The Sun. — London, England, 1834-02-12 00:00:00

\ • ilk 111 - 1 / 4 ao independent state. Prince Leopold, white he received the pension granted to him wouldsmot cease to owe an alle gi tewe to the throne of this ceuntry, because the annuity of 50,0001. a year had been granted him during his lire- He (Mr. Robinson) had no right to dispute Prince Leopold's right to the pension; but be was obliged to take the oath of allegiance to this country ; and after he had done so, he had become the sovereign of an inde pendent state ; and therefore it was that he ought not, in his (Mr. Robinson's) opinion, to continue to receive the pension.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") However, he would not at the present moment argue that question He recollected that at that time a most e xtravagant eulo. gium had been pronounced upon his Royal Highness Prince Leopold by the Hon. Member for Lambeth in that House, and by a Noble Duke in another. Was the House, he would ask, in this position that it could not enter into the question of how this money was dis posed of, now that the original reasons f.r making such a grant no longer existed? Be would ask, it hat security had they that the money had been properly appropriated since Prince Leopold had left the country? Had the Government any responsible person to inquire into its appropriation after the money had been paid out of the Treasury, and a receipt, as he (Mr. Robinson) presumed, taken? Could they ascertain that it had been applied even according to the disposition of his Raval Highness, Prince Leopold ? Or was the money to be left to the disposal of persons, who would render no account to the Government, and who would say that the Government hail no right to ask 'What disposition hail been made of it ? He (Mr. Robin :ten) remembered, that at the time when the Prince Resent sent down a message to that House, requesting its Members to make a provision for his daughter en her marriage, and on which occasion a sum of 61) 0001. Lpar annum was voted to her, and of 50 , 0001 . to Pr ince eopold, they were agreed to almost without an observation. This was perfectly proper, for it was a n itianel question, and on in which the reeling.; of the Howie were deeply interest-d. The merri4o , was one from which the country nt. , (l the House augured much happitie , .., „nil he need not MO, particularly allude to the ezpecratione that had been form- d from that Ele,ir, heir ) Tz , e Noble Lord had at that time made a proposition which re :s most literal in itself, :end I.e & e ject of which was that t ere should be no excuse fur incurring those debts erbith in another case hid octets , oned so much inconve hiet 'c • and annoyance to other members of the Royal `atnily. The pres. nt Lord Chancellor had very fairly admitted that ire had some miigivreg• as to the appropri ation of this 50,0001. per annum, in case of survivorship, hut at the rime, the subject r,. inc rather unpleasant, it was thought better that this question should not be rsised. He (Mr. Robinson) maintained that the House bad a right to ascertain front u e G orerntnent whether they hail continued to pay this 50,0001. since the de parture of Prince Leopold—that it had ct right to ask to whom it had been paid, or whether they had any security that the money had been appropriated ac cording to the dispo-i Min made by his Royal High ness. It might be satisfactory to the House, many of the Members of which might have forgotten it, to remind it of the terms of the arrangement entered into at the time his Royal Highness was about to leave this country. He would therefore take the liberty of reading his Royal Highness's letter, which was addressed to the present Premier, and dated the 15'11 July. 1831.—(Hear, hear.) Marlborough House, July 13, 1831. My Dear Lord Grey,—Before I quit the country, I am de sirous to state in writing the intentions and views which I had the pleasure of communicating to you verbally this morn ing on the subject of my British annuity. As Sovereign of Belgium, it is not my intention to draw from this country any portion of the income which was settled on me by Act of Parliament at the period of my marriage. Your Lordship is, however, well aware that up to the very mo- Ment of my leaving England, I have maintained my establish ments here on their accustomed footing, and that consequently there remain to be fulfilled and discharged pecuniary engage ments and outstanding debts to an amount which it is quite impossible for me to state at the present time with precision. As soon, therefore, as I shall have accomplished the payment of these demands, it is my intention to make over into the hands of trustees, whom I will without loss of time appoint, the whole of the annuity which I receive from this country, in trust for the following purposes : I shall require my trustees to maintain in a state of complete habitation and repair, the house, garden, and park, at Clare mont; and further, to pay which, the salaries, pensions, and allowances, which I shall deem a proper reward to those who have claims upon me, for their faithful services, during my residence in this country. I shall, in addition, require them to continue all those charitable and annual donations to charitable institutions, which have been allowed, or submitted to, either by the Princess Charlotte or myself, up to the present time. All these objects having been fulfilled, it is my wish and desire that the remainder should be repaid into the British Exchequer. I remain, my dear Lord Grey, most faithfully yours, LEOPOLD. On the very night that letter was read, he cline down to the House to auk the Government whether any arrange ment had been made with the Prince, but he was pre vented, by the Noble Lord reading that letter, from asking the question, and he was glad that he was pre vented, because ha concurred in the generous senti ment which prevailed in the House, that it would be better to let it be an act of grace of his Royal Highness, than any public act of that House. But he must confess that since that period that feeling had very much abated within bim.—(Hear.) He did not mean to charge the Prince with any breach of faith ; he entertained the high est respect for the Prince personally, and he entertained the greatest respect for all the Princes C 011.• fleeted with this country, and that alone would prevent him, if nothing else did, from saying anything offensive. But the House must do its duty, and it was due to the Prince himself that the Noble Lord should state what had become of the money paid to the Prince since he left this country.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Was he to be met by an Act of Parliament and to be told that that was conclusive ? He had admitted that already, but he altogether objected to the pre sent reservation in the letter, and he could not understand what was meant by making provision for his household in this country. He thought his Royal Highness might have provided much better for them abroad.—(A laugh.) And with respect to keeping the establishment at Claremont, with its fine parks, in a habitable state of repair, it appeared to be .so vague a declaration, that he could not define its meaning, but be should like to have it defined, and he trusted some information would be given to the House upon the sub ject. As to an Act of Parliament, the words were sometimes made the authority and sometimes the spirit. He admitted that the words of the Act were quite definite and clear as to the right of Prince Leopold to the annuity during the whole course of his natural life ; but though the words were clearly so, the spirit of the Act was totally otherwise. Now they had been toll, when the question of the Russian Dutch Loan came before the House, that the spirit and not the words of the Act then in question was to be acted on. Were they then to be told, in this case, that the spirit of the Act by which an annuity was granted to Prince Leopold should be wholly cverlooked, and the words only to be looked to? He hoped that the Government would not think of putting the case on such a footing.—( Hear, hear.) He begged that it should tie distinctly understood, that in his present motion, he (Mr. Robinson) did not mean to attach blame to any one. He merely made the motion because he thought, as was stated by the Nob s Lord when he read the letter of his High• ness, in 1831, that the House and the country would naturally expect some comniunication on the subject of the annuity. Was the country to believe that the Prince, with an income of 50.0001. a year, should have incurred such a debt that the whole amount of the annuity for three years would not pay it I—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Robinson) did not believe that any such debt was incurred. He spoke under the eisadvantage of not being personally acquainted with his Highness; but he believed, and it was generally understood, that the Prince, instead of being eztravaeant, was rather parsimonious in his habits, and was saving a large portion of his annuity while in this country. Let the, however, be as it might, it was un derstood that the debts meant by the Prince, in the let ter which he wrote to Earl Grey, were only such as were current half yearly. And certainly, with such an income as the Prince had, it WAS not right to be supposed that he should incur debts in this country to such a largo amount as our present knowledge of the case would lead us to suppose. When mention was made of the very great liberality displayed by the Prince, he (Mr. Robinson) thought that the liberality of the country should also he kept in remembrance. It ought not to be forgotten, that after the death of the Princess Charlotte, nearly one mil lion sterling was paid to Prince Leopold. He would say nothing of the Prince's situation previous to his marriage. By that event he became the husband of one of the most cherished princesses ever known in this country; and it was for the credit, as it was the wish of the country, that he should have an income commensurate with that high station. But still he (Mr. R.) thought there was no very great generosity in resigning the annuity when he became Kiogof the Belgians, especially as he obtained that Crown principally through the instrumentality of England. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving, that an " Account of the sum or suins of money paid intu the Exchequer, or otherwise received by the Government, out of the Annuity grunted by Act of Parliament to Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburn, since the accession of his Majesty to the Throne of Belgium, specifying the time of such payments, be laid upon the table." Mr. GUEST (we believe) seconded the motion, and ' <. -Nt states, tat if the ou'bien s t were eluded, or not satisfac- to t ily explained at present, he would take the subj-et into his own hands, and renew it at a future period of the session, in a new and different shape. Lord ALTHORP rose and said, that the statement made by the Hon. Gentleman had almost precluded the necessity of a statement on his part, as he had stated almost all the circumstances of the case. The Hon. Gentleman had stated that his Highnes., before leaving this country, had written a letter to Earl Gr y, and he had read that letter. The letter stated that his Highness did not mean to draw any part of the annuity, with the exception of the amount required to pay curtain debts and annuities, and the expense of keeping up his late residence at Claremont in habitable repair. The Hon. Gentleman had alluded to the supposed extravagance of his Highness in having incurred debts, which prevented any pirt of the annuity from being paid into the Exchequer, hut he was not aware, that without extravagance the circumstance might very readily have happened.—(Hear, hear.) The letter also stated that certain trustees should be appointed to give his Highness's intentions effect. But the trustee , had declined to acts and consequently no trustee had been appointed up to the present time. He (Lord Althorp) had had some communication on the subject previous to the meeting of Parliament, and he thought the best way of laying the state of the case before the House, was by read ing the letters which he received from the King of the Belgian's Secretary. He would, therefore, read them— " Marlborough house, Feb. 2. " My Lord,—ln addition to the letter which I have had the honeur of addressing to your Lordship this day, I think it proper to direct your attention to the circumstance, that the amount of his Majesty the King of the Belgian's pecuniary engagements and out-standing debts, due at the time of his quitting this country, could not, as his Majesty then stated to Earl Grey, be ascertained with precision. They have been found to amount to nearly 83,0001. The current expenses of Claremont, Marlborough.house, and the other payments re ferred to in his Majesty's letter to Earl Grey. amount to nearly 20,0001. per annum, which two items will account for the application of all the sums accruing from his Majesty's annu ity since his departure from this country. With regard to the annual payments last noticed, they will in future be met under the trust crea•ed by his M jesty, and will be reduced in amount at the expiration of the lease of Marlborough house in 1835, and by other contingencies, such as the death of an. nuitants, and the probable diminution in the expenditure for repairs. " How far this communication may be considered requisite on my part, according to the spirit of the letter under which his Majesty's income in this country has been, and is to be, appropriated, I submit entirely to your Lordship's better judgment, and I have the honour to subscribe myself, your Lordship's most obedient humble servant, Baron de STOCKM AR. "To the Right Hon. the Viscount Althorp, &c." " Marlborough-house, Feb. 2. "My Lord,—l am commanded by his Majesty the King of the Belgians to inform your Lordship, that the pecuniary en gagements and outstanding debts of his Majesty in this country are nearly liquidated, and will be entirely soon the sth of April next ; that after paying the sum yet remaining to be discharged out of the April quarter, and providing for the necessary expen diture until the ensuing quarter becomes payable, according to his Majesty's communication to Earl Grey previous o his quit ting this country, there will be a large surplus, which will be paid into the Exchequer in the course of the month of April. " It has been already communicated to your Lordship, that, in August,lB32, his Majesty was anxious to place the income under th? control of the trustees, but that they declined begin. ning to act in the trust until his Majesty's private affairs in this country had been entirely settled. " As the sum remaining to be liquidated can be now ascer tained, it is my intention to address his Majesty's trustees, to induce them immediately to enter upon the trust ; but, should they decline to do so until all the incumbrances are discharged, that is to say, until after the sth of April next—your Lordship may be assured that the first payment into the Exchequer will be made in April next, and from that period no impediment will exist to the trustees commencing their trust.—l have the honour to subscribe myself, my Lord, your obedient and humble servant, Baron de STOCKMAR, " Controller and Private Secretary. " To the Right Hon. the Viscount Althorp, &c." That was the statement of the circuir,stances which trevented any part of the money from being paid into the Exchequer up to the present time. He (Lord Althorp) did not olject to the merle') of the Hon. Member. He observed that the Hon. Gentleman, in the course of his observations, remarked that there were reports that some part of the annuity went abroad. He (Lord Althorp) was satisfied that such reports were utterly without foun dation ; and if siteh reports existed, he felt glad that they were mentioned by the Hun. Member, because it give him (Lord Althorp) an opportunity of staring that, as far as he knew, they were entirely without foundation. The Hon. Gentleman had stated that he had no intention of bringing on the question as to the right of the Prince to the annuity. All he (Lord Althorp) could tray was, that hie right was estab!ished by Act - of Parliament, and such undoubtedly was the intention of the House and the coun try at the time of the marriage. By reference to the remarks made on the subject, it would be found that any project would he scouted which went to deprive his Hie nem; of the annuity for any reason, or under any circum stances. His Highness's conduct, while in this country, was such as entitled him to the highest respect in every way; and he (Lord Althorp) was sure the House would listen to no project brought fer the purpose of depriving him absolutely of the annuity settled upon him, especially is he had parted with the whole of it willingly, excepting such as was admitted by the Honourable Member himself to be continued namely, the cha rities and pensions to servants. He (Lord Althorp) could appr,ciate the feelings which dictated to the Prince the propriety of keeping up his late residence at Claremont—(Hear, hear)—and by the lease of Marl borough house he was bound to keep it in repair during the currency of the lease, but that had nearly expired, which would considerably reduce the sum required to carry the intentions of the donor into execution. The trustees would do all in their power to reduce the expen diture, and he hoped the House would therefore not con. cider it necessary to take any further steps regarding it. He (Lord Althorp) was not aware, at the time Prince Leopold left this country, of the amount of the incums brances; but he did not feel inclined to retract what he hid then said on the subject of his Highness's generosity, because it appeared that these incumbrances were larger than he expected. Mr. COBBETT said it was true that Prince Leopold was given the annuity in question by Act of Parliament, but that grant was accompanied by another Act, which made him a denizen of this country. But there was an other Act of Parliament, which declared it to be unlawful fur any man, who was not a natural born subject, to re ceive, or rather for the Government to give, any such person a pension out of the revenue of the country. The legal question then was, was Prince Leopold a subject of the King of this country. It was true be was made a denizen by that Act, but now be was an independent prince, and was not a subject; and it was, therefore, unlawful to al. low him any pension or annuity out of the pockets of the people of this country. The law by which the Hanoverian family held the crown declared it to be unlawful. Then, if the House considered the equity of the thing, where, be should like to know, was the equity of allowing such a pension? The amount of that pension was really enor mous. Great complaints were made—and made with justice—by those engaged in agricultural employment, of the oppressiveness of the poor rates. Wtry, the pension of Prince Leupold amounted to a greater sum than the entire poor rates of several of the counties of England, and it was half as much as the poor rates of the c,unty of Northurn berlrnd and the other largest and most populous counties of England. He (Mr. Cobbetr) would ask the House whether the people of this country were to continue to toil and sweat to pay this pension to the King of Belgium —a pension amounting to 20,0001. per annum. There was another consideration of great importance connected with this question, which was this, that it was much higher in amount than Parliament, at the time of agreeing to it, intended it to he. It was, indeed, all circumstances considered, nearly twice as much as the Legislature is tended it to be. He (Mr. Cobtiett) would ask the House whether, when there was so much distress and misery in the eountry owing to the pressure of taxation, and other cruses, it was nut preposterous to grant such a pension? He was almost inclined to move, as an am endment, that it was inexpedient in the present state of the country to con tinue such pension ; but he would not do it. He wished, however, with all his heart, that some other Hon. Member would move such an amendment, and in that case he (Mr. C.) would most cheerfully secorol it.—(A laugh.) Colonel EVANS said that the private character of the King of Belgium was most exemplary, and entiled him to 411 respect; but he nevertheless thought it a fit subject for inquiry, and he should like to have the opinion of some eminent lawyer on the point, whether there was such a person as Prince Leopold now in existence.—(A laugh.) The reason why he threw out that hint was for the purpose of ascertaining whether or not it was lawful in Parliament to issue out yearly so large a sum of money in the shape of a pension to that individual. It had been attempted to establish a parallel between this case and that of France granting pensions to French officers residing in this country ; but he (Colonel Evans) maintained there was a decided distinction between the cases, inasmuch as the French officers were still t t be considered in the service of the King of France; Whereas Leopold was no longer a subject of Great Britain. Before sitting down be must say that it was a question which ought to be duly consi- I dered by the House, whether the pension which this country paid to the King of Belgium, ought to be any cont.nued. Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY had, on a previous occa sion, given notice of a motion which he intended to sub mit to the House, to the effect that the whole of the circumstances connected with the annuity granted by this country to Prince Leopold should be re-considered by , it. Nothing had since that time occurred —certainly nothing that evening—which had the least tendency to induce him to forego that motion.—(Hear, hear.) Ile thought, indeed, he could not do better than brine it forward that evening. He (Sir S. Whalley) .could beg to ask the Noble Lord (Lord Althorp)—and he would also beg the House to ask him—whether, whet) the pension in question was original y granted by the Legislature to Prince Leopold, the House ever contern p!ated such a contingency as that which bad since then occurred? He would ask the Noble Lord whethe-, if when Prince Leopold was elevated to the dignity of the Throne of Belgium, he had signified his intention of con. tinuing, as before, to draw his annuity from this country, Parliament would not have decided that that annuity should no longer continue to he pant? His Majesty had undertaken to pay all Prince Leopold's private debts in this country ; and he therefore thought that, on all these grounds, the inquiry lie proposed should be m ide into all the circumstances connected with the annuity ; and he thought the present time was the proper one for such inquiry. Lord ALTHORP here made an observation, which we understood to he to the effect, that the reason why his Majesty had taken on himself to pay Prince Leopold's private debts was, that the trustees had refused to act, unless such debts were pail. Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY resumed—ln the second letter, which t , e Noble Lord had read to the House from Pi ince Leopold's Secretary, it was said that be (the Kine of Belgium) would retain funds in his own hands until his outstanding debts were paid. He (Sir Samuel Whalley) thought the trustees should wait until those debts were paid before consen•ing to act. He had always understood that Prince Leopold had been very saving in his habits— that he had that economy in his expenditure which the Scotch call prudence.—(A laugh.) He was, therefore, not prepar.d for the fact that he (Prince Leopold) had ascended the throne of Belgium so deeply steeped in debt, as it appear e d from the admissions made that evening he was. He (Sir Samuel Whalley) thought that under all the circutnstances of the cote, it was due to the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government, to the people of England, and to the King of Belgium himself, that an inquiry should be instituted. He would, therefore, move that a Committee be appointed to inquire into the cir cumstances connected with the annuity granted to Prince Leopold, in terms of the motion of which he (Sir Samuel Whalley) hail previously given notice. The SPEAKER thought it irregular on the part of the Honourable Member to move, as an amendment to a sp• cific !notion, a motion of which he ha,; himself given pre vious notice. The amendment consequently fell to tlto ground. Colonel EVANS (as we und_rtood him) begged to ask the Noble Lord opposite, whether he intended to take the opinion of Counsel as to whether or not it was legal to continue to pay the annuity granted to Prince Leopold, under the altered circumstances of the case? Lord ALTHORP did not, as he entertained no doubt whatever as to the legality of the thing. Mr. HUME hail great dtiubts as to whether any person not a subject of the British Crown was entitled to receive a pensitin from this country. The House, at the time the pension was originally granted, could never have enter tained the remotest conception of the possibility of such a contingency ozcurring a• that which had since then taken place. The House, therefore, in his (%Jr. Hume's) opinion, ought most certainly to reconsider what it had tone in the case in qu,stion. This would be only doing justice to all the parries concerned in the matter. Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not rise for the purpase of taking any part in the discussio❑ which had taken place on this subject, but merely to say, that if doubts were entertained as to the legality of continuing to pay 0 e pension, the Hon. Member for Middlesex would have an opportunity of raising the qut-stion of such legality on a future occasion. Although no direct charge had been made against the character of the King of Belgium, so much had been said tin the subject of his expenditure, in the way of sneers and insinuations, that he (Lord John Russell) thought it ne essary to say, that when lie had relinquishe.l his claim for 30,0001. out of the 50,0001. granted him by Parliament, ►t was unfair to refuse tom the remaining 20 : 000/. He hoped that when a regular mo-ion was made to witlobtaw this remaining part of Prince Leopold's pension, the House would take that op portunity of expressing its sense of his honourable cha racter. Mr. GILLON was very much surprise I to hear from the statement which had that ev.-niiig been made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the debts of the King of Belgium mould amount to SO large a sum, and tie was sure the statement would exci e great dis-atisfaction in the country. He boi,ed that when the matter cline regularly before. the Hou.e for its consideration, the qu,s don would then be decided, whether or not tit? pension to Prince Leopold should continue to be paid by this country. _ _ Mr. ROBINSON could not omit taking that oppor- tunity of saying, that the answer of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was anything but satisfactory. He should like to know who were the parties responsible for the 135,0001. referred to, which it was now proposed to apply in the manner pointed out. 'fee Noble Lord had said, that any proposition, if made, to deprive Prince Leopold of his pension, would be scouted by the Him... He (Mr. Bo nins;in) must admit that rimy things were scouted by that House w , ich were nevertheless just and proper in them. selves. But were they to be told that such a proposition as that he had referred to, would, if made, be scouted by the House? He would ask Honourable Members who ther, if such a circumstance as the elevation of Prince Leopold to the throne of Belgium had been anticipated at the time the pension was originally granted, such a grant would ever have been made with the intention of its being continued after siich elevation had taken place ? A proposition to discontinue that pension when Prince Leopold was raised to the Belgian throne, had that elevation been foreseen, would never have b: en scouted by the House.—(Hear, bear.) If the country should be satisfied with the answer given by the Noble Lord, be (Mr. Robinson) must repeat that lie was not satisfied, and lie hoped the question would soon be taken up by the House. Before sitting down, he must take the opportunity of saying, that as the trustees had refused to act, others ought to be appointed in their place, with security that the money should be duly appropriated to its destined purposes. The money might all have bean pocketted. He begged, in conclusion, to disclaim all in tention of using any unbecoming expression in the remarks he had thought it his duty to make. After a remark or two by Mr. HARDY, the motion was put and agreed to. Mr. WALLACE postponed the motion of which he bad given notice for that evening, in consequence of the absence of a friend who felt interested in the subject. EXPENSES OF ELECTIONS. - - Mr. HUME then rose to bring forward his motion re lative to the expenses of elections. The law of Ettgland originally not only refused to allow any Member to be put to any election expenses, but provided for his bein g paid for his attendance in Parliament. He (Mr. Hume) regretted the case was not the some now. To pity a Member for his Pat liamentary services was the sure way make him responsible. At present there were no limits to the expenses to which candidates were subjected at elections. He thought that, at all evens, the expenses which could be incurred ought to be limited and defined.-- (Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member then submittoi a variety of statements to the House relative to the expenses incurred at the last election, fur booths, fees to the Re turning Officers, Clerks, &e. fhe entire number of electors registered in England and %Vales was 592,214. This was exclusive of those which were registered in more than one place, and also of those in places from which no returns had been made. Altogether be (Mr. Hume) thought the number of registered electors could not be much under one million. The entire expenses incurred in the way be bad mentioned, at the last election, in England and Wales alone, amounted to 21,937 E for counties, and to 26,1431. for boroughs. In the county of Lincoln, where the number of electors was 9,134, and the candidates three, the expense was 1,0651. ; in the Eastern Division of Surrey the electors were 3,150, the candidates four, and the expense 1871. ; in Lancashire the electors numbered 10,039, the candidates were three, and the expenses 5461. In Berkshire the electors amounted to 5,582, the candidates were three in number, and the expenses amounted to 752/. In Cornwall the electors numbered 4,462 ; there was no contest, and yet the ex pense was 351. The Hon. Gentleman mentioned one or two other cases of counties, showing not only how extra vagant the expenses were in some cases, but the great disparity that existed betseen those expenses in different places. In the boroughs, again, the same foct of extrava gance and disparity was also illustrated. In the borough of Abingdon, though there were 300 electors, and there were three candidates, there was no charge at all. In Buckingham, with the some number of electors and the s sine number of candidates, the expense was 331. In Bristol the electors were 10,000, the candidates four, and the expense 6741. In Finsbury, where the electors were 10,809, and the candidates five, the expense amounted '0 484/. In the city of London, with a constituency of 18,584, and six candidates, the expense amounted t 5221. In Westminster, with its 11,576, and three can didates, the expense was 3621. In Plymouth, where there was no contest, the expense incurred was 1301 In another l 'or"ugh) where there was no contest, the expense was 109/. ; while in Andover, Cardigan, Dartmouth, Ludlow, and another borough, there was no expense at all. The Hon. Gentleman, after expressing a hope that the House would compel those places that had not complied with its orders to make the desired returns of the expenses in curred in the way referred to at the last election, to do so forthwith, proceeded to point out the way in which such expenses were incurred. There were Sheriffs, Under S h "iffs) Clerks, &c., all of whom made charges on the different candidates for their labours on the occasion of an election. The charges made by Under Sheriffs were often very great. He (Mr. Hume) questioned very much whether they should be allowed to make any charge at all.—(Hear, hear.) They were appointed for the per• forrnance of duties connected with their several counties, and that of attending at elections, and regulating their proceedings he conceived was one. Assessors were, in some instances, allowed large sums, and constables, or po 'icemen, were paid for keeping the peace. In the county of Cardigan the sheriffs actually charged the candidates 201. for silver thrown among the people.—(Loud laugh ter.) In Bedford, all the irregularities he (Mr. Hume) had mentioned, had occurred.—( A laugh.) This, he maintained, was contrary to law. The 71st section of the Bill brought i❑ by the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) relativ e to a reform in Parliament, limited the expense of elections in each parish to 231. The sheriff was to be al lowed 2/. 2s. per day for his labour!, and the clerk 11 1 , . The enormous expenses which bad been charged against candidates in certain cases, were claimed by the returning officers on the ground of some previous Act of Parliament, just as if all former Acts of Parliament were not, in the question of electioneering expenses, set aside by the Bill of the Noble Lord (Lord John Russel:). He trusted that, under the circumstances he bad stated, the House would consent to the appointment of a Committee on the subject. It was highly desirable that every man who became a can didate should know, in the first instance, the extent of his liabilities ; and that he might not, consequently, br im posed upon by other persons after the election was over. The expense attending elections must, it wits clear, be at all events reduced. He (Mr. Hone) bad been informed, that it was not necessary to have new booths at every suc cessive election, but that they could be made at the ex pense at present charged for them to last a lifetime. Let the Home only decree that the different counties ought to he at the expense of fitting up these booths and the other things necessary at elections, and he (Mr. Hume) would answer for it, there would he no unnecessary expenditure in such cases in future.—(Hear, bear.) In Middlesex alone, the booths had cost the candidates 600/. He Imp d the few hints he had thrown out to the House would not be lost to Hon. Members, but be committed to memory, wzainst the time for formally deliberating on the subject. Toe Hon. Member was then about to read his motion, which related only to England and Wales, when Mr. GILLON suggested th it it should include Scot land and Ireland also. Mr. HU3IE had no objection to make kis motion ge neral. He then moved " That the House refer to a Se l=et Committee, the retums of expenses charged by returning officers at the election Of Members for Counties and Boroughs in England and Wales, and in Scotland and Ireland, at the last general election, with the view of fixing an uniform rate of charge ; and also to inquire into all other expenses attendant on the registration of votes, and at the elections." Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY sec mded the motion. He most cordialy agreed with the Hon. Member fur Mid dbsex, that the txpenses of elections should be defrayed by the country at large. The conclusion among the people, or at I , ast among a lar:ze portion of the people. was, that when Members paid such large sums, in the shape of election expenses, for a seat in that House, they would take care of themselves when the public money was votid away. It was expected that t':e 71st section of the Reform Bill would hive done great good in reference to the expenses of elections. But the returns, _which the Hon. Member for Middlesex had read to the House showed that the provisions of that Bill were quite imfficient. His (Sir S untie! Whalley's) only regret was, that instead of moving for a seect committee to examine the expenses charged by returning officers at the last general election, he did not at once move fur a specific Act of Parliament on the subject. The following Committee was appointed : Hume. Joseph O'Connell, D. Donkin, Sir R. Russell, Lord J. Morpeth, Viscount Goring, H. D. Lefevre, C. S. Aglionby, H. A. Godson, R. Wallace, R. Rice, T. S. Gillon, W. D. Jervis, J. Littleton, E. J. Sinclair, G. Knatchbull, Sir E. Murray, J. A. Jeffrey, Rt. Hon. F. Carter, J. B. Harvey, D. W. Oswald, J. Ferguson, Sir Ron. Guest, J. J. O'Dwyer, A. C. Ewart, W. Clay, W. Wallace, T. "1 ayleure, W. Walter, J. Grattan, H. Molesworth, Sir W. Tennyson, C. Ruthven, S. Hall, B. Tooke, W. Blake, J. M. Sanford, E. A. Willoughby, Sir H. .ON MEDICAL EDUCAT Mr. WARBURTON moved that a select committee should he appointed to inquire into tha various branches of the medical profession. . . • Colonel WOOD opposed the motion, as he thought any inquiry into the subject was unnecessary; and thought that the time of the thirty.five gentlemen, whose names he had seen down for the Committee, might very well be 'pared. He saw no i:eeessity for shutting up these gen tlemen for a month or six weeks in a room, just as the session was beginning too. The C immictee would, besides this, cost the country some 4004 or NU for printing an account of their proceedings, which no one would read, or be edified by it if he did. An HON. MEmaxa, whose name we could not learn, thought the House could not be better employed than in correcting the abuses which had crept into the Medical and Surgical Monopolies. Mr. SINCLAIR ob.erved that he could answer for the Scotch Licentiates in Medicine, that they desired nothing more than an inquiry into their regulations. Mr. GILLON thought that it was quite as necessary to institute a searching inquiry into the medical monopoly as into any other monopoly ; and he should heartily support the motion for a Committee. Mr. LITTLETON could say, that when he was lately in Dublin he could perceive in that quarter a perfect wil lingness to aequie.ce in an equalization of privilege.. Mr. O'DWYER considered it very hard that privileges should thus be monopolised, and that physicians would not be allowed torlisoense medicine without bringing themselves under the penalties of the Apothectaies Act, which, on but too many oeca.ions, was most rigorously enforced. Mr. RUTHVEN w a s of opinion (as well as we could catch his observations) that surgeons were sufficiently qualified for this branch of the art. Mr. HUME thought it unhecom;ng to require that gentlemen avowedly well qualified before should late com pelled to undergo an apprenticeship of three or four years to bring themselves within the law, and spend that time, perhaps, in the most slavish and laborious part of the business. For himself, be would undertake to say that he was as competent as any apothecary in London.--(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He would ask the Gallant Colonel, if exchanging into a new regiment, he should not feel it very hard if compelled to enter as an Ensign. In these sort of regulations we were far behind the Continent. Indeed, compared with France, we were in a state of bar barism. Mr. WARBURTON, in reply, observed that the fault lay in the system. He did not blame the present men, whose object, he believed, was to exalt the standard of qualification. The question was then put, and the following Com mittee appointed : Warburton, H. Halford, H. Howiek, Lord Lewis, T. F. Jeffrey, Rt. Hon. F. Hawes, W. Littleton, E J. O'Connell, D. Inglis, Sir R. H. ;lice, T. S. Goulburn, H. Peel, Sir R. Shaw, F. Hume, Joseph Abercromby, Right lay, W. Hon. J. Clve, R. H Oswald, J. Ewart, W. Bannerman, A. Peter, W. Johnstone, A. Strutt, E. Romilly, E. Whitmore, W. W. Wood, G. W. Ord, W. Gillon, W. D. Sinclair, G. Baldwin, Mr. Oxmantown, Lord Perrin, Sergeant Jephson, C. D. 0. BOROUGH OF STAFFORD. Sir T. FREMANTLE brought forward his motion for the disfranchisement of the borough of Stafford. He admitted that the elective franchise should not be taken away from any man, or any body of men, without full and satisfactory reasons, but he contended, that in this instance, the reasons were sufficiently satisfactory. Houses were opened by both candidates in which the names of such voters as had received money were taken down in writing ; and out of the whole constituency, it appeared that four-fifths had been paid. The corruption was so general, that it could donvto n et o o tr inferiorbeio ub s m rl iy e n t tgcoo b ir y nrt u a ha n pa yßtt boroughs;oi ol t l f h eGf fur rr t a h tmh a than t h e severe remedy recommended in the report. Ind ee d, s tlpihoee,u pound, r e o, fir o , f ar t m a o ff fo v 3 t r eh t l i e o w ftoi a lr s e rl e n disfranchisement of the borough of Stafford. Mr. HALCOMB opposed the Bill on the ground that the evidence concerning the corruption was not givtn on oath. Ao HoN. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, and who spoke from under the gallery, assured the Hon. Baronet, that one of the witnesses who gave evidence admitted that the list of persons given in as receiving bribes was a tissue of for - 2, - ciry trout be,i,inning to end. Lord ALTHORP said, that when notorious corruption was proved, is would be the duty of the House to disfran chise the borough.—(Hear, hear.) An must admit, that from the reform which hail taken place in the representa tion, such practices could not continue, and the system of corrupt bo'oughs must be put an end to. Sir T. FREMANTLE replied to the observations con cerning the forgery, s4yiniz that the original list was not to be had, the person who /IA received it to copy out having retained it in his posse.sion, and only returned the copy. Leave was then granted. Lord HOWICK, in bringing forward his Bill for ren dering more effectual proceedings before Justices of the Peace, observed that, being similar to the one which he had brought before the House last year, he should not trouble them with any observations, hut. confine himself to stating that one of its objections was to technical difficul ties. The object of one important clause was to relieve the public from the annoyance of common informers. As the law now stood, the minimum, penalties were compul sory upon Magistrates, and it was one of the objects of the Bill to give them a power of mitigation. Another clause related to the nuisance of gaming-houses in London. To these he could see no objection that might be raised, iir if there were any, they could be urged in a future stage. He would therefore beg leave, &c. Mr. JARVIS did not intend to oppose the measure, but conceived that it conferred on M igistrates a discre tionary power of which they already possessed too much, and instanced that of five shillings for drunkenness, with incarceration if the fine was not paid. Lord HOWICK said the propusition the Hon. Member appeared now abont to argue was not contained in the Bill. Discussion would come better at a future stage, when it would he so modified as to meet objections. An Hon. MEMBER objected to the Bill, that it dis pensed with information on oath, leaving to the accusing party all the latitude of complaint which this want of re straint and his excited feelings may prompt. Mr. O'CONNELL said there was one part of the Bill apparently fair in its object, and which it might appear mid to oppose—he meant the doing away with technicali ties which sometimes involved the merits. After a few words from Mr. Hume, Mr. Evart, and Mr. Ruthven, leave was eiven. PUBLICITY OF DIVISIONS. Mr. WARD rose to bring on his motion for giving greater publicity to the divisions of the House. He had undertaken this subject with the permission of the Hon. Member for Colchester, who had had the merit of intro ducing it during the last session of Parliament ; and in doing so he requested the indulgence of the House for bringing the question so early under its reconsideration. One reason for doing this was that he believed justice was not done to the motion on the former occasion : he did not mean by the Hon. Member for Colchester, whose talents lie admired, but by the House, whose attenton was then occupied by the consideration of many other, and apparently more immediately important changes. They now stood in a very different situation, and he most sincerely trusted that it would now meet with the attention which it deserved. In his opinion its adop tion or rejec ion would have a very material influence on the character and prospects of the House.—(Hear, hear.) In calling upon the House to give publicity to its divi sions, he did not call on it to pl ice itself in coininunica - Lion with the press, but merely this—that there should be daily placed on the table of the House an accurate record of the votes of every Member for and against every question. On referring to the debate which took place on the motion of the Hon. Member for Colchester, he found that the objections made to the proposition might be reduced to three. First, the impracticability of the plan proposed by the Hon. Member that objection was made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer as the sale reason of his opposition. The second was, the inex pediency of enforcing any responsibility at all, which was made by the Node Lord the Member for Norwich (Lord Stormont). The third was, that there was already a sufficient degree of practical publicity and responsibility, which was the argument of the Ri ht Hon. Baronet the Member for Tainworth. The Noble Lord on tee Treasury Bench did not object to the publication of the divisions generally, but objected merely to the specific plan proposed by the Hon. Member as impracticable. This objection could not apply to his (Mr. Ward's) tiro tion, because be would propose no specific plan. He would not draw off the 'attention of the House from the great principle on which his motion was founded by the consideration of minor particulars At the same time he thouget it right to say that he would not have occupied their time by the consideration of a plan which lie did not firmly believe could be reduced to practice. He had a plan by which he did not doubt that an accurate list of every gentleman's votes might be taken without the loss of five minutes' time.—(Hear, hear.) Some Hon. Gen tlemen appeared to doubt the possibility of this. He was perfectly willing to suggest the method.—(No, no; and Hear, hear.) The reason why he mentioned this was, because be bad been told that to bring forward this motion without stating any plan, would be as bad as to bring forward and state an impracticable one. He would, therefore, if the House wished it, relate his plan —(Loud cries of "No, no !" and " Plan, plan !") As it rather appeared to he the . feeling of the House that he should not enter into detail, he would refrain from doing so. Toe principle on which he based his motion, was the in contestible, unalienaltle rights of those Who sent then there to receive from them an authentic account of their transactions—(Hear, hear)—and to know on the au thority of their own minutes the way in which they dis charged the duties which they hail undertaken. On te e last occasion this principle was impugned by the Noble Lord the Member tor Norwich, who he was sorry not to see in his place. The Noble Lord said, that every Member of that House ought to represent his own opinions ; that no man appointed to the House ought to be influenced in his votes by the actions of others ; that no Member of the House ought to be pulled up the next morning for giving a certain vote overnight; and that, in short, he ought not to be responsible for his vote. tie would thus far agree with the Noble Lord, that every Member of that House ought to have the most perfect freedom of agency, but he differed from bin Coto cix/o as to the question of responsibility. He looked on responsibility as the very essence of representative government, and without publicity, responsibility could nut exist.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was publicity alone, as Mr. Jeffer son justly said, that supplied the check which prevented society from being divided into two extreme classes, the wolves and the sheep. Fortunately for us, the wolves were at pre , ent at a discount, and the sheep were too wise to part even with their fleece, unless something like good cause were first shown. The Right Honourable Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, slid that we already had responsibility, or publicity (for the two words were synonymous) enough. That on every occasion of interest to the constituents, the votes of Members were perfect y well known, and consequently that there was no necessity for departing from the established practice. To a certain extent this argument might be good. There was indeed a sort of half and half responsibility. Their respec: for public opinion compelled them to take some measures of publicity, which to a certain extent compromised the character and d.gnity of the House. Ho had, after an important division, seen no less than nineteen letters in a Morning Paper on the same day—some explanatory, some exculpatory, some accounting fur absence, but all calling on the Editor:to correct some inaccuracy—an inac curacy not only unintentional, but, considering the manner in which the lists were now obtained, altogether unavoid . able.—(Hear.) Another objection of the Right Hon. Bart. to further publicity was that a very erroneous opinion might be formed of a public mats, by founding it on one particular vote. 'P hase who read the debates would not be deceived, but would understand them better in consequence of having. an accurate list of votes, whilst those who looked only at the list of votes would be prevented from forming many very untrue conclusions. Besides, however well a Member of that House might speak, it was by his votes he was judged at last.—(Hear, hear.) It was to his votes that he must appeal for public confidence, and whilst speeches were forgotten, votes were always tangible. There was one class of Members to whom he Would take the liberty of trddressinga few observations ; he alluded to the old Mem- bers—to those who were attached to old forms, who were reluctant to see any change in , roduced, and who still clung to the strict privacy of divisions. To them he would say, that he should be the first to resist any proposition for permitting strangers to be present during a divisii n. since, on questions of deep interest, it might be impossible to restrain some expressions of public feeling calcula , ed, perhaps, in some measure to influence their decisions.— (Hear.) This lie did not seek; all that he sought was to remove the anomalies which at present existed, and to correct a point where theory and practice were at variance. —(Hear, hear.) He could conceive no reason why a record should not be preserved of so important a portion of their proceedings—in which, indeed, their characters were concerned—when all other parts of their procee pings were recorded and published without scruple. More especially did this argument apply, when it was remembered that strict secrecy was impossible.—(Hear.) They were not in the French Chambers, where votes were taken by ballot. Secrecy here was impossible ; anti if it were possible, it would be ) beli T ev n e ere to w b a e s s o i n n l ce y r o e ne in clu th s t o i ! Members beperranwicihoooms.—be(wHoeualrd. opposition to the publication—lie meant the habitual ttb' I sentee-.—( Hear , beer.) H e could conceive their dislike i to their frequent abs ences being placed on record, but he 1 , was sure that those ( b y far the majority) who were im- pressed with a due se nse of the important duties of t heir e situation, womb e f ! not for a mom ent entertain so unwortbti an objection. To such he would say, grant a Committei if, o n investigation, the scheme should he found imprahc-; ticable without incurring too great a loss of time, let t (3; Committee so rep•irt, and there would be an end be o f the. que.eien. But if, as he belie ved, publicity could h e bora oh• • tainerl at a very trifling sacrifice of time, t hen they w ou ld n ot permit such a sacrifice to interfere withal, great a good as the publication of an a uthentic list of t divisions. He should, therefore, move the apponten, of a Select Committee, to inquire into the best mode ! ,1 obtaining correct and authentic lists of the divisions ln t :td,v l i i a a ittnpsAe t elosoid H rnffs. , ii , tgistll t hoo t r s wauerA e ntloidew ; tut: r a ilr3E,: n ie: d spi I:p: t ees: l ip i e:t a :snu, t iorai,dB s ,:nda u tif,dffi,ne c ied( h d,l_s i:.tee,ton iw o : considered ht,tionhn, , Committee tsnahtiditta, itiatot,rethneeeo:svafwheutptorhtibuy,thliiebslengdihrHiecai.bnta:yhettnieoje.aofii‘einstructedqi:aivonetisfrora:vivint bee,ihch,l::3o;if to report thereon, without delay.—( l -"ud c heers ' ) d f vh o oo r t,ea C dte i a t , l ..g cl a l i e nA s s ie t r nt . hoe H paa e p, tpi i : v iv a ni s tamr mast anxious that the lists ° , considered to do so on the dislike to going before the public.—(Hear.) : e a p u r l o t a u n o n f d a w o a C f s o n in c m 'w itte P e r°Psc h ;: o h t;t: N. Lord ALTHORP said his Hon. Friend bad done justice in saying that he had m er ely p o posed the trod°, of the Hon. Member for Colchester on t h e question of illii, practicability. He never objeeted to the publicatioo of divisions; and be certainly thought that, if they w te erl X published, the more correctly the better.—(Cheers .) ,;; . . ' certainly felt great doubt that his Hon. Friend Wow" ,-- i 7 His Hon. o h n a . ve n b i e e e n n d a ha v r e l r n y o n t e s a t r at d ed ivi h si i o s n p able to produce a plan that was likely to be practicableT and he believed, had the question been put, thefer;. he shoul d t r . have done so or not. lie confessed that he should 13 0 1 . been glad to have heard what it was, for he ha d !: great opinion of the ability of his Honourable Frieoor' . lwanhettohetrhe 11("e;k: and had no doubt it was a v ery in g enious one. Writil-• respect to the m ot i on itself, lie could have no objection te, it—(Loud cheers) —and he should be happy if the reso'r lutions of the Committee should be such as to lead to *Orr practical result. He certainly thought that every Membe f fi mu st be responsible fo r the wa y in which he voted, an •. as to the argument that a man on a certain occasion might vote differently from his general opinions, in order tel e support some particular line of policy, he did not confide!. ',: it a sufficient objection, because such a circumstance co!! ' 4, not occur frequently ; and when it did, was suseep_i of explanation, and would always meet with doe 11100.7 ante and consideration. He did not, however, think ts:, present mode so objectionable as gentlemen seemed r , : imagine. He did not believe the lists now published 1° ,,. be very inaccurate. He was aware that during the Is!, a t h e os o e r sessiiin they were so, but the great number of new Me . 19 ; , accurate for that circumstance.—(blear.) But whether theY Wer e ,: means being taken to make them as accurate as past a If, however, it should appear that this could not beg Id fancoets,whteerecenrotatikninTn, very naturelly account,: without incurring a gi eat loss of time, then be °u tb . certainly say th,t the objet to he attained was not Worl d • ' H e tUt(A)I the e expressedteto t►i motion.—(Hear.) —h his Ei g e r : e au a ri t : gratification haven no bajtect e t j e °l l in which the motion had been met by b e shoo' such a sacrifice. Heving made this statement, h 00/ not m o r t . ij posite. The Noire Liird had said that the former firge tire was correct, hut he had not taken into consideration Ili" great labour which it threw on certain individuals. both Noble Friend knew how difficult it was to coon' ite to sides of the House. For his own part he did not It ._ f ould refer go on both sides.—(Hear, and a laugh.) He w paa joai only to what hid taken place during the Prese nt 5- The There had been only two divisions published yet' tit he first of these was so incorrect, that he believed It the Members put down in it on one s ide were pot . f House that evening, and it had required the gre wato ~ labour and trouble on the part of five Members to . e , t the ins it correct, but the first evil bad been rlone, for ~ -, As to Woo curate list had gone throughout the country. A W ould 8 0 d ! he thou ht the plan that ought to be Adepten- . to slie ... the Noble Lora sa time, whilst it would give the greatest satisfactioin f-, otp/ht t , oa t e b 0 the greatest advantaees of the system now , country. And as to the absentees. he th propose n t e e e ir it would expose to the country those who neglectea b" duty.—( Hear.) hleh 11 " Mr. D W. HARVEY defended the wa y in iv- ot a dropped his motion last session, and sai d uolese a 10 ! oS a i n t d iOn he to h m op e e e d t w he it i ti ni t g h h e t a h t a te v o e tio ti n , c i o te ng in ra tr t i u o is e t lc tee l d, belonged to one of the great parties in that 1 1 ° Ilie : g ee$3 could not. had Ire even the tongue of an ang , l , e . -I , fl to ' Mr. WARBlllTON re r s e u g i a ... rd H ed e this rite deserve.t. u d ir e l e p d:e .n las a n g o r t ,.a s t ur a e nd it i t n v p as or n t o an t t th ri e we tn , p h o i li g ta r" n ti t, looked mo t uponimotion as i: s°, h e t i i difli; ll; I p ie o r s e e d o , f w a h r e r n an a gi t n u g ee a tin p g ian was t [Louse on its successful in st es ialP°llll°.'-efir. as one of the most important results of the Reform P t . ~ 1 regarded the good c induct of its Members. He re" - " for tb e in r 0 in the defeat of the Tory Ministry,—he rememb er ': rid 1. the greatest import ince was attached t° la r. ha h' t 'i s d va a s t eti:epeCcht;dinbtectr.tevri;:detert i. acciirete lists of tie division, and the individteds oft t , again charted to spare no pains to make them and rte the task of obtaining them, were over and. , li purest 0 admitted the impertance of acetracy this were felt so important to the reforming ,neieste i n ttese pan t e ' the eve of such a division—if all great lod ic° 13 ,` - cu lare , ;.- it we , urged OO g h r u e w ate w st which the public. as well as tlierwielvea, a tt. ' that till ° ( Where wastheir :, a i s m i p t or t t l:e n y ce h ? ad Bsout,lotnhgend;elayed obtainiogoed th , -, gre it result could not be accomplished. diffieulty ? It was most mechanical. Coul d " t 03 010 I , ' clerks go from bench to bench, and take down the nit 0 : and if these clerks were not sufficiently nullncr°°!: le t them pay another ; and if one were not enough, th e 'dif , U:' them get two, three, or even four. Where was the I ficulty? co tali f The motion was then agreed to, and the f olloWieg mittee appointed:— Ward, H. G. Hume, Joseph Althorp, Viscount Chandos, Marquis of Clay, VV. , ; ,.JO lO Peel, Sir R WAnirton H. Sebrigh, sir Inglis, Sirlß. H. Stanley, E. J. G. Carter, J. Inglis, Grote, 0. Hay, A. L. HarveY , ~,,* Hawes, B. Benett, John Tooke, ,A. „ Fergusson, Sir Ron. O'Connor Don AglionbY , FACTORIES BILL. see° 'll ree j The Factories' Regulation Act Amendment litt through a Committee. The report was received sod li g or to, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third 0° morrow. TURNPIKE ROADS BILL. „oil. The House went into a Committee on the r rtlfri Road Acts C o ntinuance Bill. r deb t Mr. HAWES, after stating the great increase 0 ' ere si of the various turnpike trusts, which had taken place ' o f 1821 to 1829, wished to know if it was the inteati °° l o his Majesty's Government to introduce a general 00 - on L ti ii: e rd sul Viscount 1 eat? unt HOWICK observed,°t.hCa°tnntehiell' o li b . je Ct 14 s t pw h al E ta . yd.g p l dereis,hee expenseni m t s t e n lefoa impossibles: i u nr r e e nt t w he hlev a a s itns m agu nb e yjrieasel satisfactory various to sah captor Turnpikeer yi v o e n ttei:ithe nett se l u l st so ° s w o r m . o re en : B b tii t ri t el ut mni t i o goh e tit i nt i , i e r o e fb . , Dour : . h e Lt f u lo ins pe ng d einN ( e a Gr l a t T h il o yo u as g p l , a pi h aic e : W alue o l: l o , r si o i: is , ocov?i ee ei bt: : : : th :V E ith as o t ut s s m om it e bfi d e e l l d a whole of uocfedthe exemptinguount country. devised. te'' operation of the Bill. tb° After a short conversation, the Bill went throu gh t o. Jeep Committee, and the report was ordered to be rece-- YA be:wove:37o * morrow. CARRICKFERGUS AND STAFFORP' 410 Mr. O'CONNELL brought up a Bill to disirl" th S ir borough of Carrickfergus. thebo T ro . u F g ß h EJI S A u N a T or L d E . brought up a Bill to disfrheattcrob(/ Both B,lls were read a first time, and order ed to o l I a second time on Wednesday, the sth of Mach) be printed. Adjourned at a quarter-past ten. On Monday addresses wets presenteuAt °f Beth to his Grace the Archbishop of Canterhult ire° same import with those presented on Thursday la ir 'clergl - the Clergy of the diocese of Llandaff and from the ' ,if the Archdeaconry of Cornwall. They were 8 4 ° ' IV nearly every officiating Clergyman of these districtaiiclop ormer were presented, at the express desire of the by oy the Lord Bishop of Llandaff, and the l a ter oral, Lord Bishop of Exeter. Trey were received by l' d in in" with an expression of the saute sentiments c ontain -tomer to the addresses already presented, and of tb th ett . r'reti,, lie felt at receiving them from the bands 0 ; Lordships. GLrIsGOW LOTTERY.—We are gla d t :hat some of the prizes Lave chanced to fall in tb i 'o!) hourhood. Mr. Oxenden (son of Sir Henri O zo , de . aroome Park) is the fortunate holder of half 0' Thousand Pound Prize, --Maidstone Gazette. t ali, to ,4 It i , P t ..., k. i WE