The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-30 00:00:00

gPlßlllibir TIM PURIM JOURNALS. The Message of the American President is a discourse of which, although the full credit be longs to the Government of the United States, the wisdom, integrity, and conciliatory spirit may be turned to account by other nations, in their policy, both foreign and domestic. From the rapid but comprehensive sketch which General Jackson takes of the relations between his Re public and foreign Powers, it is gratifying to observe what expressions of respect and cordiality he employs in speaking of the latter. There are between England and the United States, at pre sent, but two unsettled questions,—the New Brunswick boundary, to the amicable arrange ment of which, by a direct negotiation, as we understand him, with Great Britain, the Presi dent looks forward in terms of confidence ; and the right of search to be exercised in war, should either this country or America become a belli gerent, the other remaining neutral. On the former question we compromise neither truth itself, nor the national interest of either country, by stating it as the opinion of intelligent and dispassionate men, that the letter of the treaty, of which the construction is sub judice, appears to be more favourable to America, but its spirit, and the necessary meaning of the parties who signed it, to be obviously on the side of this country. Further, it is clear from consulting the map, that the district sought for by the State of Maine, has no value whatever for the people of the Union, except as a point from which to obstruct the internal communications between New Brunswick and Quebec—to cut off the na vigation of the St. Lawrence—and to attack or menace, not merely the capital, but the whole line of our Lower Canadian frontier ; while the cession of it by England to any foreign Power ‘voidd, for the reasons just recited, be equivalent to a surrender of the key which opens the entire of our northern colonies to the parent State. With regard to the right of search, it ought to have been settled in 1815, and no sagacious or patriotic Minister would have put his hand to a definitive treaty which did not include a final agreement upon a cause of past,' and an,inlet to future quarrel, of such vast importance and anxiety to two great maritime nations. That former theme of dispute the President has now re-opened, not by any means for the sake of aggravating it into a source of new differences with Great Britain, but as considering that the present period of confirmed amity and good neighbourhood between the parties offers a fit oppottunity, through negotiations entered upon in a kindly spirit, for bringing about a friendly and final provision against mutual misunder standings hereafter. As the President reviews the conduct of the several European Powers towards America, it is curious and instructive to di,cover that the Governments which have .least to fear have evinced throughout the most eager desire to grant redress of injuries to their neigh hours. While England and France have ac knowledged, as became them, the rights of Ame rican citizens to indemnifications for losses en tailed upon them under cover of the flag of France and of Great Britain, Spain, the two Sicilies, and Portugal, have treated the United States with flat denials of justice, or empty pro mises to afford it at some future day. The in ternal condition of the Republic is described by the President to be one of unalloyed prosperity. With a total of taxation not greater than that which is levied on the people of Great Britain in the shape of assessed taxes only, these " un enlightened" and " coarse" republicans con trive to bestow nearly one-half of their entire revenue upon the interest and liquidation of their public debt. There is no such swindling spirit amongst theSe democrats as would permit any public speaker, from New York to New Or leans, to recommend seriously to the considera tion of his fellow-citizens a scheme for defraud ing the national creditor,—there is no such high-bred hypocrisy there, as would venture to designate so notable a villainy by the names of " equitable adjustment." No : they have taxed themselves freely to create a solid sinking fund—they have applied it strictly and rigo rously to its object for sixteen years ; and what is the consequence ? In one year more the whole debt of America will be extinguished ! It is no chimera ; here is a real debt really and bona fide paid off. 16,500,000 dollars, or 3,500,0001. sterling, have been devoted to the discharge of debt within the year 1831 ; and this at of a revenue of little more than 5,500,0001. sterling. We remember the time when the Tory 'Ministry of Lord Liverpool an tiounced that a sinking fund of 5,000,0001. sterling, or between 1-10th and 1-11th of our revenue, was necessary to the safety of the Bri tish public creditor, and to the making some (God knows how little) impression upon the amount of the debt. How long was that " solid sinking fund" maintained ? How long was even a weak attempt at common honesty per severed in ? The country murmured at being overtaxed, and Ministers more than once felt themselves in danger. What then ? Some theorist.c in the House of Commons declared that the sink ing fund was better in the people's pockets than in those of the public creditor. The Ministers saw that they must give up something, and what was the sacrifice they assented to ? Was it the overgrown army,—the jobbed and be-Lorded navy,—the sinecures,—the pensions,—the co lonial waste,—the civil list,—the palaces, with all the gingerbread and gewgaws in which Royal barbarism was formerly wont to meander? Were all these, or any of them, given up to the miseries of the people? Oh no ! not one. Folly, and vice, and prodigality, and rapacity, were to be pam pered at all risks, for otherwise " the Monarchy" (that is, the Court) " would have been in danger;" but the public creditor, he it was that they sacri ficed ; they basely pretended to give ear to the visionaries who talked about there being no lie. cessity for a sinking fund ; or, in other words, who said that we ought, with our eyes open, to remain in debt for ever. So, like a true heart less spendthrift, they kept up whatever was essen. tial to their own indulgencies, and to the bribery of their crowds of retainers, and they surrendered the solid sinking fund, an d wasted as muc h i money as ever. Then where s America? She has paid off her whole debt. She is " out of debt, out of danger." She can look her own citizens and foreigners alike in the face, and say, " What would you ? I owe you nothing." But whet eis England ? Alas ! she has paid off nosen sible portion of her scarcely measurable debt. She has no sinking fund that is not a mockery of term : she owes n ot less than 600,000,0001, sterl incrb. Had we been blest as America has been with a Governmt .'.'.really responsible to the nation, palaces and sine, .-es, land jobs and sea jobs, and colonial iniquities, would have been devoted on the altar of the country, and we should have paid by this time, by a saving of about 9,000,0001. a year, 150,000,0001. of Mot since the peace ; and so high would have been the public: credit, that for the principal still undischarged, wb might FA al :11T;?7T/_D 'I , 12.1 7' have been paying by this time, with the free consent of the fundholder, a reduced interest of not more than two per cent. per annum. Let those foolish or shameless men, who tell us that the boroughs have " worked well," read Jack son's speech, and vote, if they dare, against Re form I— Times• HL , T.TOI I 3 'TO o'l'7 Y.TT! It is now several years since we first called the public attention to the law of arrest for debt, and we have, on many occasions, argued in fa vour of its total abolition, at least on mesne process, though we confess that our objection also goes against the principle of taking the body of a debtor in execution. Since we fist stated our objections to a law which makes no distinction between misfortune and crime, and which inflicts upon the insolvent and destitute the additional sufferings and privations of a prison, a change, as our readers are aware, has taken place in the law, by which it is so far mo dified that the debt must amount to 201. to lega lise the caption of the person, previously to which alteration a debt of 151. was sufficient for that purpose, it having been fixed at that sum by a statute which abolished arrests for debts of 101., except in the case of bills of exchange and pro missory notes. Thus two successive statutes were passed in modern times to mitigate the seve rity of the law of arrest on mesne process ; but the spirit of improvement was so niggard of its benefits that each statute added only 51. to the price of human liberty. Just as Sir Robert Peel, in ameliorating the vindictive spirit of the law with regard to the offence of pri vately stealing in the dwelling-house, so nicely weighed the blood of man against a little pelf in the balance of his improved system of exterminating justice, that he added exactly three pounds sterling to the price of human life. More liberal were the views of Sir James Scar lett on the subject of imprisonment for debt ; and it is curious enough that he, who, when in office, did more than any Attorney-General in modern times to reduce the Press to a state of bondage, and to make the iron of persecution enter the soul of the journalist, was at the same time an advocate for a much greater amelioration of the law of arrest for debt than what was effected by the twenty pounds Bill which his colleague, the Solicitor-General of that day, in troduced. In fact, Sir James expressed himself in his place in Parliament, favourable to such a change in the law as would limit the power of imprisoning the person, or holding to bail, to sums of one hundred pounds and upwards. It is clear that, when the Attorney-General was prepared to go so far in the alteration of the law, he must have been tolerably well convinced of the hardship, cruelty, and in justice of the existing system. But as men in office, even in this enlightened country, are sometimes ready enough to carry their erro neous views or mischievous intentions into effect, while they are sure to see insurmountable ob stacles in the way if they happen to entertain a purpose or a principle that is good, as Sir James Scarlett carried into rapid execution his odious plan to destroy the liberty of the Press, but de sisted from even an attempt to realise his view of the requisite reform of a barbarous law—a work in which it would have been honourable to en gage, but in which there was no victim to offer up to Ministerial vengeance, and no political passion to gratify. Our objection, as we said before, is not to the extent, but to the principle of the law. We consider it inhuman, un christian, absurd, and impolitic—the prolific source of misery to individuals, and of mischief to society. Viewing it with regard to indivi duals, it commits the gross injustice of deciding Wore trial, inasmuch as it allows any man, who swears truly or falsely to a debt of 201., to deprive another of his freedom, without any proof adduced of the validity of the claim. — The person arrested can, indeed, regain his liberty upon giving good and sufficient bail, and so a man may who stands charged even with a serious crime ; but if he cannot find such bail, he must suffer imprisonment until a Jury decide on the claim, and, if they should decide that nothing was due at the time of his arrest, all his prospects in life may have been blasted, and his affairs utterly ruined in the mean time. Nor does the law of arrest make any distinction be tween the case of the debtor who is the honest victim of misfortune, and that of him who has concocted his debt in fraud. If both pass through the Insolvent Court, there may be a subsequent distinction made as to the terms of their discharge ; but the very imprisonment may, and in a multitude of instances does, deprive the honest debtor of the opportunity and means of retrieving his aflltirs ; and thus the absurd cruelty of the law frequently counteracts the purpose of those who put it into practice. This law is more frequently used as a means of gratifying a vindictive feeling than as an instrument of re dress ; but the law should afford protection to all men, and minister to the revenge of none. And let it not be supposed that this law is part of our ancient Constitution. Imprisonment, except for crime, was not known in England be fore the 52d year of Henry 111. The innova tion was introduced by the feudal Lords in the tyrannical spirit of the feudal system. The statute of Maribridge was the first statute which made imprisonment for debt part of the law of Eng land. It was enacted by the feudal chiefs against their bailiffs an,. receivers, to make them account for rents and moneys received, and they were liable to be put in irons until they did account; but it was not until the 19th year of Henry VII, that the principle was extended so as to include all actions on the case. There was, however, formerly, some sort of reciprocity in the system, for if the debtor was obliged to find bail or go to prison, the creditor was under the necessity of giving bona fide pledges to prosecute, or, if he did not, he could not proceed with his action. Those pledges to prosecute are, at the present day, become merely nominal ; they are paper sureties, which form part of the nonsensical ver biage of the law, under the names of " John Doe and Richard Roe ;" while the debtor is bound to find real and substantial bail, or give the four walls of a prison for his sureties. In a public point of view this law of arrest for debt does incalculable mischief, by creating a false species of credit, which induces people to live beyond their means—the creditor relying upon the law, which pledges, as it were, the body of the debtor for his debt, and the debtor putting off the day of reckoning, and indulging in ex cesses beyond his income, until ruin stares him and his family in the face, and want comes upon hi m " as an armed man." The Legislators however, have taken care to exempt their own bodies from being pledged for their debts ; as neither a Member nor Peer of Parliament can be arrested on civil process. Who is benefitted then by this odious and oppressive law ? . Prin cipally those harpies that are employed as bai liffs to arrest men—the keepers of sponging houses and prisons, and the low and disrepu , table practitioners in the law. These persons have an interest in the continuance of a law which is not less serviceable to their rapacity than ruinous to the interests of both creditors and debtors, and disgraceful to, a Christian land. —Morning Herald. (4' L • - - The Message of the American President must appear a strange document to European States ment. He actually says that he has nothing to conceal from the people. " I have great satis faction in making this statement of our affairs, because the cause of our national policy enables me to do it without any indiscreet exposure of what in other Governments is usually concealed from the people." What would Statesmen in Europe be without concealment and trick ? We know that there is no country in Europe in which the Statesmen are not in possession of a multi iude of most important secrets, which if disclosed would be deemed by them a heavy calamity. So that wisdom in Europe is not wisdom in Ame rica. " Having (adds the President) none but a straight-forward course to pursue—guided by a single principle, that will bear the strongest light—we have happily no political combinations to form, no alliances to entangle us, no compli cated interests to consult ; and in subjecting Wall we have done to the consideration of our citi zens, and to the inspection of the world, we give no advantage to other nations, and lay ourselves open to no injury." Can a State really be governed upon this plain principle ? May all the weighty affairs of State really be safely revealed to the whole body of citizens, and can the people really form a sound judgment with respect to the conduct of those who conduct their affairs ? In Europe, Statesmen with one voice will say, No. In America, the result speaks the reverse. In Europe, we find all the mysteries of state policy end in the imposition of fresh taxes, and the con traction of fresh loans. In America, the Go vernment, notwithstanding the absence of mys tery, secures peace and order at home; opens up connections in every quarter of the world, watches over the interests of citizens in every region, however remote. If American citizens suffer from a civilized Government, American diplomacy never intermits its exertions till redress is obtained. If the injury is sustained in quar ters in which the usages of civilized life are un known, American ships of war are instantly de spatched to punish the offenders and inspire an awe of Americans. "It may not be improper to add, that to preserve this state of things, and to give confidence to the world in the integrity of our designs, all our consular and diplomatic agents are strictly enjoined to examine well every cause of complaint pieferred by our citizens ; and while they urge with proper earnestness those that are well-founded, to countenance none that are unreasonable or unjust; and to enjoin on our merchants and navigators the strictest obedi ence to the laws of the countries to which they resort, and a course of conduct in their dealings that may support the character of our nation and render us respected abroad." Nothing so simple as the American plan of government ; and under it, too, the nation flourishes more and more. This year the revenue will not fall short of 27,700,000 dollars, and the expenditure for all objects, other than the public debt, will not exceed 14,700,000 dollars. In the course of a year the debt will be extinguished, and as this will lead to a great reduction of taxa tion, some anxiety is felt by those branches of industry protected by the present taxes on im portation. European Statesmen will not only find this document full of information usually withheld from the profane vulgar in Europe, but deficient in the information which usually forms the substance of European State papers. The President tells us nothing of his Dowager Mother, his wife, or any of the little Jack , 4ons, who, judging from European analogy, ought to be of intense interest to all good Americans. We hear nothing in it of the manner in which he means to dispose of his progeny, and of his expectations that the nation will enable him to make a suitable provision for them. Not a word does he say of his own establishments, of the palaces which are in progress, and the repairs which are required to make the old edifices worthy of the head of so great a nation. This comes of trusting the affairs of thirteen millions of men to one who does not probably know the name of his grandfather, though, of course, he had a grandfather as well as other folks. In another respect American State papers are de fective in information. A correspondent points our attention to a display of liberality of the Marquis of Wellesley, in the Irish Pension List towards his Apothecary and his Private Secretary. Whether Andrew Jackson, has an Apothecary or not, is a fact unknown in Europe ; but if he have recourse to an Apothecary he does not pay him by a pension out of the taxes of the United States. To pay off the national debt seems in America to be thought preferable to pensioning the mothers of Dukes, and the apothecaries of servants of the State receiving 30,0001. a year. But, indeed, every thing in America seems a perfect contrast to what is seen in Europe. The whole expenditure of thirteen millions of men, having relations in every corner of the habitable world, and possessing a navy respected in every sea, is about three millions and a half sterling. This is, indeed, somewhat more than the revenue of the clergy of one-sixteenth of the people of Ireland, but it does not exceed one-third part of the revenues of the united churches of England and Ireland. In Europe, it is well known that the people are suffered to exist, because Kings and Nobles cannot do without people. In America, the people are not for the sake of the Government, but the Government for the sake of the people. The President boasts that the nation is entangled by no alliances. In Europe, the Russians are removed many a hundred miles from the Dutch ; and a Russian, who has not travelled, never probably heard of a Dutchman. But though the Dutch and Russians are not re lated, the Emperor of Russia and the Prince of Orange are closely related, and that is an ex cellent reason why the Russian people should interfere in the affairs of Holland, and, by sup porting the King, kindle a great war. The Prussians have anything but an interest in the advance of the Russians towards Germany ; but then the King of Prussia and the Czar are nearly related ; and what is the welfare of a na tion compared to the welfare of a son-in-law ? But we will not pursue the comparisons further. Our readers can make them without our assist ance.— Morning Chronicle. The Message of the American President to the Congress, which is given in another part of our Paper, is a very interesting document, as de veloping the present condition and future pros pects of the United States. Both are spoken of in glowing terms ; and, even allowing for some partial exaggeration, it must be universally felt that the American nation has attained, and is promised a continuance of, a degree of prospe rity which may well . excite the envy of every European Power, England herself not excepted. A moder❑ State, America has happily preserved herself untainted from those modern theories which have proved so deadly a bane to this country. In America manufactures of every de scription, protected and fostered by a truly pa triot Government, are in the most thriving con dition ; the manufacturer is enriched, and the mechanic enjoys high wages. Agriculture also flourishes ; and extensive local improvements, especially as regards increasing► facilities for in land communication, are proceeding with energy throughout the country. American commerce, under the same system of encouragement and protection, has extended itself over the whole world ; and mercantile industry and enterprise meet their just reward. The President observes:— " Let us be grateful for these blessings to the benificent Being who has conferred them, and who suffers us to in dulge a reasonable hope of their continuance and exten sion, while we neglect not the means by which they may be preserved." General Jackson, it is well known, is him self one of those who would have endangered the means by which, under Providence, the bles sings he speaks of were secured to the American people. 'rule practical refutation of his views, embodied in the happy facts in which he justly triumphs, will probably induce him to renounce political economy for the future. Would that instruction could be imparted to our philosophers on this side the Atlantic— The steady patriots of the world alone, The friends of every country but their own. The soundness of the commercial policy of the American Government is equalled by its ac tivity in securing advantages from the injudicious liberality of other nations. The admission of American vessels to the ports of the West Indies, while it has injuriously affected the in terests of our Canadian colonies, has propor tionably advanced those of the favoured country, as is apparent from the following paragraph on the subject:— " The trade thereby authoried has employed, to the 30th of September last, upwards of 30,000 tons of Ame rican and 15,000 tons of foreign shipping in the outward voyages; and in the inward, nearly an equal amount of American and 20,000 only of foreign tonnage." The relations of the United States with Great Britain are stated to be on the most amicable footing, and confident hopes are held forth that the question of the boundary will be brought to a speedy and satisfactory adjustment. The claims upon France, which have been so long and so urgently pressed, are nearly settled. Other claims, which, without further explanations, must be considered extremely unjust, are made upon Portugal for the seizure of American ves sels in attempting to violate the blockade of Ter ceira. Capture in such cases is strictly confoa triable to the laws of nations. Demands of a somewhat similar description, though advanced with a greater appearance of fair ness, are made upon Spain. In both these cases the differences remain unsettled. The President calculates that what remains of the national debt will be wholly cleared off in the ensuing year. The debt of America was never formidable : but in liquidating it, such as it was, the Government have pursued an honest course, and have been cheerfully assisted in their views by the people at large. In this country, unfortunately, a short-sighted impatience of taxa tion on the part of the people, and the time serving theories of political economists, have annihilated the Sinking Fund established by Mr. Pitt, and have postponed even a partial reduction of the debt to an indefinite period ; for the liquidation of a million and a half or two millions a year is little better than a mockery. The im mense sums accruing from the Sinking Fund have been from time to time entirely diverted from the grand purpose contemplated by Mr. Pitt, and the doctrine has been boldly laid down by Lord Goderich that the debt ought to be re garded as permanent at its present amount, and that all surplus of income ought to be devoted solely to the reduction of imposts.—Morn. Post. Whatever may be the beauty of our national Church, as an establishment holding an inter mediate station between the governors and the governed—or whatever the piety and learning by which many of its elder divines—for we cannot say much in favour of those of the present day —were characterized—it is daily becoming more and more apparent that its main pillars are tot tering to their foundation, and that, in order to regain that influence with the people which can alone render it useful as an establishment, it must, along with other institutions, undergo that Reform, of which it is seen so manifestly to stand in need, both in consequence of its original im perfections, and of the corruptions introduced into it through the lapse of time. The public is loud in its demands for a Reform in its tem poralities—for the reduction of the enormous incomes of the Bishops, and a better apportion ment and division of them among the inferior clergy—it sees no propriety in the sons of the Church receiving their salaries and emoluments from sources over which it has no controul, and in a manner which is calculated to sow divisions, jealousies, and strifes, between the pastors and their flocks ; while those whose education en titles them to judge of matters more strictly " within the sanctuary," are not slow in averring that the practice of the Church is characterized by many grievous errors, detrimental to her in terests, and at variance with the pure spirit of Christianity, which no time ought to be lost in removing. Of these alleged errors and corrup tions the pamphlet, which we noticed the other day, and which is entitled " Church Reform," presents a very numerous and startling collec tion ; but as it is less our object in making these observations, to discuss the truth or false hood of such charges, than to impress upon the minds of the clergy the safety, as well as the urgent necessity, of setting about a complete and thorough Reform with all due diligence, we shall not c ompromise ourselves, either by joining in the charges of the writer, or by dissenting from them. It is sufficient that we state the fact that Reform is demanded in the internals, as well as the externals, of the Church—that we urge this Reform upon those who hare the power of making it—and that we prove it to be as safe and expedient as it is now alleged to be absolutely necessary. What then is the objection to the introduction of those Reforms into the Church which are now so l ou dly demanded ? Why precisely the same objection that is brought by the Anti-Reformers against any change in the institutions of the State—that is to say that they are not required ; that the system works well, and that it would not be safe to make any change lest that c hange should occasion others, by unsettling the public mind, and lead it to the adoption of dangerous innovations. Nothing can be more truly ridi culous or futile than such reasons. Of the ne cessity of the change the public is unquest i onably the best judge—that the system "works we ll" might also, we presume, be matter for their judgment; but " that it is not safe, lest any change should lead to other and greater changes," is of all the reasons adduced the most contemptible amid inconsistent. What was the Church of Rome but a great and important change— a dan gerous innovation—upon the primitive Church, and knew nothing at all of a Pope, and as little of Bishops, except as special overseers of the wel fare of the Church, and nothing in the world of Cardinals and other dignitaries who came in time to form its principal ornaments ? And what, let us ask, is the Church of England—we speak of its origin—but a great innovation on the doctrines, and practice, and institutions of the Church of Rome ? A great and good inno vation it is—a safe one, it also was, as is now proved by the state of the Church and the state of the Reformed religion : and why then, let us ask, might not another innovation equally bene ficial and equally safe be made ? We take it that there is no effectual answer to this question, and that if there were any, there are but very few, even of the sons of the Church, who would be inclined to put it forward. A national establish ment may die a natural and proper death— Bishops and Archbishops, Deacons and Arch deacons, may cease to exist in name ; but the religion of which they were the Ministers need not also die. Religion is one thing—its ser vants and expounders another. The latter may bring the former into discredit ; but if the former be, like our holy religion, founded in truth, it will survive them—nay, it will shine the more brightly, and reign the more surely that they are no more.—Morning Advertiser. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HO USE. A young foreigner, who stated himself to be the Count de Rivoli, applied to the Lord Mayor for as sistance in his deep distress. Tile Count stated that he was the youngest brother of the Duke de Rivoli, a nobleman of con siderable possessions. He had seen a dreadful re verse of fortune, and had, in his adversity, felt the cold hand of the world, and particularly among the people of rank with whom he had associated but a very few years ago. At the time of the applications on behalf of the Spanish and Italian refugees, the Count was one of those who exerted themselves in aid of the subscription, and he little thought then that ever he should become equally destitute. He was then caressed by the opulent and powerful. Unfortunately, he went over to join in the struggle for freedom, and lost all prospect of obtaining any part of his property in consequence of the part he had taken. The Duke, his brother, being of the Royalist party, was secure in every respect, but the Count had received no assistance from any one of his brothers. He had called upon several of those who had formerly cotiked his acquaintance, but when they saw the plight he was in they knew him not. He was the master of five languages, and was anxious to get employment as a teacher, but in all his attempts he had failed to obtain pupils. Under these overwhelming circumstances, and actually famishing with hunger, be waited upon the Lord Mayor for advice and assistance. The LORD MAYOR regretted that there was no funds from which the unfortunate refugees derived subsistence, but thought that 'the circumstance of such an application by a man of rank being made public, would have the effect of rallying round him those upon whom his claims were undeniable. His Lordship declared his readiness to receive any intelligence which would be likely to prove ad vantageous to the unfortunate Count, who, it wi.s stated, at one time actually contemplated suicide. The Count went away grateful for the reception he had met with, and for the bounty of the Lord Mayor. William Earle, who was some time ago charged before the LORD MAYOR with having defrauded a Mr. Price of a bill of exchange for MY., and who represented himself as the principal Director of the Pickled Fish Company, was again apprehended and examined on the same charge, and also upon a charge made by Mr. Woodhill, jeweller, of St. Paul's Churchyard. The moment the officer announced to the people who crowded the hall that Earle was at the bur, a great rush was made into the justice roo.l. Mr. Price, it will be recollected, had been en- gaged by Earle as a traveller for the Pickled Fish Company, and had given to Earle a bill of exchange for 50/., to be held as a security for the due dis charge of the duties of the situation. The Pickled Fish Company had no business for Mr. Price to transact; and Earle paid away the bill to a trades man for his own advantage. At the time Earle was first apprehended on the charge of converting the acceptance to his own use, the bill had not been taken up, and the case of course was imperfect. Since that period, Inzm ever, ;he bill had been paid, and the document was produced in evidence, the prosecutor Navin„ followed up the business with great zeal in consequence of the cruel nature of the imposition. Earle declared that he derived no advantage whatever from the bill. The whole transaction was his partner's. lie (Earle) was a respectable man, and could prove that he had been most honourable in all his dealings. _ . _ The next charge against him was attended with some remarkable circumstances. At the titre of the late Mayoralty election Earle, who is a man of ad dress, waited upon the Lord Mayor, said that he admired the political conduct of his Lordshi?, was possessed of considerable influence in the city, and would, although a stranger, have no objection to make one of his Lordship's Committee, in order to secure the return of su popular and praise worthy an individual. The Lord Mayor im mediately referred the gentleman to his Committee, but Mr. Charles Pearson, after having questioned him a little, dispensed with his services without any ceremony. Earle, however, contrived on the occa sion to scrape an acquaintance, which he did not fail to turn to account. He saw one of the Lord Mayor's Commit tee just about to enter the shop of Mr. Woodhill, the jeweller, in St. Paul's Church yard, and not only addressed him, but entered the shop and conversed with him on the most interest ing topic. The jeweller supposed, from the cir cumstance, that Earle was a friend of his customer's, and on the following day Earle called, spoke of his intimacy with the Lord Mayor and the gentleman whom he had accompanied the day before, asked to look at a handsome gold chain which he had cast his eye upon, and said he was desirous to show it to his wife, as he thought it would just answer: he was allowed to take it home, and never afterwards re turned. Mr. Woodhill subsequently gave 71. for the chain to a perstur who had purchased it at the shop of a pawnbroker, where it had been pledged soon a f te r Earle had obtained it by these ingenious means. The LORD MAYOR said he believed Mr. Earle's cleverness had led him at length into a hobble, out of which it would be difficult fur him to escape. It was stated that Earle had made a very adroit attempt to convert the offence into a debt; for, upon hearing that inquiries were made after the chain, he sent word to Mr. Woodhill that, if the bill were sent, the money was ready, and there was no occa sion to make any noise about such a trifle. Mt. Woodhill, while Earle was out of the way, by Mr. Hobler's advice, laid aside the chain, in order to be able to produce it against Earle in evidence, if he should be apprehended. It was also stated that Earle had been projecting engines which were to work without steam, and with greater velocity, anti that he had lately been lectur ing the people of the north 011 the cholera morbus. He was remanded for further examination on both charges. Upo❑ the second charge the prisoner was silent ; but while the first was going forward he was very vociferous about his integrity. TV OR S HIP-S TREE T. Yesterday Bridget Catkin, charged with the wil ful murder of the child Margaret Ouffy, was brought before Mr. TWYFORD, in order to her final exami nation and commitment. _ Her father, who is a respectable-looking man, about 50 years of age, and keeps a school at lel;u`f- had an interview with her at th went away before the examination When the prisoner was brought forw geared to have been weeping, and an e , had taken place in her personal ap manner since the last examination. S have suffered in health, and the air of ference with which she formally lisf statements against her, had given place if not desponding, look. She was allo Front of the bar — while the additional read over and signed by the witnesses. W. Dalton, a young man resident i court, Golden-lane, deposed that he ha prisoner about three weeks, and ab, past seven on Saturday evening, the her going through the court carrying who had one arm round her neck, an She then had on a light-coloured d she now wore. Bridget Murray, of No. 7, Broad _ Milton -street, proved that between eight and t 3 ii on the same Saturday night, she saw the p r isoner', the court with Mrs. Duffy, w h o was i n an a gitate' state, and demanding to know what she had dot with the deceased. Witness begged of her to,t the truth, and she declared that she had not 0 7 the deceased away from the house. The wii afterwards heard a conversation between the pi' and Mary Duffy, as stated in the deposition IN - latter. :he oillee, l * comment ,vard, she's :vident 0110 )pearance the seen:id' atupid sotte‘oevvneiaed owed si leaannse to eesoil l o ' in Hartsbe, :203dudti a known nstg.u: i f, l the decease' ad was cry dress, sucb Arrow-coort' lisOriel ,f tile itnei , It appeared that when the prisoner was taken t ° the police station and charged with stealing t be , child, a light-coloured shawl was taken from he' neck by Mrs. Dumphy, her landlady, who claimed 11 ' Some of the witnesses sub se qu en tly b roug ht forw 3 " , : who had seen her carrying the child, described he' as having worn such a shawl. James Hanley, the Wor s hip- s t ree t o ffi ce r, to! produced the shawl, which he had received from tbt witness Dumphy. Mr. Dixon, the s u p er i nten d ent o f po li ce , W I stated that he had no further evidence to product, Mr. TWYFORD told the prisoner that she not be again brought before him, as the evidence was closed, and it became his duty to commit h er to Newgate for trial. He asked if she wished t ° say any thing before he committed her. The prisoner rose and attempted to speak, 1 1 her voice faultered, and she burst into t e ars, s r ', sunk back into her seat without making any refill {,e The Magistrate asked if she was aware that s `' was now about to be committed to take her trial ll the charge of murd e r ?—Th e p r isoner, who h i covered her face and was weeping, made no reel but the question being repeated to her by an officefr she answered, scarcely audibly, in the affirmative . Mr. TWYFORD said, he supposed she would t e • serve any thing she might have to offer in defen ce until her trial ?—She said, " Yes, she had no vi iill to say any thing at present." • I, She was then fully committed to Newgate for tr' s George Bradley, Louisa Covington, and Sar a ( Skinner, who had been apprehended on suspicion ° having murdered some person or persons unknooll' at a house which they had recently taken in Sevee le , place, Bethnal-green, have since been several tittle examined before the Magistrate, Mr. BoouGteroS• o The prisoners, it will be remembered, had be e apprehended upon the information of Mrs. Smitho , ; widow, who occupied the next house to them, No. She deposed to having on more than one ()cos i° I heard noises in the house occupied by the prisoner.' which induced her to believe that females we e " Barked" there, and on the Wednesday night b e , fore the prisoners were taken she heard faint but d' s 4 ° . tinct cries of murder in a female voice, and follov e o 0 by the voice of a man, who said to another " 11° 4 the —,•hold her," after which all remained '; for several hours, when she and her niece heard box corded in the same room, and saw it c arne ] away across the'fields by George Bradley, foliag e by three men and the two female prisoners. . 1 r prisoners on their part denied that such exclan l ., dons us described by Mrs. Smith had been utter eue t but said that on one of the occasions which 5 spoke of, the brother and sister were romping, ° el .. , on the other there was a quarrel amongst thetni They all declared that the boxes spoken of by 111 " Smith and her niece existed only in their imaginatio' and that what they saw taken out were a bedste table, and other household things, which were' j vied away all night. Upon inquiry it was ascerta that some household goods had been moved I 41 to places mentioned by the prisoners, and it , peared that they had for some time past been s hift , ing about and bilking landlords. Ci rcu mstanc e were discovered which showed them to be pers oll, , of disreputable character; bit nothing confirmat° r ; of the suspicions which caused their apprehens i % was elicited, and after a rigid investigation they o' r discharged out of custody. NEW FEAT IN CONJURING.—III an 0 ' nouncement of performances is the following :---" lie "' l ' 4 then drive eight tenpenny nails into the small of any ge_ : ": tlewan's back; place the individual in a loadstone draw out every nail, and the gentleman shall feel no pain, The state of trade in this town at the prece ° moment is depressed beyond all parallel. We could O ne more instances than one where most respectable 0 ' 63 ; keepers did not take a farthing for three days together ' s , week ! The lace, the staple commodity, is almost s t ,, stand still, and the sufferings of thousands in the mi J ".„ classes, arising from present embarrassments, and the sr i prehensions of the future, are such as to excite the uttn,:, commiseration. As a proof of the depression of thing' , this place, we may state, that a large sale of splendid I'a° l ' advertised last week but one, did not produce a sing : buyer ; and as to the lace trade, we will put one fac t ". record. A seven quarter eleven point circular lace 01'; chine, with 41. worth of cotton on the beam, a ctually e l work, making 100 racks per week, was sold for only 12 " I and a good winding tackle was given into the bargai% We should suppose this machine would at one time ha lf sold for 5001. Dues not such a state of things can 'he immediate relief from Government? The fact is , t 0 aristocratic landowners, and fundlioNers, together with immense standinz army, the Church, and other suchli% non-producers, are swallowing the fruits of the poor 00" industry.—Nottingham Review. SKETCH-BOOK OF INIGO JONES.---: 11 , 1 1t Duke of DEVONSHIRE has made a curious and valu su present to the Society of Antiquaries—a fac-simile of thin Sketch-book of INIGO JONES, kept by him during 11 e , second visit to Italy in 1614. The original is a most r j markable relic, and came to his Grace from the celebrst,ett E irl of BURLINGTON : it is an octavo volume, filled "' li r , drawings, chiefly of the human figure and face, in Pe e and ink, entirely by the hand of Irirco Jos Es, who Ty e annexed and interspersed many critical remarks. „ Duke of DEVONSHIRE has had a few fac -simile irop re ", lions made merely for presents, and one of these be b s , given to the Society of Antiquaries. Lilco JONES b e g s , his career as a landstape painter, and in 1614 he apr i . o , to have returned to Italy for the purpose of stuslying tory ; and his sketches are entirely from statues, t eli ,%; and paintings, without a single drawing to indicate he was by profession an architect. Recollecting that was at this date more than forty years old, the motto °O,, the first page of the "Alien diletto the imparar trovo" forms of itself an interesting characteristic. I v author knew how much he had yet to learn. This Sket c ,, book confirms is a decisive manner the assertion that t h e quarrel between BEN JONSON and INIGO JONES could n1.)0 have occurred so early as 1614, but that it broke ou t 1632. CHALstErts has maintained the contrary, an d tb, g the part of Lanthorn Leather head, in BEN JON SO, , Bartholomew Fair, was meant for INIGo JosEss I t I not to be disputed that the htstility o f Istao JONES de layed the performance of BEN JONSON'S yule of a 7 14/15 and occasioned the omission of several scenes and pa. sages in which he was iutended to be ridiridiculed.This m we have on the authority of the then Master of th e Revel l ' BIRTH On the kith inst. at Scarborough,S. the lady of F. R. Croy.jefi Esq . , 0 f Carshalton-lodge, to ) 1 a Esq., of a daughter. ste , On the ‘2tith inst. in Berkeley-square, the lady of Capt. venson, of Battbrd House, Gloucestershire, of a son. son of the late J. Estridg:, A On the 27th inst. at Beddin_gton, .11* T. Estlidge, Esq. yO, l the youngest daughter of George Loraine, Esq. of Wall' Surrey. DIED. -e t ' On the 28th inst. William Garrett, Esq. of the Royal Cre 6 ' Bath, and Marine Parade, thighton. iii' P On the Oth inst. at Deal, Mr. D. H. Willard, agtd 2 6, cerely regretted. I A ItItIED. --....-V4 PH"T" £;;;' guIi FI L B F L :I s C i rII B :I I , S I 7' l R U A I N ( I D ) , ° L o I N ° D U o NN. A LIVER' 111Gli England London, Eight o', And a tvlose cc witted of may be, Commits JONES, No. 10, the neceq such Pri At the sA Coroner. Cons, I n have bee: to trans n the Ciei ealty of the Old ] T ENGLA hereby g That Wiil be h /Ewa-, the Forei following " Tha Establish under th 52, sec. quitted 111. cap . In ord Parts in 1 Court co retur n w LI TH' f. ING Wll Street, 01 for Threi VERNO the Gene ler!), to and num to revise 20, Kir TO A v annually the king( The al Young n extended, Furthe J ame , London. I NCORA THE DEC) DANI 114 E Gi PICCAE P ATROL profession t ropolis, 1 Public is 8 rORE MINER teeoiled ration is out the illaya the for man, w ETI bISHEAS NE RAL PLETE !•OURA' eu rabra +knower 1 1. B. short per CHOI; THI t. London, "aterneni eines in a t he Balti thei r gen !upplied '"Ave to 1 1 "0 tlaei btore Cur 4 vastatit si (OENER, D Th e tsi COlie 4 rre. , Jr. Fiel h'lal Ex ' 4 d L' iol Beni 111*4-de -sattlipc "e — Ppin 411 " Y 111 Cl l , pp llet ~d;e-at . • j : ; ue en , 1 , 141 1C14 a olt of