The Sun. — London, England, 1861-08-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVE ". 1N Or, AUGUST 13, 1861. TIIE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA. (From the Correspondent of the Daily News.) BOSTON, U.S., JULY 29. The battle at Bull's Run, near Manassas Junc tion, has been fought, and now, us the result is more correctly u nderstood, it proves to be very different from what was first supposed. The early reports which reached Washington were the exag gerations of those who painted facts with the dark hues of their own affrighted feelings, and this pic ture was daguerreotyped by the telegraph. Now, however, as the smoke has rolled away, and we draw near to the truth, the whole affair is some what altered in the features it appeared to have a week ago. The facts are these :—The Federal troops were repulsed after a severe and exhausting fight with an enemy superior in numbers, constantly reinforced, and to a great extent entrenched behind batteries laid with careful skill and worked with terrible effect. The personal bravery of the assail ants, their gallant charges under the most galling fire, abundantly prove that it requires more than personal bravery to gain a victory over a skilful foe, who has the advantage of numbers, position, and entrenched fortifications. The Federal army lacked a directing head and an organising mind, and some of its regiments were badly officered. The latter fact will account in some degree for the confu sion which characterised the retreat. The panic was also increased, if it did not originate, by the spectators and waggoners, who had passed too near, and were within the line of battle. The broken and woody country, by confining the range of view of one regiment, and keeping it in ignorance of its neighbours, made all things uncertain, and heightened the confusion. But in this also the first reports were an exaggeration. The panic was not so general as the fugitives supposed. Besides a large reserve force of 16,000, a portion of the contending forces halted at Centreville and remained there until eight o'clock the next morning, and in the meantime secured several of the cannon left in the held and saved a large amount of baggage. On the other hand it is evident from the move ments of the Secessionists that they regarded the result of the battle as a repulse of their enemy, for their main body, instead of making pursuit imme diately fell back. The evidence comes to us from several independent sources that the loss of the rebels was the greater of the two, but of this I can not speak with certainty. Had they been assured of victory they certainly would have gone forth to gather its fruits. They had, as already stated, the superiority of numbers and the advantage of posi tion. Their men fought with bravery, yet they showed in this case as in every contest thus far a great liking to their batteries, and did not in any great numbers venture out after they had repulsed their foe, and the picture is presented of two armies after a hard-fought battle—the one flying in con fusion and haste, and the other falling back upon the main body, thus distancing each other by an opposite divergence. Leaving details, there are a few general conside rations to be presented. The first great mis take, and the real cause of the disaster to the Federal troops, was in fighting at all. The nature of the ground, the junction formed by General Johnston with Beauregard, and the strength of the defences, were such as to make it impossible for the assailing party to carry the day. Had General Scott been left alone, he would not have moved at all until he had mad© more ample preparations. But the Americans are in a hurry ; it is difficult for them to wait ; hence they became impatient at the slowness of his movements. Some of the lead ing New York republican journals goaded the ad ministration on, and when Congress assembled the pressure became so great that General Scott yielded and the command was given to advance. The result of this mistake has become a part of history. The battle has but little strategic importance beyond the delay it will cause, and possibly a change in the plans of the campaign. It has not in the least crippled the resources of the Northern army, but has revealed its weak points. The in efficiency, and in some cases the cowardice of its officers, the lack of unity and organization of the different parts into one grand whole, are now more fully known, and stops will be taken at once for a thorough organization and much greater enlarge ment of numbers. An excellent opportunity will be given for those officers of experience who are of foreign birth and ardent friends of freedom to enter into the service. A number from Prussia, it is said, have just reached Washington, and will probably be accepted with cheerfulness. Civilians, for a time at least, will leave the management of the army to educated and efficient military men, while the people, rising with the necessities of the occasion, will do their part with renewed zeal and energy. The ardent and sanguine hope of success which had so generally taken hold of North served to deepen the gloom and disappointment with which the news of the disaster was first re ceived. But this has passed away, leaving a sober ing influence, and givingplace to more resolute and renewed vigour. Both sides, undoubtedly, begin to see the mistake each has made in undervaluing his foe. If this should open the minds of Northern statesmen to the real magnitude of the struggle, and a full perception of the real strength of the secession movement, an important point will have been gained, and the North will be saved from a repetition of the disasters of last week. Reinforce ments of Federal troops are now moving by the thousand towards Washington, and Gen. M'Clellan has been called from Western Virginia to the capi tal, and assumed the command of the army on the Potom ac . Aflother result of ti is battle will be to show the /movi e of the North that this war will not be so short as many have supposed. The hurry to make it brief has served to len g then it. I have always thought that even some of the most prominent American statesmen Were mistaken in the opinion they have entertained that the war would soon be ended.. The contest in Which the people are now engae,e is too great and serious hi its consequences, and involves considerations too vast and solemn in their cirri reefer to he decided without a tremendous struggle. I will briefly give my reasons for this opinion. The slave power in this country represents an interest valued at a thousand million of dollars. This interest, based on servile labour, has given rise to a peculiar type of society, ideas, and insti tutions. If slavery has not increased in the rapid ,ratio of free labour, it has certainly largely in creased. ' Upon this institution of slavery there has arisen an oligarchy made up of a dominant class which rules the South with the unity and force of a fix ed and permanent despotism. Whatever is not in the interest of this institution, either in opinion or action, is at once suppressed or driven out. This it does from the instinct and necessity of self-pre servation. Besides thus moving as a unit at home, this power has ruled this country. It has directed legislation, bullied in Congress, pressed the judi ciary into its service, dictated treaties, declared War, guided the foreign policy of the nation, and elected Presidents. All this it has done, keeping, in mind the interests of slavery. By this long exer tdse of power it has grown SE If-reliant and proud, and looks down upon the North with an air of arro gant superiority. As it gained in strength it has increased in its demands. This is true of every dominant class always and every - where. These de• bands of the South have been rowing more and bore, until, after zetany fruitless attempts at resist• au " , the North in the last Presidential contest in g.tivated a change, teed the South for the first time 637, • itg e if r_seed.efeated at tide ballot-bat:. The sagacious k would soot awarea that i t ir . statesmeef or the South have been resolved to br e u , er or latter come and have federacy. T h : ol . tl P this U e ion and forma new con wade and un eeid ig e a p re hY whie h foe: a generation has consent to hold the s residents will never willingly aims at the control Ot e , t l l ( l plae, 3in the Republic. It of unlimited exuansien, e half e iettinent. It dreams Rol i'i t eg in its hands the production of one of th e wrld' great staples, which affects the immediate wt dfar e of millions, it has reached to such an extrava • rant es,`imate of its importance as to suppose th at the great cotton manufacturing interests of h oth old and the new world are its subjects. I 'Atwell and Laurence, Manchester and Leeds, are t 1 le dependents of ,this great king. He rules alike in 1 . V ew York and Liver poet.. Exaggerated as this fee U ng may be, it has a real existence in the South. Even in the last speech of Mr. Davis on his return from Manassas Junction, he tells the people of Richmond that the enemy, with the taxes they have imposed for 20 years, had fitted an army on a magnificent scale. This has been the prevailing tone of Southern men in Congress. To such a height has this reached, that to hold a secondary place in the Union is to keep them in subjection, for this is their meaning of the word. To prevent the expansion of slavery they regard as an infringement of their liberties. Now, I ask any intelligent and reflective man, if be thinks it reasonable or probable that a ruling class with this history, these opinions, interests, and aims, will yield without a terrible struggle ? Taking this view of the subject, I am not sanguine of a speedy settlement of the contest, and look for the final solution of the problem only to the time when the slave power shall be struck to death. A re petition of the disasters of last week would rapidly hasten this. But sooner or later it must come, or this North American continent must be given over to slavery. If the South had consented to remain in the Union, and permitted its servile institutions to be hemmed in, then the power would gradually have fallen from its hands and a peaceable solution of the question accomplished. But such is not the way these changes are brought about. No class of men who hold power ever willingly see it pass out of their hands, especially if this power is connected with their interests entwined around all their in stincts and their traditions. But the arrogance and persistency with which they urge their claims has ten the event they deprecate. in The precise p o i n t I would bring out here is , that view of all the facts in the case there is little ground for hope at present of a wide-spread reaction at the South ; and it seems to me the sooner Northern statesmen give up this delusion the sooner they will initiate those bold and decisive measures which meet the exigencies of this ()Teat emergency. This movement of the slave power has not had its origin in a momentary passion, but is the result of a gradually increasing opinion and a fixed purpose. Now if any one sup poses that a power like this, so long dominant, will easily or readily yield, it seems to me he has read history and observed men to little practical purpose. In this connexion a recent debate in the United States Senate on the war and its relation to slavery is significant. Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, offered an amendment to the resolution then under dis cussion, " that no part of the army or navy shall be used to subjugate or hold as conquered pro vinces any sovereign state lately one of the United States, nor to interfere in any way with African slavery." The conservative republicans repelled the insinuation that it was intended to subjugate the South or to abolish slavery. Still, even this class of politicians took the ground that rather than one inch of the country be torn away by traitors they would have the slaves liberated. This, bear in mind, is the opinion not simply of such decided anti-slavery men as Mr. Sumner, but also of such conservative statesmen as Mr. Sherman. Events are fast approaching the point where the North must either yield the ground or move in the direc tion of emancipation. This, I think, is the logic of history. From 10,000 to 20,000 slaves were em ployed in making formidable entrenchments at Manassas Junction. Will the Government of the United States permit this to go on without holding out to all the promise of freedom ? If so, they give aid and succour to the enemy, and neglect to use the means of defence which is placed in their hands. Soon, however, the necessities of the case will demand a more vigorous policy on the part of the Federal authorities, and the scruples which now haunt short-sighted or timid minds will be scat tered by the approaching storm. That it may hasten the approach of this second declaration of American independence, when the principles of universal liberty shall be proclaimed, is the earnest desire and prayer of all true freedom-loving men of the North. (From the Special Correspondent of the Times.) WASHINGTON, JULY 29. On this day week the Confederates could have marched into the capital of the United States. They took no immediate steps to follow up their unex pected success. To this moment their movements have betrayed no fixity of purpose or settled plan to pursue an aggressive war, or even "to liberate Maryland if they have the means of doing so." And, indeed, their success was, as I suspected, not known to them in its full proportions, and their loss, combined, perhaps, with the condition of their army, as much as political and prudential motives actuating their leaders, may have had a fair share in producing the state of inactivity with which the Federalists have no reason to be dissatisfied. Let us look around, now that the smoke of battle has cleared away, and try to examine the condition of the ground. First as regards foreign relations. The personal good feeling and perfect understand ing which exist between the representatives of the great European Powers directly interested in Ame rica are founded on an appreciation of the exact de mands of the interests they represent, and on the necessities of a common honourable policy. Eng land, having a vast commerce directly involved in the contest, has naturally been the first to provide for its safety in American waters, and has also felt it desirable, in the face of the desperate counsels which have been given on this side of the Atlantic, to furnish a trifling reinforcement to her small mili taryestablishment in Canada. The fleet at present in observation is neither powerful nor offensively disposed, and no exception can be taken to the mode in which it has acted by the most sensitive Ameri cans, although attempts have been made to arouse vulgar prejudices by erroneous statements respect ing the views and declarations of Admiral Milne. The authoritative assertions on that subject in some of the journals here are destitute of authority, ex cept that of the writer. What is of more consequence, perhaps, in respect to the preservation of friendly relations between England and the United States is the fact that a great change has come over the views of the members or member of the Cabinet who was supposed to seek the reconstruction of the Union in a war with Great Britain, and that the most favourable disposition is evinced to cultivate our good graces, not by any sacrifice of principles, but br the adoption of a tone at once calm, just, and dignified, which will be appreciated by the Foreign-office. It is not probable either that we threatened i shall hoar muc h more a b ou t th e i mme di a t e annexa tion o f C anada, and the fury of the 750,000 " bet ter tl anF\rveinllethe" fora a di t e i r m s e with av e t e d. t w i e f lvere there e press e N r v . e j i r a l i d r t e h i e a r t a i 0 a i s e . n o t l ia n i n are such pl easant changes in the diplomatic and th s a e l a l at li e ke it th is em pr i o n . e at posed to clap a round ten per cent. on all the duties to be levied under the Morrill Tariff, and Mr. Simmons, the aged father of this wicked little bit of political economy, declares he will I thereby raise 45,000,000 dols. of additional re venue. The House of Representatives, on the con trary, propose to raise revenue by taxes on coffee, tea, sugar, pepper, spices, and articles of the sort, not of necessity nor of luxury, but in the interme diate position, so that every one who uses them now will continue to do so, notwithstanding the tax, and no one will be the worse for it. On these plans it is probable there will be a conference between the two branches of the Legislature, in which the con tending systems may be adjusted or amalgamated. The income-tax to be adopted will give some 40;000,000 dols. according to the calculations of the designers, and the people fondly believe it will be at once removed as soon as the war is over. if the increase of ten per cent. on the Morrill Tariff be actually passed, it is difficult to see how France can continue to regard with friendly feelings such a direct attack on her great article of exportation. England is accustomed to bear these things from the United States, but France cannot afford any meddling or mischief in her wine trade and her tobacco monopoly. Mr. Mercier, the energetic and able representative of our ally, is said to entertain strong notions that the contest now waging cannot terminate is the success of the North in what it proposes to itself. M. de Stoeckl, the Russian Minister, who has lived long in America, knows her statesmen and the genius of her people and insti tution, and is a man of sagacity and vigorous intel lect, is believed to hold similar views. Perhaps the only Minister who has really been neutral, observ ing faithfully all engagements to actually existinac. ' Powers, and sedulously avoiding all occasion of offence or irritability to an irritable people, rendered more than usually so by the evil days which have fallen upon them, is the discreet and loyal noble man who represents Great Britain, and who is the only one threatened with a withdrawal of passports and all sorts of pains and penalties for the pre sumed hostility of his Government to the United States. The world sees that the North has not treated the Southerners as rebels—we will not say it has not dared to do so. But the Federalists have treated the Confederates up to this moment as belli gerents. Rebels are hanged, imprisoned, and shot at discretion. Their flags are not received ; the ex change of prisoners with rebels is ridiculous. A re gular " blockade" of rebel ports is quite anomalous. It remains to be seen, after Mr. Davis's recent hints, what the Government dares to do in the case of the " pirates" whom its cruisers caught in the act, red-handed, of privateering piracy. Meantime the arm raised to chastise and subdue has been struck down, and the attitude of the North is just now de fensive. There will be on the part of the one people whom the American press has most in sulted and abused every disposition to give fair play and to listen to the call for " time." But the quarrel must have its limits—the time must be fixed, and the sponge must be thrown up if one or other of the combatants cannot " come up" to it ; nor does it seem a case in which any amount of "judicious bottleholding" can prolong the fight. Now, at the present moment, the North is less able to go into the contest than she was a month ago. She has suffered a defeat, she has lost morale and materiel. Besides killed, wounded, and prisoners, cannon, arms, baggage, she has lost an army of three-months men, who have marched away to their homes at the very moment the capital was in the greatest danger. Up to this period the reinforcements received do not bring up the Fede ralists to the strength they had before the fight. No one can or will tell how many have strayed away and gone off from their regiments since they returned to the camps here, but the actual number of men who have come here are less than those who have gone away home by fully 3,000 rank and file. And the change has been by no means for the better. The three-months men at least had been three months under arms. They were probably at least as martial and as ready to fight as the rest of their people. Just as they are most required and likely not to be quite unserviceable, they retire to receive ill-deserved and ridiculous ovations, as though they had been . glorious conquerors and patriots, instead of being broken and routed fugitives, who marched off from Washington when it might be expected the enemy were advancing against it. In their place come levies who have not had even the three months' training, and who are not as well equipped, so far as I can see, as their predecessors, to face men who are elated with success and the prestige of the first battle gained, and to be associated with regiments cowed, probably, and certainly in some instances demoralized, by defeat. The artillerymen who cut the traces of their horses from caisson and carriage at least knew more about guns than the men who will be put to the new field batteries, which Government are getting up as fast as they can ; and the muskets, of the best description, left on the field or taken, cannot be re placed for a long time to come. In fact, much of this army must be reorganized in face of an enemy. That enemy is either incompetent or artful ; it is quite certain he is not actuated by clemency or a generous pity. Engineers are hard at work strengthening the position on the south bank of the river ; but forts do not constitute safety. Without stout hearts behind their lines and breast. works, abattis and redoubts avail nothing. It must be that the Confederates are deficient in the means of transport, or in actual force to make an attack which is so obvious, if they desire to show the North it is not possible to subdue them. The corps which went from Winchester to Manassas under Johnston is put by the Federalists at 40,000. Let us take it at half the number. Beauregard and Lee are said to have had 60,000 at Manassas, in cluding, I presume, the forces between it and Rich mond. Divide that again. There were certainly 20,000 between Monroe, the Court, and Richmond, of whom 10,000 could be spared ; and on the west ern side of the capital of the Confederation States there was available at least another corps of 10,000, which could have been readily strengthened by 10,000 or 15,000 more from the South in case of a supreme effort. There seems no reason, not con nected with transport, equipment, or discipline, why the Confederates should not have been able last week to take the field with 75,000 men, in two corps ; one quite strong enough to menace the force on the right bank of the Potomac, and to hold it in check ; or to prevent it going over to the other side; the ether to cross into Maryland, which is now in parts only kept quiet by force, and to advance down on Washington from the west and north. In the event of success the political advantages would be very great at home and abroad, and there would be a new base of operations gained close to the enemy's lines, while the advantages of holding the Potomac and Chesapeake Bay would be much neu tralised and finally destroyed. The navy-yard would fall into the enemy's hands. Fort Washington would probably soon follow. Fortress Monroe would be condemned to greater isolation. Philadelphia itself would be in imminent danger should the Con federates attempt greater aggression. But, for one, Geu. Beauregard will consent to no plan of opera tions in which success is not rendered as certain as may be by all possible precautions, and he might not favour a proposal which would lead to dividing an army into two parts, with a river between them and an enemy on each side. Monroe and Hampton, which are the true basis of operations against Rich mond, have been weakened to reinforce the army covering Washington and Harper's Ferry, and yet I doubt if there are on the south bank of the Poto mac at this mcment 40,000 men all along the lines who could move out and offer an enemy battle, leaving any adequate guards in the trenches and garrisons in the tete•dit-pont and works. The Con federates, as you were informed from the South, have enlisted men to serve for the war, and take no others. The staple of their army will undergo no change, and as it grows older it ought to get better, unless it be beaten. You will pardon me for refer ring to a remark in one of my previous letters, that there might be fierce skirmishes, and even sangui nary engagements, between the two armies, but that these would be followed by no decisive results, owing to the want of cavalry. Strange to say,though the panic and very discreditable rout was caused by alarms of, and might have been prevented by the presence of cavalry, no steps are taken to remedy that great deficiency. The volunteers who were at Manassas will never stand the man on horseback again, and I believe the Confederates are aware of their advantage, though they may have had to mourn the loss of many gentlemen who fell during the day. The Northern papers are increasing the amount of butter in proportion as they decrease the losses of their loaves, and they do not appear to perceive that the smaller the latter were the less should be the layer of the former—for it is no credit to an atfrromenyetnoteorlos,e and guns, abandon its positions, throw away its m us k e t s, l eave i ts woun d e d i n t h e h an d s o f h run Centreville, not t m m e e r 3 e o l yatnodAordl Arlington, gt mileson b from t o Washington, without any cause at all ; for without no cause r o o u f t. Again,retreat,antdh e t y h esraeyfore theren o e loss xcuse there fo was rpani c and was only a portion of their army engaged. The greater shame for those who were not engaged to run, then. But before the battle, when M'Dowell's force was enumerated in terrorem at 50,000, it was said 15 regiments had subsequently joined. N ow , it is averred only 15,000, 18,000, or 20,000 were in action. What on earth were the rest about? And I am obliged to say that Mr. Davis's statements are qu we i r t e e 3 a s s , s o t o a o r t s l t in ro g n ; g f , or, he while on h is e declares y t t a le s s e e r; et asserting that of all his host only 15,000 took part in the b bu at t te imaginationl. As give e course t i i t m is a t e bonde . y Re g anythingre di h a t l o e a h n a d v e h e b a e r e t n y annihilated p h r t a e v d e , o t n u r t n h e e d d ua day of marching home--and fond parents, wives, and relatives will be spared many pangs and a great deal of mourning. I think my estimate of killed and wounded was nearly correct. The prisoners may amount to more than 900 or 1000, but the ifodc-4 ralists have lost more heavily than the totals under these heads would show, perhaps. It would be rather ridiculous to call it either a hard-fought, a bloody, or a glorious field ; but it was an important one ; it was a most trying one to the Federalists, who were badly fed and hard-worked, in a waterless country, on a July day, for 12 hours ; they were ex posed to the demoralising effects of a long-continued artillery fire. In spite of their want of discipline and the very unaccountable rout, the Federalists at first showed alacrity, but after a time they became torpid and difficult to handle. No one questions the general bravery of Americans, native or adopted, on either side; but a defeat is rendered worse than ridiculous by attempts to turn it into a triumph. Let the unfortunate brave rest content with the sympathy they deserve, and shun the ovations which are the due of the conqueror. Praise and flattery cannot retake a gun, nor save a standard, nor win a battle—even if it be from vox populi in Broadway or Bowery. The Government in some measure let the world see what they think of the charges made against the officers of the army in reference to the late battle. Here is an order just published : " War Department, Adjutant-General's-office, Washington, July 25. " There will ba added to the department of the Shenan doah the counties of Washington and Allegheny, in Mary land, and such other parts of Virginia as may be covered by the army in its operations. And there will be added to the department of Washington the counties of Pi ince George, Montgomery, and Frederick. The remainder of Maryland, and all Pennsylvania and Delaware, will constitute the de partment of Pennsylvania; head -quarters, Baltimore. The department of Washington and the department of North- Eastern Virginia will constitute a geographical division under Major-General M‘Clellan, U.S. army; head-quarters Washington. " All officers of Volunteer regiments will be subject to examination by a Military Board, to be appointed by this Department, with the concurrence of the General-in-Chief, as to their fitness for the positions assigned them. Those officers found to be incompetent will be rejected, and the vacancies thus occasioned will be filled by the appointment of such persons as may have passed the examination before the Board. " By order, " L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General." Yesterday a bill was passed by the House of Representatives imposing a tax on carriages of from 1 dol. to 50 dols. ; gold watches, 1 dol. ; silver watches, 50c. ; excise on spirituous liquors, sc. per gallon; and on fermented liquors, 60e. per barrel, or 2c. a gallon. All incomes over 600 dots. per an num, 3 per cent., including money at interest, &c. Every interest in the country is also taxed, including a tax on the net income of the banks, but not on their currency or bank circulation. Landed estates are likewise taxed, and if it be adcepted by the other branches of the Legislature, the people of the North will begin to feel that fighting is an ex pensive luxury, particularly if it be unsuccessful. It will be weeks before we have done hearing and seeing :accounts of Bull's Run, or, as it may be better called, of Manassas, unless some other action intervenes, as is very likely indeed. General Banks, not finding any advantage in occupying a point in front of Harper's Ferry, on the Virginia side, has, it is affirmed, withdrawn all his troops to a position in Maryland which commands the passages from the Ferry, and General Butler at Fortress Monroe feels himself compelled to abandon his advanced works at Hampton, which I described hurriedly the other day, and to retire to the cover of the guns of the place. Fortress Monroe is quite impreg nable to the enemy, for they have not the means of undertaking a regular siege. If they get heavy guns and mortars, however, they can certainly make the interior unpleasant, and should they open trenches the Americans may have a Sebastopol in petto near old Point Comfort. Meantime the com mand of Colonel Phelps, at Newport News, consist ing of four regiments, is• threatened by the enemy. His camp is intrenched and furnished with a few howitzers and field-pieces, and heavy guns on the river face. I heard him apply to General Butler, when I was there, for horses and harness for his guns, as if he wanted to move them. He is a grim, dour, stern soldier of the old Puritan type, and if attacked he will defend his camp to the last. Should he be beaten, the Confederates will have both sides of James River. The more closely the consequences of Manassas are investigated, the more serious they seem to be. It must be granted that the Confederates feel their losses more severely than the North does. Their colonels and officers are men of mark, and even of privates killed or wounded one sees notices implying that they belong to good families, and are well-known people. The O's and Macs and Vons (few of the latter), the Corcorans, Camerons, and Bruggers, prisoners, wounded, or killed, are of less consequence to the social system of the North than the Hamptons, Prestons, and Mannings are to the South. If Mr. Davis and a few of the leaders were to fall in battle there would be less chance of the South continuing its struggle with the same heart and confidence; but if all the Cabi net were to go to-morrow from 'Washington the l i spirit of the Northern States would not be diminished one iota. From the South, as yet, we have only a few scattered details of the fight and of its results, but it can be seen that there is no very great exul tation over the victory. The following interesting extracts from the Rich mond Inquirer of July 23 will furnish a good idea of the manner in which the news was received : " FIRST CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMER.IE.I.-ADJOURNED SESSION. " Richmond, Virginia, July 22. " Congress mot at 12 o'clock, the Hon. Howell Cobb in the chair. Prayer was offered by the Rev. J. L. Burrows, of Richmond. The journal of Saturday was read and ap proved. " On motion, Robert E. Scott and 'Walter Preston, of Virginia; I'. , 'Dowell, of North Carolina, newly elected members, came forward and took the oath. " Mr. Memminger, of South Carolina—Mr. President, — I beg leave to interrupt the order of business by bringing to the attention of Congress the . intelligenee that has been received at this place from the seat of war. I present the following despatch, which I ask the Secretary to read : " Manassas, July 22. "'Mrs. Jefferson Davis,—We have won a glorious, though dear-bought victory. Night closed on the enemy in full flight and closely pursued. " JEFFERSON DAVIS.' I beg leave to present an official despatch received since that : " Manassas, July 29. " ' To General S. Ccoper, Adjutant-General, Richmond. " Night has closed upon a hard. fought field. Our forces have won a glorious victory. The enemy was routed, and fled precipitately, abandoning a very large amount of arms, munitions, knapsacks, and baggage. The ground was strewn for miles with those killed, and the farmhouses and the grounds around were filled with the wounded. The pursuit was continued along several routes towards Leesburg and Centreville, until darkness covered the fugitives. We have captured several field batteries and regimental standards, and one United States' flag. Many prisoners have been taken. Too high praise cannot be bestowed, whether for the skill of the principal officers or for the gallantry of all the troops. The battle was mainly fought on our left, several miles from our field-works, our force engaging them not exceeding 15,000—that of the enemy estimated at 35,000. " JEFFERSON DAVIS.' This announcement, continues Mr. Memminger, informs Congress that the invader of our soil has been driven back, that our altars have been purified and our homes secured from the ruthless hand of an unprincipled foe. But, Sir, it has been at a cost that will bring sorrow into many families, wet with burning tears the cheeks of many widows and orphans, and into many happy homes bring grief and desolation ; and I presume, Sir, Congress will be little disposed on such occasion to go with their usual business. I have taken the liberty of offering a series of resolutions which I will submit to Con gress, and aslc their adoption : " 1. Resolved, that we recognize the hand of the Most High God, the King of Kings and Lord of Lords, in the glorious victory with which He has crowned our arms at Manassas, and that the people of these Confederate States are invited, by appropriate aervicas on the ensuing Sabbath, to offer up their unitel thanksgivings and prayers for this mighty deliverance. " 2. Resolvel, that we deeply deplore the necessity which has washed the soil of our country with the blood of so many of our noble sons, and that we offer to their respective families and friends our warmest and most cordial sympa thies, assuring them that the sacrifice made will be conse crated in the hearts of our people, and will there enshrine the names of the gallant dead, as the champions of free and constitutional government. "3. Resolved, that wo approve the prompt and patristic efforts of the Mayor of the city of Richmond to make provi. sions for the wounded, and that a committee of one member from each State be appointed to co-operate in the plan. " Resolved, that Congress do now adjourn. "The resolutions were unanimously adopted, and Con gress adjourned to meet to-morrow at 12." It will be observed when Mr. Davis telegraphed to his wife he spoke of a dearly bought victory and a close pursuit. Of the latter there are no evidences; many troops remained till next morning in Centre ville, not four miles from the scene of the fight, and General Schenek's report states he withdrew his men in good order at his leisure. It will be seen, too, that all which has been said of the enemy out flanking the Federalists' left is rubbish, and that the main contest was, as I stated, on the right of the line. Mr. Davis returned by train to Richmond on the 23d a conqueror. His conduct is thus de scribed : "In response to the calls from the immense crowd who congregated together to meet him, he alluded to the grand absorbing topic of the day. The enemy, he said, with the taxes they had been imposing on us for 20 years, had fitted out an army on a magnificent scale. They had come over to Virginia with plenty of arms and ammunition, and with ambulances fitted up in such a style of luxury as though they thought they were still taxing the South. They had 500 or 600 al my waggons with them, and provisions of every kind in abundance. In the whole campaign they had over 50,000 men. Their finest parks of heavy and light artil lery are ours. They left everything behind them they could throw away. Among the Federal officers captured is Colonel Carringtcn. Among the Confederate officers killed, unre ported, are Lieutenant .Colonel Johnston, of the Hampton Legion ; Colonel Thomas, of General Johnston's Staff; and Colonel Fisher, of the 6th North Carolina Regiment. The wounded, unreported, are Colonel Stevens, of General Bee's Staff; Colonel Gartrell, of Georgia; Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery Gardner, of the Ist Georgia Regiment; Colonel Nelson, of the 2d Virginia Regiment; Colonel Jones, of the 4th Alabama Regiment; Colonel Hampton, of the Legion. Colonel Preston, of the 28th Virginia Regi ment, took Colonel Wilcox, of Michigan, one captain, and three privates prisoners with his own hands. Edmund Fontaine, jun., son of Colonel E. Fontaine, president of the Virginia Central Railroad, is among the slain." The "luxury of ambulances" is a new and curious ground of complaint, and I suspect there were not many articles of the kind in rear of the Confederate army. Apropos of this subject, I must remark that one class of officers in the Federal army did their duty nobly—the surgeons remained on the field when all others were retlring or had left. One is ' reported killed; six are prisoners in the hands of the enemy, engaged in attending the wounded of both sides—an invaluable aid to the scanty medical staff of the Confederates. There is no reason to be lieve the treatment of wounded or prisoners was what it was reported to have been. There may have been some isolated act of atrocity in the heat of battle or pursuit, and it is only too likely that a building in which wounded men were placed was set fire to by ashen, but it is only justice to the Con federate authorities to say that they seem to have done all they could for those who fell into their hands. Much irritation has been created by the false statements circulated on this subject, and the soldiers on guard over Confederate prisoners here would not permit them to receive some little luxuries which had been ordered by sympathising inhabitants, on the ground that they did not deserve them after the treatment given by their friends to the Federalists. And as I have used the word "sympathisers," let me add the expression of my belief that there is scarcely a department, high or law, of the public service of the United States in which there is not " treason"—l mean the aiding and abetting the enemy of information and advice. It is openly talked in society—its work is evident on all sides. I went into the private department of the Post-office the other day, and found there a gentleman busily en gaged in sorting letters at a desk. The last time I met him was at a dinner with the Commissioners of the Con federate States at Washington, and I was rather surprised to see him now in the sanctum of the Post-office, within a few feet of Mr Blair, of the sangre azul of abolitionism. Said he, "I am just looking over the letters here to pick out some for our Southern friends, and I forward them to their owners as I find them ;" and if the excellent and acute gentleman did not also forward any little scraps of news he could collect lam in error. Again, a series of maps prepared with great care for the use of General M'Dowell's Staff are given out to be photographed, and are so scarce that superior offi cers cannot get them. Nevertheless, one is found in a tent of a Confederate officer, in the advance of Fairfax Courthouse, which must have been sent to him as soon as it was ready. It is also asserted that General Beauregard knew beforehand of M'Dowell's advance; but the Confederates left in such haste that much credence cannot be given to the statement that the enemy were fully informed of the fact any considerable length of time before hand. The battle having been duly fought and lost, the Federalists are employing their minds to find out why it was fought at all. The convulsions into which the New York press has been thrown by the inquiry resemble those produced on a dead frog by the wire of Galvani. " Who cried 'On to Rich mond ?' " "Not I, 'pon my honour. It was shouted out by some one in my house, but I don't know who. I never gave him authority. I won't shout anything any more." " Who urged Gen. Scott to fight the battle, and never gave anybody any peace till he was ordered to do it ?" " Nobody!" "It was that other fellow." " Please Sir, it wasn't me." " I never approved it." " I'll never say a word to a soldier again." " Mr. President knows I didn't." It is really a most curious study. I begin to think that the best possible instructors may sometimes be in the wrong at this side of the Atlantic. The Tri bune declares that Gen. Scott, being absolute master of the situation, is responsible for the battle. But the New York Times gives a statement of what took place before the battle at the General's table, which, therefore, is probably published with his sanction, as it is impossible to suppose a gentleman would print it without express permission, from which it would certainly appear that the veteran Commander was not, as I hinted, a free agent in the matter. Here is the statement : " General Scott, it is said, discussed the whole subject of 'this war, in all its parts, and with the utmost clearness and accuracy. He had a distinct and well-defined opinion on every point connected with it, and stated what his plan would be for bringing it to a close if the management of it had been left in his hands. " The main object of the war, he said, was to bring the people of the rebellious States to feel the pressure of the Government, to compel them to return to their obedience and loyalty. And this must be done with the least possible expenditure of life, compatible with the attainment of the object. No Christian nation can bo justified, he said, in waging war in such a way as shall destroy 501 lives when the object of the war can be attained at a cost of 500. Every man killed beyond the number absolutely required is mur dered. Hence, ha looked upon all shooting of pickets, all scouting forays not required in order to advance the general object of the war, all destruction of life, on either side, which did not contribute to the general result, as so many acts of unjustifiable homicide. " If the m titer had been left to him, he said, he would have commenced by a perfect blockade of every Southern port on the Atlantic and the Gulf. Then he would have col lected a large force at the capital for defensive purposes, and another large one on the Mississippi for offensive operations. The summer months, during which it is madness to take troops south of St. Louis, should have been devoted to tactical instruction, and with the first frost of autumn he would have taken a column of 80,000 well-disciplined troops down the Mississippi, and taken every important point on that river, New Orleans included. " It could have been done, he said, with greater ease, with less loss of life, and with far more important results than would attend the marching of an army to Richmond. At eight points the river would probably have been defended, and eight battles would have been necessary; but in every one of them success could have been made certain for us. The Mississippi and the Atlantic once ours, the Southern States would have been compelled, by the natural and in evitable pressure of events, to seek, by a return to the Union, escape from the ruin that would speedily overwhelm them out of it. " This," said he, " was my plan. But lam only a sub ordinate. It is my business to give advice when asked, and to obey orders when they are given. I shall do it. There are gentlemen in the Cabinet who know much more about war than I do, and who have far greater influence than I have in determining the plan of the campaign. There never was a more just and upright man than the President—never one who desired more sincerely to pro mote the best interests of the country. But there are men among his advisers who consult their own resentments far more than the dictates of wisdom and experience, and these men will probably decide the plan of the campaign. I shall do, or attempt, whatever I am ordered to do. But they must not hold me responsible. "If I am ordered to go tl Richmond, I shall endeavour to do it. But I know perfectly well that they have no con ception of the difficulties we shall encounter. I know the country—how admirably adapted it is to defence, and how resolutely and obstinately it will be defended. I should like nothing better than to take RiAmond. Now that it has been disgraced by becoming the capital of the rebel Confederacy, I feel a resentment towards it, and should like nothing better than to scatter its Congress to the winds. " But I have lived long enough to know that human re- sentment is a very bad foundaticn for a public policy; and these gentlemen will live long enough to learn it also. I shall do what lam ordered. I shall fight when and where lam commanded. But if lam compelled to fight before I am ready, they shall not hold me responsible. These gen tlemen must take the responsibility of their acts, as I am willing to take that of mine. But they must not throw their responsibility on my shoulders." It remains to be seen if the plans of General Scott can now be followed. The reaction along the Mississippi will be great, and Major-Genl. Freemont, with great respect for his courage and enterprise, is not the man, I fear, to conduct large columns suc cessfully. Missouri is anything but safe; Cairo is menaced, and my friends at Memphis seem to be stirring from their rest under their General. I regret that I cannot give any more interesting or important intelligence, but I have not been able to go out for the last two days to the camps, as, in common with many people in Washington, I was suffering a little from the weather-thunderstorms, rains, bad odours, which produce the usual results in garrisons and ill-drained cities. However, it is some consolation that there is nothing of conse quence doing. There was an alarm the night be fore. Some foolish people got the loan of a steamer and a big gun, and went down the river with them. When they were opposite one of the enemy's bat teries, some three or four miles away, they fired their big gun, and " Oh'd," no doubt, at the shot as it splashed short in the water, the enemy treating them with a R proper silent contempt all the while. Having done this, they returned in the evening and amused themselves by firing away as hard as they could just below the Long-Bridge-I believe with out ball-and it may be imagined there was some commotion, as the reports shook doors and win dows. General M'Clellan is doing his best to get things into order, and the outskirts of the city and the streets are quieter at night ; but there is rough work with Zouaves and others in Alexandria houses burnt, people shot, and such like sports of certain sorts of "citizen soldiery." They will soon be shouting " Money or blood," if not kept in order and paid. These men formed a marked exception to the general behaviour of many regiments. By the fBllowing document, which relates to money, it may be seen that if the South does not re sist subjugation it will have to pay for two wars. The tax and duties on property, &c., have been applied to them as if they were in the Union, and the tax is apportioned to the States as follows :-Maine, 631,239 dols. ; New Hampshire, 327,610 dols. ; Ver mont, 316,602 dols. ; Massachusetts, 1,236,872 doffs. ; Rhode Island, 175,445 dole. ; Connecticut, 462,821 dole. ; New York, 3,905,878 dols. ; New Jersey, 675,201 dole. ; Pennsylvania, 2,920,790 dole.; Delaware, 112,750 dols. ; Maryland, 655,235 dols. ; Virginia, 1,406,326 dols.; North Carolina, 864,292 dols. ; South Carolina, 545,356 dole. ; Georgia, 876,551 dole.; Alabama, 793,970 dole.; Mississippi, 619,627 dole.; Louisiana, 578,803 dole.; Ohio, 2,350,634 dole. ; Kentucky, 1,700,543 dole. ; Tenes see, 1,400,247 dole. ; Indiana, 1,357,313 dole. ; Illi nois, 1,719,827 dols. ; Missouri, 1,141,691 dole. ; Kansas, 107,615 dole. ; Arkansas, 392,829 dole. ; Michigan, 752,645 dole. ; Florida, 116,284 dols. ; Texas, 532,660 dole.; lowa, 678,132 doll.; Wis consin, 779,533 dols. ; California, 381,808 dols. ; Minnesota, 162,786 dole. ; Oregon, 52,711 dole. Territories-New Mexico, 93,972 dole. ; Utah, 40,473 dole. ; 'Washington, 11,633 dols. ; Nebraska, 28,968 dols. ; Nevada, 6,889 dole. ; Colorado, 34,358 dole. ; Dakota, 4,862 dole. ; District of Co lumbia, 74,155 dole. The date of collection is net fixed. 211 E HARVEST AND PEACE. What does the pease of the world depend upon at this moment ? A score of politicians of the first class will undertake to answer the question off. hand. Mr. Lincoln will perhaps say that England and France might best preserve the peace of the world by helping him to blockade the Southern coast of his own territory, and thus stamp out the war before it has created a second great military Power in America, Mr. Jefferson Davis will, on the other hand, think that peace may best he pre served by using the English and French navies to keep open the Southern trade, and thus prevent the subjugation of the Southern States and the union in idleness of two great bodies of soldiery. France may hold that peace and Sardinia are somehow mysteriously allied. Austria will hardly hope for peace until some argument has been found powerful enough to persuade Hungary to bow the head in patient subjection to the imperial ascendancy of a people inferior in number and territory. From Italy we shall have the response that peace is impossible while Rome is dissevered from her children, and while Venetia is in bondage to the barbarian. From every part of the world there will be a ready and a different answer to our simple question. Tur key, Russia, the Islands of the Levant, even China and Japan, will have a voice. In our land Mr. Bright will press forward to declare that peace will never be secure till our volunteers are disbanded, our fortifications thrown down, our standing army broken up, and a friendly confidence placed in the good intentions of Napoleon 111. Throughout all Europe there will arise a scattered cry, led by learned pedants and echoed from every rock and stronghold of ignorance, that there can be no peace so long as the Pope is assailed in his temporal pos sessions, and so long as he is not guarded by the swords of the faithful while he works his holy will upon his refractory subjects. Every one will have his own notion as to what the circumstance is upon which the peace of the world depends ; and, as all will certainly differ, we may claim a right , humbly to put forward our simple thoughts upon the sub ject. We venture to suggest, then, that the peace of the world depends neither upon the will of this man nor of that, neither upon the flow nor the ebb of the war now stagnant on the banks of the Potomac, neither upon the moderation nor the per tinacity of the Emperor of the French, nor the im• patience or the sobriety of Italy. It depends wholly and solely, according to human calculation, upon a few days more sunshine. Yesterday was worth at least two millions to Eng land alone. The day before yesterday was worth quite as much. Every ray that embrowns our rust ling fields, every zephyr that ventilates the mass of tall stalks, has its money value. It is a question to us of at least thirty millions. That is, however, the smallest matter involved in it. A bad harvest, such as is still quite possible, although we are all hoping that we have passed the danger, coming upon the heels of the failure of last year, would mean famine prices, restricted employment, suffering among the masses, discontent, disaffection, agitation. It is not only that we should have thirty milli ons more to pay, but that we should also have at least thirty millions less wherewith to pay them. Not vainly did the old apophthegm link peace and plenty together, although it fallaciously transposed the two words, and accepted as the effect what is more cer•• tainly the cause. In this country at least plenty has never failed to produce contentment, and con tent• went has never failed to produce peace. The trade of the agitator has never yet thriven in England while wages were good and food cheap. Thanks to our open ports and our extraordinary commercial prosperity, we have tided over one bad harvest, and have scarcely felt it. India and China have kept our looms working, and America and Russia have kept out famine. Let us pray that we may not be put to the experiment of a second year of trial. But we are not alone. We might have disagreements among ourselves, but should hardly hope to find relief by rushing unprovoked into foreign war. Such, however, is not the habit of all nations. France depends upon her harvest quite as much— perhaps even more, than we do. That the harvest of 1861 in France will be rather deficient seems to be already ascertained; but to gather in even that deficient harvest, and to avoid a catastrophe our accounts require ten days of fine weather. Talk of the Sun of Austerlitz; the fortunes of France hang much more immediately upon the sunshine of the next few days of August. Floods in France just now might mean war in Europe and revolutionary devastation everywhere. Let others examine mico scopicall y the warp and woof of the policy of prince?, and balance the resources of nations ; just at this moment we would trust mo re i n a weathercock and a baromoter than in all th e p rom ises of man. Man is a creature of circumstances. Therenever yet was t a llr g n r ed eat ou w t a t r o b for e a some fnfolly y d , e andfi ni thete objectobjeet was but attainedthe w ar by some natural change of circumstances, or faded y r . evo ß lu u t t io th n e s foraway e w r h w i I e a s t f he nn ncombata nts s e w i e e s r s e still w h e when contending e n e N le V e a k rs ef o f f e p ed ol i i s cy ap m t a t y o b p e ro e d n u d e e e d w b a y rs p a o n li d c which are the natural work of hungry, and there fore angry, men. A good harvest in Europe will be not only a pledge of peace here, but will give a hope of p eace to America. There are evident signs that the State resources at this moment are not abun dant on either side. That the people of the North will ever pay the taxes now proposed to be levied no one will believe who knows what the ob jections of the multitude must certainly be to taxes which will be in the nature of a poll-tax, and w ill be represented as taking equal sums from the poor as from the rich. That any sane Englishman will send his money over to America to buy paper y certain to be repudiated is out of the question. flie. only chance is a good sale for the heavy stocks of food on hand and for those now coming on. Some thirty millions of English gold might seasonably light up the fires anew, and give an impetus to the, flagging resentments of the Northern States, as well as to the commerce of the Atlantic cities. Sunsh ine —a few day s of this baki ng su nshine—will relieve. us from the necessity of paying this tribute, and will enable us to eat our own bread and keep our own money. The prospects tempt us to be hopef ul. rI he experienced folk who gather in Mark-lane are evidently sanguine. The French, as our trade report of yesterday's dealing tells, have ceased to press upon our stocks, and have, therefore, as we map hope, better reliance upon their own. We ourselves have ceased to buy up at full prices the remnant O our bad harvest of last year. The foreign wheal' e. are being brought forward in anticipation of down ward markets. " American flour was less in demand , and town prices were looking down." It is not state of things for a song of triumph or a cry 01 safety, but it is a state of things for sanguine hop e ' If France should be only a little short, and if Eng land should have an average crop, there will u" good chance of peace in Europe for the twelvemonths yet to come. Occupied time and full bellies will keep the world from quarrelling. But the Heavens—ev e• i the material Heavens—have more to do with „" than the passions or the machinations of le"' There is more war in a day's rain than in an Em peror's most ambitious project, and more peace 1 " a morning's sunshine than even in a treaty of cee l. merce.—Times. ARREST OF THE PRETENDED REP• MR. SPURgEON AT CORK. A young man was brought up at the Police-office, Cor k ' on Friday, charged with having, by the assumption of the Rev. Mr. Spurgeon's name, imposed on several hotel keepers and others in Limerick and Cork. Prisoner sP' peered to be about 28 years of age. He observed a gra ve demeanour, and was dressed in black cloth clothes of clerical cut. The proceedings of the prisoner in Limeric k , we have already described. It a pp ears th e pr i soner arr ive" in Cork on Wednesday, and took up his residence at the Imperial Hotel, entering his name on the arrival-list n e the Rev. Mr. Spurgeon. After partaking of some refresh' meat at the bar, he entered the smoking-room and ca lled for a cigar, which was duly given him. The waiter asked for payment, Mr. Spurgeon, after searching his pocketet said that his change was in hisbox, which had been already conveyed to a sleeping apartment. He went up stairs for 4 the purpose of getting what money he required from it , but he never returned to the smoking-room, and cow trived to leave the hotel unperceived. Before leaving this Imperial he wrote a letter to Mr. Richard Burke, lessee 01 the Theatre Royal, George-street, requesting a visit froin that gentleman. Mr. Burke paid that visit. The prisoner introduced himself as the Rev. Wm. Spurgeon, and told Mr. Burke that he was anxious to deliver a discourse to th e young men of Cork in the theatre. After some converse' tien Mr. Burke consented to give the rev. gentleman the use of the theatre, stipulating, however, that he should not preach against the drama. Mr. Spurgeon assured M r ' Burke that he should not—that he was an admirer of 010 drama, and would advise the young men to encourage i t ' On Thursday night Head -constable Roe went to Neehd e hotel at 11 o'clock, dressed in private clothes, and inquired of Mr. Neehan if the Rev. Mr. Spurgeon was staying there. Mr. Neehan said that the rev. gentleman was i n the hotel, but on the head-constable saying that he desired • an interview with him, he appeared most unwilling to die' turb him, as Mr. Spurgeon was then in his room, studying for the sermon. The head-constable, however, was most importunate, and was finally introduced into Mr. Spur geon's sanctum, when the following dialogue took plac e between them :—" I presume you are the Rev. Mr. Spur' pen ?" Mr. Spurgeon (rising from his studies)—" Yes' sir; pray be seated." "I am most happy to find that the Rev. Mr. Spurgeon has visited Cork, and he intends t c. preach to us." " Yes, such is my intention, but lam 11(4 the Rev. Mr. Spurgeon—l am his brother." The head" constable then announced his profession and business, an d cautioned the prisoner to make no statement that migh t commit him. He then took up the book over which bt r. ' Spurgeon had been poring, and found that it was a Roe then asked the hotelkeeper t o s h ow hi m t h e pr i so ner's luggage. He said it was but littl e , an d th ese were it s con tents. (The constable produced a sma ll canvas bag, 04 took out of it half a dozen whit e nec k erc hi e f s, a Ch ur ch of England Prayer-book, a c hild' s copy -b oo k containing headings for his sermon, and a" C om pl e t e L e tt er W r iter.'') His box was here produc e d an d o p ene d. It s con t en ts con sisted of a quantity of gr ass an d wee d s , an d a l arge stoup most carefully wrapped in paper. The prisoner was then remanded. Bible. COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—Aua. 10. A fair supply of wheat. A few samples of new Talavera made 53s to 66s per qr., according to quality. Wheat, white s2s to 60s 1 Beans, N azagan.. 36 ;to 420 red 44s to 56s I Middle & small 38s to 44S Barley —s to —s I White peas 4- to 48 4 Oats —s to —s Grey,. 38s to 440 CHELMSFORD—AuG. 9. A fair supply of wheat. Good wheats maintained last week's prices; inf er i or sor t s th e t urn c h eaper. W e had a very dull trade. Sp r i ng corn o f a l l d escriptions about the same, with a limited sale. 1 Wheat, white 27 s t o Gl s P eas, P artr i dge .. 44 s to 45 _ red 36s to 57s Whit e 43s to 4 66 Barley 29 s t o 42 s B oiling 43s to 4711 Chevalier „...32s to 45s D un 40s to 43 0 Grinding 26s to 37s Bea ns , Tick —.3 94 t°1?• Malt 61 s t o 67 s H arrow Ticks 3 9 s to Ov' Chevalier 64s to 69s Mazagan 33s to 4. 53 Oats 26s to 31s NOT TINGHAM—Ava 10. Wheat ......,....38 s to 65s Oats.. 26s t° 3 0 " White do 47 s t o 77s Beans 4os to .-0 Barley 29s to 31s Ditt o , old ........56s to 060 KIRKALDY—Aro. 10. A good supply to-day of wheat and oats, but sin ali°, o barley, with sales for good qualities at about last We e currencies ; inferior cheaper. _ Wheat I Barley Oats First.... 35s Od I 30s Od 25s Od Second.. 51s Od I 36s Od 29s Od Third .. 57s Od I —s Od 32s Od THE MAILS. MAILS DUE. Australia, Ceylon, and Mauritius (via South ampton) .. 1)o. Brazil and Cape Verde 7 c . Buenos Ayres, Monte Video, 8.: • • • • • 13 , Cuba and Mexicq Aug. Canada, &c. (via L'dorry) • . • • • . Aug. 7. Cape of Good Hope, &c. .. • • • • Sept- 1. China, Penang, and Singapore (via S'ampton) Aug. A v g, Do (via Marseilles) Aug. 10. Gibraltar (via Southampton) Aug. , Q. India (Calcutta), Ceylon, &c. (via Southampton) Aug. Do. (via Marseilles) Aug.„l India (Bombay), (via Southampton) .. Aug. 10. rdlle' Do. (vi .. a Mar.s.eilles).• .. Aug' Ove Lisbon .. Malta, Egypt, and Aden (via S ou th ampton ) Aug. 101, Do. (via Marseilles) .. Overall Vigo, and Oporto .. Aug. R. . United States, California, &c. Aug. Western Coast of Africa, Madeira, Teneriffe . Aug. 10. West Indies and Pacific, Carthagena, Cuba, &c. Aug• 13. - • .. Aug. 1 3 ' (via Marseilles) Aug. .. Sept. 3. [ADVERTISEMENTI—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pit . : Never at Fault.—ln all irritations of the skin, s°' - ds , ulcers, burns, and scrofulous enlargements of the glen °f Holloway's Ointment presents a ready and easy raea ll ,'t:. cure, which never disappoint the most favourable 0111" ov lions. It manifests a peculiar power in restoring in." 9 03 oration, removing stagnation, cooling the heated blood,filii, checking all acrimonous or unhealthy discharges. f o r thus acting locally, the Pills are no less remarkable bop, which power in i m p rov i ng th e con diti on an d h a bit of bop, which render the cur e com pl e t e an d permanent. puny the genial influe nce o f th ese potent remedies, the vi rea infant becomes th e ro b us t c hild, the pale and emacia regain colour and r ot un dit y , an d th e dy s peptic eats fre e ' , without fear. BIRTHS. CROSBY.—On the 11th inst., at 23, Finsbury-place, 8.c. , the wife of Thomas B. Crosby, F.R.C.S., of a son. , DASTIWOOD.—On the 10th inst. , at Ryde, Mrs. ThoO P Dashwood, of a son. HorE.—On the Bth inst., at Bedgebury-park, Kent, La d ' Mildred Beresford Hope, prematurely, of a son. M A It the itl A l2t G h E ins B t.., at Maryleb° l3g CONANT —WNAIR.—On Church, si toanine Mgjor J. Pelting Pigott, Staff Officer of Pent; late 32d Regt., fifth son of Paynton. riq c o C o nant, Esq., of Arch er L o d ge, H ants , to A 1 s rssb, y Mary, eldest daughter of Captain Rob e rt 11/I‘Nair' S ts Officer of Pensioners, Abbey-road, St. John's-wood. FANE—REEVE.—On the 7th inst., at Leadenham, Will' h Dashwood Fane, Esq. to Susan Millicent, elder da tl P ter of General and Lady Susan Reeve. LUCAS — CAZALY.—On the 10th inst , at St. Mary Abb ott'°2 Kensington, St an l ey L ucas, Esq., of 54, Berners-streol to Susan, second daughter of William Cazaly, E B CI I 3, Shafield-gardens, Kensington. DEATHS. ATTWOOD.—On the 11th inst., at Torquay, Algernon' the youngest so n o f th e l a t e Th omas Attwood, Esq., 0113.1" mingham, aged 42. CASAMAJOR.—On the 7th inst., A. A. T. C asa major, ag ed 27. RISTIE —On the Bth inst at Deal, the Rev. C harles C. Christie, incumbent of Sideup, Kent, aged 52. JESSETT.—On the 10th inst., at Clifton-terrace , Brig hton+ Sussex, Mr. Thomas Jessett, late of Illowarra, Ne w South Wales, aged 50. MELLOR.—On the 10th inst., at Leicester, John Mellor, Esq., aged 81. NELSON.—On the 9th inst., at Parson's-green, Fulha rio George Nelson, Esq., of New-inn, aged 61. PRATT.—On the 6th inst., at Sedlosconah Rectory, Susses, the Rev. John Pratt, aged 89. - at LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUN a , , No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SuN Oilice, No. 112,Strat' in the Precinct of the Savoy, In the County of, liffitile".. Tuesday, August 13, ISdl. ~: ~~. _r