The Sun. — London, England, 1856-05-06 00:00:00

sWon, which he had made for himself, and which he pre- I served, because it was founded in confidence on him, and above all on his perfect goad faith ; and ho (th e E ar l o f 1 Clarendon) thought that Luis confidence would go on i n - creasing, because the great position which ho occupied, and the great power which he wielded, had never disturbed his I tear and honest judgment. It was a remarkab;e circum stance, as showing the result of that Emperor's policy, that on the 30th of March last ho had received from the Pleni potentiaries a treaty of Paris in the Tuileries—in that very palace in which, on another 30th of March, a treaty of Paris against France had been signed by the represen tatives of the respective Governments of Europe. (Hear, hear.) His noble friend had alluded to certain diffi culties which had attended his (the Earl of Clarendon's) position. He had felt those diffieulties arising out of a general belief of the insincerity of England—that England was inflamed by a thirst for military glory, and arisinn , out of the warlike spirit which had been exhibited by Par liament and the press. He became deeply sensible of the existence of that feeling, and of the impression that we did not mean to make peace, and that we proposed to drag France on in the war although she believed that every ob ject had been attained. He must say that the Emperor of the French had not shared in that impression. He had full confidence that what we had undertaken we would perform. He believed in the honour of England, and he believed also that no British representative would negotiate wishing those negotiations to be unsuccessful. The Emperor know that we should at all risks and hazards require that all en gagements should be kept with us. (Hear.) Another reason which rendered the negotiations unpopular was the belief that Russia was insincere, and that the Conferences would be put an end to like those of Vienna. That belief made him (the Earl of Clarendon) the more desirous to say that throughout the negotiations the conduct of the Russian Plenipotentiaries had been most honourable and straight forward. (Hear.) They certainly had with great modera tion, endeavoured to improve some of the conditions which had been accepted—always, however, saying that if the conditions were insisted upon, they would be faithfully ob served, and they had never insisted upon any material or substantial deviation. He would also say that on more than one occasion proposals had been made to Count Orloff at variance with the terms which he had been instructed to accept, and that on reference to the Emperor of Russia, his Majesty had accepted those proposals, and had shown every disposition to meet the views of the Plenipotentiaries. His noble friend blamed Lord Cowley and himself (the Earl of Clarendon) for having been a little too soft, but lie thought that their lordship would be disposed to cast no blame if, without abating one jot of the conditions, he and Lord Cowley had consulted the dignity of a Sovereign be tween whose subjects and the subjects of herMejesty there were and must be mutual interests of great importance. (Hear.) He thought if they reflected on the state of things which existed now ; if they remembered the terms which Russia had imposed on Turkey ; if they bore in mind that Russia had claimed and exercised a protectorate over the civil and religious privileges of many millions of the Chris tian subjects of the Sultan ; if they remembered that Se bastopol and the great Russian fleet were no longer stand ing menaces to Turkey—that Russia had exercised a pro tectorate over the Principalities—that she was capable of obstructing the navigation of the Danube—that she was meditating constructing another Sebastopol, and menacing Norway; if they remembered those things, and reflect that all the treaties between Russia and Turkey had been annulled—that the Sultan, by his own free will, had se cured reforms, and privileges, and immunities for his Christian subjects—that Sebastopol was no longer a menace to Turkey—that the Black Sea was open to the commerce of the world—that the Principalities would no longer have to endure and suffer from Russian protection, and that their institutions would be placed under the guarantee of Europe—when they recollected that the Aland Isles could not be fortified—that Sweden had been freed from all ag gression on the part of Russia—that Austria was more directly bound by a tripartite treaty—when they reflected that Sardinia had gained the position which had now been assigned to her in the Congresses of the great Powers of Europe—that the alliance between France and England had been strengthened by the war, and by common sacri fices, and common dangers and glories—he thought that when they compared the state of things which existed two years ago with that which now existed, they could have no just reason to be dissatisfied. (Hear, hear.) He thought that the objects of the war bad been accomplished ; and if they had not erred in the conviction that the cause in which they had engaged was right and just, ho trusted that a treaty which fulfilled the objects for which they had fought would not be thought unworthy of the approval of their lordships, and that the people of this groat country, whose energies and resources happily remained unimpaired, would be content to sheathe the sword with satisfaction and honour, and remember only the calamities of war in order better to appreciate the blessings of peace. (Hear.) The Earl of DERBY—I am far from denying to the noble earl who has just sat down the satisfaction which be has derived from the comparison of the conditi on o f th e country now with what it was two years ago. The ques tion to consider is, whether the treaty has fully accom plished all the great objects of the war. I can assure her Majesty's Ministers that nothing could have given me greater satisfaction than to have been enabled to join in an unanimous address to her Majesty in answer to the mess age which she has sent down announcing peace. I certainly hoped that the noble earl would have so framed the words of the address as to have prevented any difference of feel ing on the two sides of the house. But, with my strong opinions as to the causes of the war, aad as to the terms of peace, I cannot consent to adopt that language of high flown eulogy which the noble earl has applied to himself, or say that the treaty has fully accomplished all the ob jects of the war. I accept' this peace, as I believe the eountry accepts it, without enthusiasm, but without oppo sition. I believe that the country looks at it as a peace which might have been worse, and which might have been very much bettor—(hoar, hear)—as a peace with which they are willing to put up, although they think that it is not an adequate reconvene° for all the sufferings shad ex pense of the war. (Hear.) I hope that the peace may be permanent. I hope that it may have a better fate than the peace of .Ainiens, of which a right hon. colleague of the noble earl has said that it was a peace at which all men rejoiced, and of which all men were ashamed. (Hear.) I rejoice that pace his been restored, but I cannot consider this treaty a matter of coneratulatioa. Tiro noble earl had felt it his duty to defend himself from the charges which have been brought against him in reference td the fall of Kars and the conduct of Lord Stretford de Red cliffe. I must be excused for saying that Ido not think the noble earl's reply entirely satisteetory. I have greet respect for Lord Stratford de Radcliffe. It is quite true that, as a reward for his eminent services, I recom mended him for a neat in this house. With respect, however, to the gratitude which the country owes Loel Stratford for many and important services—and for none more import cut than in that position for which his long experience peculiarly adapted him—the country and Parliament must not, in the consideration of his long ser vices, forget to notice that which appears to be a neglect of the public service. My noble friend who has just sat down apologises for Lord Stratford, by saying that he had no less than six questions, all of mire importance than Kars, pressing upon him at the same time— and, no doubt, his time was amply occupied —but if that were so, what was the meaning of the stern and severe rebuke which had been given him by the noble earl? He said Lord Strat ford did neglect our commissioners at Kars—that Lord Stratford was sensible of, anti deeply regretted and de plored, his error, and wished to recall it ; and to do Leal Stratford justice, at a later period of the siege of Kars, no man could devote himself with more energy or ability to the assistance of the fortress than he did, but then, unfor tunately, it was too late. The noble earl (the Earl of Clarendon), not very slowly, nor is very moderate terms, told Lord Stratford of his shortcomings; but yet the noble lord at the heed cf the Government (Lord Palmerston) said Lord Stratford did everything he could do in Asia—that lie did everything Gen. Williams could have desired, and more than he could have asked. The Earl of CLARENDON said he should like to know where the noble earl found all these reiterated eulogiums upon Lord Stratford's conduct to Gea. Williams. He had not made them. (Hear.) The Earl of DERBY—I find the remarks of the noble lord at the head of the Government, not certainly in any authorised form, but in a publication which is as authentic as any public document which is Laid upon the table. But wherever blame attaches to Lard Stratford in his proceed ings, in the first place he is the agent of the Government ; and, in the next, the blame which rested on him exorcised a comparatively small importance on the final fate of Kars as compared with that neglect directly and immediately attributable to the Government. (Ilene.) In the eulogiuw which was passed by my noble IS lend on General Wil liams I cordially and entirely concur, and I think no selection could have been rnade more judiciously, or turned out more fortunately for the public service, than his ap pointment. But what w as hi s pos i tion ? His position was that of commissioner attached to the Turkish army. As the noble early near me has stated, he was exactly on the same footing as Sir Hugh Rose, who was attached to the French army. (Hear.) He had no authority, no power, and no rank; it was true that, not being an ordinary men, he did take upon himself authority far beyond that which pro perly belonged to him ; but there is no denying the fact that, if he had, at the proper time, been properly sup ported at home, or by our ambassador at Conitautineple, Kars would have been properly provisioned, and might, up to this moment, have remained in the hands of the Ot toman Power. (Cheers.) Ile defied the noble earl oppo site to deny the fact that, if the commissioner had been supplied with money, Kars would never have been cap tured. (Hear.) The blame in that respect does not fall upon Loyd Stratford, but it primarily rests upon the Go vernnaent—on them rests the first main cease of the fall (sof:leans, viz., Gen. Williams being deprived of the means f laying in a sufficient stock of provisions, which, with hthime as to si h sta i n a c t o h o . f , leis military friends, would enabled an eery well for the against the enemy. (Hear.) It was to go to the second period, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs . and show the difficulties when the place we): htehlaeatgsairive,‘ there may become difference of opinion up part of the question, it t but ee regard' to the first ~reis undisputed and indisput able, that it was from tele 3a r 4l ed e c t of the Government that Kars was ever left unprovi'sl i c u t l language of my admiration to the eloqueet ewe (hear.) I listened with noble friend who introduced the s e } s t i i n and the noble baron who followed him ; but I trust feha' not th be deemed guilty of any disrespect towards them if I a a noble friend (the Earl of Malaresbniy) rose, Y e nA t n unfil my the merits of this question, or the advantagee of the treaty, to or the objections which might exist in it, I did not hear one syllable uttered. The!no hie baron did advert to one eon. dition of the treaty on which he conceded credit to th e iGo vernment, but unfortunately that was a condition which he did not obtain from the enemy, but from our friends— viz., the Hatti-Scheriff of the Christians, which was granted, not: by Russia, but by Turkey, therefore that could hardly be taker as one cf the advantages which the treaty had secured from Russia, and let me tell the noble baron that the Hetti-Scheriff does not even form an article of the treaty. -;-- (LordGlenelg—'`l said so.")—The Govern ment, then, cannot take credit for having, in the language of the noble baron, extorted that from this ungrudging con sent of Russia. —(Lord Glonelg—" That is not my expres sion.")—l be his pardon, it was the noble earl that pre ceded him. The Earl of ELLESMERE—The noble earl alludes to a passage in my speech in which I said that th e B r iti s h army had exto r t e d th e ungru d gt ng ad miratien of their opponents. The Earl of DER BY--I don't understand the extorting of that which is ungruded. (Latight.:l:.) But that is is grammatical distinction, and I will let it pass. The noble earl oppo s it e says the fall o f K ars ma d e no consequence whatever with regard to the terms of the treaty. It is, however, quite cl3ar that when the preliminaries of peace were si gned, no restitution of territory was made by Russia because she had at that time taken no territory, and con. sequently the terms of the original preliminaries were, that in exchange for the fortified positions and territories . occu pied by our armies, R uss i a consented to the rectification of the frontier, but between that period and the signature of the treaty of peace the circumstances had changed. Russia had become possessed of the fortress of Kars and a considerablepas the restitution rt of Anatolia, reitut ien of Kars andthe is broughtreforewhe penuinon the eo e f ta the i C s, t h b f Conferences reneeßussian plenipctantiaries admit the principle of restitution,P but as it cannot finally be decided upon until the end of the negotiation, they express a hope that credit will be given to them for the concessions which they have mile. In the first instance, in exchange for Sebastopol Kinburn, Eupatoria, Kertch, and Balaklava, which we had obtained from Russia, we wore to have this rectifica tion of the territory of Bessarabia as agreed to at Vienna, agreed to on the pert of Russia, and forming a portion of the preliminaries on which the new negotiations were en tered upon for the present treaty. Now, when we come to the subsequent treaty, the Russian Minister, admitting the restitution of Kars, puts forward his claim in respect of that restitution in other articles which are to be dis cussed, and the result of it is that an important alteration is made in the rectification, which important alteration, by the protocols themselves, is placed as a counterpoise for the restitution of Kars, and then my noble friend has the courage to tell your lordships that the fall of Kars had no influence on the negotiations on either side. What is this rectification? My noble friend talks of it very lightly. (The noble earl then described the geographical difference between the boundaries as defined by the preliminaries of peace, and those substituted in the recent treaty in conse quence, as he alleged, of the fall of Kars.) Then there is the neutralisation of the Black Sea. We are told that it is Jo be completely neutralised—that it is to be open to the con merce of all nations, and that no military arsenals of any shapeare to be upon its coast. I forget to ask what isto be come of the two important forts of Ismail and Killia-nova. Are they to be razed? I should be glad to know whether they are to be razed or not. Is there any understanding on the subject? (The Earl of Clarendon was understood to reply in the negative.) Then they are not to be razed. (The Earl of Clarendon—" They have been restored.") 'They form part of the Turkish territory, but they cannot be occupied by Turkish troops. These fortresses will be garrisoned by Moldavians, and so far as Turkey goes, I don't think there will be any security. Then Nicolaieff is a great maritime and naval arsenal—one where a great portion of the ships of war in the Black Sea used to be constructed, and then floated down. Is Nicolaieff to be destroyed ? The noble earl opposite may find it conve nient now to argue that we had no right to demand that Nicolaieff should be destroyed, but at the Conferences at Paris he himself proposed that it should be done away with; but on the suggestion of the Russian plenipotentiary the question was postpone I, which was a mild way of getting rid of it altogether—something like a motion for reading a bill that day six months—but it is admitted by the Go vernment that Nicolaieff is left untouched, and that Rus sia is free to build any number of vessels there which else may think fit. The noble earl might say that, though there was no positive engagement entered into, they w ere satis fied with the declaration of the present Emperor that he did not intend to build any other ships there except those mentioned as the basis of the negotiation; but that decla ration was not recorded in the treaty, and though that may truly bo the intention of the present Emperor, we cannot say what may be the intention of the future sove reigns of Russia, nor will any of his successors be bound by such an understanding. Agein, there is no restraint upon the rebuilding and fortifying Sebastopol. I see no reason why Sebastopol may not be made impregnable— why the docks may not be restored in all their original magnitude—why an indefinite number of vessels of war may not be built at Nicoleieff, and in a very short time floated down into the Black Sea, and placed under the im pregnable fortress of Sebastopol, which you allow them to reconstruct, and which you do not call upon them to demolish ; and that is the way in which you gain the neu tralisation of the Black Sea. It may be said that we will have consuls at Sebastopol, and all the ports of the Black Sea, and will receive information from them as to any thing which is being done contrary to the spirit and inten tion of the treaty, and that ample time will be afforded to us to remonstrate ; but Nicolaieff is not on the Black Sea, nor ie-the Sea of Azoff a portion of the Black Sea. Nei ther have we by this treaty the right of sending a single consul to tell what is doing in the interior of Russia. The noble earl says we could not call upon the Russian Govern ment to abolish the forts, but the British plenipotentiary did request that those forts should be abolished. Perhaps the noble earl is so intoxicated with military success, though mingled with some disasters, as to think th a t th e i naval operations by which those forts were obtained were such that Russia should not be able to rebuild them I ask it not as a question of gratitude to the Circassians, but as a question of policy—a question of carrying out that which the noble earl himself declared to be theobjects of the war— namely, to limit the territorial aggrandisement of Russia, and for which that tribe should be maintained as indepen degt of Russia. an 1 to form a mo s t e ff ec t ua l b arr i er against het power. You boast that the objects of the war were to resist the aggressions of Russia, and secure the indepen dence of Turkey ; and you enlarge the power of Russia precisely on the side which will best enable Russia to carry out her views at any future time. You may say what you please of the independence of these tribes; but I say, in providing for the neutralisation of the Black Sea, the Cau casian provinces were those of all others to which you should have directed your attention. (Hear.) Well, now, there is one point which has not bean touched upon by my noble friend, and, consequently, was not replied upon by the noble earl opposite, and that is, the condition in which you have left the affairs of the Principalities. Now, if there was ono point which, more than another, deserved your consideration, 'it was the condition of Moldavia and Wallachia, which formed a barrier (between Russia and Turkey, and whose independence, under the suzerainty of the Porte, you have left untouched. Thus, the constitu tion of the Principalities was left to be rogalated by two separate bodies—one to be constituted by the Sultan, the other by whom neither you nor I know. Now, I say that this peace leaves open endless causes of dispute and indif ference. My lords, there is another point ; but it is one of much too great importance to be dealt with incidentally in a debate upon a treaty of which it does not form a part, but which I cannot pass over without entering my solemn protest against—l mean that delegation of mai itimepower which, for the first time, introduces a new principle into the maritime code of England—the abrogation of a prin ciple for the maintenance of which we have resisted foreign aggression. The Earl of CL &RENDON—The same thing was done by the abolition of the corn laws. The Earl of DERBY continued—The corn laws ! Yes, but did we repeal the corn laws by the aid of plenipoten tiaries? (Hear, hear.) It was without the ranction of Parliament that this surrender of our maritime supremacy was yielded. I use the mildest word—and no protocols tell of the arguments used in its favour. But this I know, that, right or wrong, it was volunteered or surrendered by the British Minister to the feelings or prejudices of other oountries—it was done in the dark, without the knowledge of Parliament—and the Minister sent by the country to conduct the peace took advantage of his position to make an important alteration in the maritime law of England without the knowledge of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) I say this ie a question too large to argue now ; but I should be unworthy of a seat in your lordship's house if I did not advert to what undoubtedly forms an aclj tarot of the treaty. For the treaty itself, I accept it with some degree of reluc tance. I do not, God knows, regret that we are deliveredfrom the horrors and calamities of war, and I hope, far more than I trust, thatthe peace yon have concluded will be permanent. I do not regret we should have peace at a moment when the country has a mighty naval armament the like of which the world never saw, and an army in the very finest condi tion, though it is just at the moment when they are no longer required. I am willing to believe that the exhibition of that power has bad some influence in the negotiations of this peace, and I am willing to believe that that great naval armament should be taken as the latest exhibition of the greatness of the nation and the incapacity of the Minis ters. (Hear, and a laugh.) Ido not regret that more blood is not shed, but if you call upon me in this horse to say that, in my judgment. the peace is honourabl e to the Crown, and fully effects all the conditions for which we went into the veer, I cannot assent to that which I do not believe to be the fact, and I must give my assent to the amendment propoied by my noble friend. Ido not mean to take a di vision upon it, but to record my opinion that the words of this address are not justified by the fact, and that, though the nation consents to the peace, they do not hail it with enthusiasm, but they accept it with reluctance, and with the belief that it reflects no great honour upon the Ministers who have accomplished it. (Cheers from the Opposition.) Earl GRANVILLE observed that the two noble earls who had spoken on the Opposition side of the house had vituperated the noble lord who acted as ambassador at Con stantinople, and had also censured the conduct of the Go vernment in retaining him in office. Without going at length into the question, he would only state that it was obvious to the common sense of their lordships that it was the duty of the Secretary of State to consider, not that Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had done wrong upon one point, but that, having conveyed a rerimand upon that point, it was his duty to consider whether it was more for the advantage than the disadvantage of the country that the noble lord should remain in his position. It was clear that, except upon this point, the two noble earls opposite were of opinion that the noble lord was the proper person to represent her Majesty at Constantinople. The noble earl (Malmesbury) imputed the loss of Kars to the Govern ment at home, and argued that if Gen. Williams had got authority to raise money, provisions, and ammunition, the Russians never would have taken the town at all. But it should be remembered that her Majesty's Government could give no such authority to an officer not in its own army, and that it was the Turkish Government Alone which could have placed him in the position he desired to occupy. With regard to money, it was somewhat extra ordinary that Gen. Williams never, except on one occa sion, made any application for money; and with respect to provisions and ammunition, there was an abundance of both in Asia Minor, and it was only owing to the culpable negligence of the 'Turkish authorities that they were not stored in safety in Kars long before its investment. With regard to the other stipulations of the treaty, the noble earl appeared to undervalue their importance, as, upon communication with the Turkish Government, it was ascertained that the principal things they wished for were the ratification of the boundary in Bessarabia and the opening up the commerce of the eastern portion of the Black Sea; and these had been secured. For his own part, he owned that there was no part of the treaty which surprised him so much as that Bus ,is should have given up the fortress of Ismail—the scene of one of her most brilliant military achievements. The noble earl com plained that Nicolaieff was not included in the treaty, and stated that Sebastopol was still a standing menace to Tur key, as there was nothing to prevaint her reconstructing commercial docks, fortifying them, and building any de scription of vessels she pleased. Bat Nicolaieff was the subject of a solemn declaration made by the plerlipoten- Lim lee, and subscribed to by Russia in the face of Europe. An t as to Sebastopol, if Russia attempted to rebuild docks and fortify them, she would be breaking the terms of the t ,l,re?•ty. With regard to the Circassians, unfortunately, Celt y, died, and Mr. Longworth failed in his negotia tviorenuschwit them ; but the same thing happened to the nugstoutt:tesi were not settled by the Plenipotentiaries, boundaries e ini,eioner ; and when the noble earl asked why nsoeir,avbred that they could not carry out these 11 these t alt e rrm c a arry them out, well agents, ding this natio n to mahkeewho were already appointed noble earl had assisted in parsua slavery, and yet he saidth their r Z ehn., igreat Government c ii ti c e in ha getting pursued an ill-judged policy in themselveseein settleal. the boundaries, but egard to the Princi slave-trade in Circaesia. hat the Plenipoten pitrf t o put an end to the s e s fia t d h the not of e earl sufficient Commissioners though they were men of great ability, yet the did not issioners t p i l l a r i i t e i possess at Paris the knowledge to enable them to come to a satisfactory arrangement. Th e . were already appointed, and the members will be to represent their Governments and to afford assistance to Turkey and to the inhabitants of the Principalitr. The noble earl said that, with regard to the settlement of the maritime law, he would reserve his animadver sions upon the subject for a future occasion, but when ever her Majesty's Government were called upon they would show the noble earl, who was such a stickler for precedent, that they had followed precedent in this matter, aud, moreover, triumphantly show that what bad be:ri' done would be for the benefit of mankind and THE St/ N, LONDON, TEJESbAY EVENING, MAY 6, 1856 for the in'erests of this country. Tho noble earl said dered to the Black Sea to bring home the troops, but it that the conclusion of the war showed to him the greatness was not intended generally to employ ships of war to of the country and the incapacity of the Administration. , bring home tr)ope. With regard to the former, he (Earl Granville) would ad- ' SOLDIERS' LOSSES. mit that no nation could have shown itself greater than Capt. SCOBELL asked the Under Secretary for War England had done in the late war. The unanimity which whether the soldiers who, without blame on their parts, prevailed during the war, and the calm which had sue lost their kits at th e ti me o f l an di ng i n th e C r i mea, or at ceeded now, was beyond all praise ; but with regar d t o th e incapacity of the Government who coedu c t e d thi s war , it any subsequent peri o d, h a d b een , or wou ld b e, a ll owe d was a most extraordinary illustration of the noble earl's, 'compensation for the same ? that, to prove that incapacity, be allowed that the country Mr. F. PEEL said where no blame attached to the possessed one of the greatest armaments it ever had. He soldier for the loss corrnensatien would he allowed. (Earl Granville) had some fear that the noble earl would SHERBURN HOSPITAL not meet with many noble lords to concur with him if he Mr. MOWBRAY asked the Secretary of State for were to divide the house; and he had assumed the con- the Home Department whether he intended to introduce trary in the same way as he had that of the fall of Kars, into the house a bill for carrying into effect a scheme of but no doubt the noble earl had in his recollection what the Cheri ty Comrnissionere for the reeulation of Sherburn took place elsewhere, and he was afraid the same result ? would follow in that house. He wou ld, i n conc l us i on , con - Hospital, in the county of Durham gratulate his noble friend (the E ar l o f Cl aren d on ) u p o n Sir G. GREY s a id h e i n t en d e d to i n t ro d uce a bill to what had passed that evening. Considering all the diffi- carry into effect the recommendations of the commis culties which had taken place, and considering, too, the sioners with respect to Sherburn Hospital. difficulties of his position in settling the peace of Europe, THE WHITSUNTIDE RECESS. it appeared to him (Earl Granville) -that all the objects of In answer to a question, the war had been most fully and amply attained, and his Lord PALMERSTON said he bad n wish to ad noble friend had done this without leaving any embittered journ beyond Friday to Friday for the Whitsuntide boll- indee deeling, oa tri n the um ph which he of the would naons enj of Europand which he e. Thia was, days. But if the house ou t- vo t e d th e G overnmen t t h ey oy, submit. hoped would not be marred by any little obj ec ti ons t o the must g details. (Hear.) THE CENTRAL AMERICAN QUESTION. Tho Earl of ABERDEEN said it was rot his intention Sir E. R LYTTON asked the Government if the to enter into the details of the treaty ; but he wi s hed to correspondence on thi s ques ti on was rea ll y comp l ete or say that as no man ever more earnestly sought to prevent not ? Lord PALMERSTON said that the proposal made by the calamity of war, so none could now be found to rejoice this Government to the United States, to the request more at the restoration of peace. The warlike propensities that this question should be referred to arbitration bad of his noble friend at the head of her Majesty's Government not yet been received. He thought it would be better had rendered it possible for him to make a peace wise and not to discuss the question until that answer had been honourable to this country, but if it had been made under received. his auspioes, it might have produced discontent, and led to serious reprehensions. (Laughter.) He said this was a wise and honourable peace; but it had not the triumphant character of that treaty which it was his good fortune to sign in the same capital about forty years ago; but this was a treaty which amply fulfills :.1 the objects for which the war was undertaken, and it was such as ought to sa tisfy every reasonable man. There might be criticism upon the terms of the treaty, but there could be no doubt that ultimately it would meet with the approbation of the country, for it was a remarkable circumstance in the his tory of the last century that all treaties of peace, however unpopular, and how much objected to at the time when made, had been ultimately sanctioned by the deliberate voice of posterity. He could state a strong instance of it. He remembered well to have hear d Mr. Pitt speak in terms of approbation of the peace of Utrecht ; and he was sure his noble friend on the cross benches (Earl Stanhope) who had done so mach for the history of his country, had he lived at the time of that peace, would have entertained the same opinion with his illustrious relative Lord Chat ham, that it was a most treacherous, insecure, and dis graceful capitulation. It had been the case that, for the last century, those peaces which had been regarded as most unpopular were afterwards regarded as most satis factory. He would go farther, and say that those wars which wore popular when they were undertaken subse quently came to be viewed in a less favourable light. The most popular war in the history of the last century was that sate which Sir Robert Walpole had been so reluctantly dragged; and now ho believed there was no one who would hesitate to say that it was most unjust and unnecessary. Of the last war he would say that he never entertained the slightest doubt of its justice, but, at the same time, he would not say what our posterity might think of it ; but he would say that, however reluctant he had been to engage in it, he believed the great interests of the country required it. He was of opinion that the treaty intrin sically reflected credit on his noble friend, although there were two articles on which he thought some explanation ought to be given. Lord COWLEY said that it was with extreme diffidence that he rose to address their lordships, and he could assure them that it was only a sense of duty which induced him to do so. He had been engaged in these negotiations, and as ho had put his name to the treaty under discussion he thought that he should be wanting in respect to their lord ships if he did not say a few words upon the present occa sion. He would apply himself to the two questions which had been put by the noble earl (the Eerl of Aberdeen) The first was in reference to the neutralisation of the Black Sea. That point had been discussed at one of the Conferences, and it was then laid down that if either party violated the condition, that the other Powers would at once interfere. But that case COUI I hardly arise, because the parties were bound not to commit any act of aggression. With regard to the question of the Hatti•Scherilf, the in tention was not to limit the powers of diplomatic interfer ence, but only to prevent general interference in the inter nal concerns of Turkey. He was inclined to think that during the debate the question had been too much treated as if England had alone been concerned in the conclusion of the treaty. It must be remembered that we had acted with other Powers whose wishes we wore bound to consi der. With regard to the operations of the war, he thought it would have been better if there had been an undivided command. (Hear.) Earl GREY said that he wished to allude to the remarks which the noble earl (the Earl of Derby) had made with re• gard to the modifications Which had been introduced into maritime law. So far from concurring with the noble earl, he felt deeply grateful to her Majesty's Government, and to the plenipotentiaries of the various Governments, for having adopted what he believed to be one of the greatest advances which had ever been made, in a long series of years, in the progress of civilisation and humanity. (Hear.) The hs.tti scheriff was, he feared, impractic eble. The Christians were themselves dismayed at it. could Turkey safely give equal rights to subjects who detested her rule ? The result of the war would accelerate the inevitable destruction of Turkey as a Mahemedan power. He confessed that to maintain, under all circumstances, that crumbling Power, which, he was per suaded, no human power could long support, seemed to him an act of the greatest imprudence, At the same time ho felt bound to express his thanks to the noble earl (the Earl of Clarendon) for his conduct at the negotiations of Paris, and for the manner in which he fulfilled the pledge he had given to the house. (Hear ) The Duke of ARGYLL readily admitted that the clause in the treaty, to which his noble friend (Earl Grey) alluded, as to the HattisScheriff, by no means solved the inherent difficul ties which must attend upon the fact of a Christian popula tion being ruled over by an Ottoman Government ; but he (lid dissent from the opinion that the clause did iu the slight est degree add to the difficulties or dangers of the position of Turkey. The truth was simply this, that the Porte had issued a new Hatti-Scheriff granting certain privileges to its Chris tian subjects, but stipulating that they should not interfere with the internal administration of the Ottoman empire. Lord CA. CLPBELL expressed his great satisfaction that in the treaty the principle of the constitution had been strictly observed. The address was then agreed to, and their lordships ad jouraed at a quarbr to 12 o'clock. Sir E. B. LYTTON said that in consequence he would postpone his motion on this question until after the holidays. THE TARIFF WITH TURKEY. Mr. WISE asked the First Lard of the Treasury, "whether there is any' prospect of such a revision of the tariff, appended to the Commercial Treaty with Turkey of the 16th day of August, 1833, as may lead to the abolition of the duty of twelve per cent. on grain and pulse exoorted from Turkey to this country ; and, what is the existing position of the British merchants with re ference to the exportation of grain from the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia. Lord PALMERSTON said it had been thouzht de sirable not to enter into the question as regarded the high prices consequent on the war. The Danubian pecivinces regulated their own tariff. THE BUSINESS OF "THE HOUSE. Mr. M. GIBBON asked, as Friday in W hitsun week was to be devoted to the Government, if he might be allowed to bring on the Abjuration Oaths Bill on that day I - Sir W. CLAY put in his claim to a portion of that day for the Chu-ch-rates Bill. Lord PALMERSTON said that ho could give no portion of Friday for the Abjuration of Oaths Bill, but would endeavour to name a day fnr it shortly. With regard to the Church-rates Bill, he could make no ar rangement. DISBANDING THE ARMY AND MILITIA.. In reply to a question from Lord R. Grosvenor, Lord PALMERSTON said that the Government would endeavourr to disband the army and militia, so that the number of men thrown on the labour market might produce as little inconvenience as possible. The militia must be disbanded within a cer tain period after the cessation of war, and in all proba bility it would be during harvest, when their services wonld be required in the respective counties. The army could not be disbanded for some months, and then in de tachments as they return to this country. THANKSGIVING DAY. On the motion of Lord PALMERSTON, seconded by Mr. DISRI ELI, a vote of thanks was given to the Rev. Thomas Gamier, chaplain 'to the house, for his sermon preached yesterday before the members of the house at St. Margaret's, Westminster.—Agreed to. NAVY ESTIMATES. Sir C. WOOD laid on the table of the house the navy estimates for the current year. TREATY OF PEACE. Mr. E. DENISON proposed the thanks of the house to her Majesty for her communicating to the house the treaty of peace lately concluded at Paris. Two years ago a communication was made from the Throne to this house of the cause of the breaking out of the war, when the future appeared both vague and uncertain. It was predicted by some that they were about to coin mence a war, the end of which the youngest would not live to see, and others that it would be impossible for them to successfully compete against Russia, and that they would have to establish an entrenched camp at Sebastopol. Had any person, however, pre dicted the events that had occurred, and that they would cease at the end of two years, they would scarcely have credited his assertion. Such having occurred, it be. came the!? duty to thank the Disposer of Events, and the gallant armies and fleets that had achieved such glories. This war had broken the great alliance of the North that kept men's minds in check from the north of Europe to the heel of Italy. They had released Russia's grasp of Sweden, and with restored animation she bad entered into an alliance with the Western Powers to hold Russia in check for the future. The late Emperor of Russia, the aggressor in the war, had sunk under the exertions of the war, and they bad heard from the walls of Moscow that public opinion w a s against the policyof Russia, and that p )licy must he aban doned, which was to be looked upon as an augury for the benefit of Russia and mankind in general. With the termination of the war they bad secured the integrity of Turkey, and secured her for the future by the destruc tion of Sebastopol and that fl-et which for so long bad floated on the waters of the Euxine a terror to Turkey. Turkey was now received into the great family of Europe, and the Porte bad commenced re forms which mast be of the utmost importance to all connected with that part of the world. Much was due to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and he was sure the house would recognise his important services in that respect. He referred to the 20th article of the treaty relative to the line of demarkation laid down for the frontier harrier between Russia and Turkey, and the words used in that respect he looked on something like a material compensation to Turkey. He expatiated on the great advantages that had resulted from the French alliance, and also that of Sardinia. She had shown herself not inferior in heart or spirit to either of the great nations who had been at war, and had shown herself worthy to stand beside them both in the field and at the COU' cil table. He rejoiced that the voice of Sardinia was heard at Paris on the Italian question. (Hear, hear.) England, he felt certain, would never forget that in the moment of her greatest trial when other nations stood quietly by and looked on, Sardinia took her share in the struggls—(cheere)—and she bad thereby earned thelasting friendship of England. He was happy to find that they hal n )vr obtained an honourable and safe peace, notwithstanding the people bad not received it with that enthusiasm they could have wished, but which might be fairly accounted for in a variety of ways, and not to the simple supposition that they, were averse to the details of the Treaty. That clause in the Treaty which provided for arbitration was an important one ; and were the honourable members for Manchester (Mr. Bright) and the West Riding (Mr. Cobden), whose absence heldeeply lamented, present, he was sure it would meet with their approval. After passing a high eulogium on the abilities of Lord Palmerston and Lord Clarendon in concluding such an honourable peace, he concluded by moving the address. Mr. H. HERBERT seconded the address. The hon. mover had adverted to the want of enthusiasm with which peace had been received, which he (Mr. Herbert) thought did not arise from the feeling that the terms of the treaty were not satisfactory, butfrom a variety of circumetances. One was that our army was in such an efficient state that it would have been able in another campaign to have dis tinguished itself more than it had already done, and con sidering the suffering the army had encountered, they almost hoped such an opportunity would have been given before peace was concluded. The hon. member then proceeded to review the position of the respective coun tries which had been engaged in the war, at the time it broke out, and said he thought the character of the peace was such that the noble lord at the head of the Govern ment and his colleagues were entitled to the thanks of the country. Ha would merely add a word as to the present position'of this country. England had carried on the war with energy, at least the latter part of it, and she had formed au alliance with France, by which addi tional security would be given for the continuance of peace s which would enable her to pur us the arts of peace and promote the cause of civilisation at borne and abroad. He trusted the house would agree to the terms of the address, especially the last words, which said, "that the peace which has now been concluded may. under the favour of Divine Providence, long continue to shed its blessings over Europe, and that haernony among governments, and friendly it terconse among na. tions, may steadily promote the progress of civilisation, and secure the welfare and happiness of mankind.' (Hear, hear.) Lord .L MANNERS said he rose, not to oppose th e re ception of the address, but to say that ho had strong ob jections to some of its terms. He objected to the asser tion that the conditions of the peace "fully accomplished the great objects for which the war was undertaken." Those objects were—first, the present integrity o f th e Tur kish empire ; and, secondly, the security o f i ts indepen dence and integrity in future. The first object he believed to hive bon' most fully attained; but the second and all important abject had not been secured. That object might be divided into two—the independence and integrity of Turkey in Europe, and in Asia ; and the latter --the most important of the two—he contended, had not been carried out in the treaty, there being no security taken against the aggression of Russia upon the Tur kish Asiatic provinces, except the poor and pitiful attempt of Lord Clarendon to prevent the re-erection of the Russian forts on the Black Sea. He enlarged upon the importance of those provinces and upon the injustice and dishonour of abandoning the Circassiane and the tribes of the Caucasus. Either, he said, th e British, Government regarded the people as inslependeut, cr as de pendent upon Russia, and therefore insurgents ; but he denied that Europe had ever recognised the right of Russi to Circassia. If this proweding was so devoid of justice and of honour, where was the policy of handing over these tribes to Russia? An author, now a member of her Ma jesty's Administration (Mr. D. Seymour), had represented the Caucasus as " the real citadel of Russian power in the East." Lord Palmerston had acknowledged that there was nothing iu the treaty to prevent R :ago. from re-construct ing her forts on the Circassian coast, and could any one doubt with what object they would be re-erected? Lord Clarendon, in the Conferences, had argued that the forts could not b) rebuilt, but the Russian Plenipotentiaries maintained the contrary opinion, and the consideration of that point was adjourned. At Vienna it was one of our objects to secure the independence of the Traue-Ceucasian tribes; but by the treaty these gallant people were handed over, without pity or remonstrance, to their implacable foe. Again, when Count Walewski referred to the presi of Belgium, and threatened that country with an armed HOUSE OF COMMONTS.---YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and paused : --The Leeds Improvement Act Amendments, and the Leeds Water. The following bills were real a second time :--Dublin (City) Steam Packet Company, and Swinnerton's Name. The following bills were considered and ordered to be read a third time :—Carmarthen and Cardigan Rail way, Crowland and Eye Road, E astern Counties Rail way, Honitou and liidmouth Road, Lowestoft and Beccles Railway, Luton District Road, Thames Haven Dock and Railway, an f Torrnoham Wa , er. A number of petitions were pre3ented against the Abolition of Church Rates, against the Vaccination Bill, and against the Maynouth grant. DUBLIN HOSPITALS. Mr. GROGAN asked the Secretary to the Treasury if any and what steps had been taken to carry out the recommendations contained in the report of the commis sioners appointed to inquire, &e., into the Dublin hospi• tals ? Mr. WILSON said the question had better be re peate I to the Secretary for Ireland. CONIMUNICATION WITH IRELAND Viscount BERNARD asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether it was intended to make any altera tion in the present mode of conducting the postal com munication in the county of Cork, and to make use of the Cork and Bandon Railway for the conveyance of the mails ? Mr. WILSON said a commenication had taken plane relative to the use of the above railway, but the charges required by the company were far too high when com • pared to the advantages to be obtained therefrom. The terms of theliPost-office for the accommodation remained the same as those already proposed, and no alteration would be made in thorn. CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY BILL. Mr. HEYWOOD asked the President of the Poor law Board if he would be prepared to move that the Cambridge University Bill be considered in committee after Whitsuntide, and if so, on what day ? Mr. BOUVERIE said the bill stood on the paper for to-day, but it was not likely to come on ;he therefore proposed to postpone it till after the Whitsuntide holi days, and then to get an early day from the noble vis count on which to bring it on. NIGHT COFFEE HOUSES. Mr. BRADY asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he intended introducing any mea sure, in accordance with the recommendation of that part of the report nf the committee (whit I sat in 1853) " to examine into the system under which public house-. hotels, &c , were regulated," wide t relates to night coffeeshops, with the view to their being for the future closed at pr )per and stated hours, many of which are now open through the night as harbours of refuge for abandoned ehlracters of both sexes ? Sir G. GREY said an act of Parliament would be required far the purpose, but no measure was at present in preparation. RIOTS AT GEORGE TOWN. Mr. MEAGHER asked the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department it there was any foundatVna for re ports made in public prints, that in consequence of fanatical harangues made in the streets of George Town, Damerara, by a stranger from another country, of the name of Orr, riots and disturbances had taken place, and the persons and properties of peaceable inhabitants been injured ; and if so, whether any steps had been taken to prevent a recurrence of such scenes ? Mr. LABOUCHERE said the reports in the papers were, he was sorry to say, quite true. It was also true that those riots originated in consequence of the ha rangues of Orr against the Catholic religion, but the real Ca 08,3 was the jealousy with which the coloured population viewed the industrious Portuguese immigrants. The governor of the colony bad taken efficient steps to suppress any other outbreak that might take place. It was but just to ackn.wledge that great assistance had been rendered by a French and Dutoh vessel in repre'sing the disturbance. intervention in case repression wore not sufficient and successful, Lord Clarendon, as the representative of a free country, said ho could not associate himself with any mea sures against the press. ;rial cheers.) Why, the hon. gentleman wero astounded at the boldness of the noble lord—(a laugh)—iu declioint to associate himself with a crusade against the press. Let us be grateful for small mercies, though it was hardly the language they would have expected. The fact was said to have been that Lord Clarendon was commissioned to Paris to 'accept a peace, however pitiful and poor. He had been successful. How could he be otherwise when such was his errand and com mission ? In conclusion, he must raise his protest against the secdncl paragraph of the address as being exaggerated in language respecting this treaty ; and if it was an object with the Government to carry the address nem,ine contradiscente, the noble lord would sea it advisable to mo dify the address in that particular. (Fleur, hear, from the Opposition.) Mr. M. MIL NES said he must differ from those on the opposite side of the house, for he thought there was nothing either dishonourable or disgraceful in this peace. He must admit that the treaty was not all that the hopes of the peo ple had led them to expect, for they had looked at the war and the objects in a light and with feelings far different from those that influenced the Government. The Govern ment regarded the war simply in a political point of view, and contemplated no other than political objects. But he thought the feelings of the people would meet with this gratification, that the integrity of Turkey had been se cured by a guarantee such as, under the circumstances, they could hardly expect. That was a guarantee which would effectually prevent the use of the forts on the Cir.; cassias coast from being used against Turkey, and that was a consideration which disposed of the arguments on that point of the noble lord opposite. At the same time that noble lord's fears for the vengeance which might overtake the Circassian people would be solaced by his hearing that the chief of that people had through the war maintained friendly relations with Russia—a circumst:ance which ac counted for the very little co-operation which we had from those tribes. But, on the point of sympathy, he must be allowed to say of his noble friend below him (Lord Pal merston) he was sorry, after the Polish captives and re fugees were embodied into a regiment to fight for this country, and Poles had been placed in command over it, that no consideration had been had for the future condi tion of that people. He regretted that the great problem of Italy remained unsolved, but the peace held out every prospect of the future tranquillity of Europe. Mr. LAYARD was willing to accept the address, consi dering that the great objects of the war had been accom plished, so far as intende I by her Majesty's Government who entered into it; he had always been of opinion that the original error was committed by Lord Aberdeen's Government, but when once we had entered into the war it was too late to change our policy. The questions re lated to the Christians, the Principalities, the navigation of the Danube, and the Russian forts on the Black Sea. With respect to the first, more, he said, hail been done than he had expected, and he thought Lord Clarendon had acted wisely when he supported Aali Pasha in not having the firma inserted in the treaty. He thought, however, that the extension of the conscription to non-Muisultuau subjects of the Porte was unwise. Upon the whole, he gave credit to the Turkish Government for its liberal po licy. In respect to the second question, too, the Princi palities of Wallachia. and Moldavia, more had been done than he couldshave possibly hoped for, and ho thought Lord Clarendon had originated a most liberal policy in cog geecine the union of th two Principalities, which was opposed by Austria. He rejoiced, also, at the manner in which Servia, a country with a great avenir, had been dealt with. As to the Bleak Sea, he suggested various doubts, and especially in respect to the Circassian coast. Was the blockade to continue, and were we to be excluded as hitherto from commercial intercourse with a country the right of Russia to which had never been recognised by any document or declaration? Were our ships, and our Consuls to be excluded from Sebastopol and Nicolaieff ? With regard to the navigation of the Danube, he thought the provisions in the treaty ex -client. Upon the whole, he was of opinion that the Government deserve.l groat credit for the treaty, which far exceeded, he said, any rea sonable expectations he had formed, and he was bound to thank them for it, as fulfilling all their objects, looking to the pi inciples upon which they embarked in the war. In discussing the treaty it was unfair to omit all allusion to the protocols. Let them consider for one moment the Roman States, two-thirds of the population of which were monks, priests, and others connected with the Church. The whole of these persons were exempted from the operation of the civil law, and the cardinals were subject to no law at all. The priests paid no taxes, and what was the result of all this? An immense idle population iu Italy was sup ported by the industrious portion of the people, who were crushed by this weight upon them. The consequence of this state of things was, that the Roman States were over run with banditti, and thus gave an excuse to Austria to keep up an armed occupation. No man's house was safe for a moment, for bishops could imprison, the Inquisition could imprison, and the police had a right to imprieon. Add to this state of oppression, the Austrians compelled the people to pay for the troops occupying the country. France, he was happy to say, did not pursue a similar course. In 1831 the Powers of Europe united to recom mend a form of Government to the Pope, which had for its object the secularisation of his Government and the in troduction of the French code of laws. Those suggestions however were despised, and no alteration had yet taken place. Look at the state of Sicily. There was scarcely a road in the island ; not a shilling was given to promote education, and its best men were banished. Sicily was now a desert through this atrocious system. He believed that the flourishing state of things that existed in Sardinia would exist over the whole of the Italian •ctates if they were only given a chance of governing themselves. He trusted the house would have some explanation from the noble lord at the head of the Government in reference to the question of the press in Belgium. He had read the resume of Count Wale. ski on this subject with astonish ment, and he did not think he was justified in what he said from the terms of the protocol. We have obtained a great deal by this peace. The condition of the Christian population in Turkey was improved; the protectorate of Russia was abo'ished in the Principalities; the principle of equalisation in the Black Sea was admitted, and Turkish integrity was guaranteed, and Turkey itself was admitted into the European family. This being the case with regard to the treaty of peace, how was it that the people of this country were not satisfied with it? In the first place, they did not believe that Russia was sincere, because they were impressed with the conviction that she would not, after a war of two years, renounce the policy which had hitherto formed the very essence of her power, and they also thought that our reputation as a nation and our resources were not at present such as they were at the commencement of the war. He could not conclude with out expressing his commendatiou at the manner in which the negotiations had been carried on by Lord Clarendon, than whom no diplomatist was more entitled to public gratitude. In those Conferences he had maintained the honour of England in a conspicuous manner, and had shown a knowledge of the subject which did him honour. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the question now brought for the first time regularly before them was the great question which for more than a century had occupied the minds of men and would probably occupy them again. It was of so much importance to consider the terms of the peace, that he could not refrain from offering some observal ions. Believing_t hat the conditions of the peace were such as to be satisfactory to the Crown and to the country, he thought that no lower terms than those of the address ought to be used to express their sentiments. The Ministry that brought forward the peace of Amiens had not introduced the terms of " an hon ourable peace." In so doing they condemned their own policy. He would consider the articles of the peace in their order, as they had been presented on a former occasion, and as they Were presented on the present. The first was that which regarded the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachie. This was a question of the greatest gravity. In 1774, by the treaty of Kainardji, special powers of interference had been given to Russia; this treaty had not only been renewed but strengthened from time to time. The supremacy of Russia over the nominal sovereigns of that country was more and more developed. At the time when the alliance between the Emperor Napoleon and Alexander seemed ready to divide the world between them, the great object of Alexan der was. to obtain the su remo sovereignty over the princi palities. Russia had now declared herself willing to give up her treaties; and to consent that there should be no exclusip protectorate over the Christians in these Principalities on her part. The conditions by which the arrangement 'was to be carried out seemed to be very efficient for their object.. The Porte has declared that it left to the Christiauslthe privilege of immunities. The great dispute had always been on this point, the Porte declarink that their privileges and immuni ties depended upon its own power and free will, while Russia tried to induce the Principalities to secure them herself, and to rest their hopes upon her. All this was put an end to by the present treaty—in article 20. This article had iu fact been agreed to at Vienna. The great objection urged against the Vienna article was, that by thgt it was supposed that Russia had the power of coming into the Principalities iu case of civil commotion. Now no such article was in the Vienna proposi tions. There was only an arrangement of European interference in the case of internal tumult. It was now simply thus—that the Sultan cannot send certain troops into the Priecipalities, but they were not to be allowed to become a scene of anarchy and confusion, and this was provided for by the 29th article of the treaty, which was so far different from that of the previous treaty that the Sultan was not allowed b put down a disturbance by armed interference, except by the agree. ment of the other Powers. All were agreed that something should be done to prevent disorder in the Principalities. The next paint was the navigation of the Danube. Hero it was that our success at Sebastopol was most fully taken ad• vantage of so as to obtain a security which we could not ex pect so long as our arms were not successful before Sebasto pol. The forts of Ismail and the others on the river at Bee. s trabia were given up, and the course of the Danube would now be free from the vexatious interruption to which it had been subjected by Russian policy. The greatest advanteges to commerce might spring up from this article, for the re sources of the countries through which the Danube gassed were undeveloped and as yet unknown. The whole course of the Danube was open, and commissioners had been appointed to carry the provisions of the article into effect. The third point was the great stumbling-block at Vienna, and the one which prevented the agreement of the belligerents. Now, it appeared that on this point it was impossible to get entire security against Russia. No terms could be devised in which Russia could not pick up holes if sire was determined so to do ; if she was resolved to prepare secret hostilities, it was impossible to prevent her. But those who objected to Ruisia that she was a power with whom no terms could be kept, were using afo dish argument. No doubt she wis ambitious, and when she had the opportunity she got rid of treaties which were unfavourable to her, she could only do as other powers could do under similar circumstances. In urging this question of the Black Sea, the hon. member for Ayles bury last year seemed to object to the system of counterpoise, and now they had heard from him something against neutra lity. Now, iu the treaty all had been done that it was possi ble to do; all the security had been taken in the terms of the treaty which it was possible to take. Lord Clarendon had well observed to Count Orloff that th, treaty would be nullified if Russia constructed is many ships .as she chose at Nicolaieff, and that he should consent to the destruction of the works at that place. She might build arsenals under the government of the provinces ; and who, if it should become necessary to enforce obedience, wouid employ regular troops ,to carry these orders into eff ec t. (H ear. ) Wi th regard to 1 the war, we had a perfect right to assist the Sultan against I Russia. But if we bad begun the war with no other pro ; spect than that of continuing abuses and misgovernmeet, we •, should not have been justified in entering into that war. But, i while we prevented au ambiti ous ne i g hb our f rom t a ki ng hold of territories to which he had no title, we opened to the in. habitants a prolspect of better government, and greater secu rity for life and property. The articles of the treaty were drawn up with great care and skid. •ut he did not think that any articles, however framed, would give a certain se curity against aggres4on on the part of Russia (Hear.) At the commencement of the d'spute, he remembered being par ticularly struck by a prediction made by Napoleon when re • siding at St. Relena That great man said that the next war in Europe would very probably be owing to the attempt of Russia to get possession of Constantinople ; that that was the only thing that could cause England and France to unite in one object ; that it was likely Prussia would join in the resistance ; but (and this was the most remarkable part) pre dicting that Austria would take part with Russia, in order to share in the spoils of the declining empire ; and that the efforts of France, Great Britain, and Prussia would fail in preventing the Russian march of ambition. Napoleon saw that such an event would occur in about 35 years, and that period came to an end in 1852. (Cheers.) There was one thing in this prediction which could not fail to be very striking, and that was the confidence with which Napoleon spoke of the accession of Austria to the projects of Russia against Turkey. In the year 1553 the Emperor Nicholas spoke with a similar confidence on the agreement of Austria in any plan which ho might proposie respecting Turkey. Now, in resisting these projects, was it not de sirable to obtain the assent of Austria. That was the course followed Ilby Lord Clarendon amidst many diseouragements, but it was persevered in, and the result was now before the country. The treaty thus signed afforded this.security— that Austria had entered into a treaty with England and France, by which the independence and integrity of Turkey were guaranteed, and by which any attempt to violate that independence and integrity would be made a castes belli. Such being the arrangements for the future, he thought the house had every reason to be satisfied with what had been done. If, as had been said, we might have obtained greater victories in 1856, it was only the more honourable to the Government that, having the assent o f th e coun t ry t o carry on the war, they, feeling satisfied that the object of the war had been ac complished, preferred peace to farther bloodshed and expen diture. Such was his opinion with respect to the treaty. There were some matters on which explanations might be re quired. He thought it would have been better if the decla ration of Count Orloff, with respect to Nicolaieff, had been formally delivered to the different powers. Then, with re gard to the Circassian forts, he considered that the power which Russia possessed of restoring those forts would be a great means' of confirming her power in the Black Sea. It had been urged that Russia had no right over Circassia. He believed her right was confined to what was formerly the right of Turkey. At one time Turkey had certain ports which were garrisoned by Turkish troops. But she did not possess any sovereignty over the land. At the treaty of Adrianople these forts were surrendered to Russia, and Russia inherited the rightd which Turkey had possessed, but had no claim to any ground beyond that on which the forts stood. These forts afforded means to Russia to send troops to the Asiatic coast, and afforded great facilities of conquest over those tribes which had so long maintained their inde pendence. (Hear, hear.) He would much rather have seen a stipulation with respect to these forts than that which had. been made respecting the Aland Isles. He would now remark on one or two matters which had been brought under the consideration of the conference at Paris. The French Minister alluded to the state of the Belgian press, and ob jected to the abuse of the freedom of the press which belong to that freedom. (Hear.) The Belgian press was secure; and trial by jury, fo 7 offences committed by the press, was secured by the Belgian constitution, and no proposition had been made for subjecting it to a censorship, or a mere sum mary interference. He could not but think that while the Emperor of the French regulated the press iu his own coun try, he ought to respect similar rights in other countries— (hear)—and not call upon the Minister of England to do what must be abhorrent to the feelings of the people. (Hear, hear.) Another question discussed at the conference was the state of Greece, which is a melancholy one ; but in spite of the disor ders and corruption which are too prevalent, that country exhibited some of those fruits which independence must ne cessarily produce. (Hear.) But there was another subject still more melancholy, and that was the state of Italy. (Hear.) At the end of last session he called the attention of the house to this subject, and his noble friend at the head of the Go vernmeut stated he would do what he could to relieve the people from the oppression under which they were labouring. The people were li v i ng i n an a t mosp h ere of oppression, which destroyed the whole enjoyment of life. (Hear.) And how was the system kept up ? By foreign intervention. (Hear.) That intervention had lasted for several years. Ho thought the time had come when it was necessary toask, do you mean this to be a perpetual occupation ? or when do you mean to withdraw from it ? If it is perpetual it is equal to adding new territories to the occupying Power, and overthrow the balance of power—(hear)--but if you do not mean to occupy, to what measures are we to look for the restoration to power of the legitimate authorit^ 9 (Hear.) This last question might be answered by the sallce of a great deal o f p r i es tl y power, which has been the arc° of the abuses of tae government— (hear' hear)—by the sac r ifice o f th e pro t ectorate of Austria over Italy. (Hear, hear.) The position of Austria in the 'centre of Italy was eminently useful. But she had no claim to the protectorate of Italy beyond certain bounds, which were laid down for her; and he trusted the words used by Lord Clarendon at the Conference would not be allowed to fall to the ground. (Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that the Government would take such measures as they considered necessary. They would, he was sure, do nothing hasty or abrupt. Theseeproceedings should be taken in cowed with the Emperor of .. the French, who f oun d hi s t roops i n Rome protecting the person of the sovereign. He trusted there would be no resolution or address upon the subject, Ira that the matter would be left in the hands of the executive Go vernment, who were well aware of the feelings of the people of this country on the subject. (Hear, hear.) The people of Naples and Sicily were subjected to a rule still harsher and more iniquitous. (Hear, hear.) He trusted, with regard to the army, that the Government would take such measures as would improve the staff of the army, and make it more suit able for warlike requirements. (Hear, hear,) But he felt sure they would not be led into any false notions that this country ought to be a great military nation. He trusted nut while we kept up, not a respectable but a considerable naval force, we should not extend our expenses on that scale to the army. (Hear, hoar.) He trusted that in accomplishing the necessary changes the error, of the past would not be over looked, but that every part of our establishments would be fully considered, and that without the pretence of being a great military power we should do justice to the military qualities of the people, and preserve our station in Europe, as we deserve to retain it, bright and unimpaired. . (Cheers.) Lord C. HAMILTON said he oousiderod the portion of the treaty of peace which referred to the forts along the Circas sian coast most objectionable. The second paragraph of the address he considered most objectionable, and in respect of it he would move an amendment. That' amendment was, that after the word " condition," the words be added, " on the conditions which accompliShei to a great extent the objects for which the war was undertaken." These words he pro posed to add instead of the words, " on conditions honour. able to her Majesty's Crown, and which fully accomplished the objects of the war." He considered that the state in which the negotiations had left the Circassian coast, so far as Russia was concerned, would lead to continual turmoil. The case of the ship Vixen, about which so much was heard some years ago, arose out of exactly similar occurrences which would occur under this treaty on the coast. The charge made against the commander of that vessel was that, having come within the range of a Russian fort in an unauthorised sea, he had rendered himself subjectto the forfeiture of his vessel, the ports at the time being said to be in a state of blockade. It turned out, however, that there was on the coast at the time no blockade, and then the matter resolved itself into a breach of trade, an 1 the vessel was then taken into Sebastopol as a prize. The very circumstances, however, of that case showed that, under the present treaty, cases of the same kind would continually be occur, ing. On those grounds, then, he denied that Russia ever had any right to the Circassian coast; and yet they bad now allowed her claim to it, and had banded the Circassian people over to her tender mercies, at a time when they might have obtained better terms for them than th e y over could before. It was said that the Circassians did not deserve our sympathy, because they had not shown any alacrity to co operate in the contest that had just closed ; but the fact was that they bed boon disappointed, because, after being led to believe that Asia would be made the chief theatre of the' war, and that they would have British troops to act with them in Circassia, they found that no British force would be sent to Asia, and that they were expected to act alone and unaided. This disappointment had created a feeling of di trust among them, and when, at length, a Turkish force only was sent, they fancied that they were to be incorporated with Turkey, and hence their reluctance to give up their independent action. As it was, however, they had done good service by harassing the Rus sians and creating diversions, and therefore they had a claim still to our sympathy and support. Inst!ad of that, they had abandoned them altogether, they had made no mention of them ei her in the treaty or protocols, and for tint reason he should refuse to look upon teis as au honourable treaty. A good deal had been said about the neutralisation of the Black Sea, but then it was added that the admission of com merce to the eastern coasts of the Black Sea was to be " sub. ject to the regulations now iu force." Why, those regula tions were, and had been • ?or five and twenty years, a rigid blockade ! What was that but an unconditional surrender to Russia of the claims she had always p,t for ward? Then, again, Russia was to be allowed to have—not men-of-war, but transports in the Black Sea, "with a suitable armament." Why, with such a definition, a 1:,0-gun ship might be a transport. Another great feature was the full and entire amnesty that each nation was to grant to those of its subjects that might have been engaged against it, if claimed ; but how did that give any protection to the Circassians, who denied they were the subjects of the Czar, and who, there fore, would never claim that protection from the vengeance of Russia, which they could only obtain by renouncing their cherished independence. (Hear.) The noble lord then re ferred to the case of the protection which this British afforded to the people of Parga against the oppression of Ali Bache, as a precechnt for affording similar protection to the people of Circassia, and quoted a speech made by Lord J. Russell in 1820 en that subject in support of his argument, as precisely applicable to the present case. He concluded by moving, as an amendment, to omit in the second sentence the words I / joy and," and in the remainder of the sentence to leave out all after the words " on conditions," in order. to i nser t th e words "which have accomplished, to a great extent, the ob jects for which the war was undertaken." Sir C. WOOD denied that we had handed the Circassians over to Russia, since they were left in exactly the same con dition as before the war, and observed that the stipulation as to the forts on the Black Sea aplied to both Turkey and Russia, and if Russia were required not to reconstruct the forts on the Circassian coast Turkey should be called upon to demolish Varna. The hon. member for Aylesbury had ex pressed himself dissatisfied in some respects with the retmlts of the war in time East ; other hen. gentlemen had expressed dissatisfaction that nothing had been done for Poland, and that the Austrian dominions had not been placed on a better constitutional footing, but he doubted if the house was dis posed to censure the Government for not having catered into subjects foreign to the object for which we went to war. The right hon. Bart. then proceeded to enter into the various mat ters contained in the treaty which were subjects for contem plation, • The security of Turkey had beet obtained by the stipulation of a treaty as binding as words could make it. Moro had ben obtained for the Christians in Turkey than, as the honourable member for Aylesbury had s a id , could have been expected. The navigation of the Danube had beeu thrown open, and be, (Sir Charles Wood) had heard no ex pression of dissatisfaction. The power of Russia in the a Black Sea had been destroyed, and s'.e was now limited to a small fleet there of eight vessels of smaller size than our second-class gun-boats, and to have two others larger, bat ' under 800,tous each. A claim was made on the part of R uss i a that she might have arose 1 transports in the Black Sea ; but that was objected to, amid she did not I press it. It might be difficult to divine the terms of a treaty that the ingenuity of the mind of man might not be able to , avoid ; but if Russia, attempted it, and proceeded to trans- name of fortificatiOns—she might construct steamers as sail , - ing vessels, whch she might use in case of ar. Against all that it was impossible to provide; all that could be said was that all the security had been provided which it was possible to provide. This plan of neutralisation was the great favour ite of M. Dronyn de Lhuys, who might be said to have been the inventor of it. With regard to the actual Government of the Turkish empire, be had uo very great respect for it, Every one knew that at a distance of two or thr ee h undred miles from the Sultan the pasha and his officers t oo k very little notice of any firman that might be issued, and sent their irregn ar troops, .ho carried women and children into slavery in spite of all the laws which the Sultan !night make. Ho trusted the day would soon arrive when the sultan would be able to make just laws in Constantinople, and would be able to appoint persons in whom be could put trust to the TFIE RETURNING TROOPS. Captain SCOBELL asked the First Lord of the Admi ralty if it had yet been determined whether some of her Majesty's lin e•of-battle ships, frigates, or smaller vessels of war, now 15 log unemployed in the home ports or in th use abroad, should assist in embarking; and bringing away from tae Crimea the troops, or cannon, munitions of War, and other stores, being public property ? Si C. WOOD said two or three ships bad been or- form the Black Sea f rom a commerc i a l au d neutral Sea icier warlike sea, the time it would occupy Russia to convert sl ug chant vessels into s hip s o f war, an d get up h er fleet, 10 is i be so great that, b ; f ore she could accomplish it, the Tur, ter fleet in the Bospho rus , a nd th e E ng li sh fleet i n the ge d ,, 1 1 ,11 ranoan, would have ample time to sweep the Black So u ont warlike ships as they had done before. The hon. ge ut . ft le asked whether Sebastopol was to remain as a large a r m fort. Upon this point be would call 'attention to the e j that before the ratific a ti ons o f peace ' h a d b ee n concl u , o f Russia bad permitted British vessels to enter the harbour:o Sebastopol, in order th a t grea t er f ac iliti es m i g ht be 3 1 f° 00 for the removal of troops, stores, and other matters. his stipulations made respecting the Aland Islands were, ' n o d opinion, of great importance to the interests of Swed en ' of by it we had secured to a great extent the independence that country and security from the aggressions of Itn gs 'tir thought that those stipulations were matters of gr °3 " a tof faction. The n o bl e l or d had complained that the oleo reputation of this c o u n t r y h a d suffered in conseque", e° for campaign. Bat whatever tight have been the elzdn' ° 'ool naerly entertained abroad as to the state of the opinion was now completely altered, and the review 40,00 U men which h a d w ithi n the last few days b ee n It {be/ the heights of Seb as t o p o l , was a sufficient answe r t°" la in who thought that we were unable to feed, keep, or nO t iat an army abroad. (Loud cheers.) Nor did he thiu t tbtc any power in the world cou ld d ou b t the a bility °f or ld, country to send a powerful fl ee t i n t o any par t o f the the and if honourable membe rs cou ld forget for a mon° s we. annoyances to which they were s u bj ec t e d a f ew din' they would remember h av i ng w it nesse d a fl ee t s' mouth; such as no nation in th e wor ld h a d ever Yet psrr lected together, (Hea r .) H e b e li eve d t h at the e °—,„l 0 0 6 tive want of enthusiasm in the public respecting the pt 0 0 ! ~, arose mainly from a feeli ng o f di sappo i n t men t i n the fo e the vast forces whi c h we b a d now at our disposa l W ( n t ,,,igbi have an opportunity of showing what great results theiiiideit. have had accompli s h e d if a peace h a d not b een CO le Egli, (Hear, hear.) The whole objects of the war had be en i , gained and secured by the peace which had just lo e fu - iare. eluded ; awl, looking both to the present and to th,. ° tre ad he trusted that the h ouse wou ld v i ew w i t h loyalty the which had just been concluded by her Majesty. ( 11 7: 4 . On the motion of Mr. S. FITZGESALD, the debate r journed till this day. Fire i f On the order for go i ng i n t o comm itt ee upon the- tlO surances Bill a short di scuss i on arose, which elide' committal of the bill pro formd only. Tne Dissenters' Marriages Bill passed through corn i: ,— °o p , . The remaining orders and business having been of the house adjourned at 2 o'clock. Country Maricets. CIIELIISFORD—May 2. 0 ,101 , We cannot report the whe a t t ra d e ver y brig/ ot. although the beg, samples may be quoted is to In second-rate and inferior qualities, however, th%oh no improvement in th e ra t es o f l ast wee k. Barley's,' peas, and oats without alteration. 0 , Wheat, white, old, per s. s. 4e qr.sl 75 Oats, per qr ......... . , 1 ,51 73 Peas, P a rtridge ..... 0 .41 ,50 67 White... ........ ,49 66 B o iling ........ 30 38 Dun .. . 5 02, ,33 42 Beans, Tiek ....... s r .28 36 Harrow tic' e . 34 .71 75 73 77 Ditto, uevr-• new red, old n0w.... , Barley Chevalier Grinding Halt Chevalier COLCHESTER—MAY 3. in 00° A short supply of whe a t. Fi ne w hit e w heat b ol d at is to 23 per qr. advance ; fresh red is dearer,; o o tY keeps up in valu e ; an d b eans an d h og peas were P turn dearer. fib 001 Prices to-daywere a s follow :—Wheat, white, VP'," red, - 62s to 68s; barley, 3'l s t o 40 s ; cats, 22s to 2 u,• vlazagan, 34s to 36s ; middle an d sma ll 36s to o white, 403 to 429 ; grey, 403 to 425. re Official Statement of the Q uan titi es o f C orn , k°" lto , in the port of London, from the following P° l the 26th April to the 3d May, both inclusive. 4.; ,; g .2 4 . A a PA / 0 tzl -1....-- i ..... Colchester Harwich ..., Leigh Vialdon 200 11731 407 496 ! 627 ;2 1.028,. 4i 109; 546 KIRSCA_LDY—APRIL 26. Ns We had good supplies of w h ea t an d oa t s to -day. 1 1 r- P t. few quarters of b ar ley. S a l es wore rea dy for :,;01. Wheat ls, and oats Gd per qr. dear e r ; barley 11 °''' s oP Bo al Wheat. Barley. Oats. I,as j I First 73s al 42s al 30s Od I 0 , Second Vs 041 41s Od 't 9s Od I as I Third 58s Od 33s Od I 26s Od COAL MARK: Prices or Coal por ton at ET.—MAY 5. ILO the close of the nisr Welland, tto• 0 , . I 1 6 Brachlyll '' .. 1 6 Framwellgate . ............ ig Haswell .................... Hatton .................... Kepler. . .................. 1 Kepier Grange .......... " . 11 Lam bton ............... 10 (1 Plummer .. . . ........... " , 17 'Russell's Hetton ........ 'l6 Cowndou j 6 $ Cassop • .: 16 0 Heugh Hall' , ll 0 South Kelloe ........... g Tees .................... Whitworth ............... s. d. Byass's West Hartley l7 6 Davison's West Hartley 18 0 Hasting's Hartley lB 0 Howard's West Hartley Netherton 18 0 Longridge's Wst Hartley 17 9, Ravensworth Hartley lB 0' Victoria Hartley l5 9 Walker Primrose 01 West Polton l5 0 West Riding Hartley _l5 9 Wylam 15 9, iJ Sold Wallsend, &c. Ffeaton +Liddell l5 9 Bell's Primrose 14 0 Ships at market... 6 IE4 L'ORIVR iird IL S. ,N that the malt, are 6w:to, irons the Genera .y the night—and hi by the rnorning—iespatch.) k •iy the rugat—ana at oy we morning—lespatc(t.) - ety wben ma ie ih i F rom ,Chat I d:r 1, 00t/NTRIIU, .:„1. '0 Genera! Pos t . Pors Ise 17„/ ) ' • Otilee. London.. D(so itchy • s i -- ....is': ----,.... - ---- .----- —....----- ,1 • - ' tittericAoyth'it.pack, CVOry .. ( q..-may .. %a:Luria: t hy United Et i Lifiltyool .. '. ' packet) ...... _ 3 •••• ••• •• . Liverpool • tuterion (by U. Etta is packet) i. ••••• • • Southam st''.' tustralia (via BoutL ampton) li ••••• •••• • • Houthautp so" Jaw (Via Karseilles) : ••..•..... • Dover - • _ A o• Da"" Ditto (via Cato 01 1,10(' . Hope) ...• •• • • •• • • a • Z 6. . • .. Cm. , W c.‘ Coast) : 233 of to.. ut.inti-, Plymouth •• t .t, sain•Sria........ , t 4. 9 . Ji, &.. 30 .3' 0 Dover .. •• •• Ilexandria ........ l 4/ I "' ` '''''' of mo Southamp to; ~ 17th of the anent seuthAniptoll' 4 . Bahamas ......... Belgium • '' ' -' -•'•-• • • •• • . Dover .... D i s igli. Braz i l ............ , , 9th of the m ;nth - Southampto , 3 1 0 ,16 . ',, duenos Ayres 9thu. ,tie admits,- El inthtm•tou 10 0 :1 0 " Cape of k.rou:4 flops -3 Various port 11 Cam of Good Elope "'.• - 2.110 de Verds 9th of thu moo' Boatimmoton Jo /ion (see India) —. Ch Innel lilos .... ..., 1,134 ••Wa1.•&Ftt , • BoutnamllO- 0 .11j.1 at0i .... ............ 11 9 Z 171 , 1 CO . mr,' SoatUmp'o 4 China .•... 0 )astant'mople ..... 8 3 3 , 18 • 23 ,k2 i o' D 3 ray .... Oinstantinople , ..... 4th se •Ota of it., Be.ttssiiraptoot pil/ Coat. of Ear me 3f 4 Twice daily ... , Dover .., - • . I W ieo Ellupt (see India) I ' __, o oo ll France ........ 1.1 m, Twin'. daily .. ~ Dover ....• Tw• Gibraltar I .. .. In fie) 4 ,7.17,40, 27 .f, South usproil Greece (see ..... ' ,••• , 2nd 617th of urn: BOuthimptos Tuesday & Fria , : London ..... 1 Greytown •• .• •• •• •• ,; ilsasourgh .......... 211.1 of the wont' BoacoamptoP Jitn. Gaily ............ Dover ..... • • ,D 4,4400 a ti;L t f a a n n d ria . h . ................. , urou i as .......... lit.. t +the m0n.1,. Beathampto ,l l6no 0 tth t 20th of mot.. Plytn• In 1(4 (viaSouthampt.) A 9tha 25th of mom. ulth •• 4 10 • DOvar .... •• la iie (via Marsailles)-. lo tian rs'es (see In lie /, IT, et 27 of m- Dever—. •• , a4slU Ireland ........ M 6, b P wiee dally'.... :), ( head ,14 11 6 Li5ban.............. 3' 7 . 9 ..17, 4270 f • Bouthamptonlissi A vietra ........ _. ti 9 " ' , l - Oil 01011• 80t1 hampto, al tleira .. In.. - ....- '23d W m )iith •. Liverpool ~. 'I t'lta (sec dla) - -.. , . • wilt.l g, is. 8 ;23 Or mit Dovor ... - do, - 4, 2 0 - SE wefts (see Ittaia. el iarltigs ...... lit' of the- awn 1 1 Mexico ~........... • I , ' ,` I - he moot Souttianspt"" 201 Ye ties ..... .. , ... , Ifthi6th2ithormo Dover .... • N3V7 Gran'ida .....: 1 23 & 17th of mon Southampto , t 0 ~.r . Haw Zealand.. ~.... IBy „Al gate s'..ip _ V ar i ous port tn.- Papal 6tatee „„ ,„ ~.. •thlssth2%thorino Dover .... • Peninsula .. .•• .... • T thl7th27thortnon i. ) it e amptoo peril ........... ..... I i Plc 27th of mo. Southampton Port Natal .........,„ ; 2 1y private ship.. Various port' wort° 3 olly ,• •• •• •• •• •• • . l '. '''"t I 51425 th0111 , Dover •• .. Tasean I its( tt',2ithofmo: y ........ Veaezueir ...... .. ~ 2d t 17th ofmon , Southanro, 1616 (0 Van Diemen's& lid op tustrai a) ...... . . Wei Wise .. ,Soothamtteu IMt 17th o .nr..: .. e ;/ Want arty •.) Vadse (Ali 011 a the t 1 1 ,103 '° patehel on tho foit or , n: witl the exception of the foil (f, 0 Southaroptonhan t the Hilt% both of which wilt be deepatett* receding day. [ADVER TISEIIENT.J—EfoIIavrty's Oi n t men t and pins incomparable Remedies for Sores, Wounds, and in ce o -Mr. James Newman, residing near Ewyvale, dreadful sufferer for four years from running ulcers . his leg : h e t r i e d all means without effect ; be bad in an h osp i ta l three months, and turned out incurab l e ts , Ile then h a d recourse to Holloway ' s Ointment and and by a steady perseverance in their use for a weeks, he obtained an effectual cure, and bis leg is now whol e an d Round, t o th e astonishment of "bo fziends.—S o ld by all medicine - vendors thro ug h o ut 'a world, at Profes , or Holloway's establishments, 2 h ; Strand, London, and 80, Maid en -l ane, N ew Yolk; A. Stampa, Constantinople ; A. Guidicy, Smyrna ; as E. Muir, Malta. BIRTHS. OP SON. On the 4th inst., at 20, Traralgar-road Old Kent•roe d ' Mrs. John Garrett. On the sth inst., at Upper Talse-hill, Mrs. J. Shorter• 33 A DM:I(MM. On the sth het., at 7, Park Village west, Regent'sler 'he wife of James Walker, Esq. MARRIED. At the British Embassy, Paris, J. W. M. Bond, M• l '' to Albertine Louise Alphonse, daughter of the late Fre d Shanahan, Esq., of Paris. DIED. On the 4th inst., at Barnsbury-square, Mr. John Jall 3 ° l. Pater ' of the Con s ol Offi ce , B an k o f E ng l an d , aged 5 8 . On the 2d inst., at Cheltenham, John Herford , formerly of Manchester, aged 67. On the 4th inst., at St. Alban's, Itobt. Spa c k man , late of Lutt e rworth, aged 67.' On the 2d inst., at 10, Norland-terrace, Notting-hill/ Colonel Robert. Pattiaon, late 13th (or Prince Albert'/) Light Infantry, aged 67. On the 26th ult., at Park equare, the Hon. Anna Mari youngest daughter of the 14th L ord Dunaany, and wifeojak Admiral Ryder Burton, IC IL Printoct and PliOlished by BE tn-wo YOUNC, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 11 2 0 Strand, in tha Precinct of the Savoy, in the county of Middlesex, Tuesday, May 6, 1856. ; 3 ° 10 B= The on FR The M.P. s The place ( John ) Tici Boroul Of La Will 1 at S --. Stalls a Plat H. La W7,kii Parili CR and C Camil ?rival charge Perfor Diverl teristl, gcm , by the missio In a Oft Wing Will g Will FOU: L Has ex, th,