The Sun. — London, England, 1831-03-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The unanimous enthusiasm of the people of Eng land in defence of the national rights and liberties was never so manifest within our recollection, as on this present question of the Reform Bill; nor have we found recorded a single instance of rich and poor, high and low, men of all conditions, profes sions, and fortunes, feeling an equal sympathy i n an y cause, except indeed that of war against some hated public enemy. That enemy is now the usurper of the people's franchises—the cutpurse of the peoples money—the robber of the public treasury under the forms of law—of law enacted by the plunderer himself, to favour his own extortion, his own sys tematic conversion of the fruits of other men's in dustry to selfish or criminal uses. If the thing itself now about, we trust in God, to be expelled for ever from our re-established commonwealth—if that has justly incurred the execration of every ho nest man in the community, how utterly disgusting is it to see the very agents of the system—those through whom the whole weight of its oppression has been felt and exemplified during the last twenty years—push themselves forward to bolster up its vice and rottenness, and to charge with " igno rance," " presumption," " absurdity," nay, ini quity," a patriotic government and united nation, for joining in one common effort to put the nuisance down. When, night after night, borough nominees rise to infest the proceedings of the House of Commons with arguments to justify their own in trusion into it, and their continuance there, thus impudently maintaining what the lawyers call an " adverse possession," in spite of judgment against them, we really feel inclined to ask why the rightful owners of the House should be longer insulted by the presence of such unwelcome in mates ? It is beyond question a piece of the broadest and coolest effrontery in the world, for these hired laequeys of public delinquents to stand up us advocates of the disgraceful service they have embarked in. Of two conditions, these persons must be in one or other : they - must either have bought the close borough seat which they fill, or they have sold themselves bodily to him who has the disposal of it. It is impossible to get into Par liament for a close borough but on either of the above conditions. Vet, is there a single indi vidual amongst them who has had the trnth cr honesty to tell the House of Commons, " I have paid 5,0001. for this seat, the conti nuance of which I am now defending ;" or, " I have sold myself to the patron of the borough," for his permission to be one of Ms members?" We say than common integrity requires a man to apprise his hearers of the real character in which he appears before them as an advocate for this or that cause. If he does not, he attempts to impose upon their judgment by wearing false colours. He comes as a representative of the people, having, in fact, no constituent 'but his own purse, or he passes himself off as an independent volunteer, being no better than a miserable mercenary. le, however, dares not avow the real nature of his case, for that, lie knows, would subject him to be indicted. When Mr. Perceval, who seems not to be " in his perfect mind," declares that he never could get any friend of Reform to offer the least proof that close bo roughs were a substantial grievance, he might have been told, in Johnson's words, that nobody was "obliged to find him an understanding." If this gentleman was to catch a thief in the act of finger ing his purse, or running away with the quarter's salary of his sinecure office, we dare say lie would not be very nice about looking for syllogisms whereon to found a charge of robbery. Mr. Goulburn, with much naivete, murmurs at the demolition of close boroughs, because a Minister might not in that case be able to ensure his own election to Parliament, and therefore the King's prerogative might be inter fered with ! Well, then, there is no great harm in it, if his Majesty should be constrained to choose only such Ministers as his people might deem wor thy of choosing for their representatives, and if all others were compelled to retire. One of the most mortifying annoyances and injuries which this nation has suffered, has been the thrusting of obnoxious or imbecile creatures into important offices under the Crown, because they happened to have some claim upon a leading Mi nister, or some connexion with him. Mr. Goul burn's dissatisfaction is further provoked on this point, because an "able financier when out of office 1" might thus, by his exclusion from Parliament, be baulked of the opportunity of exposing the plans in his successor's budget. Did Mr. Goulbuin not per ceive a smile on the faces of any of those who lis tened to the above somewhat apropos topic of dis content ? We can assure him that even were the country to be for ever precluded from all hope of having the Right Hon. Gentleman either for Chan cellor of the Exchequer, or for budget-biter to the Chancellor who succeeded him, we doubt whether there are two individuals in England who would be induced to Fare from the general wreck of borough mongers a single seat for the toe of Mr. Goulburn. Indeed, the obvious probability created by this great measure, that no Ministers will be selected by the Crown but such as are esteemed•among their countrymen, and that, after their accession to office, they will pursue a course calculated to preserve their popularity, may be considered one among its choicest recommendations. As for the silly pro phecy pronounced by some of the rotocrat speakers, that property will lose its influence under the opera tion of the Bill, we have already stated the reasons why property in general must become more powerful than ever. The right of election, and the rule of representation, ate now distributed and fixed with such palpable unfairness, that a man not worth 500/. per annum may have borough interest enough to re turn two or more Members to Parliament, while the man of 20,0001. a-year may not comnsand a single vote. Under the proposed Reform, such an ini quity will be at once abolished : a chance-medley monopoly will be destroyed, whilst every particle of property throughout the kingdom will enjoy its equal share of power.—Times. We can only afford to notice a few of the meet ings which are now taking place throughout the country. On Thursday there was a meeting in Leeds, at which the Ministerial plan of Reform was approved by all parties. At Birmingham there was a town's meeting on Friday last, attended by men of all parties, of which an account will be found in another column. The only dissentient was a clergy man, the Rev. Mr. Neville, who thought he might venture to retail some of the pitiful trash with which the boroughmonger nominees have endeavoured to keep each other in countenance in the House of Commons; but the sentiments were deemed an in sult to the understandings of the meeting, and not a soul supported hie motion. There are, in fret, no arguments against any Reform of the House of Com mons, now that the Ministers of the Crown have come forward with a plan ; for the only argument worth a moment's consideration is got rid of by the measure being made Ministerial—namely, that how ever defective the state of the representation may be, it is better to bear with the evils of which it is produc• tive than to hazard the consequences of a struggle. But now, when the Government tells the nation that the time has at length arrived when we joust make our choice betweenßeform and revolution,it is the duty of every lover of peace and tranquillity to support Ali risters with all his heart arid soul to prevent the consequences, t o e dread of which made him before afraid to move. lb more decided and more ex tensive the support afforded to Government, the less will any of the intereeti, of the country be en dangered. This is so well understood everywhere, that all classes of men have answered to the call of Ministers, by one loud chorus interruption ; and t u y te i r ,k ru e pt h i? , n when it is considered that the sliglr t tl e r : of order might be productive, in a count where so much depends on credit and confidence, oi l incalculable mischief, the promptitude of the people is highly credit able to their discernment. Against a people so firm and united, the efforts of the borough mongers to resist the Reform ate ludic.ous. Thi s union has taken from them theironly source of hope. The Reform Bill must be carried„ "for, ate; his Ma jesty's Ministers have proclaimed the defects of the' House of Commons, and submitted this grand re medial measure, they are pledged to the country to which they have appealed. Were the borough mongers to attempt to baffle Ministers in Parliament, a dissolution would give such an accession of strength as to ensure the pa , sing of the Bill. But were even this expectation not to be realized, who would dare to offer themselves as their successors, and to seize the helm of State in the teeth of the most unequivocal expression of public opinion ever known ? The opposition of the boroughmongers can, therefore have no result except that of exciting the people to still more vigorous demonstrations. In truth, Reform of Parliament became indispensible after the Government could not be conducted by any Ministry without the support of public opinion. The support of the boroughmongers could only be purchased by means which necessarily arrayed public opinion against Ministers. Every motion for economy and retrenchment made it evident to the nation that the Government was car ried on not with a view to the interests of the public, but the interests of the oligarchy. No degree of kill could conciliate the oligarchy and the public at the same time. It cannot, surely, be said, that in a country like England, in which public opinion has of late years acquired so much additional force, it would have been safe for the Government to set that opinion at defiance. It became, therefore, ne cessary for the Government to strengthen itself by the sacrifice of the abuses which placed it in colli sion with the public. In the Scotsman of Wednes day last there is a very able view of the British Go vernment as it now exists in practice, which will at least repay a perusal, as well as one of the speeches of a boroughmonger's nominee . " The composition of the British Government," says our Northern contemporary, "as it now stands, is easily understood, and is very different from the descriptions which some theoretical writers have given of it. When the true nature and character of this Government—its merits and defects—are the points at issue, we shall be pardoned for speaking plainly on the subject. We shall endeavour to do it without offence. _ " The Government of Britain resides, essentially, in an oligarchy of 200 or 250 great families, who return a majority of the House of Commons. The administration is vested in a King, enjoying extensive powers and great patronage, but who is substantially nothing more than the Chairman or Steward of the oligarchy. He has some means of influencing their decisions, as the Chairman of a great company usually has, but still the necessary con dition of his office is, that he conform to their opinions and wishes in his mode of conducting the government.— George the Third, accepting Chatham for his Minister while he detested the man and his principles, and retiring from the audience chamber to weep, is a just and faithful picture of the thraldom in which the King had been held by the aristocracy. " The King, however, is not appointed by the Oli garchy, and not directly responsible to them. He exists ostensib'y as a distinct power in the State, and has prero gatives and influence sufficient to compel them to treat him generally with respect. It is well for the people that things have been so arranged. If the oligarchy had added to their other privileges that of electing their own Doge or Chief, our burdens would have been still more oppressive than we find them, and our rights—such as they are—long ago annihilated. Venice, with its Lion's mouth, its State Inquisition, its silenced Press, its secret Tribunals and tortures, its stern, jealous, corrupt, rapacious Nobles; and its poor, insulted, degraded commonalty, is, or rather was, a type of what Britain would now have been—unless, indeed, the manly, brave, and high-spirited people of Eng land had risen in their might, as they most probably would, and hurled the oppressors from their seats ! " The Crown, then, happily for us, exists as a separate authority in the State, though uneqally matched with the oligarchy. Now, when two distinct and independent Powers are united in conducting any business or concern, how do they manage to draw together? How are their separate or diverse volitions made to concur? We an- I swer, by compromise, or mutual concession. We do not think the holders of burghs worse than other men ; but till human nature is greatly changed, those who possess irrresponsible power will abuse it to selfish purposes. The jarring interests, the conflicting views of the Crown and oligarchy were adjusted by compromise. The Crown could find means of carrying on the Government only by appealing to the cupidity of the oligarchy ; and the oli. garchy on such terms were ready to gratify the personal wants of the Crown, which, indeed, were at all times comparatively reasonable. The Minister poured money, pensions, places, titles, honours, into the lap of the burgh holders ; and the burgh-holders repaid the favour by voting millions after millions out of the pockets of the people ; and, by empty professions of risking life and fortune in a cause, which they mean to support only with the lives and fortunes of others ! This is a strong but a true representation. We challenge any man to explain otherwise, why, under a grinding taxation, tearing the bread from the mouths of the people, and calling so loudly for economy, our political system should be characterised by the reckless and scandalous profusion, unknown under the most tyrannical despotisms of the Continent; why William Dundas should have six, or Thomas Thurlow ten thousand pour ds per annum for doing nothing; why we should have four Generals for evety regiment, two Admi rals for every ship of the line, two military, and three naval officers paid for one that is employed; why we should have sinecure Bishops in Ireland with ten or twenty thou- sand pounds per annum, and crowds of well beneficed Rectors and Deans without flocks; why, in fine, one-third of our free revenue (about six Millions out of eighteen !) should be spent in pensions and military and civil annui ties ! We assert boldly, that neither in Russia, Prussia, nor Austria, nor in any State under the sun that has pre nsions to civilization, is there an approach to such a sys tem of organised waste and plunder ! It is a system which writes corruption on the brow of the oligarchy in charac• ters of flame ! " Do we say, that every act of the Government so con stituted is bad ? Far from it ! The burgh-holders have many interests in common with the people. Good laws, good police, protection to industry, benefit them along with others ; but their general interest as subjects and tax payers, is frequently small in proportion to their special and sinister interest as tax-eaters and sharers of_ plice au! patronage. It is this which carries a taint into every part of the system," Is it possible, we ask, that this state of things could have existed much longer? Are we to be an swered, when Ministers throw themselves honestly on the nation, as Mr. Attwood answered, that the heredi i tary branch of the Legislature is essentially imbecile, and would be in danger from a House of Commons composed of able and energetic repre sentatives of the people . ? Are we to be answered --that without rotten boroughs we can no longer have a body of political adventurers, no longer have openings fog the representatives of East and West India interes's, and of all other interests which can pay for an agent in the House of Commons ? Al lusi .n has been made to the altered opinions of Mr. Huskisson and Mr, Canning as to the necessity for Reform. Lord John Russell expressly mentioned that Mr. Canning's opinion had changed. We believe his Lordship alluded to what took place at Liverpool, when Mr. Canning made his celebrated speech against 'Reform in 1822. On that occasion he was accompanied by a distinguished relative, who expressed himself dissatisfied with the speech. Mr. Canning observed, " You seem to suppose me not sincere in the opi , niops I have expressed against Reform. I assure you I am perfectly sincere in my wish that it should not take place; and if any exertions of mine could prevent Reform, I would cheerfully make them; but while I state this, I must also state my convic tion that Reform cannot possibly be delayed much longer. I am quite satisfied that before the lapse of ten years it will be found impossible to withhold Reform." So much for Mr. Canning's views of Reform. It is curioas that the period fi xe d by hi m as the extreme limit of the life of isn unreformed Pai/iament should now be first approaching. 4f ter all, howedeb Mr. Canning's opposition to Refo rm w as not grounded , op any supposed injury to the nation, for he even actio4.t.2d it might lead to im provement; but that if the Upper iictg,e were not to influence the Lower House, the Lower liquse would influence the Upper. The protection of the interests of the nation was left out ,of consideration. —Morning Chronirle. if ever a rational doubt could have been enter ' tallied either that the Reform Bill would be hailed as a national salvation from revolution, by all classes, except the few, the comparatively very few, "'Lc' aro interested in the perpetuation of national abuses and national plunder, or that it would not be carried by it, with a high band, in spite of all obstacles, we think the time is now arrived when that doubt ought no longer to exist. Never was a measure hailed with more unanimous satisfaction—never did the country exhibit such enthusiasm and determination—never on any former occasion did all parts of the country concur so eagerly in giving their assent to its provi sions, and never did a Ministry stand so high, or deserve to stand so high, in public e stimation, as that which is now honoured with the King's con fidence, and so justly discharges the duties of its sacred trust. From one end of the kingdom to the other the cry is, and has been, for Reform—for the Bill brought in by Lord John Russell, and for no other. It was impudently asserted, indeed, in an Honourable Assembly, that the people of Scotland had no desire for Reform ; but even there the lie has been already given to the assertion—the tocsin has sounded—there have been meetings in all quar ters in favot:r of the Bill—bonfires have been lighted,—and from the borders to the northernmost point there is universal exultation ! Ireland is equally unanimous; and if, therefore, we expect the pro prietors and nominees of rotten boroughs, and the equally rot en corporations, which are to he levelled by the Bill, along with the state paupers and their dependents, it may be confidently asserted that there is not in the three kingdoms one dissenting voice. And can it then be supposed for a momeLt that the Bill will not be carried ? Who is there to oppose it ? None out of the House; and within the House the classes only whom we have designated a bove. And on what plea can they support .Ipposition to the Bill ? That of being " revolutionary" has already failed them ; for the country has declared the mea sure to be the only safeguard a g ainst revolution, and the term, besides, is, in these days of change, only calculated to frighten old women and children. Will they then say that they have been traders in corrup tion and misrepresentation, and that they have a vested right in the perpetuity of the base traffic?— We are credibly informed that this is the last ditch in which the enemies of Reform are determined, when they have been driven from all others, to take their stand, and make their dying speeches--that a plea of compensation is to be set up, and a demand made upon the country for the repayment of the sums invested in rotten boroughs, and the estimated value of the loss of patronage by their abolition. Goul burn, whose Beer Bill of last year swept away the property of many hundreds of unoffending men, against whom the charge of offending against the laws of the country could not be set up, and who were made to suffer by it, for the sins of others, will no doubt lead the vanguard of this forlorn hope, and urge, both by precept and example, the justice of the plea. There may be an abler, but there can not be a fitter, champion to lead on the thinned co hort of corruption; and if he has riot already vo lunteered his services, we earnestly exhort his coadjutors to lose no time in imploring his valuable aid. With his Beer Bill in one hand, and a Rotten borough Compensation Bill in the other, how mer rily and bravely he will lead on the phalanx of mis representation, and supported by the former, make a breach with the other in the entrenched camp of Reform ! How bravely the army of Reform will be to put to flight, and the flag of corruption be planted on its very citadel ! We almost quake for the friends of Reform in the perilous encounter; for if victory declare against them, there will be no quarter given—no surrender allowed—no offer of submission accepted ! One and all of them must make up their minds to fall or conquer in the dire encounter. The Tory sword thirsts for re venge, and though it may perform its functions sci entifically, there is no hope of mercy from it, but that which the Judge allows even to the worst of culprits—time to make confession of past sin, and preparation for another world ! But let us hope bet ter things. The King's name is a tower of strength, and while we fight under the banners of a King, of whom it may be justly said, Non sibi sed populo sere putat esse creatum Et se communem civibus esse patron : Who- Vivit ut exemplar sit populo recta sequendi Cul vultus pravis terror, amorque bonis, —we will not despair. The ground is firm—the camp entrenched on all sides 7 -the inhabitants not only favourably disposed, but ardent supporters ; and if, after all, the fortress of Reform be taken by storm or by intrigue, and the army of reformers put to flight—why then we shall only say that they will well deserve their fate, and that a thousand deaths would be too slight punishment for their want of vi gilance and cowardice.—Morning Advertiser. BIRMINGHAM TOWN'S MEETING, CALLED BY THE HIGH BAILIFF, TO SUPPORT MINISTERS. This report having appeared in only a portion of our impression on Saturday, we republish it.) Agreeably to a requisition, numerously and respectably signed, a meeting was held on Friday at the Public Of fice, and afterwards, by adjournment, at Mr. Beards-. worth's Repository, for the purpose of approving Of the Reform Bill now introduced into the House of Com mons. About 2,000 persons assembled. The Chair was taken at one o'clock. • The HIGH BAILIFF, in opening the proceedings of the day, observed that, in his connection with the busy world, for the last six months every one with whom he had come in contact, from the highest Tory downward, had expressed their conviction that some change must speedily take place in the state of the representation.—(Hear, hear.) All must have been agreeably surprised at the measure introduced by his Majesty's Ministers, inasmuch as root and branch were under the pruning-knife of the Minister. Although a Tory, he confessed he did not look on this great measure as some Tories had looked upon it. On the contrary, instead of tending, as some said, to destroy the British Constitution, and to bring about revolution, lie felt assured that it would be the means of averting that dreadful evil.—(Cheers.) The Rev. RANN KENNEDY moved the first resolution, and spoke as follows :—Mr. High Bailiff,—lt so hap pened, by accident, that I had not an opportunity of sign ing the requisition which called this meeting ; but for that very reason I am the more prompted to be present, and speak on this occasion. While I was absent from Birmingham on a sick bed, a petition for Reform was sent from this town, signed by Clergy and Laity, by Churchmen and Dissenters, Whigs and Tories, including, under each denomination, persons of the greatest influence and respectability. I re turned in time to insert my name among the signatures. Now, Sir, on this ground, if on no other, I feel bound to join in expressing the thanks due to his Majesty's Mi nisters for sincerely endeavouring, according to the best - of their judgment, to comply with the purport of our petition, and should feel thus, whether I wholly agreed or not with every thing proposed to be done for the end in view ; especially as the end is .not only transcen dently important, but one in the promotion of which they must necessarily encounter a bolt of opposing ob stacles and prejudices, and which requires that they should have all the aid which can be given by a respectful, but de termined and very general expression of public opinion—an expression unsolicited by Ministers, but proper in itself, and due from the people to themselves. And now, Sir, with re eard to the plan of Reform submitted by Lord J. Russell to the Legislature; it is not required from one in this place to en ter on a course of argument on the particular merits of the Bill, after the ample discussion which it has had in Par liament. I never indulged in any sweeping theories about Reform, and I may or may not think that this Bill should receive some modifications, which it probably will receive in its minor points of detail, but I have no hesitation in saying it deserves the encomium contained in the resolution which I have had the honour to move-- namely, that in principle it is salutary and constitu tional, such as becomes an enlightened Administration deliberately to recommend, and a free and loyal people gratefully to accept. There are those who assert that it goes too far, and some think it does not go far enough. This is itself a presumptive ground for believing that it has hit the happy medium, and bolds the balance of the Constitution even between two extremes. It certainly aims at making the House of Commons, not in name only, I) , it really and efficiently for the end required, a representa tion of the poople, but it does thi s w ith a d ue an d l ea d i ng regard to the influence o; property, and the 'preservation of the legitimate rights and interest. of all classes in the 604 politic. We can never suppose that 'my Lord Grey would suggest or sanction a Bill which he thought likely to interfere with the dignity or endanger the privileges of his order, which he declared he would alway s s t an d up to defe,T;ol. I should not speak in favour of the Bill if thougkt it would so affect those privileges, rightly under stood and as estimated and viewed by the light of that Nobleman's truly English and exeellvnt mind. But, Sirs it is one object of this Dill to give such privileges the best chance for permanency, by making it seen and felt that they may not only lie grounded on principles, and supported by means consistent with the general welfare, but, in a mixed Government like ours, may be valued and upheld as of great and equal importance both to the Mo narch and the people. I should not like to live in such a country as this now is, with large reservoirs of pro perty, and a mass of intellectual cultivation, were we to have a mere Aristocracy of wealth and office without that refining and blended influence which is reciprocally produced by the gradation of ranks, of titled and untitled classes in society, and which gives here, what is seen no where else (at least in the same degree), a softened har mony of colouring, and a desirable keeping to the varied picture of civilized life. But I only glance at such topics. The point to which I would chiefly call attention, as particularly suited to the existence of this and similar meetings throughout the country, is the undoubted fact that the present Reform Bill is received with general acct din, and one of that kind which was previously wished for by the people. The Ministers knew this to be the case, and that, doubtless, was one powerful and proper induce ment for bringing forward this Bill, and making it what it is, for no Government can long disregard such signs of the times with impunity. I do not say that rulers should legislate to meet the wild wishes of the unthinking and uninformed, on the one hand, nor the equally wild wishes of some intellectual visionaries on the other; but that they should provide, in time, for the wishes of the reasonable, in such a way as to silence the unreasonable, and promote the true interest of all.— It is, then, a main and pre-eminent recommendation of this Bill, that it appears ta produce, as I repeat that it does, universal satisfaction and delight in the people. I hail this as a most auspicious symptom for my country. I hail it as such, in regard to a phenomenon recently noticed in Parliament, as a strong argument against the necessity of this Bill, and, in fact, against all Reform whatsoever; it is this, that for the last fifty years the people have only petitioned for Reform at very distant intervals, when the aspect of affairs was gloomy, and never seemed to be much in earnest about it. But this is easily accounted for. They saw little chance of success. They did not think the dealers in boroughs were likely to commit a suicidal act, and destroy themselves. They saw that, however eloquently argued in Parliament by a Fox, a Grey, or a Burdett, the subject was always quashed in a sum mary and decisive manner. The thinking part of the people became, therefore, on this point, dis gusted and desponding—and were only impelled, now and then, under the • pressure of circumstances, to ask for that which they did not expect to receive, but to which, as they would have it understood, they felt they had a right. In regard to this matter I would say of the genius of my country, that seldom he smiled, or smiled in such a sort as if he mocked himself, and scorned his spirit, at the very thought of bending down with a smile of hopeful supplication at the feet of selfish and interested opponents. But while the people despaired of Reform, they have been very generally looking forward to a revolution—not as a thing wished for, or which they would be instrumental in hastening, but which they believed sooner or later to be inevitable, and only hoping that the shock might be as little violent as possible. The feeling I speak of was not the effect of recent .events in France. It has existed more or less for the last fourteen years. It commenced soon after the alarms and rejoicings of war had subsided, when theybegan to cicu late in peace what they had gained by war, and how much it had cost ; and when they were led to consider for what ends, and by what political party, they had been saddled with an enormous debt, unexampled in the annals of man kind. I ask every observing person here present, whether this boding apprehension has not greatly prevailed ? I know that parents, Peers and Commoners, have ex pressed this feeling to their sons, and prepared them for what would probably happen. It has spread generally through the middle classes, and of late the expectation, though not the fear, has extended to the lower classes. Is it not, then, a joyful circumstance, that the people seem now to be thankful for this scheme of Reform ?„, Does it not aus piciously indicate their opinion that, by means of it, the Constitution may he preserved, and that it may operate, in the movement of the political machine, as a safety-valve, to prevent a revolutionary explosion. On this account, if on no other, I am inclined at this golden moment to be a strenuous yet cautious reformer, because I confess myself as anxious and timid anti-revolutionist. But it may be said do not the people cry out for Reform, because they think it will free them from taxes? Some of them may think this, but they who heard the rest ex pect no such thing. The difference, however, will be this, they will more readily submit to unavoidable bur dens, under a Parliament not constituted like the Parlia ments which brought the burdens upon them; and when they see all practicable retrenchment carried into effect, • as it is by the present Ministers, who endeavour to render the weight of taxation as easy as it can be ren dered, and indeed with so much consideration for the people, that they are accused of humouring them too much, and shewing a want of official hardness and dexte rity in adjusting burdens to the backs that must bear them. Perhaps it may be asked if the present Ministers are allowed to art thus, why Reform the Parliament that permits it ? The answer is, there is ao security fur what is wanted without a Reform, and there is an ardent wish to displace the present Ministers. If this should take pl ice we may guess what sort of persons a different Ad ministration may include with an unreformed Par liament, from an argument lately used by a stickler for things as they are. What he virtually said was this, though not his exact language :—" My fellow horoughtnongers let us put a bold face on the matter, and stand up for our claims ; John Bull cannot hurt us, • he has a weight on his back which will force him to walk on with his usual steadiness. He cannot run after us, or lift his arm against us ; and besides, he knows that we give him a part of his food from the wallet on his back." And now, Mr. High Bailiff, I ask again if there is any room for wonder that the people, who formerly despaired of Reform, should now hail its expected approach with ardent and sanguine minds, brought forward as it is by the Administration itself, and such an Ad ministration as the present, under the sanction of a patriot King, who for his benevolence and uprightness has been justly classed with our Alfred and the third Sovereign of his own name. I say, Sir, such an Administration as the present, who have abundant talent of every kind, but, above all, have that wisdern which can only co-exist with enlarged views, sound principles, and upright inten tions, are, indeed, truly enlir htened as Statesmen, truly zealous as patriots, and truly honest as Ministers. In one point they are more honest than any preceding Ministers, if that be correct which Mr. Pitt said but did not act upon, " that no honest man could be a Minister with even a reformed Parliament," for these men have de clared that without such a Parlianlent they veil retire from office. It matters not whether they are Whigs or Tories if they act rightly, but I like them none the worse because several of them are professed Whigs, and having said this I will explain what I mean by a Whig. A true Whig has the saute ends in view as a generous, right-minded Tery : lie would preserve King, Lords, sad Commons, unimpeded and unshackled in their respective spheres of action—he would preserve the established institutions of the country, but not ex crescences connected with tlie:n, which tend only to bring thent to decay. He would preserve the real land-marks of the Constitution ; but he would not like some who are called Tories preserve suchw ll asinonannuscdstae:cit israei cnribfuec:mmoi norep.ms a est p n rialei s tiore,w-anne tasi oars. heemn eively d v ithaht t:iise:gt inconsistent ad tts heohnacgevacumeouaabges eeemteohnoo i anfutshssee beenn suchhi abused stee. tsa(Cb)loiotem, having n et e s airm t : i imi t nen b u ,see y g t tly, d Butt the fact is, in my memory, the Whi g s h ave neve r had fair play as political agents. They hays it now as far as the King is concerned, and if the people do not also secure them fair play, the fault and shame will be their's. If the people thus omit to do justice to themselves, at this crisis, they will perhaps never have another opportunity, except under circumstances and events in which they will have much to fear and much to lament.—(The Reverend Gentleman sat down amid loud and reiterated applause.) HENRY SMITH, Esq. Low Bailiff, seconded the resolu tion moved by the Rev. Mr. Kennedy. In his opinion the history of the last fifty years exhibited little else than series of trampled rights, and pilfered privileges, the ill effects of which had been felt by every man. They were not now met to discuss their grievances or to propose remedies, but to congratulate each other that their voices, which had so often been raised in this great cause, had at length prevailed. It had at length been heard by a pa triot King, who hail been pleased to appoint an Admini stration tuba ceereed determined that every mraenre which emanated from them should have foe its end the benefit of the people--(Hear, hear.)—To attempt, however, was not to achieve ; the Ministers had to contend with a foe which was strong, zealous, and ever active ; let but the people, however, be unanimous, and their enemies would soon be compelled to hide their diminished heads.— (Cheers. ) Just as the CHAIRMAN was about to put the first reso lution to the meeting, ilt4 Rev. 34. NEVILLE stepped forward, and wished to ad dress the meeting.—:.He was not an inhabitant of the town, and rarely stepped out Of his sphere to attend political meetings. He was sorry that the task he had imposed upon himself had not been attempted by some one more fit for its accomplishment, and could assure the meeting that there were many such persons, although they did not choose to come forward and express their opinions. The abettors of error were always on the alert, whilst the friends of truth, relying perhaps too much on the saying, " Truth is great and must prevail," kept in the back ground. It was very certain that truth would ultimately triumph; hut in the mean time much mischief might be done. As an instance of this he would allude to the time when in this kingdom a rebellious people suc ceeded in destroying two estates of the realm, the King and the House of Lords. At length, however, the Lords removed the padlocks from off the doors of their House (to use the words of Clarendon) and pros perity returned to the nation. What, however, had in the mean time taken place? The country was in the greatest misery and distress. The Reform which they had met that day to applaud was, he would venture to say, ill-timed.—(Loud laughter, mingled with groans and hisses, which lasted some minutes.)—The speaker con tinued—men cannot at this moment approach the subject and discuss it with calmness. To use the language of Thucydides " All men are now up."—(Loud cries of " It' s time we were up.")—l say this Reform Bill is a revolu tionary measure. It strikes at the foundation of the constitutional pillar.—(Continued groans and hisses.) — I say the popular influence in the House of Commons is, at the present time, great enough, and if any greater in fluence is acquired by the people, it will become a pure democracy.—(Cries of ~ Who told you so ?" 4, Where did you learn that?" &c.)—l will ask, does Birmingham want representatives ?—(One universal and tremendous shout, " Yes." )-_I say no.—(Loud groans and yells.) The gentleman finding that there was not a single voice in his favour, and that he had been permitted to continse thus long to address the meeting through the interpo sition of the speakers on the other side, whose influence had now failed, concluded by moving the following amendment. " That this meeting regards the Ministerial plan of Reform as ill-timed—revolutionary—uncalled for—and most unjust ; that the good to be expecte from it is very uncertain, whilst the evil is alm , .st morally certain." The reading of this resolution was followed by loud bursts of laughter. The Chairman finding that no one was inclined to second the amendment, was about to put the original motion, when Mr. Wtti.r►at PARE stepped forward, and sat: : tiiat, after the part he had taken at the great 'swing on Mon day, no one would accuse him having the least sympathy with the sentiments of the speaker who last addressed them, or with the amendment which he had thought proper to move : he would, however, second that amend ment, in order to obtain an expression of the feelings of the persons assembled.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. JosErts PARKES was glad that the Rev. Gentle man had come forward that day and expressed his senti ments, because he was the type of his party, he stood there like the boroughmongers, one in ten thousand.— (Hear and cheers.)—He had not been enabled to bring forward a single argument. He had asserted that the country was being hurried into all the horrors of a revo lution, and to prove this assertion he had alluded to two specific periods. The one was the period of the Common wealth in this country. Now he (Mr. Parkes) would ask what was it that caused the lock to be put on the House of Lords, and the head to be taken from the shoulders of the Monarch, but a vile faction who trampled on the liberties of the people?—(Loud cheers.) —The other period to which the speaker alluded, was the revolution in France at the close of the last century. Now, was it not true that M. Necker had brought for ward measures to relieve the French nation which had failed ?—(Hear, hear.)—This it was well known had brought about the revolution which so quickly followed.— (Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN now put the amendment, which was unanimously negatived, not a voice being heard in its favour. The original motion was afterwards unanimously passed amid loud cheering. The meeting was afterwards addressed by many gentle men in moving and seconding the various resolutions. The late hour at which we write will not allow us, however, to give their several speeches. After determining on an Address to the King, and petitions to both Houses of Parliament, the meeting broke up about four o'clock. All the resolutions were passed unanimously. When it is considered that this meeting was called by what is termed the high party, and that many of the speakers were either high Tories, or very moderate Reformers, and that several had never spoken at a public meeting before, and that they comprised Church of England, Catholic, and Dissenting Clergymen, bankers, lawyers, merchants, trades men, and mechanics, all united for the same purpose, it must be allowed to be one of the signs of the times—a sign which the boroughmongers will do well to look to and consider. LENT ASSIZES. LANCASTER, MARCH 11. Moses Fernely was indicted for the wilful murder of John Helton Horrobin. Jane Glasgow stated that the deceased was a step-child of the prisoner. Mary Ann Sparks—Deceased was four years and ten months old. I remember the Wednesday even big before the child's death. Prisoner told me to come early the next morning, as he m anted to go early to work. I went at a quarter or half-past six. When I first entered the house, prisoner was coming out of the room where the children. slept. Soon after he had breakfast, and then again went into the children's room. After he had been absent about a minute lie returned, and said, " Mary Ann, little Johnny is very ill." I heard the child moan, and say, " Father, my throat is sore." He went in a second time about half an hour after, and then brought out the child, and laid it on a table. I saw some black stuff come out of the child's mouth. It was sick, and I wanted to give it some water, but prisoner objected. I went to a druggist, but he would not come. 'When I got back, the child was dying. After it was dead be sent for the mother. Jane Barrett—l live with my mother, next door to the prisoner. On the day the child died, I went to prisoner's house about nine o'clock. The de ceased was on a table, with a blanket thrown over him, and prisoner was sitting on a stool by. It seemed in the agonies of death. Some stuff was frothing out of its mouth, and its tongue hanging out. The child was sick, and prisoner held its head and said, " Throw up, you nasty ditty thing." I suggested that he should ser' for the mother, and he refused, saying that if she came she would lose her place. The child often asked for water, and prisoner always objected to give it. . A little after twelve the prisoner came to my house. He seemed quite cheerful, and said, " Jane, come in and look at it now." I went in. The child's tongue was hanging out of its mouth . ; the mouth was drawn on one side, and so was one of the eyes. I per ceived the child die. I told him it was dead. He went very pale, and said, "If I had known thou wouldst die, I would not have used thee so cruelly." He told me to wash the child, and I did so. I then sent for the mother. After she came, she took a cup off the shelf to get some coffee in. The pri soner said, " If you will have coffee, you must wash that cup out—it has had Johnny's stuff in it." Af ter the child's death, I found a bottle in the privy, used by the prisoner. Richard Johnson, a constable, apprehended the prisoner on the 7th of November. Witness, when he saw the child, said somebody has been giving it vitriol. Prisoner seemed agitated, turned pale, and trembled. John Drink water—l am a bricklayer. On the Bth of November, I was confined in the New Bailey, at Manchester, for an assault. On Tuesday, the 9th of November, the prisoner was brought from the Lock-up to the New Bailey. I said to him, " Well, my man, what's your crime ?" He said " A -- sight worse than yours." I asked him " What is it ?" He said, " Wilful murder, if they can prove it; but they cannot prove it, as they did not see me do it." He said, " The doctors say he was poisoned, but it was not poison, it was oil of vitriol." He said they could not prove it against him, for th e y cou ld no t find the remainder of the stuff. He added, I took care to finish the throttled him, and kicked him with my shoes." M. Sinclair, a surgeon, had examined the de? ceased. There was abundant evidence to show that the child had swallowed oil of vitriol. To that he attributed its death. The Jury returned a verdict of Guilty. Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE immediately passed the sentence of the law, which he directed to be. carried into execution on Monday next. Thomas Fulvey was indicted for the wilful mur der of Charles Burn, and John Fulvey way charged with being a principal, in the second degree, in b e ' ing present aiding and abetting Thomas Fulvey W commit the said murder. The deceased was a merchant at Liverpool,- w place of residence was two or three miles out 014 e town, and he was in the habit of returning there , every evening. On the night of the 9th of Clewed: last, about a quarter before eight, the dece.° i s knocked at the door of a Mr. Turton, who 6 0 1 4 Everton, about six yards from the West Derby 00; along which the deceased would pass on his rtih - his own house. . Deceased appeared to be He , alarmed, alarmed, and blood was flowing from his bodY . , said he had been attacked and wounded, a n d . On sired his wife to be sent for. He wished Mrs. Tar ld to put her hand to his side and she did so, and lg. distinctly perceive a ball. Deceased said', any thing happens to me before Mrs. Burn arrr r . tell her I thought of her and of the children. ' "- Blackburn, a surgeon of Liverpool, arrived - ! 11 0 short time, and accompanied deceased to his l er .. house, where he died in twenty-four hours atti.ie; The wound made by the bullet was the cause.af.mie death. Nothing transpired to point a susPL! , O against any one until a few days ago, when a 7 vo of the name of Mi c h ae l Fulvey, who, with the t o prisoners was c o nfi ne d i n L a ncaster Castle un de r charge of committing several highway robbel g gave informati on w hi c h l e d t o a n indictment be preferred for the murd e r against the two pris a " e- f Michael was admitted King's evidence, and v° came forward as a witness against his brothers. , t p On cross-examination many facts were elicit o 'he show that the character of the witness was of elicit ed' worst description. He admitted that he was indictment for a number of offences, and that / 0 ,: n : pected to save himself by the conviction of his 1"-i titers. This was not the first time he had bee li witness. He had given evidence in Ireland arrp a man who had sold him some stolen g oodS• had also, on .another occasion, turned aPrt4, against nine men, with whom he had been concell'e He admitted being engaged in attacking the 1 10 of a priest of the name of Hacketts, where he got wounded. The Jury returned a verdict of Not Guilty. The prisoners still remain in custody, elnor - o r together with the witness, with the commissioo, A, several highway robberies in the neighbourho od Liverpool. CAMBRIDGE, MARCH 12. William Wright, aged 24, was indicted for O f :, bing Anne Chalice, of 4s. 6d., on the highvisP Verdict, Guilty. READ v. WADDELOW. This was an action of trespass for breaking .. .of close of the plaintiff, and beating it with greyho' in quest of game. The Jury found for the plaintiff—Damages, one farthing. His LORDSHIP would consider whether he sh ° certify to give the plaintiff his costs. LIN C OLN, MARCH 10. 11 1$ Michael Lundy, aged 25, was indicted for et, wilful murder of Thomas Sewards. The priae ° lo it appeared, and the deceased, to whose daught e fs was married, were both Irish labourers, and riat l ;hs of the county of Sligo. On the morning 01 ;ot 26th of July last, they hired themselves to a fi n " - named Wilson, living in the hamlet of Grimstille: in this county. After their day's work was ..d y ° Wilson proposed to them to sleep in his gra;j:; To this the prisoner objected, as he had, he 5 3 , 1 '0 pain in his stomach. Wilson then took th eP i d his barn, furnished them with straw and sacks , :,; putting the key in the inside of the door, told the/ they might lock themselves in or not, just to t ot pleased. About eight o'clock, Mrs. Wilson 0 10 1 to the yard to look after her poultry, and Bel .t ee every thing was right. The barn-door wa s t o s, open, and she observed the prisoner sitting ebee's form beside a bench on which a carpenter hat!, left, working there that day. The carpenter hau,sli.' his tools in the barn, and amongst them was an • 14 v which lay on the ground. The barn was neit half a mile distant from W;lson's dwelling -h t ) 4 At about nine o'clock, Mrs. Wilson was alatl 4 a cry of " murder." Her husband having go e t ) to the Castle, she opened the door, and sat 04 prisoner in his small clothes and shirt, but wi t fi i shoes or stockings. He was screaming" Mu! Oh , t V, and seemed dreadfully frightened. He / Englishman would murder him. In reply to opi tions put to him by Mrs. Wilson and ' her so n ' also Mrs. Wood and her son, whom his crie 6 A drawn to the spot, he stated, that as he wastftift his prayers in the barn, a tall black man, high, with a broad-brimmed glazed hat, M I : pf li f appearance at the door, and waited until toe gi;es soner had finished his prayers, when he s ite him if he wanted company ? to which pri son put s plied, he should be very glad of company. I lle nt ed who was an Englishman, then went in, and e '„d t ° into conversation with prisoner, and peopos-coie sleep with him. On this the pi-issuer be,,the alarmed, bol.ed out of the barn, arid ran towa re 'd dwelling•house; but on his way was Pel t h e w a fi somebody with stones, one of which struck ' i t the the forehead. He was therefore sure t il t il iiis ol ; Englishman meant to murder him. Mr. asked him where his comrade was, and b e f ri e l that he was as!eep in the corner of the ba :. .'" which she reprimanded him for deserting in,'" 1 7 thought he e; as in danger of being murdered'tp Pe young men Wood and Wilson then proposer' 0015' company him back to the barn, to which he ins to assented. Wilson went in, and going tIP 0 ,1) 1 " ' corner he found the deceased lying dead, T i n tr o he exclaimed " He Is here, and quite dea n ' , s examining, Wilson perceived the carpenter 01 buried in the face, near the mouth; and tbtroftb , also a wound on the head, as if from the ba e ' os o,:. axe. He then said they should go fur a to Elthorpe, whither they all proceeded ( the prisoner), who was taken into custody sprinkles of blood, not larger than pin-hea dad ohs reed on his corduroy small-clothes, and ( 1, til r , 6 on his bare leg. His hands, which had beetolo4 when he was eating his supper, appeare d , been recently washed, and on the constahlebs,ell him if he had washed his hands, he said be co ref i r i Mr. Baron VAUGHAN having very e p - summed up the evidence, the Jury retu rn diet of Guilty. 01 01 Hir LORDSHIP then pronounced senteneectits-Ae upon the prisoner, ordering hint to be ex e t he r Saturday next, and his body to be given t° geons for disivction. 14b 19fie The prisoner, on leaving the dock, stal e A nse against the bar, and said, this was all Deco P,Ol was a Catholic: had he been a Prote sta d. Methodist, he would not have been' harp was, he said, " a guilty innocent." . STAFFORD, MARCH 12. ing The Judges arrived here yesterday e ve ge es opened the commission. lob t On the names of the Gr a nd Jury b e t oe v over, Sir Charl e s W o l se l e y (the senior tone the lis) declined to act as foreman, an d h d .l l S!:epherd was s w or n int o th a t office. his pir --- f Ise A The Learned JUDGE, in the cours3 13 da v 0 ,- .. . observed with regret t h e s a t e o f the csie ll oil t or contains the natnrs of 107 pr;smiers)! , 0,01 happy to find that the crimes of burn iti . ti r t to'lle breaking, t.r.c., which had called for sped l 4 10 01 P - sions to suppress in other parts o. c .-- the kill not been committed in this county. . f A of ". , BIRTHS. c jodi g On the 11th inst. in Lincoln's-inn-fields, th C.' ~ %lb rit Brodie, Esq., of a son. On the Bth inst. at Brompton, Midd:esee 111... 0 4 0 1 ley, of a daughter. one' J'•O 9 . W. MARRIED. oriel , o r i f , 1. i On the 10th inst. at Trinity Church, :NM : T. 0 to 0 1 Esq., M.D., of Lower Seymour-street, son n i , the jle h or 'O, Ford Bank, Cheshire, to Anne, daughter 0' , "Atr': l fl , A Fulton, Esq., of Upper Harley-street. On the kth inst. at St. Clements, Eastche a ,:llllr . IP f ' Camberwell, to Louisa, youngest 'daughter i;10' Martin's-lane. DIED. iticil,q'th On the 9th inst. Mrs. Elizabeth Florenti ne 1 N't i j A. Richter, of the firm of Messrs. Treutte, 0 Ai . so, Soho-square. at ~, YO UI4 PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MUR.,..,., „.:4 0....i. SIN Orrice, 112, STEIVID, i'v • bti A( 4:1 3 k ttid 401 , 4 0.. 1 To Ai k 44,1, TIC IV . Gr ith " a 4 Pal 4 411tifPYt tl nti Th t 1:1.!