The Sun. — London, England, 1831-08-10 00:00:00

Never, said I Power so tree was called ►►fl King of Ho lld and unfair 10 what was our ng and a nazi usted. uld it( Tbs. situation thir his sta •educe T, Will ieg eai 9 11101 Id, wl ) inva ranee t a fuii a co rl ? 111 merges 000 God 1 breal ;ay w, at Fral .as oui second 'ranee niary I to up& of oui lot look in mai Now ble Er ;urned War their s of in the greates t ' irily to occupl, under discuss ° , nference ut would they ould consent 0 >sed on him b e .„ that that 1V 0 " on him. i r 4 ;) by their Le which he al bub tan tiat e ., ed from doc k : hoped that L' e s to believe t R ; e declared 001°_,I matisfactory ing to Fri)? ear,—(Hear , 91 ai Friend (tile j ugh not di , rl to enter into j d it.—(Heart " forbid that the axe merely to er tone, allu i take a bolder so humble. 04, now? with it t ,olsession of 11 the Portugu # .ol lgiutn, and 0 r . 1 .A iat country 9 1, the Noble o ) al her by sot .01, laugh d be felt 0' 14 0) require sonic 0 placed i le , ; ;tr i lad himself tus,oo be given bin' a' days bee . ng an 11001 0 ) of all the mum and :ed, without )ility of the referred ;Halt title of " 1 4 ad constant l f a Y the !Ip4Y, 110 p Lad that re.P::OO prop' ""ti the proP neb. 13u self ke on hi ° firl te Nob le ( sibl e' re h spon so t it Lel he been m e ss urtesy as a ct yroper 4 9 v , 41 13 " (Heat), --irritated, as he_ might _have been by. the ,(111eStipti Put t h im, e Sr"' with a view to anticipate discussion on nego -olt'inn'a cif which the result could not yet be known, he e t ` 1 " have been excused if he had exhibited some sem. C r arY warmth in answering the Noble Lord.—(Hear, ! r .) But h e was not consc i ous o f h av i ng clone any rsore than his duty as a Minister, in having refused to l'a,er questions which the Noble Earl, doing his duty rl Ss Pe ers thou g ht it r i g ht t o p u t.—(Hear, hear.) Ti ° Ple Earl must excuse him, but he must state that lie I P' never h ear d a motion brought forward for which less arliatneritary grounds were laid, and it was a motion that e ., 4 ,*,t lead t o a di scuss i on t h at m i g h t d o i n fi n it e m i sc hi e f Elie critical c i rcumstances o f th e c o untry. lf, in the et Earl's Earl's o pi n i on , i t was w i se t o pl unge th e coun t r y 00 '* into war , h e must sa y, th a t h e h a d never b ear d a a ch bett e r calculated to attain that objectear.) ill :" Ministers would certainly defend the honour and - h 'tests of the country ; but the Noble Earl seemed to think Po at e the only step f or us to ta k e was at once t o h ave re ;'from which he should certainly shrink. He tve - ' 4 gly ad opte d the assertion of the Noble Earl, that there se re e in this country the means of defence, and he was that we were yet is possession of . all the means ne e "Y for war, and that there was in the people of this e ' -4 ' 4 Y spirit enough to use them, and to use them effi ateiausly if the interest and honour of the country were i 4 e t ta e e r k eri• Yet, at the same time, it was our duty and our Is e . t. ' i mts as it ought to be our policy, to secure to ourselves 'esaings of peace ; avoiding war as productive of the 4avr'ateet evils—evils which he sought by negotiation to 1151)ids while he preserved the advantages of peace.—(Hear, to the When the Noble Earl talked of war, lie referred t"e -situation of our al:ies ; and what was that situation ? i s-s e (Hear,,,, hear.) He took it as the Noble Earl described , p et ,."e had told the House that they were engaged in te e ` i ng down war in their own dominions.—( Hear, hear.) ‘si of the House that Russia and Prussia were quite out 1 t question; and looking at the state of Poland, at a p e r,.' a nd Germans', they were, he believed, then Inca seZted from entering into war ; and yet the Noble Earl of have this country take upon itself the whole burden (le War to exclude France from entering Belgium...— PIZ' hear.) He, for his part, felt it would be more tha , L ` n , t to wait - to exercise some forbearance, and to take hi t : :‘liherat e Course which policy prescribed. It was ta 4ll inus hope that the continuance of peace would be aot r ,"nit of the negociations now on foot. He should v?l,4 v°i d there sponsibility of explaining these negociations pr e en the time arrived ; but unless their Lordships were 1 1li e P , 11 'd • to add ress th e C rown to dismiss the present tee-.4lers, they would not, he was sure, add to the diffi ts:B of what the Noble Earl himself called an ember e ,ol'ag situation, when negociations were going on full of Wo uld and difficulty, by calling for papers, and they 4 1 , 1 1 Place that confidence in Ministers which was so e „ - :Y Placed in them: He hoped that they would not tvo s i a t ' t the interests of the country by any rashness, and t seit ` net join with the Noble Lord in increasing the dif (lb,'" in which the country was at present placed. t -- e hear.) He did not think it necessary to follow w i le s s? b le Earl through his long and desultory speech, in L a ,,, 4 he had touched on some topics so lightly, that he le,d"'Y knew what opinion the Noble Earl had formed, and sta te r Others co me t o suc h com p en di o us conclusions as Note his own views, though they could nut to other ip til e Lords appear to be justified. The Noble Earl had, oothFist place, inv e i g hed against the Government for ‘vle, l 7. l ng adh ere d to t h at pr i nc ipl e o f n o n -i n t er f e ren ce ttl e It professed. He ILA never uttered one word on k9i ri 4t tunent on the subject he was not prepared then to 41:1 4 i t4it i and r e - assert . Il e sa id st ill, th e p r i nci pl e o f 11, 4 ; t teif,rence with the internal affairs of other States 4 tl t h t 'e sacred generid principle',_ on which this country 1 11 4 , .t 0 aet, b ut at the same time lie admitted, with the r '?ns Duke whom he had heard make that statement, hea l .. ) t itis Pri nc i p l e was subject to exceptions.—(Heala •h4le', With respect to what was passing between ke rk ".'n and H o ll an d as to c h oos i ng a linen of Govern iates'r t his country had not interfered, and would not p r . ti .er e . There were, however, cases in which the °hould le o f self-preservation—.if, for example, this country kity he exposed to great clanger—might make it neces atest i r us to interpose. On this principle the Govern ira, ad acted, and in doing so had only folowed the 4 41 t !' i ttrtd into by th e lat e Administration. The pre- L l til ie 4in i'try had in fact followed in the path of the Noble t hat • The NoSle Duke bad presumed, properly enough, as el : Resler& conflagration would have been the conse ill h a ; o f hostilitie s between Holland and Belgium, and ,"lthi. Uuit ed with the other Powers to say that hostilities e ee ' ea as- On th a t principle the present Administra -" Proceed e d. That course by which interference war WU one of the exceptions laid down by the D uke, *lt was ,prescribed by the interest of the a nd was equally sanctioned by the principle of justice. It was impossible for him to enter le grounds of the accusation of the Noble Earl, '? 4 i. sure that their Lordships would not call upon lo so till these things were settled, because the he should be obliged to make, could not be :bout great inconvenience and great danger to its object—the preservation or peace—which it would be the result of the negociations. He ce his answer from the speech of the Noble Earl. Noble Earl say that things were settled ? Would would say they were. They were in thepm ing settl e d ; b ut h e truste d t h e H ouse wet'id not :he Ministers to expose the secrets of negocia ultimate object of which was what the House mutry and the Noble Earl wished—the preser peace.--(Hear, hear.) From the vituperation of Earl he looked to the justice of the public, who th e motives of the Ministers when their conduct explained, and as it would be, in proper time, before them. He did justice to the amiable the Noble Earl, which made him anxious to conduct of those who had formed the treaties iginal settlement of Europe : but he had always sed a different opinion. He had on the first day session expressly declared that the separation of from Holland was the natural and necessary con of the union into which they had been forced ; 'ad, on that occasion, quoted the eloquent pamphlet ale Friend, Lord John Russell. Fur his part, never changed his opinion on this subject. In 'at, he had merely defended his own consistency, one of the last men who wished to revive former 'ilit ed ' cr a• The 'Noble Earl had insinuated that he had with a party against Mr. Canning's administra- Sept4ana he certainly had never concealed that he did not t e : 0 0 . f . 4 , 11 . Mr. Canning's policy. H . e was compelled st (-sssion to differ from m any of his dearest friends, ar t 'ail no animosity towards Mr. Canning. Ile did h aPProve of his foreign policy ; and, though seeing, atite th nuelit • • • the policyof that great hA he i wee ' nut m p any , etd'i errors s ar of iis conduct by attempt:lto: lead this ccu p ntry back to her former t b o f policy. It was not on such ground that he he e c harged with inconsistency. He felt his withers "wru n • eee and from such a charge be claimed a corn -1,,A1e ni P tloll .-(llear, hear.) Ile could assure the 11 41 t C an that it was his wish to support Holland, which 1 41 tad , a ''eient ally of this country. That- declaration he \ 'e befor e • 1 1 •was to repeat it.—(Hear, 1;4 ) , and he ready 'e - was anxious to defend the integrity and inde of Holl an d, b ut t h ere were grea t difficulties in eswes e a nd he did n o t think with the Noble Earl that es; ; e emary to rush precipitately into war for this s ' r e ' l ; e „ e /le hop e d th a t this object might be obtained by v e tt th asetul eee „, ; and be should be ready to show, le °l4 a4 t e , t ime came , that the interests and. honour of s e "tere er fad taut been a b an d one d, and that they bad been '16 41l 4161 ° t he utmost extent that the , circumstances re e He was bound to say that the conduct of ett'ssio.ch Government had been . fair and open on this `alit to , But the Noble Earl had said that the French N "eta "ave waited to concert measures with the Allies. tt,„ t ' u ch a course as this would have been better or ee e . e t 'uld not stop to inquire; but this he knew, that 4zentatiotas which had been made to that Govern tate'ee of t of a most urgent nature; and it was in conse h4 n4 t that the troops had been advanced towards p ; h e did t as yet ktiow that the frontier had par sed no . . 4 4 4 '4 .' no such accoitat had been received ; but they cuaties I:potated in giving a positive assurance that that t er en4 a4 been made for the purpose of defending Bele It o ''ter y - , that the moment the Dutch retired from that t i , tl gh t ~I ' ey would renal their force.—(Cheers.). He t o i ati 'L'at this country could not have expected any p tea, Bactor statementthis. But be begged 'se 01 y than to tit t , question—whose lault was It that the th - ?,`'Ps had had to march ? t He was unwilling sf eet 0 i. 5 ' , latter any further; but he must say that the tlteat 1 4 , - ., t he King of Holland had been the real cause sei c i en.-- -(Cheers.) He felt that in what he had ttia q trle f ' he had said too touch, because this was not o t , tihp.,°,l" eetering upon these subjects ; their Lord tte,4ntee'Vl, not, therefore, hear - any further statements hef e ' 'raja . him oh a case that could not properly tt, See re them till it teas Whe;t condition e a.'nki 4 a rld lielgiu m were placed. This then led him to INA:rpation of the motion which had been made by fuYaer at I. The Noble Earl desired to have papers e, a 'vas consistent with the public safety. His : 41 p 4 h ti ° 1 1 t hat under the present circumstances no in the tv er e4ll d be produced with respect to matters d,,tl fat were in doubt and under discussion, and the gi te -- f v e v e hich might be prevented by a premature k`eheers.) When the proper period should 'Arrive he should not be inclined to withhold any informa tion on the subject. The present, however, was not a time when such a discussion could either properly or safely take place. If.the House should he of a different opinion—if it should think that the policy pursued by his Majesty's Ministers was so palpably dangerous to the interests of the country and the crown—let it not call for information of this nature, but let it, by its vote, dis place from their situation a Ministry so unworthy of di recting the affairs of this great country. The Duke of WELLINGTON could not bear reflec tions cast on the King of the Netherlands, as had been the case in the course of tbis discussion, in which that King's interests and the interests of this country were so deeply involved, without troubling their Lordships with a few words on the subject. What be principally felt was, that this country bad lost all that influence which in all good tunes it had possessed over the Netherlands—it had lost that confidence and intimacy with Holland which had formerly been so beneficial to it. It was true that it was evident that the treaties of 1814 and 1815 no longer existed, and that there was a necessity for the two countries being separated ; but the late Government; to which the Noble Earl in the course of his speech had alluded, went no further than to settle the terms of the armistice between the two countries, and to fix those boundaries, by which in particular the possession of Luxemburg was awarded to the King of the Netherlands. This being the case, it was clear that the armistice arranged by the late Government had not even yet been carried into effect—(Hear, hear). — and he thought that it would not be fair to look at the conduct of the King of the Netherlands without taking into consideration the whole of the transactions which had taken place since that time. The efforts of the conference in London were directed to enforce the strict observance of the armistice; and in February the representatives of the Allied Powers in London agreed on the basis of separation. To this basis Holland was called upon to agree; and she 'did agree. Directions were then also given that Belgium should be called on to signify the same agreement. He believed that Belgium was not officially called upon to do so. 'But ,wby was this? Because the Noble Lord on whim this duty devolved de- . clined making the call, and came over here for further orders. The Noble Lord was sent back with directions to fulfil the meaning of the former order ; instead of doing which, lie wrote a letter, in which he gave up some of the moat important points of the original armistice ; and of course the King of Holland, as soon as he saw this letter, wrote to this country to complain of the transaction.— (Cheers.) What was the consequence ? Why, that the King of the Netherlands was assured that it was the in tention of the Five Powers to adhere to the original basis, and that though a negotiation for the possession of Luxem burg would be allowed, even that could only be on the ground that compensation satisfactory to the King of the Netherlands should be rendered.—(Cheers.) This, be it observed, was the arrangement of the whole of the Five Powers, for France was present at that arrangement ; and he, therefore, thought that the King of Holland had a right to complain that the person appointed to carry the original arrangement into execution was the very person to propose another arrangement.—(Cheers.) This, how ever, was only the first alteration that had been so in jurious to the King of Holland ; but when the Five Powers had made their appearance with the eighteen articles, how much more reason for objection did there appear ? s , For the last two hundred years Holland had bee i accuseamed to look to England for support and other acts of friendship; and yet here was an Englishman going to Brussels apparently for the very purpose of sacrificing Holland to the demands of Belgium.—(Cheers.) These were the grounds oil which he could not consent to sit silent and hear the King of the Netherlands' conduct found fault with ; but there were other points which lie thought might tend to show the general feeling that was observed upon this sub ject, and which might have served to bring Holland to the conclusion that her interests were sacrificed by England. The election of Leopold to the Throne of Belgium had been generally attributed to the abandonment by England of the interests of the King of Holland. This was a point that deserved their Lordships' most seriousattention. The interest of this country had required that it should see Holland in the possession of un independent Power, not connected with any other Power besides this country; the old interest of England had required that Belgium should not be connected with France.—(Cheers from the Opposition, answered by cheers fi out the Ministerial side.) But though this was tru e what interest had we in naming who the Prince of Belgium should be? That was no in terest of ours—(Cheers renewed from both sides)—our only interest with Belgium was the security of Holland.--: (Cheers.) Now, no one could read the IS articles witlos out seeing that the interests of Holland were entirely aban doned—(Cheers)—and yet Holland was to be called on to adhere to that basis, because Belgium was willing to ad here to it. Now, what did the King of Holland say upon this point? He said King Leopold had sworn to preserve the Constitution—but the Constitution means the whole Constitution, and the whole Constitution means the possession of LuxemburgS—(dear, hear, and cheers.) .But another remarkable fact was, that Leopold up to this time was not recognised by any of the five Powers except England and France; and it, therefore, was not surpris ing that the King of Holland should see in this another token of his abandonment, and that we should have lost all his good will. As to the prudence of breaking off the armistice, or what followed, be (the Duke) would say no thing, as that might be discussed hereafter; but this much he would again repeat, that it appeared to him the King of Holland had a just right to complain. With respect to the question as to whether any notice of the breaking of the armistice had been given by the King of Reiland, it appeared he had sent a letter to this country, in which he stated he was willing to negotiate the preliminaries of peace, but that he should support his negotiations " par moyens nailitaires"—by military means—or military mea sures.—(Cries of " No, no ;" " Means, means.") This letter, as he understood, was delivered into the bands of the Secretary of State on Wednesday ; and lie therefore should be glad to know why such measures could not have been taken on that day as to prevent the movement of the French troops towards the frontiers.—(Cheers.) Instead of this, however, it appeared the letter was allowed to lie unopened till the Thursday; by which means all this op portunity for explanation was lost.—(Cheers.) Theie were points on which he called on their Lordships to re flect; and he thought that when they had given them their full consideration, they would come to his conclusion that they ought not to throw all the blame on the King of Holland.—( Hear, Lear.) Earl GREY wished to explain a fact which the Noble Duke had alluded to with' some eflect, but which he thought the Noble Duke would himself admit, when he heard the explanation, was an additional reason against having gone into this premature discussion.--.( Hear, hear.) The Noble Duke had told the House that the letter which was delivered on the Wednesday from the King of Holland contained a passage, "military means," or as the Noble Duke would fain have altered it—" about military nieas snres"—(Cheers)—there being no small difference between the words " means" and"" measures.'—(Hear, hear.) But the Noble Duke, he was sure, would be surprised when he was given to understand that this passage, which to him was so clearly the announcer of hostilities, was not so understood by any other person who read it.—(Cheers.) Now, with respect to the communication itself, it was true that it was delivered into the hands of his Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston) on the Wednesday, at twelve o'clock; but the letter was not directed to bun, but to the con ference.—(hear, hear.) His Noble Friend, therefore, was not able to open the letter till the next day.—(Hear,. hear, and cries of oh, oh.) At all events, the letter was not opened till the next day. It was also right to state that the Government had at the same time dispatches from the English Minister, giving an account of the corn imitation of this paper ; and it was POrtaioly an extra e ordinary fact, that this paper, which the Noble Duke thought so clear, was not utiderstood by any one as indica tory of the determination of the King of the Netherlands to pass the Belgian frontier. The letter was opened at the conference die next day, and in order to show that the same feeling still existed, he might state, that M. Feick and M. Zuylen were desired to attend on the conference, and ex plain the meaning of that phrase, to which tlteir answer was, that they were not instructed to give any explana tion of it.—(Cheers.) These were the plain facts of the case ; and at the proper time he trusted that he should be able to vindicate his colleagues and himself most entirely from the charges that might be brought against them. The Duke of WELLINGTON, after saying a few words about the French word " moyens," which were inaudible below the Bar, remarked, that he believed that it was the common practice for the Secretary of State presiding at. such conferences to open all papers that were directed to them. Earl GREY said a few words in explanation. The LORD CHANCELLOR, after commenting on the absolute necessity there was for secresy in !such a negotia tion as that which was now pending with respect to Bel gittm and Holltiod s said, th 4 although be felt the incon , venience and danger that might arise from any disclosure, yet be thanked God that he and his colleagues had not one atom of that responsibility on their beads.—(Cheers.) If a premature disclosure of the.pending negociatioes in men's self-defence should take place, and if that premature dis cussion should obstruct the course of those treaties, on which, perhaps, hung war all the world over, be washed his hands of the consequencts.—(Cheers.) Be the conse pence, pn the Noble Earl, who eared nut fur the couse qteetices-r(Cheere and laughter)—he they on his supporters, who, if he (the Lord Chancellor) was not greatly mistaken, were not quite so careless of those consequences. In order to show what those consequences might be, he would call hack the attention of their Lordships to the discussions that had previously taken place in Belgium on this very subject. What advantage was it that the conferences of the Five Poweri had taken place in a secret room, when the re sults were from day to day promulgated through the Belgian Congress ? And who were the first to cry out against this injudicious publicity? Who were they that had drawn the moral from the tale—to beware of . a too. popular Governmentand, above all, of a common. wealth, where the executive might, by being debarred of that secresy which was so essentially necessary, be de prived of all useful vigour and activity.—(Cheers.) He believed he might answer that they were those very per sons who had brought forward this notable debate through the mouth-piece of the Noble Earl.—(A laugh.) He need not pause here to dwell on the absurdity—the ridi culousness—the worse than uselessness of such premature snatch discussions ; it was sufficiently proved, in the facts 1 , 1 4 the case turning out to be as wide of ..the statements that had been made, as ever he had heard even at the bar ' of a Court of law, where the hired advocate felt bound to stretch his utmost ingenuity to torture the truth into the semblance of a case for his client.—(Hear, hear.) In all his judicial, forensic, and Parliamentary career, he had never before met with such a display—never.—(Cheers.) What did the charge of the Noble Duke amount to ? If the Secretary of State had been more alive to his duty, awl not kept this sealed note in his pocket for twenty-four hours, all mistake would have been at an end about the termination of the armistice—if the letter hid but been opened in time, there was no saying what benefit might not have been derived in stopping the march of the French army. He, however, begged leave to state some slight doubt as to the correctness of this view ; and this on the simple ground, that of all those who had read the letter, not one had interpreted it as the Noble Duke had interpreted it.—(A laugh.) Nor was this obtuseness peculiar to this country alone ; for all the Ambassadors in Holland had read it, and not even there—not even in that &soden air was there one Minister able to under stand it in the way in which the Noble Duke would have had them understand it. So much, then, for the distinct ness of this letter.—(Cheers.) But even supposing that it had been so interpreted, how it was to prevent the march of the French surpassed his knowledge; for if it was in deed a notice, orders were given to the Dutch army to pass the positions before this letter left the Hague ; so that long before any step could be taken here the mischief was done. And, after all, so little had the interest of this country mitered by the non-opening of the letter, that within half an , hour of the communication of our Ambassador, the proper steps were taken---( Hear hear, from Lord Londonderry)—the proper steps were taken ; but if the Noble Earl thought that he was going to tell him what those steps were, the Noble Earl—as was often the case with him—was reckoning without his host. --(Loud laughter.) That the Noble Earl should feel somewhat sore at the changes that had taken place was not to him (the Lord Chancellor) any matter of surprise, when he remembered the part that he had taken in the arrangements of 1815—arrangements, which, no doubt, the Noble Lord had thought would be final ; but which had been gradually dying away, till at length the only way in which they would be final, would be, that not a letter of them all would remain. —(A laugh.) Men in modern times had mole wisdom and discretion than to risk the preservation of peace every time a gun was fired across this river or that bay. He did not take credit in the present generation for our possessing juster views of the policy which in the days ought to have been pur sued than they did themselves, but of this he felt perfectly assured, that if Godolphin or Marlborough had lived, not even to the present day, but to the year 1823, they would have turned up their hands and eyes in amazement at any proposition for a war for the purpose of preventing France from marching an army across the Pyrenees, and over running Spain—yes, we saw France over-run Spein, not only without our firing a gun, or without using any of the stronger language of diplomacy—nay, confining our selves to the very slightest terms that were ever bottled up for carriage or for use.—(A laugh.) The Noble Earl had made it a matter of charge against his Majesty's Ministers, that they bad deserted the interest of the King of the Netherlands for the• purpose of promoting that of King Leopold—that was a charge which he met with the most distinct and positive denial, neitherdirectly nor indirectly did they promote it, far less interfere, if they could be sup posed to have the power of interfering for such a pur pose; and least of all, did they make arty attempt at dic tation. It was now well known that Prince Leopold was not the first personage proposed to fill the throne of Bel gium. Members of the, two branches of the House of Bourbon were spoken of, and measures taken to procure their election; it was thought then that it would neither be favourable to the interests of England that an indie ' vidual belonging either to the present or the late Royal Family of France should sit upon the throne of Belgium. All who did not wish to see that country a province of France must have - been averse from any such arrange ment; but neither directly nor indirectly, in the remotest degree, did the Government of this country interfere—the people of Belgium were left to the freest choice that any country could enjoy of a sovereign. He fully agreed with the Noble Earl that this country had nothing to do with Belgium. Holland, no doubt of it, was our ancient ally, but the independence of Belgium was, in the present posture of affairs, essential to the peace of Europe, and therefore no attempt was roads to prevent the establish ment of that independence. The Noble and Learned Lord, after expressing the highest respect for the character and feelings, of the King of the Bel gians, , ventured to say, that there was one draw back from the gratification justly and naturally felt on his election to his present elevated situation,-- namely, that he was too closely connected with England. We had, naturally, nothing to do with Belgium, and taught not voluntarily to seek any thing bringing us nearer together in the manner which the re cent election brought about. How could it be said that this country had deserted Holland ? Was it in the power of this or arty Government to procure for the King of Hol land a restoration of his authority over Belgium ? When Noble Lords talked of our not having made out a strong cause for Luxemburg as a desertion of Holland, how could it be so considered—he of course spoke of Holland,.aa Holland and of Luxemburg, as the private patrimony of the House of Nassau. • Had the question been about Am sterdam,differe ;but n Rotterdam, he saw or n o Flushing, reaso nw t h h i e cii case bo u would s h t a o v e m b a e i been different tain all the claims, or all the rights of the rulers of that country. He believed that there was no man in the present age deserving the named a British Statesman, who would venture upon any step by which be might inc ur the ha z ard —the criminal hazard—of plunging Europ e i n a g eneral war. If there were any Sovereign so lost to a sense of the duty he owed his people, the duty be owed his kind—if there were any so smitten with the monstrous, unholy, cruel, blood-thirsty setsbness of . making war for the pur pose of conquering a province, or any war not called for by extreme necessity, and sanctioned by perfect justice, that Sovereign would neither deserve the respect and veneration which lie for one would be willing to offer a Monarch ready to sacrifice his personal feelings for the preservation of the order, liberty, and peace of society. Before he concluded, he could not refrain from saying a few words as to what fell from the Noble Earl, who had a lead ju the present discussion. That Noble Earl had done him the honour to anticipate from his mouth what he was pleased to term sarcasm and vituperation, although he, was very fond of indulging therein ; but he must be allowed to say that the Noble Earl was himself in no small degree addicted to at t .mpts of that nature; it by no, means followed, however, that because a gran was fond of a thing, that he was there fore good at it—(Great laughter)—though the Noble Earl laboured hard at vituperation and eercesro ; he still per haps, meant no harm. He was perfectly innoxious. Sar t:rim, in its original meaning, meant stripping the skin, and the Noble Earl, in his laborious attempts at that spe cies of rhetoric, might still show the same spirit as if he made the most successful speech that 'ever had been deli vered in that or the other House of Parliament.—(Cheers.) He certainly never heard there, or anywhere else, more personal allusions, hardly ever more frequent refer 'trees to partictr'ar individuals or families; certainly never more direct censure attempted to be Gast on Ministers at home and abroad, and especially upon the representatives of Foreign Powers in this country. Amongst other corn pieints of the Noble Lord, he urged that his (Lord 11.'s) Noble Friend at the head of the Government had appointed to a high diplomatic situation a relative, certainly not un worthy of that trust, and that he made matter of grave ie.- cusation, as if no head of any Government had ever, under the influence of paternal affxtiore, reppUinted . to a high di plomatic situation n R;le the ft;Aliet4 in .the world fit fgt. swell e "In'the course of the Noble Earl's speech he frequently adverted to the information which he derived from newspapers, and ia the same breath denounced those vehicles of information, though almost all the knowledge he appeared to possess arose from what they supplied him with. He would address him in the language of the woman in the play, " fond, ungrateful man !" He would ask the Noble Lord how he could have gone on without the assist ance of the newspapers? He did that, notwithstanding a'. his censure of the daily Press, which perhaps had twee belOre la-en done in a House of Parliament—he not merely , read ma newspaper, fur the purpos.a of laying before the Honsea document or a narrative, but he laboured to eke out his argument with the speculations of a Parisian Jaco bin journal. He (the Marquis of L.) quoted largely from the Times of this country, a newspaper which he (Lord B.) was not in the habit of reading, but to which, consi dering how much he was indebted to its columns, the Noble Lord was certainly iiigrateftil: On the subject, how ever, which that newspaper supplied him with, as well as with respect to the feeling Which he entertained relative to the nepotism of which he accused his Noble Friend at the head of his Majesty's Government, it would be in vain that any attempt would 'ne made to disabuse his mind. ..Ifthat mind were brayed in a mortar, preju dices could not be beaten out of it. He complained that two Ambassadors and an Irish Bishop had been ap pointed from amongst the relatives of the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's. Government. Now, thpugh that statement was not true, he recommended his Noble Friend at the head of his Majesty's Government to realise it---(A loud laugh)---and at least some good would then arise from the speech of the Noble Earl.— ( Renewed laughter.) He should have thought that the Noble Earl would have been the last to allude to nepotism in appointments to foreign missions; he could scarcely have forgotten thatpaternal affection had appointed to such missions persons unfit--notoriously unfit—unfit to a de gree the world never witnessed before.—(Cheers.) He should never come to another subject equally distasteful to him. It had been heretofore, and justly, the boast of this country, that amidst all the contentions of party strife, her Statesmen had never forgotten what was due to the feelings of foreigners ; it had heretofore been to the credit of British Statesmen, that they acted as if they knew that the Foreign Ministers in this country were de fenceless, and therefore ought not to be attacked—that they were strangers, and therefore entitled to hospitality_ ' that they were the Ministers of Sovereign Princes, and that therefore to them was due courtesy of a higher or der ; that though they had the feelings of men, they had the duties of Ministers to perform—the duties were cast upon them, the feelings were born with them, and it might net., always bosppen that. it was in their power to controul those feelings ; it, therefore, had ever been the practice of British Statesmen to avoid attacking persons so circumstanced; because, apart from the feelings of generosity which he trusted would animate the mind of every Briton raised to high station, it could not but be felt that 'peace or war might depend upon the feelings of. persons holding such situations. He did allude, for obvious reasons, to what had been said of Prince Tal leyrand, but he alluded generally to what bad been said of the representatives of Kings, Potentates, and Powers maintaining intercourse with this country. There could be no doubt that the language held would by them be regarded in the light of a marked and de cided insult, if it were not at once put down by a unani mous expression of feeling on the part of the assembly in which it was pronounced.—(Loud cheering.) In thus applying a salve to the scratch or irritation—he could not call it wound—so inflicted, he would add, there were none to whom censure of any kind could be less applicable than to the representatives of foreign Powers in this country ; they were men of qualifications of the highest order—of singular endowments—of great acuteness—of- larger in formation, of sound and acute judgment—a judgment, the gift of nature, not the requisite of study ; and, what was more, . they were all men of conciliating manners. The Noble and Learned Lord, after apologising for the praise thus drawn from him towards personages so inde pendent of it, went on to say that those were not really the most averse from war who took every opportunity of ex pressing superfluous horror of it ; but he felt with the Noble Duke, that if in a just cause it became necessary for this country to draw the sword, the resources of this country were fully adequate to any struggle in which ne cessity might engage her. Did he, therefore, desire to seek cause for any public quarrel ? - Quite the contrary ; but he would not be driven to advise the drawing of the sword by senseless ribaldry, or by any consideration less than absolute necessity ; for when once drawn, no man could tell what tides of blood might be shed—what months and years might pass before the sword could be returned to its scabbard. Therefore, unless - in a case of the clearest necessity, regarding the honour and the in terest of Great Britain, he should esteem it a crime of the deepest dye to draw that sword, which no man could tell the time and. circumstances under which it might' be sheathed. The Earl of ABERDEEN regretted that the .motion was not sufficiently definite and substantial on the subject of foreign affairs ; for, in his opinion, nothing could be more inconsistent—more destitute of firmness—snore un• English—than was the conductof the British Mini-try in reference to foreign policy. There were some who thought that our insular situation ought to determine this country tO avoid meddling in continental, disputea, while the same tact led others to an opposite conclusion ; but there was one point on which all were agreed—namely, that we should maintain a strict alliance with Portugal and with Holland. ' He would contend, that in - the pre sent positioti of ptiblic affairs, nothing could have been more cruel and unjust than our departure from all the fixed principles of our foreign policy. He, of course, could have but little sympathy with the Government of Portugal ;' but respecting that of Holland, there could , not be a second opinion as to the extent of its beneficence. He would not stop to inquire whether the disputes between Holland and Belgium arose from the fifteen years' prospe tity which the latter enjoyed during its connection with the former, or the benefits which she had derived from the free institutions which the King of the Netherlands conferred upon her during that period. - No doubt the Belgian revolution was the first-born of the late French revolution, with all the charms of its parent, Moire pul chra, flia pulchrior. - Immediately after that event Hol land called upon the five Powers to meet by their Plenipo ten fiat ies, -which they did, and a great portion of the re• sults of that conference was already known to their Lord ships. The Noble Lord then adverted to the various protocols issued by the conference ; and having detailed the progress of the negotiations up to the time when the Prince of Coburg accepted the Sovereignty, he proceeded to comment on the language used by M. Lebeati, now the Foreign Minister of Belgium, at the time he announced that acceptance to the people. Their Lord ships did not require to he informed, that the question of editlyifioart2 the Duchy of Luxemburg had been postponed, and that it was agreed it should form the subject of future negoci ations. B u t what was the language of M. Lebeau ? Luxemburg; that the Belgians Why, that the Prince bad made it a point, that Belgium should keep Luxemburg—f Hear)—that lie was determined might rely on it lie would preserve to them both Lux to go to war to keep emburg and Limburg.-;-(1 - lear.) This was the language of a person who spoke, he (Lord Aberdeen) pres umed , from authority, at . the very moment when it had been be allowed to take either Luxemberg oe Limburg, and was to be agreed with the Icing of Holland that Belgi that the right to thein matter of future ni go nrn was Oat to ciatian. j4ut the Noble and Learned Lord talked of Lux emburg as not being any part of the possessions of Hot: land. True ; it was the property of Holland, as a mem ber of the Germanic Confederation. Ilia was Limburg and were they to leave Hull Ind in a worse condition with no part of Ilollaed ? was 14.Ltestricht no part of Holland ? of Munster?—(Hear.) On looking calmly at the whole regard to territory there, than she Vac left at the Treaty of the negOCiationa, and at the course adopted towards saw no thi ng in the conduct of that Sovereign which did the Ku• tg of Holland, he (Aberdeen) must say, that he ot completely exempt him from the cheqgc:,a brought a g a insthimby the Noble Ear!. l'heiing of Holland hail been r oe ,* wirer., h@ ought io have' been upheld —censured for his rashness when he might have received credit for firmness and patriotism—it was not to him a matter oi . surprise that under a sense of cSntipuo itkirtries he had felt it necessary to have recourse to at ma, It had been said that the leing of Rolland gave no notice of his inten tion to do so. . Why, from the 24th June, When he pre sented a note of remonstrance through his envoy to the powers of the conference, and declared that any ~Pii,nce gave no not who accepted the throne of Belgium; Wit,',..put first acced ing cf.: i.i , eta'notice of his determination to assert his eights, o i f l° oo m b u thatrg ,li t ci time r d l o rep n e a t t o - It !lad been said, however, thAt the King of really yat notice of big intention to break the armistice, and tli4t he even sent IA Minister to negociate at the time he meditated the attack on Belgium. Now, i i n n iste w r h w ic a h s b tl a ie de b c e la e r r e er d o s i e n ? the rr K he ing l , t hat he sent a new representative to ;ba r conference at their request, but lie at the ;awe sime declared he was deter mined to ey l ppoik-t his': rights by all the military means ‘ titio., bits power, becauie the new 'ctere:gia of Belgium bad accepted ththrotie Witl:out agreeing to the whole of o w f h a at co w m a rn s t u • the Vrofocols, and sworn to maintain a Constitution which derogated from the territorial rights of Beleiem. Now he (Lord Ab erdeen) maintained that when they took this it? connection with the other motives on the part of the; Kr - "g Of Holland, there was ni:i a:shadow of f o undation for a breach of faith on his part in the whala of the transaction. In point of fact, 1..00, there was 'no general armistice between the parties. From the imprac ticable ee.TOlout of the :Belgian Deputies, it was found im p' ssible to conclude any ; but there was a suspension of arms and a local armistice at Antwerp.. He repeated, tnerefore, be was not surprised that the King of Holland had again recourse t o arms when lie found himself insulted 'and bettayed by thos e who pretended to have interfered t, for Mu protection, and when he found every engagement entered into - with him openly violated. He confessed it did the heart good, in the midst of so much injustice, to see how justly the rectitude of that Sovereign's conduct was appreciated by his subjects —to observe with how much ardour they wer e disposed to support him—because they felt he had proved himself dese, ving of their loyalty and love. It was, therefore, with the highest satisfaction that he heard from the Noble Lord there were some hopes that the misunderstanding would be adjusted, and the mis chief, which had already unfortunately been the consequence of past events, prevented from spreading into a more dan gerous circle. He might here take leave to say, that he regretted much the Prince of Coburg had been persuaded from any quarter to accept the throne of Belgium. When the Prince drew back from the fulfilment of another en eagementof the same description, he (Earl Aberdeen) recol lected well that the Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham) held an opinion different from some of his friends, and ex ' pressed his satisfaction that the Prince had, in his peculiar situation, avoided such a cause of foreign entanglement. Even then, although fully sensible of the difficulties in which that course adopted by the Prince involved Govern inent, he (Lord Aberdeen) was disposed to agree with him; hut how much more must he be of that opinion now, when the Prince had been persuaded to place himself in a situation which was likely to prove the most injurious to the interest of this country that could possibly have been devised by any of its enemies. The sine qua non of all arrangements with respect to the future sovereign of that country should have been, that they were to choose a per. son whose elevation would not be likely to embroil Eng land with its ancient ally of Holland. And yet -the first step taken by the new King had produced that effect.— The nomination had, in truth, every disadvantage that could be imagined. His Royal Highness must naturally look up to France as his ally and protector ; and although the Noble and Learned Lord had expressed a fear that the Prince would nut sufficiently separate himself from Eng land, he (Lord Aberdeen) apprehended that the Prince had already removed all alarms on that ground, and proved how closely lie found it necessary to connect himself with France. In his humble opinion the new - King should have applied to all the Powers of the conference, and left to them, rather than to France, the decision of the question at issue with the King of Holland ; for if there was any Point of more importance than another, it was the preser vation of perfect unanimity among all the parties.— Near, however, as the political connection of France and Belgium had become, according to I%J. Lebeau, who doubtless was in the secret, that connection was, through the means of a family tie, to become much closer. With this, however, he had nothing to do, except to observe, that it must still further affect this country and its connection with Holland; for Holland was with him the object of true national. importance—Belgium he left wholly out of the account. Hi feared much how ever, that the confidence and affection of the people of Holland—the firmest and the most faithful friends of this country—was gone, never to return. At no one period since the times of Charles the Second, had there been the same feelings of disgust and hatred engendered in the minds of the Dutch against England ; and to such a height had it risen, that our Ambassador at the Hague, one of the most amiable and respected men he ever met with, bad been actually shunned by every man in consequence of the opinions entertained of the conduct of England by the people. The impression in Holland had indeed be come general, that England did not desire to separate Hol land from Belgium, but to annex Holland as a province to Belgium. He was one of the last men in that House who should attempt to throw any obstacles in the way of the negociations, or anything which could impede their successful progress ; but if that House did not expresa an opinion with respect to them before the present proceed ings were consummated, lie would ask the Noble Earl at what time they were to .express such opinions? When lie saw all sympathy withdrawn from one of the most ancient allies of this country, and every means taken to promote the success of the unconstitutional encroachments of a Revolutionary State, he could not however avoid ex pr easing his opinion that the Government were pursuing a course unjust, impolitic, unstatestnanlike, and un-I:lng li,b.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of CARNARVON said he wished to say one or two words ou the subject of the debate; but he did not profess to follow the Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham) through that splendid Will-o'-the-wisp kind of oration—(A laugh)—with which, through the channels by which it afterwards got before the public, he doubtless, hoped to draw away the attention of the country from the vitally important interests involved in the question before it.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the people of this country could not, nor would not, look tamely on while the Texel and Helvoetsluys were pa-sing into the hands of the F r and they were making themselves the rnatstara of places as dangerous to the interests of England as if they held Plymouth or Pot tsmouth.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Leaned Lord hail asked were they to go to war about eve?) , petty squabble on the Continent? But was it a petty squabble which carried 50,000 French troops into Belgium, at the request of the Sovereign, who had already fully redeemed himself from the imputation of being in clined to zany dangerous connection with England. The Noble and Learned Lord bad warned them to avoid ex citing any feeling which could impede the progress of the negotiations; but he (Lord Catnarvon) con tended that it was the language of the Clovernment which was best calculated to produce such an effect ; and when they were told that Russia, from her posi tion with respect to Poland, and Austria, from the disturbed state of part of her Italian provinces, and Prussia, .from other causes, were not in a condition to i interfere with sufficient influence—when they beard all this, although they knew that the armed forte of the two latter powers was never in a higher condition, or more fit for active service, he would say that it was the Govern ment held the language of despondeocy, and led to the concequenoes with which they now saw themselves threat tened. After observing that the manner in which the King of Holland had been assallo and assaulted was no proof of good taste on thO part of the Noble and Learned Lord, the Noble Lord proceeded to observe that what ever resources England might possess, there was no good reason th a t we s h ou ld b e brought into a situation which would, ultimately, compel them to go to war with all the world ; and, least of all, was there reason that they should go to war, among the first, avith our most an cient ally. From the language edduocnuhsa o l s used lpdrt reasonhi s sap y t,zc t too h ouu e st: • N osaen o nc h dol lufedheLa policypotpirld °t ur l 7, ) : - li hitael h t a 4l i le l etr:r h raw it l l as i ri e e r cib to utt'o ren b' d ol e7i m and that leaving their Allies to their enemies, and the nations of Europe to the horrors of revolution, they intended tq oocopy themselves solely with an att;tnpt to zevolationize their own country.—(tr,ear, hear.) They threw themselves on the revolutionary and dis contented spirits for support, and fancied that by con ceding to their wishea, they would disarm all opposition.' After ol,..lserving that it had been declared by a N a m e : Baron ono former evening, that Portugal must no longerl look to the support of tbia country, and.he supposed that! Holland watt now to meet with the same fate, the Noble Rail said much as he condemned the course pursued by the Government, yet, as the negociations were not concluded, he, could not vote for the motion. The Noble Lords oppo site had condemned his frieutis for founding motions on reports in the dfousuaks, but recent circumstances proved that if /,`;soble. Lords were not influenced by these echoes of public opinion, as he believed the Noble Baron called them, they were at least happy tq tase thorn to vindicate their measures. They would now see, however, how little ground they had b - oinri by these changes, and he hoped they wOuld not repeat them.---(Hear, hear.) He would cot; however, vote for the motion at that moment, although he considered the policy pursued by tha present Govern ment as most mis.chievous—na tanning to destroy those barriers in one part of Lurope, which, _at the expense of blood and treaaore, former Governments had built leaving Pot . tugal despoiled and helpless, and forbid to look • with confidence to its ancient alla, and es tending to com promise the peace and safety of this country, and of all the countries in I..',urosse, Lord HOLLAND remarked, that Government were placed in an extremely awkward situation by this motion, as it related to points upon which they were precluded from touching. He accordingly could not folow the Noble Earls through the various topics advanced In their speechoss He admitted the classical knowledge of the one, and the great power of sarcasm and invective poi sassed by the other ; Le would not, however, engage in any warfare. with the Noble Lords, as he considered it . would be attended neither with advantage no came. The Noble Lord (Carnaiwon) said they threw themselves on the discontented. They did not throw themselves on the Noble Lortl.—(yesy loud cheering from the Mitaiatesi a ) Be nehea. ) The Noble Lord said, they were o.o.,daavouring to maintain themselves in power by rcnooving the cause of discontent, whenever or by whonisoever it might he ex pressed ; the Noble Lord would find that they Would Out remove it as far as it related to him.—.(Continued ;leering from the, Ministerial benches.) In allusion to some ob servations which be had delivered on a former occasion respecting Portugal, h e s t ate d t h at h e never cou ld h ave intended to say that Portugal could nut rely on the sup port of this country. What he did say was, that Por tugal could not rely exclu-ively upon the support of this country. And if they were in some degree estranged from Portugal, by wh ose conduct was it that this hail taken place? Was it not by the conduct of those who • l aqan sta.? #haf party wl,le', mss natutal'y aft leted to Enzlan•l ? . He Lad '' said that Po;augal :Was necessarily obliged, from her situation and circuatitaueea, to lean u • ton one of the :two Pow er s, France or England— ...l rather, perhaps, . he , should s.y both ; and con.. sidering'the course puritans!, it was n .t likely she would continue to lean exclusively upon us. Alluding to the sareclieti of the two : Noble Lords, he observed, that he had n.ver heard statements more at variance than those upon which they severally relied. But he had only to observe, that to move for the production of those papers piecemeal seas either'very foolish, or else mischief was intended. • If the Noble Lords carried their object, it meant war, war, wart • and nothing but war ; n t d i- nut rev o s l i n w t ' i p n y a was. there an honest man—was there an Englishman wh o considered the c on s equences o f s uc h a war, who did not eel that everythi ng oug h t t o b e d one t o prev en t a cannon anti-revolutionary w r ar. between Ad Belgium and H o ll an d, b u t a n t i t' at in t g th fie e war which re volutionary, an d d estroy i ng i n i ts progress a ll w h o now conducted it ; an d on t h e ot h er s id e, ant i- revo l ut i onary, rd in E rope? ensued, for, would doltht be thereon the could one I s te ide net ie compromising all the Governments of Europe, and com mencing a struggle, the end of which no eye could possibly attain ? In moving for those miserable papers, it was quite clear the ohjeci of the Noble Lords was, to create ex ' citement in Courts, in individuals, and throughout the country. The fact was, the Noble Lords were thirsting for war.—(No, nit.) - If they denied this, it must be said at the expence of their understanding, If the motion of the Noble Lords succeeded in occasioning a change of Govern ment, the inevitable consequences would be war. And if the Noble Lords had not a change of Government in their can temptation, he could onlysay that their Motion waiexCeed ingly ill-imagined. Alluding to the affairs of the Low Countries,he remarked that Military Authorities inferior only to the Noble Duke (Wellington), and all Statesmen, had agreed that the Low Countries were not capable of maintain ing a large army, and yet could not be supported without one. It was therefore clear they should always lean upon some greater power, and a strong antipathy had always existed between the Dutch and Belgian provinces. He, therefore much doubted the polity of uniting them originally, and he maintained they could not be reconciled. In conclusion he said the motion of the Noble Lords had no Parliamentary or practicatobject. The Noble Earls had talked of their having used strung and dangerous language at that side of the House ! hut he asked whose was the fault ? The oh jact ofthe Noble Lord's motion was three-fold—first, to provoke those on the Ministerial side of the House to in dulge in language which might be used as a handle against them; secondly, to urge Ministers into a premature dis cussion upon points with which it. was inconvenient, and difficult, and dangerous for Ministers to expatiated and thirdly, to get rid of the Reform Bill. The Duke of WELLINGTON, in explanation, declared that he had not entertained Abe idea, that after what hash . taken place, - Holland and Belgium could be reconnected. There were, however, several ways of settling the separa— tion, and one wan, that of placing Belgium under the Go vernment of a Prince of Orange. He would not now enter upon the subjects to which the Noble Lotd had alluded ; many opportunities would occur, and he would be at all times happy to discuss these points with the Noble Lord. The only observation he would make was, that ha was thoroughly convinced the Noble Lord had not read all the treaties._( Hear.) The Earl of CARNARVON said, that after the long friendship and intimacy which had subsisted between him and the Noble-Lord, he certainly had not expected to he attacked by him with the extraordinary degree of acerbity the Nobly Lord displayed that night. He would not, how ever, suffer himself to he led away by that. He would not forget the old, kindly feelings which had subsisted be tween theta—he would not forget the esteem and frien f_ ship with which for so many years he had regarded him, but that if any discontent actuated his conduct on the pre sent occasion, or had evor done so during the thirty-seven years he ball been a Member of Parliament, be, in as strong terms as he might possibly employ, did positively deny.--fliear, hear,) And if any person present could asgert it, let him stand forward and prove it of him. A ' to the cheerin g y e ll s w hi ch accompanied z:Je unkind ire ark of th e N o bl e L or d , he considered them tangent,- ro s, or, he mi g h t a l most say, ungentlema n-like.—(gear, frdm the Oppo s i t i on B enc h es. ) When he said the Minis ters had thr own t h emselves upon the revolutionary and disconten:ed of thi s country—and when, the retaliation upon him, that he was one of the•ditilOntented, was cheered after a manner so unparliamentary, he re ceivedhthheiarni I teyv_ l fie vh t e l an a d years tt r a t c ee k i e v . h l : i i in a very unfair manner. it with the contempt and scorn it merited. The f p , :i ii t in v agm as e , tnh l te t: a had ny anything a frot i k e a ra n b rNi-. of niater for himself or any relative, nor any pledge or pro_ wise. The Noble Lords with whom he had long acted in suppc t t of the cause of religious liberty, would do him the justice to bear witness that be had always been opposed to extensive Reform, considering, that it was merely another word for Revolution. He had acted conscientiously when in support of the great principle of religious freedom ; and be acted conscientionaly in the course he was then pur suing. What Le felt .strongly he would always strongly express—.(Year) —and notwithstanding the unkind taunts of the Noble Lord, and the ungenerous and unparlia mentary cheers of the Noble Lords opposite, he would not be driven from what he esteemed to be the path of duty.—(Cheers.) The Duke of RICHMOND, in a low tone of voice, alluded, if we undetstood hint rightly, to something which had occurred upon the day of the prorogation oh Parlia ment, anti observed, the Noble Lord had no tight, when 1 he remembered this, to complain of vituperative language, or object to cheering. - The Earl, of CARNARVON said, that if the Noble Duke ta , %shed for an answer to his observations, he regretted that, according to Parliamentary usage, :aild. consistently with the forms and dignity of their Lordship' House, he was prevented from giving him the answer it would pro'. perly deserve. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY replied. He de fNided his motives in bringing forward this motion, and expressed his dissatisfaction at the tone and observations of the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack. That Noble and Learned Lord, however, should be made to know that, to use a homely phrase, there were very many Noble Lords in that House who would always he ready to give him as good as he brought. In conclusion he stated, thi,t, with the permission el their Lordships, he would withdraw his motion. The motion i.rs ---- aeeordingly withdrawn. The othiw orders of the day were disposed of, and the adjourned at a Quarter past Eleven o'clock. COURT CIRCULAR. Earl GREY came to town yesterday morning from his residence at East Sheen. Monsieur BeitatnnEz, the Spa nish Minister, had a long conference with the Noble Eirl at the Treasury after his arrival ; his Excellency after wands transacted business at the office of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. , Monsieur VAN DE Wiirrx, the Minister from Belgium, viiiited Viscount RaLarritsrow yesterday at the Foreign Office. • Sir JAates GEATIASI had interviews yesterday with Eirl GREY and Viscount Avrnoar at the Treasury. .• While iMr..JAmgs MACPHERSON, or Cal derbrackliob, was opening.a drain on his farm, a few days 14i, he discovered a bronze axe, on the centre of which w' F is the likeness of a heart. • This relic of antiquity was handed to Capt. &HAW, in whose halals it now k An ancient spear o 1 the same metal was found some time ago on tie estate of Gollaufields.—lnverness Journal. • IWINCHESTER, AUGUST 6.—This morning Gronor GARNETT, aged 19, convicted at our assizes of cutting and maiming JOHN WILLIAMS, of Portsea, suffered the extreme penalty of the law at the hack of the county gaol. A respite for a week was received on Thursday the 27th ult., and exertions were made to procure a further respite, but without effect. GARNETT'S conduct, since his condemnation, has been that of a sincere penitent; and he passed through the awful preparations for his untimely end with much fortitude.—Hampshire Telegraph. BOGLE CORBET.--The subject of this work, bi the author of " Lawrie Todd," is taken from life, and handled in the stvla of one skilled in the knowledge of the world. fir. GALT's power is truth—but can there be a greater le It works ou homely themes, and ordinary inci dents ; and it is thence she more readily recognised, and apt for the excitement of the common sympathies. The first and sceossd volumes of " Bogle Corbet" contain the hAtory of a mercantile man's ups and ►lawns in the world; _tie last volume treats of his settlement in Upper Canada, and, in 'addit - ion to its singular attraction as a novel, may also be regarded as a hook full of valuable information. SLACKNESS IN TIDE IRON TR4DE.—We understand that at Dudley, and its n e hilbStAtiOod, about fifty furnaces have beet stopped, beeimie iron sells for only about half the price that would fairly remunerate al/ pet sons employed in producifll; it. Each furnace gives einp!oyment to about EMI men; conseiph ntly, 12,b00 will, by the stoppage, be thrown ent of employ,—, Birutinyhaot Parer. MI 14 .114(1 ▪ The c": h . 7 . ent e e, t ot leave . • I'Ns pule at Misty ',a Poliev lintty anti ar don and ings with ''t: ,t as i all th e tare of 14 he e Hollao u 0 wal l 'k do file to ai r 1 Iternenta ar._(llelPo 141144 e with Dre to saY *: ultim at , hen he 00 P e d ade Be- immed7l * 4 A tak e the kir prnee' , ...` 40 (1 be )mtunnic s ' `" of bei and could i ll U pon tI ency "v s , t l ', the t people, c° ) 1 , 4 the ( . 0 , why th t t i on of p athless ' * • Nobl e That the '" * t kld see -auce bad fully e: Iv presen t 4Y Lid d returns & t ills of e in ord er i si t o oti t h e motive* % I ' the orig der the in d e ,ur Sta 14 1 , txt seas oked up s ki e ! j utri fr aintainieg k h l u epee 01 nv the F h he ba d ?Airl get d e Nub' d out to . ' 114,7 14 ne , AfinistrY, k r " r t tha • 'winds ? 4 k he Wa London' 4 7te tie .,' th. ‘ll.