The Sun. — London, England, 1831-08-04 00:00:00

etnen oppo.ite . h any inroad upon upon which the lit to bear.—(Che el Bill would agora' —(Loud and repe l of the Hon. Gel hat at a meeting country gentlemen iinions, and to sae 'eir constituents I " No, no !") that in agreeing gave represent/IV: y gave the frando that part 01..01, L as low as his 7 ' to the verge of • erty begins.—( , as to be reme P' ould still be pro , ' ted too much, it , r fixed the franc!' 0/. If—(Loud 1 , 1g the conclusion ' I giving repre.seut':, .nd cries of a ob, mtnittee of the pr tnd which was at ul of clubs, by ‘f —(Cheers.) FIB 11..nt quite as serio ale A, because it ~.. took it away, r 4 1 . The Noble Lot , no danger to belt But it was a fact , d in the neighbou r thirty thousand the time was ri. schief into execu f that House whe° 'ands of such body 5 Bill should b e col ;ft that if their fit li, cheers, and laug'' speech was lost.) 1 :bought it R ecessiri the friends of Re to take up the ti t which had been , 1 discussing prio ely settled.—(Ch e l y to say a word, j had thought fit t"1 'special protection is of the greatest 1 ouse) wondered thsi :tention to the natol basis of his argto.., v man had said the r love of change', tation of Westrat But that gent' tors of that nil rs.) That Billy tern, would take 00 electors.—(Ch" lin of his lion. • as enlarged, scl' iy the Bill ?—(C ) !ri of the correc ;o much recomsl r pposite. But b e nparatively paltd, was to be jinlge tl ition he would The charge 4 .. the great body, had sinister ole • !re ready, and (4o h any play whateveL ',Cheers)—he de 4 7 l . at make the limit people of this co no such inclinat ie f' n respect to his of the vein in `;'Y Ana dur:ng the that if the House try, there would V! ig attended to i° l riled the voice of e e 'l call the su•gesti ° His Hon. 'Friend ,pen, hut h e (Mr. of what had hap q• been a body 01 ) n had been shot) -(Cheers.) The • Camelford con' ! I ed well, he (.3• 1 P; worked very pr', l erefore, so l intel) st principles, will the time of the which, as the Ce it e ' k for a2ain ?--( 01 in dis cuss ing pri' lig them, might le, Friend had denial,' it that the King ° l . k the electors of, ioose for his 1110 e sure.—(Hearo I his Hon. Friend ~ since that g 0 little about them' im, that he (MP, i as that body %ab le ' .) The King had rs.—(Cheers.) .in beforehand isposed to take '7 , !plate nuitioer o f . :lie Committee 1 1!t (Cheers, and latlS s in the country e° ' of difficulty, as al to the state, tb e l / cept the offers s t this Lord, and =wand the half, irk as occasion is ;he free choice bow to that [ear, bear, and e, y that Bill, the I%J i i the honour whie people would 04b! hared with deal,/ entleman had saidi, used enfranchises, because it was jo But the gentle enfranchistimelo (1, and turned s lad the King's 10 at the disfranc hi • Birmingliaro, tbe o wait many yes l o l.l constituency ,11 g li overthrown bor°",,i'il) lernen seemed to ° 'as in that House 00?) ,ad been in the fleii; tubers forget, tlitf a:eminent, the tY , n that but in ,4 'ant of his pre-/ je l of or felt, s ince ramworth, a , fr t . 7 Answered all (1 04 ,11 5 the head did 0;1 !any instances , , 8 3 ,4 overnment per persons. . 4 ,, side of the ,01 the resolution nut then under tw ited with being A d North had 4 7 in his place in 4 0 was that lie si t t e b ef 7as with thetos orc e , al their only s°li,th,,l is not truly OP tO I avoid listel o , l ll4,l -(A laugh.) its .stening, but tom the othee w ' and tho 7tb 0 ' 1 r be interred di s t!) , ; e more frequ e " f the S O 13 men o "e ,, of their adver form Member' Le sentiments l ' 9 o !e I` l should not ,°,i 41 pose ' of 000 1 they , lid aim at delay ; anti what he complained of wag, that they dii not avow that object, natural and legitimate •as it was in their circumstances ; but the advocates of Reform were not quite so easily duped, and their earnest endeavours should be to prevent delay, and neither follow the example, nor be guided by the recommendations of the opposite side of the House. The friends of Reform were bound upon every question that arose to come to the vote with as little delay as possible, and they ought not to allow t hemselves to lie deterred from that course by any such taunts as had been retorted against a Worthy Alder 'Han, merely because he had listened to the voices anti respected the opinions of his constituents. The con duct of that Worthy Alderman had been spoken of in that House in - a manner that was perfectly novel and astounding ; up to that time something like decency had been observed, and they had never before herd it even hinted at, that a Member of that House was not to attend to the voices of his constituents. Though ineaning no personal disrespect, he, however, confessed he could not comprehend how Honourable Gentlemen nominated to that House by patrons could dare to call to account a representative of the city of London because he had resit:e'er' the sentiments of his constituents.— (C heers.) Much had been said of the pledges with which lion. Members coming into that House were fettered, but the - notice of those pledges was confined to the pledges W hich were given to the people—nothing whatever was satd of the pledges given to patrons of boroughs ; but were_ they less numerous or considered to be less binding ? When Hon. Members talked of pledges to codstituents, he Would ask them what did the Right Hon. Baronet oppo site do when he so nobly resigned the representation of the University of Oxford ? He did what all men of honour would have done in the same circumstances—he was sent to that House by the University as the advocate of a certain Set of opinions, and when he found that he could not con scientiously advocate those opinions he resigned that trust, • Which he could no longer retain with propriety. He said to his constituents, " You sent me here ter one purpose -- a paramount duty compels me to pursue anotheis;" and thereupon he took the only course open to.a man of honour. ' He felt that the House of Commons ought to r epresent the people of England—when he was re turned, he was pledged against the Catholic claims, and - having become the supporter of them, he felt that he could no longer appear as the genuine representative • °f the University of Oxford. It was well known that the speeches which he had delivered in thm.t House as an Anti-Catholic Member hid procured for l int the suffrages of the electors of Oxford, and the ob servation of Mr. Canning upon that would probably be re membered, that he did not envy his Right lion. Friend 'Who was then his Colleague the representation of that U niversity, for he deserved it ; and to this he (Mr. H.) Would add, that be never deserved it better than when he iegoed it. The Hon. Gentleman, after censuring the "equent references which had been made to the probable . Fours. to be taken in another House of Parliament respect in, g the Reform Bill, went on to say, that that great goes tum Was one which peculiarly belonged to themselves—to . the Commons of England—and to them, the representa ' t ires of the Commons, belonged the duty of advocating the sentiments of those Commons ; and they would not endure any attempt to overbear them with reference to what might be done in another place. If it was to be settled for them in another place, let it he well considered in that Place let it be there understood that the best friends of that P l ace were those who would recommend its Members to march in unison with the general feelings of the people of ttngland, and not those who would advise them to resisit a torrent in which they incurred every hazard of being I overwhelmed. lie concluded by expressing his cordial i rlsent to the af f irmative of the question then under the con sideration of the Committee. Mr. A. BARING then addressed to the Committee a ley, observations which were perfectly inaudible. Mr. GOULBURN said, that the speech of the Hon. ,`, 4e ntleman wh o had just sat down, so far from justifying te vote, would afford the best possible argument for that Rhrch he (Mr. G.) intended to give. The question was, W hether or not they would increase the representatives of ties metropolitan district by ten, and in maintaining that !LieY ought so to do, he told them the Lords were not toen come to any decision sport that question. Mr. HOBHOUSE explained what he had said respect ing anothe r place, which is given above. no A irs GOULBURN res u t ned.—He certainly heard the n• Gentleman say that the present was a question solely ° .. t ,the Commons, and that the Lords incurred the hazard t " l "e i _ing overborne by a torrent, if they opposed themselves to° tue Popular will. It appeared to him that the only way affording °rule" the growing democracy of time country was by p ar di ng a full and fair opportunity to the other House of liament to decide upon this momentous question. With $ tleNiect to the p r i nc i p l e upon w hi c h th e prov i s i ons o f thi s ull' were founded, he must again and again state that they ;etre to him utterly incomprehensibly. While the die mochisement of boroughs had been going on, the in creasing suburbs and neighbourhoods of particular towns Were pressed upon the attention of Government, •but without producing any effect ; and yet now, when the en franchisin g clauses were before the Committee , one of the principal arguments insisted upon by Ministers ~W a s the i ncreas i ng su burbs of the metropolis. The H onourable Member for Westminster had spoken of the nominees that were sent 'into that House to oppose the Bell ; but be begged to tell that Hon. Gentleman that he (Mr. Goulburn) was the nominee of no patron, for he repre • seated a constituency as enlightened, to say the least of it, as that which returned the Hon. Gentleman to Parliament ; but when the Hon. Gentleman was pressing this point upon the attention of the Committee, he (Mr. Goulburn,) could not help wondering that it had never struck him that there were nominees on both sides of the House— (Cheers)—and that before he ventured on making such a charg e , it wou ld h ave b een as well for h i m to have looked at those who were in his own immediate neighbourhood. As to what time Hon. Gentleman had said respecting the H ight Hon. Baronet having given up his representation of 9xford, he (Mr. Goulburn) perfectly agreed is all that old fallen front him ; but he thought that this very case W as an argument in favour of close boroughs, instead of 7, n e against them; for in what a st a t e wou ld hi s Right mils 'Friend have been, if, after resigning Oxford, he could hav e f oun d no means, as a Minister of the Crown, Z,Ohtaining ano th er seat i n t h at H ouse ?—( H ear, h ear. ) • nil respect to the question before the House, he would ti Z say, that he should vote according to the speech of 11 . nem Member fo r W es t m i ns t er , an d not accordi n g t o is Vote ; for it was evident to hint, that if they were to co nsent to the admission of so many places to the right of re p r esentation, there were many others which would very SPitki iI Y demand the same privilege.—(Hear, hear.) .Mr. MACAULEY thought that the Right Hen. Ba ronet had, to a certain extent, contradicted himself; for lie re fused to vote for the enfranchisement of Greenwich be ; ea use it itionld be a nomination borough under the con t ul of time Government, awl yet he had complained, that r)".er 2411 the Mini s t e rs of the Crown would have no Iflortunit y of obtaining seats in Parliament. But another Zetion that had been urged against the admission of the i: v London districts to the right of having representa e: was, that it was contrary to the ancient rule of the Th'sstitution to give more than two Members to any place. k at ' aPPeared to him to be entirely a mistake. London F. 3 0 ,,,, 41 waye had four Members and Westmintter and e i t - 'swark two a piece, though; their division from the was described by a very narrow line. To give, there ' bleu.e 141 e*aers to these n w and flourishing districts of the *Palls-tvould be strictly following nut the precedent given ; besides which, in all previous plans of t h a rPro that had been submitted to the House (including proposed hey Mr. Pitt in 17850 it was always a part 'a ytio "c e. proposition to - give additional Members to the he arj ue London. It was with pleasure that he had k u ' the Right Hon. Baronet on the previous night state, I % a r ms , / that the enfranchising el ruses had come before the • Whi cl :',he should not have to continue that opposition ._ . o e had felt it to be his duty to show when the ques t oft h " 44 the disfranchieetnent of so many ancient portions at t "e Conetit t' the Right Hon. Baronet u 1013 ; an d yet, now that twia the i_ _at he co u ld not consent to t h e en f ranc hi semen t o f 1 h. "4°lldon districts. H e should like to know, since the QWtiht H °us Baron e t o b jec t e d to this proce e di ng , w h a t his I. lih Plano fenfranehisernent was ?—(Cheers.) He should to :IttloW why, if Birmingham, Leeds, and Illanches arapore to hav e representat i ves, t h e di str i cts o f t h e me au is Were to be excluded ? To this query lie had heard • had er for h e cou ld not a d m it as one th e p o i n t th a t te a "' ee l' , labou re d to s h ow that t h ese su b ur b s were alrea d y ted through the metropolis; for the fact was that .With s t reets h a d as l i ttle to do w i t h L on d on as Edi n b urg h of the houses in the diff eren t di s t r i c t s were a tt en d e d t o , 4t tu P . nt alon e wou ld b e sufficient to make out his W rate:i' • oi In the T ower H am l ets t h e ma j or i t y o f h ouses 'was 201. a year ; in the Finsbury district the n was rated above 301. ; and in the district of sera ti ;ro e above 401. He therefore thought the repre j:' • diff-'seentes.°(these respective districts would represent very I.lteeate_ Int erests, and afford what might be termed an I, 'hat t i e 7!'.ariety i n t h e way o f M em b ers. T wo po i nts ( Right c hees y v Hon. B aronet appeare d to h ave re li e d u p on ' they his oppositi on were , t h at t h ese home districts, t 4 "gilt be called, would have such early intelligence ea l t _Proceedi ngs of Parliament, that it would enable %te e exerci s e a controul over it, that their physical 1° gW wa ' t , so great that they might have it i n their power e proceedings of Parliament. Now, with respect ' to their physical force it was to be obserwad, that that would neither be augmented nor diminished by giving them representatives—(hear, hear)—and, in his opinion, so far from incre,sing the danger, he believed their having re• presentatives would diminish it ; because it would be af fording a legal outlet for the ebullition of their feelings. With respect to their means of speedy intelligence, he ad mitted it ; but, if he understood the Bill aright, that %vas one of its objects ; for, Ministers having perceived that the wealth and power of the country were about to de mand their rights, this measure was proposed, in order that those rights might be legally bestowed upon them. He must, therefore, cool ss, that when he had listened to the arguments of the Right Hen. Baronet, it appeared to him as if he (Sir R. Peel) had been saying, because Lon don is the greatest city in the world—because it is the mart of all wealth—because it is the centre of all know_ ledge—because it is the hive of industry—for these rea sons he would exclude it from the right of having repre sentatives. For his own part, he believed that the time was now come when they might attach to the Constitu 'ion - the whole of the middle classes of England, who, though they loathed corruption, and writhed under op pression, felt as much interest in upholding the Constitu tion as the highest Nobleman in the country. But if they were to withhold this privilege from the metropoli•- tan districts, while they gave it to other parts of the country, he must confess that he should think that the Bill, instead of ending the dispute, would only be the be ginning of it; and he would never consent to do that which, in his opinion, would lea , / to tile immediate en gendering of Mr. PRAED objected to the term .‘‘ nominee;" as made use of by the Hon. Member for Westminster. He dtni.ol that Loudon was divided into four districts, distinct in their interests, and different in their manners and habits; and lie affirmed, even if the metropolis was unrepresented, the influence which it exerts on the minds of Members is so great that it would be sure to have great weight in that House, and its interests would certainly be attended to.— He was ready to admit Manchester, Leeds, and Birming ham, hut not to admit Finsbury, Lambeth, and the Tower Hamlets, to have representatives.—(Hear, bear.) The Hen. Member• concluded by declaring that be could not support what appeared to him the imitation of a bad model, saying " I cannot bear a freed metropolis." Lord JOHN RUSSELL explained that he saw no reason why the Act which disfranchised Greenwich should not be repealed. The Noble Lord also stated that the dis tricts he proposed to give Members to deservt tl it from their wealth and population. Mr. HUNT said there would be no difficulty in Mini sters getting seats in that House. There were forty boroughs in schedule B with not less than 300 electors, and not many more. A majority of them might generally be obtained by four or five thousand pounds, and thus a seat might be always got by the Ministers.--:(Question.) The meeting at Copenhagen-house, which took place this lay, did not exceed 3,000, and the only resolution they came to was to petition the House for a rh peal of the Corn Laws.—(Question.) Mr. CROKER wished to state only one fact as a sup plement to the speeches of the Member for W, stminster and the Member fir Caine. The Hon. Member had men tioned the suburbs of the North, the South, the East, and the West, but he had totally omitted thesubut Us of Green wich, on which the whole question turned. The Hon. Member gave a magnificent description of Westminster ; but the subject of the vote was to raise the suburb of Greenwich to the same height in the constitutional scale as the magnificent, unparalleled city of Westminster, This, he had no doubt, was the point the Hon. Member for Westminster had forgotten. Greenwich was one of the last places which deserved two representatives, and it was to have the same weight in the Constitution as the city of Westminster. If they were to proceed upon the principle of population and wealth, the metropolis ought to have one-tenth of the whole population, or, at least. fifty Members, and the plan proposed must, therefore, be unsatisfactory and imperfect. To give as many Members to Greenwich as to Westminster seemed to him prepos terous, and he should vote against it._(" Question !") The House then divided— For the amendment Against it Majority for Ministers The question was then put on the original motion, and agreed to. Greenwich, Deptford, &c., therefore, were placed in schedule C. Sheffield, including the township of Sheffield, Eccle sall, lirightaide, Nether Hallam, Upper ifillam, and At tercliffe, was then ordered to stand part of the schedule. Sunderland, including the parishes of Sunderland, Hishopwearmouth and Monkwearmouth, and Durham, was also ordered to stand part of tne schedule. On the question that Devonport, including the town of Devonport, the parish of Stokss-Damerell, autL. township of Stonehouse, stand part of the schedule, Mr. CROKER complained that the principle applied by the Noble Lord in the case of Devonport was different from that which he had adopted with respect to Ports mouth and Portsea. In the case of Devonport the Noble Lord gave two Members to it, and left two for Ply mouth, which was immediately connected with it ; while in the case of Portsea and Portsmouth he gave but two Members to both, although their population, if . they took in Gosport and the parish of Alverstoke, where the Vic tualling Departments were situated, far exceeded that of Plymouth and Devonport. lie recommended the Noble Lord, therefore, to adopt the same course with regard to the one as the other, and either to give Devonport and Plymouth but two Members, or to leave Portsmouth its two, and give two to Gosport, Portsea, and Alverstoke. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that in population the two districts mentioned by the Right Hon. Gentleman might resemble each other; but otherwise, and in locality, they were widely different. Devonport was a wn sepa rated from Plymouth by Act of Parliament, while Portsea and Portsmouth were so closely connected as to be nearly one and the same. After a few words from Lord Althorp, Sir James Mac donald, Mr. Croker, and Mr. Gouihnrn, Devonport and the township was ordered to stand p at of the schedule. Lord ALTHORP, as they had reached the hour of one, moved that the Committee report progress ; and the Chairman having done so, obtained leave to sit again to morrow (this day). The other Orders of the Dry were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past One. THE GA R RICK PA PE n s.—We are requested to state that these interesting memorials, comprising an immense collection of letters of the most eminent persons, male and fetnale, of GARRICK'S time, and now first printed from the originals, lately in the possession of Mrs. GARRICK, will be published by Messrs. CoutunN and BENTLEY on Saturday next. There are now published in the United States 864 Newspapers, of which 158 are in the interest of the Republican and 157 in the Federalist party ; the others are neuter. Eight are printed in German, five in French, two in Spanish, and tine others in English. Nine of these Journals were established prior to the American Revolu tion. Their aggregate annual sale is estimated at about 25,200,000. ALFRED the Great was one of the richest Princes of the age, but he bequeathed by his will only 500/. to each of his sons, and 1001. to each of his three daughters. As the Sizon pound weight of silver, the money here spoken of, was 5,400 grains, it may be va lued at 21. Mt. of our present money ; thus making the legacies to the sons 14001., and those to the daughters 280/4 The accounts of the state of the crops from almost every part of the south of Ireland are of the most cheering description. The wheat appears in fine con. dition, and some fields on the rich grounds in the neigh bourhood of this city are expected to fall under the sic4le towards the end of the next we, k. Several fields of oats and here have been already cut down, and the produce has fully realised the expectations of the farmers. Should the present favourable weatllfir continue for some time longer, great progress will have been made in the hariest. tatoes of every desciiption are a most abundant cr0p....., Cork Paper. We know 110 spectacle so ridiculous as the British public in one . of its periodical fits of morality. I n general, elopem & ents, voices, and family quarrels pass with little notice. We re ad t h e spandal, talk about it for a da y' and forget it. But o nce in six or seFen Ygara onr virt ue becomes outrageous. We cannot suffer the laws of reli gion and decency to be violated. We must make a stand against vice. We must teach libertines that the English people appreciate the importance of domestic ties. Ac cordingly, some unfortunate man, in no respect more de praved than hundreds whose offoices Kaye been treated with knity, is singled out as an e xpiatory sacrifice. If 1 0. , has children they are to be ta ken from him. If he h a s profession he is to be driven from it. Be is cut by the higher orders, and hissed by the lower. He is, in truth, a sort of whipping-boy, by whose vicarious agonies, a ll the other transgressors of the same class are, it is supposed, sufficiently chastised. We r. flect very complacently on our own severity, and compare with great pride the high standard of morals established in England, with the Yard. sian laxity. At length our anger is satiated. Our victim Is ruined and heart-broken. And our virtue goes quietly to sleep for eeven years more,—Editibitrylo Review. GREENWICH. LIST OF THE MA.TORITY OF 295, WHO VOTED LAST NIGHT FOR THE ENFRANCHISEMENT ENGLAND. Adeane, H. J. Althorp ' Viscount Anson, Hon. G. Anson, Sir G. Atherley, A. /3aillie, J. E. Bainbridge, E. T. Bari ng, Sir T. Raring, F. T. Barnett, C. J. Bayntun, S. A. Renett, John Bentinck, Lord G. ; let k cloy, Captain Bernal, R. Blake, Sir F. 131amire, Blunt, Sir C. I3ouverie, I). P. Bouverie, P. P. Brayen, T. Briscoe, J. I. Brougham, W. Buck, L. W. Buller, J. W. Bulwer, E. E. L. Bulwer, 1-1. L. Burdett, Sir F. Burrell, Sir C. H. Burton, H. Buxton, T. F. Byng, George Ilyng, G. S. Calcraft, G. H. Calvert, C. Calvert, Nicholson Calley, T. Carter, J. B. Cavendish, C. C. Cavendish, H. F. C. Chaytor, W. R. Chichester, J. B. P. Cliffbrd, Sir A. Clive, E. B. Cockerel!, Sir C. Colborne, N. W. R. Cradock, S. Creevey, T. Currie, J. Curteis, H. P. Davies, T. Denison, J. K Denison, W. J. Denman, Sir Thos. Duncombe, T. S. Dundas, C. Dundas, T. Dundas, Sir R. L. Dundas, J. C. Easthope, J. Ebrington, Lord Ellice, K Ellis, NV. Etwall, R. Evans, Col. Evans, NV. B. Evans, W. Evart, W. Fergusson, It. Ferguson,Sir R. C. Fitzroy, Lieut.-Col. Paley, J. H. H. Foley, 'l'. H. Folkes, Sir W. J. Fox, Lieut.-Col. Gisborne, T. Gordon, R. Graham, SirJ. R. G. Graham, Sir S. Grant, Right Hon. R. Greene; T. G. Guise, Sir W. B Gurney, H. Handley, W. F. Harcourt, G. V. Harvey, D. W. Hawkins, J. H. Heathcote, G. J. Heneage, G. F. Heywood, B. Hobhouse, J. C. Hodges, T. L. Hodgson, John Horne, Sir W. • Hoskins, K. Howard, P. H. Howard, H. Howick, Lord Hudson, T. Hughes, W. H. Hughes, J. Hughes, W. L. Hunt, H. • Ingilby, Sir W. James, NV. OF GREENWICH. ferningham, H. V. S. Kemp, T. IL King, E. B. Knight, 11. G. Knight, It. Labouchere, H. Langston, J. H. Lawley, F. Lefevre, C. S. Lemon, Sir C. Leonard, 'l'. B. Lennox, Lord NV. Lennox, Lord J. G. Lennox, Lord A. Lester, B. L. Littleton, E. J. Lloyd, Sir E. P. Loch, J. Lopes, Sir R. F. Lumley, J. S. Lushington, Dr. Maberl, - , \V. L. Moberly, J. !Macaulay, T. B. Macdonald, Sir J. Macintosh, Sir J. Mangles, J. Marjoribanks, S. Marryatt, J. Marshall, \V. Martin, John !Mayhew, W. ,Millbank, M. Hilton, Viscount Moreton, H. Morpeth, Viscount 'Morrison J. Mostyn, E. M. L. 'Noel, Sir G. North, F. Norton, C. F. !Nugent, Lord ;Offley k C. !Osborne, Lord F. 'Owen, Sir J. Paget, Sir C. IPaget, I'. 'Palmer, General Palmer, C. F. Palmerston, Vise. Pendarves, E. \V. Penlease, J. S. Penrhyn, E. Pepys, C. Petit, L. H. Phillipps, C. M. ;Phillips, G. It. !Polhill, F. Ponsonby, Hon. \V. 'Powell, W. E. IPoyntz, \V. S. Price, Sir R. IProtheroe, E. Ramsbottom, ;Ramsdell, J. C. ;Rickford, W. Ritter, 'l'. Robarts, A. \V Runabold, C. E. itooper, J. B. Russell, R. G. Russell, Lord J. Russell, C. Scott, Sir E. D. ;Sebright, Sir John Skipwith, Sir G. Slaney, It. A. ;Smith, J A. ;Smith, J. Smith, R. V. ;Smith, Hon. R. ;Spence. George ;Spencer, Capt. 'Stanhope, Capt. R. 'Stanley, J. ;Stanley, E. G. S. 'Stanley, I.ord ;Stephenson, H. T. Stewart, P. M. Strickland, G. iStrutt, E. ;Stuart, Lord P. J. IL ;Stuart, Lord D. C. 'Talbot, C. It. Tavi ;tuck, Marquis Tennyson, C. Thicknesse, R. 'Thompson, \V. 'Thomson, C. P. Tomes, J. Torrens, Colonel Townshend, Lord C. :Troubridge Sir E. Tynte, C. ic. Tyrell, C. I. Venables, W. Vernon, G. J. Vernon, G. H. Villiers, T. H. Vincent, Sir F. Waitliman, R. Wafrond, B. Warburton, H. ‘Varre, J. A. Waterpark, Lord Wason, W. R. Watson, Hon. R. Webb, Colonel E. Western, C. C. Weyland, Major R. Whitbread, W. H. Whitmore, W. W. Wilbraham, G. Wilks, .1. Williams, W. A. Williams, Sir J. H. Williamson, Sir H. Willoughby, Sir H. Winnington, Sir 'l'. Wood, M. Wood, J. Wood, C. Wrightson, W. 13. Wrottesley, Sir J. B. Uxbridge, Earl of SCOTLAND. Adam, Admiral C. Agnew, Sir A. Dixon, J. Fergusson, R. C. Gillon, W. Grant, Right Hon. C. limes, Sir H. Jeffrey, Rt. Hon. F. Johnston, A. Johnston, J. Johnstone, J. J. H. Kennedy, T. F. Loch, J. Mackenzie, J. A. S. Ross H. Sinclair, G. Stewart, Sir M. S. Stewart, E. Trail, G. IRELAND. Acheson, Lord Barham, J. Belfast, Earl of Bei nard, Thomas Bodkin, J. J. Boyle, Lord Boyle, J. Brabazon, Lord Brougham, James Browne, J. Browne, I). Brownlow, C. Burke, Sir J. Callaghan, D. Chapman, M. L. Chichester, A. Coote, Sir ('. H. Dawson, A. Doyle, Sir M. K. C. Fitzgibbon, R. French, A. Harty, Sir R. Holt, Sir W. Howard, R. Jephson, C. D. 0. Knox, J. H. Killeen, Lord Lamb, Hon. G. Lambert, H. Lambert, J. S. Leader, N. P. APNamara, W. N. Mullins, F. Newark Lord O'Connell, 1). O'Connell, M. O'Ferrall, R. M. O'Grady, S. Ossory, Earl of Parnell, Sir H. Perrin, L. Ponsonby, Hon. G. Power, It. Rice, T. S. Russell, J. Ruthven, E. S. Sandford, E. A. Shell, R. L Walker, C. A. Westenra, Hon. R. White, S. Wyse, T. TELLER. Duncannon,Visc. Belgrave, Viscount Blount, E. Campbell, W. F. Cavendish, Lord G Coke, I'. W. Foster, J. Gurney, R. H. Godson, R. Grosvenor, Hon. R. Heathcote, Sir G. FAMED OFF. Hill, Lord Arthur Hill, Lord G. A. Home, Joseph Hutchinson, J. H. King, Hon. It Lee, J. L. Manic, Hon. W. ,Musgrave, Sir IL Newport, Sir J J B. R. Oxmantown, Lord Portman, E. B. Robinson, Sir O. Robinson, U. B. Russell, Lord W. Smith, G. R. Smith, M. T. Thompson, P. B. Throckmorton, R. Vere, J. J. H. Asticy, Sir J. D. Blackney, W. ABSENT. liaise, J. Heron, Sir 11. Howard, Hon. W. Johnstone, Sir J. V. Langton, Col G. Lewis, 'l'. F. Martin, Sir T. B. MUls, John Morrison, J. Mildmay, P. St. John Nowell, A. Owen, H. Payne, Sir P. Pelham, C. A. W. Petre, Hon. E. Philipps, Sir It B. Ponsonby, Hon. J. Pryse, P. Russell, W. St6wart, R. Schonswar, Surrey, Earl of Tufton, H. • • Tottenham, C. Villiers, F. Wellesley,, - In. W. T. Wilde, T. Williams, J. Wood, Colonel T. Wynn, Sir W. W. Wynn, C. W. G. White, Colonel H. Beaumont, T. W. Biddulph, R. M. Bulkeley,Sirß.B.W, Bunbury, Sir H. E. Caleraft, J. Campbell, J. Canning, Sir S. Cripps, J. Fitzroy, Lord J. Ferguson, Sir R. Fordwich, Lord Fazakerley, J. N. Grattan, James Hall, B. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. When a public man declares his decided approba tion of a certain line of policy, he ought, we do not say, to adhere to it inflexibly under all circumstances, but he ought at least to show sufficient reason for ceasing to support it, and for adopting an opposite course. Sir Robert Peel set out in life with a fierce and unbending hostility to Catholic emancipation. When Minister of the Home Department, he put the Government of Ireland into the hands of Lord Manners and Mr. Saurin ; and, good heavens ! if by the next generation the public characters of the se Men shall be as wall known as they are to the pre sent, in what sort of company is Sir Robert Peel destined to travel down to future times! 'Wh at a standard will he liimsel: have supplied by which t o measure his own political sympathies ! and what a key to the soundness of his judgment in the selec tion of parties for the exercise of a great publ;n trust ! The R;ght Hon. Baronet quitted office because hp :hared emancipation, or Mr. Canning , more than he g in a Bill r loved the Home department. He afterwards found that Mr. Canning had been right, and himself mis taken, in his estimate of the forpe of public opinion o o n r that emancipation, sibject; a b nd e l c te ausehe helped tcoould not gratifybrin either the love of power or the jealousy of a supe rior colleague by any longer resisting it. Whatever grounds for admiring his discretion were afforded by the night Rion. Baronet, in that instance, the rigid ness and self-denial of his public virtue were by no means equally apparent. On Tuesday evening Sir Robert Peel informed the House of Commons, that when a member of the last Government, he had op posed the enfranchisetnent of large tot . vtrs, vot be - cause he apprehended any immediate dangers from the measure, but because lie was afraid of entertain ing the Reform question in any shape; as, consider ing the feeling of the country on the question, he feared that so limited a Refopn would fait give sa tisfaetion, and would not, probably, be permanent. What 1 does he condo - li' the enfranchisement of populous towns because the people would be dissa t stied with the small amount of Reform, and yel: justify the refusal to enfranchise them because the people would be contented with no Reform at all ? Then, in coming to the consideration of schedule C, —namely, that which proposes to grant the right of election to great towns, what is the langus3e of the Fight Hoe. Baronet ? Really it is of importance to follow out Sir R. Peel through these hil sa ttempts ut compromise and qualification, now even at the eleventh hour, not because of his being henceforth likely to exercise over the country the slightest in fluence derived from moral or perSonai antliority, in a statesman so little tenacious of any purpose, or enamoured deny object, save one, us the It'ght Hon. Baronet has proved himself, but from the species of prominence into which he has been thrown by the extraordinary flatness and feebleness of the party which looks to him as its leader. If we were to characterize in the abstoet, the political genius of Sir R. Peel, it would assuredly not be by ascribing to it the picturesque wildness of Salvator Rosa, or to the depth and richness of Rembrandt. It exhi bits, on the contrary, a good deal more of the tame aid sober surface of a real scene. in Holland, where minute industry reinis:ers to practical convenience, where few t hi ng s ate superfluous—nothing lost, lade that shocks us, and less that we admire. (in the present occasion, however, Sir Peel's prudence and plausibilitirs have failed the Ri g ht Honourable Baronet. He has of a sudden become reckless into what puddle he leaps, and the contra dictions manifest in. his Tuesday night's display of party soreness and perplexity, bespeak a power of crpering and bolting for which neither friends ner -‘r r,ry,r enemies had hitherto given him credit. In speaking of schedule C, Sir R. Peel exclaimed, that he for one would agree to "no enfranchisement which should make disfranchisement a necessary conse quence." But what bas that to do with the present case, where, the disfranchisement having already been effected, enfranchisement itself becomes a con sequence, not a cause ? Again : Sir R. Peel, who had before refused to enfranchise Manchester from an apprehension that the great anxiety of the people for Reform would almost render them dissa tisfied unless they got something more, now de clares himself convinced that Manchester has a right to be enfranchised—now that the very evil has been perpetrated, the prospect of which he had professed as his reason for previously refusing to acknowledge that right. As a second motive for consenting to enfranchise Manchester, Birmingham, &c., the Right Hon. Baronet alleges the " strong feel ing of the country,"—that feeling, the eager ness and force of which he before pretended was his justification for positively refusing to grant them representatives ! Does this make Sir Robert Peel appear ridiculous ? Surely if so, the blame does not rest with us. But the Right Hon. Baronet, who has just above pronounced the impos sibility of withholding the franchise from great towns, because of the vehemence with which the whole nation demanded it, adds, in the next line, that he would not have disfranchised the boroughs —not have disfranchised the rotten boroughs !—the nomination boroughs !—the sinks of every selfish and sordid abomination !—those bated nuisances which were the original, universal, and inexplicable causes of all the public outcry for Reform ! Why, many even of the most ardent Reformers scarcely eared a straw for giving representatives, in compa rison with the taking them away,—they scarcely cared a straw about Manchester but as contrasted with Old Sarum. If Sir R. Peel be sincere in this his estimate of the public feeling of- England, when he speaks of her desire to see Manchester enfranchised, as more intense and irrepressible than that of seeing Gatton, abolished, he betrays an ignorance of the English mind and spirit, which makes the exclusion of such men from office as necessary as their long con tinuance there was surprising. Again : Sir R. Peel objects to the enfranchisement of metropolitan dis tricts, although he subjoins immediately afterwards —and we can scarcely .believe our eyes while we read—that " the proper principle upon which to give representatives was population." Well,—is there uo population in " the metropolitan districts ?" But " population," according to Sir R. Peel, is the " proper" principle of representation—and this from a Tory Baronet ! Now the true principle of popu lation —and its only consistent principle—is " uni versal suffrage." What !—as extremes are said to meet—has Sir Robert, in despair, turned Radical? It gives us no further pleasure than as an amusement, to point out the vagaries of a grave and respectable man, thus " friglited from his propriety" by the miserable cause to %%Melt he has been forced to lend himself,—not as a prop, but as an adjunct. Sir Robert Peel had better retreat from public life for a time, and come out again with the soils brushed off from him. After being cleansed of his Anti-Re form leprosy, he may some day form part of a liberal Administration : a Tory one, the Right Hon, Ba ronet well knows, can never again exist in this country.—Times. IThe official correspondence between the Com mander of the French squadron in the Tagus and 1 the Government of Don Miguel, together with the convention by which it was terminated, are ex tremely humiliating to the Portuguese despot. The convention, which .consists of twenty articles, to each of which the Portuguese Minister was obliged to submit, can only be regarded in tl:e light of a capitulation, or a surrender at the discretion of the victor. Never was chastisement more summary, or humiliation more complete, than that of the -van quished upon this occasion; and never was a Sove reign or a Government more disgraced in the eyes of their own subjects, or of the world, than that of Lisbon has been in the recent transactions, The Portuguese authorities first sent away the French Consul, on his demand of redress for wrongs, real or alleged, inflicted on French subjects without a suf, ticient legal cause. They refused even to treat with the Consul, and relaxed none of the rigour exercised towards the French citizens aggrieved. 4 French squadron was sent to support the representations of the French Government. This squadron captured Portuguese merchantmen, and threatened de ctruction to the scanty commercial navy of the despot. .Still there was no offer of redress. larger squadron was therefore equipped, at conside 4 - rable expense, and after considerable delay. Still the Ministers of Don Miguel defied the power of the French Government, arid Wiped to make any reasonable concession. After exhausting, therefore, having terrified the Portuguese Government, every means of bringing the Portuguese despot to an acknowledgement of his injustice, the Fre nc h the fortresses of Se. Julian and i s lu u g a i d o r , o f i o j 're d e e d sp tl i i sing e bar of the Tagus on the 11 t h u l t . and , obtained the full extent of its original demands. The French have thus obtai n e d t h e liberation instantly of M. Bonhemtne and of M. Sativirret, who 110 been punished with imprisonment, and were destined for transportationereertidemnity to them for the injustice' to which they had been subjected and the losses h citieerie who had been un j ust l y cone ' wh i c h t h e y had sustained,—compensati on t o severa l imprisoned; ` —an eq u i va l ent f or t h e lees reEydreaex""pdeense occasioned by t h e equ i pment of the other rdueninian expedition; and, lastly, the temporarv s if not the . final, possession of the Portoggese ships of wav, which a ppeared disposed to qbstrpet the enhance of fthie krerich into the T agus . A s t h e F rench A,lm ral, after he had -entered the Tagus on tile 11 th ult., pretended to observe the same terms w hi c h he had offered before the commencement . of hostilities on the Bth ult., we fairly eorifese that t he Admiral speaks on t h e 11th and 12 t h , we ott sea no justificatio n ' o f t h e altered tone in 14th. Even a b ar b arous government may i. ‘l : 3 i ll s i ih s c t ho e r e the observation of treaties whip') it break itself, and may feel ; oi aqect to fez . ., indignation at suing a w es violated. The F renc h G overnment have a c ted at Lisbon as they would have done at Tunis or Algiers, and probably with the same sense and reason. The faithless and cru e l d es p ot i sm o f , , - i Miguel—the " monster,' as 4ie. i s °rifled by one and . D M o ir n iieer in the French (harnber of Deputies, t h e .. base and perjured wretch," as I;e is called by another in the British Parliament,—is not entitled to be treated as a civilized power, though 4 happeo to be in Feirope, an;! gat' i'e ij,ftlea ; .or though it happens to profess the religion of peace, instead of Portuguese t L t. : , , 1 1 ;o e a u t eds a e,) s r'gretdietihos despot. o o a ct r .101 consider the h sl o i e d, : re p er t the persecuting maxims of the Koran. We must l tare ritie: P heam o i e r ce t anf u ri g tii le. inflictedds o of nation, i.rip 000rr:tti thegge. e aa ' e ll personified in a paltry usurper, whir, having been lir e . advertently placed on the throne by ow forbearance, has taken every method since of insulting our ho nom; and opposing our interests.—Tines e Last night four of the places in seltedgle 0 were disposed of, O n o n e of them,--Greenwich, Sec., — there was a division, when the majority was 107. Sir Robert Peel said, "to prevent unnecessary delay, he was willing to take the discussion upon all the metropolitan districts ;" so that we may rul e i ticipate a muchgeeater prograee thia day. The ( -11 ) PosiOon affect to be exceedingly indignant at the opinion of their conduct generally entertained by the people. Lord Valletort denounced the pro ceedings of the private meeting of the Liverymen, of which an account appeared in the Clronicle of yesterday, an d q challenged any man to assert justly, either of himself, or of those with whom he aeted; as far as he knew their metives from constant intercourse, that they hqd caused a frivolpns or vexatious delay." Not in the least factious. No opposition Member has ever allowed the secret to escape hitn, that all their hopes centered in the con tingencies which, - if the Bill could only be delayed, might defeat it ! None of the Qaarterly, Monthly, arid Weekly Journals have ever hinted that' the object of the Opposition ought to be delay-- the last Quarterly Review for instance—the truth is, that the Opposition Members deli• vered so many speeches, merely to kill time, refuted themselves so often, that we believe, notwithstanding the natural p.trtiality of speakers fur their own effusions, they ;tt length partici pated in the disgust so genei.t.lly Mr by the public; and that if there has been leis vexatious opposition within these few dap, we are to attribute it to the above cause rather than any more commendable mo tive. Alderman Waldman, with much spirit, ob served, that it ill became those who attributed apathy to the public, to complain of the manner in which the imputation was resented. "He was well ',ware," he said, " that there existed an indignant feeling on the part of the people, that it should have bean asserted that there had been any change in the public mind. He advised those who made such s•atements to beware how they provoked the proof. Certain it was that the great body of the nation was d;sgusted with the vexatious delay which had oc curred ; night after night they saw the same Mem b •rs speak, heard the same speeches delivered, and s►w the same valuable time mis-spent.—(Hear, hear.) Not less than one hundred and fifty speeches had been uttered by six Members on the other side, and it was natural that the public should be nauseated and indignant.—(Continued cheers.)" It was very well in Lord Valletort to object to the different. Cotnmittees for the different districts of the metro polis sitting elsewhere to watch and controul the proceedings of Parliament, and •to express a hope hat " none with whom he coincided would be de- terred from the manly discharge of their duty." What is meant by the influence of public opi nion, but that the public watch Members, and suc ceed to a certain extent in deterring thein from doing that which of themselves they would be in clined to do ? If the House were to close their doors and to conceal from the public all but the result of their votes, does any man suppose that the votes would not often be very different from what they are when Members know that the eye of the public is on them ? The eye of the public deters men in many cases from evil-doing. All evil-doers hate the light. But again, those who discharge their duty in a . manly manner rejoice in the light instead of being deterred by it. But when Lord Vulletort talks of not being deterred from the manly discharge of duty, he means the fearlessness of effrontery—the callousness which, in humble life, leads individuals to brave, in odious pursuits, public opinion for the gain they yield. The intrepidity of the borough monger is shared by many an individual in the pur lieus of Drury and St Giles's. The affectation of independence expressed by many Members is truly ludicrous. The idea of independence of constitu ency never could have occurred to an assembly re presenting a nation. A steward might, with as much justice, claim independence of hia the attorney of the clietit. The steward or the attorney act according to the best of their judg ments, and their employers will, in most cases, give them a large discretion ; but there may be eases in which no discretion is allowed arid it would be presumptions to say that tha positive will of the employers should be disregarded. In like manner it mu.t never be forgotten that the affairs as to which Members are to deliberate are the affairs of the public, arid it would be absurd to say that ' , timbers onglit to pay no regard to the opininns of that public. Mr. Alexander ]'faring, last night, entered on this question— " When the Hon. Alderman (Thompson) had pledged himself to support the Ministers and their Bill, it was scarcely to be suppo,ed that lie was at liberty to oppose particular parts of the measure. The Worthy Alderttl4ll had, in giving that pledge ; ilistinotiy mispittg4 the prin ciple, that representatives ought tu be pledged to take the opinions of their constituents respecting each particular vote which they should give.—(Cheers.) ije referred to the reproof given to Sir Robert Wilson, by his constituents, as another instance of the inconvenience of the principle, and of the total abstraction of the independence of Aletn bars, to which the recognition of it wonldlea4.—(cheers.) Within the list day. or two a threat of a meeting in the City had been held as tt rod in terrore* over that House. —(Cheers.) it was acl Qv indication of that sort of in fioence which would be attempted to be exercised over the House by popular bodies our of doors, when they should come into more immediate: and _sensitive ecunimmicatimt with the Members.—(Hear, and question.",) Now, admitting that there may be many questions as to which it might be wrong in the constituents to demand pledges, and for the candidate to give them, because the information for arriving At a con: rect decision may not be possessed by either (and with respect to many questions this must always he the ease) ; if there is one question on which more than another it is proper to timsl-0 and to give a pledge, - it is 011 f like 010 now before the House. A great change in the constitution of the House of Co:n- moiis having been proposed by the King's Ministers, and opposed by the Parliament for the time beiag, an appeal was made to the ntrian. The Ministry and the Parliament were at issue on the question. The representatives sent to the present Parliament are a constituent a.sembly rather than an ordinary Vial-. liament ; they have a commission tq give etreet to that respecting which the people have already de vide(' by the elections. The people in a body can not deliberate; and all that they can do in such a case is to meet in their several localities, .fed sup ply their deputies with instruqtictis. In such a case, too, it is proper and necessary that the public should watvit narrowly the proceedings of the Par. iiament, and avail themselves of all allowable means of influencing Members, The abject being NI de. stroy that part of the existing. cunititaticn of Par liament which enables a small number of individuals tq controul the rest of the nation, the public were particulaily called on to see that the object fo; which they exerted themselves should not be frus trated by the factious pertttacity of these men, or the treachery of toe ill whom they reposed ceuti. deuce. The whole of the outcry against pledges is, therefore, contemptible drivelli,ng, The rt44l bn s i ness of the pfuliatiltp:lt is 19, destroy the borough mongersi (04 tbe must sea that the Members Perfornir thei l / 2 -. mission. Squeamishness is out of the qnestion.-111 - orning Chronicle. In another column will be found I report of a trial at the Kilkenny Assize., o two Itnnan Catholic gentlemen, fur A ctoidapiracy to compel a cl..rgymari tc, lower his tithes. Th e J ury were eNebisively Protestants. They were convicted anl the Judge (Johnson) sentenced thean to twelve months' ito prisonmet;t, 4titi a fine of .5,04,,tach. The severity o the sentence wi'yl atrike m6st of our reader 4. The &Piz 114 1 :ora4ing Regis/et says . :—" These gentle^. men appear to be men of high and spotless character. It is proved that the public tranquillity owes them a great deal. They olctie.ed without knowing they did." Batt the Judges of this country, the last clonsideration is the guilt of prisoners,. They cast about them to see what offences are. epidemical at the time, and WOO to. the prisoner who happens to have voii:initted an epidemical offene-o or crime, Sheep-stealing, fur. instarce, happens to be on the increase; " we most ma!,..e. examples" (say they), and no mercy lob sheep-stealers that year. Tithes as our readers well know, are at present a very ticklish property in Ireland. If report is to be be lieved, the people have generally refused te, pay them; and at the sues there are nc. bidders ; so that it has been found rieceaf.iary, in some cases, to convey thiA go4ds taken for tithes to England. Tith;::'offences are, therefore, at present peculiarly obnoxious; and hence,by way of example, andlro cure country gentlemen of their disinclipOon to pay tithes, this enormously severe sv.;;teace. At another time the same offence might have escaped with a fine of five pot. Inds If the power of J u d ges i n snt.i; a case extended to hanging, they wotdcl 'nave thought an execution or two ben4cial to arrest the progress cif the evil. We are much mistaken, however, if thc: extraordinary severity of this - sentence do no; add to the hostility to the tithe system. Where the de'. termination to resist the exaction of tithes 4s almost universal, punishment must he unavailing. One ef fee-, however, will be produced ; individuals in the tank of gentlemen will be more cautious in their proceedings. But they •may proceed with mere caution, and yet with equal effect It is no easy j matter for the Irish to pl ease t h e peop l e o f thi s j country. How often have the Trish been reproached by our best writers for their want of union and want of spirit, in the case of such glaring abuses as the sa l ling them with a sinecure Church ! Yet now when they are united, and in a fair way to get rid of this abuse, they are as far as ever from obtaining approbation. In the Edinburgh Review for Novem ber, 1820, there is an article on Ireland by one of our most distinguished writers, in which the Irish are did. " The Irish character," says the re awing viewer, " contrilm•es something to retard the ly up b raidedssvords against with the o parsons, ar p so pluck- , notll. t he theirpositively im provements of that country. The Irishman has many g O O s o p ( t q a t b i a le li: i: n n s ai he is lr avewitty, generous, eloquent, open-hearted; but he is vain, ostenta • iotis,ex • ravaoan t, and fond of display—light in counsel —deficient in persev e rance —without skill in private or public economy— an en j o yer, not an acquirer — on e who despises the s l o w anti patient virtues — who o ants the superstructure without the foundation — the result without the previous operation — the eaic without the acorn, and the three hundred years of. expectation. The Irish are irascible—prone to debt, and to fight, and very impatient of the restraints of rr upon thepeople a a r i e n not oha likely to keep thei • period to compel the Scotch to pay a double church, but Sawney took his pen arid ink, and finding what a sum it amounted to, became furious, and drew his sword. God forbid the Irishman should do the e m same! the remedy now would be worse than the o the Dutch. England strove very hard at one disease. But if the oppreasions of England bad been more steadily resisted a 'century ago, Ireland would not have been the scene of poverty, misery,. ' end distress which it now is." :since 1820 the - Irish have proved themselves less " light in court-• sel," less " deficient in perseverance," than may ' perhaps be agreeable to some of her old lecturer--. There are men among them possessed ortessist• heads I and stout hearts, and whom- we believe no price could detach from the cause of their nation. What': equivalent, for instance, could be given to Di:. Doyle for the consideration he enjoys? He wiltt devote his great talents to the liberation of his: people from the burden of a sinecure church. He will never rest till the demoralising and unchristian exhibition is withdrawn, of a church, without a ' flock, which possesses two-elevenths of the land of Ireland, and one-tenth of the gross produce of the ' remainder. Tome are men in Ireland who have intr! some of the London discernment to know when to act and when to re ied ' main passive.—/Iforning Chronicle. d it the d o t f h 6 o ti f i August had at Tepaay!pd,tievbriirtsiai:srnitb:hetatea:in. respite a teic t isoi e ldv) d ietre i n tsl n,n Welch Paper. the h, and been received for Lewis Lewis, one of the Merthyr positive directions had been given by Mr. Justice Bosanquet, by whom the prisoners had been tried, i n s a , ll h 7 i s ap fe p l l o o i ‘nvt-;donfovii.citi,4eo execution € S e a u t t il io r l d i a o y f la b s a t t , h t . h e Our tiay that the law should t a k e i ts course on Richard r Lo c r a eig d wi t v willreeollept that last week we endeavoured to call the particular attention of the Executive de partment of the State, in whose hands, after the sen tence of the law has been pronounced, are `.the issues of Ide and deeth" to the oases of those two unfortenete men, ft is satisfactory to us now to be enabled to announce that, although so late as Friday last, no hope appeared for Richard Lewis, and pre parations were made for his execution on the next day, yet in the course of the evening of Friday a respite was received staying execution for fourteen days, to give time to inquire more particularly into the circumstances of his ca.o, there being strong grounds to suspect that the witnesses who deposed to his identity have been, as we suggested, mistaken; and that when the slab was given for which he was doomed to suffer, he was in a place which precluded the possibility of his being the guilty party. Depositions to this effect have, we understand, been laid before Lord Melbourne, by a gentleman of great respectability, who was, we believe, the beater of the petition for mercy for the two culprits, signed by eleven thousand persons of Merthyr Tydvil and its neighbourhood. His Lord ship felt it his duty, under the circumstances, to 'grant the time requisite to investigate the accuracy of the statements laid before him, and which, if cor rect, make out a complete case of innocence for the prisoner, As to the other convict Lewis Lewis, it is true that the Judge did forward a respite for him to the 6th day of August ; but since that Lord MO bourne has granted a respite generally, which usu ally precedes the extension at the mercy of the Crown. This was the wean who saved the life of a constable ae wo stated last week, by exposing himself to t h e Wows aimed at him, by which he received several bruises. The csatistuble, we are informed, has since come forward to depose to this fact—and no doubt is now entertained that his respite will be followed by a reprieve, if it have not taken place already. the petitions, so numerously signed, from Merthyr Tydvil and Cardiff, evince the deep inte rest which is taken in the fate o I both those men ; and every account which we receive from that part of the country confirms tire opinion which we be fore expressed, that the extension of mercy to both the convicts would go farther towards the effectual restoration of tranquillity than a hundred executions —.whereas the taking of more lives, by the extreme rigour of the law, after so much bloodshed as has al ready taken place, might give the angry feel ings, which have partially • subsided, a dangerous. revival. While upon a subject connected with the exercise of that prerogative of the Crown which is designed to temper the harshness e 'and correct the errors of the stern law, we , will take the opportunity of briefly alluding to the case of William Jennings, convicted at Chelms ford of arson, in having set fire to a barn containing grain, and who is ord e r e d f or execut i on on F r i day. , In t ins case we merely wish to call the attention of the Secretary of the Home Department to the evi dence on which the verdict of geitty was returned, end which seems altogether too slight and vague to warrant such a coeclusion. We entreat only that execution shouici be agnyed for such a length of times as is necessary to investigate a case upon which con. siderate persons who have paid some attention tee ;ha facts have great doubts, There is great reasois to believe that the servant-girl, who swore to hav ing seen hits coming from the direction of the 'nun on the evening of the tire, has been mistaken. The case of Twins , who suffered for arson last winter at Chelmsford, and whose innocence was afterwards generslly adinittA, is fresh in the recollection of our readers. Let not another irreparable error of the Sort be committed.. If the law is to be acted upon which says the guilty shall die, let us at least be convinced that those who die are guilty.—Morning, "ter act An Evening Paper, which is understood to be in the confidence of the Government, undertakes to lecture Lord Milton for,,his want of ready compliance, with the mandatory suggestions of Lord Althorp at the " gathering" of Reformers on Tuesday, A e _ corditi to the political dictionary of this p r i nt , dete - rtntnation not to flinch front an avowed purpose is a want of caution, and while it accords to Lord Milton the merit of being honest and sincere, it tells him, with a peculiar elegance of phrase, that this •44,,:/ riot do without More caution than he evinced . 4 . 4 t the meeting on Tuesday. " The excuse," says this print (excuse 1), "offered by Lord Milton for persisting in the course which lie has adopted in that he desires to have the Reform Bill considered as anal, and therefore to have it made perfect."-- What a monstrous desire! The Government print is " really astonished" that a nobleman of acuteness and strength of mind should make such an observation. Now Without being at all disposed to become the general eulogist of Lord Milton, we must say that so far from seeing anything to astonish us in his. determination, We think that he has done no mote. than what was slue to hiasseli as an independent, Member of Parliament ' awl bad he done otherwise he won 4 have shewn himself no better than the , . common herd of hypocrites , who fawned upon. the. mob fo r their seats in Parliament, and fawn upon the in the hope of thereby retaining them.