The Sun. — London, England, 1831-11-11 00:00:00

PIRiT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Turks have signally failed in their attempts to detach the people of England from the Reform Bill and the Reform Ministers. They have failed netoriously in their scheme to raise the Hunt and kVekley mobs in such formidable numbers, and on such plausible pretences, as should either frighten the middle classes throughout the kingdom into a general outcry against the defenceless condition in which life and property, and law and order, were left by his M.tjesty's Government, or should furnish some plea for deluding the credulous into a persua sion that the whole body of English Reformers were allies and partners of the mob. This latter piece of knavery, wonderful as it may seem, has been tried with exemplary perseverance for some days past, by the underling agents of the Tory chiefs. The ruf fian riots of Bristol have been described as" Reform !lots. " The blackguardism of White Conduit-house, the mischiefs designed for which occasion were spee dily and tffectually frustrated by the honest interfe rence of the Reform Press, by the energy of the mili tary department, and by the zealous promptitude wherewith the respectable inhabitants of the metro politan parishes, to the amount of several thousands, came forward to enrol themselves for constables in Add of the civil and military power,—this abortion of birth-strangled mob was actually placarded in ...tree letters as a "Reformed rebellion." A Reform rebellion ! A tumultuous assemblage, denounced and death-stricken, even in the womb, by the Re form Government-press and people ! The above tricks, then, have been detected, but have their au thors been shamed or put down ? No. When the Reformers, the gentry, and middle, and the bulk of the industrious classes, saw to what evils the country was exposed, and from what quarters, and how much was to be apprehended from a repetition of the scenes at Bristol, and from the plots of which White Conduit-house was to be the theatre, they thought snore seriou-ly than ever before about the necessity of fen - Ding associations, which might present a bolder front than had yet shown itself to the rabble, whose ado was the destruction of property. A great proportion of the men of business and middle classes every where have deemed it right, as lovers of the public good, arid lo) al subjects of their Monarch, to co-operate for the maintenance of peace, for the support of authority, for the protection of house, and property, and life ; and have further deemed it indispensible to provide themselves with such means of repressing outrage, as would intimi date the evil-disposed from attempting it. We are well convinced that not five individuals of all those who have desired to incorporate themselves a s volunteets, Nether under the name of parochial, district, city, or equity guards, had any other no tion but that of being commanded by virtue of his Majesty's commission, or of directing his services to any other purpose than that of enforcing the laws of the land against law-breakers, and preserving our civil arid municipal institutions against the assaults of bludgeon-men aspiring to the rank of reformers. That a popular Sovereign and liberal Ministers, who are free from all contriving but for their country's welfare, should look with pride and self-gratulation on having excited in support of the State itself such a general arid eager spirit of voluntary action, is not a matter of eur pri-e. That in the breasts of politicians ofd differ ent school from King William and his present corm cellars, a far other feeling should he generated by this patriotic movement of the people of England, is a circumstance altogether unavoidable. The Tories, as we have often said, rear the people, but encou nee and ptronize the mob. The power of the in. telligent and independent classes is one, at all times, opposed to rnisgovernmet. The only power which a wretched mob can attain to being that of local and temporary outrage, is one which favours the machi• nations of bad government, inasmuch as it affords pretences for the employment and frequent applica tion of military force. Hence it is that the Tories, furious at the prospect of an organised combination among those orders of their countrymen who can- inOt be misled into lawless violence, and therefore cannot be turned by a despotic faction to INlachia vellan uses—hence it is that the Tories have de dieted open war against the civico-military di-- ciplitie of the decent householders of England. The Tories look to office—it is their sole idea of life; they reckon on a second defeat of the Bill, and in that case indeed they might have good right to reckon on the unfortunate Lord Grey's immediate retire ment from a situation which he would have proved himself thoroughly incapable of holding. '1 he neat hope of the borough Peers anti commoners would be, that of succeeding the Whigs. The King, we are aware, would struggle against such a renewal of the former thraldom undergone by him self and his people ; but without a well-concerted, well-directed, harmonious, and consistent support of his Majesty by the great bulk of his faithful sub jects, the Tories would crush the deserted Monarch. Be could find no resource but in the well-drilled confederacy of the old Downing-street trained band- ; end while King William lived, and, probably, while the pr; sent generation of Englishmen survived, the yoke would be found irremovable. All this is well known to the Tory enemy, and in consequence no pains are spared to fill his Majesty's mind with distrust of the character and wishes of his affectionate people, as if the trading householder--the great majority of the respectable town-inhabitants of this kingdom —could be wild enough to intend or encourage measures whose object was inimical to the tights of their Sovereign's crown ; and in the same degree to those of individual property, and to the peace, the safety, and welfare of the realm. We prophesy that this laet device of Tory cunning will fail, and that William IV. will see in the ardent attach ment, guided by the judicious and active co-opera tion of Englishmen, his last resource against the in trigues of a ruthless faction.—Tintes. in giving an account on Wednesday of the present eondition of Savings' Banks, and recommending their extension, we had no room to mention the connection established between there and Friendly Societies, er to state to what amount the deposits of the latter went to swell the funds of the former. Having nearly the same end in view, and deserving encouragement from the same motives, the Legisla ture has permitted the stock of these societies to be put under the same management and to enjoy the same advantages as the deposits of individuals. Upon due certification, therefore, that the rules of each of these societies are conformable to the ge neral law of their institution, their deposits are re ceived by Savings' Banks, and are managed at the National Debt-office like the fruits of individual economy. The number of these friendly associa tions, or, in other words, mutual assurance compa nies against want in sickness, infirmity, or old age, whose funds are deposited in Savings' Banks in England, its 4,117, having a capital of 655 889/. ; in Ireland only 171, with a capital of 11,966/.; and in Wales 161, with a capital of 22,968/. As the law for permitting the investment of the de posits of these associations iit the Savings' Banks ;,s of recent enactment, it is rather surprising that so many should have taken advantage of it, than that their number should have been so limited.— 'rile same circumstance will account for the dimi nutive amount of their separate accounts, which, in England, average only 1621. each ; in Wales, 1431.; and in Irela n d on ly 75/. In some places there has been an aversion in the members of these societies to conform to the Act of Parliament, and to take aduantage of this kind of investment. It must be l . owing to this, we suppose, that in London we find only twelve friendly societies, with deposits in the Savings' Bank to the small amount of 1,442/., while in Yorkshire the number of societies is 298, and their deposits 65,763/. If these societies are properly m anaged (and we have a great er secur i t y against their mis management than before), they are calculated to do great good, as coming in a id of Savings' Banks, but not as superseding them. They do not, like the individual deposits of the latter, foster habits of prudence anti ideas of accu imulation, by assuring to the contributor all the future advantages of his present sacrifices, as, in fact, the Member of the friendly society can only receive buck his contribution on a contingency of sickness or in firmity that he would avoid; but, as he considers himself a shareholder in a fund which he has him self contributed to form, his decent feelings of inde pendence and self-reliance are strengthened, as his mind is relieved from anxiety about his future lot. He makes equally a provision against the degradation of parish pauperism as the individual depositor, though he may require the assistance of his" friendly" associa tors, who, on a similar contingency of bad fortune, will enjoy the benefit of his. He is taught to consider the days of health, strength, and youth as the season to provide against the evils that may over take him in a less fortunate period of his lire, and the very circumstance of being reminded of this ne cessity at stated times, nourishes the reflection that he ought to make some further provision for sick ness, infirmity, or old age, than the miserable though not disgraceful pittance which a benefit society can supply. But these associations, in order to be useful where they are in operation,—to be durable where they have been established,—or to deserve establishment where they have not hitherto existed, should be carefully regulated. Their directors should not assemble at public-houses to transact the busi ness of the society, or to receive the contributions of the members. Great care ought to be taken that the contributions may be equal to the contingent charge,—that one class or generation may not be robbed by another. And above all, the associators should generally be men in the same or in similar trades or professions, mad exposed to the same risks. If thus guided by exact calculationsand managed with perfect integrity, they might be a powerful auxiliary to Savings' Banks, and a great relief to the parish rates. In these circumstances the two institutions might become the true " Political Unions of the working classes." A shilling contributed to a Benefit Society, or deposited in a Savings' Bank, would protect the privileges of these classes better than a shilling given for a bludgeon to fight the police at some Radical meeting, and would secure their place in society better than the most violent resolution against the " unnatural" character of hereditary distinctions. We have formed into a table, as a curiosity which may interest some of our readers, the number of Benefit Sacieties in the different counties of England, together with the amount of their deposits in the Savings' Banks. Bedfordshire Berkshire Bucks Cambridgeshire Cheshire Cornwall Cumberland Derbyshire Deronsh ire Dors etsh ire Durham Es: ex Gloucestershire Hampshire Hertfordshire Herefordshire Huntingdonshire . Kent Lancashire Leicesh• rshire Lincolnshire London Middlesex Monmouthshire Norfolk ... Northampton Northumberland Nottinghamshire Oxfordshire Shropshire Somersetshire Staffordshire Suffolk Surrey Sussex Wamiekshire Westmoreland Worcestershire Yorkshire Charitable Societies NVales Friendly Societies Ireland —Times. 4,.17 1,787 161 171 .£655,899 136,760 11,966 We insert a letter from the Board of Customs, disavowing all knowledge that the introduction of the cholera into Sunderlaud has been caused by a neglect of Custom-house regulations. In our article of yesterday, we were moved as much by tenderness towards the Board of Customs, as by respect for our intelligence from the North of England, in ap pearing to take for granted that the disregard of the rules of quarantine, which had permitted the passage of suspected vessels above the bridge of Sunderland, was in violation of Custom-house orders, not in observance of them. Are we to infer from this official letter that the edifying callousness of the public safety exhibited iu the instance alluded to was not forbidden or guarded against by the foresight of the Board of Customs ? Let, then, the necessary consequences follow, and the blame be transferred from the shoulders of the underling at the outport, to those of his principals in London, for of heavy and grievous blame it is impossible to acquit them both At the same time we know nothing of the facts beyond what appeared in the various communica tions from Sunderland and Newcastle, published in the Times on Saturday last, which communications were sent to different newspapers, by persons un known to each other. If these facts are incorrec , , of course the imputation founded on them falls to the ground, but hitherto they remain uncontradicted. It is plain that the scheme of policy now is to preach up the lion contagion of the disease just im ported. Is it meant to excuse the want of all pre caution—all useful precaution at least—in official persons? That smells of the old spirit of Downing street and Whitehall too sorely to be sanctioned by any of the present Administration above the level of some fixture clerk. The truth is, that on any and every hypothesis, precautions in the nature of ventilation, cleanliness, separation, as much as practicable, of the persons inhabiting crowded alleys and dwellings, should be adopted. For if the malady be contagious, as to us is quite evident, if it were only from the able report of Drs. Russell and Barry, given in this day's Times, the communication by personal means is mitigated in some measure through separation ; and if non-contagious and seated in the atmosphere, the general condition of that medium is purified by a free circulation of air, and a full supply of water, " The risk of infection," says the above report, " incurred by the healthy suscep tible, who approached the sick of that disease (viz. the cholera at St. Petersburgh), was in direct proportion to the want of ventilation, cleanliness, and space around the latter." Some new cases had appeared at Sunderland by the accounts of yester day, but there was no intelligence that the disorder had yet extended to any of the neighbouring too ns. We are decidedly of opinion, and we must repeat it, that the regulation, or the breach of regulation, be that as it may, which admitted the infected ship to Sunderland, ought to draw down upon the guilty functionaries, whoever they may be, some most severe and exemplary punishment. With regard to cutting off of intercourse by land, it is obvious that the habits of this country are extremely averse to any such restrictions; and in the case of Sunderland it is 1,6 ssihle that the time may have gone by. But, nevertheless, the question may well be asked, whe ther for the sake of the whole community, a strong measure might not have been taken by the Crown, and a joint ssiilitary and municipal police been em ployed to isolate the town arid port of Sunderland from any other part of the empire. The proceedings at the Mansion-house yesterday on the subject of cholera will he read with satisfaction.—Times, We refer with much satisfaction to the proceed iegs of the National Political Union, last night, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern. Sir Francis Burdett opened the business in an excellent speech, in which he condemned the attempts made of late years to divide the people of this country into separate ca , tes, and strongly enforced the ne cessity of the union of all. " He wished (he said) that they should all unite to destroy the vile sys tem of boroughmongering, which was insolently attempting to hold up its head against the King and the Government, and the representatives of the people. That system was too vile to be put down but by the united strength of the people, whom he, therefore, called upon not to allow that strength to he divided in the support of different projects of Reform." fle wished the Declaration of the Union to be such that all might join it, and he earnestly deprecated all attempts to form separate associa tions. "To all other Reformers who thought that the Union went too far, or did not go far enough, he would say--' Do not make any declaration that would clash with us, and by producing disunion, occasion the triumph of the common enemy.— (Cheers.)' He did not mean to forestal any thing—sufficient for the day was the evil— but he would say, that the people might be defeated. It required all their strength to op pose the boroughmongering faction." After the Council had been appointed, and resolutions were passed directing the Council to report to the Union, Mr. Sheil delivered an eloquent speech, in which, from the experience he had acquired in the working of the Catholic Association, he was enabled to give the Union some excellent advice. "By union (said Mr. S.), by singleness of purpose, and by the stre nuous enforcement of the peace, the Catholics had attained their freedom. By similar means should Englishmen prosecute Reform.—(Applause.) He thought that they should look to Reform, and to nothing else. Reform would lead to the reformation of abuses, but it was preposterous to discuss those abuses before the means of remedying them had been attained.—(Hear, hear.)—The energ►es of the people would be dispersed and weakened by indulg ing in any multifarious and indefinite pursuits." Mr. Sheil pointed out ♦ery forcibly the manner by which alone the I3ill could be carried. " Lord Grey," said he, " had been uniformly faithful to the popular cause—(Cheers)—he had been the cham pion of the national rights from the outset of his political career; his political life was without a blemish ; and now his fame was interwoven with his fidelity to his country. —(Cheers.) But while they ought to place confidence even in the Minister, they should also tell the Minister tbat they expected boldness and decision on his part.— They should tell him that he must create Peers ; for since the Lords would not reform the Commons, the Commons must reform the Lords.--(Vehement rounds of cheering.) How ?—By turbulence?—No ! By tumult ?—No ! By mad excesses—by midnight conflagration—lry base atro city ?—No ! But by the same means that the Lords threw out the Bill. How did they throw it out? By the constitutional power vested in their hands. How was it to be carried ? By the constitutional power vested in the King.—(Loud cheering.) If ever an exercise of that pre rogative was justifiable, it was now.—(Cheers.) How was Lord Grey expected to carry on the Government with such a majority in the Lords against him ?" It is quite true, as Mr. Sheil added, the majority is only to be baffled by the creation of fresh Peers. They who oppose such a creation do not wish Re form ; for he who wishes the end must wish the means. The Bishops will never be Reformers, — the Peers of the Pitt creation will never be Re formers. Therefore, a fresh infusion of pure blood into the system must take place. This is not a time for trifling. All is now at stake. 'We hail the meeting of last night as a favourable omen. We know that weak and timid men carp at the idea of an Union. But it is by such means alone that we shall be able to command Reform.-2ilorning Chron. At the meeting of the rich and populous county of Lanark, at Hamilton, on Monday last, upwards of ten thousand persons were present. The speakers, from the highest to the lowest, expressed a serious and even stern determination to obtain a measure of Reform as efficient as that which was rejected by the House of Lords. We are now paying the pe nalty of the Machiavelian system, which condemned the mass of the people of England to ignorance, and consequently brutality. Superficial persons hold up their hands in astonishment at the reception Mr. Hunt has everywhere met with in his progress through the North of England. And yet there is nothing at which any reasonable man ought to be surprised. To those who have access to the usual channels of information, the conduct of Mr. Hunt roust appear that of a man utterly without prin ciple, who would deprive the people of the greatest of all blessings, merely because he can only attract notice by such means. But the hearers of Mr. Hunt in the manufacturing towus of the North cannot see the reports of the debates in Parliament. In vain Mr. Baines,of Leeds, furnished them with an expo sure of his endless inconsistencies since the Reform Bill was first submitted to Parliament. Mr. Hunt had only to term the exposure a lie, and the au dience were then reduced to the necessity of be lieving upon trust either Mr. Baines or Mr. Hunt. We are not to infer from this that the working classes are worse informed in the manufacturing districts than elsewhere. They are, on the contrary, much more intelligent than the same classes in other dis tricts; but they are less influenced by the middle classes. The peculiarity of the manufacturing towns is, that the proportion of the middle classes to the labouring classes, is much smaller than elsewhere. In the remaining parts of England, the middle classes are followed by the labouring classes, so that the ignorance of the latter is less mis chievously felt. In simple agricultural dis tricts, habits of deference to rank and authority are all-powerful ; and nothing but such abominable treatment as the labourers of the South of England have, for some time, been subjected to, through the working of the Poor Laws, could have shaken these habits. But it is quite otherwise with a manufac turing population. As they defer to no authority, their ignorance and their prejudices discover them selves without restraint. In such a state of things, it is of the utmost importance that the people should think correctly. But, as if some demon guided our Councils, at the very time when society began to take this new shape among us, and whsn, of conse quence, it began to be more than ever necessary to fa vour the diffusion of correct political information, we began to throw additional impediments in the way of it. We have now a Government really anxious to bene fit all classes of the country ; and we have, at the same time, large masses of men, throughout the country, so brutally ignorant, in consequence of former misgovernment, that they are unable to ap preciate the good intentions of the Government. The consequence is, that in all the manufacturing towns of Yorkshire and Lancashire, even in Leeds, which contains the greatest relative number of well informed men, the population, not hostile to Reform from interested motives, is divided into Huntites and supporters of the Bill. The Anti-Reformers display a fiendish exultation at this; and there can be no doubt that these divisions will have most mis chievous effects. We are ❑ot astonished at them. Our astonishment was that all classes of the people should so long have united in supporting the Reform Bill. The Anti-Reformers were equally astonished that all their artifices should so long have been un successful. But as miracles cannot continue for ever, they were still buoyed up with the hope that delay would some time or other lead to dissensions. And the Devil, in the shape of Hunt, has at length done their work in the North. We have always had the best opinion of the intentions of Ministers, but it grieves us to say that a e cannot add that we have an equally high opinion of their sagacity. They could only hope to carry Reform through the supp at of the people. But, " there is a tide in the affairs of men, which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune." If a measure of the magnitude of Reform, to the success of which the full tide of popular support is necessary, is to be carried at all, it must be carried quickly. Delay, as we have a hundred times said, is the parent of accidents. A whole nation cannot be kept on the stretch for years. We shall, no doubt, obtain Reform ; but we shall not obtain it so easily as we might have ob tained it some time ago. The dissentients in the manufacturing districts are numerous enough to pa ralyze the respectable and well-informed part of the population. This, of course, feeds the hopes of the refractory Peers. The county meetings through out England and Scotland, which continue without intermission, show that the respectable and we►l informed classes are more fervent than ever in their approbation of the Bill. There can be no ques tion that if England were now polled, the number of Reformers of all grades, from the supporters of the present Bill to the partisans of universal suffrage, is greater than ever. But there can also be no question that the success of Hunt in detaching a portion of the labouring classes from the rest, and placing the Reformers in angry collision with each other, must be of the most injurious tendency. The House of Lords must be incorrigible foes to Reform in their hearts ; and whatever diminishes the strength of the impulse from without, must add immensely to the difficulty of influencing that body. We speak our sentiments without reserve at this moment, be cause we deem it of the first importance that Re formers should see the difficulties that are rising up to thwart them. Nothing but the most determined conduct on the part of the Reformers will obtain success. It is, therefore, the duty of every well informed Reformer to endeavour to conciliate his more humble neighbours—to use all the means of persuasion at his command—in order to satisfy them of the importance of unanimity at this crisis. Let us destroy, if possible, the guilty hopes of the Anti- Reformers—let us show them that a great nation is not to be insulted with impunity. Do not let them imagine that they have less cause now to fear the people than they had a month ago. The evils occa sioned by delay, evils which might easily have been foreseen, and which we foresaw but too clearly,ma) still be obviated, if we now make a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull all together. The conduct of Mr. Attwood at the Birmingham Union is in this respect beyond all praise. Would that the people in the other manufacturing districts would take an example from the men of Warwickshire and Staf fordshire.—Aforaing Chronicle. We have devoted more space to the subject of the cholera morbus, in our impression of this day, than it was our wish to have done. But the subject has become truly important ; and though we would be the last to give encouragement to unreasonable apprehensions at such a moment as the present, we think it right that the public should now be as fully informed as possible upon all facts connected with this dreadful epidemic. It is not knowledge, but ignorance, that is the real alarmist. The greatest calamities, when ascertained to their fullest extent, invariably fall short of the picture given of them by the imagination, which never works so powerfully as when it works in the dark. Besides, it would betray an unwarrantable distrust in the moral cou rage of the people of England to suppose them in capable of looking danger in the face when it is their duty to provide against it, like men and women, instead of shutting their eyes against it, like chil dren. But with all our inclination to be as distinct as possible respecting the exact state of the disease in Sunderland, we cannot yet boast that our intel ligence is very exact from that quarter. Indeed the two letters which will be found under the head of " Cholera," and which, with the ex ception of the report of the Medical Board, con tain every thing that is yet known upon the subject, come not front Sunderland, but from New castle, which was the place, as will be recollected, from whence the report reached us in the first in stance. One of those letters throws some light on the disinclination of the inhabitants to be very com municative. It seems they are more afraid of the in. terruption of their intercourse than of the progress of the cholera. But they will defeat their own object by such a course, for the fact being now generally admitted that it is the Indian cholera which has got amongst them, concealment cannot answer the purpose they have in view. As an instance of the manner in which concealment leads to exaggeration, we may mention the report communicated in one of the letters, that out of twenty cases, supposed to be the whole number of the persons seized with cholera since the first appearance of the disease, fifteen or sixteen had died. Now we cannot help thinking that, if the facts were thoroughly known, it would appear that more persons had been deceased, and consequently that the mortality was less exten sive in proportion to that number. We hope, there fore, that all mystification will be avoided in future, and that the wish for concealment, which is ascribed to the medical men themselves, if true, will be discontinued. To show them how little it has an swered their purpose as yet, we can tell them that we have received letters from more than one corres pondent, recommending what would amount to a total prohib;tion of intercourse with their town. We have no idea that any such course will be adopted; nor could we wish it, seeing the certain misery it would produce;—but that is no reason why we should disapprove of the other measures resorted to, even if we thought them less efficacious. Amongst other interesting matter contained under the general head will be found two documents on the nature of cholera, differing from each other lobo ccelo, and yet both proceeding from authorities en titled to attention. One is the report of Doctors Russell and Barry, who have watched the progress of the disease in St. Petersburgh. They maintain that it is communicable by contvion, and was in troduced by that means into St. Petersburgh The other is a notice from the Prussian Government, relaxing the preventive regulations for the very con trary reason—viz., " because no instance could be adduced of the communication of the disease by sending goods, letters," &c. With two such documents before our eyes, both emanating from quarters well experienced in the disease about which they think so differently, we may surely recommend the mere theorists to concede something to each other in a point upon which even practical and experienced men cannot agree. But the most important feature in the communications to which we have referred our readers on the subject of cholera is, the active zeal with which the Board of Health in the city are now exerting themselves. At their instance a public meeting is to take place en Monday next, for the purpose of warding off infec tion, and extending preventive measures to the des titute poor. No doubt the example will be followed in other places. One of the facts promulgated yes terday is calculated to place in the strongest light the necessity of free ventilation. It seems that a believema pof o t t h i e a t o f the great o f Berlin) cities es of been the marked Continent rked by o (we neof the resident physicians, to show the course of the disease; and according to this map the wide streets i‘is:efereetieoxrei.mpTt,i‘ise•hirle rule applied close ones inee s; y were v cas ls e. lted with But is time that we should conclude our remarks, and refer for further particulars to the details themselves, which will be found in another eolumn.—Morning Herald. Though the sanguinary struggle for the liberties of Poland is at an end, yet the future fate of that country involves a question of great importance, both as regards the interests of humanity and the policy of E .ropean nations. Poland has fallen, but the treaty of 1815, to which England and France, with the other great Powers, were parties, and which guarantees the independence of that kingdom, still exists in the archives of the Congress of Vienna. It has, indeed, been hitherto little more than waste paper, because a pusillanimous acquiescence in the arrogant pretensions of Russia by the Cabinets of the other great Powers has had the same practical effect upon the fortunes of Poland as if that treaty were cancelled. The sycophants of Russian de spotism have gone the length of saying that the Polish insurrection annulled that treaty, and that Poland can now have no hope but from the modera tion of the conqueror. T o s u pport this position, they say, that the Poles, if they felt themselves ag grieved, and could establish their charges of oppres. sion against the Russian Government, ought to have appealed to the other Powers who were parties to the treaty ; but, having had recourse to force, they " estopped" themselves, as lawyers say, from taking the benefit of peaceful mediation. Let us see what strength there is in this sort of argument. The very grievances to which the Poles were subje c t e d by the Russian Government, in violation of the treaty which guaranteed their independence, and in contra. vention of the charter of their rights, prevented them from making their wrongs known in any other way than by an appeal to arms. The Press was enslaved—the publication of the debates of the Diet was prohibited—the public sentiment was kept down by a system of espionage and terror, which made it certain ruin for a Pole to breathe a word of t he political wrongs and sufferings of his country. If, under this system, an individual dared to a pp ea l for redress to foreign Powers, he must have first made himself as exile from his native land, or a dungeon or Siberia would have been his portion. There were, indeed, many exiles, who, in foreign lands, told the tale of Poland's miseries ; but how could the dignity of diplomacy stoop to the com plaints of persecuted men, or condescend to listen to the statements of any individuals who were not invested with the authority of f some official cha racter ? Who could expect the Metternichs, the Bulows, the Palmerstons, and the Talleyrands, of protocol celebrity, to step down from their diplo matic desks—to turn aside for a moment from the ponderous volumes where common-sense lay buried under mountains of lofty verbiage--to give ear to a Pole, who was neither a Plenipotentiary, Ambassador, Minister, or Envoy, relating in the simp'e language of truth the sufferings of his country, and demanding the fulfilment of the treaty of Vienna? Well, but why did not the Government of Poland complain to the other Powers, and demand the observances of the treaty ? For this plain reason, that the Govern ment of Poland, from the time that the treaty and the charter were set aside, became, to all intents and purposes, a Russian Government, and it was not to be expected that the chosen myrmidons of the tyrant Constantine would complain against the system by which their vices were pampered and their passion for rapine and persecution was so abundantly gratified. Even Judges were impri soned or banished if they dared to listen to the suggestions of conscience or justice when political victims were demanded. How, then, could the wrongs and injuries of Poland be made known au thentically to all Europe but by an appeal to arms ? By the insurrection of Warsaw the Poles may be said to have served notice of the violation of the charter of their independence upon all the Powers who were parties to the treaty. An insurrection which in the course of a few hours swept away the Russian power must have been national—and a na tional insurrection could not have arisen but from national wrong. This was therefore a case for the intervention of the great Powers, who had consti tuted themselves, in the first instance, protectors of the independence of the Polish nation. It is true that while the contest was going on in Poland, the Em. peror Nicholas declared that it was all the work of some hot-headed men, and that the nation had no concern in it. This opinion received countenance in some degree at our Foreign-office, as Lord Pal merston thought it a plausible excuse for non-inter ference. But, now that the brave Poles have been overwhelmed by numbers, and crushed by treachery, the Emperor Nicholas declares that the nation has committed a crime against his sovereignty, for it is his object that the " delinquency" should now be thought as general as possible, because it affords a pretext for a more general measure of punishment. But 50,000 Poles have scorned to appeal to his clemency. The) have adopted an address to their countrymen, which we have published, and by which they banish themselves from their native soil as lon, as it shall be ruled by a tyrant. In the gene rous indignation of that manly virtue which misfor tune may overpower, but cannot subdue, they say, " Poles,—let us leave that wretched country, now no more our own, though soaked with the best blood of her defenders ;—let us leave Europe a heartless spectator of our struggles and of our de spair. America is the only country worthy of affording an asylum to men who have sacrificed every thing for freedom. There Poland will be enshrined in our hearts, and Heaven will, perhaps, bless our devotion." This is the language of men who have suffered in a righteous cause, and whose patriotism burns the more brightly through the gloom of adversity. But there is a Providence that will not forger the recorded wrongs of such a people. —lllorning Herald. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. BOW STREET. Two ragged, miserable, but red-faced, elderly women, Mary Holland and Maria Freeman, reeled (rather than walked) into this office yesterday, and on being placed in front of the bench on which the Magistrate sat, were charged with having broken a pane of glass in the window of Mrs. Smith, a shop keeper, residing in Clare -street, Clare-market. Mrs. Smith's son stated that the defendants, a short time before, were passing his mother's shop, when they staggered against and broke the pane of glass. Mr. MINSHULL—WeII, but one only can be charged with the offence, and that one must be the party who did the mischief. The witness observed, that the defendants were walking arm-in -arm, and that the outside one it was who pushed the other against the window. Mr. MINSHULL—Then they seem to have been both guilty. " No, please your Worship," sa'd Mary Holland, " I alone am to blame ; my friend is free from blame, and I am ready to bear all the punishment. You will, I hope, your Worship, let my poor dear friend go,and be content with enforcing the law against me." " Oh, no," exclaimed Maria Freeman, " take my word, your Worship, that I was the person who broke the glass. Send me to prison, and do whatever else you please with me, hut let my dear friend Mary go." Mr. Missitur.L—Upon my word, you are a most extraordinary pair of friends as ever I heard of. So You would suffer punishment for each other, would you ?—" V, e would willingly," replied Mary and Maria in a breath " that we would, your Worship ; we'd do any thing for each other." Mr. Mussituu,—Can you pay half-a-crown for the window you have broken ?—" No, your Wor ship, we cannot," said they, " we've only got one sixpence in the world." Mr. MiNsituLL—Well, then, I must send you to prison.—" I pray your Worship," cried Mary," send me; I'll go for any length of time, provided you don't send my friend. Ah, do, dear Sir, let her go." —" No, indeed," quoth Maria," his Worship will send me ; you must be let go; I alone shall be sent to prison. , ' Mr. 7.lllssuLL—Upon my word, you are a sin gular pair of gin-drinkers, and your feelings are not less extraordinary. The witness was so moved by the women's con duct that he declined pressing the case, and ac cepted their promise to pay for the broken glass when they could. The Magistrate accordingly told them they were discharged. They asked if they were to pay their only sixpence, and on being told that they were not, they joined arms and proceeded, in the true spirit of friendship, to a neighbouring public house, where they expended it in Number ofl Societies. 1 Amount of Funds. UNION-HALL. On Wednesday, in consequence of a rumour that prevailed in the neighbourhood of the King's Bench prison, that an aged man, named Thomas Heath, re siding at No. 44, Belvedere-place, had died under circumstances which ex c it e d strong sus pi c i on th a t violence had been committed upon him by his son, Richard Pople and Robert Curtis, two officers belonging to Union-hall, were despatched to make the necessary inquiries, and ascertain whether there were any grounds for such report. The officers having learned that the deceased's son was in the habit of using a house called the Globe, in the Borough-road, they went there, and having informed the landlord of their business, he proffered his assist ance, and by four o'clock the accused was taken into custody, and conveyed, without the slightest resist ance on his part, before the Magistrates at Union hall. The following evidence against the accused young man, together with his statement, were re duced to writing : Catherine Connell sworn—l live at No. 12, Gray's buildings, Manchester-square, and am at present out of a situation. On Tuesday last I called on Mrs. Godfrey, who lodges at No. 41,Belvedere•place, and having stopped with her all day, as we were pre paring to go to bed, about twelve o'clock, I heard a noise proceed from the room below that in which we slept. The noise continuing, I ran down stairs, and distinctly heard " Murder !" called three times, from the room occupied by Mr. Heath and his son. Finding the door partly open, I threw it farther so, and at the moment saw old Mr. Heath standing near the door, and his son at some distance from him ; they were both dressed at the time; the old gentleman, on seeing me, threw himself forwards towards me, and seizing me by the arm, exclaimed, " Child, l o ' murdered man." He seemed weak and infirm', reclined his head upon my sh ou lder, while s , issued profusely from his nose and m outh. 1,4 time we were on the lobby, and when I told gentleman that it was nothing, and that helo i better presently, he again exclaimed " 'LI / murdered man : my son has kicked me in the )e near the heart." Mrs. Ward, who lodges ° , next room, now came out, and I assisted 1 0 Mr. Heath into her apartment. 0 In answer to a question by the Magistr ste l witness said that the prisoner was in the roo 0 ) time his father exclaimed that he was a lia, llr li man, and that the former must have dietina the expressions used on the occasion. A f The witness, in continuation—After lear ia q Heath in Mrs. Ward's room, I went back ia p ll where the prisoner was, and said to him, he could you be such a brute as to use your grer e ot father in the way you have d o ne?" lie abi ll i er and said that if I did not quit his room h e i r! serve me in the same manner. I n r eply 195 6 :6 if he attempted to injure me, I would give t O , charge to a policeman. He appeared in a gr eli p ,;, upon my saying the words, and fearing h e n carry his threats into effect, I left the room, a li f ceeded up stairs. I did not see the prisonee4l,l until the next morning, at which time he 141 , 1 11 f on the bed quite dead. Upo n examining I ,°"he of my gown where the dece a s e d reclined i'l ll s it I found it stained very much from the blood s had issued from his nose and mouth. (T her i was here produced, and exhibit e d the apnealtl scribed.) Witness saw the prisoner in Alt a 'af i l room in the afternoon, and heard him sAY' ve very much distressed iu mind, and shall go to i p' hail, as I bare heard the offic er s are lookinga rte.r. The witness added, that upon that ocossi ° l, o o Ward asked her to shake h an d s w ith the P l ' l iti which she did not refuse, but did not speak l A ° o f By the prisoner—Did n ot see th e d e cead" r ip after I assisted him into Mrs. Ward's room 115 next morning, and then he was dead. ha° Prisoner—The greater oo i tion of what l' j ness has stated is untrue. ell The Magistrate asked the witness if sh e s : f li' quainted with the prisoner ?—She never ° ho e! but once before the night in question, and:dite on Sunday last, when he cam e i n to Mrs. `) room to borrow a pair of scissor s . b The accused being anxious to be heard, i e )o d O h gistrate, after having cautioned him, retra rke t he4 i ," he was at liberty to g i ve an y ex pl ana tion h e- l i ik i proper relative to th e ser i ous c h arge upon ' rt : was brought there. eta l h si The prisoner then made the following st 3 , t t e . —" I have only to say that when I we ll ; ele gy with my father on Tuesday night, abcPlf,,, o'clock, I don't think he was quite s ober• or ei'r' when I got up, about seven o'clock in the ni f g ot: - that he was as I supposed asleep. When 'plil" I went to Dr. Coulthred's in Melton-placefitt IV it alarming that my father could not sP ea rrif,, /$ doctor went home with me, and on exina' ill L''' body he pronounced that he was dead. 3f A r 'ifer ef , J thred's assistant examined the cups and a s- r ' sli c, things in the room, and made some ob i 'ra c of which I don't recollect. I afterwards c ae 65' , Mr. Crawter, one of my father's trustee', v rection of my aunt, but he was not at W e d . ja i ' one of the clerks of my father's death, an a , scribing the event said that it was awful a n ) den. Mr. Crawter paid some money O rn ho e o t 4 ,it . singe into the bank for my father. It was e- 0 o'clock when I called at Mr. Crawter's oflice lq accused here revert e d a g a in to the night of t" 0 ( posed murder, and said, "My father wag is i when I got home; I laid down on the be.fi'i when I awoke afterwards I found hi m 161°1 the fire, but I don't know what time it was' quested him to come to bed, he made somes answer, and I went to sleep again. On s velf; ,I. again, hat t , and m e it was. by l th h e av fi e r e riv s ; he had no watch, nor do I believe any th i fp'Y l l iinu dor s i t ' i t il b s e i l l ie ti :e g he lost a"Y III ( ' o t missingu p andout of assistedthe r room. o h m i m . to Thisb e d i . s all the fatal tion I have to give as to th e d eat h o f my added the prisoner, " and I have only to say s t am perfectly innocent of the ch arge which l' a alleged against me." • tiol At this stage of the proceeding a professiagii attended for the prisoner, to whom his, e v o already taken was read over, and he su l l', l lie s' client not to put any question to the w' r is" there was nothing yet adduced to affect him s d e be The prisoner acquiesced with the advice, an remanded for further examination. T 0 IVN-HALL, SOUTH WA. l , l § l ,ao l , James Perry, commonly called P ,,, of Jemmy," was brought in by Johnson, t" - 5 1ii charged with stealing a feather-bed from th e Mr. Smith, pawnbroker, Golden Last-cou rt ' lot' One of Mr. Smith's shopmen stated tbe ' bed lay upon a table near the shop door' [ 0 1 seen it there not two minutes before he we ll- bil'„ ther part of the shop, but presently turning rot, he missed it, and recollecting hearing a ne :: 1 noise, exclaimed, " My God, the bed's g, ° ' - ate,:, ran out. In Counter-street he perceiveu„te soner with the bed upon his shoulders, ei t l - o lit r it down and made off, but was pursued and -6s, High-street. The value of the bed was 2 ' . s th` ' Mr. Alderman TIIORP—WeII, this 15 1. 0 01 bold exploit of yours, Master Perry; hav e " r ° thing to say about it ? ( i f "No," replied Jemmy, quite unconeerne s•e thing but this here :—As I was going alorg axed me to carry it for him, that's all." ~, Alderman TIIORP—You shall have a^ 'OT g sir for thi rn his AN ~,,,L:rracks (inch ford) to rn , 0 , ‘shester bcir 3 ' ) bu i tt °I ;112 i t i r i , ) ~ UCP he te c r it 444 tO th( T ° hi s i kra and I I ; N aha a ' 0 4 Theri ax , erb y c til rha kv 4 , 'ialy IBla Axid To his Nt Ini q , ter l4 bh dge 1/41Z1 Err,bell k t ; k e ,l)Ye, with that • Inde •,111 aa f 144" iL'idetd, tfY Let tht • utif t o , LN n t he , "4 Pin e N ear If eet Y • COl _Agate, ._ of a daughter, stillborn. MARRIED. , On the 10th inst. at St. G eorge ' s , Ilanover-5017q., Esq., to Ch ar l o tt e A ugus t a , w id ow o f T. Ono, ford-street, May-fair. re 1.1. (1' On the 10th inst. at All Souls, LanghaM-P. 3- 'est worth, Esq., of Upper York-street, to Jane, younit of the late Rev. J. Smith, of Clapton-square. r at,J l l l , On the Sth inst. at Brighton, Commander re„ ~....41, Austin, R.N. to Ann Eliza, widow of the late n:,01 5 ' linson, and only daughter of the late Thomas I 1 3" Penang. DIED. On the 7th inst. at Antwerp, of apoplexy, a r, R, illness, from which he appeared rapidly reco , Abraham Ellerman, Esq., K.G.H., his Brinunn e c t o osOi sul-General for the kingdom of Hanover, and „t Grand Duke of Mecklenburg Schwerin, and Ar l i D eri , On the 10th inst. Mr Thomas Wontner, of Islington, aged 81 years. I)o,`;'',o On the 10th inst. at Clay-hill Enfield, a t the fi e, o' brother-in-law, Paittield Mills, ' Esq., Sarah 011.1," the late James Underwood, Esq. of Potton, Peo'',lll., l o On the 7th inst. in Clifford-street, Lieut.-Colo.ol-' of Brettwell House, Oxon, l a te hi s Majesty's C ° '' East Friesland. nes''' )cars On the 3d inst. Mr. R. Huntley, many stationer, of Duke-street, Grosvenor -square. rnINTSI) AND PUBLISHED RIC MUIIDO SUN OFFICS, 112, STRAND, Ler"'"‘ !lily of telling that story to a jury. Jemmy was fully committed. ,rA d s4 ; NEWWORKSBYDISTINGUISHED it LEES, JUST PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. COLBUR I4 A rc l' Oi r LEY, NEW BURLINGTON-STREET.--1. 13°. ,10 , Travels among the Bedouins and Wahabys," price 28s. " This work has th rown new light°e,l that has long stood single among the tiatiao s 'of t ! burgh Review. --2. " Sir Arthur Brooke's Spain and Morocco," 2 vols. Sea. with Pl' l r f c,',4 animated description of parts of Spain and ! ° ,, i 10 . present state of which was little known.”--S ta n C";, 3. " Major the Hon. George Keppel's Travel' if ori W ith o x, tinople across the Baleen," 2 vole. Bvo. plates. " Interesting information, entertainiatadr and clear description, vary every page."--- 6 , it j fol f ' zette.--4. " Lander's Wanderings in Africa, Syn. with portrait and other plates. " ,f;(1 46 , 1 ; with information respecting the interior or, e di:, ( Morning Post.---5. A new and itnprove°to 0 A " Hughes's Travels in Greece and Alhanias, 04: Bvo. with thirty-three plates, price 32e. 6/0 1 / I ', s tandard reference in cl a s s ic a l s tud CP', Captain Alexander's Travels through Russia, tc i f o rP &c. 2 vols. Bvo. with twenty plates. A s o could not be present e d i n a pl easan t er form i t ' ff young officer's travels."—Spectator.—i. " Elwood's Travels to India Overland," 2 vol'• plates. " She d e li g h ts us i n a ll her deal') Monthly I?er iew. _ — On the 9th BIRTH. R inst : at Southgate, the lady of J.