The Sun. — London, England, 1831-07-14 00:00:00

the only intain our A the off- I many of he attain diseased, favour of ,neher)— eratedin- institute exibting 3; ascrib- lutiona in on of the e Habeas a Con he revo. wished instead liar (la- moment ceting in n to deny 'act—that ; where ? Oxford the place. He was le ex pres- [‘;e it re a vote of ungra'e ce. The paper an The sustained ;vet; of a the simi the events existence society in s of man, hint ; he loccurred )ught the e London 8 position only 116. did oh.) He ,ming up for tt mt in the their sys. art of the vie were up to the !legraphic there was mingharn, ftew days' 00, every bayonet. rereece to n a revo- Bill the I tfi direst :eased and iting and feeling. .aordinary rd a tnea 3untry,— :imam. of Ine of the titiona re owmittee. R said he pecker do from gn• to my a ember for larity be ,rrespond- Nntional delegates petitions if any of Lon, it was as no cor. ed that he rered him far as he at House, [onourable stets were . rliatnents, had intro e was no- principles ballot, the ntroduced ithle Duke Drdnance. .nty of the of for the eliet that taation ; go on af red. Ad e Bill, and re parts of Ministers isequences —and Win I uhl be re e country. low in the irasure, to 'ed. , and the t into the it was I, and the Ise, which nacted, by the advice nmons, in ithority of I in Sche the end of r Member the great He had ssed some in which cd for the use shown returns of the boroughs:now, rather than those of 1821. (Cheers from the: Opposition.) He knew these returns would not yet be 'made for eight or ten days ; but they had already been published in all the country papers, and if a circular had been sent round by the Secretary or State, could have been easily procured much earlier. What, he would ask, would he the consequence of their taking the returns of 1821 ? Why, that many boroughs would be permitted to retain the right of returning Members which were not entitled to it, and many would be disfranchised which possessed more than the number required by the limit.—(Hear.) He had not looked into many of the returns, hut he found by a very hasty glance, that if they had legislated in this manner ten years sooner, and taken in the same way the returns of IS I I, there were full eleven boroughs which stow retain their Members, but which then must have been deprived of them.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) To take, for instance, the borough of Caine, so often alluded to in the course of these debates Caine contained, in 1801, three thousand seven huutired inhabitants ; and, in 1811, the number hal fallen to three thousand five hundred and four. Now, if they had legis. 1 ited in 1821 on the returns of 1911. Caine would have been disfranchised.—(Cheers.) How, too, where they to know whether the population of Caine had not sunk an much below the standard of 1811 now as it was above it in 1821.—(Cheers.) It was said, how ever, that they must draw a line. Be it so, but he did not see why that line was to be an arbitrary one.—(Hear, hear. The Government had found the inconvenience of this in more titan one case already. In the borough of St. Germains, for instance, the returns gave 2,000 inhabi tants, but it was found that in the whole two thousand there was scarcely one ten pound freeholder—(Hear, hear) —and it has been found necessary, therefore, to include it in the list of those to be disfranchised.—( Hear. ) He con fessed he was unable to comprehend the principle on which the Government proceeded, when they took the number of 2,000 inhabitante.-IHear. ) It was well known that the population returns made no classification. It included all the inhabitants, men, women, and children, and did not even enumerate the adults.—(Hear ) It was well known that in some of the boroughs great fluctuations took place in the numbers of the population, in conse qnence of the particular trades or manufactures which were carried on at different seasons. Suppose, for instance, that in one of these boroughs there happened to be two cotton manufactories. These manufactories would, perhaps, employ each three or faur hundred children, who, of course are included in the returns, as a part of the population, although they ultimately confer no greater benefit on the place than to help to swell the poor-rates. Well, the number of these children probably bring the borough within the rule of the Noble Lord, and it retains its Mem ber; but a week after the passing of the Bill, if one of the toaster manufacturers happened to become a bankrupt, the children he employed are sent home to their parents, the popu lation of the borough sinks below the line, and it continues to send Members to Parliament, although it ought to have been disfranchised. —(Cheers.) He thought, therefore, that the Government, before it proceeded further, was hound to send Parliamentary Commissioners to inquire into the real numbers of the population, to ascertain what number of 101. and of 201. householders were actually to be found in the boroughs, and how far it was possible, by combining the voters of different districts, to preserve the ancient system of representation as much as possible un altered.—(Hear.) He knew well that there were many boroughs, about the propriety of disfranchising which no difference of opinion could exist.—(Hear.) But he knew also that very great differences of opinion, even among the most ardent Reformers, prevailed with respect to others, and that there were some points on which no three persons to whom he had spoken could agree.—(Hear.) He thought, therefore, that until those points bad been settled, and some means were taken, either through Commissions or otherwise, to overcome the difficulties he had men tioned, it would be better to postpone the first and second clauses, and proceed to the others. He begged at the same time to say, that greet doubts were entertained whether every place entitled to return Members should not retain its original number of two, as it was most de sirable in the alterations to adhere as much as possible to the known principles of the Constitution. Disposed as be was to make a large and considerable addition to the Members of the House, he thought it was the duty of the House to ascertain how they could make room for them by such alterations as would avoid any increase of their numbers—for he thought the present Session had abun dammtly satisfied them that any further increase of their numbers would be exceedingly inconvenient. He re peated his opinion that it would be better, it possible, to unite the small boroughs than to disfranchise them, parti cularly-when they happened to be situate in important agricultural districts. His Majesty's Government had in some measure recognized the policy of this arrangement in the Bill ; for it would be seen that several places, and among others Greenwich, Woolwich, and Deptford, were joined for the purposes of representation, although not immediately connected with each other. To take as an illustration of that which he suggested, he would merely mention the very first borough in schedule A, Aldbo rough. Now that might be very well united with Or ford, as th e y were, indeed, he believed, within sight of each other. These matters were, however, open for con sideration when they ascertained the number of Members to be returned by the large towns for which they were to find seats. At the present moment, and for the rea sons be had thus briefly and inadequately stated, be moved that the c onsideration of the first and second clauses be post poned.—( Hear, hear.) On the question that the first clause be consequently postponed, Sir E. JGDEN thought the House had good reason to com plain hat the Government had not thought. proper to enter into Any explanation of the alterations which they had made in the present Bill ; for altered he contended it was in many respects in reference to its most important p r i nc iples, and, he might cold, in almost all its details. When that Bill was first introduced, it was pronounced perfect, and they were told that they must not attempt to improve it. Now, however, it was presented to them again altered in all its parts, acid teaching a lesson which, l ie hoped, would be remembered, that the greatest talents and learning could not, without the assistance of time, an d e xperience, and foresight, successfully meddle with the Constitution handed down to them as the result of the wisdom of ages. That Constitution had, he admitted, many anomalies ; but these anomalies were to he defended when .they werked well in conjunction with the other parts. H e would ask, ho wever, i n w h at manner th e framers of the new amended Constitution could defend their anomalies ? How could they defend the selection of 101. householders, for the enjoyment of the elective fran chise, w hile they excluded those w h o p m id only 9/. 19 s . ? —( Hear, hear.) The Bill first proposed to the House cut off sixty-two boroughs, in compliance, as the Govern with the de man d o f the great mass of the ment declared , people. Now, he should like t o k now, where was t h e single indiv i dual —not to mention body of individuals— who called on the Governme n t to adopt any such course. (Hear, hear.) He would tell them, however, that if 62 were cut off now, 100 might probably he cut off hereafter. With such a precedent before them, a Parliament of Re formers would not pay much attention to the principles of the Constitution, or to the rights of the electors ; and, a. it was well known that all new bodies were uniformly hostile to ancient institutions, they would witness , ere long, the lamentable consequt noes of the course they now proposed to adopt. The grounds on which they proceeded were, however, carefully concealed, and posterity would look in vain in the Bill for the reasons on which such im portant changes were supported. Ile implored the House not to trifle with so great a subject as the represen tation of the people of England. His Majesty's Govern ment bad not only made changes in the Bill of the utmost importance with reference to the various schedules, but they had introduced a novel experiment—what he might perhaps be allowed to call the triangle—in the representation. There were to be three 'Members for wine of the counties. As in some places where there were now two Members, there was only by the Bill to be one Member, so in other places where there were now two Members, there were to be by the Bill three Members. The inevitable consequence of this would be, that the con test at such elections would be carried on to the last mo ment, and that a great minority of the electors would lie dissatisfied with the result.—(]lnch noise in the House.) He really must claim his right to be attended to on a question which involved the most valuable rights of every man in the country, and of every man who would hence forward be born in it. It was a subject e n which he felt deeply ; but it was only as an Englishman that lie felt ; for he bad not the slightest interest in the question. He 'did not care, personally, if he never enteted that House again. His seat was attended only with pain and labour; and lie would not have add ressed them on time present oc c ision if he had not felt that he had a sacred duty to perform. Sir J. WROTTESLEY spoke to order ; observing, that the noise at the bar was so great, in consequence of the number of Ambers who crowded about it, that it was exceedingly difficult to hear any Hon. Member who was addressing the House. Loud cries of " Places, places; Bar, bar, bar," followed; and for a while the noise and confusion subsided. Sir E. SUGDEN proceeded—He regretted to be com pelled to occupy the time of the House, by continuing to call their attention to the changes which had been intro duced into the Bill by his Majesty's Ministers. He had already adverted to the changes in the two measures, a‘ those changes respected the number of representatives foi counties and for boroughs. He would now advert to the qualifications of the electors. Those qualifications had been altered exten , ively. Not only hal alterations been made in the number of places which were to return Members, but also in the qualifications a those by whom Alembers were to be returned. Now, called upon as be was, to make an alteration in the Constitution of a great country—of the nature of which alteration it appeTired that his Majesty's Ministers had changed their opinions— how was he to judge of the comparative value of the twe plans ; that which was at first, and that which was now proposed? Inquiry into their respective merits was int practicab'e ; for the Eluuse were cob; that the people o f England pressed for a decision. The alterations were, nevertheless, of great importance. Which plan was he ti• prefer ? By the new Bill, for instince,.the county con stituency was considerably reduced. Now, this was a most triqterial change; important as affecting agtieultund interests—important as affecting the relation between agriculture and commerce. Then, as to the borough con- stituency, that hail been altered at least four times. How could he he sure that, even with those alterations, it h a ', arrived at the point of perfection ? And yet the House were told that this wss to hi a final measure.—(Hear.) Suppose, instead of expressing any discontent, those who had op : posed the first Bill had acquiesced in it, anti it had later) adopted ; what would have been the case? In every clause there would have been twenty loopholes. It would have been impossible to execute the Bill. And with re spect to the present Bill, would his Majesty's Ministers lay their hands on their hearts, and say that the proposed Bill, if adopted, would come out of a Committee of the reformed Parliament which would be created by it, with out extensive change ? He underatood that it had been said that the clause in the new Bill to which he was about to advert had been introduced by inadvertence. He would not make any invidious observations on that assertion ; he would merely read the provision in page seven of the Bill to the Oause respecting the right of voting in boroughs. It was as follows :—" Provided always, that no tenant occupying such premises as aroresaid, at a yearly rent of not less than ten pounds, shall, by reason thereof, acquire a vote in the electicin for any city or borough, if such rent shall be payable more frequently than once in every half year." Now, no man could mistake the intention of his Majesty's Government in that proviso. It was accu. rately arid technically drawn up. So with the pro viso in page 12 ; namely—" Provided always, that no tenant so occuping such premises as aforesaid at a yearly rent of not less than ten pounds, within," &e. lee. " shall by reason thereof acquire a vote in the election for any of the said several boroughs, if such rent shall be payable more frequently than once in every half year." In this, he repeated, there could be no mis take with respect to the intentions of his Majesty's Go vernment. Those intentions were precisely described in technical language. He would fearlessly declare, there fore, and he dared any refutation of the assertion, that it was evident his Majesty's Government had found that in the original Bill they had gone too far, and had adopted this indirect way of softening and paring down the fran chi'e which they had created, so as to diminish the dangers which they tie nselves apprehended from it—(Hear, hear)—and undoubtedly his Majesty's Government were right in the alteration ; not that he liked the clause as it stood ; not that he admired the contrivacee of giving the elective franchise in words, arid taking it away in sub stance. The mere love of change was, however, exempli fied in various parts of the Bill without the slightest ntsa cessity. It appeared as if bis Majesty's Government thought that the more changes they made the more they should meet the demands of the country. There were the changes reserving the rights of freemen while they lived, and of children born before the passing of the Bill. By the first Bill, even the rights of the constituents of the Hon. Member for Preston were not saved. Almost every clause on the subject had been altered in detail. As regarded Wales, the Bill had been greatly altered by shiftiug, carving, and cutting the right of representation. The Bill respecting Scotland had been also much altered as regarded the right of franchise. The alterations in the Irish Bill were very extensive and important. Such being the case, were there not sufficient grounds for pause and reflection? But what were they called upon to do ? At mice, without information, without inquiry, to alter the entire - representation of all England, Scotland, and Ireland.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Was there ever a vaster proposition submitted to the consideration of a Legislature? Looking at Ireland alone, and considering the various causes of serious alarm in that country, something more w is surely necessiry than that it should ride on the shoul ders of the English Bill, and be carried as a sort of appen dix to it. As to Scotland, he would not say the repre sentation of that country was healthy ; but still, if the alterations to be made in that representation were to be the sole subjects of consideration, they would require much deliberation and care. Then there was the change from the first Bi il, in which the Privy Council were to settle the bounktries of boroughs and parishes, to the second Bill, in which it was proposed that that duty should de volve on Parliamentary Commissioners. To such a pro position he would never consent. He would raise his voice to the uttertnost against it, that it might be known that he would never agree thus to disqualify the Legis lature, and leave to any other body the power of altering the representation of the people of England as to them might seem good.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Parliamen tary Commissioners were to have this privilege, without any precise rule having been laid down as to the man ner in which they were te exercise it. In that, and in other points, those who sat on his side of the House were treated as if they did not love their country; as if the blessings which they enjoyed under its Constitution had been thrown away upon them ; as if the rights of their children were to them of no importance or value. But be denied that they were open to any such suppositions. With respect to the nomination boroughs, he was not, abstractedly speaking, in love with than ; but he defended them as the means of introducing into the Home men of integrity and talent, who, although they sat for these boroughs, felt that they were the representatives of the whole country._( Hear.) To the way in which all those . . boroughs were to be swept away, without information or inquiry, be could never accede. When, three months ago, he had called the attention of his Mak.stv's Government to the subject, the Noble Lord had said, .in effect, that if they consented to the laying of information before the House, there would be such a diversity of opinion, that they would never come to a decision. But was a question like this to be treated so lightly ? Not only was it an un- parliamentary, but it was 'unconstitutional doctrine.— What gentleman in private life would consent to extensive alterations in his estate without having previously received precise information will respect to the nature and merit of the changes? How, therefore, could he (Sir E. Sugden) be expected to concur in the propese I plan of enfranchisement and disfranchisement, without know ing exactly beforehand its extent and character ? It was true that some additional information had been laid on tie table by his Majesty's Government, and it well deserved the attention of the House. It was im possible to read a line of those documents without seeing that they proceeded from persons who were strongly im hued with the principles of Reform. Considering also that those persons were employed by his Majesty's Minis ters with a particular object, it was impossible to give their statements full credence. Yet what did those statements show ? In every particular, the information which they communicated, proved that the Noble Author of the Bill had proceeded upon false principles.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Again, therefore, he asked, had proper caution been used on this subject ? In " a little month"—he believed hi a fortnight —correct returns of the population would be forthcoming. Was it to be endured that his Majesty's Government should come and propose an extensive altera tion in the Constitution, founded on the defective returns of 11121, when correct returns would be produced in 14 days. It was clear that it was proposed by the Bill to disfr chise man) places, which more correct information would show ought not to be disfranchised. Would a Reformed Parliament perpetuate such an arrangement ? They ‘A ould laugh it to scorn, and would spe dily have a new Bill on the subject. When be was in France last July, lie had observed that he thanked God he could still talk of Old England. He was apprehensive, however, that young England, under the influence of this new measure, m i g ht not afford her sorts so just a subject for pride and e xultation.—(hear, hear, hear.) One of the most objectionable principles in the Bill was, that while the rights of the existing potwallopers and of the children of freemen born before the passing of the Bill were preserved, the right s of the upper classes, as involved in the nomina tion boroughs, were utterly abandoned. Now he repeated that, abstractedly, he teas not fond of the nomination 1)1- ' 1 )1'01E. But they worked well. He wished he could have ill their advantag es without the an omal y att endant upon them. But he had always considered that it was one of the greatest blessings of the constitution of that House, that all classes of the people were represented in it. The nomina tion borough gave to the Aristocrcy—and by that term he meant nut only rank, but wealth and intelligence—its just share of Parliamentary influence. While that influence remained, the other influences might be more safely dealt with. But to destroy the nomination boroughs, and at the same time to increase the power of the other interests, was pregnant with danger. It was to destroy those checks which were intended to guard against the encroachment of any particular interest. The amount of the proposed qua lification of voters was in many cases so low, that if the pe , aedl, the voice of the peop'e would ptedomioafe n that House, and that the people themsdve, wo u ld tot be represented in that HoUso, hut would a-- atally vote in it by delegation. ,Suppos', widiout add ng a single Member to the popular interest, they had ulerely struck out the nomination boroughs, and suppos, the eves , ion had been as it a as about to b • in France, ml as it might soon be La this cotua'ry, with respect to the hered t iry er .ge, in what sicuat on might they have teen placed? With the present system of giving pledges to their constituents, what might not occur? At present, the pledges were to destroy the nominatien boroughs ; the nett pledges might be to dcstroy the House of Peers ; and ,* some wore period th e requisition for pledees might aim at a higher mark.—( Hear. hear.) He marvelled much at one sentiment in the gracious Speech delivered from the [krone at the commencement of the pr sent session ; he meant that in which his Majes,ty expressed his confidenc~ that in any measures which they mieht prepare for the ad. justmeot of a Reform in th e Representatien, they would " carefully adhere to the acknowledged principles of the Constitution, by which the prerogatives of the Crown, the authmity of both ll , ,uses of Parliament, and the tights and libet ties of the people were equally secured.' Was that expres sion to he understod as a compliment to the Bill his Ma jesty's 31inisters had already prepared ? Was it to he un derstood as an intimation that the House was pledged to, adopt (No, no.) O r did it mean th a t ano th er o not pledged on th e subject, should t a k e ib e ,a the tv e Bill.—(No, body,— arise that the measure should be consistent with " tl:e . aeknowledged princip'es of the Constitution, by which the prerogatives of the Crown, the authority of both Houses . of Parliament,.and the rights and liberties of the people a-ere equally secured ?" One of the most estimable points in the Constitution was, he considered, its elasticity, which under all circumstances allowed the poor man the right of voting. In ancient times forty-five shillings, and now forty shillings conferred this right of voting. The pro jectors, however, on the opposite side, would not let time work—would not let is natural operations have their course, but fancifully pulled down an edifice which they never could rebuild. He declared that he would stre nuously support the motion of the Right Hon Member for Montgomeryshire, while he reserved to himself the right of speaking upon the details. lie felt that, under all the circumstances, reasoning would be thrown away in opposing the general motion—he would accordingly re serve himself for the details. The Hon. and Learned Member resumed his scat amidst loud cheering. Mr. STANLEY dissented from the proposition laid before the Committee, and did not in his conscience think the Hon. and Learned Member had, notwithstanding all his labour and all his ingenuity, succeeded in making out a case. The lion. and Learned Member had, in fact, de parted most widely from the subject which was really before the House, so that a man who happened to have been listening to the debate would have had great diffi culty to devise the subject which was actually under con sideration ; and if he had come to any conclusion, the probable tine would be, that they were now debating the principle of a Reform Bill—not that they were speaking respecting a measure to which the assent of the House, considering it as a whole, had been already given.—(Hear, hear.) For himself, he was surprised to find that they were at that moment in Committee, when be recollected the proceedings of last night—when he remembered the pertinacity—a pertinacity before unheard of in that House —with which the Hon. Gentlemen . opposite plesseil for an adjournment, not on account of tie lateness of the hour, bat because that hour, though early, did not afford them the ample space which they required for the display of their oratory. And yet now, when they had a clear way, when they had full liberty to enter into the question, all their magnificent announcement, the grand note of preparation, had shrunk into a murmur. The lion. Member for Dundalk had very shot tly favoured them with his long• promised oration ; and several other gentlemen who had held out extensive threats of speaking, had very much, he had no doubt, to the satisfac tion of the House, neglected to carry their menaces into execution.—(Hear, hear.) Still, however, it appeared that they were not exempt by getting into C , nnittee from the necessity of going into the whole principle of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The lion. and Learned Gentleman first complained of the gracious Speech delivered by his Majesty,. because it recommended a full and free discus sion of the principle of a plan of Reform which should be consistent with the prerogatives of the Crown, the just authority of both Houses of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the people. And, said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, it is impossible that either his Ma jesty or his Administration could recommend this Bill, be cause it did neither one nor the other ; and if it do not, it is a mere mockery to introduce it to the consideration of the Hause. But that, he contended, was the question to decide; and as to the charge of its being a mockery to make- a general recommendation respecting a great ques tion, he begged, in reference to this assertion of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, to turn to the King's Speech of 1529, for the purpose of showing that a Government might make such a general recommendation, having at the same time, as the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had ac cused them of having, its own Bill cut and dry, without any mockery. If the Government had not their Bill quite ready cut and dry when they suggested the necessity of Reform, the Honourable and Learned Gentleman himself would be the first to denounce them. —(Hear.) He: would take the liberty of referring to the King's Speech of 1829, and then the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would find everything which he had objected to in the recent Address from the Throne. The Hon. Member then read an extract from his Majesty's Speech in 1829, which referred to the state of Ireland, and recommended Catholic emancipation in general terms, providing that the prerogatives of the Crown, the privi leges of Parliament, and the rights of the Church, were hell sacred. This, mutatis nwtandis, was precisely the language of the Speech of the present day; and the Go vernment having that Speech cut and dry, only laid down the principle on which their measure was founded, as the present Ministry had recently done.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman also complained that all the Hon. Members on that side of the House had come there pledged to the measure ; and then, he said, that great danger did, necessarily, result from this; inasmuch as the Members who now came to thst House pledged against nomination boroughs would next come pledged to vote against the Peerage, and then against something farther. when, God knew what might happen. This might be natural language, and these might he the natural sentiments of an Hon. Gentleman who did not wish that the voice of the people should be predominant in that House; but such language he would nut hold. Such sentiments be would not entertain. He wished that that House should repro. sent the opinions, but not the passions of the people.— (Loud and long cheers from the Opposition.) And thus it was he did not consider it extraordinary or reprehensible that when the King had made an appeal to his people in a constitutional way, his people, in answer to that appeal of their Sovereign, should, before they returned their repre sentatives, take the liberty to ask them what were their opinions on this great question.—(Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had asserted that his Majesty's Ministers had, in bringing forward this motion, no object but the love of change—no desire but to pull down and build up again. Now this might be a very good argu• ment if the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was arguing against all change ; but now they had arrived at a stage when it was not for them to discuss whether change was necessary, that having been established. Therefore, when he said they were only influenced by the love of changes, he (Mr. Stanlay) asked him if he was prepared to say there should be no change ? and if the country would say there should be no change.—(Cheers.) On the contrary the country had loudly declared there must be a change. and that there must be an extensive change.—(Cheers.) The late Ministry hai said there shall be no change; and they were accordingly compelled to retire ; but the present Administration had responded to the public feelings, and said there shall be a change, and an ex tensive change; and they had laid before the public the principle upon which they proposed to effect this change, and this had been hailed with what he might fairly call universal approbation.—(Cheers.) But, said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, this is the third Bill which you have brought forward, and of these each differs from the other. But, he asked if there was any difference in the principle and main features of the Bill ?—(Cheers.) He challenged him to show how they had abandoned the prin ciple on which the House of Commons and the country had said Reform ought to be entertained,—(Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman said this Bill would make a new Constitution, by effecting a great change in that House; on the contrary, he contended it would bring back the Constitution to what it ought to lie —(Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member also spoke of old Engl ind and new France, and compared the two; but be asked if any comparison between the countries could be fairly insti- tutea ? A Constitution similar with the British Cons tution was, it would appear, inapplicable to the feelings and ha fits of France ; but what had this to do with Eng land?—.(Cheers.) We live, he said, in a.country under the constitutional government of which we had been brought up, and our love and reverence for it bad " Grown with our growth, and strengthened with our strength." —(Cheers.) Their object then was, to make the Govern ment proceed with an equal pace, pari passe, with the ncreasing intelligence and the increasing power of Eng 'and. It was well to speak of time's having given mel o►vness to the Constitution, but what if time had give', it something more elan mellowneis?--(Hear, hear.) What if time had diminished the reverence wherewith it had been regarded from those who looked not to the theory ut to the practice?_(Flear, hear.) Should they not then, he asked, go along with him and restore the Consti tution its right and fit state?—(Hear.) The alteration oc a few trifling details had, he contended, nothing to do with the carrying of this great oiject into effect. They h not departed in the slightest degree from the great principl s and leading lea'nres of the Bill. The Hon. Ind Learned Gentleman said the first principle on which hey proceeded wa., tkit sixty-two boroughs s ., ould be cut ff fr.in the representation, and now they had altered that lumber of s:x , y-two, and had accordingly abandoned . . . th e ir pledge touching " The Bill, the whole Bill, rued nothing but the Bib" They had altered the number, hecause it did nut accord with the principle which they had laid down, and which was, not that a certain num her of boroughs should he disfranchised, but that all ho t tnighs below a certain fixed line of population, and there fore considered liable to imprope:t influence, should be disfranchised.--(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentlem In then argued, that, in effecting any change, they ought to have proceeded by, in the first instance, enfranchising certain of the large towns, and that after wards they mialit find means to make vacancies for them by disfranchising an equal number of places which had of old enjnyed the privilege of representation. Was this, then, the Hon. and Loaned a ntlemm's sense of justice and morality, and regard to constitutional rights and privileges, that upon the simple plea of convenience, i given number of nomination boroughs were to be div- ilanchi.ed, not for the sake of any delinquency, not for any proof of guilt, but to make room for a certain num oier of large towns.---(Cheers.) This might be the Hoy, limber's sense of justice, but it was not his.—(Hear.) Nothing could be more arbitrary than a line of disfran chisement which was to be determined by a line of enfran chisement alone.—(Hear, hear.) Tke Hon. and Learned Gentleman was much mistaken when be stated that the treat recommendation of the Bill was not its opposition to he nomination boroughs. From all that he had seen, heard; and read, he was convinced the deep impression on the intelligence and feeling of the country arose from the fact, that while the great towns were unrepresented, there were so many nomination boroughs. Therefore was it that the disfranchisement of these boroughs did proper y hold a prominent plate as the first clause; and there were. 'le strenuously maintained, no grounds for transferring it to another part of the Bill. He looked upon this motion as one tending only to delay the measure—(Loud cheers) — which, however it might be delayed by such means, would, at last, pass triutnphantly.—(Cheers.) Entertain ing as he did this opinion of the motion, he should give it Iris decided opposition, and should vote for the clauses as they stood at present—(Hear, hear.) CROKER rose amidst loud expressions of im patience, which continued during a considerable portion of _ _ he lust part of his speech. lie complained that the ob- servations made by lion. and Right Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House were nut addressed to the ar guments directed against the measure, but were personal observations, which ought hardly to be introduced into this or any other discussion. The Right Hon. Gentleman who had just resumed his seat, had much indnlged in ob servations of this sort, but he would do that Right Hon. Gentleman the favour to suppose (for the credit of his taste) that he could not have heard the speech of the Hon. Member for Dundalk, or he would not have alluded to it !a so light., and, he must say, so unusual, a mode.—(llear, and a laugh.) With respect to the speeches now delivered, be must observe that this discussion had been, as it were, prom;sed by the Noble Lord on the other side ; for it should be remembered, that the, speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Boroughbridge was intended to be delivered or. a previous occasion, but the Noble Lord hav ing consented to allow a debate upon the principle of the Bill when the House were in Committee, its delivery was postponed upon that express understanding..—(Hear.) That was one mode of shortening the debate resorted to on a former occasion. Another mode of shortening the debate on the present occasion was, that the Ministers did not answer.—(Hear and laughter.) They attempted thus to stifle the discussion, and not being able to exert their in fluence upon the minority which, though smill in number, was, he would venture to assert, great in power—(Hear)— they contented themselves with silence. His Hon Friend near him had alluded to the peculiar circumstances of Mem bers being pledged to vote for the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill. Why, in spite of that cuckoo rry, he would assert they could not fulfil their pledges, for that every principle of the Bill had been altered from what it was at first.—(Hear.) When the Noble Lord opposite first brought it in, he said nothing about nomination bo roughs; he proposed only to disfranchise those small and decayed boroughs of which, he said, a certain number ex isted, in the system. Now, however, the Noble Lord proposed to disfranchise some of the nomin Alan boroughs, but with a high degree of prudent policy he determined not to disfranchise others. On a former occasion he (Mr. Croker) had noticed this circumstance, and the Noble Lord then answered him it was not the intention of Mi- uisters to interfere with the rights of property or its fair or proper influence. He rejoiced at that statement, for me lancholy, no doubt, woulii be the day when the House of Russell was not sure of the return of some of its mem- hers for the borough of Taeistock.—(llear, hear, and laughter.). When the Bill was first proposed, lie said he should take population as the principle on which he should proceed ; and, adopting that as his standard. he drew four lines of distinctions. By the first of these he proposed to disfranchise all boroughs that had a population of less than 2,000. By the second of these lines, he marked out boroughs with a population of be tween 2,000 and 4,000, and to these he said he should give one Member. In the third class were to be included all boroughs with a population of more than 4,000 and less than 10,000, and these boroughs were to have two Members. In the limits of the fourth line were included new places with a population of more than 10,000 and less than 20,000, and to these one Member was to be given.,..: All above 20,000 were to have two Members. These principles were at least intelligible; and an arith metical rule, thus adopted, had the recommendation of being easily applied, and could not well be departed from But from these rules, thus put forward in the first Bill, the Noble Lord had in every particular since departed.— ( Hear, hear.) He had thus brought Downfon and St. Germain's, although their population exceeded 2,000, into the first class. He had in the same manner moved several , boroughs from the first into the second class on the same principle on which he put others into them. The places the population of which was above 4,000 he kept among those where the population was under 4,000, and gave them but one Member. The places that had a popula tion above 20,000—such, for instance, as Stockport, where the population of the town itself was 21,000, and where the population within the limits of the parish (a new mode of calculating adopted by the Noble Lord) was no less than 44,000—were to have but one Member, although they had been promised two; while Melton, with a population of 4,500 was still to be allowed to elect two Members, to,mock the common sense of the House of Com mons, to belie the principles on which the Ministers af• fected to act, and to insult and exasperate the hopes of the people.--(Cheers.) How different—how much more ex tensive was the plan of the Noble Lord now than it had been on a former occasion ! When the Noble Lord was on that side of the House, lie had brought forward a measure fix the Reform of Parliament, and then be told them that they must add 100 Members to the House, and he pro posed to make the addition by giving 60 new Members to the counties, and 40 to the large towns of the kingdom. But in order to do that, what did he propose that the House sheaid do?—to cut off the nomination boroughs? No ; he did not propose that, even in the days of his fancy visions; he proposed only to cut off one of the Members from each of the nomination boroughs. Why, that was just the same thing that his Right Hon. Friend now proposed to do. He would now say a word or two on the 10/. clause, of which they had lately heard so much. The public had lately been informed, by a very grave author ity, that that clause which would only permit those of the 101. house holders who paid their rent half-yearly to have a vote bad crept into the Bill inadvertently. The Right Ho nourable Gentlemen said that was not the case ; he said no, it was not introduced inadvertently, and there it was, and there it should remain. —(No, no, no.) Well then, he said that the House should judge whether it should remain or not. Then they came to the applica• don of the rules that the present Bill contained. The in structions given, to the persons who were to forward ac counts of the population were insufficient—or rather the time allowed them to obtain information was so. Il would take the instance of the town of Rochdale. The person sent to obtain information on the population or that town said that he should require at least a fortnight for the purpose, but that his instructions hardly allowed him a day.—(Hear, hear.) The Parliament had. n been dissolved. The Ministers had advised his Majesty to Awl that measure in order to appeal to the sense of the people upon the Reform Bill, because the last Parliament had voted against some parts of that Bill, and had threatene others. The King was right in exercising his preroga tive—he had dissolved the Parliament for voting against the Bill, but what had the Ministers done ?—they ought to be dissolved—for they had voted against the Bill—and he . trembled for their dissolution.—( Hear, hear,. an, laughter.) They had changed every principle of the Bill, 45 he had already shown, and bad thus drawn themselve, the reason on which they had advised the King to dissolve the last Parliamew. He would now state one very carious circumstance connected with this Bill—a circumstance of which the House were probably hardly aware. The Ministers had made 10/ rent the anchor (as the Noble Lord, borrowing the fa; end of a metaphor from the First Lord of the Admiralty—(A lan-Q. —had called it), by which security in the measure was to be obtained —it was their anchor of property. He would call the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury as a witness to the fact.— (As Mr. Stanley happened to enter the House at this mo .:knt, the alltoion to him crewed much laughter.)—At the moment that the Ministry were hatching this Biil in secrecy—in so much secresy that, by their own confession %eas full of deformities—the Hon. Member for Shrews- lrry, in Fehrua , y hot, int, educed a Bill to exempt from the payment of poor's rates the 101. householders of the kindotn.—(l-loar, he:tr.) The measure of property which they had chosen to counterbalance all the evils of universal suffrage, to gave stability and strength t 0... their measure, was just that - which the Hon. Mcnaber for Shrewsbury, actuated by the kindest and most judicious ft cling., was ,doting for another purpose ; for he, so far from looking upon these 101. houses as the measure of property, treated them in his Bill as the measure of pauperism.—(Cheers.) And curiously enough, his Bull stood fur its second reading on that very night on which the Bill of the Noble Lord . . was to he introduced, by which Litter Bill these 10/ house holders were all at once removed from a st Ile of pauperism, and erected into independent householders, fully eapdhle or becoming the f-ee electors of the legislators of the country. That was the comely of the Bill. Now for the farce of it. When the lion. Gentleman, the Member for Shrewsbury, saw the disagreement between the two Bills in this reppect, he braught in another Bill. The House would be sur pri-ed to see what it was. He had recourse to a little evasion, by which he tried to get rid of the diffieulty,— The new Bill introduced since the 11,form Bill had been produced had been frameol with an alteration for that -pur pose. The clAuse had before stood, that the occupiers of ilou.es charged under a rent of 121., should not be c tiled on to pay the poor's rates, but that the paymeit of these rates should be transferred from the tenant to the landlord. Now houses charged under 12!., would of course include 101 tenants, and the clause was therefore altered, to suit present circumstances, to buses let at a rent under 10/. These two measures were now going pari passu through the House. In one of these two great Constitutional mea sures, they were called on to declare that 10/. was a proper legislative measure of fitness for the possession of the elec tive franchise ; and by the other they were , required to state to the country that the 101. householder was only one degree removed above actual pauperism.—(Hear, hear, hear.) How could they reconcile these two opposite state ments with each other ? He was unwilling to detain the House—and if he did not believe that the present measure was of the most dangerous tendency, and that to make it in any way satisfactory to the class for whom it was de si,,ned, the proposition of the Noble Lord, the Member for Northampton, ought fira to he discussed—if he did not think it necessary to the peace and well-being of the country, he would not press the atneudment.—(Cheers.) Lord ALTHORP thought that the last speaker lied gone far from the real question before the House, for he had not touched upon the schedule A, but had discussed the principle of the Bill. That Right Hon. Gentleman had said that lie did not wish to revive the heat and quarrel of last night; but he (Lord Althorp) did not think there had been any heat, although he allowed there had been much waste of time.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that gentlemen opposite appeared to be more sore about any opposition than the occasion warranted.—(Hear.) When an Hon. Gentleman opposite made an attack which gave rise to murmurs upon that (the Ministerial) side of the House—(Cheers)--he did not think those murmurs unusual on such an occasion. He had always known them to be excited by similar attacks. As to what the Right Hon. Gentleman said respecting long speeches, and his complaint that the long speeches of the opponents of Reform were not adequately answered by that side of the House, he (Lord Althorp) must say, that he for one was Fable to the reproach of making short speeches—hut if the advocates of the Bill did not reply to all that was said on the opposite side, it was because they heard nothing new in some of those speeches, and they did not think it necessary to reply to them in long speeches containing no thing new...-(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman said that when they came to the discussion of schedule A, he would prove that the Ministers had departed from the principle of the Bill. If the Right Hon. Gentleman could redeem his pledge, he should be ready to vote with him. That gentleman had also said, that their pur pose in disfranchising the boroughs was to make room for the additional Members. But the fact was, that they dis franchised those boroughs on account of the evils to which they gave rise, and finding that their disfranchisement made room in the representation for the large towns, which ought to be represented, they transferred the fran chise to such towns. One principal object of the Bill was to put an end to nominee boroughs ; another, to give the representation to large towns and other populous places. It had been said, that in 1822 his Noble Friend had pro posed a Bill on very different principles from the present. But the reason of that was, that the friends df Reform had then an overwhelming majority against them in the House, and, as they would have no chance of carrying an entire measure, they were obliged to confine themselves to a par tial one.—(Cheers.) As to the clause respecting the 101. householders paying rent oftener than half-yearly, the sole purpose of that clause was to confine the franchise to bona fide 101. householders, and when it was discovered that the clause had so disfranchising a tendency, it was determined to alter it. When they said that the clause had been introduced inadvertently, it was not meant to say that the Noble Lord did net know of its introduction, but that he was not aware of its disfranchising tendency.--(Much cheering.) One gen tleman had said that the inhabitants of 10/. houses were nearly in the condition of paupers, and that instead of taking property as the basis of representation, they (the Ministers) had chosen the maximum of poverty.—(Hear.) But, for his (Lord Althorp's) part, he held that they had extended the franchise to the minimum of property,, and to that lie thought it ought to he extended.--(Cheers.) He apprehended no danger from the extension of the franchise, but only from its restriction. Whilst nearly all those who possessed some property were admitted to the franchise, most of those who were excluded from it saw persons nearly of the same class with themselves pos sessing the right to vote, and they tv , :tild have continually the hope of attaining tlte possession of the same right.— (Hear, bear.) The reduction of the Members of the House had no specific cause but the necessity of putting an end to the nomination ; or, as they were called, the rotten boroughs ; and it appeared to the framers of the Bill that any thing which the commercial classes might lose in the way of representation by the extinction of those boroughs was fully compensated by the other arrange men is of the Bill. - Colonel WOOD supported the amendment. He con sidered the disfranchisement of the freemen, and of those voters called potwallopers, great injustice. lie was friendly to universal suffrage in some places, in order that it might prevail in all places.—(Cheers.) He remem bered that it was to universal suffrage the House owed the presence of the lion. Member for Preston amongst them, and he hoped they would long continue to have that Hon. Gentleman there.—(Cheers.) Mr. C. PELHAM also supported the amendment. Sir R. PEEL meant to address himself simply and ex clusively to the matter before the House ; and notwith standing all that had been said, he should confine himself to the question, whether the consideration of the sche dules A and B should be adjourned. He should act on the adnionifon of the Noble Lord opposite, and make but a short speech. It often happened that short speeches were most able and effective. Now the last word effec tive reminded him of an expression which had been used by the Right Hon. Member for Windsor—he meant the word " talented." He accounted far the Right Hon. Gentleman's using- so vile s word--(A laugh)—by his having reit] so much of Irish documents of late.—(Lsugh ter, and order.) In that discussion lie should avoid as much as he could ani=reference to the principle of the Bill, which they had had Sufficient opportunity to discuss— (Hear) —and it was not regular to renew that part of the discussion in the Committee. The time to do so would be in the House, on the motion that the report of the Com mittee be received, or upon the third reading of the Bill. There were many details which require] discussion, and to them in the Committee he should, as far as possible confine himself. He thought, that if his Majesty's Government had taken the prudent course, after they had obtained a majority of 136, upon the general principle of the Bill, not to insist upon the discussion of the details without waiting for necessary information to be laid before the House. He knew, indeed, that the advocates of the Bill were already satisfied with the information which they possessed, and that they were afraid they should he over taken by the returns of 1831.—(Cheers.) They were acting on the principle of population, that is to say, of 2000 and 4000—(A laugh)—but then they took the population of 1821 as their basis, although they should have in three' weeks the returns of the population for 1831, by which, perhaps, before the Bill could leave that House, it might be proved that those places which were exempted from the disfranchisement ought, according to the Bill, to have been subjected to it, and those which had been subjected ought to have been exempted.—(Cheers). In his opinion, be had never heard a case for delay better made out than that ieh had bet n brotsalit forward by his Right Pon. Friend. Thu case with respect to Rochdale was extremely striking, esio-'iallw when the gentleman who was sent by Govern ment told them that a fortnight was required for what they had commissioned him to do in a day.—(Laughter and cheers.) Though he could not compliment the Government on its prudence and wisdom on this occa sion, at all events he could on their candour.--(A laush.) After the observation of this gentleman, I e (Sir• Robert Peel) should rather be inclined to think that he was paid by the day.— (A laugh.) He had pointed cut these errors, because he held it to be his duty to do so. It nei ht be more politic to leave these flaws in the mea sure, for he was aphis: the Bill ; but at the same time he was its coesistent opponent, and if it must be passed, he wished to see it passed with the least mischief to the ountry. It was yet, perhaps, possible that some of its more injurious clauses might he got over ; but if, on its third reading, he found that the evils still overbalanced the ,7,nod, he should continue to vote 'against the measure.-- (Hear, hear.) He trusted, however, that opportunity would lie afforded for perfectly fair discussion on every por- • 'ion of the snbj et ; but at the same time he world not be a par• y o n vexa ious delay; while, on the other hand, it should be remembered, that thosewho were most sincere is favour of the Bill ought to be the greatest advocates for a full discussion. He would briefly state what he con sidered to lie the main defects of the Bill, which still re mained un•inswer. d, after all that had been said on the other side. In the firs' place, he could not set the advantage of this wholesale disfranchisement, for he set a much higher value on prescription than the Noble Lord appeared to du ; the next point to which lie had never heirs! an an swer was that which hail been so wel urged, that the taking away the nomination boroughs wonld prevent tho accession of new talent to the House ; the third point was, that if this Bill were carried, there would be no certainty of any one who was called upon to be a Minister of the Crown being returned after the required vacation of his seat on his appointment to office ; his next ground of ob jection was, that this change would he the means of ex cluding from the House of Commons meta of retired habits, but of profound knowledge, who would not like to present themselves before the 101. voters instituted by this Bill ; his next point of objection was, that the Bill would be the means of entirely excluding the colonial interest; and lastly, lie objected, that under a limited Monarchy the t Bill did not afford sufficient check against the passions of the people. But the question immediately before the Committee was that of delay; and he thought this ought to he granted, for there were many moderate Reformers in the House ; and it was but just to see to how touch of the proposed measure:they could afford their support. Ile would tell them what one plan of moderate Reform might be—it might be to give representatives to all the lar4e towns, and disfranchise so many of the close boroughs as would be sufficient to keep the numbers of the House the same as they were at present. If this were done, theme would be no abating of the boroughs as if they were a nuisance, and a subsequent check would be at hand in the event of other large towns springing up. or other Reform being called for. It was in this view that ii should vote for his Right lion. Friend's amendment, as affei ding an • infinitely better protection to the Constitution than the two clauses as tiny existed in the Bid. —(Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said, that with respect to giving a representative to Rochdale, that had been fixed long before e gentleman who had been alluded to had been sent there; the reason for sending bins there being that, as the dissolution of Parliament afforded an interval, Government was willing to avail themselves of it to obtain information on certain points.—(hear, hear.) With respect to the . other points urged by the Right Hon. Baronet, he did not see that it was necessary to keep np these nomination boroughs for the sake of the colonial interests ; for even • in a reformed Pediment he thought it likely that those seaports with which those gentlemen were connected by their trade would return them to Parliarneat. With re spect to the return of Ministers, he should certainly regret it any check were put ou the prerogative of the Crown. Teat, however, wits rather matter for the consideration of the independent Members of the House than for the Go vernment. He was not, however, apprehensive that Ali- nisters would find it difficult to obta n scats - for populous plac s.—(Hear, hear.) But, even ruppesing that these difficulties did exie, were they, for the sake of such dif ficulties as these, to preserve boroughs that were a direct violation of th• Constitution ?—(Cbeeis.) . _ Colonel SIBTHOIIPE rote snail loud cries of" Ques tion ;" and in his remarks, which did not distinctly reach the reporters, was understood to support Mr. Wynn's amendment. Mr. C. WYNN replied briefly, stating that his motive for making his motion was, if disfranchisement should take place, it should be determined not by population alone but by situation, population, and wealth.—(" Question.") , Sr A. AGNEW said a few words amidst much noise. (Lotd calls of " Qui stion.") Mr. HUNT persisted in addressing the House, not w thstandiug the loud calls for question. We understood him to say that he would vote for the measure because it was the b ginning of Reform.—C.Calls of " Question ") Mr. J. JOHNSTONE rose to address.the House amidst much confusion. The lion. Member persevered amidst touch laughter and cal!, of order and question. We un derstood little more of the Hon. Member's speech than an apostrophe to the Hon. Member for Tamworth, which called forth repeated peals of laughter. The Hon. Mem-, her was also understood to say, in reference to Sir George Murray's observation on Cromwell, that the late Ministry were Gaines, and Cromwell was better than Catiline. The calls fur question were then renewed, and the House divided— For the motion Against it 292 Majority against Mr. Wynn's motion -118 The clause was tlieu read, the Chairman reported pro gress, and obtained leave to sit spin. 'f he House resumed. The Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past Two o'c!ock. THE ANTI-REFORM AMENDMENTS OF TUESDAY. The following is the official account of the proceedings in the House of Commons on Tuesday night, as given in the printed orders of the House : " Reform of Parliament (England) Bill—order for Committee read ; petition of the burgesses and others of the borough of Appleby read ; motion made and question put—' That the said petition be referred to the Committee. and that the petitioners be 1 card by themselves, their 'counsel, or agents, and be permitted to produce evi lence before the said Committee in re=pect of the facts sated in the said petition.' The House divided—Ayes 18'7, Note 281. Motion made, and question proposed—' That Mr. Spe,lier Jo now leave the Chair.' Debate arising there upon— Mercurii, 13° the du;ii, 1831— " Motion made, and question put—' That the debate be now adjourned till this day.' The ii,use divided—Ayes 102, Noes 328. Question again proposed, That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair.' Whereupon motion made, and question put, That the House do now adjourn.' The House divided—Ayes 90, Noes 283. Question again proposed, That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair.' Debate arising thereupon, motion made, and question put, That the debate be adjourned till Thursday.' The House divided—Ayes 63. Noes 235. Question again proposed, ' That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair.' Whereupon motion made, and question put, That the House do now adjourn.' Motion, by leave, withdrawn. Question :again proposed, That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair.' Debate arising thereupon, notion made, i and question put, That the &bate be adjourned till this day.' The House divided—Ayes 44, Noes 211. Ques. tion again proposed, "Fhat Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair.' Whereupon motion made, and question put, That the House do now adjourn.' The House divided— Ayes 37, Noes 203. Question ag ►in proposed, That Mr. Speaker do now le.ve the Chair.' Dtbate arising thereupon, motion made, and question put, That the debate Jae adjourned till Friday.' The House divided—. Ayes 25, Noes 187. Que'tisn again proposed, That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair.' Whereupon mo tion nude, and question pot, ' That the House do now ad journ.' The House divided--Ayes 21, Noes 187. Ques, tion, That Mr. Speaker do DOW leave the Chair,' put, and agreed to. Bill considered in Committee; Com tilitt?e report progress ; to sit again this day.' " MURDER OF A KlNG.—Unfortunately for Poltnd, she had scarcely begun to enjoy the sweets of a settled government, when the smiling prospect was again obscured. The elevation and success of PREMISLAS awakened the fears no less than the jealousy of his neigh - bouts. To unbend his mind from his arduous duties he had retired to Rogozno, to ce)ebrate with feats and tourneys one of the high festivals of the church. One night, when the diversions were over, and the numerous guests were wrapped in sleep, when even his gouda were overcome by the strength of the potations, his cousin, the Margrave of Axuar,T, accompanied by a few ruffians, entered his apart, meat. He awoke in titre, indeed, to make a resolute de fence, but not t 3 avert his fate. He fell beneath their re doubled blows, before any member of his household could hasten to his assistance.—Dr. Lardner's Cabinet C:iclo !, pee,dia.