The Sun. — London, England, 1827-04-04 00:00:00

i n - ac ti ng a he had done, had not transgressed the line of public duty. There- was a wide difference between the present case and that which in 1820 was submitted to the investigation of a , committee above stairs. In that case the gravamen of the charge was, that the Magistrates had called in the military without a requisition from the return ing officer—her- it was the returning officer who had eh eolutely called them in. Mr. PEEL deprecated, in the strongest terms, any un necessary ca lling in of the military, to assist the civil power. At the same time, he felt himself compelled to say, that so long as the city of Carlisle remained as it did at present, without any efficient civil force, the military must occasionally be called in, to preserve the public peace. The whole civic force of Carlisle, at present, was two constables. It was not surprising, tlarefore, that the law was not properly administered, consiTering that these two men had to superintend and to check all the offences com mitted by a population of 50,000 or 40,000 persons. He knew that a Bill was now before the House for the specific Purpose of giving an efficient police to the city of Carlisle ; and he made no hesitation in saying that some pecuniary sacrifice must be made by the inhabitants to carry it into execution. It might be a good system, four or five hundred years ago, to trust to the exertions of a party of shop keepers a nd special constables ; but now, when the popula tion was so much greater than it was then, and so many artificial wants were introduced among them, he thought that they ought not to trust to such a corps ofvolunteer constables, but to a well-paid and united police. He did not know whether he should have taken any share in the present discus sion, had it not been for the charge of remissness which the Hon. Baronet who presented the petition had brought against himself. He thought that he could satisfy even the Hen. Baronet himself, that the charge was totally without foundation. The first riot took place at Carlisle on the 6th of June. On the 7th the Mayor wrote to him (Mr. Peel) informing him of it saying that he had called in the military, and hoping that he (Mr. Peel) would sanction, not merely their being called in, but also their being re tained in the town. He received that letter on the 9th of June. On the same da}• he wrote an answer to the Mayor saving, that he could not approve retaining the military force in the town during the time of the election, unless there was a clear and undeniable necessity for it; and that the sex of the two persons who were killed by the military, made him pause before he ventured an opinion in appro bation of the Mayor's conduct. He likewise added, that as to the propriety of retaining the military in Carlisle, lie was not then in a situation to decide ; and that lie must have snore facts within his knowledge before he gave to such a measure his approval. He thought that the Hon. Baronet would, upon this statement alone, acquit him of the charge of remissness. But he would carry his defence much further. He had written immediately to Sir J. Byng, the,commander of the district, and had requested that excellent officer to send him all the particulars which be could collect relating to that unfOrtunate transaction.— He had received such a report from Sir John Byng ; and he owned that the impression en his mind was, that there was no intention on the part of of the Mayor to interfere with the freedom of election when he called in the military on the sth of June. Carlisle was a garrison town, and therefore it wee that a party of soldiers were left in it during the electica to take care of the garrison. It was in consequence of Carlisle's being a garrison town that it had been so long without an efficient police. The people of Carlisle had hitherto relied on the presence of the military in case of any disturbance; but he most now tell them that that reliance must be at an end—(Hear, hear)—for he would not lend his assistance to calling in the military on every trifling breach of the public tranquillity. (Hear, hear.)---He then entered into a statement of the circumstances of the riot of the sth of June, which cor roborated that previously given by Sir P. Musgrave. He contended that the military had not fired till they were compelled to do so in self-defence ; and he believed that it was owing to their desire to avoid mischief by firing over the heads of the people, that one of the women, who was killed at her window, met her death. He then entered into a similar history of the riot of the 9th of June, and said, that the information which , he had received convinced him, that on that day the mayor had been grievously as-- saulte&hy the rioters, and, indeed, had been confined to his bed in consequence .of bruises he had then received. He tbesefora thought, that it was possible that the mayor, having imeik himself captured on the sth, and seriously assaulted on the 9th, by the rioters, had conceived that a necessity existed for calling in the military. It had been asked, why he had not called in the infantry, instead of the cavalry? It appeared to him that the mayor's reason for calling in the cavalry instead of the infantry was, that he did not wish to aggravate the feelings of animosity Nvhch already existed between the working population of stated the csisie as fairly as be could, for he had no triumph to ga i n, b e i ng m sconnected with either of the parties in the city of Carlisle. Re thought the Hon. Baronet had done wisely in not foundkg any motion on the petition which he had presented, but in merely stating it as a rea son for securing •to Carlisle the benefit of a sufficient civil force. The petition was thee brought _up. On the question that it be printed, Sir J. GRAHAM said that the opposition to the Bill, to which the. Right. Hon. Gentleman had been alluding, did not come from his friends at Carlisle, but from the Members of the Corporation, who were the very parties who had acted in the improper manner of which the peti tioners complained. If the Hon. Bart. on the other side of the House would move for a committee of inquiry on the subject of these riots, he would be prepared' to substan tiate before it all the allegations contained in the petition. He had not blamed the Mayor for calling in the cavalry in stead of the infantry. He blamed the Mayor on two dis tinct gro unds —first, that on the sth of June he had not timed any of the 300 special constables who had been sworn in, to quell ts,2 riot ; and secondly, that apprehending a riot on the 9th, he had created it by the means he took to prevent it.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. PEEL explained. He contended that the Corpo ration and the inhabitants of Carlisle ought to share between them the expence of giving to that place a steady and effi cient police. Sir P. MUSGRAVE admitted the necessity of having a rno ,^ll more efficient police in Carlisle than was at present t o h e found there. The ret :tions were then ordered to be printed. R EpAI3 OF CHURCHES IN IRELAND. Sir JOHN N WPORT rose in pursuance of notice to bring under the vies.' of the House the state of the law for c rebuilding and repairing' of churches in Ireland. In con sequence of the Reforrnatto.:l in Ireland being subsequent to that in England, i t Iv a jot till late in the reign of Queen Elizabeth that the churches a Ireland were trans ferred from the care of the Roman Catholic to that of the Protestant Clergy. In that state they re4ned till the 12th of Geo. 1., when an Act was passed for ties purpose of putting those of them which had fallen into decay into complete repair. The -Hon. Baronet called the attention of the House to the preamble of the Act, in which it was alleged that the reason of the churches falling into decay was, that the Papists outvoted the Protestant parishioners at all vestry meetings. It was therefore enacted, that from that time henceforward, no Papist should be qualified to vote at any vestry meeting. What had been the result of that enactment? Had the churches been prevented from falling into decay by it? No such thing. Though an un limited power of taxation was flung into the hands of the Protestants, the churches—nay, in some cases, the very cathedral..., were still permitted to sink into ruin. Being in this lamentable situation, it was found necessary to re build them; and at whose expence did the House think they were to be reisuilt ? Not at the expence of the episco pacy, who were bound 43 look to their preservation ; not at the expence of the Church k.f Ireland, which had immense revenues at her disposal ; but at the expence of the Roman Catholics, who were shut out from the vestries, and derived no benefit from the churches when rebuilt, The Hon. Bart. then mentioned the case of a parish in which the Protestants, 23 years ago, burnt down the Roman Catho lic chapel. The Catholics had never since been able to re build their chapel, but had erected their altar under any place which afforded them shelter, and yet in this very parish a new Protestant church had been built at the ex pence of the Catholics.—(hear.)--It was alone the Pro testant parish churches which the Catholics were called upon to build and repair ; they were likewise compelled to repair their cathedrals. . The preamble of the 21st of .George 111. stated that in several dioceses the cathedral .churches were so incommodiously situated, that they could not b e con veniently resorted to for the purpose of the per formance of Aivio: service, and that therefore such per tisrmance h a d not Laken place in them for many years, in congecluenee of which t 1,4 had fallen to decay. What re medy did the House suppose was provided by the Act in question—that the incumbents slimald support them ? No ; but that they should be incorporated with the parish churches, and supported at the expence of the inhabitants, that is to say, the Roman Catholics. In Cork, the ,cathe -Aral church was supPoeted by a tau upon the coals con tistaect i n t h at city. He was glad to state one honourable elu tt i tO the general comb:Let of the Prot e sta,-it clergy in- The deacon of the diocese of D own r0 1, 4 _ leafy Ifttiolita,„ to contribute from his war income 9001. Per ann u l 4, fills, the, eupportation of the catbedr4 Church. l o he o l t7f eo r 9 ) lt* l 2 avaalndividua• I ought to be disintere,tedn wa s the 13. Trent (as we understood.) He the was war ranted in saying, tliat since the Union, no Jeu than half a million had been raised, principally upon Roman Catholics, for the support of Protestant churches in Ire land. It was stated in a petition presented to the House from a poor retail shop-keeper in the parish of St. George, Dublin, that he had been distrained upon for 15 years' church rates. He had applied to the Irish Government for relief, but they told him they could afford him none. He trusted, however, the House would he of opinion that this was a state of things in which the House was called upon to interpose.—(Hear.)—The original estimate for building the church which this poor man was compelled to contri bute to was 17,0007., and already upwards of 40,0001. had been expended upon it. It really was a libel on common sense to talk of extending equal protection to all persons un der even the existing laws, if abuses such as those which be bad stated were to be tolerated. The Act of Parliament which authorised the building of the church in question originally contained a clause which authorized the erection of an organ, but it was objected to and was finally struck out. The trustees, however, had consulted counsel as to whether an organ might not be introduced under the name of an " ornament." The counsel had determined that it might--(A laugh),—.and therefore an organ had been placed in the church, in spite of the de clared opinion of Parliament. For this organ 500/. had been paid, and 2001. more for fitting it up.---(Hear.) The trustees of this church were not only self-elected, but according to a clause of the Act, they were compelled to account to nobody, but to each other—(Hear, hear. )—lt was usual to hear this country spoken of as the paragon of liberality, whilst Roman Catholic countries were equally decried for their illiberality and prejudice. He would leave the House to judge whether this character was just, after he had stated the conduct which a Catholic country had observed towards Protestants. In 1791, the Diet of Hungary, which, like the Parliament of this country, was composed of persons of different orders of the community, to the number of 500 or 600, came to a resolution in the following words :—" The Protestants of this state shall not be called upon to contribute to the Catholics either in money or labour, nor shall the Catholics, on the other hand, contribute to the Protestants or to the establishment of their churches or schools." This resolution was passed by a majority of more than three to one. In the same diet Protestants were declared equally eligible with Catholics to fill every office and to hold every rank in the State. This was the conduct of a Roman Catholic State, and yet it was said that England surpassed every other country in the world. He hoped that he had stated enough to induce the House to take the subject to which he had directed their attention into serious consideration. It struck him that one means by which the existing evil might be remedied, was the rendering of first-fruits available, according to the intention of the Act of Queen Anne. Another mode was a recurrence to the system which prevailed in the times of Henry VIII. and Flivibeth, of making the clergy support the churches and the poor out of the tithes. The Act of Queen Anne operated differently with respect to England and Ireland. In England the first fruits and tenths were appropriated to the improvement of small benefices, but in Ireland the tenths were remitted, and only the first fruits reserved for that purpose, and yet the rich clergy of that country called upon the impoverished laity to repair their churches. In the first instance, therefore, he would propose that the first fruits should be made available for the support of the churches. If that should be refused, he would then introduce a Bill to direct that, whenever any diocese should become vacant, a report should be made to the Bi shop of the diocese as to the state of the church, and if it should appear that the church was not in a state to allow of the performance of divine duty, the revenues of the be nefice should be altogether applied to !the repair of the church, with the exception of an allowance for a curate to perform occasional service, and that the incumbent should not enter on the living until the repairs were completed. Some such legislative enactment was necessary to rescue the clergy of Ireland from the disgrace of compelling persons who did not profess their religion to support their curches. The Honourable Baronet concluded by moving the follow ing resolution :—" That it appears by the Irish statute of the 12th of George 1., cap. 9, that many parish churches of Ireland, which were transferred at the time of the re formation into the possession of the established church, were, in the year 1726, in a state of such great decay, that divine service could not be performed therein ; and it is also there stated that the said churches could not be rebuilt or repaired in consequence of the Popish inhabitants out voting the Protestants in vestries ;—that the same and many other succeeding statutes, for the purpose of remov ing such obstruction, continued to enact during an entire century, that no Popish inhabitant in any parish in that kingdom should be permitted to vote at any vestries ;—that although the entire disposal of parochial taxes has been vested in the Protestant inhabitants, and although those sible interference with there, the churches in many parishes have been allowed to continue in a state of progressive de cay; they became in many instances absolutely ruinous, without any attempts being made by the Protestant inha bitants, or episcopacy, or Government, to prevent such injurious effects ;—that it appears in the highest degree unjust, to effect the rebuilding of churches, allowed to be come ruinous, by those who had the power to prevent the dilapidation, at the expence of those parishioners who con stitute in most of the parishes of Ireland the majority of the inhabitants, but whom the legislature has specially ex cluded, for being Roman Catholics, from all interference in vestries." Upon this resolution, if carried, the Hon. Ba ronet stated his intention of founding a Bill. Mr. GRATTAN seconded the motion. Mr. GOULBURN denied the accuracy of the Right Hon. Member for Waterford's position—that the churches of Ireland, subsequent to the Reformation, had been suf fered to go to decay by the new authority which had taken possession of them. Soon after this change, during the Administration of Lord Strafford, the decayed state of the churches in Ireland, and the absolute want of churches for the purposes of ordinary worship in that country, had been the subject of complaint. That the present state of ar rangements in Ireland, which compelled the Catholic pa rishioners to contribute to the building of the Protestant churches, was a hardship, he did not deny; nor should he be disinclined to consider of any course which might be suggested for the alleviation of that grievance; but it ought to be stated fairly what the real extent of the pres sure complained of was, and to what extent it had already been mitigated. The circumstances of the parish of St. George in Dublin were peculiar, and bad no bearing upon the general question : the fact was, that the levy upon the population of Ireland for the building and repairing of churches was not in itself large, and its collection was so managed as to press in the lightest possible way upon the convenience of those who paid it. The whole sum allow ed for building each church was 1,4001. For the execu tion of the work, a large sum had been lent free of interest. Sir. J. NEWPORT inquired if the Right Hon. Gentle man was sure that this was the case ? Mr. GOULBURN was perfectly sure of it. The money waslent without interest. It was to be repaid by instal ments—originally of 6 per cent. per annum upon the whole sum, which was 841. a-year upon the 1,400/. ; but now of only 4 per cent., which reduced the annual payment, on the 1,400/., to 56/. Under the operation of this law 684 new churches, and 562 new-glebe-houses had been built in Ireland ; each parish had now a place of worship, and had a house which a minister could reside in. He had in his hand a letter written by a clergyman, now, unfortu nately no more, but of whose character, if he were to men tion his name, no person could entertain a doubt, which described the various heavy changes to which a living in Ireland was already subject. The living held by the gen tleman in question was one of 160/. a-year ; out of this he had to pay for his first fruits SL 12s. a-year, and other ex penses, amounting to 201. There was due to the late in cumbent, on account of the glebe-house, 1781. ; and 70/. more he had to pay for expenses upon taking possession.— Besides these charges, it was necessary, from the extent of the parish, to keep a curate ; and was the House of opinion that it would be possible, upon persons already so burdened, to lay any additional expense ? The Right Hon. Gentle man sat down by moving the previous question. Mr. JOHN SMITH had opposed, as might be in the recellection of the House, the Parliamentary grant for build ing Churches in Great Britain ; and he thought it an ar rangement perfectly monstrous, that while churches were built by this grant for the inhabitants of England and Wales, who would have been content to build them for themselves, the cost of building Protestant churches in Ireland should be expected to be defrayed by the Catholic population. There were instances of which he had heard, though they were not recent, of the greatest distress having been brought on individuals by raising money for building churches, and that, too, in parishes where there were not above 10 or 12 Protestants. In conclusion, he thought that Ireland would owe another large debt of gratitude to his Right Hon. Friend if he succeeded in his motion ; and if he did not succeed, lie (Mr. Smith) felt assured that 'the day would come when they would be compelled to resort to some mea sures in consonance with common sense and common jus tice. What ought to be done he could not say. .But, not withstanding the present state of the finances, he for one would not object to vote for a sum of money for the erec tion of churches in Ireland. Mr. PLUNKETT -would not follow the course of the Gentleman and his Right Hon. Friend. He put it to the good dense of the House if it was quite . fait: and rea sonable to discusvmlny general measures of Government on a Motion which concerned the building of churches only. He - could's:tot see what connexion the St. George's Act of 1793 had with the question. Some grievvacei which be. fore prevailed had been guarded against by that Act. If the carpenters, bricklayers, masons, and all the Protestants of the parish were to league together according to the worst apprehension of his Right Hon. Friend, to assess the parish for the building or repairing of a church, or for purchasing an organ, it was in the power of any one, Catholic or Pro testant, to appeal, not to an ecclesiastical, but to a lay tri bunal. If such conspiracies of bricklayers and carpenters existed in the last century, the resolutions had nothing to do with that. It was allowed on all hands that the Pro testant churches must be kept up, and that it was no rea son for allowing them to fall into decay that there were few Protestants among the parishioners. The effect of the pre sent resolutions would be to prevent the Catholics from paying those rates which were due under the existing law. If the Right Hon. Gentleman would bring his motion in the form of a Bill, with certain modifications which he would propose, he was prepared to give it his most earnest attention. Mr. SPRING RICE had very anxious hopes that if the resolutions of his Right Hon. Friend were rejected, others of a more specific nature, to which the Right Hon. Gentle men opposite had pledged their specific support, would im mediately be introduced. Mr. PEEL hoped that this question would be discussed upon its own intrinsic merits, and without reference to the diversity of opinion which prevailed between them upon what was called the Catholic Question.—(Hear, hear.)--- He then defended his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Goulburn) from the sarcasm which had been thrown upon him for his bill of last year, that had, in point of fact, materially benefitted that part of the Catholic population to which it applied. The attack upon the vestry Bill was, therefore, uncalled for ; and the assistance which his Right Hon. Friend bad given in the tithe composition Bill ought not to be forgotten in the sister kingdom. With reference to the present question, the course of proceeding by resolu tions was extremely objectionable, for it precluded that dis cussion either of principle or details, which was practica ble in the introduction or proceeding of a specific Bill— (Hear. )—He could not concur in the broad proposition sketched by the Right Hon. Baronet, namely, that the Roman Catholic peasant ought not to be burdened with any share of the expence for repairs of Protestant churches. If that principle were good for Ireland, why not equally so for England ? Then see the length to which it was ca pable of being carried. If one class of Dissenters were to be so far relieved, what reason could be assigned for not re leasing all other classes who were not within the pale of the Established Church? Such a proposition would require very serious consideration ; for the inevitable consequence would be, that all who were indifferent to the reformed system of worship would declare themselves Dissenters, for the purpose of escaping this tax.—(Hear, hear. )—Un doubtedly, he was prepared to admit, that if one class of Dissenters more than another deserved to be looked upon in a more favourable light than others, it was the Roman Ca- i tholic occupiers of land in Ireland, for they had to provide their own churches, as well as to assist in making the same provision for the other church by law. But while he enter tained these feelings towards the Roman Catholic occupier of land, he felt them not for his landlord, and more particu larly for his Protestant landlord, and still more so, where he happened to be an absentee. Of all men, for him he had no consideration.—(Cheers. )—He would not, indeed, com pel him to reside in Ireland, but he would not exempt him, if lie could, by a bounty on his absence, and for the pur pose of casting the price of that bounty upon others.— (Cheers.)—With reference to:the Right Hon. Baronet's se cond proposition, for the insertion of a future clause into leases, to save the Roman Catholic tenant, and throw the weight upon his landlord, he was rather favourable to the consideration of such a regulation, if he could see his way through the prevention of any abuse of its provisions.— (Hear, hear.)—He did feel for the poor tenant who had taken his lease without any expectation that a church would be built near his land, and who had afterwards to meet the expence of such a building. With these impressions, and with the utmost desire to go hand in hand with the Right Hon. Baronet in giving a full and calm consideration to such parts of his plan as he had alluded to, if brought for ward in the form of a specific bill, he hoped he would with draw his present resolutions, otherwise he should meet them by the previous question, which would not prejudge the future consideration of the condition of the Irish.tenantry, or decide against hearing their complaints. Asto the extension of:the plan to Ireland, which had been acted upon in this country in the mode of building new churches, by making certain pub lic advances for that purpose, he was not prepared to say how far that could be realised. At- all events, he was 114 averse to the consideration of this branch of the subject if introduced in a different form. Mr. HENRY GRATTAN complained in strong terms of the heavy tax!thm:inflicted_apon lreland by the present Above 1,620,0001. had been thus taken from the people since the year 1820. Sir J. NEWPORT, in reply, should withdraw the re solution, and simply move for leave to bring in a Bill for amending the laws relative to the rebuilding and repairing of churches in Ireland, and for relieving occupying tenants from church rates on certain occasions. After a few words from Mr. G. DAwsox, Sir J. NEWPORT merely withdrew the resolution on condition that leave should be given him to bring in this Bill. If this motion were opposed, he should refer it to the sense of the House. Mr. PEEL hoped the Non. Baronet would not, from any observations of his, suppose that auy one was pledged to support the Bill. He Loped the Hon. Baronet would, at all events, defer the second reading of the Bill till after the holidays. After a few words from Mr. BnowwLow and Sir J. NZWPOLT, leave was given to bring in the Bill. Mr. H. DRUMMOND obtained leave to bring in a Bill for regulating the prosecutions of fraudulent bankruptcies in Scotland. Mr. S. RICE (on behalf of Sir J. Newport) postponed the motion relative to the Irish Estimates until Thursday. PRISONS. DEBTORS' Mr. HUME rose to move, pursuant to the notice which he had given, that the state of prisoners confined for debt should be referred to a Select Committee. The Hon. Member read, from the returns which had been laid upon the table, the number of persons who were confined for debt in the King's Bench, Fleet, Whitecross-street, and Marshalsea prisons, and contended that from these returns it was fair to consider the average numbers of persons con fined for debt at 20 or 22,000. He would subsequently , show the demoralizing effects which imprisonment pro duced upon these unfortunate individuals, and which ma nifested themselves as soon as they were again turned loose into society. He would first, however, upon the authority of Lord Coke and other eminent individuals, explain to the House the state of the Law of Arrest in this country. The Hon. Member then took a review of the Law of Arrest, and begged to call the attention of the Right Hon. Gentle.. man opposite (Mr. Peel) to the fact, that any person might procure bail on a charge for a criminal offence for 4s. 6d., while, for a debt of 101., a man could not pro cure bail under 31. 6s. at least. The Hon. Member then proceeded to show the impolicy of imprisonment for debt, and he mentioned the case of an individual, now in prison, who, previous to his ,arrest, vested a large sum of money in the purchase of a freehold estate of some thousands a-year, on which his family resided, while he lived in prison on the income derived from his purchase, although bills and bonds to a considerable amount were out against him. Se veral prisoners, now confined in the Fleet and elsewhere, had defrauded their creditors in the'same way, refusing to give up any portion of their property for the liquidation of their just debts, and living in expence and extrava vance. Where, then, was the wisdom of continuing laws so abused and perverted. In other countries there was no such thing as imprisonment for debt, and he was satisfied that trade and business of every description might be car ried on much better in England if there was no such thing as an arrest for debt. By a paper on the table of the House, it appeared that since the formation of the Court of Insolvent Debtors, 11,617 persons had been liberated by the Commissioners therein presiding. The gross amount of the debts which those persons owed came to no less a sum than 8,863,0001., and the sum actually divided amongst their creditors was only 4,788/, being at the rate of about half a, farthing in the pound sterling. The Hon. Member, after describing the expence of passing through the Insolvent Debtors' Court, adverted to the Craven street Institution for the relief of persons confined for small debts. By a return from that society, it appeared that they had liberated up to last year, 42,000 persons, whose debts were comprised at about 31. each on an average. The Hon. Member then referred to several reports of Committees appointed to investigate the Fleet and other prisons, whose recommendations were never acted on by the House. There were, it appeared, in,the King's Bench prison, 192 rooms appropriated for the reception of the prisoners. A great part of these rooms, however, were given to individuals :who could *fiord to pay for them. In 1819, 440 persons were colifined, 80 of whom had separate rooms. What situation, he would ask, then must the unfortunate prisoners be in at present, who, in point of numbers, were nearly double whit they were in 1819 ? 750 persons were at this moment confined within the wails of this prison , ' crowded into close rooms that were not in any way adequate to their accommodation. The 11°r " Member then referred to the want of medical attendance rn those prisons, a neglect which reflected the greatest risi ble disgrace on the authorities by whom it was Perrn!tted' No medical offi ce r had been appo i nted to the Fleet Prison until the present year. The Hog. Gentleman then Rad an extract from the report of the Prison Committee of 1814, complaining that there was no infirmary in the Fleet Prison, nor any medical attendants whatever, to ad minister to the wants of the prisoners who might require such assistance. As the case stood in 1814, so it re mained at the present day. The recommendations of the Committee had not been attended to. What he (Mr. IL) most objected to was, that men and women were confined in the same galleries. Under this arrangement, if a wo man entered prison with the least sense of decency, in a very short time she must be inevitablyiruined.—(Hear.)— Night and day must she be exposed to the most debasing scenes. The committee of 1814 had recommended the separation of the female from the male prisoners; but the recommendation had not been adopted, and the prison might be considered as the largest brothel in the metro polis. He (Mr. Hume) had understood that it was the duty of an officer of the Common Pleas to visit the prison once a fortnight ; but `upon inquiry of the inmates, he (Mr. Hume) learned that this officer had not been s een there till subsequent to the inquest. The Coroner upon that occasion, when it was attempted to be shown that the deceased had lost his life through exposure to the air in walking the galleries, endeavoured to shut out all the evi dence he could, observing that it was the system of the prison which was in fault, and ought to be looked to.— Neither of the prisons was adapted to the purposes they were intended for ; idleness was encouraged there, and con sequently vice and immorality. He was sorry to have de tained the House so long, but he had not detailed half the facts.—(" No, no.")—He hoped Hon. Members would not have to experience the truth of this assertion, but there were some persons pining in imprisonment who once had better prospects than some members in that House.—(A laugh.)—He hoped there would be a fellow feeling.— (Hear.) —He had heard some instances—which he should not mention through fear of being personal--of individuals obtaining a seat in the House to secure themselves from im prisonment—(Hear).--The Hon. Member concluded by moving, " that a select Committee be appointed to inquire into the state of the King's Bench, the Fleet, the Marshal sea, Whitecross-street, and Horsemonger-lane prisons, for the confinement of persons for debt and contempt of court, and into the arrangements, rules, and regulations, adopted therein, since the report of 1814 ; and also to consider the operation of the law in respect to imprisonment for debt, and to report their opinion to the House, with the evidence taken before them." Mr. HOBHOUSE seconded the motion. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL observed that the sub ject of imprisonment for debt had occupied the attention of many humane men and able public writers ; amongst others, Dr. Johnson, by whom it was regarded as an anti social doctrine. Lord Hastings had carried the humane principle contended for by these writers to the utmost ex tent, by the introduction of a permanent insolvent act, instead of affording periodical relief to debtors. With respect to the argument of the flon. Member on the sub ject of fictitious arrests, the penalty was a prosecution for perjury. No person could contend that when a civil debt was sworn to, the debtor ought not to be arrested. Then the Hon. Member objected to imprisonment after the ver dict; so that lie would have no person confined for debt under any circumstances. Such a system would not suit a mercantile country like this. No person could abolish from his mind the impression tlit great suffering was oc casioned by imprisonment; but if this punishment were withdrawn, what would the Hon. Member substitute ? His (the Attorney-General's) opinion was, that the In solvent Debtors' Act gave too great a facility of relief already —(Hear.) The motion, if carried, would have a mis chievous effect ; it was so wide, and the committee would embrace so much, that no practical benefit could result from it. With regard to the grounds of complaint respec ting the interior of prisons, he (the Attorney-General) had not heard that any representations had been made to the Judges. on the subject. At the same time he knew that great alterations had been made by those learned per sonages; and Lord Ellenborough, in particular, had re quired the Marshal of the King's Bench, to reside within the prison. He concluded by saying, that he thought the Hon. Member had brought the question before the House in a tangible point of view. Mr. CALCRAFT thought the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Hume) had made out such a case as called for the at tention of the House. Mr. PEEL thought the Honourable Gentleman could hardly be in earnest in his motion, because the subjects in -sluded it iewere so numerous and extensive. He did not Practicable to'do "aWay with imprison ment for debt; nor had the Honourable Gentlenian stated any of the reasons for which he had formed a contrary opinion. At least he was sure that the system had the effect of deterring, by means of the example of imprisoned .4votstye•-peseemt, lveres incautiously contracting debts. The inquiries which the Honourable Gentleman proposed to have made, could not, he thought, be got at by a Committee. He wished to state that he had appointed an eminent surgeon (Mr. Cooper) to give medical assistance gratuitously, where it might be wanted, in the King's Bench and Fleet prisons, not only on the common side, but on the master's side, whenever requested. He must, however, tell the Hon. Member for Montrose, that he believed he was mistaken in many of the facts he had stated. He had himself received many letters froM a Mr. Jennings on this subject, and the inquiries he had caused to be made in consequence, convinced him that the statements in those letters were exceedingly exaggerated. On one occasion in particular, it was stated, that a jury summoned to hold au inquest in the Fleet prison, had been previously made drunk. He (Mr. Peel) referred this matter to the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, who, upon inquiry, found that there was not a shadow of foundation for the charge. With respect to t➢e state of the Fleet Prison, he believed that at present no effectual attempt could be made to remedy its condition. If the revenue had been in a more flourishing condition, he had intended to propose that a great alteration should have been made in this prison. The city of London were desirous of having the site on which the prison stood, and had offered to give a more con venient piece of ground for the purpose of building another prison on. On consultation with his Right Hon. Friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) he had, however, found that it would be more convenient to postpone the measure he had contemplated to another year, and lie had, there fore, been reluctantly compelled to do so. He had no hesi tation in admitting that the system of the King's Bench prison was extremely defective, and if there was a vacancy to-morrow in the office of Marshal, he should recommend its being done away with altogether. He found it difficult to refuse the inquiry which the Honourable Gentleman had moved for, and if he would be content to take a Com mittee, the object of which should be limited by that of the former Commission and Committee, he (Mr. Peel) was .willing to accede to it, trusting to the Hon. Member for forming his Committee, se at to ensure an impartial inves tigation into the subject. Sir R. WILSON supported the motion. Mr. JOHN SMITH said that if the Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) went to a division, he (Mr. Smith) would support it, because he believed the prisons ought to be inquired into, and the law of arrest, particularly respecting the frauds practised by means of what are called sponging-houses. He agreed, however, that both these subjects ought not to be intrusted to the same Committee. Mr. Alderman WOOD supported the motion. Mr. B. MONCK also supported the motion. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL observed, that the great increase of prisoners might be attributed to the repeal of an Act of Parliament restricting arrests for debt to 151.__. That Act expired in 1824, and the old law bad again come into practice. He proposed, therefore, with the leave of the House, to bring in a bill for renewing the Act which had expired. Mr. D. NV. HARVEY was glad to hear that this was the intention of the Hon. Gentleman. He hoped that the Hon. Member (Mr. Hume) would either accept the con cession which was made, or withdraw his motion now, and renew it when it could be better discussed. Mr. HUME, in reply, would leave the case in the hands of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel), and if he did not do something on the subject, he (Mr. Hume) would again call the attention of the House to it. Mr. KENNEDY moved for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate parochial settlements in Scotland. After a few words from Lord BINNING, leave was given to bring in the Bill. On the motion of Mr. D. HARVEY, a return was or dered of the number of causes which now stand for hearing before the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Chief Baron, the Master allof Mr. F. BUXTON moved f o r copies of, or extracts from, Govern ment, from Gover nors or oth er c hief officers in our West Indiacolonies, respecting any the communicationsßolls, and the Vic e •Cbancellor. made to his Majesty's measures adopted by the Legislatures of those colonies respectively, on the subject of negro slave ry, setting forth whether those measures were in compliance with instructions from the Govern ment at home or otherwise. Mr. W. HOR TON sa id, that all which h a d b een re ceived, an d were not a l rea dy presented, wou ld b e laid be fore the H ouse a f ter E a ster, by comma n d. without effect, he wa s o bli ge d t o have re- Mr. F. BUXTON replied, that h av i ng wa i te d so l o ng for info rma ti on cour se to this motion. The motion was then agreed to. Mr..F. BUXTON wished to know when the motions for which be had asked two veers ago woald be complied with? One of them was dated in June, 1825 ; and there were ten others respecting return* from th§ cylonits, feeting the question of negro slavery, and no answer had yet been returned. He must observe that the want of such information had delayed several important measures on this subject, and if that information were not forthcom ing in a short time, he must take his own course to expe dite its production. Mr. W. HORTON would be very glad if the Hon. Member could point out any course by which the informa tion he required could be expedited. All that the Colonial Office could do, when returns were ordered from the Colo nies, was to send out particular instructions to the Go vernments that no time might be lost in furnishing the ne cessary information. If that was not done within the time expected he could not help it, but he must observe that Hon. Members were very prolific of those motions, and that they could not all be complied with within a very short time. The Committee on the Corn Laws was postponed to Thursday. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter-past One o'Cloek. ON TUE Saco Arbuthnot, Hon. H. Antrobus, G. Ashurst, W. H. Alcock, Thomas Bastard, K P. Balfour, J. Bankes, H. Bell, M. Buxton, John Blandford, Marquis Brudenell Lord Chandos, Marquis of Clive, Visct. Clive, Hon. R. Clive, Henry Chaplin, Thos. Curteis, K J. Clinton, C. F Chichester, A. Davenport, E. D. Dundas, C. East, Sir E. H. Egerton, W. Fane, John Foley, E. T. French, Arthur Fellows., W. T OF THE MING] :OND READING OF TII . Fleming, John Gooch, Sir T. Guise, Sir W. Gordon, Hon. W. Gordon, R. Hay, Lord J. Harvey, Sir J. Honywood W. P. Hotham, Lord Houldsworth, T. Heneage, G. F. Heron, Sir R. Ingleby, Sir W. King, Sir J. D. King, Hon. R. Kavanah, T. Lenox, Lord G. Lopez, Sir M. Macqueen, T. ' Manners, Lord C. Maitland, Hon. A. Maitland, Viscount Morland, Sir S. Northcote, H. Palmer, R. Pelham, J. C. Phillips, R. ITY CORY BILL. Pryse, Pryie Pollen, Sir J. Pitt, Josh. Powell, E. Rickford, W. Rogers, E. Smith, C. Smyth, Sir G. , Smith, Hon. R. Sotheron, Admiral Sibthorpe, Colonel Talmash, E. Tennyson, C. Uxbridge, Earl of Vaughan, Sir R. Wyndham, W. Wodehouse, Ed. Western, C. C. Wood, T. Wells, J. Wemyss James Webb, id. imu.kas. Lethbridge, Sir T. Knatehbull, Sir E. PAIRED OFF. Chaplin, Chas. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Constitutionnel of Sunday.) . _ PARIS, Maitcx 31.—1 t would be difficult for us to ex press the mournful sensation which the deplorable attempt against the inanimate remains of the Duke de la Roche foucault has produced at Paris. It is asked in every direc tion, what horrible madness, what stupid hatred, inspired the furies of the police ? It appears that a senseless power has decidedly resolved to pass all bounds of violence, and to add every day to an indignation, the measure of which seemed full. Has the law so fixed the celebration of obse quies, that no one can derogate from it, without having bayonets charged against him ? Is it forbidden that we should carry the dead in our arms to their lest dwelling? What right has the police to interfere between the tomb and the tsars of the citizens? What right has it to impose on families the etiquette of grief and the ceremonial of funeral homage? We are assured, to-day, at the opening of the Sitting, the Duke de Choiseul addressed the Chamber of Peers on the deplorable scene which passed yesterday at the obse quies of the Duke de la Rochefoucault. He required that M. le Grand Referendaire should give an account of the facts, in order that the Chamber might be in a state to appreciate them. Baron Pasquier, as well as the Duke de Praslin, ha ving supported this proposition, the Chamber, with a con vent, which we may regard as unanimous, ordered that the Grand Referendaire should take all necessary informa tions, and as soon as they should be collected, he should bring them before the Chamber. "The Neapolitan official journal of March 14th, con tains an article which appears to deserve the attention of our readers. It betrays the tone of the Aulic Chancery. It is the farewell menace of M. de Metternich to the Nea politans. But the menace of an enemy who looks so care fully, forward announces fear. Alarmed, on the one hand, at the noble conduct of Don Pedro towards Portugal, and his alliance with England ; and, on the other, at the union of the latter Power with Russia, for the purpose of putting an end to the sufferings of the Greeks, the Austrian Mi nister wishes to play the counterpart of Mr. Canning.— The latter endeavours to restrain absolute monarchs by the fear of popular risings; while the former endeavours to keep down the people by reminding them of the Con gresses of Laybach and Verona. But the days of the Con gresses of Laybach and Verona are gone by. Constitu tions are now granted by Sovereigns. M. de Metternich in his prophetic terror must have contemplated the King of Naples, imitating, en finding himself at liberty, the glorious example of Dou Pedro; and his threat is less di rected against the Neapolitans than against the King of Naples himself, who, in consequence of a remaining por tion of deference, has thought himself bound to allow it to appear in his official Gazette. The following is a literal translation of this article:— ," We are officially informed, that in pursuance of the supreme decision of his Imperial and Royal Majesty, the troops which have quitted the kingdom of Naples will be provisionally stationed on the line of the Po, in the Lom bardo-Venetian territory, independently of the ordinary garrisons, in such a manner as to form a corps which may be rendered moveable, should ever circumstances require it. By this measure of prudence and foresight, all crimi nal hope is cut off in those quarters where factious men, if any still exist, might yet dare to cherish such hopes, founded on the troubles in Portugal, or on the contest which is not yet terminated between the Turks and the Greeks. Whatever may be the issue of these partial oscil lations, their Majesties the Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of Russia (who wishes to rival in glory his pre decessor, the Emperor Alexander, and to prove himself faithful to his principles of anti-revolutionary policy), firm in the principles sanctioned by the Congresses of Laybach and Verona, will continue to provide with their accus turned energy and solicitude against any attempt or the genius of innovation to exercise an influence detrimental to the tranquillity and peace of Europe.' " Here it will be seen that Austria chooses to speak in the name of the Emperor of Austria, and disdains any asso ciation with the King, who must not, any more than his subjects, allow himself to be influenced by the genius of in novation. It appears, however, that the King of Naples begins to have an idea of his own power, and to feel that these menaces are only vain words, for he has not allowed a hint to appear in the official journal of his future intentions. He is doubtless aware that the day of reform may also come for his country." _ (From the Etoile, dated Monday, April 2.) " Pious, APRIL 1.-As we expected, the journals of of the body t o th e b arrier, all n the faction have n o t f a il e d to represent to their re a d ers i n the fullest light th e di sor der that took place at the f unera l of the Duke de la Rochefoucault. If we believe th em , t h e disorder was caused by this public authorities. If t h ey h ad not opposed the carrying would have passed with the same decorum as a t th e inter szfne tr suffering of the b General nd yFtooy be carried de G i n ra r men'sdin, &C, shoulders from the ; and why, after house of the deceased to the church, why did th e y f or bid its being carried in the same manner to the barrier? " A few words will answer these allegations and that question. The following are the facts " It is true that the body was carried to the church on men's shoulders. This mode is tolerated by the Adminis tration, on the application of the family, where the house of the deceased is not too remote, because, in general, the relations themselves walk on foot so far after the coffin, even when it is placed in the hearse. The Administration had therefore no reason to refuse the same permission on the occasion in question. " But the regulations prescribe that from the church to the place of sepulture the corpse shall be conveyed in a carriage. It is useless to relate here all the grounds for this Wise precaution, which philanthropy has rendered general for all classes of inhabitants. To desire that the body of the Duke de la Rochefoucault should not be con veyed in the same manner, was desiring a deviation from the general regulations, and this deviation could not take Place without previous consent of the authorities on the application of the family of the deceased. " Now, on this occasion, the authorities had thought it proper to confer previously with the family ; and in the vestry, the Commissary of Police, seeing before him the train, consisting of persons invested with the highest dig nities, who accompanied the funeral, and the deputations of the most eminent public bodies, which had agreed with the relatives of the deceased that the coffin should be re placed on the hearse, in order that the procession and these deputations might not be obliged to go on foot and in the rain all the day from the church to the barrier of Clichy, orders were accordingly given ; the procession in conse quence left the church, and the coffin was placed on the hearse. from the ~ It was at this moment that a troop of young men P"- cipitated themselves on the coffin, and snatched i a t t ed with bearers. In vain the Commissary rem t l i T t e r oilin on the them ; in vain he ordered them to carriage. Ilia voice was disregerf e ti reP ' h was closed to oppose drew up before the iron gate, employed ; th e troops broke their passage. Violenceed wa. an d these young men carried through, the gate OP° l !.. fn Thus separated from the hearse, into the streets the co, , imite, ouch An Act of violAnce And tits family, and the 4 t l uu place i n vain the troops rebellion could not be tolerated ; and accordingly the 01 _,' i peror o ffi cers then took those measures whi c h the lib& journals represent as arbitrary, and the result of which W l ' that the coffin was replaced on the hearse. " The Constitutionnel pretends that the Ministry svi 4Y ed to deprive the tomb of the Duke de Lian cour t of th e honours decreed by public gratitude. ask, in our turn, if public gratitude has no o tlief mode of manifesting itself, and what respect the meteor! of him receives whom strangers, without any authority'' thus convey in a tumultuous manner at the risk of disturb'l ing public order and tranquillity, and the respect &it' l l the deceased? " We know very we ll t h at G enera l F oy an d M. dpi Girardin were borne in the same manner ; but, besides 03 0 this was also done by strangers evidently instituted fron the persons regularly employed in funeral processions, o re know likewise that before them many others had bee ° borne in the same manner, and not to speak of the .13.0. theoses of the revolution which this mode of conveyance disagreeably calla to mind, is it forgotten what happen" after the death of Philipe the actor, whose coffin W 5 abandoned in one of the lower sides of the Boulevard ? These momentary disorders may be to the taste of the friends of the sovereignty of the people, but undoubte o they will never meet the approbation of the friends of in ° ' narchy, of order, and of morality; for, in fine, if we oi l nit the principle that the populace may seize the coffin ° the man on whom they have for the moment placed their affection, and bear it on their shoulders to the place of ° e : i pulture, we must also admit that it would have an O w right to seize the dead body of the man who should moll them for th e momen t, wor thy o f th e i r h a t e , t o dispose ° it as they might think fit." ADDITIONAL ARTICLE TO THE CONVENTIO S BETWEEN HIS MAJESTY AND HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE INFO% REGENT OF PORTUGAL, FOR PROVIDING FOR TH E H A INTENAji,„ OF A CORPS OF BRITISH TROOPS SENT TO PORTUGAL DEC. SIGNED ALT BRIGHTHELHSTONE, JAN. 19, 1827. "It is understood and agree d, th a t th e l as t paragrap hd the Article VI. of the Convention between her BA „Y Highness the Infanta Regent of Po r tug a l an d hi s Britanew Majesty, signed at Brighthelmstone on the 19th January' 1827, beginning in Portuguese with the words, ' 0 ( 0 rerno Portuguez,' and in English with the words, 0 . , rangements shall be made,' is ' a ppli ca bl e on ly t o th Officers of the Portuguese G o v ernmen t, w h o may rea l in the fortresses of St. Julien or Bugie, the British Cole, mauder having otherwise no interference whatever with tly Custom House or Police of the harbour of Lisbon. " The present additional article shall have the same forte and validity as if it were inserted word for word in the con' vention aforesaid. It ahall be ratified, and the ratificatio o exchanged as soon "as possible. "In witness whereof, the respective Planipotentiat ief have signed the same, and have thereunto affixe d theiC seals of arms. "Done at London the 13th day of March, in the yeel' i our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Twenty-seve r) (L. S.) "GEORGE CANNING. (L. S.) "MARQUESS DE PALMELLA." SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. DONCASTER SPRING INIEETING.—Aport 2. The Trial Stakes of 10 sovs. each. From the Red Houle' once rouad, to the Ending Post. Mr. Wood's b. m. My Lady Mr. Martin's br. g. Signal I Mr. Dyson's br. h. Moorcock 3 A Silver Cup, value 50 sous., given by G. S. Foljam" Esq. Two miles. Mr. Barlow's gr. It. Sir Harry 1 Mr. Harrison's h. h. by Clifton Mr. Fox's b. h. Don Miguel 3 Mr. Foster's b. m. Diana 4 The Badsworth Stakes of 5 soy's. each. Two miles• Mr. Long's br. h. Limestone Mr. W. Tate's br. in. by Ardroesan 1 Mr. Hall's ch. h. by Caliban 3 St The Rington Hill Stakes of 5 sous. each, for hunters. - Leger Course. —(l3 subscribers.) Mr. Wood's My Lady Mr. 13oulton's b. g. Ellerker 2 Mr. Althorpe's br. g. Ferryman The running was very good, and the company nurn e ' roue and fashionable. PRESTON, 1827. FIRST DAY.—The Second Stanley Stakes of 10 soya. ead4' with 30 added (if not walked over for), for three Y ei i old, 6st. 91b. ; four, Bst. ; five, Bst. 10Ib. ; six a nd 1 4 Sat. I 21b. M. allowed 31b. One mile and a quote SUBSCRIBERS. Mr. E. Stanley Sir W. Wynn Mr. Clifton Mr. R. Simpson Lord Stanley Sir T. Stanley Col. Yates Lord Derby Mr. Richards/ Produce Stakes of 50 sovs. each, f or th ree y ears o ld col Bst. 51b. ; fillies, Bst 21b. ; allowance as usual. 2 mile.' Lord Derby's b. c. by Magistrate—Rosalba, 31b. Sir W. Wynn's f. Brenda, by Catton—Banshee, 31b. f. by Catton—Fanina Sir T. Mostyn's c. by Woful—Lupino Mr. Clifton's b. c. Pat, by Cervantes—Dr. Syntax's di? b. c. Fylde, by Antonio—Fadlitdinida, 11 1 !, SECOND DAY.—Sweepstakes o f 100 s o us . eac h, h. ft. col' Sat. 51b. ; fillies, Set. 21b. One mile and a distance. Lord Derby's ch. c. by Milo--Phcebe Sir W. Wynn's b. f. by Smolensko, dam by Beningbrod Sir T. Stanley's b. c. by Catton----Maid of Lorn Mr. Clifton's b. c. Pat Lord Grosvenor's Christmas, by Blucher—Plover A Gold Cup, value 100 gs. added to a Sweepstakes of Boys. each ; three years old, 6st. 61b. ; four, Set. ; 6,1 Sst. 101 b. ; six and age d, 9 st. M . allowed 21b. T 11: miles and a distanc e . Th e w i nner of the Preston 1"/' in any year, to carry Sib. extra. Lord Derby's gr. h. Autocrat, b yrs Mr. Clifton's b. 11. Brutandorf, 6 yrs Sir W. Wynn's br. in. Signorina, 5 yrs Sir T. Stanley's ch. h. Grenadier, 6 yrs Mr. Thompson's ch. h. Cymbeline, 5 yrs Mr. Townley's br. f. Harriet, 4 yrs Sir J. Fitzgerald's b. g. Bardssa, by Cavendo, 4 yrs Mr. Seal's ch. m. Rufina, 6 yrs Mr. Stanley's ch. h. Mr. Munn, 5 yrs Mr. Wood's br. h. Brownlock, 5 yrs Lord Wilton's b. h. Dr. Faustus, 5 yrs Mr. Brockholes's ch. m. Cinderella, 5 yrs General Sharpe's b. h. Canteen, 6 yrs Mr. Whitaker's b. c. Pat, by Cervantes, 3 yrs Mr. H. Hornby's ch. f. Latitat, 4 yrs Mr. Yates's b. e. Paul Pry, 4 yrs Mr. E. G. Hornby's b. m. Fleur-de-lis, 5 yrs Mr. J. B. Brinkman's gr. e. by Viscount--Web Lord Sligo's b. c. Prism, by Langar—Miss Aide EXECUTION OF FRIEND. This wretched man to-day expiated his crimes on t-l' e drop, in front of the Devon County Gaol. Since condeo nation, his conduct has evinced a deep sense of resignatic to the fate that awaited him. The Rev. Mr. Chavc, Chaplain of the Gaol, attended this morning at the chaPe' and a dministered the Sacrament to the culprit, which 1 1 received in the most b ecom i ng manner. At twe l ve o 'cl°c he was conducted fr om hi s ce ll to t h e press-room, to wills -, he walked with a firm step, throughout his whole demeOr had nothing of levity about it, and his countenance " e trayed none of those passions which would ronounce bit' a shedder of blood. During the pinioning of his arms, 1 014 fixing the heavy bolts around his legs, he seemed intensd absorbed in thought; and it was not until he was abod e to ascend the stairs leading to the platform that any apes, rent chang e t oo k place, when the tear of anguish rolls' down his cheek, as if compunction had at that m oment take' possession of his soul. His calmness at this awful crisis ws l ' indeed, astonishing, and did not forsake him through melancholy preparations for his exit from the world. Alt; the rop e was a dj uste d , t h e R ev . Mr. Chars comniene the usual form of prayers for the o ccasi on ; to which I'i . paid great attent i on, frequently ejaculating aM ay tlt! a nd forgive me—. m a y tl! Lord have mercy up o n me, Lord receive my soul." j3eing question e d if h e h a d soe communication or request to make, he repli e d i n t h e nee tiye—he had now only to hope for mercy for his crime' All things being ready, and the prayers concluded, the cfic was drawn over his face, and the Minister commenced tlO,l portion of the bur ial service—. I am th e resurrec ti o n s the life in the c ourse of whi c h, t h e platform was dra t , i" from under him, and he was l aunc h ed into eternity. a struggles for....fewseconds were g rea t ; b ut t h ey we re no longer. We observed, and apisrove, the omission that part of the appalling ceremony which enforces ° I): 1 malefactor to give the signal for his own destruction, h i du-owing- away a handkerchief. Picture, if possible, 1 ,4 sensations that must rend the heart of an offender stand!; on the brink of death, and think if he ever can be to appear before his Alaker ? We have seen the liemitati o , the half- opened and again clenched hand which held ft,t dreadfel token ; and we deem it mercy to let the mots im perceptibly arrive. 10 . Thus fell a man who, but a few short weeks ago, p respected in the circle of his acquaintance for sober , ,)( dustrious, and moral habits. He was born at the villar t be North Lew, of respectable parents, and brought farming business. He was about forty ytitrs of Exocr Alfred of difondaY•