The Sun. — London, England, 1831-07-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT Oh THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We observe, in the German and Paris Papers, that th Government of Poland has announced the proposal of a loan for the service of their country, to be called the loan . of " Polish Succours." The amount is witted at 60,000,000 of florins, or between 2,000,0001. and 3.000,0001. sterling, and its repayment is to be secured on all the revenues of the state, on the property'of the nation, and particularly on the national domains over the whule kingdom. It will be divided into 100,000 bonds of 600 florins each. Its management its to be conducted by the Bank of W.irsaw, which is authorized to open sub ecriprious for realizing it in all the chief towns in Poland, and even in foreign countries. The bonds are to be trans ferable trout hand to band, without the stetessity of in seription on the books of the Bank ; and the whole is to be redeemed in 31 years, at a proportional rate each year—the order of annual redetnption being determined by lot. The Bank of Warsaw, in announcing the con tract to their own countrymen, displays areetiier gratifying proof of that p itriotisin which has hitherto enobled the Polish cause, and in which the directors of that esta blishment partake as largely as the rest of the Polish nation. The address informs them, that though the nation had, for the last six months, 4eri engaged in on honourable and heroic struggle-, against an enemy before whom the greatest nation's lately trembled,—that although the blessings of 1 3 rovidence upon their glorious exertions had given the victory to those who combat for their existence, their independence, and their most sacred rights : and though the resources of the treasury anal the vuluritary offerings of patriotism had hitherto been sufficient to support the immense expenses of the army, and to cover the charges of the civil aiministration,—it war fleets-are now to look to futurity, to provide for acoetinuance of the struggle, and to guard against than pecuniary embarrass ments which might comportnirse the result of their holy efforts. The indecision of European Cabinets in post poning the acknowledgment of their independence, or in declining to interfere in their favour ; left them only the barren sympathy of free nationa s which, however grati fying to their feelings, afforded them no protection to their rights, and supplied them with no aid against their enemy. In these circumstances, they mainly depended on their internal resources, and on the patriotism of their fel low-cit'zens in subscribing to this voluntary loan, towards which toreieners might lend their aid if they chose to rely upon Polish honour, which had hitherto never failed--and to succour, by an apparent sacrifice of prevent interest, a cause for which the Poles had already sacrificed so much, and for which no sacrifice can be considered too high. We have been delighted to see that the Pelts, noble in every thing s 'nave been as noble in their disinterestedness as in their valour and their passion for freedom. Their Government has not sent the begging-box round among commercial nations to obtain a char itale contribution in support of national independence,—it has not tried to convert the admiration of Europe into a levy of money,—it has not ettdeavoursd Cr graft a swindling contract on popular enthusiasm,—it has not sent the mortgage of its laws and labour to a com pany of jabbers, and the bulletins of its victories to be estimated at so much per cent, on the Stock Exchange. hitherto the Poke have avoided the contamination of pa terotic jobbers, and interested traffickers in liberty, who would sign a contract with the Czar to crush the inde • penuence of Poland, or with the Polish Government to resist the arms of the ()tar, to gain a half per cent. by the turn of the market. If they are now obliged to ask for additional aid, after having converted the jewels of their ladies and the estates of their nobles into cannon and arms for defence,—if they are now compelled to draw further un the national resources, for the support of na tional existence,—it is to their own people that they make the appeal for the loan of Polish succours, and only in the second place to foreigners, who, seeing the example of their domestic - credit and confidence, may allow the overflowing of their admiration for their cause to display itself in accepting a bond on their public faith. Modern warfare is an expensive and terrible, though, in the care of the Poles, a necessary trade. To resist cannon, you must found or buy cannon ; to combat a well-appointed artil i sty, you roust bring artillery against it; to withstand dis ciplined troops armed with the musket and the bayonet, you must provide your defenders with muskets and hay= onets ; to keep an army of 100,000 men in the field ready for action, y eau must organise a commissariat, and collect provisions from a distance. The means of transport—the establishment of magazities—the support of hospitals—the pay of the soldiers, in order to prevent pillage—and nu merous other charges must be added to the sums necessary for purchasing arms and equipping an army. All this requires pecuniary resources of no small amount.— Besides this, the peasantry and inhabitants of Poland on the line of hostile operations have been ruined, their fields ravaged, and their dwellings destroyed.— The necessary repair of these calamities is another source of expense which humanity as well as policy dictates to a patriotic government. Pikes and scythes. and volunteer patriotism, and moral force, are very good and necessary in a war like that which the Poles are now called upon to sustain ; but they are not all that is ne cessary. The rudest army which in modern time has combatted for the national independence, required finan cial resources which, though they neither confer valour or patriotism, are necessary to give them their full rfficiency and to secure their ultimate triumph. Napoleon used to say that I'rovidence always decided in favour of the Bros Latailions, and though Polish enthusiasm and Polish valour may render the maxim inapplicable to the present struggle, still some proportion must be maintained in equipment and expence between the patriot troops and the army of the invader. This cannot be done without the pro po-ed Polish succours, and probably the cannon which are destined to he heard at St. Petersburgli, and to frighten back to_ their inhospitahle regions the hordes of Musco vite barbarians, must be paid from out of this patriotic fund. Were foreign free nations to contribute, it might be called " the stock of mutual assurance against despotism," instead of " Polish succours.' Since writing the foregoing observations we have received papers and letters from Paris and from Warsaw, which give gratifying intelligence of the progress of the Polish arms, and hold out the best prospects of their ulti mate success. The insurrection in the Russo-Polish pro vinces, instead of beim; arrested, is extending with great rapidity and with invincible force. Lithuania and Sarao gitia will soon, it is hoped, be able to drive out their op pressors, to establish their independence, and to send Deputies to the National Diet at Warsaw. General Giel guo, whose corps the Russians bowed that they bad cut off, is found at the heal of 4,000 men, instead of the 10,000 with whom he crossed the Narew, and is pro ceeding towards Wilna and the sea coast in his victo rious career. In Samogitia, 20,000 insurgents are said to be under arms; and the commander-in-Chief has trans mitted to the Government the report of a victory gained by a party of the same gallant people in the province of trolhynia. From these successes we hope more than Irons the interference of the free States of Europe; though we are not disposed to doubt or to underrate the active re monstr .nees of our own Govermw nt, or that of France, against t h e barbarous warfare which the Emperor Nicho las cantinas to was against the Poles.— Times. There are two classes of men desirous of throwing im pediments in the way of the Reform Bill—the one con sisting of those who have no solid claim to the esteem of their fellow-citizens, who derive all their consequence from the shouts of the most ignorant of the mob, and who, in times of tranquillity, would consequently sink into in significance—the Other consisting of those who derive their consequence from their power to impede the working o f the State machine, who must, consequently, be pur chased by the Government for the time being, and who, after a Reform, would equally lose their importance. With the exception of these two classes, the whole com munity look forward to Reform as the greatest of blessings, and dread, above all things, the occurrence of any accident by which it may either be delayed or purchased at the ex pence of the tranquillity of the country. The rich man looks forward to Reform as the only means by which the Government can be conducted with ecoromy, and by which t:inf l ation can be secured ag tinst the revolution, to which a it increasing p ro f u si on i n our e xpenditure, at home and abroads must otherwise lead ; the man who possesses only a small property hope s th at R e f o rm will prevent his being stript of that property, and consigned to hopeless beggary. All the honest are Reform—peaceable Reform ;—ail the fraudulent are opposed 4: to it. W e h o ld ever y o ppon e nt of the Reftrut Bill to i ,h as much a thi e f and a robber in his heart, as the who strips th e t rave ll er i n Sp a i n and Italy. Toe motive which els the t ongue o f th e o ne, is the same that impels them: whichh e f i e of the other—to live on the pr since of t h a t t or istofa h m,t ai es n e ot re ta n i a k r - 1 1. s There were some curious illustrations alfirded last night, in the course of a mo tion of Mr. Alderman Wood's for the reduction of a u salaries of all public officers to the scale of 1797 of t \V 'oust here express our regret that Mr. Alderman 14r0.:41 should have wade a motion like this, which can only ha%e the all ct of embarrassing Ministers, at a time when, God knows, they have quite enough on their hands to occupy them. We acquit the Worthy Alderman, however, of any intention to embarrass them ; but there ate men whti• must constantly be busied with something, and who drettl n so much as seeing things go on satisfactorily with out them. Lord Althorp stated candidly what 'Ministers had already done in the way of retrenchment, and what they were doing. They bad begun with the bighor. salaries, and were proceeding downwards; whereas it has 'seen unfortunately the practice hitherto to commence .vith the lowest incomes, and to stop long before eaching the highest. He said they were going on vith their inquiries, and would carry the reduction as far a , rue regard to the public business would permit. Nothing :mold be fairer than the declaration of his Lordship. It would have been singular, however, if it had given satis faction to Mr. Hunt, who made some statements which will become classical among the Anti-Reformers. W. have, indeed, no doubt that the speech of last night will furnish the matter fo: three-fourths of the speeches against the Reform Bill in the House of Lords. "He hoped." he said, " the cuckoo cry, that he was an enemy to Re form, w ou ld no t b e ra i se d ag a inst him for what he was going to sa y. It wta hot a Reform Bill—it was not the mere name of nerty that could relieve distress.—(Hear.) If the House did not by their vote on that occasion give the people an earnest that they wished to relieve their dis tre,ss the Reform Bill would give no satisf.ction.— (Hear, hear, hear.) it was true that the Noble Lord who introduced the Bill said that it would give no imme diate relief'. It was true that the Ministers themselves had not pretended that it would have such an effect; but the Press and the outsconts of the Ministers had pretended so. Yes, he said, the Pitss and the outscouts of the Ministers deluded the. people.—(lmmense cheering from both sides.) The people had been made to expect from the Reform Bill what he (Nlr. Hunt) knew it would not realize.— (Cheers.)" And then he told a silly story of a servant maid, who would not take service for a year, as the Reform Bill would piss in three months. To reason with such a speaker is useless. Why is a Reform Bill wanted, but to enable Ministers to conduct the Governmext economically ? Supposing even that Ministers had not commenced the work of mitre ion, and were not busied in carrying reduc tions still further; and supposing that the House of Com mons were too indulgent to Minieters on this occasion, by what process of reasoning ere the people to infer, from this vote, that the Reform Bill will be valueless, the object of that Ilefr.tTit Bill being to remove the existing impediments to eConotny and retrenchment? The people must be as stupid as demagogues or boroughmorigers can possibly wish them to be, if they allow a Cote against economy, in an unreformed Parliament, to indispose them against a Re form, the great obj,ct of which is to render economy practicable, which is not practicable in an unreformed Par liament. Was ever such monstrous nonsense uttered be foie? And it cuts two ways. The Anti-Reformers say to one class, Mr. Hunt is right ; the people have been miserably deluded. To another who are timid, they say, see what sort of Gaverr.ment you are about to have when the franchise is extended. Here is a man returned for a populous place, the special favourite of the people, twice sent to Parliament free of expence, who cannot connect two propositions together—who would say, if lie saw a cart sticking in the mud, if you cannot with these horses sue- reed in extricating it, it is of no use to mend the road, for nothing will be expectEd from the road when it is well re paired. This is a case exactly in point. Mr. O'Connell, with much force, observed, "It was alleged that the people had been de:uded upon the important question of Re form and public distress. The people could not be de luded; the time had arrived when they could distinguish between common sense and nonsense—betty' en profes sions of sympathy and real attempts to afford them relief— between real and crock reformers—between men who would tell them that the addition of 500,000 voters to the constituency of the kingdom was no boon, and that the exclusion from that Horse of 150 Members nominated by individuals was no Morin." Mr. George Dawson went upon another tack. "If Hon. Gentlemen," said he, " would take the trouble to watch public opinion and public writers, they would see that the object was to direct the public mind to the extinction of the public debt, and the ruin of the public credit, as the necessary result of a Reformed Parliament."—(Hear, hear.) Sir James Graham met this by asking, " whether there is not something singular in the fact, that those who ought to be most sensitive on the score of public credit—viz., the public creditors themselves—should entertain an opinion directly opposite to that of the Right Hon. Gentleman ? If we contrast the state of the public credit at this moment with what it was at the period when the Reform Bill was first introduced, it will be deafly perceived that the public credit of the country has vastly improved.—(A voice here exclaimed, " No, no !") Does the Hon. Gentleman who gives that negative mean to deny the fact that the funds have risen since the period to which I have alluded, 'six or seven per cent?—(Hear, hear.) Is he ignorant that at a meeting held in the city of London to petition in favour of Reform, one of the resolutions was proposed by a banker (I shall not mention his name), who is supposed to be the largest fundholder in the kingdom ?—(Here some Hon. Member intimated that the hanker alluded to was Mr. Loyd.) Ido allude to Mr. Loyd as having proposed that resolution." Mr. Lewis Loyd, and all sensible fund holders, know that economy is the best security for the payment of the public debt. The boroughmoogers, on the contrary, have no motive for preserving the public debt intact. Leave them their present power, and they would look to a bankruptcy as a means for enabling them to add to the national expenditure. Economy is the salvation of the creditor. A wasteful expenditure strengthens the borough oligarchy. Their power increases with the increase of all the expenditure but the debt. Boroughmongering and wasteful expenditure act and react on each other. In the heavy expenditure, after the revolu tion, boroughmongering had its origin, and borough mongering, once in existence, kept continually adding to the expenditure. The oligarchy, and the oligarchy alone, have been looking to the spoliation of the public creditor ; and nothing but the dread of such men as Mr. Lewis Loyd, and the knowledge, that except under very parti cular circumstances such men would not allow themselves to be crushed, and that the spoliation of the fundholder would lead to the spoliation of the rich horoughmoneers keeps the boroughmongers quiet. We deny that public writers of any influence have dreamt of such madness as robbing some hundreds of thousands of their fellow-citizens. Public writers, of any character, know too well that a di minution in the respect for property must involve all in one common ruin. They will never suffer the fundholder to be sttipt, so long as the Church of England, and still more that of Ireland, abounds in rich sinecures, useful only to corrupt mortals and to destroy religion in tt e country. But of this more at another time.—Morning Chronicle. The generous sympathy which the Hungarian States have evinced for the cause of Poland is important as an historical fact connected with the Polish war of indepen dence, but is still more important as a political manifes tation of a spirit such as the " Holy Alliance" dreads, within the dominions of Austria herself. The Hungarians are themselves a brave people; if they were not, they would long since have been deprived of their national laws and customs, which they adhere to with patriwtic vene ration. Their timely recollection of the services which the brave Poles rendered them and other nations of Eu rope, by arresting the victorious career of the then truly warlike and formidable hordes of the Ottoman empire, proves that they are also a grateful people. They are also anxious to save their Sovereign, the representative of the oicient and illustrious house of Hapsburg'', from the re reproach of signal ingratitude towards the nation which smote, under the walls of Vienna, the insulting and mer• ciless barbarians, who came from the shores of the Bos. phorus to bury the throne of that family beneath the ruins of its capital. The Hungarians see, with grief and shame, that their Sovereign seems to forget that such a warrior as John Sobieski ever existed ; and that the house of Hapsburgh would have ceased to exist, or have gone into captivity worse than that of Babylon, if there had not been such soldiers as the Poles to rush to its deliverance. When a Monarch neglects those high virtues which ought peculiarly to grace and ornament those who are invested with the hi v hest honours and most exalted attributes of civil govern. went, it is well when there is any powerful class of their subjects that have the honesty and courage to point out their errors and remind them of their fruits. Tire States of Hungary have had virtue and firmness enough to tell the Emperor Fr ineia what ought to make him blush, if his evil genius, Metternich, in destroying, by his moral poison, the natural good qualities of the Royal heart, has not also extinguished the serve of shame. But, whatever may be the result, it is a noble symptom of the living spirit of gene rous sentiment in one portion of the Austrian dominions, that the General Assembly of the States of Pest, the most powerful in Hungary, have resolved " to address a prayer to his Majesty, to give to the unhappy Poles, to whom. A ustria and Hungary were so munch indebted, all possible assistance against the Russian Colossus, and to set at liberty the brave Dwernieki, who was then in Hungary." In detaining that distinguished warrior a prisoner Francis has not merely offended against the law of gratitude—we have shown that he most grossly violated the law of nations. in that instance, the other Governments of Europe made no remonstrance against the violation of the law of nations; but had any particl e o f t h at l aw b een v i o l a t e d by a sma ll nation like Switzerland or Belgium, we should soon hear of protocols and contingents to support . them. But Prussia behaves still worse thansiie dares s tr t ra towards tire Poles, and no notice is British subjects . taken. o stop t and seize the property even of Poles, and passing complaints are romu.ghi her territory for the in vain for redress. '' s u e k P o p i e l a t 'e ,e o s , h . o a f c vi t ua l fight- In the mean time Prussia affords provisions and arms, and gives every assistanc e enemies m e endured, r o e f d, and, at this moment , ing on their side to.th l e t W e ask . this to be endured ?. Lord Palmerston in sitates whether he will demand resti tution of the property of a British subject, who was send. ing out some arms to the Poles, which were seized by the Prussian Government, or whether it must be passed over n dishonourable silence! 0 for a Chatham now ! Morning Herald. - The attack made the other night, in the House of Com mons, on Mr. Hume, in the course of which he was ac cused of endeavouring to promote disturbances, and to tf tect that by violence and physical force which oug ht t o be the result of conviction and solemn deliberation only, is, —take it all in all,—pretty well one of the most impudent assertions that we have heard of for a long time. Mr. Hume never has been an advocate either of violent pro- ceedings or of seditious and infidel publications; but, on the contrary, has always endeavoured to impress upon the people the important truth, that national prosperity can only co-exist with national intelligence,--that the path to freedom, or, if the word be liked better, to the enjoyment of constitutional right, lies through the portal of know ledge, and, in consequence, that the first thing to be acquired by them, both as the basis and security of their political right., is knowledge. His letter to the Political Union of Dunfermline furnished an irrefragable proof of this fact; and yet, strange to say, on this very letter, more than anything else, was the stupid and impudent accusation against him founded ! We will not encroach upon the time and attention of our readers by exposing the absurdity of the accusation ; but as the letter to which we refer appeared some time ago in the Morning Advertiser, and in it only, and we are, in consequence, partly involved in the charge brought against the Honourable Member for Middlesex, it will not, we presume, be considered irrele vant to re-produce those parts of it which bear upon the charge in question. They are as follows; and, notwith standing the heavy accusation of fostering infidel and sedi tious publications, and of endeavouring to effect that by violence which ought to be the result of conviction, we again express our hope that the advice which it contains may be generally adopted and practised. The Honourable Member, in addition to his many other avocations, is, we understand, now busily engaged in endeavouring to establish parochial reading rooms. " After the Reform Bill is passed, the friends of good govern_ ment and of freedom should, by their Political Unions, canvass well the principles and talents of every candidate fsr the Re formed Parliament, and they should take care to ascertain his opinions, and to demand pledges as to his conduct, on the leading measure which the Legislature should thenceforward be occupied with. For example—Reform. " The public Press must be relieved from its fetters, which en courage ignorance. Reforms in the laws, in the Church, and in the colonies, ought to be forthwith considered and made. Tax ation to its present extent, and on its present principles, cannot without ruin be continued, and unsparing retrenchment and eco • nomy should consequently be demanded in every department of the State, as the means of affording relief. " Reading-rooms should be established by every Union, and suitable pamphlets and newspapers ought to he generally read by members, to enable those who have the suffrage for electing Members of Parliament, to give their votes to the fittest candi date, and to prepare those who have notnow the suffrage, to ex ercise it when it shall be extended to them, as I have little doubt it will soon be beyond the limits of the present Bill ; but, above all, the greatest pains should be taken by the members of every Union to inculcate the necessity of preserving the public peace on every occasion, and they should for that important purpose enrol themselves and be ready to act as constables, and to assist the constituted authorities on every occasion when there is any riot or disturbance. " The measures to be advocated by the Political Unions ought tostand on the broad grounds of justice and constitutional rights, and every attempt by violence and disorder to disturb the peace should be met and resisted by the friends of freedom in the most determined manner. " The riots which have taken place at Dumbarton, Ayr, and Wigan disgrace the country, and could only have taken place from gross ignorance of the rioters, of the consequences of such oroceedings, or through the means of some designing men, which I cannot suppose. " Let political associations, therefore, prepare the way for fu ture peaceable elections, by enlightening the public mind in re spect to their duties on such occasions, and let them be prepared to offer their immediate and organized assistance to the Magis trates to maintain the public peace, and to prevent all such ex cesses as we have lately heard of. " Wherever therefore, there may be a Political Union in fu ture, I trust that the Magistrates will find in the members of that Union a civil force ready organized, and willing on the instant to support due authority, and to maintain the public peace at all hazards."—Morning Advertiser. THE MARKETS. SOUTHALL MARKET.—June D. This day's market exhibited a limited supply throughout, and was not very numerously attended either by London or country buyers; each kind of meat met with a tardy sale, at the fol lowing prices per stone of Eilh. to sink the offals : Beef --..—.. 3s. 4d. to 4s. 4d. 10t1. to 4s. 10d, Mutton .....—. 3 4 4 4 1 Pork 0 4 10 _ _ _ Lamb.,,,..... 4s. 6d. to ss. 6d. The foregoing quotations are Beef, Lamb, and Veal, 2d. per stone lower than on this day se'nnight ; prices of Mutton and Pork stationary. But a small proportion of the supply left the market unsold. H.kII,SHAIII MARKET.—June 29. 3s. 4d. to 4s. Od. 45. Od. to 4s. 4d. Mutton I 3 S 4 4 Perk 0 0 0 0 Lamb 4,4 d. to ss. Od. A good supply, and a very dull bade. Much of the supply was turned out unsold. ARUNDEL MARKET.—June 28. 3s. N. to 48.2 d. 3s. 4d. to 4s. 4d Mutton 3 2 4 4 I Pork 0 0 0 0 Lamb . 4s. Od. to ss. Od. A good supply, and a sluggish trade. CHICHESTER M ARK ET.—June 29. Beef 3a. Od. to 4s. (Id. I 3s. 3d. to 4s. 2d. Mutton l 3 0 4 2 0 0 0 0 Lamb Store Tegs from 21s. to 31s. each; Store Beasts, calculated at their supposed weight when fat, from 2s. to 3s. per stone. Sup. ply good, and trade dull with every thing but prime small Nut. ton and Lamb. COUNTRY CORN AIARKETS DURING THE WEEK. _ Wheat. Barley. Oats. Bean S. Per Quarter. 0. to a. s. s. s. to s. s. to s. -- Blandford 62 35 29 46 56 64 24 34 38 68 34 -- 22 38 Caxthndge 24 38 42 Chard 55 68 30 34 22 Huntingdon 58 70 33 39 22 30 35 3 9 Long Sutton--. 56 68 '25 '37 39 Louth 55 63 28 32 18 2 3 34 38 Lynn 56 68 30 34 24 3 0 36 40 Newark 61 69 30 38 24 30 40 43 Nottingham 76 81 33 48 24 31 42 44 Peterborough .—.. 58 67 33 34 22 30 36 38 Plymouth 62 70 32 36 24 2 7 9 38 50 Pontefract -.....— 67 43 43 Sleafonl 65 70 35 33 22 28 41 43 Uppingham 60 66 31 42 24 32 34 40 Wisbech 58 68 25 26 36 :38 LEEDS CORN MARKET. Wheat, Norfolk and Suffolk, 601 b. --- York. and Lincoln. 601 b. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk Yorkshire and Lincolnshire Grinding Beaus _ 631 b. .—June 28. Ms to 725, .503. to 68s. 7 .. 325. to 345. ..." 363. • ....... to 255. „.,5; 3its to 445. 28s. to :30s. r Eng. 14d. to 15d. per ,t .. 345. to 356. per load. to —l. per last. Oats, Potatoe —Mealing, For. Mt to MO Shelling Rapeseed, English, 161. to '24/ Foreil 1.1 V ERPOOL CORN EXCH ANG E.—June 28. WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b. Red ---- Scotch, Welch, and Manx --- Irish, White 7 3 7 9 ------- Red 7 6 710 -- Foreign 9 6 10 0 OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 3 9 4 0 Irish -- Foreign BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 4O 0 46 0 —.-- Scotch and Irish, per 601bs. ----- Feeding 3lO 4 3 0 47 0 BeaNs, English, per Imperial quarter 43 --- Irish, &c. Foreign t'EASE, English, per Imperial quarter 42 0 44 0 - Foreign 0 4 0 Flout, English, per 2801 b Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 2401bs 29 0 31 0 INDIAN CORN, per 4401 b. RYE, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending June 2.7. Wheat. Oats. I Barley Flour. Oatmeal Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Foreign, 131'13.11mb, &c. Scks . Loads. '29,291 6,979 , 172 26,700 I 773 1,711 At Selby church, on Sunday week, when the officiating clergyman was publishing the banns of mar riage between several parties, at reading the names in one of them, a man rose, and said—" I forbids them bans." Very well," replied the Clergyman, " the reasons can be heard hereafter." After service, he was requested to at tend in the vestry, and there being asked what impediment existed to prevent the solemnization of marriage between the parties, he replied, " A very good one, the parties be'ant agreeable." " Indeed !" said the Clergyman ; " how do you know that? " " Why's I'se the man myself—so I'se like to knaw," rejoined the swain, whom some one wanted to dub a Benedict without his leave or liking. The Clergyman considered the man, of course, in this instance, to be a good judge in his own cause; and the banns were struck out of the book ; and the parties will, for the present, at least, remain in "single blessedness."-- York Courant. PHILIP AUGUSTUS, OR THE BROTHERS IN Awsts.—This new Romance, by the author o f " De L'Orme," and " Darnley," has awakened all that attention which his former productions so justly excited. " Had the author," says the Literary Gazette, "declared that he had found an old chronicle in sonic antique chateau he would have been readily believed—such knowledge of the time, and such verisimilitude does the accuracy of manner, speech, and costume give to Philip Augustus. Mr. JAMES has chosen, too, a most interesting perioJ ; the great qua lities of Ptirrir AUGUFTUS were fitted to meet the rno momentous circumstances in which he was placed ; Lis whole character was a singular mixture of policy and energy. Our author has two heroes; one THIBAULT D'AuvEaGNE connects the narrative with AGNES, the second wife of PHILIP, the other DE CORUCY, with the • unfortunate .A.R.Tuum of Brittany. These volumes Will well repay the perusal ; for they are indeed very valuable additions to.our stock of pleasure and literary enjoyment." lIWERIAL PARLIANIENT. • HOUSE OF LORDS, JUNE $O. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack shortly after Five o'clock. The Earl of RADNOR presented a petition from Berk .hire azait.st the tithe system. The Earl of ORFORD presented a petition from King's Lynn against any violent Reform. FRAUDS ON CREDITORS. _ _ Lord WYNFORD introduced his Bill for preventing debtors from lying in prison for the purpose of de frauding their creditors. Originally he had intended to introduce a clause in this Bill for the purpose of reaching those debtors who had absconded be yond the seas for the purpose of defrauding their cre ditors, by which the law of outlawry would be materially altered ; but since he last had the honour of introducing this Bill, he had discovered that outlawry was an extremely dilatory proceeding and attended with enormous expense, and therefore what lie ( Lord Wynford) proposed now, was to bring persons absconding beyond the sea, for such a nefarious act, within the operation of the Bankrupt Laws. At the present moment there were no less than a hundred persons confined in prison for debt who were living most luxuriously, whose creditors were actually starving. The object of this Bill then was to compel such men to do justice. It provided that any person who lay in prison under execution for three months, for a sum equal to that which would authorise the striking a docket against a tradesman, and who still continued in prison, or attempted a fraudulent conveyance of his property, that this should be considered equivalent to an act of bankruptcy ; and if any man remained abroad for three months, and a bailable writ was served upon him at his last place of abode, and he by public adver tisement in the Gazette and in a newspaper required to come back and pay the debt, or compound with his cre ditors, and neglected so to do, it should be considered an act of bankruptcy ; but from this he excepted generally persons engaged in the public service, and fur twelve months those absent in distant parts of the world. His Lordship then concluded by moving that the Bill should lie read a first time. The Earl of FIFE considered the Bill most impolitic, and that very injurious effects were likely to arise from the passing of such a measure. It was, in his opinion, likely to prevent the very object which the Noble Lord wished to promote—namely, the extension of equal jus tice to the community. As long as the injurious system of arrest and imprisonment for debt continued, it would only tend to the benefit of the worst class of legal practi • tioners. He had been told by some of the best and most Honourable Members of that body, that it was their strong desire to have an end put to the system. He asked what was the consequence of this system? The honest man would have all his money taken from him, and it would go not to his creditors, but to a nest of hornets who had been goading on the people to put him into gaol. The rogue, on the contrary, would have taken especial came to consign away his property. The consequence was, that, according to the existing law, where they succeeded in punishing one rogue, they destroyed ninety and nine just people. The Bill he pronounced to be a most disgraceful one, and he was convinced, that when it came to be generally known, it would excite greater dissatisfaction than any measure which had been promulgated for centuries. The Noble and Learned Lord, in introducing the Bill that day, had adopted a different tone front that used by him on a former occasion. The Noble and Learned Lord had de scribed this measure as an act of humanity to the great mass of individuals confined for debt; but what was their own opinion upon the subject? With their Lordships' permission he would read a document to them, in which the confined debtors expressed their feelings. It was prefaced by three mottos; the first of which was an ex tract from a speech delivered by Lord Eldon. The Noble Lord then read the paper, which protested strongly against the system proposed by the Bill, declaring impolitic and unjust, and one of the most disgraceful ever submitted to their Lordships. Among fifty, thousand cases of insol vency, it had been established that there was only a divi dend of one farthing for the creditors ; and this because the money had been all soent on litigation, and on putting the men into prison. He was supported by a great meet ing of bankers in stating, that the smallness of the divi dend arose from the interested conduct of low practitioners of the law, who worked upon the obdurate nature of the creditors, and induced them to thrust their debtors into the body of a gaol : and this meeting expressed its ardent hope, this law of arrest and imprisonment for debt would be done away with altogether. For all these reasons he trusted that, if the Lordships did not positively reject the Bill, they would at least most minutely examine every clause of it when it came before the Committee. He ' remarked, that it was very strange the Noble and Learned Lord who had presided over that which had been called the lock and key of the common law, should be anxious to introduce the practice of the Court of Chancery, while the Noble and Learned bird who had now become fa miliar with the practice of the Court of Chancery, was, on the contrary, desirous of assimilating it to the Com mon Law. He maintained that all the great Constitu tional writers condemed arrest and imprisonment for debt, and quoted a passage from De Lolme, in which it is ob served that the system was only continued in England be cause the law then was still in its infancy. He proceeded to contend that it was idle to argue any injury could be done to mono rce by doing away with arrest and impri sonment for debt ; in confirmation of which doctrine he read extracts from a work by the Marquis of Beccaria. He remarked, that it would he exceedingly strange that this Bill, which went in itself to form a new Constitu tion, as far as ptea- creditors were concerned, should be suffered to pass almost without a comment, as a similar measure had in the last Season, when the Reform Bill, which also tended to the creation of a new Constitution, was about to be so fiercely disputed. The Bill was then read a first time. TITHE COMPOSITION BILL. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY deferred the se cond reading of this Bill to Tuesday next. On the mot.on of Lord WYNFORD, a Bill to prevent delay in the proceedings of the Courts of Law was read a first time. REFORM. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, in rising to pre sent petitions against the Reform Bill from the freemen of Durham, from Shields, Newcastle, and other places in the county of Durham, trusted he might be excused by their Lordships for taking that opportunity of -alluding to ob servations made at Reform dinners and meetings in the county of Durham. lie had a great an deep interest in that county, and was v. ell acquainted with it, and he would, therefore, take upon him to assert, that the doctrines held at those dinners and meetings are by no means congenial with the feelin:s and wishes o f the constituency of Dur ham. And he' also considered himself free to state, that if the Hon. Gentlemen who now represented that county in P a rliament had promulgated these opinions pre vious to the election, they would nut now enjoy the high honour of the position in which they stood. The doctrines promulgated upon the occasions to which he alluded to were decidedly levelling to the Church, and s ubversive of the Aristocracy : and much was it, in his opinion, to be regretted, that personages occupy ing the stations of those Honourable Personages should hold forth doctrines fraught with danger to the settled or ders of society, and to the institutions of the State, since they could not fail to produce a popular excitement. A. none of those Honourable Persons were present, he would refrain from reading any extracts, or particularly referring to any extracts from their speeches, nor would he enter upon any discussion respecting the doctrines they set forth and advocated, unless some Noble Lord connected with Durham, or some other Noble Lords opposite, would stand forward and undertake to promulgate and defend those doctrines in that House. Ile would only say, that h e at least hoped the expression of these opinions and doc trines would not be made the p (aspect to the honours of that House.—(Hear, hear.) lie was sorry that any ex pressions reflecting on the Church and directed against it ahould have been made in Durham, over which a Bishop pr esided who was surpassed by none in learning, piety, be nevolence, and truly Christian feeling—(llear, bear)—and in which the religious establishment generally was so de serving of all praise : and he could confidently assert, that the universal feeling had been one of sorrow and regret that such feelings should have gone forth. Very much advice had been given to their Lordships within the wails o f that House touching the course which they were to pursue in respect to the Reiurm Bill, and even a greater quantity of advice was given them by individuals from without, so that, in the multiplicity of their counsellors, t h e y stood a chance of being sadly puzzled. But amongst the various kind pieces of recommendation given to that branch of the Legislature, there was one to which he wished to advert ; and he begged to ask the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, whether he had seen or heard of a brochure (he would not, most pro bably have the courtesy to tell him whether he had written it) —(Laughter)--entitled " Friendly' Advice most re spectfully submitted to the Lords on the Reform Now, with their Lordships' permission, he would read an extract from this pamphlet, which referred to those Noble Persons who were nut favourable to the Ministerial plan of Reform. The Noble Marquis then read as follows : " These may not venture to attack the Reform Bill openly in front ; but they will try to take it in flank. They will not Op/tose it or move any thing against it ; but they will certainly vote against the Government on every thing else, in order to throw out the Government and the Bill also. They will hardly move an amendment on the Address to the King; but they will get up little motions against thi Ministers —they will try to throw out whatever is pro posed by the Government—they will oppose the Chan cellor's Law Reforms, and Lord Melbourne's Sub-letting Act, and whatever else they can hope to defeat. Let the Lords beware of all such tricks, for tricks they are. All their manoeuvres mean only one thing—hostility to the Reform Bill. The meaning of every thing the Opposi tion will say is ' Throw out the Bill.' The meaning of every question they will put is Throw out the Bill.'— The meaning of every vote they will give is ' Throw out the Bill.' Th e y may affirm, and vow, and swear, and Smite their breasts, and shed abundant iears, and heave deep sighs, and call God to witness that they have no enmity to the King's Government, and are not prepared to give any opinion upon the Bill until it comes before them. Heed them not—turn away the ear from their cry. All they do really mean is to get your votes against the Ministry; and they reckon on the Bill, the hateful Bill, being lost for ever. All who wish well to the House of Lords awl the Constitution must carefully be on their guard against such devices." It was well for persons within or without the walls of that House to give their Lord ships such advice, but let them not propose measures, and support those measures by declarations calculated to raise the mob. When the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack declared that the mandate of the Secretary of State could not prevail against an assemblage of 600,000 persons, it was only stating in other words, that a mob of 600,000 was more powerful than the Government. For himself, however, he had an example—an example which he well remembered, and on which he was deter mined to shape his conduct in the present arduous junc • ture. It was given at the period when a Right Hon. Gentleman, now no more, assumed the guidance of affairs. They had then the head of the Whigs at their side of the House; and that Noble Earl then delivered a speech, to which he felt great pleasure in referring. He bad read it the other day with great delight, and had determined to shape his own conduct by what was there laid down, The Noble Earl wished to have placed upon record his opinion of a Bill coming up to that House, which, it was believed, the power of their Lordships would be exercised to reject; snd which it was also believed, from the popular clamour that prevailed, and the feeling of the other House, would have bought the two Houses into collision. In the speech made by the Noble Earl on this occasion, he said :—" I stand here one of a body which will always be ready, firmly and honestly, to resist such efforts—which will al ways consider anxiously and feelingly the interests of the people, even when it must oppose the peop'e them selves, and which will never consent, under the influence of fear, to give way to any clamour. If lam told that we run the risk of having a worse Bill, I shall never suffer myself to be intimidated by any such threat ; and if a worse Bill should be sent up, I am sure your Lordships would pursue the course you have pursued by the present Bill. You would consider it, and you would amend it, and if you could not make it good you would reject it. I am sure that any such measure shall be met by me with a firm opposition; and that I shall be prepared to do my duty to myself. I have said thus much, and I might say a great deal more. If there should come a contest b•tween this House and a great portion of the people, my part is taken, and with that order to which I belong I will stand or fall. I will maintain to the last hour of my existence the privilege and independence of this House."—(Cheers from the Ministerial Benches.) Ile was glad to hear these cheers from the Noble Lords on tl.e other side. He hoped the Noble Earl would act on his own principle us stared on that occasion. He hoped that no new batch of Peers would he brought up to that House, and that their Lord ships would be safe from a piece of the most extraordinary experimental philosophy that ever was attempted to he concocted by any Ministry. He called the Noble Earl's attention to the speech which he had made on a former occasion in support of his own order. In tbe sentiments expressed in that speech he (the Marquis of Londonderry) concurred, and he hoped the 'Diable Earl would still adhere to them. He would say no more on the subject at this time, but would, without further comment, present his petition. After a pause, the Marquis of CLEVELAND ro-e, and observed, that considering the relation in which he stood to the county of Durham, and the knowledge which that relation enabled him to acquire of the sentiments and feelings of the county, be was anxious to make a few re marks on the statements of the Noble Marquis ; but, as he was aware that these speeches on the presentation of pe titions were irregular, he would be as brief as possible. He generally differed, whether right or wrong in doing se, on political question. from die Noble Marquis, and so be did ;.‘ curs particular instance as to the sentiments and feelings of the county of Durham. The Noble Marquis began his speech by informing their Lordships of certain speeches, purporting to have been made in the county of Durham at election meetings, which speeches had appeared in all the Journals of the country, and the Noble Marquis said that these speeches were so derogatory to the Aristo cracy, that no Noble Lord in that House would venture to hear out the opinions there expressed. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, in explanation, said that he did not mean to utter anything disrespectful to the individuals to whom he alluded, but only protested against the doctrines maintained in these speeches. The Marquis of CLEVELAND stood corrected, hut the Noble Marquis said that the Peers of that House must he well aware of these speeches, since they appeared in all the Journals of the day. But he thought it rather impro bable that the Peers generally should be well acquainted with these speeches as they appeared in the Journals. He was not aware that the Peers felt very much interested about speeches that were delivered at election dinners. A few of the Peers, perhaps, did see these speeches, as pub lished in the Journals. lie did not feel himself called upon on the present occasion to stand up in defence of all that was said in these speeches, but he might take upon himself to say, that some of the Journals gave a very incorrect account of the speeches, and, in certain particulars, very much misrepresented the words and meaning of the speakers. He had not been in the county of Durham lately, as the Noble Marquis kad been, but he was well acquainted with what had taken place in the county of Durham at the late election. The words to which he sup - posed the Noble Marquis alluded, were, " that the Peers were cyphers, and that . the power of the Aris tocracy was at an end"—words which were supposed to have been spoken at the meeting at Gateshead. But these words, if spoken at all, were spoken, as he ap prehended, in relation to the canvass for the county, and alluded to the power and influence which had been sup posed to have been exerted by the Aristocracy in reference to the county elections. The words referred not to the Aris tocracy of the country generally, bat to the aristocracy of the county of Durham, which was a very different thing. tie believed he was well acquainted with the sentiments and feelings of .the county of Durham, and he was confi dent that they were favourable to the Bill brought into the other House by his Maj sty's Ministers in the course of the last Session. He, therefore, differed from the Noble Mar quis in that respect also. He knew, that while that Bill was in progress, a meeting of the county of Durham, over which the High Sheriff presided, was hel I, in order to declare the sentiments of the county on the Bill, and at that meeting resolutions were passed approving of the B 11, and of the conduct of I.is Majesty's Ministers, and an ad dress of thanks to his Majesty was agreed to, which he (the Marquis of Cleveland) had the honour to present. The resolutions and the address were passed without a dis sentient voice, so that there could be no reasonable doubt but that the tense of the great majority of the freeholders of the county of Durham was favourable to the Reform Bill. He was confident in the opinion that the county of Durham was favourable to the Reform Bill. The petition was laid on the table.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 30. cable. At Four o'clock the SPEAKICIt took his seat, when several new Members took the oaths and their seats. Lord Stusf.tY, Mr. Joits Wool), and Mr. HAY.. wAhn presented several petitions from various places in favour of the Manchester and Leeds Railway Bill. Mr. HUNT presented a petition from James Hirley, who stated that he was an Irishman and had relations in Ireland, and the prayer of the petition was, that an im mediate enquiry might be made into the causes of the Newtownbarry massacre, that the yeomanry force of Ire land might be abolished, and that, if necessary, the regular military force of the country might be substituted. Or dered to lie on the table. The Hos. MEmunt then presented a petition from the labouring classes of Tothill-street and its neighbourhood, in Manchester, complaining that they were nut included in the plan of Reform brought forward by Lord John Russell, and praying for annual Parliaments, universal suffrage, and v.te by ballot. The Hon. Member did not present this petition with any intention of . defeating th e Reform Bill; but when be o n former occo.ilons stated that the people at Manchester and other places in the North were not satisfied with the Bill, he was met by contradictions from several Honourable Mem bers. He had, however, since received a great many petitions on this suiject, confirming what he then said. He had presented o le from Preston, another from Bolton, signed by 5,000 persons (although the newspaperi chest' to say the number was only 500), and be bad a petition from Manchester,signed by 20,000 persons, all upon this subject, and in confirmation of what he had stated.—The petition was read, and ordered to be printed. • The HoN. MEMBER next presented a petition from the operatives of Macclesfield, signed by almo.t every male adult, who was excluded by this Reform Bill from voting for representatives. They complained of not having a share in the election of Members, and they prayed for Annual Parliaments, universal suffrage, and votebyballot. The Hon Member then presented a petition from Messrs. Cumming and Dykes, who were deputed by upwards of 20,000 persons (who were to be excluded from voting by the Reform Bill) to make known their feelings, and to state that the Reform Bill was an insult to the understanding of the people. They prayed to be heard at the bar of the House in support of the petition.—Ordered to lie on the Mr. CHAPMAN presented a petition from the Grand Jurymen of Westmeath, and another county in Ireland, praying the House to take into consideration the state of the poor in that country; also a petition from the inhabi tants oplullingar, in favour of the Reform Bill. Mr. PAGET gave notice that he intended to move that instructions be given to the Committee on the Re form Bill, to leave out so much of the Bill as related to the division of counties. Colonel LINDSAY presented a petition from the Pro vost, Town Council, and Magistrates of the royal burgh of Cupar, praying that an alteration might be made in the proposed classification of votes in the Scotch Reform Bill that was broaght in last Session, and which was intended to be brought in to-morrow. They gated that Cupar and St. Andrew's were intended to be united to Perth ; Perth would have five hundred and sixty-one voters, while the other burghs ,j ,fined to it would only hlve 363 voters, so that the power of returning the Members would rest chiefly with Perth. The petitioners prayed that the boroughs of St. Andrew's and Cupar ini_ht be united to some of the boroughs in the county of Fife, instead of to Perth, which was a town of sufficient importance, as re'pects wealth and commerce, to have a representative to itself. The Hon. Member thought it not only injudicious but unjust that the eastern burghs should be disfranchised, and that it was, as they con ceived, an infringement on the articles of Union be tween England and Scotland, which articles provided that the representation for the burghs hhould remain en tire, notwithstanding the Union.--(Hear.) The popu- lation of those boroughs proposed to be disfranchised was upwards of 6,000 ; in England, by the proposed Bill, to a population of 4,000, two Members were given ; was it not unfair, therefore, that these eastern boroughs should be unrepresented ? It was highly desirable that Cupar and St. Andrew's should ba united to the eastern burghs, and that Perth should have a representative of its own. Mr. S. WORTLEY said if the learned Lord Advocate would not take up the subject, he should, in the Com- mittee on the Bill. enforce the claims of Perth. The LORD ADVOCATE declined at present to enter into any discussion uron this subject, as it would receive all proper consideration in the Committee. After a few words from Mr. KEITH Douc Las the peti tion was read, an•l ordered to lie on the table. Mr. HOBIIOUSE presented a great number of peti tions relative to shortening the hours of labour; among the places were Renfrew, Manchester, Dundee, Bradford, and Arbroath. Mr. PROTHEROE begged to ask the lion. Member for Westminster as to the fate of a Bill in which his, Mr. P.'s constituents, were very particularly interested; he alluded to the MarylehMe Select Vestry Bill. _ _ Mr. HOBHOIiSE said that the Bill had undergone List Sessions such alterations in ita nursing, that he had felt it his duty to abandon it. It had been changed at nurse. If he had any chance of carrying it through the• e , ent Parliament, which was differently constructed from the last, he would have no objection to bring it in again. Mr. EWART presented a petition from the corn millers of Liverpool, complaining of the importation of American flour. Mr. LEFROY presented a petition from Trinity Col lege, Dublin, against the Refurm Bill. Mr. SADLER rose to present a petition (we could not learn where from), most respectably signed, complaining of the effects of the New Beer Bill. He considered it entitled to great consideration, for the impression in the country was that the alteration made regarding the sale of b e er had been most pernicious to the morals of the people. Tue opinion of the Magistrate s was that the committals for offences lad more than doubled from the day on which the alteration had been made ; it had been promised that the quality of beer would be improved, but he appealed to every one if the quality had not in fact been much de teriorated. if gentlemen, who origin oily supported the, Bill, now found that their expectations had not been an-. sweretl, the most manly course would be to come forward and avow it. Lord ALTUORP said, it was undoubtedly true, that many complaints had been made of the effects produced by the Beer Bill, but he begged Hon. Members to recollect, that it was touch more likely that any changes of this na ture should produce worse effects at its commencement than it should afterwards. He had advocated the mea sure when it was brought forward by the late Government, but although some disadvantages had arisen, he was not prepared to abandon it altogether, and resort to the old system, w hich had greater evils, and the getting rid of which had been one great object.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord was not desirous of placing under any party's controul the choice of what houses should be licensed.—(Hear.) Th e Noble Lord at the head of the Home Department had it under consideration to effect some police regulations, which would have the effect of preventing those disorders which were the subject of complaint ; at present lie thought the trial had not been a fair one, and he would be sorry to abandon it.—(Hear.) Mr. JOHN WOOD agreed with the Noble Lord, that great complaints had been made about the irregularity which had been observed in some of these houses ; but he believed, at the same time that the Noble Lord had truly accounted for that irregularity, by attributing it, in some measure, to the novelty of the change. A number of per sons rushed into the trade when it was new, believing that they \vim first occupied it would be sure to make large profits; and front that circumstance, it happened that many of them lest touch money, and were compelled to give up the speculation ; while others resorted to practices not warranted by the law for the purpose of covering their losses. In that way, he keiieved many of the irre gularities now complained of had arisen ; but, from his observation, which, he assured the House, had been much directed to the subject, he did not believe that any material irregularities had taken place. On the contrary, he be lieved that the Bill had been a great benefit to the labour ing classes, and especially iu this way—that the beer- houses had prevented much of that custom of men assembling together on Saturday nights to receive their wages at the public-house, and to spend a large portion of them there at the same time.—(Hear, hear.) Those persons who were smarting under the infliction of this Bill, in the way of diminished rents, and diminished power and influ ence, would of course give it a bad name. One of the complaints against the beer shops was, that they kept open to later hours) than tile law allowed. That was the con sequence or the favour shown in the Bill to the keepers of public-houses. The public-houses were allowed to keep open till twelve ; but the beer- stops were obliged to shut up at ten. The people sitting in these beer-shops reminded the keeper that they could go within a few doors of his house and sit till twelve, and they often in that manner induced him to keep open till eleven. The public-house keepers had, in some instances sent persons to these beer shops for the purpose of inducing the people to keep opts later than the law allowed, and then to make that a sub ject of complaint against them. In his opinion, all these evils would he got rid of if the hours to which they were allowed to keep open were assimilated.—(Hear, bear.) Mr. HUNT said that the effect of this Bill had been to get rid of a monstrous injustice against the poor, who were before obliged to pay 10s. more a barrel for the beer than the rest p.id. Ile hoped that such a Bill would not be ahandoned by his Majesty's Ministers, and that they would not be led away by these complaints of interested per- Sims to make any alterations in the Bill, further than that proposed by his Hon. Colleague, Mr. J. Wood, who bad offered a suggestion that was well worthy the attention of Ministers. Mr. BARING said, that the Bill had essentially not worked any mischiefs in the large towns, but in the smaller districts, in villages, in different parts of the country, it hid tended to produce great mischief. He was sure that some alteration ought to be made with respect to beer houses in the country, for if the present system continued, the Government roust look out for a recurrence of ,those disturbances which had happened towards the clew of the preceding year. Mr. PROTIIEROE could not see any reason to reject the vote he had given in support of the Bill brought in by the late Government. For his own part, he considered that roost of the complaints raised against the operation of the 8.11 proceeded from these who had been first op posed to the measure. Mr. GOULBURN was sure the House would not postpone any thing that was calculated to afford relief to the poor, till the period arrived when the poorer c!astats of society should be su well informed,.poli tieally and otherwise, as to be able duly to appreciate tile effect of that or any tither measure. The most zea lous promoters of the Bill could not have expected it to pass into a law, without entailing certain evil unsequenecs ; and for his own part he had been al B'