The Sun. — London, England, 1834-04-29 00:00:00

F-- - ~,~► SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. A question, which requires an answer, must occur to every lover of equal justice—why deal out a different measure to journeymen and masters The masters cannot be prevented from combining. Is it fair, therefore, to prohibit the use of the same effective instrument to the workmen, who plead the right to use it in what they call their own defence ? Looking at this subject impartially, we must in quire, whether a combination of tens of thousands of workmen is in its nature, or necessary conse quences to the community, the same thing as a combination of masters, who are not, to their work men, in numerical amount much more than one to a thousand ? If unions of journeymen could con fine themselves to the same sort of acts as those by which their masters maintain their mutual understanding, and regulate their concerns—that is to say, if they avoided all external demonstrations of force or menace, by which offence is offered to others—the reasoning and policy must be alike as regards them both. But how stands the case ? Masters combine to keep down wages, and thereby may, for a little while, divide amongst themselves an unreasonable proportion of those funds of which the journeymen ought to be allowed- a more liberal share. In other words, the masters establish for the moment a monopoly which yields them unnatural profits. But some masters may not join the combination, and so defeat the monopoly. But are they ever molested by its members ? So other capitalists, allured by this advantage, where it does take place, enter the trade, undersell the confederates, and in that way break up the monopoly. Let us ask again, has it yet been heard of that such an accession of new employers to any busi ness has ever been obstructed by violent or unlaw ful methods ? Has the personal freedom, or still more the personal safety, of any new adventurers, among merchants, master woollen-manufacturers, master cotton, or silk, or hardware manufacturers —nay, or master tailors (a pressing subject), ever yet been outraged or threatened by other masters, to deter them from taking up the particular line of trade ? No, unquestionably. On the other hand, how is it with the journeymen ? They combine to force up wages, and when they succeed, they also have all the advantages of a monopoly. But, un like the masters, the monopoly of workmen is one which will not afford fair play to the prin ciple of competition. If any industrious and peaceable men refuse to join the formida ble partnership, they are persecuted, bullied, beaten (some have been beaten to death); no mode or species of violence is left untried to compel them into the service of the conspiracy. Then with regard to new comers--knobsticks, as they were termed at Oldham—what opprobrious term may be applied to them here, we know not : if any such venture to supply the places of the re cusants, and offer to work for wages which the lat ter have rejected, is it not notorious that the same means of intimidation are employed towards them as towards the well-disposed resident workmen, until, in mere terror and despair, they sacrifice their freedom, become paupers dependant on the tender mercies of the Unions ; and when, after months, the strike starves itself to death, these unfortunate persons perish with it. It is clear from these obser vations, that in spite of the existing law, terror and violence are brought into such universal action, that the public possess no security as against the combi nations of workmen for the free exercise of that competition by which a monopoly of masters would be at once demolished. Breaches of the peace-- ferocious and vindictive violence—all imaginable degrees of ruffian cruelty and persecution, are resorted to in every instance, and have unhappily succeeded, by the intimidation of competitors among the working classes, to such an extent, that the great mass of journeymen throughout the metropolis and its vicinage—we fear we might say throughout all England—have actually—many, perhaps most of them, compulsively been enrolled in the lists of these unions. The Executive Government, it seems quite plain, cannot, as the law now stands, interfere with these transactions, except where such interposition would be warranted for the main tenance of the public safety. Until that necessity shall arise, government must contemplate the quarrel as one between workmen and employers only ; and leave it to be adjusted by a sense of mutual interests. It is not the less deplorable, however, that such multitudes of poor men with families should be duped or bullied out of their daily bread by a small band, for such they are, of selfish agitators, who daily feast upon the plun dered subscriptions of their victims. A corre spondent assures us, that yesterday week, after the dispersion to their comfortless homes of the poor, harassed, and disappointed multitude, their leaders took special care of their own indulgences, by re tiring to a banquet at White Conduit-house, pro vided, we doubt not, from the public money of the union ! Yesterday was ushered in by a strike of the tailors—for high wages, as usual, and diminished work. The mandate of their rulers is before us—it prohibits all the unionists from working, from the end of April to the end of July, more than ten hours (that is, exclusive of meals, more than nine hours) per diem, or for less than 6s. wages. The other nine months they are to work but eight hours, with ss. wages. They are not to do a stitch of work in their own homes, nor any where but on their em ployer's premises, " which shall be healthy and con venient," or on any other terms than by the day and hour, which has of course for its object to defeat the law which makes it penal to deliver up unfinished work ! In the circular of these bashaws to the master tailors, they state their purposes to be, " to stay the effects of a destructive commercial com ' petition," the remedy for which is broadly an nounced to be a wholesome and refreshinc , mo nopoly of labour. The master tailors there fore and the public see what is before them. If they will not give way, the combiners nzust, especially if gentlemen will follow the example of the gallant Sir Henry Hardinge, who promises to go out in his shirt rather than be party to a tame submission. If gentlemen and tradesmen will have a little patience with their master tailors, and not press hard for an expeditious fulfilment of their or ders,—if the masters will invite to London some thousands of foreigners, more particularly Germans (the most expert tailors in the world), and call into e m cloyment a few more thousands of industrious women, who can sew quite as well as men, but from a sort of cO:Kcomb pedantry and jealousy are kept out of the business, the leaguers will soon be brought back to whatever senses nature gave them, or the use of gin has left them, and things may again go right. But if customers will insist on new clothes, instead of wearing their old ones, and if the master tailors of London, like some of the Leeds manufac turers, are mean and dastardly enough to sacrifice their peaceful and industrious workmen, and the in terests of free trade itself, to these harpies, facilities must be afforded by P arliament for supplying the wants of English customers from foreign countries, and strangling, by stronger means than have yet been thought of, this most insufferable tyranny. Monmouth-street may now make its own bargain we dare say there will be no strike among the thrifty Jews, whose stores will probably be sold at 500 per cent. profit ; while the shop-boards of these Chris tian prodigals lie untenanted of every thing but dust. The blockheads who have got some shreds and patches of ,second-hand Owenism (bad enough with the gloss on) for their stock of science, threaten the masters, that if they do not come into terms, they (the operatives) will operate for each other, and so pocket the masters' profits. ' So let them. Men with money at their disposal can hardly go without clothes, and it will soon be seen what work men are best taken care of—those - who are em ployed by men of capital, or by those who have none. We: had almost forgotten to announce to Ave recommenkto the our- re4ders; Ataetrr - ,sgrioa,s tonsideration of those geese, the now idle tailors—that the Derby trades' union is at an end—. utterly smashed —extinguished—their funds worn out, their spirit broken, and the whole body sup plicating the masters for employment. It so hap- pens, however, that fresh hands had been resorted to, and some good men had returned early to their work : the consequence of which is, that the tables are turned, employment is not to be had for all, so that 600 of the wretched dupes who so lately sent imperious mandates to their masters are now pau pers at the mercy of the parish officers, and, with black marks before their names, may traverse the whole country without a chance of work or wages. Since this article was written, we have read the remarks uttered last night by the Lord Chancellor. We implore the attention of the deluded workmen to that eloquent appeal to their better feelings and tl:c.r common sense. He has always proved him self to be the sincere friend of the working classes ; let them therefore weigh well his emphatic declara tion, that " it was because he was the sincere friend of the working classes of the country he was an enemy to trades' unions ; and he would add, that of all the worst things, and of all the most perni cious devices, that could be imagined for the injury of the interests of the working classes, as well as the interests of the country at large, nothing was half so bad as the existence of those trades' unions. 7 —Times. The subject of processions of trades' unions was incidentally discussed last night in the House of Lords. The Duke of Newcastle, on presenting some petitions for protection to the church, and the better observance of the Sabbath, took the oppor tunity of asking Lord Melbourne whether he in tended to take any measures to put a stop to the frequent processions of trades' unions? Lord Mel bourne answered that he was not aware that they were not in themselves legal, or that there existed any means by the law, as it stood at present, to prevent the processions ; and he added, with much good sense, that he trusted that it would not be required to have recourse to any new laws on the subject ; for, from information he had recently re ceived, he had reason to hope that many of the per sons composing these unions would return to their senses, and see the injury they were doing themselves by the course which they were pursuing. It was afterwards stated by Lord Eldon and the Lord Chancellor that the processions were illegal ; and it would be strange if immense multitudes were to be at liberty to derange the business of a great city, and fill the peaceable inhabitants with apprehension, by walking in procession through the principal streets. The presumption, indeed, is, that long before a country like England could have attained its pre sent degree of civilization, the question of the le gality of assembling multitudes for purposes not requiring the, presence of numbers must have forced itself on the attention of those having power to declare the law. It is observed by Burke, that " the laws of this country are for the most part constituted, and wisely so, for the general ends of government, rather than for the preservation of our particular liberties. Whatever, therefore, is done in support of liberty, by persons not in public trust, or not acting merely in that trust, is liable to be, more or less, out of the ordinary course of the law ; and the law itself is sufficient to ani madvert upon it with great severity. Nothing, indeed, can hinder that severe letter from crushing us, ex cept the temperaments it may receive from a trial by jury." But no man, for all this, will say that Lord Melbourne did not act wisely in confining himself to watching the procession, instead of in terfering with it. His lordship must have been aware that it is no easy matter to apply the law in the case of processions, and that, where no evil de sign exists, it is better to trust to returning reflec tion on the part of the people, than to sanction, by example, an interference which, though it might be justifiable in that case, might be abused in others. The English are in the habit of marching in pro cessions in considerable numbers—as, for instance, masonic processions, the processions of various so cieties. Nothing is so common during the summer months as processions, with music and banners of the members of some society or other. Now, where are we to stop if we begin to interfere? Still if an abuse is persisted in obstinately, to the great inconve nience of all peaceable inhabitants, and their natu ral alarm, it might be necessary for the Home Se cretary to abate the nuisance. But as the law is tempered by a jury, to use the language of Burke, there is always great danger in acting before the public are fully impressed with the necessity for it. We had a notable instance of the mischief of out running the people in the case of the interference in Calthorpe-street. We must never forget that the juries are imbued with the popular feeling, and that we do not add to the authority of the law by placing it in collision with the public feeling. In all these cases much depends on the character of the people. It might be dangerous to allow a people so liable to be carried away by impulses, and so prone to fight, as the French, to move through the streets in pro cessions of thirty thousand men. But the English are of a more phlematic character, and the man must have been possessed of little penetra tion, who did not, at the first glance, see that the procession of the trades' unions had 410 warlike intentions. Their consciousness of their innocence in this respect would have led them to resent more keenly any attempt to interfere with them. ' Lord Eldon said it appeared to him " that the multitude assembled the other day, whose as pect was that of force (Hear, hear), could not but debilitate the Government ; and he was of opinion that the assembling of large numbers in this me nacing force was in itself an offence. (Hear.) He knew, too, that if such an opinion had been stated from the mouth of the judges of England, it would have been of infinite use. (Hear.)" One would imagine that his lordship had lived all his days in Utopia. During the time that he himself was Chancellor, what more common than the assembling of large multitudes, blocking up the avenues to the two houses of the le gislature, and endeavouring even to intimi date the members of the legislature ? When, however, the trade of Spitalfields was set free, many, many thousands of weavers moved in procession from Spitalfields to the House of Lords, and it required all the well-known energy and perseverance of Lord Lauderdale (for he was a man who would take no denial) to induce several of their lordships, whose nerves were somewhat shaken, to disregard the untoward appearances. Again and again have we seen immense multitudes with much more the aspect of force in the neigh bourhood of the legislature, than the procession of the trades' unions. What took place during the discussions on 'the Corn Bill, when Lord Ripon's (then Mr. Robinson) house was attacked, is a well known instance. • And his lordship ought also to remember that in those days the hon. Secretary had not at command a well-organized force, with which he can always meet in time any attempt to violate the laws. The Lord Chancellor "entirely agreed with the noble and learned lord (Eldon) in opinion that a vast and unneces sary number of men assembling together was illegal. It was his real and decided opinion—and he wished that his opinion on this point should be known, as there appeared to be an erroneous impression abroad regarding it--that it was not unlawful for men to assemble in vast bodies, in numbers disproportionate to the nature of the oecasion for which their meeting was convened, and in multitudes be yond the apparent necessity of the case. (Hear, hear. ) Such assemblages tended to great public mischief. (Hear, hear.) They tended to the intimidation of the peaceable inhabitants of the districts where they were'convened; they tended—and that was an important view in a great mercantile country like this—to the intimidation and de rangement of peaceful industry; and they tended, by bringing forth an innumerable body of people, to endanger the peace of the kingdom, and that for a purpose which was - wholly unnecessary." The petition, as his lordship afterwards said, " could be as well . presented by six persons as by sixty thousand persons."- We are not sure if his lordship has added to the force of his opinion by his enumeration of circumstances. The main con sideration is the assembling with a view to intimida tion in numbers sufficient to justify the apprehen sion of danger. Many processions may be both numerous and disproportionate to the nature of the occasion, as for instance, the numerous processions of trades with addresses to Queen Caroline, which • could as well have been delivered by six individuals • as by thousands ; yet who would wish that these processions had not taken place ? We are afraid of the circumstances being laid hold of by officious magistrates to justify unnecessary interference with the people. By the bye, the Lord Chancellor ad verted to a very general misapprehension--that the trades' unions sprung out of the political unions. The trades' unions were of six years' longer stand ing than the political unions, and one of the first things to which the present Government was called, on their taking office in 1830, was the mischief and dangers to be apprehended from trades' unions. The conduct of the trades' unions previous to the Iperiod when the present ministry came into office was infinitely worse than anything that can be at tributed to them, or even credited of them at the present moment.—Morning Chronicle. MADRID. CIRCULAR OF THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AF FAIRS, ADDRESSED BY HER MAJESTY'S COM MAND TO THE DIPLOMATIC AGENTS OF SPAIN AT FOREIGN COURTS.] " You will herewith receive a number of copies of the Royal Statute for the convocation of the general Cortes of the kingdom, which her Majesty the Queen Regent has ordered to be observed and promulgated with all due solemnity. The mere announcement of such a document will sufficiently point out to you its importance, as the ex posicion presented to her Majesty by the Council of Ministers, and which precedes the statute, sufficiently explains the manner in which it will be your duty to support this important measure in any communication you may have to make to the Government, to which you are accredited. " There are three important points, however, arising out of this exposition to which I ought more particu larly to call your attention : " 1. The necessity of convoking the Cortes—a ne cessity which is proved by the express provisions of our fundamental laws, requiring the convocation of the Cortes on the accession of a new Monarch to the throne, and especially of a monarch in a state of nonage, as well as on the occurrence of great emer gencies, or when it becomes necessary to levy new taxes and contributions. _ . " Nor will it escape your penetration, that as there unfortunately exists a Prince of the Royal Family who is stirring up civil war under the pretence of a right to the throne, it is convenient or rather it is necessary to cut off all pretext for usurpation, doing this by the only means recognized as legitimate in similar cases by our ancient codes and customs. " 2. The necessity for the convocation of the Cortes being demonstrated, it will be still more easy to prove that what has been done has been no more than the re-establishment of our ancient fundamental laws, making them co-ordinate, for their greater force and vigour, with the common interests of the throne and the people. There is no important provision to be found in the statute which is not also to be met with in the ancient institutions of these kingdoms, with this notable advantage, that such only have been re-esta blished as are compatible with the existing state of society, and as are not attended with inconvenience or danger ; at the same time that others have been re jected which were suited only to the period in which they originated, and which were, in many instances, prejudicial to the royal authority. "3. This reflection naturally leads to another of the greatest importance, and which has had much in fluence on the august mind of her Majesty, and that is that the re-establishment of the ancient laws of the monarchy, which no desuetude could annul or pro scribe, affords the surest means of strengthening her daughter's throne ; assembling around her the peers and deputies of the kingdom, and employing the royal authority for the suggestion of ameliorations and re forms, which cost so much blood and tears when ob tained by means of revolution, thus lessening the at tendant dangers and providing new pledges and guarantees for the future, to the government as well as the people. " Concessions which emanate from the throne, and which bear the stamp of their high origin ; institutions which are eminently monarchical, and yet favourable at the same time to true liberty; a legislature in which are included the chief classes of the state, and in whose composition the principle of property forms one of the chief elements,—Cortes, in short, which are called to gether by the voice of the Sovereign, who can sus pend, or, if necessary, dissolve them ;—in a word, every safeguard and guarantee which prudence or ex perience could dictate is to be found embodied in this royal statute. " But in thus acting it has not been forgotten that the surest mode of maintaining the royal authority in tact, when the spirit of the age and the general state of the world is considered, is not to refuse to the peo ple what they have a right to ask for with reference to our fundamental laws, but rather that the royal power should be employed in the determining by an ticipation to what extent concessions and reforms may be useful or necessary, pointing out the most conve nient course, and making it to be respected with firm ness and dignity. " These simple suggestions, in connexion with what you will find in the exposition of the Council of Mi nisters and the Royal Statute itself, will serve you as a guide in explaining the views and intentions of the Government, for which purpose you will give to both documents all possible publicity, presenting them to the Cabinet to which you are accredited in their true point of view, and in a manner more or less direct, as circumstances shall suggest, taking care by every means in your power that the spirit of pkrty shall not be suffered to pervert public opinion to the prejudice of the legitimate cause of our Sovereign the Queen. God protect, &c., " FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. " Madrid, April 14." ROYAL ACADEMY OF MUSIC. A concert on a large scale was given on Saturday morning at the Hanover-square Rooms, performed, with two or three exceptions only, by the pupils of this institution ; and with results at the same time highly creditable to all concerned in the management. There are few greater musical attractions in the metropolis in fact than these concerts, not so m uch for any very strik ing skill and power in the pupils taken individually, for " stars" dO not abound—it would be ridiculous, indeed, to expect any such thing, but for that steadiness and smoothness of effect which is only to be obtained by the constant practice and discipline of the same musi cians in the orchestra, and which, when applied to the best compositions, brings out the design, as har mony of colouring does in a fine painting . In this respect the Philharmo n ic Concerts, though composed of the rarest assemblage ofindivi dual The talent in the country, frequently fail. time of our leading professors is held too high . in value to be devoted to rehearsals, yet they are indis pensable in any case, as every musician knows, to a finished performance. But though there are no t many " stars" among the academy pupils, there is clever ness and great promise in a very large proportion of them, and we were very agreeably surprised at hear ing Maurer's quartet for four violins concertanti, given in a really finished style by four of the pupils—Patey , Seymour, Richards, and Musgrave. All the solos, which are of great difficulty, were taken up in turn, with the steadiness of finished professors, and without the omission, palpably, of a single point in the effect. A movement from a concerto of Moscheles was also very well played by Miss Cooper, but was a little too difficult for her, and perhaps for the purposes of such an institution as this the pianoforte concertos o f Mo carte, very beautiful but neglected compositions, would form the best initiatory study for the pupils. Some very favourable specimens of vocal science were afforded by Miss Birch, Miss Gooch, and Miss Maefarren ; the timidity of the latter did not conceal the possession of a contralto voice, delicate in its texture, but of great depth and purity. The accompaniment on the cla rionet by Mr. Bowlay of the air " Non piu di fiori,” from Mozart's Tito, also merits special notice ; and the Academy possesses in Mr. Harper, jun., and Mr. Card, jun., a very promising trumpet and flute player, besides wind instruments suitable for a full orchestra, all steady and effective. The double-basses, of which there were four, were all played by the pupils, with the exception of Anfossi, who is the Academy teacher for that instrument, and whose talent in that way is evinced in Mr. Howell, lately a member of the Aca demy, but now taking rank in the profession as one of our best orchestra players. Mr. Lucas, who acted as conductor on this occasion, was also an Academy pupil, who confers great credit on the institution. He is an 'accomplished violoncello player, and an excellent composer, as some of his productions, adopted by the Philharmonic Society, fully testify. Hi s en gagement in the Queen's band of musicians removes ' him, however, and the circumstance is in some re spects to be regretted, very much from public obser vation. A number of other pupils may be mentioned who have acquired public distinction on leaving the I Academy ; among them are Mrs. Bishop, Mr. and Mrs. Seguin, Mr. Mawkes, and Mr. Blagrove, the violin players, Mr. G. Cooke, the oboeist, and many others. Nearly all the pupils of the Academy sing as well as play on instruments, and it was not the least interesting part of the concert to see them quit their desks and come down en masse to take part in the madrigal by Lord Burghersh—" Che paventi Codar do." This composition is not much in the madrigal style, but his lordship composes as a nobleman should do, with taste for his predominant quality, and without pretension. In the selection for the day was a " Be nedictus" for four voices, composed in a pleasing style by W. L. Phillips, one of the pupils. Some very good specimens from Beethoven, Spohr, Cherubim,and Attwood were also included in it. This institu tion has been much attacked, we believe, and its utility to the art questioned, but it would be difficult to at tend many such concerts as this, by those who have the least power of perception, without becoming converts to it. It is capable, however, of being greatly im proved and extended, and, with a greater degree of public patronage may become something like what the Conservatoire at Paris is, and rival the best school of music, which that is acknowledged to be, on the con tinent. Several Republican movements have taken place in Austrian, Galicia, Warsaw, and other parts of ancient and modern Poland. M. Bombelles, the Austrian Minister in Switzerland, has notified to the Vorort that no tra veller coming from the Swiss Cantons would be ad mitted into Austria, Bavaria, Sardinia, Wirtemberg, or Baden respectively, unless furnished with a pass port signed by the diplomatic agents of those states.— Morning Herald. ... Our intelligence from Constantinople comes down to the Ist inst. Achmet Pacha arrived on the 27th March from St. Petersburgh. It appears that Russia is positively to evacuate the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, retaining, however, on the Turkish side of the Danube, the important fortress of Silistria, as a guarantee for the payment of the four millions of ducats still due of the indemnity which the Porte, by the treaty of Adrianople, agreed to pay to Russia.—Morning Herald. _ _ An old woodcock and three young ones were seen in Alderholt Park Wood on the 15th inst. Salisbury Herald. FANATICISM.—A woman, of the persua sion of Ranters at Kingstanley, attempted to hang herself on Sunday last, but her husband, hearing a noise, went up stairs, and found her suspended by the neck in one of the attics ; he cut her down, just in time to save her life. After coining to herself, she said the reason she had attempted her life was, from having seen Jesus Christ, who had appeared to her three times, and informed her there was a white robe for her in heaven.—Bristol Mercury. AFFECTING SUlClDE.—Saturday afternoon an Inquisition was holden at the Stag, Castle-street, Westminster, before Mr. Higgs, on view of the body of Mary Ward, aged 19. It appeared that the de ceased had been a fine young woman ; by erysipelas she left a respectable situation to go home to her parents, in the Horseferry-road. Confined to her bed for some months, the disease settled in her leg, and one of her feet became deformed. This preyed upon her mind, and in the absence of her father she took arsenic, and died on Wednesday. Verdict—Tempo rary Insanity. SERIOUS ACCIDENT.— On Wednesday afternoon, as Henry Abrahams, a young man, 27 years of age, was superintending the grinding of the great circular saw, at the saw-mills of Messrs. Fear and Coward, Bath, he incautiously came in front of the saw as it was running at its greatest speed (about 3,600 feet a minute), and in an instant was drawn under the saw, which divided the thumb and arm straight up to the shoulder, and there severed the arm from the body. It next divided the side and lacerated the entrails, laying them open to view. He was con veyed to the United Hospital, where he lingered until three o'clock the following morning, and expired. Life is but short, no time can be afforded but for the indulgence of real sorrow, or contests upon questions seriously momentous. Let us not throw away any of our days upon useless resentment, or con tend who shall hold out longest in stubborn malignity. It is best not to be angry, and best in the next place to be quickly reconciled.—Johnson. AN IRISH WATCHMAN IN LONDON.-- It happened, a few years since, that a gentleman who is now living in Dublin, was, with some of his com panions, arrested by a party of watchmen, as they were making their way out of a tavern in London. The gentleman recognised in the voice of his captor the mellifluous tones that characterise those who inhale their brogue upon the banks of the Lee. " You are from Cork," said he to the watchman. " Why, then, you may say that," answered the watchman, "many is the fine day, when I was young and handsome, I worked in Mulligan's nursery there." " In Mulligan's nursery !" replied the gentleman, who at once perceived what string in his countryman's heart could be played upon, " sure lam the son of Mr. Mulligan. " " The son of Mr. Mulligan !" exclaimed the captor, relaxing his hold; "the son of Mr. Mulligan--by dad then I'll be bail, you're Master George, that I have often heard was living in London." " Indeed lam Master George Mulligan," sighed out the captive. " Why, then, Master George, the devil a bit of Pat Daly will bring you to the watchhouse this blessed night ; but I must have a prisoner at all events. Now, said he, grasping at an English gentleman who happened to be passing him on the pathway, " now, Master George —run, you devil—down that lane with you." Master George took the hint, and, as he hurried off, he heard the watchman abusing the unconscious delinquent for re sisting his arrest. " What, you vagabone, would you be trying to be after getting off from me that way ? Come along peaceably, or I'll knock you into smithereens." —lrish Monthly Magazine. JACK ASHORE.—I remember once on going up by the mail, in 1807, from Devonport to London, we stopped to take up a passenger at a public house at Plymouth. He was a seaman who had just been dis charged, through the intercession of his friends, from one of his Majesty's ships, then lying in the Sound, in consequence of his having tumbled unexpectedly into a property of five hundred a year. Jack made his appearance in his new character of a gentleman, rigged out in his long togs, evidently, if one might judge from the broad yawning in his course, trimmed a little too much by the head, surrounded by at least a dozen of his late shipmates, to whom he had been giving a farewell treat ; the plentitude of which might be plainly inferred from the unsteady motions and loving kindness displayed by them to their more for tunate messmate in taking leave of him, a process which sadly put the patience of both guard and coach man to the test. He had paid his six guineas for an inside place ; the guard, tired with waiting, called out. Now, Sir, get in, we can't wait a moment longer. Haven't I engaged my passage in this here craft ? Yes, but we are past our time, and we must be off; come, get in, my good fellow. I say, Mr. Quartermaster, or whoever you are, do you fancy I am going to stow my carcase away in such a cramped up hold as that ? No, no, lam for the upper deck ; and up he started on the roof of the coach. " It was noticed on changing horses at Ivy-bridge (where he insisted upon treating all the hostlers and by standers), that the poor fellow had at least from sixty to seventy pounds about him ; the gentlemen in the inside recommended the guard to take charge of his pocket-book for safety, which he willingly gave into custody, on condition that he would give him a one-pound note. As night drew on, the sailor's ge nerosity had no means of finding objects upon which to vent itself ; but after six o'clock in the morning the pound note rapidly dwindled away, so that by the time we had passed Taunton the last shilling had been expended, and Jack's liberal feelings ap peared to increase as the fumes of th e var i ous draughts he had quaffed mounted and took possession of the upper works. Another pound note was demanded, which the gentlemen strongly advised the guard not to supply. Every method was resorted to for the pur pose of persuading him to remain quiet, but all to no effect. Give me my money, Mr. Guardo, cried Jack. But, my good fellow, we have had quite enough to drink; we don't want any more. Who asked you for your opinion ? give me the money. No, no, I'll take care of it for you till we get to Bath, and then you shall have it. Hand over, you sharking land lubber, or I'll bung up those top lights of yours. Clap a stopper upon your jaw tackle, and give me my money. He had no sooner got possession of it than lie jumped down from the coach, swearing he would not sail ano ther mile in company with such a set of privateers men. It was folly to argue with him, and he was, therefore, left behind. Before we had reached the next stage, Jack had overtaken us in a chaise and four, waving his hat, with his body more than half out of the window, singing out at the full pitch of his voice, " Go along, you beggars ; make mdre sail, you lub ' berly hounds, and catch me if you can. "—Captain I Scott's Recollections of a Naval Life, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 28. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY did not enter the house till nearly a quarter past five o'cbck. On the noble earl taking his seat, The Duke of CUMBERLAND wished to know, and he asked the question without intending offence to any one, whether it was not consistent with the ancient rules of the house, that the Lord Chancellor should take his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock ? The Earl of SHAFTESBITRY made a reply that was totally inaudible in the gallery. The Duke of CUMBERLAND did not consider the statements of the noble earl an answer to his question. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY said, that though it was not incumbent upon him, he had always made a point for the convenience of their lordships to take his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. (Considerable laugh ter was created in consequence of the Lord Chancellor entering the house at the moment, and taking his scat on the woolsack.) _ _ The Earl' of AIULGILkiVE and the Archbishop of CASHEL took the oaths and their seats. The Roman Catholic (Scotland) Marriages Amendment Bill, and the Dorchester Improvements Bill, were brought up from the Commons. The Duke of NORFOLK presented petitions from New Shoreham, and several other places in favour of the Dis senters. The Bishop of WINCHESTER presented petitions from Winchester and several parishes in the county of Derby, for the better observance of the Sabbath. A conference took place between their Lordships and the House of Commons, relative to the regulations recom mended by a select committee of their lordships as to the future mode of printing papers for the use of both houses. The Bishop of CARLISLE presented petitions from Carlisle and several other places for the better observance of the Sabbath. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented petitions from New port Pagnell and several other places, in favour of the Dissenters ; from Wellingborough and St. Giles's for the better observance of the Sabbath ; and from Carmarthen for a repeal of the corn laws. The Bishop of CHESTER presented petitions from several places in Lancashire in favour of the Dissenters, and from the clergy and magistrates of Manchester in favour of the established church. The Bishop of GLOUCESTER presented several peti tions from different parishes in the county of Gloucester, in favour of the established church. The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented similar petitions from a gr eat number of parishes in the county of Nottingham. Also a petition from East Retford, for an alteration in the Beer Bill.—Referred to the committee. TRADES' UNIONS. The NOBLE Duxx then presented petitions from East Retford, Chelmsford, and various other places, for the better observance of the Sabbath, and stated that, in presenting these petitions, he could not help alluding to the very disagreeable exhibitions that had taken place for Sundays past, by the funerals of the members of the trades' unions. He hoped that his Majesty's government would feel themselves authorized to put down such proceedings, being satisfied that they were not consistent with the maintenance of order and public peace. Lord MELBOURNE said, that undoubtedly such pro ceedings could not be too deeply or too strongly depre cated, but he did not know of any means to prevent them, unless there was actual outrage committed. He could only express his anxious hope that there would be such a return of moral feeling among those who originated them, as that the practice would at once be abandoned and discontinued. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said that when the evils of these combinations had been originally pointed out, they had been told by Government they would die a natural death, and now the noble lord opposite said he hoped the parties would see their error, and that they would relinquish su c h p rocee di ngs . H e h a d heard to-day of no less than 1,500 tailors striking (Hear, and laughter), which did not argue very much for their being broken up, and he could not but express his hope that the noble lord at the head of his Majesty's government, would take some step to put them down, which was essential to the main tenance of the peace and happiness of the people. The Earl of ELDON then addressed the house, but in so low a tone of voice as to make it impossible for those in the gallery to hear two consecutive sentences. We understood him to say, that when such immense multitudes assembled as composed a menacing force, it was the duty of those intrusted with the administration of the law to put it in force, for in his opi nion there could not be one man who had known law but must know that such menacing multitudes, for any purposes, were clearly illegal. The dissenters or any other body might meet peaceably to complain of what they might term grievances, and yet be quite within the law; but if such meetings were held and such things took place in secret, as they were told by those sources to which unfortunately, they were obliged to trust, the newspapers (A laugh), he meant the taking of secret oaths, there could but be one opinion in the minds of ei v, r •o r u e l s d ou b rc e es— of th t e h y ei h r ad en a ti p re osi i t l i l v e e gal ri i g t h y t . to go to both houses of Parliament ; but if any c l ass of law The y e p r e s Opl a e nd had th t a h t men met and said that they would disobey the law, that was clearly illegal, and, some years ago, would have been a clear case of conspiracy. In his opinion, the government were guilty of a great remissness of duty on the occasion when a great meeting was held in Birmingham, when a resolution was agreed to that they, should no longer pay the assessed taxes.. Clearly it was the duty of Government to have at once crushed such an illegal and noxious evil, in order to prevent it from spreading. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that consider ing the situation which he had the honour to fill in his Majesty's Councils, he should not be discharg ing his duty if he allowed that discussion to close without taking a part in it, for he felt as much as his most respected friend who had just sat down, not only the great importance of his situation on the woolsack, but also of the question then before the house. He entirely agreed in the opinion that vast and unnecessary numbers of men assembling together—he spoke by the authority of the most eminent lawyers of all times—and he wished it to be known to all classes of his countrymen, that such was his opinion—that it was not lawful for men to assemble in such vast bodies (Cheers), disproportioned to the occasion, and in greater multitudes than were necessary for considering the demands they had to make. It was most grating to the feelings of the peaceable part of the community, and to the commercial world it was attended with the greatest mischief ; but, above all, such vast assemblages - created great fears for the peace of the kingdom. It was, however, a most difficult thing for any Minister, filling the high situation of Home Secretary, to decide under such circumstances as those that took place last Monday. Theaing's subjects had a most undeniable privilege and sacred right to assem ble for legitimate purposes ; the most difficult point of all to find out was, when the people had passed that which was clearly legal. If there was any occasion on which the Minis ters would strain the bounds of an act of Parliament, it was clearly, in his opinion, that on which men came forward to ask for mercy on behalf of a fellow-creature, who was suffering under the law. His opinion was that those men had been most justly and lawfully convicted—in his con science he believed so—of a grave and pernicious offence. It was a most preposterous, a most audacious and abomina ble falsehood, and the most unbearable calumny against the judges of the country and the laws of the land, to say that those six men had been sentenced and punished because they were members of trades' unions. That statement, however, had been most industriously circulated, but he (the Lord Chancellor) took upon himself to state that it was utterly and diaboli cally false. (Hear, hear, hear.) No man was accused of being a member of a trades' union, no man was tried on that account (Hear); there was no evidence of such a fact brought forward, but those six individuals were convicted, and were now suffering the sentence of the law for one of the worst offences that could be imagined ( Hear), one that led to conspiracy, the violation of the rights of property and to assassination itself. He (the Lord Chancellor) had a sincere desire to promote the best in terests of the common people, he spoke for and not against humble individuals. (Hear, hear.) He had moved with them and consulted for them (Hear, hear), and sure he was that those were their worst enemies who advised them to take advantage of the repeal of the combination laws to form unions. By attending to their advice, he was sure they were laying up for themselves lasting stores of repentance. (Hear.) He entreated them to abandon the leaderships under which they were now enrolling themselves, and not to subscribe their hard earned wages for the purpose of supporting a set of idle, good for nothing, pitiful, little agitators. ( Hear, hear. ) The noble duke referred to a procession which took place at a funeral yesterday. Now he (the Lord Chancellor) was not aware that the law limited the number of persons who were allowed to be present at a funeral. (Hear.) He (the Lord Chancellor) knew that it was said that the funeral was merely got up as a pretence for the assemblage of a number of persons, but whether that was really the case or not he had yet to learn. He confessed he had heard with feelings of disgust that for the first time ever such a practice was heard of England, funerals were made the medium of political and trades' agitation. (Cheers.) But this was a practice so repulsive to the feelings of Englishmen, that he (the Lord Chancellor) had no apprehension of its spreading far and wide. He was sure that those tokens of respect and veneration which the living show to the dead could not be turned, for any length of time, into the medium of political hostility and agita tion. He was accordingly at some pains to inquire whe ther the funeral yesterday (Sunday) was as numerously attended as that of that day fortnight, and he vas glad to learn that the numbers had greatly fallen off. ( Hear.) He was sure that such would be the result. The good taste and the decent feelings of the English people would not tolerate such an abuse, and in a few weeks this trick— for trick it was—was not likely to answer the objects of its promoters. He spoke thus with the best feelin g s for the welfare and interests of the people. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the observations of the noble earl (Lord London derry), and he would say this without meaning any breach rNeeevlrlcceoe riAi‘:. of the truce between them—he was totally mistaken. /le believed that he could not express more strongly how wrong he was when he said that the noble earl was never i more mistaken in his life. (A laugh.) The noble earl, said that the trades' unions were the result of the political unions. Now that could scarcely be, for the trades' unions were of six years longer standing than the political unions), ( Hear), and, it might be in the recollection of the noble earl and of their lordships, that ,one of the first things to which the attention of the present Government was called, on their taking office in 1830, was the mischiefs and danger to their . be apprehended from trades' unions. (Hear, hear.) An it would be some justification to the present Government when he stated to their lordships that the conduct of the trades' unions, previous to the period when the Govern ment came into office, was infinitely worse than anything. that could be attributed to them at the present moment. (Hear, hear.) There was no doubt, from the test of e%_ , perience, that the unions could be defeated in every eas r where the masters firmly discharged their duty to them - sing selves, and, he would say, to their men ; for, ill O PP e , 0 , these unions, masters did a kindness to the men theinsetv r (Hear, hear.) There was only one case in which a Ina:: t i his e To(hptiehnei explanation,oLn Dukeos r , dw h o a hcf v i hci NEWCASTLE n g Ewe acting contrary to those principles, chose to give in, instead of opposing them ; but in all other cases the wron&nuwas met with their own reward, being discomfited• n e to f glad to have this opportunity of making this statemnsen_ _ persons who Said, that whatever the opinions of unions.et,lier sons might be, he could not be an enemy to trades nem to them, simply and solely because they were detrime _ . ,, a the community at large ; and because they were 0 , 1 worse for the members of the unions themselves than " any other class of the community. (Hear, hear- ) words in The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said a few t h,st • those assemblages could not be put down, if steps wer taken to put them down by force. rals on Sundays ought to be put down, as they cret„ti tdisturbance upon the Sabbath. He then presented a l st , on from the Graduates and Under-Graduates of the Catherine's Hall, Cambridge, against the concessions_te,_,4 dissenters. The petitioners rejected the doctrines of til;„, who supported the extension of the privileges o f th public don University, which they designated a mere school, lately established. netitions The Bishop of LONDON presented forty-four the ra. ie dig from different places, praying for the removal of abilities affecting dissenters. • • are a ' The Earl of HADDINGTON presented a petitio e ~,, a place in Sussex, praying for the removal of th a 0 : e . tholiugisht°Pthinaitws wucal:%:fedunnel: abilities affecting dissenters. He also presented d that tition from an individual in Liverpool, who stated he had been for twenty years an inhabitant and had never been guilty of bribery or corrui:hieouida-l'be he prayed that neither he nor any other al;' inoraships would punished on mere hearsay, and that their 1. to be read 3 not allow the Liverpool Disfranchisement Bill second time without hearing evidence• tition from Viscount STRANGFORD presented aPe . er 001 P the burgesses, freemen, and inhabitants of Liver po t ' against the Liverpool Freemen's Disfranchisement /13.!!!00 The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a pen' from different places in favour of relief to dissenters. _e_ Lord WHARNCLIFFE had several petitions to K is _ sent from Liverpool against the Liverpool Freenien's AJby franchisement Bill. The first petition was sig n , e ,hicil 137 persons who were not present at the election ' a s aid was the foundation of all subsequent roceedi au ngs, • the not vote, and consequently could not be implicated 'Tillie practices with which the freemen generallywere chared*. S f r a itted next petition was signed by 104 persons who had been ."--- • t h a to the right of freemen subsequent to the election, w c i by similar prayer : and they also prayed to be hea r r os counsel. The next petition was from sixty-eight P e but who are not yet admitted to the rights of freernen,_to of thatt:owl who were entitled to that privilege, of which they r o be deprived if the bill passed into a law. The n h e e t ' .. ., e from 875 sons of freemen, who were entitled to t ,en san s privilege by birth ; and the next was from tithe p x , or t i ll' of who would be entitled to the same rightt.ttenee 1 present' their apprenticeship. He had another i 1 and that he would be entitled to the freedom of Liverp.oo , tices. All the se had never been guilty of corrupt prac ed pe ti- He had now present . _ contained a similar prayer. *nterested in tions from about 1,900 persons iho were i e , _ a i h st esadduTed isielbva rEleeriadl t h c oamt bri tee yin ja. se a tai no ela leo per this bill and who prayed to be heard by counsel ag. bil from an individual, who stated that he P l e lid four sons wil e the bill ; and he had now a petition to present, sign ieeer',. 16,535 persons--of whom 2,179 were in the rank it t o a t e __% e , gesses, merchants, &c. ; 7,765 in the rank of , I f an ., turers, tradesmen, &c. ; besides 6,091 mechanics; ereL'l/. peared from this, that 10,000 of those who signed . oio it householders, in favour of whom it was intended hat freemen. lordships would be pleased not to disfranchise the__.. i . WARWICK DISFRANCHISEMENT Joil!';'" e it to Lord WYNFORD intended to move an amendibly earl whether he did mean totile this bill, which, he understood, would not be opposedt 'tog the franchise but declined the gift, and prayed that thin. noble earl opposite. He should like to hear from to it, 3S• his duty - if he did, he (Lord Wynford) s hould think it e _ i , state the grounds of his motion. The motion was in_ re a ' . , J that parties should be heard at the bar by their counsel n agents. 11 01 The Earl of DURHAM considered the house ought „ , could fa° to institute a second inquiry - at the bar. He eh give his reasons why their lordships should not adopt s,ie give any opposition in a course, but would prefer restraining himself till the M", 14 and learned lord opposite (Wynford) had stated the gr ie le i„ which he considered were sufficient to justify the b c . 4l a tin prolonging a tedious inquiry. The fullest investig_oe had already been allowed, evidence had been heard,a%,i,l (Earl Durham) felt any further sifting of the cas e " , be a useless and unprofitable labour. ohle le l Lord WYNFORD could not concur with the ;t lot, d- Lord was necessary to be taken; without it then'o., coa l( ships, if they regarded themseves or their pr ‘ iN e n n it's e n s et OW not proceed. He trusted the same celerity '' 1 The bill began by stating what it declared ' be pro ved ° racterise the proceedings as had been exhibitedeelhaeewabfaer;. Whether that was, however, a fact, had ~Yettwgross bribe? their lordships' satisfaction. It stated u'a"„,hr'of Nirarvvi_ecr_ had been sworn to as practised in the hellcat' been as e . u iti Now he was desirous to know how thiait„.ick wouldg 'et tained All bribery was gross; and if ;.I:„.wiek ;it, how stood the case? Had there been gr e e s e, to the extent described, then, indeed, '''''" .ii a ment . , the be competent to send representatives to Pars briber}' eases present instance? Why, out of 1,300 vot 0 : 1 ' . , t. ,. 0 peP icii, only " 1° - o os had been proved before the committee ; 1 a ct, ob be . had made themselves amenable to the law by th e ,_ ev il be h vi e z ar . e c vi i d ie e k n i c z e de aga , sh in o s z t eh t a h m em. A if the House of Commons went on w pros, o re a tc h ' to rough and town in which twenty corrupt m en _ s wile ~, found, the house could scarcely find committee ,_ t ,, yea , , six boroughs had come under the adjudication _J , a st 1 ,'%, ford, and Grampound. in the case of every T - ,.. 1 ,, , , ;1 boroughs, evidence had been heard at the ,r to , co c;,_ Warwick to be worse treated? But the ', l t he an d not do it, unless, indeed, the noble earl , ;t asae at_r eo ~ ylNeVsbituryhin,tlll:oll73:°(:l_ttflit°;.7:: fidence to stand up in the face of 1 , l ers . . 11 ' 1 0 move for the rescinding of the standingor ~. sach hilts strous, most monstrous, would he the act, l I s s eas ti p done without the fullest, the clearest, a, e ud ian n o t a f d &on ,- milt inquiry. They could not take aniaanere, d then, to ben e „ t io! without inquiry. Was an acre votingof for a represe'cli competition with the pswer °f valuable than that w il e l ete' to parliament ? Was it Ju r ii ar , ebeeedenedlaasidtthoeyitwseerhearthgeen(lf the be es hi D e Briton possessed as his righ. (ise • ) rendering themselves dependant on the Ho s - t u ie de . De l _ mons. They ought to be sole and entire, annL i° he had oe y to another party for their case. Penryn , ..''': a od d to fore stated, had come before their lordsillP;;,, h° lac e' heard evidence for and against it, as they w hi his P ao do. He did not then see a noble friend of his ghatin who had proved, to the satisfaction of the et' e l Ol other place, that Penryn had not been g uiltr o b e, e l a c learned lord to say). If, then, a similar re-T h t e bi ll ' s , ool ti their lordships would be bound to throw out '"'". he :ad , he (Lord Wynford) would riot stop even ther, e ; hor e fe 'scP' proceed further ; he would take the bull by t " t he I ) ,i t lier ~ say the case, as attempted to be made out b' t w as n' tea rle e s r fled w-e u ld n e l o t edit' th ey t_ i u t : evidence, must fail. It was not sufficient' !, been, ,on e full, clear, nor satisfactory. An attempt lla`: t o cen Y e ac' before the committee to prove bribery aga i ? - had b ee rfloef individuals, but it failed. The twenty-lir s ", eo ty. .„deen quitted, and the number still stood as t `' all, '" le't cases had been brought before the Judgese; of t he bo o , might have justly come under the cogniza nc „,., IteP t ie so lo , tribunals of the country. They were, bowe l ' a will ea th they had not been proceeded in. There bowel' /Oen ° c oal' act of parliament, which his noble and learned „ loo t p, t o woolsack was perfectly aware of, which deelailitt a gig _ o re ties were to be inflicted on him who brie ea ses ' eig vl action, and did not proceed in it. Seven t _ te ,e onlY„t tO not brought, but three were, and in tii i, , e ; lent tai charges of bribery were proved. The j et „r e - eillf r6 lss le i ; verdict to be taken by compromise on % e a tef aga ins or each count. One case could not be rif 'obit 'case' f e noticed. There was a gentleman narn,e u t of " et ily e il i e whom a charge had been brought. Li e votes , a 0 ti bribery, treating, and otherwise proeuring_d frien a „, was disposed of. Now his noble an learned tlie_eltV. woolsack would ask whether in cases of L'' tan c as til ° • 1 . dre am' h e - i l l cipal and accessary were not different y ~sat _ et their guilt was not of a different it 01 0 differkie; law respecting misdemeanors ,ibld,, t l ,, case ?_,, A i ,' felonies. How stood Mr. Tib b '' pppea,' IL` charges were made, but no evi( e ,g oa r, tearoobbi s 'io verdict of acquittal was returned. t. . 05 t Mr. , 0 0 1 and that one tints disposed of. out of twenty, only one was brought -w ere bona ,51; , . .11 Stl"' ' eon - 10 say there had been only one. SO , satioh a, rt to return a wholesale verdict of accu _ . Le re po ~ i ts borough of Warwick. Other parts p_T viro foro ti ' oo $: ,the}' I I thev s ce ! .e 4t ti ' I r spoken of gross treating. Now thel-.or" pu rity ni ele a c il h il" 0 1 as great and as decided a friend to pt any noble lord in that house, even a s ce ise es' , i ill• 0 self. He had looked and he found no 1 3 r, , _ d b e en `` 10 . treating. Nothing to show that treating,iwa, noely,otet4 the noble , a ,,, , e.,..,1 on beyond the extent prescribed by !‘ . seine ' w ,tsP shillings. Leamington had been alludedotno `vas who : 1 i had come to Leamington ; but the quet.' were the g ' it Orst ? He did not with then to say who '