The Sun. — London, England, 1831-06-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS It will be - perceived by an advertisement in this day's journal, that the project of erecting some public structure in honour of the King, for the noble part which he has taken in emancipating his people from the tyranny of the boroughmongers, is in a thriving state. We fervently recommend and press its execution ; and, by the way, while we are upon this subject, we cannot help recommending it as a test of real and sham Reformers. Sir John Owen, for example, has for a while jockeyed Mr• Gre ville out of the county of Pembroke, by sud denly giving himself out to be a Reformer. If he be a Reformer, let him present something to the monument for the King, which is meant to comme• morate his Majesty's firmness in dissolving the Parliament, which resisted openly, and trickily endeavoured to elude, Reform ; and the same may be applied to other hasty converts to the principle of Reform; if they be sincere, their loyalty must overflow to that Sovereign, and their gratitude to those Ministers who have given to Reform its only legal chance of success, by appealing to the voice of the people. The real Reformers will, of course, aid the plan from principle. —Times. - We insert a letter, signed " A Mother," in this day's Journal, on the conduct of Major Dundas in Ireland, towards that unhappy girl, whom, with her sister, it is painful to us to name. VITe did mean to have said nothing on the subject, out of respect to the friends of the more weak offending party; for, unfortunately, there was blame on all sides. Lord Dorchester was a boy, and appears to have been seized with compunction in the progress of his mis conduct, and before its completion. We still hope, therefore, that he will live to do honour to his ele vated rank, in which case every thing in this trans action will be forgotten; and we are much mis taken if times are not approaching in which a fair name will weigh as much as an empty title. The conduct of his more hardened companion, whose age approached probably to 40, is without excuse,---his infamous falsehoods to a foolish but yet a confiding girl,—his abandoned dissoluteness,—his callous efforts to retain possession of the victim when present desire was palled, render him an unfit per son for Christian society, and if so, an unfit person to held his Majesty's commission with the certainty of promotion. In the capture of a town by assault, for example, bow could such a man restrain the fury of the common soldier ? Would he not rather encourage his passions and participate in his crimes'? We hope, with our correspondent " The Mother," to see him dismissed from the service. We suppose an authentic copy of the trial has been forwarded to the Horse Guards.—Times. The report of a Special Commission, for the trial of marl deluded individuals in the county of Lime rick, will be found in another column of the Times. The chnrge against the prisoners--and now it may be fairly stated the crime of which they were, we believe without exception, found guilty—was the turning up of pasture land with the shade, aggra• rated in some instances by the use of force or in timidation, to compel other parties to join them in the perpetration of that very serious attack on lauded property. Two of these wretched men, who had employed menaces to their neighbours, were sentenced by the Court to be hanged. It is a carious fact, though not singular in the history of such proceedings, that some of the culprits could not plead the extreme of poverty in extenuation of their offences. A man of the name of Kiely was de. .scribed by his own witness, as a " snug farmer—not in want of land." We hear frequently, and quite truly, that the destitute condition of the peasantry of Ire land is the main cause of most of their outrages upon person and property : the purpose of all these outrages to revenge or to intimidate, and to intimidate through the effect produced by ostentatious vengeance. They term it " execution, lawful punishment," —" a fair and legitimate administration of justice," —i n other words, it is their mode of vindicating the law, the only law for which they have any re spect•—the poor man's law,—the end of which (how ever grossly they mistake the matter) is to save themselves and families from starvation. We need hardly repeat what is so well known, viz.—that the Irish peasant cannot, in cue instance out of five, support himself, as the English peasant does, or used to do, by the wages of daily labour. There is not labour in the country to maintain a fifth of the existing peasants. Their staple support is land, au Acre, half an acre, or sometimes less, occupied at an enounous rent, arid yielding seldom more than a scarify crop of potatoes,—a pig,—an expedition, for the man, in harvest-time to England ;—the practice of beggary from door to door, by the woman and her children, until the husband's return, which is al ways before the time of potato-digging,—an occa sional job of some hard drudgery while he is at home; these form the resources of the Irish peasant, which it is manifest must be wholly insufficient under the contingency—first, of a fit of ague, too frequent amongst the mud-wallowing poor of. Ire land; second, in case of a bad Irish potato-crop; third, in case of a slack demand for labourers in England. Well, if his land be taken from one of these poor wretches, what is he to do ?—what, we repeat, is he to do ? There is no labour,—there is no habitation,—there are no poor laws in Ire land : it is, therefore, potato-field or positive fa mine. When a large extent of land remains in pasture, while there are hundreds of wretched families, end as many surplus members, ripe to swarm and take wing, from families already pro vided, all panting for leave to toil upon the idle sur face, their manner of hinting their wants to the proprietor, is to turn up four or five inches deep of the land, which, translatel into English, says— " Give us the use of this ,virgin earth for our po tatoes." But how come people to join this throng who have no common cares or sufferings with the multitude ? Your " snug farmers"—how come . they to mix with the half-famished peasantry, while the latter are engaged in setting the law and Go vernment at defiance ? Why, simply, that they cannot feel secure in the midst of a multitude so distempered and unanimous, but by ranging them. 3elvea on the stronger side, which is that of the discontentelpeasaniry, until the day of reckoning comes, and that comes not very often. The smaller farms in Ireland find their best protection in seem ing to feel with the very poorest of the people. It was so in 1822, when the whole south of Ireland was insurgent : it was so in 1798, when a grey- treated man, not a rebel, was looked upon - as a rnouster, and stabbed or pitched over the parapet of a bridge, or upon some pile of blazing turf or fag• gag.. The cause thus is misery —the concomitant is mean•spirited imitation. No man is safe that has inac. a stone-walled house, with a stated roof—nor he without barricading his windows—nor then. The peor must be relieved by some permanent system of legal assistance ; that is the first principle of the whole reasoning on the state of Ireland : they must be relieved of their present distress, and de fended against its recurrence, or Ireland will never be at peace.—Times. The conduct of Austria to the brave Dwetnicki and his corps is now proved to be, by all concurrent accounts, what we originally stated it was, a gross, and flagitious violation • of the principle of neu trality and a shameless infringement of international law. It appears that the General and his officer• are to be sent to Laybaeh,and the privates to Tran sylvania; all the Russian arms are to be delivered up to General Rudiger, and those which ore recog nized as the property of the Polish Government, are to be considered a 3 property intrusted to the Government of Austria. The event which enabled Austria thus practically to evince its animus against Poland, will have little influence on the destinies of that heroic country, for the lose of Dwernieki and his warriors, is already repaired by the successful issue of the expedition of General Chrzanovraki to Zamosc, but it involves a precedent that may be hereafter of the most mischievous consequences, as being subversive of the rational and equitable prin ciples which, under similar circums:ances, have hitherto governed civilized nations. But an Evening Paper (the Courier), which seems strangely solicit ous to rescue the policy of Metternich from the re probation with which enlightened opinion will for ever stigmeeise it, finds subject of praise in this act of Austrian perfidy and spoliation. That Paper says " there is something gratifying to the friends of Poland, and very creditable to the Austrian Cabinet, in the distinction drawn between the Rus sian arms and those which are recognised as the property of the Polish Government. This does sot look as if the Poles were regarded as mete rebels by Austria." Now, if Austria does not re gard the Poles as rebels, she must look upon them as an independent people at war with Russia ; arid in that character no person will have the folly to assert that she has any right to detain them as pri ,oners, having been forced upon her territory by at, enemy, who purposely violated neutral rights, and i s now permitted by Austria to take advantage of his own wrong"! If to treat the Polish officers and -oldiers as prisoners—to deliver up part of their isms to the Russian e, and retain the other poi , , ion herself, be a specimen of the impartial justice which Austria affords to neutrals, driven for momen tary asylum on her soil, by a foe that did not re spect its neutrality, we should like to know what acts of hers tossards the Poles could be charac terised as outrage and oppression. Could she throw hem into dungeons, loaded with chains, or could , he put them to death? Could she even deliver them up to Russia without by that act declaring .car against Poland, and thus trying whether there was any extent of dishonourable forbearance, which could not be submitted to by the pusil lanimous Government of France, rather than en force the principle of " non-intervention" which she had so pompously proclaimed? Again, if Austria has taken upon her to decide that a certain portion of the arms seized from the Poles are Russian arms (though, if taken in battle, they must have become the property of the Poles by right of conquest), and delivers them up to Russia, she was certainly bound in equity to have delivered up the arms, which are riot disputed to be Polish, to the National Government at Warsaw. We are told she does not regard the Poles as rebels. At all events they are not rebels to her authority; and she has no other right to detain either the Polish prisoners or their arms, under the circumstances in which they have fallen into her hands, than that which entitles the strong to oppress the weak—brute force unjustly exercised. The Evening Paper to which we have alluded, informed us, a short time since, that Austria was not likely to act unjustly towards the Poles, be cause "it was not her interest." Did the world ever know a despotic State to take an enlightened or comprehensive view of its own interests ? lithe Emperor of Austria knew the real interests of his Government, and were virtuous enough to act upon them, he would not be guided by the Machiavelian policy of such a statesman as Metternich, whose evil genius has been mainly instrumental in causing all the revolutions with which Europe is now distracted. But though Austria sect etly hates Russia much, and , s jealous of her encroaching power, she hates free dom more, and dreads its vicinity. But who can wonder at such conduct in a Mate that was one of the three Powers that plotted the crime and divided the spoils of the infamous partition of Poland ? Morning Herald. It has been remarked in the City that the letter of Lord Ponsonby to the Belgian Congress is the most unconciliatory and dictatorial document that ever fell from the pen of a British Diplomatist. Without entering into the question of the justice or injustice of his Lordship's demands—for such they may be called—it appears to us to be quite clear, that, unless those demands are complied with, the Five Powers bare dttermined to interfere in a man ner much more effectual than any that can result from the mere use of words. Lord Ponsonby does not disguise this intention of the Allies. He plainly tells the Belgians that, unless they settle with the Dutch upon certain terms, they will be compelled by force of turns to submit to an arrangement. " Not one inch of Dutch territory," says his Lordship, " shall be left to Belgium, unless she shall have con quered Europe. What she may lose of her own territory, if she should happen to be defeated in such contests, is another question." Nothing can be more peremptory than the language employed in the above extract. It besides assumes the whole thing in dispute—namely, what is Dutch territory ? The Belgians on the one hand claim certain districts as belonging to them—the Dutch say that they be long to Holland. Now according to the law of nations, which his Lordship talks so much about, the dispute ought to be settled by the contend iug parties themselves, unless they agree to refer it to a third party. Lord Ponsonby has said a great deal about the sacredness and sanctity of treaties; but this is mere fudge, or something worse, when applied to the Belgic question. If treaties were -o sacred us not to be allowed to be changed, Belgium herself ought to be considered as sub ject to the King of Holland. But in all the talk and negotiations relative to this affair, one very important point appears to be entirely left out of consideration. We allude to the wishes of the people of the disputed distfets. The question with us is, do they wish to be united with Holland or with Belgium ? The fact might be easily ascer tained, and when ascertained, in our humble opinion, it ought to decide the question. A rumour has been current in the city among persons usually well in formed, which, if true, fully accounts for the peremptory tone of Lord Ponsonby's letter to the Belgian Congress. It is said that the Five Powers sre perfectly satisfied that the Belgians will reject their proposals as to limits, and that they have de termined upon an armed intervention. It is further reported that a French army will occupy the whole of West Flanders, as Brussels, Ghent, Ostend, arid Antwerp; and that a Russian force will take pos session of what may be called East Flanders— namely, Limburg and Luxembourg. For our part we cannot attach any credit to this rumour, opposed as it is to every principle of foreign policy professed to be held by the present French arid English Governments. The project cannot be looked upon in any other light than as a division of spoil between Prussia and France—a division almost as infamous as was the partition of Poland. But it is said that the miseries of the last twenty-five years of war is so impressed upon France and Prussia, that, instead of fighting about Belgium, they have come to the conclusion of quietly dividing the country between th e m. Now, granting for a moment that this is true, we.would - ark, are not the interests of England compromised by such an arrangement ? If we are ►old that England would be satisfied by the razing of the fortifications of Antwerp, and rendering it like Hamburg—a free town, we answer that though her commercial interests might not be injured, her political character would be most materially. For ouf own part we should not envy the reputation of that Minister who could take part in such a deed of infamy. We repeat, however, that we do not be lieve the rumour.—Morning Herald, The war between the Russians and the Poles has led to a more sober estimate of the power of the former than was before entertained. " The Conqueror of the Beim," observes the Consti tulionnel, " couf ned to strong places, is reduced to a de fensive war, and his army is by turns decitnated by the victories of regular troops, by the independent arms of scythe bearers, by tbe zavag,s of the cholera morbus, and by the insufficiency of the supplies of provisions, the fruits of its own devastations, and the habitual rapine of the Russian Commissariea. In vain the Czar still threatens, and gives utterance to language of rage and contempt; in vain he announces the arrival of 150,000 serfs as a rein- forcgment to put an end at once to the affair with the man of Pohlad, The prestige of Russia is gone; the whole Russian army ii demoralised ; superstition, so useful in success, becomes an additional obstacle in reverses, and the forces' of the two countries may beeorno less unequal in the struggle on which they have entered." It is fortuntrn that wherever in huFnan affairs we see one man at liberty to give such commands, and utter such frantic metiacei as those of the Emperor of Russia, the means of execution are usually in the inverse ratio of the extravagance. Extreme des ignorance and extreme in - :- potism suppoies extreme morality. Where men possess the talents and energy that render them available instruments to carry great purposes into effect, they will not be blind instruments, and no ruler would dare to treat them as such. The Russian is in that state of civi lization in which a man is little above the brute. He yields to every animal impulse when the oppor tunity for indulgence presents itself; and of mora lity, in the higher sense of the word, he has not an idea. Every man robs and plunders wherever he has an opportunity —every man takes bribes. No reliance can be placed on any man in any situation in which he may be placed. In the hospitals, the physician robs the patient ; in the field, the com missary, officer, and private all rob each other. Even as mere machines, leaving out of consideration all the higher parts of warfare, the Russian is slow and stupid. Lord Londonderry, in his Narrative of the War in Germany and France, attributes to the Duke of Wellington, on the occasion of a review at Paris of the Russian army, at which he was present, an ; observation tolerably indicative of his opinion of it. "We rode down the hill (says his Lordship), and the Russians broke from their lines into grand columns of regiments; and no one but a soldier can conceive the beauty of this great simultaneous change. A spot was then fixed upon for these masses to march by the Sovereigns ; and the Emperor of Russia, putting himself at the head of the leading regiments, thus formed in column, marched past, and saluted the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia; then placing himself by their side to see the rest of the army go by. The whole of the day wa s on ly su ffi c i ent t o give time for a re-formation into line, and an opening of ranks, along which the cavalcade of Monarchs and their immense suite rode The Duke of Wellington and Sir Lowry Cole, and various other military friends, met together in the evening at my quarters, full of admiration of the movements they had seen ; and I well remember the Duke of Wel lington saying to me, Well, Charles, you and I never saw such a sight before, and never shall again ; the precision of the movements of those troops are more like the arrangements of a theatre than those of such an army. I never saw anything like it.'— Much, however, as the Duke was struck with the extraordinary perfection of the Russian formations, he was by no means satkfied with their slowness : and I remember a remark from him, that his little army would move round them in any direction whilst they were effecting a single change;' an opinion which all who beard it re-echoed."— But real war is a very different affair from parade movements, as Marshal Diebitsch has had some cause to know. The materials of which a Russian army is made being bad in themselves, the army cannot be good. The mere bodies of men ate not enough. If the masses whence the soldiers are taken are low in the scale of civilization, no discipline can give it the honour and the intelli gent spirit which the army of a civilized nation pos sesses. The Czar may issue his Ukases, but the officers will not less rob their soldiers, the Com missary starve them, the physician cheat his hospital patients. Diebitsch must be sensible of the mad ness of ravaging the very country whence he can alone hope to feed his troops ; but Diebitsch could not restrain them if he would. We have been much struck with the picture of Russian life, in a volume recently sent to us, the first of a work preparing for the Press, under the title of " Ivan Vejeegher, or Life in Russia" said, in the accompanying eommu wcation, to be a translation from the Russian. On perusing this volume the causes of the weakness of Russia appear sufficiently obvious. Every Russian has constantly present to him that he is at the mercy of every man in authority, that the law to him is a snare and not a protection, and he has no other resource than to make reprisals in his own way on those who rob and plunder them. There is a striking passage towards the close of the volume, where a discussion takes place in a merchant's house, on the question why in trade the Russians are merely drudges for the foreign mercantile houses, and never become respectable merchants them selves.—" On a sudden there was a noise ta;sed in the passage. The landlord was on his way thither but he had scarcely risen froM his chair, when the door opened with a bounce, and into the room, with a howl, ran a huge mastiff dog. There appeared a gentleman in u travelling dress with a pipe between his teeth, and behind him a footman, and an under strapper of the police. In the mean time, as the dog was strellieg about all the corners of the room, and his master was undressing himself, without tnore ado, the policeman said : There is a lodger for Suder Yerrnolayeveetch : His High-well-born-ship (translated literally) is come from Petereburgli on Government business, and you are so fortunate that your house has taken his fancy.' Have mercy upon us; there are already six men in the Govern ment-service quartered upon me,' replied the land. lord ; besides that, the Cr. pitan Eespravnik ordered me to take in those two gentlemen.' Hold your tongue, long beard!' said the man of office, casting a grim look :it the respectable old mare ' I wish to have no further acquaintance either with thee or thy Capitan Eespravnik, and will remain here because it pleases myself." The landlord turned to the policeman, and said, But the neighbouring houses are quite unoccupi e d.' How can you , compar e your house with yo ur n e i g hb ou rs' houses `e replied the policeman. They are gentlemen in office, people of rank ; you know that with them lodge the Governor, the Procureur. Enough, enough, Slider Yermolaye veetch, if re have not merchants to answer all pur. poses, what order would there be ? It is strong men who should carry burdens, and you are the richest of them all.' The policemen went out, and the man of office said, Move about now, old one; your brotherhood here seem to have a fine time of it, when you dare to be so contumacious!' make no objections (replied the merchant); but I and my family have only three small rooms remaining, and Ido not know whe r e t o l o d e you. shall r take two and you can occupy the thin: (said the man of office); and if you are too crowded,you can betake yourself to the pantry. Observe what airs this boor gives himself.' lam no boor, Sir, but a met chant." But do you think that is not all the same ?' repli, d the man of office, with a laugh. 'He who is not a nobleman, what can he be but a boor ?' We left the room, and the landlord followed us. Gentlemen (said be) we hare found out the reason why merchants do not like to remain in their pro. fession. This is a small sample of the respect which the other classes pay us. But you have not yet seen the thousandth part of our vexations, an d w hen you see them, recollect the good features in our cha racter, and do not lay the blame where it is not due. It is amongst us here as it is everywhere; everything will go its own course,' said Peter Petroveitch, 'till civijization circulates through all classes of the com munity. It is only the man of educ a ti on an d refine- merit who can in lull measure be sensible of his du ties to others, arid can respect all his fellow-creatures. The well-educated man knows that in a properly re gulated empire every profession is respectable, arid as necessary as all the strings of an instrument to produce harmony. Ignorance erects a barrier between them." Civilization, however, cannot be created, a like o a an army, by the nation ine i vil fiat izt tio n of is n at first Emperor. T exceedingly si progress o v. We are not aware, too, of any instances of nations having succeeded in springing over any of the s tages. Peter the Great might cause the Russians to cut off their beards, but we question if he really advanced their civilixition beyond what it would have ad vanced without him. On die other hand, it ii more than probable that the militaiy system which he introduced, while it extended the powers of the Government, has at the same time retarded the im provement of the Empire. To the army every thing is necessarily sacrificed, and every country that depends on an army is forced on a career of con quest, which impedes all internal improvement. Who knows but the successes of the Poles, by breaking up this immense Colossus, will lead to the amelioration of the condition of the Russians, and hasten their progress in civilization ! Russia now possesses some millions more inhalOants than in 1817, when Sir Robert Wilson wrote his famous tolume. It is curious to contrast the low opinion !low generally entertained of her power, with the terrific idea given by Sir Robert. "In this post , tion, which may be called the very heart of Europe, The rides alongside the Brandenburg possessions with the lofty and fearful superiority of one of her hurt ' deed and twenty-gun ships over a Prussian gallio!, where there is no escape from pressure, and where the weaker must be crushed or overwhelmed. Not withstanding the possession of the fortresses of Dantzic, Gradentz, and Colberg, Prussia can never attempt to defend any territory north of the Oder ; and her line of fortresses on that river is the only rampart of Germany; a rampart, too, of no value, if there are not supporting armies in the field equal, or nearly so, 'to the attacking force, and especially it, the army of cavalry, which is almost impossible, since Russia, without any extraordinary exertion, could bring one hundred and twenty thousand (regular and irregular) cavalry into action on the Prussian frontier . . • Both quarters of the globe are overshadowed by the mass of six hundred and forty thousand men, while an establishment of one million two hundred thousand ranges, in order of battle, exclusive of militia, Tartar cavalry, &c." The Czars, constantly hear ing such noneense as the above, no doubt believed that they were invincible. Hence the modest language of the Russian Court of late years. What is constantly repeated, comes at last to be in some measure believed. To the nations of Europe Russia was a constant bugbear. The Czar may now talk as big as he pleases; his fulminations will be placed in the same class with those of the Sovereign of the Moon, where he lately conquered. Even Sir Robert Wilson must nosy have some doubts as to the feasibility of his leading seven hundred thousand men against Warsaw, and giving law to Vienna, Berlin, and Constaminople, at the same moment. The poor Poles have wrought this miracle. Even if they should be conquered, they have humbled Russia to the dust But they will not be conquered.—Morning Chronicle. It appears that we have at length got the true version of the case as relates to Mr. Coleridge, the provision of which he was deprived, and the pro vision tendered to his acceptance, but which he-- respectfully declined. We publish a letter on the subject, which does equal honour to Lord Brougham and Lord Grey, and equal no-honour to certain other personages:— TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. SIR,-1n consequence of a paragraph which appeared in the Times of this day, I think it expedient to state the fact respecting Mr. Coleridge as it actually is. On the sudden suppression of the Royal Society of Literature, with the extinction of the honours and annual honoraria of the Royal Aisociateships, a representation in Mr. Cole ridge's behalf was made to Lord Brougham, who promptly and kindly commended the case to Lord Grey's considera tion. The result of the application was, that a sum of 2001., the one moiety- to be received forthwith, and the other the year following, by a private grant from the Treasury, was placed at Mr. Coleridge's acceptance; but lie felt it his duty most respectfully to decline it, though with every grateful acknowledgment of the prompt and courteous attention which his case had received from both their Lordships. 1 remain, Sir, yours respectfully, Highgate, June 3. JAMES GILLMAN. —Times. Various reports were prevalent in the city yes ' terday respecting advantages gained by the Poles over the Russians; but we have not been able to trace them to any authentic source, and are, there fore, more inclined to set them down to the credit of the good wishes of the people of the city towards the Poles, than to place implicit belief in them. No official intelligence on the subject has been re ceived —nor, indeed, intelligence of any moment, since the taking of Ostrolenka, of which, however, there appears to be no doubt. In the meantime, we are informed by the German Papers, that a de c's;on has been made by the Austrian Cabinet re specting the corps of Dwernicki, very different in deed from that which was originally reported. The General and his officers, it is now said, are to be ' sent to Laybach—the privates to Transylvania—all t 1 Russian - arms to be delivered up to General Rudiger—those which are recognized as the pro perty of the Polish Government to be considered as property entrusted to the Austrian Government —and the officers to retain their horses as private property. This distribution wears an air of impar tiality; and an Evening Paper is so taken with the matter, that it observes upon it in the following strain " There is something very gratifying to the friends of Poland, and very creditable to the Austrian Cabinet, in the distinction drawn between Russian arms and those which are recognized as the property of the Polish Go vernment. This does not look as if the Poles were re garded as mere rebels by Austria; and the Emperor of Russia must be Sadly mortified on learning that the Aus trian Ministry acknowledge such a thing as a Pu:isli Governmyry, and tie right of the Poles to have arms of their own, in spite of the decrees of the Russian Autocrat." For our part we see nothing very " gratifying" in the matter. The Emperor of Austria bad no right to make the distribution, or to constitu•e himself a Judge, an,l in giving every thing to the Russians which he conceived to belong to them, and retain ing every thing which he conceived to belong to the Poles, proved himself any thing but an impartial Judge, and a friend to the Poles. He is pursuing a middle course, and the leniency of that middle course ha s been produced by the remonstrances of France and England. To us the conduct of Austria is any thing but satisfactory.—Morning Advertiser. It appears that the Bankrupt Bill is to be brought • forward [main for the consideration of Parliament on the first day of the session. Not, however, in the "Loco in quo" it has heretofore been considered, but in the House of Commons, where it is to be in troduced, in a luminous speech, by his Majesty't, Attorney-General, and supported by all the wisdom, knowledge, legal learning, experience, and eloquence of Mr. Frederick Pollock. After the thri*Aniseraide miscarriages which have happened to the Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain in his hitherto frustrated attempts to force this measure upon the House of Lords, in spite of the opposition of Lords Eldon, Lyndhurst, Wynford, and other Peers, he has se- Jetted Si r T . D enman to i ntro d uce hi s r i c k etty bant ling into the presence of the Commons House Two more faulty measures than the two preceding Bankrupt Bills could not well have been con ceived, and we fancy that this one (for we con fess that we h ave no t seen the performance) wili not be more perfect. The present system, which only requir es a proper regulation, and -which has, in spite of the Reformer's assertions, worked well for so many years, is to, be abolished for t he purpose of int ro d uc i ng the theories of a specula tive individual, and to answer no practical purpose. Everyinstitution, therefore, of our ancestors is to be turned upside down. Commissioners of Bank rupts are to go in the general swoop, and it is pr - posed to supply th e i r p l aces by persons who will do the business in half the time, for half the pay, and kith the n the ignorance o f t h e p re sent race. That business may h e d one i n h a lf t h e t i me , tiv i eor l Six different Courts are to be constituted, and th e re a m ev er a dispute sh a ll arise, five or six different a p be, at th e o p t i on o f e i t h er s id e , when appeals of th ese di f f erent C ourts. T his v That the ignorance also of b an k ru ptcy l aw , w hi c h , t is asserte d , is now much to limit the expen se . w so often displayed by t h e i%iplie al so l io t o tend C o mmissioners, many of whom have paid great attention to the l aw o f, t h e pract i ce i n, and the judicial adm inistration of, bankruptcy (and many of whom, in our opinion, really know a great deal about it), may be displayed no more, Mr. Sergeant Pell is to be made Chief of the new Court; chiefly, we suppose, because he Lever held a bankrupt brief its his life. For the same cause, Mr. C. F. Williams, Mr. Frederick Poliock (the seconder to his Majesty's Attoroey-Gerieral a foresaid), and Mr. Erskine, are to be appointed Junior Judges of the First Court of Bankruptcy. For the same reason, every other j u di c i a l appoint ment under the new Bill is said to be intende.l to be filled up by gentlemen from the Northern Cirett't, who, from their common law practice, can know little of the principles of equity, of which bankruptcy chiefly consists; and who, from their having solely seen the proceedings on circuits, sessions, and at Nisi Prins, can know little of the proceedings be fore the Lord High Chancellor upon a petition in bankruptcy. For the very reverse of this rea son, Messrs. Montagu, Rose, Beames, Swanston, Jacob, Meri vale, Fonblanque, Gregg, Roots, and others, are excluded from Lord Brougham's new Bankruptcy Judges; and yet this is the syqem which is to supersede the old one, and such are the new Judges to be who are to be substituted for tht. present Commissioners. Sir James Scarlett will, we are happy to say, give the measure his decided opposition. The mercantile world is up in arms against it, and its transportation from the Lords to the Commons shows that the Lard Chancellor is Rot very sanguine of its success. H e may be sorry to lose the patronage it would give him; bar he must be sensible that a House of Commons, which the Whigs say does not truly represent the people, and which is so soon to be reformed, is not the very best tribunal (radically speaking) to moot a measure so deeply important to the mercantile world.—Morning Post. M. GREGOIRE, LATE BISHOP OF BLOIS (From a Paris Paper.) France has just lost one of those men whose lives are models of consistency, and may be com pared to beautiful dramas, where all the stages of the action are in harmony with each other.— In his youth, in his riper years, and in his old age, M. Gregoire was always attached to the same things, to letters, philosophy, humanity, and religion. The love of religion was the predo minant feeling of his breast, and contributed not a little to keep alive that passion for liberty which the revolution of 1789 kindled within him. The study of public and private rights the meditation of the doctrines of Christ, the great preacher of equality, and a deep know ledge of the history of the primitive church, had admirably prepared the Cure d'Ember menil for our political reformation; he may be said to have been a citizen before the French people had conquered that sacred name on the ruins of the Basil?. So early as 1778, an essay on the ameliora tion of the political, physical, and moral con dition of the Jews, had announced in M. Gregoire a man superior to the maxims of in tolerance and fanaticism. This production, bold and new in its nature, was received with favour by the clergy of France. At the same time he was active in promoting the education of his parishioners, both in a religious and agri cultural point of view, giving them free access to a library adapted to their intelligence and . to their condition, which he sought to render more free and happy by increasing their knowledge. It was thus that M. Gregoire anticipated, by more than half a century, the generous attempts made in our time to enlighten the popular mass, and diminish that inequality of civilization which, to the prejudice of liberty, places so great an in tellectual distance between different parts of France. Gessner, Ochs, Lavater, and other en lightened men, whom he visited in their respec tive countries, had been made the confidants of his philanthropic views, and felt for him the highest esteem. This sentiment he had tile good fortune to inspire to the most remarkable men of his age, who never ceased to correspond with him as with the zealous friend of humanity. Perhaps there did not exist in all Europe, a religious body so moral and enlightened, so hu mane and full of consolation for the poor, as what was then called in France the has clerg, the eitrls in particular were a chosen class, with whom the higher clergy, indulging in every pleasure, relaxed in their morals, greedy of dis tinctions and of riches, could not for an instant have sustained a comparison. The conduct of either class at the revolution was in accord ance with the difference which existed in their moral condition. The grand dignitaries of the church fought for their privileges and their trea sures, and even refused to succour royalty in peril, and save it from destruction. The inferior, the poor clergy, embraced the cause of the people and of the King against the Court, join ing the generous citizens, who wished sincerely to see the throne hi alliance with liberty. France will never forget the noble devotion displayed by M. Gregoire on different occasions, at the meeting of the jeu de Paume, on the 14th July, and at the celebrated discussion on the civil con stitution of the clergy. Rome, which has modified its doctrines to serve its ambition, and its still affected supre macy, may have condemned the principles of the Bishop of Blois ; but he who has never ceased to oappealunjust, froma of reason, to whose supreme jurisdiction even willbe condemnation acgu ittedawhicht the h e t r consi deredib til pontiffs; are subject. What has become of the pretensions, the maxims, the usurpations, the Geraesgon hasries,defeated the ex aanndders, markedand there the ofse tsiC Reason stamp of eternal reprob a ti on . examples Se x with t u the Reason, whose rights are inalienable, has strip ped these usurpers of the inviolability, the infal libility with which they affected to surround their power, their relations, and their oracles. In the stormy scenes which succeeded the Con stituent Assembly, M. Gregoire, whatever his accusers may have asserted, displayed still greater courage. To give a faithful but brief summary of his conduct, under the Convention, he pro posed the abolition of the pain of death at the time of the trial of Louis XVI., requested that the King should be the first to benefit by the law; refused to sign a letter which called for his condemnation. He protested, with the greatest energy; at the very moment of the abdication of Gobel, that he would never abandon Christi anity. Aidett. by Lakanal and others he laid foundations for the re-establishment of public instruction ; lie protected the monuments of the arts against the barbarism which seemed to have spread over some parts of France. Under the Directory, all his efforts tended to the re-establishment of religion ; he has himself proved that four years before the finnous concor dat of Napoleon, the Christian worship had been restored in 32,000 parishes, and that, of the 8,000 remaining, 4,000 were petitioning for the re-opening of their churches. Named a member of the Senate under the empire, he did not abjure the severit of his principles, and, along with the Garats, Lanjuinais, and a few others, offered in his conduct a striking contrast to time slavish submission of that assembly to time master whom it afterwards betelyed. At the first restoration, M. 6re„goire, faithful to his principles, was for rejecting the Bourbons, until guarantees of liberty had been required and obtained at their hands. In the great fault then committed of not requiring from the Bourbons a formal declaration of their submission to liberty, which they would then no longer have looked upon as a gift of their munificence,, which the% might retake at will, a fault which has caused so many evils, and has finally led to the irrevouabit overthrow of the elder branch of the Bourbons the Bishop of Blois did not participate. Soon excluded from his bishopric and from the institute which he had founded, M. Gre goire withdrew to Auteuil, which Moliere, Boi leau, and other celebrated men had successively chosen as their retreat. He was thence called by the free and unexpected choice of the elec tors of the Isere. The public are well ac quainted with the new tribulations to which this event subjected him, and with the act of ostra cism inflicted on a delegate of the people, by an assembly which contained more than one mem ber unworthy of a parallel with the virtuous ob ject of its enmity. Wise, but perhaps timid, and, as he thought, pusillanimous friends ad vised him to give up his election. Such a re quest evinced but a slight knowledge of the fixity of his opinions, and the constancy of his character. Instead of giving way to the storm he loudly protested against the coup d'etat, as a violation of the rights of the people. The Bishop of Blois has rendered many services to the cause of liberty in general, but one great trait marks his whole political career. Ever since the Con stituent Assembly, he never ceased reclaiming the emancipation of the blacks ; the indepen dence of San Domingo was his work ; and the whole population of the blacks, when restored to the dignity of man, will ever celebrate in him the Las Casas of its liberty. In his illness and last moments, M. Gregoire remained faithful to himself; he died as he had lived, with a sense of personal dignity, conscien tious in his actions as in his words, constant in the support of doctrines embraced from con viction, the friend of liberty, of humanity, and of religion. He leaves behind him many esteemed works, and a far greater number of good and noble ac tions. Mild in disposition, he was obstinate from conviction ; he was easy of access, and a sure and trusty friend ; his conversation was in structive —grave, and yet cheerful ; in his coun tenance, calm and handsome, there was some thing singular in the turn and expression, which called to mind what Saint Simon says of a cer tain air which distinguished Fenelon amongst his contemporaries. THE NEW BEER-TRADE BILL. Yesterday afternoon a very numerous meeting of the persons engaged in the sale of the beer, under the authority of the new Beer Bill, was held at the house of Mr. Crucifix, in Bishcp•gate-street Without. Mr. Morris was called to the chair. The CHAIRMAN stated the objects of the meet ing, which were to take into consideration the cri tical state of the trade, and to come to some reso- lotions to counteract the misrepresentations tnade a 3 to the effects of the new Beer Bill, and to adopt means to protect the trade from the informers. He (the Chairman) considered it most important that Parliament should be petitioned to have the same privileges extended to the trade as those enjoyed by the licensed victuallers. The Magistrates were divided in their opinion as to the con-truction of a portion of the new Beer Bill ; and the traders had been convicted as having kept disordeey houses in not clearing out their customers at ten o'clock. All sorts of misrepresentations had been c'reulated to the prejudice of the new trade. Some measures were, therefore, necessary to secure to the trade their present rights, and to obtain an extension of them. Mr. BrtAtrxwAtTE stated that he and two others had had an interview with Lord Althorp and Mr. Hohhouse respecting the trade. His Lordship bad replied that it was positively not the intention or Ministers to do any thing with respect to the new beer Trade at present ; but his Lordship said that the time might soon arrive when the question would be taken into consideration. H:s Lordship had ex pressed a realiness to present a petition which had been sent to him, praying that the objectionable clauses in the Bill might be struck out, to the House of Commons, but would not support it. He (Mr. B.) thought it most advisable that a deput a ti on should proceed to Lord Brougham with a full state ment of the number of the fines which had been laid upon the new beet truders—the offences committed —and other returns, which w ou ld prove that the misrepresentations circulated w ere not f oun d ed i n fact.—(Hear, hear.) _ . Mr. BIRT said the retailers of beer in the county had to contend against the influence of the Cleray s the Magistracy, and the great brewers. The retailers of the new beer ought also to be on the alert, as petitions were getting up in all parts of the country ki pinst the new system, which had not only been productive of good, in affording a cheap and whole some beverage to the labourer, hut the agricultural interest had been benefited, owing to the increased consumption of malt. Bailey had risen from 10s. to 12s. per quarter, in consequence of the demand fir malt. The new system was, therefore, prc ductive of great good, and he thought a petition to Parliament, praying for protection and extension of privileges, ought to be presented. The SECRETARY read a series of resolutions agreed to ar a preliminary meeting for carrying the objects of the present assembly into effect. It was unanimously resolved to petition both Houses of Parliament, at a fining moment, for pro tection and un extension of rights. Mr. CRUCIFIX agree" in the necessity of raising a fund to protect the trade from the informers. The trade only wished to be placed on terms of equality with the Licensed Victuallers, us to the hours they might keep open their houses; that they might be allowed to keep open their houses till eleven o'clock, and on Saturday night till t.velve o'clock. He con tended that the new system had afforded great advantage to the poorer classes. The resolutions for the formation of a society to protect the trade were then unanimously adoined, and a Committee appointed to draw up petitions. A RETAILER suggested the propriety of every person engaged in the trade obtaining from his neighbours their signatures to a petition, setting forth the mode in which the husincss was conducted. Such facts would tend to counteract the assertions that the new beer-shops, us they- were called, pro , moted drunkenness, immorality, and debauchery. After some comments had been made upon a portion of the public press, which has opposed the new measure, subscriptions were entered into to defray expenses, and the meeting adjourned. BI R On the Ist inst. at Hampstead,Mrs. C. Holfurd, of a soil. strle/anmth(e4Ldr(ilisi: ot. t.t a ke da l u a g d? , . te o r t , ' s ( t ; u sl i ! b n om elk . 'reinantle, of the 'Cold- On the 2d inst. in Upper Berkeley-street, Portman -square, lady of W. H. Sharp, Esq. of a daughter. Es o q. n , Bryanston-square, the lady On the ‘..'d inst. in Cadogan-place, the lady cif G. E. Twiss, Esq. of a son. MARRIED. of Wansford, On the od inst. at St. George's, Ilanover.square, Thos. West, Esq., to Andalusia, only daughter of J. B. Carstairs. 011 the Ist inst. at St. Mary's, Bryanstone.square, Mr. C. A. t. riesse to Mary, relict of the late Mr. O. Jones. ti O nc n o t l lLe h l i s re t , in t s o t. 3 a i t iss l' s a i d ,t d i i i i c ig er 7 o l , l . l l : z . e N tib e r ls , o l, n,} , : ) . esa.., On the 2d inst. at Broxbourne, Mr. I). Tyrie, of Stamford-hill, to Elizabeth Juli.•, only child of J. It. Gill , E sq., of Broxhource, Herts. On the 2d inst. H. Juin), Esq. of BrentfOrd, Middlesex, to Elizabeth, eldest (laugh er of J. StedilLai, Eso. of Cedar.liouse. Cobham, Surrey. DI ED. r ( O' h ar : t n t tB l l e r rs e t yi i is t i l ts s tr t .e . Un, Haret.riet Anne, Lkvd of Nof)41::-Asq.u.Sa4rter:. j ea pr, Esq. At Surat, East Indies, aged 19 J. K Hallett, Esq., of the Ilon. East India Ccmpany's civil service at Bombay, second Am of J. HallFtt, Es q ., of the same establishment, and late one cf the Provisional Judges of that Presidency. He arrived in Indio , on the sth of June, 18:j', and died on the ..`?'.ld of December fol lowing. PRINTED AND Purustißo nv :MIRO° YOUNG, A T III SUN Ovricr, 112, Smorn, 4 tip lit: dal bbt At( Situa in thi very hands of K 1 of the hills, AN in exc rvaidel drive 1 hall fo and a formic Win& to the With p the chi stairea thirty propria the prii are suit aist of richly a ro nius , of f ices; coach-h 'ants' si Wash-h 4 Louse al requisite With th, melon-g are laid terra of 6 nely.di I lenting 6 4-groc toUtains 411 mead kit e of t he metr kan font L uourhood The N hundred with gam To b e to the bridge ; Brighton house, 13 of Messn 4 t Garrav I treet, of Where a p 1