The Sun. — London, England, 1831-07-12 00:00:00

of Good Hope, a duty of 50. 6d. per gallon, and that the duty on wines imported from the Cape of Good Hope ahould be 2s. 9d. till the Ist of January, 1834, and after that day the duty on that should be se. per gallon. Mr. GEORGE ROBINSON would not object to the interpretation the Noble Lord had put on the Methuen Treaty, not because he had not an opinion on that subject, but because he would leave that part of the discussion to abler hands. He meant to confine his remarks to the commercial policy ; and if there was a proposition at variance with sound policy, it was that of the Noble Lord. (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had not entered into the inquiry as to what the conduct of Portugal would be; but he would tell the Noble Lord, before he made his pro position, that he ought to consider well what would be the consequence o f an equa li zat i on o f d u ti e s on English and other manufactures and produce in Portugal. It had been stated that the Methuen Treaty was not favourable to this country, and that infractions of it had been frequent ; but before the Noble Lord acted on such a supposition, he hoped that he would remember the fate of his budget, and give up his present proposition, as he had given up several of his former propositions, The Noble Lord had held out the wisdom and the advantages of extending our trade j with France, and had regretted that the trade with the two countries was so small, which he attributed to the restrictive at stem. The Noble Lord had referred to the effect of the alteration of the duties in 1825. At that time the duty was reduced about 7s. a gallon; hut what was the effect of that reduction? Had that increased our trade? He admitted what the Noble Lord said as to our imports was correct, and these imports had been increased by the alteration in the duty. The imports had increased from 1,536,000/. to 3,159,0001., but the ex ports to France had very much decreased. They amounted, before that alteration, to 1,124,000/. and they fell to 643,000/. He hoped that Hon. Gentlemen would not over look this fact. Ile would tell the Noble Lord, who was a great advocate, with many other gentle men of that House, for the Coctrine that exports de pended on imports, that this was a most fallacious doc trine. He did not mean to look at the case of Portugal with any political feelings, though he was afraid that gen t!, men allowed their judgment to be influenced by the Go vernment of Don Miguel. He would look only at the trade with Portugal, which he considered very advan tageous Our exports to Portugal amounted to 2,500,000/. while our imports only amounted to 500,000/. Was that amount of exports produced by the imports? No; but by the regulation which gave the British manufacturers the exclusive possession of the market of Portugal. Let the House look then at the probable effects should Portugal make reprisals on our trade.—(Hear, hear.) The Government of Don Miguel being under the influ ence of our Government, might rot make such repri ds, but he was sure the Constitutionalists, should they ever have the opportunity, would, arid thus we should hazard our valuable export trade to Portugal, fie- the chance of obtaining a trade with France. Of our trade with Portugal, the wine trade was an unim portant branch ; ard the Noble Lord would hazard the whole of that trade, for an increase of revenue to the amount ,of .180,000/. Why did the Noble Lord give these proposed advantages to France ? Was there anything in the state of that country, which made it advisable to reduce the duty to Is. 9d. per gallon ; and risk the whole of our trade to Portugal, for the advantage of the drinkers of Champagne, Burgundy, and Claret ? Instead of check ing our expoits, or running any risk of doing so, it was the duty of the Government to do what it could to find vent fur the produce of our manufactories. The interest of Ireland, ton, was eonsidered in this measure; for consider able quantities of butter and other things were exported from that country to Portugal. Were all these advantages to be Lezarded fur the benefit o f a supposed trade with France.—(Hear, Lear, hear.) [There was here a noise as of a boat-race, arid a great many Members rose to leave the House, which occ :sinned a momentary cessation of the debate.] He recommended that there should be no con cessions made to France unless by treaty of reciprocity,— All the countries for whom we had made concessions had met those concessions with restrictions, and therefore he recommended making none unless by treaties of recipro city. The trade to Portugal, which was now to be sa crificed, was more than equal in value to the whole trade to France, Sweden, Norway, Dennisrk, and Prussia. All these countries prohibited our commodities. Portugal re ceived them, and the consequence was, that our trade with Portugal exceeded the trade to all these countries united. Considering the great importance of this subject, lie begged the Noble Lord not to press the question. With respect to Newfoundland, he acknowledged be was interested in that trade ; but gentlemen might nevertheless take his ar guments for what they were worth. The very existence of that colony, he believed, depended on this trade. By the present regulations we were secured the exclusive sup. ply of that market with salt fish. The Noble Lord said, that our salt fish might compete in the markets of Portu gal with the salt fish of Norway and America, as it com peted with thet in Italy and Spain ; but the fact svas, that the rate of duty kept all other fish but that caught at Newfoundland from the Portuguese markets. Even if the duty were equal, the consequence would be—certainly we should compete with other foreigners—hut it would he by lowering our prices to theirs, which would he the ruin of Newfoundland. At present one hundred and thirty square-rigged vessels were employed in that j trade ; the trade which the Noble Lord wished to esta blish with France would be carried on in French ships, and thus our shipping also would be ruined, in order to give French wines cheap to our club-houses. For this nobody petitioned, and nobody would thank the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord might avoid all these evils, and get a revenue of 220,000/. instead of 180,000/. by placing an additional duty of Sd. per gallon on all foreign wines. lie recommended .the Noble Lord to do this. The Noble Lord was, perhaps, wrong in expecting an increase of trade with France. Certainly after the reduction of duty in 1824, the importation of wine from that country had increased to 762,000 gallons ; but in 1829 it was only 474,000 ; in 1630, only 408,000 gallons ; and up to January, 1831, it was 337,000 gallons. The Hon. Member concluded by recapitulating his arguments, and earnestly pressing it on the Noble Lord to withdraw his propositions, declaring that he meant to oppose them to the utinof;t of his power. Mr. CRESSETT PELHAM maintained, that after having raised the duty on French wine at 13 former period, now to reduce it, while she still remained our commercial rival, would be to stultify our legislative proceeding,. Mr. P. THONISON contended that Portugal had all along conducted herself as if she were not sensible of de riving any benefit from her connexion with this country. On the contrary, she had thrown every obstacle in the way of our trade; and every remonstrance on the part of our Government had been almost entirely, if not entirely, un attended to. When the Hon. Member for Worcester talked of the benefits which we had derived from the Me thuen Treaty, lie assumed that which was not borne out by the facts. He would show of how little real importance those benefits were. This was not, however, the time to argue whether at the time of its conclusion the Methuen Treaty was desirable; but it was well known that all writers on commercial subjects, and Adam Smith in par ticular, ha,l i•ondentned it. The stipulations of that Treaty ha?. been hedeen by Portugal; and the only question which our Government had now to consider was whether it would be better to incur the penalty attending on ter minating the Treaty, than make any endeavour, by ne gociation, to set tie matter right? Did Hoe. Gentle men know the situation of our wine trade in Portugal? Under the Methuen Treaty, Portugal becz.me entitled to send Her wines to this country, at a duty a third less than that oa French wines; while, on the other hand, Portugal was to engage to take our goods on favourable terms. In 1756, a Company was established at Portugal, with privileges greater than were ever before enjoyed by a commercial body—privileges almost royal in character._. privileges which prevented the British horn availing thamselves of any competition in the sale of wine in Por tugal. .I\'‘, wine could be exported for England without hay ;lng Arst been submitted to the inspection of this company. To allow the extraordinary nature of the charter which had been granted to the Oporto Company, it would only he neees• nary for hirn to state, that one of the articles provided that no Judge or Tribunal should take cognizance of any of their proceedings • and that th ey s h ou ld not b e accountable to any one for their conduct, except to their successors. Such were the original powers of the Company, and those powers remained to this day to a great degree entire. It bad been truly st a t e d b y his late [tight Hon. Friend (Mr. bluskisson), that th e e ff ect of the operation of this Com: pa ny was to raise the wires of Portugal to the consumer fifteen pounds a tun. In 1787, Mr. Pitt expressed his determination, unless Portugal relaxed in her commercial regulations, admitted British goods on more favourabh to•rns, and, above all, put an end to the Oporto Company, to equalize the duties in this country on th e w i nes of Pot:- tugal and France. The negotiations into which Mr. Pitt tote red with reerence to that subject were put an end to by the breaking out of the French war. It must be evi lent, however, to whoever reads Mr. Pitt's speeches on :he subject, that he had made up his mind, unless Portu oil conceded much greater advantages to this country, to to away with the existing connexion. in 1810, trade with Portugal suffered many grievances, especially on the tart of the Oporto Company. A negociation took place; ;Id in 1813 our Ambassador was authorised to declare, hat unless the Company were abolished, or placed on a cry different footing . , and unless British subjects were 4.,4 , 1 7 e,„ , " kft l / 4 4/r 4 'l l4l 4 h e.,,„ • P 1 4.4 110, a414 in 7 P4 PO " arr t4- hlr," t 'll , tlt • * Jo permitted to buy and sell, when, where, and how they chose, wine, brandy, and vinegar, the British Government were fully determined to propose a measure to Parliament for the purpose of encouraging the importa tion iota England of wines from other foreign coun tries. This was a proof that at least at that period we were resolved not to suffer our treaty with Portugal to be violated with impunity. No improvement, or if any a very trifling one, had been made in the character of the Oporto Company since the year 1813. At the present moment, all the substantial vices of the Company fully ex isted. No wine was allowed to leave Portugal without being marked with the brand of the Company, and with out being subjected to every kind of imposition. Under these circumstances what course could his Majesty's Go vernment take but that which they had adopted ? And what was the penalty which we should suffer by the aban donment of the Methuen Treaty? The extent of it would b e the prohibition of our woollen goods in Portugal. Amid what was the amount of the woollen goods annually exported from this country to Pottugal ? The declared value in 1828 was only 164,000/. ; in 1831 it was but 214,000/. The declared value of our woollen goods an nually exported to all countries independent of Portugal was 5,500,000/.—(ilear.) The whole ameunt, there hire, of the penalty to which we should subject ourselves was an annual export of 214,0001. So much for the loss ; now for the inconveniences of which the Hon. Member for Worcester had said so much. By the treaty of 1810 Portugal was bound to take our goods at a rate of duty amounting to about 15 per cent. But that was a treaty by itself, and had no reference to our connexion with the 3letbuen Treaty. It was to remain in force for 15 years —and long, r, unless either party gave a twelvemonth's notice of a wish to abandon it. That no such notice had been given by Portugal was a proof that she cons sidered the treaty advantageous to her, and therefore the probability was, that it would remain in its present state. The Methuen Treaty did not give us an iota more claim to have our goods favourably received in Portugal than did this treaty of 1810. But the Hon. Gentleman had ob. , erved that Portugal consumed a large amount of our manufactures. But that was because we took her pro duce at so much easier a rate of duty than the produce of other countries. But, after all, to what did our exports to Portugal amount ? Ile held in his hand a statement of the official value of our exports to Portugal for a series of years. Had it been an improving, an increasing trade? Just the contrary. Separating Portugal from the Brazils, it appeared that during a course of years our exports had been diminishing. The declared value of all British ma. nufactures exported to Portugal, to Madeira, &c. in 1815 and 1816, was 2,933,0001. In 1828 it had dwindled down to 1,018,000/. ; and in 1829 was not more than 1,200,000/. The lion. Member for Worcester bad dwelt on the benefits which we derived from the favourable ad mission of our fish into Portugal. In the first place, he would observe, that the real duty levied on our fish in Portugal was eighteen per cent. instead of fifteen. There could be no doubt that a large quantity of fish was ex ported from Newfoundland to Portugal. The total amount of fish exp rted from Newfoundland in 1830 was 788,000 quintals ; of which above 300,000 quintals went to Por tugal. This was certainly a large proportion. But still, even if we lost the existing favour in that respect, we should not be placed in a situation of great disadvantage. The fish of Newfoundland was capable of competing in the foreign market with the American and Norwegian fish ; and the price of our commodity was necessarily re gulated by that competition ; so that, although we might lose something in the event alluded to by the Hon. Gen tleman, it was not probable that we should lo'e much. It was clear, however, that Portugal would not be disposed to break the treaty on the subject, unless she wished to tax her own consumers. Now, so unpopular was the increase of the duty on fish in Portugal, that a proposition to that effect made in the Cot tes was necessarily abandoned. A contrary course had been one of the means by which the Sovereigns of the Brageoze Family - had obtained popula rity. The last Queen of Portugal, on her entrance into Lisbon, had been received by the people with the utmost enthusiam and joy. Why ? She had reduced the duties on salt fish. Ile now came to the Hon. Gentleman's ar gument about France. The Hon. Gentleman asked why we made an unproductive sacrifice? Why we reduced the duty on French wines, while France did not reduce the duty on English goods? The Hon. Gentleman said that the imports from France had increased, while the exports to France had not increased. Now, if the im ports had increased, how did the lion. Gentleman sup pose the French were paid ? The Hon. Gentleman seemed to think, what he (Mr. P. Thomson) wou'd be very happy to find the case, that the French gave us 1,500,0001. of imports fur our 600,0001. of exports.— There was an old doctrine well known among commercial men, and all who were familiar with the celebrated work called The British Merchant—namely, that the gain or loss of a country in trade must not be calculated upon a comparison of its exports and imports. It mould certainly be better if France would take our manufactures directly from ourselves, instead of forcing us to send them in the first instance to America. But who were the losers?— Did not France thus compel herself to pay all the expense of a double freight ? He perfectly agreed with the Ho nourable Member, that nothing could be so absurd on the part of France as her policy, in going to a distance for that which she could obtain near at hand, or making at home what she could purchase at a cheaper rite of her neighbours. The Hon. Gentleman seemed to think it would be better to negociate than to legislate on the subject. He perfectly agreed, however, with his late ever-to be-lamented friend 3lr. Huskisson, that other na tions would believe we had a sinister intention in recent mending a liberal corntnercial policy, unless we set them the example. It was only by the general and unrestricted adoption of that cyst , m, that we could convince other countries that we were really in earnest in our opinions. If we were again to attempt to neariciette, what would be the result? That, after long and repeated attempts to overreach one another, we might conclude some bargain__ some Methuen Treaty--of which we should at a future time repent, finding it was a clog to our commercial pros perity. The policy which France had pursued on subjects of this kind had not been attended with much advantage to her. lie wished that those who, no doubt conscien tiously, although in his opinion most unwisely, approved of restrictions on trade, and thought it better to produce an article at home, if it cost 100/., than to buy it abroad, although it might cost only 50/., would look at the com mercial state of France, not now alone, but before the re volution. In proof of this assertion, the Right lion. Gentleman read extracts front the report of a commission appointed in France on the subject, in the year 1926, and front a recent tremotial to the French Government from the nine districts of that country; by which latter docu ment it appeared that in those districts, a fifth part of France, more enlightened commercial views were begin ning to prevail, and the continuance of the prohibitory system was strongly deprecated. By adopting the measure now proposed by his Noble Friend, the House would give arms to those who were fighting in France for the cause of liberal commercial intercourse.—(Hear, bear.) Mr. ATTWOOD observed, that the Noble Lord's measure amounted in fact to a proposition to make 110,0001. by the introduction of a new duty, and while he admitted, that if it were found absolutely necessary for the sake of the revenue to impose this additional tax of 180,000/., he knew no object on which it could be more properly raised than wine; yet be considered that the course adopted by the Noble Lord on the occasion had been extretnely tortuous and indirect. In a financial point of view, the proposition went to add 180,0001. to the re venue; in a commercial point of view, it went to transfer to France part of the wine trade of Portugal, and the whole wine trade of the Cape; and, in fact, it carried farther the theory of free trade than it ever had been car ried before. It likewise really was a measure for the in troduction of a new tax, though it had been set forth by the Noble Lord, that in consequence of his judicious shuffling of time duties, there would be no additional burthen imposed upon the people. The effect of levying ss. 6d. a gallon on all wines, French and Portuguese, and Spanish, was to fix a duty of 100 per cent. upon one wine, and 50 per cent. upon another, which accordingly acted in the one case as a bounty, and in the other as a discouragement— the bounty being given to the wines of France, and the discouragement to the wines of our own colonies. He protested against the alteration proposed to be made with respect to Cape wines, and considered, that if Government wanted this sum of 180,000/. they ought to obtain it by an equitable rate of taxation, imposed according to the value of the wine. Sir J. GRAHAM denied that the conduct of his Noble Friend had been tortuous or indirect ; and in proof of this assertion referred to the first part of his Lordship's speech, wherein he had expressly stated, that the tendency of the measure was to introduce a new impost. Alluding to the measure befor e th e H ouse, h e remarked that it was 1111.• possible for a country to go on importing without export ing, and that all means should be adopted to increase the amount of exports. The question to be considered was, not whether we could justly depart front the Methuen Treaty, but whether we could d o it wisely? It is allowed, too, that if a new duty be necessary, no article could be better selected for taxation than wine; therefore the only question in reference to this point of the subject was, it French wine should not be taxed as well Lis Portuguese? Now had it been argued on the other side, that no ad vantage should be given to France, except according to the prov;siouz of a treaty of reciprocity ; but his -Noble Friend held not this opinion, observing, that such treaties were for the most part inefficient, and only tend to jea lousy between countries; he had accordingly deemed it iirach more advisable to set France the sound example, by. 'educing the duty upon her prime article of produce, which i n many cases amounted to a prohibition, and to show her that we entertained no jealousy—that we were confident we could receive her produce without injury to ourselves —and that she would see occasion before long to act upon liberal policy, and receive our manufactures in return. In re'ereace to the Cape wines, he stated, that the protec •ion now afforded would, according to the present law, expire in 1833, when 7d. a gallon of additional duty was to be imposed. Now it was not the intention of Govern. inent to increase the duty as soon as it would he increased according to the existing law, for they did not pro pose to carry the alteration into effect until 1834. But wh it, he asked, had been the effect of this protection ? Had the consumption of Cape wine in this country in creased ? Nu ; it was found to be an uucongenial article, and the consumption had, in truth, decreased. In 1827, 696,000 gallons of Cape had been imported into this country ; in 1828, 652,000 gallons ; in 1829, 57:‘,000 g 'lions ;in 1830, 537,000 gallons. Now this, lie con tended, proved that the taste for Cape wino had be en on the decrease, and it was admitted on all hands that Cape was the great menstruum for the adulteration of the finer wines, and this to the great detriment of the Revenue. If timely notice were given at the Cape to enable the mer chants to withdraw their capital and have the produce diminished, he considered that perfect justice would have been done; and as a matter of fiscal experiment and of political expediency in extending our relations with France; he thought there were good grounds for the measure, and he hoped it would be supported by the House. Mr. HERRIES said, the proposition was at first brought forward simply as a matter of finance, but afterwards it was advocated as a great question of political and com mercial policy. The Hon. Member then referred to the Methuen Treaty, and real the clause which permitted Ens_ land to introd uce F renc h w i nes, w i thout any difference be tween them and Portuguese, on her paying the penalty of the exclusion of her woollen goods; and contended, thataltbough Portugal, from having originally had conditions too onerous imposed upon her, had been led on many occa sions into conduct which demanded reprobation, yet that we bad, upon the whole, derived great benefit, political and commercial, by our connection with the Peninsula, and that it was, and always had been conceded by all former Governments, that nothing could be more impolitic than to avail ourselves of the right we possessed to depart from the treaty. Mr. Canning, for instance, he could take upon himself to say, had scouted the idea. And he begged to ark the House it, under the present circumstances of Europe, the course pursued by Ministers was a politic course to pursue ? It had been frequently debated in the late Cabinet, how in the best, and fairest, and most ami cable manner to Portugal, they could get rid of the Methuen Treaty ; but never did they dream of cutting the knot after the fashion now recommended. The necessary papers had not been submitted to their legal advisers, and they undoubtedly observed that, according to the provisions of the clause in question, we might get ourselves free of the treaty by paying the penalty in the exclusion of our woollen manufactures, but that an this was not a thing to be contemplated between amicable parties, they at once dismissed it. It bad been said by Hon. Members, that the amount of our woollen goods received in Portugal was very trifling—equal only to 200,000/. ; but be begged the House not to view the matter in this light, but to observe the relation which Portugal, or rather, he said, the whole Peninsula. bore to the other European kingdoms as a re ceptacle for our manufactures. The fact was, one-sixth of the whole amount of our exported goods were taken in the Peninsula ; and would any man venture to say that the abstraction of one-sixth of our exports would not be at tended with great distress to our commercial and manu facturing interests? In the year 1825, the Ministry had discovered, that to maintain the system of high duties was only to incur continual sacrifices, and the duties were therefore reduced ; but in 1830 the Noble Lord wanted a sum of 180,000/., and to make it up, he re sorted to the expedient of increasing the duties on wine, although they had formerly been diminished with the ex press view of benefitting the revenue. [The symptoms of impatience manifested during the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman were so great, that we can only state generally the purport of his observations.] The conse quences of adopting the present proposition of the Noble Lord would be, that the consumers would be charged a higher sum than before, but the revenue would not gain in the same proportion; inderd, it was more likely to be diminisheda—(Question, question.) He could assure the House, that he would detain them but a short time ; but he must express his surprise at the impatience thus mani fested upon a most impoi taut question. He maintained that the Ministry had adopted a wrong course with re spect to Portugal. The most obvious course for them to have pursued was to have adopted an amicable course to wards that country, to which we had been so long and so closely bound by commercial treaties. Mr. SADLER rose in the midst of the loudest cries of " Question," which were continued so long, that at last Mr. ATTWOOD moved an adjournment. Mr. HUME objected to the adjournment of a question which had already been pretty well discussed.—(Hear.) He trusted that there cries of " Question" would not be continued, and he must say that a more disorderly House he had never witnessed.—(A laugh.) Mr. Alderman THOMPSON knew there were several gentlemen who wished to express their opinions on this subject, and unless they were permitted to be heard, he should support the motion for an adjournment, and should renew it at every opportunity presented to him.—(Cries of " Go on," mixed with " Question," " Divide.") Mr. SADLER said the proceeding now recommended by the present Ministry was one which bad been marked with the reprobation of a preceding Parliament ; and which, he trusted, would be marked with the reprobation of this Parliament, when it was fully understood. The present Ministry adopted an anti-colonial policy, which he was convinced would be the ruin of are empire; and then their changes were directed against the comfort of the poorer classes. They took 25 per cent. from the luxurious beverage of the rich, and added 15 per cent. to that of the poorer classes.--(" No, no," from Mr. Hunt.) He regretted this, for this wine was the cordial of the bed-side in sickness. The anti-colonial policy system was advanced in a book published by a Right Hon. Gentleman, who, as he was now in the Ministry, no doubt gave all the effect he could to his own opinions.— He feared that the opinions of the Right Hon. Gentleman had been adopted by the Ministry, from the fact, that they were now attempting to cut up the existence of the Cape. They did not act upon any principle of fairness ; they put an ad valorem duty of 40 per cent. on the wines of France ; an ad valorem duty of 80 per cent. on the wines of Spain and Portugal ; and an ad valorem duty of 150 per cent. on the produce of our own colonies. He re. pealed that this was utterly unfair. Mr. HUNT disclaimed on the part of the poor, the statement made by the Hon. Member, that the Cape wine was the cordial of the poor; if it was a cordial, he was sure it must be most offensive to them. lie never knew that they purchased this wine, or that medical men ever recommended it.—(Hear.) If this were really a tax on the poor, he would cut off his right hand rather than vote for it; but it was not, and he should therefore give his willing support to the measure. Mr: SADLER with respect to the liquor so much re probated by the Hon. Member, would take on himself to say that he had had it analysed by one of the best chemists in London, and that it contained a superior quantity of al cohol to any other wine—(Laughter) —a n d was equal in quality to any wine imported.—(Loud laughter.) Mr. ROBINSON said a few words in the mi,lst of loud cries of " Question, question." The gallery was then cleared for a division, but none took place; and on our return we found Mr. GOULBURN opposing the measure. He did not approve of the mode of conducting the foreign policy of the country by means of measures of revenue moved in a Com mittee of the whole House. Our treaties with Portugal ought to be discussed regularly and formally, and should not thus be brought incidentally before the House. The Noble Lord said that he brought forward this measure, in order to conciliate the French, that there might not be war with the French at a future period.—(No, no.) He would only observe, that if that answered as a mea sure of conciliation, it must fail as a measure of revenue; for if the French wine should be so generally consumed in this country as to supersede the wines of Portugal and Spain, the Noble Lord would receive only 4s. 10d. instead of 59. 6d. By giving these privileges to the French, we should lose the advantages we had long enjoyed from our connection with Portugal—advantages which were not conceded to us by any other independent nation.—(Hear.) If we acted in that manner towards Po r t uga l , that country would be justified in not giving us the monopoly of the sale of fish, and might properly . claim the benefit of strong, course and were, now pro. admitting others to compete . with us in that article in her ti less the mat kets. She might, for instance, admit the Norwegian, into the fish market. .These were commercial considera tions; but those t o ,i f te po as lic c y le l a v r er a e ga tT n t , our adoption by the Ministry. Much had been said of the friendship.subsisting.between this country and p in os ti , s l o fo p r inion, q Portugal, and the obligation which rested upon us to main tain our connection with an ancient ally. lie confessed, to his mind that argument brought no conviction, more especially when he remembered the recent conduct of that country towards this. Our communications with British residents there had bee n f ur some ti me , en th e ir part, little more than a series of complaints against the Portuguese Government for infractions of that treaty ; and even, within a short time, we had been under the necessity of sending a fleet to the Tagus for the purpose of protecting the rights and properties of those residents. He therefore thought that the arguments of the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite ought not to have that weight with the House which those who de livered them expected. The Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke last had said, that if the alterations now proposed were carried into effect, the Portuguese would reduce the duty on the fish of other countries, to the obvious detri ment of our trade ; hut surely the Right Hon. Gentlemen must recollect, th the present resolution gave them no in creased facility for doing that, nor did it afford any reason why they should. They might do so at the present Hio client if they thought proper, or at any time past. The House then divided— For the resolution '259 Against it 157 Majority -10'2 On cur re-admission we found that the Order of the Day for the House resolving itself into a Committee of Supply had just been moved. AFFAIR OF CASTLEPOLLARD. Mr. O'CONNELL sincerely hoped that the Irish Go vernment would pause before they resolved upon proceeding contrary to the wishes of the parties most injured. A memorial had been forwarded to the Castle, in Dublin, on the part of the relatives of the deceased, praying for l er mission to be allowed themselves to prosecute. It was, to be sure, said, that they were to have an additional Coun , el to aid in the prosecutions, but that made no im portant difference ; for a junior Counsel so circumstanced had nothing to do with the conduct of the cause—no power to call any witnesses—no right to be present at any consultation, and his connexion with it afforded no ac cu rity against the whole matter being mismanaged ; neither did the character of the Attorney-General ; for it might be mismanaged even without his knowledge. It was of the highest importance that the people should have confi dence in the Government. Lend ALTiIORP said that Government was placed in circumstances of considerable difficulty. There were three courses open to them--either to prosecute on the pact of the Government, without any assistance from the relatives of the deceased, or to leave the matter entirely in their hands ; or, pursuing the third course, of uniting with the parties in the business of the prosecution ; and when the House remembered, that both the Hon. and Learned Gentlemen (the Members for Kerry and fur the University of Dublin) joined in censuring the conduct of Government, that afforded some ground for assuming that Government had not acted unwisely in avoiding either ex treme, and adopting a moderate proceeding—that of giving assistance to the people. It was a mistake to suppose that the additional Counsel would be inefficient, for it was un derstood that he should be made acquainted with the whole conduct of the trial, with full power to complain when ever grounds for complaint presented themselves, and with full power to call any witnesses whom he might think proper. - Mr. LEFROY complained of the conduct of Govern ment on this matter, on the ground that it amounted to a administration of justice by a mode unknown in this country. He regretted much that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the Member for Kerry, should avail himself of opportunities such as that to excite political agitation in that House. Mr. O'CONNELL certainly did call it a slaughter ; and it the Hon. and Learned Gentleman thought that too harsh, he should be obliged to him for a gentler phrase in which to express the slaying of 13 or 14 Irishmen. Mr. HUME thought it natural for the relations of those persons who were killed by the police (whether that killing was to be called a slaughter or not) to desire that justice should be done.—(Hear.) Nothing could go further to appease party feeling in Ireland than the fair administra tion of justice —(Hear.) After a few words from Mr. Goulburn, Mr. North, Colonel Rochford, and Mr. O'Connell, The ATTORNEY -GENERAL said, he thought that there was nothing unusual in the course followed by the Attorney-General for Ireland. All Crown prosecutions were necessarily under the controul of that officer ; but there was still no reason why he should not avail himself of the assistance of Counsel employed by the relations of the persons slain.—(Hear.) There was no thing in the course adopted by the Attorney-General for Ireland different from that usually pursued in England. Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL hoped the Crown law yers would not pursue the course adopted by their prede - cessors in 1829, in the Clare prosecutions—(Hear)—in which the Counsel for the Crown refused to join in the challenge,' of the prosecutors. Mr. STANLEY thought the Irish Attorney-General had afforded every facility to the relations of the persons killed, and had honourably and impartially executed his very difficult and delicate duties in Galway, Clare, and Ros common. Mr. PERRIN could see no reason why the Attorney- General should take a prosecution oat of the hands of the relatives, who were willing, and who had the means, to prosecute. He knew such interference had occasioned great discontent amongst the people.--( Hear, hear.) Mr. HUNT (amidst considerable confusion, which he said should not put him down) rose to say a few words. He could not perceive why the Attorney-General interfered In those prosecutions, unless it were fur the purpose of protecting certain parties.—(Hear, hear.) If it was the wish of the Government to save the yeomanry, and it they thought that body prosecuted with too much avidity, why were not Counsel sent down to defend them, who had need of such protection, instead of forcing assistance upon those who did not wish for it ? SIR A. B. KING. The SPEAKER having left the Chair, and the House having resolved into a Committee of Supply, a short con versation took place between Mr. Rice, Mr. Goanox, and Mr. G. DawsoN, respecting the case of Sir A. 13. King, which Mr. DAWSON said he would bring before the Com mittee that evening. On the motion of Mr. RICE, the question was put that a sum not exceeding 15,796/. 10s, be granted to his Ma jesty for the Retired Allowances. Mr. G. DAWSON rose to call on the Committee to do lan act of justice to a useful and meritorious individual, and he was confident that, upon the statement which he should make, his proposition respecting that person would meet with their unanimous concurrence. Ile had no doubt that the Noble Lord opposite (Althorp) would be able to give satisfactory reasons for not having come forward on that occasion to ask of the House a compensation for Sir A. B. King. At the same time he hoped that the claims of the Baronet would not be prejudiced by his (Mr. Dawson's) advocacy.---(No, no, and hear.)—The family of Sir A. B. King had held for many years, by patent, the office of stationer to the Crown in Ireland—indeed from 1760 to the present time. He (Mr. Dawson) was aware that the long possession of the office, and the emoluments derived from it for a long term of years might be referred to, to induce the House to refuse compen gation.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But he could not think that it would be any disadvantage to Sir A. B. King that the House should take it into its consideration that his family and himself had so long held that office without any delinquency on their part, and with ad vantage to the country.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It was complained in 1829, that such a monopoly as the Baronet possessed should ever have been granted to an individual, and it was referred to a Committee to inquire respecting his patent. That Com mittee reported that the transactions of the King's sta tioner with the Government were not under sufficient controul, and they recommended that Sir A. B. King should be induced to surrender his patent, and that the su pplying of stationery to the public offices in Ireland should he conducted on the same principles as in England. He (Mr. Dawson) had been a member of that Committee, together with his Noble Friend opposite, who, he was sorry to learn, was then determined to take a hostile part to him on that occasion. —(Hear, hear.) It had never been doubted that Sir A. B. King had exclusively the right to serve all the public offices in Ireland with sta tionery, nor had it ever been questioned, on the other hand, that it was in the power of the Crown to deprive bins of that right.—(Hear, hear.) But it was a power which had never been exercised but where delinquency had b een proved, which had not been the case with regard to this gentleman. Mr. Dawson read an extract from the report of the Committee, in which it was recouusended that Sir A. 13. King should be induced to surrender his patent. As soon as that recommenda tion reached the Government of that day, an applica,tin n in was made by the then Secretary for Ireland, • King, in answer, stated that he wa s pe; fectl u tic.r.ciotiriitnl.g in ce with the suggestion of the C o m m i ttee. Si, office. y him ( A m f After r D some a w illi n g to enter into an arrangement for the surrender of his patent, and that he d e layed a final and decisive answer as c t i ?l m i o e ti v , e o nment, Sir A. 13. to the terms on which he would surrender it, only because' here Wai a little difliculty—(A laugh)—in ascertaining the Kin ) g , l' as 'as he w l i v il a i s ng then Secret dry to the Treasury. But he uonfi tah t t o ei n s p u r b ov i fii n ttl i si t h tol i l s fe s(osnlr. Dawson) did not think that it was competent to him, or to any but a principal stationer, to decide the matter. It was accrudindy referred to tsvo " pro fTtchteramcoomunmt fessional stationers of high eminence and great eita aiedbybySirthe A. B Chaia : ofcellos of th the wEl'xnen'ieq(ulnee was nn Exchequer, the other King. They, not aareeing, called in as umpire, a most eminent stationer ; and the award agreed upon by the ar bitrators was, that 2,5001. per annum was no more than a fair compensation to Sir A. B. King for the surrender of his patent. If the award had been while the late Go vernment was in office, it would have been confirmed by a minute of Treasury : but he understood that it was now contended, that as it was only a patent during pleasure, no compensation was due. He must he allowed to say that this was the first instance of visiting on a metitorious officer th e displeasure of the Crown, by revoking a patent which had always been considered as granted (luring life : and it might be remarked, that although 40 Irish offices had been abolished, yet in every case compensation had been given. He would admit that there had been an ex travagant issue of stationery, but at the same time it was to be observed, that this issue was not within the controu! of Sir A. B. King ; and therefore, though there was now a saving of 10,0001. effected out of an issue of 22,000/. per annum for stationery, it was by a general system of economy that this saving was produced, and not by any thing connected with Sir A. B. King. He therefore trusted, that he had made out that the House of Corn mons would be justified in giving a compensation of 2,5001. according to the award of the arbitrators. Ile hoped that whit he had stated had been gone through without any exhibiti. n of party feeling; and he could safely say, that he believed that this compensation was in strict accordance with the justice of the House. He should therefore move, as an amendment, that 2,500/. be added to the grant DOW before the Committee, for the pur pose of making a compensation to Sir A. B. King. Lord ALTHORP said, that when the question svas be fore the Committee that had been appointed,it had never been understood by them that the patent was only granted (lur ing pleasure. As soon as he found that that was the case, he had deemed it advisable that it should be revoked. The Right Hon. Gentleman, therefore, was not quite correct when he had stated that Sir A. B. King had voluntarily resigned the patent. He would, no doubt, have resigned it in consideration of a compensation of 2,500/. a-year —(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—but he did not come to the House as having resigned it without that award in his favour. Since there was, according to the admission of the Right lion. Gentleman, a saving of 10,000/. a-year nut of the 22,000/., it certainly did appear to him than Sir A. B. King, having been for so many years in the re ceipt of such enormous profits, his was not a case in which compensation ought to be made.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that he (Lord A.) bad ackno 'edged Sir A. B. King's claim to compensa tion, because he had allowed him the grant up to the year when the patent was revoked ; but he did not think that was at all pronouncing that such a claim did really exist. He did not wish, in anything he said, to appear to pass censure on Sir A. B. King, but merely to show the grounds on which he acted in refusing the compensation ; after which, it would be for the House to decide whether he had taken a right view of the sulijeet.—(Hear, hear.) Colonel SIBTHORPE supported the amendment. If they were not to grant compensation in this case, it would be a direct robbery of the individual. Mr. It. GORDON, as a Member of the Committee, bore testimony that that body had not been aware that the patent was one during pleasure only. The Right Hon. Gentleman had called Sir A. B. King a useful and meri torious officer, and perhaps the Right Hon. Gentleman thought that those qualities were evinced in the country having had to pay 10,000/. a-year too much during his supply of stationery.—(Hear, hear.) It was said that the compensation was calculated at the rate of 131 on his receipts ; but that certainly did not appear a very fair mode of reckoning, when it was recollected that, in addition to paper, &c., there was actually money paid to almost every officer in the Lord-Lieutenant's Household. Mr. T. LEFROY supported the amendment, and said that Sir A. B. King's character was unassailable, it was proved in his having been elected to be Lord May or of Dublin—(A laugh)—and in his having received marks of approbation from the Sovereign. —(Laughter.) Mr. O'CONNELL also supported the amendment. They ought to consider the faith upon which the patent had been surrendered.—(Hear, hear.) Every one under stood that the patent had been granted for lite ; and Go vernment had called on him to surrender it on the under standing that he should get compensation for it —(Hear.) S'r A. B. King had surrendered it ; and the question now was, whether he was to get that compensation or not.—( Hear, hear, hear.)—The Right Hon. Gentleman had talked of the extravagance practised ; but was that the fault of Sir A. B. King ?—(llear, hear.) He defied any one to prove that that was the case. Sir A. B. Kin g had nothing but his instructions to go upon. He did not dare refuse his obedience to them ; and the question now was, whether, on this account, he and his unoffending family were to be consigned to poverty and distress ? (The Hon. and Learned Gentleman was loudly cheered in these remarks by Mr. G. Dawson and Col. Sibthorpe.) Mr. HUME thought the House might find it difficult to resist the appeal of his Hon. and Learned Friend.-- He must, however, make the House aware that the fault was the Government's, not that of Sir Abraham King.— The patent ought to have been withdrawn in 1822 ; and that it was only now withdrawn was a proof of the manlier in which the public money was managed. Sir A. B. King ought to think himself too happy to have enjoyed so much of the public money. The late Government was much to blame.—(Hear, hear.) Sir A. King, instead of receiving more money, ought to refund.—(Hear, hear.) He had not discharged his duty as a faithful public servant ; and if his patent had been brought before any tribunal several years ago, it would have been voided. He was much surprised that the gentleman lately in office advocated this cause ; and he was happy to congratulate the country en having, at length, one honest Chancellor of the Exche quer, who would do hie duty to his country. The late Government ought to have ascertained whether the patent were for life or not. Ile should support the Noble Lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. CUTLAR FERGUSSON admitted the great merit of the Nubile Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer; but still he thought good feeling as well as justice was in fa vour of the view taken by the lion, and Learned Member for Kelly. The patent was for life, like all pensions grantedw by the Cron. The question had been settled by a reference already made to arbitrators, and the Govern ment was bound to abide by that arbitration. The sub.. jest had been investigated, the investigation had been completed, and the present Government could not alter the decision. Sir A. King was bound and concluded by the arbitration, and he could not go into a court of law to set it aside. Was he to be bound by it and nut the Government? That was not justice. If they did not give effect to the award of the arbitrators, they would do a gross act of injustice. Mr. G. DAWSON explained, that Sir A. King bad surrendered his patent, and that it was his (Mr. Dawson's) fault that it was not taken by him. lie contended that the profits said to have been made by Sir A. King had been much over-rated, He never had charged 100 per cent. profit. The utmost he had made was 161 per cent. Mr. Serjeant WILDE thought, if it were not fully made out, that justice and law demanded the compensation, the finances of the country were not in such a state as to allow of liberality to gratify the feelings of Hon. Members. If there was no foundation in justice or law for Sir A. King's claim, it was the duty of that House not to squander the public money. It was said that this was a question between Sir A. King and the Government. He believed it was a question between the public and Sir A. King. The patent, he believed, had been abused, and he bad no doubt that if a scire facias had been brought, the patent would have been void, d. He was struck by the fact, that it had riot occurred to the Members of the late Govern ment that the patent was held during pleasure (it was well known, the Hon. Member was informed)—if it were well known, he could not conceive the negligence which had allowed such expense for so many years unchecked. But if it were well known, to whom was it known : And if it were known, how came it th a t a Com m itt ee of th a t H ouse was kept in ignorance of this subject. —(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") This was a delusion practised on the Muse. He denied that the case bad been referred to arbitration. What was referred? Why, not the case as now known, but an assumed right, and he pro tested against that Committee giving a compensation for an assumed right —a right without foundation. The House was asked, then, to make good an arbitration founded on an assumed right. It was understoo./, he believed, that the patent had been resigned ; but the public was noiv in formed that Sir A. King had no right whatever. Thus a bargain had been made with him for what did not belong to him, and was the public to pay him for what he had n o right to ? If anything had been taken away from Sir A. King, he would say pay him ; but if nothing had be.n taken from Sir A. King to which he had a just claim, tha' H . wise could n o t g i ve hi en t h e public money. He had LW right to the public money ; he had surrendered no right to he compensated ; and the only question was, what were tl,e chums of Sir A. King on the benevolence of that House? But that House had only to do justice, not to grant a benevolence. Sir A. King had already profited much by the public, and had no claims on the benevolence , of the House, lie, therefore, should support the view of the Ministry. Mr. GOULBURN would admit that Sir A. King . had no just claim in law ; b u t the extreme of justice was often !gross injustice. It WM enatomary to make such eompew .ation. That patent had been twice printed, and mul t , have been known to th e H ouse . Si r A. Ki ng had held 10 patent fur upwards of sixty years, and it was not unres: enable that he should have a compensation when b'' l patent was taken away. He did not think compensation bkely to be an injury to the public, as a fair allowance .could induce persons holding such patents ready to resign them, and not to p!ace obstacles in the way of making ad' vantageous public arrangements. On the Right Hon , Gentleman taking his s ea t, t h ere were l oud calls of question, and the Gallery was ordered to be cleared far a division. The Committee then divided-- For the amendment 45 Against it ioa Majority -58 The original resolution was then agreed to ; an d the House, having resumed, the report was ordered to be re' reived this day. The other Orders of the Day were then agreed to ; and at Half-past Two o'clock this morning the House ddjourned. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIR,-The system of imputing the measures of public men to unworthy motives, and of advancing charges against them not supported by any thing approaching to satisfac tory evidence is very pernicious. Its t-ndency is to exas perate the good and harden the bad. The correctness of this view of the subject is well exemplified by the dispute between the Member for Middlesex and the Members for Mahnesbury and Tamworth, reported in The Sun of the 2d instant. Sir H. Ilardinge is a soldier and a man of honour. On service he deservedly attracted the notice of the Duke of Wellington, and other individuals distin guished for their civil as well as military rank. When the Duke had succeeded in obtaining the absolute command of the Administration he introduced into it his follower, Sir H. Ilardinge, a well-disciplined soldier, a warm-hearted and a grateful gentleman. Such being his character, it may be well understood that for his leader he entertained the strongest sentiments of fidelity and devotion, and that towards the body of his fellow-ser vants he was animated by much of the esprit de corps. Such feelings hare not forsaken him, although his Captain is cashiered and his comrades are disbanded. You may remember how incensed he was with a young Lord, who he thought had spoken against the Duke. He looked at his Lordship as though lie was going to dash his Lord ship's brains about the floor, and said something about scorning such a fellow.' Again, when Mr. Hume, on the Ist inst., expressed his suspicions that certain republican papers had proceeded from the enemy's camp—meaning thereby some of Sir H.'s late comrades—Sir H., with that generous credulity which induces hint to fancy all his friends as honourable as himself, spurned the idea, and retaliated upon Mr. Hume with much asperity and fury. Sir R. Peel too got up, and with the most astonishing and consummate effrontery proceeded to rebuke Hume for harbouring such suspicions. He said he had a thousand times rather be the object of them than their author. Surely the Hon. Baronet must remember that he is the author of statements much more scandalous than the suspicions in which Mr. Home professes to indulge. Hume only suspected the Ex• Ministers or their supporters of resorting to a some what shabby trick. But Sir R. Peel has substantially asserted, that at a critical conjuncture, when the well being of the State required the continuance of Parliament, his Majesty's Ministers, influenced only by selfish motives, demanded its dissolution.' Now let any person but calmly compare the suspicion with the statement, and he will, I doubt not, agree with me, that the latter is by far the most ungenerous. Your obedient servant, AN OBSERVER OF PUBLIC MEN. Parliamentary Debates, April 2'2,1831. DO VER, JULY 12.—Arrived from Calais the Sovereign, IIAYIvARD, having on board the Belgian De puties, Count DE MERODE, Baroa D'HOOGVOORT, DR 311INTENAEN, FLEAUPItE, anal LEBEAU, Who proceeded immediately for London to offer the throne of Belgium to Prince LEOPOLD, on the terms he prescribed, and sanc— tioned by a majority of 56 in the Belgian Congress. It is confidently expected in the Netherlands that their new KING Pill without delay repair to Brussels, and com tnence the important functions of the high situation to which be has been thus honourably called. It is now said that Lord BROUGHAM has absndoneu his Bankrupt Court Bill during the present Session, owing to the necessary absence of professional Members on the Circuits. The Right Hon. THOMAS SPRING RICE, M.P., derives a considerable accession to his property by the death of his relative, Mr. STEPHEN RICE, late Assis tant-Barrister, county Kerry. —Limerick Chronicle. The Duchess of ST. LEU, daughter of the Empress JOSEPHINE, and wife of LOUIS BONAPARTE, Ex-King of Holland, went last week on a visit to her Grace the Duchess of BEDFORD, at Woburn Abbey. It is generally believed in the neighbourhood that, in the course of the present summer, the KING will honour the Duke Of BEDFORD with a visit, at his Grace's splendid seat, —Bucks Gazette. The valuable living of Hodnett, which is in the gift of a late M.P. fin• the University of Oxford, still, we under,taild, remains without a cure. Should an ap pointment to it not take place soon, it will lapse to the CI own. The Duke of BEDFORD has caused to be printed and circulated a series of Rules, Orders, and Bye_ Laws, fur the better regulation of Covent- Garden Market, which are drawn up with infinite care, and in a style of great simplicity and clearness, perfectly intelligible to all classes of society. An illustrious personage has recently ex pressed himself in terms of indignant anger towards one of the members of his family, in consequence of that indi, vidual having used very audacious langu ige, in puidiG • company. in relation to the Ministers and the Reform Bill.— Court Journal. LANDER, the traveller, lies dangerously at his house in the Adelphi. During two or three days last week, little hope was entertained that this elven turous young man would survive, the fever was so ex tremely violent; but'the application of powerful blisters on the head, has occasioned its violence in some degree to subside, and the medical attendants are sanguine in their expectations that he will recover. Mr. COBBETT states in his Register that his Jury were equally divided, six being for a verdict of guilty and six for acquittal. B LACKFRIARS-BRIDGE.—Thi s great lead. ing thoroughfare to the metropolis, which has been closed for some time, for the purpose of being paved with large stones, with layers of cement underneath, is nearly com pleted. The population of the extensive parish of Marylebotie, under four successive censusecr, turns out to be as follows : Males. Females. Total. - 1801 1811 1821 1831 aving nearly doubled in thirty years. By the recent re ;urns it appears that these are in tl e parish 11,608 inha. kited houses, 756 building, and 921 unoccupied. Mrs. MARGARET ROSE, sister of the Right Hon. Sir G. ROSE, died at Montrose, on the 20th ult., in her 91st year. It is said that some 20 or 30 years rAgn this spirited maiden, to whom her thrifty and thriying brother refused any adequate provision, put up a sign at her little habitation, intimating " Alauciattv.T Ros 4, sister to the Right Hon. Sir GEortGE Roar, Treasurer of the Navy, takes in washing here."— Glasgow Chronicle. ABINGDON, FRIDAY, JULY B.—The influ enza has been very prevalent in this town arid neighbour. hood during the last week u r ten days; and, as the oes:sor.. rence of an epidemic is generally a tended by great exalt. thgeration, so it was currently reported here on Monday, last at a nsost malignant disorder, called the " block fever," had broken out in the village of Ridley; but, un minute po°oPreol',lle.fa.t4EDN"EY, Who ter-- inquiry, it was found the malady was only the very pr e _ vailing one, that might in many cases be traced to inc4; i% years on Baturday last, after four tious conduct in the bay-fields during the lase thowfiv weather as the cause; and that no ease hgdha; o pe ro c y u e r d re fp f ? o r r , :slloanynslteh, urinated i ,t s , it: :villaconfinement :l t g igfn e ena , e . no, indeed, i tfel t):93:ili,sayt?l b , ate u , d . At the death of TIIRALE, in 1781, the brew , -, house, and all that appertained to it, w ere so ld by Dr. J orr ssos and the older exe cutors to Mr. l'Exxxss (the penterson t a whno,an for some years, had b een the chief superintend ~ d, aalary of five hundred pounds) and to :. m e „ BARCLAY, a descendant of ROBERT BARCLAY, of . Ury, or one hundred and thirty-five thousand pounds. '. Such has, however, been the success of this sort of pre- perty, and its increase in value, that, two or three years ago, a gentleman, well known for his liberal principles and his kind and charitalde disposition, who happens to possess one-quarter share of this concern, received fur his proportion of one year's profits, upwards of fifty thousand pound% Nothing you this a of the Be already ma scale. Th ception of nothing bu Incase ben( The Catho two leading " Courrier one but th( to him, an( are bankrt Prince sh( French ar that he ruse on th hands of F Seron, of separating a free town tice and th threat with contemptib tore will to Lie;e (at example. dent not to one of the thlt he feel a very sho " Despatch lion of the manifesto, battle, and to rally rou ititutional I write i events wh cannot fail have any r( now engage looked upoi hallowed tr and which, for ever. In my L had been al in the battl to be too tr hie guilt, al order, hots awaited duals conce sive, and a! afford, and give you a very supers It appeal have long I known to however, h gerous cow a count<•r•r oridy ; but t admit of al which they temp., wh( aaid to be his manage The nam( a in the atree tional Gem nary affair iscopien , e fo 4 / 4 1t40 l have ih'fi 4 .4 briefly ; bu day, wheri The Rug nulez (Eng upon NEW We Frd mark, she holstein, Knburgit, *leen danto be stile alw respecting rue and be iiou whit; secure and spirit, well .cial states i Duchies of intentions i paternal vii due consith degree of n nest; and s pedient DON ttitution vv, We ther $. *hut kttce;tes are l' s •vieN, a n d , rre , 2. elected by Re shall fol every p r opr Count r y, eh: fottnity wit! as will be se and in cons' the tenants dude them Grou n d p r , the person t such of tiloE ' 43 "r Royal e the i nt , ntio sai;•tCharnb who is i n ~ xi 'lion, or Aix has acqu 3- we versity and Provincial fronts t4 es i, qualititt, n pose. 4. Ve Att tares•. and F Prey . inualy Seat ey , or 3 coon sties, by spec lively, their consi ~ if ti alt oration i r or ins