced by such understand ings, the Judges will suffer in the estimation of the public. The opposition to this bill in volves a mere point of dispute as between two contending interests affected by a private bill pending in Parliament, and should have been so dealt with. We have, however, this consolation, that the course taken, and the attention to the sub ject, which will be thereby excited, will tend to open the eyes of the public to the mis chievous operation of the exclusive power of issue which the Bank has so long enjoyed, though it was abused in 1793, in 1797, in 1810-11, in 1815-16, in 1825-26, and in July, 1832, which emergency, it affected to say, originated in political causes, when it is demonstrable that it proceeded, as in all the previous cases it did, from its previous over issue and its subsequent contraction of the cur rency. The latter is always a consequence of expansion, and it is this alternation of expan sion and contraction of the currency which, by raising and depressing prices in a way that no experience can guard against, induces the ac cumulation of floating money capital, by pre venting it from engaging in works of industry. After the very general feeling evinced in the Commons, last night, against that clause of the Poor Laws' Amendment Bill, which exempts the father of an illegitimate child from all responsi bility for its support, and the very slight argu ments in favour of it, we cannot account for its adoption. Indeed, with two or three exceptions, the Members who spoke strongly recom mended some alteration, by which the fa ther should not escape with impunity, yet the clause passed without amendment. It is so unjust, however, both as regards the mother and her parish, that we have little fear of its patsing into a law, or if it does pass, of its remaining long on the Statute Book. All the arguments urged in its favour were founded entirely on the evils of the present system. No one denies the vast evils which the bastardy laws have entailed on the community, and more particularly on the labouring classes, but these can form no ground for in troducing a new law the injustice of which the very supporters of the bill admit. Their only argument is its expediency, and that expediency, be it remembered, is purely theoretical. Refe rence was made to America, but how can the condition of England and that of America be compared ? In the latter country provisions are cheap. The relatives of the woman, or the father of the child, find little difficulty in rearing her offspring, and no poor laws are required ; but in England the case is totally different. The woman cannot maintain her child ; the withdrawal of the seventy-second clause relieves her parents of the responsibility, and the inevitable consequence is, that the pa rish must be at the expense of maintaining nearly every illegitimate child. It is quite clear that parishes will not long submit to such a law. The only arguments of Lord Auruoßp were that the existing law had inflicted great mischief on the female population—that it diminished the inducements to chastity ; that the woman often attempted, by the number of her children, to obtain a settlement in marriage ; and that she got money for the support of the child, though she might not want it. The latter argument is at least singular. I n the common business of life, many People get money that do not want it, but has that ever been held as a reason for non-payment ? The man and woman have committed a crime, for which both ought to be punished, and in order to diminish this species of crime, it is proposed by the new law to punish only one. According to every kind of reasoning such a clause must increase rather than diminish the crime, and all the other evils imputed to the system could be as well obviated by making the father responsible as by the proposed law. It is the absurdity of compelling a man to marry or go to prison when lie cannot support the child, and of leaving it to the woman to say on whom she will affiliate her child, that has caused much of the evil. Do away with such absurdities, but let something like justice and mercy be observed. A law founded on injustice never. can and never ought to be effective. The Earl of RODEN has addressed a letter to the Protestants of Ireland, which, in point of style, temper, and sentiment, is worthy to vie with that addressed by the Earl of WINCH IL SEA to the Protestants of England. Indeed, in point of a certain desperate dullness, and that peculiar species of " no-meaning," which—we have POPE'S authority for saying—" puzzles more than wit," we think it may fairly claim the superiority. Lord RODEN (there is no ques tioning the fact) is a prodigy of ineptitude. He launches his common-places with all the fury of a thunderbolt. Throughout his epistle, he seems in a constant state of wonder at the fine figure he .is cutting. He parades his " ears" with all the self-consequence of Bottom the weaver. His letter will be found in another column, but the signature, we doubt not, will be quite enough to warn the majority of our readers from perusing it. Mr. ABERCROMBIE met a large body of the Edinburgh constituency on Monday last at the Waterloo Rooms. His speech was liberal, frank, and manly, and was listened to through out with the most marked satisfaction by all present. It gives us pleasure to learn that there is not the slightest doubt of his success, and that the Edinburgh Conservatives, aware that there is no making head against the general feeling in favour of the right hon. gentleman among the enlightened classes of Edinburgh, have come to the resolution to offer no oppo sition. The affair between Holland and Belgium was virtually settled when Antwerp was taken by the French, and they had in a most honour able manner retired from Belgium. Objections, however, have been constantly raised to the entire settlement of the question, as affecting the sovereignty of the King of HOLLAND over that country which ought always to have been, as. we trust it now is and will ever remain, independent alike of Holland and of France. The Princes of Nassau having now, how ever, , waved their claims in respect to Luxemburg, nothing will, it may be hoped, prevent an entire and irrevocable settlement of all the matters yet in dispute. So often, however, have we expressed a similar hope, and found ourselves disappointed, that we shall not speak with confidence until either the King of HOLLAND is dead or the treaty is actually ratified. Nor, indeed, is the affair of very much importance now to any other par ties than the subjects of the Dutch KING, whose military establishments are kept up to an unnecessary extent, and, consequently, of which we should think that they must be heartily tired. The Queen of SPAIN has issued some regu lations respecting the censorship of the press, the particulars of which, from want of space, we must defer till to-morrow. The Paris Journals still continue to be ab sorbed in election speculations. They mention that the arrival at Toulon of a column of sub officers of the 36th Regiment, bound with ropes like common malefactors, who had been condemned, without trial, to be degraded and sent to serve in Algiers, for imputed repub• licanism, had caused a very deep and general sensation. Private letters from Spain, dated Bth June, had reached the French capital, but they contained no news of moment. The mer cantile house of J. J. CAR RUSCO and Co. of Madrid had stopped payment. The Augsburg Gazette of the 13th, dated Vienna, mentioned that the late changes in the British Cabinet had occasioned a fall in the funds. FRENCH FUNDS—PARIS, JUNE 17. Five per Cents., 106 f. 25c. 20c. Three per Cents., 78f. 10c. M. Bank Actions, 1,825 f. —c. • Rente de Naples, 951. Roman Five per Cents., 96%. Bente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 3.9%. Bente d'Espagne Three per Cents., 494. Royal Spanish Loan, SS Bente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 79%. Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cents., 99. Haytian Loan, 275 f. EXCHANGE ON LONDON. OHO month, paper, 25f. 2254 c. ; money, —f. c. Three months, paper, 25f. 3230 c. ; money, —f. —c. —O/qrs Authentique. We give the following from our correspond ent ; but we do not pledge ourselves for the correctness of the information : " Extract of a letter from Real del Monte, dated April 23, 1834, received by New York, June 18 :, " In the state of the funds I have no alteration to note, further than that I wish it to be borne in mind that the circumstances of the Company for the last eighteen months requiring the most rigid economy, the stock of most, if not all, articles of consumption, ha 3 been so reduced as now to call fo r a more th an mere expenditure of the passing day, which will be enhanced by the advantage taken of our necessities—an advantage already availed of by an advance of N per cent. on the timber immediately wanted. " In the shaft it appears more timber work will be ne cessary than was at first contemplated, nearly all being more or less rotten, and will have to be replaced with new. " The labourers at Santa Teresa, San Andres, and San Bartolo, are not looking quite so well as they were. The quantity raised last week was 290 cargoes azoque (infe rior), and 13 cargoes of best ; this week the previous ac counts of the year, as formerly reported, viz., Jan. 1 to March 31, 5,470 quintals, estimated value 60,355 dollars —actual expenses, same period, 122,154 dollars, must be very unsatisfactory to the shareholders, who have been looking forward with golden expectations for some ten years past." words. I have stated the grounds on which I ac cepted office, and I shall now state the principles on which T intend to act while in office. I shall not state them in reference to any particular measures or questions ; but I shall state, generally, the principles which I am sure agree with those of the great propor tion of all my rational and intelligent friends. I shall go into office, feeling, that In these times there is no institution which can be durable that is not pure. Seeing many excellent and invaluable institutions, in all or most of which there may be something of abuse, contracted in the lapse of time, which it may be desirable to remove, I shall feel de sirous that whatever is wrong shall be removed ; and no less that whatever is good shall be maintained and rc” , lered durable by being rendered pure. Such the course of proceeing with regard to civil institutions, I shall now speak to a question of a more delicate and important nature, as it affects religious institutions. I will say, then, that it is my opinion, and the only opinion on the subject which I have held, that, as a member of Parliament, it will be my duty to be equally and impartially just to both churchmen and dissenters. I shall be favourable to affording every practicable relief to dissenters, and every proper and suitable support to the established church. ( Cheers.) I believe there are sincere, upright, and honest men among both churchmen and dissenters ; and on all questions respecting religion, I shall ever pay the greatest respect to those who are so. With respect to all other questions, I shall give my support to what I conceive to be the end and object of the Reform Bill, gradually to re form all abuses, and to act in unison with the wishes of the great b ody of the people. I shall say no more on the present occasion. I feel that lam engaged in a situation of deep responsibility, and however inade quate I feel for it, I shall ever evince an earnest desire to act to the best of my ability. In whatever difficulty I may be placed, I shall always feel it my best en couragement and support to entertain the belief that my motives will be favourably construed by you. (Cheers.) If I err, therefore, I :am sure that you will view my error rather with regret than anger. I shall never act but with a sincere desire to serve the public ; and I shall never cease to feel unbounded gratitude to you for the support I have received from you. [The right hon. gentleman sat down amidst loud and rei terated cheering. ] TheCnmamAN then rose, and expressed a hope that the candid, honest, luminous, and straightforward ad dress of Mr. Abercrombie, had given satisfaction to every one of them. (Loud cheers.) Sir T. D. LAUDER next rose to move a vote of thanks to Mr. Abercrombie for his conduct in Parlia ment. He ( Sir Thomas) should be sorry to weaken by any remarks of his the impression which must have been made by the very luminous speech they had just heard ( Cheers), but he could not help congratulating the electors upon the circumstance, that as the first fruits of the Reform Bill they had sent that gentleman to Parliament ( Cheers) and that they were now about to reap the second fruits. (Laughter.) That his conduct had given great satisfaction their shouts of ap probation sufficiently proclaimed. He (Sir T. D. L.), therefore, begged to move the thanks of this meeting to Mr. Abercrombie for his conduct in Parliament, and their conviction that he is a fit and proper representa tive—and that they are determined to re-elect him whether he is opposed or not. (Cheers.) Mr. J. B. GREENSHIELDS, advocate, then moved the thanks of the meeting to the chairmam. ( Cheers.) Sir T. D. LAUDER look occasion to remind the meeting that the time of registration was now at hand, and that it was important that qualified persons should attend to get themselves registered in time. The meeting then dissolved. New 5 per Cent. India Stoc.c Ditto Bonds 26 S 8 pm South Sea Stock 1123g Old Annuities 89% New Ditto — 3 per Cent Ann. 1751 — Ex. Bills, X 1,00 41 52 53 pm. Ditto 'OO 52 5.3 pm Ditto Small Ditto Commercial pm. Ditto Advertised Bank for Acc0unt.......... India for Account ... ..... Cons, for Account PRICES OF STOCKS THIS Bank Sock 216% 3 per Cent. Red 91 W/4 :3 per Cent. Cone. 3 , ,,i per Cent. 98% Ditto Red 981 i NIN New 344 per Cent lOO% ] 3 per Cent. Ann. 1726 - f 4 per . Cent : lB26 Assent 99% 1 DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Ditto Dissented .. 101 Bank Long Ann. to expire Jan. 5, 1960 l7 1-16 Oct.lo, 1859 l7 Jan. 5, 1860 . shut Jan, 5, 1880 - Aprils. 1880 - Jan. 5, 1870 - PRICES OP FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Austrian Bonds looli . Peruvian Bonds ..............28sJ( II:lei:in Bonds qt•llf, , Ditto Account 'At Ditto Accouut...... ..... —.9854 Portuguese Bonds Brasilia,' Bonds 76% . Ditto Account liitto Account "6% Ditto New Bowls 7854 B , coos Ayres Bonds `I2 '2 Ditto Acconnt '8%3474 % Ditto Account.... ........ ... 32 Prussian Bonds , 101 , .: Chilian Bonds .... ... .Ditto Account 34 Russian Bonds, 182..2... 105 N }i CAtimbian Bonds 29 i Ditto Account, . Ditto Account.-- ....... .. —, Ditto 111 IOSN __ __.. . .6 , • SU% ./..• ..... ••• ..... Ditto Bonds, 1824 34% 4 . Spanish Bonds, :811...51 50141 D tto •Acc ,,, int Din is h fiords Ditto Account 75 Ditto Account 46 G, eek 1t0nd5................... French Jientes, sp. c. —I —c. 1)410 Bonds, 18-25 Mi% Exchange —f c. Ditto Account — . 3 per cent.... —f —c. M xiean Bonds, 5 per cent 35 Exchange —f —c. Ditto Account Dutch, 21 p. c. 59. %ii .;iI . 0, 6 per cent 46% : Ditto Account ......... .....5•2% Ditto Account 4614 , Ditto, sp. c 97 104 N'elpolitast 944 Ditto Account 97% 'PRICE'S OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK., Paid. 'then Mining Company £9 At,glo Mex. in. Lo. (as. at 51. pin , £lOO dolanos Mining Company £l5O Brazilian Mining Company 5 Brazilian Imp. Alin. Co. (isa. at 51. pm.) £2U Ditto Alacaubas Cocaes 2O Ditto St. Join] Del Rey Cata Branca Alining Company ...... 'tritish lion Mining Comnativ . £si Columbian Minim, Co. (iss. at 5/. pm.) 5214 English Mining Company l'.r% :ieneral Alining Association Hibernian Mining Co. £lo Mexican Mining Co. ..... ............ Real del Monte Mining Co....(iinrog.) United Mex. Alin. Co. (its. at 2/. pm.) 40 - I'•itto New Scrip 5 .klllance Fire Insurance Comp lO Protector Insurance Comp. Australian Co. Canada Company General Steam Navigation Co. ...... National Provincial Bank of England IN Rio Doce Prcvincial Bank of Ireland . 25 PRICES OF IRISH STOCKS, DUBLIN, Arse 16. Rank stock St P a t r i ck insur (per Share * -.--..... ............. ___ Consols, 3 ner cent. ...... 97A I Royal Irish Ditto Gov. Stock, 3X, per cent. 98 , 11 !National Ditto... ......... 25% Ditto, New 98% 'Patriotic Ditto I ver Ccnt —; Hibernian Bank: Gov. Dcb. 3V percent.... Provincial Ditto ...... ..... Royal Canal Stock — Royal Irish Mine (Rand Canal Stock —!lmperial Mine Cizv net). 4 per cent. !Mining Co. of Ireland Ballast Office Deb. 4n. c. 92% :Commercial Buildines Ar fired, 0 America 0 0 Brazil Buenos Ayres. 0 0 Carthagena 0 I 1.),. 1 Flan.!t-s 1 France.. 1 Onernsev ersev 0 HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO MORROW. Morning ... 7 minutes after 1 Evening... 37 minutes after 1 Due. lAri:ed. Per Share. 1144 1274 15 37 20% 6 ,414 0% 304 104 23 1100 - 5 Due. 0 Hamburg 0 0 Holland O Jamaica ii O Leeward islands O Lisbon 0 O Malta 0 O Sweden 0 1 Waterford 0 PRIVY COUNCIL.-(THIS DAY.) THE LOSS OF ISIS MAJESTY'S SHIP THETIS. The appeal in this important salvage cause came on this morning before the Privy Council. Their Lordships present were Sir John Wild, Mr. Justice Bosanquet, the Vice-Chancellor, and the Chief Judge of the Bankruptcy Court. The facts of this salvage cause are well known. The Thetis was wrecked off Cape Frio, in the Brazilian coast, laden with specie, &c., amounting to about 800,000 dollars. From the position of the wreck, the whole property and ship and stores were considered as derelict. By the ex traordinary exertions, however , . of Captain Di c ki nson , o f his Majesty's ship Light n ing, and the officers and crews of that vessel and the Alpertne, not less than about 700,000 dollars were recovered. The learned judge (the late Sir C. Robinson) adjudged that 17,0001. should be awarded as salvage ; that Admiral Baker should have one-eighth, and the officers and crews, as salvers, the remainder ; be sides 500/., to be specially apportioned to several men who had most distinguished themselves. From this decision tooDlrit.tlAe,Dboyacamsptain was h D ea ic r k d in to so -d n a a y n i d u A su d p m po ir r a t l o ß f a th k e er. the appeal was made , on the ground that the award was appeal. The case will occupy some time. The widow of Bloomfield, the poet, died at the Bedford Asylum last week, where she had been confined since October last. An inquest was held on the body, and the jury returned a verdict of—" Died by the visitation of God." IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, THIS DAY, THURSDAY, JUNE 19. HO USE OF COMMONS. The SimAKER took the Chair at twenty minutes after twelve o'clock. Several private estate bills were read a third time and passed. The house resolved into a committee, Mr. Tooke in the Chair, upon Allan's Divorce Bill, and several witnesses were examined, after which the house resumed. BEER BILL. Upon the motion of Sir E. KNATCHBULL, the house then resolved itself into a committee upon the Sale of Beer Bill, Mr. Pryme in the Chair. Sir E. KNATCHBULL said that after the discussion which had so lately taken place upon thi s bill, h e wou ld not then enter into it again ; he merely wished to propose an amendment to the first clause, exempting from the objection of the clause all those who were disposed to open houses for the sale of beer only. The amendment was to the effect, " That from and after the commencement of the act it should be lawful for the Commissioners of Excise to grant licenses for the sale of beer, ale, &c., to any person applying, but not authorising such persons to sell any beer, ale, &c., to be drank or consumed upon the premises." Mr. WARBURTON said that he had, on a former oc casion, stated his objections to this bill, founded upon its unequal operation. But the clause now under consideration only affirmed that licenses should be granted allowing par ties to sell beer, &c., but not allowing the same to be drank upon the premises. He appealed to their experience of the Cider Bill, to prove that such a provision might be evaded in various ways, and when the cider was drunk off the premises, the irregularities were much greater than had previously taken place, when cider was allowed to be drunk upon the premises. Besides; if irregularities were committed, it were better they should be committed in comparative privacy than in the face of the public. What would be the consequence of such a clause as that proposed ? The retailer of beer would have an under standing with some one in the neighbourhood, and the beer would be taken to a distance and drank there. Thus the consumption of beer would be the same—with this differ ence only, that it would be consumed in private and re tired places, instead of being drank in a public room, un- , der t he eye of the public and the magistracy. Without detaining the committee with any further observations, he would conclude by moving that all the words proposed to be inserted in the clause should be omitted. Major HANDLEY acknowledged that the amendment of the hon. baronet was an improvement to the clause, but as he considered it a mere ruse he should support the amendment of the hon. member for Bridport. He consi dered the bill an infraction of private rights. Mr. PARROT supported the amendment of the hon. member for Bridport considering that the house if it adopted the clause in its present shape would be departing from all sound principles of legislation. He deprecated the sys tem of licensing, as, without imputing corruption to magis trates generally, he must say that he had known many instances of gross partiality. In one instance, where three parties appeared for licenses, two of them being churchmen, and the other a dissenter, the two former ob tained their license, while the latter was deprived of it solely on account of his being a dissenter. He thought that the effect of the clause would be to shut up one-third of the beer-houses in country parishes. Why, he would ask, were not people in the country to have beer at the same price as in town ? Competition alone could produce a good and cheap arti c l e , but if this clause formed part of the bill it would raise the price of beer in the country 2d. per pot, and if the bill passed the price of barley would be lowered ss. a quarter, the consumption l w o o w u e l r d e d b . e lessened The mO , r a e n d he t h e e o n r s iedveerneude the would ot the e c o m u r o r s e e b b e e felt convinced it would have the most pernicious effects. He should therefore give it both in and out of the house all the opposition in his power. Mr. TENNYSON said the former bill had most sig nally failed in two most important essentials, the produc tion of cheap and good beer. (Hear, hear.) What ever mischief might result from the present bill, he was quite sure that the amount of that mischief would not equal that of the late bill, which he would say fear lessly, had done more to demoralize the people and induce them to treat with disrespect constituted authority than any measure that had ever been introduced. Under these circumstances, he congratulated the house upon the honourable baronet having brought forward his bill. He (Mr. Tennyson) could have proposed a measure to the same effect, viz., to destroy the means of selling beer to be consumed upon the premises, without having allowed some time to elapse, say a twelvemonth, for the persons affected to prepare for, the change. He had given notice of a motion, and he would certainly per severe in it, which was that no new houses should be li censed under the beer act, that the country should be con tented to allow the thirty-three thousand now in existence to continue as long as they pleased, but that no other house should be licensed under the pro visions of that act. Let them license as many as they pleased under the first clause of the hon. baronet's bill, so that the poor man might take home his beer, and enjoy himself in such a manner as was at once rational and wholesome—that would relieve himself and his family from the evils that were now complained of. Mr. SLANEY said, that it appeared to him that the right honourable gentleman had as much overcharged the picture he had drawn on the one side, as it had been done on the other. Under former acts the power of licens ing was confined to the breasts of the magistrates, and as the house stood with them so its value was regulated. No doubt could be entertained but that great evils existed un der that system. The law was therefore altered, and the trade was made as open as formerly it had been close, and that open system had also produced evils. The question then was, what change was necessary ? and he having been an active member of the committee might state for the in formation of those who had not read the report that in that committee there was a general feeling entertained that some change was necessary. The Beer Bill was charged with having created great evils, but it certainly was shown before the committee that it had also been productive of great blessings, for it had reduced the price of the second necessary of life to the working man fully one-sixth. He considered that the recommen dations of the committee would fully answer the end in view, viz., it would diminish the number of houses, and by requiring the certificate of six respectable housekeepers, as to the character of the applicant, and also re quiring that he should be rated at 101., the lower class of houses would be entirely done away with. He considered that the proposal of Sir Edward Knatchbull would be highly advantageous, as it would do away with the worst evils which had been proved to result from the Beer Bill, and if the amendment should be found not to be stringent enough, the house might at a future period ad judge any further measures that should appear to be necessary. Mr. H. HANDLEY regretted that the hon. member for Lambeth had altered the words of his motion, as it left him (Mr. Handley) without a leader, and he was not yet prepared to go alone. (Loud laughter.) The hon. member's motion would still leave them under the inconvenience of 33,000 beer-houses. He (Mr. H.) scarcely met a farmer in the county which he represented (Lincoln) that did not express a hope that something would be done this session to remedy the evils of the Beer Bill, and that " something" he invariably found to be some measure that should prevent the consumption of beer upon the premises, and that at present their servants were their masters, and they wer, able to do nothing with theni. Not one of the advantages which were expected to result from the Beer Bill had been obtained. Beer was not cheaper nor of a better quality, and the monopoly of the brewers had been by no means reduced. got rid of he would propo sition to prohibit the consumption of beer on the premises. A t f a t k er e Mr. C. F. PALMER agreed with the hon. member for l Shrewsbury that the commi ttee u p on the Beer Bi ll was the the present amendment of the committee should u d po n be a good for nothing ; the persons who were examined before the committee attributed every evil, and all the demorali zation of the country, to the Beer Bill. It would be much better, in his opinion, to have the beer consumed upon the premises, provided they were under proper police regula tions, and inducement were held out to magistrates to do their duty, which at the present time they did not bbe l lost. t. because As for the th police monopolye of the brewers, e were r e not , do. It would neither be honest nor fair for th e h ouse , a ft er holding out inducements to persons t o l a y ou t th e i r cap i ta l sufficient, to turn rou n d an d say t h at t h e whole of th i s eapi utaplonbeer-houses, should he repeated that th ere did ex i st a roost injurious species of monopoly. He knew an instance where, in a district in Berkshire, extending from Guildford, in length forty miles, and in breadth twenty miles. All the brewers had entered into an agreement to regulate the price and quality of the beer, and to refuse to supply any publican who would no t submit to these regulations. They met once a month, were patronised by the magistrates, who refused licenses to any persons who were not re commended by the brewers, and in the whole of this district the most infernal beverage was sold. (A laugh.) He would support the amendment of the hon. member for Bridport. Mr. SANDFORD contended that the bill would not do any injury to the brewers; it would not prevent them brewing as usual, but it would prevent their selling it on the premises. The bill would place the control over beer-houses in the hands of those who were the best judges of the necessity that existed for their establishment. With respect - to the qualification he thought that 101. was too low, but he would, notwithstanding, give his consent to the clause as it at present stood. Mr. ESTCOURT would 'give his support to the pro position of the hon. member for Kent. (Cries of " Divide.") Mr. GUEST contended that by the contemplated ar rangement, beer would become much cheaper ; and with respect to the evils complained of as existing in towns under the present system, those evils existed in an equal degree in the agricultural districts. Mr. HARCOURT would not support the propo w ' of the hon. member for Kent, unless some P ci"tits; trade made, that the vested interests of the persons should be protected. He thought the interests of the poor equally worthy of protection with those of the rich. Mr. CA YLEY would support the amendment of the honourable member, and contended that vested inte rests were not to be mixed up with this question, as some honourable members might imagine. He thought the thanks of the country were due to the hon. baronet for his exertions in the cause of morality. (Hear.) Mr. R. PALMER denied that the objections to the late beer bill originated with the magistrates ; these ob jections had generally emanated from the assizes and quar ter sessions grand juries. Mr. POTTER thought that the clause as proposed would confine the monopoly of the brewers, and restore the magistrates to an authority which was most improperly exercised on many occasions. He would decidedlyoppose it. After a few words from Mr. Briscoe, Mr. flume, Sir John Sebright, Major Beauclerk, Mr. Parrattt, amidst loud cries of question, Sir E. KNATCHBULL replied. The house then divided, when there appeared—For the original amendment, 141, and for Mr. Warburton's amendment, 23; majority, 118. On our return to the gallery we found Mr. HANDLEY moving his amendment, the effect of which would be to do away with the certificates altogether, and to prohibit drinking on the premises. After a desultory conversation, in which several rnem hers took part, the further consideration of the clause and the amendment was postponed, and the chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again to-morrow at twelve o'clock. The house then resumed, and after the presentation of a few petitions, the SPEAKER, it being three o'clock, lift the Chair. HOUSE OF LORDS.-(THIS DAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR and Lords VERULAM and KING, sat to hear English appeals to-day. CANDY V. CAMPBELL AND STUART. This was an appeal from the decision of the Lord Chan cellor, confirming the judgment of the Vice Chancellor, declaring that a lady named Caroline Harding Was enti tled absolutely to a legacy of 20,0001. under the will of her father, a Mr. John Harding, of Culworth-street, gentle man.By his will, among other thing s, he gave to his adopted daughter, Caroline Harding, 20,00 0 1 . 3 per cent. Consols, his house and landed property at Culworth and Morton Pinkey, and upon her death he gave it to her children, the property to be in no way charged or alienated, but in case of her death without lawful issue, the money left by the testator was to be equally divided betwixt the tests- „. tor's nephews and nieces, who should be living at the thee' bhc T ri h omou e thr t tce e rb s ar : ao t nhl o id r di he ed ir- i a n t- 1 1 8 a 2: without issue, seven leaving survivi ng v soe ivi . n n g inseeaHenaurditninrsg: andthe ißnefiv.diWaryillTiamermHoasr2di; after his decease, his will was proved in the Prerogat ive line Harding and the Rev. William Harding, and several other parties, filed their bill in the Court of Chancery, praying that it might be declared that Caroline Harding was entitled to an absolute interest in thelegacy of 20,0001., and w that ith o t u h t e l f e bequest issue ove r s t d s u . m 'Thatin as e of h e came atii e e r o d n e at h, for voi hearing the usual accounts, and referred it to the Master to appr ove of p ro p er p ersons to be guar dians of Caroline Harding, to state the amount of her for tune, ty to and malaskoe a wha s t erar wo a u te ld re b pe e r a t. prThopeer Master rncbey his her maintenance and education , giving the Mast er separate report certified, that Caroline Harding_ had an absolute interest under the will in the 20,000/. The Mas ter then made his general report, and upon the c ause coming on for further directions before the Vice-Chan cellor, upon that report his Honour confirmed the report of the Master, and declared Caroline Harding entitled ab solutely to the 20,000/. legacy. The plaintiffs being dis satisfied with the decree appealed to the Lord Chancellor. In the interim Caroline }larding died unmarrie d, end without issue, leaving the respondents her executors. The appeal came on to be heard before the Lord Chan cellor in July, 1831, and after hearing the case fully, his Lordship dismissed the appeal, and affirmed the decree of t the Vice-Chancellor. From that judgment t he p resent appeal was brought. Mr. H. Twiss, with whom was Mr. Honasxists, ap peared for the appellant, contending that the gift e n f ot the a 20,0001. to the testator's nephews and nieces, limitation after an indefinite failure of issue ; life interest, with a limitation to her children, as death chasers ; and that in that view the gift over, on her tes tator intended that Caroline Harding should without issue, was in effect a mere alternative or substi tutionary limitation, in the event of there being no issue ; that the testator contemplated a proximate, and not a re: t o h n a w l t y as the take a mote failure of issue ; and that the expressions in the w ill i were not to be taken in their technical sense, because t will was made by an illiterate person, and written by him self, without professional assistance. Su T gd h e e n L an ou d u i‘ C ir n . A ma Nc t s tte ho w, e, wh w o it ii , p hog ar cal ed li f n o g u r thepon res S po ic E d: ents, gave judgment—affirming the decision of the Court below. PORTSMOUTH, JUNE 18. Don Carlos, his Consort, the Princesses, and suite, landed this morning at halt-past seven, under a salute with manned yards, from his Majesty's ship Donegal , and on their landing were received under a s alute from the batteries, and a guard of honour of the Ro y al Marines, under the command of Capt. Menzies, R. N. The George Hotel, from the influx of strangers, not having sufficient accommodation, a spacious hour next to the Lieut.-Governor's has been hired for their reception, but how long they will sojourn here, or their ultimate destination, is unknown. pt re T a c h ey e a: ta n S w a da 1./old:toe withernl y d ca p G t thu o er v e e cd r n r eb n l li vy e t r o i hf t e a s p t e vy a ei m as e te r l h accuseda s l e ft for f THE FUNDS.—(THIS DAY.) CITY, TWELVE 0' CL 0 CK. By the French mail this morning, accounts from Paris state that for the first time the pigeon carriers have com menced their journeys from Ant,,verp to Paris. Monday morning about twelve o'clock six pigeons belonging to a Paris, bringing an account from the Hague a a person of Antwerp, established at Paris, took their de at from Antwerp, :and one of them arrived at the 14th June, stating that it was that morning , deterroil" upon that the Prince of Orange was to establish his head quarters at Tilburg. Theextoprtehses electionsfro THE FUNDS• The only arrivals this morning are the French mail, the express from Paris, and a mail from Ostend. relating received yesterday, to the 10th inst., and do not bring news of a novel description. The French Governmentf the 2d have received despatches from St. Petersburgh o It ap inst. ; all was then tranquil in the above capital. fall The accounts from Madrid are of the same dates as tothat at Vienna our new Ministry has produced a d in the Funds, owing to its being entirely compose of Whigs. French Furies 78; Spanish 39 3 A• PargiosinisgeonntirienlyFvraoniciceo.f news, chiefly The storm which prevailed yesterday with t he speculai; tors in Spanish Stock has in some degree abated t% morning, owing to a general opinion that the Spoil' s decrees, which we gave in The Sun of yesterclaY, is a long standing proposition, and will not be acted upon when the Cortes meets ; and, in consequence of wh i t Spanish Stock continues more steady this mornin'• 5L opened at 51, and at pre s ent m ay be q uoted at 5 1 •4 - il , ' Portuguese 78f. %. We understand that in the course of the clay a me eting is to take place at the Spanish Ambassador's, of the coin; mittee of the Cortes Bondholders, when it is suppose: f that some particulars respecting the settlement o f the bonds will take place ; this has caused the i m p r ovemen t o the above stock this morning. for several days past, 92% for the Account. landed on At length Don Carlos and his party have Bri tish ground. HALF -PAST ONE. Consols are in the samcsopenatsnit.naisuthieionisarsttoyeidkstayhtaasetth7b6eyl/seehn.avaelmbeoesnt a at one period it had incessantT h e fluctuations durin g t the ninr ,: i t in ,;y be quoted 50% to 51. reached 51 3 4, and at calmpresent in the market, as specula -. At present there is a deal Spanish ambassador. Portuguese stock has r few tend Jn the Consul market ve y members are in at t. ante, and Consols may be quoted , for the Aeo n ' ) TIM E E O' CL 0 C.K. ~ tors are waiting the return of the committee from the We havejust learned that the committee who wellt_ n d r s to the Spanish Ambassador in respect to the Cortes 13'_ , , u 0 ., have returned, and nothing of a definitive nature has b an. done. The Ambassador was anxious that e all rangement should take place in respect to 1 1 . i, govern ponds, which he would strongly represent to: 1 4; b a x ssador m ent. In the course of the conversatio n th:sidered a fa was anxious to ascertain what would be c sen t could not arrangement, which the com mittee at P re state. c..nish Bonds 50 % . Consols for the Ac coun t, 9214%* ' r-..... —______- __ of oAniietshbeurlyB,thofinastso.,ninGfFsv n e o r-square , the Marchione,s --•-•••* ARiIIRD. (E):oq3:nithsletcrlu7ttth otaolsidt,:ra:itnoU,r -street, oirede:4ctushffiti Struts, :tGeorgeEmily, saeicktel solicitor,daughte the late Lieut.-Colonel Cotgrave, Chief n' gineer of the Madras army. DIED. On the 16th inst., Eliza Susanna St eldest dau , b te e --- London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOV at the Sun Office, No. 112, Strand.