The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The low rate of profits on capital—whether employed in agriculture, or in commerce, or ma nufactures—has reduced the labourers in all these branches of industry throughout Great Britain, particularly the first mentioned, to a con dition of want and suffering not paralleled in this country for many ages. It is plain enough, therefore, that the corn law system, enacted pro fessedly for the support of the agricultural in terest, has totally failed, unless the " agri cultural interest" be understood to exclude the two classes of fgrmers and their servants. But we may go further in condemning the corn laws than the ther e proposition of their failure to produce the good ascribed to theta, It has more than once been argued in this journal, that the effect of the corn laws is not negative but positive evil—obvious ih their operati,,n upon manufactures—demonstrable as to agriculture itself, and to those engaged in it. The artificial height to svhich the price of corn has been raised by withholding from the English consumer the heuefit of the foreign market, has tempted into cultivation a great breadth or inferior soil, which requires a large outlay of manure, and labour, and capital ; and yields, as compared with land of superior quality, an ungrateful and beggarl) return. The point to be aimed at in the applica tion of human industry, is to produce the greatest value at the smallest cost. But the direct con sequence attic corn law is to raise the cost and to lessen the produce. What has been the grand principle of modern economy as to the true po licy for commercial nations? In England formerly, and still in other countries, where prejudice, or ignorance, or national hatred, blinds the reason ing faculties, no less than it chills the better cha rities of mankind,—the method of politicians was and is, to pay a mad price to home manu facturers for worse articles, when better might be procured, and at a cheaper rate, from the looms or forges, or warehouses of other nations. , France has, until now, when she seems to give ear to wiser counsels, been acting on that de lusive scheme. The United States, from motives we fear not wholly of a commercial character, persist in it ; while in England there is no man who pretends to have read or thought upon commercial subjects, who would not blush to uphold any other maxim, than that the surest way to sell on good terms is to buy on good terms, —that is to say, that we ought to buy every article in the market where it costs us least, or, in other words, where the smallest portion of English labour is requisite to furnish the price of it. This maxim so clear—and, among rea !wirers, so universally recognized—has been boldly set at nought by the interested patrons of our corn laws. They force a bad material—to wit, bad land—into use at an extravagant cost. and tell us that it is all the better for a dense]) peopled country, where so much hunger and consequent misery are experienced, that the poor man shall have but two-thirds of a loaf for his famishing children, than a whole one. What is this but the French tariff over again, and the American tariff for the exclusion of British ma nufactures from their markets, but aggravated by the fact that they shut out luxuries, while we banish the necessaries of existence ? It is clear that if corn were to be had for a less price, it would no longer be worth while to pay a tillage rent for lands, which, under the plough cultiva tion, as at present, can scarcely remunerate the farmer. Such soils would be turned to pasture, or to woodland. Wheat would be brought in larger quantities from abroad ; while beef and mutton might be raised at home more plentifully, and we should in time, or our children would, have a more abundant supply of home-grown timber, an article of prime value to every nation. Upon a first view of the subject, it might ap pear that lands of the highest quality, which under any, the most liberal system of importa tion, must always be susceptible of corn culture at a profit, would nevertheless bring a lower rent to the landlord than when bolstered up !)37 protecting duties; and that, make the reduc tion of those duties as gradual as we pleased, still the point to be finally contemplated must he a real and permanent diminution of rent to the landowners. This question has been elabo rately handled by Colonel Torrens in his first work on the corn laws, and the conclusion flatly contradicted that the landlords would suffer at all. But the cause of our noticing the corn law system at this moment is, the publication of a short letter by the same ingenious gentleman, ad dressed " To the Farmers of the United King dom, on the low rate of profits in Agriculture and in Trade." Colonel Torrens here applies him self to prove (and at a season when such falla cies are circulated by the Anti-Reformers with a view to alienate the firming interest from the Reform Bill, we cannot avoid praising the en deavours of the honourable gentleman as most opportune and useful) —to prove, that those very corn-laws which are painted in all the borough monger speeches and newspapers as essential safe guards of the " agricultural interest," havebeen, so far as the farmers and labourers are concerned, the origin of all their distresses. The argument .of the writer we shall give to-morrow.— Tinzes. In the libel case, " Milder v. Richards and another," reported in the Chronicle of yester day, Sir James Searlett took especial care to let the world see that he is not behind any of his Tory allies in his hatred of Journalism. Indeed, Sir James has better cause than Sir Robert Peel to fall foul of Journals ; for the novelty of a Tory abandoning the packing of Juries, and wi s hi ng to improve our laws, led the newspapers to best ow more praise on him than if he had been a Liberal by profession ; whereas, the dis gust felt at the odious attempt to renew prosecu tions for political libels, after a cessation of half a score years, was not a little aggravated by the circumstance of the Attorney-General being a Whig ; and in order to relieve themselves from t h e o dium which his sins against the Press would otherwise have attached to the very name of Whig, his party were obliged to disown him. The insolence with which Sir James taunted his predecessors for their liberal and enlightened conduct towards the Press—a conduct not less politic than enlightened ; for during the whole tune the language of faction was seldom, if ever, heard in any journal—instead of obtaining for him his anticipated triumph, subjected him to humiliation the most mortifying; for while the Whigs assailed him on the one hand, Sir Robert Peel refused to participate in the responsibility of the prosecution, and left poor Sir James to aet out of his scrape the best way he could. t Prom that time to this Sir James has been a fallen man ; one who would bring to any party sufficient to sink i t . I t a weight of unpopularity is as natural, therefore, for Sir James to bear hatred towards the Press, as for Charles th e Tenth to hate barricades and citizen soldiers. But every animal makes war in its own way. The n-astiff attacks in front ; the cur slyly starts on you from behind, to bite your heels. The once arrogant Sir James Scarlett now shows' his malice by paltry inuendo—by a kind of stab in the back. " The plaintiff', his client," he said ; had this weakness—that he felt uneasy about slanders published against him in newspapers. (Another client of his—the Duke of Welling •on—had this weakness, too ; tit he was belied ')37 his Counsel.) The tithe was fast approach ing, when nothing would be believed which ap peared in a newspaper ; and when that time should come, then no one would have any reason to care what was said of him in newspapers; and when there would be no offence, there would be :1 0 punishment. It would, therefore, probably, soon become the law, that no action could be maintained for anything that appeared in a news paper. Things were rapidly approaching to this consummation. But it so happened, that not withstaoding the march of intellect, there were some people who thought that nothing could be .1 lie which appeared in print. He remembered when he himself thought that when he saw a statement in print, that it was impossible but it must be true. The march of intellect would, no doubt, soon put an end to this notion ; but while it continued, there were some who would have the weakness to feel uneasy at slanders pub iished against them in newspapers, and his client was one of them. Newspapers were not as yet protected by law from being responsible for Any slanders that might appear in them, although there was every appearance that they would soon be so protected, and therefore his client was still entitled to maintain this action." We suppose the Pisgah vision of Sir James of a time when news )apers will be protected by law for any slanders . hat may appear in them, bear reference to the ex pected return of his Tory friends to power, when a full career will be again opened for their slan derous journals. It is curious enough that the only journals which have dealt to any extent in slander, are journals belonging to. the party to which he has gone over. Several of these jour nals were established on the principle of libelling, Ind form an exception to the general character For decency belonging to the Press of our times. Sir James amused the world in his libel pro secutions by a singular display of ignorance of the state of the Press in the time of Queen Anne. He is not more happy here in his in sinuation that the Press is more slanderous than in former times. There are, we are sorry to say, publications exclusively addressed to the ,working classes, in which very mischievous doc trines are inculcated ; but these publications are not dealers in slander. Slander is merely con fined to the publications honoured by the patronage of the Church, and the friends of Sir James. The other journals of our times are often argumentative, sometimes vituperative, but very seldom slanderous. In an article in the Metropolitan Magazine for December, entitled " A View of Modern English Litera'ure, by Mr. James Montgomery"—a much bights au thority than Sir James, it is well observed, " Newspapers alone, if no other evidence were to he adduced, would prove incontrovertibly the im mense and hitherto unappreciated superiority in aoint of mental enl ure, of the existing generation over all their forefathers since Britain was invaded by Julius Caesar. The talents, learning, ingenuity, and eloquence, employed in the conduct of many of those; the variety of information conveyed through their columns from every quarter of the globe to the ,bscurest cottage, and into the humblest mind in the realm, render Newspapers, not luxuries which 'hey might be expected to be among an indolent ind voluptuous people, but absolute necessaries of life—the daily food of millions of the most active, intelligent labourers, the most shrewd, indefatigable and enterprising tribes on the face of the earth. Compare an ordinary provincial Journal of last week with the best that was published in the mc 'ropolis fifty years ago, and the step which refine ment has made in the interval will at once appear. The periodical publications of the first half of the last century—the Taller, Spectator, Guardian, and 'heir successors—did much towards increasing an eager relish for elegant literature, as well as render ing the more useful and popular kinds of knowledge accessible to everybody. But ixcept in these master pi« ces, which may be equalled, though never ex celled, there are hundreds of articles, in every week's Newspapers, which may- of least rival the common run of essays in some of the most celebrated works above alluded to." _ _ While an ex-Whig Attorney-General is thus endeavouring to recommend himself to his new associates by the display of this low malice against newspapers, it is curious to perceive that even a Turk has the penetration to perceive that newspapers will be of use in enabling his subjects to distinguish between truth and falsehood, and thus securing them against those who wish to practice on their ignorance. Volney, in his Lectures on History," has an excellent passage on the aid which truth derives from the Press. Volney, like the Grand Seignor, had lived in countries where there were no newspapers, but he arrived at a very different result from that of Sir James Scarlett _ _ " In the habit (he says) in which we are of living under the influence of the Press, we do not feel, with sufficient force, all the political and moral advantages which the publicity which follows from it, promises for us. He must have lived in countries in which the liberating art of the Press does not exist to conceive all the effects of its privation, to imagine what confusion the scarcity of books and newspapers throws into recitals, what absurdity into hearsays, what uncertainty into opinions, what obsta iles to instruction, what ignorance into all minds. History owes benedictions to him who the first in Venice thought of publishing bulletins of news for the small coin called gazetia, from which they have taken the name; and, in fact, Gazettes are instruc tive and precious monuments even in fault., as they paint the prevailing spirit of the times in which they were published, and their contradictions present fixed foundations for the discussion of facts. Titus, when we are told that the Anglo-Americans, in their new 4ettlements, first trace a road, and carry a Press to have a newspaper, it appears to me that in this double operation they attain the object and make the analysis of every good social system, as society is nothing but the easy and free communication of persons, and thoughts, and things, and all the art of Government is reduced to the prevention of the violent frictions capable of destroying it. To inform ourselves whether a people are polished or barbarous, we have only to ask, have they the use of the Press have they the liberty of the Press ?" That country must be in a strange predica ment, where men of elevated rank and fortune offer daily vows for the excitement of civil war, and where the most earnest advocates of law and peace are to be found among the industrious classes of society. We stated yesterday, and we repeat the assertion, that having failed to distract the minds of the people of England from Refo rm , by engag ing them in a crusade against liberty abroad, the borough Aristocracy are now employing the most diligent—albeit a bortive—efforts to create or find some source of collision within the country, out of which may spring, on one side or other, a direct ap peal to arms. " Only give us confusion enough,—only shed blood enough,—and we shall hear little more about Reform." Such is the monstrous invocation of a tribe of English ; men, so inured to plunder, so drunk with in.; solence, of such incarnate contempt for other Men's welfare, and so wedded to thir yet un punished usurpations, that, rather than restore one particle of those rights whereof they have been for centuries despoiling all the rest of their fellow-subjects, they are eager to plunge blindly into a desperate conflict, the certain result of which must be, not simply their disgorging the whole of what belongs to their neighbours, but the irreparable loss of station, privilege, and property, which are now legitimately their own. It is not on light grounds that we charge this mixture of atrocity and madness to some of the leading boroughniong€rs. We could name the parties—aye, dozens of them— who threaten us with political improvements akin to military monarchy, as the proper cure for our impertinent spirit of Reform. It is vain to ask them how all this is to be brought about. They can explain nothing—their hope is vague as it is inhuman. Some vision floats before them of the mob being suffered to proceed to such ex tremities, and to acquire such force, as will compel this liberal and popular Government to quarrel with them and make war upon them, and as the boroughmongers choose to recognize no difference berween the mob and the middle classes, who are equally included by them under the name of " revolutionists," they fancy that this separation and bloody conflict between the Whig Ministers and the people, must leave the field open for themselves to interfere, and even tually to recover and extend the power which a year ago they were forced to surrender. Chi meras like these may amuse the Tory Lords for a little, but they need expect nothing more. The nation, keeping apart from the dregs of the popu lace, wherewith the borough faction has hitherto ,pretended to confound them, will cling to. the Royal Government, and help it to achieve the one great victory which alone can compensate all labours and sacrifices to both King and people. As a proof of .the excellent spirit which prevails throughout the country to wards his Majesty's present Government, we should refer our readers to another meeting of the Birmingham Union on Tuesday last, and to the sentiments-of Mr. Attwood and of Mr. Hadley, the secretary, upon the recent proclamation expository of the law as it relates to the organizing of political bodies. Had the in telligent portion of the English people been dis posed to swallow the bait held out to them by the Tories, they would have put an hostile con struction upon the Royal manifesto : so far from it, they accepted that expression of the Royal pleasure as a kind and parental admonition— " a vise, friendly, and beneficial measure, on the part of Ministers, towards the people." Such are the words of Mr. Attwood, who repeats the anxious and emphatic exhortations which he had in former instances addressed to his political brethren, invariably to reverence and abide by the laws. Mr. Hadley moved a petition to his Majesty, praying that he would he pleased to adopt one of two alternatives,—viz. either to create a considerable number of Peers, or in case of his Majesty's invincible repugnance to such a measure, that he would please to issue his writs to such boroughs and towns as the Bill proposes to enfranchise: Mr. Hadley's argument was one which has been frequently and justly re sorted to in recommendation of an increase of the peerage,—namely, that the country has no assurance of a majority in the House of Lords being practicable through any other expedient. At all events, enough is now . made manifest to convince us that the boroughmonger-device has failed, and that no division of policy or feeling will take place between Reformers within doors and those without, whereon to rest a single hope of ultimate escape for the patrons of rotten bo roughs.—Mornzng chronicle. The distressing scenes at Lyons have put the Anti-Reformers into high spirits. They exult openly in the excesses which have taken place, because they hope, by charging those excesses on the spirit of liberty, to bring popular Go vernments into disrepute, and serve the precious cause of despotism all over the world. But their immediate object lies nearer home at pre sent. The disturbances at Lyons have furnished them with a text, as applicable to domestic as to foreign purposes, and accordingly they avail themselves of it to preach up the boroughmon gers, and to preach down Reform. One of the organs of the party laboured hard, in a leading article, yesterday, to show that, because blood has been spilt in France, Reform ought not to be attempted in England. The proposition may appear to be a bold one, but what is there in the way of extravagance that these men have not attempted ? Where is the mighty chasm between premises and conclusions which, at one time or other, they have not ventured to overleap ? The burthen of their song now is, that, if Reform be granted, bloodshed will follow. And why ? Because the bloodshed at Lyons came after the revolution at Paris, and not before it. If Charles X. were still on the throne, the starving manufacturers, we suppose, would never have thought of resorting to acts of violence ; or, if they had, their violence would have no appli cation to the state of our elective franchise in this country, and the efforts we are making for its improvement. But Charles having lost his throne, and Philip having been placed on it by the voice of the people, starvation began to argue on the nature and obligations of revolutionary government ; and the consequence has been this explosion, which the boroughmongers are so anxious to turn to their own account. We can tell them, however, that the attempt will not be successful. The people of England-are too in telligent to be wrought upon by such fears ; they will not seek shelter from absurd apprehensions in the real tyranny of a corrupt. and corrupting system. As a specimen of the high tone of morality which the boroughmongets and their abettors indulge, we call attention to the follow ing passage The workmen of Lyons are not altogether wrong. If it be just —which has never been dis puted—on the part of established Governments, to ounish with severity those who attempt their sub version unsuccessfully, it is scarcely less just on the part of a people who have been betrayed into the work of revolution by the promise of certain advan tages to wreak their vengeance upon their betrayers, when they find, by experience, that the promises held out to them have proved delusive." Aye, let them wreak vengeance upon their be• trayers—let them shed blood enough, that the borouginnongers and the friends of despotism may have something to talk of when they wish to turn the tide from their own abominations to the excesses of revolutionary madness. The re volution of 1830 was too tame to please those men, who want to keep up a horror of all change by appealing to the calamities which sometimes attend the most necessary vindications of right. To the events at Lyons they turn with peculiar satisfaction, for in them they find atrocities to garnish their declamations against every advance that society makes towards improvement. They say that Reform will disappoint the people—that it will encourage them to expeet more than can be realised, and that violence will result from their disappointment. This is an argument drawn from the ignorance of the people, not from the disadvantages of the measure itself. What rea son is there to suppose that the people will expect too much ? They will certainly expect that Reform should produce economy ; and so it will ; for when they have the power to elect their representatives they will have the means of insist ing that economy shall be attended to. This one consideration of the ssish of Parliament to afford relief will have a strong tendency to pro duce satisfaction under almost any circumstances. Convince men that whatever can be done will be done, or has been done for them, and you take away one of the strongest motives to vio lence—the belief that they arc neglected and despised. At all events we should have more confidence in the adoption of such a course than in the favourite expedient of the boroughmongers and Tories, whose cure for discontent is not re dress, but military execution—a cure which has been often known to fail upon occasions when its efficacy was most confidently antici pated,—Morning Herald. A letter, addressed by Mr. Henry Drum mond to the Editor of the Times, and pub lished a day or two ago in that Paper, will obtain a greater share of public attention than it could otherwise have demanded, from the cir cumstance"of Earl Grey having taken offence at some of the expressions contained in it, and having demanded and received what, upon such occasions, is always in Parliament deemed a sa tisfactory explanation. The passage which seems to have led to the warlike manifestation of the Noble Premier is as follows :—" The passions of all ranks have been excited by Lords Grey and Brougham against the Ministers of Religion and the hereditary Councillors of the King who opposed them, in order that the upholders of our ancient institutions might be intimidated into becoming accessaries to their new Constitu tion ; and it is vainly imagined that the labour ing classes will submit to be discarded and sink again into their former degradation as soon as they shall have served the pur poses of these profligate politicians." Now it can excite no surprise that the truths here told should have been unpalatable to Earl Grey. But nothing can be more certain than that the statesman who treats expressions in such com mon and ordinary use as matters of personal of fence must be a very foolish and inconsistent man, unless he really wishes to suppress political discussion altogether. It would be convenient, no doubt, to Earl Grey and his colleagues that political discussion should for the present be discontinued. But the excessive sensitiveness of the Noble Earl, indicating, as it does, any thing rather than a high-minded consciousness of integrity and rectitude, is a reason for any thing rather than for the cessation of that public scru tiny and animadversion from which no former Minister has claimed an exemption. That the Lords Grey and Brougham have done much to inflame the passions of all ranks against the Members of the House of Lords who opposed their new Constitution, that they have done this for the purpose of intimidation, that this could have been done by no other than profligate poli ticians, are propositions which, considering the latitude in debate to' which the Noble Lords• have been themselves accustomed, it would have been better for them, but, unfortunately, less easy, to disprove than to resent. Having had our at tention thus called to the letter of Mr.. Drum mond, we cannot refrain from stating that, be sides the above very accurate appreciation of the political conduct and characters of the Premier and his Noble and Learned Colleague, it contains much salutary and important truth in reference to the Reform Bill of last session. Mr. Drummond very correctly describes that Bill as a measure which " took power from the Crown and gave it to delegates of the middling classes, thereby converting the Monarchy into a bad Republic, but left the working classes just where they were." Of this truth the work ing classes are now fully and universally con vinced, and its importance may best be appre ciated by the alarm and fury into which its pre sentation never fails to throw all ranks of Minis terialists. The Bill was indeed most illiberal, tyrannical, and unjust. It excluded from all share of the representation the most numerous and important class of the people, while it in vaded the constitutional prerogatives of the Crown, and overthrew the conservative influence and authority of'the Aristocracy. It gave a monopoly of legislative power, and a veto even upon the appointment of the Ministers of the King, to one single class of society, and that the very class who have shewn themselves, in the exercise of the suffrages they now possess, more corrupt and profligate than any other ; the class which comprehends all that is most vile, mean, abject, disreputable, and selfish—low traders, pettyfogging attorneys, quack doctors, the keepers of low public-houses and brothels. This tyrannical and absurd scheme of Reform is defended on the foolish and inconsistent pretence that the class to whom it gave the elective fran chise have a necessary community of interest with the whole nation, including those to whom all share of direct representation was denied. Thus it seems the mass of the people were ex pected to be satisfied, after every unworthy artifice had been employed to stimulate their zeal in the cause of Reform, with such a Reform as merely substituted for the present constitu tional system of virtual representation another system of virtual representation, infinitely more harsh, insulting, and repulsive towards the lower orders than the present. When it is said that the ten-pound householders in pursuing their owii interests must of necessity intend to promote the welfare of the the country, it is surely forgotten that the same thing may be said with greater truth of the proprietors of nomination boroughs, gene rally men who, from the magnitude of their pro perty in the country, have the deepest interest in its good government, and who may surely be supposed, without any extravagance of flattery, to be in the main as competent judges of what will conduce to the public welfare as the keepers of tap-houses, brothels, and chandlers' shops. A Reform of the representation may be expedi ent for the limited purpose of giving direct ad mission to the Legislature to such new interests as have arisen or grown to importance in the country since its representative system was esta blished. A Reform of this extent would not violate the prescriptive and venerable principles of the Constitution; but whoever proposes any Reform more extensive than this, and pretends at the same time, on grounds of arbitrary discre tion,t,o, f s o t o r p itis short e v o i f dent tuniversalhat s h u e ffra i g s e a , t deservesonc once a severer repro ac h th a n that of a " profli ga t e poli tician,driveller in intellect and a tyrant at heart.— Morning Post. A first dividend of 9s. in the pound is de clared upon the notes of the late Spalding bank. THE CHOLERA MORBUS. (From the Second Edition of the Tyne Mercury.) THE CASE OF ROBERT JORDAN'. A full meeting of the medical gentlemen of this town was held in the Mayor's Chamber on Monday evening, the 28th of November, Dr. HEADLAM in the Chair, for the purpose of considering the case of Robert Jordan, who died on Saturday night with some symptoms resembling spasmodic cholera. Mr. Charles Davison, the surgeon who was called on to attend the deceased when he was first at tacked, was requested to give a detail of the cir cumstances attending, the case, and he produced a report in which the symptoms during life, and the appearances which presented themselves after death, were stated. Dr. HEADLAM then observed that the Mayor of Newcastle was, anxious to have the opinion of Dr. Dann on this report, as to the character of the disease. Dr. DAUN, who had kindly come from Sunder. land, at the urgent desire of the Mayor, to attend this meeting, stated that several of the symptoms and appearances certainly resembled those in spas modic cholera; but there were others, and particu lady the presence of urine, and the non-contraction of the bladder, in this case which favoured a dif ferent construction. If the same case had occurred at Sunderland, he should have ranked it among the cases of malignant cholera. As it was at Newcastle, isolated and alone, all he could say was, that it wus a doubtful Gr suspicious case. A good deal of discussion took place among the medical gentlemen, as to particular circumstances which favoured or opposed the idea of this being a case of spasmodic cholera, and on the subject of contagion. It was unanimously resolved, that no other case at all resembling this of Robert Jordan existed in this town; and that a full and exact report should be drawn up and transmitted to the Central Board of Health in London, in order that they might give a decisive opinion as to the character of the disease. STATEMENT OF THE CIRCUMSTANCES AND SYMPTOMS ATTENDING THE CASE OF ROBERT JORDAN. Robert Jordan was 56 years of age, of good health and temperate habits, though he was very frequently dirty in his person, a labourer, living on the New road, opposite to the Keelmen's Hospital; felt cramps in his feet and legs a little before one o'clock, p.m., on Siturday, Nov. 26; he had often had cramps in his legs before. His son, observing him not looking► well, advised him, as the day was cold, to remain at home till he had his dinner, and take three-penny worth of rum with warm water. He replied he would try to walk it off, and would take his dinner when he came back. He then went out. On his return the son observed a great change in the ap pearance of his father; that his legs were more cramped, and that his fingers were clinched. He was immediately put to bed, domestic comforts were applied, and medical assistance sent for. Mr. Da vison, surgeon, saw him about two p.m. He fOund him in bed, with a cold clammy skin, with pulse at 84., and almost imperceptible; sunk eye, contracted countenance, livid lips, tongue colder than natural, hut moist and covered with a whitish fur, a slight shrivelling of the fingers, abdomen flaccid and not corrugated, and capable of bearing the greatest pres sure without pain to the patient. Soon after he was seized with spasms in the arms and legs. Before Mr. Davison saw him he had three evacuations by stool, the last of which resembled water-gruel, and had vomited some brandy, with a small quantity of what appeared to be bread, of which he had eaten in the morning. He passed some urine at the com mencement of the attack, but none appeared to have been secreted afterwards. Brandy and laudanum, ammonia, and other stimulants, in conjunction with calomel and opium, were administered without any permanent beneficial effeCt. Hot bottles and blad ders were applied. He expressed no feeling of thirst. He lived in a dirty, low room. No traces whatever of infection were discoverable. He died at eleven o'clock, p.m., apparently without pain, his countenance appearing placid. (From the Tyne Mereul'y.) Siturday a very numerous meeting of the Board of Health was held to receive Dr. Barry. Dr. Barry stated, that having accompanied Dr. Russell to Russia, the Government had been pleased to send him to Sunderland, in consequence of some disputes and differences of opinion having arisen as to the nature of the disease which prevailed there. Per haps, before adverting particularly to it, those he addressed would feel an interest in being made ac quaitited with what he had witnessed at Sr. Peters burgh. The moinent they had seen a case, Dr. Russell declared that the disease was the same he had known in India, and he himself said, and wrote to Government, that it was a disease which lie had never seen before. He mentioned in particular the cases of three of the Imperial Guards who were attacked near eleven o'clock at night, and died the following morning. He saw them almost imme diately after they were seized with the disease. They appeared fine strong young men; they were still and motionless except when attacked by spasm and cramp ; they spoke in a whisper, their lips and hands were blue ; the fingers were shrivelled, and seemed to be a third only of their usual size ; the tongue and breath were exceedingly cold, and the skin of the abdomen was drawn up in folds ; still they appeared perfectly sensible. Their evacuations were of fluid resembling rice-water. A remarkable qmptom in this complaint was the suppression of urine —on examination after death the urine was also absent and the bladder was much contracted, presenting the appearance of a dried fig. Dr. Barry alluded to the treatment which had been pursued by Dr. Lang, at Cronstadt. That physician proceeded on the sup position that the cerebellum and the spinal chord were the primary seats of the disease, they having been found to be partially inflamed, and thereby af fecting the nerves issuing- from those parts. He ap plied in fourteen cases a hot iron to the side of the spine, and only lost two out of fourteen. This treatment might have been attended with the hap piest effects, btu the ignorance of the people in duced them to believe that the physician wished to destroy their friends, and to such a height was this prejudice carried, that Dr. Lang, from a regard to his own personal safety, was obliged to conceal him self. The spasmodic cholera was unlike any other disease. No man who had ever seen it once could mistake it. There was more analogy between it and the worst forms of tertian ague or intermittent fever, than between it and the ordinary cholera of this country. Should this disease unhappily extend to Newcastle, he felt convinced, from what he had seen of the medical gentlemen of this town, that they would not attempt any concealment, they would not dispute about names, but would give an ex ample to England and to Europe of manliness and candour, and of scientific skill in their manner of treating the disease. lie should not presume to dictate to them the way in which they should administer the contents of the materia me dics: in that respect they were as competent as he was. In this complaint, unlike others, they had often to save the patient twice. Once, when he is in a cold state—when his skin is cold as marble—when his tongue is moist and white, and there appears as little pulse in the arm as there is in a wooden table. A second time, when a re-action takes place, NS hen he gets into a feverish state—when the toneue is dry and hot, red, and occasionally brown—when there are all the symptoms of the ordinary typhus fever, which is treated more successfully in England than in any other part of the world. As to bleeding, it was a remedy which must be pursued with consi derable caution. When the patient was young and Plethoric, or if of a full habit of body though not young, bleeding might be adopted with considerable benefit. In the state of re-action to which he had referred, bleeding would almost always be necessary. Laudanum, though useful in this complaint, should be used with caution, for if the disease proceeded from congestion of the cerebellum, the too free use of laudanum would increase that state. If hiccup, should occur in any case that came under their notice, they should not consider it an alarming symptom, hut rather the reverse. Th's disease ni quently began with diarrhcei, and when( found it, he thought the best course wal brandy, catechu, kino, or some other a , They should stop it at all events. This doubt in some cases give rise to intlammi that *as easier removed than the cholera, should not regard vomiting and purgin favourable symptoms; they are often th( particularly vomiting. Indeed, the adm of water, completely saturated with salt, had been found in an attack of ease to be highly beneficial by producing copious vomiting. . One of the most marks teristic distinctions between the cholera 111 and the ordinary cholera was, that the pat former appears to be rendered powerless while in the latter, exhaustion and debili to be the consequence of vomiting and pal Ireland, in England, and in Paris, he ha god deal of ordinary cholera, but he h been concerned in any case in which it 'lt Hated fatal'y. Dr. Barry, who appeared ti annoyed by the heat of the crowded rot chided his observations amid the warm ap his numerous audience. The Mayor said patty were extremely obliged to Dr. Barry luminous address. Dr. Smith moved thank.; to Dr. Barry, which was secondek Hardeastle. Mr. Greenhow begged to Barry (though be collected such was his it was his decided opinion that the disetu derland was the same as that which pr , Russia ? Dr. Barry said he hoped he himself understood: He shouldhave no to answer any professional gentleman any in private, but be did not wish to be cross-e: The symptoms of the disease he had sees Berland were precisely the symptoms he at St. Petersburgh. How it got there it was imported or arose spontaneously) h his business to decide: there it was. 0 he would mention that he had seen at land. Two of them were in the hospiti were in their own dark, dirty, close, ventilated room at home. He was not en:cr into any discussion on the subject gion, but he would observe that in such as they lived, cholera, fever, or almost disease, would be more or less commui others. These three, who were all you' the two at the hospital, who had better accommodation, and good medical atter', covered. Mr. Greenhow begged, for im to ask Dr. Barry if those cases which in reports from Sunderland were called commo were of the ordinary cholera of this count Barry said he had nothing whatever to d mode of classing the cases, but this he that he had seen no common cases of Sunderland. Mr. Greenhow explained ti no wish to give offence by asking the qu had done. Dr: Barry expressed himself Mr. Trrin said, notwithstanding the o f Drs. Barry and Daun that the disease at St was the same as that which prevailed in Rh India, the majority of the medical gentlem were of a different opinion. Indeed he or a person reported to have died there of cl actually died of apoplexy. He would himself to say, that the symptoms which just described by Dr. Barry as distingth Russian cholera, were exactly the symptom, nary cholera which occurred every year Sunderland, and in every part of this kin4cl would ask the medical gentlemen present I not the case,—if the symptoms were not Neither 1)r. B rrry nr,r any other gentlem any reply ; the Board of Health immediately The x% ants of the poor at this season, it to having their houses clean and well , mry be comprised in the words food, c'othing. A public meeting is to br Wednesday to enter into subscriptions to a, relief, and we are rejoiced to be able to the Duke of Northumberland has contri this benevolent purpose 1501., and the D• This is princely, and worthy of the illustr of Percy. The Board of Ordnance has refused to hospital at Clifford's Fort for the purpose lera morbus hospital. There have been no more meetings of 1 of Health at North Shields. It is said t, culty, being slighted, derided, and unasi the inhabitants, are determined not to busy selves any further. ," "ui g 1,„ C. 41 Hu n , ' 4 4 1 : 4 ful -, e 4 1t e., I t tr e °° . Sex:. I,4:ting 0 4t it„l ll . is 1; ‘ , expi a Go ss 0 414ib 4 us em (, z It & ft _ h, V, 4 4 1 :g 4 eea fr o ! 4e I s 'ro k WYGE ~& t ., 411 th e °Ytni 1% est tt Noo int; Vh ith Th e et flittr o sttr eb ove L trT g " l:: an lat t ; it • " ; Bro 4 anal of a art; a Y , at 4il,•'jf the I mi nt .ce ,tld A rotihte world. . see.. G - , 2 ,: and FietLe o Bin nioe n tswnmbnf g ataeeoomBsaettt freetbrj ehri g p arkingi °eatri (k:1'1 71{. 11,...,1,4, PNt,pra ael .14ife:tet lA, A. .teahoeht obabTAot:Ltei renr Int :sta cß°veni r ° o t (i 1 I I' • s had dem. orinelpt, i idminist' tent,' &c. , 0 feet .ers tlest th co irked c , TO a spasta )atient 1 CONJUI less at ]stray's - )ility S &heart had a LE). • :Ina t' A x --..tab ".I)eit ' ut d it apple • g W ateri aid 3arry thet d a e el and I Ided ht Rote to a s lis Uteb-b bell *Also t , ,ease in . * bleb i. m prevail e had ~the Fun,renTh no 011,j r t v.and Loy qu . .►-of , Fifty its-exa extensi+ seen in ar Lie had • 2 re Ors 'Pell des I it wi 4 44misess One f alma at Si" luge, al ;pita]; • "_ llB e. rla o se, ana ' 10t g ot 2i.j ewe a ct of 4 . l affi nwit atmor Wells, st any 21.1 e tar; • • ": Cro wn roung, 11,4 4 4 L.t. air, ' t k _, and enclave, , , "`lmafor n imni n n° t tf r nh ; ere : 1 'lg i :.*;..i - .; : C Y ri : j:. : el : lP----icti p, :n l al , l do wit, r • ifensha ▪ COO 4,1 of ehol.. • . 4 ISH I that h B , oy questi' -Che c 4 self sat mita • opitua,, ea hOW t Sund v . (min e , d- N t dlnlecßunithnsoueuelosile " -"n ent e morti uu s l2 : ftii e c e c - evi, ch had ( *cation iguishint ere o f to toms ear be ~ -Iriefaltarge ingdoou, it if tbie, ' s'aut, a Pteaeril at the oohs !email . 62 mom rely bre 1 in ad '''soo n „„ , :11 vent a tb i ng , on, ad, fuel , ai Zo• 2, be b o afford, : ti a , -I :Zatcla to state, ta l i: In ntribut ' fo ; si b x e Duch' 6 - not striotte ' 00-Rut o o -Ru t ewiti • t 4 ett the tog -914 e, h a n , ose ot , $ , r•requii or warn )f the It o EI d that Ztr:4l" , hte .kukt ti len ng massif' • lay ) bi b i u sh i ed . F.: 4 44' i tt,t6 : 'till. : / era4 l 4l4b!"-11:7e1 ,ord . t" ul , n „,,Y e the n et 274 ,4 1 1)i e aer a nra t dtig , lil: t$ f , ,o,4 °.thqw44 ls: l;ll4 9 l ! 'e t: c t i y nihi l l 14 41 '11 1 4 : 4 cribedll, Ott - the rland ' , ti ti ,r, ment • okra 01 4r n; If and 10 1° • °. I' ' Iderriy• 'rasa, .. 8 31. 00 111 e ge • a WS Of , Be , Y: 1 E • -,!1; _ Red riven 1 "rt ring tile, :14 - ;,!!u )therw iP4 -; • tt " a c and t el 1 - a ' ution of 6.l4l rOad ' . 11 4 I e m Cat"lltaln, inderl t•th e Dastle• • iolera h , ALIVWICK. A Board of Health has been establit under the direction and presidency of Lord who has been indefatigable in making the arrangements. Their Graces the Duke ani of Northumberland, in addition to their cities of soup, milk, and bread, are liberal] buting wine, porter, and butcher's mea► poor sick families as require them. Upwards of 1,2.504 has been subscr4 relief of the necessitous poor at Sunderlank Wearmouths during the present inclemen the season and the prevalence of the choler Of this sum the Marquis of Cleveland tributed 2001.; the Marquis of Londondr the Bishop of Durham, Sir H. William M.P., and W. Russell, Esq., M.P., 50/. about 1001. was collected at various places on Sunday se'nnight. The Marquis of Londonderry has given a'd of the fund fur cleansing and purifyin' tations of the poor in Sunderland, and o►' tributing to their relief and comfort; a, addition, ordered an unlimited distributif coals to those who stand in need of them John Bowes, Esq., of Streatlam offered to the Board of Health, at Sund( use of the noble residence of Hylton Cul the accommodations provided for the cholt._ should prove insufficient for securing die hf l the town, or a proper attention to the fi ll themselves. BROWN, THE AMERICAN Nov' The tenth volume of " The Stand a rd Novels," is by the conclusion of SCHILLER'S "Ghost comp l e te. " Edgar Huntly , or the Seep Walker," read, fo r the first time, one of %own's best rofor - , a memorable circumstance in our intellectual iiie r his themes supernatural or magical, we m ig ht tir, them after perusal, or, at any rate, the impress'''. if not haunt our minds with unfailing tenacity; 1 0 ")#, scenes he loves to depict (strange though they I f e 0 0 , out of those mysteries of our nature, the effects ~010 we have all witnessed, or may witness, and to IV are all more or less subject, we cannot bid hie depart' after he has once raised them ?".---P Memoir. There is little doubt of the fact that th e v de Verd Islands have declared for DONNA MAM A '. l The common gar d en eng i ne , which >s, tamable at a sm a ll pr i ce , an d i s eas il y k ept i n 0" 1 - o f been found extremely useful in quenching fires in c3rn stacks. IRTHS. On the 29th ult. at Gresse B nhall-hall, Norfolk, the o w Hill, Esq. of a daughter. 0 1 On the Esq., ult. the lady of Charles Berkeley, .ea`e tagu.place, Russell-square; of a daughter. MARRIED. . On the Ist inst. at St. George's, Hanover-square.,: e Ky wards at the Roman Catholic Chapel, Little St. Geolt - e 4 p Count Alexander Walewski, to Lady Caroline Montag... ter of the Countess of Sandwich. This Polish Noblela s lp not more than 24 years of age, was employed to diplomatic affairs of the late Polish Provisional Gov r " London. On the 2 , -?th ult. at Dover, R. Jones, Esq., of East county of Kent, and Avebury House Wilts, to Aw n ! daughter of T. Saunders, Esq., Briti sh Consul at St- • Somme, France. ,„1„, DIED. 101.1111 On the 518th ult. at Worthing, Sarah Elizabeth, ~. late 11. B. Barnard, Esq., of Cave Castle Yorkshire,o7 j3l (laughter and co-heiress of the late R. Gee, Esq. , Burton, Yorkshire, aged 61. t rrel] On the 29th ult. Mr. Samuel Dolby, of Wardour-s On the 2Sth ult. E. R. C. Whatmore, Esq. of UpPe r Middlesex. R ill On the 27th ult. from hypertrophy of the heart, daughter of G. Gwilt, Esq., of Southwark, aged 17 ,..Th r t1l On the 27th ult. at Bordorgan, Anglosea, MarY,P" f i? ter of A. E. fuller, Esq., aged 14. On the 27th ult. Ann, wife of J. Heathcoat, °I. Devonshire. PRINTED AND PI/SLIMED at MUPDO YOUR (/ ' SUN OPTICS, 112 # STRAND, LOKI"